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 ■ hintn J'niii/, ,V- 1 i, ,^- 1 ,jth • 
 
TFIE 
 
 BOOH OP THE INDIANS 
 
 OF 
 
 NORTH AMERICA: 
 
 COMPRISIXfi 
 
 DETAILS IN TIIK LIVES OF AIIOl'T FIVR HI'NDREI> 
 CHIEFS AND OTHERS, 
 
 THE MOST DISTINGriSHKD AMONC! >flKM. 
 
 A I. S (), 
 
 A HISTORY Of THEHl WARS; TIlKin MaN^VRRS aVO CtSTOMS ; SHKHXIIKS Of 
 
 ORATORS, 4c., FROM I'llKfU Kllisr DKIMi KNOWS To 
 
 EUROPEANS TU TllK PRF-SKNT TIMK. 
 
 KXHIBITING ALSO AN ANALYSIS OF THE MOST niSTlNCUISH H' AITIIORS 
 WHO HAVE WRITTEN UPON THE GREAT QUESTION OF THV 
 
 FIRST PEOPIJNG OF AMF^RK A. 
 
 They waste ns, aye, like Aprit snow. 
 In the warm noon wo sliriiik uway ; 
 
 And fast they follow an we go 
 Towards the setting day, 
 
 Till they shall fill Ihi,- land, and we 
 
 Are driven into the western sea Bfvant. 
 
 BY SAMUEL G. DRAKK. 
 
 Member of thi' New-llampshm' llbturiral .Sik:«1% 
 
 Boston: 
 
 PUBLISHED BT JOSIAH DRAKE, 
 
 AT THE ANTIQUARIAN BOOKSTORE, Oti (OKNMILL. 
 
 1033. 
 
11 
 
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PREFACE. 
 
 Accuracy, and minuteness of detail, where the subject seemed 
 to require it, have been our land-mark throughout this laborious 
 performance. We say laborious ; but were all readers antiquarians, 
 even so much need not have been said. Although we have been 
 very minute, in numerous instances, in our lives of chiefs, yet there 
 are many others in which we gladly would have been more so, if 
 materials could, at the time of writing, have been had. However; 
 we do not presume that we arrogate to ourselves too much, when 
 we promise to give the reader a much greater amount of Indian 
 history, than he can elsewhere find in any tieparate work. 
 
 The merits or demerits of Indian Bioguaimiy rest solely 
 upon its author, w*^ose various cares and avocations, could they be 
 known to the critical reader, would cause him to be sparing of his 
 criticisms. We call this the second edition, although we have 
 treated the subject under a new arrangement, and varied the title- 
 page a little. The method of books and chapters was adopted, 
 mainly for the benefit of combining history with biography ; and it 
 was thought it would be quite as convenient for reference. Besides 
 containing all of the first edition, which was important, this will be 
 found to contain, in addition, twice as much new matter. 
 
 Many names of the same persons and places will appear spelt 
 differently in various parts of the work ; but this our plan could not 
 obviate, because we wished to preserve the orthography of each 
 author from whom we extracted, in that particular. Except in quo- 
 tations, we did intend to have been uniform ; but we are aware that 
 we have not been entirely so, from several causes, which are un- 
 necessary to be named here. 
 
 It wae not expected that a work of this kind would meet with a 
 ready sale ; but such was the case, and the very favorable reception 
 with which the first edition met, was the cause of the early appear- 
 ance of this. 
 
 In general, the notes give due credit to all such as have assisted 
 the author in any way in his work. This observation is intended 
 for the living; and for their kindnesses they now have this public 
 acknowledgment of thanks. As to the works of deceased authors, 
 we have made use of them as public property, taking care always 
 to cite them, except where the same facts were common to many. 
 
 There is no work before the public upon this subject, unleon, 
 indeed, some juvenile performances be so considered, recently pub- 
 lished in New York. Those we have not particularly examined. 
 
 Jf (,((> 
 
LIST OF THE ENGRAVINCa 
 
 1. Porlrail facing tbe lidc-page. 
 
 t. Vignette in the title, which is an accurate representation of a western 
 
 wasrior, taken in New York. 
 i. Manner in which Indians lake many kinds of game B. i. P. SI 
 
 4. Marnier in which some tribes o*" the Mississippi dispose of their dead... ii. I 
 
 5. Distant view of Mount Hope ii. 16 
 
 €. Natives viewing the approach of an European ship ■. ii. 19 
 
 7. Flight of an Indian family o ii. 86 
 
 8. A full length portrait of Pometacom, alias King Philip of Mount Hope. iii. IS 
 
 9. Plan of lands near Matapoiset, d.'awn by King Philip iii. 16 
 
 10. Seat of King Philip, from an accurate drawing iii. 36 
 
 1 1 . Two chiefs in the act of co.<cluding peace iii. 40 
 
 12. A Virginia chief and his squaw or wife iv. 1 
 
 13. Capture of Captain Smith by the warriors of Opekankanough iv. 9 
 
 14. Poca/ion/a< in the act of saving the life of Captain £mt<A iv. 10 
 
 15. A Seminole hunter in the act of shooting a deer iv. 26 
 
 16. Porti -.lit of Chluco or the Long-warrior, chief of the Scminoles iv. 32 
 
 17. Return of a hunter to his family after a successful expedition v. 1 
 
 18. Manner in which the Indians carry their game and other articles v. 20 
 
 19. Portrait of Wau>na/i<on, a Yanktoan chief. v. 112 
 
 20. Portrait of 0«g7)aton^a, or Si^-f/*, chief of the Omawhaws v. 115 
 
 21. Portrait of Pe<a/es/uf/-oo, a Pawnee brave v. 116 
 
 22. Portrait of ilff-'ea, a Pottowaitomie chief. v. 118 
 
 23. Portrait of Black-hawk, or Mucatamishkakaekq, chief of the Sacs and 
 
 Foxes V. 122 
 
 24. Portrait of the Prophet, or Wabokieshiek , who accompanied Black-hawk 
 
 in his captivity t. 133 
 
 All of the above portraits may be relied upjn aa good likcnesaes, except that of Philip, end v« 
 know nothing to the contrary but that is alao; but wo rather bnliuvo the tit^nrn given for bia, a 
 repretentation of any New England chief of ni^ times. The diesx, however, coirespomis witk 
 »U doMripUoni of him which we have seen. 
 
 ^l 
 
 
BOOK I. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Origin of the name Indian. — ffliy applied to , < people found in America. 
 — Ancient authors supposed to have referred to Jtmerica in their writings 
 — Theopompus-- Voyage of Hanno — Diidorua Sicvlvs — Plato — Ant' 
 totle — Seneca. 
 
 The 
 
 name 
 
 ,* 
 
 
 Indian was erroneously applied Ut ihc original man of 
 .iIMCr!'*-a' by its first discoverers. Tha hope of arriving at the East 
 Indies by sailing west caused the discovery of America. When the 
 islands and continent were at first discovered, Columbus, and many after 
 him, supposed that they had arrived at the eastern shore of the continent 
 of India, and hence the people they met with were called Indians. The 
 error was not discovered until the name had so obtained, that it could 
 not well be changed. It is true that it matters but little to us by what 
 name the indigenes of a country are known, and especially those of 
 America, in as far as the name is seldom used among us hut in applica- 
 tion to the aboriginal Americans. But with the people of Europe it is 
 not so unimportant. Situated between the two countries, India and 
 America, the same name for the inhabitants of both must, at first, have 
 pru(.'uced considerable inconvenience. Therefore, in a historical point 
 of view, l^e error is, at least, as much to be deplored as that the name 
 of the continent itself should have been derived from Ameri\.ua instead 
 of Colicmbus. 
 
 It has been the practice of almost every writer, who has written about 
 the indigenes of a country, to give some wild theories of others, con- 
 cerning their origin, and to close his account with his own; which 
 generally has been more visionary, if possible, than those of his predeces- 
 sors. Long, laborious, and, we may add, useless disquisitions have been 
 daily laid before the world, from the discovery of America by Columbus 
 to the present lime, to endeavor to explain by what means the inhabitants 
 got from the old to the new world. To act, therefore, in unison with 
 many of our predecessors, we will begin as far back as they have done, 
 and so shall comnrierce with Theopompus and others, from whose writ- 
 ings it is alleged that ihe ancients had knowledge of America, and hence 
 peopled it. 
 
 Theopompus, a learned historian and orator, who flourished in the time of 
 Alexander the Great, in a book entitled Thaumasia, gives a sort of dialogue 
 between Mi(*'is the Phrygian and Silenus. The book itself is lost, but 
 
 * So natnet^ from Vfspucius Ameri-us, a Florentine, who made a discover- of some 
 part of the coast of Soith America in 1499, two ^ears aAer Cabot had explored th« 
 coast of North America ; but Americus had th'i fortune to confer his name upon both. 
 
HANNOS VOYA'JES— DIODORUS SICUI.US. 
 
 IROOK I 
 
 Cnxr. I 
 
 Sirabo reffirs to it, and .VHianus Iioh given iih the siibstancn of the ilialuguc, 
 tvliich followH. Atl<T iniicli coiivcnuitioii, SUtnus m\'u\ to Midas, ihnt 
 Kiiropn, AHin und Africa were hut iHluiiiiti HiirroiiiuhMl on ull sides hy the 
 son; l>iit thut thore WHh a continent nituutud beyond tht-He, wiiicii wns of 
 iinnif^nse (lirnenHions, even without limit!*; nnd that it wan 8o luxuriant, 
 ns to produce uninmlH of prodigious magnitude, and nifn grtiW to double 
 tlif! height of theniHelvoH, and tliut thvy lived to a far greater age ;* tJiat 
 thry had many ^reat (;iti(;s; and their iiHuges and Iaw8 were ditl'erent 
 from ourH ; tiuit in one eity then; was more than a million of inhahitantH ; 
 that gold and silver were there in vast quantitien.f This is but an abstract 
 from .?J/inntM'.f extract, but contaiiiH all of it that can be said to n^fer to a 
 country west of Europe and Africa.t >Elian or iEIianus lived about 
 A. 1). 200— 2yo. 
 
 Jimmo flourished when the Carthaginians were in their greatest pros- 
 perity, but the exact time is unknown. Some place his times 40, and 
 others 140, yeara Inifore the foiaiding of Rome, which would be about 
 HOO years l»t'f«>re our era.§ He was an otHeer of great enterprise, having 
 S4iilf«<l around and explored the coast of Africaj set out from the Pillars of 
 Hercules, now called the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailed westward «'i0 
 days. Hence it Is inferred by many, that he must have visited Anmrira, 
 or souje of its islands. He wrote a book, which he entitled Periplus, 
 giving an account of his voyages, which was translated and published 
 about I5.'i*i, in Grcek.|| 
 
 Many, and not without tolerably good reasons, believe that an island or 
 continent existed in the Atlantic Ocean about this period, hut which dis- 
 nppoare<l afterwards. 
 
 l}io(inrua Sicidus says that some "Phoenicians were cast upon a most 
 fertile island opposite to Africa." Of this, he says, they kept the most 
 studied secrecy, which was doubtless occasioned by their jealousy of 
 the advantage the discovery might be to the neighboring nations, and 
 which they wished to secure wholly to themselves. Diodonts SictUus 
 lived about 100 years before Chriat. Islands lying west of Europe and 
 Africa are certainly mentioned by Homer and Horace. They were called 
 Atlaniides, and were supposed to lie about 10000 furlongs from Africa. 
 
 * ttuffon and Raynal either had not read this story, or Ihcy did not beheve it to have 
 \->otn America ; "nr they taught that all animals degenerated here. Many of the first ad- 
 venturers to the roasts of unknown coiinlrics reported them inhabited by giants, ^wift 
 wrote (hilliver's Travels to bring such accounts into ridicule. How well he succeeded 
 is evident from a comparison of books of voyages and travels before and aAer his time. 
 Duburtas has this passage : — 
 
 " Our fearless sailors, in far voyages 
 (iVIore led by gain's hope than their compasses). 
 On th' Indian shore have sometime noted some 
 Whose bodies covered two broad acres room ; 
 And in the South Sea they have also seen 
 Some like high-topped and huge-armed treen ; 
 And other some, whose monstrous backs did bea. 
 Two mighty wheels, with whirling spokes, that were 
 Much like tne winged and wide-spreading sails 
 Of any wind-mill turned with merry gales." 
 
 Dimnt WceJcs, p. 117, ed. 4lo, 1613. 
 t /Rlian, Variar. Historiar. lib. iii. chap. viii. 
 
 i Since the text was written, there has come into my hands a copy of a translation of 
 JEWan'a work, " in Englishe(aswell according to the truth of the Grceke texte,as of the 
 Latine), by Abraham Fleming." London, 1576, 4to. It difiers not materially from the 
 above, which is given from a French version of it. 
 ft Eneyflopseclia Perthensis. 
 
 |] The best account of Harmo and his voyages, with which we are acquainted, is to be 
 found in Mariana' t Hist, of Spain, vol. i. 93, 109, 119, 122, 133, and 150, ed. Paris, 
 1725, 5 vols. 4to. 
 
 Here ej 
 with Di 
 the isiai 
 which 
 of it, is 
 Its soil 
 leys. 
 
m^ 
 
 Chap. 1.] 
 
 PLATO.— ARISTOTLE. 
 
 Here existed the poetti' fabled KlyHian fieldR. Rut to be more particular 
 with Diodorua, wu will let him Hpeaic lor himself. " After having iiHMied 
 the ialunda which lie tieyond the Herculean Strait, we will H|N;ak or thoMe 
 which lie nuich farther into the ocean. Towards Africa, and to the west 
 of it, i.s an iinniciim) island in the broad sea, many days' sail from Lybia. 
 Its soil is very fertile, and its suHiice variegated with mountains and val- 
 leys. Its coasts are indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields 
 are well cultivated ; delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants and 
 trees." He fmally sets it down as the fmest country known, where the 
 inhabitants have spacious dwellings, and <!very thing in the greatest |)ienly. 
 To say the least of this account o\' JHodorus, it corres|)on(ls very well with 
 that given of the Mexicans when first known to the Spaniards, hut per- 
 ha|)H it will compare as well with the (/anaries. 
 
 Plato'a account has more weight, i)erha|>s, than any of the ancients. 
 He lived alraut 400 years betbre the Christian era. A |mrt of his account 
 is us follows: " In those tirst times [time of its lieing first known], the 
 Atlantic was a most broad island, and there were extant most |>owerful 
 kings in it, who, with joint forces, appointed to occupy Asia and Kiirope : 
 And so a most grievous war wtw carried on ; in which the Athenians, 
 with the cununon consent of the Ureeks, opfmsed themselves, and they 
 became the conquerors. Hut that Atlantic island, by a flood and earth- 
 quake, was indeed suddenly destroyed, and so that warlike people were 
 swallowed up." He adds, in another place, *'An island in the mouth 
 of the sea, in the passage to those straits, called the Pillars of Hercules, 
 did exist ; and that island was greater and larger than Lybia and Asia ; 
 from which there was an easy imssage over to other islands, and from 
 those islands to that continent, which is situated out of that region."* 
 " jVevtune settled in this island, from whose son. Atlas, its name was df»- 
 riveu, and divided it among his ten sons. To the youngest fell the ex- 
 tremity of the island, called Gadir, which, in the language of the country 
 signifies fertile or abounding in sheep. The descendants of Neptune 
 reigned here, from father to son, for a great number of generations in the 
 order of pritnogeniture, during the space of 9000 years. They also po»- 
 sessed several other islands ; and, passing into Europe and Africa, sub- 
 dued all Lybia as far as Egypt, and all Europe to Asia Minor. At length 
 the island sunk under water; and for a long time afterwards the sea 
 thereabouts was full of rocks and sliuives."} This account, although 
 mixed with fable, cannot, we think, be entirely rejected ; and that the 
 ancients had knowledge of countries westward of Europe appears oa 
 plain and as well authenticated as any passage of history of that {leriod. 
 
 Aristotle, or the author of a book which is generally attributed to lum,t 
 sjicnks of an island beyond the Straits of Gibraltar ; but the passage savom 
 Mometliing of hearsay, and is as follows: "Some say that, beyond the 
 Pillars 01 Hercules, the Cartiiaginians have found a very fertile island, 
 but without inhabitants, full of forests, navigable rivers and fruit in abun- 
 dance. It is several days' voyage from the main land. Some Carthagin- 
 ians, charmed by the fertility of the country, thought to marry and 
 settle there; but some say that the government of Carthage forbid tl.-^ 
 settlement U[)on pain of death, from the fear that it would incre&se in 
 power so as to deprive the mother country of her posses.>*ions there." If 
 Aristotle had uttered this as a prediction, that euch u thing would take 
 
 * America known to llie Aiu-ients, 10, 8vo, Boston, 1773. 
 
 t Encyclopupdia Pcrtliensis, Art. Atlantis. 
 
 i De niiral>il. auscuilat. Opera, vol. i. Voltaire says of this book, "On en fesail 
 honnsur anx Carthaginois, et on citail un livre d'Aristole qu'il n'a pas compost." Esaai 
 sw les Matnrs et I'esprit des nations, chap. cxiv. p. 703. vol. iv, of bis works, £dilk 
 Paris, 1817, ia 8vo. 
 
 % 
 
SENECA— AT. GREGORY —IIERRERA. 
 
 [Rooi I. 
 
 place in n^frard to noriio future nation, no one, periiapn, would have called 
 nim a I'uIhu prophet, fur tlio Auicricun revolution would have l>evn its 
 fulHInient. TIiIh pliiloooplier lived alMiut .'iH4 years Iteforu Chrvit. 
 
 ■%n«ca lived nlwHit the coMunencemrnt of the vulgar era. lie wrote 
 trogvdieH, and in one of them occuni tliiu pasdage : — 
 
 -" Vonirnt anniii 
 
 Hipriila jirriit, quilxiH occaiiuf 
 Viiicula rcriini Inxot, r( itif^cni 
 i'alcat lellii!), 'ry|ilii.s()uo novot 
 I>f<li!f{at nrl>P5i : nee itit lorrii 
 Ultiniu Thulc/' 
 
 Mfden, Act 3. v. 
 
 375. 
 
 Thin 18 nearer prophecy, and may he rendered in Knglish thus: "The 
 time will come when the ocean will loosen the chuinH of nature, and we 
 Nhall i>ehold a vawt country. A new TypliiH shull diticover new worlds : 
 Thule shall no longer l)e considered the last country of the known 
 world." 
 
 Not only these possa^eri from the ancient authors have l)een cited and 
 re-cited hy moderns, hut many more, though less to the point, to show 
 that, in some way or other, America anist have hecn peopled from soniu 
 of the eastern continentH. Almost every country has claimed the honor 
 of having liecn its first discoverer, v.iu\ hence the father or mother of the 
 Indians. But since the ntcent discoveries in the north, writers upon the 
 suhject say but little ahout ge'ting over inhabitants from Europe, Asia, or 
 Africa through the difficult way of the Atlantic seas and islands, as it iit 
 much easier to pass them over the narrow channels of the north in canooti, 
 or upon the ice. Grotuu, C. Mather, Hubbard, and after them Robertaon^ 
 are glad to meet with so easy a method of solving a question which the/ 
 conttider as having puzzled their predecessors so much. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 0/ modem Theorists upon the peopling ofJlmtrica, — Slf. Gregory. — Herrera. 
 — T. Morton. — fViUtatnson. — nooa. — Josselm . — Thorow^ood. — Adair.— 
 R. fVilliams. — C. Mather — Hubbard. — Robertson. — Smith. — Voltaire. — 
 Mitchel. — M*Ctdloh. — Lord Kaim. — Swinton. — Cabrera. 
 
 St. Gregory, who flourished in the 7th century, in an epistle to St. 
 Clement, said that beyond the ocean there was another world.* 
 
 Herrera argues, that the new world could not have been known to the 
 ancients ; and that what Se7icca has said was not true. For that God had 
 kept it hid from the old world, giving t\ em no certain knowledge of it ; 
 and that, in the secrecy and incomprehensibility of his providence, he 
 has been pleased to give it to the Castilian nation. That Seneca's predic- 
 tion (if so it may be considered) was a false one, because he said that a 
 new world woidd be discovered in the north, and that it was found in 
 the west.t Herrera wrote about 15f)8, \ before which time little knowl- 
 
 * " S. Gregoire sur I'epislre do S. Clement, (lit que passe I'ocean, il y a vn autre mond." 
 {Herrera, I Decade, 2.) This is the whole passage. 
 
 t Ibid, 3. 
 
 \ He died 27 Mar. 1625, at the age of about 66 years. His name was TordesUlas 
 Antonio de Herrera— ona of the best Spanish historians. His history of the voyagcu 
 to, and settlement of America is very minute and very valuable. The original in Span- 
 ish is very rare. Acosta's Irauslatiou (bto French) 3 v. 4to, 1660, is ako icarco aatl 
 valuable. It is this w« cits. 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 MORTON— WILLIAMSON. 
 
 edgo wiw oluninfd of North America. ThiH may account for his im- 
 |)eurhiiieiit of Seneca'a prophiury. 
 
 Thomas Morton, who caiin! tt) New Kngland in 1(BJ2, piihliMhcd in 1<S)7 
 an account of its iiutiiriil hintory, with much other curious matter. In 
 apcaking upon the peopling of America, he thinkn it altogether out of 
 the quentioii to arppoM; that it wuh peopled hy the Tartara from the north, 
 because "a people, once Mettled, muHt In; removed hy compidHion, or cImu 
 tempted thereunto in ho|M;M of i>etter fortuncH, upon commendations of 
 the place imto which they nhould Im; drawn to remove. And if it may 
 be thought that these people came over the fro/en sea, then would it l>e 
 hy compulsion. If so, then hy whom, or when? Or what part of this 
 main continent may he thought to horder upon the coimtry of the Tar- 
 tars ? It is yet unknown ; an«l it 14 not like that a peo|)le well enough at 
 case, will, of their own accord, undertake to travel over a sea of ice, 
 considering how many ditficidties they sliall cncount(;r with. As, 1st, 
 whether there he any land at the (*n(i of their unknown way, no land 
 lieing in view ; then want of food to sustain life in the mean time u|Mm 
 that sea of ice. Or how shall they do for fuel, to keep them at night 
 from freezing to death ? which will not he had hi such a place. Hut it 
 may perhaps li<; granted, that the natives of this country unght originally 
 come of t'le scattered Trojans ; for after that BriUua, who was the fourth 
 from Eneaa, left I^atium upon the conflict held with the Latinti (where, 
 although he gave them a great overthrow, to the slaughter of their grand 
 captain and many others of the lierotw of Latium, yet ho held it more 
 safely to depart unto some other place and people, than, hy staying, to run 
 the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtftd concpu^t ; which, as history 
 makcth mention, he performed.) This people was dis]iersed, there is no 
 question, hut the people that lived with him, hy reason of their conversa- 
 tion with the Grecians and Latins, had a mixed languagt;, that |)articipatcd 
 of both."* This is the main ground of Morton, but he says mtich moro 
 upon the subject; as that thi) similarity of the languages of the Indians 
 to the Greek and Roman is very great. F'rom the examples he gives, 
 we presume he knew as little about the Indian languages as Dr. Mather, 
 Adair, and Boiidinot, who thought them almost to coincide with the 
 Hebrew. Though Morton thinks it very improbable that the Tartars 
 came over by the north from Asia, because they could not see land 
 beyond the ice, yet he ftnds no difficulty in getting them across the wide 
 Atlantic, although lie allows them no compass. That the Indians have a 
 Latin origin he thinks evident, because he fancied he heard among their 
 words Pasco-pan, and hence thinks, without doubt, tlieir ancestors were 
 acquainted with the god Pan.^ 
 
 Dr. WilliamsonX says, " It can hardly be miestioncd that the Indians 
 of South America are descended from a class of the Hindoos, in the 
 southern parts of Asia." That ihey could not have come from the north, 
 because the South American Indians are uidike those of the north. 
 This seems to clash with the more rational views of Father Vtnegas.^ 
 He writes as follows: "Of all the parts of America hitherto discovered, 
 the Californians lie nearest to Asia. We are ac<|uainted with the mode 
 of writing in all the eastern nations. We can distinguish between the 
 characters of the Japanese, the Chinese, the Chinese Tartars, the Mogul 
 Tartars, and other nations extending as far as the Bay of Kamschathka ; 
 and learned dissertations on them, by Mr. Boyer, are to be found in the 
 acts of the hnperial academy of sciences at Petersburg. What discovery 
 
 New Canaan, book i. pages 17 and 18. f Ibid. 18, 
 
 In his Hist. N. Carolina, 1. 216. 
 
 \ HLit. California, i. 60. His work was publishsd at Madrid in 1758. 
 I* 
 
6 WOOD.-^OSSELYN— BARLOW.— THOROWGOOD. [Book I 
 
 would it be to niof i with any of these characters, or others lilte them, 
 among the Aincri(;nn Indians nearest to Asia ! But as to tlie Californians, 
 if ever they were possessed of any invention to perpetuate tlieir memoirs, 
 they have entirely lost it; and all that is now found among them, amounts 
 to no more than some obscure oral traditions, probably more and more 
 adulterated by a long succession of time. They have not so much 88 
 retained any knowledge of the i)articular country from which they emi- 
 grated." This is the account of one who lived many years among the 
 Indians of Caliibrnia. 
 
 Mr. fVilliam Hood,* who left New England in 1633,t after a short stay, 
 says, " Of their language, which is only peculiar to themselves, not in- 
 clining to any of the refined tongues: Some have thought they might be 
 of the dispersed Jews, l)ecause some of their words be near unto the 
 Hebrew; but by the same rule, they may conclude them to be some of 
 the gleanings of all nations, because they have vvords which sound after 
 the Greek, Latin, Fre:ich, and other touj^iies."! 
 
 Mr. John Jossehjn, who resided sc.ne time in N. England, from the year 
 16iJ8, says, " The Mohawks are about 500; tlieir speech a dialect of the 
 Tartai-s (as also is liie Turkish tongue)."^ In another vvork,|| he says, 
 " N. England is by some affirmed to be an island, bounded on the north 
 with the River of Canada (so called from Monsieur Cane\ on the south 
 with the River Monhegan or Hudson's River, so called, because he was the 
 first that discovered it. Home will have America to be an island, which 
 out of question must needs b°, if there be a north-east passage found out 
 into the South Sea. It contains 1152400000 acres. The discovery of the 
 north-west passage (which lits within the River of Canada) was under- 
 taken with the help of some Protestant Frenchmen, which left Canada, 
 and retired to Boston about the year 1G69. The north-east people of 
 America, that is, N. England, &c., are judged to be Tartars, called 
 Samoades, being alike in complexion, shape, habit and manners." We 
 have given here a larger extract than the innnediate subject required, 
 because we would let the reader enjoy his curiosity, as well as we ours, 
 in seeing how people undei*stood things in that day. Barlow, looking 
 but a small distance beyond those times, with great elegance says, — 
 
 " In those blank periods, where no man can trace 
 1'he gleams of thought that first illumed his rare. 
 His errors, twined with scieiire, took their birth, 
 I And forged their fetters for this child of earth. 
 
 And when, as oft, he dared expand his view, 
 And work witii nature on the line she drew, 
 Some monster, gendered in liis fears, unmanned 
 His opening soul, and marred the works he planned. 
 Fear, the first passion of his helpless state. 
 Redoubles all ilie woes that round him wait, 
 Blocks nature's path, and sends hiui wandering wide, 
 Without a guardian, and without a guide." 
 
 Colnmbiad, ix. 137, &e. 
 
 Rev. Thomas TTioroicg-oorf published a small quarto, in 1652,11 to prove that 
 the Indians were the Jews, who had been " lost in the world for the space 
 
 * The author of a work entitled Nei-t England's Prospect, published in London, 1634, 
 in 4to. It is a very rare, and, in some respects, a curious and valuable work. 
 Prospect, 61. 
 Ibid. 112. ed. 17G4. 
 t His account of two voyages to N. England, printed London, 1573, page 124. 
 j N. Eng. Rarities, 4, 6, printed London, 1672. 
 
 if Its title commences, ^^ Digitus Dei: New Discoveries, with sure Arguments t» 
 prove," die. 
 
 Chap. IL] 
 
 of near 2 
 a good de 
 rational. 
 
 Rev. i? 
 work,* oi 
 origin of 
 N-Eng. 
 verba." 
 had imag 
 affirm the 
 2, becaus( 
 in their 
 S. West, 
 heavens 
 have fotm 
 
 Dr. Cot 
 hesitate t 
 weighty a 
 with who 
 serious in 
 him really 
 doucd did 
 
 He says 
 ble things 
 near the 
 beginning 
 Resurredi 
 third was 
 view of th 
 
 ages, 
 
 whe 
 
 been also, 
 reader mt 
 probably 
 therein aii 
 of the sil 
 empire.l 
 ica, he shi 
 ture and 
 before, the 
 hoped he 
 having foi 
 culcate hi 
 _at first giv 
 
 * Pages i 
 t Getann 
 tThis, w 
 giarism. 1 
 the Irish, " 
 among then 
 their glory, 
 ably, true I 
 would edit 
 Boggards f 
 (on and hei 
 which mak 
 poured out 
 nis writing 
 He was the 
 ^ Mapia 
 
Chap. II] 
 
 WILLIAMS.— MATHER.— WARD 
 
 of near 200 years." But whoever has read ^dair or Boudinot, lias, beside 
 a good deal that is irrational, read 'I that in Thorowgood can be termed 
 rational. 
 
 Rev. Roger Williams was, at 0!ie time, as appears from Thoraipgood't 
 work,* of the same opinion. Being written to for liia opinion of the 
 origin of the natives, " he kindly answers to those letters from Salem in 
 N/Eng. 20th of the 10th month, more than 10 yeers since, in hrec 
 verba." That they did not come into America from the N. East, as some 
 had imagined, he thought evident for these reasons : 1. their ancestors 
 affirm they came from the S. West, and return thence when they die : 
 2, because they " separate their women in a little wigwam by themselves 
 in their feminine seasons:" and 3. "beside their god Knttand to the 
 S. West, they hold that JVanatvHnawit\ (a god over head) made the 
 heavens and the earth ; and some tast of affinity with the Hebrew I 
 have foimd." 
 
 Dr. Cotton Mather is an author of such singular qualities, that we almost 
 hesitate to name him, lest we be thought without seriousness in so 
 weighty a matter. But we will assure the reader, that he is an author 
 with whom we would in no wise part ; and if sometimes we appear not 
 serious in our introduction of him, what is of more importance, we believe 
 him really to be so. And we are persuaded that we should not be par- 
 doned did we not allow him to speak upon the matter before tis. 
 
 He says, " It should not pass without remai'k, that three most memora- 
 ble things which have borne a very great aspect upon human affairs, did, 
 near the same time, namely, at the conclusion of the fifteenth, and the 
 beginning of the sixteenth, century, arise unto the world : the first was the 
 Resurrection of Literature ; the second was the opening of America; the 
 third was the ReformMion of Religion.''^ Thus far we have an instructive 
 view of the subject, calculated to lead to the conclusion that, in the dark 
 ages, when literature was neglected and forgotten, discoveries might have 
 been also, and hence the knowledge of America lost for a time. The 
 reader must now summon his gravity. •' But," this author continues, " as 
 probably the Devil, seducing the first inhabitants of America into it, 
 therein aimed at the having of them and their posterity out of the sound 
 of the silver trumpets of the gospel, then to be heard through the Roman 
 ompire.| If the Devil had any expectation, that, by the i)eopling of Amer- 
 ica, he should utterly deprive any Europeans of the two benefits, litera- 
 ture and religion, which dawned upon the miserable world, (one just 
 before, the other just after,) the fii-st famed navigation hither, 'tis to be 
 hoped he will be disappointed of that expectation. § The learned doctor, 
 having forgotten what he had written in his fii-st book, or wishing to in- 
 culcate his doctrine more firmly, nearly repeats a jnussage which he had 
 _at first given, in a distant part of his work ;|| but, there being ccnsidcrable 
 
 * Pag-es 5 and 6. 
 
 t Getannitoieit is sod in Delaware.— Wecieiue/rfer. 
 
 X This, we appronend, is not entirely original with our author, but borders upon pla- 
 giarism. Warii. the celebrated author of the " Simple Cobler of Aggmeain,'' savs of 
 tne Irish, " These Irish (anciently cRiled aitthropophaffi, man-eaters) have a Irac^ition 
 amon^ lhem,tliat when the Devil showed our Saviour all the kinj^dums of the earth, and 
 their glory, that he would not show him Ireland, but reserved it (or himself. It is, prob- 
 ably, true J for he hath kept it ever since for his own peculiar; the old fox foresaw it 
 would eclipse the glory of all the rest : he thought it wisdom to keep the land for a 
 Boggards for his unclean spirits employed in this hemisphere, and the people to do hit 
 son and heir (the Pope) that service lor which Lewis the XI kept his Barbor Oliver, 
 which makes them so bloodthirsty."— Simp/e Cobler, 86, 87. Why so much gall is 
 poured out upon the poor Irish, we cannot satisfactorily account. Tde circumstance of 
 his writing in the time of Cromwell will explain a part, if not the whole, of the enigma. 
 He was the first minister of Ipswich, Mass. but was born and died in England. 
 
 $ Magnolia Christ. Amer. d. i. || Ibid. b. lii. 
 
ADAIR.— BOUDINOT.— HUBBARD 
 
 [Book I. 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 addition, we recite it : " The natives of the country now possessed by the 
 Newenglanders, had been forlorn and wretched heathen ever since their 
 first herding liere ; and though we know not when or how these Indinns first 
 became inhabitants of this mighty continent, yet we may guess tliat prob- 
 ably the Devil decoyed those miserable salvages hither, in hopes that the 
 gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ would never come here to destroy or 
 disturb his absolute empire over them. But our Eliot was in such ill 
 terms with the Devil, as to alarm him with sounding the silver trumpets 
 of heaven in his territories, and make some noble and zealous attempts 
 towards outing him of ancient possessions here. There were, I think, 20 
 several nations (if I may call them so) of Indians upon that spot of ground 
 which fell under the influence of our Three United Colonies ; and our 
 FUiot was willing to rescue as mony of them as he could from that old 
 usurping landlord of Ameiica, who is, by the wrath of God, the prince of 
 this world." In several places he is decided in the opinion that Indians 
 are Scythians, and is confirmed in the opinion, on meeting with this pas- 
 sage of Julius CtBsar: ^^Difficilius Invenire quam interficere," which he 
 thus renders, " It is harder to find them than to foil them." At least, this 
 is a happy application of the passage. CfBsar was spoaking of the 
 Scythians, and our historian applies the passage in speaking of the sudden 
 attacks of the Indians, and their agility in hiding themselves from pursuit.* 
 Dr. Mather wrote at the close of the seventeenth century, and his famous 
 book, Magnolia Christi Americana, was published in 1702, 
 
 Adair, who resided 40 years (he says) among the southern Indians, 
 previous to 1775, published a huge quarto upon their origin, history, &c. 
 He tortures every custom and usage into a like one of the Jews, and 
 almost every word in their language into a Hebrew one of the same 
 meaning. 
 
 Dr.. Boudinot, in his book called " The 3tar in the West," has followed 
 up ihe theory of Adair, with such certainty, as he thinks, as that the " long 
 lost ten tribes of Israel" are clearly identified in the American Indians. 
 Such theories have gained many supporters. It is of much higher 
 antiquity than Adair, and was treated as such visionary speculations 
 should be by authors as far back as ihe historian Hubbard. 
 
 Hubbard, who wrote about 1680, has this, among other passages : " If 
 any observation be made of their manners and dispositions, it's easier to 
 say from what nations they did not, than from whom they did, derive their 
 original. Doubtless their conjecture, who fancy them to be descended 
 from the ten tribes of the Israelites, carried captive by Salamaneser and 
 Esarhaddon, hath the least show of reason of any other, there being no 
 footsteps to be observed of their ju'opinquity to them more than to any 
 other of the tribes of the earth, either as to their language or manners."! 
 This author is one of the best historians of his times; and, generally, he 
 writes with as much discernment upon other matters as upon this. 
 
 That because the natives of one country and those of another, and each 
 unknown to the other, have some customs and practices in common, it 
 has been urged by some, and not a few, that they must have had a com- 
 mon origin ; but this, in our apprehension, does not necessarily follow. 
 Who will pretend that diflferent people, when placed under similar cir- 
 cumstances, will not have similar wants, and hence similar actions.' 
 that like wants will not prompt like exertions? and like causes produce 
 not like effects? This mode of reasoning we think sufficient to show, 
 that, although the Indians may have some customs in common with the 
 Scythians, the Tartars, Chinese, Hindoos, Wolsh, and indeed every other 
 nation, still, the former, fck any reason we can see to the contrary, have 
 
 as good ri 
 the latter. 
 
 Dr. Rob 
 of no col 
 certainty, 
 Adam. I 
 admit any 
 Now, in o 
 suming a 
 world maj 
 men. Th 
 as we havi 
 it xvas not 
 of the ann 
 inquiry Wi 
 upon it — r 
 to us is pi 
 were place 
 operation 
 plain to ev 
 theory of 
 followed t 
 
 When it 
 subject, th 
 to hold up 
 [Adam,) oi 
 us when w 
 that the n^ 
 latitude ? 
 among the: 
 London ? 
 are surroui 
 affirmative 
 world. W 
 
 See Magnal.^, b. vii. 
 
 t Hist. N. England, 27. 
 
 That is, I 
 the counti 
 heads, bee 
 • We met 
 is not chai 
 of persons 
 different f 
 former cas 
 it is no les 
 book of m 
 the huma 
 man. Hit 
 
 • Hist. Ai 
 
 t Why tal 
 
 the sciences 
 
 } H« died 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 ROBERTSON.— GROTIUS.—S. S. SMITH. 
 
 as good right to claim to themselves priority of origin as either or all of 
 the latter. 
 
 Dr. Robertson should have proved that people of color produce others 
 of no color, and the contrary, before he said, " We know with infallible 
 certainty, that all the human race spring from the same source,"* meaning 
 Adam. He founds this broad assertion upon the false notion that, to 
 admit any other would be an inroad upon the verity of the holy Scriptures. 
 Now, in our view of the subject, we leave them equally inviolate in as- 
 suming a very different ground ;f namely, that all habitable parts of the 
 world may have been peopled at the same time, and by different races of 
 men. That it is so peopled, we know : that it was so peopled as far back 
 as we have any account, we see no reason to disbelieve. Hence, when 
 it was not so is as futile to inquire, as it would be impossible to conceive 
 of the annihilation of space. When a new country was discovered, much 
 inquiry was made to ascertain from whence came the inhabitants found 
 upon it — not even asking whence came the other animals. The answer 
 to us is plain. Man, the other animals, trees and plants of every kind, 
 were placed there by the supreme directing hand, which carries on every 
 operation of nature by fixed and undeviating laws. This, it must be 
 plain to every reader, is, at least, as reconcilable to tiie Bible history ns the 
 theory of Robertson, wliich is that of Grotitis,l and all those who have 
 followed them. 
 
 When it has been given in, at least by all who have thought upon the 
 subject, that climate does not change the complexion of the human race, 
 to hold up the idea still that all must have sprung from the same source, 
 (Mam,) only reminds us of our grandmothers, who to this day laugh at 
 us when we tell them that the earth is a globe. Who, we ask, will argue 
 that the negro changes his color by living among us, or by changing his 
 latitude ? Who have ever become negroes by living in their country or 
 among them ? Has the Indian ever changed his complexion by living in 
 London ? Do those change which adopt our manners and customs, and 
 are surrounded by us.' Until these questions can be answered in the 
 affirmative, we discard altogether that unitarian system of peopling the 
 world. We would indeed prefer Ovid's method : — 
 
 " Ponere duritiem ccepere, suumque rigorem ; 
 Mollirique mora, mollitaque ducere formatn. 
 Mox ubi creverunt, naturaque mitior illis 
 Contigfit," &c. &.C. 
 
 Metamor. lib. i. fab. xi. 
 
 That is, Deucalion and Pyrrha performed the office by traveling over 
 the country and picking up stones, which, as they cast them over their 
 heads, became young people as they struck the earth. 
 • We mean not to be understood that the exterior of the skin of people 
 is not changed by climate, for this is very evident ; but that the childi en 
 of |)ersons would be any lighter or darker, whose residence is in a climate 
 different from that in which they were born, is what we deny, as in the 
 former case. As astonishing as it may appear to the succinct reasoner, 
 it is no less true, that Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith has put forth an octavo 
 book of more than 400 pages to prove the unity, as he expresses it, " of 
 the human race," that is, that .all were originally descended from one 
 man. His reasoning is of this tenor : " The American and Euroi)eun 
 
 * Hist. America, book iv. 
 
 t Why talk of a theory's clashing with holy wnt, and say nothing of the certainty of 
 the sciences ol geography, astronomy, geology, &c. ? 
 t H« died iu 161&, wt. 62. 
 
10 
 
 BUFFUN.— RAYNAL. 
 
 (Boos I. 
 
 nilor reside equally at the pole, and under the equator." Then, in a 
 triumphunt air, he demands — " Why then should we, without necessity, 
 assume the hypothesis that originally there existed different species 
 of the human kind ?"• What kind of argument is contained here we 
 leave the reader to make out ; and again, when he would prove that all 
 the human family are of the same trihe, he says that negro slaves at the 
 south, wiio live in white families, are gradually found to conform in 
 features to the whites with whom they Uvelf Astonishing! and we 
 wonder who, if any, knew this beside the author. Again, and we have 
 done with our extraordinary philosopher. He is positive that deformed 
 or disfigured persons will, in process of time, pnxluce offspring marked 
 in the sume way. That is, if a man practise flattening his nose, his 
 offspring will have a flutter nose than he would have had, had his pro- 
 genitor not flattened his ; and so, if this offspring repeat the process, hia 
 offspring will have a less prominent nose ; and so on, until the nose be 
 driven entirely into or off the face ! In this, cortaiidy, our author has 
 taken quite a roundabout way to vanquish or put to flight a uos \ We 
 wish he could tell us how many ages or generations it would take to 
 make this formidable conquest. Now, for any reason we can see to the 
 contrary, it would be a nmch less tedious business to cut off a ineml)er 
 at once, and thus uccotnplish the business in a short i)eriod ; for to wait 
 several generations for u iiishion seems more novel than the fashion itself^ 
 and, to say the least, is us incompatible with human nature as the fashion 
 itself. A man must be monstrously blind to his prejudices, to mauitain 
 a doctrine like this. As we'l inifjht he argue that colts would be tail- 
 less because it has long lieen the practice to shorten the tails of horses, 
 of both sexes ; but wc have never heard that colts' tails are in the least 
 afiected by this practice which has been performed on the hoi-se so long.{ 
 Certainly, if ever, we should think it time to discover som tithing of it! 
 Nor have we ever heard that a female child has ever been born with its 
 ears bored, although its ancestors have endured the painful operation for 
 many generations ; — and here we shall close our examination of Mr. 
 Smith's 400 pages.§ 
 
 Another theory, almost as wild, and quite as ridiculous, respecting the 
 animals of America, seems here to present itself. We have reference to 
 the well known assertions of Buffon and RmjiiaU^ two philosophers 
 who were an honor to the times of Franklin, which are, tliat man and 
 other animals in America degenerate.^ This has been met in such a 
 masterly manner by Mr. Jefferson,** that to repeat any thing here would 
 be entirely out of place, since it has been so often copied into works on 
 both sides of the Atlantic. It may even be found in some of the best 
 English Encyclopa?dias.ff 
 
 * Smith on Complexion, N. Bnuiswirk, N. J. 1810, p. 11. t Il)itl. 170, 171. 
 
 X The author pleads not guilty to the clmrj^e of plag'iarisni ; for it was not until soma 
 months after the text was \vrittei'., that he knew that even this idea had occurred to any 
 one. He has since read an extract very similar, in Dr. Lawrence's valuable Lectures on 
 Zoology, &c. 
 
 ^ On reflection, we have thought our remarks rather pointed, as Mr. Smith is not a 
 livmg author ; but what called them forth nuist be their apology. 
 
 II After speaking of the cflect of the climate of the old world in producing man and 
 other animals in perfection, he adds, " Combicn, au contraire, la nature paroit avoir 
 negligt nouveau mond ! . Les homines v sont moins forts, moins courageux ; sans barba 
 cl sans p-jil," &c. Ifistoire Philos. its deux Indes, viii. 210. Ed. Geneva, 1781, 12 
 vols. 8vo. 
 
 IT Voltaire does not say quite as much, but says this : " La nature enfin avait donnA 
 eux Americanes beaucoup moins d'industrie qii'aux hommes de I'ancien monde. Toule* 
 ces causes ensemble ont pu nuire beaucoup k la population." [CEuvres, iv. 19.] Thb 
 m, however, only •'! reference to the Indians. 
 
 ** la hiv Notsi ou Virginia, Quer. viL ft Perlhensls, i. 637. (Art. Amer. $ M.) 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 S. SMITH.— VOLTAIRE.— LAFITAU. 
 
 n 
 
 Smith* does not doal fairly with a jiassape of Voltaire, relating to tho 
 peopling of America; jis he takes only a jiart of a sentence to comment 
 upon. Perhaps he thought it as much as he was capahle of managing.f 
 The complete sentence to which we rrfer we translate as follows: 
 " There are found men and animals all over the hahitable earth : who 
 has put them upon it ? We have already said, it is he who has made 
 the grass grow in the fields; and we should be no more surprised to find 
 in America men, than we should to find flies." t We can discover no 
 contradiction between this passage and another in a distant |>art of tho 
 same work ; and wliicli seems more like the passage Mr. Smith has cited: 
 "Some do not wish to believe that tho cater|)illarK and the snails of ono 
 part of the world sliotdd be originally from another part: wlierefore bo 
 astonished, then, that thero jshould be in America some kinds of animals, 
 and some races of men like our own ?"§ 
 
 Voltaire has written upon the subject in a manner that will always be 
 attracting, however much or little credence may l)e allowed to what ho 
 has written. We will, therefore, extract an entire article wherein he 
 engages more j)rofossedly upon the (picstion than in other parts of hii) 
 works, in which ho has rather incidentally spoken upon it. The chapter 
 is as follows :|| "Since many fail not to make systems upon the manner 
 in which America has been peopled, it is Irft only for us to say, that he 
 who created flies in those regions, creatt^d man there also. However 
 pleasant it may be to dispute, it cannot be denied that the Supreme Being, 
 who lives in all nature,1I has created about the 48° two-legged animals 
 without feathei-s, the color of whose skin is a mixture of wliite and car- 
 nation, with long beards approaching to red ; about the line, in Africa 
 and its islands, negroes without beards ; and in the same latitude, other 
 negroes with beards, some of them having wool and some hair on their 
 heads; and among them other animals quite white, having neither hair 
 nor wool, but a kind of white silk. It does not very clearly appear what 
 should have prevented God from placing on another continent animals 
 of the same species, of a copjier color, in the same latit'vie in which, 
 in Africa and Asia, they are found black ; or even from making thetn 
 without beards in the very same latitude in which others possess them. 
 To what lengths are we carried by the rage for systems joined with tho 
 tyranny of prejudice ! We see these animals ; it is agreed that God has 
 had the power to place them where they are ; yet it is not agreed that 
 he has so ])laced them. The same persons who rea«lily admit that the 
 beavers of Canada are of Canadian origin, assert tlmt the men must have 
 come there in boats, and that Mexico must have been peopled by somo 
 of the descendants of Magog. As well might it be said, that, if there bo 
 men in the moon, they must have been taken there by Astolpho on big 
 hippogrifF, when ho went to fetch Roland's senses, which were corked 
 up in a bottle. If America had been discovered in his tune, and thcro 
 had then been men in Europe systematic enough to have advanced, with 
 the Jesuit Lajitau,** that the Caribbees descended from the inhabitants 
 of Caria, and the Hurons from the Jews, he would have done well te 
 have brought back the bottle containing the wits of these reasoners. 
 
 * Samuel Sinilli, who published a history of New Jersey, in 17G5, printed at Bur- 
 lington. 
 
 f See Hist. N. J. 8. 
 
 t Essai sur Ics Moeurs et I'Esprit dcs Nations. ((Euvrcs, iv. 18.) 
 
 \ Ibid. 708. 
 
 I CEuvros, t. vii. 197, 198. 
 Will the reader of this call Voltaire an atheist ? 
 
 ** He wrote a iiistory of the savages of America, and maintained that tlie Caribbee 
 language was radically Hebrew. 
 
19. 
 
 INDIAN TRADITION— MITCHEL.—REES. 
 
 [Doox I. 
 
 Chap. II] 
 
 which he w(ju1(1 doubtless have found in the moon, along with th.^se of 
 Ane;elica^s lover. The first tiling done when an inhabited island is dir- 
 covered in the Indian Ocean, or in the South Sea, is to inquire, Whence 
 came these people ? but as for the trees and the tortoises, they ai'e, without 
 any hesitation, pronounced to be indigenous ; as if it were more diftirr.lt 
 for nature to make men 'in to make tortoises. One thing, however, 
 which seems to countenance this system, is, that there is scarcely an 
 island in the eastern or western ocean, which does not contain jirgglers, 
 quacks, knaves and fools. This, it is probable, gave rise to the opinion, 
 that these animals are of the same race with ourselves." 
 
 Some account of what the Indians themselves have said upon tiie 
 subject of their origin may be very naturally looked for in this place. 
 Their notions in this respect can no more be relied upon than the fabled 
 stories of the gods in ancient mythology. Indeed, their accounts of prim- 
 itive inhabitants do not agree beyond their own neighborhood, and often 
 disagree with themselves at diflTerent times. Some say their ancestors 
 came from the north, others frorji the north-west, others ii-oni the east, and 
 others from the west ; some from the regions of the air, and some from 
 under the earth. Hence that to raise any theory upon any thing coming 
 from them upon the subject, would show only that the theorist himself 
 was ns ignorant as his informants. We might as well ask the forest trees 
 how hey came planted upon the soil in which they grow. Not that t!ie 
 Indians are unintelligent in other aftiiirs, any further than the necessary 
 consequence growing out ol" their s'tuation implies ; nor are tliey less so 
 than many who have written upon thv^ir history. 
 
 " Since, then, the wisest arc as di.ll as we, 
 In one grave maxim let us all apjree — 
 Nature ne'er meant Iter secrets siiould be found, 
 And man's a riddle, which man can't expound !" 
 
 Paine's Ruling Passion. 
 
 The different notions of the Indians will be best gathered from their 
 lives in their proper places in the following work. 
 
 Dr. S. L. Mitchel, of New York, a man who writes learnedly, if not 
 wisely, on almost every subject, has, in his oj)inion, like hundreds before 
 him, set the great question. How tvas Aimrica peopled'? at rest. He has no 
 doubt but the Indians, in the first place, are of the same color originally 
 as the north-eastern nations of Asia, and hence s|>rung from them. What 
 time he settles them in the country he does not tell us, but gets them into 
 Greenland about the year 8 or 900. Thinks he saw the Scandinavians as 
 far as the shores of the St. Lawrence, but what time this was he does not 
 say. He must of course make these people the builders of the mounds 
 scattered all over the western country. After all, we apprehend the doctor 
 would have short time for his emigrants to do all that nature and art 
 have done touching these mattes. In the first place, it is evident that 
 many ages passed away from the time these tumuli were began until they 
 were finished : 2d, a multitude of ages must have passed since the use 
 for which they were reared ha3 been known ; for trees of the age of 900 
 years grow from the ruins of others v.'iich must have had as great age: 
 and, 3d, no Indian nation or tribe has the least tradition concerning them.* 
 This c'lld not have happened had the ancestors of the present In- 
 ilians been the erectors of them, in the nature of things.f 
 
 The observation of an author in Dr. Rees^s Encyclopredia,t although 
 
 * Or none u^t surh iis are at varianre with all hiatory and rationality, 
 t Archaeolo^^ia Americana, i 325, 326, 341, &c. 
 ^ Art. Aai'.i,rica. 
 
 saymg no 
 so happy, t 
 pretend thn 
 by crossing 
 upon the i'n 
 besides tha 
 tendency t( 
 one half oi 
 thousands 
 this opinior 
 animals, sin 
 world whit 
 tajactu. 
 the westeri 
 difticulties 
 shall observ 
 ca, and at 
 from having 
 ago." 
 
 Before w 
 of philosop 
 readers, we 
 so great mo 
 no one shot 
 and even hii 
 ostom, som< 
 of the eartl 
 science shal 
 question, tin 
 have the sar 
 there is som 
 conjectures, 
 quired consi 
 Mr. Si/mmea 
 
 When we 
 Antiquarian 
 
 M'CULLOH, 
 
 that some m 
 especially w 
 plain the ori 
 tion is invol 
 long kept til 
 has been do 
 the reader t 
 " Before ' 
 of America 
 the circums 
 ticular depe 
 not able to ( 
 be evident t 
 ful whether 
 one locality 
 he created 1 
 them living, 
 
 tl 
 
Chap. II] 
 
 REES.— M'CULLOH. 
 
 t3 
 
 saying no more than has boon already said in our synopsis., is, nevertheless, 
 so happy, that we HJiould .iot tbel clear to omit t:— "Asto those who 
 pretend that tiie hiiinan race lias only of late Ibund its way into America, 
 ny crossing the s«>a at Karnschatka, or the Straits of Tschutski, either 
 upon the tuMs of ice r<- in canoes, they do not consider that this opinion, 
 besides that it is extremely dittiriilt of' comprohensi.^n, has not the least 
 tendency to .'.iminish the prodigy ; for it would lie surprising indeed that 
 one half of our planet should have remained without inhabitants during 
 thousands of years, while the other half was peopled. What renders 
 this opinion less probable is, that America is supposed in it to have had 
 animals, since we cannot bring those species of animals from the old 
 world which do not exist in it, as those of the tapir, the glama, and the 
 tajactu. Neither can we admit of the recent organi'zation of matter for 
 the western hcMoisphere ; because, indejiendently of the accumulated 
 difticulties in this hypothesis, and wliich can by no means be solved, wo 
 shall observe, that the fossil bones discovered in so many parts of Ameri- 
 ca, and at such small dejMhs, prove that certain species of animals, so far 
 from having been recently organized, have been annihilated a long while 
 ago." 
 
 Before we had known, that, if we were in error, it was in the company 
 of philosophers, such as we have in this chapter introduced to our 
 readers, we felt a hesitancy in avowing our opinions upon a matter of 
 so great moment. But, after all, as it is only matter of honest opinion, 
 no one should be intolerant, although he may be allowed to make himself 
 and even his friends merry at our expense. When, in the days of Chrys- 
 ostom, some ventured to assert their opinions of the rotundity 
 of the earth, that learned father "did laugh at them."* And, when 
 science shall have progressed sufficiently, (if it be possible,) to settle this 
 question, there is a possibility that the Chrysostoms of these days will not 
 have the same excuse for their infidelity. But as it is a day of prodigies, 
 there is some danger of treating lightly even the most seemingly absurd 
 conjectures. We therefore feel veiy safe, and more especially as it re- 
 quired considerable hai'diliood to laugh even at the theory of the late 
 Mr. Sifmmea. 
 
 When we lately took up a book entitled " Researches, Philosophical and 
 Aniiquanan, concerning the Aboriginal History of America, by J. H. 
 M'CuLLOH, Jr. M. D."t we did think, from the imposing appearance of it, 
 that some new matters on the subject had been discovered : and more 
 especially when we read in the preface, that " his firet object was to ex- 
 plain the origin of the men and animals of America, so far as that ques- 
 tion is involved with the apparent physical imi)ediments that have so 
 long kept the subject in total obscurity." Now, with what success this 
 has been done, to do the author justice, he shall speak for himself, and 
 the reader then may judge for himself. 
 
 " Before we attempt to ex[)lain in what manner the men and animals 
 of America reached this continent, it is necessary to ascertain, if possible, 
 the circumstances of their original creation ; for upon this essential par- 
 ticular depends the great interest of our present investigation. [We are 
 not able to discover that he has said any thing further upon it.] It niust 
 be evident that we can arrive at no satisfactory conclusion, if it be doubt- 
 ful whether the Creator of the universe made man and the animals but in 
 one locality, from whence they were dispersed over the earth ; or whether 
 he created them in each of those various situations where we now find 
 them living. So far as this inquiry respects mankind, there can be no 
 
 * See Acosta's Hist. E. and W. Indies, p. 1. ed. London, 1604. 
 t Published at Baltimore, 1829, in 8vo. 
 2 
 
14 
 
 M'CULLOII. 
 
 [Book I. 
 
 Chap. II 
 
 reasonable ground to doubt the one origin of tlio species. This foci 
 may be proved b.ith physically and morally. [If the reader can discover 
 any thing tiiat amounts to proof in wliut follows, he will have made a 
 discovery that wo could not.] That man, notwithstanding all the diver- 
 sities of their appearance, are but of one siwcies, is a truili now univer- 
 sally admitted by every physiolojiical naturalist. [That is, notwithstanding 
 a negro be black, an Indian brown, a ICuropean white, still, they are all 
 men. And then follows a quotation from Dr. Lawrence* to corroborate 
 the fact that men are all of one species.] It is true, this ])hysiologist does 
 not admit that the human sfiecies had their origin but from one pair; for 
 he observes, the same species might have been created at the same time 
 in very diflerent parts of the earth. But when we have analyzed the 
 moral history of mankind, to which Mr. Lawrence seems to have paid 
 little attention, [and if our author has done it, we would thank him to 
 show us where we can find it,] we find such strongly marked analogies 
 in abstract mattei-s exiir^ting among nations the most widely separated 
 from each other, that we cannot doubt there has been a time, when the 
 whole human family have intimately participated in one common system 
 of things, whether it be of truth or of error, of science or of prejudice. 
 (Thio does not at all agree with what he says afterwards, ' We have 
 been unable to discern any traces of Asiatic or of European civilization 
 ill America prior to the discovery of Columbus.' And again: 'In com- 
 paring the barbarian nations of America with those of the eastern con- 
 tinent, we perceive no pointtJ of resemblance between them, in their 
 moral institutions or in their habits, that are not apparently founded in 
 the necessities of human life.' If, then, there is no affinity, other tlian 
 what would accidentally happen from similar circumstances, wherefore 
 this prating about ^ strongbj-marked analogies,^ &c. just ccjded.] As 
 respects the origin of animals, [we have given his best proofs of the 
 origin of man and their transportation to America,] the subject is much 
 more refractory. We find them living all over the surface of the earth, 
 and suited by their physical conformity to a great variety of climcies and 
 peculiar localities. Every one will admit the impossibility of ascertain- 
 ing the history of their original creation from the mere natural hiEto»-v of 
 the animals themselves." Now, as " refractory " as this subject is, we did 
 not expect to see it fathered off upon a miracle, because this was the 
 easy and convenient manner in which the superstitious of every age ac- 
 counted for every thing which they at once could not comprelicnd. 
 And we do not expect, when it is gravely annoimced, that a discovery in 
 any science is to be shown, that the undertaker is going to tell us it is 
 accomplished by a miracle^ and that, therefore, " he knows not why he 
 should be called upon to answer objections," &c. 
 
 As it would be tedious to the reader, as well as incompatible with our 
 plan, to quote larger from Mr. J\rCulloK's book, we shall finish with "lim 
 after a few remarks. 
 
 We do not object to the capacity of the ark for all animals, but we do 
 object to its introduction in the question undertaken by Mr. M'Culloh ; 
 for every child knows that affair to have been miiaculous ; aiid if any 
 part of the question depended upon the truth or falsity of a miracle, why 
 plague the world with a book of some 500 pages, merely to proir ulgatfj 
 such a belief, when a sentence would be all that is required ? No one, 
 that admits an overruling power, or the existence of God, will doubt of 
 his ability to create a myriad of men, animals, and all matter, by a 
 breath ; or that an ark ten feet square could contain, comfortably, ten 
 
 * The celebrated author of Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History 
 tffMan, 
 
 I 
 
 thousunc 
 tain w'lr 
 expressi 
 changes 
 could in 
 it was al 
 of Mr. jJ 
 
 We d( 
 of matin 
 whole 8| 
 admit o 
 whether 
 the ea.st 
 tain that, 
 certain sj 
 been sctll 
 thither, s( 
 just obsei 
 
 Lord h 
 thing upo 
 tha,'; A me 
 that regi( 
 t!ie Opp(t^ 
 by recent 
 gr<»at eert; 
 confirtnali 
 entirely d 
 short vocii 
 
 En 
 
 Go. 
 Fat 
 Mo 
 Sor 
 Dai 
 Brc 
 Sisi 
 Hu 
 Wc 
 Gir 
 Yoi 
 Chi 
 Ar 
 Th( 
 Per 
 Th( 
 The 
 Th( 
 Th( 
 Th( 
 
 * Sec his ' 
 Edinbiirgli, i 
 t Vol. ii. 7 
 X The AIe( 
 America intc 
 are in the Fr 
 ag-c iiilo thos 
 
Thap. II. J 
 
 M'CULLOH.— KAIM. 
 
 i: 
 
 cry in 
 it is 
 fc^liy he 
 
 we do 
 \lloh ; 
 if any 
 !, why 
 ulgate 
 one, 
 Ibt of 
 by a 
 [y: ten 
 
 \listory 
 
 \ 
 
 thoiisaiul iiion, (iH well as one of the dimensions given in scripture to con- 
 tain w'lr' that dill. ThercCorc, il' one in these days should make a book 
 expressly to explain the cause of the ditferenl lengths of days, or the 
 changes of the seasons, and find, aft(!r he had written a vast deal, that ho 
 could in no wise unravel the mystery, and, to close his account, declares 
 it was all a miracle, such an author would be precisely hi the predicament 
 of Mr. JVreu//oA. 
 
 We do not pretend that the subject can be pursued with the certainty 
 of matheuiatical calculations ; and so long as it is contended that the 
 whole species of man spring from one pair, so long will the subject 
 admit of controversy : therelore it makes but little or no difference 
 whether the inhabitants are got into America by the north or the south, 
 the east or the west, as it regards the main question. For it is very cer- 
 tain that, if there were i ' t on :j pair origuially, and these placed upon a 
 certain spot, all other places where people are now found must have 
 been settled by people from the primitive spot, who found their May 
 thither, some how or other, and it is very unimportant how, as we have 
 just observed. 
 
 Lord Kaim, a writer of great good sense, has not omitted to say some- 
 thing upon ibis subject.* He very judiciously asks those who maintain 
 tha.f America was |)eo[)led from Komskatka, whether the inhabitants of 
 that region 8p(!ak the same language with their American neighbors oti 
 tl-.e opposite j^horcs. That they do not, he observes, is fully eonfim;ed 
 by recent accounts from thence; and "whence we may conclude, with 
 great certainty, that the latter are not a colony of the former."t We have 
 confirmation ujjon confirmation, that these nations speak languages 
 entirely difSu'cnt ; and for the satisfaction of the curious, we will give a 
 short vocal)'! lary of wordti in both, with the English against them. 
 
 English. 
 
 Kamskadale. 
 
 AUouttan.X 
 
 God Nionsiichtchitch Aghogoch. 
 
 Father Iskh Athan. 
 
 Mother Nas-kh Anaan. 
 
 Son Pa-atch L'laan. 
 
 Daughter Souguing Aschkinn 
 
 Brother Ktchidsch Koyota. 
 
 Sister. 
 
 .Kos-Khou An<;iin. 
 
 Husband Skoch Ougiinn. 
 
 Woman Skoua-aou A'i-yagar. 
 
 Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn. 
 
 Young boy Pahatch Auckthok. 
 
 Child Pahatchitch Ouskolik. 
 
 A man Ouskaams Toyoch. 
 
 The people Kouaskou. 
 
 Persons Ouskaamsit. 
 
 The head T-Khousa Kamgha. 
 
 The face Koua-agh Soghimaginn. 
 
 The nose Ka'nkang Aughosinn. 
 
 The nostrils Kaanga Gouakik. 
 
 The eye Nanit Thack. 
 
 * ^cc \i\s " Sketches of the Histortj of Man," a work which he publislied in 1771, ai 
 Edinburgh, in 2 vols. 4to. 
 
 tVoi. ii. 71. 
 
 j The Aleouteans inhabit the chain of islands which stretch from the N. W. point of 
 America into the neiffiiborhood of Kaniskatka. It must be remembered that these uaints 
 are in the French orthoffrapby, beinff taken from a French trauilalion of Jiilliiigs's voy- 
 age into those reijious, from 1783 to i71i4. 
 
 5 ' 
 
16 
 
 8VVINTON.— CABRERA. 
 
 [Book I. 
 
 AfttT observing t!ip* '.hero arc severnl rognit arguments to evince 
 tlint tiie Americans aiv ' dcHct'nded from any people in the north of 
 Asia, or in the nortli of ipe," Lord Kaim coiitiniies, — " I venture still 
 
 further; which is, to conje> ure, that America has not iM^en peopled from 
 any part of the old wcrhl." Hut although this lust conjecture is in unison 
 with those of many others, yet his lordHhip is greatly out in some of the 
 proofs which he adduces in its wipj)ort. As wo have no ground on 
 which to controvert this opinion, we may be excused from examining its 
 proofs ; hut this we will olwerve, that Lord Katm is in the same error 
 about the beardlessness of the Americans as some other learned Euro- 
 
 learned Dr. Simnton,* in a dissertation upon the peopling of 
 
 peaiis. 
 
 The 
 America,! after stating the different opinions of various authors who 
 have advocated in favor of the "dispersed people," the Phoenicians, 
 and other eastern nations, observes, " that, therefore, the Americans in 
 general were descended from some people who inhabited a country not 
 so far distant from them as Egypt and Phaniicia, our readers will, as we 
 apprehend, readily admit. Now, no country can be pitched upon so 
 proper and convenient for this purpose as the north-eastern part of Asia, 
 particularly Great Tartary, Sioeria, and more especially the peninsula 
 of Kamtschatka. That probably was the tract through which many 
 Tartarian colonies passed into America, and peopled the most consider- 
 able part of the new world." 
 
 This, it is not to bo denied, is the most rational way of getting inhabit- 
 ants into America, if it must be allowed that it was peopled from the 
 "old world." But it is not quite so easy to account for the existence of 
 equatorial animals in America, when all authors agree that they never 
 could have passed that way, as they could not have survived the cold- 
 ness of the climate, at any season of the year. Moreover, the vocabulary 
 we have given, if it prove any thing, proves that either the inhabitants 
 of North America did not come in from the noith-west, or that, if they 
 did, some unknown cause must have, for ages, suspended nil commimica- 
 tion between the emigrants and their ancestors upon the neighboring 
 shores of Asia. 
 
 In 1822, there appeared in London a work which attracted some atten- 
 tion, as most works have upon similar subjects. It was entitled, "De- 
 scription of the ruins of an ancient city, discovered near Palenque, in the 
 kingdom of Guatemala, in Spanish America : translated from the original 
 manuscript report of Capt. Don Antonio Del Rio : followed by a critical 
 investigation and research into the History of the Americans, by Dr. Paul 
 Felix Cabrera, of the city of New Guatemala." 
 
 Capt. Del Rio was ordered by the Spanish king, in the year 178G, to 
 make an examination of whatever ruins he might find, which he accord- 
 ingly did. From the manuscript he left, which after^vards fell into the 
 hands of Dr. Cabrera, his work was composed, and is that part of the 
 work which concerns us in our view of systems or conjectures concerning 
 the peopling of America. We shall be short with this author, as his 
 system differs very little from some which we have already sketched. 
 He is very confident that he has settled the question how South America 
 received its inhabitants, namely, from the Phoenicians, 'vho sailed across 
 the Atlantic Ocean, and that the ruined city described by Capt. Del Rio 
 was built by the first adventurers. 
 
 Dr. Cabrera calls any system, which, in his view, does not harmonize 
 
 * Dr. John Su-iiiton, the eminent author of many parts of the Ancient Universal His- 
 tory. He died in 1777, aged 71. 
 
 t Universal History, xx. K>2, 1(53. — See Malone's edition of BosweU's Life Dr. John- 
 ton, V. 271. ed. in 5 v. 12nio, Loudon, 1821. 
 
 It 
 
 CiMr. HI 
 
 with the 
 rathrr tli 
 works in 
 talents I) 
 natural c 
 former, 
 necessity 
 matters ii 
 And sliDi 
 business 
 grope in 
 condemn 
 first siirli 
 supersfiii 
 but, a.s I,f 
 
 " If it 
 Hpecies, 
 family, 
 only bo S( 
 volved in 
 nothing t< 
 
 "The 
 now siibsi 
 in 14!>H; i 
 iiiiig of th 
 sion of by 
 Towards t 
 Cohnnbus, 
 ^iidiiin isli 
 planted an 
 ment of ( 
 stance, apj 
 ants, wher 
 characters 
 
 The em 
 works foui 
 by Pennar 
 which ere« 
 
 Accordin 
 living in 
 
 \l 
 
 Manners c 
 
 John, was o 
 brandy to 1 
 tongues — •' 
 
 * Pajre 30. 
 
 t I^ci'iiirt's 
 
 ^ A Ml' mo 
 
 10. avo. Alb: 
 
Ci(\r. Ill] 
 
 LAWRENCE.— CLINTON. 
 
 17 
 
 with thf* Scri|)turos,nn iiinovntion upontlm " lioly Catholic religion ;" and 
 rnthrr thiiii resort to any hucIi, ho says, " It is hrttor to Ixilifivc his [God's) 
 works inirnriilouN, than endeavor to inukc an ostcntutious display of our 
 tnlcnts l)y thn running invention of new systems, \v. attrihuting them to 
 natural causes."* The same reasoning will ap|)ly in this ciuo as in a 
 former. If wo are to attribute every thing to miracles, vvhoreforo the 
 necessity of investigation ? Thcao authors arc fond of investigating 
 matters in their way, but arc displeased if others take the same liberty. 
 And shoulil we follow an autlior in his theories, who cuts the whole 
 business short by declaring all ttt be a miracle, when he can no longer 
 grope in t\w labyrinth of bis own forming, our reader would be just in 
 condemning !".u';h waste of time. When every thing which we cannot at 
 first sight understand or comprehend nuist not Im inquired into, from 
 superstitious doubt.s, then and then; will be fixed tlie bounds of all science ; 
 but, as Lord fiyron said upon another occasion, not till then. 
 
 " If it be allowed (says Dr. Lawrence)! that all men are of the same 
 species, it does not tbllow that they are all descended from the same 
 flimily. We have no data for determining this point: it could indeed 
 only be settled by a knowledge of facts, which have long ago been in- 
 volved in the impenetrable darkness of antiquity." That climate has 
 nothing to do with the complexion, he offers the following in proof: 
 
 "The estal)li.«<hments of the Europeans in Asia and America have 
 now subsisted about three centuries. Vasquez De Gama landed at Calicut 
 in 14!>H; and the Portuguese cmi)ire in India was founded in the begin- 
 ning of tlie following century. Brazil was discovered and taken posses- 
 sion of by the same nation in the very first year of the sixteenth century. 
 Towards the end of the 15th, and the beginning of the Kith century, 
 Columbus, Cnrtez, and Pizarro, subjugated for the Spaniards the West 
 Indian islands, with the empires of Mexico and Peru. S'r H^'alter Raleek 
 ]>laMted an English colony in V^irginia in 1584 ; and ti French settle- 
 ment of Canada has rather a later date. The colonist have, in no in- 
 stance, approached to the natives of these countries: and their descend- 
 ants, where the blood has been kept pure, have, at this time, the same 
 characters as native Europeans."^ 
 
 The eminent antiquary, De JVitt Clinton,^ supposed that the ancient 
 works found in this country were similar to those supimsed to be Roman 
 hy Pennant in Wales. lie adds, "The Danes, as well as the nations 
 which erected our fortifications, were in all |)robability of Scythian origin. 
 According to Pliny,the name of Scythian was common to all the nations 
 living in the northof Asia and Europe."^ 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Manners and Customs of the Indians, as iUustraled by Anecdotes, JVar- 
 
 ratives, Sfc. 
 
 ff'it. — An Ottawpv chief, known to the French by the name of While- 
 john, was a great drunkard. Count Frontenac asked him what he thought 
 brandy to be made of; he replied that it must be made of hearts and 
 tongues — " For," said he, " when I have drunken plentifully of it, my heart 
 
 • Piiffc 30. 
 
 t Lectures on Zooloffy, (fcc. 4-12. ed. «vo. Salem, 1828. t Ibid. 4M. 465. 
 
 ^ A Memoir on the Antiquities of the Western Farts of the State of N. York, pages 9, 
 10. 8vo. Albany, 1818. 
 2* 
 
II 
 
 HONOR— RKCKLESSNESS— JUSTICE, &c. 
 
 [Book 1. 
 
 Chap. Ill ) 
 
 ifl a tho.iHaiid strong, uiul 1 cuii tiilk, too, witli u.'^toiiisliing freedom and 
 rujiidity."* 
 
 Honor. — A cliirf of the I''iv(! Nations, who fought »)n llieHido of the Eng- 
 linh in the Freneli warn, ehaiiced to meet in liattle hid own fatiier, who was 
 figliting on thi> sich; of the I'rench. JiiHt om he waK uhont to deal a deadly 
 blow ii|>on hitt head, he diseovereil who he was, and said to him, " Von 
 have on«'e given me lif(% and now I give it to you. Let mo meet you no 
 more ; (i)r 1 have paid the di.'hl 1 owed yon."t 
 
 RerkltssnesH. — In Connectient River, ahont "^00 miles from Long Island 
 Sound, is a narrow of 5 yards only, formed hy two shelving mountains of 
 solid rock. Through this chasm are compelled to pass all the waters 
 which in the time of the floods hury the northern country." [Tiiis is now 
 called Titnier^a Falls, from the great tight ln) had there with the Indians in 
 I'hilip's war.] It is a frightful passage of about 400 yards in length. No 
 boat, or, as my author expresses it, " no living creature, was ever known to 
 pass through this narrow, except an Indian woman." This woman had 
 undertaken to cross the river just above, and altliongh she had the god 
 Bacchus by her side;, yet Neptune prevailed in spite of their united efl'orts, 
 and the canoe was hurried down the frightful gulf. While this Indian 
 woman was thus hurrying to certain destruction, us she had every reason 
 to ex|)C(!t, she seized upon lier bottlii of rum, aiul did not take it irom lier 
 mouth until the last dr(»|) was qiiatled. She was marviillously preserved, 
 and was actually picked up several miles below, lluating in the canoe, 
 still quite drunk. VVlien it was known what she had done, and being 
 osked how she dared t(» drink so nmch mm with the jtrospect of certain 
 death before her, she answered that slie knew it was too much for one 
 time, but she was unwilling that any of it should be lost.| 
 
 Justice, — A missionary residing among a certain tribe of Indians, was one 
 day, afler he had b(!<ui preaching to them, invited by their chief to visit his 
 wigwam. After having been kindly entertained, and being about to 
 d(?part, the chief took him by the hand and said, "I have very bad stjuaw. 
 .She had two little children. One she loved well, the other she hated. 
 In a cold night, when I was gone hunting in the woods, she shut it out 
 of the wigwam, and it froze to death. What must be done with her.^" 
 The missionary rejjlied, " She must be hanged." "Ah!" said the chief, 
 "go, then, and hang your God, whom you make just like her." 
 
 Revenge. — "An Indian, in Chatauque county, New York, a stout man, 
 known by the name of the DcvU^s-ramrod, lately had a rencounter with a 
 white man, in which he came off second best. Mortified at the result, he 
 twice jumped into a neighboring creek to drown himself, but was dragged 
 out by the people present, lie made a third attempt, and succeeded."^ 
 
 Magnanimity. — A Ininter, in his wanderings for game, fell among the 
 back settlements of Virginia, and by reason of the inclemency of the 
 weather, was induced to seek rcfUgc at the house of a planter, whom he 
 met at his door. Admission was refused liim. lieiiig both hungry and 
 thirsty, he asked for a morsel of bread and a cuj) of water, l)Ut was 
 answered in every case, " No ! you shall have nothing here ! Get you 
 gone, you Indian dog!" It Jiajjpened, in process of time, that this same 
 planter lost hitnself in the woods, and, nihn- a fatiguing day's travel, he 
 came to an Indian's cabin, into which he was welcoiried. On inquiring 
 the way, and the distance to the white settlements, being told by tiie In- 
 dian that he could not go in the night, and being kindly ofVered lodging 
 and victuals, he gladly refreshed and reposed himself in the Indian's cal)in. 
 In the morning, he conducted him through the wilderness, agreeably to 
 
 his promis 
 of the win 
 him fidl in 
 struck at 
 ly treated, 
 (piited, he 
 when the 
 faituing (!) 
 dian dog!' 
 adds, " It i 
 the nami 
 
 Der.eptio 
 a. lady of . 
 islands," g, 
 should not 
 along with 
 deliver the 
 the journe; 
 and not be 
 communict 
 \i\a design 
 ho did not; 
 upon it, an( 
 several of t 
 ing the rem 
 rest of the c 
 the letter sa 
 the letter 
 in his falsctj 
 
 Shrewdne, 
 tending som 
 half nuked, 
 The govern 
 some clothes, 
 him why he 
 liead, said, " 
 as you shou 
 employ him 
 he would g( 
 offer, and w 
 ing about : 
 asked him > 
 answered, " 
 a shilling fo 
 governor, se 
 give him an 
 
 This dom 
 to a grog-sh 
 and told hir 
 one to be i 
 been the cai 
 second time 
 was now co 
 time, gave 1 
 
 * Universal Museum for 17fi3. 
 X Pcters's Hist. Couueclicut. 
 
 t IM<!. 
 
 ^ Mlus'd Regr. xx. 3C8. 
 
 
 # 
 
Chap. Ill] 
 
 DKCKFTION— 8I1UEVVDNKSS. 
 
 19 
 
 " You 
 
 cliii'f, 
 
 Hi III- 
 
 ixljring 
 (•al)in. 
 ibly to 
 
 hifl prniniHt! tlio nif^lit Ixtfom, until tlioy rntnn in nif;tit of thn habitations 
 oftlu! wliitt'H. An lit! was about to takt; Iiih loavo ot'tli<; planter, ho looked 
 hint fdil in tlio fact*, and aHki'd him it' ho diil not know him. Horror- 
 Htriick at lindiiig hiumolf thus in tho power of a man lio hud ho inhuman- 
 ly treated, and diimh with Hhatne un thinking of tho manner it was rc- 
 (piited, ho l)<<^an at len^tli to make exruHeH, and beg a thouHand pardons, 
 when the Indian interrupted him, and Miid, "When you see poor Indiatia 
 faimin/; tiir a eup of cold wat<!r, ilon't Hay again, '(jet you gone, yr<u In- 
 dian dou!'" He thou dinnuHHed him to reuirn to hin friendn. IMy author 
 adds, " It in not ditlicult to Huy, which of thuHu two hud the bc8t claim to 
 the name of Chrintian."* 
 
 Deception. — The captain of a vessel, having a dcHiretomuko u present to 
 a lady of Homo lino orung<!S which ho hud juwt brought froirj "the sugar 
 islands," gave thiiui to an Indian in his employ to curry to her. Lest he 
 should not perform the olHco punctually, he wrote u letter to her, to bt; tukcn 
 uluug with the present, that hIio might detect the bearer, if In; should fail to 
 deliver the whole of what he was intrusted with. The Indian, during 
 the journey, reflected how he should refresh himself with the oranges, 
 und not be found out. Not having any upprehetision «jf the munner of 
 c;ouununication by writing, he concluded that it wus only necessary to keep 
 hid design secret from the letter itself, supimsing that would tell of him if 
 hu did not ; he therefore laid it upon the ground, und rolled u large stone 
 upon it, and retired to sorno distance, where ho regaled himself with 
 several of tho oranges, und then proceeded on his journey. On deliver- 
 ing the remainder and the letter to the lady, she asked him where the 
 rest of the oranges were ; he said he hud delivered all ; she told him that 
 the letter said there were severul more sent ; to which he nnswered that 
 the letter lied, und she must not believe it. But he wus soon confronted 
 in his falsehood, and, begging forgiveness of the oflence, was pardoned.f 
 
 Shrewdness. — As Governor Joseph Dudley of Mussuchusetts wus superin- 
 tending some of his workmen, he took notice of an able-bodied Indian, who, 
 half nuked, would come and look on, as a pastime, to see his men work. 
 The governor took occasion one duy to ask him why he did not work atideet 
 some clothes, wherewith to cover himself. '^^^^ Indian unswered by askmg 
 him why he did not work. The governor, pointing with his finger to his 
 heud, said, " I work head work, and so have no need to work with my hands 
 as you should." The Indian then said he would work if any one would 
 employ him. The governor told him he wanted, a calf killed, and that, if 
 he would go and do it, he would give him a shilling. He accepted the 
 offer, and went immediately and killed the calf, and then went saunter- 
 ing about as before. The governor, on observing what he had done, 
 asked him why he did not dress the calf before he left it. The Indian 
 answered, " JVb, no, Coponoh ; that was not in the bargain : I was to have 
 a shilling for killing him. t^m he no dead, Coponoh'!? [governor.]" The 
 governor, seeing himself thus outwitted, told hnn to dress it, and he would 
 give him another shilling. 
 
 This done, and in possession of two shillings, the Indiaii goes directly 
 to a grog-shop for rum. After a short stay, he returned to the governor, 
 and told him he had given him a bad shilhng piece, and presented a brass 
 one to be exchanged. The governor, thinkmg possibly it might have 
 been the case, gave him another. It was not long before he returned a 
 second time with another brass shilling to be exchanged ; the governor 
 was now convinced of his knavery, but, not caring to make words at the 
 time, gave him another ; and thus the fellow got four shillings for one. 
 
 * Carey's Museum, vi. 40. 
 
 t Uring's Voyage to N. England in 1709, 8vo. London, 1726. 
 
 « 
 
90 
 
 EQUALITY.— MATRniONY.— TOLERATION. 
 
 [Rook I. 
 
 The governor dcteriniiu'd to have the rogue corrertetl for his abuse, 
 and, meeting with hiui soon afUr, told iiiiii lie must take a letter to Bos- 
 ton for him [aiul gave him a half a crown ibr the service.*] The letter 
 was directed to the keeper of hridewell, ordering him to give the bearer 
 80 many lashes; hut, mistrusting that all was not exactly agreeable, and 
 meeting a seiTant of the governor on tin; road, ordered him, in the name 
 of liis master, to carry th(! litter immediately, as he was in haste to return. 
 The consetiuence was, this servant got egregiously whipped. When the 
 governor learned what had tiiken place, lie lelt no httle chagi'in at being 
 thus twice outwitted by the Indian. 
 
 He did not see the fellow for some time after this, hut at length, falling 
 in with him, asked him by what means he had cheated and deceived him 
 so many times. Taking the governor again in his own play, he answer- 
 ed, pointing with his finger to his head, " Head ivork, Coponoh, head work .'" 
 The governor was now so well pleased that he forgave the whole offence.f 
 
 Equedity. — An Indian chief, on being asked whether his people wen^ 
 free, an.swered, " Why not, since I myself am free, although their king?"| 
 
 Matrimony. — "An aged Indian, who for many years had sj)entmuch tim(! 
 among the white peojile, both in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, one day, 
 about the year 1770, observed that the Indians had not only a much easier 
 way of getting a wife than tlte whites, but also a more certain way of getting 
 a good one. ' For,' said he in broken English, ' white man court — court 
 — may be one whole year ! — may be two years before he mjirry ! Well — 
 may be th(!n he get very good wife — but may be not — may be very cross ! 
 Well, now suppose cross ! scold so soon as get awake in the morning ! 
 scold all day ! — scold until sleep ! — all one — he must keep him ! — White 
 people have law forbidding throw away wife he be ever so cross — must 
 keep him always! Well, how does Indian do ? Indian, when he see in- 
 dustrious squaw, he like, he go to him, place his two fore fingers close 
 aside each other, make two like one — then look squaw in the face — see 
 him smile — this is all one he say yes! — so he take him home — no danger 
 he be cross ! No, no — squaw know too Well what Indian do if he cross ! 
 throw him away and take another!— Squaw love to eat meat — no Inis- 
 band no meat. Squaw do every thing to please husband, he do every 
 thing to jileasc squaw — live hapjiy.'"^ 
 
 Toleration. — In the year 1791, two Creek chiefs accompanied an Ameri- 
 can to England, where, as usual, they attracted great attention, and many 
 flocked around them, as well to learn their ideas of certain things as to 
 behold "the savages." Being asked their opinion of religion, or of what 
 religion they were, one made answer, that they had no priests in their coun- 
 try, or established religion, for they thought, that, upon a subject where 
 there was no possibility of people's agreeing in opinion, and as it was alto- 
 gether matter of mere oj)inion, " it was best that every one should paddle iiis' 
 canoe his own way." •Here is a volume of instruction in a short answer 
 of a savage! , 
 
 A recruiting officer, engaged in the service of the United States' govern- 
 ment in the time o*"the Western Indian wars, (about 1790,) wrote thus to 
 a friend: "Where I am, the recruiting business goes on heavily ; none 
 but the refuse of creation to be picked up; gallows-looking fellows, (like 
 Sir John FalstatPs regiment,) who only enlist with a design to desert ; 
 and, when collected, will, I fear, be pronounced 
 
 So worn, so wasted, so despised a crew; 
 As even Indians niig'lit with pity view." 
 
 * A sentence added in a version of tins anecdote in Caret/ s Musfuvi, v'l. 204. 
 t Urinef. nt supra. 120. \ Carey's Museum, vi. 482. 
 
 ^ Ueckcweldcr's Hist. Ind. Nations. 
 
 S^" 
 
 Chap. III. 
 
 Justice 
 posed up 
 wheat, 
 prospect, 
 others, 
 ground v 
 in the spi 
 even spr 
 deceiver 
 forgotten 
 a large ai 
 out the " 
 The Indi 
 shrewdly 
 wfis enoii 
 we appro 
 Huntin 
 extreme!; 
 catching i 
 The Si 
 NovemlM 
 about the 
 wanderec 
 they say, 
 dered, w( 
 bow, ant 
 had been 
 Bradford 
 he went i 
 up by the 
 u rope o 
 and iiavii 
 make, an 
 
Chap. Ill] 
 
 JUSTICE.— HUNTING. 
 
 21 
 
 > 
 
 Justice. — A wliito tradi^r sold a quantity of powder to an Indian, and im- 
 posed upon him by making liim believe it was a grain which grew like 
 wheat, by sowing it upon the ground, lie was greatly elated by the 
 prospect, not only of raising his own powder, but of being able to supply 
 others, and thereby becoming immensely rich. Having prepared his 
 ground with groat care, he sowed his powder with the utmost exactness 
 in the spring. Month after month passed away, but his powder did not 
 even sprout, and winter came before he was satisfied that he iiad been 
 deceived. He said nothing ; but some time after, when the trader had 
 forgotten the trick, the same Indian succeeded in getting credit of him to 
 a large amount. The time set f'>r payment having expired, he sought 
 out the Indian at his residence, and demanded payment^r his goods. 
 The Indian heard his demand with great complaisance ; then, looking him 
 shrewdly in the eye, said, "Me pay you wlwn my powder grow.^^ This 
 was enough. The guilty white man quickly retraced his steps, satisfied, 
 we apprehend, to balance his account with the chagrin he had received. 
 
 Hunting. — The Indians had methods to catch game which served them 
 extremely well. We will give here an anecdote of one of their snares 
 catching a pilgrim, and then explain, by an engraving, their fence traps. 
 
 The same month in which the Mayflower brought over the fathers, 
 November, 1G20, to the shores of Plimouth, several of them ranged 
 about the woods near by to learn what the country contained. Having 
 wandered farther than they were apprised, in their endeavor to return, 
 they say, " We were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wan- 
 dered, we came to a tree, where a young sj)rit was bowed down over a 
 bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it 
 had been to catch some deer. So, as we were looking at it, William 
 Bradford being in the rear, when he came looking also upon it, and as 
 he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and hf was immediately caught 
 up by the legs. It was (they continue) a very p-etty device, made with 
 u rope of their own making, [of bark or some kind of roots ])robablv,] 
 and having a noose as artificially made as any roper in England can 
 make, and as like ours as can be ; which we brought away with us."* 
 
 *Muurt's llclution. 
 
22 
 
 PREACHING AGAINST PRACTICE. 
 
 [Book 1. 
 
 Greatness of Mind, a N'arraiive. — Silbuee was a Cherokee chief, and 
 was introduced by Mr. Jefferson, to illustrate the observation in his Notes 
 OFi Virginia, that the Indian " is affectionate to his children, careful of 
 them, and indulgent in the extreme ; that his affections comprehend his 
 other connections, weakening, as with us, from circle to circle, as they 
 recede from the centre ; that his friendships are strong and faithful to the 
 uttermost extremity." " A remarkable instance of this appeared in the 
 case of the late Col. Byrd,* who was sent to the Cherokee nation to 
 transact some business with then?. It happened that dome of our disor-f 
 derly people had just killed one or two of that nation. It was therefore 
 proposed in the council of the Cherokces, that CoL Byrd should be put to 
 death, in revenge for the loss of their countrymen. Among them was a 
 chief called Subuee, who, on some former occasion, had contracted an ac- 
 quaintance and friendship with Col. Byrd. He came to him every night 
 in his tent, and told him not to be afraid, they should not kill him. After 
 many dajs' deliberation, however, the determination was contrary to 
 SUbuee^s expectation, that Byrd should be put to death, and some warriors 
 were despatched as executioners. Silbuee attended them ; and when they 
 entered the tent, he threw himself between them and Byrd, and said to 
 the warriors, ' This man is my friend: before you get at him, you must kill 
 me /' On which they returned, and the council respected the principle so 
 much, as to recede from their determination." 
 
 A more impolitic and barbarous measure, perhaps, never entered the 
 heart of man, than that of offering a reward for human scalps. This 
 was done by Virginia. It is true the government of Virgi lia was not 
 alone in this criminal business, but that betters not her case. The 
 door of enormity being thus opened, it was easy to have foreseen, that 
 many men upon the frontiers, "of bad lives and worse principles," 
 says an intelligent writer,f stood ready to step in. As the event proved, 
 many friendly Indians were murdered, and the government defrauded. 
 It was at the news of a murder of this description that Col. Byrd was 
 seized. 
 
 Preachins; against Practice. — John Simon was a Sogkonate, who, about 
 the year 1700, was a settled minister to that tribe. He was a man of strong 
 mind, generally temperate, but sometimes reiniss in the latter particular. 
 The following anecdote is told as characteristic of his notions of justice. 
 Simon, on account of his deportment, was created justice of the peace, and 
 when difficulties occurred involving any of his people, he sat with the Eng- 
 lish justice to aid in making up judgment. It happened that Simoii's squaw, 
 with some otlicrs, had committed some offence. Justice Almy and Simon, 
 in making up their minds, estimated the amount of the offence differ- 
 ently ; Almy thought each should receive ei^ht or ten stripes, but Simon 
 said, "JVo,four or five are enough — Poor Indians are ignorant, and it is not 
 Christian- 1 ike io punish so hardly, those tvho are ignorant, as those who 
 have hnowledgi-.^'' Simon's judgment prevailed. When Mr. Mmy asked 
 John how many his wife should receive, he said, "Double, oecause 
 she had knoivledge to have done better ;" but Col. Almy, out of ref^ard to 
 John\s feelings, wholly remitted his wife's punishment. Johr ooked 
 very serious, and made no reply while in presence of the coun JUt, on 
 the first fit opportunity, remonstrated very severely against his judgment ; 
 and said to him, "To tvhat purpose do ive preach a religion (^justice, if 
 we do unrightec isness in jjidgment." 
 
 " I'erliaps the same nifiiitioned by Oldmixon, (i. 283.) in speaking of the Indian pow- 
 wows; one of whom he says, "very lately conjured a sliower of rain for Col. Byrd'i 
 plantation in a time of drouth, for two bottles of rum," and of which Mr. Oldmixon 
 Kays, " liatl we not found this in an author who was on the spot, we should have rejected 
 it as a fuble." t Dr. Burnaby. 
 
 BIOGRA 
 
 An account 
 Donarona- 
 — .tlssacun 
 Epanow— 
 
 The firf=t 
 their accoiu 
 whatever so 
 of America 
 taken away 
 them the vul 
 forcibly carr 
 sioi), and igi 
 land of strat 
 hence such i 
 were prepai 
 chanced to ( 
 ] 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN 
 OR NEW ENGLAND INDIANS. 
 
 " 'Tis good to muso on nntiona pasood away, 
 Forever from tlio land wo cull our own." 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 .'7)1 account of svch as have hecn carried away by the early voyagera. — 
 Donacona — Ao;nna — Tasipninlum, or Squanto — Dchamda — S/alttcarrocs 
 — Jlssacumet — Manida — Perhmo — Monopct — Pekcnimne — SalMwislon — 
 Epanow — Manawd — Wan ape — Coneconam, 
 
 The first voyagers to fi roiintry wrro anxious to ronfirin tlic triitli of 
 their accoiintp, and tlioroibro took from llicir n»'\vly-<lis( crcd lands 
 wliatcver sooniod host suited to t!io ol)ioct.s in viow. The iniiabitants 
 of America carried otf hy ICnrope.-ins were not, perhnj)S, in any instance, 
 talicn away merely (or this o1)jeet, lint tliat tliey nii<;ht, in time, learn from 
 them the value of tlio country from wlienee they came. Uesides those 
 forcibly carried away, there were many who went throiifrh overpersua- 
 sion, and i;jrnorancc i)otli of the distance and usage they should meet in a 
 land of strangers ; which was not always as it should have been, and 
 hence such as were ill used, if they ever returned to their own country, 
 were prepared to bo revenged on any strangers of the same color, that 
 chanced to come among them. 
 
nONACONA.— AGOXA.— TASQUANTUM. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 There were three natives presented to Hi-nry VFI. by Sehasliav Cahot, 
 in 1502, which he htid taken from Ncwibiiiu'land. VVliat were tlieir 
 names, or wliat became of them, we are not informed; but from the 
 Dotiee of historians, we learn that, when found, "they were clothed with 
 the skins of beasts, and hved on raw flesh ; but aft(!r two years, [residence 
 in England,] were seen in tlie king's court clotiied like Englishmen, and 
 could not be discerned from Enaflishmen."* These were the first Indiai;s 
 ever seen in England.f They were brought to the? English court " in 
 their country habit," and "spoke a language never luiard before out of 
 their own country."}: 
 
 The French discovered the River St. Lawrence in 1508, and the captain 
 of the ship who made the liiscH) very, carried severed natives to Paris, 
 which were the first ever seen in France. What were their names, or 
 even how many they were in iniuibor, is not set down in the accounts of 
 this voyage. The name of this captain was Thomas ^ubcrt.^ 
 
 John Verazzini, in the service of France, in 1524, sailed along the 
 American coast, and landed in several |)laces. At one place, which we 
 judge to be some part of the coast of Connecticut, "20 of his men land- 
 ed, and went about two leagues up into the country. The iidiabitants 
 fled before them, but they caught an old woman who had hid herself i(. 
 the high grass, with a young woman about 18 years of age. The old 
 woman carried a child on her back, and had, besides, two little boys with 
 her. The young v/oman, too, carried three children of her own sex. 
 Seeing themselves discovered, they began to shriek, and the old one gave 
 them to understand, by signs, that the men were flcid to the woods. 
 They offered her somctliing to eat, which she accepted, but the maiden 
 refused it. This girl, who was tall and well shaped, they were desirous 
 of taking along with them, but as she made a violent outcry, they con- 
 tented themselves with taking a boy away with them."|j The name of 
 New France was given to North America in this voyage. In another 
 voyage here, Verazzini was killed and eaten by the Indians. 
 
 Vonacona, a chief upon the River St. Croix, was met with, in 1535, 
 by the voyager James Cartier, who was well received and kindly treated 
 by him and his people ; to repay which, Cartier, " partly by stratagem and 
 partly by force," carried him to i'ran.'c, when; he soon after died.*! Not- 
 withstanding, Cartier \vas in th(! country five years after, where he found 
 Jigona, the successor of Bonacona, and exchanged pres(;nts with him, 
 probably reconciling him by some plausible jxccount of the a})sence of 
 Donacona, 
 
 Tasquantum, or Tisquantnm, was one of the five natives carried fi-nm the 
 coast of New England, in 1('()5, l)y Ca))t. George fVaipnouth, who had been 
 sent out to discover a nordi-west passage. This Indian was known 
 afterwards to the settlers of l*limoulli, by whom he was generally called 
 
 • Rapiii's Hist. Enfflo7)d, i. G8.5. od. io\. 
 
 t This is upon the autliority of Ilfr/ci'hj. Inslcad of Enisland. however, lie savs Eu- 
 rope ; but, by sayiiij^ the s/.r, whirl) Cohnnhiin had boforo taken from St. Salvador, 
 made tiicir escape, lie siiows iiis superficial knowledge of those afl'airs. Hear Her- 
 rera :— 
 
 " En stiitte de cela, \jj\ftt is, aflfr Colnmlws hnd replied to the kivir's letter about a 
 second roijaffe,] il \^Colnmhiis\ pitrlit pour alh'r a Ilnrrcloiie auer sept Iiidieris, parce que 
 les autrcs esloient iiwiis en ehemin. 11 fit porter <iii.eqiie hiif des perroipiets verds, el de 
 rouffes, et d'autres clinses iliirtirs d'udininiliori qui ii'aiioient iawitis este veufs en Es- 
 paa;ne " Hist, des Indes Occidoiu. i. 102. Kd. KiiiO, 3 tomes, 'tto. See also Harris, 
 Voijas,-es, ii. 1,5. cd. IIGI, 2 v. Ii)l. ; Robertson, America, i. !H. ed. 1778, ito. 
 
 X Herkely's Naval Hist. lint. iCB. ed. 17.0(i, fol. iuid Harris, Voija<res, ii. 191. 
 
 ^ Forstc'r, 432. U Ibid. 4iM., 455. TT Ibid. Wi—M± 
 
 
 Chap. I.] 
 
 \Squanto 
 were Man 
 
 Sir Fer 
 [in seekin 
 .\inerica, i 
 "And it s( 
 land, " can 
 Threef of 
 " 1 seized 
 several liin 
 Cfod, of pi 
 
 Paying 
 them aboil 
 it was of 
 their home. 
 times in rr 
 example o 
 of great ci 
 longer 1 c 
 parts whei 
 found whi] 
 abounded 
 nation me 
 kept them 
 rivei"s ran \ 
 power thej 
 
 Thus ha 
 ready "as 
 America, a 
 also sent t^ 
 Alanida. C 
 altered his 
 able to pre 
 ui'U'v taken 
 and goods 
 thrown, an 
 afterwards 
 in ldO(J. 
 
 It appeal 
 vessel to tl 
 news of hi 
 Gorges says 
 to despatch 
 
 * Although 
 that he was, 1 
 time in Engia 
 
 t It seems, 
 subsequent p; 
 Life. 
 
 t Challons, 
 
 \ The sanu 
 Sec Prince's 
 284, says, " 1 
 death, which i 
 his reader by 
 years. Tiie 
 pardon so in a 
 temptible, anc 
 
Chap. 1.) 
 
 TASQUANTUM. 
 
 
 ^Squanto or ^Squantuirif by nhbruviation. The names of tlie other four 
 wt're Manilla, SktUwarroes, Dehamda* uiul Assacumd. 
 
 Sir Ftrdinando Gorges says, It'aymoutli, " falling short of his course, 
 [in seeking the N. W. pussuge,] huppened into a river on the coast of 
 Anieriea, called Ftmmaquid, troni whence he brought live of the natives." 
 "And it so pleased our great God, that" Waymouth, on his return to Eng- 
 land, " came into the l.arbor of Plymouth, where I then comniunded." 
 Threef of whose natives, namely, Manida, Skeltioarroea and Tasquantum, 
 " I seized upon. They were all of one nation, but of several parte, and 
 several lamilies. This accident must be acknowledged the means, under 
 God, of putting on loot and giving life to all our plantations." 
 
 I'aying great attention to these natives, he soon understood enough by 
 them about tlie country from whence they came to establish a belief that 
 it was of great value ; not perhaps making due allowance for its being 
 their Aomc. And Sir Ftrdinando adds, "Alter I liad those people some- 
 times in my cusJtody, I observed in them an inclination to ibllovv the 
 example of the betuu* sort ; and in all their carriages, manifest shows 
 of great civility, far from the rudeness of our connnon people. And the 
 longer 1 convei-sed with them, the better hope they gave me of those 
 parts where they did inhabit, as jiroper lor our uses; e8pecii:"y when I 
 ibund what goodly rivei-s, stately islands, and safe harbors, those part«< 
 abounded with, being the special marks I leveled at as the only want our 
 nation met with in all their navigations along that coast. And liaving 
 kept them full three years, I made them able to set me down what great 
 rivei-s ran up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, what 
 power they were ot) how allied, what enemies they had," &:c. 
 
 Thus having gained a knowledge of the country, Sir Ferdinando got 
 ready "a ship furnished with men and ail necessaries" for a voyage to 
 America, and sent as her captain Mr. Ihnnf ChuUouug,l with whom he 
 also sent two of his Indians. The nanus (»f tlnse were Jls-tacumct and 
 Manida. Chalons, liaving been tiiks-n Ack in the beginning of the voyage, 
 alten.'d his course, and lost sonic time in tiiv \\ est Indies. Alb r being 
 able to proceed nortliwanl, lie dep; fled lioni Porto iiico, and was soon 
 after taken by a Spanish ileet, and carried into Spain, "where their sliip 
 and goods were conliscate, tlieiuselves made prisoners, tin; voyage over- 
 thrown, and both my natives lost." One, hovvev(;r, Assacumd, was 
 afti'rwards recovered, if not the other. 'I'liis \i»yage of Chalons wai* 
 in IdOt). 
 
 It appeal's that the Lord Chief Justice Fopharn^ had agi'eed to send a 
 vessel to the aid of Chalons, which vvaj accordingly done before the 
 news of his being taken was known in England. For Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges says, "It pleased the lord chief justice, according to his promise, 
 to despatch Capt. [Martin] Frin from IJristol, with hope to have found 
 
 * Although Gorges does not say Dehaiiiila was one brought at this time, it is evident 
 that he was, because, so Car as wo can discover, there were no other natives, at this 
 time in England, but tliese live. 
 
 t It seems, from this part ol" his iiiirrative, that lie liad but three of lliem, but, from 
 subsequent passages, it appears lie liad iliciii all. See also America paiiUed to tht 
 Life. 
 
 I Challons, by some. Gorges has him, snmetiines, Chalowns, Chalon, Arc. 
 
 \ The same who presided at the trial of Sir II'. Ralegh and his associates, in 1603. 
 See Prince's IVjrtliies of Devnn, I'li, (uii. Fuller, in his Worthies of England, ii. 
 284, says, " Travelers owed their safely to this judge's severity many years after his 
 death, which happened Anno Domini 16**," thinking, no doubt, he had much enlightened 
 his reader by definitely stating that Sir John Pupham died some time within a Tiundred 
 years. The severity referred to has reference to his importuning King James not to 
 pardon so many robbers and thieves, which, he said, tended to render tlitt judges con- 
 temptible, aod " which made him more sparing aUcrward." 
 
DKII AMDA.— SKETTVVARUOES. 
 
 [DOOK 11. 
 
 Capt. Challouns^e ," " but not liuaririg l)y nny moans what became of him, 
 after he bad marie a perlbet diseovery of all those rivere and harbors," 
 " brinjrs with him tlie most exact discovery of that coast that ever came to 
 my hands since, and, indeed, ho was tiie best able to perform it of any 1 
 niet withal to liiis present, [time,] which, with his relation of the country, 
 wrought such an impression in the lord chief justice, and us all that 
 were his associates, that (notwitlistanding our first disaster) we set up our 
 resolntiiins to follow it with effect." 
 
 Dekanula and Skeltwitiroes were with Prin* in this voyage, and were, 
 without doubt, his most efficient aids in surveying the coast. It appears 
 from Cjlor-^rs, that Dcjidiiu/d was sent by the chief justice, who we 8U)»- 
 post! had consid(;red him his |)rop(!rty,f and Skettwairoes by himself. They 
 returned ag;iin to Kuiriand with Prin. 
 
 Tin- iKixt year, l()()7, these two natives piloted the first New England 
 colony to tiie mouth of Sagadahock River, since the Kennebeck. They 
 left England ."JO May., and did not arrive hero until 8 August following. 
 " As soon }LS the |)resident had taken notice of the place, and given order 
 for landing the provisions, he despatched away Captain Gilbert, with 
 Skitwarre.t his guide, for the thorough discovery of the rivers and habita- 
 tions of the natives, by whom he was brought to several of them, where 
 he found civil entertainment, and kind respects, far from brutish or sav- 
 age natures, so as they suddenly became familiiir friends, especiaUy by 
 the n»eans of Dehainda and Skitwarrers" " So as the president was 
 earnestly intreated by Sassenow, Aberemet, and others, the principal Saga- 
 mores, (as they call their great lords,) to go to the Bashabas, who it seems 
 was their king." They were prevented, however, by adverse weather, 
 from that journey, and thus tlie promise to do so was unintentionally 
 iu'oken, "much to the grief of those Sagamores that were to attend him. 
 The Biishebas, notwithstanding, hearing of his misfoi tune, sent his own 
 son to visit him, and to b(!at a trade with him for furs." 
 
 Sev«!ral siid and melancholy accidents conspired to put an end to this 
 first colony of New England. The first was the loss of their store- 
 house, c.ojitaining most t)f their supplies, by fire, in the winter following, 
 and anofh<;r was tlie death of Lord Pophain. It consisted of 100 men, 
 and its hegimung was auspicious; but these calamities, together with the 
 death ot" their president, broke down their resolutions. So many dis- 
 (H)urag<'menls, notwithstanding a siiip with supplies had arrived, deter- 
 mined them to abandon the country, which they did in the spring.]: 
 What became ol' Dehainda and Sketlwarroes there is no mention, but they 
 probably remained in the country with their friends, unless the passage 
 which we shall h(M-(!afler extract, be construed to mean differently .§ 
 
 To rettn-n to Tis<iuantum. Tliere is some disagreement in the naiTa- 
 tives i)f the cotemporary writers in respect lo this chief) which shows, 
 either that some of them are in error, or that there were two of the same 
 name — one carried away by ff'aijtnoutli, and the other by Hunt, From a 
 critical examination of the accounts, it is believed there was but one, and 
 
 * (ilor^Ks, one of tlic iiiuiu spriiii^s of these Iraiisaclioiis, who wrote tlie account we 
 give, makes no mention of any other captain accompanying' him ; vet Dr. Uolmes'.i au- 
 tiiorities, Annals, i. 125, led him to record Thomas litmam as the performer of this 
 voyau^e. And a writer of 1622 says, llanam, or, as he calls him, flamitn, went conmiaiidi'r, 
 and T'rirme master. See 2 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 3. This ajjrees with the account 
 of Gnrires the young'cr. 
 
 t He had probably been {)fiven to him by Sir Ferdinando. 
 
 i They had " seated themselves in a peninsula, which is at the mouth of this river, 
 [Sagadahock,] where they built a fortress lo defend themselves from their enemies, 
 which they named St. George." Americu painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 
 p. 19. 
 
 $ Sec life MassasoU. 
 
 Ch\p. I.] 
 
 that he wi 
 wliost! ace 
 nando sho 
 Hay mouth 
 few of the I 
 voyage, 
 from the 
 |M;i-8on, or 
 tJiere was 
 inadverten 
 Patuxet, 
 Srjuaiitum, 
 |)lague of 
 where, at tl 
 history is s 
 It vvas in 
 He sup|)os( 
 oiiely Cape 
 detained th 
 keniinne, bu 
 with his c 
 and so fillec 
 the English 
 
 This exp 
 got under tJ 
 time to hav( 
 their boat, > 
 formed in tl 
 
 From Mo 
 called then 
 ton, that aftei 
 of Bofieinia 
 island they ] 
 yard.] Her 
 Ealuages, th 
 
 Epenow, c 
 character as 
 Gorges is ev 
 in as far as 
 Harlotv's vo^ 
 with Captair 
 
 As it is pe 
 writers as 5i 
 don him wei 
 teresting Ep 
 
 « While I 
 my languish 
 with him a r 
 ward of Cap 
 strong and v 
 
 * It is plain, 
 these Indians oi 
 t Sir Ferd. ( 
 \ Capt. Smill 
 
 I Ibid. 
 
 II Perhaps no 
 meuus hiiu. 
 
 1 
 
Chap. I] PECHMO.— .MONOFET.— rKKEMMNE.— KI'ENOW. 
 
 woro. 
 
 •§ 
 iiaiTa- 
 
 sllOWM, 
 
 le sumo 
 
 'roni a 
 
 |ne, and 
 
 poiiiil vvt; 
 
 iHt'.s'.f au- 
 
 of lliis 
 
 limaiuliT, 
 
 accouul 
 
 ^is river, 
 
 Bneinies. 
 Ves, Esq. 
 
 that he was carried away by Wamnouth, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges relatofl, 
 whost! account we have given above.* It is impossible tliat Sir Ferdi- 
 nando sliould liave been mistaken in the names of those he received from 
 ff'aymoiUk. Tiie nan)os of those carried off l)y Hunt are not given, or but 
 few of them, nor were they kichiapped until nine years after WmfmoutlCa 
 voyag«?. It is, therefore, possible that Squanium, having returned home 
 from the service of Gorfres, went again to England with some other 
 |M;i-Hon, or perhaps ev >n with Hunt. But we are inclined to think that 
 there was but one of the name, and his being carried away an error of 
 inadvertence. 
 
 Putuxet, afterward called Plimouth, was the place of residence of 
 S(iua}Uum, who, it is said, was the only person that escaped the great 
 plague of whicji we shall particiilai'ly speak in the life of Massasoit ; 
 wiiere, at the same time, we shall lake up again the life of Squantum, whose 
 hiatoiy is so intimately connected with it. 
 
 It was in 1(511 that Captain Edtvard Harlow] was sent "to discover an 
 He supposed about Cape Cod," who "falling with Monagigan, they found 
 tmely Cape Cod no He but the maine ; there [at Monhigon Island] they 
 detained three Saluages aboord them, called Pecluno, Monopet and Pe- 
 keniinne, but Pechmo leapt ouerboard, and got away ; and not long after, 
 with his consorts, cut their Boat from their steme, got her on shore, 
 and so filled her with sand, and guarded her with bowes and arrowes, 
 the English lost her."| 
 
 This exploit of Pechmo is a.s truly brave as it was daring. To have 
 got under the stern of a ship, in the face of armed men, and at the same 
 time to have succeeded in his design of cutting away and carrying off 
 their boat, was an act as bold and daring, to say the least, as that per- 
 formed in the harbor of Tripoli by our countrj^man Decatur. 
 
 From Monhigon Harlow, proceeding southward, fell in with an island 
 called then by the Indians Mohono. From this place " they tooke Sakawes- 
 ton, that after he had lived many years in England, went a soldier to the wars 
 of Boheinia."§ vVhether he ever returned, we are not told. From this 
 island they proceeded to Capawick, since called Capote, [Martha's Vine- 
 yard.] Here " they tooke Coneconam and Epcnow," and " so, with fiue 
 Sftluages, they returned for England." 
 
 Epenow, or, as some wrote, Epanoio, seems to have been much such a 
 character as Pechmo — artful, cunning, bold and daring. Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges is evidently erroneous in part of his statement about this native, 
 in as far as it relates to his having been brought away by Hunt. For 
 Harlow's voyage was in 1611. and Epanow was sent over to Cape Cod 
 with Captain Hohson, in 1(514, some months before Hunt loft. 
 
 As it is peculiarly gratifying to the writer to hear such old venerable 
 writers as Smith, Gorges, &c. speak, the reader perhaps would not par- 
 don him were he to withhold what the intimate acquaintance of the in- 
 teresting Epanow says of him. Hear, then, Sir Ferdinando: — 
 
 " While I was laboring by what means I might best continue life in 
 my languishing hopes, there comes one Henry Harley\\ unto me, bringing 
 with him a native of the Island of Capawick, a place seated to the south- 
 ward of Cape Cod, whose name was Epenewe, a person of goodly stature, 
 strong and well proportioned. This man was taken upon the main, [by 
 
 » It is plain, from Prince, Chron. 134, that his authors had confounded the names of 
 these Indians one with another, 
 t Sir Ferd. Gorges is probably wrong iu calling him Henry Harley. 
 j Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Em. 
 
 I Ibid. 
 
 II Perhaps not the Capt. Harlow before mentioned, though Prince thinks Gorget 
 means hiiu. 
 

 
 HUNTS VOVAGE. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 force,] with some 29* others by a ship of Lniidoti that ciidenvored to sell 
 them for slaves in 8|miiie, lii't l)eiiig understood thattlioy were Americans, 
 and being found to be unapt for their uses, they would not meddle with 
 them, this being one of them they refused, wherein they cxpn;st more 
 worth than those that brought them to the inarket, who could not hut 
 known that our nation was at that time in travid for setlirtg of Christian 
 colonies upon tiiat continent, it being an act much tending to our preju- 
 dice, when we came into that part of the countries, -as it shall further 
 appear. IIow Capt Harley came to be j)oss(!ssed of this savage, I know 
 not, but 1 understood by others how he luid been shown in London for a 
 wonder. It is true (as 1 have said) he was u goodly ma'.i, of a brave 
 aspect, stout and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much Knglisii 
 as to bid those that wondered at him, Wklcome, welcomk; this being 
 the last and best use they could make of him, that was now grown out of 
 the people's wonder. The captain, falling further into his familiarity, 
 found him to be of acquaintan(;e and friendship with those subject to the 
 Bashaba, whom the captain well knew, beitig himself one of the phuita- 
 tion, sent over by the lord chief justice, [Popham,] and by that means 
 understood much of his language, found out the place of liis birth," &c. 
 
 Before proceeding with the history of Epanow, the ac(!ount of Capt. 
 Thomas HunVs voyage should be related ; because it is said that it was 
 chiefly owing to his perfidy that the Indians of New England were 
 become so hostile to the voyagers. Nevertheless, it is plain, that (as we 
 have already said) Hunt did not commit his depredations until after 
 Epanow had escaped put of the hands of the English. Capt. John Smith 
 was in company with Hunt, and we will hear h'un relate the whole 
 transaction. After stating that they arrived at Monhigon in April, 1614 ;t 
 spent a long time in trying to catch whales without success ; and as " for 
 gold, it was rather the master's device to get a voyage, that projected it ;" 
 that for trifles they got "near 11000 beaver skins, 100 martin, and as 
 many otters, the most of them witl»in the distance of yO leagues," and 
 bis own departure for Europe, Capt. Smith pro(;eeds : — 
 
 "The other ship staid to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish, which 
 was sold at Malaga at 4 rials the quintal, each hundred weight two quin- 
 tals and a half. — But one Thomas Hunt, the master of this ship, (when I 
 was gone,) thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a planta- 
 tion, thereby to keep this abounding country still in obscurity, that only 
 he and some few merchants more might enjoy wholly the l«?netit of the 
 trade, and profit of this country, betrayed four-and-twenty of those poor 
 salvages aboard his ship, and most dishonestly and inhmnaidy, for their 
 kind usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to Malaga ; and 
 there, for a little private gain, sold these silly salvages for rials of eight ; 
 but this vile act kept liim ever after from any more employment to those 
 parts." 
 
 F. Gorges the younger is rather confused in his account of HunVs 
 voyage, as well as the elder. But the former intimated that it was on 
 account of HunVs selling the Indians he took as slaves, the news of 
 which having got into England before Epanow was sent out, caused this 
 Indian to make his escape, and consequently the overthrow of the voy- 
 age ; whereas the latter. Sir Ferdinando, does not attribute it to that. 
 We will now hear him again upon this interesting subject : — 
 
 * If in this he refers {o those taken by Hunt, as I suppose, he sets tiie number higher 
 than others. His grandson, F. Gorges,'ia America Parnted, &c., says 24 was the num- 
 ber seized by Hunt. 
 
 \ Smith had an Indian named Tantum with him in lliis voyage, whom he set oa shore 
 at Cape Cod. 
 
 Chap. I.J 
 
 * The rcaso 
 
 "At the 
 Aasacumet, 
 enq)loyiriei 
 stood one t 
 was no m 
 peo[)le, so 
 whom 1 e 
 between tht 
 
 TJiere 
 triv(;d a pla 
 what the 
 dance to Ix 
 them, or 
 being undo 
 Sir Ferdina 
 somcly dup 
 was the vali 
 Gorsxes proc 
 
 "they [( 
 Jiuie, in All 
 •'Very kind, i 
 t.ative of tl 
 inrormation 
 pleast^d Go( 
 from place 
 could desire 
 good his uii 
 pal inhabitai 
 thers, othere 
 muned togel 
 
 their canoos 
 bring som(^l 
 contracted ^ 
 peribrming > 
 told me he 
 were found 
 sure to have 
 cause I gav 
 vent his escn 
 have three j 
 clothing hiu 
 should requi 
 tlie time apj 
 their bows n 
 
 ' Doul)ticss t 
 ( HUt. N. Enjr 
 
 t How he ca 
 of whom no mc 
 be a common tl 
 made, especial! 
 
 } Tlie secret 
 whatever they ; 
 and his adhcrei 
 
 ^ We need i 
 ploU. 
 
Chap. 1] 
 
 KPANOW. 
 
 ) 
 
 vhoii I 
 uiita- 
 only 
 f the 
 poor 
 their 
 ; and 
 
 eight ; 
 those 
 
 ■ higher 
 le nuin- 
 
 n shura 
 
 * The reasons of my undeiinking the employment for the island of Capawick. 
 
 "At tlie time tliis new savage [Epanoiv] came unto me, I had recovered 
 A&sncumel, one of the natives I went with Ca|)t. Chalounies in liis nnhappy 
 employment, witli wliom 1 lodged Epennw, who at the first hardly under- 
 stood one the otiier'a spcsech, till atlcr a while; I perceived the diflV-rcnce 
 was no more tiian that as ours is hetween the northern and southern 
 people, so that I was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, 
 whom I engaged to give account of what he learned by conference 
 Itetween themselveSj and lie as faithfully performed it." 
 
 TJujre seems hut little doubt tliat Epnnow and Jlssacvniet had con- 
 trived a plan of escape before they lefl hngland, and also, l)y fuiding out 
 wiiat the English most valued, and assuring them that it was in abun- 
 dance to bo had at a certain place in their own coimtry, prevailed upon 
 them, or by this pretended discovery were the means of the voyage 
 being undertaken, of which we are now to speak. Still, as will be st'en, 
 Sir Ferdinando does not speak as though he liad been (piile so hand- 
 somely du|)cil by his cunning man of the woods. Gold, it has been said, 
 was the valuable . omniodity to whicli Epanoio was to pilot the English. 
 Gorges proceeds : — 
 
 "They [Ca|)t. Ifobson and those who accompanied him] set sail in 
 June, in Anno 1014, being fully instructed how to demean themselves in 
 ••very kind, carrying with them Epcnow, Jlssacomet and fVanape,* another 
 ». itive t»f those parts sent me out of the Isle of Wight,t for my better 
 inrurmation in the parts of the country of his knowledge : when as it 
 pleasiui God that they were arrived upon the coast, they were piloted 
 from place to place, by the natives tlM>mselves, as well as their hearts 
 could desire. And coming to the harbor where Epenow was to make 
 gooil his undertaking, [to point out the gold mine, no doubt,] the princi- 
 ])al inhabitants of the place came aboard; some of them being his bro- 
 thei-s, others his near cousins, [or njlatives,] who, aller they had com- 
 tnuned together, and were kindly entertained by the ca[)tain, departed in 
 their canoos, promising the next morning to come aboard again, and 
 bring somcf trade with them, iiut Epenoio privately (as it appeared) had 
 contracted with his friends, how he might make his esf^ape without 
 performing what he Inid undertaken, being in truth no more than he had 
 told mo he was to do though with loss of his life. For otherwise, if it 
 were found that he had discovered the secrets of his country,:^ he was 
 sure to have his brains knockt out as soon as he came ashore ;§ for thai- 
 «'ause I gave the captain strict charge to end(!avor by all means to pre- 
 vent his escaping from them. And for the more surety, I gave order to 
 have three gentlemen of my own kindred to be ever at hand with him ; 
 clothing him with long garments, filly to be laid hold on, if occasion 
 Hhould require. Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all come at 
 tlie time appointed with 20 canoes, and lying at a certain distance with 
 their bows ready, the captain calls to them to come aboard ; but they not 
 
 * Doul)llcss llie same culled by others Manawit, wlio, it would seem from Mr. Hubbard^ 
 {lli.it. N. Eng. 39.) died before Eyanow escaped, "soon after the ship's arrival." 
 
 t How he came there, we are at a loss to determine, unless natives v.ore carried ofT, 
 of whom no mention is made. This was unquestionably the case, for when it came to 
 be a common thing' for vessels to bring home Indians, no mention, of course, would bo 
 
 made, especially if they went voluntarily, as, no doubt, many did. 
 { The .secrets of the sandy island Capoge, or the neighboring 
 whatever they are now, existed only in faith of such sanguine minds as Sir Ferdinando 
 
 loring shores of Cape Cod, 
 
 aiid his adherents. 
 
 ^ We need no better display of llie craft of Epanow, or proof of his cunning in deep 
 [>loU. 
 
a 
 
 EPA NOW. 
 
 (Book II. 
 
 moving, ho speaks to Epetiow to coiiio unto liirn, vvh<!ro ho was in tho 
 foro(;a8tle of thu sliip, ho hciii^ thun in the waste of the Hhip, between the 
 two genth;inen that liud him in ^uani ; sttirts suddenly from them, and 
 coming to the captain, calls to his ti'iends in English to come ul)oard, in 
 the interim Hli|)s himself overhoanl : And although he were taken hold 
 of by one of tiio company, yet, Iming a strong and heavy man, could not 
 1)6 stayed, and was no sooner in the wulcr, but the natives, [his fric^nds in 
 the boats,] sent such a sliovv(!r of arrows, and came withal dcs|)erately so 
 near the ship, that they curried iiim away in despight of all the mus(|uet- 
 toers aboard, who were, for the number, us good as our nation did aflbrd. 
 And thus were my hopes of that particular [voyage] made void, and 
 frustrate." 
 
 From the whole of this narration it is evident that Ennnow was forci- 
 bly retuin(!d, if not forcibly carried olf, by the English. And some 
 relate* that he attacked Oa|)t. Denner and his men, supposing they had 
 come to seize and curry him back to England. It is fuore probable, wc 
 think, that he meant to be revenged for his late captivity, and, according 
 to real Indian custom, resolved that the lii*st whites should atone for it, 
 cither with their life or liberty. Gorges does not tell us what his brave 
 " nmsquetteers " did when Epanow escaped, but from other soiu'ces we 
 learn that they fired upon his liberators, killing and wounding some, but 
 how many, they could only conjecture. But there is no room for con- 
 j<,'cture about the damage sustaineil on the part of the ship's crew, for it 
 is distinctly stated that when they received the '' shower of arrows," Capt. 
 Hobson and many of his men were wounded.f And Smilh\ says, " So 
 well he had contrived his busiiierfsc, as many reported he intended to huve 
 surprised the ship ; but seeing it could not be elfectcd to his liking, before 
 them all he leaped oner boonl." 
 
 We next meet with Epunoiv in 1!!1D. Cnpt. Thomas Dormer, or Der- 
 mer, in the employ of Sir F. Gorges, met with him at Cajioge, the place 
 where, five years before, he made his esca[)e from Ca|)t. Hobson. Gorges 
 writes, "This savage, speaking some English, laugheil at his owne escape, 
 and reported the story of it. ?iir. Dormer told him he came from me, 
 and was one of my servants, and that I was much grieved he had been 
 so ill used as to be forced to steal away. This savage was so ci.iniug, 
 that, after he had questioned hinj about me, and all he knew b' longed 
 unto me, conceived he was come on purpose to betray him ; and [so] 
 conspired with some of his lellows to take the captain ; thereupon they 
 laid hands upon him. But he being u brave, stout gentleman, drew his 
 sword and freed himself, but not without 14 wounds. This disjister 
 forced him to make all possible h.iste »o Virginia, to be cured of his 
 wounds. At the second return [he having just come from there] he had 
 the misfortune to fall sick and die, of the infirmity many of our nation 
 are subject unto at their first coming into those parts." 
 
 The ship's crew being at the same time on shore, a fight ensued, in 
 which some of Epanow's company were slain. " This is the last time," 
 saya a writer in the Historical Collections, "that the soil of Martha's 
 Vineyard was stained with human blood ; for from that day to the pres- 
 ent [l807] no Indian has been killed by a white man, nor white man by 
 an Indian." 
 
 In relation to the fight which Dermer and his men had with the Indians 
 at the Vineyard, Morton§ relates that the English went on shore to trade 
 with them, when they were assaulted and all the men slain but one that 
 kept the boat. "But the [captain] himself got on board very sore 
 
 * Bolknap, Amer. Biog. i. 3G2. f Smitli's New En?, 
 
 t Ibid. ^ N. Eng. 3Icmorial, 08, 5J. 
 
 riivr. I[.| 
 
 wounded, Ml 
 hud not his 
 Sijanulu wua 
 .MnsmiHoit, 
 
 NVe may I 
 several matti 
 
 Of the unlive 
 iMAssAsor 
 
 TIMVAMKT 
 IS'aMF.I'ASII 
 
 "Welcome 
 biy associate! 
 without the 
 accents our 
 native. We 
 Namskeket, 
 whoop. 
 
 The first ti 
 1(!20. "The 
 who were sa' 
 whistled the 
 thorn, when t 
 and the Engl 
 says the Indii 
 together, in a 
 their conjural 
 dismal swam 
 coming into I 
 
 It was on 1 
 Plimouth, an 
 the houses, st 
 fering him to 
 was naked, " , 
 long." The 
 liorsnicin's coa 
 gave them w 
 learned some 
 at Monhiggon 
 and masters, t 
 so far as he c( 
 tioned him o 
 withal. He si 
 of the sagamo 
 
 * Rdatian or , 
 Mourt's Relatim. 
 was assisted by 
 but that the su^j 
 principal author, 
 important docuini 
 Col. 
 
riiAr. II.J 
 
 SAMOSKT— A f'ONJURATir.N. 
 
 9 
 
 \voiiii(I»'(l, iiiul tlify IukI cut oir his liciid \\y w the cdddy of tho Imnf, 
 liiul not liis iiiiiii irsninl him with ii KWonl, tuiil so ihcv got liitii away." 
 S(i(innlu WU8 with Capt. Demur at this tiiiio, as will bo Hft'ii in the life of 
 ,\ln.iS(tsoit. 
 
 We may iinvo occasion, in nnothor chapter, to extend our notices upon 
 Hcveral mutters related in this. 
 
 ape, 
 
 me, 
 
 leeii 
 
 iniug, 
 
 nfjed 
 
 [so] 
 
 they 
 
 w liis 
 
 sjister 
 
 jf his 
 
 had 
 
 lation 
 
 CIIAPTIMUI. 
 
 Of the. unlives knotni to the first svttkrs of I'limovlh. — Smno.'ift — Siiumito — 
 Mass A so IT — bidmniixh — jitpinet — ('(Uinermuim — < ' a u. mutant — Wit- 
 TiMV'AMKT — I'kksi'ot — HoitoMOK — Tokai\i'th(tmon, — Oljhatimwal — 
 Namki'asiiamkt — Squaw-Sachcia of iMassaehusetts — ff'ch-uwd. 
 
 "NVcjIcome Kn<rlislinicii ! Welcome Kii^'lislimen ! are words so in?ppara- 
 hly associated with tlic name of Samosei, tiiat we can never hear tlie oik; 
 without the pleasing n^collection of tiie other. Tiiese were the first 
 accents our pilgrim fathei-s heard on the American strand, from any 
 nativt!. We mean intelligible accents, for when they were attacked at 
 Namskeket, on their lirst arrival, they heard only the frightful war- 
 whoop. 
 
 The first time Indians w^cre seen by the pilgrims, was upon 15th Nov. 
 1(!"20. " They espied 5 or (5 peo|)le, with a clog, coming towards them, 
 who were savages ; Avho, when they saw them, ran into the woods, and 
 whistled the dog aficr them."* And though the English ran towards 
 them, when the Indians jjcrceived it "they ran away might and main," 
 and the Pinglish " could not come near them." Soon aller this, Moiion 
 says the Tndianp "got all the ])owaws in the country, who, for three days 
 together, in a horid and devilish nianer did curse and execrate them witli 
 their conjurations, which asseml)Iy and service they held in a dark and 
 dismal swamp. liehold how Satan labored to hinder the gosfjcl from 
 coming into New England !" 
 
 It was on Friday, llitli March, 1(521, that Samosct suddeidy appeared at 
 PlimoiUh, and, says .1/o«r^, " lie very boldly came all alone, and along 
 the houses, strait to the rendezvous, whe>-e we interce|)ted him, not suf- 
 fering him to go in, as un(Ioul)tediy he would, out of iiis boldness." He 
 was nuked, " only a leather about his waist, witii a fringe about a span 
 long." The weatluM' was very cold, and this author adds, " We cast ti 
 borsman's coat about him." To reward them for their hospitality, Samoset 
 gave them whatever information they desired. " He had, say they, 
 learned some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came to fish 
 at Monhiggon, and knew by name the most of the captains, com.nanders 
 and masters, that usually come [there.] He was a man free in speech, 
 so far as he could express bis mind, and of seemly carriage. We ques- 
 tioned him of many things : he was the first savage we could meet 
 withal. He said he was not of those parts, but of Moratiggon, and one 
 of the sagamores or lords thereof: had been 8 months in these parts, it 
 
 * Relation or Journal of a Plaiifatinii .ictt/ed at Plymouth, in N. E., usually cited 
 Mauri's Relation. It was, no doubt, written by several ot' the company, or the writer 
 was assisted by several. Monrt seems to have been the publisher. I liave no scruple 
 but that the suggestion of Judge Davis is correct, viz. that Richard Gardner was the 
 principal author. About the early settlement of any country, there never was a more 
 important document. It was printed in 1(>^2; and is now reprinted in the Mass. Hist. 
 Col. 
 
10 
 
 Tlin PI.ACJUK.— NEW INTIJlVinW— CAl'T HUNT. [ni.oK II 
 
 Chap. II.] I 
 
 lyiiip licnci! [to tln! enstwiinl] a day's suil witli u firvM wind, •uid H diiyg 
 l»y land. Il<! discinirscd of tlio wliolu coiinli y, and of rvciy provinri!, 
 and itt'lluir sii<,'anion-s, and tin ir niindx'r of luiii, and Htrt'n^'ili." "Ilx 
 liad a liow and two airows, tlir ^)l\^' licadid, and tlic otiit-i' nnhcadcd. 
 He was a tall, ntrait man ; llir liair ot' Ids In iid hlarU, lon;^' Ixdiind only 
 short hidop" ; nont- on iiis face at all. III! a.skrd sonu; hccr, It it vv(; 
 f^avt) liini Htroii^ watttrand lii.scuit, and liuttcr, and (dntsr, uiid piiddin^^ 
 and a pitMu; of a mallard; all wliicli li*' liked widl." "11*; told i.s tim 
 jdacu wlicn- we now luc is c allrd ratu\ot, and that about I years a^jo all 
 till! inhaltilants died of an extraordinary plaiLzne, and theri! is neither man, 
 woman, nor rhild remaining,', as indee(l we have; found iioni! ; .so as ther<! 
 is none to hinder ou.' |tosse.ssion, or lay claim unto it. All tin; al\ernooii 
 we spent in eommmncation with him. \\'»! would gladly iu'eii rid of 
 inm at ni<:lit, hut 1:0 was not wiilin,';; to ^'o this iii^dit. Then we thon};ht 
 to curry him on ship-hoard, wherewith he was well content, and went 
 
 into the shallo|i: 
 not return hack. 
 
 but the winil 
 We lodged 
 
 was In^Mi and water scant, that it could 
 with him] that night ut Steplien Hopkins' 
 
 house, and watched him 
 
 Thus, through the means of this ituioccnt Indian, wius a corrcspondenco 
 hat)])ily begun, lie left i'limoiuh the next morning, to return to Maaaa- 
 aoit, who, he said, was u sachem having imdcr him GO i..i;n. The Eng- 
 lish having led some tools exposiMl in the woods, uu finding that they 
 were uiissing, rightly judged the Indians had taken thcni. Tiiey com- 
 plained of tins to Samosct m rather a threatening air. " We willed liim 
 (say they) that they should be brought again, otiierwise we would right 
 ourselves." When lie left thorn " he promised witliin a night or two to 
 come again," and bring some of MassasoWs men to trade riih them in 
 beaver skins. As good as his word, Samoset oatne the next Sunday, "and 
 brought with him 5 other tall, proper men. They had every man a 
 deer's skin on hhn ; and the principal of thctn Jiad a wild cat's skin, or 
 Huch like, on one arm. Tiiey had most of them long hosen up to their 
 grouis, close made ; and aboue their groins, to their waist, another leather : 
 they were altogether like the Irish tious( is. They are of complexion 
 like our English gipsies; no hair, or very little on their faces; on their 
 heads long hair to their shoulih'rs, oidy cut before ; some trussed up 
 before with a leather, broadwise hke a fun ; another a fox tail hanging 
 out." TIhj English hud charged Samosd not to let any who ci^me with 
 him bring their arms; th'.se, therefore, left "their l)ows and arrows a 
 (juarter of a mile from om* town. We gave them entertainment as we 
 'bought was lilting them. They did eat liberally of oiu- English 
 >ictuals;" and appeared very friendly; "sang and danced aft<;r their 
 manner, like anticks." " Some of them hud their faces jmijited black, 
 from the forehead to the «jliin, four or five fingers broad : others after 
 other fashions, its they liked. They brought three or four skins, hut we 
 would not truck with them all that day, but wished them to bring more, 
 and we would truck for all ; which they promised v.'ithin u night or two, 
 and would leave these behind them, though we were not willing they 
 should ; and they brought all our tools again, which wero taken in tlm 
 wood.s, in our absence. !Jo, be(!ause of the day, [Sunday,] we flismissed 
 them so soon us we could. But Samosit, our first ac(piuintunce, either 
 w;xs sick, or feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and stayed 
 with us till Wednesday morning. Tiien we sent him to them, to know 
 the reason they came not according to their words ; and we gave him a 
 hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie about 
 his waist." 
 
 Samoset returned again, the next day, bringing with him Squanto, men- 
 tioned in the last chapter, lie was " the only native (says Mourt's 11k- 
 
 i,ation) of I'at 
 21 1 captives, tl 
 and dwi^lt in 
 Rpeak a little I 
 for tradi', but t 
 SAsovr, was h 
 
 In .Inne, hi' 
 Kt'vend Englis 
 Naiiset in sia 
 'Voknmahnmon. 
 out, " but ere t 
 rain, wih mti 
 anise not far ti 
 ni;;ht at ('unu 
 th in that tln^ I 
 kindness, inviti 
 
 lijunowrli \\i 
 broiijjht us U) 
 Jy(tnuVfj:;li" wh 
 able, gentle, co 
 KUVfj for his a 
 hisclKMM- pleiit 
 bjanoviflu by tl 
 Ills wretched (i 
 caus'd such 
 they t'orsook t 
 imhcalrhy plac 
 which tluiy ha 
 Jlspinet, Concct 
 W(!re in Pcksui 
 after. 
 
 While tlie 1 
 that there wa; 
 100 y(!ai"s old, 
 English, "yet 
 forth into great 
 the reason of 
 master Hiinl w 
 and he carried 
 was carried ui 
 stances, and th 
 lier they were 
 English were 
 gav(! her a few 
 
 Oiu' voyager 
 two of his men 
 was sent, Ii/am 
 informed jJspi 
 "came (they re 
 one carrying hi 
 
 At this time, 
 half of whom 
 with their bows 
 a formul mam 
 
 * Tills was the j 
 which caused tiicu 
 
CiiAP. II. J Tin: LOST nOV— lYANOUfJH OF (MJMMAUl ID 
 
 11 
 
 i.ATi<)\) of PaHixrt, wlirro w(i now inlinliit, who wus ouv. of tlin 20 [(.r 
 21] ctiiitivcH, tliiit hy Hani wtn^ cnrr'M'd awny, iiiul Imd Immmi in Kiigiund, 
 nnd dwelt in ('ornliill with niastcr Juhii Slnvte, a niRrrhant, and ronhl 
 R|)«;ak a iiiilt! I'ln^liNli, with tlncc otheix." 'I'liry hroiij.dit a I'cw arti(dr;ii 
 tor tradi', hut th); luori' iMi|Kirtant nmvH " timt their great Nagainore, Mas- 
 SAHovr, wiis iiard hy," wIioho iiitrodiiction to them arrordingly t'oNowed. 
 
 In .linie, 1<!21, a hoy, 7u/iH /ii7/mir/ofi, having he(!n lost in tlie woods, 
 Kevend Kn^fhsh, witli .SV/uaji/o and Tolatinnhnmon, inid«!rtook a voyajre to 
 Nunset in Hiarch (or iiini. .S'(jim/;j/o was tiu!ir interpreter; "tin? olher, 
 ToknmahnnwUy a speeial liii'nil. ' The weather was liiir when they Het 
 out, "hnt ere they had heen lonir at sea, tliere aros»' a Ktonn of wiini and 
 rain, wi h inneh lightning and thnnder, insoiniieh that a [water] spout 
 nrose not far lioni ihein." lIowev»;r, they escaped danger, and arrive<l at 
 ni;;lit al ('innnia(|nid. Here iliey met with some Indians, who int'ormed 
 th in that tin; hoy was at Nauset. These Indians treated them with great 
 kindness, inviting liiem on shore to eat with them. 
 
 ///rtaoHi^/i waa saeliein of this place, and these wero his men. "They 
 l)ron;,f|it us to their saehim, (says Mourl,) or governor, whom they call 
 Ji/nnuUf:;li" who then a|»peared about 2(1 ytiars of age, "hnt very person- 
 ul)le, gentle, eonrteous, an<l fair conditioned, indeed, not like u savage, 
 Kuvo for his attire. His entertainment was answerahh; to his parts, and 
 his cheer plentii'iil and various." Thus is jtortrayeil the amiahlc; cliaract(;r, 
 /i/a.'ioi'ff/i, hy those who knew him. We can add hnt iittl(! of him except 
 his wretched fiite. The severity executi'd upon lyittiiivnimt and Pcksunt 
 cans.'d such consternation and «lread of tiie Knglish among many, that 
 they Ibrsook their wonted hal)i!alioiis, (led into swamps, and lived in 
 unhealthy plac.'s, in a slate of starvation, until many dieil with diseases 
 which tli(!y had thus contracted. Among such victims W(!ro /i/rt/ioj.T/j, 
 Jlspiiiet, Concconnm, and many more. Hence the l-nglish supposed they 
 wc!re in Pcksuofs conspiracy, us will ho more particularly relateil here- 
 after. 
 
 While the English wore with li/anonc^h at Ciimtnaquid, they relate 
 that tliere was an old woman, whom they judged to ho no less than 
 100 years old, who came to see them, heeauso she had never seen 
 English, "yet (say they) [sin;] could not hehold us without hreakiii? 
 forth into great ])assion, weeping and crying excessively." They iinpiired 
 the reason of it, and were told that she had three sons, "who, when 
 master Hiinl was in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade with hitn, 
 and lie carried them captives into Spain." Squmito being present, who 
 was curried away at the same time, was acciuuinted with the circtim- 
 Gtances, and thus the English became knowing to her distress, and told 
 lier they were sorry, that Himt was a bad man, btit that all the other 
 English were well disposed, and would never injure her. They then 
 gave her a few trinkets, which considerably appeased her. 
 
 Our voyagers now proceed to NausiU, accom[)anied by fyanoiip;h and 
 two of his men. Aspinet was the sachem of this place, to whom Squanto 
 was sent, Ii/anough and his men having gone before.* Sqiinnto having 
 informed Jlspinet that his English fri(;ii(ls had come for the hoy, ho 
 "came (they relate) with a great train, and brought the boy with him," 
 one carrying him through the water. 
 
 At tWniUiim, Jlspinet had in his coiM|)any "noL less than at) hundred;" 
 half of whom attended the boy to the boat, and the rest "stood aloof^" 
 with their bows and arrows, looking on. Jlspinet delivered up the boy in 
 a formal maujier, " behnng with heads, and made peace with us; we 
 
 * This was tlie place where an atuirk was made on the English on their first arrival, 
 which caused tlicin io be uiuch ou their gxiard at this time. 
 
12 
 
 lYANOUGir.—ASriXLT.— DEATH OF SQUANTO. [Book II. 
 
 bestowing a knifo on Iiiin, niul likewJso on another, that first entertained 
 the boy, and bronj^iit him thither." 
 
 Ljanou^h did not acc'oni|Kiny tlie expedition in their return from 
 Nau.set, bnt went home by land, and was ready to entertain the company 
 on their return. From contniry winds and a want of fresh water, the 
 voyagers were obliged to touch again at Cunnnaquid. "There (say they) 
 we met again with Iijanoufj^h, and the most of his town." "lie, being 
 still willing to gratify us, took a rundlct, and led our men in the dark a 
 great way for water, but could find none good, yet brought such as there 
 was on his neck with them. In the meantime the women joined hand 
 in hand, singing and dancing before the shallof) ;* the men also showing 
 all the kindness they could, Ii/anougli himself taking a bracelet lioin 
 about his neck, and hanging it about one of us." 
 
 They were not able to g(!t out of the harbor of Cimimaquid from 
 bafiling winds and tides, which Iijanmigh scH'ing, the next morning he 
 ran along tiie shore after them, and they took him into their shallop and 
 retMrned^vith him to his town, where ho entertained them in a manner 
 not inferior to what he had done before. Tliiiy now succeeded in getting 
 water, and shortly after returned liomt; in saiety. 
 
 While at Nauset, the English heard that Massasoit had been attacked 
 and carried off" by th<! Narragansets, which led to the expedition of 
 tSlandisk and Alkrlon against Caunhitant, as will be found related in his 
 life. 
 
 About this time, six sachems of the neighboring country had their 
 fidelity tested, by being called upon to sign a treaty subjecting themselves 
 to King James, as will bo found, also, in that life. But to return again to 
 Jlspinet, a\nl other sachems of Cape Cod. 
 
 liy the iiuprovidence of a company settled at Wessaguscus, under the 
 direction of Mr. Thomas Ji'cslon, in l(i22, they had been brought to the 
 very brink of starvation in the winter of that year. In fact, the Plimouth 
 people were but very little better off"; and bnt lor the kindness of the 
 Indians, the worst of consequences might have ensued to both these 
 infant colonies. 
 
 As the winter progressed, the two colonies entered into articles of 
 agreement to go on a trading voyage among the Indians of Cape Cod to 
 buy corn, and whatever else might conduce to their livelihood. Squanto 
 was pilot in this expedition, but he died before it was accomplished, and 
 the record of his death stands thus in Winslow's Relation: — 
 
 "Bnt here, [at Manamoyk, since Chatham,] though they had deter- 
 mined to make a second essay, [to pass within the shoals of Cape Cod,J 
 yet God had otherwise dis[)osed, who struck Tisquantum with sickncss,t 
 insomuch as ho there died ; which crossed their southward trading, and 
 the more, because the master's sufficiency was nuich doubted, and the 
 season very tem[)estuous, and not fit to go upon discovery, having no 
 guide to direct them." 
 
 Thus died the famous Squanto, or Tnsquantum, in December, 1G22. 
 To him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, although he ofi:en, through 
 extreme folly and shortsightedness, gave tht^n, as well as himself and 
 oth(>rs, a great deal of trouble, as in the life of Massasoit and Hobomok 
 will ap])ear. 
 
 * It was a custom with most Indian nations to dance when straiiffcrs caiii(! anions^ 
 them. Baron Lalwnlan says it was tiie manner of tiie Iroquois to dance " lors(|iio lus 
 •nranfifprs passont dans Icur |)a(s, on que leurs onncniis envoient des ambassadeurs pour 
 faire dos projiositions de paix/' Mrmoires (If 1' Amerique, ii. 110. 
 
 t Mis disorder was a (ever, "bleeding much at llie nose, wliicli the Indians reckon a 
 fatal syiuploni." He desired the tjovernor would pray for him, tiiat he migiit go to tho 
 Englishmen"s (lod, " bequeathing his things to sundry of his Englisii friends, as remem- 
 brances of his love ; of whom we have a great loss." Prince out of Bradford. 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 Thus, at 
 by death, j 
 before Squ 
 sachem of 
 entertained 
 It is the m 
 lliere hefbn 
 them "witl 
 them in gr< 
 beans, t/wug 
 From Ml 
 nothing thci 
 much for a i 
 fore they rt 
 ^spinet uset 
 hogsheads o 
 they Ijad lik 
 storm drove 
 get their cor 
 it fi-oni the 
 desired to w 
 could .send f 
 all this he fui 
 ceivhig great 
 Some time 
 as usual, gcts 
 men hajipen 
 entirely witln 
 sors, and oth 
 took c(!rtain 
 him what had 
 stole them," 
 so departed 
 However, tlu 
 to the Englis 
 the exposing 
 sion as the ni 
 Squanlo be 
 tuxet, in<|iiiri 
 expect to fiiK 
 is known of i 
 of its ravaj^ 
 Keinn!beck,o 
 about J(;j7, a I 
 two and three 
 a fright fid act 
 were not abl( 
 eoimtry, their 
 they looked n 
 " miiltiiiidcs o 
 ofCJod." 
 
 • At this time 
 unlike the i)!agiie 
 •J 
 
Chap. II] 
 
 SQUANTO. 
 
 13 
 
 Thus, at the commencement of the voyage, the pilot was taken away 
 by death, and the expedition came near being abandoned. However, 
 before Sqiianlo died, lie succeeded in introducing his fi'iend.s to the 
 sachem of Mananioick and his people, where tiiey were received and 
 entertained in a manner that would do honor to any people in any age. 
 It is the more worthy of remark, as none of tlie English had ever been 
 tliere heibre, and were utter strangers to them. After they had refreshed 
 them " witli store of venison and other victuals, which they brought 
 them in great abundance," they sold them "8 hogsheads of com and 
 beans, though the people were but few." 
 
 From Mauainoick they proceeded to Massachusetts, but could do 
 nothing there, as Mr. Weston's men had mined the market by giving "as 
 much lor a quart of corn, as we used to do for a beaver's skin."* There- 
 fore they returned again to Cape Cod, to Nauset, " where the Rach(!iri 
 Aspinet used the governor very kindly, and where they bought 8 or 10 
 hogsheails of corn and beans : also at a place called Mattachiest, where 
 they had like kind entertainment and corn also." While here, a violent 
 storm drove on shore, and so damaged their puaiace, that they could not 
 get their corn on board the ship ; so they made a stack of it, and secured 
 it from the wcatiier, by covering it with mats and sedge, ^spinet was 
 desired to wutclj and keep wild animals from destroying it, until they 
 could send for it. Also, not to suffer their boat to be concerned with ; 
 all this lie faithfully did, and the governor returned home by land, "re- 
 ceiving great kindness from the Indians by the way." 
 
 Some time after, Standish went to bring the corn left at Nauset, and, 
 as usual, gets himself into difficulty with the Indians. One of Jlspinet's 
 men ha[»pening to come to one of Standuih''s boats, which being left 
 entirely without guard, he took out a few trinkets, such as " beads, scis- 
 sors, and other trifles," which when the English captain found out, "he 
 took certain of his company with him, and went to the sachem, telling 
 him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party that 
 stole tiiciii," ^'or else he would revenue it on them before his departure" and 
 so departed for the night, ^^ refusing whatsoever kindness they offered.''* 
 However, the next morning, Jlspinet, attended by many of his men, went 
 to the Englisli, " in a stately manner," and restored all the " trifles ;" for 
 the exposing of wiiich the English deserved ten times as much reprehen- 
 .sion as the man for takhig them. 
 
 Squanlo being the only person that escaped the great sickness at Pa- 
 tuxet, inijuirers for an account of that calamity will very reasonably 
 «!xpoct to find it in a history of his life. We therefore will relate all that 
 is known of it, not elsewhere to be noticed in our progress. The extent 
 of its ravages, as near as we can judge, was from Narraganset Bay, to 
 Kenunbt!ck, or perhaps Penobscot, and was supposed to have conmienced 
 about J()17, and the length of its duration seems to have been between 
 two and three years, as it was nearly abated in 1619. The Indians gave 
 a frightful account of it; saying that they died so fast "that the living 
 were not able to bury the dead," When tiie English arrived in the 
 coimtry, thoir bones were thick upon the ground in many ])laccs. This 
 they looked upon as a great provident-c, iriasnnich as it had destroyed 
 " multitudes of the barl)arous heathen to make way for the chosen people 
 of Cod." 
 
 "SoiiK! Ii;i(l Pxpirf'd in fur'". — 'lie liraiuls 
 Slill rusted in their bony li.imis. — 
 111 plague and tuuiine soiuul'' 
 
 • Al this time, there was a t;reat sickness among- the Massachusett Indians, " not 
 aiilikc the plapiie, if not the san.i-." No particulars of it arc recorded, 
 
 a 
 
14 
 
 SQUANTO. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 All wars and disasters in those days were thought to be preceded by 
 Boine strange natural appearance ; or, as appeared to thern, unnatural 
 appearance or phenomenon ; hence the appearance of a comet, in 1618, 
 was considered by some the precursor of this pestilence.* 
 
 We will give here, from a curious work,f in the language of the 
 author, an interesting passage, relating to this melancholy period, of the 
 history of the people of Massasoit ; in which he refers lo Squanto. After 
 relating the fate of a French ship's crew among the Wampanoags, as 
 extracted in the life of Massasoit, in continuation of the account, he 
 proceeds thus: "But contrary wise, [tho Indians having said " they were 
 so many that God could )iot kill ihoni," when one of the Frenchmen re- 
 buked them for their "wickedness," telling them God would destroy 
 them,] in short time after, the hand of God fi^ll heavily upon them, with 
 such a mortall stroake, that they died on heaps, as they lay in their 
 houses, and the living that were able to shift for thcmsi'lvcs, would runne 
 away and let them dy, and let their carkascs ly above the ground without 
 buriall. For in a place, where many inhaiiited, there hath been but one 
 left alive, to tell wliat became of the rest ; the living being (as i.' seems) 
 not able to bury the dead. They were loft for crowcs, kites, and vermine 
 to pray upon. And the bones and skulls upon the sevcrall places of 
 their habitations, made such a spectacle after my coinming into those 
 parts,t that as I travailed in that forrest nere the Massachussets, it 
 seemed to me a new-found Golgotha." 
 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as we have seen, was well acquainted with the 
 coast of New England. After his design failed at Sagadahock, he tells us 
 that he sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave a 
 company under one V{nes,§ to rem.iin and trade in the country. These 
 were his own servants, and he ordered "them to leave the ship and ship's 
 company, for to follow their business in the usual place, (for I knew they 
 would not be drawn to seek by any means,) by these, and the help of 
 those natives formerly sent over, I come to be truly informed of so much 
 as gave me assurance that in time I ahovdd want no undertakers, though 
 as yet I was forced to hire men to stay there the winter quarter at ex- 
 treme rates, and not without danger, for that the war|| had consumed the 
 Bashaba, and the most of the great sagamores, with such men of action 
 as followed them, and those that remained were sore nfflir.ted with the 
 plague; for that the country was in a manner loft void of inhabitants. 
 Notwithstanding, Vines, and the rest with him that lay in the cabins with 
 those people that died, some more, some less, mightily, (blessed be God 
 for it) not one of them ever felt their heads to ache while they stayoH 
 there." Here, although we are put in possession of several of the most 
 important facts, yet our venerable author is deficient in one of the main 
 particulars — I mean that of dates. Therefore we gain no further data 
 
 * The year 1018 seems to have been very fruitful in comets, " as therein no less than 
 four were observed." /. Mather's Discourse coiiccriiing Comets, 108. Boston, 12int>. 
 1683. There may be seen acurious passage concerning the comet of 1618 in Rushivorlh't 
 Hist. Col. of that year. 
 
 t New EngHsh Canaan, 23, by Tliomas Morton, 4to. Amsterdam, 1637. 
 
 X Mr. Morton first came over in 1622. He settled near Weymouth. After great 
 trouble and losses from those of a different religion, he was banished out of the country, 
 and had his property sequestered but soon after returned. He died in York, Me., KJ-IJG. 
 If it be pretended that Morton had no religion, we say, "Judge not." He professed lo 
 have. 
 
 6 Mr. Richard Vines. America painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 4to. Loid. 
 1G59. 
 
 ij A great war among the Indians at this time is mentioned by most of the first writem, 
 but tlie particulars of it cannot be known. It seems to have been bci.vnen theTarratium 
 ■ltd tribes to the west of Pascataqua. 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 as to the time 
 Ferdinmido ad 
 gether, but not 
 In Capt. Sm 
 ptissage about 
 from Morton. 
 the man that 
 would destroy 
 collected his p 
 were. When 
 his God, that li 
 could kill all tl 
 him as before. 
 5 or GOO, leavii 
 other two esct 
 country. Tlie 
 Capt. Smith saj 
 to be excused i 
 We have no 
 dian history. 
 
 Massasoit, i 
 noket or Pawki 
 town of Bristol 
 than war, and ) 
 standing they 
 liberties. 
 
 This chief's i 
 quin, Asuhmeqi 
 Ussamequen, W 
 known in histoi 
 in his Annals, s 
 vbim Massasoit i 
 but I find the ai 
 nounced his nai 
 a letter in the n 
 for if a writer i 
 where to stop, o 
 It has often b 
 should have pos 
 creased when \\ 
 by prowess and 
 boast of such e: 
 themselves his ( 
 many more tlia 
 was a temporar; 
 be able to hold ' 
 qualities belong 
 allow, when tin 
 chief gave Capt. 
 formerly, in the 
 Jlsuhmei^uin, Ph 
 The limits of 
 
 * Some have de 
 is not to be iieedet 
 Williams did. He 
 called so from the I 
 ton, the definition o 
 
Chap. II] 
 
 MASSASOIT. 
 
 15 
 
 I wrilem, 
 Etrralinet 
 
 as to the time or continuance of this plague among the Indiuns ; for Sir 
 Ferdinando adih to the al)ove, "and this course I hold Komo years to- 
 gether, l)ut nothing to my private profit," &c. 
 
 In Capt. S»nth''s account ol'New England, [)ubiished in l(J3i, he has a 
 pjissage about the plague, which is nutch like that we have given above, 
 from Morton. Tiie ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and 
 the man tiiat they kept a prisoner, on telling them he feared his God 
 would destroy them, their king made him stand on the top of a hill, and 
 collected his j)tople about it tiiat the man might see how numerous they 
 were. When he had done this, he demanded of the Frenchman whether 
 his God, that he told so much about, had so many men, and whether they 
 i'ould kill all those. On his assuring the king that he could, they derided 
 him as before. Soon after, the plague carried otf all of the Massachusetts, 
 5 or GOO, leaving only 30, of whom 28 were killed by their neighbors, the 
 other two escaping until the English came, to whom they gave their 
 country. The English told the Indians that the disease was the plague. 
 Caf)t. Smith says this account is second hand to him, and therefore begs 
 to be excused if it be not true in all its particulars. 
 
 We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in In- 
 dian history. 
 
 Massasoit, chief of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Poka- 
 noket or Pawkunnawkut, by the Indians, which is now included in the 
 town of Bristol, Rhode Island. He was a chief renowned more in peace 
 than war, and was, as long as he lived, a friend to the English, notwith- 
 standing tliey coimnitted repeated usurpations upon his lands and 
 liberties. 
 
 This chief's name has been written with great variation, as ffoosame- 
 qtiin, Asuhvuequin, Oomireqicen, Osamekin, Owsamequin, Otisamfqnine, 
 Ussamequen, IFasamegin, &c. ; but the name by which he is generally 
 known in history, is that with which we commence his life.* Mr. Prince, 
 in his Annals, says of that nqme, " the printed accounts generally spell 
 •, him Massasoit ; Gov. Bradford writes him Massasoyt, and Massasoyet ; 
 but I find the ancient people, from their fathers in Plimouth colony, pro- 
 nounced his name Ma-sas-so-it." Still we find no inclination to change 
 a letter in the name of an old friend, which has been so long established ; 
 for if a writer suffer the spirit of innovation in himself, he knows not 
 where to stop, and we pronounce him no antiquary. 
 
 It has often been thought stringe, that so mild a sachem as Massasoit 
 should have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has been in- 
 creased when we consider, that Indian possessions ai'c generally obtained 
 by prowess and great personal courage. We know of none who could 
 boast of such extensive dominions, where all were contented to consider 
 themselves his friends and children. Pontiac, lAitle-turtle, Teciimseh, and 
 many more that wo could name, have swayed many tribes, but theirs 
 was a temporary union, in an emergency of war. That Massasoit should 
 be able to hold so many tribes together, without constant war, required 
 qualities belonging only to few. That he was not a warrior no one will 
 allow, when the testimony of Annawon is so distinct. For that great 
 chief gave Capt. Church "an account of what mighty success he had had 
 formerly, in the wars against many nations of Indians, when he served 
 Asuhmec^uin, Philip's father." 
 
 The limits of his country towards the Nipmuks, or inland Indians, are 
 
 * Some have dorivei) ilic nnme of Massachusrlts from this chief, but tliat conjer ture 
 is not to be heeded. If any man knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Ro^er 
 Williams did. He learned from the Indians themselves, "that the. Massachusetts we) e 
 called so from the Blue flills." In the vocabulary of Indian words, by Rev. John Cot- 
 ton, Uie (lefinition of Massachusctt is, " an hill in the form of an arrow's head." 
 
16 
 
 MASSASOIT. 
 
 FBooK II 
 
 rather iinoertain, but upon ihe east and west we are sure. It is evident, 
 liowever, from the following extract, that, in 1047, the Nipinuks were 
 ratiier uiicortuiii about their sachem, and probably belonged at one time 
 to Massasoit and at another to the Narraganseta, &c., as circumstances 
 f-ivored. " The Nopnat [Nipnet, or Nipmuk] Indians having noe sachem 
 of their own are at liberty ; part of them, by their own choice, doe apper- 
 tiiine to the Narraganset sachem, and parte to the Mohogens."* And 
 «rertainly, in KlOO, those of Quabaog belonged to Massasoit, or fVassamegin, 
 as he was then called, as will be evident from facts, to be found in the 
 life of Uncns. He owned Cape Cod, and all that part of Massachusetts 
 and Rhode Island between Narraganset and Massachusetts bays; extend- 
 ing inland between Pawtucket and Charles rivers, a distance not satis- 
 liictorily ascertained, as was said before, together with all the contiguous 
 islands. It was filled with many tribes or nations, and all looking up to 
 liitn, to sanction all their expeditions, and settle all their difficulties. 
 And wo may renjark, further, with regard to the Nipniuks, that at one 
 time they wel'e his tributaries. And this seems the more probable, for in 
 Philip's war there was a constant intercourse between them, and when 
 any of his men made an escape, their course was directly into the country 
 of the Nipmuks. No such intercourse subsisted between the Narragansets 
 and either of these. But, on the contrary, when a messen;^er from the 
 Narragansets arrived in the country of the Nipmuks, with the heads of 
 some of the English, to show that they had joined in the war, he was at 
 first fired upon, though afterwards, when two additional heads were 
 brought, they were received. 
 
 Massasoit had several places of residence, but the principal was Mount 
 Hope, or Pokanoket. The English early gave it the name of Mount 
 Hope, but from what circumstance we have not learned. Some suppose 
 the words Mount Hope corrupted from the Indian words Mon-top,\ but 
 with what reason we are not informed. Since we have thus early 
 noticed the seat of the ancient chiefs, before proceeding with the life of 
 the first of the Wampanoags, we will give a description of it. It appear* 
 to the best advantage from the village of Fall River, in the town of Troy, 
 Massachusetts, from which it is distant about four miles. From this place, 
 its top very much resembles the dome of the state-house in Boston, as 
 seen from many places in the vicinity, at four or five miles' distance. Its 
 lieight hy admeasurement is said to be about 200 feet.f It is very steep 
 on the side towards Pocasset, and its appearance is 'ery regular. To its 
 natural appearance a gentleman of Bristol has contributed to add materi- 
 ally, by placing upon its summit a circular summer-house, and this is a 
 principal reason why it so much resembles the Massachusetts state-house. 
 This mount, therefore, since some time previous to 1824, does not appear 
 as in the days of Massasoit, and as it did to his early friends and visitors, 
 Winslow and Hamden. It was sufficiently picf.resque without such ad- 
 dition, as an immense stone§ originally forme(' its summit, and completed 
 its domelike appearance. The octagonal summer-house being placed 
 upon this, completes the cupola or turret. From this the view of Provi- 
 
 * Records of tlie U. Col. in Hazard, ii. 92. 
 
 t Alden's Collection of Epitaphs, iv. G85. President Stiles, in his notes to the second 
 edition of Church's Hist. Philip's War, p. 7, spells it Mont-haup, but it is not so 
 ill the text of either edition. Moreover, we have not been able to discover t'.sat Mon-top 
 i-i derived from Indian words, and do not hesitate to pronounce it a corruption of the 
 two Enijlish words commonly used in naming it. 
 
 { Yamoyden, 259. 
 
 ^ By soiiie, this has been called Philip's chair^ and some modern book-makers have 
 veiitured to say it resembles that piece of furniture. We should be glad to know in 
 what respect ; having personally examined it, we can assure the reader that no such 
 ri'siMnbhince uppearcd to us. 
 
 i 
 
Mount 
 
 Mount 
 appose 
 
 3 early 
 life of 
 ppearsr 
 Troy, 
 place, 
 ton, aa 
 e. Its 
 y Steep 
 'To its 
 atcri- 
 is is a 
 l-house. 
 appear 
 isitors, 
 ch ad- 
 [npleted 
 placed 
 Provi- 
 
 t t/,-u-f/' x^^<y/- 
 
 le secovid 
 
 lis not so 
 
 Mon-top 
 
 m of the 
 
 Iters have 
 
 know in 
 
 It no such 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 deuce, W« 
 
 vei-y beauti 
 
 this eii 
 
 Pokanokd, 
 
 other side (j 
 
 And it is*^ 
 
 place wher 
 
 the frrove oj 
 
 and aiiothe 
 
 |)erliaps th( 
 
 and he no ( 
 
 Sir Fraih 
 
 foot upon tl 
 
 alter he liac 
 
 land, or Ne 
 
 error of lo 
 
 England, ai 
 
 very clear t 
 
 historians 8( 
 
 hence asseri 
 
 now hear S 
 
 in the Ocea 
 
 hy the mo.' 
 
 world, in re, 
 
 Hapt. Stm 
 
 England, an 
 
 whicli is th( 
 
 most proper 
 
 neither take 
 
 writers of a 
 
 Robertson ai 
 
 The nobI( 
 
 permit or su 
 
 any honor d 
 
 revival of th 
 
 It was up( 
 
 landed. He 
 
 territories to 
 
 days of mul 
 
 the natives 
 
 England. ^ 
 
 Massasoit, w* 
 
 any name ; I 
 
 made, and w 
 
 which, we v( 
 
 Smith land 
 
 which places 
 
 now bears thi 
 
 Our accoui 
 
 shores of Mo 
 
 and he was tl 
 
 land.f He la 
 
 before. 
 
 * See his " De 
 with. 
 
 t The route ha 
 
 to and from Nevt 
 
 2« 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 MASSASOIT. 
 
 17 
 
 deuce, Warren, Bristol, and, indeed, the whole surrounding country, a 
 vei-y beautifiii. 
 
 This eininouce was known among the Narraganscts by the name 
 Pokanoket, which signified in their language the wood or land on the 
 other side of the water, and to the Wampanoags by the name Sotvwams. 
 And it is worthy remark here, that Kuequenuku was the name of the 
 place where Philadelphia now stands. Mr. Her.kewelder says, it signified 
 the f^rove of the long pine trees. There was a place in Middleborough, 
 and another in Raynham, where he spent some part of particular seasons, 
 perhaps the simuner. The place in Raynham was near Fowling Pond, 
 and he no doubt had many others. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake is the firet, of whom we have any account, that set 
 foot upon the shores of New England. This was in 15Hti, about seven years 
 after he liad taken possession, and named the same country New Eng- 
 land, or New Albion, upon the western side of the continent. It is an 
 error of long standing, that Prince Charles named the country New 
 England, and it even now so stands upon the pages of histoiy. But it is 
 very clear that Sir Francis is justly entitled to the credit of it. American 
 historians seem to have looked no furtiier than Prince and Robertson, and 
 hence assert that Capt. Smith named the country New England. We will 
 now hear Smith* on this matter. "New England is that part of America, 
 in the Ocean sea, opposite to JVoua Albion, in the South Sea, discovered 
 by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake, in his voyage about the 
 world, in regard tohereof, this is stiled jYew England." 
 
 Capt. Smith, in 1614, made a survey of the coast of what is now New 
 England, and because the country was already named New England, or, 
 which is the same. New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought it 
 most proper to stamp it anew upon th« eastern. Therefore Capt. Smith 
 neither takes to himself the honor of naming New England, as some 
 writers of authority assert, nor does he give it to King Charles, as Dr. 
 Robertson and many others, copying him, have done. 
 
 The noble and generous minded Sjnilh, unlike Jlmericns, would not 
 permit or suffer his respected friend and cotemporary to be deprived of 
 any honor due to him in his day ; and to which we may attribute the 
 revival of the name New England in 1614. 
 
 It was upon some part of Cape Cod that the great circumnavigator 
 landed. He was visited by the " king of the country," who submitted his 
 territories to him, as Hioh had done on th(> western coast. After several 
 days of mutual trade, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time 
 the natives became greatly attached to Sir Francis, he departed for 
 England. Whether the "king of the country" here mentioned were 
 Massasoit, we have not the means of knowing, as our accounts do not give 
 any name ; but it was upon his dominions that this first landing was 
 made, and we have therefore thought it proper to be thus particular, and 
 which, we venture to predict, will not be unacceptable to our readere. 
 
 Smith landed in many places upon the shores of Massctfoit, one of 
 which places he named Plimouth, which happened to be the saifte which 
 now bears that name. 
 
 Our accounts make Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold the next A'isitor to the 
 shores of Massasoit, after Sir Francis Drake. His voyage was in 1609, 
 and he was the first who came in a direct counts from Old to New Eng- 
 land.f He landed in the same place where Sir Francis did 16 years 
 before. 
 
 * See his " Description of N. England," and the error may henceforth be dispensed 
 with. 
 
 t Tiie route had hitherto been by the Canaries and West India Islands, and a voyag* 
 to and from New England took up nearly a year's time. 
 
18 
 
 MASSASOIT. 
 
 [Hook If. 
 
 We cull know iiotliiiiyr. of the early times of Massasoit. Oiiif next 
 visitor to liis country, ihm we sliail here notice, was Ciifit. Thomas Der- 
 ■lucr. This was in May, UJlit, He sailed t<)r Monhigon ; thence, in that 
 inontii, for Virginia, in an open pinriace ; consetpiently was ol)lig(!(l to 
 keep close in shore. He found [)laces which hud been inhabited, but at 
 that time (contained none; and lurther onward nearly all were dead, of a 
 great sickness, which was tJien i)reviu'ing, but nearly uhated. When he 
 came to Plimouth, all were dead. From thence ho traveled a ilay's 
 journey into the (rountry 'AM-ritward, to Namasket, now Middleboroiigh. 
 From this place he sent a nw'sseiiger to visit Mnssasoit, In this expedi- 
 tion, he rede(!med two Frenclni'i:i from JMassasoil^s ])eople, who had l)een 
 cast away thrtic years before. 
 
 But to be nion; |)articular with Cai)t. Denner; wo will hear him in his 
 own maimer, which is by a letter he wi^ote in- Samuel Purchase, the com- 
 piler of the I'ilgrimage, dated 27th Dec. Ril»). 
 
 " When I arriveii at my savage's {Squmdo'' s] native country, (finding al^ 
 dead,) 1 trav(;lled alongst a dayVi journey, to a place called ,Yammusta(iuijl, 
 where finding inhabitants, 1 (les])atched a messenger, u day's journey 
 farther west, to Pocanokit, whiclv bordereth on the sea; whence came Uj 
 sec me two kings, attended with a guard of 50 armed men, who being 
 well satisfied with that my suva^x; and I discoursed unto them, (being de- 
 sirous of novelty,) gave me content in whatsoever I demanded ; where 1 
 found that former relatic-iis were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman^ 
 and aft(;rwards another at Masptuchusit, who three yei'.r* since escaped 
 shipwreck at the north-east of Cape Cod."* 
 
 We have mentioned his interview with Massasbii, which we supposed- 
 Avas one of the kin.ya mentioned in the letter. Qiiadequina was no doub'j 
 the other. • 
 
 In another letter, ?tTr. /termer says the Indians would Imve killed hin.? 
 at Nainasket, had i-'.-t Siiunnto entreated hard for him, " Their desire oi 
 revenge (he adds) VHis occasioned by an Fiiiglishman, v/ho, having man\ 
 of them on board; made great slaughter of theiit witii tiieir murderers 
 and small shot, when (as tliey say) they ofTeretf no injm-y on thcur |)! rts." 
 
 Mr. Thomas .MuHon,^ l\u; author whc nswile hiiriself so merry at tin' 
 expense of the pilgriu;H ol' Plimouth, has the i'i)lltAting passage concern- 
 ing these Frenchmen : — " It fortuniul soiix; few y(>avt;s before the i^'nglisl.i 
 came to inhabit at new Plimmouth in New iVngfiHMl, that, upon some 
 distast given in the IMassachussets Bay, by Frenchmen, thi-n trading then 
 with the natives for beav(!r, thoy set upon the mumi, at su(;li advantage!, that 
 they killed manie of them, burned tlieir shipp, th(!ii riding at anchor by 
 an island there, now called Peddoclc^s Islanl, in memory of Leonard Fed- 
 dock that landed there, (where many wildt; anckies| liaiiiired that time,- 
 which hee thought had bin tame,) distributing them unto live sachems 
 which were lords of the severull territories adjoyuiiig, they did krepthem- 
 so long as they lived, only to sport themselves at them, and mude these 
 five Frenchmen fetch them wood and wat(>r, whioii is tlie geiuirali worke 
 they require of a servant. One of these rive men outliving the rest, luuf-' 
 learned so much of their language, as to rebuke them for their bloudy 
 deede : saying that God would be angry with them for it ; and that he 
 would in his displeasure dei-itroy them ; but the salvages (it seems, boast- 
 ing of their strength) replyed, and said, that they were so many that Goer 
 could not kill them." This seems to be the same story, oiwly difftirentl/ 
 told from that related above from Smith. 
 
 * This extract is in Davis's notes to Morton. 
 
 t In his " New Canaan," 22, 23. 
 
 i Modern naturalists do not seem to have been acquainto(f ^itl'f^ animal '. 
 
Chap. II,] 
 
 Massasoit 
 
 li> 
 
 Dec. 11, O. S. 1620. Tlio pilgrim" a. rived at Pliinoutli, and pusscssecl 
 themselves of a portion of MassasoiVs comitry. With the nature of their 
 proceedings, h»: was at first uiiacqimiiited, and sent occasionally some 
 of his men to ob?>crve their strange motions. Very few of these, however, 
 wore seen by the [)ilgrims. At length Ik; sent one of his men, wlio hacl 
 been some time >vith the English tisliijig vessels abont the country of the 
 Kcnnebech, a'jd had learned a little of their language, to observe more 
 strictly what Wfis pl'ogressijig among the intrndtirs at his place of Patuxet, 
 which wos now called Plimouth. This was in JVIarch, 1(121, as before 
 related J 
 
 We have, in speaking of Samoset and Sqnanto, observed that it was 
 through the agency of the former that a knowledge was gained ofMassasoit. 
 It was tipon 22 March, 1621, that they brought the welcome news to Pli-" 
 mouth, that their chief was near at hand ;* "and they brought with them 
 (say the pilgrims) some few skins to truck, and some red herrings, newly 
 taken and dried, but not salted ; and signified unto tis, that their great saga- 
 more, Massasoit, was hard by, with Qiiadequinn, his brother. Tliey could 
 not well express in English what they woitld ; but after an hoiu* the king 
 came to the top of an hill [supposed to be that now CaHed Watson^s, on 
 the south side of Town-brook] over against us, and had \h his train (JO 
 men, that we could well behold them, and they us. We v?'efe not will- 
 ing to send our governor to them, and they iinwilling to come to US: so 
 Squnnto went again unto him, who brought word that we «hoidd send 
 OIK! to parley with him, which we did, whii;h vVP.?i Edvrard WinstoiD, to 
 ktjow his mind, and to signify the mind and will of oUv governcfr, which 
 was to have trad'"ig and peace with him. We sefit to the king a pair of 
 knives, and a copper chain, with a jewel in itj To (^uddequina We ftent 
 likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his e^f, and witlial a pot of 
 strong water', a, good quantity of biscuit, and ?*>me butter, which ware 
 all willingly accepted." 
 
 The Engiiahman then made a speech to him, abotit his king's love and 
 goodness to hirti and his people, and that h«J accepted of him as his friend 
 and ally, ^'llc liked well of the speech, (say the English,) and heard it 
 attentively, thtiligh the interpreters did not well express it. After he had 
 eaten and cJfunk himself, and given the rest lo his company, he looked 
 
 * Mauri's narrative is here coiitinocd from the last extract in p. 10, without any 
 omiiision. 
 
90 
 
 MAMSASOIT. 
 
 [Rook II. 
 
 ii|H)n our iiH'«spii{,'i'r'.s Hwnrd mid urirmr which he Imd on, witli intimation 
 of liis dcsiii! to Imy it; bill, on thf! otii<!r side, our niCHSiuifrer showc^d hia 
 iiiiwillii)<(n<'.NS to part witli it. In tiio end he h>ll liini in tlit; custody of 
 (^)iiiil('(iuin(t, liis ln'othcr, mid carnti over tlie hrook, and houic W men 
 f'ollowiiif^ him. We kept six or seven as )iostaf,'es for our messenger." 
 
 \>i .Massasoit pnxM'ciled tct meet tiie Knghsii, they met him with six 
 solihers, wiio siiliitcd eficli otiier. Several of liis men were with him, 
 hut all lefl their lious and arrows behind. They were conduct«!d to a 
 new house which was partly finished, and a green rug wa9S[)read u|)on the 
 door, ami several eusliioiis itn* Mdsnasoit and his cinefs to sit down upon. 
 'I'iicu eaiiie the English governor, followed hy a drummer and trump(;ter 
 and a few soldiers, and after kissing one anodier, all sat down. Some 
 strong water being brought, the governor drank to Mnssaaoit, who in hia 
 turn "drank a great draught, that made him sweat all the while after." 
 
 They now proceeded to make a treaty, which sti|)ulated, that neither 
 .Massasoit nor any of his people should do hurt to tlie English, and that 
 if they did they shoidd be given up to be punished by them; and that if 
 the English did any harm to him or any of his people, they, the English, 
 would do the like to them. That if any did unjustly war against him, 
 the English were to aid hitn, and he was to do the same in his turn, and 
 by so doing King James would esteem him his friend and ally. 
 
 "All which (they say) the king seemed to hke well, and it was applaud- 
 ed of his followers." And they add, "All tlie while he sat by the gov- 
 ernor, he trembled for fear." 
 
 At this time he is described as "a very lusty man, in his bci't years, an 
 able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his attire litUe 
 or nothing diff*ering from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain of 
 white bono beads about his neck ; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little 
 bag of tobacco, which he drank, and gave ns to drink.* His face was 
 painted with a sad red like murrey, and oiled both head and face, that he 
 looked greasily. All his follower likewise were, in their faces, in part or 
 in whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, and some white ; 
 some with crosses and other antic works ; some had skins on them, and 
 .son.e naked ; all strong, tall fiien in appearance. The king had in his 
 bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knite. He marvelled much at 
 our trumpet, and some of his men wouUl sound it as well as they could. 
 Samoset and Squanto stayed all night with us," Massasoit retired into 
 the woods, about half a mile from the English, and there encamped at 
 night with his men, women and children. Thus ended March 22d, 
 
 leai. 
 
 During his fii-st visit to the English, he expressed great signs of fear, 
 and during the treaty could not refrain from trembling.f Thus it is easy 
 to see how nnich hand he had in making it, but would that there had 
 never been wor.'e ones made. 
 
 It was agreed that some of his people should come and plant near by, 
 in a few days, and live there all summer. "That night we kept good 
 watch, but there was no appearance of danger. The next niorning 
 divers of their people came over to us, hoping to get some victuals, as 
 we imagined. Some of them told us the king would have some of us 
 
 * We have been asked what this drinking' of tobacco means. We arc confident it 
 means smoking'. 
 
 In the year 1646, we find this entry in the Plimouth records : — " Anthonxj Timelier and 
 George Pole were chosen a comittee to draw vp an order concerncing disorderly driiike- 
 ing of tobacco." Rev. Roger Williams says, in his Key, " Generally all the men through- 
 out the country have a tobacco-bag, with a pipe in it, hanging at their back." 
 
 t And, with this fact before him, the author of" Tales of the Indians" says, the treaty 
 was made with deliberation and clieerfulness on the part of Massasoit ! 
 
Chap. II] 
 
 MASSASOIT. 
 
 21 
 
 come to SCO hiin. ('apt. SlnmH.ik aiul ham Jllderlon went veiitcroiiHly, 
 wlio were wflcoiiu'd of him iiHiT their iiiaiiiuT. Ho gnvo thi'rii throo or 
 four {ground nuts and sotiic toltafco. Wo cariiiol , -t conceive, (lliey con- 
 tinue,) hilt tliat ho is willing,' to liuve peace witli iih ; for ihey havo soon 
 our people srxnetinieH nlune two or tlirco in the woods at work nnd 
 fowliiifr, wlion as they ollered theni no harm, as they miffht easily have 
 dono ; and es|tecially hocansc Ik^ hath a potent adversary, the Nariohi- 
 gansets,' that are at war with iiim, aifaiiist whom ho tliinks wo may be 
 some strenf>th to him ; for our fjieces are terrihio unto them. ThiH 
 niorninj? they stayed till JO or 11 of the; <"lock ; and our (,'overnor bid 
 tbom send tiie kinji's kettle, and tilled it with peas, which pleased them 
 well ; and so they went their way." Thus ended tlio first visit of Mns- 
 sasoit to the pilgrims. We should hero note that he ever allcr treated 
 the English with kindnr;s, and the peace now concluded was undisturbed 
 for n(!arly 40 years. Not that any writing or articles of n treaty, of 
 which he never had any adecpiuto iriea, was the cause of liis friendly 
 behavior, hut it was the natural goodness of his heart. 
 
 The pilgrims report, that at this time ho was at war with the Narragan- 
 Bets. But if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than 
 some small skirinishittg. 
 
 Meanwhile Squanto and Samosd remained with the English, instructing 
 them how to live in their country; ;(|ual in all respects to Robinson 
 Crusoe's vian Fridai/, ancl had De Foe lived in that age he might have 
 made as good a story from their history as he did from that of Alexander 
 Selkirk. — " Squanto went to fish [a day or two after Massasoit left] for 
 eels. At night he came home with as many as he could lift in one hand, 
 which our peo])Ie were glad of. They were fat and sweet. He trod 
 them out with his feet, and so caught tlicm with his hands, without any 
 other instminent." 
 
 This Squanto became afterwards an important j^ersonage in Indian 
 politics, and some of his manoeuvres remind us of some managing 
 politicians of our own times. In 1022, he forfeited his life by plotting 
 to destroy tliat of Massasoit, as will be ibund related in the life oi' Hobo- 
 mok. On that occasion, Massasoit went hiioself to Plimotith, " being 
 much offended and enraged against Tisquantum ;" but the governor 
 succeeded in allaying his wrath for that time. Soon after, he sent a 
 messenger to entreat the governor to consent to his death ; the governor 
 said he deserved death, but as ho knew not how to get along without 
 him in his intercourse with the Indians, he would spare him. 
 
 Determined in his purpose, Massasoit soon sent the same messenger 
 again, accom[)anied by many others, who offered many beaver skins if 
 Tisquantum might be given up to them. They demanded him in the 
 name of Massasoit, as being one f his subjects, whom, (says Winsloiv,) by 
 our first articles of peace, we cotdd not retain. Hut out of respect to the 
 English, they would not seize him without their consent. Massasoit had 
 
 * Few Indian names have been spelt more ways than this. From the nature of the 
 Indian lanffiiaj^^e, it is evident that no r should be used in it. — Nahigonsik and Nanli^an- 
 sick, R. Williams. — Nerhegansitt, 'VodXri'^.— Nantyg^nsiks, Callejider. — Nanoliiggan- 
 set, Winslow's Good News from A^ i^7^^.— Nanhyganset, Judge Johnson's Life of 
 Gen. Greene.— -These are but few of llie permutations wiilionl the r, and those with it 
 are still more numerous. 
 
 The meaning of the name is still uncertain. Madam Knight, in her Journal. 22 and 23, 
 says, at a place where she happened to put up for a night in that country, she heard 
 some of llie " town topers" flisputing al)out ihe origin of tiie word Narragan.iet. "One 
 said it was so named by Indians, because there grew a brier tliere of a prodigious height 
 and bigness, who quoted an Indian of so barbarous a name for his author that she could 
 not write it." Another said it meant a celebrated spring, which was very cold in sum- 
 mer, and " as hot as could be imagined in the winter." 
 
<22 
 
 MASSASOIT. 
 
 (liuoK II. 
 
 Boiit liiH own kniff! to \w iisod in cutting off liis heud and linndH, which 
 won; to !)•■ Itroiif^lit to him. 
 
 MfnnliiiK' Siiunnlo ratnn and dflivfrnd hiniHolf np to thn povomor, 
 »rhar<,'in^,' Hnhoinok with liis ovortlirow, and trMiiij; him to d«!hvcr iiiin or 
 not to the rnt'ssmpcrs of J\lii/is(tJtoit, as h« ilioiight lit. It sn-nm tr«)in th«; 
 niimtivti that, as tin" ;;ovornor was about to do it, thc^y j^nnv impatient nt 
 iho (hday, and went ofl' in u rag»'. Thci delay was occasioned hy the 
 appearance of a boat in tluj harbor, wliicli tlie governor protended 
 niipiit 1)1! that of an enemy, an there had been a rumor that t)ie French 
 had me(htated l)reai<in<^' np th(; settlement of the KngliHli in this region. 
 ThiH, however, was donhtless only n pretence, and em|)loyed to wear out 
 the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Hence ihut JMassasoil should for 
 some time atler"sei!m to frown" on the English, us they conipluin, Ih 
 certainly no vvoniler. 
 
 The next sunmier, in Jinie or July, Massaaoil was visited by Severn! 
 of the English, among whom was Mr. tldwnrd IVinsloWy JMr. Stevhen 
 Hopkins, and Sqiianto m their int«'rpr<!ter. Their object was to Hnu out 
 his place of residence, in case they should have to cull upon him for 
 assistance ; to keep good the friendly correspondence conunenced at 
 Plimonth ; and especially to cause him to pn^vent liis men from hanging 
 about them, and living upon them, which was then considered very bur- 
 densome, as they had begim to grow short of provisions. That their 
 visit might b(> acceptable, they took along, for a present, a trooper's red 
 coat, with some luco upon it, and a cop})er chuin ; with these Massasoit 
 wus exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told him, he must send 
 as a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they might 
 not be imposed upon i)y strangers. 
 
 When the English arrived at Pokanokct, Massasoil was absent, but 
 was innnediatcly sent lor. I'eing informed that he was coming, the 
 English began to ])repare to sh.'ot off their guns ; this so frightened the 
 women and children, that they rtn away, and would not return until the. 
 interpreter assured them that they need not fear ; and when Massasoit 
 arrived, they saluted him by u discharge, at which he was very much 
 elated ; and " who, after their manner, (says one of the company,) kindly 
 welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him, where, 
 having delivered our message and presents, and having put the coat on 
 liis back, and the chain about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold 
 himself, and his men also, to see their king so bravely attired."* A new- 
 treaty was now held with him, and he very good-naturedly assented to 
 all that was desired. He then made a sneecli to his men, many of them 
 being assembled to see the English, which, as near as they could learn 
 its meaning, acquainted them with what course they might pursue in 
 regard to the English. Among other things, he said, "^m I not Massasoit, 
 commander of the countn/ about us ? Is not such and such places mine, and 
 the people of them ? They shall take their skins to the English." This his 
 people ap|)lauded. In his speech, "he named at least thirty places," over 
 which he had control. "This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, 
 and fell to discoursing of England and of the king's majesty, marvelling 
 that he should live without a wife." He seems to have been embittered 
 against the French, and wished "us not to suffer them to come to Narra- 
 
 fanset, for it was King Jameses country, and he was King Jameses man." 
 le had no victuals at this time to give' to the English, and night coming 
 on, they retired to rest supperless. He had but one l)ed, if so it might Ik» 
 called, "being only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a thin mat 
 
 * Mmirt's Relation, in Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. 
 
 < nAP M.j 
 "P"" iliern 
 
 It tl|<; III,,, 
 
 of ro(»m, |„ 
 IfMlging thai 
 "'I'liene; 
 "N» and ;iiai 
 games lor ^ 
 tried tf» get | 
 
 l<''iged theni 
 them, "only 
 
 with iiail nIi, 
 
 Tlie next 
 
 <nid iiiiiled tl 
 
 »neiit vi-rysn 
 but scanty a 
 «ind a (lay. ' 
 "Ver/iirif 
 l""!.'"r. Jtut 
 i^liould either 
 the savages' h 
 nnd /leas witli 
 'inie of our I 
 ''Higer, we sli 
 that, on Friihr 
 Mdssnsorjt W\'\[ 
 •'■''" IIS. And 
 •••'re truck fo 
 jdace, whom \ 
 'i'l'is Ihithfi 
 the kingdom 
 "vpedition aga 
 Inl62;U/« 
 he was very dj 
 th»; governor ( 
 ••ordials, and 1 
 a gentleman o 
 tf> sen the cou 
 his subjects w( 
 to attend on su( 
 we found the 
 tliey used their 
 
 „ r. ''" ''^""* says 
 tn(!y are made u 
 or straw, but, for 
 wrouffht.'' 
 
 t Winslow's Rel 
 (celebrated John f. 
 received in an att 
 raiiseoftheparliai 
 It would be hiVf 
 yet, we must ackno 
 to meet with tlie n 
 though they should 
 learn that any of n 
 there is a strong- pn 
 
 /. 
 
ClIAP II.] 
 
 MAHSAHOIT. 
 
 23 
 
 ii|)<iii tliciii."* " n« IftitI »iH on the Itrd witli himwif iiiul liis wife, tlioy 
 at tli«! OIK! (Mill, and wo at tlir ntlirr. Two niorr ot' liis ni<>n, for want 
 of room, pri'Hwd l»y and npon uh; ko tliat wc wore worHo weary of our 
 Imljiinn than of our jonnifv." 
 
 "'I'lic next day, many ot' tlicir Rn(*him.s or potty povrrnoi-H came to sec 
 MS, and many '" ..i«'ir nirn also. Tiwre tlioy wt'iit to llicir manner of 
 paiiK s for hkinH and knivoH." It is amusing to It-arn tliat \\\v Kn^lish 
 tried to j{et a eiianee in tliiw panibiiii^ aflliir. Tliey wiy, " There we «hnl- 
 lenjjed them to shoot with them for nkins," hnt they were too nniniiiK for 
 them, "only they desired to see one of lis shoot at a niaik ; who shooting 
 with liail sliot, they wondered to see the mark so full of liok's." 
 
 The next day, ahoiit one oVIoek, .Musaafioit l»roiij;!it two larjre fishcH 
 and hoiled them ; hut tlie pilgrims still thought their eiianre for refresh- 
 ment very small, as "there were at least forty looking for a share in them ;" 
 hut scanty as it was, It camo very timely, as they had fasted two niplits 
 and a day. The Knglish now letl him, at which he was very sorrowful. 
 
 " Very im|)ortunate he was (says our author) to have us stay with them 
 ioiisrer. Hut wo desired to keep the sahhath at home, and feared we 
 should either ho light-headed for v ant of sleep ; for what with had lodging, 
 tlmsavagis' h-irltaroiis singing, (for they used losing themselves asleep,) lice 
 and fleas within doors, and musketoes without, we could hardly sleep all the 
 time of <»ur being there; we much fearing, that if wo should stay any 
 longer, we should not ho able to recover homo for want of strength. So 
 that, on Friday morning, liefore sunrising, we took our leave, and departed, 
 .Mtis,'i(tsoi/t IxMiig both gi vcd and ashamed, that he could no better enter- 
 tain ns. And rotainin;.; Visquantum to send from place to place to prf)- 
 cure truck for us, and a])pointing another, called Toknmahamon, in his 
 place, whom wc had found faithful before and after upon all occasions." 
 
 'J'his faithful servant, Tokamahamon, was in the famous "voyage to 
 the kingdom of Nausot," and was conspicuous for his courage in the 
 ox|»editioii against Caunbitant. 
 
 In 1G23, Massasoit sent to his friends in Pllmoiith to inform tliena that 
 he was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if possible, 
 the governor despatched Mr. Winslow again, with some inedi(;ino8 and 
 cordials, and Hobbomok as interj)reter; "liaving one Master John Hamden, 
 u gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, and desired much 
 to see the countrj', for my consort."t In their way they found many of 
 his subjects were gone to Pokanoket, it being their custom for all friends 
 to attend on such occasions. "When we came thither (says Mr. Winsloto) 
 we found the house so full of men, as we could scarce get in, though 
 they used their best diligence to make way for us. There were they in 
 
 Jarra- 
 Iman." 
 jtning 
 ^ht l)e 
 In mat 
 
 » La Ffalle says (Expedition in America, p. 11.) of llin Indians' beds in gonoral, thai 
 " they are made up with some pieces of wood, upon whicli they lay skins full of wool 
 or straw, but, for Iheir covering, they use the finest sort of skins, or else mats finely 
 wrouffht.'' 
 
 t Winslow's Relation. The Mr. Ilanuien mentioned, is supposed, by some, to be the 
 celebrated John Hamden, famous in the lime of Charles I., and who died of a wound 
 received in an attempt to intercept Prince Rupert, near Oxford, while supporting the 
 cause of the parliament. See Rapin's England, ii. 477, and Kemiet, iii. 1,37. 
 
 It would be highly gratifying, could the certainty of this mailer be known ; but, as 
 yet, we must acknowledge that all is mere speculation. Nevertheless, we are pleased 
 to meet with the names of such valued martyrs of jiberlv upon any page, and even 
 though they should sometimes seem rather mat apropos to the case in hand. We cannoi 
 learn that any of Hamden's biographers have discovered that he visited America. Slill 
 there is a strong presumption that he was 
 
 " The village Hampden, that, with dauntless breast, 
 The little tyrant of his fields witlistood." 
 
 Gray's Elegy. 
 
84 
 
 M/.SSASOIT. 
 
 [BuoK II. 
 
 Chap. I 
 
 tlie inidst of their cliarms for him, making sucli a hellish noise, as it 
 distempered us that were well, and, therelbre, unlike to ease him that 
 was sick. About him were six or eiglit women, who chafed his arms, 
 legs !ind thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had m^ide an end of 
 their cliarming, one told him tiiat his friends, the English, were come to 
 see him. Having understanding lell, hut his sight was wholly gone, he 
 asked, whn was come. They told him tVinsnow, (for they cannot pro- 
 nounce tl.v. letter I, but ordinarily n in the place thereof)* He desired to 
 8i)eak with me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put 
 forth his hand to me, vviiich I took. Then he said twice, though very 
 inwardly, ATeen Winsnoii}'} which is to st\y,Art thou JFinsnoiv? I an- 
 swered, Mhe, that is. Yes. Then he doubled these words : Matla neen 
 woncknncl namen, Winsnoiv! that is to say, O Winslow, I shall never 
 see thee again!" But contrary to his own expectations, as well as all his 
 li'iends, by the kind exertions of Mr. IVinslow, he in a short time entirely 
 recovered. This being a passage of great interest in tl>e life of the great 
 .yiassafoit, we will here go more into detail concerning it. When he had 
 beconi' able to speak, he desired INIr. Winslow to fu'ovide him a broth 
 Irom S(,;ne kind of fowl : " so (says ne) I took a man with nie, and made 
 a shot at a couple of ducks, some sixscore paces otl| and killed one, at 
 vvLich he wondered: so we retin'ucd forthwith, and dressed it, making 
 more broth therewith, which he much desired ; never did 1 see a man so 
 low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. The fowl being 
 extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must take off the top thereof, saying 
 it would make him very sick again if he did eat it ; this he acquainte(i 
 .Massassowat therewith, who would not be persuaded to it, though I 
 pressed it very nmch, showing the strength thereof, and the weakness 
 of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he 
 inad'' a grosp meal of it, and ate as much as would well have satisHed a 
 niaii in hclth." As fVinsloio had said, it made liim very sick, and he 
 vomited with such violence that it made the blood stream from his nose. 
 This bleeding caused them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. 
 When his 'loso ceased l>leeding, he fell asleep, and did not awake for 6 or 
 8 hours more. After he awoke, Mr. Winsloio washed his face "and s»p- 
 j)li(;d his beard and nose with a limien cloth," when taking a quantity 
 of water into his nose, by fiercely ejecting it, the blood began again to 
 tlow, and again his attendants thought he could not recover, but, to their 
 great satisfaction, it soon stopixid, and i ' gained strength rapidly. 
 
 l''or this attention of the English he was veiy grateful, and always 
 b<;li(n'ed that his preservation at this time was from the benefit received 
 from Mr. IVinslow. In his way on his visit to Massasoit, he broke a 
 bottle containing some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the 
 sachem's recovery, wrote a letter to the governor of Pliinouth for another, 
 and some chickens, and giving him an account of his success thus far. 
 The intention was no sooner made known to Massasoit, than one of his 
 men was set otf, at two o'clock at night, for Pliinouth, who returned again 
 with astonishing quic'-ness. The chickens being alive, Massasoit was so 
 pleased with them, and, being better, would not suffer them to be killed, 
 
 * Every people, niul roiisoqueutly every Imi^iiagc, have their peruHaritics. Baron 
 Lahontan, Mcmoirvs tie la Ameiii/iie, ii. '2',ji), 237, says, '• Je clirai di: la laiii^iu- ili'n llu- 
 rotis and ties frty/uois line chose assez nirieiise, ijui est iiii'il ne s'lj /roiii'e point de letlns 
 labiates ; c'est a tlire, tie I), (", ni, |). (dependant, cette lanffne des llurtms paroit Sire fort 
 belle el tie nn son lout a fait beau; tjuoi tpi'ils nefei mciit jamais burs b'vres en parlant," 
 And •' J'ai /w.s.s" tpiat re jours a, wultnr fiire prunonrer tt des llurtms les leltres labiates, 
 tmis je n'ai pi), y reilssir, et je rrtiis i/u'en dix ans its ne pnurrouf tiire crs mots, l)<)ii, 
 fils, Monsieur, Fontrliariiain ; car an lieu de dire bon, 77,v dirtrienl ouon, tin lieu (lefts, ila 
 pnmtvicertiienl rils ; au lieu de monsieur, caounsieur. au licude I'oiitchartrain, Couchar- 
 Irain." Hence il seems their languages are analogous. 
 
 
 and ke] 
 
 dence, i 
 
 of a plo 
 
 off the 
 
 English 
 
 join in i 
 
 liis end( 
 
 brought 
 
 At thi 
 
 Massasc 
 
 people v 
 
 exprcsse 
 
 request!] 
 
 at that ti 
 
 saying tl 
 
 Hohomoh 
 
 "Mair 
 
 by their " 
 
 In 1G3 
 
 the sach 
 
 under th 
 
 Massasoi 
 
 changed 
 
 or Ousan 
 
 with the 
 
 We im 
 
 Plimouth 
 
 liini, to la 
 
 because, i 
 
 in whose 
 
 Jiad boug 
 
 It was ii 
 
 seized anc 
 
 were at b 
 
 stored pea 
 
 of the do 
 
 Jf'illiams, 
 
 Plimouth, 
 
 to his bei 
 
 himself ai 
 
 Ilhode I.kI 
 
 Providenc 
 
 nomi/, win 
 
 for him, fc 
 
 It appea 
 
 some meai 
 
 qiiin. Foi 
 
 in the aut 
 
 means to 
 
 croachmeii 
 
 i)ropcrties 
 
 otie sagani 
 
 he reduced 
 
 Jiim.''* 
 
 Under 
 
Chap. II] 
 
 MASSASOIT. 
 
 25 
 
 ilways 
 
 Iceived 
 
 •oke a 
 
 |t(> the 
 
 iiother, 
 
 Ins tar. 
 
 of his 
 
 again 
 
 was HO 
 
 killed, 
 
 RaroD 
 lies H li- 
 lt fl lettnt 
 trhe fort 
 yarlunt." 
 Uabiali'H, 
 
 ills, i)<)», 
 
 Pouchrtr- 
 
 and kept them, with the idea of raising more. Wliile at AFdssasoiV/i resi- 
 dence, and just as they were about to depart, the saciiem told Hobomok 
 of a plot laid by some of his subordinate chiefs for the purpose of cutting 
 off* tlie two English plantations, which he charged him to acquaint the 
 English with, " hich he did. Massasoit stated that he had been urged to 
 join in it, or give his consent thereunto, but had always refused, and used 
 his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of the evils which that plot 
 brought u[)on its authors will be found in the history of Wittmvamet, 
 
 At this time the English became more sensible of the real virtues of 
 Massasoit than ever before. His great anxiety for the welfare of his 
 people was manifested by his desiring Mr. IVinslow, or, as Winslow himself 
 expresses it, " He caused me to go from one to another, [in his village,] 
 requesting me to wash their mouths also, [many of his people being sick 
 at that time,] and give to each of them some of the sanrie I gave him, 
 saying they were good folk." An account of his character as given by 
 Hobomok will be found in the life of that chief or paniese. 
 
 " 3Iany whilst we were there (says fVinslow) came to see him ; some, 
 by their report, from a place not less than 100 miles from thence." 
 
 In 1(332, a short war was carried on between Massasoit and Canonicus, 
 the sachem of the Narraganscts, but the English interfering with a force 
 under the sjjirited Capt. Standish^ ended it with very little bloodshed. 
 Massasoit exiiected a serious contest; and, as usual on such occasions, 
 changed his name, and was ever after known by the name of Owsamequin. 
 or Ousameqidn. Our historical recortls fiu'nish no particulars of his war 
 with the Nari-pgaiisets, further than we have stated. 
 
 We may infer from a letter written by Ro^tr Williams, that some of 
 Plimouth instigated Massasoit, or Ousamequm, as we should now call 
 bin), to lay claim to Providence, which gave that good man some trouble, 
 because, in that case, his lands were considered as belonging to Plimouth, 
 in whose jurisdiction he was not suffered to reside ; and, moreover, he 
 had bought and paid for all ho jjossessed, of the NaiTaganset sachems. 
 It was in 1635 that Mr Williams fled to that country, to avoid being 
 seized and sent to England. He found that Canonicus and Miuntunnomok 
 were at bitter enmity with Ousamequin, but by his great exertions he re- 
 stored peace, without which he could not have been secure, in a border 
 of the dominion of either. Ousamequin was well acquaintPfl with Mr. 
 Williams, whom he had often seen during his two years' residence at 
 Plimouth, and was a great friend to him, and therefore he listened readily 
 to his benevolent instructions; giving up the land in dispute between 
 himself and the Nairaganset sachems, which was the island now called 
 Rhode Island, Prudence Island, and perhaps some others, together with 
 Providence. " And (says Mr. Williams) I never denied him, nor Meann- 
 nomy, whatever they desired of me." Hence their love and attachment 
 for him, for this is their own mode of living. 
 
 It api)eai-s that, before MiantunnomoJi's reverecs of fortune, he had, by 
 some means or other, got possession of some of the dominions of Ousame- 
 quin. For at the meeting of the Connnissioners of the United Colonies, 
 in the autu mi of 1643, the^ order, "That Plymouth 1nl)or by all due 
 means to restore Woosameqiiin to his full liberties, in respn't of any en- 
 croachments by the Nanohiggansetts, or any other natives; that so the 
 projwrties of the Indians may be preserved to themscives, and that no 
 one sagamore encroacli upon the rest as of late: and that Woosamequin 
 hv reduced to those former terms and agi-cements between Plymouth and 
 him."* 
 
 Under date 1638, Gov. Winthrop says, " Oivsamekin, the .'sachem of 
 
 * Records of the U. Colonies. 
 
26 
 
 MASSASOIT. 
 
 [Hook II. 
 
 Acoomemeck, on this side Connecticut, came to [him] the governor, and 
 broiigiit a present of 18 skins of beaver from himself and tiie sachems of 
 Mohegan beyond Connecticut and Pakontuckett." They having heard 
 that the English were about to make war upon them was tlie cause of 
 their sending this present. The governor accepted it, and told Ousame- 
 quin, that if they had not wronged the English, nor assisted their enemies, 
 tliey had nothing to fear ; and, giving liim a letter to the governor of Con- 
 necticut, dismissed him well satisfied.* 
 
 In 1G49, Ousamequin sold to Miles Stanrlish, and the other inhabitants 
 of Duxbury, "a tract of land usually called Saughtucket" seven miles 
 sfjuare. This was Kridgevvater. It had been before granted to them, 
 only, however, in preemption. They agreed to pay Ousamequin seven 
 coats, of a yard and a half each, nine hatchets, eight hoes, twenty knives, 
 four moose skins, and ten and n half yards of cotton cloth. 
 
 By a deed bearing date 9th 3Iarch, 1653, Ousamequin and his son JVam- 
 sitto, {Wanisulta,'\ afterwards called Mcxander, sold to the English of Pli- 
 niouth "all those severall parcells of land lyeing on the south-etisterly side 
 of Sinkunkc, alias Rehoboth, bounded by a little brooke of water called 
 Moskituash westerly, and soe runing by a dead swamp eastward, and 
 soe by marked t/ees as Ousamequin and Wam^tto directed, unto the 
 great riuor, and all the meadow about the sides of both, and about the 
 neck called Chachacust, also Papasquash neck, also the meadow from the 
 bay to Keecoinewett," &c. For tins the consideration was " £35 ster- 
 ling." 
 
 By a writing bearing date " this twenty-one of September, 1G57," Ousame- 
 quin says, " I Vjsamequen do by these presents ratify and allow the sale 
 of a certain island called Chesewanocke, or Hogg Island, which my son 
 Wamsitla sold to Richard Smith, of Portsmouth in R. I., with my consent, 
 which deed of sale or bargain made the 7th of February in the yeai" 1(353, 
 I do ratify, own and confirm." 
 
 In 1656, Mr. WUiianm says that Ousamequin, by one of his sachems, 
 " was at daily feud with Fumham about the title and lordship of Warwick ;" 
 and that hostility was daily expected. But we are not informed that 
 any thing serious took place. 
 
 This is the year in which it has been generally supposed that Ousame- 
 quin died, but it is an error of Hutchinson^s transplanting from Mr. Huh- 
 hnrd's work into his own. That an en-or should flourish in so good a 
 soil as that of the " History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay," is no 
 wonder ; but it is a wonder that the " accurate Hutchinson'^ should set 
 down that date, from that passage of the Indian Wars, which waf evi- 
 dently made without reflection. It being at that time thought a circum- 
 stance of no consequence. 
 
 That the sachem of Pokanoket should be scarcely known to our records 
 between 1657 and IGGl, a space of only about three years, as we have 
 shown, is not very surprising, when we reflect that he was entirely sub- 
 servient to the English, and nearly or quite all of his lands being before 
 disposetl of, or given up to them. This, theroflire, is a plain reason why 
 we do not meet with his name to d.eds and other instruments. And, be- 
 sides this consideration, another sachem was known to be associated with 
 him at the former period, who seems to have acted as Ousamequin's rep- 
 resentative. 
 
 He was alive in 1G61, and as late in that year as September. Several 
 months previous to this, Oneko, with about seventy men, fell upon a de- 
 fenceless town wltliin the dominions of Ousamequin, killing three persons 
 and carrying away six othere captive. He complained to the General 
 
 * Journal, i. 264. 
 
Chap. II] 
 
 CAUNBITANT. 
 
 27 
 
 Court of Massachusetts, wliicli interfered in I lis behalf, and the matter was 
 soon settled.* 
 
 From the " Relation" of Dr. /. Mulher, it is clear that Ijc lived until 
 lGli2. His words are, ^^ Alexander bi.ing dead, [having died in 1()()2,] his 
 brother Philip, of late cursed meniary, rose up iii his stoad, and he 'vas 
 no sooner styled suciiem, but ininieiliately, in the year IGG2, there wer.i 
 vehement suspicions of his bloody t/eachery agamst the Eiigli8h."f 
 
 Whether he had more than two ions, is not certain, although it is con- 
 fidently believed that he had. It is jjrobable that his family was large. 
 A company of soldiei*s from 15ridgewater, in a skirmish with Philip, took 
 his sister, and killed a brother of Oasameqiiin, wliose name was iJnkom- 
 
 f\otn,\ or Akkompoin.^ That he had another brother, called Qiiadequina, 
 las been mentioned. 
 
 Gov. Winthrop gives the follov, ing anecdote of Ousainequin. As Mr. 
 Edward Winslow was returning from a trading voyage southward, having 
 left his vessel, he traveled home by land, and in the way stopped with his 
 old friend Massasoit, who agreed to accompany him the rest of the way. 
 In the mean time, Ousainequin sent one of his men forward to Pliinoutli, 
 to surprise the people with the news of Mr. Winsloiv's death. By his 
 manner of relating it, and the particular circumstances attending, no one 
 doubted of its truth, and everyone was grieved and mourned exceedingly 
 at their great loss. But presently they were as much surj)rised at seeing 
 him coming in company with Ousainequin. When it was known among 
 the peojile that the sachem had sent this news to them, they demanded 
 why he should thus deceive them. lie replied that it was to make him 
 the more welcome when he did return, and that this was a custom of his 
 people. 
 
 One of the most renowned captains within the dominions of Massasoit 
 was Caunbitant,|| whose residence was at a place called Mettapoiset, in 
 the present town of Swansey. His character was much the same as that 
 of the famous Metacomet. The English were always viewed by him as 
 intruders and enemies of his race, and there is little doubt but he intended 
 to wrest the country out of their hands on the first opportunity. 
 
 In August, 1621, Caunbitant was supposed to be in the interest of the 
 Narragansets, and plotting with them to overthrow Massasoit ; and, being 
 at Namasket seeking " to draw the hearts of MassasoyVs subjects from 
 him ; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the pence between 
 Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and al TSsquantum, the worker of it; also at 
 Tokamahamon, and one Hohomok, (two Indians or Lemes, one of which 
 he would treacherously have murdered a little before, being a special and 
 trusty man of MassasoyVs,) Tokamahamon went to him, but the other two 
 would not; yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see if they 
 could hear of their king, and, lodging at Namaschet, were discovered to 
 Coubaiant, who set a guiu'd to beset the house, and took Tisquantum, (for 
 he had said, if he were dead, the English had lost their tongue.) Hohbamok 
 seeing that Tisquantum was taken, and Coubatant held [holding] a knife 
 at his breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them, and came to 
 New Plimouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought 
 to be slain." 
 
 Upon this the Plimouth people sent an expedition, under Standish, of 
 14 men,1I "and Hohbamok. for their guide, to revenge the supposed death 
 
 * Original riMnuscript documents. Tlie pnrticulars of these matters will be given at 
 large, wlien we come to treat of the lifi' of Uveas. 
 
 t Relation, 72. J: I. Slather. 44. $ Church, 38, edit. 4to. 
 
 II Corbitant, Coubatant, and Conbituiit, were ways of writing his name also, by hia 
 cotemporaries. 
 
 V Ten, says the Relation. 
 
fl' 
 
 28 
 
 CAUNBITANT. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 of Tisquanlum on Coiihalant our bitter enemy, and to retain JVepeof, 
 another Haclieni, or governor, who was of tiiis confederacy, till we heard 
 wiiat was i)L'conie of our friend Massasoyl." 
 
 After much toil, the little army arrived near the place they expected to 
 find Caunhitant, "Before we came to the town (says the narrator) we 
 sat down and eat such as our knapsacks aflbrded ; that being done, we 
 threw them aside, and all such things as might hii-der us, and so went on 
 and beset the house, according to our last resolution. Those that entered, 
 demanded if Coubatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the savages of 
 speech. We charged them not to stir, for if Coubatant were not there, 
 we would not meddle with them ; if he were, e came princi{)ally for 
 him, to be avenged on him for tiie supposed d' h of Tisquanttim, and 
 other matters : but howsoever, we would not at all hurt their women or 
 children. Notwithstanding, some of them jjressed out at a private door, 
 and escaped, but with some wounds. At length perceiving our principal 
 ends, they told us Coubatant was returned [home] with all his train, and 
 that Tisquantum was yet living, and in the town ; [then] offering some 
 tobacco, [and] other, such as they had to eat." 
 
 In this hurley hurley, (as they call it,) two guns were fired "at random," 
 to the great terror of all but Squanto and Tokumahamon, " who, though 
 they knew not our end in coming, yet assured them [so frightened] of our 
 honesty, [and] that we would not hurt them." The Indian boys, seeing 
 the squaws protected, cried out, JVeensquaes ! N'tensquaes ! that is, J am a 
 sqiiaio! lam a squaw! and the women tried to screen themselves in 
 Hobonwk's presence, i-eminding him that he was their friend. 
 
 This attack upon a defenceless house was made at midnight, and 
 must have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates, espe- 
 cially the sound of the English guns, which few, if any of them, had ever 
 heard before. The relater proceeds : " But to be short, we kept them 
 we had, and made them make a fire that we might see to search the 
 house; in the meantime, Hobbamok gat on the top of the house, and called 
 Tisquwitum and Tokamuhatnon.''^ They soon came, with some othei-s 
 with them, some armed and others naked. The English took away the 
 bows and arrows from those that were armed, but promised to return them 
 as soon as it was day, which they probably did. 
 
 They kept possession of the captured wigwam until daylight, when 
 they released their prisoners, and marched into the town (as they call it) 
 of the Namaskets. Here, it appears, Squanto had a house, to which they 
 went, and took breakfast, and held a court afterward, from which they 
 issued forth the following decree against Caunhitant : — 
 
 " Thither came all whose hearts were upright towards us, but all Cou- 
 batanfs faction were fled away. There in the midst of them we mani- 
 fested again our intendiiient, assuring them, that, although Covbitant had 
 now escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from 
 us, if he continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, 
 who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till 
 he uow so justly deserved it. Moreover, if Massasoyt did not return in 
 safety from Narrohigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrec- 
 tion against him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, Hobomok, or any of 
 MassasoyVs subjects, we would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of 
 him awA his. As for those [who] were wounded, [how many is not 
 mentioned,] we were sorry for it, though themselves |)rocured it in not 
 staying in the house at our command : yet, if they would return home 
 with us, our surgeon should heal them. At this offer one man and a 
 wonjan that were wounded went home with us, Tisquantum and many 
 other known friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might 
 be by carriage of any thing we had io ease us. So that by God's good 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 CAUNBITANT. 
 
 20 
 
 providence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set 
 forth."* 
 
 Notwithstanding tlicse rough passages, Cnunbitant became in appear- 
 ance reconciled to the English, and on the 13th Sept. following went to 
 Plimouth and signed a treaty of amity. It was through the intercession 
 of Massasoit that he became again reconciled, but the English always 
 doubted his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty 
 or submission was in these words : — 
 
 " Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are under- 
 written, do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal subjects of King Jame*, 
 king of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In 
 witness whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, we liave subscribed 
 our names, or marks, as foUoweth : — 
 
 Ohquamehud, 
 
 Cawnacome, 
 
 Obbatinnua, 
 
 Nattawahunt, 
 
 Caunbatant, 
 
 Chikkatabak, 
 
 Quadaquina, 
 iiuttmoide^, 
 Apannow." 
 
 O. me of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, 
 and of others very little. 
 
 Obbatinua is supposed to have been sachem of Shawmut, where Bos- 
 ton now stands. 
 
 Cawnacome and Apannoio may be the same before spoken of as Cone- 
 conam and Ejyanow.^ JVattawahunt we sliall again meet with, under the 
 name J^Tashoonon. Coneconam was sachem of Manomet, on Cape Cod. 
 
 When, in the winter of IG23, the English traversed the country to trade 
 with the Indians for corn, they visited him among other chiefs ; who, 
 they say, " it seemed was of good respect, and authority, amongst the In- 
 dians. For whilst the governor was there, within night, in bitter cold 
 weather, came two men i'rom 3Ianamoyck, before spoken of, and having 
 set aside their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by 
 the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time, 
 nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they 
 would speak. At length they looked toward Canacuvi; and one of 
 them made a short speech, and delivered a present to him, from his 
 sachim, which wai a basket of tobacco, and many beads, which the 
 other received thanl fully. After which he made a long 8j)eoch to him," 
 the meaning of whicli Hobomok said was, that two of their men fell out 
 in a game, " for they tise gaming as much as any where, and will play 
 away all, even their skin from their backs, yen their wive's skins also," 
 and one killed the other. That the murderer was a powow, " one of 
 special note amongst them," and one whom they did not like to part 
 with ; yet they were threatened with war, if they did not kill the murderer. 
 That, therefore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Coneconam 
 was first obtained. 
 
 After consulting with this chief, and some of his head men, these mes- 
 sengei-s desired Hoboinok''s judgment upon the matter. With some def- 
 erence he repUed, that " he thought it was better that one should die 
 than many, since he had deserved it ;" " whereupon he passed the sentence 
 of death upon him." 
 
 We shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the 
 first act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its course brought ruin 
 upon its projectors. 
 
 * From Mourt, nt nupra, and signed only with the capital letter A, which is supposed 
 to stand for Tsanc Allerton, who accompanied Standisli prrha])s. From the use of lh« 
 pronoun in the first person, the writer, whoever lie was, must have been preseut. 
 
 t See chapter i. of b. ii. 
 
 3* 
 
30 
 
 WITTUWAMET AND PEKSUOT. 
 
 [Rook II. 
 
 When Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. John Hamden went to visit MaS' 
 saaoit in liis sickness, in lti!23, they heard by some Indians, when near 
 CaunbitanVs residence, that Massasoil was really dead : they, therefore, 
 though with much hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping they might 
 treat with him, he being then thought the successor of Massasoit. But 
 he was not at home. The squaw sachem, his wife, treated them with 
 great kindness, and learning here that Massasoit was still alive, they 
 made all haste to Pokanoket. When they returned, they staid all night 
 with Caunbitant, at his house, who accompanied them there from Mas- 
 sasoiVs. 
 
 Mr. Winslow gives the account in these words: — "That night, through 
 the earnest recjuest of Conbatant, who, till now, remained at Sowaams, 
 or Puckanokick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way, I had 
 much conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable 
 politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased 
 than when the like are returned again ujjon him. Amongst other things 
 he asked me, if in case he were thus dangerously sick, as Massasoit had 
 been, and should send word thereof to Patuxct, for maskiest,* [that is, 
 physic,] whether their master governor would send it ; and if he would, 
 whether I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered, 
 yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks." He then expressed his 
 surprise that two Englishmen should adventure so far alone into their 
 country, and asked them if they were not afraid. Mr. Winslow said, 
 "where was true love, there was no fear." "But," said Caunbitant^ '■'•if 
 your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, hoio cometh it to pass, that 
 when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, loith the mouth of 
 your pieces presented towards tw?" Mr. Winslow told him that was a 
 mark of respect, and that they received their best friends in that manner; 
 but to this he shook his head, and answered, that he did not like such 
 salutations.f 
 
 When Caunbitant saw his visiters crave a blessing before eating, and 
 ftjturn thanks afterwards, he desired to know what it meant. "Here- 
 upon I took occasion (says our author) to tell them of God's works of 
 creation and preservation, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the 
 ten commandments." They found no particular fault with the command- 
 ments, except the seventh, but said there were many inconveniences in 
 that a man should be tied to one woman. About which they reasoned 
 a good while. 
 
 When Mr. Winslow explained the goodness of God in bestowing on 
 them all their comforts, and that for this reason they thanked and blessed 
 him, " this all of them concluded to be very well ; and said they believed 
 almost all the same things, and that the same power that we call God 
 they called Kichtan" " Here we remained only that night, but never 
 had better entertainment amongst any of them." 
 
 What became of this chief is unknown. His name appearing no more 
 in our records, leads us to suppose that he either fled his country on the 
 murder of Wittmvamet, Peksuot, and others, or that he died about that time, 
 
 Wittmoamet was a Massachusetts chief, as was his companion Peksuot, 
 but their particular residence has not been assigned. Wiituwamet was a 
 desperate and bold fellow, and, like most other warriors, delighted in the 
 blood of his enemies. It is not improbable but that he became exasper- 
 ated against the English from the many abuses some of them had 
 practised upon his countiymen. This will account, perhaps, for all the 
 severity and malignity portrayed by the forefathers in his character. 
 
 * In Williams's Key, Maskit is translated, " Give me some physic." 
 t Good News from N. England, Col. Mass. Hist. Sec, 
 
 Chap, 1 
 
 He was 
 
 French 
 That 
 freed tl 
 and in r 
 this obji 
 the reco 
 We li 
 the voyi 
 trade for 
 all he 
 it to Plir 
 meet wit 
 mischief 
 with tw( 
 men. T 
 villain, oi 
 and Frei 
 weakness 
 faces, mo 
 about hh 
 presenter! 
 in an aud 
 he be tli 
 The end i 
 chuseucki 
 themselve 
 same: yel 
 niore stre 
 Plimouth 
 argument! 
 countrym( 
 the oveitl 
 solicited t 
 to a«!sist t 
 tliere was 
 thought be 
 Conecon 
 very parti 
 the foriner 
 employed 
 was severe 
 the time 
 night kept 
 We hav 
 chief had 
 iiig Hobomi 
 at that tiui 
 Mattachiesi 
 fore, (says 
 couiitrymei 
 chi'set,' wh 
 we were w 
 If, snid he, 
 that answe 
 killed, they 
 late to rec( 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 WITTUWAMET AND PEKSUOT. 
 
 31 
 
 He was one of those, they say, wlio murdered some of the crew of the 
 French shij), cast away upon Cape Cod, as we have before mentioned. 
 
 That Wiltuivamet, Peksuot, and some other cliiefs, intended to hav(; 
 freed their country of intruders in the year 1G23, there can be no doubt, 
 and in relating the rise, progress and termination of tlieir league to eft'ect 
 this object, we shall, to avoid the charge of partiality, adhere closely to 
 the record. 
 
 We have before, in speaking of Caunecwn, or Coneconam, mentioned 
 the voyage of the governor of Pliniouth to that sachem's counti-y to 
 trade for com ; that was in January, 1G23. Not being able to bring away 
 all he obtained, Capt. Miles Standish was sent the next month to take 
 it to Plimouth, also to purchase more at the same place, but he did not 
 meet with very good reception, which led him to ap' rehend there was 
 mischief at hand. And immediately after, while at Coneconam's house 
 with two or three of his company, " in came two of the Massachusetts 
 men. The chief of them was called Wittmoamat, a notable insulting 
 villain, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the blood of English 
 and French, and had oft boasted of his own valor, and derided their 
 weakness, especially because, as he said, they died crying, making sour 
 faces, more like children than men. This villain took a dagger from 
 about his neck, which he had gotten of Master Jfestoii's people, and 
 presented it to the sachem, [Coneconam,] and after made a long speech 
 in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort as the captain, though 
 he be the best linguist among us, could not gather any thing from it. 
 The end of it was afterwards discovered to be as foiloweth. The Massa- 
 chuseucks formerly concluded to ruinate Mr. Weston's colony ; and thought 
 themselves, being about 30 or 40 men, strong enough to execute the 
 same : yet they dui*st not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered 
 more strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at 
 Plimouth ; concluding that if we remained, though they had no other 
 arguments to use against us, yet we would never leave the death of our 
 countrymen unrevenged ; and therefore their safety could not be without 
 the overthrow of both plantations. To this end they had formerly 
 solicited this sachem, as also the other, called lanoiigh, and many others, 
 to assist them; and now again came to prosecute the same ; and since 
 there was so fair an opporttmity offered by the captain's presence, they 
 thought best to make sure of him and his company." 
 
 Coneconam, after this speech, ti'eated Standish with neglect, and was 
 very partial to fVittuwamet, which much increased the jealousy of 
 the former. These Indians meantime contrived to kill Standish, having 
 employed a "lusty Indian of Paomet" to execute the plan. The weather 
 was severely cold, and Standish lodged on shore at night, and this was 
 the time he was to have been killed. But the extreme coldness of the 
 night kept him from sleeping, and thus he avoided assassination. 
 
 VVe have had occasion, in the life of Massasoit, to mention that that 
 chief had been solicited to engage in this confederacy, ami of his charg- 
 ing Hobomok to warn the English of it. The people of the placcvS named 
 at that time by Massasoit, as in the plot, were Nauset, Paomet, Siiceonet, 
 Mattachiest, Manomet, Agowa\'Avam,and the Island of Capawack. "There- 
 fore, (says Mr. Winslow in his Relation,) as we respected the lives of our 
 countrymen and our own safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massa- 
 chi!5et, who were the authors of this intended mischief. And whereas 
 we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began, 
 If, said he, [Massasoit to Hobomok,] upon this intelligence, they make 
 that answer, tell them, when their countrymen at Wichaguseusset are 
 killed, they not being able to defend themselves, that then it will be too 
 late to recover their lives," and it would be with difficulty that they pre- 
 
32 
 
 WITTUWAiMET.— WESTON'S COLONY. 
 
 [Rook II. 
 
 served their own; "and tliorefore he counselled, without delay, to take 
 away tiie principuls, and then the plot would cease." 
 
 IMcanwliile Weston's men had fallen into a miserable and wretched 
 condition ; some, to procure a daily sustenance, became servants to the 
 .Indians, " fetching diem wood and water, &c., and all for a meal's meat." 
 Those who were thus degraded, were, of course, only a few who had 
 abandoned themselves to riot and dissipation, but whose conduct had 
 affected the well being of the whole, notwithstanding. Some of these 
 wretches, in their extremities, had stolen corn from the Indians, on whose 
 complaint they had l)een put in the stocks and whipped. This not 
 giving the Indians satisfaction, one was hanged. This was in February, 
 l(J2;j. 
 
 AI)out this capital punishment much has been written ; some doubting 
 the fact that any one was hanged, others that it was the real offender, 
 &c. But in our opinion the facts are incontestable that one was hanged; 
 but whether the one really guilty or not, is not quite so easily settled. 
 The fact that one was hanged for another appears to have been of com- 
 mon notoriety, both in Old and New England, from shortly after the 
 affair until the beginning of the next century.* 
 
 Mr. Huhhard\ has this passage upon the affair : — " Certain it is, they [the 
 Indians] were so provoked with their filching and stealing, that they 
 threatened them, as the Philistines did Satnsoii's father-in-law, after the 
 loss of their corn ; insomuch that the company, as some report, pretended, 
 in way of satisfaction, to punish him that did the theft, but, in his stead, 
 hanged a poor, decrepit old man, that was unserviceable to the company, 
 [an old bed-rid weaver,!] ^^^ burdensome to keep alive, which was the 
 ground of the story with which the merry gentleman, that wrote the 
 poem called Hudibras, did, in his poetical fancy, make so much sport." 
 And from the same author it appears that tlie circumstance was well 
 known at Plimouth, but they pretended that the right person was hanged, 
 or, ui our author's own words, " as if the person hanged was really 
 guilty of stealing, as may be were many of the rest, and if they were 
 driven by necessity to content the Indians, at that time, to do justice, there 
 being some of 31r. WestorCs company living, it is possible it might be 
 executed not on him that most deserved, but on him that could be best 
 spared, or who was not like to live long if he had been let alone." 
 
 It will now be expected that we produce the passage of Hudibras. 
 Here it is : — 
 
 " Though nice and dark the point appear, 
 
 (Quoth Ralpli,) it may holci up, and clear. 
 
 Tiiat Sinners may supply the place 
 
 Of suffering Saints, is a plain Case. 
 
 Justice ffives Sentence, many times, 
 
 On one Man for another's crimes. 
 
 Our Brethren of New England use 
 
 Choice Malefactors to excuse, 
 
 And harig the Guiltless in their stead, 
 
 Of whom the Churches have less need : 
 
 As lately 't happen'd : In a town 
 
 There lived a Cobbler, and but one. 
 
 That out of Doctrine could cut Use, 
 
 And mend Men's Lives, as well as Shoes. 
 
 This precious Brother having slain, 
 
 In Times of Peace, an Indian, 
 
 (Not out of Malice, but mere Zeal, 
 
 Because he was an infidel,) 
 
 The mighty Tottipottxjmoy 
 
 Sent to our Elders an Envoy, 
 
 * See Col. N. H. Hist. Soc, iii. 148. and b. i. chap. iii. ante. 
 
 t Hist. N. Eng. n. \ Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 148. 
 
Chap. II] 
 
 WITTUVVAMET— WESTON'S COLONY 
 
 at 
 
 Complaining sorely of the Hreach 
 or I.,cague, held t'ortli by Brollier Patch, 
 Against the Articles in (brcc, 
 Between belli cliurclics, his and ours, 
 For which he craved the Haints to render 
 Into his Hands, or hang th' Offender : 
 But they maturely having weighed, 
 They had no more but him o' tli' Trade, 
 (A Man that served them in a double 
 Capacity, to Teach and Cobble,) 
 Rcsolv'd to spare him ; yet to do 
 Tlie Indian Ifon^han Aloghgan, loo. 
 Impartial Justice, in his stead, did 
 Hang an old Weaver that was Bed-rid. 
 Then wherefore may not you be skip'd, 
 And in your Room another Whipp'u 1" 
 
 Tlie following note was early printed to this passage : — " The history 
 of the cobbler had been attested by persons of good credit, who wore 
 upon the place when it was done." Mr. Butler wrote this part of his 
 Hudibras before 1G(33. 
 
 Thomas Morton, who was one of the company, though perhaps absent 
 at the time, pretends that there was no plot of the Indians, and insinuates 
 that the PUmoutheans caused all the trouble, and that their rashness 
 caused the Indians to massacre some of their men, as we shall presently 
 relate, from a book which Mr. Morton published.* 
 
 " Master JVeston's plantation being settled at Wessaguscus, his servants, 
 many of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavor to take the 
 benefit of the countiy, some of them fell sick end died. 
 
 " One amongst the rest, an able-bodied man, that ranged the woods, to 
 see what it would afford, lighted By accident on an Indian barn, and from 
 thence did ta' =3 a cap full of corn. The salvage owner of it, Ending by 
 the foot [track] some English had been there, came to the plantation, and 
 made complaint afler this manner. The chief commander of the com- 
 pany, on this occasion, called a Parliament of all his people, but those 
 that were sick and ill at ease.f And wisely now they must consult, upon 
 this huge complaint, that a privy [paltry] knife or string of beads would 
 well enough have qualified: And Edward lohnson was a special judge 
 of this business. The fact was there in repetition, construction made, 
 that it was fellony, and by the laws of England punished with death, and 
 this in execution must be put for an example, and likewise to appease the 
 salvage ; when straightways one arose, moved as it were with some compas- 
 sion, and said he could not well gainsay the former sentence ; yet he had 
 conceived, within the compass of his brain, an embrio, that was of 
 special consequence to be delivered, and cherished, he said ; that it would 
 most a})dy serve to pacify the salvage's complaint, and save the life of 
 one that might (if need should be) stand them in some good stead ; being 
 young and strong, fit for resistance against an enemy, which might come 
 unexpectedly, for any thing they knew. 
 
 " The oration made was liked of every one, and he intreated to show 
 the means how this may be performed. Says he, you all agree that one 
 must die, and one shall die. This young man's clothes we will take off, 
 and put upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot 
 escape death ; such is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. 
 Put the young man's clothes on this man, and let the sick person be 
 hanged in the other's stead. Amen, says one, and so says many more. 
 And this had like to have proved their fin'l senteir^c j and being there 
 
 * Entitled New English Canaan, 4to. Amsterdam, 1037. 
 
 t Against this sentence, in the margin, is—" A poor complaint." 
 
34 
 
 WIT TLWAMET— WASSAPINEWAT. 
 
 [Hook II. 
 
 coiifinund l»y act of Parliaiiicnt to n.^ ajres for a precedent. But that 
 OIK', with a ravenous voice, bcj^tin to luk and bellow for revenge, and 
 
 fiiit by that conclusive motion ; allef^.u,_, such deceits might be a means 
 lereafler to exasperate the minds of the complaining salvages, and that, 
 by his death, tlie salvages should see their zeal to justice, and, therefore, 
 lie should die. This was concluded ; yet, nevertheless, a scruple was 
 mad(!; now to countermand this act did reoresent itself unto their minds, 
 wliicii was how they should do to get the man's good will : this was 
 indeed a special ol)stacle: for without that (they all agreed) it would Ixs 
 dangerous, for any man to attem|)t the execution of it, lest mischief should 
 befall them every nmn. He was a person that, in his wrath, did seem to 
 be a second Sampson, able to beat out their brains with the jaw-b«)ne 
 of an ass : therelore they called the man, and by perauasion got him fast 
 bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest, who, 
 with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all these wise judges 
 of this Parliament to a pittiful non plus, {as it hath been credibly report- 
 ed,) and made the chief jiulge of them all buckle to him." 
 
 This is an entire chapter of the New Canaan, which, on account of 
 its great rarity, we have given in full. In bis next chapter Mr. Morton 
 j)roceed3 to narrate the circumstances of the "massacre" of Witluiramtl^ 
 Peksuot, and other Massachusetts Indians, and the consequences of it. 
 But we shall now draw from the Plimouth historian, and afterwards use 
 Morton's chapter as we find occasion. 
 
 Mr. JVinslow says that Mr. Weston's men "knew not of this conspiracy 
 of the Indians before his [John Sanders, their 'overseer'] going; neither 
 was it known to any of us till our return from Sowaams, or Puckanokick : 
 at which time also another sachim, called Wassapineivat, brother to Ohta- 
 kiesf, the sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for 
 partaking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, 
 revealed the same thing," [as Massasoit had done.] 
 
 It was now the 23d March, 1623, "a yearly court day" at Plimouth, on 
 which war was proclaimed, " in public court," against the ftlassachusetts 
 Indians. "We came to tliis conclusion, (says Winslow,) that Captain 
 Standish sliould take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make his 
 
 tjarty good against all the Indians in the Massachusetts Bay ; and as 
 )ecause, as all men know that have to do with theiii in that kind, it is 
 impossible to deal with them upon open defiance, but to take them in 
 such traps as they lay for others ; therefore he should pretend trade as at 
 other times: but first go to the English, [at Wessaguscus,] and acquaint 
 them with the plot, and the end of their own coming, that, comparing it 
 with their own carriages towards them, he might better jiidge of the 
 certainty of it, and more fitly Lf.ke ojjportunity to revenge the same : but 
 should forbare, if it were possible, till such time as he coidd make sure 
 Wittuwamnt, that Idoody and bold villain before spoken of; whose head 
 he had order to bring with him, that he might be a warning and terror to 
 all that disposition." 
 
 We will now hear a word of what Mr. Morton has to say upon this 
 transaction. "After the end of that Parliament, [which ended in the 
 hanging of one,*] some of the plantation there, about three persojis, went to 
 live with Checatawhack and his coiTipany, and had very good quarter, for 
 all the former quarrel with the Plimouth planters.! Thoy are not like 
 fVill Sommers,t to take one for another. There they pur[)osed to stay 
 
 But the Plimouth men intending no good 
 
 until Master IVeston's arrival ; 
 
 * As Tnentioned in our last extract fro n tliis author. 
 
 f Ttcferring'. it is supposed, to tlie quarrel with Caunbitant. 
 
 \ The person who j)roi)osed hanging u sick man instead of the real ofTciidcr. 
 
Chap. 11] 
 
 MASSACRE AT WESSAC.LSCUS. 
 
 35 
 
 to liirn, (as npprnrcd l)y tlio poiisoquciirc,) came in tlin nirnn time to 
 W'i ssuj.'usruw, Hiid tlicre prctciulcd to tiiiHt tlie Hnlvagcs of tiu'sc jinrtw, 
 liriiif,'injr vvitli tlieiu pork, hiuI thiiifrH for the pnrposi', wliicli tlicy !<( t 
 licfoio the salvages. TJK'y eat tiiereof witlioiit suspicion of any mischief, 
 [and] who were taken u|)on n watcliword <.'ivcn, and with tiicir own 
 knives (iianging'^bont their necks) were, by tlic I'linionth planters, stahbetl 
 and KJaiii. One of which was hanged up there, atler the slan^dit* r."* 
 >Vli<'n this came to the knowledge of ('hikntauhuVs }ieopIe, llicy lunr- 
 dered the three English who iiad taken np their residence with them, as 
 they lay asleei), in revenge for tlie murder of their couutrymen.f 
 
 After Stanaish was^ready to jiroceed against H'ittuwamet, but before he 
 set out, one arrived from Wcssaguscus almost famislied,^ and gave the 
 people of Plimouth a lamentable account of the situation of bis ft Hows ; 
 that not the least of their calamities was their being insulted by the In- 
 dians, " whose boldness increased abimdantly ; insomuch as the victuals 
 tiiey got, they [the Indians] would take it out of their pots, and eat [it] 
 before their faces," and that if they tried to prevent them, they woidd hold 
 a knife at their breasts : And to satisfy them, they had hanged one of 
 tlicir company: "That they had sold their clothes for corn, and were 
 ready to starve both with cold and hunger also, betmuse they could not 
 endure to get victuals l)y reason of their nakedness." 
 
 This truly was a wretched |)icturc of the firat colony of Massachusetts, 
 the know ledge of which (says Wins/ow;^ " gave us good encounigement 
 to proceed in our intendments." Accordingly, the next day, StancHshy 
 with Hobomok and eight Englishmen, set out upon the expedition. His 
 taking so few men shows how a few English guns were yet feared by 
 tiie Indians. Nevertheless, the historians would have us understand that 
 Stimdish would take no more, because he would not have the Indians 
 mistrust that he came to fight them ; and they would insinuate that it 
 was owing to his great valor. 
 
 When Standish arrived at Wessaguscus, he found the people scattered 
 ai)nut, apprehending no danger whatever, engaged in their ordinary 
 artairs. When he told them of the danger they were in from the Indians, 
 tliey said " they feared not the Indians, but lived, and suffered them to 
 lodge with them, not having sword or gun, or needing the same." Stan- 
 dish now informed them of the plot, which was the firet intimation, it 
 appears, they had of it. He ordered them to call in their men, and en- 
 joined secrecy of his intended massacre. But it seems from Winsloic^s 
 Relation, that the Indians got word of it, or mistrusted his design ; prob- 
 ably some of the Wessaguscus men warned them of it, who did not 
 believe there was any plot. 
 
 Meantime, an Indian came to trade, and afterwards went away in 
 friendship. Standish, more sagacious than the rest, said he saw treachery 
 in his eye, and suspected his end in coming there was discovered. 
 
 * New English Canaan, 111. + Ibid. 
 
 + His name was Phinehas Prat. An Indian followed him to kill him, but, by losing 
 the direct path, the Indian missed him. In IC62, the general court of Massachusetts, in 
 answer 'o a petition of Phinehas Prat, then of Charlestown, which was accompanied 
 '• with a namlive of the straights and hardships that the first planters of this colony 
 uiiilerwcnt in their endeavors to plant themselves at Plimouth, and since, whereof he 
 was one, the court judgeth it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where it is to be had, 
 not hindering a plantation." MS. among the files in mtr state-house. 
 
 I have not been able to discover the narrative of Prat, after long search. Mr. Hub- 
 bard probably used it in compiling his Hist, of New Engfiand. 
 
 At the court, 3 May, 1665, land was ordered to be laid out for Prat, " in the wilder- 
 ness on the east of Merrimack River, near the upper end of Nacook Brook, on the south- 
 east of it. Court Files, ut supra. 
 
 Prat married, in Plimouth, a daughter of Cuthbert Cuthbertson, in 1630. See 3 Col. 
 Hist. Soc. vii. 122. 
 
30 
 
 MASSACRE AT WESSAGUSCUS. 
 
 [BuuK TI. 
 
 Shortly nflcr, Peksuot, " who was n jMiiiicfio,* l)einp n iiinii of a nntahic 
 spirit," came to Hohomok, and told liiin, Hit Htidiratood Ihv captain was 
 come to kill liiin awl the rest of the Indians there. " Ti'll him, (faiil Peksuot,) 
 wc know it, Itiit ll-ur iiim not, neither will wc Hhun hint; but let hini 
 begin when ho dare[H], ho will not take uh unnwurcs." 
 
 The Indians now, m we might expert, began to prepare to meet the 
 danger, and the KngliHli say many of them eame divers times into their 
 presence, und " would whet and shar|)en the point of their knives," "and 
 use many other insidting gestures and speeehes. Amongst the rest, 
 Wittuwanud bragged of the excelleney of his knifi;. On the end of 
 the handle there was pietured a woman's face ; but, said he, / have, another 
 at home, wheremth I have killed both French and English, and thai hath a 
 ni/iii's/ace on it ; and by and bij these two must marnj.^^ To this he added, 
 
 lIlN.NAIM NAMKN, HIN.NAIM MICHK.N, MATTA CUTS", that \S, By and by it 
 
 shoidd see, and by and by it shoidd eat, but not speak. "Also Pecksuot, 
 (continues f^Vinsloiv,) being a man of greater stature than the ea])tain, tohl 
 him though he were a great captain, yet ho was but a little man : and, 
 said he, thout^h I be no .sachem, yet I am a man of great strength and 
 courage. These things the captain observed, yet bare with patience for 
 tlie present." 
 
 It will be seen, in what we have related, as well as what we are about 
 to add, that Thomas Morton's account, in some of the main facts, agrees 
 with that of IVinsloiv. From the latter it appears that Standish, ullcr 
 considerable moMoeuvring, could get advantage over but few of the 
 Indians. At length, having got Pe^siwi and Wittmoamat " both together, 
 with another man, and a youtii of some eighteen years of age, which was 
 brother to Htltuwamat, und, villain like, trod in his steps, (laily putting 
 many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many of 
 his own company in a room with them, gave the word to his men, and, 
 the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and, snatching his 
 own knife from his neck, tiiough with much struggling, and killed him 
 thereivith — the point whereof he had made as sharp as a needle, and 
 ground the back also to an edge. Willuioamat and the other man the 
 rest killed, and took the youth, whom the captain caused to be lianged" [up 
 there.f] 
 
 We coidd now wish this bloody tale were finished, but wo have prom- 
 ised to keep close to the record. Mr. Winslow continues, "fiu< it is 
 incredible how many wounds these ttvo panieses received before they died, 
 not making any fearful noise, but catching at their loeapons, and striving to 
 the last. 
 
 " Hobbamock stood by all this time,| and meddled not, observing how 
 our men demeaned themselves in this action." After the affray was 
 ended, he said to Standish, " Yesterday Pecksuot bragged of his own 
 strength and stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were 
 
 * " The Panieses are men of great courage and wiscdomc, and to these also the Deu- 
 ill appearelh more familicirly than to olliers, and, as wee conceiue, maketh eouonant 
 with them to preserue them from death by wounds with arrows, knives, liatchcts, &(•/' 
 Winslow's Relation. Did Charlevoix (Voyage dans I'Amcrique) mistake ''Panis'" 
 [Panicse] for a nation of Indians ? In speaking of the origin o( calumet, some told mm 
 that it was given by the sun to Panis, a nation upon the Missouri. Perhaps his opinion 
 was strengthened from seeing them blow the smoke towards the sun upon important 
 occasions. 
 
 t New English Canaan, 111. 
 
 t This, we suppose, is the affair to which President Allen alludes, in his American 
 l^iography, ('2d ed ) when he says, " he [Hobomok] foiip;ht hravehj Uy his [iit(u>dish's'\ 
 side, in 1G2;3." If standing aiid looking on be fighting, then did Hobomokjight bravely 
 on this occasion. 
 
Chap. II. 1 
 
 OBTAKIE.ST.^IOBOMOK. 
 
 37 
 
 how 
 •ay wart 
 is own 
 u were 
 
 ihe Deu- 
 
 eoucnant 
 
 cts, &.f •" 
 
 ' Panis'' 
 
 told mm 
 
 opinion 
 
 mportant 
 
 Itiit n little man ; but to-day I see you are big enough to Iny liini on the 
 gnmiui." 
 
 Sldiidish now scut to n fM)ni|miiy of n'(.<iton\i mni, nnd ordrrod thf tn to 
 kill till! IridifiiiH tlidt wnv aiiioiig tliciii. IViri/ killrtl two. lliiiiscif witii 
 soiiu! of his men kitlcil niwOier, at iiiiotlifr |»l(u<'. As they were piirstiiiig 
 thiH InisiiicHH, iiitciidiiig to kill all they roidd lay liaiidH ii|)oii, " throiigji 
 tilt' iiOf(li>i iH't! of OIK! mail, ail Indian r.scaju'd, who discovered [disclosed] 
 and croH.>t!d their proceed iii|,'s." 
 
 Joined by some of Mr. h'eston\i men, StaiuUsh diwovered n few Indiana, 
 and piiruiied them. Slandifih gaiii«>d a hill which the Indians also strovt; 
 to occujiy, and wl..), afler shootiii}^ a tew arrows, fled. " Whereupon Hob- 
 hiimock cast off iiis coat, and being a known paniese, theirs being now 
 killed, cliaKcd them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with 
 him." One who madt! a stand to shoot Stnwllnh had his arm broken by 
 a shot, which is all the atlvantage claimed by the English. The Indians 
 got into a swamp, and after some bravadoing on both sides, the parties 
 separated. Aft«>r assisting the settlers of We-ssagiisiMis to leave the place, 
 the English returned to I'liinouth, taking along the head of WiUmoaimty 
 which they set up in their fort. 
 
 Meanwhile the Indian that followed l^rat from Wessaguscus, as he 
 returned froni Manomet, called at Plimouth in a friendly manner, and was 
 there seized and put in irons. Being asked if he knew the heod of Wit- 
 tuwamat, said he did, and " looked piteously" upon it. " Then he confess- 
 ed the plot," and said his sachem, Obtakiest, had been drawn into it by 
 the importunity of all the people. He denied any hand in it himself, and 
 begged his life might be spared. Sxid he was not a Mossachuset, but 
 only resided as a stranger among them. Hohomok " also gave a goc d 
 report of him, and besought for him ; but was bribed so to do it." They 
 finally concluded to spare hitn, " the rather, because we desired he might 
 carry a message to Obtakiest." The message they charged liim with was 
 this, that they had never intended to deal so with him, until they were 
 forced to it by their treachery, and, therefore, they might thank them- 
 selves for their own overthrow ; and as he had no'.' began, if he pei-sisted 
 in his coui-se, "his country should not hold him ;" that he should forth- 
 with send to Plimouth "th( three Englishmen he had, and not kill 
 them."* 
 
 The English heard nothing from ^Jbtakiest for a long time ; at length 
 he sent a woman to them, (probably no man would venture,) to tell them 
 lie was sorry that the English were killed, l)efore he heard from them, 
 also that he wished for peace, but none of his men durst come to treat 
 about it. The English learned from this woman, that he was in great 
 consternation, " having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from 
 place to place, expecting when we would take further vengeance on him." 
 The terror was now general among them, and many, as we have else- 
 where said, died through fear and want. To this dismal narrative Mr. 
 JVinslow adds, "And certainly it is strange to hear how many of late have, 
 and still daily die amongst them ; neither is there any likelihood it will 
 easily cease ; because through fear they set little or no corn, which is the 
 staff of life, and without which they cannot long preserve health and 
 strength." 
 
 These affaire call for no commentary, that must accompany every 
 muid through every step of the relation. It would be weakness, as ap- 
 
 * Morton, in his New Canaan, 11}, says, these three men went to reside with Chikatau- 
 but ; hence Morton very reasonably suggests, that if the Plimouth people intended the 
 men of VVessaeuscus any good, why uid they not first see that all of them were out of 
 danger, before beginning war ? 
 
 4 
 
38 
 
 IIOBOMOK.— SQUANTOrf PEIIFI l)Y. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 pears to us, to attempt a vindicf.tion of the rash conduct of the English. 
 Amid their siiflerings, some poor Indians i-csolved to attempt to aj)p»'ase 
 the wrath of the English governor by presents. Four set out by water 
 in a boat for Plimouth, but by accident were overset, and three of them 
 were drowned ; the other returii'd back. 
 
 When Mr. Robinson, the father ol ilie Plimouth church, heard how his 
 l)eoplc had conducted in this affair with the Indians, he wrote to them, 
 to consider of the disposition of Capt. Standish, " who was of a warm 
 temper," but he hoped the Lord had sent him among them for a good 
 end, if they used him as they ought. "He doubted," he said, "whether 
 tliere was not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after 
 God's image," vvliich was so neces.sary ; and aliove all, that " it would 
 have been happy if they had converted some before they had kill»;d 
 any." 
 
 The reader lias now passed through a period of Indian history of 
 much interes', ; wherein he will doubtless have xnmd much to admire, 
 and more that he coukl have wished otherwise. Our business, liovvever, 
 we will here remind him, is that of a dealer in facts altogether, and he 
 must take them, dry as they are, without any labored conunentaries from 
 us. Although we have had occasion to introduce Hohoirok several times, 
 yet there remain transactions of considerable interest in .lis life yet to be 
 noticed. 
 
 Hobomok, or Hobbamock, was a great panieseorwr uptain among the 
 Wampanoags, as we have already had oi casion to observe. He came to 
 Plimouth about the end of July, 1()2I .md contiimed with the English 
 as long as he lived. He was a [jrincip means of the lasting frlenclshij) 
 of Massasoit, which Morton says, he "much furthered; and tliat he was 
 a proper lustj'' young man, and one that was in account among the 
 Indians in those parts for his valor." He was ol" the greatest service in 
 learning them how to cultivate such fruits as were peculiar to the 
 country, such as corn, beans, &c. The account of his mission to Massasoit, 
 to leai'n the truth of a report that the Narragajisets had made war upon 
 him, and his interruption and troubli; from Caunbitant arc already related. 
 
 Being a favorite of Massasoit, and one oi" his chief caj)tains, tiie 
 pilgrims found that they need not ap[)reh(!nd any treachery on his part, 
 as Hobomok was so comj)Ietely in their inten^st, and also in that of the 
 great sachem, that he would advise them if any thing evil were on foot 
 against them. What strengthened them in this opinion was the follow- 
 ing circumstance. The Massachusetts Indians had for some time been 
 inviting the English into their country to trade for furs. When, in March, 
 K?22, they liegan to nmke ready for the voyage, Hobomok "told us, (says 
 fVinslow,) that he feared the ]\I:issachus(!tts, or Ma.ssachuseuks, lor they so 
 called the people of that place, were joined in confederacy with the Nan- 
 ohigganneuks, a people of Nanohigganset, and that tluiv, therefore, would 
 take this o[)portimity to cut olf (/apt. Standish and his company abroad ; 
 but liowsoever, in I'.ie meantime, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the 
 Nanohigganeuks would assault the town nt home; giving many reasons 
 for his jealousy; as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who, 
 [he said.l we shoidd tind, woidd use many persuasions to draw us from 
 oUi oiiallops to the Indians' houses for their better advantage." 
 
 Nevertheless, they proceeded on their voyage, and when they had 
 turned the point called the GiuiieVs JVose, a false messenger came run- 
 ning into Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of brcNith, and 
 bleeding from a woinid in his face. He told them that Caunbitant, with 
 many of the Narragansets, and he beli(!ved Massasoit with them, were 
 coming to destroy the English. No one doubted of his sincerity, and 
 the flrst thought of the people was to bring back their military leader, 
 
 Chap. 1 
 
 who ha 
 
 medial* 
 
 return, 
 
 Hobomc 
 
 J (lot of 
 
 lioat; tl 
 
 without 
 
 hi'lf a \i 
 
 Jill knoi 
 
 liow(.'vei 
 
 set then 
 
 mcanss h 
 
 UKU'e pi 
 
 iliey wit 
 
 narratioi 
 
 sent lii.s 
 
 letiu-n 01 
 
 "Thll:. 
 
 tarn, wIk 
 countrvii 
 who fell, 
 could lea 
 Indians, 
 shortly to 
 their yicvn 
 their sacl 
 peace in i 
 to him. 
 Jtrotectioti 
 seek af>er 
 fied all t 
 ihem, till 
 if any h( 
 Jis liars, ai 
 good isati.^ 
 enior nh;\ 
 iiistniiiicii 
 To th. 
 the Engli.« 
 their .store 
 place, to 
 tlieuiselvei 
 mok beJii 
 informed 
 
 Tliere is 
 and lived 
 he preteiK 
 'uipo.-isibl( 
 «uiulous tc 
 time satisti 
 pened, anc 
 him that 
 <'f the Enj 
 Jis has beei 
 them from 
 niade with 
 ted to esca 
 
 le^ 
 
("IIAP. 11.] 
 
 1 lOlJOMOK.— r-fUUANTOS PEKFl UV, 
 
 39 
 
 who had just gone in tliii boat wiUi JIubumok. A piece of cannon was ini- 
 niediutely discharged, which, to tlieir great joy, soon caused the boat to 
 return, not having' got out of hearing. Tiiey liad no sooner arrived, than 
 llobomok tokl tliem theie was no trutli in the report, and said it was u 
 plot of Squanto, who was then with them, and even one of those in the 
 boat; that lie knew .liaa^woii would not ui!d<n"t;dve such un enterprise 
 w'itiiout consulting liitn. Hobomuk was contident, because lu; was him- 
 si'h' u great chietj and cno of MassasoWs counsellors. Sijuatdo denied 
 Jill knowledge of any i)iur, and thus ended the afliiir. Tiie English, 
 iiowever, seemed well satisfied that Squanto lu d laid this shallow i)lot to 
 set them against Massasoit, thinking they would destroy him, by which 
 means he expected to become chief sachem himself; and this seems the 
 more piobable, as M(u;sasoit was lor some time irreconcilable because 
 tlicy withheld him from him, when he had forfeited his life, as in our 
 narration has been st!t forth. IJut entirely to satisfy the English, Hohomok 
 sent his wile to I'okanoket j)rivutely to gain exact intelligence, aiul her 
 return only verified what her husband had said. 
 
 "Thus by degrees (continues Winslow) we began to discover TH.vjumi- 
 tum, whose ends were only to make himsell" great in the eyes of his 
 countrymen, by means of his nearness and favor with us; not caring 
 who fell, so ho stood. In general, his course was, to jiersuade them he 
 could lead us to peace or war at his pleasure; and would oil threaten tin 
 Indians, sending them word, in a private manner, we were intended 
 shortly to kill them, that tliercby he might get gifts to himself, to work 
 their peace, insonmch as they had him in greater esteem than many of 
 their sachems: yea, they themselves sought to him, who promised them 
 jieacp in respect of us; yea, and i)rotection also, so as they would resort 
 to him. So that whereas divers were wont to rely on Massassowat for 
 protection, and resort to his abode, now xhvy begun to leave him, and 
 seek after Tisquantum. But when we understood his dealings, we certi- 
 fied all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein ; assuring 
 ihom, till they begun with us, they shoukl have no cause to fear: and 
 if any hereafter should raise any such rcjiorts, they t^hoidd ))unish them 
 as liars, and seekers of their and our disturbance; which gave the Indians 
 good satisfaction on all sides." "For these and the like abuses, the gov- 
 ernor shar|)ly reproved him, yet was he so necessary and pipfituble an 
 instrument, as at that time we could not miss him." 
 
 To the end that he might possess his countrymen with great fear of 
 the English, l^squantum told them the English kept the plague buried in 
 their store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any 
 place, to destroy whatever j)ersons or i)eople they would, though they 
 tliemselvt>s stirred not out of doors. Among the rest, he had made Hoho- 
 mok believe this tale, who asked the English if it were true, and l)eing 
 informed that it was not, it exploded like his other impostures. 
 
 There is l)ut little doubt, that Squanto waH in the interest of CaunbUanl, 
 and lived among the English as a spy, while //otomofc was honestly, as 
 he pretended, a strong friend to them ; but for some time it was nearly 
 'mpossible for them to know whi(;h was their best friend, as each seemed 
 emulous to outvie the other in g<icd olHces. They were, however, at this 
 time satisfied ; i\)V, f{(iho)nok\s wii'v having tdd .'V^s.srtsoiY what had liap- 
 pened, and that it was one of Siiuanto^s men that gave the alarm, satisfied 
 liiin that that sagamore had caused it, and he tlierefore demanded him 
 of the English, that he might put him to death, according to their law, 
 as has been related. Hut the J'wiglish, regarding the benefit resulting to 
 them from saving his life, more than keeping inviolate the treaty before 
 made with Massasoit, evaded the demand, and thus S'luanto was permit- 
 ted to escape. 
 
40 
 
 A VOYAGE.— NANEPASHEMET.—OBBATINEWAT. [Book II. 
 
 Hobomok was greatly beloved by Massasoit, notwithstanding he became 
 a professed Christian, and Massasoit was always opposed to the English 
 religion himself. It has been told in the lite of the great Massasoit, how 
 valuable was the agency of Hobomok, in faithfully reveali'i<^ the mis- 
 chievous plot of Caimbitant, which terminated in the deadi of fVittu- 
 wamet and Peksuot. He was the pilot of the English when they visited 
 Massasoit in iiis sickness, whom before their arrival they considered 
 ♦lead, which caused great manifestations of grief in Hobomok. He often 
 exclaimed, as they were on th?ir way, "jVeen wotnasu Sagimus,neen 
 womnsu Sagimtis, &c.," which is, " My lo ving Siichem, my loving Sachem ! 
 many have I known, but never any like thee." Then, turning to Mr. 
 }Vinslow, said, " While you live you will never see his like among the 
 Indians ; that he was no liar, nor bloociy and cruel like other Indians. 
 In anger and passion he was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards 
 such as had offended him ; that his reason was such as to cause him to 
 receive advice of mean men ; and that he governed his people better 
 with few blows, than others did with many." 
 
 In the division of the land at Plimoulh among the inhabitants, Hobo- 
 mok received a lot as his shai'e, on which he resided after the English 
 manner, and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does 
 not appear, but was previous to 1642. 
 
 It has already been mentioned that the pilgrims made a voyage to 
 Massachusetts in the autunm of 1621. It was in this voyage that they 
 became acquainted with the fame of JVanepashemet. The English had 
 heard that the Indians in the Massachusetts had threatened them, and 
 they went (says Mourt) " partly to see the countiy, partly to make peace 
 with them, and partly to procure their truck." 
 
 Squanto was pilot in this voyage. They went ashore in the bottom 
 of the bay, and landed under a cliff which some* have supposed was 
 what has been since called Copp's Hill,t now the north part of Boston. 
 This was on 20th Sept. 1621. They saw no Indians until some time after 
 they went ashore, but found a parcel of lobsters which they had collect- 
 ed, with which they refreshed themselves. Soon after, as th(\y were 
 |)roceeding on an excni-sion, "they met a woinan coming for her lobsters." 
 They told her what they had done, and paid her for them. She told 
 them where to find Indians, and Squanto went to them to j)repare them 
 for meeting with the Englisli. 
 
 Obhatinewat now received the voyagers. This sachem (if he be the 
 same) had made peace with the English at Plimouth only seven days 
 ])revious, as we have had occasion to say beibre. He told them he was 
 sachem of the place, and was subject to Massasoit ; and that he dared 
 not remain long in any j.lace, from fear of the Tarratines, who wei-e 
 "wont to come at harvest a id take away their corn, and many times kill 
 them." Also that Squaw-Sachew. of Massachusetts was his enemy. This 
 Squaw- Sachem,l as we believe, was chief of those inland Indians since 
 denominated the Nipnets, or Nipmucks, and lived at this time near 
 Wachuset Mountain. The English intended§ to have visited her at this 
 
 * Dr. Belknap appears lo liave been the first who suggested this. See his Biog. 
 ii. 224. 
 
 t We had supposed this eminence lo have been so called from a copse or clump of 
 trees, which for a long lime remained upon it, al\er it became known to tiie whites ; bul 
 {<hair, Descnp. Boston, 07, says it was named from one Copp, a shoemaker. And 
 Snou), Hist. Boston, 105, says William Copp was the proprietor of "a jwrtioii of the 
 hill." 
 
 \ " Sachems or sagamores,— which are but one and the same title, — the first more usual 
 with the southward, the oilier with the northward Indians, lo exijress ihe title of him that 
 liath the chief command of a p'lre or people." Hisi. N. K. fiO. 
 
 ^ Mr. Shattiiclr {IWst. Concord, 2) says she was visited at this time bv these voyagers, 
 
ClIAl-. 11] 
 
 NANEPASHEJIET.— HIS DEATH. &:c. 
 
 41 
 
 tin; 
 
 jilaytt 
 
 was 
 
 jared 
 
 Itven; 
 
 kill 
 [riiis 
 lince 
 lueur 
 
 this 
 
 ■np of 
 
 1) '"'^ 
 
 And 
 
 kf the 
 
 I usual 
 L that 
 
 Lgers, 
 
 lime, but found the <ii*-t{iiice too great to proceed. They received the 
 greutest kindness iVoni uU the Indians they met with, and mentioned that 
 ()(■ Oblmtmeivat in particidar. And they say, " We told him of divers 
 sai-hims that had acknowledged themselves to be King James his men, 
 niid if he also ivould submit himself,* we would be Ins safeguard from his 
 « uen'iies, which he tlid." 
 
 At another i)lace, " Having gone three miles, in arms, up in the country, 
 we came (say they) to a })lace where corn had been newly gutnered, u 
 house jxdled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, JWtnepa- 
 sliemet, their king, in his life-time had lived.f His house was not like 
 otiiers, hut a scatt()ld was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot 
 Jioni [the] ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of 
 u hill. Net lar from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort," built by JVant- 
 jjashemd. li was made with " poles some 30 or 40 loot long, stuck in 
 the ground, as thick as they could be set one by another, and with these 
 they enclosed a ring some 40 or 50 foot over. A trench, breast high, was 
 digged on each side.| One way there was to get into it with a bridge. 
 In tiie u)itlf<t of this palisado stood the frame of an house, wherein, being 
 dead, he lay buried. About a mile from hence, we came to such another, 
 but seated on the top ol an hill. Here JVaiiepashemet was killed, none 
 thv(!iling in it since the time of his death." 
 
 According to Mr. Lewis, J^'anepashemet was killed about the year 161!>, 
 and his widow, who was Srjuaw-Sachem beibre named, continued the 
 goveriunent.§ He left five cl)ilclren,|| four of whose names we gather fron i 
 the interesting History of Lynn ; viz. 1. Moiitowampate, called by the 
 English Sagamore James. He was sachem of Saugus. 2. Migail, a 
 daughter. 3. Wonohaquaham, called Sagamore John, isachem of Winne- 
 simet. 4. JVinnepurkitt, called Sagamore George, or George Rumney- 
 marsh, the successor of AIontowam,pate at Saugus. Of most of these we 
 shall speak in detail lierealler. 
 
 Squaw-Sachem, according to the authority last mentioned, was the 
 spouse oi Wappacowet,^ or Webcowit, in KiHo. She and her husband, 
 four years after, 1639, deeded to Jotham G ibbones ^^ the reversion of all 
 that parcel of land which lies against the jtonds of Mystic, together with 
 the said jjonds, all which we reserved from Charlcstown and Candiridge, 
 late called Newtown, after the death of me, tlie .said Scjuaiv-Sachem.''^ The 
 consideration was, "the many kindnesses and benefits we have received 
 from the hands of Capt. Edward Gibbones, of Boston." 
 
 2'/ic SyDA-SACHF.M's vwrk v.-^ 
 Webco wit's viark -^-^ 
 
 fVebcowit was a ])o\vwow priest, or magical physician, and was consid- 
 ered next in importanct; to jYanepashemet among the sidjjects of that 
 chief, after his death ; as a matter of course, his widow took him to her 
 l)ed. It does not appear, that he was either much respected or diouglit 
 much of; especially by his wife, as in the above extract from their deed, 
 
 l>ut I am not able to arrive at any such conclusion from any source of information in my 
 possession. 
 
 * It does not seem from tliis that he is the same who before liad submitted at Plimoutli, 
 as Mr. Prince supposes. 
 
 t Mr. Sliattiick, in his valuable Hist. Concord, says, this " was in Medford, near Mys- 
 tic Pond." 
 
 t Might not, then, the western mounds have been formed by Indians ? 
 
 & Hist. Lynn, IG. 
 
 II f>hattuck, ib. who fixes her residence at Concord j she, doubtless, had several places 
 of resilience. 
 
 1: His mune is spelt Wfhnnnts to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. ShaHuck't 
 M.SS. WibhacowiUs, as appears from his History. 
 
 4* 
 
4S 
 
 SOME ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACHUSETTS. [Rook H. 
 
 110 provision seems to have been made for him after her death, if lie 
 outlived her. At all events, we may conelude, without hazard wo 
 think, that if breeches had been in fashion among Indians, the wife of 
 fVebcowit would have been accountable for the article in this case. 
 
 In 1643, Massachusetts covenanted with '■^Wassamequin, JVashoonon, 
 Kutchamaquin, Massaconomet and Squaw- Sachem"* to the end that mutual 
 benefit might accrue to each party. The sachems put themselves under 
 the government of the English, agreeing to observe their laws, in as far 
 as they should be made to understand them. For this confidence and 
 concession of their persons and lands into their hands, the English 
 on their part agreed to extend the same protection to them and their 
 people as to their English subjects.f 
 
 What had become of Webcowet at this time does not appear ; perhaps 
 he was oflf powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary labor of the 
 Irousehold. We hear of him, however, four years after, (1647,) " taking an 
 active part" in the endeavors made by the English to Christianize his 
 countrymen. " He asked the English why some of them had been 27 
 yeai-s in the land, and never taught them to know God till then. Had 
 you done it sooner, (said he,) we might have known much of God by this 
 time, and much sin might have been prevented, but now some of us are 
 grown [too] old in sin." The English said they repented of their 
 neglect ; but recollecting themselves answered, " You were not willing 
 to heare till now," and that God had not turned their hearts till then.|; 
 
 Of the sachems who made the covenant above named, the first we 
 suppose to have been Massasoit, on the part of the Wampanoags, who at 
 this time wats, perhaps, among the Nipmuks ; JVashoonon, a Nipmuk chie^ 
 wth,whom Massfieoit now resided. His residence wa:-^ UL'ur what was 
 since Magus Hill in Worcester county. He was jirobabiy at Plimouth 
 13 Sept., 1621, where he signed a treaty with eight othere, as we have 
 set down in the life of Caunbitant. His name is there spelt JVattatDahunt. 
 In Winthrop's Journal, it is JVashacoioam, and we suppose he was father 
 of JVassoioanno, mentioned by Whitney.^ Kutchamaquin was sachem 
 of Dorchester and vicinity, and Massaconomet was Masconouomo. 
 
 r- 
 
 9ei§t 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Some account of the Massachusetts — Geography of their country — Chika- 
 TAUBUT — Wampatuck — Ms war with the Mohawks — MAaco>'ONOMO — 
 Canonicus — Geos;raphy of the JVarraganset country — Account of that 
 JVation — Roger Williams — Montowampate — Small-pox distresses the In- 
 dians — WoNOHAQUAHAM WiNNEPlIRKIT — MaNATAHQUA — SciTTERY- 
 
 oussET — Nattahattawants — Wahgumacut— Jack-Straw— James. 
 
 Not long bofore the settlement of Plimouth, the Massachusetts had 
 been a great peopr^, but were greatly reduced at this time ; partly from the 
 great plague, of wl ich we have already spoken, and subsequently from 
 their wars with the iarratines. Of this war none but the scanty records 
 of the first settlers are to be had, and in them few particulars are p!-eser\'ed ; 
 
 * In the Historii of the Narraganset Country, these names are written Wassainesrnn, 
 Naslmwiation, Ciitshamacke, Mussanomell, and Squa- Sachem. See 3 Col. Mass. Hist. 
 Soc. i. 212. 
 
 t See Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians. t Hist. Concord, 26. 
 
 ij Hist, Worcester Co. 171. 
 
Chap. Ill] 
 
 CHIKATAUBUT OF PASSONAGESIT. 
 
 43 
 
 had 
 
 |ni tlio 
 
 from 
 
 [cords 
 
 |r\'ed ; 
 
 Hist. 
 
 of til is, too, we have written in a previous cliaptcr.* Therefore it will not 
 bo e.\[)ecte(l that ever a complete account of the temtories and power of 
 the Massachusetts can be given ; broken down as they were at the time 
 tlicy be(;aine known to the Europeans ; for we have seen that their sachems, 
 •when fii-st visited by the Pliniouth people, were shifting for their lives — 
 not daring to lodge a second night in the same place, from their fear of the 
 Tarratines. Hence, if these Indians had existed as an independent tribe, 
 their history was long since swept away " in g'oomy tempests," and ob- 
 scured in "a night of clouds," and nothing but a meagre tradition remain- 
 ed. For some time after the country was settled, they would fly for pro- 
 tection from the Tarratines to the houses of the English. 
 
 It is said by Mr. Gookin, that " their chief sachem held dominion over 
 many other ])etty governors ; as those of Weechagaskab, Neponsitt, Pun- 
 ka|)aog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some of the Nipmuck people, as far as 
 Poko.Mitakuke, as tlie old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people 
 could, in former times, arm ibr war about 3000 men, as the old Indians 
 declare. They were in hostility vpvy often with the Nai-ragansitts ; but 
 held amity, for the most part, wii.. the Pawkunnawkutts."-|- Near the 
 mouth of Charles River " used to be the general rendezvous of all the In- 
 dians, both on the south and north side of tlie country ."| Hutchinson^ 
 says, " That circle which now makes the harbors of Boston and Charles- 
 town, round by Maiden, Chelsea, Nantaskct, Hingham, Weymouth, Brain- 
 tree, and Dorchester, was the caj)ital of a great sachem,|l much revered by 
 all the plantations round about. The tradition is, thai this sachem had his 
 principal seat upon a small hill, or rising upland, in the midst of a body 
 of salt marsh in the township of Doj-chester, near to a place called Squan- 
 tum."1[ Ilencc it will be observed, that among the accounts of the ^rli- 
 est writers, the do '.nions of the <lifferent sachems were considered as 
 comprehended within very different limits ; a kind of general idea, there- 
 fore, can only be had of the extent of their possessions. It is evident that 
 the Massachusetts were either subject to the Narragan setts, or in alliance 
 with them ; for when the latter were at war* with the Pequots, Chikataubut 
 and Sagamore Johii both went with many men to aid Canonicus, who h"d 
 sent for them. This war began in 1G32, and ended in 1G35, to the advan- 
 tage of the Pequots. 
 
 We shall now proceed to speak of the chiefs agi'eeably to our plan. 
 
 Chikataubut, or Chikkatabak, in English, — a house-a-Jire, was a sachem 
 of considerable note, and generally supposed to have had dominion over the 
 Massachusetts Indians. Thomas Morton mentions him in his New Ca- 
 naan, as sachem of Passonagesit, (about Weymouth,) and says his mother 
 was buried there. I need make no comments upon the authority, or warn 
 the reader concerning the stories of Morton, as this is done in almost every 
 book, early and late, about New England ; but shall relate tlie following 
 from him. 
 
 In the first settling of Plimouth, some of the company, in wandering 
 about upon discovery, came upon an Indian grave, which was that of the 
 mother of Chikataubut. Over the body a stake was set in the ground, 
 and two huge bear-skins, sewed together, s[)read over it ; these the English 
 
 * Tliis war was caused, says Mr. Iluhhard, "upon the account of some treaclicr^'" 
 on tlic part of the western tribes, i. e. the tribes west of the Merrimack. Hist. Aeio 
 ETKr. 30. 
 
 t 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 148. ; Hist. N. Eng. 32. 
 
 § From Neal's Hist. N. Ens;., probably, wiiich see. 
 
 II I' vvill be a good while before tlie present possessors of the country can boast of 
 sucli a capital. 
 
 IT Hist. Mass. i. 'WiO. And here it was, I suppose, that the Plimouth people landed in 
 their voyage to Massachusetts before spoken ot, and from Squanto who was with thein 
 it retcivcil its name. 
 
44 
 
 CHIKATAUBUT— VISITS BOSTON. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 took away. When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubut, he coin- 
 plnined to liis people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When they 
 were assembled, he thus harangued them : " When last the glorious light 
 of all the sky was underneath this globe, and birds grew silent, I began 
 to settle, as my custom is, to take rc,iose. Before mine eyes were liist 
 closed, me tho't I saw a vision, at which my spirit was much troubled, 
 and trembling at that doleful sight, a spirit cried aloud, ' Behold ! my son, 
 whom I have cherished ; see the paps that gave thee suck, the hands tnui 
 clasped tlu^e warm, and fed thee oft ; canst thou forget to take revenge of 
 those wild peo])le, that hath my monument defaced in a despiteful man- 
 ner ; disdaining our ancient antiquities, and iionorable customs. See now 
 the .sachem's grave lies like unto the common people, of ignoble race de- 
 faced. Thy mother doth complain, im|)lores thy aid against this thievish 
 jtnople new come hither ; if this be suffered, I shall not rest in quiet within 
 my everlasting habitation.' "* 
 
 Battle was the unanimous resolve, and the English were watched, and 
 followed from place to place, until at lengdi, as some were going ashore 
 in a boat, they fell upon them, but gained no advantage. After maintain- 
 ing the fight for some time, and being driven from tree to tree, the chief 
 captain was wounded in the arm, and the Avhole took to flight. This ac- 
 tion caused the natives about Plimouth to look upon the English as invin- 
 cible, and this was the reason why peace was so long maintained between 
 them. 
 
 Mourfs Relation goes far to establish tl:e main facts in the above ac- 
 count. It says, "We brought sundry of the prettiest things away with 
 us, and covered the corpse up again," and, "there Avas variety of opinions 
 amongst us about the embalmed pei-son," but no mention of the bear-skins. 
 
 From the agreement of the difierent accounts, there is but little doubt, 
 that the English were attacked at Namskekit, in consequence of their 
 depredations upon the graves, corn, &c. of the Indians. 
 
 In 1621, Chikataubut, with eight other sachems, acknowledged, by a 
 written instrument, themselves the subjects of King James. About ten 
 years after this, when Boston was settled, he visited Governor ffinthrop, 
 and presented him with a hogshead of corn. Many of " his sannops and 
 squaws" came with hiin, but were mosU of them sent away, "after they 
 had all dined," although it thundered and rained, and the governor urged 
 their stay ; Chikataubut probably feared they would be burdensome. At 
 this time he wore English clothes, mid sat at the governor's table, "where 
 he behaved himself as soberly, &.c. as an Englishman." Not long after, 
 he called on Governor Winthrop, and desired to buy clothes for himself; the 
 governor informed him that " English sagamores did not use to truck ;f but 
 lie called his tailor, and gave liini order to make him a suit of clothes ; 
 Avhereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat beaver." In a 
 few days his clothes were ready, and the governor "put him into a very 
 good new suit from head to foot, and after, he set meat before them ; but 
 he would not eat till the governor had given thanks, and after meat he 
 desired hiir. to do the like, and so dejjarted." 
 
 June 14, 1031, at a court, Chikataubut was ordered to pay a small skin 
 of beaver, to satisfy for one of his men's having killed a pig, whicli he 
 complied with. A man by the name of Plastowe, and some others, hav- 
 ing stolen corn from him, the same year, the court, Sejrt. 27, ordered that 
 Ptastowe should restore " two-fold," and lose his title of gentleman, and 
 
 * If this be fiction, a modern compiler has deceived some of his readers. The article 
 in the Anatectic Mamtiiiio may have liecn liis source of information, but the origiiiril 
 may be seen in Morton's i\fw Caiuum, ICMi and 107. 
 
 t However true tliis might have been of the governor, at least, we think, he should 
 not \ ave used the plural. 
 
 Chap. Ilf. 
 
 I»ny £.■). 
 
 coiiijilices 
 
 engaged v 
 
 yaiiie year 
 
 Dorc^lieste 
 
 reciiiired t( 
 
 The sm; 
 
 year, some 
 
 The rcsi 
 
 eluded in I 
 
 otjjer chief 
 
 tlic year ; 
 
 especially \ 
 
 a river ofsi 
 
 from all pai 
 
 In deeds, 
 
 mentioned, 
 
 it will be se 
 
 August 5 
 
 ataubiU, in I 
 
 t" To all 
 /' k, alias Jt 
 Chickatabut 
 patuck, bein 
 the natives, 
 brother Dan 
 Mammtago, 
 therunto; ai 
 witnessed th 
 
 In pre 
 Thomas 
 
 .TOSKI'H 1^ 
 
 Thomas 
 
 There is a 
 tuck, grand so 
 country, and 
 the town of I 
 says, or some 
 sured from se 
 tliat, u pon th( 
 
 * " The most t 
 either to beat, o, 
 most quietly sub 
 
 t Namauasucf 
 
 t History of C 
 of the Hon. J. c 
 
 ^ Nahaton, or 
 Hist. Dedham, 2 
 
 II IViutod at le 
 
Chap. HI] 
 
 CHIKATAUBUT— ins DEATH. 
 
 45 
 
 all skin 
 " lich li«! 
 , liav- 
 
 [•ed til at 
 Ian, and 
 
 llic arliole 
 origiiuil 
 
 lie should 
 
 
 jmy £5. This I siipjwso they deemed equivalent to four-fold. His ac- 
 coliipiifos were wiiipped, to tlie same amount. The next year we find hint 
 engaged with other sachems in an expedition against the Peipiots. The 
 same y<;ar two of liis men were convicted of assaulting some jiei-sons of 
 Dorchester in their houses. " They were put in the bilboes," and himself 
 r((|iiired to beat them, which he did.* 
 
 The small-pox was very prevalent among the Indians in 163t3, in which 
 year, some time in November, Chikatauhut died. 
 
 The residence of the family of Chikatauhut was at Tehticut, now in- 
 cluded iu Middleboroiigh. lie was in obedii'uce to Massasoit, and, like 
 other chiefs, had various places of resort, to suit the different seasons of 
 the year ; sometimes at Wessaguscusset, sometimes at Neponset, and 
 especially u[)on that part of Namasketf called Tehticut. This was truly 
 a river of sagamores. Its abundant stores of fish, iu the spring, drew them 
 from all parts of the re.-ilm of the chief .sachem. 
 
 In deeds, given by the ln('ian.s, the place of their residence is generally 
 mentioned, and front what we shall recite in the j)rogress of this article, 
 it will be seen that the same chief has different residences assigned to him. 
 
 August 5, 1GG5, Quincy, then Braintree, was deeded by a son of Chik- 
 atauhut, in these terms : — 
 
 t"To all Indian people to whom these presents shall come ; Wampa- 
 i- k, alias Josinh Sagamore, of Massathusetts, in Newengland, the son of 
 CInckatabut deceased, sendeth greeting. Know yoo that the said JVam- 
 patuck, being of full age and power, according to the order and custom of 
 the natives, hath, with the consent of his wise men, viz. Squamog, his 
 brother Daniel, and Old Hahatun, and JVilliam Mananiomott, Job JVassott, 
 Manuntago, William JVahanton^" " For divere goods and valuable reasons 
 therunto ; and in special for" £21 lOs. in hand. It was subscribed and 
 witnessed thus : — 
 
 JosiAH. alias Wampatuck, his | O marke. 
 Daniel Squamog, and a mark. 
 Old Nahatun, and a mark. 
 JVilliam Manunion, and a mark. 
 Job Noistenns. 
 
 Robert, alias MAyivyrxGO, and a mark. 
 William Hahatu.n. 
 In presence of 
 Thomas KKYAHuusssoy, and amark O 
 .losEiMi 3Ianu>io.\, his \ — mark. 
 Thomas Weymous, his O mark. 
 
 There is a (luit-claim deed from " Charles Josias, alias Josias Wampa- 
 tuck, grandson of Chikatauhut, dated in 1695, of Boston and the adjacent 
 country, and the islands in the harbor, to the " proprietated inhabitants of 
 the town of Boston," to be seen among the Suffolk records.|| Wampatuck 
 says, or some one /or him, "Forasmuch as I am informed, and well as- 
 sured from several ancient Indians, as well those of my council as others, 
 that, upon the first coming of the English to sit down and settle in those 
 
 * •' The most usual custom amongst them in exercisinir punishments, is for the sachem 
 either to beat, or whip, or put to death with his own liand, to wliicli the common sort 
 most quietly submit." Williams. 
 
 t Naniauasuc'k signified in their language ^«/ie*, and some early wrote Namasclieuck. 
 
 \ History of Quincy by Rev. Mr. Wliilniij, taken from the original in the possession 
 of till? lion. J. Q. Adams. 
 
 vS Nahaton, or Aliaton, and the same sometimes written Nehoidfii. See Worthington' s 
 Hist. Di'dham,''2l. He sold lands upon (Charles River in 1G80, ib, 
 
 II Printed at length in Smw's Hist. Boston, 389, et cet. 
 
46 
 
 WAMI'ATUCK.— JII.S MOHAWK WAR. 
 
 [r?o()K II. 
 
 pans of New Eiis^luiid, my aliove-iiaiiuul frraiidliitlicr, Chikatnuhut, by and 
 with iUv udvici; of his couiicil, fbi riicoiirafrt'iiieut tlicrcol" iiioviii}!;, did 
 give, grant, soil, aliciialt;, and confirm nnto tlie English planters," the lands 
 ahovi" named. 
 
 Joslns, or Jns'uth IVampalur.k, was sachem of IMattakcesctt,* and, 
 from the deeds whicli he gave, nnist have; l)een the owner of much of tin- 
 lands sonthward of Hoston. In KJo.'}, lie soKl to Timothji Hatkcrli/, Jitincs 
 Cailiiiorth, Joseph TiUkn, Humphrci/ Turner, inUiain Hatch, John Iloare, 
 and Jiinir.s Torrctj, a large tract ol" land in the vicinity of Accoril Poml 
 and North River. 
 
 in JlkJV, I . sold Puchage Neck, [now calhul Plchadc,] "lying l)etwcen 
 No.'i.- ■ " .ker.t riiier and a lirook lldling hilo T»!ticntt riuc^r, viz. the most 
 web ..' 'if i- three small hroo'Kes that do tall into the said riuer;" likewise^ 
 all tL nea 1(1 " upon said three l)r)()k.s, for £21. Also, another tract 
 hnnnde '. oy Pli 'th and Dn.xhnry oi one side, and Jiridgewater on the 
 otiier, e.vtending to die great jjond M ittakeeset ; |)rovided it included not 
 the J 000 acres given to his son and George fyampey, about those ponds. 
 This tieed was witnessed by George (f'ampei/ und John Wnmpoives. 
 
 After the death of his father, Josias was often called Josias Chikalauhul. 
 In the Plimouth Records we find this notice, but vvithout date: "Mem- 
 orandum, that Josias Chickabutt and his wife doe owne the whole iiecke 
 of Punkateesett to beloing vnto Plymouth men," &c. 
 
 In 1()()8, ^^ Josias Chickatabutt, sachetn of Nainas,sakecsett," sold to 
 Robert Studson of Scitiiate, a tract of land called J\'anumackeuitt, for a 
 " valuable consideration," as the deed expresses it. This tract was bound- 
 ed on the east by Scituate. 
 
 Josias had a son Jeremy ; and " Charles Josiah, son of Jeremy, was tlie 
 last of the race."+ Of Josiah, Mr. Gookin gives us important inlbrmation. 
 In the year 1G09, "the war having now continued between the Maquas 
 and our Indians, about six years, divers Indians, our neighbors, united tlieir 
 forces together, and made an arnjy of about IJ or 700 men, and marched 
 into the Maquas' country, to take revenge of them. Thi.s entcriJi'ise was 
 contrived and undertaken without the ])rivity, and contrary to the advice 
 of their English friends, ftlr. J^liot and niyseltj in jiarticular, dissuaded 
 them, and gave them several reasons against it, but they ^vou!d not he.'ir 
 us." Five of the Christian Indians went out with them, and but out; only 
 returned alive. "Tin; chiefest general in this (ixpeditioii was llie ])riiici- 
 l)al sachem of IMassacliusetts, named Josiah, alias Cheknlahidt, a wise and 
 stout man, of middle age, but a very vicious person. He had considerable 
 knowledge in the Christian religion ; and sometime, when he was yomiger, 
 seemed to profess it for a time; — fur he was bred u|) by his micl(>, Kucha- 
 viakin, who was the fii-st sachem and his i)eoj)le to whom Mr. Etiot 
 preached."}; 
 
 This army arrived at the Mohawk fort after a journey of about 200 
 miles ; when, upon besieging it some lime, and havuig some of their men 
 killed in sallies, and sundry others sick, they gave up the siege and n;- 
 treated. Meanwhile the Mohawks pursued them, got in their front, and, 
 from an ambush, attacked them in a defile, and a great fight ensued. Fi- 
 nally the Mohawks were put to flight by the extraordinary bravery and 
 l)rowess of Chikataubut and iiis captains. Rut what was most calamitous 
 in this disastrous expedition, was, the loss of the great chief Chikataubut, 
 who, after ])erforming prodigies of valor, was killed in repelling the Mo- 
 hawks in their last attack, with almost all his captalns.§ This was a severe 
 
 * Dearie's Hist. Scituate, ll-k 
 
 t ibid. SqiiiimaiK^ was a brolher o{ Josiah , and ruled " as sacliein during the minoritv'' 
 of Jeremi/. Dr. Harris, Hist. Ihrclicsler, IG, 17. 
 1 1 Coi; Mass. Hist. Soc. i. IGG. § Ibid. 167. 
 
Chap. Ill] MASCOXONOMO OF AGAWAM.— CANOMCUS. 
 
 47 
 
 riiic;- 
 sf anil 
 
 •rabU" 
 
 iinjrcr, 
 
 \i('7ui- 
 
 Eliot 
 
 It '-iOO 
 
 11- UUMl 
 VI ul I'l*,- 
 
 it, anil, 
 
 Ki- 
 
 ry and 
 
 anitons 
 
 tauhul, 
 
 le Mo- 
 
 scvorf 
 
 linoriiy" 
 
 stroke to those Indians, and thoy snfTcrod mnch from ohngrin on tjicir 
 ntnrn liorno. Tin; Moliawks conwidercd tliemsolves thrir musters, and 
 iililifiiiffh a poare was brouglit abont between them, by tht; nKuliation of 
 tlie Kn<,'lish and Dntch on each side, yet the Massaclmsetts and otliors 
 often sntli^red from their incursions. 
 
 A ehiefof much the same importance as Chikatauhut and his sons, was 
 Mdsrononomo, or Afiisronomo, sadiem ofAgawam, since called Ipswich. 
 Wlirn the fleet which brouj,'ht over the colony that settled IJoston, in 
 I(;;i0, anchored near Cajte Ami, he welcomed them to his shores, and 
 spent some time on board one of the ships.* 
 
 On the yt'th June, 1().'{8, Mascouonomet^ executed a deed of "all his 
 j.'iiuis in Ipswich," to John Jf'inthrop, ]r., for the sum of £20.}; 
 
 At a court in Jidy, l(i;}l,it was ordered, that "the sagamore of A gawam 
 is l),inished from confmg into any Englishman's house for a year, under 
 penalty of ten beaver-skins."§ The next year, or al)out that time, the 
 'j'arratin(>s came out with great Ibrci; against Masconono ; he having, 
 "as was usually said, treacherously killed some of those ar- ^uie fami- 
 -^ lies."|| From Mr. CohhcVs account, it ap|)ears that they cuine fainst the 
 
 Hnglisii, who, i)Ut for an Indian, namcul Robin, woidd h /e Iv Oj cut off, 
 as the al)l(! m<Mi at this time, belongnig to Ipswich, did not exceed JJO; and 
 most of these wen; from home on the day the attack was to hav(! been 
 made. Rohin, having by some jneans found out their intf 'tions, went to 
 John Perkins,*^ and told him that on such a day four Tarratines would 
 come and invite the English to trade, "and draw t' mi down the hill to 
 the water side," when 40 canoes full of armed Indi. iS would be ready, 
 under "the brow of the hill," to fall upon them. It turned out as 
 Robin had reported ; l)ut the Indians were frightened oft" by a false 
 show of numbers, an old drum, and a few guns, without eft'ecting their 
 object.** 
 
 We hear no more of him until lf)43, when, at a court held in Boston, 
 " Cutshamekin and Squmo-Sachem, Masconovio, JVashacoivam and ff'assa- 
 magin,]} two sachems near the great hill to the west, called H'achusdt. 
 came into the com-t, and, according to their former tender to the governor, 
 desired to be received under our protection}^ anil government, upon the 
 same terms that Pumham and Sacononoco were. So we causing them to 
 understand the articles, and all the ten commandments of God, and they 
 freely assenting to all,§§ tliey were solemnly received, and then presented 
 the court with twenty-six fathom of wampum, and the court gave each of 
 them a coat of two yards of cloth, and their dinner; and to them and their 
 men, every one of them, a cup of sac at their departure ; so they took 
 leave, and went away very joyfnl."||l| Tradition says that Agawam, 
 in Ipswich, was his place of residence, and that his bones were early 
 found there ; that his sqtiaw for some time survived him, and had a 
 I)iece of land that she could not dispose of, or that none were allowed to 
 ])urchase.111I 
 
 We have too long delayed the biography of a chief early known both 
 
 *IIi.st. N. Eriglnnd. 
 
 tTliis is (lo'jl)tlcss the most correct spelling of his name. It is scarce spelt twice alike 
 ill tlio IMS. records. 
 
 t Records of Gen. Court, v. 381. ^ Prince, 357. || Hubbard's N. E. 14.5. 
 
 IT Quartoi -master, "living then in a little iiul upon his father's island on this side of 
 Jcofry's Neck." MS. Narrative. 
 
 ** Cnhbct's MS. Narratire. ft Ousamequin, or Massasoit. 
 
 It They desired this from their great fear of the Mohawks, it is said. 
 
 ^^ Tlic articles which they subscribed,will be seen at lar;;e when the Manu.icript Hist. 
 of the Prnyinx Indians, bij Danid Gookin, shall be published. They do not read pre- 
 cisely as rendered by Winthrop. 
 
 II 11 Winthrop's Journal. Till MS. Hist, of Newbury, by J. Coffin. 
 
48 
 
 CANONICUS.— TAHHTASSUCK. 
 
 [Book II- 
 
 in Plimoutl) and Massac liiisettH, wliicli seemed necessary to preserve the 
 continuity ol' our history — Canoniciis,* the great saclieni of the Nar- 
 ragttiisets. He was coiiteinitorury with .\Iiantunno7tioli, who was his 
 nephew. We know not the time of liis birth, but u son of his was at 
 Jioston in UJJil, the next y(!ar afler it was settled. Hut the time of his 
 death is minutely recorded by Governor ff'intkrop, in his" Journal," tluis: 
 "June 4, 1(547. Canunicus, tlie great sachem of Narraganset, died, a 
 very old man." He is generally supposed to have been about 85 yeai-s 
 of age when he died. 
 
 He is mentioned with great respect by Rev. Roger WilliamSy] in the 
 yeai- 1(J54. After observing that many hundreds of tlie English were wit- 
 nesses to the friendly disposition of the Narragans(;ts, he says, "Their late 
 tiimous long-lived Caunoiiicus so lived and died, and in the same most 
 honorable manner and solemnity, (in their way,) as you laid to sleep your 
 prudent peace-maker, Mr. fVinthrop, did they honor this their prudent and 
 peaceable prince ; yea, through all their towns and countries how fre- 
 quently do many, and oil times, our Englishmen travel alone with safety 
 and loving kindness ?" 
 
 It will bo i)roper in this place to give some general account of the 
 country and nation of our chief. The bomuls of Narraganset were, as 
 described iu the times of the 8acliems,|: " Pautiickit River, Quenebage 
 [Quabaog] and Nii)muck," northerly ; " westerly l)y a brook called We- 
 (juapaug, not far§ from Paquatuck River ; southerly by the sea, or main 
 ocean ; and easterly by the Nanhiganset Bay, wherein lieth many islands, 
 by deeds bought of the Nanhiganset sachems." Coweesett and Niantick, 
 though sometimes ai)plied to this country, were names only of places 
 within it. According to Mr. Guokin, " the territory of their sachem ex- 
 tended about 30 or 40 miles from Sekunk River and Narragansitt Bay, 
 including Rliode Island and other islaids in that bay." Pawcatuck River 
 separated them from the Pecjuots. This nation, under Canonicua, had, in 
 1G4'3, arrived at the zenith of its irreatnciss, and was suj)posed to contain a 
 poj)ulation of thirty tlwusand. Tiiis estimate was by Richard Smith, jr., 
 who, with his father, lived in their country. 
 
 A census ol" those calling themselves a remnant of the Narragansets, 
 taken Feb. 1832, was 315 ; oidy seven of whom were unmixed. The In- 
 dians themselves uiake their luunber 3()4.j| 
 
 Of the early times of this nation, some of the first English inhabitants 
 learned from the old Indians, that they had, [)revious to their arrival, a 
 sachem named Tashtassuck, and their encomiums upon his wisdom and 
 valor were much the saiiu! as tlu; Delawares reported of tlnir great chief 
 Tamany, that since, there had not been his equal, &c. Tashlassuck had 
 but two children, a son and daughter ; these he joined in marriage, 
 because he could find none worthy of them out of his family. The 
 product of this marriage was lour sons, of whom Canonicus was the 
 oldest. H 
 
 When 3Ir. John Oldham was killed near Block Island, and an investiga- 
 tion set on foot by the English to ascertain the murderer , they were fiilly 
 satisfied that Canonicus and Mianlunnomoh had no hand in the aft'air, but 
 that "the six other Narraganset sachems had." It is no wonder that he 
 
 * This spelling' does not convey the true pronunciation of the name ; other spelHn^a 
 will bo noticed in the course of his biograpliy. Its sound approached so near the Latiu 
 word canonicus, that it became confounded with it. 
 
 t Manuscript letter to the governor of Massachusetts. 
 
 X See 3 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. MO. 6 Four or five miles, says Gookin. 
 
 jl MS. letter of Rev. Mr. Ely. 
 
 II Hutchinson, i. 458, who met with this account in MS.jbul we do not give implicit 
 credit to it, as, at best, it is tradition. 
 
 Chap. U 
 
 shotdd I 
 
 the deal 
 
 piece ol 
 
 the gove 
 
 be revei 
 
 messeng 
 
 the Jett(!i 
 
 thcun ini 
 
 although 
 
 ujK)n jJic 
 
 flicm to J 
 
 which th( 
 
 ing the dt 
 
 success (I 
 
 oommaiid 
 
 carriage d 
 
 murder, a 
 
 ditions." 
 
 TJiis sa 
 iie|iliew. 
 younger s, 
 about ff)iir: 
 in the gov 
 at what th 
 'le conceiv 
 Mr. Durfee 
 
 " At a mi 
 VI i Sept., J(j 
 colonies, "^ 
 fi'om time t 
 nant betwec 
 J» them by ( 
 Ills late misc 
 "i" the Engl 
 dians; and t 
 hetween hii 
 peaceable O 
 'iiat great ji 
 the malicioui 
 " any afFente 
 iVotwifljsff 
 arid tJieir coi 
 Moliegins, ni 
 his p(>op|,., p 
 I'eace with th 
 "f their agrei 
 was to be im, 
 We have y 
 '» the history 
 "Good News 
 
 * This was \v 
 tCoI.R. J. Hi 
 5 
 
as 
 
 )itants 
 val, a 
 ami 
 chief 
 k had 
 rriaf^e, 
 The 
 the 
 
 cstiga- 
 j fully 
 ir, hut 
 lat he 
 
 Ipellin^s 
 \q Latiu 
 
 <cin. 
 I implicit 
 
 ohap. in.] 
 
 CANONICUS.— MASCUS. 
 
 4!) 
 
 should have taken great offenco at the conduct of the English conrerning 
 the death of MinntintJiomoh. The Warwick setthirs considered it a great 
 piece of injustice, aiul Mr. Samtiel Gorton wrote a letter for Canonicus to 
 the government of Massac! niaetts, notifying them that he had resolved to 
 he revenged upon the Mohcgans. Upon this the English despatched 
 messengers to Narraganset to in(|uire oi' Canonir.ua whether he authorized 
 the letter, lie treated them with great coldness, and would not admit 
 them into his wigwam for the space of two hours aflir their arrival, 
 although it was exceedingly rainy. When they were admitted, he frovvne<l 
 upon thetn, and gave them answei-s foreign to th<^ pur|K)se, and ref«'rred 
 them to Pcssar.us. This was a very cold reception, comi)arcd with that 
 which the messengers received when sent to him for information respect- 
 ing the (h.'alh of Mr. Oldham. "They n-turned with accei)tance and good 
 success of their husiness; ohserving in the sachem nnich state, great 
 command of his men, and marvellous wisdom in his answers; and in the 
 carriage of the whole treaty, clearing himself and his luiighhors of the 
 nuirder, and offering revenge of it, yet upon very safe and wary con- 
 ditions." 
 
 This sachem is said to have governed in great liarmony with his 
 ne|iliew. "The chiefest government in the country is divided hetween a 
 younger sachem, Miantunnomu, and an elder sachem, Caunaunnru.t, of 
 ul)out fourscore years old,* this young man's uncle ; and their agreement 
 in the govermnent is remarkahlc. Tlie old sachem will not he offended 
 at what the young sachem doth ; and the young sachem will not do what 
 he conceives will dis|)lease his uncle."t With this passage hefore l»im, 
 Iflr. Durfee versifies as follows, in his poem called ff'hatcheer : — 
 
 '* Two niipfhty cliiefs, one rautioiis, wisp, nnd old, 
 One young-, and strong-, and terrible in light, 
 All Narraganset and Cowesct hold ; 
 One lodge they build— one counsel fire they light." 
 
 " At a meeting of the commissioners of the United Colonics at Boston, 
 vij Sept., 1()43," it was agreed that Massachusetts, in behalf of the other 
 colonies, "give Conoonacus and the Nanohiggunsets to understand, that 
 from time to time" they have taken notice of their violation of the cove- 
 nant between them, notwithstanding the great manifestations of their love 
 to them by the English ; that they had concurred with Mianlunnomoh in 
 Ills late mischievous plots, by which he had intended "to root out the body 
 of the English" from the country, by gifts and allurements to other In- 
 dians ; and that he had invaded Uncas, contrary to the " tripartie covenant" 
 hetween himself, Uncas and Connecticut. Therefore, knowing " how 
 peaceable Conanacus and Mascus, the late father o( Myanttnomo^ governed 
 that great people," they ascribed the late "tumults and outbreakings" to 
 the malicious, rash and ambitious spirit of Mianlunnomoh more than to 
 "any affected way of their own." 
 
 Notwithstanding, Miantunvovioh being now ptit to d(!ath, the Englifh 
 .'iiid their confederate Indian sachems, namely, " Viicus, sagamore of the 
 Mohegins, and liis people, JVoosaiiiequme and his people, Sacanocoe and 
 his poople, Pumham and Ills jieople, were disposed, they said, still to have 
 peace with the Narragaiisots ; but should expect a more faithful observance 
 i)f their agreement than they had shown hitherto." This determination 
 was to be immediately laid before them, and a prompt answer demanded. 
 
 We have yet to go a step back to rehite some matters of inuch interest 
 in the histoiy of this chief. It is related by INIr. Edward ff'inslow, in his 
 "Good News from New England,"| that in February, 1G22, O. S. Canon- 
 
 *'l'his wns written ahout 1643. 
 fC'ol.R. I. Hist. Soc. vol. i. 
 
 i 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. viii. 
 
■^ 
 
 fiO 
 
 CANONICUS.— MKIKA MIS SON. 
 
 rit>M.K II 
 
 tctM sunt into Pliinouth, by oru; of liin iiicii, ft liiindlc of aiTowH, lioiiiid 
 with ft rftttleHiiakc'8 Hkiii, iiiid tlii-n? Iril tlictii, hikI retired. 'I'lic Naini- 
 guiiHetH, who vvert! reporU'd at thiH tiino "iiiaiiy tiioii.saiid stroiiff," inaring 
 of tiie wcakiit-HS of the KiikUkIi, " ht'<,'aii, (says tiio ahove-naiiuul author,) 
 to hreath forth many thrt.-ats against iis," altiiou^h they had the last siuii- 
 nier "desired and ohtained peace vvitli us." — "lusouiueh as liie coiuiiioti 
 talk of our iieii^hhor Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made 
 to come against us." They wen; now emboldened from the eircumstanee 
 that the Kngtish had just add<;d to their nimdu-rs, hut not to their arms nor 
 provisions. The ship Fortune had, not long before, landed 85 persons at 
 Pliinouth, and the Narragansets sticm to have been w«dl informed of all 
 the circumstanees. This, (says Mr. ftinslow,) "occasioned them to slight 
 and brave us with so many threats as tliey (lid. At length came one of 
 them to us, who was sent by Conaurus, their chief sachem or king, 
 accom|)anieil with one Tokamnkamon, a friendly Indian. This messenger 
 inquired for Tisquanluin, om* interpreter, who not being at home, 8eein<'d 
 rather to be glad than sorry ; and leaving Kir him a bmidit! of new arrows, 
 lapped in a rattlesnaluj's skin, desired to dejiart with all expedition." 
 
 When Squnnto was made ac(|uainted with the circumstance!, he told the 
 English that it was a challenge ft)r war. Governor Bradford took the 
 rattlesnake's skin, and fdled it with powder and shot, and returned it to 
 Canonicus ; at the same time instructing the m(!ssenger to bid him de- 
 fiance, and invite him to a trial of strength. The measenger, and his 
 insulting carriage, had the desired effect uj)on Canonicus, for he would 
 not receive the skin, and it was cast out oi every community of the In- 
 dians, until it at last was retunied to Pliinouth, and all its contents. This 
 was a demonstration that he was awed into silence and respect of the 
 English. 
 
 In a grave assembly, upon a certain occasion, Canonicus thus addressed 
 Roger fVilliams : " I have never sulVered any wrong to be offered to the 
 English since they landed, nor never will ;" and often repeated the word 
 fVunnaunewayean. " If the Englishman speak true, if he mean truly, 
 then shall I go to my grave in peace, and hope that the English and my 
 posterity shall live in love and jieace together." 
 
 When Mr. Williama sairl he hoped he had no cause to question the 
 Englishmen's toimnaumwauonck, that is, faithfidiiess, having long been 
 ac(iuainted with it, Canonicus took a stick, and, breaking it into ten 
 pieces, related ten instances wherein they had jiroved false; laying down 
 a piece at each instance. Mr. Williams sati;?fied him that he was mis- 
 taken in some of them, and as to others he agreed to intercede with the 
 governor, who, he doubted not, would make satisfaction for them. 
 
 In 1635, Rev. Roger fVilliams foimd Canonicus and Miantunnomoh car- 
 rying on a bloody war against the Wampanoags. 15y his intercession an 
 end was put to it, and all the sachetns gi-ew much into his favor ; espe- 
 cially Canonicus, whose "hetu't (he says) was stirred up to lo\e me as his 
 son to his last gasp." He sold the Island of IJhode Island to William 
 Coddington, Roger Ifllliams, and others. A son of Canonicus, nairied 
 Mnksah, is named by Williams as inheriting liis father's spirit.* This son 
 is also called Meika, who, after his father's cU-atli, wjis chief sachem of 
 the Narragansets, and was said to have lj(;eii his eldest son. Many par- 
 ticulars of him will be found in our progress onward. 
 
 At the time of the Pequot war, much pains was taken to secure the 
 friendship oi Canonicus mote firndy. Mr. Williams wroU! to Gov(.'rnnr 
 Wtn</(ro/j concerning him as follows: "Sir, if any thing I)e sent to the 
 princes, I find Canounicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten 
 pounds of sugar, and indeed he told me he vould thank Mr. Governor for 
 
 * Mauuscripl letter. 
 
 Cinv. 
 
 a box 
 
 Miant 
 
 of yoi 
 
 to me 
 
 Mr. O 
 
 that h( 
 
 it appe 
 
 upon I 
 
 doi/ig 
 
 no ideii 
 
 " once , 
 
 had it, 
 
 in soiuf 
 
 li'eding 
 
 sachu.se 
 
 «ays, de 
 
 between 
 
 tliat, if J 
 
 J'<'IJUOt ' 
 
 subject. 
 Tliere 
 IIiMard 
 "distrusi 
 Mohawk 
 spared." 
 
 In 1(J3 
 on accoii 
 ^\'ecaj)ai; 
 about ten 
 ^vith him 
 I'll is vvfUv 
 die Pt.,,ii 
 themselvi 
 possessioi 
 of it to () 
 '•lit Jie nc 
 l*e(|uot, w 
 who iiiai 
 it is sal 
 sons of Ci 
 ^vlien he 
 
 Canonii 
 Boston, in 
 
 Canonic 
 dissolution 
 
 •Ins or tliat | 
 bartraiii aiitl 
 witlistaiitliii 
 Jaiuls." li 
 t B;- John 
 
 
Cn^p.IIIl 
 
 CANONirus — sonioso. 
 
 51 
 
 cai*- 
 
 i an 
 espe- 
 liis 
 
 llinm 
 
 iirxul 
 is son 
 m of 
 y l>av- 
 
 e tlir 
 (•■rnor 
 to the 
 or t«n 
 lor for 
 
 a box full." In nuotlicr Icttrr wliidi Mr. H'iUiam3 8ont to tho Hnmc Ity 
 .Midnlniiiioinofi oiinHiltj iitt hiivh, " i am bold to n>(|tU'Nt a wiirtl of advict! 
 of yoii concriiiiiii; a |ini|M),siiinu Miaili^ Ity Cauntnuncus anil Miitnlumiomu 
 to ni*> .^uMic liall' year Mint'c. ('aunouninis ^avi> an island in tliis hay to 
 Mr. OlilUaiii, hy nanio Chiharhuwtse, upon condition, iih it should Hc»Mn, 
 that lio would dwell thcro near unto them." Tht! death of Mr. Ohlhnm, 
 it a|)p<'nrH, prevented his aceeplin;,' it, and tlu'y offered if to Mr. H'illutms 
 upon the sauD! eonditions; hut he tirst desin;d to know whether in so 
 doin^f it would h»! |»erfeclly a)j;reeahU! to Mansaehu.setts, and that he had 
 no idea of accepting, without paying tho ehiets for it: «aid ho told them 
 "ont-D and again, that tor the present he mind not to rutriovo ; hut if lio 
 liad it, would give tlaun satisfietion for it, and liuild a little house and put 
 in some swino, as unders'anding the place to have store of tish and good 
 leediiig for swine." When Jlianlunnoinoh heard that some of the Mas- 
 sachusetts men thcaight of occu|»ying soiue of the islaiuls, Canonicus, lie 
 says, desired ho would acce|)t of half of it, " it hiding spectacle-wise, and 
 between a mile or two in circuit;" but Mr. fniHaina wrote to iidbrm them 
 that, if he had anv, he desired the whole. This was not long betbre the 
 l'e()uot war, which probably put a stop to further negotiation uj)on the 
 subject. 
 
 'J'here was another chief of the same name, in Philip's war, which Mr. 
 Huhbitrd denominates "the great sach(!m of the Narragansets," and who, 
 ''distrusting the proffers of the English, was slain in the woods by the 
 Mohawks, his siiuaw surrendering herself: by this means her life was 
 spared." 
 
 In ](j32, a war broke out between the Narragansets and the Peqnots, 
 on accoimt <>f disj)Uted right to the lands between Pancatuck River and 
 NN'ecapatig Urook.* It was a tract of considerable consequence, being 
 about ten niles wide, and filleen or twenty long. Canonicus drew along 
 with him besides his own men, several ot the Alassachusetts sagamores. 
 This wa> maintained with ferocity and various success, until KkJS, when 
 the PetjUots were driven from it, but who, it would seem, (considered 
 themselves but little worsted; ibr Canonicus, tloubting his ability to hold 
 possession long, and ashamed to have it retaken from him, made a present 
 of it to one of his captains, who had fought heroically in conquering it ; 
 but he n(!ver held |)ossession. The name of this captain was Sochoso, a 
 Pecjuot, who had deserted from tluun and espoused the cause of Canonicus, 
 who nifide him a chief. 
 
 It is said that, in the war between Uncas and Miantunnomoh, two of tb(! 
 sons of Caiioniciis fought on the side of JMidntiinnoinoh, and were wounded 
 when he was taken prisoner at Sachem's Plain. 
 
 Canoiiicus has been the subject of a poem which was published at 
 Boston, in 1803.t Among the tolerable passages are the following: — 
 
 '• A niie;-hty prince, of voncrahlc ape, 
 
 A jjeerloss warrior, but of iicnce the frieu'l ; 
 His IJreast a tioasiiry of iiia\iiiis sape — 
 His arm, a iiost — lo puiiisli or defend."' 
 
 Canonicus, at the age of 84 years, is made to announce his approaching 
 ilissolution to his people thus : — 
 
 * " Tiie natives are very exact and punctual in the bounds of their lands, belongini;- to 
 this or that prince or people, even to a river, brook, &p. And I have known them make 
 barijain and sale among-st iheinselves, lor a small piece, or quantity of ground ; not- 
 withstanding a sinful opinion amongst inajiy, that Clirislians have right to heathen's 
 lands." n. Wil/ian,.'!. 
 
 t By Joliu Latlirop, A. M. in 8vo. 
 
52 
 
 MONTOWAMPATE.— WONOHAQUAHAM. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 " I die.— My friends, 3'ou have r.<) lause lo grieve: 
 To al)lcr liands my regal po'./er I leave. 
 Our god coinniauds— lo ''.jrlile realms I haste, 
 Compared with which your gardens arc u waste. 
 There in full bloom e'.erual spring abides, 
 
 And swarming .ial.cs glide through azure tides ; , 
 
 Continual sunshine gilds the cloudless skies, 
 No mists conceal Keusuckquand from our eyes." 
 
 About 1642, a son of Canonicus died, at which his grief was very great ; 
 insomuch that, " having buried his son, he burned his own pahice, and 
 all his goods in it, to a great vahie, in solemn remembrance of his son." 
 
 Like other men ignorant of science, Canonicus was superstitious, and 
 was greatly in fear of the English, chiefly, perhajjs, from a belief in their 
 ability to hurt him by enchantment, which belief very probably was 
 occasioned by the story that Squanto circulated, of which, in a previous 
 chapter, we have spoken. When Roger Williams fled into his country, 
 he at first viewed him with distrust, and would only frown upon him ; at 
 length lie accused him, as well as the other English, of sending the plague 
 among the Indians ; but, as we have said before, he soon became recon- 
 ciled to him, gave him lands, and even protected him. They became 
 mutual helps to each other, and, but for animosities among the English 
 themselves, it may be fair to conclude, friendship would havo continued 
 with the Narragaiisets tiirough several generations. 
 
 Our attention is now called to consider the lives of several sachems, 
 who, though of less notoriety than the one of which we have just taken 
 a view, will be found by no means wanting ia interest. 
 
 Montoivampate, sagamore of Lynn and Marblehead, was known more 
 generally among the whites as Sagamore James. He was son of JVane- 
 pashemet, and brother of JVonohaquakam and Winnepurkitt.* He died in 
 103-3, of the small-por, " with most of his people. It is said that these 
 two promised, if ever they recovered, to live with the English, and serve 
 their God."t The histories of those times give a melancholy picture of 
 the ditstresses caused by the sinall-pox among the "wretched natives." 
 "There are," says Mather, "some old planters surviving to tliis day, who 
 helped to bury the dead Indians ; even whole families of them all dead at 
 once. In ono of the wigwams they found a poor infant sucking at the 
 breast of the dead mother."| The same author observes that, before the 
 disease began, the Indians had begun to quarrel with the English about 
 the bounds of their lands, "but God ended the controversy by Sfinding 
 the small-pox amov.g the Indians at Saugiis, who were before that time 
 exceedingly '.•> .lerouc." 
 
 Wc h".ve mentioned another of the family of JVanepashemet, also a 
 sachem. This was Wonohaquaham, called by the English Sagnmore 
 John, of Winisimet. His residence was at what was then called i?ifm?je^- 
 marsh, ]mvt of wliich is now in Chelsea and part in Saugus.* As early 
 as 1(>U, he had cause to complain that some of the English settlers had 
 burnt two of his wigwams. " Which wigwams," says Governor Dudley,\\ 
 '• were not inhabited, but stood in a place convenient for their shelter, 
 when, upon occasiov.. they should travel that wa,,." Tiie court, upon 
 examination, found that a servant of Sir R. Saltonstall had been tlie 
 means of the mischief, whoso master was ordered to make satisfaction, 
 " which he did liy seven yards of cloth, and that his servant pay him, at 
 the cud of his time, fifty shillings 8ter'ing."1I Sagamore John died at 
 
 * Lewis's Hist. Lvnn, 16, 17. t Hist, of New England, 195. 
 
 t Relation, &c. 2.3. 
 
 II Letter to the Counte.ss of Lincoln, in Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. 
 
 II Prince's Chronology. 
 
Chap. III.] 
 
 WINNEPURKITT.— MANATAHQUA. 
 
 53 
 
 so a 
 
 '.more 
 mne'i- 
 ciirlv 
 had 
 Jley,\\ 
 lelter, 
 
 a the 
 ction, 
 im, at 
 icul at 
 
 Winisimet, in ir)33, of the small-pox.* He desired to become acquainted 
 with tlie Eiif,'lishii. I's God, in iiis siekiioss, and requested them to take 
 his two sous and iiis.nict them in Chrisiijuiily, vvliich they did.f 
 
 lf'inncpurkitt,l who inarni d a dauiilitcr ol" Pcwisacomnvat/, makes con- 
 siderable fijunne also in our Indian annals. He was born about KiKi, and 
 succeeded Montowampate. at his death, in \i\',V,^. The English called him 
 Gcors^e. Rummymursb, and at one time he was proprietor of Deer Island, 
 in Boston harbor. " In the latter i)art of his life, he went to IJarbadoes. 
 It is su[)po;-ed that lie was carried there with the prisoners who were sold 
 for slaves, at the end of PItiUp's war. He dic'd soon after his return, in 
 1(184, at the hous(> of JMutuvupuish, aged G8 years." Ahaivnyelsquainey 
 daughter of Poqiiamim, is also mentioned as his wife, by Avhom he had 
 several children.^ 
 
 Manatahqaa, called also Blark-wilUayn, was a sacliem, and proprietor 
 of Nahant, when the adjacent country was settled by the whites. His 
 father lived at Svvampscot, and was also a sagamore, l)ut ])robably was 
 dead befe e the English settled in the country. || A traveller in this thenll 
 wilderness world, thus notices Jt'ilUain, and his possessing Nahant. 
 " Out, ^ilack-tvilliam, an Indian Duke, out of his generosity gave this 
 place ' ■■ leral to the plantation of fc^augus, so that no other can appro- 
 priate i. ' himself." He was a great friend to the whites, but bis friend- 
 ship was re[>aid, as was that of many others of that and even much later 
 times. There was u mati by the name of fVultcr Bafpmll, nicknamed 
 Great Wot, "u wicked fellow," who had much wronged the Indians,** 
 killed near the mouth of Saco River, probably by some of those whom he 
 had defrauded. Tliis was in October, 1G31. As some vessels were upon 
 the eastern coa.st in search of pirates, in January, 1()33, they put in at 
 Richmond's Island, where they fell in with Black- ivilliam. This was the 
 place V'here Bagnall had been killed alwut two years before, but wheth- 
 er he iiad anything to do with it, does not appear, nor do I find that any 
 one, even his murderere, pretended he was any way implicated ; but out 
 of revenge lor BagnalCs death, these pirate htmters hanged IMack-iirilliam. 
 On the contrary, it was particularly tnentionedft that Bafr^aall was killed 
 by Squidrayset and his men, some Indians belonging to that part of the 
 coimtry. 
 
 Tliis Squidrayset, or Scitterygusset, for whose act Mannfahqua suffered, 
 was the first sachem who deeded land in Falmouth, Maine. A creek 
 near the mouth of Presumpscot River pcn-petuates his name to this day. 
 "Vln IVillis su})poses lie was sachem of the Aucocisco tribe, who inhabited 
 between the Androscoggin and Saco rivers; and that from Aucocisco 
 (;omes Casco.H There c-jin be but little doubt that Bagnall deserved his 
 fate,^^ if any desei-ve sut'h ; but the other was the act of white men, and 
 we leave the reader to draw the i)arallel between the two : perhaps he 
 \\ ill iiH[uire, Were the murderers of Ma\atahqua brought to justice ? All 
 w(^ can answer is, The records are silent. Perhaps it was considered an 
 offset to tlie nuu'der of Bagnall. 
 
 JVutlahattawants, in the year 1G42, sold to Simon fVillard, in behalf 
 of " Mr. JVinthrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. A'owcll, and Mr. Mden,'' a large tract 
 
 * History of Now Eii°^lan(1, 195, G50. 
 
 t Woiidt'i'-workiiig Providence. \ 8nclt also Winnaperkrt. 
 
 Uli-l. L>nn. jinisl. N. Eii^r. 
 
 TI KiiW. Williim Wood, niitlior of Al'io Eng. Prospect. 
 ** Wiiitlirop's .Foiirnnl, i. ()2. (i.l. H Wintlirop, ib. 
 
 \Xi\A. Maine Hist. Soc. i. (58. 
 
 ^^ H<! liad in ahotit three years, by extortion, hs we infer Uom Winthroj), exctimulated 
 about .CUX) from amuiig the Indians. See Journal u( supra. 
 
54 
 
 NATTAHATTAWA.NTS— WAIIGUMACUT 
 
 [Book II, 
 
 of land iipou both sides Concord River, " JMr. fVinthrop, our present 
 governor, 12t)0 ucres, Mr. Dudley, laOO acres, on the S. E. side of tlio 
 river, Mr. A''oweU, 500 acres, and Mr. Jlllen, 500 acres, on the N. E. side 
 of the river, and in consideration hereof tiie said Simon giueth to the said 
 JVattahatlaivants six fadoin of waoniparnpej^e, one wastcoat, and one 
 breeches, and the said jYdttahaitawants dotii covenant and bind lumself, 
 that hee nor any other Indians shall set traps within this ground, so as 
 any cattle might recieve hurt thereby, and what cattle shall receive hurt 
 by this ineanes, lice shall be lyable to make it good." [In the deed, JVat- 
 tahattawants is called sachem of that laud.] 
 
 JVitnessed by The mark of % Natahattawa-m-s. 
 
 three whites. Tlie mark of % WiiVMPiN, an Indian 
 
 that traded fur him.* 
 
 The name of this chief, as appears from documents cnj)ied l)y Mr. 
 Shattuck,\ was understood Tahattawan, Tahattawants, Mlnwnn, Mta- 
 toanee, and Jlhatawanee. He was sachem of Musketaquid, since Concord, 
 and a supporter and propagator of Christianity among his peoi)le, and an 
 honest and upright man. The celebrated fVahaii married his eldest 
 daughter. John Tahattawan was his son, who lived at Nashoba, where 
 he was chief ruler of the praying Indians — a deserving Indian. He died 
 about 1670. His widow was daughter of John, sagamore of Patucket, 
 upon the Merrimack, who married Oonamog, another ruler of the praying 
 Indians, of Marlborough. Her oidy son by Tahnltawnn\ was killed l)y 
 some white ruffians, who came upon tliem while in their wigwams, and 
 his mother was badly wounded at the .same time. Of this atliiir we shall 
 have occasion elsewhere to be more particular, JYaanashquaw,m\oi\iQV 
 daughter, married JVaanishcoiv, called John Thomas, who died at Natick, 
 aged 110 years. 
 
 We know very little of a sachem of the name of Wahgumacut,^ except 
 that he lived upon Connecticut River, and came to Boston in 1031, with a 
 request to the governor "to have some English to plant in his country ;" 
 and as an inducement said he would " find them corn, and give them, 
 yearly, 80 skins of beaver." The governor, however, dismissed him 
 without giving him any encouragement; doubting, it seems, the reality of 
 his friendship. But it is more probable that he was sincere, as he was at 
 this tijne in great fear of the Pequots, and judged that if some of the 
 English would reside with him, he should be able to maintain his 
 country. 
 
 There accompanied IVahgumacut to Boston an Indian named Jark- 
 
 * SuiTolk Records of Deeds, vol. i. No. 3k t Hist. Coiicorrl, Mass, passim chap. i. 
 
 t Mr. Gookin writes this name Tohatootie.r , tliat of liio Ihtlior Taiiatlawarre. AIi<. 
 Hist. Praiiinn; Indians, 105. 
 
 ^ IVahgiimiicut , according to Mr. Savage's readiii"^ of Winthrop. Our text is ar- 
 cordiiiq; to Prime, wlio also used Winthrop in MS. It is trul}' (Hvortiiij;^ to see how the 
 a^jthor of 'l\dcs of tlw Indians has displayed his invention uf)on tlie passag'c in H7h- 
 throp's Journal bringing' to our knowledge this chief. We will give the passage of 
 Winthrop, that the reader may judge whether great ignorance, or niisrepresenlalioa 
 " of set purjwsc" be chargeable to him. "\l.- [Gov. Wi'ithrop] discovered after 
 [Wah'xinniwnt was gone,] that the said sagamore is a very treacherous man, and at 
 war with the I'fkoaih (a far greater sagamore.") Now, every child that has read aboia 
 the Indians, it seems to ns, ought to know ih.U the meaning of Pekoath was mistaken bv 
 the governor, and no more meant a c\,\ci than the Massasoils meant what tin; Flinioiitli 
 people first supposed it to mean. In tiie one case, the name of a tribe was mistaken for 
 that of a chief, and in the other the chief for the tribe. Mistakes of this kind were not 
 uncommon before our fathers became acquainted wiiii the country. Winthrop says, 
 too, the Mohawks was a great sachem. Now, who ever thought there was a chief of that 
 name ? 
 
i 
 
 Chap. III.] 
 
 jack-straw. 
 
 IS nr- 
 
 |)\v (he 
 
 Win- 
 
 hnjo C>t" 
 
 iiialioa 
 ifior 
 hnd at 
 1 about 
 len by 
 linoiitli 
 len for 
 Ire not 
 says. 
 3l' tha» 
 
 straw,* who was iiis intorpmtcr.t ^Ve liave labored to find some finther 
 jiarlicular.s ot'liiin, but all tluit we can asccrtaiu with ccitaiiity, is, that he 
 had lived some time in Eiiylaiid with Sir fValler Rales:h.l How Sir 
 Ifaltcr caiiK! by him, does not satLsfactorily appear. Cai)tains Jlmidas and 
 Barlow sailed to America in his en)j)loy, and on tiieir return carried over 
 
 * l'r()t)iibly j'O liiimoil from tli<; M;ii(lst()iic niiiiistor, v.lio llourislicil in Wat Tijlrr'x tc- 
 bellioii, cUkI whose rt-al iiaiiio was Ju'ai Hall, but al'lerwarils nick-uamcd Jack iitraiv. He 
 became chaplaui to [Vat's army, ihcv liaviuj^ Ift him out of prison. A text which he 
 made great use of in preacliiiig to his liberators was this: — 
 
 When Aiiiirn diilfo and Evn span, 
 Wlio wild tlitn a gunllfiimn.'' 
 
 i. '157. 
 
 This we apprehend was ponstrued, Down with the iwhility ! See Rapin's Eng. 
 hi Keimi-t, i. 217, Jnhti ll'ruw is called Jack Straw. He was beheaded. 
 
 t {iaganwre John was also with him. 
 
 j;"Tlie imputation of the first brini^^ing in of tobacco into Ene^land lies on thi.i heroic 
 knight." IVinstiinlii/s W'orthii's, '2b[K " IJcsidos the consumption of the purse, and 
 impairinj^ of our inward parts, the immodernte, vain and phanlasiical abuse of the hellish 
 weed, curruiileth the iiuuiral sweetness of the breath, sl'ipificdi the brain ; and indeed is 
 so prejudicial to the ijencral esteem of our country." lliki. 211. Whether Jack-straw 
 were the servant who acted a part in the often-told anecdote of Sir Waller Ralegh's 
 smoking tobacco, on its first being taken to England, we shall not presume to assert, but 
 for the sake of the anecdote we will admit the tact ; it is ^ arionsly related, but is said to 
 be, in substance, as follows. At one lime, it was so very imi)opular lo use tobacco in any 
 way in England, that many who had got attached to it, used it only privately. Sir 
 Walter was smoking in his study, at a certain time, and, being thirsty, called to his ser- 
 vant lo bring him a tankard of beer. Jack hastily obeyed the summons, and Sir Walter, 
 forgetting to cease smoking, was in the act of spouting a volume of smoke from his 
 mouth wlien his servant entered. Jack, seeing his master smoking prodigiously at the 
 mouth, thought no other but he was all on fire inside, having never seen such a phenome- 
 non in all England before ; da-^hed the quart of liquor at once in his face, and ran out 
 screaming, " Massa's a fire ! Alassa's a fire !" 
 
 Ha.ing dismissed the servant, every one might reasonably expect a few words con- 
 cerning liis master. Sir Walter Rakffh may truly be said to have livd in an age fruit- 
 ful in great and worthy characters. Caj)!. Jolin Siuilh comes to our notice through his 
 agency, and the renowned first English circumnavigator was his coteniporary. He, like 
 the last named, was born in the county of Devonshire, in 1552, in the [)arisli of Budley. 
 Sir Humphrey Gilbert, so well ki;o\.'n in our annals, was his half brother, his father 
 having mar'-ed Sir Hiimphreij's mother, a widow,* by whom he had Walter, a fourth 
 son.t The great successes and discoveries of the celebrated a<imiral Sir Francis 
 Drake, gave a new impetus lo the English nation in maritime afi'airs, and consequent 
 thereupon was Mie settlement of North America; as great an era, to say the least, as 
 was ever recorded in history. No one shone more conspicuous in those un(I<>rtakings 
 than Sir Walter Raleigh. After persevering a long time, he established a colony in 
 Virginia, in lti()7. He was :). man of great valor and address, and a favorite widi the 
 great (luecn Elizabeth, the iiromoter of his unib'rlakinjs, one of whose " maids of 
 honor'" he married. In (his aftair some charge him with having first dishonored lha( ladv. 
 and was for a (une under (he queen's dispK-asure in c<)nse(|uenc(\ bu( marrying her re- 
 stored him (o (avor. 'I"he city of Ralegh in Virginia was soname<l by his direc(ion. He 
 was conspicuous with Drake and Howard in the dos(ruction of the Spanish armada in 
 \b?>". On the death of the cjuecn, he was imprisoneil almost 13 years in (he tower of 
 London, upon the charge of treason. I( was during his imprisonment (lia( he wrote his 
 great and learned work, the History of the World. Tiie alleged crime of (reason has 
 long since been viewed by all (he world as williou( foundation, and the punislnnent of 
 /Jij/f^'/i reflects all its blackness upon the character oi Jumes i. 'J'he groim<l of the charge 
 was, that R.xlegh and others were in a conspiracy against the kiji«\ and were designing 
 to place on the throne Arabella itteiiuirt.\ He was never pardoned. aUhough (he king 
 se( him at liberty, and permitted him to go on an expedition (o South ;Vm(!rica in search 
 of a ufold mine of whicli he had gained some inlMna(ions in a previous visit lo those 
 countries. His attempt to finri gold failed, but he took (lie (own of S(. 'J'homas,and es- 
 tablished in it a garrison, 'i'his was a depredation, as Spain and Enelanil wert? then at 
 peace, but RalegL had the king's commission. The Spanish ambassador complained 
 
 *" Of Otko Gilhert, of tJoiniKoii, VUq." Polmhe.le's ftitt. Devon, ii. 5ia 
 f Htith, Mi^t. Virginia, 7. Second son, says Mr. Poliohelo, Hevoii, ii.dl9. 
 I Rupin's Eng. ii. IGl. 
 
«• •« .f "f 
 
 ^t0^:. ..■ .»*^' 
 
 J 
 
 5t) 
 
 JAMES PRINTER, OR JAMES-THE-PRINTIR [Hoot (I. 
 
 two natives from Virfriiiia, wl.'osc iiarnrs were If'anchctf, ami Manteo.* 
 It is barely possible that one of these was ixtXvrwiWch Jack-straw, 
 
 A Nipiuiiek Indian, ot' no small note in liis time, it may in the next 
 place be proper to notice, 
 
 James Pmitei; or Jamc^-the-printer, was the son ofJVaoas, brother of 
 7\ikapi:willinj and Anaweakin. When a child, he was iustrnctcMl at the 
 Indian charity school, at Cambridf^e. In Ki.)!', he was put a|)i)ren'.ice to 
 Samuel Green, to learn the printer's bnshies,s;|: and he is spoken of a-: hav- 
 in;j[ v\n\ away from his master in lt!75. it", after an ai)prenticeshi|) of 1(1 
 years, one could not leave his master without thi; cliari;'e of absconding', 
 at least, both the master and ajjprentice should be ])itied. In relation to 
 this matter, Mr, Hubbard siiys,§ "H(; had attained some skill in printinff, 
 and nii^dit have attained mon;, had he not, like a false villain, ran away 
 from his master b(>fore his time was out." And the same author observes 
 that the ttame printer was superadded to distinguish him from others 
 named James. 
 
 Dr. /. Mather\\ has this record of James-printer. " July 8, [1076.] 
 Whereas the council at Boston had lately emitted a declaration, sij^nifying, 
 that such Indians as did, within 14 days, come in to the English, might 
 hope lor mercy, divers of them did this day return from amo!ig the Nip- 
 mucks. Among others, James, an Indian, who could not only read and 
 write, but had learned the ait of printing, notwithstanding iiis apostasy, 
 did ventm-e himself upon the mercy and truth of the Englisii declaration, 
 which he had seen end read, promising for the future to venture his life 
 aga'Mst the common enemy, lie and the other now cotue in, afHrni that 
 very many of Hie Indians are dead since this war began ; and that more 
 havo died by the hnn I of God, in respect o*' diseases, fluxes and fevers, 
 which have been amo.'gst them, than have been killed witi; the sword." 
 
 I\Ir. Thomas says,1[ cwus owing to t\\G c, nor palrim of James-printer 
 tha. he left his master aad j.iincd in Philip's war. But licw .'nucli amor 
 
 loi 'ly ao-ainsi the traiisartinn. am' the miseraMoTciwit.s-, to extricate himself, and appease 
 the Spanish kiiii^, ordoreil Riilegh 'o tie stizod on his return, vvlio, u[)on the old charw of 
 treason, was sentenced to l)e heir ' >! . hicli was executed u|)on him 'JLilh Oct. Ibl8.* 
 " I shall only hint," .5ays Dr. i*o/ r ■.+ " that the execution of this ffreat man, Avhom 
 James was advised In .i-acrifice to tt. lu, .nccment of the peace with tSpain, hath left an 
 indelible stain on the memory of that misg-uidcd monarch " It appears from another 
 account^ that Sir Walter, on arrivins^ at the mouth of the Oronoko, was taken "despe- 
 rately sick," and sent Ibrward a company und(?r one of his captains in search of the gold 
 mine. That they were met by the Spaniards, who attacked them, and that this was the 
 cause "f their assaultinj^ St. Thomas, and being obliged to descend the river without 
 effecting' die object they were upon. 
 
 The ibllowing circumstance respecting Inc celebrated History of the World, not being 
 genorally known, cannot but be acceptable to the reader. The first vilume (which is 
 what we have of it) was published before he was imprisoned the last time. Just before 
 Ills execution, he sent for the publisher of it. When he came. Sir Walter took him hy 
 the hnnil, ancl, " al^er some discourse, askl him how th.it work of his sold, l\Ir, liurre 
 [the name of the publisher] r(>'.urned this answer, that it had sold so slowly that it had un- 
 done him. At which worcls of his. Sir ]\''ii/ter Raleu^h, stepping to his (fesk, reaches hi,-; 
 other part of his history to INIr, Ihirre. which he had brought down lo the times he lived 
 in ; chipplnir his hand on his breast, he look the other unprinted part of his works inlx. 
 Ins hand, with a sigh, saying, ' Ah, Tuy friend, hnih the first |)art undone thee, the second 
 volume shall inido no more ; this un2;Tateful worUl is unworthy of it,' When, immedi- 
 ately goinir to the fire-sidc, threw it in, and set his foot on it till it was consumed,"^ 
 
 "See Ciiijlei/.f Life Sir VV. R:tleo-li, i. 70, cd, Lond. 18Ili,'i vols, 8vo. 
 
 t Some autho of Indian tales mi^'hl delight himself for a long time in ringing changes 
 on this Indian ;, readier 's name, without inventing any new ones ; (or it is not, as I rc- 
 '.nember. spell twice alike in our .uithorities. 
 
 1 1'lion.ii'. Hist. IViniiug, ^ Narrative, %. \\ P.rief Hist. 89. 
 
 If Hist. 1 ruUiiig, i. 290. 
 
 Chap. I 
 
 vairifp, \ 
 
 mentioii 
 
 It wai 
 
 (•onj|)let 
 
 iiiucit tl 
 
 James-th 
 
 don, Mr, 
 
 deep in ; 
 
 one man, 
 
 correct t 
 
 same, fla 
 
 gy. We 
 
 workmer 
 
 one Engl 
 
 Thi.s I 
 
 adds, « S< 
 
 ton ; they 
 
 TJere ■ 
 
 the J!;. it ei 
 
 with the ] 
 
 'vjiere Jie 
 
 Ejiglish t( 
 
 lation oft] 
 
 In a leti 
 
 poration ii 
 
 formerly h 
 
 carpenter, 
 
 follow the 
 
 tliese. JVt 
 
 tioned lett( 
 
 In urn, 
 
 In 1700, Ji( 
 Jiave had s 
 titl(! pages 
 iniprint : 
 PRINTEI 
 1709." 
 
 We shal 
 many other 
 'lot but ai- 
 
 W 
 
 e mean 
 
 *Tind,il's notes in Ripin, ii, 195, 
 J Winstanley, Worthiua, 'Jjti. 
 
 t Hist. Devonshire, i. 259. 
 
 $ Ibid. 257 
 
 Kulchmai 
 
 S'tnie nani(> 
 
 Juore, a.s, in 
 
 He \\a,s one 
 
 English, as 
 
 111 16'-i(i, 
 
 heing the p; 
 
 some fieriot 
 
 ipiin, yet, ill. 
 
 ill Ills count 
 
 <^hri.stia;i. 
 
 ' I! I-,. Prin 
 
 t "iift.rinatii 
 
 'ii^iiined a plac 
 
.i#5fr.r.-;;*':>^"' 
 
 '^*.-'„ 
 
 
 IK' 
 
 ruAP. III.] 
 
 JAMES-THE-l'IUMTER.— KLTf.HMAKIN. 
 
 h i» 
 
 n liy 
 
 furre 
 
 un- 
 
 livf.l 
 
 !iHv. 
 
 fre- 
 
 xmlrifP he must liave had to have kept him an apprentice IG years is not 
 nieutioiit'd. 
 
 Jt was in l(i8.' that the second edition oi" the iamous Indian JJihle was 
 complelod. From the t'ollowinij testimony of Mr. Eliol will lie seen how 
 iiiucii the success of that iiii(h3rtai<ing was considered to <lfpcnd on 
 James-tlie-printer. In KiHIi, in wrilin<; to the Hon. Robert lioylt at J.oii- 
 (lon, Mr. ij/io< says, " I desire to see it done Itefore I die, and 1 am so 
 deep in years, that I cannot expect to live long; besides, we have but 
 one man, viz. tiie Indian Printer, that is able to compose tlie sheets, and 
 correct tiie press vvitii unde; standing." In anetiier, from the same to tiio 
 same, dated a year after, In; says, "Our slow i)rogress needeth an a])olo- 
 gy. We liave been much hindered by tiie sici<ness the last year. Our 
 workmen have been all sick, and we have but few hands, (at printing,) 
 one Englishman, and a boy, and one Indian," &c. 
 
 This Indian was undoubtedly James-the-printer. And Mr. Thomas 
 adds, " Some of James's descendants were not long since living in CJraf- 
 ton ; they bon; the surname oi Printer.''''* 
 
 T'ere was an Indian nam<'d Job JM'esutan, who was also concerned in 
 \\wfiist edition of the Indian Bible. IJo was a valiant soldier, and went 
 with tiie English of Massachusetts, in the first expedition to Mount Hope, 
 where he was slain in battle. "He was a very good linguist in the 
 English tongue, and was Mr. ElioVs assistant and interjireter in his trans- 
 lation of the Uilil(! and other books in the Indian laiiguage."f 
 
 In a letter of the commissioners of the U. C. of N. England, to the cor- 
 poration in England, we find this postscript. — "Two of the Indian youths 
 formerly brought uf) to read and write, are put apprentice ; the one to a 
 carpenter, the other to Mr. Green the jirinter, who take their trades and 
 follow their business very well." James-the-printer was probably ont of 
 these. JVesutan, we presume, was only an interpreter. The above-m>.n- 
 tioned letter was dated 10th Sept. 10(30. 
 
 In l(j98, James was teacher t» five Indian families at Hassinammisco.t 
 In 1709, he seems to have got through with his apprenticeship, and to 
 have had some interest in carrying on the printing business. For, in the 
 title pages of the Indian and Englisli Psalter, printed in that year, is this 
 imprint: "BOSTON, N. E. Upprinthomnnnc an \i. Green, &. J. 
 PRINTER, tvulche guhtiantamwe Chapanukke iit JVeiv E'.igluml, &c. 
 1709." 
 
 We shall now ass to notice a Massachusetts sachem, who, like too 
 many others, does not appear to the best advantage ; neverti oless, we doubt 
 Jiot but as much so as he deserves, as by the sequel will be seen. 
 We mean 
 
 Kutchuiakin, known also by s'iveral other names, or variations oi' ihe 
 same name ; as Kidshamaqidn, Cutshamoquen, Cutchamokin, and many 
 more, as, in difFerent parts of our work, extracts will necessarily show. 
 He was one of those sache;ns who, in 1()43 — 4, signed a submission to the 
 English, as has lieen mentioned in a preceding chapter. 
 
 In lt);k), Kutshamakin sold to the ])eo|)|c of Dorchester, Uncatatjuisset, 
 being the part ol' that town since called Milton. This, it appears, was at 
 some period his residence. Though he was a sachem under i'Voosamc- 
 quin, yet, like Caunbitant, he was opposed to the settlement of the English 
 in his coimtry. He soon, however, became reconciled to it, and liecame a 
 (-'hristiau. AVhen Mr. Eliot desired to know why he was opposed to 
 
 ' !!;■•,, Pnntinjr, 292, 293. 
 J 'iifi.rmation from Mr. R. Ttickermnn, Jr.- 
 lijjiiiUod a place of stones. Thomas, iit supra. 
 
 t (jiookin. Hist. Pvaifivs; Indians. 
 -Hassinummisco, Hassaiuunesil, &c. 
 
 :L 
 
5)^ 
 
 AlURDKR OF MR. OLDHAM. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 (.'hap. IV 
 
 his people's becoming Cliristiaiis, he said, then they would pay him no 
 trilnite. 
 
 Wlifii th(> English of INInssachiisetts sent to Canonicwt, to inquire into 
 the cunse f)f the murder ot" ,/«/in Oldham, Kutshamakin accoiHpam^;d them 
 us interpreter, tighter, or whatever was required of him. 
 
 As no satisfaction could he had of the Pequots, for the murder of Mr. 
 Oldham, it was resolved, in Ki-'^fi, to send an army into their countr/ "to 
 i7),dit with them," if what, in the opinion of tiie English, as a recompense, 
 \vere not to be ()btain(;d without. The fu'mament consisted of about 90 
 men. These first went to Block Island, where they saw a few Indians 
 before they landed, who, utter shooting a few arrows, which wounded 
 two of the English, fled. The Indians bad here " two plantations, three 
 miles in sunder, and about (iO wigwams, some veiy large and fair, and 
 aliove 200 acres of corn." This the English destroyed, "staved seven 
 canoes," and afler two days spent in this business, and hunting for Indians 
 without success, sailed to the main land, where Kutshamakin peribrmed 
 his ]):u-t in hastening on the Pequot calamity. Having waylaid one of 
 that nation, he shot and scalped him. The scalp he sent to Canonicus, 
 who sent it about among all his sachem friends; thus expressing his 
 approbation of the murder, and willingness to engage his friends to fight 
 for the English. As a further proof of his approval of the act, he 
 not oi.ly thanked the English, but gave Kutshamakin four fathom of 
 wampum. 
 
 Cajit. Lion Gardener gives us some particulars of tlil.': "flTuir, which are 
 very valuable for the light they throw on this part of our early transactions 
 with the Pequots. The affair we have just mentioned ha|)pened imme- 
 diately after Emlicott, Turner n.nd Underhill arrived at Saybrook, from 
 Block Island. Cr\M. Gardener then commanded the fort, who s[)oke to 
 lliem as fi>llows of their undertaking : " You come hither to raise these 
 wasps about my ears, and then you will take wing and flee av/ay." It 
 so came to pass ; ancl although he wap much opposed to their going, yet 
 they went, agreeably to their instructions. Gardener instructed them 
 how to jiroceed, to avoid being siu'prised, but the Indians played thom a 
 handsome trick, as in the sequel will be heard. 
 
 On i-oming to the Pequot town, they inquired for the sachem,* wish- 
 ing to parley with him: his people said "he was from home, but within 
 three hours he would come ; and so from three to six, and thence to nine, 
 there came none." But the Indians came fearlessly, in great numbers, 
 an' spoke to them, through the interpreter, Kutshamakin, for some tiire. 
 This delay was a stratjigom which succeeded well ; for they rightly 
 guessed that the English had come to injure them hi their jjcrsons, or 
 property, or both. Therefore, while some were entertaining the Eng- 
 lish with words, others carried oflT their effects and hid them. When 
 t,ii-y i.'iid done this, a signal was given, and all the Indians ran away. 
 The Ki?glish then fell to burning and destroying every thing they could 
 met t wii ii. Gardener had sent some of his men with the others, who were 
 unaccoiiv'tably left on shore when the others reembarked, and were 
 pursued, and two of them wounded by the Indians. 
 
 "The Bay-men. killed not a man, save that one, Kichomiquim, an In- 
 dium sachem of the Bay, killed a Pequit ; and thus began the war 
 bet veen the Indians and us, in these parts."+ The Pequots henceforth 
 useci every means to kill the English, and many were taken by them, 
 and some tortured in their manner. "Thus far," adds Gardener, "I hud 
 
 i 
 
 U 
 
 * Sassactis, says ^Viiitiirnp, (i. l!/4.) l)ul being' told lie was ffo 
 gcwerai clcmaiuli'd to sop '' ilio other sachem, &.c.'' which was dc 
 t 3 Col. Hist. Soc. iii. Ml, &c. 
 
 to Lon'r Island, tlie 
 less MonoHotto. 
 
 written i 
 so nian^v 
 others CI 
 a Bay In 
 
 i o saj 
 eonrclly 
 motive u 
 
 Goveri 
 constunti 
 W^atertov 
 shainekin, 
 chapter ti 
 
 In 104 
 witnesses 
 Lane and 
 of Sudbu 
 miles scjui 
 tr) Cato* 
 
 MlANTUNJ 
 
 —Sells . 
 
 Boston- 
 
 acy aga 
 
 enemy — 
 
 — Hw ci 
 
 of the wh 
 
 — His c( 
 
 Mexanc 
 
 Kutshan 
 
 — Chara 
 
 — DesifT 
 
 visHs ihi 
 
 defends I 
 
 dians — I 
 
 gret and 
 
 — Fiirthe 
 
 Miantum 
 noniciis, br 
 And from 
 appears th 
 l»rothers. 
 
 * SufTolk 11 
 is the piciiirc 
 
 t This spel 
 rorrcct, wjiici 
 is retained in 
 another prom 
 Ciillender's ( 
 
 ! MSS. of. 
 
 II failed al 
 " was killed h 
 qua, in his tra 
 and were Iniri 
 
 If ''lleceai 
 
Chap. IV] 
 
 MIANTUNNOMOII. 
 
 5t) 
 
 written In a l)Ook, tliat all tiion and posterity niiglif know liow and wliy 
 so many iionest men had their hlood siied, yea, and some ilnyed alive, 
 others cut in pieces, and some roasted alive, only hecaiise Kichainokiii, 
 a Hay Indian, killed one Pe(|uot." 
 
 To say the least of our author, he had the best jtossihle means to he 
 conertly informed of these matters, and we know not that he had any 
 motive to misrepresent them. 
 
 Governor Winthrop mentions, under date 1640, that Mr. Eliot iecinred 
 constantly "one week at the wifrwam of oru; Wabon, a new sachem near 
 Watertown mill, and the other the next week in the wigwam of ('»/- 
 shamtkin, near Dorchester mill." We fhall have occasion in another 
 chapter to speak of Kutshnmnkin. 
 
 In I(i48, CiUchamekin, as he was then called, and Jcy'einny appear as 
 witnesses to a deed made by another Indian called Cato, alias Goodman. 
 Lane and Griffin were the grantees "in behalf of the rest of the peopK- 
 of Sudbury." The tract of land sold adjoincjd Sudbury, and was five 
 miles s(]uare; for which Cato received five pounds. Jojeuny was brother 
 to Cato.* 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 wish- 
 within 
 nine, 
 nibers, 
 time, 
 ightly 
 ions, or 
 Eng- 
 Wheu 
 away, 
 could 
 o were 
 were 
 
 an In- 
 war 
 ce forth 
 them, 
 "1 had 
 
 land, the 
 otto. 
 
 JMiANTUNNOMOH — Mis relations — Aids the Enp^lish in destroying the Peqnots 
 — Sells Bhode Island — Anecdote — His difficidties tvilh the Enffiish — / isiis 
 Boston — His Magnanimity and Independence — Charged with a conspir- 
 acy against the whites — Mly repels it — Waiandancf, becomes his secret 
 enemy — His speech to Waiandance and his people — His xvar with Uncus 
 — His capture and Death — Circumstances of his execution — Participation 
 of the whites therein — Impartial view of that affair — Traditions — Ninigrf.t 
 — His connections and marriage — His wars ivith Uncas — Mf.xam, alias 
 Mexano — JVinigrefs speech to the English commissioners — Perfidy of 
 Kutshamakin — Affair of Cuttaquin and Uncas — Difficulties about tribute 
 — Character of Ascassassotick — JVinigret plots to cut off the English 
 — Design frustrated by Waiandance — Account of this chief— jYinigret 
 visits the Dutch — Accused by the English of plotting with them — Ably 
 defends himself — Particulars of the affair — JVotices of various other In- 
 dians — fiar between JVinigret and Ascassassotick — Participation ofJVirii- 
 gret and his people in Philip^ s war — Present condition of his descendants 
 — Further account of Pessacus — His speech — Killed by the Mohawks. 
 
 Miantunnomoh^ was the son of a chief called Mascus, nephew of Ca- 
 nonicus, brother or brother-in-law to JVinigret^l and brother of Otash. 
 And from a manuscript§ among the papers of the late Dj Vrumbidl, it 
 appears that Mosaup, or Mosipe,\\ and CanjanaquondM were also his 
 brothers. 
 
 * Suffolk Reff. Deeds. There is no name sig-ned to the deed, but iii the place thereof, 
 is the |)icture of some four-legged animal drawn on liis back. 
 
 t This spelling is according to Winthrop: we prefer T^VtV/Zams's method, as more 
 correct, which is Miantunncmu : bvit having employed the former in our first edition, it 
 is retained in this. It is, however, ofleiicr written Mijantoniino now, which only sho'vs 
 another pronunciation. The accent is usually upon the penultimate syllable, Seu 
 Cullender's Cent. Discourse, page 1. 
 
 t MSS. of K. Willinms. § Now published In the Cot. Mass. IJist. Sor 
 
 II Called also Cnssusqitenc.h, or ^ncquaneh, and P aliens ; that is, I'esstirns. He 
 " was killed by the Moqui, [Mohawks,] in Ihe wihlerncss, about 20 miles abo\e Pisata- 
 qua, in his travel eastwaid, in the time of the Indian wars, and other Indians with him, 
 and were buried by order of I'Major Wn/dron.'' 3 Col. Mas. I/ift. Sor. 
 
 If '• lleceaued this First of luly, 1G59, of Majr. Humfrey Adtrton, [Atht:rlon,^A\iA 
 
(30 
 
 .■MIA.NTUNNO.MOII AIDS THE F-NGLISII. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 "This J/jVin/o/itm/)," says Mr. Huhhard, " wna a very pfood pi^rsonago, 
 [that is, well iiiadt',] of tall statui-f, siihtil and ('111111111;,^ in his (.•ontrive- 
 iiients, as wtdl as haiitflity in his desi^nis."* 
 
 As early as liKVi, this (•hi*,'!' came with his wifh to Boston, whore he 
 st'iid two nights. He was then known hy the name of" Mecumeh. 
 While here he went to chnreli with the En<?lish, and in the mean while, 
 some ofliiri men, twelve of whom had .iccompanied him, it seems, hroke 
 into a house, and eoimnitted a llwtl. Complaint was made to the Eng- 
 lish <iovernor, who " told the saeliem of it, and with some ditHeulty caused 
 lam to make one of ids sarnapsf beat them." The authors of the mis- 
 chief were immediately sent out of town, but Mimitunnnmnh and the 
 others, the jjovernor took to his liouse, "anil made much of them."|: 
 
 The English seem always to have l)een more favoraldy incdined to- 
 wards othiu- tribes than to the Narragansets, as appears from the stand 
 they took in the; wars between them and their enemies. And so long as 
 other tribes succeeded against them, the English were idle spectators; 
 but whenever the scale turned in their favor, they were not slow to 
 intercede. 
 
 In the Life of Cannniciis, the part Miantunnnv.nh exercised in the 
 government of the great nation of the Narragansets is related. 
 
 In 1().'}4, Captains Stone and JVorton were killed hy the Peciuots, and in 
 Id'ii), Mr. Jolin Oldham, hy the Indians "near Jilock Island." Miantun- 
 nomoh did all in his power to assist in apprehending the mi rderers, and 
 was at much pains and troid)le in furnishing tlie English with facts 
 relative thereto, from time to time. And when it was told at Boston that 
 there was a cessation of hostilities between the Narragansi,?s and Pecjuots, 
 Miantiinnomoh was immediately ordered to appear there, vdiich he did 
 Avithout delay, and agiced to assist them in a war against the Pequots; 
 without whose aid and concurrence, the English would hardly have 
 dared to engage in a war against them at that time. 
 
 Early in 16^7, to show the governor of Massachusetts that he kejit 
 his promise, of warring against the Pequots, Minntunnomoh sent by some 
 of his men a Pequot's hand. The war with them now commenced, and 
 though of short duration, destroyed them to such a degree, that they ap- 
 peared no more as a nation. One hnndred of the Narragansets joined 
 themselves with the English in its acconq)lisliment, and received a pari 
 of the ])risoner9 as slaves for their services.^ When the war was over, 
 Miantiinnomoh still adhered to the English, and seized upon such of tne 
 Pequots as had made their escape from bondage, and returned them to 
 their English masters; gave iq) to them his claim of Jilock Island, and 
 other places where the English had foimd Pequots, and which they con- 
 sidered as belonging to them by right of conquest. 
 
 Rev. Samuel Gorton and his associates purchased Shaomet, aftei-wards 
 called Warwick, from the Earl of Warwick, of Miantunnomoh, but as 
 Gorton could do nothing right in the eyes of the Puritans of Massachusetts, 
 Pumham was instigated to claim said tract of country ; and, although a 
 sachem mider Miantunnomoh,\\ did not hesitate, when supported by the 
 
 the rest of liis Iriciids, the sume of 75 poiiiuls in Wiinipain pca;^ w'li soiioral otlior tliitiffs 
 as gratuity for cerlaino lands fj'iucii ye said Mr.j''. Adurtnu and his friends, as may ap- 
 peare by two seuerall deeds of gift. ' I say reccaued l>y me. 
 
 (.'oGi.vAfiUAN ^^ Ilix mark." 
 Mii. Ihruments. 
 
 * Hist. Ni'W Enr;. AAlo. t A nnnic thn siichrms ("favo their attendants. 
 
 t IViiithrnp's .loiirnal. ^ Mhintimnonioli received eiffiilv. Miither'.i Kclntinn, 39. 
 
 II "The law of tlie Indians in all America is that the inferior sachems ajid subjects 
 shall plant and remove at the pleasure of the liitjiiest lui'i supreme sachems." Roger 
 IVilliamn. This is authority, and we need no other coinmontary on the arbitrary pro- 
 ceedings of llie court of Massachusetts. 
 
 mony. 
 
 griuit 
 
Chap. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOII SELLS RflODK ISLAND. 
 
 fil 
 
 Eiijrlisli, to assort Ills rlnim ns rliicf sarlictn. And tlio f^ovcnitTiont of 
 MuNSiicliiisctts, to give to tJirir iritnliTcnrc tin- ait|)oai-uii»'e of riisintercst- 
 ediK.'ss, wliicli it would Kicin, from tlicir own vindication, they tlionght 
 there was a ehanee to doid)t, "Send f()r the foresaid suclieirm, [who had 
 complained of Mr. Gorton and others, through th<! instigation of the 
 f'nglish,] and upon examinntion find, l)oth hy lOnglish and Indian testi- 
 mony, that Minntonomo was only a usurper, and had no title to the fore- 
 said lands."* This is against the testimony of every record, and couhi no 
 more have been believed then, than that Philip was not sachem of Po- 
 kanoket. In all cases of purcliase, in those times, the chief sachem's 
 grant was valid, and maintained, in almost every instance, by the pur- 
 chaser or grantee. It was customary, generally, to make the inferior 
 sachems, and sometimes all their men, presents, but it was by no means 
 a law. The chief sachems often permitted those under them to dispose 
 of lands also, without being called to account. This was precisely the 
 situation of things in the Warwick controversy, of which we shall have 
 occasion again to speak, when we come to tlie life of Pumham. 
 
 In March, 16.3/, Miantunnomoh, with four other sachems, sold to William 
 Coddington and others, the island now called Rhode Island,! also most 
 of the othei-s in Narraganset bay, " for the full payment of 40 fathom of 
 white peag, to be equally divided" between them. Hence Miantunnomoh 
 received eight fathom. He was to "have ten coats and twenty hoes to 
 give to the present inhabitants, that they shall remove themselves from 
 the island before next winter." 
 
 On a time previous to 1643, Roger Williams delivered a discourse to 
 some Indians at their residence, as he was passing through their country. 
 Miantunnomoh was present, and seemed inclined to believe in Christianity. 
 Mr. Williams, being much fatigued, retired to rest, wliile Miantunnomoh 
 and others remained to converse upon what they had heard. One said 
 to the chief, " Our fathers have told us that our souls go to the south- 
 west;" Miantunnomoh rejoined, "How do you know your souls go to the 
 south-west? did you ever see a soul go that way?" (Sull he was rather 
 inclined to believe, as Mr. Williams had just said, that they go up to 
 heaven or down to hell.) The other added, "When did he (meaning 
 Williams) ever see a soul go up to heaven or down to hell ?" 
 
 * In manuscript on file, al the state house, Boston. 
 
 t From the same 7na7iuscript document. The deed of this purchase, a copy of which 
 is in my possession, is dated 24th March, and runs thus : " We, Cano«icas and A/enn- 
 tinnmiv, the two chief sachems of Naragansels, l>y virtue of our eeneral command of 
 this Bay, as also the particular subjecting of the dead sachems of Aquednick, Kitacka- 
 mucknut, themselves and lands unto us, have sold unio Mr. Coddington and his friends 
 * * the great Island of Aqiiidnick, lying from hence [Providence] eastward * * also the 
 marshes, grass upon Qiuiiionigat ana the rest of the isiands m the bay, excepting 
 Chabalewece, formerly sold unto Mr. Winlhrop, the now Gov. of Mass. and Mr. Wil- 
 liams of Providence, also the grass upon the rivers and coves about Kitackamuckqut, 
 and from thence to Paiipasquat." 
 
 " The mark of «4» Conomcus. 
 
 The mark of ® Yotnesh, [Otash, 
 brother o/" Miantunnomoh.] 
 Tlie mark of ^ Meantinomie. 
 
 The mark of , ' Asotamnet. 
 
 Tlie mark of v*^*' Meihammoh, 
 
 Canon icus his son. 
 "This wilnesseth that I, Wanamatanamet, the present sachem of the island, have 
 received five fathom of wampum and consent to the contents. 
 
 77(e mark of <jty Wanamatanamet. 
 " Memorandum. 1, Osememton, freely consent" that they may " make use of any griusx 
 or trees on Uie main land on Pocasicke side," having rcceiued five fathom of wampum 
 also. The mark of ^ Osamequen. 
 
 6 
 
62 
 
 SUANTUNNOMOII VISITS lUXSTON. 
 
 [Book n. 
 
 Wo liavfi j,'ivtMi iIm! iihovo iiruu-dotc, wliicli Ih tlioiii^Iit a good illiiHtra- 
 tiun (ifilioitiiiid of inuti uikIhi' the iiillueticc of u superstitious or pruju- 
 diced education. 
 
 When it WHS reported, in KMO, that JMianluniiomoU was plotting tf) cut 
 off the Kn^dish, as will lie found mentioned in the aceoinit of A''iiii^r€t, 
 aud several Kiiglish \V(!n; srnt to him to know the truth of the matter, lie 
 would not talk with them through a Peipiot i;iterpreter, hecanso he 'vas 
 then at war with that nation. In otiier rtsix-crs ho complied with iU'ir 
 wishes, aud treated them respeetfidly, agreeing to come to Hoston, tor 
 the gratification of the government, if they would allow Mr. Wiliuima to 
 accom|)any him. This they would not conseiii to, and yet he came, 
 agreeahly to tin ir d( sires. We shall pres(;ntly see who actt^d hest the 
 part of civilizid men in this affair, lie had refused to use a Pe(pa»t in- 
 terpreter lor good reasons, hut when hi; was at Hoston, and surrounded 
 by armed men, he was ohiiged to suhmit. "The governor being as res- 
 olute as he, refused to use any other interpreter, thinking it a dishonor to 
 us to give so much way to them!" The great wisdom of the gov(!rn- 
 ment now <lisplay<;d itsi'lf in iIh! person of Gov. Tliomcut JJmUeij. It is 
 not to he e\j)etied hut that Miantunnoinoh should resent their proceed- 
 ings; for to th(! above insult they added others; "would show liim no 
 countenance nor admit him to diiu; at our table, as formerly he had done, 
 till he had ai'knowlcdged his failing, &,c., wliieii he readily did."* IJy 
 their own folly, the English had made themstdves jealous of a powerful 
 chietj and they ajjpeur ever roaily afterwards to crt;dit evi! reports of 
 him. 
 
 That an independent chief should be obliged to conform t( transitory 
 notions upon such an occasion, is absolutely ridicidous; and the jiistne8.s 
 of the following remark from hint was tmough to have shamed good men 
 into their sciisl-s. lie said, " JVken ymr people come to me they are per- 
 mitted to use their own fashions, and I expect the same liberty tvhen I co/ne 
 
 to ?/01i." 
 
 in K542, Comiecticut became very suspicious of Miantunnomoh, and 
 urged Massachusetts to join them in a war against him. Their fears no 
 doubt grew out of the consideration of the probable issue of a war with 
 Uncas in his favor, whi(;h was now on the point of l)reakiiig out. Even 
 Massachusetts did not think their suspicions well founded ; yet, according 
 to their recpiest, they sent to Miantunnomoh, who, as usual, gave them sat- 
 isftctory answers, and, agreeably to their njquest, came again to Boston. 
 Two days were employed by the coint of Massachusetts in ileliberating 
 with him, and we are astonished at the wisdom of the gre f chief, even 
 as reported by his enemies. 
 
 That a simple man of natm*e, who never knew courts or law, should 
 cause such acknowledgments as follow, from the civilized and wise, will 
 always bo contemplated with intense admiration. "When he came," 
 says fVinthrop, " the court was assembled, and before his admission, we 
 considered how to treat with him, for we knew him to be a very subtle 
 man." When he was admitted, '-he was t down at the lower end of 
 the table, over against the governor," but ^v()lll(l not at any time speak 
 upon business unless some of his coiinsellois were present; saying, "he 
 would have them present, that they might bear witness with him, at his 
 return home, of all his sayings." The same author further says, "In all 
 his answers he was very deliberate, and showed good understanding in 
 the princi|)les of justice and equity, and ingenuity withal." ^ 
 
 He now asked for his accusers, urging, that if th<v could not establish 
 their allegations, they ought to sufler what he expected to, if they did ; 
 
 • iVinthrop's Jourrul. 
 
Chap. I\.] MIANTI. NNOMOH rHAIKJKD WITH A CONSPIRA* Y 
 
 di 
 
 /(•n 
 
 iild 
 
 will 
 
 lie," 
 
 we 
 
 itle 
 
 of 
 [;ak 
 
 he 
 liis 
 
 all 
 
 but the court w\'u\ Iheij knew of mmr, llmt \s, tlicy !<ni \v not wlioni thcj 
 were, Mini tlitrcCorc jriivc no credit to the n ports iiiilil they hiiti ndviscd 
 hitii according to a forriier a<;reeine!if. lit; theti wiid, " if yon did not 
 pive credit to it, why then did you disarm the Indinns?" iMassaehiiscttfl 
 liavin^rjiist then disarmed some of the Meriiiiiacks under some pretence. 
 "lie gave divers reasons," snys d'ov. lyinlhrop,* "why we siionld hold 
 hitu free of any such conspirai-y, and why we should conceive it was a 
 rcjiort raised by Vnrnn, &c. and therefore oHi-red to meet Ihiras, and 
 would prove to his face his trejichery against the Mnglisii, &ir., and told 
 us h(! would come to us iit any time," although he said some had tried to 
 dissuade him, saying that the Knglish woidd ()ut Inm to d(>ath, yut ho 
 feared nothing, as he was innocent of the charges against him.t 
 
 The punishment duo to those who hud raised the accusations, bore 
 heavily upon his breast, aixl "Ik; put it to our consideration what damage 
 it had been to him, in that he was force<l to keep hi - men at home, and 
 not sutFer them to go forth on hunting, ^v., till he Iiad given the English 
 satisfaction." AftcT two days spent in talk, the council issued to the sat- 
 isfaction of the I'itiglish. 
 
 During the council, n table was set by itself for the Indians, which jW- 
 aH/ini/io;«o/j appears not to have liked, and " would not eat, until some 
 food had l>een sent him from that of the goveriuir's." 
 
 That wisdom seems to have dictated to Massachusetts, in her answer 
 to Coiuiecticut, must be acknowledged ; but as justice to Mianiunnomoh 
 abundantly dcmatid(Ml such decision, credit in this case is due only to 
 them, as to him who does a good act becaiise it was his interest so to do. 
 Th(!y lU'ged (/onnecticut not io conuncnce war alone, " alleging how Mb- 
 honorable it would be to tis all, that, while we wi're upon treaty with the 
 Indians, they should make war upon them ; for they woidd accoiuit their 
 act as our own, seeing we had ti)rmrrly professed to the Indians, that we 
 were all as one ; and in otir last message to Miantunnoinoh, had remem- 
 bered him again of the same, ""d he had answered that he did so account 
 us. Upon receipt of this our answer, they for! inre to enter into a war, 
 but (it seemed) unwillingly, and as not well ple;is,d with us." The main 
 considerations which caused Massachusetts to dei-ide against war was, 
 "That all those informations [furnished by Coiuiecticut] might arise from 
 a false ground, and out of the enmity which was between the Narruganset 
 and Mohigan" sachems. This was no doubt one of the real causes, and 
 had Minntunnomoh overcome Uncas, the Engiish woiihl, from policy, as 
 gladly have leagued with him as with the latter, for it was constantly 
 plead(;d in those days, that their safety must de[>end on a union with 
 some of the most powerful tribes. 
 
 There can be no doubt, on fairly examining the case, that Uncos used 
 many arts, to influence the English in his favor, and against his enemy. 
 In the progress of the war bet'- eeii the two great chiefs, the English 
 acted precisely as the Indi,ans ha-.;? been always said to do — stood aloof, 
 and watched the scale of victory, determined to join the conquerors: and 
 we will hero digress for a inoment, to introduce a character, more fully 
 to illustrate the cause of the o)>erations of the t^nglish Jigainst the chief 
 of the Narragansets. 
 
 Miardunnomoh had a wretched enemy in Wniandance, a Long Island 
 .sachem, who had assisted in the destruction of the Pequots, at their last 
 retreat. He revealed the plots and plans of Miantimnomoh ; and, says 
 
 * See book iii. chap. vii. 
 
 t Here, the reader may with propriety exclaim, was another Michael Seri'etus :— 
 " Pourqnoy, Messeiscripursje demande que mon/utdx accusaieur soil puiii poena lalioiiis," 
 die. Roscoc's Leo X. iv. 457. 
 

 1^ 
 
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64 
 
 MIANTUNNOMOH. 
 
 [Book [|. 
 
 lAon GnrJeneVy "lr» told me many yeai-s ago," as all the plots of the Nar- 
 nigunsets had heen discovered, they now concluded to let tJie Kiiglish 
 aluiie until they hud destroyed Uncos and himself, then, with the assist- 
 ance of the Mohawks, "and Indians beyond the Dutch, and all the 
 northern and eastern Indians, would easily destroy us, man and 
 mother's son," 
 
 Mr. Gardener next relates that he met with Miantunnomoh at Meanticut, 
 Waiandance'a country, on tlie east end of Long Liland. That Miantun- 
 nomoh was there, as fVaiandance said, to break up the intjjrcouree with 
 those Indians. There were othei-s with JiFantunnomoh, and what they 
 said to Waiandance was as follows : — 
 
 " 1 o« must give no more wampum to the English, for they are no sachems, 
 nor none of their children shall be in their place if they die. They have no 
 tribiUe given them. There is but one king in England, who is over them all, 
 and if you shovid send him 100,000 fathom of wampum, he would not give 
 you a knife for it, nor thank you. Then said naiandance, " They will 
 come and kill us all, as they did the Pequits ;" but replied the Narragan- 
 sets, " JSTo, the Pequots gave them icamvum and beaver, which they loved so 
 well, but they sent it them again, and kdled them because they had killed an 
 Englishman; but you have killed none, therefore give them nothing." 
 
 Some time ader Miantunnomoh went again " with a troop of men to the 
 same place, and, instead of receiving presents as formerly, he gave pres- 
 ents to fVaiandance and his people, and made the following sjmjccIi : — 
 
 " Brothers, we mu^t be one as the English are, or tve shall soon all be de- 
 stroyed. You know our fathers hud plenty of deer and skins, and our plains 
 werefidl of deer and of turkeys, and our coves and rivers were fulc of fish. 
 Bui, brothers, since these English have seized upon our couiitty, they cut 
 down the grass with scytlies, and the trees with axes. Their cows and horses 
 eat up the grass, and their hogs spoil our beds of clams ; and finally we shall 
 starve to deaih ! therefore, stand not in your own light, I beseech you, but re- 
 solve with us to act like men. Jill the sachems both to the east and tvest have 
 joined with us, and we are all resolved to fall upon them, at a day appointed, 
 and therefore I have come secretly to you, because you can persuade the In- 
 dians to do what you will. Brothers, I will send over 50 Indians to Manisses, 
 and 30 to you from thence, and take an 100 of Southampton Indians with 
 an 100 of your own here. Jlnd, when you see the three fres that will be 
 made at the end o/*40 days hence, in a clear night, then act as we act, aiui 
 the next day fall on and kill men, women and children ; bi.t no cows ; they 
 must he killed as we need them for provisions, till the deer come again." 
 
 To this spec ii dl the old men said, " Wurregen" i. e. "It is well." 
 lint this great piot, if the account given l)y Waiandance be true, was by 
 him brought to the knowledge of the English, and so failed. " And the 
 plotter," says Gardener, "next spring after, did as .^/ia6 did at Ramoth- 
 Gilead. — So he to Mohegan,* and there had his fall."t 
 
 The war brought on he',ween Uncas and Miantunnonwh was not with- 
 in the jurisdiction of the English, nor is it to be expected that they could 
 with certainty determine the justness of its cause. The broil had long 
 existed, but the open rupture was brought on by Uncos' making war 
 upon Sequosson, one of the sachems under Miantunnomah. The English 
 accounts say, (and we have no other,) that about 1000 warriors were 
 niised by Miantunnomoh, who came upon Uncas unprepared, having only 
 about 400 men ; yet, after an obstinate battle, in which many were killed 
 
 * This goes to show that Miantunnomoh was not killed above Hartford, as IVinthrop 
 stales ; for ihe country at some distance from the inuuth of Fequot River was culled 
 Mohegan. It probably included Windsor. 
 
 t 3 Col. Mas. Hist. 8oc. iii. 165. 
 
Chap. I\ .] 
 
 MIANTIN.NO.MOM. 
 
 05 
 
 oil Ik)11i siilcs, tin! NiirrnKniisctrt wcit |)Ut lo fliglit, and Mianlunnomoh 
 taken prisoner; tlial lie i-iidfuvon;!! to hhvi; iiiiiisult' hy flight, but huvinjLT 
 oil a coat ol* mail, was known from the n^t, aiitl s(;i/,i'il hy two* of hid 
 (Avn men, who hopeil hy their treachery to save their own lives. Where- 
 upon they iiKiiiediately delivered iiiin up to the conqueror. I'ncas slew 
 tlieiii both instantly; probably with his own hand. This specimen of 
 his braver^ nust have had a salutary etfect on all such as atlerwards 
 chanced to think of acting the ]mrt uf traitors in their wars; at least 
 among the Narragaiisets. 
 
 lU'ing brought before Unca<,, he remained without speaking a word, 
 until Uncas spoke to him, and said, " If you had taken me, I would liave 
 hcsouffht jfoujor my /i/e." He then took his prisoner to Hartford, and at 
 his rc(|iiest leil him a prisoner with the English, until the mind of the 
 United Colonics should be known as to what disposition should In: made 
 of him. 
 
 The sorrowful part of the tale is yet to be told. The commissioners of 
 the United Colonies having convened at Boston, "taking into serious 
 consideration, they say, what was safest and best to be done, wen; all of 
 0])inion that it would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither had we 
 sullicicnt ground for us to put him to death."t The awful design of put- 
 ting to death thtir friend they had not yet fixed upon, but calling to tlieir 
 aid in council, "_^ve of the most judicious elders" " they all agreed that 
 he ought to be put to death." This was the final decision, and, to complete 
 the deed of darkness, secrecy was enjoined upon all. And their deter- 
 mination was to be made known to Uncas privately, with direction that 
 lie should execute him within his own jurisdiction and wiliumt torture. 
 
 We will now go to the record, which will enable tis to jud'^e of the 
 justness of this matter. When the English had determined that Uncas 
 should execute Miantunnomoh, Uncas was ordered to be sent for to ilart- 
 foid, " with some considerable number of his best and trustiest men," 
 to take him to u |)lace for execution, "carrying him into the next part of 
 his own government, and there put him to death: provided that some 
 discreet and faithful persons of the English accompany them, and see 
 the ex(;cution, for our more full satisfaction ; and that the Englisli meddle 
 not with the head or body at all."| 
 
 The conunissioncrs, at the same time, ordered " that Hartford furnish 
 Uncas with a competent strength of Kiiglish to defend him against any 
 present fury or assault, of the Nanohiggiinsetts or any other." And "that 
 in case Uncas shall refuse to execute justice upon Myantenomo, that then 
 Myantenonut be sent by sea to the INIassacliusetts, there to be kcjpt in safe 
 durance till the commissioners may consider fiirther how to dispose of 
 Iiini."t 
 
 Here then we see fully dovclojicd the real state of the case. The 
 Mohegans had by accident captured Miantunnomoh, after which event 
 th(>y were more in fear of his nation than before ; which proves b(>yond 
 doubt, that they would never have dared to put him to death, had they 
 not been promised the protection of the English. 
 
 No one can read this account without being reminded of the fate of 
 .Vapolcon. We do not say that the English of New England dreaded 
 tlie jjower of Miantunnomoh tus viuch as those of Old England did that of 
 ^Yapoleon allerwards; but that both were sacrificed in consetjuence of the 
 
 •^ In tlic riTorfls, {Iftznrd, ii. 48.) hiit one person is montionrd as linviiip taken Mimi- 
 tinirwmoh, whose niimc was TivUoqurson. and llicrc he is called a Moheijan rapiain. 
 'I'hal ilicrefore llie Narrajjansets tried to kill liini; came upon him once in tnc night, and 
 •laufrerously woiiiule<l liini, as lie lay in liis wig^vnin aslcc]). See note in the Ziyi' vf 
 Aimgn't. 
 
 t IVinthrop.W. i3l. $ Records of the U. Coiouies. 
 
 G* 
 
66 
 
 MIANTUNNOMOH. 
 
 [Boor II. 
 
 fears of those into whose power the fortune of wars cast tlicm, will not, 
 we presume, be denied. 
 
 When the determination of the commissioners and elders was made 
 known to Uncas, he "readily undertook the execution, and taking Mian- 
 timnomoh along with him, m the way between Hartford and Windsor, 
 (where Uncas hath some men dwell,) Uiicas^ brother, following after 
 Miantunnomoh, clave his head with an hatchet."* Mather says, they 
 " very fairly c«it off his head."t 
 
 Dr. TrumbuUl records an account of cannibalism, at this time, which 
 we ought to caution the reader against receiving as true history, as it no 
 doubt rests on the authority of tradition, which is wont to transfer even 
 the transactions of one continent to another. It is this: — " Uncas cut otit 
 a large |)iece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph;" saying, "'it 
 was the sweetest meat he ever ate ; it made his heart strong.' "§ 
 
 We arc now certain that what Dr. Trumbull has given us as unqiics- 
 tionabio history, from a " manuscript of Mr. Hy(U" is only tradition. 
 Having been put in possession of a cojiy of that manuscript, || we deem it 
 highly important that it should be laid before the world, that its true 
 weight may be considered by all who would be correctly informed in 
 this important transaction. 
 
 By way of preliminary to his communication, Mr. Hyde says, "The fol- 
 lowing facts l>eing communicated to me from some the ancient fathers of 
 this town, who were contemporary with Uncas" &.c. " That before the 
 BCttlement of Norwich, the sachem of t!:e Narraganset tribe [Miantunno- 
 moh] hatl a personal quarrel with Uncas, and proclaimed war with th(^ 
 Moheg[an]s: and marched with an army of 900 fighting men, equipped 
 with bows and arrows and hatchets. Uncas l)e[ing] informed by s|)if.s 
 of their march towards his seat, Uncas called his warriors together, about 
 (jOO, stout, hard men, light of foot, and skilled in the use of the bow; and, 
 upon a conference, Uncas told his men that it would not do to let y*' 
 Narragansets come to their town, but they must go and meet them. Ac- 
 cordingly, they marched, and about three miles, on a large plain, the 
 armies met, and both halted within bow-shot. A parley was sounded, 
 and gallant Uncas proposed a conference with the Narraganset sachem, 
 who agreed. And being met, Uncas saith to his enemy word[s] to this 
 effect : * You have ent a number of brave men ivith you, and so have I. .Vnt 
 it a pity that such brave men shoiUd be killed for a quarrel between you and 
 I'} Only come like a rnan, as you pretend to be, and we will fght it out. If 
 you kill me, my meii shall be yours ; but if I kill you, your men shall be 
 mine.* Upon which the Nan'agansct sachem replied: ^ My men came to 
 fght, and they shall fight.* 
 
 * Winthrop's Jourwd,\\. \3\. .\% \o x\w \t\i\cc o{ MianlnnnomoJi^s execution, W'in- 
 tJtrop seems to have l)een in a mistake. It is not very likely that lie was taken in the 
 opposite direption, from Uncas's own rnuiilry, as W'indso. was from llnrlford. It is 
 also unlikely that Utiras had vwn dwell so fur from his country upon the Thames. 
 
 A irentlcman who lately visited his sepulchre, says the wandering Indians have made 
 a iieap of stones upon his j^rave. It is a well-known custom of the race, to add to » 
 monumental pile of the ueail whenever they pass by it. See .3 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 
 135. and Jefferson's IVntes. |0' Some wrcichei'ly ignorant neighbors to this sarred pilf 
 (whites I suppose) have not long since taken stones from it to make wall ! but enough 
 remain to mark the spot. It is in the cast part of Norwich. Cols. Ibid. 
 
 t Magnalia. | History of Conncc'I.?ut, i. 135. 
 
 ^ That this is tradition, may be inferred from the circumstance of an eminenthj ob- 
 goirc writer's publishing nearfv the same story, which he says, in his book, took place 
 upon the death of Philip, (ineka. he says, cut out a pound of Philip's bleeding body 
 and ate it. The book is by one IJennj 7 nindmll. and purports to be a history of the 
 discovery of America, the Indian wars, &.r. The reader will find it about stalls by the 
 street side, hut rarely in a respectable book-store. It has been forced through many 
 editions, but there is scarce a word of true history in it. 
 
 H Oy Rev. Wm. Ely of Connecticut. 
 
 since 
 
Chap. IV.J 
 
 NINKJRET. 
 
 67 
 
 I (0 » 
 Soc. iii. 
 C(l pilf 
 
 $ri. 
 
 thj ob- 
 
 place 
 
 gr l)0(!y 
 
 of the 
 
 by the 
 
 many 
 
 I 5 
 
 " Uncas liaviiig iHjforc told liis nion, that if liis cn«;niy hIioiiIcI refuse to 
 fifjlit iiiin, Ih^ would full down, and then tlioy wt-re to dim'liargc their 
 Hitillery [arrows] on tliotn, and liill riplit on them as fiist as thoy could ;" 
 this was doiK^, and the Mohcirans riishfd n|ion Miantunnomoli's army 
 " like lions," juit them to fliyht, and killed " a nutnlwr on the spot." They 
 " iMirsued the rest, driving sonu; down ledfjes of roeks." 'I'he foremost 
 ot Uncases men got ahead of Miantunnovwh,nud impeded his flight, draw- 
 ing him hack <us they passed him, "to give Uncas opportunity to take him 
 himself." 
 
 " In the ])ursuit, at a place now culled Sachetn's Plain, Uncas took him 
 hy the shouider. He then set down, knowing Uncas. Uncas then gave 
 a whoop, and his men returned to him ; and in u council then held, 'twnn 
 coni-liided hy them, that Uncas, with a guard, shouhl carry said sachem to 
 Hartford, to the governor and magistniti's, (it being before the charter,) 
 to advise what they should do witli him." " Uncas was told by them, as 
 there was no war with the English and Narragansets, it was not proper 
 for them to intermeddle, in the afliiir, and advi.sed him to take his own 
 way. Accordingly, they brought said Narragauset sachem bach to the 
 same spot of ground where he was took : where Uncas killed him, and 
 cut out a large piece of his shoulder, roasted, and eat it ; and said, ' // 
 was the sweetest 7neel* he ever eat ; it made him have strong haii? There 
 they bury him, and made a pillar, which I have seen but a few years 
 since." 
 
 This conununication was in the form of a letter, and dated at Norwich, 
 9 Oct. 17()J),and signed Richard Hide. The just remark of Mr. Ely u|)on 
 it I cannot withhold, in justice to my subjecr. 
 
 " The above '■Manuscript of Mr. Hyde,^ as n tradition, \s a valuable 
 paper, and wortliy of preservation ; yet, being written 125 years after the 
 event which it describes, it is stirprising that Dr. TVumbuU .shoidd have 
 inserted it, in his History of Connecticut, in its principal particulars, as 
 matter of fact."f 
 
 In the procccHlings of the commissioners of the United Colonies, the 
 main facts in reference to the death of Miantunnomoh, contained in the 
 above account, are corrolwrated. The n^cords of the commissioners s<iy, 
 that Uncas, before the battle, . ' Miantunnomoh, ;hal he had many Avays 
 sought his life, nnd now, if he dured, he woultl figlit him in single combat ; 
 but that Miamunnomoh "presuming upon his numl)ers of men, would 
 have nothing but a battle."| 
 
 It does not appear froiri these record.*", that Uncas had any idea of put- 
 ting Miantunnomoh to death, but to extort a great price from his country- 
 men, for his ransom. That a large amoiitit in wampum was collected 
 tor this purpose, up[)fars certain, ixit l)elore it was paid, (7;icas received 
 the decision of the Knglish, and then pntended that he had made no 
 such agrecfnent, or that the quainity or <]unlity was not as agreed upon, 
 as will more at length l)e seen in the life of Uncas. We come now to 
 
 JVinigref, often called J^nicrafl, and sometimes JVeneknnat,^ J^inifrtud, 
 JVcnep^elett, and written almost as many other ways as times menti<iii(*d, 
 by some early writers. Janemo was the first name by which he wa.s 
 known to the Knglish. He was generally styled sachem of the Niattlicks, 
 a tribe of the Narragansets, whose j)rineiiial residence was at Wekapaiig, 
 now Westerly, in Rhode Island. He was cousin to Miantunnomoli,\\ and 
 
 * Tnimbnll says meat, l)iil iIip MS. is plain, and means meal, 
 t IManiisoripl Ictlfr, 1 Miir. 1333. 
 X Sen Hazard's Historical Collections, ii. 7, 10. 
 ^ !<(> wrillcn by Rc^er WilU'ima. 
 
 II Prince says lie was uncle to Miantunnomoh, {Chronology, ii. 59.) but that could not 
 have been. 
 
NINIGRET. 
 
 [BOOE II. 
 
 id commonly mentioned in history as the chief sp.chem of tl;c Nianticks, 
 wiii(;h always made u part of the great nation of the Narragansets. 
 JVini^ret married a sister of Cashawasliettf otherwise called Harmon (Jarret, 
 who was his uncle. 
 
 The relation in whicli the Nianticks stood to the Narragansets is plain, 
 from the n>[>resentation given l»y Miantwmomoh to the government of 
 Masijuchusetts, in 1(>42. h\ treating with him, at that time. Gov. Winthrop 
 says, "Some difficulty we had, to bring him to desert the Nianticks, if we 
 liad just cause of war with them. They were," he said, "as his own 
 flesh, being allied by contiiuial intermarriages, &;c. Jktt at last he conde- 
 scended, that if they should do us wrong, as lie could not draw them to 
 give us satisfaction for, nor himself could satisfy, us if it were for blood, 
 &c. then he would leave them to us." 
 
 In \ihi7 , ^^ Mianiunnomoh ca\i\e to Boston. The governor, denuty and 
 treasurer treated whh him, and they parted upon fair terms. " VVc 
 gave him leave to right himself for the wrongs which Janemok and /f e- 
 «]uash Cook had done him ; and, for the wrong they had done us, we 
 would right ourselves, in our own time."* Hence it api)ears that at this 
 period they were not so closely allied as they were afterwards. 
 
 The next year, Janemo was complained of by the Long Island Indians, 
 who paid tribute to the English, that he had committed some robberies 
 upon them. Capt. Mason was sent from Connecticut with seven men to 
 ri.'(iiiire satisfaction. Janemo went immediately to the English, and the 
 matter was amicably settled.! 
 
 When it was rumored that .Mianlunnomoh was plotting to cut off the 
 English, and using his endeavors to uiiite other tribes in the enterprise, 
 the English sent deputies to him, to learn the truth of the report, as will 
 be foujid elsewhere fully stated. The de|)uties were well satisfied with 
 the carriage of Mianlunnomoh, but ^'■Jancmoh, the Niantick sachem, 
 carried himself proudly, and refused to come to us, or to yield to any 
 thing ; only, he said, he would not harm us, except we invaded him."|; 
 Thus we caimot but form an exaited opinion of JVintgrd in the person 
 of Janemo. 
 
 We heal* little of JVinigret until after the death of Mianlunnomoh. In 
 1G44, the NaiTagansets and Nianticks miited against the Mohegans, and 
 for some time obliged Vncas to confine himself and men to his fort. 
 
 This affair probably took place; early in the spring, anil we have else- 
 where given all tin; j)articidars of it, both authentic and traditionary. It 
 appears, by a letter from Tho. Peters, addressed to Gov. IVinthrop, written 
 about the time, that there had been some hard fighting; and that the Mo- 
 hegans had been sadly beaten by the Narragansets. Mr. Peters writes: — 
 
 "I, with your son, [John Winthrop of Con.,] were at Uncus' fort, where 
 I dressed seventeen men, and left plasters to dress seventeen more, who 
 were wounded in Uncus' brother's wigwam before we came. Two cap- 
 tains and one common soldier were buried, and since we came thence 
 two captains and one common man more, are dead also, most of which 
 are wounded with bullets. Uncus and his brother told me, the Narragan- 
 sets had 30 gmis whicli won them the day, else would not care a rush 
 for them. They drew Uncas^ forces out by a wile, of 40 appearing only, 
 but a thousand [lay hid] in ambush, who puit^ued Uncos' men into their 
 own land, where the battle was fought vario marte, till God ])ut fresh 
 spirit into the Moheagues, and so drave the Narragansets back again." 
 So it seems that Uncas had been taken in his own play. The letter goes 
 on : — "1'would pity your hearts to see them {Uncus' men] lie, like so many 
 new circumcised Sccjiemites, in their blood. Sir, whatever information 
 
 * WinthToj)'s JotDTial, i. 243. 
 
 t Ibid. 2G7. 
 
 i Ibid. ii. 8. 
 
 Chap. IV 
 
 you hav 
 
 they nia( 
 
 tjuieson, 
 
 mio. So 
 
 quieson^s 
 
 through 
 
 no hop*; 
 
 "The 
 
 suffer liii 
 
 for his o 
 
 time." J 
 
 as they v 
 
 gnnset li 
 
 Jlwasequi 
 
 Boston, s 
 
 lish shou 
 
 that they 
 
 that the 
 
 iiands of 
 
 After ren 
 
 their hear 
 
 they ende 
 
 stead of s 
 
 tJie Engli 
 
 but they 
 
 After the 
 
 ragansets, 
 
 they stoot 
 
 debt, their 
 
 than forni 
 
 terrified in 
 
 sent with 
 
 He at firs 
 
 only two c 
 
 two or till 
 
 about him, 
 
 many mon 
 
 setting a pi 
 
 die, if he c 
 
 a great tre 
 
 tudes of til 
 
 ready to le( 
 
 of blood w 
 
 ceeding. 
 
 "Some i 
 
 * Winthro 
 
 \ The edit 
 
 makes a gre 
 
 Meika, Si^t. \ 
 
 After the dep 
 
 sister of Nini 
 
 Quaiapen, ai 
 
 By some writ 
 
 sioncd much c 
 
 § A yearly 
 
 T. Cobbef, wl 
 
 II Twenty, i 
 
 iI Relation 
 
Chap. IV.] 
 
 NlNIGREr. 
 
 eo 
 
 else- 
 . It 
 
 ritten 
 3 Mo- 
 L's: — 
 vlicre 
 , who 
 cap- 
 leiire 
 vhich 
 agan- 
 rtish 
 only, 
 tlioir 
 frcsli 
 tain." 
 fgoes 
 many 
 Utioa 
 
 you have, I (hire boklly say, tlic Narragansets first brake the contract 
 they made with tlie English la«t year, for 1 helped to cure one Tanti- 
 quieson, a Molieague captain, wlio rirht fingered [laid hands on] MianlinO' 
 mio. Some cunning 8(|uaws of Narraganset led two of them to Tanti- 
 quieson^s wigwam, where, in the night, they struck liim on the breast 
 through tlie coat \yith an hutchet, aiul had he not fenced it with his arm, 
 no hojje could be had of his life," &.C.* 
 
 " The English thought it their concern," says Dr. /. Mather,} " not to 
 sutler him to be swallowed up by those adversaries, since lie had, (though 
 for his own ends,) a|>proved hitnself fuithfid to the English from time Jo 
 time." An army was accordingly raised for the relief of Uncaa. "But 
 as they were just inarching out of Boston, many of the principal Narra- 
 ganset Indians, viz. Pessecus, Mexano,\ and Witawash, sagamores, nnd 
 i^H'twegimi, deputy for the Nianticks; these, with a large train, came to 
 Boston, suing for peace, being willing to submit to what terms the Eng- 
 lish should see cause to impose upon them. It was dematided of them 
 that they should defray the charges they had put the English to,§ and 
 that the sacliems should send their sons to be kept as hostages in the 
 iiands of the English, until such time as the money should be paid." 
 After remarking that from this time the Narragansets harbored venom in 
 their hearts against the English, Mr. Mather proceeds : — " In the first [>lace, 
 they endeavored to lA&v legerdemain in their sending hostages; for, in- 
 stead of sachems' children, they thought to send some other, and to make 
 tJie English believe that those base papooses were of a royal progeny ; 
 but they had those to deal wi , who were too wise to be so eluded. 
 After the expected liostages were in the bunds of the English, the Nar- 
 ragansets, notwithstanding Uiat, were slow in the ])erformance of what 
 they stood engaged for. And when, upon an impartial discharge of the 
 debt, their hostages were restored to them, they became more backward 
 than formerly, until they were, by hostile preparations, again and again 
 terrified into better obedience. At last, Capl. Mherlon, of Dorchester, was 
 sent with a small party|| of English soldiers to demand what was due. 
 He at first entered into the wig\vam, where old JVinigret resided, with 
 only two or three soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees to follow liim, 
 two or three dropping in at once ; when his small company were come 
 about him, the Indians in the mean time supposing that there had been 
 many more behind, he caught the sachem by the hair of his head, and 
 setting a pistol to his breast, protesting whoever escaped he should surely 
 die, if he did not forthwith comply with what was required. Hereupon 
 a great trembling and constemati-jn surprised the Indians ; albeit, multi- 
 tudes of them were then present, with spiked arrows at their bow-strings 
 ready to let fly. The event was, the Indians submitted, and not one drop 
 of blood was shed."ir This, it must be confessed, was a high-handed pro- 
 ceeding. 
 " Some space after that, J^inigret was raising new trouble against us, 
 
 * Winthrop's Jour. ii. 380, 381. f Relation, 68. 
 
 { The editor of Johnson's Wonder-working' Providence, in Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. 
 makes a great mistake in noting this chief as Miantwnnomoh. Mriksah, MLvanno, 
 Meika, &c. are names of the same person, who was the eldest son of Canoniais. 
 After the death of his father, he was chief sachem of the Narragansets. He married a 
 sister of Ninigret, who was " a woman of great power," and no other than the famous 
 Quaiapen, ai one time called Matantiick, from which, probably, was derived Magnus. 
 By some writers mistaking him for Miantnunmnoh, an error has spread, that h\s occa- 
 sioned much confusion in accounts of their genealogy. 
 
 ^ A yearly tribute in wampum was agreed upon. Manuscript Narrative of the Rev. 
 T. Cobbef, which places the ifTair in 1645. 
 
 II Twenty, says a MS. document among our stale papers. 
 
 TT Relation cf the Troubles, &.c. 4to, 1C77. 
 
70 
 
 NiNif:uF/r. 
 
 [Rook II. 
 
 Chav. IV 
 
 amongst liis NinntickH and ollii;r IiKiinnn ; hut upon tlio spnrdy Hcndinf; 
 up of C'lipt. Davis, witli h parts of lioiNt; to nMliic*; liiin to tlir fortncr 
 poacc, who, upon the news oj" ihc niptain's npproa'rh, was pii' into such 
 a puuic fear, tliut he diu'rit not conit; out of liis wi<.Mviiin to treat with the 
 captain, till serured of liis life hy him, whit'h lie was, if he (piiitly yield- 
 imI to hisj ineHsnge, alioui which he was sent from th<! liny. To whiith he 
 fie«;ly eonseniiiig, that storm was graciously lilowii over."* 
 
 Thus having, through these extracts, sinninarily glanecid at some prom- 
 inent passages in the life of JVinigrd, we will now go inor<5 into partic- 
 ulars. 
 
 The case of the Narragan8er.<«, at tin; pfTi(»d of tin; tn^aty hefore spokim 
 of, had hecome rather desperate; two years having passed since they 
 ngret!(l to pay 2000 fathom of "good white wampum," as a remuneration 
 for the trouhle and damage they had caused the English and JMohegans, 
 and they were now pressed to fulHI thciir engagements. JViniti^nt, then 
 called Janemo, was not at Boston at that tim(>, hut Jiumsaaqnen was his 
 deputy, and signed the treaty then mad'*, with Pessnnis and others. At 
 their meeting, in July, 1G47, Pessaciis and oth(>i>i, chiifs of the Narragnn- 
 sels and Nianticks, were sent to hv the English commissioners, as will 
 be found in the life of Pessacus. IJeing warned to come to Hoston, P'.s- 
 sacua, not l)eing willing to get any further into trouhle hy being obliged 
 to sign whatever articles the English might draw up, feigned himself 
 sick, and told the messeiig ts he had agreed to leave all the business to 
 J^nigret. This seems to have been well imderstood, end we shall next 
 see with what grace Ntnigret acted his part with the commissioners, at 
 Boston. Their record runs thus : — 
 
 "August lid, [1047,] JVinegratt, with some of the Nyantirk Indiatis and 
 two of Peasacks men, came to Boston, and desiring Mr. Johti IVinthrop, 
 that came from Pequatt plantation, mighi be present, they were admitted. 
 The commissioners asked JS/'inef^att for whom he came, whither as a 
 publick person on the behalf of JPessack^a and the n!st of the Narragan- 
 sets' confederates, or only for himself as a particular sagamore? lie at 
 first answered that he had spoken with Pessnck, but liad no such com- 
 mission from him ;" and said there had not been so good understanding 
 between them as he desired; but from Mr. Winthrop's testimony, and the 
 answer Thos. Stanton and Benedict Arnold brought from Pessncus, and 
 also the testimony of Pcaaacua' two men, "it appeared to the commis- 
 sioners that whatever formality might be wanting in Pessack''s expressions 
 to J^inegratt, yet Pessack had fully eagaged himself to stand to whatiio- 
 ever JVinegratt should conclude." Therefore they proceeded to demand 
 of him why the wampum had not tee:', paid, and why the covenant had 
 not been observed in other particulars. J\/inigret pretended he did not 
 know what covenants had been made. He was then reminried that his 
 deputy executed the covenant, and that a copy was carried into his 
 country, and his ignorance of it was no excuse for him, for Mr. Williams 
 was at all times ready to explain it, if he had taken the pains to request 
 it of him. " There could, therefore, be no truth in his answere." 
 
 Ninigret next demanded, ^'■For what are the JVarragansets to pay so 
 much wampum'? I know not that iheii are indebted to the English r The 
 commissioners then repeated the old charges — the breach of covenant, 
 ill treating messengers, and what he had said himself to the English 
 messengere, namely, that he Imew the English would try to bring about a 
 peace at their meeting at Hartford, but ho was resolved on war, nor 
 would he inquire who began it — that if the English did not withdraw' 
 their men from assisting IJncas, he would kill them and their cattle, &c. 
 
 * Cobbet's MS. Nai/ative. 
 
 Accord ill 
 
 llicsi' elm 
 
 provoki d 
 
 III ordi 
 
 nieiits; n 
 
 against h 
 
 Engli.sh a 
 
 pum at o 
 
 "which li 
 
 suid, " 'I'll 
 
 liru.si< r in 
 
 (not altog 
 
 came to 
 
 .\li\ K^.'irim 
 
 their iieci 
 
 man attac 
 
 Indian." 
 
 JSfinigrct 
 
 nor wainp 
 
 Htoilcn the 
 
 due. " Tl 
 
 iiiit reckoi 
 
 the rccj'ipt 
 
 self to the 
 
 not occepti 
 
 should he i 
 
 of the debt 
 
 it. It was 
 
 Culshamoki 
 
 HO fatlir.m < 
 
 sliamokin w 
 
 produced t 
 
 rated at 45 i 
 
 lie had us( 
 
 qiiestione(', 
 
 at first t)er 
 
 convinced [ 
 
 the present, 
 
 futlioin as I 
 
 wampum si 
 
 JVinign t wa 
 
 he answcrec 
 
 ".l/y tonf> 
 
 intewled it a, 
 
 it is un|)lt 
 
 kin and A\V 
 
 civilized iiei 
 
 where he sa 
 
 bill as it is i 
 
 decline goin/ 
 
 What we 
 
 and douhtlei 
 
 'I'he next di 
 
 and ppoke to 
 
 * S'jniufl Sh 
 
 brasior, situato'. 
 
 ) ilcnce 4£. 
 
rnAi*. IV.] 
 
 NLN'KiKET. 
 
 n 
 
 I pay I 
 
 80 
 
 ?hc 
 
 lovenant, 
 
 " English 
 
 al>out a 
 
 hvar, nor 
 
 lilhdraw' 
 
 [ttle, &c. 
 
 According to Uio rcoordn of tlio rommiHsioncra, J^inigrtt did not deny 
 llicH<' clinrffcs with a vtry >f«tod liirc. lie said, lioweve r, ihfir nic.iscngens 
 provoki d liiin to sny what li»' did. 
 
 Ill (ti'dtr to waivf tin; «Timiiintiiig diwourso, JS/inif^et cnllrd for docu- 
 riiciits; or wished tlio Kiiglisii to make a Ktatt'tiient of their account 
 ngniiist him, that hn migiit know "how tho reckonings Btood." The 
 I'ln^'lirtli aii>wer»!d tliat llicy liad received of Pessacus \70 fathom of wajn- 
 pum at one time: — AllerwiirdH some ktttlea and ahout 15 /aMom more, 
 " which hiiii^'e a conkmpliile somi; wus refused." As to the kettles, tliey 
 Kuid, "TIjc Narragaiisel meHsengei-s hud Honid them to Mr. Shrimplon,* u 
 l)ru.si< r in lioHton," for a shilling a pound. Their weight was &U5 /!).«., 
 (iKit ailogether so cvlemplible iis one might be led to imagine,) which 
 caiiie to 1 1£. rtg., and die wampum to 4£. 4s. (x/.f Of the amount in 
 Mr. S!tnmj)lun''s hands, the messtngtrs took np 1£. prohabi,' to defray 
 their nect ssary expenses while ut lioston. The remainder an English- 
 iiuiii attached to a^ilisfy " for goods stolieu from htui by a Narraganset 
 Indian." 
 
 jVini'grel caid the nttachment was not va "d, "for that i T the I ettleif 
 nor wampiuii did belonge to Pessacks himself, nor to the indian that had 
 MtulUn the goods/' and therefore nmst be deducted from the amount now 
 due. "The cnnimii^sioners tlioiight it not fit to press the attachn^ent," 
 hut reckoned the kettles and wampum at 70 tatliom, and acunowledged 
 the receipt of 240 fathom, [in all,] Im sides a parcel sent by JVinigret him- 
 scir to the governor , and t loiigh this was sent as a present, yet, as it was 
 not accepted by the governor, they lefl it to JSTinigrd to say whether it 
 ijliould be now so considered, or whether it shouhl be taken in payment 
 of the debt. JVinifcct sjiid the governor shuidd do as he pleased about 
 it. It was tlien inipiired how much he had sent; (it being deposited in 
 Cutshamokiii's hands, as we have els(,'wh(!re stated ;) he said he had sent 
 JIO fathf.m of black, and 45 of white, in value together 105 fathom. CtU- 
 sliumokin was sent for to state what he had received in trust. lie had 
 produced two girdles, " with a string of wam|)um, all which himself 
 ruled at 45 fathom, aflirming he hail received no more, except 8s. which 
 he had used, and would repay. He was brought before Ninigret and 
 questione(1, as there a|)peared a great ditli;rence in their accounts. " He 
 at fu'st persisted, says our record, and added to his lyes, but was at last 
 convinced [confronted] by JVin'grft,m\\\ his messengers who then brought 
 tlie present, and besicU s Culshamofrin had sent him ut the same time 10 
 luthuin as a present also. It still remained to be settled whether this 
 wainpu'n should be received as a part of the debt, or as a present, and 
 ^Vi/itg-n i was urged to say how it should be. With great magnanimity 
 he niiswcred : — 
 
 ^^Mi) tongue shall not belit my heart. Hliether the debt be paid or not, / 
 intended it as a present to the governor.''^ 
 
 h is unpleasant to contrast the characters of the two chiefs, Cutshatno- 
 kin and JVinigretf because the fornn'r had long had the advantage of a 
 civilized neighborhood, and the latter was from the depths of the forest, 
 where he saw an Englishman but seldom. We could say much upon it, 
 bill as it is thought by many that such disquisitions are unprofitable, we 
 decline going into them here. 
 
 What we have related seems to !iave finished the business of the day, 
 and doubtless the shades of night were very welcome to CtUshamokin. 
 The next day, JS/inigret came into court, with the deputies of Pessacus, 
 and ppoke to the following effect: — 
 
 * Samuel Shrimpton, prol)al)iy, who bouglil u tiouiic and lands of Ephrulm Ihirner, 
 brasior, silualn'l in Hoston, in IG7I. 
 t Hence 4£. 4*. Gd. -{- lo--5*. 7Srf. rvalue of a fiiihom of 'vampum in 1G47. 
 
79 
 
 NINIOUKT. 
 
 rnooK II. 
 
 " Be/ore I came here I expected the tntrdrn had been throxtn upon me, Pes- 
 sacit3 not havina; done what he <urretd to dn. However, / have considered 
 upon the treaty of KM;'), and am rcvdvcd to f^ive the Enfrlish satisfaction in 
 all thin^f. I will send some of my men immediatclif to JsTarragansd and 
 yiantick, to raise the wampum now due to them, and hope to hear tvhai they 
 will do in three days. In ten days I think the wampum will arrive, and I will 
 stay here until it comes. I will tell this to the JVarraeanset confederates. 
 Bui if there shoidd not enough at this time be raised, I desire some forbear- 
 ance as to time, as I assure you that the remainder shall be shortly paid, and 
 you shcUl see me true to the Lnglish, henceforth." 
 
 Thid speech gave the cointtiissiuncni great satisfaction, and they pro- 
 ceeded to other hiisincsa. 
 
 The messengers sent out by J^inigret did not return so soon as was 
 expected, but on the 1(5 August, notice was given of their arrival ; sadly, 
 liowover, to the disappointment of the commissioners, for they brought 
 only 200 fatlioin of wam|)um. The feelings of the court were somewhot 
 changed, and they ratJier sternly demanded "what the reason was, rhat, 
 so much being due, so little was brought, and from whom this 200 futhom 
 came." J\/imgrei answered that he was disappointed that more had not 
 been Iirought, but said, if he had i)een at home more would have been 
 obtained : Uiat 100 fathom was sent by Pessacus, and tlie other 100 by his 
 people. 
 
 The commissioners say, that "not thinking it meet to begin o present 
 war, if satisfaction, (though with a little forlM-arance, may be had otluT- 
 wise,)" told JVinigret, that since he had said the wampimi woidd have 
 been gathered and paid if he had boon at home himself, they would now 
 give him 20 days to go and got it in ; and if he could not procure enough 
 by 500 fathom, still they would not molest him until "next spring plant- 
 ing time." That as so much was still due, they would reckon the pres- 
 ent before mentioned, but if they did not bring 1000 fathom in twenty 
 days, the commissioners would send no more inesscngers into his country, 
 " but take course to right themselves." That if they were " forced to 
 seek satisfaction by arms, he and his confederates must not expect to 
 make their peace, as lately they had done, by a little wampum. In the 
 mean time, though for breach of covenants they might put their hostages 
 to death, yet the commissioners would forthwith deliver the children to 
 JS/tnigret,* expecting from him the more care to see engagements fully 
 satisfied. And if they find him real in his performance, they will charge 
 all former neglects upon Pejsacus," and "in such case they expect from 
 JVinigret his best Jissistance, when he shall be required to recover the 
 whole remainder from him. All which JVimgi'et cheerfully accepted, and 
 promised to perform accordingly." 
 
 Notwithstanding all their protniscs, the Narragansets had not discharged 
 their debt at the end of two ycai"s more, though in that time they had 
 paid about 1100 fathom of wam|)um. At their meeting this year, l«i4l>, 
 at Boston, "the commissioners were minded of the continued complaint 
 of Uncas" against the Narragansets, that they were " still vndermining 
 liis peace and seeking his mine," and had lately endeavored " to bring in 
 the Mowhaukes vppon him," which failing, they next tried to take away 
 his life by witchcraft. A Narraganset Indian, named Cuttaquin, "in an 
 -English vessel, in Mohegan River, ran a sword into his breast, wherby 
 nee receeved, to all appearance, o mortal wound, which murtherus acte 
 
 * Glad, no doubt, to rid themselves of the expense of keeping them ; for it must be 
 remembered, that the Enghsh took them upon tlic condition tiiat tliey should support 
 tbem at their own expense. 
 
noK II. 
 
 C'Hvr. IV.] 
 
 NINIGRET. 
 
 73 
 
 f, Pes- 
 
 
 sulered 
 
 
 dion in 
 
 
 sd and 
 
 
 id they 
 d I wUl 
 
 
 
 derates. 
 
 
 forbear- 
 
 
 tid, and 
 
 
 ey pro- 
 
 
 as was ? 
 
 
 ; sadly, 
 
 
 broucht 
 incwTmt 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 'as, tVmt, 
 
 
 ) fathom 
 
 
 had not 
 
 
 ve been 
 
 
 by his 
 
 
 I present 
 
 . 
 
 d otber- 
 
 1" 
 
 ild have 
 
 I * 
 
 uld now 
 
 
 i enougli 
 
 
 ng plant- 
 
 • 
 
 iho pves- 
 
 
 1 twenty 
 
 i 
 
 country, 
 
 ■f 
 
 "orced to 
 
 
 ixpcct to 
 
 '.'( 
 
 In the 
 
 ;l 
 
 hostages 
 
 
 lUdren to 
 
 1 
 
 3nts fully 
 
 -O 
 
 U charge 
 
 ' , ' 
 
 lect from 
 
 ■•' 
 
 over the 
 
 M 
 
 jted, and 
 
 1 
 ■•it 
 
 scharged 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 they had 
 
 
 sar, US4i), 
 
 ()mi)laint 
 
 1 
 
 ennining 
 
 f 
 
 bring in 
 
 1 
 
 ike away 
 
 K 
 
 I, " in an 
 
 K' 
 
 wherby 
 
 W' 
 
 irus acte 
 
 K 
 
 it must be 
 
 1 
 
 Id support 
 
 V 
 
 tlie nssalant then ronfi'ssod hoe wns, for a rnnsiderablo sum of wnmpum, 
 Ity the Nnrra^niisett and iNiaiiticke sachciiis, liired to attriii|it." 
 
 Meanwhile .Viulfi^rit, uiKleiHtaiidiiig what was to be urged agaiiiHt him, 
 appeared KUil.lenly at Honton befiire the eoiiunisNiouers. The old eata- 
 lojru(! *)f deliin|ueneies was read over to hirii, with .several new onen 
 appended. As it n'speete<l ('HUanHin\i attempt U|)on the life of L'lirnit, 
 ,\'niii;ret said that neither In; nor l't:ss(irtiii had any hand in it, but that 
 "he [OtMrtf/imi] was drawn tli(>remito by tortiu'c; from the IMohegaus;" 
 "but he was told, that the assailant, before he eame into the hands of the 
 Mohegans, presently arter the fact was eonimitted, layed the charge upon 
 him, with the rest, which he confirmed, the day following, to Capt. Ma- 
 son, in the presence of the liiiglish that were in the bark with him, and 
 oflen reiterated it at Hartford, though since he hath denied it : that ho 
 was presented to Uncos under the notion of one appertaining to I'ssame- 
 qiiin, whereby he was acknowledged as his friend, an«l no provocation 
 given him." Cultaqmn had atlirmed, it was said, that hi.s desperate con- 
 dition caused him to attempt the life of Unras, "through his great 
 engagement to the said Hachems, having received u considerable quantity 
 of wHm])mn, which he had spent, who otherwise would have taken away 
 his life.;' 
 
 The judgment of the court was, that the sachems were guilty, and wo 
 next find them engoged in settling the olil account of wampum. JVini- 
 s;rel had got the comnfissioners debited more than they at first Avero 
 willing to allow. They say that it apr>"ared by the auditor's account, 
 that no more than 15'29i fathom hath becii credited, " nor could JWnif^et 
 by any evidence make any more to appear, only he alleged that about 
 (100 fathom was paid by measure which he accounted by tale, wherein 
 there WJis considerable difierence. The commissioners, not willing to 
 adhere to any strict terms in that particular, (and though by agreement it 
 was to be paid by measure and not by tale,) were willing to allow (j2 
 fathom and half in that respect, so that there remains due 408 fathom. 
 Ihit JVintf^et |)ersisting in his former afiirmation, and not endeavored to 
 give any reasonable satisfaction to the commissioners in the premises, a 
 small inconsiderable parcel of beaver being all that wos tendered to 
 Jhem, though they understood ho was better provided." They therefore 
 gave him to understand that they were altogether dissatisfied, and that 
 he might go his own way, as they were detennined to protect Uncas 
 according to their treaty with him. 
 
 The commissionen. now expressed the opinion among themselves, 
 that affairs looked rather turbulent, and advised that each colony should 
 hold its(!lf in readiness to act as circumstances might require, " which 
 they the rather present to consideration, from an information they 
 received since; their sitting, of a marriage shortly intended betwixt JVini- 
 greCs daughter, and a brother or brotJier's son of SassaquaSf the malig- 
 nant, furious Pequot, whereby probably their aims are to gather together, 
 and reunite the scattered conquered Pequates into one body, and set them 
 up again as a distinct nation, which hath always been witnessed against 
 by the English, and may hazard the peace of the colonies." 
 
 The four years next succeeding are full of events, but as they happened 
 chiefly among the Indians themselves, it is very difficult to learn the 
 particidars. JVinigret claimed dominion of the Indians of a part of Long 
 Island, as did his predecessors ; but those Indians, seeing the English 
 domineering over the Narragansets, became ahogether independent of 
 tlicm, and even waged wars upon them. 
 
 .^scassasotick was at this period the chief of those Indians, a wailike 
 and courageous chief, but as treacherous and barbarous as he was lu-ave. 
 TJjese islanders had from the time of the Pequot troubles been protected 
 7 
 
74 
 
 NINUiUFT— WAIANDANi n. 
 
 [BuoK II 
 
 by the Kngli.th, wliicli iiiiicli inrrmHrd their iiiHoIrnPC. Not only linii 
 .Vinlt^rrt, niiil tlin rest of tlui Nnrriiffiuiwts, :u(li'n'<l iVoiii \m iiiMiiltn, but 
 tlic J\loli(>pniis IiikI iiIho, ns \vc sliiill iiiorf fully nmk); nnpt^ar li«Tcnl\i>r. 
 
 WIm'ii tlu! Kn^'I'iHli roiiiiiiissioiK'i-s iitul met nt IIiirtli)ril in U'M, Unctia 
 rnitio with a romplaiiit to th(!iii, "that tiie IMoliaiisick Hariicin, in Loni; 
 Island, had killed hoiii oI* his men ; hewitehed (liiiei'H othei'H and iiiniHelf 
 also,* and desired the eommissioncrs that het; mi^ht Ito righted therin. liut 
 I)eeau80 the HJiid saeliem of honj,' Island was not there to answer Car 
 Jiimself," Heverul Hnglishnien w<!re appointed to examine into it, and it' 
 they foimd him guilty to let him know that they " will bring troublu upon 
 themselves." 
 
 At the same inoetin<; an order was passed, "that 20 men well nrmoil bo 
 sent out of the jiirisdietion of tlu; Mnssaehiisetts to Pesaicus, to demand 
 the said wampum, [then in arrears,] wiiich is 308 fathom ;" but in case 
 they could not get the wampum, tliey were ordered " to take the same, 
 or the vallew therof, in the best and most euitabh? goods they ran lind." 
 Or, if they could not find enou<rh to satisfy all demands, they were 
 ordered to seize and " bring away either Pcsaacits or his ehiltlren, or such 
 other considerable sachem or i)erson8, us they prize, and may more prob- 
 ably bow them to reason." 
 
 From Pessaeu.i, they were onlercci to go to JVinifi^ret, and inform him 
 that tho commissioners had heard ^^thct he hail frlven his daufi^hter in mar- 
 riagr. to Sasecoa his brother, who gather.'! Pequota under him, aa if either he 
 tcoutd become their sachem, or again pcsaess the Penuol countnj,^^ which was 
 contrary to "engagements,'' and what they woulil not allovv, and ho must 
 inform them wliether it were so. To inform him also that IVequaah 
 Cook "complains of sundry wrongs." And that, ns to liis hunting in the 
 Pcquot coimtry, to inform him he had no right to do so, as that coimtry 
 belonged to the English. The termination of this expedition, in which 
 JViniff)-et was taken " by the hair," has been previously mentioned in our 
 extract from Dr. Mather. 
 
 We have in the life of Miantunnomoh given some account of the acts 
 of u chief called Waiandance, especially relating to the disorganization 
 of tho plans of that great chief. We come, in this place, to a parallel 
 act in relation to JVinigret. About a year after the death of Miantunno- 
 nioh, JVinigrct imdertook to organize a plan for expatriating the English ; 
 and sent u messenger to ft'aiandance, the Long Island sachem, to engage 
 iiim ill it. Instead of listening to his message, IVaiandance seized upon 
 JVinigreVs messenger, bound him, and sent him to £!a|>t. Gardener at 
 Saybrook fort. From thence he was sent, under a guard of 10 men, for 
 Hartford. Hut they were wind-bound in their jjassage, and were obliged 
 to put in to Shelter Island, where an old sachem lived, who was Waian- 
 dancc's elder brother. Here they let NinigreVa ambassador escape, and 
 thus he had knowledge that his plan was overthrown. 
 
 Since we have here introduced the sachem Waiandance, we will add 
 the account of hij last acts and death. One William Hammond being 
 killed " by a giant-like Indian" near New York, about 1637, Capt. Gardener 
 told Waiandance that he must kill that Indian ; but this being against tho 
 advice of the great sachem, his brother, he declined it, and told tho 
 captain that that Indian was a mighty great man, and no man dared 
 meddle with him, and that he had many friends. Some time after, ho 
 killed another, one Thomas Farrington, and in the mean time, Waiandance's 
 brother having died, he undertook his exeoition, which he accomplished. 
 This was his last act in the service of tiie English ; "for in the time of a 
 great mortality among them, he died, but it was by poison ; also two 
 
 * This was doubtless as true as were most of his charges against the Narragansets. 
 
Chap. IV. | 
 
 MNHiUrr— MKXAM. 
 
 75 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 acts 
 zution 
 
 iiUel 
 unno- 
 
 lish ; 
 
 gage 
 
 upon 
 
 ner at 
 
 3n, for 
 
 :>liged 
 
 'aian- 
 
 ,and 
 
 I add 
 being 
 
 rdener 
 
 ist tho 
 d tho 
 dared 
 er, ho 
 
 lance's 
 ishcd. 
 
 le of a 
 two 
 
 tliiniM of tli*^ liiiliuiiH ii|M>ii liOiii; IhIiuuI died, el:su the NaiTugnnsuta Lad 
 not iinuU' Niicli liuvKC htTf IIS tlii-y liiivc." 
 
 .Viiiffirl piifsoil tim winter of Km^ — '{ iiinonp tlm Dutcli of Now-York. 
 Till- caiiHfd iIh" l',iiu;lisii jjrcnt MiM|iii'ioii, csiHTially as lliry wrro rnnnics 
 to till- Diitrli at that time; and sivrral sa^rnnKircs wiin resided near tlio 
 Diiteli liad reiiorttul tluit tlio Dutcli governor was trying to liin; them to 
 rut olf tli<( 1 Miglish ; coiiseiiuently, then' was u special ineetiiig of the 
 J'lnKlisii coiiiniissionei-s at Hostoii, in April, KmH, <iccasi(uied l>y a rumor 
 that the iN'arragansets had leagued with the Dutcli to hreak ujithe lliig- 
 lisli settlements. Whereupon u letter was sent by them to their agent at 
 Narragunset, Thomas .S'^mi/wh, containing "divers i|iieiies," hy him to ho 
 interpreted "to .Vinefrnlt, /'issicus and .Meeksam, \\\\v(', of the chiefest 
 Narragansef sachems," and their answers to ho immcdiutely ohtained 
 and reported to the commissioiiei-s. 
 
 The (|uesiioiis to he put i) the sachems wero in suhstance as fol- 
 lows: — i. Whether the J)utch had engaged tlitMii* to fight against thu 
 Kngtish. — y. Whether the J)utch governor did not endeavor such a 
 (onspiracy. — 'I. Whether they had not recei\ed arms and munitionti 
 of war from the Dutch. — 4. What other Indians are engaged in the 
 plot. — 5. Whether, contrary to their engagement, they were resolved to 
 light against the English. — G. If they are so resolved, it'W thry think the 
 Eufrliihtcill do. — 7. Wli(!ther they had not hetter he true to the English. 
 — 8. Similar to Uic first. — 1). What were their grounds of war against the 
 English. — 10. Whether they had not better come or send messengers to 
 treat with the English. — 11. Whether they had hired the Alohawka to 
 help them. 
 
 "The an.sware of the sachems, viz. JS/'imigrdt, Pessccus and Mixam, 
 vnto the (|ueri(!s and letters sent hy the nu<ssengers, Sarjeaut Ifaite and 
 Sarjcant John Barrdl, the 18th of th<! second month, KJoiJ." 
 
 Mcxam seems to have been the iirst that answered ; and of the first 
 query he said : — 
 
 '^ 1 speak unfa ffnedly, from my heart, and say, without dissimulation, that 
 I know of no such plot against the English, my friends ; implicating either 
 the Dutch governor or any other person. Tlio'ugh I he poor, it is not goods, 
 guns, powder nor shot, that shall draw me to such a plot as this against the 
 English, my friends.\ If the Dutch governor had made known any such 
 intention to me, I would have told it, without delay, to the English, my friends. 
 With respect to your second question, I answer, jVb. fVhat do the English 
 sachems, my fnends, think, qf us 9— do they think we should prefer goods, 
 guns, potvaer aiul shot, before our lives'^ our means of living"} both of us 
 and ours'? Jls to the 4/A query, I speak from my heart, and say, I know of 
 no such plot by the Dutch governor. There may come false news and reports 
 against us ; let them say what they tvill, they are false. Jt is unnecessary to 
 say more. But in answer to the 10th query I will say, It is just messengers 
 shoidd be sent to treat with the English sachems, but as for myself, I am old, 
 and cannot travel two days together, but a man shall be sent to speak with the 
 sachems. I have sent to Mr. Smith, and \ oll| his man, to spuik to Mr. Brovvii, 
 
 * The third person sin^lar, he, is used throiighotit, in liie originnl, as it was supposed 
 l)y tiie propounders liinl each riiief would ho iiuestioned separately. 
 
 t Every one must i>e tbrcihiy reminded of the answer ffivcn by one of our revolution- 
 ary worthies, Joseph Reed, Es(|., to a British agent, on reading tliis answer of the ehief 
 Me.ram though not under circuinslances exactly similar. Mr. Reed was promised a 
 fortune if he would exert himself on the side of the king. Viewing it in the light of a 
 bribe, he tnplied : " I am not worth j>nrchasin<; , hut, sucii as I am, the kirig ^ Great 
 Britain is nut ridi enough to do it." Dr. Gordon's America, iii. 172. ed. Londou, 4 
 vols. 8 vo. 1788, 
 
 t Vallentine IVliitman, an interpreter, elsewhere named. 
 
76 
 
 NINIGRE T.— PESS ACUS. 
 
 [Book 11. 
 
 and to say to him, that I love the English sachems, and nil Englishmen in 
 the Bay : jhid desire Mr. Brown to tell the sachems of the Bay, that the 
 child that is now born, or that is to be bom in time to come, shall see no war 
 made by us against the English." 
 
 Ptssacus spoke to this purpose : — 
 
 " / am very thankful lo these two men that came from the Massachusetts, and 
 to you Thomus, and to you Poll,* and to you Mr. Smith, you that are ome 
 so far as from the Bay to bnng -".is this message, and to inform us cf thtse 
 thiAgs we knew Jiot of before. As for the governor of the Dutch, xve are loath 
 io invent any falsehood of him, though ive be far from him, to please the 
 English, or any others that hting these reports. For what I speak with my 
 mouth J speak from my heart. The Dutch, governor did never propound 
 any such thing unto lis. Do you think ive are mad? and that we have for- 
 gotten our ivriiing that we had in the Bay, which doth bind us to the English, 
 our friends, in a ivay of friendship } Shall tve throw away that ivriting and 
 ourselves too '} Have we not reason in iis ') How can the Dutch shelter us, 
 being so remote, against the power of the English, our fncruls — lue living 
 close by the doors of the English, our friends i Jr'e do profess, wc abhor 
 such things." 
 
 Lastly, we come to the chief actor ia this affair, J^lriigret. He takes up 
 each query in order, and answei-s it, which, for brevity's sake, we will give 
 in a little more condoiisod form, omitting nothing, however, that can in 
 any degree add to our acquaintance with the great ciiief. He thus com- 
 mences : — 
 
 ** I utterly deny that there has been any agreement made between the Dutch 
 governor and myself, to fight against the English. I did never hear the 
 Dutchmen say they would go and fight against the English ; neither did I 
 hear the Indians say they would join with them. But, while I tvas there at 
 the Indian wigwams, there came some Indians that told me there was a ship 
 come in from Holland, which did report the English and Dutch tvere fighting 
 together in their own country, and there ivere several other ships cotning with 
 ammunilion to fight against the English here, and that there would be a great 
 blow given to the English ivhen they came. But this I had from the Indians, 
 and how true it is I cannot tell. I know not of any wrong the English have 
 done me, therefore vf hy should I fight against themJ Why do the English 
 sachems ask me the same questions over and over again ? Do they think we 
 are mad — and ioould,for a few guns and sivo)-Us, sell our lives, and the lives 
 of our wives and children ? As to their tenth question, it heh -^^ indij'erently 
 spoken, whether I may go or semi, though I know nothing my. If, tvhcrein I 
 have wronged the English, to prevent my going ; yet, as I said before, it 
 being left to my choice, that is, it being indifierent to the commissioners, 
 whether I ivill send some one to sptak with them, I will send."\ 
 
 To the letters which the P'nglish messengers carried to the sachems, 
 Mexam and Pessacus said, " JVe desire there may be no mistake, but that we 
 may be understood, and that there may be a true understanding on both sides. 
 fVe desire to know ivhcv you had this news, that th're tvas such a league 
 made betwixt the Dutch and us, and also to know our accusers." 
 
 ,Yinigret, though of the most importance in this affair, is last mentioned 
 in the records, and his answer to the letter brought liim by the commis- 
 sioners is as follows : — 
 
 * So printed in Hazard, but probably means tiio same as Voll ; V, in the latter case, 
 having been taken for P. \Vc liave known such nistances. 
 
 t The preceding sentence of our text, the author of Tales of the Indians thinks. '■ woulrl 
 puzzle the most ?«|/s/!/'j/?«o-.pohtician of modern times." Indeed! What! a Philadel- 
 
 phia /oic;/*'/' ? Really, we cannot conceive that it oun-Jit in the least to ])uzzle even a 
 Bostim lawyer. If 'A puzzle exKi. any where, wc apprehend it is iu eome wijsti/ijing 
 word. 
 
Chap. IV.] 
 
 MMGRET— AWASIIAW. 
 
 lachems, 
 that we. 
 
 \lh sides, 
 league 
 
 [ntioncd 
 toiuinis- 
 
 lller case, 
 
 • woul'i 
 iFhiliulel- 
 ■e even a 
 
 IfijstifijiiiS 
 
 cliusitts that they should think o, 
 in<juired of concerning this matter. 
 
 nd I kindly thank the sachems ofMassn- 
 me as one of the sachems worthy to be 
 Had any of the other sachems been at 
 the Dutch, I should have feared their folbj ight have done some hurt, one 
 way or other, but thky have not been tht . I am the man. J have been 
 there myself. I alone am answerable for tvhat I have done. And, as I have 
 already declared, I do utterly deny and protest that I know of no such plot as 
 has been apprehended. Jf'hat is the stonj of these great rumors that I hear 
 at Pocalocke — that I shoidd be cut off, and that the English had a quarrel 
 asainst me ") I know of no such cause at all for my part. Is it because I 
 u'int thither to take physic for my health ? or what is the cause ? I found no 
 such entertainment from the Dutch governor, when I was there, as to give me 
 any enrovragement to stir me up to such a league against the English, my 
 friends. It teas tointer time, and I stood, a great part of a winter day, 
 knocking at the governor's door, and he would neither open it, nor suffer others 
 to open it, to let me in. I was not wont tofiiui such carriage from the Eng- 
 lish, my fiends." 
 
 Not long after the return of the English messengers, who hronght the 
 above relation of their mission, Jlwashaw arrived at Boston, as " messen- 
 ger" cit' JVinigret, Pessacus and Meram, with "tin'ee or four" others. An 
 iiKjuisitiou was immediately held over hiin, and, from his cross-examina- 
 tion, we gather the following answers : — 
 
 "Niiiigrct told me that he went to the Dutch to be cured of his disease, hear- 
 ing there was a Frenchman there that could cure him ; and Mr. John Winthrop 
 knew of his going. He carried 'SO fathom of tvampum, gave the doctor 10, 
 and the Dutch governor 15, tvho, in lieu thereof, gave him coats wilh sleeves, 
 but not one gun, though the Indians there gave him two guns. That, while 
 Ninigret was thera, he crossed Hudson^s River, and there an Indian told him 
 about the arrivri of the Dutch ships. As to the com sent to the Dutch by 
 Ninigret, if nus only to pay his passage, the Dutch having brought him home 
 in a vessel. Five men toent ivith Ninigret. Four came home with him in 
 the vessel, and one came by land before. One of his company was a JMohegan, 
 and one a Conecticott Indian, who lived on the other side of Hudscni's River. 
 A canoe was furnished unth GO fathom of icampum, ajler Ninigret's return 
 from Monhatoes, to be sent there to pay for the two guns, but six fathom of it 
 was to have been paid to the doctor, umch was then due to him. There ivere 
 in it, also, tivo raccoon coats, and two braver skins, and seven Indians to go 
 with it. They and the canoe were captured by Uncas." 
 
 An Indian named " JVcwcom-JMatuxes, sometitnes of Rhode Island," 
 was one that accompanied Awashaw. "One John Lightfoot, of Boston," 
 said Matuxes told him, in Dutch, (he had lived among them at SouthhoM, 
 and learned their language,) that the Dutchmen would "cut off " tlie 
 English of Long Island. ^^JVewcom also confesseth [to him] that A uii'- 
 gret said that he heard that some ships were to come from Holland to tho 
 flfonhattoes to cut off the English." ''That an Indian told him that tJKi 
 Dutch would come against the English, and cut them off, but they wo-.ild 
 save the women and children and guns, for themselves. But Capt. Sim- 
 kins and the said I/ightfoot do both affirm that the "said J^ewcom told them 
 that the Dutchmen toldl.im, as before [stated,] though he now puts it off, 
 and s.iith an Iiulian told him so." Simkins affirmed also that JVewcom 
 told him that if lie would go and serve the Dutch, they would give him a 
 100£ a year. 
 
 On examining JVewcom, tho commissioners gave if as their opinion that 
 ho was guilty of perfidy, and that thoy should not have let him escape 
 witlio\it punishment, but for his being considered as an amlmF^ador. 
 They, therefore, desired Awashaw to inform A7)i)*jrrf/ of it, that he miglit 
 send him to them again, "the better to clear iiiniself." This we appro 
 
78 
 
 NIMGRET— UNCASS PERFIDV. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 liend was not done. Awashaw next notified the court that he had not 
 done with them, " whereupon lie was sent for to speak wiiat he had 
 further to |)ropound." He demanded how they came by their informa- 
 tion "of all these things touching JVinigret." They said from several 
 Indians, ;jar<tcM/ar/y "the Monheage Indian and the Narraganset Indian, 
 which were both taken by Uncos his men, who had confessed the plot 
 before Mr. Haines at Hartford." Awashaw also demanded restitution of 
 the wampum taken by Uncos. The commissioners told him that they 
 had not as yet understood of the truth of that action, but when they 
 had thoroughly examined it, he should have an answer. 
 
 So, all this legislating was about JVinigret^s going to the Dutch ; for as 
 to a i)lot ilicre appeare no evidence of any ; but when Uncos had com- 
 mitted u great de{)redation upon JVinigret, why — " that altered the case" 
 — they must inquire into it, which doubtless was all right so far, but if a 
 like complaint had been preferred against JVinigret by Uncas, we have 
 reason to think it would have been tbrthwith " inquired into," at least, 
 without an if. 
 
 A story, it cannot be called evidence, told by Uncas, relating to JVYjii- 
 gret^s visit to the Dutch, is recorded by tiie commissioners, and which, 
 if it amount to any thing, goes to prove himself guilty, and is indeed an 
 acknowledgment of his own perhdy in taking JVinigreVs bo t and goods 
 as charged by Jlwashaw. It is as follows : — 
 
 " Uncas, the Mohegan sachem, came lately to Mr. Hains' house at Hart- 
 ford, and informed him that JVinnigreU, sachem of the Niantick Narra- 
 gansetts, went this winter to the Monhatoes" and made a league with the 
 Dutch governor, and for a large present of wampum received '20 guns 
 and a great box of powder and bullets. J\''inigret told him of the great 
 injuries he had sustained from Uncas and the English. That on the 
 oilier side of Hudson's River, JVinigret had a conference with a great 
 many Indian sagamores, and desired their aid to cut olf the Mohegans 
 and English. Also, that, about two years since, JVinigret ^^ sent to the 
 Monheage sachem, and gave him a present of wainpuiii, pressing him 
 to procure a man skilful in magic workings, and an artist in |)oisoning, 
 and send unto him ; and he should receive more one hundredth fathom 
 of wam})um, which was to have been :;onveyed to the Monheage sachem, 
 and the powaugh at the return of him that was to bring tlie poison. 
 Uncas having intelligence of these things, caused a narrow watch to be 
 .'Ct, by sea and land, tcr the apprehending of those j)ersons : and accord- 
 i.igiy took them returning in a canoe to the number of seven: whereof 
 four of them were Narragansets, two strangers and one Pcquatt. Tliis 
 '.vas (lone in his absence, while he was with Mr. Haines, ai Conecticott, 
 and cjirried by those of his men that took them to Mohegen. liciiig 
 theic examined, two of them, the [Wanipeage*] sachem's brother, and 
 one Narraganset freely confessed the whole plot formerly expressed, and 
 that one of their company was that powaugh and prisoner, pointing out 
 the man. Upon this, his men in a rage slew him, fearii'g, a.) he said, 
 least he should make an escape, or otherwise do either mischief to Uncas 
 or the English, in case they should carry him with the rest before them, 
 to Conecticott to be further examined. And being brought to Conecticott 
 before Mr. Haines, and examined, did assert these particulars." 
 
 An Indian squaw also informed "an inhabitant of Wethersfield, that 
 the Dutch ajid Indiaiis generally were" confederating to cut ofl" the 
 English, and that election day, [1054,] was the time set, "because then it 
 is apprehended the j)lantatioiis will be left naked and unable to defend 
 themselves, the strength of the English colonies being gathered from tho 
 
 * See (Jcclaraiiou onward in tlie records, (//a:, ii, 322.) 
 
Chai'. IV.] 
 
 NIMGRKT.— AUDAM. 
 
 79 
 
 gaiis 
 
 to tlie 
 
 hitu 
 
 ouing, 
 
 ithoiii 
 
 lein, 
 
 oison. 
 
 to be 
 
 :ord- 
 
 !reof 
 
 This 
 
 ticott, 
 
 lil'illg 
 , and 
 
 I, and 
 
 g «i't 
 said, 
 
 Uncus 
 
 tlieni, 
 
 jticott 
 
 that 
 
 ■ the 
 
 iicn it 
 
 lelend 
 
 In tho 
 
 
 several towns. And the aforesaid scjuaw advised the said inhabitants to 
 ac(Hiaiut tlie rest of the EngHsh with it, desiring tlicy would remember 
 liow dear their shghting of her former information of the Pequots com- 
 ing upon tlie English cost them."* 
 
 It would seem, from a careful examination of the records, that some- 
 thing had been suggested either by the Dutch or Indians, about "cutting 
 oti' the English," which justice to JVinigret requires ua to state, might 
 have been the case without his knowledge or participation. For, the 
 testimony of the messengers of " nine Indian sagamores who live L-^/Out 
 the Alonhatoes" no how implicates him, and, therefore, cannot be token 
 into account, any more than what an Indian named Ronnessoke told 
 .yicholas 7'«?i ner, as interpreted by another Indian called Addam; the 
 latter, though relating to A'inifrrel^s visit, was oidy a hearsay afiair. Roil' 
 ressoke was a sagamore of Long Island. 
 
 Jlddam also inter[)reted the story of another Indian, called Poioanege, 
 " who saith he came from the Indians who dwell over the river, over 
 against the Monhatoes, where the ])lot is a working, that was this : that 
 the Dutchmen asked the Indiaijs whether they would leave tliem at the 
 last cast, or stand up with them. And told the Indians they should fear 
 nothing, and not be discouraged because the plot was discovered," &c. 
 
 Addam the interpreter had also a story to tell. He said, "this spring 
 [1(j53, O. S.] the Dutch governor went to Fort Aurania, [since Ali»any,] 
 and first went to a place called Ackicksack, [llackinsack,] a great place 
 of Indians, from thence to IMonncsick, [Minisink,] thence to Opingona, 
 thence to Warranoke, thence to Fort Aurania: And so far he went in 
 his own persoiu From thence he sent to Pocomtock, [Deerfield, on tho 
 Connecticut,] and he carried with him many note of sewan, that is, bags 
 of wamj im, and delivered them to the sagamores of the places, and 
 tiiey were to distribute them amongst their men ; and withal he carried 
 powder, shot, cloth, lead and guns ; and told them he would get all the 
 great Indians under him, and the English should have the scum of the 
 Indians, and he would have those sagamores with their men to cut oft* 
 the English, and to be at his command wlienever he had use of them, 
 and he was to Und tliem powder and shot till he had need of them. 
 Turther, he sent one Govt.'rt, a Dutchman, to INIarsey, on Long Island, to 
 A''iltanaho)n, the saganiore, to assist him and to do for him what he would 
 have [iiim] do : But the sagamore told him he would have nothing to 
 [do] with it: whereupon Govert gave the sagamore a great kettle to be 
 silent. A'illanaham told him he had but '.'0 men, and the English had 
 never done him wrong, [liixd] he had no cause to fight against them. 
 Fiu-ther, he saith that ^VumeirrcU, tho fiscal,f and the Dutch governor 
 were up two days in a close room, with other sagamores ; and there was 
 no speaking with any of them e.\cei>t when they came for a coal of fire,}: 
 
 * Ilefcrrin^ to an alVair of lliCT, which Dr. /. TI/a/ZitT relates as follows: "In tiio 
 interim, [wiiilo Cai)t. 3!ii.ton was prolcrting Savbrook fort.] many of the I'equods went 
 to a ])lafc now callcil Wi'lherajkld on Connecticut River, and having confeil(!ralC(I with 
 the Inilians of that ))lacc, (tis it was fconerallv ihou£;ht,) they laid in ambush for the 
 Kiii;li.sli people of that jilacc, and divers of them goiufr to their labor in a larffc field 
 adjoining' to the town, were set upon in' the Indians. Nine of the English were slain 
 U))on the place, and some horses, and two young women were taken captive." Rclalion 
 I'J'lh,' Troubles, Ike. 'J(i. — Dr. Tnunhttll says this happened in April. Hist. Con. i, 77. 
 
 'I'lic cause of this act of the Pequols, according to Wintlirop, i. 2()0, was tiiis. An 
 Indian called t^niiiin had given the English lands at Wcthcrsfield, that he might live 
 liy iliem and be proteeled frinii oUier Jndians. Rut when he came there, and liad set 
 donn his wigwam, the liUgtish drove him away bv force. And hence it was supposed 
 tiiat ho had nlolted their destruction, as above related, with the Peciuots. 
 
 t A Dntcli orticcr, whose duty is similar to that of treasurer among the English. 
 
 t To I'glit tlieir pipes, doubtiossi — llic Dutch agreeing well, iu the particular of sniokiug, 
 with the Indians. 
 
80 
 
 NINIGRET.— ASCASSASOTICK'S WAR. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 Chap. II 
 
 or the like. And much sewan was seen at tliat time in JVinneicret's liand, 
 and he carried none away with him ;" and that Ronnesseoke told him that 
 the governor hid liim fly for his hte, for the plot was now (hscovcred. 
 
 Nevertheless, as for any positive testimony that J^inifrret was plotting 
 against the English, there is none. That he was in a room to avoid com- 
 pany, while his ])hysician was attending him, Is very prohahle. 
 
 In a long letter, dated 2()th Rlay, 1(>53, which the governor of New 
 Amsterdam, Peter Shnjvesaiit, wrote to the English, is the following pas- 
 Bajre : — " It is in part true, as your woreliips conclude, that, ahout January, 
 there came a strange IncUan from the north, called JVinnigrett, com- 
 mander of the Narragansets. But lie came hither with a pass from Mr. 
 John Winthrop. Upon which pass, as we rcmemhor, Mie occasion of his 
 coming was e.xpresseil, namely, to be cured and healed ; and if, upon 
 tin! other side of tlie river, there hath been any assembly or meeting 
 of the Indians, or of their sagamores, we know not [of it.] We heard 
 that lie hath been upon Long Island, about Nayacke, where he hath been 
 for the most part of the winter, and hath had several Indians with him, 
 but what he hath negotiated with them remains to us unknown : nly 
 this we know, that what your worehips lay unto our charge are false 
 reports, and feigned informations." 
 
 The war with JlscassasOtic, of which we shall give all the particulars in 
 our possession, was the nexi affair of any considerable moment in the 
 lil'e of JVinigret. 
 
 In 1(554, the government of Rhode Island communicated to Massachu- 
 setts, that the last simuner JVinhmi, vvithout any cause, "that he doth so 
 much as allege, fell uj)on the Long Islan.-I Indians, our friiinds and tributa- 
 ries," and killed many of them, and took others prisoners, and would not 
 restore them. "This summer he hath made two assaults upon them ; in 
 one whereof Ire killed a man and woman, that lived upon the land of the 
 liUglish, and within one of tlu^ir townships ; and another Inclian, that 
 kept the c()ws of the ViUglish." lie had drawn many of the foreign 
 Indians dow n from Connecticut and Hudson Rivers, who rendezvoused 
 upon Winthrop's Island, where they killed some of his cattle.* This 
 war began in 1(553, and continued "several years."t 
 
 The commissionei's of the United Colonies seemed blind to all complaints 
 against Uiicas ; but the Narragansets were watched and harassed without 
 ceasing. Wherever we meet with an unpublished document of those 
 times, the fact is very apparent. The chief of the writers of the history 
 of that period copy froui the records of the United Colonies, which ac- 
 counts for their making out a good case for the English and Mohegans. 
 The spirit which actuated the grave commissioners is easily discovered, 
 and I need only refer my n aders to the case of Miantunnomoh. Despe- 
 rate errors nKjuire othtu'S, oftentimes still more desiierate, until the hrst 
 appear small compared with the magnitude of the last! It is all along 
 discoverable, that those venerable records are made up from one kind of 
 evidence, and that when a Narragausot appciarcd in his own defence, so 
 many of his enemies stood ready to give him the he, that his indignant 
 Hpirit could not stoop to contradict or park^y with them ; and thus his 
 assumed guilt jiassed on for history. The long-silenced and bonie-down 
 friend of the Indians of Moosijhausic,}: no longer sleeps. Amid.st his 
 toils and jiorils, he found time to raise his pen in their defence; and 
 though hit letters for a season slept with him, they are now awakuig at 
 the void! of (lay. 
 
 When till! ICiiglish had resolved, in 1054, to send a force against the 
 Narragansets, l)eciiiise tiiey had had diliiculties and wars with Jlscassasn- 
 
 tic, as \\ 
 
 in a Ictt' 
 
 root f)f t 
 
 tick, tilt 
 
 foniicr i 
 
 ^<een hin 
 
 1st. lliat 
 
 English, 
 
 rliallcng 
 
 roii.s(ilt( ( 
 
 i\laj. Em 
 
 pli<'it coi 
 
 lisli have 
 
 upon the 
 
 tlieiii ('lii( 
 
 and (lesir 
 
 Isiandei-s 
 
 Jiis Nam 
 
 note, e.spe 
 
 In the |)i( 
 
 to his assi 
 
 ceediiigs, 
 
 The grf 
 
 being cnti 
 
 occasional 
 
 against tin 
 
 "The c 
 
 credible in 
 
 coin-t, [of 
 
 unarmed |i 
 
 four wonii 
 
 cliiisetts gf 
 
 relief to tin 
 
 to send, (It; 
 
 ton,! to del 
 
 iiisolenr. ( 
 
 f^ince this d 
 
 7. The poc 
 
 were pl(>as( 
 
 tlicy sh()ul( 
 
 !'. .VinecroJ 
 
 •his matter. 
 
 This nie 
 
 fi;"m whicl 
 
 distressed b 
 
 make reiruii 
 
 In nm,' 
 
 to tlio coinii 
 an intoh'rai 
 ^vas now c( 
 J^lohcgan, vi 
 eight hulleb 
 l-nglislMMci) 
 have so Ijir t 
 
 * Manuscnpl documents. 
 
 t Wood's Ilist. Long' Island. 
 
 I Provitleiicc. 
 
 * Froiii tl 
 t Sun uf ( 
 
Chap. IV.] 
 
 MMGRKT— ASCASSASOTICKS W.\R. 
 
 81 
 
 (iV, IIS w<! liavo relntod, ^^^. IfilUams <'xprcs.se(l his views of the matter 
 ill a IcttiT to tlie governor of Mii.ssac^hiisctts as lollowa: — "Tiie cause and 
 root olull the present mischiefs is the pridi; of two l)arl)arians, yisraMrtAti- 
 iick, the Long Island saeiiem, and JVenekunat of the Narigenset. The 
 former is proud and fooiisli, tlie hitter is prouil and fieree. I have not 
 seen him these many years, yet, fi'om their sober men, I iiear he pleads, 
 1st. that .lura^sanutick, a very infi'rior saeliem, (bearing himself upon the 
 I'liglish,) hath slain three or four of his people, and sinee that sent him 
 elialieiiges and darings to fight and mend liimself'. 2<l. lie, JVenekunat 
 eonsiiltcd by soh'iiin niessengei-s, with the chief of the English governors, 
 ]\[aj. Endicot, then governor of the IMassaehusetts, who sent him an im- 
 plicit consent to right himself: u|)on w hich they all plead that the Eng- 
 lish have just occasion of dis]»leasure. 'M. After Ik^ had taken revenge 
 iiljoii the Long Islanders, and brought away about 14 eajnives, (divei-s of 
 fliem chief women,) yet he restored them all again, U])on the mediation 
 and desire of the English. 4tli. After this peace [was] made, the Long 
 Islaiulei-s pretending to visit JVenekunat at Itlock Island, slaughtered of 
 his Narragansets near 30 persons, at midnight ; two of them of great 
 note, especially Wtpileammock^s son, to whom ,YcHeAuna< was uncle. 5th. 
 Ill the pio.sccution of this war, although he had drawn down the inlanders 
 to his assistance, yet, upon protestation of the English against his pro- 
 ceedings, he retreated and dissolved his army."* 
 
 The great Indian apostle looked not so much into these particulars, 
 being entirely engaged in the cause of the praying Indians ; but yet we 
 occasionally meet with him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence 
 against the proceeding of Uncos, and his friends the commissioners: 
 
 "The ruise of the Nipmiik Indinn!^, so far ns by tlie beat and most 
 credible intelligence, I have understood, presented to the honored general 
 court, [of Massachusetts,] 1. Uncns his men, at imawares, set upon an 
 unarmed poor people, and slew eight persons, and carried captive twenty- 
 fi)ur women and children. 2. Some of these were subjects to Mossa- 
 eluisetts government, by being tlie subjects of Josias.\ 3. They sued (or 
 relief to the worshipful governor and magistrates. 4. They were pleased 
 to send, (by some Indians,) a commission to Capt. Denison, [of Stoning- 
 toii,] to demand these captives. 5. Uncas his answer was, (as I heard,) 
 insolent. 0, They did not only abuse the women bv filthiness, but have, 
 since this demand, sold away (as I hear) some or all of those captives. 
 7. The ])oor bereaved Indians wait to see what you please to do. 8. Yon 
 were jjleased to tell them, you would jiresent it to the free court, and 
 they should ex])ect their answer from them, which they now wait for. 
 !>. .Vcnecroft, yea, all the Indians of the country, wait to see the issue of 
 this matter."}: 
 
 This memorial is dated 12tli May, 1G59, and signed by John Eliot ; 
 from which it is evident there had been great delay in relieving those 
 distressed by the haughty Uncas. And yet, whether he was caused to 
 make remuneration in any way, we do not find. 
 
 In 1()()0, "the general court of Connecticut did, by their letters directed 
 to the commissionei-s of the other colonies, this last summer, represent 
 an intolerable affront done by the Narragaiiset Indians, and the same 
 was now complained of by the English living at a new plantatipn at 
 I\Uiliegaii, viz: that some Indians did, in the dead lime of the night, shoot 
 eight bullets into an English house, and fired the same; wherein five 
 Eiiglishinen were aslec|). Of which insolcMicy the Narraganset sachems 
 Iiiue so far taken notice, as to send a slight excuse by Maj. Atherton, that 
 
 From tlic orisinol Utter, in mimtiscript, ainoiig[ the files in our sta'.c-liouse. 
 
 t Son of Chikalmtbut. 
 
 \ Manuscript state pctiier. 
 
8S 
 
 NIMGRET. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 they ilid neither consent to nor allow of such praoticos, l)ut nmke no ten- 
 der of satisfaction."* But they asited the ])riviiege to meet tliC comiii!»- 
 sioners at tlieir next session, at wliicJi time tliey gave them to understand 
 that satisfaction should be made. Tiiis could not have been other than 
 a reasonable request, l»ut it was not granted ; and messengers were forth- 
 with ordered to "repair to Minigret, Pessicus, tVoqxiacanoost, and the 
 rest of the Narraganset sachems," to 'amand "at least four of the chief 
 of them that shot into the English house." And in case they should not 
 be delivered., to demand five hundred ttithoms of wampum. They v»cre 
 directed, in particular, to " charge JVinigret with breach of covenant, and 
 high neglect of their order, sent them by Maj. Willard, six years since, 
 not to invade the Long Island Indians; and [that they] do account the 
 siu'|)rising tlie Long Island Indans at Gull Island, and murdering of 
 them, to be an insolent carriage to the English, and a barbarous and in- 
 Innnan act." These are only a few of the most prominent charges, and 
 five hundred and nLnety-fivef fathoms of wampum was the ■prict demand- 
 ed for them ; and " the general court of Conneciicut is desired and em- 
 I lowered to send a convenient company of men, under some discreet 
 eader, to force satisfaction of the same above said, and the charges of 
 recovering the same ; and in case the persons be delivered, they shall be 
 sent to Barbadoes,"t and eold for slaves. 
 
 It appears hat the force sent by Connecticut coidd not collect the 
 wampum, nor secure the ofii3nders ; but for the paytnent, condescended 
 to take a mortgage of all the Narraganset countiy, with the provision that 
 it should be void, if it were paid in four mont'xs. Quissoquus,§ JVeneglud, 
 and Scuttup,\\ signed the deed. 
 
 JVinigret did not eneage with the other Narraganset chiefs, in Philip's 
 war. Dr. Mather^ calls nim an " old crafty sachem, who had with some 
 of his men withdrawn himself from the rest." He must at this time have 
 been "an old sachem," for we meet with him as a chief, as early as 
 1G32. 
 
 Although Ninigret was not personally engaged in Philip's war, still he 
 must have suffered considerably from it; often being obliged to send 
 his people to the English, to gratify some whim or caprice, and at other 
 times to appeal* himself. On 10 Sept. 1()75, eight of his men came as 
 ambassadors to Boston, " having a certificate from Capt. Smith"** who 
 owned a large estate in Narraganset. After having finished their business, 
 they received a pass from the authorities to return to their own country. 
 This certificate or pass was fastened to a staff and carried by one in front 
 of the rest. As they were going out of Boston "a back way," two men 
 met ihem, and seized u{)on him that carried the piiss. These men were 
 brothers, who had Jmd a brother killed by Philip's men some time before. 
 This Indian they accused of killing him, and in court swore to his identi- 
 ty, and he was in a few days hanged.ff 
 
 Notwithstanding these att'airs, another enibagsy was soon atTor sent to 
 Boston. On the 15 Sept. "the authority of Boston sent a party" to order 
 JVinigret to appear there in person, to give an account of his sheltoring 
 
 * Record of the United Colonics, in Hazard, 
 
 t The additional ninety-five was for another offence, viz. '• for the insolcnries coni- 
 rnitted at Mr. Brewster's, in killing an Indian servant ^ I Rlrs. Brrwstcr's feet, to her 
 great aflrightment, and stcaline' corn, &c., and other affronts." Hazard, ii. 4'33. 
 
 J Records oft!'. United Colonies, in Hazard. 
 
 ^ The same called Queqw<^iine7it,i\ie son of Magnus. Neuroin and Awasliars were 
 witnesses. The deed itself may be seen on file among our Slate Papers. 
 
 II Grandson of Canonicus, son of Magnus, and brother of Qiiequegunent. 
 
 ir Brief History, 20. 
 
 ** Capt. Richard Smith, prubably, who settled quite early in that country. Wo find 
 liiin there 13 ycaxs before thi.«. ft rrcscul State, &c., H. 
 
Chap. IV. I 
 
 NINIGRET. 
 
 83 
 
 Qiiaiapen, ^\'' squaw-snchem of Narrngansct. lie sent ".vord that lie 
 uoiild eoiiic, " nrovidod lie might be safely returned back." l*lr. Smith, 
 " fiviiig Jiear !iim, oftercd himself, wife and children, and I'o'.ute, as hos- 
 tages" (i)r his safe return, and the embassy forthwith departed for Hoston. 
 A son,* however, of Ninigret, was deputed prime minister, "he himself 
 being very aged." 
 
 Capt. Smith accompanied them, and when they came to Roxbury tliey 
 were met by a company ol English soldiers, whose martial aj)pear- 
 unce so frightened them, that, had it not been for the presence of Mr. 
 S'nili>, they vvoidd have escaped as fi-ctm an enem)'. 
 
 Tiiey remained at IJoston several days, until " by degrees they came to 
 tills agreement: Tiiat they were to deliver the squaw-sachem within 
 «i) many days at Boston ; and the league of peace was then by them con- 
 finned, which was much to the general satis^faction ; lait many had hard 
 tlioiiiilits of them, fearing they will at last prove treacherous."! 
 
 JS'inifrret was opposed to Christianity ; not perhaps so much from a 
 (lisl)i'licf of it, as from a dislike of the practices of those who professed it. 
 ^Vlien 3!r. Mayhciv desired JVinigret to allow him ♦o pre.lch to his people, 
 tlie sagacious chief "bid him go and tnake the English good first, and 
 chid iMr. Mayheiv for hindering him from his business and labor."! 
 
 There were other Niantick sachem^i of this name, who succeeded 
 ^n'^nii^ret. 
 
 According to the author of the " Memoir of the Mohegans§," one 
 would suppose ho was alive in 171G, as that writer himself si(/>/7o.9frf; but 
 if the anecdote there giv(!n be true, it related doubtless to Charles JVini- 
 gret, who, I suppose, 'vas his son. lie is mentioned by Mason, in his his- 
 tory of the Pecpiol war, as having received a ])art of the goods taken from 
 Cai)t. Slone, at the time he was killed by the Pequots, in 1G34. The time 
 of liis death has not been ascertained. 
 
 The burying-placcs of the family ofJViiugret are in Charlestown, R. I. 
 It 13 said that the old chief was l)uried at a place; called Rurying Hill, "a 
 mile from the street." A stone in one of the places of interment has 
 tiiis inscription : — 
 
 " Here Icth the Body of Georfre, the son of Charles JVinis;rct, King; of the 
 ^''ativcs, and of Hannah his Wife. Died Dccemh>: ?/". 22, 1732 : aired (i mo." 
 '' (leorfre. the last king, was? brother of Man/ Sachem, who is now, [1882,] 
 solo hf ir to the crown. Man/ does not know her age ; but from data 
 given by her husband, John Jiarry, she must be al)out 0(5. Her mothtr's 
 liitlier v.iis Geovfre J^nnigret. Thomas his son was the next king. 
 Esther, sister of Thomas. George, the brother oi' Maiy above named, and 
 tlie la.U king crowned, died aged about 20 years. George was son of 
 Esther. Manj has daughters, but no sons."|| 
 
 On a division of the captive Petpiots, in 1G37, JVinigret was to have 
 twenty, "when he should satisfy for a mare of Eltwecd^ Pomroye's killed 
 by his men." This remained unsettled in 1059, a space of twenty-two 
 years. Tins debt certainly was outlawed! Poquin, or Poquoiam, was tlie 
 name of the man who killed the mare.** 
 
 He was a Pcquot, and brotlnn'-in-law to Miantunnomoh, and was among 
 lliosc captives assigned to him at their final dispersion, when the Pequot 
 war was ended ; at which time Pomeroy states " all sorts of horses were 
 at an high jirice." Miantunnomoh had agreed to pay the demand, but 
 his death ]ireventcd him. JVinigret was called upon, as he inherited a 
 considerable part of Miantunnomoh'' s estate, especially his part of the 
 
 * I'iol)al)ly Catapaziit. 
 
 X Dong-Ias's .Summary, ii, 118. 
 
 II IMS. commiiiiiratioii ofllev. Wvi. Ely. 
 
 IF Familiarly called Eltij, probably from ElUoood 
 
 t I'refonf State, id supra. 
 
 §1 In 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 83. 
 
 ** Hazard, ii. KS, 189. 
 
84 
 
 PESSACUS. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 { 
 
 Pequots, of whom Poqnoiam w as one. Ho was afterwards called a Nian- 
 tick and brother to Vinj^r/.* 
 
 Pessacus, ollcii in»Mitioii'"d in the precedinj^ paires, though under a 
 variety of names, wns l>orn about UU>i, and, consefiucntly, was about 20 
 years of age wiieu bis brother;, Miavtnnnomoh, was killed.f The same 
 arbitrary course, as we have seen already in tlic; present ehapter, was 
 pursued towards him by the English, us had been before to Miantunno- 
 viohy and still co.itinued towards ^Vinigret, and other Narraganset chiefs. 
 Mr. Cohbetl makes this record of him : " In the year 1645, proud Pesaa- 
 CHS witlj his Narragansets, with whom J^inigret and his Niantigs join ; 
 80 as to provoke the Knglish to a just war against them. And, accord- 
 ingly, forces were sent from all the towns to meet at Boston, and did so, 
 and had a party of fifty horee to go with them under Mr. Leveret^ as the 
 captain of the horse." Edward Gibbons was commander in chief, and 
 Mr. T/M)7n/7»oji, pastor of the churcl; in IJraintrce, " was to sound the 
 silver trumpet along with his army."§ liut they were met by deputies 
 from Pessacus and the other chiefs, and an accommodation took place, as 
 mentioned in the account of Ninigrtt. 
 
 The commissioners, having mot at New Haven in Sept. 1G4G, expected, 
 according to the treaty jjiade at Boston with the Narragansets, w 
 particularized in the life of Uncos, that they would now meet them here 
 to settle the reiiiaiising difficulties with that chief. But the time having 
 nearly expired, and none appearing, " the commissionera did seriously 
 consider what course should be taken with them. They called to minde 
 their bretch of coucnant in all the articles, that when aboue 1300 fadome 
 of wampan was due they sent, as if they woidd put a scorne vpon the 
 [English,] 20 fathome, and a finv okl kettles." The Narragansets said it 
 was owing to the backwardness of the Nianticks that the wampum had 
 not been paid, and the Nianticks laid it to the Narragansets. One huri- 
 dred fathom had been sent to the governor of Massachusetts as a present 
 I V the Nianticks, they jiromising "to send what was due to the colonies 
 ueiy speedily," but he would not accept of it. He told them they might 
 leave it with Cixhamakin, and wnen thoy had performed the rest of their 
 agreement, "he would consider of it." The commissioners had under- 
 stood, that, in the mean time, the Narraganset sachems had raised wam- 
 pum among their men, "and by good euidence it appeared, that by 
 presents of wampum, they are practisinge with the Mohawkes, and with 
 the Indyans in those parts, to engage them in some designe against the 
 English and Vncus." Therefore, "the commissioners haue a cleare way 
 open 16 right themselues, accordinge to iustice by war; yet to shew how 
 highly they prize peace with all men, and particularly to manifest their 
 forl)earance and long sufferinge to these barbarians, it was agreede, that 
 first the forementioned present should be returned," and then a declara- 
 tion of war to follow. 
 
 At the same court, complaint was brought against the people of Pessa- 
 ctis by " Mr. Pelham on behalf of Richard Woody and Mr. Pincham" 
 [Pinchon,] that they had committed sundry thefts. Mr. Brown, on be- 
 half of nm. Smith of Rehoboth, preferred a similar charg;; ; but the 
 Indians having no knowledge of the procedure, it was suspended. 
 
 Thus the Narragansets were suffered to remain unmolested until the 
 next year, and we do not hear that the story about their hiring the Mo- 
 liawks and others to assist them against Uncos and the English, turned 
 out to be any thing else but a sort of bugbear, probably invented by the 
 
 • See Hazard, ii. 152. 
 
 t IMS. letter, subscribed with the mark of the sachem Pumha.n, on file at our capital, 
 (Mass.) 
 X Z 3. iJarralive. $ luathcr's Relation, and iiazard. 
 
CHAP. IV,] 
 
 PESSACU8, 
 
 85 
 
 iht 
 
 Mohegana. "One prlncipall cause of the comiseioners meetingo to- 
 gether Qt this time, [2(5 July, K>47,] being," sny the records, "to consider 
 wliat course sh. u. I oc held with the Narraganset IndyauH ;" the charges 
 being at this time much the same as at the previous meeting. It was 
 thorofore ordered that Thomas Stanton, Benedkt Arnold, and Sergeant 
 iVaite should l)e sent to Pessacks, J^enegrate and Web'damuk, to know 
 why they had not paid the wampum as tliey agreed, and why they did 
 not come to New lla"en ; and that now they might meet Uncasai Boston ; 
 and therefore were advised to attend there without delay ; but " yf they 
 refuse or delay, they intend to send no more," and they must abide the 
 consequences. When ihe English messengers had delivered their mes- 
 sage to Pessacus, he spoke to them as follows : — 
 
 " The reason I did not meet the English sachems at JVeto Haven last year, 
 is, they did not notify me. It is tni^ I have broken my covenant these two 
 years, and that now is, and constants j has been, the gri^ofmy spirit. And 
 the reason I do not meet them now at. Boston is because 1 am sick. If I ivere 
 but pretty well I icoidd go. I have sent my mind in full to Ninigret, and 
 what he does I will abide by. I have sent towpynamett and Pomumsks to 
 go and hear, and testify that I have betrusted my fvU mind with Nenegratt. 
 You know well, however, that when I made that covenant two years ago, I 
 did it in fear of the army that I did see ; and though the English kept their 
 covenant with me, yet they were ready to go to .N'arraganset and kill me, and 
 the commissioners said they would do it, if I did not sign tvhat they had 
 written." 
 
 Moyanno, another chief, said he had confided the business with JVinigrei 
 last spring, and would now abide by whatever he should do. 
 
 When the EngUsh messengers returned and made known what had 
 been done, the commissioners said that Pessaais* speech contained " seu- 
 erall passages of vntruiu and guile, and [they] were vnsatisfyed." 
 
 What measures the English took " to right tnemselues," or whether any, 
 immediately, is not very distinctly stated ; but the next year, 1648, there 
 were some military movements o<^ *Iie English towards his country, oc- 
 casioned by the non-payment of the tribute, and some other less important 
 matters. Pessaciis, having knowledge of their approach, fled to R. Island. 
 "J^nicrajl entertained them courteously, (there they staid the Lord's 
 day,) and came back with them to Mr. Williamsi', and then PesscKtis and 
 Canonicits* son, being delivered of their fear, came to them ; and being 
 demanded about hiring the Mohawks against Uncas, they solemnly 
 denied it ; only they confessed, that the Mohawks, being a great sachem, 
 and their ancient friend, and being come so near them, they sent some 
 20 fathom of wampum for him to tread upon, as the manner of Indians 
 is."* The matter seems to have rested here ; Pessactts, as usual, 
 having promised what was desired. 
 
 This chief was killed by the Mohawks, as we have stated in the life of 
 Canonicus. His life was a scene of almost perpetual troubles. As late 
 as September, 1668, his name stands fii-st among others of his nation, in a 
 complaint sent to them by Massachusetts. The messengers sent with it 
 were Rich''^. fVayt, Capt. W. Wright, and Capt. Srn.iK Mosely ; and it was 
 in terms thus : — 
 
 " Whereas Capt. fVm. Hudson and John Viall of Boston, in the name 
 of themselves and others, proprietors of lands and farms in the Narraganset 
 country, have complained unto us, [the court of Mass.,] of the great inso- 
 lencies and injuries offered unto them and their people by several, as 
 burning their hay, killing sundry horees, and in special manner, about 
 one month since, forced some of their people from their labors in mowing 
 
 8 
 
 Winthrop's Journal, 
 
8G 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 j,'infl8 upon their own Iniul, nnd nsHnnltcd otiiprs in the high wny, fis they 
 rodo nhoiit their occasions ; l»y tin ig tnnny HtonoH at tluun and tlieir 
 horHCH, nnd heating tlioir liorses as - -(Hie n|)on tliPtn," &c. Tlio re- 
 nionHtnincc tlion gooH on wariiing tl. t dcsiHt, or otli(n-wiHo tlioy niigiit 
 expect Hcverity. Had Mosvbj l)een iw vvoll iinowi. tlien among tlic In- 
 dians, (18 lie was afterwards, iiis presenee woidd (kinlitless have l)een 
 enougli to have caused (juietness, lis periiups it did even at tliis time. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ""^'>-fri"4-^' 
 
 
 ^^^t^^~~ ~ — w^' ^ 
 
 Pi 
 
 t*^Ft» ~ ~dr'' 
 
 .. r,^-"^ ~ -'-' 
 
 -' - IK K 
 
 Wm I-"-- ■" — --fjuL 
 
 V '^ 
 
 if^^vir A 
 
 -^■^V« 
 
 
 i^ ' ^^^^J® .^fi 
 
 ? 
 
 \\M 
 
 ■ - =- '"l 
 
 rJ®83 
 
 
 ^- 
 
 ^9 
 
 f" -f ■—,.--.— "-J* 
 
 
 
 SyNffV^P 
 
 m^ ^"\ Ir^sS 
 
 
 
 
 
 skJ 
 
 m/^HuH 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 jS^ 
 
 iIhk 
 
 TjtrV^MH 
 
 Mffl 
 
 M 
 
 W^M 
 
 ^a 
 
 
 
 H^K > 
 
 Bm 
 
 K 
 
 
 
 g 
 
 mm 
 
 <' So Bwifl and black a storm behind them low'rd, 
 On wings of foar thro' dismal wastoa they soar'd. 
 
 DMtruclian of Vie Peguots." 
 
 UiNCAS — His character — Connections — Geography of the Mohegan co\mlry 
 — General account of that nation — Uncas joins the English against the 
 Pequots — Captures a chief at Sacherti's Head — Visits Boston — His 
 speech to Gov. JVinthrop — Specimen of the Mohegan language — Sequas- 
 son — The war between Uncas and Miantunnomoh — Examination of its 
 cause — The JVarragansets determine to avenge their sachem^s death — 
 Forces raised to protect Uncas — Pessacus — Great distress of Uncas — 
 Timely relief from Connecticut — Treaty of lti45 — Frequent complaints 
 against Uncas — Wequash — Obechickwod — Woosamequin. 
 
 IJncas, sachem of the Mohegans, of whom we have ah-eady had occa- 
 sion to say considerahle, has left no very favorahle character upon record. 
 His life is a series of changes, without any of those hrilliant acts of mag- 
 nanimity, which tlirow a veil over numerous errors. Mr. Gookin gives 
 us this character of him in the year 1674: (Mr. James Fitch having been 
 sent about this time to preach among the Mohegans :) " I am apt to fear, 
 says he, that a great obstruction unto his labors is in tlie sachem of those 
 Indians, wiiose name is Unkas ; an old and wicked, wilful man, a drunk- 
 ard, and otherwise very vicious ; who hath always been an opposer and 
 
K 11. 
 
 Chap. V.l 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 87 
 
 tlicy 
 their 
 5 re- 
 light 
 In- 
 Ixjen 
 
 rounmj 
 
 
 inst the 
 
 
 n—His 
 
 
 "iequas- 
 
 
 i of it9 
 
 
 leatli— 
 
 ^■•'vT 
 
 JncaS' — 
 
 tl 
 
 plaints 
 
 
 I occa- 
 
 ife 
 
 recorcl. 
 
 
 f mag- 
 
 
 ^ gives 
 
 
 ig been 
 
 
 to fear, 
 
 
 f those 
 
 
 drunk- 
 
 
 ier and 
 
 
 undonnincr of praying to Cod."* Noverthcloss, tho charitable Mr. Hiib- 
 Imrd, when ho wrote his Narrative, seems to have liad some hopes that 
 lie was a Christian, witii aliout the same grounds, nay l)ett(;r, perhaps, 
 tlian those on wliii-h Hishop If'arlnirton (h;clared Pope to be sucii. 
 
 Uncns hved to a great age. He was a sarhein Ijefore tiie I'ccpiot wars, 
 and was alive in KJHO. At this time, Mr. HiOAxtrd makes this remark 
 upon him: " lie is aliv<! and well, and may probai)ly Uvo to see ail his 
 enemies buried before him."t 
 
 Fmm an epitaph on one of his sons, copied in the Historical Collections, 
 we do not infer, as the writer there s<!eni8 to liave done, "that tho race 
 of Uncns" was " ol)noxiou3 in collonial history ;" but rather attribute it to 
 some waggish Englishman, who had no other design than that of making 
 ipurt for himself and others. It is upon his tomb-stoue, and is as follows: 
 
 Here lies the body of Snnseeto 
 
 Own son to Uuruf f^rniidson to Oiifko^ 
 
 Who were tlie famous s.iclicnis of Mohfoan 
 
 But now they are all dead I think it is werlieegen,"^ 
 
 The connections of Uncas were somewhat numerous, and the names 
 of several of them will be found as we proceed with his life, luid else- 
 where. Oneko his son was the most noted of them. 
 
 Uncas was originally a Peqnot, and one of the 26 war captains of that 
 famous but ill-fated nation. IJpcm some intestine commotions, he revolted 
 against his sachem, and set up for himself. This took place about the 
 time that nation became known to the English, perhaps in 1(J34 or 5. 
 
 By the revolt of Uncas, the Pequot territories became divided, and that 
 part called Moheag, or Mohegan, fell generally under his dominion, and 
 extended fi*om near tho Connecticut River on the south to a space of 
 disputed country on the north, next the Narragansets. By a r irrence 
 to our account of the dominions of the Pequots and Narraj onsets, a 
 pretty clear idea may be had of all three. 
 
 This sachem seems early to have courted the favor of the English, 
 which it is reasonable to suppose was occasioned by the fear he was in 
 from his potent and warlike neighbors, both on the north and on the 
 south. In May, 1(537, he was prevailed upon to join the English in their 
 war upon the Pequots. Knowing the relation in which he stood to them, 
 the English at first were nearly as afraid of Uncas and his men, as they 
 were of the Pequots. But when, on the 15 of the same month, they had 
 arrived at Saybrook fort, a circumstance happened that tended much to 
 remove their s\ispicions, and is related by Dr. Mather as follows : " Some 
 of Uncas his men being then at Saybrook, in order to assisdng the English 
 against the Pequots, espied seven Indians, and slily encompassing them, 
 slew five of them, and took one prisoner, and brought him to the English 
 fort, which was great satisfaction and enc ouragement to the English ; 
 who, before that exploit, had many feare touching the fidelity of the 
 Moheag Indians. He whom they took prisoner was a perfidious villain, 
 one that could speak English well, having in times past lived in the fort, 
 
 Moheek, since MontviUe, Ct., about 10 miles north of 
 Uitkas, and his sons, and Wanuho, are sachems." 
 
 * 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 208 
 New London, is the place " w lie 
 Ibid. 
 
 t Hist. New. Eng. 464.—" Although he be a friend to the English, yet he and all his 
 men continue pagans still," 1676. Dr. /. Mather, Brief Hist. 45. 
 
 t The writer or sculptor no doubt meant tho contrary of this, if indeed he may be 
 said to have meant any thing. 
 
 6 A genuine Indian word, and, as it is used here, means, simply, well. " Then they 
 bid me stir my instep, to see if that were frozen : I did so. When they saw that, they 
 «aid that was wurregen." StockweU's Nar. of his Captivity among the Indiana in 1677. 
 
88 
 
 (JNCAS. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 and knowing nil tliR Ktiglitih tii*>n>, hud lH>on at tlio slnuglitnring of all 
 the KngliHJi tliut witc Hluiigiitcred tlicrcahuulH. lie whh u cotitiiiiial spy 
 ul>out ttio fitrt, informing Sassnciis of wliut lu; could hnirn. When tins 
 bloody traitor waH exocutcd, \m linilM vvrro by violence pulled t'runi ono 
 onotiiur, and bnrniMl to aslicu. Sonm of the Indian executione rH barlia- 
 rounly taking IiIh tlt.-sh, they guvo it to onu another, uiul did cat it, withal 
 Hinging about the fire."* 
 
 NotwitliNtanding, both Uncn3 and Miantunnomoh were accused of Imr- 
 l>oriiig fugitive Pe(juots, after the MyHtic fight, us our uccoinits will abun- 
 dantly prove. It ia true they iiud agreed not to harbor tiieni, but pcrhupa 
 the philanthropist will not judge theui harder for erring on the score of 
 mercy, than their English friendti for their strictly religious {jurseveranco 
 ui revenge. 
 
 A traditionary story of Uncas pursuing, overtaking, and executing a 
 Pequot sacdicin, as given in the Historical Collections, may not be un- 
 
 aualiiiedly true. It was after Mystic fight, and is as follows : Most of 
 H! English forces pursued the fugitives T»y water, westward, while some 
 followed by land with Uncas and his Indians. At a point of land in 
 Guilford, they (;ume upon a great Pecjuot sachem, and a few of his men. 
 Knowing they were pursued, they hud goue into an adiacent peninsula, 
 •' hoping their pursuers would have passed by them. But Uncas knew 
 Indian's craft, and ordered some of his men to search that point. The 
 Pequots perceiving that they were pursued, swam over the mouth of the 
 harbor, which is narrow. But they were waylaid, and taken us they 
 landed. The sachem was sentenced to be shot to death. Uncas shot 
 him with an arrow, cut off his head, and stuck it up in the crotch of a 
 large oak tree near the harbor, wliero the skull remained for a great many 
 
 {rears."f This was the origin of Sachem's Head, by which name tlie 
 mrbor of Gi'ilford is well known to coasters. 
 
 Dr. Mather records the expedition of the English, but makes no men- 
 tion of Uncas. He says, they set out from Saybrook fort, and "sailed 
 westward in pursuit of the Pequots, who were fled that way. Sailing 
 along to the westward of Mononowuttuck, the wind not answering their 
 desires, they cast anchor." " Some scattering Pequots were then taken 
 and slain, as also the Pequot sachem, before expressed,! hud his head cut 
 off, whence that place did bear the name of Sachem's Head."^ 
 
 Uncases fear of the Pequots was doubtless the cause of his hostilitv to 
 them ; and when he saw them vanquished, he probably began to relent 
 his unprovoked severity towards his countrymen, many of whom were 
 his near relations ; and this may account for his endeavors to screen 
 some of them from their more vindictive enemies. The next spring 
 after the war, " Unkus, alias Okoco, the Monahegan sachem in the twist 
 of Pequod River, came to Boston with 37 men. He came from Connecti- 
 cut with Mr. Haynes, and tendered the governor a present of 20 fathom 
 of wampum. T^his was at court, and it was thought fit by the council to ^ 
 refuse it, till he had given satisfaction about the Pequots he kept, &c. 
 Upon this he was much dejected, and made account we would have 
 killed him; but, two days after, having received good satisfaction of his 
 innocency, &c. and he promising to submit to the order of the English, 
 touching the Pequots he had, and the differences between the Naragan- 
 setts and him, we accepted his present. And about half an hour after, 
 he came to the governor," and made the following speech. Laying his 
 hand upon his breast, he said, 
 
 " This heart is not mine, but yours. I have no men : they are all yours. 
 
 * Relation of the Troubles, &c. 46. 
 t Hist, Guilford, in 1 €oly Mass. Hist, 
 
 ^ Relation, 49. 
 
 Soc. 100. t His name is not meqUoned. 
 
Chap. V] 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 Cominnml me an;i dSffiniH Ikinsc, ' tvill do it. I will not hvllrvf niuj Indians* 
 word,i (ti^ninst the Uni^llsh. If antf man shall kill an Engliahinan, I will 
 put him to death, were he never so elear to mc." 
 
 "So tlio ^)vuriiur ^iivo hill) n fair rc<l runt, luul drfrnycd Ii'im mid his 
 liuMiV diet, and gavo tli«;iii forii to r<-li(!vu tlicm lionieward, and a lott(!r of 
 |mit(<ctioii to all iiitMi, &n'. and li»i departed vtTV joyful."* 
 
 For the Kratifiratioii of the curioiiH, wo ffive, fronj Dr. Edwards^s "Ol)- 
 servations on thoMuhkekuniMsw [iMohepinJ l.anjj;iia>;e,"tho Lord's prayer 
 in that dialeet. ".Vo/r//-;iii/i, ;je snummuck oi-c-on, taui^h mnu-weh wneti 
 utu-ko-se-auk ne-an-ne an-nu-woi-c-on. Taugh ne ann-chu-wut-am-uiun 
 wn-weh-lu-seek ma-weh noh pum-meh. JVe ae-noi-hil-teeh inau-weh aw- 
 au-neek noh hkei/ oie-cheek, nc nun-chu-wut-am-mun, ne au-noi-hit-teet 
 neek suuin-muk oie-cheek. Men-e-nau-nuh noo-nooh wuh-ham-auk tijuofrh 
 nuh nh-hmj-u-lain-auk nfrum-mau-weh. Ohq-u-ut-a-moii-ioe-nan-nuh an- 
 neh iiiH-ina-choi-e-au-keh. he anneh ohii-u-ut-a-mou-tvoi-e-auk num-pek 
 neek vui-nin-chek an-neh-o-qnau-keet. Clieen hqu-uk-finau-cheh-si-u-keli 
 an-neh-c-hcnau-nuh. Pan-nce-wch hlou-ive-nau-nuh neen mnum-teh-keh, 
 Ke-nh ng-weh-cheh kwi-ou-wau-wch mau-weh noh pum-mch; kt-an-woi; 
 es-tnh a 
 noi-een. 
 
 es-tnh aw-aun w-tin-noi-yu-wun ne au-noi-e-yon ; han-wee-weh ne kt-in 
 
 fl VI 
 
 ; he 
 
 Uncus was said to have been engaged in all the wars against his coiiii- 
 trynien, on the part of the English, during liiH life-tinicf He ehielded 
 some oi' the infant sottloments of Connecticut in tinica of troubles, espe- 
 rially Norwich. To the inhabitants of this town the Mohegans seemed 
 more particularly attachcid, prol)al)ly from the circumstance of some of 
 its si.'ftlers having reiicived them when besieged by JVinigret, as will bo 
 foinid related in the ensuing history. The remnant of the Moheguns, in 
 17(i8, was settled in the north-east corner of New London, about five miles 
 eouth of Norwich ; at whicli place they had a reservation. 
 
 The Mohegans had a burying-place called the Royal buryinfr-irround, 
 and this was set a{>art f«)r the family of Uncas. It is close by the falls of 
 the stream called Yantic River, in Norwich city ; " a beautiful and romantic 
 spot." The ground containing the grave of tineas is at present owned 
 by C Goddard, Esq. of Norwich. This gentleman has, very laudably, 
 caused an enclosure to be set about it.t 
 
 When the commissionere of the United Colonies had met in 1043, 
 complaint was made to them by Uncas, that Miantunnomoh had employed 
 a l*e(iuot to kill him, and that thid Pequot was one of h*s own subjects. 
 11(! shot Unca^ with an arrow, and, not doubting but that he had accom- 
 plished his purpose, " fled to the Nanohiggansets, or their confederates," 
 and proclaimed that ho had killed hitn. " Rut when it was known Vncas 
 was not dead, though wounded, the traitor was taught to say that Uncut 
 hud cut through his own arm with a flint, and hired the Pequot to say he 
 had shot and killed him. Muantinotno being sent for by the governor of 
 tiie Massachusetts upon another occasion, brought the Pequot with him : 
 but wiien this disguise would not serve, and that the English out of his 
 ftlie Pequot's] own mouth found him guilty, and would have sent him to 
 Uncus his sagamore to be proceeded against, Mijantinomo desired he 
 might not be taken out of his hands, promising [that] he would send [him] 
 himself to Vncus to lie examined and punished ; but, contrary to his 
 promise, and fearing, as it appears, his own treachery might be discoucr- 
 ed, he witliin a day or two cut oft' the Peacott's head, that he might tell 
 no talcs. After this some attempts were made to poison Vncus, and, as is 
 rci)oited, to take away his life by sorcery. That being discovered, some 
 
 * 1 1 7w//i /■(!/) , Jour. i. 2(!5-fi. 
 
 { 3t'ol. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 135. 
 
 8* 
 
 t JIS. conimunicalion of llev. Mr. Elij, 
 
90 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 of Scqunssoii's company, an Indian sagamore allied to, and an intimate 
 confueicrate with Myanlinomo, shot at Uncus as he was going down 
 Conectacutt River with a arrow or two. Vncus, according to the foresaid 
 agreement," which was, in case of difficulty between them, that the Eng- 
 lish should be applied to as umpires, complained to them. They en- 
 deavored to bring about a peace between Uncos and Set]uasson; but 
 Sequasson would hear to no overtures of the kind, and intimated that he 
 should be borne out in his resolution by Miantunnomoh. The result was 
 the war of which we have given an account in the life of Miantunnomoh. 
 We have also spoken there of the agency of the English in the affair of 
 Miantunnomoh'' s death ; but that no light may be withheld which can in 
 any way reflect upon that important as well as melancholy event, we 
 will give all that the commissioners have recorded in their records con- 
 cerning it. But firstly, we should notice, that, after JWia7i/unnof?ioA was 
 taken prisoner, the Indians afiirmed, (the adherents of Uncos doubtless,) 
 that Miantunnomoh had engaged the Mohawks to join him in his wars, 
 and that they were then encamped only a day's journey from the fron- 
 tiers, waiting for him to attain his liberty. The record then proceeds: — 
 
 " These things being duly weighed and considered, the commissioners 
 apparently see that Vncus cannot be safe while Myantenomo lives ; but 
 that, either by secret treachery or open force, his life will be still in dan- 
 ger. Wherefore they think he may justly put such a false and blood- 
 thirsty enemy to death ; but in his own jurisdiction, not in the English 
 plantations. And advising that, in the manner of his death, all mercy and 
 moderation be showed, contrary to the practice of the Indians who ex- 
 ercise tortures and cruelty. And Vncus having hitherto shown himself a 
 fiieud to the English, and in this craving their advice ; [therefore,] if the 
 Nanohiggansitts Indians or others shall unjustly assault Vncus for this 
 execution, upon notice and request the English promise to assist and 
 protect him, as far as they may, against such violence." 
 
 We presume not to commentate upon this aflair, but we would ask 
 whether it does not appear as probable, that Uncos had concerted the 
 plan with his Pequot subject for the destruction of Miantunnomoh, rs that 
 the latter had plotted for the destruction of the former. Else, why did 
 Miantunnomoh put the Pequot to death ? The commissioners do not say 
 that the Pequot had by his confession any how implicated Miantunnomoh. 
 Now, if this Pequot had been employed by him, it does not seem at all 
 likely that he would have put him to death, especially as he had not ac- 
 cused him. And, on the other hand, if he had acknowledged himself 
 guilty of attempting the life of his own sachem, that it might be charged 
 upon othei-s, it is to us a plain reason why Miantunnomoh should |)Ut him 
 to death, being fully satisfied of his guilt upon his own confession. It 
 may be concluded, therefore, that the plot against Uncos was of his own 
 or his Pequot subject's planning. The Pequot's going over to Miantun- 
 nomoh for protection is no evidence of that chief's participation in his plot. 
 And it is highly probable that, after they had left the English court, his 
 crime was aggtwated, in Miantunnomoh^ view, by some new confession 
 or discoveiy, which caused him to be forthwith executed. 
 
 As though v/ell assured that the justness of their interference would be 
 called in question, the commissioners shortly after added another clause 
 to their records, as much in exoneration of their conduct as they could 
 find words in which to express themselves. They argue that, " whereas 
 Uncos was advised [by them] to take away the life of Miantunnomoh 
 whose lawfid captive he was, they [the Narragansets] may well under- 
 stand that this is without violation of any covenant between them and 
 us ; for Uncos being in confederation with us, and one that hath diligently 
 observed his coveuanLs before mentioned, for aught we know, and requir- 
 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 UXCAS. 
 
 91 
 
 rould be 
 
 claiiao 
 
 ly could 
 
 Ivliereas 
 
 \nnomoh 
 
 under- 
 
 ^m and 
 
 [ligently 
 
 requir- 
 
 ing advice from us, upon serious consideration of the premises, viz. his 
 treaclierous and murderous disposition against Uncos, Sec. and how great 
 a disturber he iiath been of tiie coimnon peace of the whole countiy, we 
 could not in respect of the justice of the case, safety of the country, and 
 faitlifidnetJS of our friend, do otherwise than approve of the lawfulness of 
 his (lentil ; which agreeing so well with the Indians' own manners, and 
 concurring with the practice of other nations with whom we are acquaint- 
 ed ; we persuaded ourselves, however his death may be grievous at 
 jircscnt, yet the peaceable fruits of it will yield not only matter of safety 
 to the Indians, but profit to all that inhal)it this continent." 
 
 It is believed that the reader is now put in possession of every thing 
 that the English could say for themselves, upon the execution of Mian- 
 tunnomoh. He will therefore he able to decide, whether, as we have 
 stated, their judgment was made up of one kind of evidence ; and 
 whether the Narrag!«nscts had any lawyers to advocate their cause before 
 the commissioners. 
 
 After Miantunnomoh was executed, the Narragansets demanded satis- 
 faction of Uncos for the money they liad raised and paid for the redemp- 
 tion of their chief. This demand was through the English commission- 
 ers ; who, when they were met, in Sejjt. 1G44, deputed Thomas Stanton 
 to notify both parties to appear before them, that they might decide upon 
 the case according to the evidence which should be produced. 
 
 It appears that Kienemo,* the Niantick sachem, immediately deputed 
 fVeetowisse, a sachem, Pawpiamet and Pummumshe, captains, from the 
 Narragansets, with two of their men, to maintain their action before the 
 commissioners, and to complain of some insolences of Uncos besides.f 
 On a full hearing, the commissionera say, that nothing was substantiated 
 by them. " Though," they say, " several discourses liad passed from Uncos 
 and his men, that for such quantities of wampum and such parcels of other 
 goods to a great value, there might have been some j)rob bility of sparing 
 his life." Hence it appears that Unca^ had actually entered upo' a ne- 
 gotiation with the Narragansets, as in the life of Miantunnomoh has been 
 stated ; and it does not, it is thought, require but a slight acquaintance 
 with the general drill of these affairs, to discern, that Uncos had encour- 
 aged the Narragansets to send wampum, that is, their money, giving them 
 to understand that he woidd not be hard with them ; in so far, that they 
 had trusted to his generosity, and sent him a considerable amount. The 
 very face of it shows clearly, that it was a trick of Uncos to leave the 
 amount indefinitely stated, which gave him the chance, (that a knave 
 will always seize upon,) to act according to the caprice of his own mind 
 on any pretence afterwards. 
 
 The commissioners say that " no such parcels were brought," though, 
 in a few lines after, in their records, we read : " And for that wampums and 
 goods sent, [to Uncas,'\ as they were but small parcels, and scarce consid- 
 erai)le for such a purpose," namely the redemption of their chief: and 
 still, they add ; "But Uncos denieth, and the Narraganset deputies did 
 not alledge, much less prove that any ransom was agreed, nor so mucfi 
 as any treaty begun to redeem their imprisoned sachem." Therefore it 
 appeai-s quite clear that Uncos ^lad all the English in his favor, who, to 
 preserve his friendship, caressed and called him their friend ; while, on 
 the other hand, the agents from the Narragansets were frowned upon, 
 
 * The same afterwards called Ninigret. Jaitemo was dnulitless the pronunriation, / 
 being' at that time proiiounced_/i; ilierefore Jianemo miglil have been suinctinies under- 
 stood Kiaiienw. 
 
 t The author of Tales of the Indians seems dismally confused in attempting to nar- 
 rate these aiTairs, but sec Hazard, ii. 25 and "ZG, 
 
92 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 and no doubt labored under the disadvantage of not being personally 
 known to the Englisli. 
 
 As to the goods which Uncus had received, the commissioners say, "A 
 part of them [were] disposed [of J by Miantunnomoh himself, to Uncos' 
 counsellors and captains, for some favor, either past or hoped for, and 
 
 f)art were given and sent to Uncus, and to his squaw for preserving his 
 ife so long, and using him courteously during his imprisonment." 
 
 Here e'lded this matter ; but before the Narraganset deputies left the 
 court, tlu! English made them sign an agreement that they would not 
 nmke war upon f7?ica5, " vntill after the next planting of corn." And 
 even then, that they should give 30 days' notice to the English before 
 commencing hostilities. Also that if "any of the Nayantick Pecotts 
 should make any assault upon Uncus or any of his, they would deliver 
 them up to the English to be punished according to their demerits. And 
 that they would not use any means to procure the Mavvhakes to come 
 against Uncus during this truce." At the same time the English took 
 due care to notify the Narraganset commissiouera, by way of awing them 
 into terms, that if they did molest the fliohegans, all the English would 
 be upon them. 
 
 The date of this agreement, if so we may call it, is, " Hartford, the xviijth 
 of September, 1644," and was signed by four Indians ; one besides those 
 named above, called Chimougk. 
 
 That no passage might be left open for excuse, in case of war, it was 
 also mentioned, that " proof of the ransom charged" must be made satis- 
 factory to the English before war was begun. 
 
 The power of Pessacus and JVinigret at this time was much feared by 
 the English, and they were ready to believe any reports of the hostile 
 doings of the Narragansets, who, since the subjection of the Pequots, had 
 made themselves masters of all their neighboi*s, except the English, as 
 the Pequots had done before them. The Mohegans were also in great 
 fear of them, as well after as before the death of Miuntnnnomoh ; but for 
 whose misfortune in being made a prisoner by a stratagem of Uncus, or 
 liis captains, the English might have seen far greater troubles from them 
 than they did, judging from the known abilities of that great chief. 
 
 There was "a meeting extraordinary" of the commissioners of the 
 United Colonies, in July 1645, at Boston, " concerning the French busi- 
 ness, and the wars between Pissicus and Vncus being begun." Their 
 fii-st business was to despatch away messengers to request the app.oarance 
 of the head men of the belligerents to appear themselves at Boston, or to 
 send some of their chief men, that the difficulties between them might 
 be settled. 
 
 These messengers. Sergeant John Dumes, [Duv{s9] Benedict Arnold, 
 and Frupcis Smyth, on their first arrival at Narraganset, were welcomed 
 by the sachems, who offered them guides to conduct them to Uncus; 
 hnt, either having understootl their intentions, or judging from tiioir ap- 
 pearance that the English messengers meantthem no good, changed tlieir 
 deportment altogether, and in the mean time secretly despatched mosson- 
 gcrs to the Nianticks before them, giving them to understand what was 
 going forward. After this, say the messengers, " there was nothing but 
 proud and insolent passages [from jS/'inigrd.] The Indian guides which 
 tli(!y had brought with tliem from Pumhum and Sokukunoco were, by 
 frowns and threatening speeches, discouraged, and returned ; no other 
 guides could be obtained." The sachems said they knew, by what was 
 done at Hartford last ycai, that the English would urge peace, "■hut (hcif 
 tvcre resolved, they said, to huve no peuce ivithout Uncus his hend." As to 
 who began tlie war, they cared not, but they were resolved to continue 
 it ; that if the English did not withdraw their soldiers from Uncos, they 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 03 
 
 should consider it a breach of former covenants, and would procure aa 
 many Moliawks aa the English had soldiers to bring against them. They 
 reviled Uncaa for having wounded himself, and then charging it upon 
 them, and said he was no friend of the English, but would now, if he 
 durst, kill the English messengers, and lay that to them. Therefore, not 
 beuig able to proceed, the English messengers returned to the Narragan- 
 sets, and acquainted Pessacus of what had passed, desiring he would fur- 
 nish them with guides ; " he, (in scorn, as they apprehended it,) offered 
 them an old Peacott sqi'aw." 
 
 The messengers now thought themselves in danger of being massacred ; 
 "three Indians with hatchets standing behind the interpreter in a suspi- 
 cious manner, while he was speaking with Pessacus, and the rest frowning 
 aiwJ expressing much distemper in their countenance and carriage." So, 
 without much loss of time, they began to retrace their steps. On leaving 
 Pessacus, they told him they should lodge at an English trading house 
 not far off that night, and if he wanted to send any word to the English, 
 he might send to them. In the morning, he invited them to return, and 
 said he would furnish them with guides to visit Uncos, but he would not 
 suspend hostilities. Not daring to risk the journey, the messengers re- 
 turned home. Arnold, the interpreter, testified that this was a true rela- 
 tion of what had passed, which is necessary to be borne in mind, as 
 something may appear, as we proceed, impeaching the veracity o^ Arnold. 
 
 Meanwhile the commissioners set forth an armament to defend Uncas, 
 at all hazards. To justify this movement, they declare, that, "considering 
 the great provocations offered, and the necessity we should be put unto of 
 making war upon the Narrohiggin, &c. and being also careful in a matter 
 of so great weight and general concernment to see the way cleared and 
 to give satisfaction to all the colonists, did think fit to advise with such of 
 the magistrates and elders of the Massachusetts as were then at hand, 
 and also with some of the chief military commanders there, who being 
 assembled, it was then agreed : First, that our engagement bound us to 
 aid and defend the Mohegan sachem. Secondly, that this aid could not 
 be intended only to defend him and his, in his fort or habitation, but, (ac- 
 cording to the common acceptation of such covenants or engagements 
 considered with the ground or occasion thereof,) so to aid him as hee 
 might be preserved in his liberty and estate. Thirdly, that this aid must 
 be speedy, least he might be swallowed up in the mean time, and so come 
 too late." 
 
 "According to the counsel and determination aforesaid, the commis- 
 sioners, considering the present danger of Uncas the Mohegan sachem, 
 (his fort having been divert? times assaulted by a great army of the Nar- 
 rohiggansets, <fec.) agreed to have 40 soldiers sent with all expedition for 
 his defense." Lieut. Athcrton and Sergeant John Davis led this company, 
 conducted by two of " Cutchamakhi's" Indians as guides. Atherton was 
 ordered not to make an " attempt upon the town otherwise than in Uncas^ 
 defence." Cajjt. Mason of Connecticut was to join him, and take the 
 chief command. Forty men were ordered also from Connecticut, and .30 
 from New Haven under Lieut. Seal}/. In their instructions to Mas..., the' 
 commissioners say, " We so now aim at the protection of the Mohegans, 
 that we would have no opportunity neglected to weaken the Narragansets 
 and their (confederates, in their number of men, their cane canoes, wig- 
 wams, wampum and goods. We look upon the Nianticks as the chief 
 incendiaries and causes of the war, and should be glad they might first 
 feel the smart of it." The Nianticks, therefore, were particularly to be 
 had in view by Mason, and he was informed at the same time that I\Ias- 
 sachusetts and Plimoutli were forthwith to send"ai!olher army to invado 
 the Narragansets." 
 
94 
 
 UNCA8. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 Chai 
 
 The commissioner now proceeded to make choice of a commander 
 in ciiief of the two armies. Mnj. Edward Gibbons was unanimously 
 elected. In liis instructions is this passage: "Whereas the scope and 
 cause of this exj)edition is not only to aid the Mohegans, but to offend 
 tlie Narraganscts, Niunticks, and other their confederates." He was di- 
 rected also to concludo a peace with them, if they desired it, provided it 
 were made with special reference to damages, &c. And they say, " But 
 withal, according to our engagements, you are to provide for Uticas' 
 future safety, that his plantations be not invaded, that his men and squaws 
 may attend tlieir planting and tishing and other occasions without fear or 
 injury, and Vssamequine, Pomhavi, SokctJconoco, Cutchaviakin, and other 
 Indians, rriends or subjects to the English, be not molested," &c. 
 
 Soon after the death of Miantimriomoh, which was in September, 1643, 
 his brother Pessacus, "the new sachem of Narraganset," then "a young 
 man about 20," sent to Governor IVinthrop of Massachusetts, as a present, 
 an otter coat, a girdle of wampum, and some of that article besides, in 
 value about £15. The messenger, named fVashose,* also a sachem, told 
 the governor that his chief desired to continue in peace with the English ; 
 but that he wa? about to make war upon Uncos, to avenge the death of 
 liis brother, and hoped they would not interfere, nor aid Uncas. The 
 governor said they wished to be at peace with all Indians, and that all 
 Indians would be at peace among themselves, and that they must agree to 
 this, or they could not accept their present. Washose said he was in- 
 structed no further than to make known his mission and leave the present^ 
 which he did, and returned to his own country. This was in Feb. 1644, 
 N. S. Within the same month, the same messenger appeared again at 
 Boston; and "his errand was, (says Gov. Winthrop,) that, seeing they, at 
 our request, had set still this year, that now this next year we would grant 
 tlieir request, and suffer them to fight with Onkiis, with many arguments." 
 But he was answered, that the English would not allow such a proceedmg, 
 and if they persisted, all the English would fall upon them. 
 
 Planting time, and 30 days besides, had passed before the English sent 
 an army to invade the Narraganscts. Pessacus and the other chiefs had 
 done all they could do to cause the English to remain neutral, but now 
 determined to wait no longer, and hostile acts were committed on both 
 sides. 
 
 The traditionary account of Uncases being besieged in his fort by the 
 Narraganscts will very properly be looked for in this connection, as it 
 has not only adorned many tales of the Indians, but has been seriously 
 urged as truth in more imposing forms. What we are about to give is 
 contained in a letter, dated at New Haven, 1.) Sept. 1796, by /Fm. Leffing- 
 well, aiid directed Dr. Trumbidl. 
 
 " At the tiiTie the Mohegan tribe of Indian.^ were besieged by the Nar- 
 raganset tribe, in a fort near the River Thames, between Norwich and 
 New London, the provisions of the besieged being nearly exhausted 
 Uncas, their sachem, found means to inform the settlers at Saybrook 
 of their distress, and the danger they would be in from the Narraganscts, 
 if the Mohegan tribe win-e cut off Ensign Thomas Lejingivell, one of 
 the first settlers there, loaded a canoe with beef, corn and peas, and in 
 the night time paddled from Saybrook into the Thames, and had the 
 address to get the whole into the fort of the besieged ; — received a deed 
 from Uncas of the town of Norwich, and made his escape that very night. 
 In consequence of which, the besiegers, finding Uncas had procured 
 relie., raised the siege, and the Mohegan tribe were saved, and have ever 
 proved strict friends to tl'.e N. England settlers."t 
 
 * Perhaps the siiiiic as Awaslwrs. 
 
 t Copied from the original, for the autlior, by Rev. Win. Ely, who thus remarks upon 
 
 Tl 
 and 
 on a 
 Thos 
 secre 
 cneiii 
 dry d 
 At 
 tioncf 
 ainon. 
 iish 
 this s) 
 Amok 
 
 it : " Tl 
 ill some 
 been sti 
 *Son 
 •o wliicl 
 among- 
 roned bj 
 of IJnca. 
 ihe folio 
 
 t MS. lell 
 
»^^-:;- 
 
 by the 
 |n, as it 
 
 jriously 
 
 jf'.ve is 
 
 .effing- 
 
 Le Nar- 
 dil and 
 iaustpd 
 ly brook 
 Tansets, 
 lone of 
 land in 
 lad the 
 fa deed 
 night, 
 [•ocured 
 jQ ever 
 
 Irks upon 
 
 Chap. V.] 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 95 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 The above agrees very well with Mr. Hyde's account. " When Uncas 
 and tribe were attacked by a potent enemy, and blocked up in their fort 
 on a hill, by the side of the great river, and almost starved to death, Lieut. 
 Thos. Leffingwell, Capt. Benj. Brewster, of said Norwich, and others, 
 secretly carried their provision, in the night seasons, upon which the 
 enemy raised the siege."* In consideration of which, " tineas gave sun- 
 dry donations of land," &c.t 
 
 At the congress of the commissioners at Boston, in 1G45, above men- 
 tioned, it was ascertained that tlie present from Pessactts still remained 
 among them, and therefore he might think it was probable that the Eng- 
 lisli had complied with their desires, as they hud not returned it. Lest 
 this should be so understood, Capt. Harding, Mr. JVelbome and Benedict 
 Arnold were ordered and conmiissioned to repair to the NaiTaganset 
 
 it : " This tradition, frcni a highly respectable source, Ti-umbull states as history; ycl, 
 in some minor points, at least, it would seem obvious that the tradition could not have 
 been strictly preserved for 150 years." ^^8. letter. 
 
 * Some very beautiful verses appeared several years since in the Connecticut Mirror, 
 to which it seems the above had given rise. They were prefaced with the following 
 among oilier observations : " In the neighborhood of Mohegan is a rude recess, envi- 
 roned by rocks, which still retains the name of the ' chair of uncas ;' " and that the people 
 of Uncas were perishing with hunger when Lejj'wgwell brought him relief. We give 
 ihe following stanzas from it : — 
 
 " The monarch sat on his rocky throne, 
 Before him the waters lay ; 
 His guards were shapeless columns of stone, 
 Their lofty helmets with moss o'ergrown, 
 And their spears of the bracken gray. 
 
 " His lamps were the fickle stars, that beamed 
 Through the veil of their midnight shroud, 
 And the reddening flashes that fitfully gleamed 
 When the distant fires of the war-dance streamed 
 Where his foes in frantic revel screamed 
 'Neath their canopy of cloud," &c. 
 
 " Behind him his leaguercd forces lay 
 
 Withering in famine's blight, 
 And he knew, with the blush of the morning ray. 
 That Philip would summon his fierce array 
 On the core of the warrior's heart to prey, 
 
 And quench a nation's light. 
 
 " It come? ! it comes '.—that misty speck 
 Which over the waters moves ! 
 • It boasts no sail, nor mast, nor deck ; 
 
 Yet dearer to him was that nameless wreck 
 Than the maid to him who loves," &.c. 
 
 " The eye of the king with that rapture blazed 
 VVhich the soul in its rapture sends ; 
 His prayer to the Spirit of good he raised, 
 And the shades of his buriea fathers praised, 
 As toward his fort he wends. 
 
 " That king hath gone to his lowly grave ! 
 
 He slumbers in dark decay ; 
 And like the cr^st of the tossing wave. 
 Like the ru=h of the blast, from the mountain cave, 
 Like the groan of the niurdered, with none to »ave, 
 
 His people have passed away," &c. 
 
 t MS. letter to Dr. TrumbuU before cited and life of Miantunnomoh. 
 
36 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 i 
 
 country, and to see, if possible, " Piscus, Canownacus, Janemo,^^ and otlier 
 sachems, and to return the present before mentioned, and to inform them 
 that tiie English were well aware of their beginning and prosecuting a 
 war upon Uncos, and their " iiaving wounded and slain divers of his men, 
 seized many of his canoes, taken some prisoners, spoiled much of hia 
 corn," refused to treat with him, and threatened the English. Neverthe- 
 less, if they would come themselves forthwith to Boston, they should be 
 heard and protected in their journey, but that none except themselves 
 would be treated with, and if they refused to come, the English were pre- 
 pared for war, and would proceed immediately against them. 
 
 Harding and fVelbome proceeded to Providence, where Arnold was to 
 join them. But he was not there, and they were informed that he dared 
 not venture atnong the Narragansets. Whether he had been acting the 
 traitor with them, or something quite as much to merit condemnation, we 
 will leave the reader to judge Irom the relation. The two former, there- 
 fore, made use of Rev. Mr. fVUliams as interpreter in their business, but 
 were reprimanded by the commissioners for it on their return. On going 
 to the Narroganset sachems, and opening their business, it appeared that 
 all they were ordered to charge them with was not true ; or, at least, 
 denied by them. These charges, it appears, had been preferred by 
 .^rnoZrf, and sworn to upon oath. The chiefs said "that lanemo, the 
 Nyantick sachem, had been ill divers days, but had now sent six men to 
 present his respects to the English, and to declare his assent and submis- 
 sion to what the Narrohiggenset sachems and the English should agree 
 upon." 
 
 It was in the end agreed, that the chiefs, Pessacus, Mexam, and divers 
 others, should proceed to Boston, agreeably to the desire of the English, 
 which they did, in company with Harding and Wdhome, who brought 
 back the old present, and fcr which they also received the censure of the 
 congress. They arrived at Boston just as the second levy of troops were 
 marching out for their country, and thus the expedition was stayed until 
 the result of a treaty should be made known. 
 
 It appeared, on a conference with the commissioners, that the sachems 
 did not fully undei-stand the nature of all the charges against thern before 
 leaving their country, and in justice to them it should be observed, that, 
 so far as the record goes, their case appears to us the easiest to be defended 
 of the three parties concerned. They told the commissioners of sundry 
 charges they had against Uncos, but they said they could not hear them, 
 for Uncos was not there to speak for himself; and that they had hindered 
 his being notified of their coming. As to a breach of covenant, they 
 maintained, for some time, that they had committed none, and that their 
 treatment of the EngUsh had been misrepresented. "But, (says our 
 record,) after a long debate and some priuate conferrence, they had with 
 Serjeant Ctdlicutt, they acknowledged they had brooken promise or coue- 
 nant in the afore menconed warrs, and offerred to make another truce with 
 Vncas, either till next planting tyme, as they had done last yeare at 
 Hartford, or for a yeare, or a yeare and a quarter." 
 
 They had been induced to make this admission, no doubt, by the per- 
 suasion of Cidlicut, who, probably, was instructed to inform them that 
 the safety of their country depended upon their compliance with the 
 wishes of the English at this time. An army of soldiers was at that mo- 
 ment parading the streets, in all the pomposity of a modern training, 
 which must have reminded them of the horrible destruction of their 
 kindred at Mystic eight yeara before. 
 
 The proposition of a truce being objected to by the English, " one of 
 the sachems offered a stick or a wand to the commissioners, expressing 
 himself, that therewith they put the power and disposition of the war mto 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 97 
 
 ays our 
 pad with 
 [)r coue- 
 iice with 
 leare at 
 
 ■s 
 
 I 
 
 their hands, and desired to know what the English woidd require of them.^ 
 Thev wore answered that the expenses and trouble they had caused the 
 English were very great, " besides the damage Vncas had sustained ; yet to 
 show </ieir moderacon, they would require of them l)ut twoo thousand fu- 
 Uiome of white wanipon for their owne satisfaccon," but that they should 
 restore to Uncas all the captives and canoes taken from him, and make 
 restitution for all the corn they had spoiled. As for tiie last-mentioned 
 offence, the sachems asserted there had been none such ; for it was not 
 the manner of the Indians to destroy com. 
 
 This most excellent and indirect reproof must have had no small effect 
 on those who heard it, as no doubt some of the actors as well as the ad- 
 visers of the destruction of the Indians' corn, previous to and during the 
 Pcquot war, were now present : Block Island, and the fertile fields upon 
 the shores of the Connecticut, must have magnified before their imagi- 
 nations. 
 
 Considering, therefore, that this charge was merely imaginary, and that 
 Uncas had taken and killed some of their people, the English consented 
 that Uncas ^' might" restore such captives and canoes as he had taken 
 from tiiem. Finally, they agreed to pay the wampum, "craning onely 
 some ease in the manner and tymes of payment," and on the evening of 
 "</ie xxvij<A of the G month, (August,) 1G45," articles to the following eliect 
 were signed by the principal Indians present : — 
 
 1. That the Narragansets and Nianticks had made war upon the Moho- 
 gaus contrary to former treaties ; that the English had sent messengers to 
 Sicm without success, which had made them prepare for war. 
 
 2. That chiefs duly authorized were now at Boston, and having ac- 
 knowledged their breach of treaties, having " thereby not only endamaged 
 Vncas, but had brought much charge and trouble vpon all the English 
 colonics, which they confest were just they should satisfy." 
 
 3. That the sachems agree for their nations to pay to the English 2000 
 fathom " of good white v.ampum, or a third part of good black wampem- 
 peage, in four payments, namely." 500 fathom in 20 days, 500 in four 
 months, 500 at or before next planting time, and 500 in two years, which 
 tlie English agree to accept as full " satisfaccon." 
 
 4. That each party of the Indians was to restore to the other all things 
 taken, and where canoes were destroyed, others "in the roome of them, 
 full as good," were to be given in return. The English obligated them- 
 selves for IJncas. 
 
 5. That as many matters cannot be treated of on account of the absence 
 of Uncas, they are to be deferred luitil the next meeting of the commis- 
 sioners at Hartford, in Sept. 1646, where both parties should be heard. 
 
 6. The Narraganset and Niantick sachems bind themselves to keep 
 peace with the P^nglish and their successors, " and with Vncas the Mohe- 
 gan sachem and his men, with Vssamequin,* Pomham, Sokaknooco, 
 Cidchamakin, Shoanan,\ Passaconatcay, and all others. And that, in case 
 difficulties occur, they are to apply to the English. 
 
 7. They promise to deliver up to the English all fugitives who shall at 
 any time be found among them ; to pay a yearly tribute, " a mouth before 
 Indian harvest, every year aflor this, at Boston," "for nil such Pecotts as 
 live amongst them," according to the treaty of 1638 ; " namely, one 
 fathom of white wampum for each Pcquot man, and half a fathom for 
 each Peacott youth, and one hand length of wamjium for each Peacott 
 man-child ; and if JVeekwash Cake\ refuse to pay this tribute for auy 
 
 ^ar uito 
 
 * Ouaamequin. 
 X Wequash Cook. 
 
 9 
 
 t Perhaps Shoshanim, or Sholan. 
 
d8 
 
 UNCAS, 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 Pcacotts with him, the Nnrrohij^ganset Bngnmorcs promise to assist the 
 Euglish aguinst hirn ;" and to yiuld up to the Eiighsh the whole Pcquot 
 country. 
 
 8. 1 he sachems promise to deliver four of their children into the hands 
 of the English, " viz'. Pissacus his eldest scnn, the sonn of Tassaquana- 
 toitt, brother to Piisacus, Jlwashanot his sonii, and Ewanp^eso's soFin, a 
 Nyantick, to be kept as pledges or hostages," until the wampum should 
 be all paid, and they had met Uncas at Hartford, and Janemo and IVype.' 
 lock* had signcxl these articles. As the children were to be sent lor, 
 WUowash, Pomamse, Jawassoe, and Waiighwamino offered their persons 
 as security for their delivery, vvjiich were accepted. 
 
 9. Both the securities and hostages were to be supported at the charge 
 of the English. 
 
 10. That if any hostilities were committed while this treaty was making, 
 and before its provisions were known, such acts not to be considered a 
 violation thereof. 
 
 11. They agree not to sell any of their lands without the consent of the 
 commissioners. 
 
 12. If any Pequots should be found among them who had murdered 
 English, they were to be delivered to the English. Here follow the 
 natues, with a mark to each. 
 
 Pessecus, 
 AuMSAAquEN,f depuhj 
 
 for the J^nticks, 
 Abdas, 
 
 POMMUSH, 
 
 cutchamakins, 
 Weekesanno, 
 
 WlTTOWASH. 
 
 We do not see McxanCs or Mlxanno's name among the signers, although 
 he is mentioned as being present, unless another name was then applied 
 to him. There were four interpreters employed upon the occasion, namely, 
 Serg. Cullicut and his Indian man, Cutchamdkin and Josins.X 
 
 From this time to the next meeting of the commissioners, the country 
 seems not to have been much disturbed. In the mean time, however, 
 Uncas, without any regard to the promise and obligations the English had 
 laid themselves under for him, undertook to chastise a Narragansot 
 eachem for some alleged offence. On opening their congress, at New 
 Haven, letters from Mr. Morton and Mr. Peters, at Pcquot, were read by 
 the commissioners, giving accounts of Uncases perfidy. The complainants 
 were sent to, and informed that Uncas was shortly to be there, and thai 
 ihey should bring their proof in order to a trial. 
 
 Meanwhile Uncas came, who, after waiting a few days, and his accn- 
 sere not af)pearing, was examined and dismissed. It appears that the 
 English at Nameoke, since Saybrook, were the suffering party, as their 
 neighboi'hood was the scene of Uncases depredations. Of some of the 
 charges he acknowledged himself guilty, especially of fighting JVecIcwask 
 [Wequasli] Cooke so near to the plantation at Pequot ; although he alleged 
 that some of the English there had encouraged TVequash to hunt upon 
 his lands. He was informed that his brother had also been guilty of some 
 offence, but neither the accuser nor the accused were present, and, there- 
 fore, it could not be acted upon. So, after a kind of reprimand, Uncas 
 was dismissed, as we have just mentioned. But before he had lefl the 
 
 • Wcpiteamock. 
 
 t Sou of Chikataubut, probably. 
 
 t Aioasequin, 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 99 
 
 a 
 
 accn- 
 lat the 
 IS theiT 
 
 of the 
 IcJiwash 
 [alleged 
 lit upon 
 J)f some 
 [, there- 
 
 Uncas 
 llefl the 
 
 
 town, Mr. fVm. MoHon arrived at court, with threo Indians, to maintain 
 the action against hitn ; he was, therefore, called in, and a hearing was 
 had, " but the conunissionere founde noe cause to alter the former 
 wiitingo giueii hitn." This was as regarded the affnir with Wequash, 
 Mr. Morton then jjroduced a Poquot powwow, named H'ampushet, who, 
 he said, had charged Uncas with having hired him to do violence to 
 another Indian, or to procure it to he done, which accordingly was 
 elfectv?d, the Indian hcing wounded with a hatchet. This crime was at 
 first laid to the charge of /Ff(jfwa*/i, as Uncas had intended. "But after 
 [wards,] the Peqiuit's powow, trouhled in conscience, could have no rest 
 till he had disconred Fnciis to he the author." Ho first related his guilt 
 to Robin,* an Indian servant of Mr. fVinthrop ; Ijut, to the surprise of the 
 whole court, Wampushet, the oidy witness, on being questioned through 
 Mr. Slnnton, the iiitoi-j)reter, told a story diametrically the reverse of what 
 lie had bclore stated. " He clcMued Vncus, and cast the yjlot and gtiilt vpon 
 JVeckwash Cooke and Robin ;" " and though the other two Pequats, where- 
 of the one was Robin^s brother, seemed much offended," and said Uncas 
 had hired him to alter his charge, "yet he persisted, and sa'nl JVeckwash 
 Cooke and Robin had giuen him a ])ayre of breeches, and promised him 
 2i* fadome of wampum, to cast the plot upon Vncus, antl that the English 
 plantacon and Pequatb knew it. The commissioners abhorring this 
 diuillish falshoode, and advisinge Vncus, if he expected any favoure and 
 resjject from the English, to haue no hand in any such designes or vniust 
 waves." 
 
 Hen'-e it appears that the court did not doubt much of the villany of 
 Uncas, lut, far reasons not required here to be named, he was treated as a 
 fond parent often treats a disobedient child ; reminded of the end to which 
 such crimes lead; and seem to threaten chastisement in their words, 
 while their deportment holds out quite different language. 
 
 At the congi-ess of the United Colonies at Boston, in July, 1647, Mr. 
 John fViiithrop of Connecticut presented a petition, "in the name of many 
 Pequatts," in the preamble of which Casmamon and Obechiquod are 
 named, requesting that they might have liberty to dwell somewhere under 
 the protection of the English, that they might appoint. They acknowl- 
 edged that their sachems and people had done very ill against the English 
 formerly, for which they had justly suffered, and been rightfully conquered 
 by the English ; but that they had had no hand, by consent or otherwise, 
 in shedding the blood of the English, and that it was by the advice of 
 JVecquash^ that they fled from their country, being promised by him that 
 the English would not hurt them, if they did not join against them. 
 The names of 02 cravuig pardon and protection were at the same time 
 communicated. 
 
 In answer the commissioners say, that while Wequash lived he had 
 made no mention of " such innocent Pequats, or from any other person 
 since ;" and on " enquiry from Thomas Stanton, from Foxon, one of Uncus 
 his men, and at last by confession of the Pequats present, found that 
 some of the petitioners were in Mistick fort in fight against the English, 
 and fled away in the smoke," and that others were at other times in arms 
 against the English and Mohegans, and, therefore, the ground of their 
 petition was false and deceitful. 
 
 It appears that they had taken refuge under Uncas, who had promised 
 
 * His Indian name was Casmamon, perhaps the same as Cassassirmamon, or Casas' 
 inemon, &c. 
 
 t Wequash, the traitor. He became a noted praying Indian, after the Peqnot war, 
 and was supposed to have died by poison. Frequent mention will be foujid of him 
 elsewhere in our work. 
 
100 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 [Book U. 
 
 tliuin gonii usagn, wliici) was prui)al>ly on condition that tlioy aliuuld \my 
 liiin u tribute. Tlii^y rcsitiiul ut this tinio at Nanivolt. 
 
 At tho hiiiik; court Obechitjuod conipluiiicd that llncas had forcibly taken 
 Hvvuy iiis wife, und eriiiiiiially obhged her to \\\o witli itini. "/bxon 
 bt^iiig present, ns Uncases deputy, wiia questioned about this base and un- 
 Hulferablo outrage; ho denied tliut Uncos citlier took or kept away 
 Obechi(]uo(Vs wifo by tiireo, and anirined that [on] Ohcchimiod's witli- 
 dravving, with other Pcsquots, from Uiicas, his wilo refused to go with 
 him ; und tliut, among the Indians, it ia usual when a wife so deserts her 
 husband, another may tuk(; her. Ohcchiquod utKrmed that Uncos had 
 dealt criminally before, and still kept her against her will." 
 
 Though not sjitistied in point of proof, the commissioners sjiy, " Yet ab- 
 lioring that lustful adultercjus carriage of Uncos, as it is acknowledged and 
 mitligated by Foxon,^^ ordered that he should restore tho wife, and that 
 Obechiquod have liberty to settle under the protection of the English, 
 where they should direct.* 
 
 Complamts at this time wore as thick upon tho head of Uncos as can 
 well be conceived of, and still we do not imagine that half the crimes he 
 was guilty of, are upon record. Another Indian named Sonaps, at the same 
 time, complained that he had dealt in like manner with the wile of another 
 chief) since dead; that he hud taken away his corn and beans, and 
 attempted his life also. The court say they found no proof, "first or last, 
 of these charges," still, as to the corn and beans, ^^ Foxon conceives Uncos 
 sei/(!d it because Sonnop, with a Pequot, in a disorderly manner with- 
 drew himself from f//»cfM." Hence it seems not much evidence vyas 
 re(piired,as Uncases deimty uniformly pleaded guilty ; and the court could 
 do no less than order that, on investigation, he should make restitution. 
 As to Sannop, who was " no Pequot," but a " Connecticut Indian," lie had 
 liberty to live under the ])rotection of the English also. 
 
 We pass now to the year KiSl, omitting to notice some few events more 
 or less connected with our subject, which, in another chapter, may properly 
 pass under review. 
 
 I.a'^* year, Tlios. Stanton had hoen ordered "to get an account of the 
 number and names of the several Pequo'.s living among the Nairagansets, 
 Nianticks, or Mohegan Indians, &c. ; who, by an agreement made after 
 the Pequot war, are justly tributaries to the English colonies, and to 
 receive the tribute due for this last year." Stanton now ai)peared as 
 interpreter, and with him came also Uncos and several of hia men, fFe- 
 qiMsh Cook and some of " J^nnacrafVs" men, " Robert, a Pequot, some- 
 times a servant to Mr. ffinthrop, and some with him, and some Pequots 
 living on Long Island." They at this time delivered 312 fathom of wam- 
 pum. Of this Uncos brought 7*J, JVinigreVs men 91, &c. 
 
 "This wampum being laid down. Uncos and others of the Pequots 
 demanded why this tribute was required, how long it was to continue, 
 und whether the children to be born hereafter were to pay it." They^ 
 were answered that the tribute had been due ytirly from the Pequots' 
 since 1038, on occount of their murders, wars, &c. upon the English. 
 " Wherefore the commissioners might have required both account and 
 payment, as of a just debt, for time j)ast, but are contented, if it be 
 thankfully accepted, to remit what is j)ast, accoimting only from 1(550, 
 when Tfiomas Stanton's employment and salary began." Also that the 
 tribute should end in ton years more, and that children hercafler bora 
 should be exemjjt. Hitherto all male children were taxed. 
 
 *'l'liis chief is the same, wo l)> lieve, called in a later part of the records, (Hazard, ii. 
 413,) Ahbacliickwood . He was fined, with seven others, ten fathom of wampum for 
 goinjj to fight the Pocomptuck Indians with Uncas, in the summer of lG5i). 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 101 
 
 quots 
 itinue, 
 
 They. 
 
 qiiots 
 
 gtish. 
 
 t and 
 it be 
 1650, 
 
 It the 
 bora 
 
 '.ard, ii. 
 lum tor 
 
 The next mattftr with which wo shall proceed hnfl, in the life of 
 (hiaamequin, l)cen merely glanced at, and reserved f'>r this place, to which 
 it more properly belong. 
 
 We have now arrived to the year IfiOl, and it was in the H|)ring of this 
 year that a war broke out between Uncos and the old sacheiu beforo 
 nurned. It seeniH very clear that the Wainpanoags had been friendly to 
 the Narraganseta, for a long time previous, but, Heparated as they were 
 from them, were not often involved in their troubles. They saw how 
 Uncns was favored by the English, and were, therefore, careful to have 
 nothing to do with the Mohegans, from whom they were still fiirther 
 r<;inov(!d. Of the rise, progress and termination of their war upon the 
 tiunbaogs, a tribe of Nipniuoks belonging to Ousamequvi, the reader may 
 gather the most important facts from some documents,* which wo shall 
 iu the next place lay beforo him. 
 
 "Mercurius de Quabaconk, or a declaration of the dealings of Uncca 
 and the Mohegin Indians, to certain Indians the inhabitants of Qua- 
 baconk, 21, Hd mo. 1G(J1. 
 
 "About ten weeks since Uncos' son, accompanied with 70 Indians, set 
 U|)<)n the Indians at Quabaconk, and slew three persons, and earned away 
 six prisoners ; among which were one squaw and her two children, whom 
 when he had brought to the fort, Uncas dismissed the scjuaw, on condi- 
 tions that she would go home and bring him £25 in peag, two guns and 
 two blankets, for the release of herself and her children, which as yet 
 she hath not done, being retained by the sagamore of Wesliakeim, in 
 hopes that their league with the English will free them. 
 
 " At the same time he carried away also, in stnft" and money, to the 
 value of £37, and at such time as Uncas received notice of the dis- 
 pleasure of the English in the Massachusetts by the worshipful Mr. 
 IVinthrop, he insolently laughed them to scorn, and professed that hu 
 would still go on as he had begun, and assay who dares to controll him. 
 Moreover, four days since there came home a prisoner that escaped ; two 
 yet remaining, whom Uncas threatens, the one of them to kill, and the 
 other to sell away as a slave, and still threatens to continue his war against 
 therr, notwithstanding any prohibition whatsoever ; whose very threats 
 are so terrible, that our Indians dare not wander far from the towns about 
 the Indians for fear of surprise. 
 
 From the relation of 
 
 Pambassua, 
 and testimony f 
 
 WASAMAsirr, 
 
 » QtJA<JUE<inUNSET, 
 
 and others." 
 
 From this narrative it is very plain that Uncas cared very little for the 
 displeasure of the English : it is plain, also, that he knew as well as they 
 what kept them from dealing as severely with him as with the Narra- 
 guiisets, liis neighbors. They must succumb to him, to keep him in a 
 temper to aid in fighting their battles when called upon. Hence, when 
 he had committed the grossest insults on other Indians, the wheels of 
 justice often moved so slow, that they arrived not at their object until it 
 hud become quite another matter. It must, however, be considered that 
 the English were very peculiarly situated — upon the very margin of an 
 unknown wilderness, enclosed but on one side by Indians, whose chief 
 business was war. They had destroyed the I'equots, but this only added 
 
 * In manuscript, and never before published. 
 
109 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 [Dooi n. 
 
 to their fiinre, for th«y know that rnvcngo hirkcd still in the hroaatfl of 
 iMiuiy, wlio only wrro waiting for an o|t])ortimity to gratify it ; thcreforo, 
 HO long an one of tlio nio.-<t ninn*>roiis trilien could |)ONHit>ly hn ki<pt oii. 
 their Hide, tho Kngli.sh ronrndcMfd thrniHelvoH in Kafrty. They had tnailo 
 nimiy iniHHte|>s in their ])roeeedings with the IndiaiiH, owing HoinetiineH to 
 one cause and Hornetirnt.-s to anotlier, for which now thore was no reme- 
 dy ; nnd it i« douhtful wherher, even at this day, if any Hct of men wero 
 to go into an unknown region and Hettlu among wild men, that they would 
 get along with tlicni 8o much better than our fathers did with th(< Indians 
 here, as some may have imagined. Tlieacaro considerations which nnist 
 bo taken into account in estimnting tho " wrongs of the Indians." They 
 seem tho more necessary, in this place, for in tho biography of Uncaa 
 th(>re is as much, perhaps, to censure regarding tho acts ot tho English, 
 a.s in any other article of Indian history. 
 
 Tho narrative just recited being sent in to the court of Massachusetts, 
 was reft!rredto u select conunittee, who, on tho 1 Juiif, reported, 
 
 That letters should bo sent to Uncas, signifying how sensible tho court 
 was of the injuries he had done them, by his outrage upon the Indians 
 of Quabaconk, who lived under their sagamore IVassnmagin, as set forth 
 in tho narrative. Tliat, therefore, they now desired him to give up tho 
 captives and make restitution for all the goods taken from them, and to 
 forbear for time to conio all such unlawful acts. That if Wasmmn<rin or 
 liis sid)ject8 had or should do him or his subjects any wrong, the English 
 would, upon due |)roof, cause recompense to be made. Also that Uncas 
 be given to understand and assured, that if ho refuse to comply with the 
 request, they were then resolved to right the injuries upon him and his, 
 and for all costs they might bo put to in tho service. " That for the en- 
 couragement and safety of the sayd Wassamagin and his subj(!cts, thero 
 bo by order of Major filllard three or four ormed men, well accomodnto 
 in all res|M}cts, with a proporcon of powder, bulletts and match sent from 
 Lancaster to Quabaconk vnto the n.-iyd Wassamagin, there to stay a night 
 or two, and to shootc of their musqucts so often, and in such wise, as the 
 major shall direct, to territie the enemies of Wassamagin, and so to return 
 home again." To inform Wassamagin and his subjects that the authorities 
 of Massachusetts would esteem it an acknowledgmeni of their regard, 
 if they would permit them to have the captives to be recovered from 
 Uncas, to bring them up in a proper manner, that they might bo senice- 
 able to their friends, &c. Also, "aduice an(' rc(|uire Wassamagin and his 
 men to be verie carefull of iniuring or any ways prouoking of Vncas, or 
 any of his men, as he will answer our displeasure therein, and incurr due 
 punishment for the same." That if Uncas committed any other hostile 
 acts, he rnus. complain to them, &c.* Thus Ousamequin was as much 
 threatened as Uncas. 
 
 Matters seem to have remained thus until the meeting of the commis- 
 sioners in September following ; when, m due course, the business was 
 called up, and acted upon as follows : — 
 
 " Vpon complaint made to the comissionars of tlie Massachusetts 
 against Vnkas, this following message was sent to him : — 
 
 " Vncas, wee haue receiued information and complaint from the gcnerall 
 court of the Massachusetts of youer hostile invading ofWosamequin and the 
 Indians of Quabakutt, whoe are and ionge haue bine subjects to the 
 English, killing some and carrying away others ; spoyling theire goods to 
 the vallue of 331b. as they allege." That he had done this contrary to his 
 covenants, and had taken no notice of the demands of the Massachusetts, 
 though some time since they had ordered him to deliver up the captives. 
 
 * Here ends our MSS. relating to this afTair. 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 UNCAS. 
 
 ton 
 
 inimis- 
 ss was 
 
 husetts 
 
 3nerall 
 lud the 
 to the 
 jods to 
 tohw 
 uisetts, 
 iptives, 
 
 « 
 
 M 
 
 nmko rriiiiintTiition, &'r. And to wliicli lie hnd n'fiiriu'd no aiiHW«T; 
 "whicli," ••onliiiiif.s the letter, "weenies to bee an itisoleeit and |ir()n<l 
 rarriiip'ol "voiier-*. U'eeaunot lint uonder att it, and must lieare witnens 
 n),'ainst it." Ilo was, as iKl'dii-, re'inired to return tlu! ea|)tiv«'S, &■<•., and 
 pive reasons lor his operations ; and if he negleeteil to do wo, the Mabsa- 
 chnseltH were at liherty to r\fi\\\ theniselves. 
 
 In the mean time, as ue ii|i|)rehend, a h'tter from Uncus was rereived, 
 written by Cn\)t. Mdsou, wliieh was a.>j tbllowH: — 
 
 " VVIioras there was a warrant sent from the roiirt of Boston, (hitcd in 
 my last to ynms, suehem of Moiie^en, wherin it was declared vpon tlio 
 roniplaint of lyfsnmei/utn,* a sachem Hiil)jeet to the IMaHwaehnsetts, that 
 tlu! said' } ncua had ((ilered {.neat violence to iheiro sid»jeets at Qualtauk, 
 killing; some and takini; others eapline ; whieh warrant eaine not to I'licas, 
 not ai)oue iiO dales hvforc tliesi; presents, who, hein^f smiiinoned by Major 
 John Mason, in foil Hcopo of the said warrant, wherein ho was deeply 
 ohar<;ed if lie did not return the ea|)tiiies, and £.'<<*{ damage, then the 
 Massaehnsetts would reeoner it by force of amies, which to him was nery 
 prieiious: |)rofessing he was alto{?t'lli«'i' i^'iiorant that they were subjects 
 belonjrinj? to the IVIassachnsetts ; and fiu'ther said that they were none of 
 lf'cs(iine(iuen\<t men, l)ut belonjL^inp to Onopcquin, his deadly eneniio, whoe 
 was there borne ; one of the men then taken was his own cousin, who 
 iiad formerly ibiight atrainst him in his own person ; and yett sett him att 
 lihertie ; and fm-tlier sailh that all the captiues were sent home. Alsoe 
 that ffcsainequinl^s] son, and diners of his men had fouf,'ht against him 
 diuers times. This he desired might bee returned us his answaro to tho 
 coinissioncrs. 
 
 ^^Mexander allis Jf'nmsuUa, sachem of Sownmsett, being now att Ply- 
 mouth, hoc challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him; and further 
 said that hee did warr against Vncas this summer on that accoiuit.f 
 
 Signed by 
 
 John Mason." 
 
 The particidars of the issue of these troubles were not recorded, and 
 the nresmnption is, that Uncos com|)lied with the reasonable requests of 
 tho Englisii, and the old peaceable Ousameqiiin, being unwilling to get 
 into diffici'lty, put up with the residt without avenging his wrongs. His 
 son, Wamstitta, as will be seen, about this time found himself involved 
 in difficulties nearer home, whicli probably prevented him from continuing 
 tlie war against Uncas, had he been otherwise disposed. 
 
 * \\y tliis it would seem tliat Massasuit had, for some time, resided amon^ the Nip> 
 mucks. He had, probably, pfivoii up Pokanokct to his sons. 
 
 t It seems always to have been unrertnin to whom the Nipmucks bcloiin-od. linger 
 Williams says, in 1GC3, " That all the Nccpmurks were unquestionably subject to the 
 Nanhlfjonsct sachems, and, in a special manner, to Mejicsah, the son ol (\iunntmicus, 
 ami late husband to this old Sqiiaio-ifticliem, now only survivinjj. I have abundant and 
 daily proof of it." &c. MS. letter. Sec life Miis.<i(isoit, b. ii. chap. ii. 
 
 At one time, Kittshrtma/rin claimed some of ilie Nipnuicks, or consented to be made a 
 tool of by some of them, for some private end. R\it Mr. Pynchon said they would not 
 own him as a sacliem any lonj^er " than the sun shined upon him." Ha<I they bclonq-ed 
 to him, RFassjic husetts must have owned them, which woulil have involved them ianiucli 
 difticuliy la 1618, by reason of several murders among ihcm. 
 
104 
 
 [Book n. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of the Pcquot nation — Geography of their country — Sasskcvs, their Jirst 
 chief, known to the English — IVar — The cause of it — Wequash — Ca- 
 noniciis and Miantunnomoh accused of harboring fugitive Pequots — jSaw- 
 samon — Mononotto — Olash — Cassassinnamon. 
 
 It ia said by Mr. Hubbard,* that the Peqnots,f " being a more fierce, 
 cruel and warhke peojjle than the rest of the Indians, came down out of 
 the more inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of 
 the goodliest places near the sea, and became a terror to all their neigh- 
 bors." The tiine of their emigration is unkno>vn. They made all the 
 other tribes "stand in awe, though fewer in number than the ^larragan- 
 sets, that bordered next upon them."| 
 
 Their country, according to Mr. Gookin,§ "the English of Connecticut 
 jurisdiction, doth now, [1674,] for the most i)art, possess." Their dominion, 
 or that of their chief sachem, was, according to the same author, " over 
 divers petty sagamores ; as over part of Long Island, over the Mohegans, 
 and over the sagamores of Quinapeake, [now New Haven,] yea, over all 
 the people that dwelt upon Connecticut River, and over some of the 
 most southerly inhabitants of the Nipmuck country, about Quinabaag." 
 The principal seat of the sagamores was near the mouth of Pequot 
 River, now called the Thames, where New London stands. "These 
 Pequots, as old Indians relate, could, in former times, raise 4000 men fil 
 for war."|| The first great chief of this nation, known to the English, 
 was Sassacus, whose name was a terror to all the neighboring tribes of 
 Indians. From the fruitful letters of the Rev. Roger Williains, we learn 
 that he had a brother by the name of Puppompoges, whose residence was 
 Qt Monahiganick, probably Mohegan. Although Sassacus^s principal 
 residence was upon the Thames, yet, in his highest prosperity, he had 
 under him no less than 26 sachems, and his dominions were from Narra- 
 ganset Bay to Hudson's River, in the direction of the sea-coast. Long Island 
 was also under him, and his authority was undisputed far into the country. 
 
 About the time the English had determined on the subjugation of the 
 Pequots, Roger Williams wrote to Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, 
 giving him important directions how they should proceed to advantage, 
 and what was very important then, gave the following rude draft of tiieit 
 country : — 
 
 River Qunnihtieut.lT 
 
 O •* fort of the Niantaquit** men, confoderato with tho Poquts. 
 Mohiganic Rivor. 
 
 n Weinshauka, whera 
 
 Sasacous, tlio chief sachitn, iM. 
 
 Ohom- 1 
 iwamp I 
 
 I owauke,tt the 
 I 3 or 4 miles from 
 
 Mis- O tick, where is Jifamoho,iX another chief sachim. 
 
 ^/VWWWWWWWVVWWVWWWWW 
 
 River. 
 
 Nayan- Q taquit,** where is tfepiteammok and our (riendi. 
 
 River. 
 
 * Narrative, i. IIG. 
 
 f We believe this name meant Gray foxes, hence Gray-fox Indians, orPequota. 
 
 } Hist. New England, 33. 
 
 ASce his Collections iii 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 147. fl lb. 
 
 t (^nnncclicut. ** Nianlick. tt A name signifying an OwPt nest. Same litttr. 
 
 \\ Probably MononoUo. 
 
Chap. VI] 
 
 OF THE PEUUOT NATION. 
 
 105 
 
 In tlio same letter, Mr. HlUiams urges the necessity of employing 
 faithful guides for the English forces; "us shall be best liked of [to] be 
 taken along to direct, especially two Pt-quts; viz. IVequash, [whose name 
 signified a swan,] and IVutlackquiackommin, valiant men, especially the 
 latter, who have lived these three or four years with the Nanhiggonticks, 
 and know every pass and passage amongst them, who desire armor to 
 enter their houses." 
 
 The Pequots having, for a long time, exercised their power without 
 restraint among their countrymen, according to the custom of savage 
 nations, which wr.s a right always assumed by the strongest, and yet too 
 much the case with those nations calling themselves civilized, extended, 
 therefore, tlie same carriage towards the English as to the rest of their 
 neighbors — killing such as came in their way, who refused a compliance 
 with their demands. Captains Slone^ JVorton and Oldham, were succes- 
 sively murdered by them, in and about Connecticut River. The English 
 could get no satisfaction of them, and being assured of the assistance of 
 the Narragansets, detemiined to subdue them. Early in the summer of 
 lt)37, forces from Connecticut, under Captain John Mason, and from 
 Massachusetts, under Captain /«rad! iS/oug-Ziion, were sent on tliis design. 
 A part of the Massachusetts forces only, under Captain Underhill, who 
 was before stationed at Saybrook fort, shared in the taking of the strong 
 fort of Sassacus. This fort was situated upon an eminence in the present 
 town of Groton, Connecticut. The English arrived in its vicinity on the 
 25tii of May ; and on the 2Gth, before day, with about 500 Indians, encom- 
 passed it, and began a furious attack. The Mohegans and Narragansets 
 discovered great fear on approaching the fort, and could not believe that 
 the English would dare to attack it. When they came to the foot of the 
 hill on v/hich it was situated. Captain Mason was apprehensive of being 
 abandoned by them, and, making a halt, sent for Uncas, who led the Mo- 
 hegans, and JVequash, their pilot, who was a fugitive Pequot chief,* and 
 urged them not to desert him, but to follow liim at any distance they 
 pleased. These Indians had all along told the English they dared not 
 fight the Pequots, but boasted how they themselves would fight. Mason 
 told them now they should see whether Englishmen would fight or not. 
 Notwithstanding their boastings, they could not overcome the terror 
 which the name of Sassacus had inspired in them, and they kept at a safe 
 distance, until the fight was over ; but assisted considerably in repelling 
 the attacks of the Pequots, in the retreat from the fort ; — for the Pequots, 
 on recovering from their consrrrnation, collected in a considerable body, 
 and fought the confederates for many miles. 
 
 The English had but 77 men, which were divided into two companies, 
 one led by Maiion, and the other by Underhill. The Indians were all 
 within their fort, asleep in their wigwams, and the barking of a dog was 
 the first notice they had of the approach of the enemy, yet very few 
 know the cause of the alarm, until met by the naked swords of the foe. 
 The fort had two entrances at opposite points, into which each party of 
 English were led, sword in hand. " IVanux ! wanux :"f was the cry of 
 Sassacus's men ; and such was their surprise, that they made very feeble 
 resistance. Having only their own missile weapons, they could do nothing 
 at hand to hand, with the English broad-swords. They were pursued 
 
 ^\a. 
 
 *T1)C same, it Is believed, elsewhere called Waquash Cook ; " vvliich Wequash, (says 
 Dr. /. Mather,) was by I'irlli a saclicm of lliiil place, [where Sassacus lived,] but upon 
 some disgust received, he wciit from the l'e(|uols to the Narragansets, and Dccamc a 
 chief captain under Miantunnomoh.'' Relation, 1\. 
 
 } Allen's History of the Pequot War. It s\giuf\c(\, Ene;li!<hmeu .' Englishmett ! In 
 Mason's history, it is written Owunux. Allen merely copied from Mason, with a few 
 tucli variations. 
 
106 
 
 OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 
 
 [Book U. 
 
 from wigwam to wigwam, and slaughtered in eveiy secret place. Wo- 
 men and children were cut to pieces, while endeavoring to hide themselves 
 in and under their heds. At length fire was set in the mats that covered 
 the wigwams, which furiously spread over the whole fort, and the dead 
 and dying were together consumed. A part of the English had formed 
 a circumference upon the outside, and shot such as attempted to fly. 
 Many ascended the pickets to escape the flames, hut were shot down by 
 those stationed for that purpose. About 600 persons were supposed to 
 have perished in this fight ; or perhaps I should say, massacre.* There 
 were but two English killed, and about 20 wounded. Sassacus himself 
 was in another Ibrt, and being infi)rmed of the ravages of the English, 
 destroyed his habitations, and, with about 80 others, fled to the Mohawks, 
 who treacherously beheaded him. 
 
 Notwithstanding the great slaughter at Mistiek, there were great num- 
 bers of Pequots in the country, and were hunted from swamp to swamp, 
 nnd their numbers thinned continually, until a remnant promised to appear 
 no more as a nation. 
 
 The English, under Captain StougMon, came into Pequot River about a 
 fortnight after the Mistiek fight, and assisted in the work of their exter- 
 mination. After his arrival in the enemy's country, he wrote to the 
 governor of Massachusetts, as follows : — " By this pinnace, you shall 
 receive 48 or 50 women and children, unless there stay any here to ba 
 helpful, &c. Concerning vvhich, there is one, I formerly mentioned, that 
 is the fairest and largest that I saw atnongst them, to whom I have given 
 a coate tocloathe her. It is my desire to have her for a servant, if it may 
 stand with your good liking, else not. There is a little squaw that steward 
 Culacut desireth, to whom he hath given a coate. Lieut. Davenport also 
 desireth one, to wit, a small one, that hath three strokes upon her stomach, 
 thus: — III -|-' He desireth her, if it will stand with your good hking. 
 Sosoinon, the Indian, desireth a young little squaw, which 1 know not. 
 
 " At present, Mr. Haynes, Mr. Ludlo, Captain Mdson, and 30 men are 
 with us in Pequot River, and we shall the next week joine in seeing what 
 we can do against Sassacus, and another great sagamore, Monotvattuck^ 
 [Mononotto.] Here is yet good work to be done, and how dear it will 
 cost is unknown. Sassacus is resolved to sell his life, and so the other 
 with their company, as dear as they can."f 
 
 Perhaj)s it will be judged that Stoughton was looking more after the 
 profit arising from the sale of captives, than for warriora to fight with. 
 Indeed, Mason's account does not give him much credit. 
 
 There was a manifest disposition on the part of Uncas, Canonicus, 
 Miantunnomoh and J\inigret, and perhaps other chiefs, to screen the poor, 
 denounced and flying Pequots, who liad escaped the flames and swords 
 of the English in their war with them. Part of a corresponuence about 
 these sachems' harboring them, between R. Williams and the governor of 
 Massachusetts, is preserved in the Massachusetts Collections; horn which 
 it appeal's that Massachusetts had requested Mr. Williams to explain to 
 the chiefs the consequences to be depended upon, if they did not strictly 
 observe their agreement in regard to the fiigitive Pequots. Oiash\ carried 
 t'> Mr. Williams a letter from the Massachusetts governor upon this sub- 
 ject. After he had obeyed its contents, as far as he was able, he answered, 
 that he went with Olash "to the Nanhiggonticks, and having got Canouni- 
 eus and Miantimnomu, with their council, together, I acquainted them 
 
 * " It was supposed," says Mather, " lliat no less than 500 or 600 Pequot souls wero 
 brougbt clown to liell that day." Jlelalion, 47. Wc in chanty suppose that by hell the doctor 
 uuly meant death. 
 
 t Manuscrij)t letter of Captain Stoughton, on file among our state papers. 
 
 ^ Yotaanh, Mr. Williams writes his name. 
 
e to bd 
 
 liking. 
 
 monicus, 
 [ic poor, 
 
 swords 
 le about 
 }rnor of 
 which 
 [plain to 
 
 strictly 
 
 carried 
 his sub- 
 Iswercd, 
 mnouni- 
 
 d them 
 
 liuls wero 
 llie dodo? 
 
 Chap. VI.] 
 
 OF THE PEQUOT NATION. 
 
 107 
 
 faithfully with the contents of your letter, both gvievances and threatenin^a ; 
 and to (leirionstrate, 1 produced the copy of the league, (which Mr. [Sir 
 Henry] Vane sent me,) and, with breaking of a straw in two or three 
 places, I showed them what they had done." 
 
 These chiefs gave Mr. Williams to understand, that when Mr. Governor 
 understood what they had to say, he would he satisfied with their con- 
 duct ; tliat they did not wish to make trouble, but they ^^ could relate 
 many particulars wherein the English had broken their promises," since the 
 war. 
 
 In regard to some squaws that had escaped from the English, Canonicua 
 said he had not seen any, but heard of some, and immediately ordered 
 them to be carried back again, and had not since heard of them, but 
 would now have the country searched for them, to satisfy the governor. 
 
 Miantunnomoh said he had never heard of but six, nor saw but four of 
 them ; which being brought to him, he was angry, and asked those who 
 brought them, why they tiid not carry them to Mr. Williams, that he might 
 convey them to the English. They told him the squaws were lame, and 
 could not go ; upon which Miantunnomoh sent to Mr. Williams to come 
 and take them. Mr. Williams could not attend to it, and in his turn 
 ordered Miantunnomoh to do it, who said he was busy and could not; "as 
 indeed he was, (says Williams,) in a strange kind of solemnity, wherein 
 the .sachims eat nothing but at night, and all the natives round about the 
 countiy were feasted." In the mean time the squaws escaped. 
 
 Miantunnomoh said he was sorry that the governor should think he 
 wanted these squaws, for he did not. Mr. Williams told him he knew of 
 his sending for one. Of this charge he fairly cleared liimself, saying, the 
 one sent for was not for himself, but for Sassamun,* who was lying lame 
 at his house ; that Sassamun fell in there in his way to Pequt, whither he 
 had been sent by the governor. The squaw he wanted was a sachem's 
 daughter, who had been a particular friend of Miantunnomoh during 
 his life-time ; therefore, in kindness to his dead friend, he wished to 
 ransom her. 
 
 Moreover, Miantunnomoh said, he and his people were true " to the 
 English in life or death," and but for which, he said, Okase [Unkus] and 
 his Mohiganeucks had long since {)roved false, as he still feared they 
 would. For, he said, they had never foiuid a Pequot, and added, " Chenoch 
 ejuse wetompatimucksT^ that is, "Did ever friends deal so with friends?" 
 5lr. Williams requiring more particular explanation, Miantunnomoh prt>- 
 ceeded : — 
 
 " My brother, Yotaash, had seized Mpon Puttaquppuunck, Qiiamc, and 20 
 Pequots, and 60 squaws; they killed l!iree and bound the rest, whom they 
 watched all night. Then they sent .or the English, and delivered them 
 in the morning to them. I came by land, according to promise, with 200 
 men, billing 10 Pequots by the way. I desired to see the great sachem, 
 Puttaquppuunck, whom my brother had taken, who was now in the Eng- 
 lish houses, but the English thrust at me with a pike many limes, that I 
 diu*st not come near the door." 
 
 Mr. William's told him they did not know him, else they would not ; but 
 Miantunnomoh answered, " All my company were disheartened, and they 
 all, and Cuishanwqtiene, desired to be gone." Besides, ho said, " two of my 
 men, Wagonckivhut\ and Maunamoh [Mdhamoh] were their guides to 
 Sesquankit, from the river's mouth." U|)on which, Mr. Williams adds to 
 tlie governor: "Sir, I dare not stir coals, but I saw them too much disre- 
 garded by fuany." 
 
 * Probably tlic same incntioiifil allcrwards. 
 Eassnmofi, or his lirotlicr Rowland. 
 \ Perhaps Wali^umacut, or WMltginnacut. 
 
 Ho might iiave been the fainoui J0lm 
 
 y 
 
108 
 
 MONONOTTO. 
 
 [Book II. 
 
 Mr. Williams told the sachems " they received Pequts and wampom 
 without Mr. Governor's consent Cannounicus replied, that although he 
 and Miantunnomu had paid many hundred lathoni of wampum to their 
 soldiers, as Mr. Governor did, yet he had not received one yard of beads 
 nor a Pequt. Nor, saith Miantunnomu, did I, hut one small present from 
 four women of Long Island, which were no Pequts, but of that isle, being 
 afraid, desired to put themselves under my ])rotection." 
 
 The Pecpiot war has generally been looked upon with regret, by all 
 good men, since. To cxterjninate a people before they had any oppor- 
 tunity to be'',ome enlightenetl, that is, to be made acquainted with the 
 reason of other usjiges towards their lellow beings than those in which 
 they had been brought up, is a great cause of lamentation ; and if it proves 
 any thing, it proves that great ijinorance and barbarism lurked in the 
 hearts of their exterminatoi-s. We do not mean to exclude by this re- 
 mark the great body of the present inhabitants of the earth from the 
 charge of such barbarism. 
 
 In the records of the United Colonies for the year 1G47, it is men- 
 tioned that "Mr. John Jf'inthrop making claim to a great quantity of land 
 at Niantic by purchase from the Indians, gave in to the cotiimissioners a 
 petition in those words : — 'Whereas I had the land of Niantick by a deed 
 of gift and purchiise from the sachem [Sassucus] before the Tl^equot] 
 wars, I desire the commissionere will be pleased to confirm it unto ine, 
 and clear it from any cltum of English and Indians according to the 
 equity of the case.' " fVinthrop had no writing from Sassncus, and full 
 ten years had elapsed since the transaction, ] iit Frotnatush, Jf'ainberquaske 
 and Antuppo testified some time after, that "upon their knowledge before 
 the wars were against the Pequots, Sassacus their sachem of Niantic did 
 call them and all his men together, and told that he wjis resolved to give 
 his country to the governor's son of the Massachusetts, who lived then at 
 Pattaquassat alias Connecticut River's mouth, and all his men declared 
 themselves willing therewith. Thereupon he went to him to Pattaquas- 
 sets, and when he came back he told them he had granted all his country 
 to him the said governor's son, and saiil he was his good friend, and he 
 hoped he would send some English thither some time hereafter. More- 
 over, he told him he had received coats from him for it, which they saw 
 him bring home." This was not said by those Indians themselves, but 
 several English said they heard them say so. The commissioners, however, 
 set aside his claim with considerable appearance of independence. 
 
 Dr. Dwigld thus closes his poem upon the destruction of the Pequots: — 
 
 " Indulge, my native Janfl, indulge the tear 
 
 That steals, impassionod, o'er a nation's doom. 
 To me, each twig from Ailani's siocli is near, 
 And sorrows full uj)on un Indian's toinh." 
 
 Greenfield Hill, p. 104, lOA. 
 
 Another, already mentioned, and the next in conseqtie.ico to Sassacus, 
 was Mononotto. Hubbard calls him a " notcil Indian," whose wile and 
 children fell into the hands of the EnglLsh, and as " it was known to be 
 by her mediation that two English maids, (that were taken away from 
 Weathersfield, upon Connecticut River,) were saved from death, in re- 
 quittal of whose pity and humanity, the life of herself and children wfa 
 not only granted her, but she was in special recommended to the care of 
 Gov. Hmthrop, of Massachusetts." Monojwtto lied with Sassacus to liio 
 Mohawks, for protection, with several more chiefs. He was not killed 
 by thetn as Sassacus was, but escaped from them wounded, and probably 
 
Chap. VI. ] 
 
 AIONONOTro.— CASSASSINNAMON. 
 
 109 
 
 died by the hnnds of his EnfrHsh enemies. He i.s thus mentioned by Gov, 
 n'olcott, in his poem upon Winthrop^s agency, &c. 
 
 " ' Prince Mononotlo sees his sauadrons fly, 
 Ami on our general liavinff n.xccl liis eye, 
 Kfige and revcn^'e liis spirits quiokening', 
 He set a mortal arrow in the string.' " 
 
 IW. 
 
 The first troubles with the Pequots have ah-endy been noticed. It was 
 among the people of Mononotlo, that the English caused the blood of a 
 Pequot to flow. Some English had been killed, but there is no more to 
 excuse the murder of a Pequot than an Englishman. The English had 
 injured the Indians of Block Island all in their power, which it seems 
 did not satisfy them, and they next undertook to make spoil '-pon them 
 in their own country upon Connecticut River. " As they were sailing up 
 the river, says Dr. /. Mather, many of the Pequots on both sides of the 
 river called to them, desirous to know what was iheir end in coming 
 tliither."* They answered, that they desired to speak with Sassacus ; 
 being told that Sassacus had gone to Long Island, they then demanded that 
 Mononotlo should appear, and they prete:>dod he was from home also. 
 However, they went on shore, and demanded the murderers of Capt. 
 Stone, and were told that if they woulu wait they would send for them, 
 and that Mononotlo would come in the mean time. But very wisely, the 
 Pequots, meanwhile, " transported their goods, women and children to 
 anotli(!r place."f One of them then told the English that Mononotlo 
 would not come. Then the English began to do what mischief they 
 could to them, and a skirmish followed, wherein one Indian was killed, 
 and an Englishman was wounded."^: 
 
 The name of Mononotlo' s wife appears to have been Wincumbone. She 
 should not be overlooked in speaking of Mononotlo, as she wa.4 instrumen- 
 tal in saving the life of an Englishman, as disinterestedly as Pocahontas 
 saved that of Capt. Smith. Some English had gone to trade with the 
 Pequots, and to recover some horses which they had stolen, or picked up 
 on their lands. Two of the English went on shore, and one went into 
 the sachem's wigwam and demanded the horses. The Indians within slily 
 absented themselves, and Wincumbone, knowing their intention, told him 
 10 fly, for the Indians were making preparations to kill him. He barely 
 escaped to the boat, being followed by a crowd to the shore. 
 
 Cassassinnamon was a noted Pequot chief, of whom we have some 
 account as early as 1G59. In that year a difficulty arose about the limits 
 of Southerton, since called Stonington, in Connecticut, and several Eng- 
 lish were sent to settle the difficidty, which was concerning the location 
 of Wekapauge. "For to help us, (they say,) to understand where We- 
 kapauge is, we desired some Poquatucke Indians to go with us." C'er*- 
 sassinnamon was one who assisted. They told the English that " Casha- 
 wnssd, (the governor of Wekapauge,) did charge them that they should 
 not go any further than the east side of a little swamp, near the east end 
 of the first great pond, where they did pitch down a stake, and told us, 
 [the English,] that Cashaivasset said that that very place was Wekapa'igo ; 
 said that he said it and not them ; and if they should say that Wekapauge 
 did go any further, Cashaivasset would be angry." Cashaivasset after this 
 had confirmed to him and those under him, 8000 acres of land in the 
 Pequot cotuitry, with the provision that they continued subjects of Rlas- 
 
 * Relation, 44. f Ibid. 
 
 I Ibid. Capt. Lion Gardener, who had some men in this affair, gives quite a diti'er- 
 ent account. See life of Kutstuxmoquin, alias Kutshannxkin. 
 10 
 
110 
 
 CASSASSIiNAMON. 
 
 K II. 
 
 sachusetts, aud should " not sell or alienate the said lands, or any part 
 thereof, to any English man or men, without tlie court's approhation. 
 
 Tlie neck of land called (^uinicuntauee was claimed by both parties, 
 but Cassassinnamon said that when a whale was some time before cast 
 ashore there, no one disputed CashawcisseVs claim to it, which it is believed 
 settled the question : Cashawasset was known generally by the name of 
 Harmon Garret.* 
 
 We next meet with Cassassinnamon in Philip's war, in which he com- 
 manded a company of Pequots, and accompanied Capt. Denison in hia 
 successful career, and was present at the capture of CanoncheLj 
 
 In November, 1651, Cassassinnamon aiid eight others executed a sort 
 of an agreement " with the townsmen of Pequot," afterward called JVew 
 London. What kind of agreement it was we are not told. His name 
 was subscribed Casesymaman. Among the other names we see Ohha- 
 rhickwood, JVecsouweigun alias Daniel, Cutchumaquin and Mahmawamham 
 Cassassinnamon^ it is said, signed " in his own behalf and the behalf of 
 the rest of Nameeag Indians."}: 
 
 • Several manuscript documents. 
 t 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. x. 101. 
 
 t Hubbard. 
 
BOOK III. 
 
 BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW ENG- 
 LAND INDIANS CONTINUED. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 "Ewnls which led to the war ivith Philip — Life of Alexander alias Wam- 
 suTTA — He and Metarom, his yohm^cr brother, receive English names — 
 Weetamoo his wife — Early events in her life — Petananuet, her second 
 husband — Account of him — Weetamoo's latter career and death — JVini- 
 gtd — Death of Alexander — John Sassamon — His countrij and connec- 
 tions — Becomes a cluistian — SchoolnKUiter — Minister — Settles at Assa- 
 ivomset — Femx marries his daughter — Sassamon discovers the plots of 
 Philip — Is murdered — Proceedings against the murderers — Theij are con- 
 demned and executed — JVames of the jury who sat at their tried — A'o In- 
 dians among the jurors — Some are consulted. 
 
 Alexander was the English name of the elder son of Massnsoit. His 
 real luiiue appears at first to have been Mooanam, and afterwards H'am- 
 sutta, and lastly Alexander. Tlie name of Mooanam he bore as early as 
 U'W', in 1641 we find him noticed under the name Wamsutta. About 
 the year 165G, he and his younger hrotlier, Metacomet, or rather Pometa- 
 com, were brought to the coihI; of Plimouth, and being solicitous to receive 
 English names, the governor called the elder Alexander, and the younger 
 Philip, probably from the two Macedonian heroes, which, on being ex- 
 |)laiiuHl to them, might have flattered their vanities; and which was prob- 
 ably the intention of the governor. 
 
 Alexander appears pretty early to have set up for himself, as will be 
 seen in the course of this chapter; occasioned, |)erhni)s, by his marrying 
 a female sachem of very considerable authority, and in great esteem 
 among her neighbors. 
 
 J\tamumpum, afterwards called Weetamoo, squaw-sachem of Pocasset, 
 was tlio wife of Alexander ; and who, as says an anonymous writer,* was 
 more willing to join Philip when he began war upon the English, being 
 persuaded by him that they had poisoned her husband. This author 
 chills her " as potent a prince as any round tibout her, and hath as much 
 com, land, and men, at her command." 
 
 Alexander having, in 1053, sold a tract of the territory acquired by his 
 wife, as has been related in the life of Massasoit, about six years after, 
 Wetamo came to Plimouth, and the following account of her business is 
 contained hi the records. 
 
 " I, JVdmumpum, of Pokeesett, hauing, in open court, .^une last, fifty-nine, 
 [l()5i),] before the governour and maiestrates, 8urr';ndered up all that 
 right and title of such lands as Woosamequin and '/Vamsetta sould to the 
 
 * Of a work entitled, Present State of Nnv Eii^ltmd, &r. p. 3. fol. 1()7G. This work 
 has just been repul)lislicd, with uules, at the Antiquarian Bookstore, Boston. 
 
 .f 
 
ALKXANDEIl— WEETAMOO. 
 
 [Rook III. 
 
 purchasnrs ; as appceres by (lends giuon viider tlieire iianilH, as alsoe the 
 paid ,V«m«m/;uHi promise to reiiiouc the ludiaiis of from those lands; and 
 ;ils(K) att tli(! name court the said IVamsidta promised JVamumpuvi tlie 
 third part of tiie pay, as is expressed in the deed of which payment JS/a- 
 muinpnin haiie receiucd of John Cooke, this of Oct. 1(J5U: these partic- 
 ulars ua foliowetli: item ; 
 
 20 i/ards bleiv trading cloth, 
 2 yards red cotton, 
 2 voire ofshooes, 2 paire stockings, 
 6 oroade hoes and 1 axe ; 
 And doe acknowledge receiued by mc, Namumpum." 
 Witnessed l)y Sqiiabsen, fVahatunchquatt, and two English. 
 
 Thus tliis land affair seems to have been amicably settled ; but the 
 same year of .^iexa/irfer's death, whether before or after wo are not as- 
 sured, jVamumputn appeared at Plimouth, and complained that Wamsidla 
 had sold some of her land without her consent. " The court agreed to 
 doe what tliey could in conuenient time for her relief." 
 
 We apprehend there was some little ditliculty between Alexander and 
 his wife about this time, especially if her complaint were before his death, 
 and we are rather of the opinion that it was, for it was June when her 
 complaint was made, and we should assign a little later date for the death 
 of her husband ; and therefore all difficulty was settled in his death. 
 
 What time she deeded land to John Sanford and John Archer, wo are 
 not informed, but it was probably about the beginning of 10(52. It was a 
 deed of gift, and appears to have been only deeded to them to prevent 
 her husband's selling it ; but these men, it seems, attempted to hold the 
 land in violation of their promise ; however, being a woman of persever- 
 ance, she so managed the matter, that in the year l(3ti8, she found wit- 
 nesses who deposed to the true meaning of the deed, and thus was, we pre- 
 sume, restored to her rightful possessions. 
 
 Since we have been thus particular in acquainting the reader with the 
 wife of Wamsutta, we will, before proceeding with our account of the 
 husband, say all that we have to say of the interesting Weetamoo. 
 
 Soon after the death of Alexander, we find JVamumpum, or Weetamoo, 
 associated with another husband, named Petonowotoet. He was well 
 known to the English, and went by the familiar name of Ben. Now, 
 unless we can manufacture the name Peter JVunnuit out of Peto-now-ow- 
 tt,* we must allow her to have had a third husband in 1675. We, how- 
 ever, are pretty well satisfied that these two names are, as they ajjpoar 
 to be, one and the same name. 
 
 This husband of Weetamoo does not appear to have been of so much 
 im|»ortance as her first, Wamsutta; and as he only appears occaHionally 
 in the crowd, we are of opinion that she took good care in taking a sec- 
 ond husband, and fixed upon one that she was better able to manage than 
 she was the deternjined Wamsutta. 
 
 On the 8 May, 1073, Tatamomack, Petonowotvett, and William alias 
 Ijasocke, sold to J^alhaniel Paine of Rehoboth, and Hugh Cole of Swan- 
 sey, a lot of land in Swansey, near Mattapoiset, and Showamet neck, for 
 £35 5». Weetamoo, Phillip aUas Wagusoke, and Steven alias JVucano, 
 were the Indian witnesses. 
 
 About the same time, one Pioioant was intruded u))on by some others 
 claiming his lands, or otherwise molesting him, and the business seems 
 to have undergone a legal scrutiny; in this affair both Weetamoo and her 
 liusband appear upon our records. They testify that the tract of land 
 
 * Wc liave met with this spelling-, Petanamict, which apiiroachcs still nearer 
 
 ! :» 
 
3K III. 
 
 oe 
 
 the 
 
 s ; and 
 <.m tin; 
 lit jVa- 
 partic- 
 
 UM. 
 
 but tli« 
 not as- 
 amauttu 
 ;reed to 
 
 der and 
 a death, 
 lien her 
 le deatli 
 th. 
 
 we are 
 It was a 
 
 prevent 
 hold the 
 )crscver- 
 ukI wit- 
 , we pre- 
 
 with the 
 
 it of the 
 
 '^celnnioo, 
 
 us well 
 
 , Now, 
 
 ■now-ow- 
 
 ■p, how- 
 
 Lippoar 
 
 ^o mncU 
 
 isioually 
 
 sec- 
 
 lage llian 
 
 tin alias 
 
 \t' Swan- 
 
 icck, lor 
 
 IjVticttUo, 
 
 [e others 
 
 seems 
 
 and her 
 
 of land 
 
 Chap. I.] 
 
 ALEXANDER.— WEETAMOO. 
 
 bounded by a small river or brook called Mastuckscll, which compassetii 
 said tract to Aesonett River, and bo to Taunton River, [by trees, &c.] hath 
 for niiuiy years been in the possession of Piawant. The place of the 
 bounds on Taunton River was called Chippascuitt, which was a little 
 south of Mastucksett. Panlauset^ Quanounn, J\/'e3canooy and Panowwin, 
 testified the same. 
 
 It does not appear that Peta-rum-u-et was at all concerned in Philip's 
 war against the English, but, on the contrary, forsook his wife and joined 
 them against her. Under such a leader as Church, he must have been 
 employed against his countrymen with great advantage. At the time he 
 came over to the English, he no doubt expected his wife would do the 
 same, as she gave Church to understand as much. After the war lie was 
 honored with a command over the prisoners, who were permitted to 
 reside in the country between Sepecan and Dartmouth. JVumpus, or 
 JVompash, and Isaac were also in the same office. 
 
 Aner Mr. Church left Awashonks* council, a few days before the war 
 broke out, he met with both fVeetamoo and her husband at Pocas^et. He 
 first met with the husband, Petananuet, who had just arrived in a canoe 
 from Philip's head quarters at Mount Hope. He told Church there would 
 certainly be war, for that Philip had held a war dance of several weeks, 
 and had entertained the young men from all parts of the country. He 
 said, also, that Philip expected to be sent for to Plimouth, about Sassa- 
 mon^s death, knowing himself guilty of contriving that murder. Petananuet 
 further said, that he saw Mr. James Brown of Swansey, and Mr. Samuel 
 Gorton, who was an interpreter, and two other men that brought a letter 
 from the governor of Plimouth to Philip. Philip's young warriors, he 
 said, would have killed Mr. Brown, but Philip told them they must not, 
 for his father had charged him to show kindness to him ; but to satisfy 
 them, told them, that on the next Sunday, when the English had gone to 
 meeting, they might plunder their houses, and afterwards kill their cattle. 
 
 Meanwhile fVeelamoo was at her camp just back from Pocasset shore, 
 on the high hill a little to the north of what is now Howland's ferry, and 
 Petananuet requested Mr. Church to go up and sec her. He did so, and 
 found her in rather a melancholy mood, all her men having left her and 
 gone to Philip's war dance, much, she said, against her will. 
 
 Church, elated with his success at Awashonks'' camp, and thinking both 
 "queens" secured to the English interest, hastened to Plimouth to pive 
 the governor an account of his discoveries, — This was a day big to Pkilip ; 
 he immediately took measures to reclaim JVetamore, and had nearly drawn 
 off Awashonks with the vivid hopes of conquest and booty, 
 
 Weetamoo could no longer remain neutral ; the idea still harrowed upon 
 her mind, that the authorities of Plimouth had poisoned her former hus- 
 band,* and was now sure that they had seduced her ])rcsent one ; there- 
 fore, from the power of such arguments, when urged by the artful Philip, 
 there was no escape or resistance. Hence his fortune became her own, 
 and she moved with him from place to place about hei' dominions, in 
 the country of Pocasset, until the 30 July, when all the Wampanoags 
 escaped out of a swamp, and retired into the country of the Niprnuks. 
 From this time Weeiamoo's operations become so blended with those of 
 her allies that the life of Philip takes up the narration. 
 
 When, by intestine divisions, the power of Philip was destroyed among 
 the Nipmucks, Weetamoo seems to have been deserted by almost all her 
 followers, and, like Philip, she sought refuge again in her ovra country. 
 It was upon the 6 August, 1(570, when slie arrived upon tlie wostem 
 bank of Tehticut River in Mettapoiset, where, as was then supposed, she 
 
 larcr 
 
 * Present Slate o.'"N. L. 
 
ALEXANDER— WEETAMOO. 
 
 [DOOK III. 
 
 was drownod l>y accident, in atteni|)ting to cross the river to Pocasset, at 
 tlie same point she had crossed the year before, in her Hight with Philip. 
 
 Her company conHisted now of no more than 2<) men, whereas, in the 
 l)eginning of the war they amoinitcd to HOO ; and she was considered 
 by the English " next »mto Philip in respect of the mischief that hath 
 Ix'en done."* Th(! English at Taimton were notified by a deserter of 
 her situation, who offered to lead any that would go, in a way that they 
 might easily surprise her and her company. Accordingly, 20 men vol- 
 unteered upon this enterprise, and succeeded in capturing all but If^eeta- 
 moo, "who," as Mr. Hubhard expresses,! "intending to make an escape 
 from the danger, attempted to get over a river or arm of the sea near by, 
 upon a raft, or some pieces of broken wood ; but whether tired and spent 
 with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger, she was found stark 
 naked in Metapoiset, not lar from the water side, which made some think 
 she was first half drowned, and so ended her wretched life." "Her head 
 being cut off and set upon a pole in Taunton, was known by some In- 
 dians then prisoners, which set them into a horrible lamentation." Mr. 
 Mather improves upon this passage, giving it in a style more to suit tho 
 taste of the times: "They made a most horid and diabolical lamentation, 
 crying out that it was their queen's head." 
 
 The authors of Yamoyden thus represent Philip escaping from the 
 cold grasp of the ghostly form of Weetamoo ;— ^ 
 
 "As from the water's depths she rame, 
 With dripping locks and bloated frame, 
 Wild her discolored arms she liirew 
 To grasp him ; and, as swill he flew, 
 Her hollow scream he heard heliind 
 Come mingling with the howling wind : 
 ' Why fly from Wetamoe ? she died 
 Bearing the war-axe on thy side.' " 
 
 It docs not seem from all we can discover that Wtelamoo went with 
 Philip into the Nipmuck coimtry, or, if she did, she soon returned 
 among the Narragansets. For the English early took measures to cause 
 tile Narraga.isets to deliver her up to them. They agreed to do this, as 
 will be found related in the Ufe oCJVinigret. 
 
 Ill this connection it should be noted, that the time expired, in which 
 JVinigret was to deliver up fVeetamoo, some time previous to the great 
 fight in Is arraganset, and hence this was seized upon, as one pretext for 
 invading the Narragansets. And moreover, it was said, that if she were 
 taken by that formidable army of a 1000 men, " her lands would more 
 than pay all the charge" the English had been at in the whole war. 
 
 Weetamoo, it is presumed, left JVinigret and joined the hostile Narra- 
 gansets and the VVampanoags in their strong fort, some time previous to 
 die English expedition. And it was aliout this time that she connected 
 herself with the Nairaganset chief Qiiinnnpin, as will be found related in 
 his life. She is mentioned by some writers as Philip^s kinswoman, 
 which seems to have been the case in a two-fold manner: first from her 
 being sister to his wife, and secondly from her marrying Alexander, his 
 brother. To return to Wamstitta, 
 
 A lasting and permanent interest will always be felt, and peculiar feel- 
 ings associated with the name of this chief. Not on account of a career 
 of battles, devastations or murders, for there were few of these,| but 
 tliere is left for us to relate the melancholy account of his death. Mr. 
 
 * /. Mather. f Narrative, 103 and 109. 
 
 t Tn Ififil, he was forced into a war with Unc<ts^i\\(i accoiuit of which, properly 
 belonging to the life of that chief, will be found there related. 
 
 Indi; 
 
 ragiiig p; 
 
which 
 le great 
 Itext for 
 le were 
 Id more 
 
 Narra- 
 Ivious to 
 Innected 
 jlated in 
 I woman, 
 |om her 
 ier, hLs 
 
 liar feel- 
 career 
 kse,t but 
 ^1. Mr. 
 
 proporly 
 
 CfCAP. 11 
 
 AI.KXANHER. 
 
 i 
 
 H 
 
 •i 
 
 IM)bnrd''s account of this eve;.t is in the hands of almost every reader, 
 uiid ritod hy every writer upon our early iiistory, and hnnco is extensively 
 known as by him related. Dr. /. Mather agrees very neirly in his account 
 with JMr. Hubbard, but being more minute, and rarely to bo met with, wo 
 give it entire : — 
 
 " In A. D. lt)()2, Plimouth colony was in some danger of being involved 
 in trouble by the Wam|)anoag Indians. Aller Massaaoit was dead, his 
 two sons, called fFamsutta and Metacomet, came to the court at Plimouth, 
 pretending high respect for the English, and, therefore, desired English 
 names might be im[)osed on them, whereupon the court there named 
 If'amsutta, the elder brother, Alexander, and Metacomet, the younger 
 hiother, Philip. This Alexander, Philip^s immediate predecessor, was 
 not so iiiithful and friendly to the Engliwh as his father had been. For 
 some of Boston, having been occasionally at Narraganset, wrote to Mr. 
 Prince, who was then governor of Plimouth, that Alexander was contriv- 
 ing mii>chief against the English, i nd that he had solicited the Narragan- 
 sets to engage with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon, Capt. 
 H'illet, who lived near to Mount Hope, the place where Alexamler did 
 reside, was appointed to speak with hit", and to desire him to attend the 
 next court in Plimouth, for their satisfaction, and his own vindication. Ho 
 seemed to take the message in good part, professmg that the Narragansets, 
 whom, he said, were his enemies, had put an abuse upon him, and he 
 readily promised to attend at the next court. But when the day for hia 
 appearance was come, instead of that, he at that very time went over to 
 the Narragansets, his pretended enemies, which, compared with other 
 circumstances, caused the gentlemen at Plimouth to suspect there wa3 
 more of truth in the hiformation given, than at first they were aware of. 
 Wheretbre the governor and magistrates there ordered Major Winslow^ 
 (who is since, and at this day [1G77] governor of that colony,) to take a 
 jmrty of men, and fetch down Alexander. The major considering that 
 semper nocuit deferre paralis, he took but 10 armed men with him from 
 IMarshfield, intending to have taken more at the towns that lay nearer 
 Mount Hope. But Divine Providence so ordered, as that when they were 
 about the midway between Plimouth and Bridgewater,* observing an 
 hunting house, they rode up to it, and there did they find Alexamler and 
 nituiy of his menf well armed, but their guns standing together without 
 the house. The major, witli his small party, possessed themselves of the 
 Indians' arms, and beset the house ; then did lie go in amongst them, ac- 
 quainting the sachem with the reason of his co. ling in such a way ; de- 
 siring Alexander with his intei-preter to walk out with him, who did so a 
 little distance from the house, and then understood what commission the 
 major had received concerning him. The proud sachem fell into a 
 raging passion at this surprise, saying the governor had no reason to 
 credit rumors, or to send for him in such a way, nor would he go to Pli- 
 mouth, but when he saw cause. It was rej iied to him, that his breach 
 of word touching appearance at Plimouth court, and, instead thereof, 
 going at the same time to his pretended enemies, augmented jealousies 
 concerning him. In fine, the major told him, that his order was to bring 
 him to Plimouth, and that, by the help of God, he would do it, or else ho 
 would die on the place ; also declaring to him that if he would submit, 
 
 * Within six miles of the English towns. Hubbard, 10, (Edition, 1G77.) Massasoil, 
 and likewise Philip, used to have temporary residences in eligible places for fishing, at 
 various sites between the two bays, Narraganset and Massachusetts, as at Raynham, 
 Namasket, Titicut, [in Middleborough,] and Munponset Pond in Halifax. At which of 
 these places he was, we caimot, with certainty, decide : that at Halifax would, perhaps, 
 a^rop best with Mr. Hiibbai-d's account. 
 
 t Eighty, says Hubbard, 6. , 
 
 1 * 
 
6 
 
 ALEXANDER. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 lie miglit expect respective usage, but if he once more denied to go, ho 
 Hlioiild never Mtir from tlio ground whereon lie stood ; and with a pJHtol 
 at the Hacliem's breast, nxiuired that his next words shouhl be a positive 
 and clear answer to what was detnanded. Hereupon his interpreter, a 
 discreet Indian, l)rother to John Sauaaman,* being sensible of Akxandtr'a 
 pas.sionate disposition, entreated tliat he niigiit B[)eak a few words to tlio 
 HU(r|ic'in before he gave his answer. The prudent discourse of this In- 
 dian prcivailed so mr as that Alexander yielded to go, only requesting that 
 lie might go like a sachem, with his men attending him, which, although 
 there was some hazard in it, they being many, and the English but a fiiw, 
 was granted to him. The weather being hot, the major offered hitn an 
 horse to ride on, but his squaw and divers Indian women being in com- 
 pany, lie refused, saying ho could go on foot as well as they, entreating 
 only that there might be a complying with their pace, which was done. 
 And resting several times by the way, Jllexander and his Indians were re- 
 freshed by the English. No other discourse happening while they were 
 U|ii)ii their march, but what was pleasant and anucable. The major sent 
 a man i)efore, to entreat that as many of the magistrates of that colony aa 
 could would meet at Diixbury. Wherefore havmg there had some treaty 
 with Alexander, not willing to commit him to prison, they entreated Major 
 If'lnshiv to receive him to his house, until the governor, who then lived 
 at Eastham, could come up. Accordingly, he and his train were cour- 
 teously entertained by the major. And albeit, not so tnuch as an angry 
 word passed between them whilst at Marshfield ; yet proud Alexander, 
 vexing and fretting in his 8})irit, that such a check was given him, he 
 suddenly fell sick of a fever. lie was then nursed as a choice friend. 
 Mr. Fuller, the physician, coming providentially thither at that time, the 
 Sficliem and his men earnestly desired that he would administer to liim, 
 wliitrli he was unwilling to do, but by their importunity was prevailed 
 witli to do the best he could to help him, and therefore gave him a por- 
 tion of working physic, which the Indians thought did him good. But 
 his distemper afterwards prevailing, they entreatedf to dismiss him, in 
 order to a return home, which upon engagement of appearance at the 
 next court was granted to him. Soon after his being returned home ho 
 died."| 
 
 Thus ends Dr. Mather's " relation" of the short reign of Alexander. And 
 although by a document lately published by Judge Davis of Boston, which 
 sets die conduct of the English in a very favorable light, yet it is very 
 difficult to conceive how Mr. Mather and Mr. Hubbard could have been 
 altogether deceived in their information. (We mean in respect to the 
 treatment Alexander received at the hands of his captors.) They both 
 wrote at the same time, and at different places, and neither knew what 
 the other had written. Of this we are confident, if, as we are assured, 
 there was, at this time, rather a misunderstanding between these two 
 reverend authore. 
 
 It now only remains that we make such extracts from the above-men- 
 tioned document as will exhibit all the evidence on the side of the I'^ng- 
 llsh. There is to be seen, in the library of the Massachusetts Historical 
 Society, a manuscript paper, headed ^^ JVarative de Alexandra.'''' This 
 
 * He had a brother by tlie name of Roland. 
 
 t " Entreating tliose ilial held him prisoner, that he might have liberty to return home, 
 promising to return again if he recovered, anJ to send his son as hostage till he could 
 so do. On that consideration, he was fairly dismissed, but died before he got halfway 
 home.".— I lulibard. 
 
 I It is a pity that such an able historian as Grahame should not have been in posses- 
 sion of other authorities upon this matter than those who have copied from the above. 
 S«e his Hist. N. America, >. 401. 
 
OOK III. 
 
 ) go, ho 
 a piHtol 
 j)()sitive 
 )rctcr, tt 
 xandtr's 
 i to the 
 this ln- 
 ing timt 
 lUhougli 
 it a low, 
 
 him ail 
 in cotn- 
 n treating 
 as dont;. 
 were ro- 
 ney were 
 ajor sent 
 colony as 
 me treaty 
 :e(l Major 
 lien Uved 
 ere cour- 
 an angry 
 ^lexandery 
 1 him, he 
 ce friend. 
 
 time, tlie 
 r to liim, 
 I prevailed 
 nil a por- 
 ood. But 
 ss him, in 
 ice at the 
 
 home ho 
 
 nder. And 
 ton, which 
 it is very 
 
 lave heen 
 lect to the 
 They both 
 tnew what 
 re assured, 
 
 these two 
 
 wve-men- 
 f the l'>ng- 
 Historicul 
 »o." This 
 
 return home, 
 till he could 
 got halfway 
 
 sen in posscs- 
 im the above. 
 
 Chap. I.] 
 
 AI.KXANDKIl. 
 
 Irnwni up hy the autliorities 
 
 pai«;r contains an account of tlic trauHiictioii, ( 
 of IMiniouth, and Mr. Mither'a and Mr. lltiblh 
 Ntuiicu of it. As tlie atiliir had caused niucli cxcitcniftit, and, judging 
 from tlie writers of that tiuu-, i»arlirulurly tli«) latter, sotne recriiuitiatiori 
 upon the conduct of the government of IMimoutli, hy some of the other 
 Eiiglidli, who were nu»n; in the lial)it of u.sing or reconiiuendiiig mild 
 measures towards Iihiians than tla; IMimoutli {teople a|)pear to have heen, 
 .seems to have heen indulged. Afu-r thus premising, we will oiler tho 
 (iociiiiieiit, which is a lettiir written hy the Rev. John C'o//oh, of IMimouth, 
 to Dr. /. Mather, and now printed hy Judge Ihwis, in his edition of JV/or- 
 ton's Memorial. Tluiro is no date to it, at least the editor gives none ; hut 
 if it were written in answer to one from Mr. Mathtr to him, d(>siring 
 i II lljii nation on that head, dated 2ist April, KJ77,* we may conclude it 
 was uhoiit this time ; but Mr. Mathcr^s " Relation" would not lead us to 
 suppose that he was in possession of .such information, and, therefore, he 
 eitiior was not in possession of it when Ik; published hia account, or that 
 he hud other testimony which iiivalidatJid it. 
 
 The letter begins, "Major Bradford, [who was with Mr. Winslow when 
 Jlhxander was surprised,] confidently assures nie, that in the narrative de 
 Jlkxandro there oi'e many mistakes, and, fearing lest you should, through 
 misinformation, print some mistakes on that subject, from his mouth i 
 tliis write. Reports being here that Akxander was plotting or privy to 
 plots, against the English, authority sent to him to como down. He camo 
 not. Whereupon Major H'inslow was s»;nt to fetch him. Major Bradford, 
 with some others, went with him. At Munponset River, a place not many 
 miles hence, they found Jllex( ider with about eight men and sundry 
 S(piaws. He was there about getting canoes. He and his men were at 
 breakfast luider their shelter, their guns being without. They saw the 
 English coming, but continued eating ; and Mr. Winslow telling their 
 business, Akxandtr, freely and readily, without the least hesitancy, con- 
 sented to go, giving his reason why he came not to the court before, viz. ; 
 because he waited for Captain WilkCa return from the Dutch, being 
 desirous to speak with him first. They brought him to Mr. Collier's that 
 day, and Governor Prince living remote, at Eastham, those few magis- 
 trates who were at hand issued the matter peaceably, and imtncdiately 
 (iisinibsed Akxander to return home, which he did part of the way ; but, 
 in two or three days after, he returned and went to Major Winsloid's house, 
 intending thence to travel into the hay and so home ; but, at the major's 
 house, he was taken very sick, and was, by water, conveyed to Major 
 Bradford''s, and thence carried upon the shoulders of his men to Tethquet 
 River, and thence in canoes home, and, about two or three days aller, 
 died." 
 
 Thus it is evident that there is eiTor somewhere, and it would be very 
 satisfactory if we could erase it from our history ; but, at present, we are 
 able only to agitate it, and wait for the further discovery of documents 
 before Alexander's true history can be given ; and to suspend judgment, 
 altiiougli some may readily decide that the evidence is in favor of the old 
 printed accounts. It is the business of a historian, where a jioint is in 
 dispute, to exhibit existing evidence, and let the reader make up his own 
 judgment. 
 
 We are able, from the first extract given upon this head, to limit tho 
 time of his sachemship to a portion of the year 1GG2. 
 
 It will have appeared already, that enough had transpired to inflame 
 the minds of the Indians, and especially that of the sachem Philip, if, 
 indeed, the evidence adduced be considered valid, regarding the blama- 
 
 * See his Memorial, 288. 
 
8 
 
 SASSAMON. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 hleness of llio English. Nrvertlielcss, our next stop onward will more 
 fully (Icvolop the causes of/ /n7i'/;'s dfcp-rootcd animosities. 
 
 We come now to speak of John Sassnmon, who deserves a i)articular 
 notice ; more especially aa, from several manuscripts, we are able not 
 only to correct some important errors in former histories, hut to give a 
 tnore miimte account of a ciiaracter which nnist always be noticed in 
 entering ui)oii the study of this part of our history. Not that he would 
 otherwise dcma i I more notice than many of his brethren almost silently 
 passed over, but for his agency in bringing about a war, the mterest of 
 which increases in proportion as time carries us from its period. 
 
 Jokn S(tssamon was a subject of Philip, an unstable-minded fellow ; 
 and, li\ ing in the neighborhood* of the English, became a convert to 
 Christianity, learned their language, and was able to read and write, and 
 liad translated some oi" the Bible into Indian. Being rather insinuating 
 and artful, he was employed to teach his countrymen at Natick, in the ca- 
 pacity of a schoolmaster. How long before the war this was, is not 
 mentioned, but nuist have been about KKJO, as he was Philip's secretary, 
 or interpretc! . m 1(J(J9; and this was after he had become a Christian. 
 He led the E :!?lish, from some dislike, and went to reside with Mexan- 
 der, and afterwards with Phili},, who, it appears, employed iiim on ac- 
 coimt oi iiis learning. Always restless, Sassamon did not remain long 
 with Philip before he returned again to the English ; "and he manifested 
 such i i^ident signs of repentance, as that he was, after his return from 
 pagan Philip, reconciled to the praying Indians and baptized, and re- 
 ceived, as a member, into one of the Indian churches; yea, and employed 
 a:^ an instructor amongst them every Lord's day."t 
 
 Previous to tiie war, we presume in the winter of 1672, Sassamo7i was 
 sent to preach to the Namaskets.j and other Indians of Middleborougli, 
 who, at this time, were very numerous. The famous fVatuspaquiii was 
 then the chief of tiiis region, and who appears to liave been disposed to 
 encourage tlie wew religion tauglit by Scissamon. For, in 1074, he gave 
 him a tract of land near liis own residence to induce him to remain among 
 his i)eople. The deed of gift of this land was, no doubt, drawn by Sas- 
 samon, and is in ti'ese words :-- 
 
 " Know all men by these presents, that I, Old JVntiispaquin, doe graunt 
 vnto John S(issaino7i, allies JVassrisomnn, 27 acrees of land for a home lott 
 at Assowamsett necke. This is my gift, giuci ♦o him the said John Sas- 
 samon, by me the said Wutuspaquin, in Auno 1073, [or 1074, if between 
 1 Jan. and 25 March.] 
 
 Oi,D WATUSPAquiN (J) his vmrke.. 
 W'lr.LiAM Tusi'AQUi.v nV his marke. 
 Witness, alsoe, Naneukunt^ f his marke" 
 
 As a further inducement for Sassamon to settle here, Old Tiispaqvin 
 and iiis son deeded to /'e//,r, an Indian who married Sassamon^s daughter, 
 58 and an half acres of lai;d ; as "a home lott," also. This deed was 
 dated 11 March, 1073, O. S. >• liicli doiil)tles^i was done at tlie same time 
 with the other. This daughter of Sussaimn was called by the English 
 
 * " Tliis Sassatiion was by l)irtli a Massachiisott, his father and niotlier living in Dor- 
 chrstiT, and thev l)olh died Christians." — /. Malhf.r. 
 
 t Mather's llelation, Tk 
 
 I Tlie inhabitants of the place call it Ncmaskd. In llie records, it is almost always 
 written Namassnkc.lt. 
 
 $ Spelt also MtmeheiUt. 
 
 'i 
 
ClIAP. I] 
 
 SASSAMOiN'. 
 
 9 
 
 name Belly* but lier original name was A<<soivetous;h. To Ills son-in- 
 law, Sassu'mon gave his lar.d, by a kind of will, whicli he wrote himsi'lf, 
 not long before his death ; probably about the time he became tired of 
 his new situation, which we sui)pose was also about tin time that he 
 diseov(;r(;d the design of 'Vdlip and his captains to bring about their war 
 of extermination. 
 
 Old Tispaquin, as he called himself, and his son, not only confirmed 
 S(issamon''s will, but about the sjinie time made a bequest themselves to 
 his daughter, which, they say, was "with the consent of all the chieffe 
 men of Assowamsett." This deed of gift from them was dated 28 Dec. 
 1(173. It was of a neck of land at Assowamsett, called Nahteawamet. 
 Tlie names of some of the places whicii bounded this tract were Mash- 
 quomoli, a swamp, Sasonkususett, a ]Jond, and another large pond called 
 (Jhupi|)oggut. Tobias, Old Thomas, Pohonoho, and Kankmiuki, were 
 uiion this deed as witnesses. 
 
 Felix served the English in Philip's war, and was living in 1679, in 
 whicii year Governor Ulnslow ordered, "that all such lands as were for- 
 merly John Sassamoit's in our coUonie, shal be settled on Felix his son-in- 
 law," and to remain his ainl his heire " foreuer." Felixes wife survived 
 him, and willed her land to a daughter, named Mercy. This was in l()9t), 
 and Jsacke Wamio witnessed said will. There was at a later period an 
 Indian preacher at Titicutf nained Thomas Felix, perhaps a son of the 
 former.^ But to return to the more immediate subject of our dis- 
 course. 
 
 There was a SassamaK, oi, as my manuscript has it, Soaomon, known 
 to the English as early as \(i37, but as we have no means of knowing 
 how old John Sassamon was when he was murdered, it cannot be decid- 
 ed with jirobability, whether or not it were he. This Sosomon, as will 
 1)0 seen in the life of Sassacus, went with the English to fight the 
 
 P0(|UOtS. 
 
 Sassftmon acted as interpreter, witness or scribe, as the case required, 
 on m.'uiy occasions. When Philip and Wootonckanuske, his wife, sold, 
 in tG()4, Matta[)oisett to William Brenton, Sassamon was a witness and in- 
 torpreter. The same year he was Philip's agent " in settling the bounds 
 of Acushcnok, Coaksett, and places adjacent." Again, in i(j()5, h? wit- 
 nessed the receipt of £10 paid to Philip on account of settling the bouncis 
 tlie year before. 
 
 There was a Rowland Sassamon, who I suppose was the brother of 
 John. His name appears but once in all the manuscript records I have 
 met with, and then only as a witness, with his brother, to Philip^s deed c'" 
 Blattapoisett, ah >ve mentioned. 
 
 The name t'lOsjamon, like most Indian names, is variously spelt, but 
 the way it h^re appears is nearest as it was understood in his last years, 
 jiidfiing from the records. But it was not so originally. Woosanaaman 
 was among tiie first modes of writing it. 
 
 This detail may appear dry to -lie general reader, but we must occa- 
 sionally gratify our antiquarian friends. We now proceed in our narrative. 
 
 Wliilc living among ic Namaskets, Sassamon learned what was going 
 
 * The Engflish sometimes added her surname, and hence, in the account of Mr. Sen- 
 nft,{\ Cnl. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 1.) Hetty iiaseinore. The noted place now called lietty't 
 i\fck, in Middlcl)oroiigh, was named from lier. In 1793, there were eight fttmiliet of 
 Indians ihe'e. 
 
 t Cntuhticiit, Ketchiquut, Tehtictit, Keketticut, Kelicut, Teightaquid, Tttthquti, ai» 
 spellings of this name in the various books and records I have consulted. 
 
 t ISackiu's Middleborougli, in 1 Col. Mass. Hitt. Soc. iii. 160. 
 
10 
 
 SASSAMON. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 forward among his countrymen, and, when he was convinced that their 
 design was blood, goes immediately to Piimouth, and communicates his 
 discovery to tlie governor. " Nevertheless, his information," says Dr. /. 
 Mather,* "(because it had an Indian original, and one can hardly believe 
 ihem when they do speak the truth,) was not at first much regarded." 
 
 It may be noticed here, that at this time if any Indian appeared friend- 
 ly, all Indians were so declaimed against, that scarcely any one among 
 the English could he found that would allow that an Indian could be 
 faithful or honest in any affair. And although some others besides Sas- 
 samon had intimated, and that rather strongly, that a " rising of the In- 
 dians" was at hand, still, as Dr. Mather observes, because Indians said so, 
 little or no attention was paid to their advice. Notwithstanding, Mr. 
 Gookin, in his MS. history ,t says, that, previous to the war, none of the 
 Christian Indians had " been jiisthj charged, either with unfaithfulness or 
 treachery towards the English." " But, on the contrary, some of them had 
 discovered the treachery, particidarly Walcut, the ruler of Philip betbre 
 he began anjr act of hostility." In another place the same author says, 
 that, in April, 1075, Wahan " came to one of the magistrates on purpose, 
 and informed him that he had ground to fear that sachem Philip, and 
 other Indians his confederates, intended some mischief shortly." Again 
 in May, about six weeks before the war, he came and said the same^ 
 Adding that Philip^s men were only waiting for the trees to get leaved 
 out, that they might prosecute their design with more effect. To return 
 to Sassamon : 
 
 In the mean time, some circumstances happened that gave further 
 grounds of suspicion, that war was meditated, and it was intended that 
 messengers should be sent to Philip, to gain, if possible, the real state of 
 the case. But before this was effected, much of the winter of 1674 had 
 passed away, and the Rev. Sassamon still resided with the Namaskets, 
 and others of his countrymen in that neighborhood. And notwithstand- 
 ing he had enjoined the strictest secrecy upon his English friends at Pii- 
 mouth, of what he had revealed, assuring them that if it came to Philip^s 
 knowledge, he should be immediately murdered bj' him, yet it by some 
 means got to the chief's knowledge, and Sassamon was considered a 
 traitor and an outlaw ; and by the laws of the Indians, he had forfeited 
 liis life, and was doomed to suffer death. The manner of effecting It was 
 of no consequence with them, so long as it was brought about, and it is 
 probable that Philip had ordered any of his subjects who might meel 
 with him, to kill him. 
 
 Early in the spring of 1675, Sassamon was missing, and, on search 
 being made, his body was found in Assawomset Pond, in Middleborough | 
 Those that killed him not caring to be known to the English, left his hat 
 and gun upon the ice, that it might be supposed that he had drowned 
 liimself ; but from several narks upon his body, and the fact that his 
 neck was broken, it was evident he had been murdered.§ Several per- 
 sons were suspected, and, upon the information of one called Patuckson, 
 
 • Relation of the Trouhks, &c. 74. 
 
 t Not yet published. We are informed it soon will be. It will form a lasting; monu- 
 ment of one of the best men of those days. Tlie author was, as Mr. Eliot expresses 
 himself, " a pillar in our Indian work." He died in 1087, aged 75. 
 
 X Some would like lo know, perhaps, on what authority Mr. Grahayne (Hilt. N. Amtr. 
 i. 'V02J stales that S^assamon's body mix found in a field. 
 
 § Crookin's MS. Hist, of Christian Indians. This author says, " Saiamand was th« 
 first Christian martyr," and that " it is evident he suffered death upon tho account of his 
 Ciuistian profession, and fidelity lo the English." 
 
 I i 
 
 headll 
 
[iOOK III. 
 
 lat their 
 ;ates his 
 ^sDr. /. 
 J believe 
 [led." 
 il friend- 
 3 among 
 :ould be 
 des Sas- 
 ■ the In- 
 s said so, 
 ling, Mr. 
 le of the 
 "illness or 
 them had 
 lip before 
 hor says, 
 purpose, 
 hUip, and 
 " Again 
 ;he saino. 
 et leaved 
 ro return 
 
 ^e further 
 nded that 
 al state of 
 1674 had 
 amaskets, 
 vithstand- 
 ds at Pli- 
 Philip's 
 by some 
 sidered a 
 forfeited 
 ing It was 
 and it is 
 ight meet 
 
 )n search 
 )oroiigh X 
 ft his hat 
 
 drowned 
 that hia 
 sreral per- 
 
 atuckson, 
 
 sting monii- 
 ot expresses 
 
 It. N. Amir. 
 
 iivi was th«» 
 jcouul of his 
 
 Chap. I.] 
 
 SASSAMON. 
 
 \\ 
 
 Tobias* one of Philip's counsellors, his son, nnd Maltofhinnamy^ were ap- 
 prehended, tried by a jury, con.sistiiig of half Irdian8,f and in June, 1675, 
 were all executed at Plinioutli ; "one of the .mi before his execution con- 
 fessing the murder," but the other two denied ul! knowledge of the act, 
 to tlioir last breath. The truth of their guilt may icisonably be called in 
 question, if the circumstance of the bleeding ol the dead body at the ap- 
 |)roacIi of the murderer, had any influence upon the jury. And we are 
 fearful it was the case, for, if the most learned were misled by such hal- 
 lucinations in those days, we are not to sup{)ose that the more ignorant 
 were free from them. Dr. Increase Mather wrote within two years of 
 tlie affair, and he has this passage : " When Tobias (the sut'pected mur- 
 derer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh, as if it had 
 been newly slain ; albeit, it was buried a considerable time before 
 tliat."t 
 
 Nothing of this part of the story is upon record among the manuscripts, 
 as we can find, but still we do not question the authenticity of Dr. Mather, 
 who, we believe, is the flret that [)rinted an account of it. Nor do the 
 records of Phmouth notice Sassamon tmtil some time after his dcith. 
 The lirst record is in these words : " The comt seeing cause to require the 
 personal ajjpearance of an Indian called Tobias before the cotu't, to make 
 liu'tliei" answer to such interrogatories as shall be required of him, in re- 
 ference to the sudden and violent death of an Indian called John Sassa- 
 mon- late deceased." This was in March, 1674, O. S. 
 
 It appears that Tobias was present, although it is not so stated, from the 
 fact that Tuspaquin and his son William entered into bonds of £100 for 
 the appearance of Tobias at the next court in June following. A mort- 
 gage of land was taken as security for the £100. 
 
 June having arrived, three instead of one are arraigned as the murder- 
 ers of Sassavwn. There was no intimation of any one but Tobias being 
 guilty at the previous court. Now, Wampapaqiian, the son of Tobias^ 
 and Maltashunanjianio§ are arraigned with him, and the bill of indict- 
 ment rims as follows : " For that being accused tliat they did with joynt 
 consent vpon the 29 of January anno 1674, [or 1675, N. S.] att a place 
 called Assowamselt Pond, wilfully and of sett |)urpose, and of mallice fore 
 thought, and by force and amies, murder John Sassamon, an other In- 
 dian, by laying violent hands on him, and striking him, or twisting his 
 nccke vntill liee was dead ; and to hyde and conceale this theire said 
 murder, att the tyme and place aforesaid, did cast his dead body through 
 a hole of the iyce into the said pond." 
 
 To this they pleaded "not guilty," and put themselves on trial, say 
 the records. The jury, liowever, were not long in finding them guilty, 
 which they express in these words: " Wee of the jury one and all, both 
 English and Indians doe joyntly and with one consent agree upon a 
 verdict." 
 
 Upon this they were immediately remanded to prison, "and from 
 thence [taken] to the place of execution and there to be hanged by the 
 head|| vntill theire bodies are dead." Accordingly, Tobias and Mattaslmit- 
 
 * His Lidinn name was Pno^ffapanossoo. 
 
 t AlMlicr's Relation, 7k .ludifo Davis retains the same account, (Morton's Memoria}, 
 28'.).) wiiich we shall presently sliow to f)o erroneous. 
 
 t Mather's Ilolalion, 7.5. 
 
 6 The same called AfiilUislihmitimi. His nnine in the records is spelt four way*. 
 
 11 This old phraseolofiy reminds lis of the I'Vench mode of expression, conper h eon, 
 tliat is, to cut ofl'llie neck instead of the head ; hut the French say, il sera pendu par sen 
 cou, and so do modern hangmen, aWas Jurists, of our limes. 
 
12 
 
 SASSAMON. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 annamo were executed on the 8 June, 1675. " But the snid JVampapu- 
 
 fuan, on some considerations was reprieued until a niontli be expired." 
 le was, however, shot witliin tiie month. 
 
 It is an error that the jury that found them guilty was composed of 
 half Indians; there were but four, while there were twelve Englishmen. 
 We will again hear the record : — 
 
 "Itt was judged very expedient by the court, that, together with this 
 E'^j.ish jury aboue named, some of the most indiffercntest, grauest and 
 sage Indians should be admitted to be with the said jury, and to healp to 
 consult and aduice with, of, and concerning the premises : there names 
 are as followeth, viz. one called by an English name ^hpe, and Maskip- 
 pague, fVannoo, George Wampye and Acanootus; thr fully concurred 
 with the jury in theire verdict." 
 
 The names of the jurymen were William Sabine, William Crocker, 
 Edward Sturgis, William Brookes, JVaM. Wiiislow, John Wadsworth, ,/ln- 
 dreio Ringe, Robert Vixon, John Done, Jon": Bangs, JowK Shaw and 
 Benj". Higgins. 
 
 That nothing which can throw light upon this important affair be passed 
 over, we will here add, from an exceeding scarce tract, the following 
 particulai d, although some parts of them are evidently erroneous : " About 
 live or six years since, there was brought up, amongst others, at the col- 
 lege at Cambridge, (Mass.) an Indian, named Sosomon; who, after some 
 time he had spent in preaching the gospel to Uncas, a sagamore Chi'istian 
 in his territories, was, by the authority of New Plimouth, sent to preach 
 in like manner to King Philip, and his Indians. But King Philip, (heath- 
 en-like,) instead of receiving the gospel, would immediately have killed 
 this Sosomon, but by the persuasion of some about him, did not do it, 
 but sent him by the hands of three men to prison ; who, as he was going 
 to prison, exhorted and taught them in the Christian religion. They, not 
 liking his discouree, immediately murthered him after a most barbarous 
 manner. They, returning to King Philip, acquainted him with what they 
 had done. About two or three months after this murther, being discov- 
 ered to the authority of New Plimouth, Josiah Winslow being then gov- 
 ernor of that colony, care was taken to find out the murtherers, who, 
 upon search, were found and apprehended, and, after a fair trial, were all 
 hanged. Tliis so exasperated King Philip, that, from that dtiy after, he 
 studied to be revenged on the English — judging that the English author- 
 ity hrd nothing to do to hang an Indian for killing another."* 
 
 * Present State of New England, by a merchant of Boston, in respect to the pretertt 
 Bloody Indians Wurs, page 3. folio, London, 1676. [Since reprinted.] 
 
rir-. 
 
 'M'^m^ 
 
 *ji 
 
 ■-:mmp ^ 
 
 priFLLll' alius MiBTACO^I KT ol' Potaiiolo 
 
 /'.'//, /iiiiri/ /r)>/ii till' irii/iiiii/ us I'li/i/is/ied hi t'luiirii 
 
Chap. II] 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 13 
 
 Lift o/KING PHILIP — His real name — 77ie name of his wife — MoKes fre- 
 quent sales of his lands — Acrount of them — His first treat}/ at Plimoulh 
 — Expedition to J\''antucLet — Events of 1(j71 — Begins the WAR of 1675 
 — First acts of hostility — Swamp Fight at Pocasset — JSCairowly escapes 
 out of his oivn country — Is pursued h\f Oneko — Fight at Rehoboth Plain 
 — Cuts off a company of English under Cant. Beers — Incidents—Fight at 
 
 raganset- ,,„„„ ^ . ■ ■ 
 
 fortress — English march to attack him — The great Fight at J\arraganset 
 — 'Igainfies his country — Visits the Mohawks — Ill-devised stratagem — 
 Events of 1676 — Returns again to his country — Reduced to a wretched 
 condition — Is hunted by Church — His chief counsellor, Akkompoin, killed^ 
 and his sister captured — His wife and son fall into the hands of Church — 
 Flies to Pokanoket — Is surprised and slain. — Specimen of the JVampanoag 
 Language — Other curious matter. 
 
 In regard to the native or Indian name of Philip, it seems a mistake 
 lias always prevailed, in printed uccoiuits. Pometacom gives as near its 
 Indian sound as can be approached by our letters. The first syllable was 
 dropped in familiar discourse, and hence, in a short time, no one imagined 
 but what it had always been so ; in nearly every original deed executed 
 by him, which we have seen, and they are many, his name so appears. 
 It is true that, in those of different years, it is spelt with some little varia- 
 tion, all which, however, conveyed very nearly the same sound. The 
 variations are Pumatacom, Pamatacom, Pometacome, and Pometacom ; the 
 last of which prevails in the records. 
 
 We have another important discovery to communicate :* it is no other 
 than the name of the wife of Pometacom — the innocent Wootoneka- 
 nuske! This was the name of her who, with her little son, fell into the 
 hciuds of Capt. Church. No wonder that Philip was " now ready to die," 
 as some of his traitorous men told Church, and that "his heart was now 
 reaily to brake !" All that wa.s dear to him was now swallowed up in the 
 vortex ! But they still lived, and this most harrowed his soul — lived for 
 what ? to serve as sla\ es in an unknown land ! could it be otherwise than 
 tliat madness should seize upon him, and despair torment him in every 
 ]tlace? that in his sleep he should hear the anguishing cries and 1am- 
 tntations of Wootonekanuske and his son? But we must change the 
 scene. 
 
 It seems as though, for many years before the war of 1G75, Pometacom, 
 and nearly all of his people sold off their lands as fast as purchasers pre- 
 sented themselves. They saw the prosperity of the English, and they 
 were just such philosophers as are easily captivated by any show of os- 
 tentation. They were foi-saking their manner of life, to which the prox- 
 imity of the whites was a deadly poison, and wore eager to obtain such 
 tilings as their neighbors possessed ; those were only to be obtained by 
 parting with their lands. That the reader may form some idea of the 
 
 * The author focls a peculiar satisfaction that it has fallen to his lot to be tlic first to 
 publish the rciil name of the groat sachem of the Wampanoags, and also that of ibo 
 sharer of his perils, Wootonekanmke. 
 
 2 
 
14 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 [Book IIL 
 
 rapidity witli which tlie Indians' lands in Plitnouth colony were disposed 
 ol, we add tiie following items: — 
 
 In a deed dated 23 June, 10(54, " fVilliam Brenton, of Newport, R. I. 
 inenrliant," "for a valuable consideration" paid by him, buys Matapoisett 
 of Philip. This deed begins, " I, Pumatacom alias Philip, chief sachem 
 of Mount Hope, Cowsumpsit and of all territories thereunto belonging." 
 Philip and his wife both signed this deed, and Tockomock, fVecopauhim,* 
 JVesetaquason, Pompaquase, Apeminiate, Taquanksickc, Paquonack, JVata- 
 patahue, Aqiidafiuish, John Sassamon the interpreter, Rowland Sassamtm, 
 and two Kiiiglishmen, signed as witnesses. 
 
 In l()(i.l, he sold the country about Acushena, [now New Bedford,] and 
 Coaxet, [now in Conipton.] Philip^s father having previously sold some 
 of the same, £10 was now given him to prevent any claim from him, 
 and to pay for his marking out the same. 
 
 John JFoosansman [one of the names of Sassamon] witnessed this 
 deed. 
 
 In 1667, Philip sells to Constant Southworth, and others, all the meadow 
 lands from Dartmouth to Matapoisett, for which he had £15. Particular 
 bounds to all tracts are mentioned in the deeds, but as they were gener- 
 ally or often stakes, trees, and heaps of stones, no one at this time can 
 trace many of them. 
 
 The same year, for "£10 sterling," he sells to Tlios. TVillet and others, 
 " all that tract of land lying between the Riuer Wanascottaquett and Ca- 
 watoquissett, being two miles long and one broad." Pawsaquens, one of 
 Philip's counsellors, and Tom aiias Sawsuett, an interpreter, were wit- 
 nesses to the sale. 
 
 In 1668, ^* Philip Pometacom, and Tatamumaque^ alias Cashewashed, 
 sachems," for a "valuable consideration," sell to sundry English a tract 
 of some sqtiare miles. A part of it was adjacent to Pokanoket. In de- 
 scribing it, Memenuekquage and Towansett neck are mentioned, which 
 we conclude to be in Swansey. Besides two Englishmen, Sotnpointeen^ 
 alias Tom, and J^ananuntnew, sou of Thomas Plants, were witnesses to 
 this sale. 
 
 The next year, the same sacheins sell 500 acres in Swansey for £20. 
 yVanueo, a counsellor, and Tom, the interj)reter, were witnesses. 
 
 In 16t>8, Philip and Uncompawen laid claim to a part of New-meadows 
 neck, alleging that it was not intended to be conveyed in a fonner deed, 
 by Ossamequin and IVamsutta, to certain English, "although it appears, 
 says the record, pretty clearly so expressed in said deed," " yet that peace 
 and friendship maybe continued," "Capt. Willet, Mr. Brown and John 
 Jilkn, in the behalf of themselves and the rest," agree to give Philip and 
 Uncompawen the sum of £11 in goods. 
 
 Philip Nanuskooke}: his /f mat-k, 
 VncompawEiN his X mai'k. 
 
 Tom Sansuwest, interpreter. 
 
 And NiMROD. 
 
 The same year, we find the following record, which is doubly interest- 
 ing, from the plan with which we are able to accompany it, drawn by 
 Philip himself, who, no doubt, over urged to sell certain lands, contracts 
 or agrees, by the following writing inider his hand, that "this may inform 
 
 * Perhaps Vncom-poin. 
 
 t Wiitlen in another tIecH, Atunkamomakf. This deed was in the next year. It was 
 of 500 acros of laud, "more vir lesse," ii: Swansoy; and £20 the consideration. Hii^h 
 Coif., Josias Windmo, John Cofff^eshall and Constaiit Soulhicorth were the purchasers, 
 and Warineo, a counsellc-, one of the witnesses. 
 
 X This double name, wc suppose, was meant to stand for the si^ature of himself and 
 wife. 
 
IK III. 
 
 iposed 
 
 , R. 1. 
 
 poisett 
 ichom 
 igiiig." 
 uhim* 
 Wata- 
 samcm, 
 
 1,] and 
 1 some 
 n him, 
 
 ed this 
 
 leadow 
 rticulur 
 gener- 
 ne can • 
 
 others, 
 ind Ca- 
 r, one of 
 3re wit- 
 
 ewashed, 
 
 1 a tract 
 
 In de- 
 
 which 
 
 ointeen, 
 
 esses to 
 
 £20. 
 
 leadows 
 ler deed, 
 lappeara, 
 
 at peace 
 Ind John 
 
 lilip and 
 
 \mark, 
 
 linterest- 
 ^•awn by 
 Contracts 
 |y inform 
 
 jr. It was 
 
 In. Hii^h 
 lurcliascrs, 
 
 Imsclf and 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 15 
 
 the hononred conrt [of Piimouth,] that I Philip amo willing to sell the 
 land within this draught ; but the Indians that are vpon it may liue vpon 
 it still; but the land that is [waste]* may be sould, and Watlachvoo is of 
 the same minde. I have sed downe all the principall names or the land 
 wee are willing should bee sould." 
 
 " From Pacanaukett Phillip P his marke.** 
 
 the24ofthel2mo. 1GG8." 
 
 Wanascobocliclt. 
 
 Wewensct. 
 
 This line is a path. 
 
 Sepa- 
 coiiett. 
 
 Ascopompamocke 
 
 Panhanet. 
 
 PatantaioneU 
 
 Aacoochame^ 
 
 Machapquake. 
 
 Aponecetk 
 
 7%M is a path. 
 
 AnequeassetU 
 
 CottoyowsekeesetU 
 
 " Osamegucn" having, " for valuable considerations," in the year 1641, 
 sold to John Breton and Edward Winslow a tract of land eight miles 
 square, situated on both sides of Palmer's River, Philip, in 1668, was 
 required to sign a quit-claim of the same. This he did in presence of 
 Umptakisoke, Phillip, and Peebe,\ counsellors, Sonconewhew, Phillip's 
 brother, and Tom the interpreter. 
 
 Also in 1669, for £10 " and another valuable and sufficient gratuity," 
 he sells to John Cook of Akuseuag in Daitmouth,J " one whole island nero 
 the towne," called Nokatay. 
 
 The same year, Philip and Tuspaquin sell a considerable tract of land 
 in Middleborough, for £13. Thom,a& the interpreter, William, the son of 
 Tuspaquin, and Benjamin Church, were witnesses. 
 
 In 1671, Philip and '■'■Monjokam of Mattapoisett," for £5, sell to Hugh 
 Cole, of Swansey, shipwright, land lying near a place called Acashewah, 
 in Dartmouth. 
 
 In 1672, Philip sold to William Brenton and others, of Taunton, a tract 
 to tlie southward of that town, containing 12 square miles, for £143; and, 
 a few days after, adjoining it, four square miles more, to Constant Southworth. 
 Otliers were concerned in the sale of the larger tract, as is judged by the 
 deeds being signed by J\Punkampahoonett, Umnathum, alias JWmrorf, Chee- 
 maughton, and Capt. Annawam, besides one Philip. Thomas, alias Sank- 
 suit, was among the witnesses. The sale of the last tract was witnessed 
 
 * So ill the records. 
 
 t ('ailed, ill Mr. IIiMard's liislory, Tliebe ; he was aftcrwar's killcH ui awangey, ia 
 Uie bejfiiiniiig of the war. 
 \ The place where Cook lived is novr included in New Bedford. 
 
16 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 [Book m. 
 
 by Munashum, uUuh J^imrod, ffoackompaivh m' mid Capt. Annoivan, [w4n- 
 nawon.] 
 
 Tlicso arc bui a part of the sales of laud 1)} :melacom. Many otlicr 
 cliiefk sold very larsjoly, i)articulurly tyalu.<ipaq,.u and Josias Wampaluck. 
 
 We meet witli a Hiii>,'ular record of Philip previous to this time, the 
 authorshi|> of which we attriltute to John Snssamon, and whieh, besides 
 extendiof^ our kuovvh!(l;^e of Philip, into iiis earlier times, serves to make 
 us acquainted with Sussamoii's ucouireiueuts in the language of the 
 pilgrims. 
 
 " Know all men by these jirosents, that Philip hauc giucn jjower vnto 
 Waluchpoo\ and Sampson\ and theire brethren to hold and make sale of 
 to whom they will l)y my consent, and they shall not haiio itt without 
 they be willing to lett it goo it shal l)e sol by my consent, but without my 
 knowledge they cannot safely to: but with my consent there is none that 
 can lay claime to that land which they haue marked out, it is theires for- 
 euer, soe therefore none can safely purchase any otherwise but by fFa- 
 iachpoo and Sampson and their bretheren. Puimp IfiU))," 
 
 At the court of Plimouth, 1(573, "Mr. Pder Talmon of Rhode Hand 
 complained against Philip allies JFewasowanuett, saidiem of Mount Hope, 
 brother or predecessor of Pacanawkelt as heire adminnostrator or suc- 
 cessor vnto his brotlier or predecessor fVamsitta, Sopaquilt,^ or Alexander 
 deceased, in an action on the case, to the <lamage of £800 iiirfc^iture of a 
 bond of such a value, bearing date, June the Siddi, IGtiJ, giuen to the said 
 Peter Talman, obliging him the saiil Wamsitla allies Allexandcr to make 
 good to him, his heires and a deed of gift of a considerable track of land 
 att Sapowett and places adjacent, as in the said deed is more particularly 
 expressed; for want wlierof the complainant is greatly damnify<'d." 
 
 Whether the conduct of the ])cople of IMimouth towards JFamsuUa, 
 Pometaconi's elder brother, and other neighboring Indians, made them 
 always suspicious of the chief sachem, as it had their neighbors before in 
 the case of Miantunnomoh, or whether Philip were in reality " contriving 
 mischief," the same year of his coming in chief sachem, remains a ques- 
 tion, to this day, with those best acquainted with the history of those 
 times. 
 
 The old benevolent sachem Massasoit, alias Woosamequin, having died 
 ill the winter of lGGl-2, as we believe, and but few months afler died 
 also Alexander, Philip^s elder brother and predecessor, Philip liimself, by 
 the order of succession, came to be chief of the Wampanoags. 
 
 Philip having by letter complained to the court of Pliniouth of some 
 injuries, at their October term, ]GG8, they say, "In answer unto a letter 
 from Philip, the sachem of Pocanokett, &c., by way of petition requesting 
 the court for justice against Francis Wast, [Wesl,'\ for wrong done by him 
 to one of his men about a gun taken from him by the said Wast ; as also 
 for wrong done unto some swine of the said Indian's. The court have 
 ordered the case to be heard and determined by the selectmen of Taun- 
 ton ; and in case it be not by them ended, that it be referred unto the 
 next March court at Plimoutli to be ended." How the case turned we 
 have ni)t found. But for an Indian to gain his point at an English court, 
 unless his case were an exceeding strong one, was, we apprehend, a rare 
 occurrence. 
 
 * Probably " Philip's old uncle Akkonvpoin." 
 
 t Sometimes l^ukpoo, by abbreviation. See a further account of him in the life of 
 Tatoson. 
 
 f. Many Indians bore the same English name. In 1671, there was a Sampson of 
 Nobscussclt, and another of Nauset. 
 
 § That is, nicknamed Alexander, according' to the French mode of expression ; ou 
 par sobriquet Alex(i\der, as I imagine. Mr. Hiibbar ,, says of Philip, (Narrative, 10,) 
 tiiat, " for bis ambitious and haughty spirit, [he was] nicknamed King Philip." 
 
 I 
 
 - i 
 
m. 
 
 Chap. 11] 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 17 
 
 some 
 
 Iftter 
 
 esting 
 
 )y liiiii 
 
 as also 
 
 rt havo 
 
 Tuun- 
 
 nto the 
 
 led we 
 
 court, 
 
 a rare 
 
 be life of 
 
 inpson of 
 
 ision ; ou 
 ive, 10,) 
 
 " lie was no sooner styled saolicrii," says Dr. /. Jl/a/Acr,* "but immu- 
 diatolv, in the year KHi'-i, tlu're wnro vrheuKMit suHpicioiis of his bloody 
 treachery against the llnjrlish." This aiitlior wrote at the close of Philip^s 
 war, when very few could speak of Indians, without discovering great 
 bitterness. Mr. jMorlon\ is the first who mentions Mdncomct in a printed 
 work, which, being before any ditficnlty with hitn, is in a more becoming 
 nianncr. "This year," (UMiy,) he obs(!rves, "upon oc(;asion of some sus- 
 picion of some plot inte.ided by the Indians against the Knglisli, Philip, 
 the sachem of I'okanoket, otherwise called .Metacom, made his appearance 
 at the court held at Plimouth, August 6, did earnestly desire the continu- 
 ance of that amity and friendship that hath formerly been between the 
 governor of I'limouth and his deceasiul father and brother." 
 
 The court expressing their willingness to remain his friends, he signed 
 the articles prepared by them, acknowledging himself a subject of the 
 khig of England, thus : — 
 
 " The mark of -g Phillip, sachem 
 of jPocanakett, 
 The mark of <] Vncumpowktt, 
 vnkell to the aboue said sac/iem." 
 
 The following persons were present, and witnessed this act of Philip, 
 and his great captain Uncoinpoin : — 
 
 "John Sassamon, 
 The mark r\ of FiiAncis, sachem of JVauset, 
 The mark DI o/'Nimrod o/ttw Pumpasa, 
 The mark '\S o/'Punckquaneck, 
 Tlie mark ^ q/'AQUETECiU£SH."j; 
 
 Of the uneasiness and concern of the English at this period, at the 
 hostile movements of Philip, Mr. Hubbard, we presume, was not inform- 
 ed; or so im|)ortant an event would not have been omitted in his minute 
 and valuable history. Mr. Morton, as we before stated, and Mr. Mather 
 mention it, but neither of these, or any writer since, to this day, had 
 made the matter appear in its true light, from their neglect to produce 
 the names of those that appeared with the saciiem. 
 
 For about nine years succeeding 1G(J2, very little is recorded concern- 
 ing Philip. During this time, he became more intimately acquainted with 
 his English neighbors, learned their weakness and his own strength, which 
 rather increased than diminished, until his fatal war of 1G75. For, during 
 this period, not only their additional numbers gained them [)ower, but 
 their arms were greatly strengthened by the English instruments of war 
 jiut into their hands. Roger Williams had early brought the Narragansets 
 into friendship with Massasoit, which alliance gained additional strength 
 on the accession of the young Mctucomet. And here we may look i'ov a 
 njain cause of that war, although the death of Alexander is generally 
 looked ui)on by the early historians, as almost the only one. The con- 
 tinual broils between the English and Narragansets, (we name the Eng- 
 lish fust, as they were generally the aggressors,) could not be unknown 
 to Philip; and if his countrymen were abused, he knew it. And what 
 friend will see another abused, without feeling a glow of resentment in 
 his breast? And who will wonder, if, when these abuses had followed 
 each other, repetition upon repetition, for a series of years, that they 
 should at last break out into open war? The Narraganset cliiefs were 
 
 "^ Relation, 72. 
 
 X From the Records in manuscript. 
 2* 
 
 t la Lis N. England's MemoriaL 
 
18 
 
 I-TFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 [Rook III. 
 
 not coHHpiciioiia at tlio period of which wc spoak ; thcro were several of 
 them, hut no one appeurH to have had u ^oiieral coirunutid or a.sceii(h;ncy 
 over the rest; uiid there cuii he little (loiiht hut tiiat they uiiauiiiiously 
 repoHed their caus(! in tiie liaiidH of Philip. JViniifret wan at tiiis tiino 
 grown old, and thou;r|i, for many years aller the murder of Aliantun- 
 nomoh, he seems to have had the chief authority, yet pusillanimity was 
 always ralhcr a predominant trait in his character. His a<(e had prohahly 
 ruiistid his withdrawal from the others, on their resolution to second 
 Philip. Canonrhet was at this period the most conspicuous; Puinhatn 
 next; Polok, M(urnii3, tha stpiaw-sachem, whose hushund, .Mrikaah, had 
 been dtmd several years ; and lastly Mallatoasf. 
 
 JJefore proceeding with later events, the followin;,' short narrative, illus- 
 trative of a peculiar custom, it will he proper to notice. 
 
 Tiiero is a tradition curretit at Nantucket, that, in the year 10(55, an 
 Indian named John Gihbs o\'i\mi island hud spoken something concerning 
 a dead relative of Philip ; and, as it was an ohservanct; or law among 
 them, that whoever should speak (!vil of the dead should he j)ut to death, 
 Philip went there to execute this law upon Gibbs. lie was, however, de- 
 feated in his design, for one of Gibbs^s friends, understanding Philip^a 
 uitention, ran to him and gave him notice of it, just in time for him to es- 
 cape ; not, however, without great exertions, for Philip came once in 
 sight of him, atler pursuing liim some time among the English frotn 
 house to house ; but Gibbs, by lea[>ing a hunk, got out of sight, and so 
 escaped. Philip would not leave the island until the English had ran- 
 somed John at the exorbitant price of nearly all the moiujy tipon tho 
 island.* Gibbs was a Christian Indian, and his Indian name was Jlasa- 
 samoogh. lie was a preacher to his countrymen in 1074, ut which time 
 there were belonging to his church 30 members. 
 
 What grounds the English had in the spring of the year 1G71, for sus- 
 pecting that a ploL was going forward for their destruction, cannot satis- 
 factorily be ascertained ; but it is evident there were some warlike prep- 
 arations made by the great chief, which very much alarmed the Eng- 
 lish, as in the life of Awashonks we shall have occasion again to notice. 
 Their suspicions were further confirmed when they sent to him to come 
 to Taunton and make knov/ri the causes for his operations ; as he dis- 
 covered " shyness," and a reluctance to comply. At length, on the 10th 
 of April, this year, he came to a place about four miles from Taunton, 
 accompanied with a band of his warriors, attired, armed and painted as 
 for a warlike expedition. From this place he sent messengers to Taunton, 
 to invite the English to come and treat with him. The governor either 
 was afraid to meet the chief, or thought it beneath his dignity to comply 
 with his request, and therefore sent several persons, among whom was 
 Roger Williams, to inform him of their determination, and their good dis- 
 position towards him, and to urge his attendonce at Taunton. He agreed 
 to go, and hostages were left in the hands of his warriors to warrant his 
 safe return. On coming near the village with a few of his warriors, he 
 made a stop, which appears to have been occasioned by the warlike 
 parade of the English, many of whom were for immediately attacking 
 him. These were the Plimouth people that recommended this ruslmess, 
 but they were prevented by the commissioners from Massachusetts, who 
 met here with the governor of Plimouth to confer with Philip. 
 
 * A friend of thn author, now living at Nantucket, obliffingl y oflered to furnish him 
 with whatever could be found relating to the Indians of tlial place ; it is presumed ho 
 could discover nothing, as he has not since been heard from. For some of what wo 
 have given above, see 1 Col. Muss. Hist. Soc. iii. 159, furnished for that work by JUr. 
 Zaccheus Macy, whose ancestor, it is said, assisted in secreting Assasamoogh. 
 
 
 or 
 
Cii*r. Ill 
 
 I, IFF, OF KINO IMIII.IIV 
 
 10 
 
 In tlx" «Mi(l it wnH nffrord tlint n couiicil sliniilt! ho lii'ld in tlic mrftinp- 
 lioiisr, nno t<i<l(; of wiiirli hIioiiIi! Ih; occnpifd hy the IndiiiiiH, aii<i tlio 
 oiiicr hy the* Kiijflish. Philip liiid ullcgcd tliut tlic Kii<;lisli injured the 
 plantfd lands of iiis |)P()|»I(', hut this, tht; Knfjlish say, was in no wiso hus- 
 tainod. lit' saiil ids warlike prcparationH wrnj not a;:ainst tiic I'Jighsli, 
 hilt tho NuiTa<,'ans(!ts, wiiicli the Kll^lisll also say was provnl to ids face 
 to \)i' falso ; and t'.at tliis so ('onlininded liiin, tliat lit; conl'csscd tin; wliolc 
 plot, and "tliat it was tiu; naiiglitincss of Ids own lunu-t that |)iit him upon 
 tiiat nhrliion, and iiothiiuj of nny provocation from tht; Eiif,dish."* 
 Tlu-nlVirc, with lour of his coimsidlorH, wiioso names wfru "J'tivoser, 
 Cii\)l. If'inpoke, H'oonkap. leliunt, [Unkomnoin,] and JVimroil, h»3 sijrncd a 
 mihniission, and an (tn^^mgemcnt of friendship, which also stipulated that 
 he shouKl ^ive up all the arms among Ida people, into the hands of the 
 governor of IMimouth, to bo kept as long as the government should "see 
 reasoii."t 
 
 The Mnglish of Massachusetts, having acted as umpires in this affair, 
 wen; lookcil to, hy both parties, on the next cause of complaint. Philip 
 having delivered the arms which himself and men had with them at 
 Taunt(Mi,|: promised to deliver the rest at IMimouth hy a certain time. 
 IJiit they not being delivered according to agreement, and some other dif- 
 ferences occurring, a messenger was sent to Boston from Plimouth, to 
 make complaint ; but Philip, perhaps, understanding what was intended, 
 was (jiiite as (larly ut IJoston in person ;|1 and, by his address, did not fail to 
 he well recreived, and a favorable report of him was returned to Plimouth ; 
 aiul, at the same time, projiosals that commissioners from all the United 
 Colonies sliouhl meet Philip at Plimouth, where all dillicultics where 
 expected to be sett! mI. This meeting took place the same year, Sei)tem- 
 ber, 1()7I, where the issue of the meeting was very nearly the same us 
 that at Tamitoii. "The conclusion was," says Mr. Mather,^ ^^ Philip ac- 
 knowledged his ofleiico, and was appointed to give a sum of money to 
 defray the charges which his insolent clairiors had put the colony unto." 
 
 As usual, several articles were drawn up by the English, of what 
 Philip was to siibiint to, to which we find the names of three only of his 
 ca|)tnins or counsellors, Uncompaen, who was his uncle,1[ Wotokom and 
 Samkama. 
 
 Great stress in those days was laid on the Indians submitting t!iem- 
 selves as " subject to his majesty the king of England." This tliey did 
 only to get rid of the importunity of the English, as their cnnide hnme- 
 diatoly afterwards invariably showed. 
 
 The articles which the govermnent of Plimouth drew up at this time, 
 for Philip to sign, were not so illiberal as might be imagined, were we 
 not to produce some of them. Article second reads, — 
 
 "I [Philip'] am willing, and do promise to pay unto the government of 
 Pliniouth £100, in such things us I have ; but I would entreat the favor 
 that I might have three years to j)ay it in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at 
 present." And in article third, he promises " to send unto the governor, 
 or whom he shall appouit, five wolves' heads, {/"Ae can g-ef /Aem; or as 
 
 * Hubbard, Indian Wars, 11, 1st edition. 
 
 f Tho artitlps of this treaty may be seen in Hubbard, Mather and Hutchinson's his- 
 tories. 
 
 t Matlicr's Relation, 73. $ Ibid. 
 
 11 Perhaps this was the time Mr. Jossebjn saw Philip at Boston, richly caparisoned, as 
 \vill hcreafior bo mentioned. 
 
 If Called by Church, Akkompoin, 
 
90 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 [Book 'II 
 
 mr.ny as he can procure, until they come to five wolves' heads yearly." 
 Tfaese articles were dated* 29 Sept. 1G7I, and were signed by 
 
 The mark 
 The mark 
 The mark 
 The mark 
 The mark 
 
 P of Phillip ; 
 
 T of WOIIKOVPAHENITT ;t 
 V of WUTTAKOOSEEIM J 
 T "/■ SONKANUHOO; 
 3t of WOONASIIUM, 
 
 alias NiMROD ; 
 
 7%c mark y of Woospasuck, 
 
 alias Captain. 
 
 On the 3 Nov. following, Philip accompanied Takanumma to Pli- 
 inoutli, to make his submission, which he did, and acknowledged, by a 
 writing, tiiat he would adhere to the articles signed by Philip and the 
 others, the 29 Sei)t. belbre. Tokamona was brother to Awashonks, and, 
 at this time, was saciicm of Seconet, or Saconett. lie vos afterwards 
 killed by the Narragansets.| 
 
 A general disarming of the neighboring Indians was undertaken during 
 the spring and summer of 1671, and nothing but trouble could have been 
 expected to follow. 
 
 That nothing may be omitted which can throw light upon this .mjwr- 
 tant era in the l)iography of Philip, wc will lay before the reader all the 
 unpublislied information furnished by the records.§ Having met 5m June, 
 1()71, "Tiie court [of Plimoutli] detcrinius all the guns in o' < hands, 
 tliat did belong to Philip, are justly forfeit; and do at tiie preseiit order 
 the dividing of them, to be kept at the several to us, according to their 
 equal jjroportions, until October (y)nrt next, and tl.-n to be at the court's 
 dispose, as reason may appear to them, and then to belong unto the towns, 
 if nut otlierwise disposed of by the court. 
 
 "That which the court grounds their judgment upon is, — For that at 
 the treaty at Taunton, Philip and his council did acknowledge that they 
 had been in a (^reparation for war against us; and that not grounded upon 
 any injury sustained from us, nor jjrovocation given by us, but from their 
 naughty hearts, and because he had formerly violated and broken solemn 
 covenants made and renewed to us ; he then freely tendered, (not being 
 in a ca])acity to be kept faithful by any other bonds,) to resign up all his 
 English arms, for our future security in that respect. He failed greatly in 
 the perfbrnuuice thereof, by secret[ly] conveying away, and carrying liome 
 several guns, that might and slioulcl have been then delivered, and not 
 giving tliem up since, according to his engagement ; nor so far as is in his 
 power ; ah ajjpears in that many guns are known still to be amongst the 
 Indians that live l)y him, and [he] not so mucii as giving order to some 
 of his men, that are under his inunediate conunand, about the bringing in 
 of their arms. 
 
 " ^n his endeavoring, since the treaty [at Taunton,] to render us odious 
 to our neighbor colony by false rejjorts, comjilaints and suggestions ; and 
 his refusing or avoidinjf a treaty vvitii us concerning those and other mat- 
 ters that are justly offensive to us, notwithsttanding his late engagement, as 
 well as former, to submit to the king's authority, and the authority of this 
 colony. 
 
 " It was hVi^u ordered by the court that the arms of the Indians of 
 
 ' Tlioro is n.) date, hut tlie vcnr, set to any printed anroniit. Mr. Hubbard by mis- 
 take omitted it, and tliosi; who have since written, Imvc not given themselves the pleasure 
 
 o{ recnrrinf^ to the rcords. 
 t Ujwomjioin. 
 ^ Plimouth Colony Records, in nuxnuscrijit. 
 
 t See C/iwrt7i, 39. 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 2t 
 
 iging in 
 
 ians of 
 
 rd l)y inis- 
 le pleasure 
 
 ■h, 59. 
 
 Nainassakctt and Assowamsett, that were fetched in by Major JVinalow, 
 ami those that were with him, are confiscated, and forfeit, from the sai(i 
 Indians, for the gronnds above expressed ; they being in a compliance 
 witli PliilUpe in his late plot : And yet would neither by oar governor's 
 order, nor by Phillipe's desire, bring in their arms, as was engaged by the 
 treaty ; and tiie said guns are ordered by the court to the major and his 
 eoin|)any for their satisfaction, in that expedition. 
 
 " This court liave agreed and voted" to send " some" forces to " Saconctt 
 to fetch in" tiie arms among tiie Indians there. 
 
 If tlieu, therefore, tltese Indians liad not ahx-ady become hostile, no one 
 would marvel had it now become the case. Bows and arrows were 
 almost entirely out of use. Guns had so far supereeded them, that un- 
 dotihtedly many scarce could use them with effect, in procuring themselves 
 game: Nor could it be expected otherwise, for the English hail, by nearly 
 40 years' intercourse, rendered thdr arms far more necessary to tlie exist- 
 ence of the Indians than to their own : hence their unwillingness to part 
 with tliein. Philip, it is said, directed the Middleborough Indians to give 
 up their guns, llis object in this was to pacify the EngUsh, judging 
 that, when war should begin, tliese Indians would join the English, or at 
 least many of thein ; and, therefore, it affected his cause but little which 
 ])arry jiossessed them ; but not so with his immediate followers, as we 
 have just seen in the record. 
 
 A coinicil of war having convened at Plimouth, 23 August, 1671, the 
 following, besides the matters already expressed, they toolc into consid 
 eration: Philip^s "entertaining of many strange Indians, which might por- 
 tend danger towards us. In special by his entertaining of divers Saconctt 
 Indians, professed enemies to this colony, and this against good counsel 
 given him by his friends. The premises considered [the council] do 
 unanimously agree and conclude, that the said Phillip hath violated [the] 
 covenant plighted with this colony at Taunton in April last. 
 
 " 2. It is unanimously agreed and concluded by the said council, that 
 we are necessarily called to cause the said sachem to make his personal 
 appearance to make his purgation, in reference to the premises ; which, 
 in case of his refusal, the council, according to what at present appears, 
 do determin it necessary to endeavor his reducement by force ; inasnuich 
 as tlie controversy which hath seemed to lie more immediately between 
 liim and us, doth concern all the English plantations. It is, therefore, 
 determined to state the case to our neighbor colonies of the Rlassachusctts 
 and Rhode Island ; and if, by their weighty advice to the contrary, we are 
 not diverted from our presiuit determinations, to signity unto them, that 
 if they look upon themselves concerned to engage in the cast; with us 
 against a common enemy, it shall be well accepted as a neighborly kind- 
 ness; which we shall hold oui*selves obliged to repay, when Providence 
 may so 'dispose that we have oj)portu!iity. 
 
 "Accordingly, letters were despatched and sent from the council, one 
 unto the said Phillip the said sacliem, to require his personal apjjearance 
 at Plymouth, on the 13th day of Septemb(;r next, in reference to the par- 
 ticulai-s above mentioned against him. Tliis letter was sent by Mr. James 
 /r'a^fcer, one of tlie council, and he was ordered to request lite company 
 of Mr. RoiTcr Williams and Mr. James Browi, to go with him at the 
 delivery of the said letter. And another hotter was sent to the governor 
 and council of the Massaclius(>tts by the bands of Mr. John Fireman, one 
 of our magistrates, and a third was directed to the governor and council 
 of Rhode Island, and sent by Mr. Thomas Hinckln/ mid IMr. Constant South- 
 worth, two other of our magistrates, who are ordei'ed by our couricil with 
 the letter, to unfold our present state of matters relating to the premises, 
 and to certify them, also, more ceitainly of the time of the meeting 
 
22 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 togethor, in reference to engagement with the Indians, if there be a going 
 fortii, vvliich will be on the 20 of September next. 
 
 " It was further orilcred by the council, that those formerly pressed shall 
 remain under the same imi)refesinent, until the next meeting of the said 
 council, on the 10 day of Sept. next, and so also until the intended ex- 
 peditiop is issued, unless they shall see cause to alter them, or aaJ or 
 detract from them, as occasion may re([uire : And that all other matters 
 remain as they were, in way of jjreparation to the said expedition, until we 
 shall see the mind of God furtlier by the particulars forenamed, improved 
 for that purpose. 
 
 " It was further ordered by the council, that all the towns within this 
 jurisdiction siiall, in the interim, be solicitously careful to provide for their 
 safety, by convenient watches and wardings, and carrying their arms to 
 the meetings on the Lord's days, in such manner, as will best stand witli 
 their particulai-s, and the common safety. 
 
 "And in particular they order, that a guard shall be provided for the 
 safety of the governor's person, during the time of the above-named 
 troubles and expeditions. 
 
 " And the council were summoned by the president, [the governor of 
 Plimouth,] to make their persoiif 1 appearance at Plymoutli, on the 13th 
 day of Sept. next, to attend such further business as shall be then presented 
 by providence, in ref -rence to the premises. [Without any intermediate 
 entry, the records proceed :] 
 
 "On the 13 Sept. 1671, the council of war appeared, according to 
 their summons, but Phillip the sachem appeared not ; but instead thereof 
 repaired to the Massachusetts, and made complaint against us to divera of 
 the gentlemen in i)iace there ; who wrote to our governor, by way of per- 
 suasion, to advise the council to a compliance with the said sachem, antl 
 tendered their help in the achieving thereof; declaring, in sum, that they 
 resented not his offence so deeply as we did, and that they doubted 
 whether the covenants and engagements that Phillip and his predecessoi-s 
 had plighted with us, would plainly import that he had subjected himself, 
 and people, and country to us any further than as in a neighborly and 
 friendly correspondency." 
 
 Thus, whether Philip had been able by misrepresentation to lead the 
 court of Massachusetts into a conviction that his designs had not been 
 fairly set forth by Plimouth, or whether it be more reasonable to conclude 
 that that body were thoroughly acquaintetl with the whole gi-ounds of 
 complaint, and, therefore, considered Plimouth nearly as much in error 
 as Philip, by assuming^authority not belonging to them, is a case, we 
 apprehend, not difficult to be settled by the reader. The record con- 
 tinues : — 
 
 "The council having deliberated "ipon the premises, despatched away 
 letters, declaring their thankful acceptance of their kind proffer, and 
 invited the commissioners of the Massachusetts and Connecticut, they 
 [the latter] then being there in the Bay, [Boston,] and some other gentle- 
 men to come to Plymouth and afibrd us their help : And, accordingly, on 
 the 24 of Sept. 1671, Mr. Jofm JVinthrop, Gov. of Connecticut^ Maj. 
 Gen. Leveretf, "^r. Thos. Danfoiih, Capt. I^n Davis, with divers othei-s, 
 came to Plymouth, and had a fair and dcliberaie hearing of the contro- 
 verjjy between our colony and the said sachem Vhillip, he being personally 
 present ; there being also competent interjjreters, both English and Indians. 
 At which meeting it was proved by sufliciont testimony to the conviction 
 of the said Phillip, and satisfaction of all that audience, both [to] the said 
 gentlemen and otiicrs, that he had broken his covenant made with our 
 colony at Taunton in A[)ril kisf, in divers particulars : as also carried verj 
 unkindly unto us divers ways. 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 23 
 
 "1. In thut he" liad neglected to bring in liis nrms, iillliough "compe- 
 tent time, yea his time enlarged" to do it in, as before stated. 
 
 "2. That he hafl carried insolently and in'otidiy towards us on several 
 occasions, in refusing to come down to our court (when sent for) to have 
 .speech with him, to procure a right understanding of matters indifference 
 betwixt us." 
 
 This, to .-iay the least, was a wretchedly sorry complaint. That an inde- 
 ])eudent chief should refuse to obey his neighbors whenever they had a 
 mind to command him, of the justness of whose mandates he was not to 
 inquire, surely calls for no comment of ours. Besides, did Philip not do 
 as he agreed at Taunton ? — which was, that in case of future troubles, 
 both parties should ky their complaints before Massachusetts, and abide 
 by their decision ? 
 
 The 3d charge is only a repetition of vvh<it was stated by the council 
 of war, namely, harboring and abetting divers Indians not his own men, 
 but " vagabonds, our professed enemies, who leavhig their own sachem 
 were harbored by him." 
 
 The 4th has likewise been stated, which contains the complaint of liis 
 going to Massachusetts, " with several of his council, endeavoring to 
 insinuate himself into the magistrates, and to misrepresent matters unto 
 them," which amounts to little else but an accusation against Massachu- 
 setts, as, from what has been before stated, it seemc ♦hat the " gentlemen 
 in place there" had, at least in part, been convinced that Philip was not 
 so much in fault as their friends of Plimouth had pretended.* 
 
 "5. That he had shewed great incivility to divers of ours at several 
 times; in specif»I unto Mr. James Brown, who was sent by the court 
 on special occasion, as a messenger unto him ; and unto Hugh Cole at 
 another time, &c. 
 
 "The gentlemen forenamed taking notice of the premises, having fully 
 heard what the said Phillip could say for himself, having free liberty so 
 to do without interruption, adjudged that he had done us a great deal of 
 wrong and injury, (respecting the premises,) and also abused them by 
 carrying lies and false stories to them, and so misrepresenting matters unto 
 them ; and they persuaded him to make an acknowledgment of his fault, 
 and to seek for reconciliation, expressing themselves, that there is a great 
 difference between what he asserted to the government in the Bay, and 
 what he could now make out concerning his pretended wrongs; and 
 such had been the wrong and damage that he had done and procured 
 unto the colony, as ought not to be borne without competent reparation 
 and satisfaction ; yea, that he. by his insolencies, had (in probability) 
 occasioned more mischief from the Indians amongst them, than had 
 fallen out in many years before ; they persuaded him, therefore, to humble 
 himself unto the magistrates, and to amend his ways, if lie expected 
 peace ; and that, if he went on in his refractory way, he must expect to 
 smart for it." 
 
 The commissioners finally drew up the treaty of which we have before 
 spoken, and Philip and his counsellors subscribed it ; and thus ended the 
 chief events of 1G71. 
 
 Whether it were before this time, or between it and the war, that what 
 we are about to relate took place, is not certain, but it probably belongs 
 to the latter period. It is this : — The governor of Massachusetts sent an 
 ambassador to Philip, to demand of him Avhy he would make war upon 
 
 * Not a very liie^li compliment to the aulhorilics of Massacliusetts ; for it appears, if this 
 were the rase, Philip had succeeded in deceiving' them in matters of whicii certainly they 
 misjlit iiavc been correctly informed, as we should rather apprehend they were ; having' 
 been present at Taunton, and heard both sides of the story a(\erwards. 
 
24 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 the Englisli, and requested him, at the same time, to enter into a treaty. 
 The sachem made him this answer: — 
 
 " lour ffovernor is but a subject of King Charles* of England. I shall 
 not treat with a subject. I shall treat of peace only with the king, my brother, 
 ff'hen ht comes, I am. rearfi/."f 
 
 This is literal, although we have changed the order of the words a 
 little, and is worthy of a place upon the same page with the speech of 
 the famous Porus, when taken captive by Alexander.\ 
 
 We meet with nothing of importance until the death of Sasaamon, in 
 IG74, the occasion of which was charged upon Philip, and was the cause 
 of bringing about the war witli him a year sooner than he had expected. 
 This event prematurely discovered his intentions, which occasioned the 
 partial recantation of the Narragansets, who, it is reported, were to fur- 
 nish 4000 men, to be ready to fall upon the English in 1G76. Concert, 
 therefore, was wanting ; and although nearly all the Narragansets ulti- 
 mately joined against the English, yet the powerful effect of a general 
 sinmltaneous movement was lost to the Indians. Philip's own people, 
 many of whom were so disconcerted at the unexpected beginning of the 
 W"r, continued some time to waver, doubting which side to show them- 
 selves in favor of; and it was only from their being without the vicinity of 
 the English, or unprotected by them, that determined their course, which 
 was, in almost all cases, in favor of Philip. Even the Praying Indians,, 
 had they been left to themselves, would, no doubt, many of tliem, liave 
 declared in his favor also, as many really did. 
 
 Until the execution of the three Indians, supposed to be the murderers 
 of Sassamon, no hostility was committed by Philip or his wai*riors. About 
 the time of their trial, he was said to be marching his men "up and down 
 the country in arms," but when it was known that they were executed, 
 he could no longer restrain his yoiuig men, who, upon the 24th of June, 
 provoked the people of Swansey, by killing their cattle, and other injuries,^ 
 until they were fired upon, which was a signal to commence the war, and 
 what they had desired ; for the superstitious notion ;revailed among the 
 Indians, that the party who fired the first gun would be conqueitid.|| 
 They had probably been made to believe this by the English themselves. 
 
 It was upon a fast day that this great drama was opened. As the peo- 
 
 " Charles II. wliose reign was from 1G60 to 1616. 
 
 t Present State of N. En^. 68. 
 
 iThe conqucnr asked him how he would be treated, who, in two words, replied, 
 " Like a king." Being asked if he had no other request to make, he said, " No. Every 
 thing is comprehended in that." {Plutarch's Life of Alexander.) We could wish, in 
 many cases, that tlie English conquerors had acted with as much magnanimity towards 
 the Indians, as Alexander did towards those he overcame. Porus was treated as he had 
 desired. 
 
 § " In the mean time King Philip mustered up about 500 of his men, and arms them 
 compleat; and had gotten about 8 or 900 of his neighboring Indians, and likewise 
 arms them oompleat ; (i. c. guns, powder and bullets ;) but how many he hath engaged 
 to be of his party, is unknown to any among us. The last spring, several Indians were 
 seen in smalt parties, about R hoboth and Swansey, which not a little afl'righted the in- 
 habitants. Who demanding tl."? reason of them, wherefore it was so ? Answer was 
 made. That they were only on ti.'^ir own 'Lf-puce, for they understood that the English 
 intended to cut them off. About lie '^.Jth of June last, seven or eight of King Philip's 
 men came to Swa7ise>j on the Lord' j jay, and would grind a hatchet at an innabitant's 
 house there ; the master told llieni, it was the sabbath day, and their God would be very 
 angry if he should let them do it. They returned this answer : They knew not who his 
 God was, and that they would do it, for all him, or his God either. From thence they 
 went to another house, and took away some victuals, bul hurt no man. Immediately 
 tliey met a man travelling on the road, kept him in custody a short time, then dismist 
 Lim quietly ; giving him this caution, that he should not work on his God's day, and that 
 he should tell no lies." Present State of N. Eng. p. 8 and 9 of the new edition. 
 
 U Callendar. 
 
 ^ 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 25 
 
 pie wore rotnrninf^ from meeting, tliry were fired upon by the Indians, 
 when one was killed and two wounded. Two others, going for a sur- 
 geon, were killed on their wuy. In another i)art of the town, six others 
 were kilied the saiiie ilay. Swansey was the nc'Xt town to Philip^s 
 country, and his men were as well acquainted witli all the walks of the 
 English as tliey were themselves. 
 
 It is not su})[)osed that Philip directed this attack, but, on the other 
 hand, it has been said that it was against his wishes. I5ut there can be no 
 doubt of his hostility and great desire to rid his country of the white 
 intruders ; for hud he not reason to say, 
 
 '• F.xarscre igiK's aniino ; siiljil ira, cadoiiicin 
 Ulcist'i palriani, et sceleratas suniere [lanas" ? 
 
 The die was east. No other alt(!rnative appeared, but to ravage, burn 
 and destroy as fast as was in his power. There had been no war for a 
 long time, either among themselves or v.-th the English, and, therefore, 
 numerous young warriors from the neigmjoring tribes, entered into liis 
 cause with great ardor ; eager to ])erform exploits, such as had been re- 
 counted to them by their sires, and such as tln>y had long waited an 
 opportunity to achieve. The time, they conceived, had now arrived, and 
 their souls expanded in proportion to the greatness of the undertaking. 
 To con([uer the English ! to lead captive their haughty lords ! must have 
 been to thein thoughts of vast magnitude, and exhilarating in the liighest 
 degree. 
 
 Town after towi- fell before them, and when the English forces marched 
 in one direction, they \>ere burning and laying Mnst<; in another. A part 
 of Taunton, Middleborou .^'i and Dartmouth, in the vicinity of Pocasset, 
 upon Narraganset Bay, soon followed the destruction of Swansey, which 
 was burnt immediately after the 24th of June, on being abandoned by the 
 in! 'ibitants. 
 
 Philip commanded in person upon Pocasset, where, upon the 18th of 
 July, he was discovered in a "dismal swamp." lie had retired to this 
 place, which is adjacent to Taunton River, with the most of his Wampa- 
 noags, and such others as had joined him, to avoid falling in with the 
 English army, which was now pursuing him. Erom their numbers, the 
 English were nearly able to encompass the swamp, and the fate of Philip 
 they now thought sealed. On arriving at its edge, a few of Philip^s 
 warriors showed themselves, and the English rushed in ujjon them with 
 ardor, and by this feint were drawn far into an ambush, and "about l.*) 
 were slain." The leaves upon the trees were so thick, and the hour of 
 the (kiy so late, that a friend could not be distinguished from a foe, 
 " wli(>r(!by 'tis verily feared, that [the English themselves] did sometimes 
 iuiliap|)ily shoot Englishmen instead of Indians."* A retreat was now 
 ordered, and, considering Philip^s escape impossible, the most of the 
 forces left the place, a few only remaining, "to starve out the enemy." 
 That Philip^s force was great at this lime is certain, from the fiict that a 
 hiuidred wigwams were found near th(! edge of the swanii), newly con- 
 structed of green l)ark. In one of those the English found an old man, 
 who -ifbrmed them that Philip was there. He lost but finv men in the 
 encounter, though it is said, that he had a brother killed at this time.f 
 
 The idle notion of building a fort here to starve out Philip, was suffi- 
 ciently censured by the historians of that day. For, as Capt. Church 
 
 * Mather's Brief Hist. War. 5. 
 
 t'i'liis is upon the authority ot" the aiionyinou.'! author of the "' Present State,'' iic. 
 of which we sluiU elsewhere have occasion to lake iiotice. 
 
26 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 ['looK IIL 
 
 expresses it, to build a fort Jor nothing to cover the people from nobody,* was 
 ratlier a ridiculous idea. This observation he iiiade upon a tort's being 
 built upon Alount Hope neck, some time after every Indian had left that 
 side of the country, and who, in fact, were laying waste the towns before 
 mentioned. 
 
 The swamp where Philip was now confined, was upon a piece of coun- 
 try which jirojected into Taunton River, and was nearly seven miles in 
 extent. After being guarded here 13 days, which, in the end, was greatly 
 to his advantage, and afforded him sufficient time to provide canoes in 
 which to make his escape, he passed the river with most of his men, and 
 made good his retreat into the country upon Connecticut River. In 
 effecting this retreat, an accident happened which deprived him of some 
 of his choicest and bravest captains, as we shall proceed to relate. 
 
 About the 2(5 July, 1675, Oneko, with two of his brothers, and about 50 
 men, CJime to Boston, by direction of Uncas, and declared their desire to 
 assist the English against the Wampanoa^s. A few English and three 
 Naticks were added to their company, and immediately despatched, l)y 
 way of Plimouth, to the enemy's countrv-f This circuitous route was 
 taken, i)erhaps, that they might have their instructions immediately from 
 the governor of that colony; Massachusetts, at that time, ])robably, sup- 
 posing the war might be ended without their direct interference. This 
 measure, as it proved, was very detrimental to the end in view ; for if 
 they had proceeded directly to Seekonk, they would have been there hi 
 season to have met Philip and his warriors in their flight from Pocassct. 
 And this force, being johied with the other English forces, then in the vi- 
 cinity, in all probability might have finished the war by a single figlit with 
 him. At least, his chance of escape would have been small, as he had to 
 cross a large extent of clear and open country, where they must have been 
 cut down in flight, or fought man to man. Whereas Oneko was encamped 
 at some distance, having arrived late the night before, and some time was 
 lost in rallying.l They overtook them, however, about 10 o'clock in the 
 morning of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensued. Philip having 
 brought his best men into the rear, many of them were slahi; aujoniy 
 these was .V/mrarf, alias JVoonasham, a great captain and counsellor, who 
 had signed the treaty at Taunton, four yt\'U's before. 
 
 From what cause the fight was susjiendcd is unknown, though it would 
 si'cm from some relations, that it was owing to Oneko'' s men, who, seeing 
 themselves in possession of considerable pkinder, fell to loading them- 
 selves with it, and thus gave Philip time to escape. From this view of tlie 
 case, it would appear that the 3Iohegans wci-e the chief actors in the 
 olfensive. It is said that the Naticks urged inmiediate and furtlier j)iu-- 
 suit, wliicli did not, take place, in consequence of the extreme heat of the 
 wt'ather: and tluis the main body were permitted to escape. 
 
 3Ir. .VecvHrtH, of Rehoboth, gave an account of the affair in a letter, in 
 which he said tliat " 14 of the enemy's principal men were slain." He 
 also mentioned, in terms of great res|)ect, the Naticks and Mohegans 
 under Oneko.^ 
 
 Having now taken a position to annoy the back settlements of IMassa- 
 chusetts, his warriors fell vigorously to the work ; one town after another, 
 
 * Hist. Pliilip's War, p. (j. ed. -llo. 
 
 t TliL'y were conducted by (iiuirler-inaster l^urifl, and a company of horse. Tlio 
 governor of I'liinoiitli, iniderstaiidiiin' i|ic route i;dien l)y ilicsc t'orces to lie liy way ot" 
 rlimoiitli, ininiediatoly onlercd llieni to Reliobotli, oilierwise iiolliing would have been 
 c/Vected at this time atjainsl I'hilip. 
 
 X Ciookin's 3IS. Hist. Prayiny; Indians. 
 
 ^ Gookin, ibid. Oiiekn was the oldest son and successor of Uncas, and, like liis 
 father, was opposeil to Ciiristianity. 
 
 ; 
 
OOK III. 
 
 ,* was 
 
 y 
 
 's being 
 eft that 
 3 before 
 
 )f coun- 
 niles in 
 i greatly 
 mucs ill 
 len, and 
 rev. In 
 of some 
 
 !il)oiit 50 
 desire to 
 nd three 
 ched, by 
 )ute was 
 ely from 
 bly, snp- 
 e. Tiiis 
 v; for if 
 there in 
 Pocassct. 
 in the vi- 
 iglit with 
 he had to 
 have been 
 encamped 
 time was 
 »ck in the 
 'p having 
 li ; amoni',' 
 •llor, who 
 
 1 itwoiiUl 
 lio, peeing 
 them- 
 lew of the 
 Irs in the 
 Kiier pur- 
 leat of the 
 
 letter, in 
 
 nn. 
 
 lie 
 
 Muhegans 
 
 |)f INIasga- 
 anotlicr, 
 
 lorsc. Tlw 
 l>y way of 
 have been 
 
 lid, like liis 
 
 Chap. II] 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 27 
 
 Is 
 
 and one company of soldiers after another, were swept off by them. A 
 garrison being established at Northfield, Capt. Richard Beers, of NVater- 
 town,* with 36 men, was attacked while on their way to reinforce them, 
 and 20 of the 36 were killed. Robert Pepper, of Roxbury, was taken 
 captive, and the others effected their escape. Philip's men had the ad- 
 vantage of attacking them in a place of their own choosing, and their first 
 fire was very destructive. Beers retreated with his men to a small emi- 
 nence, and maintained the unequal fight until their ammunition was spent, 
 at which time a cart containing ammunition fell into the hands of the 
 Indians, and, the captain being killed, all who were able took to flight. 
 The hill to which the English fled, at the beginning of the fight, was 
 known afterwards by the name oT Beers^s Mountain. 
 
 Some time in the month of August, " King Philip's men had taken a 
 voung lad alive, about 14 years old, and bound him to a tree two nights 
 and two days, intending to be merry with him the next day, and that they 
 would roast him alive to make sport with him ; but God, over night, 
 touched the heart of one Indian, so that he came and loosed him, and 
 bid him run granile, (i. e. run apace,) and by that means he escaped."! 
 
 About this time, some English found a single Indian, an old man, near 
 Quabaog, whom they captured. As he would not give them any infor- 
 mation respecting his countrymen, or, perhaps, such as they desired, they 
 pronounced him worthy of death ; so " they laid him down, Cornelius, 
 the Dutchman, lifting up his sword to cut off his head, the Indian lifted 
 up his \und between, so that his hand was first cut off, and partly his head, 
 and the ''cond blow finished the execution."^ 
 
 It was about this time, as the author of tlie " Presknt State" relates, 
 that " King Philip, now beginning to want money, having a coat made all 
 of wampampeag, (i. e. Indian money,) cuts his coat to pieces and distril)- 
 utes it plentifully among the Nipmoog sachems and others, as well as to 
 the eastward as southward and all roimd about."§ 
 
 On the 18 Sept. Captain Lothrop, of Beverly, was sent from Iladley 
 with about 88 men, to bring away the corn, gi'ain, and other valuable 
 articles, from Deerfield. Having loaded their teams and commenced 
 tiieir march homeward, they were attacked at a place called Sngarlonf 
 Hill, where almost every man was slain. This company consisted of 
 choice young men, the flower of Essex county. || Eighteen of the men 
 Iwlonged to Deerfield.H Capt. Mosely, being not far off| upon a scout, was 
 drawn to the scene of action by the report of the guns, and, having with 
 liim 70 men, charged the Indians with great resolution, although he com- 
 puted their numbers at a 1000. He had two of bis '"len killed and eleven 
 wounded. The Indians dared him to begin the fight, and exultiiigly sairl 
 to him, " Come, Mosely, come, you seek Indians, you want Indians ; here is 
 Indians enough for you."** After continuing a fight with them, from eleven 
 o'clock imtil almost night, he was obliged to retreat. The Indians rut 
 open the bags of wheat and the feather-beds, and scattered their contents 
 to the winds.** After Mosely had commenced a retreat, Major Treat, \N':th 
 100 English and 60 Mohegans, came to his assistance. Their niiitnl 
 forces obliged the Indians to retreat in their turn.ft The Indians were sai J 
 
 * Manuscript documents. 
 
 tPres. Slate of N. Enff. &c. 12. t Manuscript in library of Mass. Hisl. Poo. 
 
 ^ Pies. Stale, 13. If this were the case, Philip must have had an immense h\s roat — 
 yea, even biff^cr than Dr. Johnson's grrat coat, as represented by Uosioell , the sitic 
 jpockcts of which, he said, were large enough each to contain one of tiie huge volumes 
 
 of his folio dictionary ! 
 II Hithlhird's Narrative. 
 "* Manuscript letter, written at the time. 
 tt /. Mather's History of the War. 
 
 IF These were the tcamstcri. 
 
28 
 
 i.iFi: or KING iMiiLir 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 to have lodt, in tlic various cncountcr.s, !)(> iiiun. It was a great oversight, 
 that Captain Lothrop slioiild have sutil-rtMl liis uien to stroll ahout, while 
 pafising . dangerous defile. "Many of the soldiers having been so foolish 
 and secure, as to put their anus in the carts, and step aside to gather 
 graj)es, which proved dear ami deadly i^mpen to them,"* The same 
 author olwerves, " 'J'his was a black and fatal day, wherein there were eight 
 persons made widows, and six-and-twenty children made fatherless, all 
 in one little |)luntation and in one day ; and above sixty persons buried in 
 
 one dreadful grave 
 
 i» 
 
 The Narragansets had not yet heartily engaged in the war, though 
 there is no doubt but they stood pledged so to do. Therefore, having 
 ([jne all that could be expected upon the western frontier of Massachu- 
 setts, and concludir.^ Juit his presence among his allies, the Narragansets, 
 was necessar t ';eep diem trom abandoning liis cause, Philip was next 
 known to be \r uitry. 
 
 An ar/ny oi ")0 1 n;iish was raised by the three colonies, Massachu- 
 setts, I'hmouth ...'.i Con " icut, for the purp( se of breaking down the 
 power of Philip among tin .s arragansets. T'ley determined upon this 
 <ourse, as they had been assured that, in the spring, that nation would 
 come with all their force upon them. It was .lot known that Philip wjis 
 among them when this resolution was taken, and it was but a rumor that 
 they had tak(3ii part with him. It was true, that they had promised to 
 deliver uj) all tlie Wampanoags, who should flee to them, either alive or 
 di'ad ; but it is also true, that those who inatle this promise, had it not in 
 their posv(!r to do it ; being persons, chiefly in subordinate stations, who 
 had no right or authority to bind any but themselves. And, therefore, as 
 (I()iibili;ss wa.s foreseen by many, none of Phitip^s p(;ople were delivered 
 ii|i, although many were known to have been among tiiem. Thus, in lew 
 words, have we exhibited the mahi grounds of the mighty expedition 
 iigainst the Narragansets in the winter of 1675. 
 
 Upon a small island, in an immense swamp, in South Kingston, Rhode 
 Island, Philip had fortified himself, in a manner superior to what was 
 ciHiimon among his countrymen. Here he intended to pass the winter, 
 with the chief of his friends. They had erected about 500 wigwams of 
 a superior construction, ui which was deposited a great store of provisions. 
 IJaskets and tubs of cornf were piled one upon another, about the inside 
 of them, which rendered them bullet proof. It was supposed that about 
 .'jOOO persons had here taken up their residence. 
 
 liut, to be more particular upon the situation of "the scene of the 
 tlestruction of the Narragansets," we will add as follows from the uotv.H 
 of a gentleman lately upon the spot, for the express purpose of gninin^ 
 iaformarion. "• What was called The Island is now an upland meadow, 
 a few ti;et higlier than the low meadow with which it is surroimded. 
 TJie island, by my estimate, contains from three to four acres. One iburtli 
 of a mile west, is the Usquepaug; a small stream also at a short distance 
 on the ea!it." The ('(^lebnited island on which the fort was built is now 
 in the tiirm of J. G. Clark, Esq. a descendant of John Clark, of R. 1. and 
 about 30 rods west of tlielineof the " Pettyswamscot Purchase." Water 
 still surrounds it in wet seasons. It was cleared by the father of t\w 
 present possessor about 1780, and although improved from that time to 
 the present, charred corn and Indian implements are yet ploughed uj).| 
 
 * r. Miitkcr'.i History of llie War, 12. 
 
 t.")0() bii>lK'ls, says Ut. I. Mather. Hollow trees, cut ofT €^bout the lonotli of a barrel, 
 %vere used l>y tlio iiKtiaiis for tubs. In such they sci'iired their corn anil oilier (grains. 
 
 L .'»IS. eonniiiiuiciitioii of Rev. Mr. Ely. accoiujiunied by a drawiiii^-of' the island, ll* 
 sha|)e is very sicKlar to tlie shell of ua oyster. Average lecluujjalur lines throuufli it 
 uic<i:>uiv-j one Jj i'uli, u^iuther i^. 
 
Chm'. IIJ 
 
 LIFE OF KING I»I11LIP. 
 
 29 
 
 WU9 next 
 
 President .S'hVfS, in his edition of Church's History ok Philip's War, 
 states tliut the JS'arniganset fort is seven miles nearly (hie west from tlie 
 South Ferry. Tliis agrees with datii furnished by Mr. Eli/, in stating the 
 returning marcli of the Enghsli army. I'ine and eedar were said to have 
 l)eon tiie foriiK-r growtli.* An oak 800 years ohi, standing upon the 
 island, was cut down in 1782, two feet in diameter, 11 feet from tho 
 ground. From another, a bullet was cut out, surrounded by about 100 
 anmili, at the same time. The bull(!t was lodgetl there, no doubt, at the 
 lime of the fight. We will now return to our narrative of the expedition 
 to this place in December, 1G75. 
 
 After nearly a month from their setting out, the English army arrived 
 in tlu! Narraganset country, and made their head quarters about 18 miles 
 imn Philip's fort. They liad been so long upon their march, that the 
 Indians were well enough apprized of their approach, and liad made the 
 I)est arrangements in their power to withstand them. The army had 
 already sulfered much from the severity of the season, being obliged to en- 
 camp in the open field, and without tents to cover them ! 
 
 Tlie l!)th of December, 1()75, is a memorable day in the anna' <f New 
 England. Cold, in the extreme, — the air filled with snow, — the Vli\: -iU 
 were obliged, from the low state of their provisions, to march lo a . "k 
 Philip in hi« fort. Treachery hastened his ruin. One oi his .iien, 
 by hope o'i reward, betrayed his country into their hands. This man 
 had, probably, lived among the English, as he had an English name. 
 He was called Pder,j and it was by accident that himself, wit thirty- 
 five others, had just before fallen into the hands of the fortunate Cap- 
 tain Moseb/. No Englishman was acquainted with the situa i ot'Philip^s 
 fort; and but for their pilot, Peter, there is very little probability that they 
 could have even found, much less effected any thing against it. For it 
 was one o'clock on that short day of the year, before they arrived within 
 the vicinity of the swamp. There was but one point where it could be. 
 assailed with the least probability of success; and this was fortified by a 
 kind of block-house, directly in front of the entrance, and had also flankers 
 to cover a cross fin;. JJesides high palisades, an immense hedge of fallen 
 trees, of nearly a rod in thickness, surrounded it, encompassing an area 
 of about five acres. JJetween the fort and the main land was a body of 
 water, over which a great tree; had been felled, on which all must pass 
 and repass, to and from it. On coming to this place, the English soldiers, 
 as many its could pass upon the tree, which would not admit two abreast, 
 rnslied forward upon it, but were swej)t off in a moment by the tire of 
 Philiji's men. Still, the English soldiers, led by their captains, supplied 
 the places of the slain. ]5ut ai^ain and again were they swept from the 
 fatal avenue. Six captains and a great many men had fallen, and a i)ar- 
 tial, but momentary, recoil from the lace of death took place. 
 
 Meanwhile, a handful, under the fortunate Mosely, had, as miraculous 
 as it may seem, got within the fort. These were contending hand to 
 hand with the Indians, and at fearful odds, when the cry of " They nin ! 
 they run .'" brought to their assistance a considerable body of their fiJlow 
 soldiers. They were now enabled to drive the Indians from their main 
 breastwork, and their slaughter became immense. Flying from wigwam 
 to wigwam — men, women and children, indiscriminately, were hewn 
 down and lay in heaps upon the snow. Being now masters of the fort, 
 at the recommendation of Mr. Church,\ Ceneral JVinsloto was about to 
 
 * Hidmcs's Annals, i. 370. 
 
 t 'I'lie iiiiinc of J'cliT amonj; the Indians was so common, that it is, perhaps, past deter- 
 miiialioii ?»7(o tliis one was. Mr. Hiilihunl vu\h liiin a fii<;itive from llic Narrai^ansel.s. 
 
 ; Aftcrwanis Uu; lanious (^ikuicl Chunh. lie lod ihu sccoud jMrty thai culured thu 
 furl, and was badly wounded in llie course of the fight. 
 
 3* 
 
30 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 [Boot III. 
 
 (liinrter tlio army in it for the present, which offered «'omfortnble habita- 
 tions to the Hick and won tided, bedsides a plcntil'nl supply of pnvisionH. 
 IJut one of the captains* and a surgeon opposed the measure ; probal)ly 
 from tlie appreheuHion that the woods wis full of Indians, who would 
 eoiitinuc their attacks upon them, and dii"<. them out in their tuni. There 
 wus, doubtless, some reason for this, which was strengthened from the 
 liict that many English were killed after they had post^essed themselves 
 of the tiirt, by those whom they harl just dispossessed of it. Notwith- 
 Htaiiding, had Church's advice been followed, |)erhap3 many of the lives 
 of the wounded would have been saved ; for he was seldom out in his 
 ju(lf.'m('nt, iw his continued successes proved afterwards. 
 
 After fighting three hours, the English were obliged to march 18 miles, 
 bofore the wounded couhl be dressed, and in a most horrid and boisterous 
 night. Eighty English were killed in the fight, and 150 woun<led, many 
 of whom die<l afterwards. The English letl the ground in considerable 
 haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort. 
 
 Philip, and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into a place of 
 safety, until the enemy had retired ; when they returned again to the fort. 
 The lOnglish, no doubt, apprehended a pursuit, hut Philip, not knowing their 
 distressed situation, and, perhajjs, judging of their loss from the few dead 
 wliicli they left behind, made no attempt to harass them in their retreat. 
 JJefore the fight was over, many of the wigwams were set on fire. Into 
 thes;', Inmdreds of innocent women and children had crowded them- 
 selves, and i)eri8hed in the general conflagration! And, as a writer of 
 that day expresses himself, "no man knoweth how many." The English 
 li'arned afterwards, from sotne that fell into their hands, that in all about 
 700 perislied.f 
 
 The suflerings of the English, after the fight, are almost without a 
 I)arallel in history. The horrors of Moscow will not longer be remem- 
 ItcnMl. The myriads of modem Europe, assembled there, bear but small 
 proportion to the number of their countrymen, compared with that of the 
 army of New England and theirs, at the fight in Narraganset. 
 
 Col. Church, then only a volunteer, was, in reality, the JSTapoleoti in this 
 fight. We will hear a few of his observations. "By this time, the Eng- 
 lisii pco|)le in the fort had begun to set fire to the wigwams and houses, 
 which Mr. Church labored hard to prevent; they told him they had orders 
 from the general to burn them ; he begged them to forbear until he had 
 (liscom-sed the general." Then, hastening to him, he urged, that "The 
 wigwams were musket-proof, being all lined with baskets and tubs of 
 grain, and other provisions, suflicient to supply the whole army until the 
 spring of tlie year ; and every wounded man might have a good warm 
 house to lodge in ; which, otherwise, wnidd ne(-essarily perish with the 
 storms and cold. And, moreover, that tlie army had no other provision 
 to trust unto or depend upon ; that he knew that Plymouth forces had not 
 
 * ProhnMy Mosehj. 
 
 tTliprt' is priiilcd ia Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. i. 300. a letter which gives the partirii- 
 hxrs of the Narraj^anset fight. I have roiii])arocl it with tiie original, and find it correct 
 ill the main particulars. lie mistakes in ascribing it to Maj. Bradford, for it is signed 
 l>y James Oliver, one of the Pliinotith captains. Hutchinson copied from a copy, which 
 was without signature. He omits a passage concerning Tift, or Tifl'e, who, Oticcr says, 
 coiifinm'il Ills narrative. That man had " married an Indian, a Wompanoag— he shot 
 ilO times at iis in the swamp— was talicii at Providence, [l)y Captain Fenner,] .Tan. 14th-— 
 lirougiil to US the 16th— executed the 18th ; a sad wretrh. Ho never heanl a sermon but 
 once this 1 1' years ; he never heard of the name of Ji sits Christ. His father going to 
 recall iiim. lost Ills head, ;\iid lies unlmried." tlubbard says, (Narrative, .5!,). ) that " he was 
 condemned In die the .!,iit|| of ;i dailor, and trnitors of liin^e dnys were (|uarlered. As 
 to his religion, he was found as ignorant as an li^'nthen, which, no tlouNl, caused Llie fewer 
 tears to be shed al his funeral,'' A sorrowful record ! 
 
Book III. 
 
 ) habita- 
 (vision.s. 
 probably 
 lo would 
 1. Thcnii 
 from th(> 
 einselvf'S 
 Notwitli- 
 tlie livPH 
 ut in his 
 
 18 miles, 
 •oistorouH 
 c(l, many 
 isi(lerabl() 
 
 place ol" 
 the fort, 
 ving their 
 few dead 
 ir retreat, 
 ire. Into 
 cd them- 
 writer of 
 e Enpliyh 
 
 all about 
 
 rt'ithout a 
 e reinem- 
 biit small 
 hat of the 
 
 '071 in this 
 the Eng- 
 houses, 
 d orders 
 he had 
 at "Tlio 
 tubs of 
 until the 
 od warm 
 Willi the 
 provision 
 s had not 
 
 the particii- 
 it corrrrt 
 it is signeii 
 [•opy, whicli 
 DHrer says. 
 i^— he shot 
 Jan. 14th— 
 sermon but 
 icr SoinfT to 
 lilt " he was 
 ricrcd. As 
 'lI liie fcwLT 
 
 Chai'. U] 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 31 
 
 i 
 
 HO miicli as Olio bisruit left." The general was for aerediiig to Chirch's 
 nni|i()sili()M, l)iit a captain and a doctor prevented it, u.s we have before 
 observed ; tlie former threatening to shoot tlu; gcncnir.s horse imder 
 him, if lie attempted to march in, and the latter said, Church slioidd bleed 
 to death like a dog(!, belbn; he would dress his wounds, if he gave such 
 advice. Church then procet.-ds : "And, burning up all the houses and 
 provisions in the fort, the army retiu'ned tla^ same night in tin; storm and 
 cold. And, I supjmse, every one that is ac(piainted with the eircumstancci} 
 of that niglit's march, deeply laments the miseries that atteiuh-d them ; 
 especially the wounded and <lyuig men. Ihit it mercifully eaiiit to pasa 
 tlial C.ipt. *'/'t'/''e»' ^^t/c/uT arrived at Mr. kS'/ziiV/i's, [in Narragansct,] that 
 very night from Jioston, with a vessel louden with provisions for the army, 
 who must otherwise have perished for want."* 
 
 Soon after this, Philip, with many of his followers, V)[\ that part of the 
 country, and resided in different places uiton Connecticut River. Some 
 re|)()rt that he took up his residence near AII)any, and that he solicited tho 
 3Ioliawks to aid him against the Knglish, but without success. 
 
 The story of tin- foul stratag<'m said to have been resorted to by Philip 
 for this obji'ct, is, if it be true, the deepest stain upon his character. Ac- 
 cording to one of llie historiansf of the war, it was reported at Boston, in 
 the end of June or beginnhig of July, 1G7G, that " tho.se Indians who arc 
 known by the name of IMaucpiawogs, (or Mohawks, i. e. man-caters,) had 
 lately fallen upon Philip, and killed 40 of his men. And if the variance 
 between Philip and the Mauquawogs came to jjass, as is commonly re- 
 ported and apprehended, there was a marvellous finger of God in it. For 
 we hear that Philip being this winter entertained in the Mohawks' country, 
 made it iiis design to breed a quarrel between the English and them ; to 
 etlect whicli, divers of our returned captives do report, that he resolved 
 to kill some scattering Mohawks, and then to say that the English had 
 done it ; but one of these, whom he thought to have killed, was only 
 wounded, and got away to his countrymen, giving them to understand 
 that not the English, but Philip, had killed the men that were miu'dered ; 
 so that, instead of bringing the Mohawks upon the English, he brought 
 them upon himself." 
 
 " On Imman plans what accidents attpiid, 
 Crowd every walk, and darken to the end !'' 
 
 Power of Solilude.i 
 
 Tiie author of the anonymous " Letters to London" has this pas- 
 sage§ concerning Philip''s visit to the Mohawks. " King Philip and some 
 of these northern Indians, being wandered up towards Albany, the IMohiicks 
 marched out very strong, in a warlike posture, upon thviu, putting them 
 to flight, and pursuing them as far as Ilassicke River, Avhich is about two 
 day.s' march from the east side of Hudson's River, to the north-east, killing 
 (liv(>rs, and bringing away some prisoners with great pride and triumph, 
 
 *" Our wounded men, (in number about 150,) beiiiEC dressed, were sent into Rhode 
 Island, as the best |)lace for their accoinniodalioii ; wiiere, acc'or(hn<;'ly, tliev were kindly 
 received by the s^ovcrnor, and others, only some churlish Quakers were not free to enter- 
 tain tlieni. until compelled by the governor. Of so inhumane, peevish and untoward a 
 disposition are these Nabals, as not lo vouchsafe civility to tliose that had ventured their 
 li\ cs, and received dangerous wounds in their defence." A new and further Nar. t^»c. 
 of the bloudij Iiid. ll'</', !2. 
 " t Dr. /. Mather, IJrief Hist. 38. 
 
 X iJy Joseph Slorij, now the eminent Judge t^lory. The words in italics we have sub- 
 stituted for others. 
 
 §In his third part, which he calls " A continued Account of the Bloudy Indian War, 
 from March till August, hJ7(3/" page 13. foi. Lond. 1676. 
 
33 
 
 1,11 r: OF KING niiLip. 
 
 [IJooK III 
 
 which ill Hiiccess on that sido, whcro they did not Rxpcct nny rncm\, 
 liuviiij,' Intcly ciulciivon'd to tiiiikf! ii|t tli(! aiicictit miimosilicH, did very 
 much datiiit and discoura;,'*! tin; said nortlicrn ImhaiiH, ho that Honic hiin- 
 (IdmIs caiiK^ in and suhinittod thfniNclvfs to tlit; i']ngli»ili at I'liinouth colony, 
 und Philip iiinisclf '\h nni sknlking away into some Hwuini)with not above 
 ten int>n attending liini." 
 
 The various attacks and encounters he Iiad with tho EngliHli, from 
 February to August, l<>7<i, are so niiniitely recorded, and in so niujiy 
 works, that we will not<!idarg(! upon theni in this |>lace. 
 
 \Vh(!n success no longer attended him, in thc! western parts of Massa- 
 chusetts, those of his allies whom he had seduced into tho war, upbraided 
 und ac(;used him of bringing all their mistiirtunes upon them ; that tlie\ 
 bad no cause of war against the I'lnglish, and had not engaged in it bin 
 1(M" his solicitations ; and many of the triluts scattered themselves in dit'- 
 fereni directions. With all that woidd follow biin, as a lust retreat, Philip 
 returned to i'okanoket. 
 
 The IVcomptiick or Dcerficid Indiana w(!ro among tho first Avho aban- 
 doned his cause, und many of tho other Nipmucks und Narragunsi'ts 
 soon followed their cxatn])Ie. 
 
 On the 11th of July, he attempted to surprise Taunton, but was repulsert.* 
 His camp was now at Matapoisct. The English came n|)on liim here, 
 under Ca|)tuin Church, who captured many of his people, but he escaped 
 over Taunton River, as he bad done a year before, but in the ojjposite 
 direction, and screened himself once more in tho woods of Pocasset. He 
 used many stratagems to cut off Cupt. Church, and seems to have wutclied 
 and followed him from place to place, until tlie end of this month ; but 
 he was continually losing one compuny of his men after another. Some 
 scouts ascertained that lie, and many of his men, were at u certain place 
 upon Taunton Ilivei, and, from appearances, were about to repass it. His 
 camp was now at this ])lace, and the chief of his warriors with liim. 
 Some soldiers from liridgewater fell upon them here, on Sunday, July 
 '30, and killed ten warriors ; hut Philip, having disguised himself, escuped.f 
 His uncle, Akkompoin, was among tho slain, and his own sister taken 
 prisoner. 
 
 The late attempt by Philip tipon Taunton had caused the people nf 
 Rridgewater to be more watchful, und some were continually on thescoin. 
 Some time in the day, Saturday, 29 July, four men, as they were rangiii!j; 
 the woods, discovered one Indian, and, rightly judging th(!ro were more iil 
 band, made all haste to inform the other inhabitants of Bridgewater of 
 their discovery. Comfort Willis and Joseph Edson were "pressed" to go 
 " post" to the governor of Plimouth, at Marslilield, who " went to I'li- 
 inouth with them, the next day, [30 .Inly,] to send Capt. CAurc/i with liis 
 company. And Cupt. Church came with them to Monponset on the sab- 
 bath, and came no further that day, he told them he would meet them the 
 next ilay." Here Willis and Edson left him, and arrived at home in the 
 evcjiiing. Upon hearing of the arrival of Church in their neighborhood, 
 til men "went out on Monday, supposing to meet with Capt. Church: 
 but they came upon the enemy and fought with them, and took 17 ot" 
 them alive, and also much plunder. And they all returned, and not one 
 of them fell by the enemy ; and received no help from Church" Tlii^ 
 account is given from aji old manuscript, but who its author was is not 
 
 * A captive negro made liis escape from Philip's men, nnd irave iiolice of llicir iiilon- 
 lloii ; " wlicrcupoii llie inliabitants stooti upon llicir j^iiar<l, niul soulilicrs were tinioiinly 
 sent in to lliem for ihcir relief and dofence.'' Fri'valeiicij af I'raijt'r, i). 
 
 t" 'Tis said tiiat lie liad newly cut off his hair, that ho might not be biiwn.' l!u.- 
 bard, Nar. 101. 
 
 W 
 
 ll 
 
[ItnoK III. 
 
 y niciny, 
 I, <li(l vi-ry 
 
 lOIIH* llllll- 
 
 itii (;i>luiiy, 
 not above 
 
 lisli, from 
 no niuny 
 
 of Mnswa- 
 iiplx'.-iiilt'd 
 lliat tln'y 
 (1 ill it liiii 
 vcs ill (lif- 
 vi\t, Philip 
 
 who almii- 
 irragans'-ts 
 
 ropulw'rt.* 
 
 liiiii licrc, 
 
 \(i esca|)('tl 
 
 le ojipo.site 
 
 casset. lie 
 
 e watclied 
 
 lonth ; but 
 
 icr. Some 
 
 rtaiii i)lape 
 
 Hs it. His 
 
 with liiiii. 
 
 iidny, July 
 
 oscaiM'd.f 
 
 ster taken 
 
 looplc of 
 thesroiil. 
 e niiij,'in!^ 
 e luorc ill 
 watcv dl' 
 ' to ^'0 
 to Pli- 
 li wit! I Ills 
 tlic s;ili- 
 thoiii the 
 no in the 
 l)orli(t()(l. 
 Church ; 
 ook 17 of 
 I not one 
 /(." Tills 
 vas is not 
 
 their iiiloii- 
 ire tiiiior.^ly 
 
 ivn.' //«.- 
 
 HI 
 
 Mlt 
 
 Chap. Ill 
 
 LIFE OF KING PIIIMP. 
 
 83 
 
 I 
 
 certain.* Church\t nrcouiit dilters consiihTably from it. Iln snyn, that 
 on the evening of the -snine day li»! and hit* eonipany niarclicd from I'li- 
 nioiith, "they lieard a siiuv.t firing at a distanei; from them, but it bciiiff 
 near iii!.'ht, and tlie firing of short continuance, they milled the phicc, ana 
 went into lhidg»!watt;r town." 
 
 On the 1 August, thc! intrepid Churrh cnmn upon P/irViVs liead qiiar- 
 ter.-i, killed and took about l.'H) of his peo|d<?, /*/i(7i;> hiniselt very narrow! 
 eseaping. Siieh was his jireeipitation, tliat he lell ail his wani[)um be" 
 and his w'de and s<jn fell into tlui hands of Church. 
 
 No sooner had the story of the destruetioii of the Indians begun to 
 attract attention, (wliieh, however, was not until a longtime after they had 
 iM'eii distroyed,) niurh incpiiry was made concerning the fate of this son 
 of thi^ famous Mttacomet; and it was not until considorablo time had 
 elapsed, that it was discovered that he was sold into slavery ! It is grati- 
 fviiig to learn what did liecome of him, although it must cause pain in 
 every huinane lireast ; ;iot more for the lot of young Metacomet^ than for 
 the wretched depravity of tiic minds of those who advised and executed 
 tiie de'cree of slavery Uj)on him. 
 
 SoiiK! o\' Philip^ s Indians, who now sciTcd under Church, said to him, 
 " Voii have now made Philip ready to die ; for you have made him as 
 jioor and miseralihs as lie used to make the English. You have now 
 killed or taken all his relations — that they believed he would soon have 
 iiis head, and that this bout had almost broken his heart." 
 
 Church^ relates this attack upon the flying chief as follows : — "Next 
 niorniiig, [alter the skirmish in which ./MomTJoin was killed,] Capt. CAwrc/i 
 movcil very early with his company, which was increased by many of 
 Hridgewater that listed under him for that expedition, and, by their pilot- 
 uia:, lie soon came, very still, to the top of the great tree wliich the enemy 
 had fallen across tlie river; and the captain spied an Indian sitting upon 
 die stump of it, on the other side of the ri\ er, and he clapped his gun up, 
 and had doubtless despatched liim, but that one of his own Indians calleil 
 hastily to him not to tire, for he believed it was one of his own men ; upon 
 wliit'ii the Indian upon the stump looked about, and Capt. Church's In- 
 dian, seeing his face, perceived his mistake, for he knew him to be Philip ; 
 cla])ped up his gun and fired, but it was too late; for Philip immediately 
 threw himself olF the stump, leaped down a bank on the side of the river, 
 and made his escape. Capt. Church, as soon as possible, got over tlie 
 river, and scattered in quest of P/n7?p and his company, but the enemy 
 scattered and fled every way ; but he picked up a considerable many of 
 their women and children, among which were Philip's wife and son of 
 about nine years old." The remainder of the day was spent in pursuing 
 the flying Philip, who, with his Narraganscts, was still formidable. They 
 picked up many prisoners, from whom they learned the force of those of 
 whom they were in pursuit. At night. Church was under obligation to 
 return to his men he had left, but commissioned Lightfoot, captain, to lead 
 a party on o -covery. LAghtfoot returned in the morning with good suc- 
 cess, having ii.adean important discovery, and taken 13 prisoners. Church 
 immediately set out to follow up their advantage. He soon came w here 
 they had made fires, and shortly after overtook their women and children, 
 who " were faint and tired," and who informed them "that Philip, with a 
 great number of the enemy, were a little before." It was almost sunset 
 when they came near enough to observe them, and " Philip soon came to 
 
 * It is published by Mr. Mifchel, in his valuable account of Rridffcwatcr, and supposed 
 to have been written by Comfort VVillis, named above. Sec 1 Col. Mass. Hist Soc. vii. 
 157. 
 
 t Hist. Philip's War, 38. cd. 4to. 
 
34 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 [Book IIL 
 
 a stop, and fell to breaking and chopping wood, to make fires ; and a great 
 noise they made." Church, concentrating liis followers, formed tiiem into 
 a circle, and set down " without any noise or fire." Their prisoners 
 showed gr';at signs of fear, bnt were easdy ])'.it in confidence by tiie con- 
 cihatory conduct of Church. Thus stood nutters in Churches camp through 
 the night of the 2 August, lG7(j. At di'.vvn of day, he told his [)rison«'rs 
 they inust remain still where they wo'-e, until the fight was over, (for he 
 now had every reason to expect a severe one shortly to follow,) "or, as 
 soon as tlic firing ceased, they must follow the tracks of his ci»n)pany, 
 and come to them. (An Indian is next to a bloodhound to follow a 
 track.)"* 
 
 It being now light enough to make the onset. Church sent forward two 
 soldiers to learn Philip's j)osition. Philip, no less wary, had, at the same 
 time, sent out two spies to sec if any were in pursuit of him. The re- 
 spective spies of the two famous chiefs gave the alarm tq both cam[)s at 
 the same time ; but, unhappily for Philip, his antagonist was [)repared 
 for the event, while he was not. " All fled at the first tidings, [of the 
 spies,] lefl their kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their wooden 
 spits, and run into a swamp with no other breakfast, than what Capt. 
 Church, aflerwarda treated them with." Church sent his lieutenant, Mr. 
 Isaac Howland, on one side of the swamp, while himself ran upon '.he 
 other, each with a small party, hoping, as the swamp was small, to prevent 
 the escape of any. Exjjecting that when Philip should discover the 
 English at the farther extremity of the swamp, he would turn back in his 
 own track, and so escape at the same place he entered. Church had, 
 therefore, stationed an ambush to entrap bin-, in such an event. But the 
 wariness of Philip disappointed him. lie, thinking that the English 
 would pursue hun into the swamp, had forme' an ambush for them also, 
 but was, in like manner, disap[)ointed. He had, at the same time, sent 
 forward a band of his warriors, who fell into tlie hands of C/iurcA. and 
 Hcdand. They, at firet, attempted to fly, and thtn offered resistance; 
 but Church ordered Matthias^ to tell them the "-nipracticability of such a 
 step. He accordingly called to them, and said, '•'■ If they fired one gun they 
 were all dead men." Tiiis threat, with the presence of the English and 
 Indians, so amazed them, that they suffered "the English to come and 
 take the guns out of their hands, when they Avere both charged and 
 cocked." Having secured these wit'i a guard, armed with the guns just 
 taken from them. Church i)resses tlu'ough the swamp in search of Philip, 
 towards the end at which that chief had entered. Having waited imtil 
 he had no hopes of ensnaring Capt. Church, Philip now moved on after 
 the com])any he had sent forward, and thus the two parties met. The 
 English had the advantajre oi" the first discovery, nnd, covered by trees, 
 made the first fire. T'LJip siood his ground for a time, and maintained a 
 desperate fig'^t ; but, a main body of his warriors having been captured, 
 which, by this time, he began to apprehend, as they did not come to his 
 aid, he, therefore, fled back to the point where he entered the swamp, and 
 thus fell into a second ambush. Hero the English were worsted, having 
 one of their number slain, viz. Thomas Lucas,X of Plimouth : thus 
 escaped, fur a few days, Philip and some of his best captains, such as 
 
 * Hist. Philip's War, 39. 
 
 t One of Church's Indian soldiers, but of wliom he makes no mention. 
 
 t An impriivident fellow, given lo i.itoxiration, ard, from C/i«rc/i'* expression about 
 his being- killed, " not being^so careful as he might have been," it leaves room to donbl 
 whether he weic not, at this time, under tlic elVects of liqu--.. Ho had been often fined, 
 and once whipped, for getting drunk, beating his wife and children, defaming the char- 
 acter of deceased magistrates, and other misuemcanors. 
 
[Book III. 
 
 and a great 
 I them into 
 • prisoners 
 )y the con- 
 np throiigli 
 3 [)risoners 
 .'er, (for he 
 w,) " 01-, as 
 conipany, 
 ) follow a 
 
 rward two 
 It the same 
 The re- 
 1 catnps at 
 i prepared 
 ?s, [of the 
 ir wooden 
 that Capt. 
 enant, Mr. 
 
 upon the 
 to prevent 
 5cover the 
 >ack in his 
 kiirch had, 
 . But the 
 e English 
 them also, 
 time, sent 
 hurch and 
 •esistance ; 
 of such a 
 e g-un they 
 iiglish and 
 come and 
 irged and 
 
 guns just 
 of Philip, 
 lited until 
 d on after 
 net. The 
 1 hy trees, 
 intained a 
 captured, 
 ime to his 
 mmp, and 
 ;d, having 
 uth : thus 
 3, such as 
 
 ssioa ahoiil 
 nni to doubt 
 often fined, 
 !"■ the char- 
 
EAT 
 
 ■¥ :k:i'H^r FMiiiiiO 
 
Chap.-II] 
 
 MFC OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 .hJLT. 
 
 Tiispaiiiiin aiul Tnloson. Tliis was yViijriif;! tlic 3(1, and PhUip's number:! 
 hud dfcrcascd, miici! *iiu Ist, 17."{, liy llit; excirtions oi' Church.* 
 
 PhiUp, Iiuviii^^ now but few rulIow(;rs Icir, was driven from place to 
 plaL-e, and laHtly to iiis ain'icnt scat near Pokanoket. Tlie Kiif^lisli, for a 
 long time, bad endeavored to kill liini, but could not fuid bim otl" bis guard ; 
 for lie was always the first vvbo was apprized of tbeir upproaeb. Having 
 put to deatb one of bis menf for advising bini to make peace, bis brotber, 
 fearing tbe same fate, deserted bim, am! gavt; Captain Church an account 
 of bis cbief's situation, and offered to lead bim to bis camp. Early on 
 Saturday morning, 1'2 Aug. Church came to tlu; swamp wbere Philip was 
 encamped, and, before be W!is discovei'ed, bad j>lac(!d a giuud about it, 
 so as to encompass it, except a small jtlace. He tbcn ordered Captain 
 G()lding\ to rusb into the swanifi, and fall u|inn Philip in his camp ; which 
 he inuncdiately did — but was discovered as Ik; approached, and, as usual, 
 Philip was tbe first to fly. Having but just awaked from sleep, and hav- 
 ing on but a part of his clothes, lie fled with all bis might. Coming 
 directly upon an Englishman and an Indian, who composed a part of the 
 aiiihusb at the edge of tbe swamp, tbe Englishman's gun missed fire, but 
 .'lldertnan, the Indian, whose gun was loaded with two balls, "sent ouf 
 through his heart, and another not above two inches from it. lie fell 
 upon bis face in tbe mud and water, with his gun under him." 
 
 There were many reports in circulation of tbe particulars of this last 
 gi'eat tragedy of the Wampanoag sachem, which occasioned, as in many 
 other events, different accounts being banded down; but all of them 
 which we have sjeen, though manifestly contradictory in some particulars, 
 liave, nevertheless, some Tacts of great importance. The following being 
 exceedingly curious, we give tbe substance of it. Besides containing 
 some additional facts, it serves to show one of tbe different reports. It i--. 
 contained in a single sheet, in folio form, prhited in London, 1(577, aii'! 
 was licensed 4 Nov. of that year. Its title is, "The WAKR in NEW 
 ENGLAND visibly enokd. King Philip, that barbarous Indian, now 
 Beheaded, and most of bis Bloudy Adherents submitted to Me -y, the 
 Rest fled far up into tbe Countrey, which bath given tbe Inhabitants En- 
 couragement to pre|)are for their Settlement, lieing a True and jierfect 
 Account brought in by Caleb More, IMajter of a vessjl newly arrived frou; 
 Rhode Island." Ls substance is as follows : Philip bad, when be began 
 the war, 300 men, but when be was killed, 10 only remained of tiiem. 
 He was a "pestilent ringleader." The swamp in which be was killed, 
 was "so loose, that our men sunk to the middle" in the mud. "By 
 chance, the Indian guide and the [a] Plimouth man, being together, tbi- 
 guide espied an Indian, and bids tbe Plimouth man sbool, whose gun 
 went not off, only flashed in tbe pan ; with that tbe Indian looked about, 
 and was going fo shoot, but die Plimouth man prevented bim, and shot 
 die enemy through the body, dead, with a brace of bullets ; and, approach- 
 ing the place where he laj^, upon search, it appeared to be King Philip, 
 to their no small amazement and great joy. This seasonable prey was 
 soon divided ; they cut off his head and bands, and conveyed them to 
 Rhode Island, and quartered bis body, and hung it upon four trees. One 
 Indian more of King Philip^s company they then killed, and some of the 
 rest they wounded. But the swamp being so thick and miry, they made 
 their escape." 
 
 * Church, 41. In tlio account of Tatcson, Church's narrative is contiuueci, 
 t Brother of ..4 WiTZ/'orw. * 
 
 X Ci\i){. Ros:er Gouldejij of R. I. Plimouth granted him 100 acres of land or, Fo- 
 cassct, in 1G76, for his eminent services. J'lim. Records. 
 
36 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. [Bcoe Hi. 
 
 " Cold, with the beast he slew, he sleeps ; 
 O'er him no filial spirit Weeps j 
 
 Even that he lived, is for his conqueror's tongue ; 
 By foes alone his dcalh-son j must be sung ; 
 
 No chronicles hut theirs snail toll 
 
 His mournful doom to fuiure limes ; 
 
 May these upon his virtues dwell, 
 
 And in his fate forget his crimes." — Spragiie. 
 
 Tho name of the man stationed with Mdernxan was Caleb Cook,* who 
 had shared in many of Church^ hazardous expf-litions h(!fon! th(^ prcHCiit. 
 Seein<^ tluit he could not have tlie honor of killitig Philip, ha was desi- 
 rotis if j)ossil)le of having a memento of the miglity exploit. He therefore 
 prevailed upon Alderman to exchange guns with him. This gun was 
 kept in the family until the present century, wlten the late Isaar Lolhrop 
 Esq. of Plimoiith ohtained the lock of it from Mr. Sylvanun Cook, late of 
 Kingston. Si/lvanus was great-grandson of Caleb.] The .stock and har- 
 rel of the gun aie still retained by the descendants of the name of Cook.\ 
 
 We are able to add yet a little for the gratitication of the cm-ious : a lock 
 showti in the library of the Mass. Hist. Soc. is said to be the ,samc which 
 Aldrrman tised in sFiooting Philip. This Alderman was a stibject of JVec- 
 tamoo. In the commencement of this war, he went to the governor of 
 riiniouth, and desired to remain in peace with the English, and iminedi- 
 ately took up bus residence upon an island, remote I'rom the tri!'<'.< en- 
 gaged ill the war. But after Philip bad returned to his own r.nutrv, 
 Alderman, upon some occasion, visited him. It was at this time :)iat he 
 learned the late of liis iirother before spoken of; or his murder was ac- 
 tually coK.Miitted wliile he was present. Tiiis caused his liight to the 
 Knglish, which he thought, ])rol)al)ly, the last res(»rt for vengeance. He 
 "came down from thence, says Church, (where Philiji^s c;\u\\; now was,) 
 on to Sand Point over again.t Trips, tind holluw'd, and made fci<'i.s to be 
 fetch'd over" to the island, i'e was immediately brought over, and gave 
 the information desired. Capt Church had but just arrived upc^ Rhode 
 Island, and was about eight miles from the upper end, where Alderman 
 landed. He had been at home but a le^v minutes, when "they spy'd two 
 
 liorsemen coming a great pace,'' 
 
 he })rophesied, " they came with 
 
 tydings." Major Sanford and Cnj.!. i- tiding w(;re the horsemen, "who 
 immediately ask'tl Capt. Church irh'^i ht would give to hear some news of 
 Philip. He reply'd, Thai was what he wanted." The expedition was at 
 once entered upon, and Aldenmm went as their pilot. But to return to 
 tJie fall of Philip : — 
 
 "By this time," continues Church, "the enemy perceived they were 
 waylaid on the east side of the swamp, ta.ked siioit about," and were led 
 out of their dangerous situation by tht; jrreat cajjtain Annawon. -'The 
 man that had shot down Philip ran with all speed to Capt. Church, and 
 informed him of Iiis exploit, who commanded him to be silent about it, 
 and let no man more know it until they had drove the swami) clean ; but 
 when they had drove the swamp through, and found the enemy had es- 
 caped, or at lejist the most of tiieiii, and die sun now up, and so the dew 
 gone that they could not easily track them, th6 whole company met to- 
 gether at the place wlit^re the enemy's night shelter wa.s, and then Capt. 
 
 * Baijlies, in liis N. I'limouth, ii. IbB, says his name was Francis, but as ho gives no 
 authoriiy, we adlu'i'c to ilder auihoriiy. 
 
 t Tins Caleb Conk w.> son o( Jacob of Pliniouih, and was born there, "'J Mar. 1(1.51. 
 lie iiad ;w() or mnro l.iolln'rs 5 .faroh, l)orn 11 .W;iv, 103.5, and Francis, !) Jan. ir)(J,3-4. 
 1 fence ii is not probable ihat /''/'a/tci'f was a soldier at this time, as hu was only in hiii 
 l.Jiiiye.ir. 
 
 \ Col. Mass. I Hit. Sue. iv. GJ. 
 
 1' 
 
 I 
 
p\ '.. 
 
 /" * 
 
 oy were 
 
 \\cre led 
 ^'The 
 
 urrh, and 
 aliout it, 
 
 can ; but 
 had es- 
 tiic dew 
 met to- 
 
 len Capt. 
 
 lie e;ives no 
 
 i| 
 
 Crap. H] 
 
 LiFi; OF KING Piin.ir. 
 
 37 
 
 I 
 
 C/)J»f/t trave them t}i(> in'.v.s n{ Philip's dvnili. Upon '.vhieh the wliole 
 army* fXave three loud Im/./.as. Capt. Church ordered his body to be 
 pulled out of the mire on to the upland. So some of (,'apt. Church's In- 
 diaiisi took hold of him hv his stocUitifrs, mid some by h:;< Kmall bre'-ehes, 
 bi'ini'" otiirrwisf! naked, and drew him through the mud unto the u[)lan(i ; 
 and a doll lid, great, ntdied dirty beast, he looked like." (Now follows 
 one of the most barbarous passages in the life of the excellent Church. 
 As the word excellent may surpris<! some of my readers, I will add, in cut 
 far as it is possible for a warrior to he so.) Capt. *'hnrch thtiii said, " For- 
 asmuch as he has caused mani/ an Knirlmh-.nau's bodjj to lie unburied and 
 rot ahore s;round, not one of his bones shall be buried T 
 
 Witli the great chief, fell five of his most trusty followei-s, one of whom 
 was his chief captain's son,f and the very Indian who fired the fust gun 
 at the conunencemeiit of the war. 
 
 ^'Philip having on^• very remarkable hand, being much scarred, occa- 
 sioned by the sphtting of a pistol in it 1bimerl\, Capt. Church gave the 
 head and that liai. 1 to ^'llderman, the; Indian who shot him, to show to 
 such gt'iitlemen as would itestow grauiities upon him ; and accordii gly 
 he got many a penny by it."| 
 
 The barl)arous usag(; of beheading and quartering traitors was now 
 executed upon the fallen Philip. Church, ''calling his old Itidian execu- 
 tioner, bid him behead and (piarter him. Accordingly, he came with his 
 iiatchet, and stood oxer him, but befoiv! he struck, he made a small speech, 
 directing it to Philip" saying, " low have been a very grerd man, and have 
 tnade many a man afraid of you ; but so biif as you be I will now chop your 
 ass [arse] for you." He then jiroceeded to the execution of his orders. 
 
 His head was sent to Plimouth, where it was exposed upon a gibbet 
 for 20 years, and one of his hands to Boston, where it was exhibited 
 ill savage triumjih, and his mangled body was denied the right of 
 sepulture. 
 
 Church and his company returned to the island the same day, and ar- 
 rived with the prisoners at Plimouth two days after, namely, Tuesday, 
 August 15, "ranging through all the woods in their way." They now 
 "rec<'ived their premium, which was .'10 shiUings per head," for all ene- 
 mies killed o'- ♦aken, "instead of all wages, and Philip's head went at the 
 same price." Vh'is amounted to only four and sixpence apiece, "which 
 was all the re ird they had, except the honor of killing Philip." 
 
 During the bloody contest, the pious fathers wrestled long and often 
 with their God, in prayer, that he would prosper their arms and deliver 
 their enemies into their hands ; and when, upon stilted days of pi yer, the 
 Indians gained advantage, it was looked upon as a rebuke of l*ro\ ideiice. 
 and animated them to greater sincerity and fervor; and on the contrary, 
 when their arms prevailed upon such days, it was viewed as an ii.nnediate 
 interposition in their favor. The philosophic mind will be shocked at 
 the expressions of some, very eminent in that day for piety and excel- 
 lence of moral life. Dr. Increase Mather,^ in speaking of the etlicacy of 
 ))rayer, in bringing about the destruction of the Indians, say-, " .Nor could 
 tliey [the English] cease crying to the Lo'"d against Philip, until they had 
 )»raye(l the bullet into his heart." And in speaking of tiu! slaughter of 
 /^/)(7i//s peo|)le, at \arraganset, he says, " We have heartl of two-and- 
 twi'iity Indian captains, slain all of them, and brought down to hell in 
 
 * Kifj'litecn Eiiif'isli anct twcniy-two Indian- constitultMi his army a week before, but 
 wo know not liow iiiany were at the tnkiiiu'' ol /'/(iVi/). thoiiirh we may sunpose about 
 the .satr.f ; iui>','- r. Hence this expedition eost tiie colony £*>. 
 
 t • erv ,iiobab!y a son of Vncompoin, or Woonaslivm. 
 
 ^ Ii; 1)1$ •' t'lrivalency of Prayer," page 10. 
 
38 
 
 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 one dny." Again, in speaking of a chief who liad sneered at the Eng- 
 lish religion, and who had, " withal, added a most hideous hlaspheniy, 
 immediately upon which a hullet took him in the head, and dnsiied out 
 his hrains, sending his cursed soul in a moment amongst the devils, and 
 l)laspliern(!rs in iicll forever."* 
 
 Tiiese extracts are made with no other view than to show the habiu 
 of thinking in those times. 
 
 Tii(! low and vulgar epithetsf sneeringly cfist upon the Indians by their 
 Englisii contemporaries are not to be attributed to a single individual, but 
 to the English in general.| It is too obvious that the early historians 
 viewed the Indians as inferior beings, and some went so far as hardly to 
 allow them to he human. 
 
 Like Mnssasoit, Philip always opposed the introduction of Christianity 
 among his people. When Mr. Eliot urged upon him its great importance, 
 he said he cared no more for the gospel than he did for a button upon 
 his '•oat.§ This does not very well agree with the account of Mr. Gookin, 
 respecting Philip's feelings upon religious matters; at least, it shows that 
 there was a time when he was willing to listen to. such men as the excel- 
 lent and benevolent Gookin. In s|)eaking of the Wampanoags, he says, 
 " There are some that have hopes of their greatest and chiefest sachem, 
 named Pliilip, living at PawkunnawkuU. Some of his chief men, as I 
 hear, stand well inclined to hear the gospel : and himself is a person of 
 good undei-standing and knowk-dire in the best things. I have heard 
 him speak ve^y good words, arguing that his conscience is convicted: 
 l)Ut yet, though his will is bowed to embrace Jesus Christ, his sensual and 
 carnal lusts are strong bands to hold him fast under Satan's dominious."|| 
 And Dr. Mather adds, "It was not long, before the hand which now 
 writes, [1700,] upon a certain occasion took off" the jaw from the exposed 
 skill' of that blasphemous leviathan; uid the renowned Samuel Lee hath 
 since been a pastor to an English congregation, sounding and showing 
 the i)raised of heaven, upon that very spot of gi-ound, where Philip and 
 his Indians were lately worshipping of the devil."1I 
 
 The error that Philip was grandson to Massasoit, is so well known to 
 be such, that it would hardly seem to have required notice, but to inform 
 the reader of its origin. The following passage from Mr. Josselyn's work** 
 will, besides proving him to be the author of the error, at least the first 
 writer timt ?• denominates him, furnish some valuable information. 
 Speaking of the Indians in general, he says, "Their beads are their 
 tnoncy ; of these, there an, two sorts, blue beads and white beads ; the 
 first is their gold, the last their silver. These they work out of certain 
 shells, so c'.nningly, that neitfier Jew nor Devil can counterfeit.+f They 
 drill tK^'.n and string them, end make many curious works with them, to 
 
 ' i'rpvalciic of Prayer, page 7. 
 
 I ?i'cli a- ''''i'i, wolves blood-hounds, demons, deirils-incamate, caitiffs, hell-Iwmul.i. 
 jicncis, Kon:ti rslicasis, 6lc. Occasional quolations will show what authors have used 
 thc^i'. 
 
 \ i'he autho'' of • Indian Tales" has falhcreti all ho could think of upon Mr. Hubbard. 
 He mail be i, 'ijed i>pon to point out the jmssagc in that valuable author's works where 
 he has rallc'l m-^ c-'umj of the Indians " hell-lwunds." iSuch loose, gratuitous expres- 
 sions will not do at the bar of history. 
 
 (i Magualia. 
 
 II 1 Co/. Mass. Hist. Sac. i. 200. 
 
 f Mr. Lie ./as taken by the French in a voyage to England, and carried into their 
 country, where he died, in l(i!)l. This event, it was thotight. hastened his end. Per- 
 haps the surviving natives did not attribute (he disaster to his usurping their territory, 
 and Icicdiing a religinn lliev could not liolievc; but might they not with equal propriety? 
 
 *"* .VccounI of two \oyages to New England, 1 I'i, 113. 
 
 tt Of this he was misinformed. There was much sjiurious wampum, which became a 
 subject of legislation, f^ee Hazan's Hisl. Col. vol. ii. 
 
)0K III. 
 
 e Eng- 
 pheiiiy, 
 led out 
 ils, and 
 
 5 hah\\A 
 
 by their 
 lual, but 
 istorians 
 lardly to 
 
 •istiaiiity 
 )ortance, 
 on upon 
 , Gookin, 
 ows that 
 lie excel- 
 he says, 
 
 sachem, 
 [uen, as I 
 )erson of 
 ve heard 
 onvicted : 
 nsual and 
 unions."|l 
 nkh now 
 e exposed 
 : Lee hath 
 
 showing 
 'hilip and 
 
 nown to 
 to inform 
 I's work** 
 the fii-st 
 formation. 
 
 are their 
 leads ; the 
 
 if certain 
 ,tt They 
 li tiiem, to 
 
 Ihell-houmls. 
 Is have used 
 
 |r. Hiihlmrd. 
 
 lorks where 
 
 llous expres- 
 
 Bcl into their 
 nul. Vox- 
 
 pir tprritorv, 
 propriety ? 
 
 |:h became a 
 
 Cn.u'. III.] 
 
 NANUNTP^NOO. 
 
 41 
 
 whole company at Paiducket — Incidents rclalins: to that fghf — J^'otice of 
 Copt. Piirsc — J\''(tnuntiiwo siirpn,ieil and taken — His magnanimity — 
 Speech to his captors — Is executed and his body burnt — (.'assassinnamo'n — 
 Catapazet — Monopoidc — An.nawo.n — His escape from the swamp tvhen 
 Philtj) i"(is killed — Capl. Church sent out to capture him — Discovers his 
 retreat — Takes him prisoner — His ma<>;nanimous behavior — His speech to 
 Church — Presents him ivith Philip''s ornaments — Description of them — 
 Church takes Annawon to Plimoulh, where he is pid to death — CIuinna- 
 pi> — His connections and marriap;c — Jit the capture of Lancaster — Jlc- 
 covnt of his w'ives — fVectamoo — He is taken and shot — Tuspaquin — 
 His sales of lands — His operations in Philip^ s fVar^Surrenders himself, 
 and is put to death — Refections npon his executioiwrs — Tatosojj — Early 
 notices of— Captures a garrison in Plimouih — Trial and execidion oj 
 Keweenam — Totoson dies of a broken heart — Barrow cruelly murdered 
 
 TVASKS. 
 
 A'lmunteiioo, son of Miantnnnomoh, " was chief sacliem of all the Nar- 
 nifransctH, and heir of all his father's ])ri(ie and insolency, as well as of his 
 nialieo against the English."* Notwitiistanding this branding character, 
 drawn by a contemporary, we need only look into the life of Mianlunno- 
 j/io//, to find excuse lor "malice and insolency" tenfold more than was 
 contained in the breast of JVanuntenoo. 
 
 Tlie I'iMglish had cut to pieces the women and children of his tribe, 
 liiniied them to death in their wigwams, and left their mangled bodies 
 l)k'acliiiig in the wintry blast! Tlie swamp fight of the 19 Dec. 1G75, 
 could not be forgotten ! JVanvntenoo escaped from this scene, but we 
 caiuiot doubt that he acquitted himself agreeably to the character we 
 liave of liim. 
 
 The first name by which he was known to the English was Canonchef. 
 l\v had been in Boston the October iiefbre the war, upon a treaty, at 
 wlii<'ii time he received, among other presents, a silver-laced coat. Dr. 
 Mather says, speaking of th .^ Narragansets, "their great sachem called 
 Qjianonrhet, was a principal ringleader in the NaiTaganset war, and had 
 as jureat an interest and influence, as can \m said of any among the In- 
 dians ;"f anil that, " when he was taken and slain, it was an amazing stroke 
 to the eneniy."t 
 
 The name of Canonchet stands first to the treaty, to which we have 
 just alhided, whicii was entered into at Boston, 18 Oct. 1(J75. By that 
 tiraty, the Xarragansets agreed to deliver to tiie English in 10 days, "all 
 and euery one of the saiil Indians, whether belonging vnto Philip, the 
 Porasset Hqva, or the Saconett Indians, Quabaug, Hadley, or any other 
 sachem?; or j)eople that bane l)in or are in hostillitic with the English, or 
 any of their allies or abettors."^ The names to the treaty are as follows: 
 
 " Quananchett's v'^ ma^-k, 
 Witnesses. sachem in behalf of himself and Conanacns a7iu the Old 
 
 RitnAKD Smith, Queen and Pomham aiid Quaunapeen, (seal) 
 
 .Iames Brow>'F., Manatannoo counccllir his -[- 
 
 .Samikl Goivvoy, Jr. mark, and Caunoivdcua in his behalf, (seal) 
 
 hderpreters. Ahanmanpowett's -\- mark, 
 
 John Nowhk.nett's X »w/i> counceller and his (seal) 
 
 Indian interpreter. Cornman, chciffe counceller to 
 
 Ninnegrett, in his behalfe, and a seal (S.)" 
 
 rp.t'oiialily he (|uesti()iieil, in liiis iiiirliciilar, wiien tlie more glaring error of the name 
 ot'ihi> person said to lia\e killed rhilip, is staring us in the face. 
 
 ^ lliihbard, G7. — i\b-. Oldwixnn calls liiiii '• the mighty sachem of Nnrraganset." — 
 lirii. Empire. \ HiUf Hisl.'H'i. " \ I'revokncij of Prayer, \\. 
 
 ^ It may be seen at large in Hazard's Collections, i. 53G, 537. 
 
 4 * 
 
42 
 
 NANUNTENOO. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 Tlie Indians having carried their whirlwind of wnr to the very doors 
 of Plitnouth, caused the sending out of Capt. Peircc, (or, as his nunie is 
 uniformly in die records, Pcirsc,) lo chvert them from these ravages, and 
 (h;stroy as many of them jus lit; was ahh>. lie had a large company, con- 
 sisting of 70 men, '20 of wliom were friendly Indians. With these, no 
 «Ionbt, Peirse thought himself safe against any j)ovver of the Indians in 
 that regiun. 
 
 Meanwhile this most valiant chief capt/-.iii of the Narragansets, JVanun- 
 tc.noo, learning, we pi*esume, by his spies, tiie dnection the English were 
 taking, assenjhled his warriors at a crossing })lace on Pawtucket itiver, at 
 a point adjacent to a place since called Jlttltborough-Gore, and not far dis- 
 tant from Pawtucket falls. It is ju(ij,'"d that JVanunttnoo was upon an 
 ex|)editi()n to attiick Plimouth, or some of the adjacent towns, for his force 
 was estimated at upwards of ;10() men. 
 
 On arriving at this fatal place, some of jY(tmmlenoo\9 men showed 
 themselves retiring, on the opposite side of the river. This stratagent 
 succeeded, — Peirse Ibl lowed.* No sooner was he upon the west(!rn side, 
 than the warriors of Aanu/i/tJioo, like an avalanche from a mountain, rushed 
 down upon him: nor striving for coverts from which to fight, more than 
 their fues, fought them fice to face with the most determined bravery. 
 
 A part of J^^'anuntenoo's ibrce remained on the east side of the river, to 
 prevent the retreat of the English, which they most effectually did, as in 
 iiie event will appear. When Caj)t. Peirse saw himself henuned in by 
 numbers on every side, he drew up his men upon the margin of the 
 river, in two ranks, back to back,f and in this manner fought until nearly 
 all his men were; slain. Peirse had timely sent a messenger to Providence 
 for assistance, and although the distance could not have been more than 
 six nr eight miles, from some inexplicable cause, no succor arrived ; andMr. 
 i/i7/;f;«;v/t adils, " As Solomon saith, a faithful messenger is as snow in 
 harvest." 
 
 Tliis dreadful fight was on Sunday, 2(5 March, 1G7G, when, as Dr. 
 JMalhcr says, "Capt. Peirse was slain and forty and nine English with him, 
 «Md eight, (or more,) Indians, who did assist the English." The Rev. 
 Till . JWwman of Rehoboth wrote a letter to Plimouth dated the day after 
 the slaughter, m which he says, "52 of our English, and 11 Indians," 
 were slaiii.§ The company was, no doultt, increased by some who vol- 
 imt(M>re(l as they marclKul tJu'ough the country, or by such as were taken 
 for j)ilots. 
 
 .\''anunlcnoo\s victory was complete, but, as usual on such occasions, the 
 English consoled themselves by making the loss of the Indians appear as 
 la'-_j as possible. Dr. Mather says, that some Indians that were after- 
 Avards taken confessed they lost 140, which, no iloul)t, is not far from 
 the truth. II 
 
 An Englishman, and perhaps the only one who escaped from this dis- 
 astrous fight, was saved by one of the friendly Indians in this manner: 
 The friendly Indian l)eing taken for a Narraganset, as he was pm-suing 
 with an u[>lirted tomahawk the English soldier, no one interfered, seeing 
 him pursue an unarmed Englishman at such great advantage. In this 
 maimer, covering themselves in the woods, they escaped. 
 
 A friendly Indian, being pursued by one of J\ranunenoo's men, got 
 behind the root of a fallen tree. Tiius screened by the earth raised upon 
 
 * Dr. MallfT (Hrief Hist. 2I'.) says, " a small iiinnbcr of the oemy who in desperate 
 subtlety ran away Ironi t!i -ni, and they wont limping to make the Ennjlish believe lliey 
 were lame," and thus elTei/ted their ul)jocl. 
 
 t Di'diH-'s llisi. Seiuu.ie. 121. t Narrative, 64. 
 
 (& See the letiei fi^i\ in^- tlie names of the company in Deanc's Scituatc, 122, 123. 
 
 II Mr. Htibbard's account is the same. 
 
QE III. 
 
 doors 
 unie 19 
 Mi, and 
 y, con- 
 i3se, no 
 ans in 
 
 Vanun- 
 h were 
 ivcr, at 
 far dis- 
 pon an 
 is force 
 
 showed 
 atageni 
 •rn side, 
 , rushed 
 re than 
 very, 
 river, to 
 id, as in 
 ;d in hy 
 I of the 
 il nearly 
 )vid(nicc 
 ore than 
 and Mr. 
 snow in 
 
 1, as Dr. 
 k^illi liim, 
 he Rev. 
 lay after 
 lulians," 
 lo vol- 
 taken 
 
 >ns, the 
 )poar as 
 e aftor- 
 far from 
 
 tliis dis- 
 nianner : 
 )ursuing 
 , seeing 
 In this 
 
 men, got 
 sed upon 
 
 desperate 
 elicve lliey 
 
 rrative, G4. 
 123. 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 LIFE OF KING THILIF. 
 
 \VJ 
 
 (|ii(';-ts them "to pay to this l)earer, for 
 money, and £5 in trucking cloth, at nic 
 
 adorn the persons of their sagamortis and principal men, and yoinig 
 •\V(imcM, as heltH, ginlles, tahlcts, Ixmlers for their women's hair, hnicelcts, 
 necklaces, and links to liang in tlieir ears. Prince Plnlip, a little licrnre I 
 came for Kngland, [lti7J,] coming to IJoston, had a coat on imd Imskins 
 set thick with these heads, in pleasant wild works, and a liroad licit of 
 tlie same ; his accoutrements wen; valued at £^0. The I'lnglish mer- 
 chant giveth them 10.9. a fathom iov tlieir white, and as inucii more, or 
 near upon, for tlitrir Ithn; heads." "The roytelet now of the I'ocanakets 
 is prince Pliilip, aliius J\lct(tcon, the grandson oi' Massasoity^ 
 
 In Noveinher, !()(!!•, Philip sold to the selectmen of Dedham, the tract 
 of land called IVoollommonuppoifue " within the town Iiounds, [u\' Ded- 
 Jiani,] not yet purchased." What the full tMjusideration jiaid to him was, 
 we do not learn. Jn an order which he sent to them ath-rwards, he re- 
 
 the use of King Philip, £5 5,9. 
 iioney jirice." In a receipt signed 
 hv Pdtr, the following amount is named : "In reference to the payment 
 of King Philip of Mount Hope, the full and just sum of £5 .'is. in money, 
 and twelve yards of trucking cloth, three pounds of iiowder, and as much 
 lead as to make it up ; which is in full satisfaction w ith £10 that he is to 
 receive oiWathanitl Pn?!e."f 
 
 While Mrs. Rotvlundson was a captive in the wilderness witli the allies 
 ol' Philip, she mentions meeting with him; and althongh she speaks ollen 
 with bitterness of the Indians in general, yet of him nothing of that nature 
 appears in her journal. The party she was with visited Philip on the 
 west side of the Connecticut, about five miles above Northfield, then 
 called Sipiakeng. Ihiving arrived at the jioint of crossing, Mrs. Rouiand- 
 son says, "We must go tjver the river to Phil{p\'i crew. When I was iu 
 the canoe, I could not Init be amazed at the numerous crew of pagans 
 that were on the bank on the other side." She was much afraid they 
 meant to kill her here, but, being assured to the contrary, become more 
 resigned to her fate. "Then came one of them, (she says,) and gave me 
 two spoonfuls cf meal (to comfort me,) and another gave me half a pint 
 of pens, which was worth more than many bushels at another time. 
 Then I went to see King Philip ; he ])ade me come in and sit down ; 
 and asked me whether I would smoke it; (a usual compliment now a 
 days, among the saints and sinnei"s ;) but this no ways suited me."| 
 
 "Dining my abode in this place, /"/itV//; spake to me to make a shirt 
 for his boy, which I did; for which he gave me a shilling." "After- 
 ward he asked ine to mak(! a cap tor his boy, for which he invited me to 
 dinner; I went, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers; 
 it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bears' grease; but I 
 thought I never tasted pleasanter meat in my life."§ 
 
 It is extremely gratifying to hear any testimony in favor of tl/e Inimaii- 
 ity of men so near a state of nature. We speak not of tnis because such 
 testimonies are few, for they are many, as it is unnecesssry to ajiprizti 
 die reader of oven a few pages in this book. To say the ieast of Philip\'i 
 liuuianity, it was as great towards captives, so far as we have any knowl- 
 edge, as was that of any of the English to the captive Indians. 
 
 As the Indians were returning from their recesses upon the Connecticut, 
 (in what is new New Ilamiisliirc and Vermonf,) towards Wachuset, 
 "having indeed my life, (says ]Mrs. Rowlandso^,) but litde spirit, Philip, 
 who was in the company, came up, and took me by the hand, and said, 
 
 * Account of two Voyasfos to New Mii-rlnnd, I W. Ho is also called grandson of 
 Mns-fiiysiiit . in the work entitled J'nsiiit l^tate t'f Ni;w Englajid, in rcsprct to the Indian 
 II'"'. fol. London, lG7f) ; tin; author of lliat work doubtless copied from Josselyn. 
 
 t .^IS, Documeiils anionn- our state papers. 
 
 i Xarralicc of her Cupliiitij, i3C, o'J. § Ibid. 40. 
 
40 
 
 lAVEH OF I'lIILU'S ('HIEF CAPTArNS, 
 
 [Hook III 
 
 ' Two loeeks more and you shall be mutres.1 afrainJ' 1 nskecl him if lif 
 Npoke triH!: ho suid, ' Yea, and (juickli/ you shall come to your masUr* 
 again,'' who hud hciui ^(uks (loiii us thrtjo \v(ukM."f 
 
 1(1 hriiijfiiij,' our a('(;oiiiit of this truly f^rcnt uiun towards a close, w«i 
 must not forgot to |»rfsoiit tiio reader with a Kpeeimeii of ihi? laufjuage in 
 wliieh lie spoke. The following is the Lord's prayer in NVampanoag: — 
 
 ^Yoo-shun kes-uk-qnt, (jut-tian-at-um-unrh koo-wc-su-nnk, kuk-ktl-as-soo- 
 tam-oonk pey-au-moo-utch, kut-le-nan-tam-oo-onk ne nai, nc-ya-ne ke-suk-ifut 
 kah oh-ke-it. .'h-sa-tna-i-in-ne-an ko-ko-ke-suk-o-dn-r nut-as-e-suk-ok-ki 
 pc-tuk-iiun-nefr. Kah nh-iiuo-an-tnm-a-i-in-man nuui-inulch-c-se-ong-an- 
 on-ash, ne-ivutch-e ne-na-wun wonk nul-ah-(jno-un-l(tm-av-o-un-non-og nish- 
 uoh pasuk noo-na-mon-luk-qnoh-who-n(tn,kah ahquc sfi::;~'ii)m-pa-g{n-nc-(in 
 I a (lukk-e-hd-tn-ong-n-nit, (pit noh-ipia-wns'sin-nc-an iritlrk matcti-i-lnt.\ 
 
 Sinee wo are upon curiosities, the following may very pro|)erly he 
 added. There is to be seen in the library of the iMass. Hist. Society a 
 large skinnner, which some have mistaken I'or a bowl, cut out of the root 
 of ash, tiiat will hold about two quarts. On this article is this historical 
 inscri))tion, in gilt letters: " Jl trophy J'roiii t/if irigivam of King l'iiili|); 
 when he was slain in 1()76, by Richard ; presented by lObeiiezer Richard, 
 his grandson. ^^§ 
 
 CIIAPTER III. 
 
 LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS. 
 
 " I am a man, and yon arc nnother." 
 
 Blcck-hawk^s speech t President Jaclcson. 
 
 Navuntenoo — Reasons for lis aiding Philip — His former name — Meets 
 the English and Indians unikr Capt. Peirse — Fights and destroys Mx 
 
 * Qiiinnapin. Socliis life. t INJir. of Mrs. Rowlandson, G.S. 
 
 X Eliot's liulinn Hihlc, Luke xi. 2— I. 
 
 ^ No mention is niiule to wiioni,or when it was presented. It does not appear Id us 
 to bo of »uch antiquity as its inscription pretends ; and the trutii of which may very 
 
! 
 
 CiiAP. nil 
 
 NANCNTENOO. 
 
 43 
 
 tli(! roots, tlm riuliiiii that iMirsm-d waitnl lor liiin fo run from liis natural 
 lort, kiiowin;; lio would not dari' to iiiaiiitaiii it lori;,'. 'I'lio other soon 
 tlioii^jht of uii cxpfiht'iit, u linh was to inakt^ a [lort-lioli- in his hreust 
 work, wliifli hf easily iliil l>y tli;.'ifiiiir tliroufih tho dirt. WUm lin liad 
 done this, he put his gun through, and shot his pursiii r, then tlt-d in pir- 
 lect sali'ty. 
 
 AnothiT esi'nped in a manner v<'ry similar. In liis flight lie got be- 
 hin<l a large rock. This atlonled him ii good shelter, hut in the «'iid ho 
 Fjiw nothing IhU certain death, and tiie longer he held nut tiie more misery 
 lie must suffer. In this de|(|orahle situatioii, he bethought himself to try 
 tJK! following device. Putting his cap upon his gun, he raised it very 
 gradually above the rock, as though to discover the position olhis enemy: 
 it had the desired effect — Ik; lire<l u[)on it. The one behind the rock now 
 nislicd upon him, before ho could reload his gun, inid despatched him. 
 Thus, its iMr. Hiihliard says, " it is worth the noting, wiiat faithfulness and 
 courage some of the Christian Indians shewed in this fight." 'I'hat this 
 most excellent author did not approve; of the severity exercised towards 
 those who ap[)(!ared friendly, is abundantly proved by his writings. In 
 another plact; he says, " Possibly if some of the English bad not been too 
 shy in making use of such of them as were well aflected to their interest, 
 they never need have sidfered so much from their enemies." 
 
 A notice may be reasonably expected of the unfortunate Capt. ff'ilHam 
 Pcirst; of Scituate. lie was one of those adventurous spirits "who never 
 knew fear," and who sotight rather than shrunk from dangers. lie; was, 
 like his great antagonist, in the Narraganset fight; and in KITM, wiien iho 
 govenunent of Plimouth raised a force to go against the Dutch, who had 
 encroached upon them in Connecticut, bo was appointed ensign in one 
 of the companies. He resided in several places before going to Plimouth. 
 Mr. ])euvj\ in his History of Sciluate, gives a genealogical account of his 
 family, finm which we leam that he had a second wife, and several sons 
 and (laughters. Of what fimily he was, there is no mention.* lie pos- 
 sessed considerable estate, and made bis will on engaging in the war with 
 the Indians. 
 
 The "sore defeat " of Capt. PeiVsf, and the tide of the Ii'dians' suc- 
 cesses about this time, caused the United Colonies to send out almost their 
 whole strength. 
 
 ^yanuntenoo came down from the country tipon Connecticut River, 
 early in Rlarch, for the purpose of collecting seed corn to plant such 
 ground as the Ilnglish had been driven from, and to eflect any other 
 object he might meet with. Whether be had efl'ected the first-named 
 object before falling in with Pcirsc, we are not able to state ; but certain 
 it is, that he was but few days after eiicanijied very near the ground where 
 tiie fight had been, and was there fallen upon at unawares, when but a 
 few of his men were present, and there taken ])risoner. 
 
 JWtmintenoo was nearly as niin'li dreaded as Philip himself, and con- 
 sequently his cai)ture caused great rejoic.ig among his enemies, and re 
 quires to be jiarticularly related. 
 
 Four volunteer companies from Connecticut began their tnarch into 
 the enemy's' country the next day afler Pawtucket fight. Among the 
 captains of these companies, Geor<ce Dcnison of Southerton was tin; most 
 conspicuous. Tiie others were commanded by James Avery, John Slauntoriy 
 and 3Iaj()r Palms, who also had tlu; chief command. With these wero 
 
 * III tlio Records of Plimoiitli. under dale Mnrrli, lf>G9, tlierc is lliis entry ; — " Michel 
 y'(//-AV of Writtuato'" was prosoiileil al ilie court lor vnsccmly earriagos towards ^orah 
 l^irhols of Srittiiate,'' and '• forasimicli as there appeared but one leslimony to the 
 p'sentnienl, and that the leslimony was wrillen and not read viito the deponaiit, the 
 court saw cause to remit the said p'senlnieut.'' 
 
.<^ 
 
 
 IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 1.0 
 
 I.I 
 
 1.25 
 
 ^|2£ MIS 
 
 ^ 1^ 12.2 
 
 H2.0 
 
 1.4 
 
 2f Ii4 I 
 
 u 
 
 KtUb 
 
 urn 
 
 Hiotographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 
 
 (716)872-4S03 
 
 
44 
 
 NANUNTENOO. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 three companies of Indians; one led by Oneko, composed of Mohegans; 
 one of Pecjuots, hy Cassusinnamon ; and llic other of Nianticks, by Catapo' 
 zct ; in all al)out 80. 
 
 When this furmidable army came near to JVanuntenoo^s camp, on the 
 Hrst week in April, 1G7G, "they met with a stout Indian of the enernie's, 
 whom tiu-y presiuitly slew, and two old scjuaws," who informed them of 
 the situation of JVanuntenoo. At the same time, their own scouts brought 
 the same intelligence. The news of the enemy's a|)proach reached the 
 chief at the moment, says Mr. Hubbard, "that he was divcrtizing himself 
 with the recital of Cupt. Pierce's slaughter." But seven of his men were 
 about him at the moment ; the rest were probably in the neighborhood 
 attending to their ordinary aHairs. And although he had stationed two 
 sentinels upon an adjacent hill, to give him timely notice if any appeared, 
 their surprise was so great, at the sudden approach of the English, that, 
 in their fright, tiiey ran by their sachem's wigwam, "as if they wanted 
 time to tell w hat they saw." Seeing this, the sachem sent a third, to learn 
 the cause of the flight of the first, but he fled in the same manner; and 
 lastly lie sent two more, one of which, " either endued with more courage, 
 or a better sense of his duty, infurmed him in great haste that all the 
 Englisli army was upon him : whereupon, having no time to consult, and 
 but little to attempt un escape, and no means to defend himself, he began"* 
 to fly with all speed. Running with great swiflness around the hill, to 
 get out of sight upon the opposite side, he was distinguished by his wary 
 pursuers, and they immediately followed him with ibat eagerness their 
 important object was calculated to inspire. 
 
 The pursuera of the flying chief were Calapazet and his Nianticks, 
 "and a few of the English lightest of foot." Seeing these were gaining 
 upon him, he first cast off his blanket, then his silver-laced coat, and 
 lastly his belt of peag. On seeing these, a doubt no longer remained of 
 its being J^/anuntenoo, which urged them, if possible, faster in the chase. 
 There was in the company of Calapazet, one Monopoide, a Pequot, who 
 outran all his companions, and who, gaining upon Jvanuntenoo, as he fled 
 upon the side of the river, obliged him to attempt to cross it sooner than 
 lie intended. Nevertheless, but for an accident in his passage, he would 
 doubtless have effected his escape. As he was wading through the river, 
 his foot slipped upon a stone, which brought 1 is gun under water. Thus 
 losing some time in recovering himself, and also the use of his gim, prob- 
 ably :: M de him despair of escaping; for Monopoide came up and seized 
 upoii Inn, " within 30 rods of the river side." 
 
 ..Vanufi/enoo, having made up his itiiud to surrender, made no resistance, 
 although he was a man of great physical strength, of superior stature, and 
 acknowledged bravery ; and the one who seized upon hinj very ordinary 
 in that respect. One of the first Englishmen that came up was Robert 
 Staunton, a young man, who presumed to ask the captured chief some 
 (|uestions. He appeared at first to regard the young man with silent in- 
 dignity, but at length, casting a disdainful look upon his youthful face, 
 "this manly sachem" said, in broken English, "YOU MUCH CHILD! 
 NO UNDERSTAND MATTERS OF WAR! LET YOUR BROTH- 
 ER OR CHIEF COME, HIM I WILL ANSWER." And, adds Mr. 
 Hubbard, he " was as good as his word : acting herein, as if, by a Pythag- 
 orean metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had possessed the body 
 
 * This elegant passage of Mr. Hubbard brings to our mind that inimitable one of 
 Cluviirero, in his account of the woful days of the Mexicans : " They had neilher arms 
 to repel the multiiude and fury of their enemies, strength to defend themselves, nor 
 space to fight upon ; the ground of the city was covered with dead bodies, and the water 
 of every ditch aud caual purpled willj blood." Hist. Mexico, iii. 73. 
 
Chap. HI] 
 
 NANUNTENOO. 
 
 45 
 
 of tliis western pagan. And, like JUtUius Regulns* he would not accept 
 of his own life, when it was tendered him." This tender of life to JVa- 
 nunttnoo was, no douht, upon the condition of his obtaining the suhniis- 
 «irtn of his nation. He met tiie idea with indignation ; and when the 
 i'iiiglish told him that he should be i)ut to death if he did not comply, in 
 tiiu most composed manner he rt>|)lied, that killing hitn would not end 
 the war. Souie of h''" captors endeavored to reflect upon him, by telling 
 liim, that he had Sitiu he tvould bum the English in their houses, an<l that 
 hi! had boasted, in defiance of his promise last made to the English, which 
 vviis :o deliver the Wampanoags to them, that he would not deliver up a 
 tVampanoag or the paring of a Wampanoag's nail. To this he oidy re- 
 plied, "OTHERS WERE AS FORWARD FOR THE WAR AS 
 MYSEiF, AND I DESHIE TO HEAR NO MORE ABOUT IT." 
 llud the English not burned his ))eople in their houses? Did tiiey ever 
 deliver up any that had committed depredations upon the Narragansets .' 
 No ! — Who, then, will ask for an excuse for the magnanimous J\''anun- 
 ienoo "^ So indignant was he at their conduct, that he would hear nothing 
 uhout peace; "refusing to send an old counsellor of his to make any 
 iiiotioii that way." 
 
 I'nder the eye o{ Denison, JVanuntenoo was taken to Stonington, where, 
 by the "advice of the English commanders, he was shot." His head 
 was cut off and carried to Hartford, and his body consumed by fire. 
 The English prevailed u|)on some of each tribe of their allies, viz. Pe- 
 quDts, Mohegans and Nianticks, to be his ext'cutioncrs, "thereby the 
 more firmly io engage tiie said Indians against fhe treacherous Narra- 
 gaii.seis."t "Herein," says another writtjrj of that day, "the English dealt 
 wisely, for by this means the three Indian nations are become abomina- 
 ble to the other Indians." And a respectable writer§ of our own times 
 ssays, " It may be pleasing to the reader to be informed" of the fate of 
 J\'anuntenoo ! 
 
 When it was announced to the noble chief that he must be put to death, 
 he was not in the least daunted, and all he is reported to have said is 
 this : — 
 
 "I LIKE IT WELL; I SHALL DIE BEFORE MY HEART 
 IS SOFT, OR HAVE SAID ANY THING UNWORTHY OF 
 MYSELF." With J\/'anmUenoo, fell into the hands of the English 43 
 others. II 
 
 The author of the anonymous « Letters to London'^^ says the Indians 
 were " commanded by that fiimous but very bloudy and cruel sachem, 
 QwonoJisAof, otherwise called Myantonomy" whose "carriage was strangely 
 proud and lofl;y after he was taKen ; being examined why he did foment 
 that war, which would certainly be the destruction of him and all the 
 heathen Indians in the country, &c., he would make no other reply to 
 
 * Marcus Attilius Regiilus, a Roman consul and general, taken prisoner by the Car- 
 thaginians, 251 years B. C. Tliey sent him to Rome to use his endeavors to efl'ect a 
 peace, by his solemn promise to return witliin a given period. The most excruciating 
 tortures awaited him. should he not execute his mission according to his instructions. 
 When arrived at Rome, he exhorted his countrymen to hold out, and maintain the war 
 against the Carthaginians, staling their situation, and the great advantages that would 
 accrue. He knew what would be his fate on returning to L'arlhage, and many a noble 
 Roman besought him not to return, and thus sacrifice his lifej but he would not break 
 his promise, even with his barbarous enemies. This is what is meant by not accepting 
 his own life when tendered him. He returned, and, if history be true, no Indian nation 
 ever tortured a prisoner, beyond what the (^arthaginians inflicted upon Marcus Attilius 
 RefTii/us. Sec Eckard's Ilonum Hint. i. 188-t). 
 
 t Hubbard. \ I. Mather. ^ Deave, Hist. Scitiiate, 124. 
 
 II Manuscript letter in Hist. Iil)rary. Both Hubbard and Mather say 44 ; perhaps 
 Ihey included Nanuntenon. 
 
 H Elsewhere cited as 771* Present Slate, &c. 
 
46 
 
 ANN A WON. 
 
 [Rook IlL 
 
 any iiiterrogntorics, !nit tliirt : tlint ho was l)()ni u prince, and if princrs 
 nunu to spt'uk with liiiii lit; woiiltl itiiswcr, Itnt noiu; prcHciit l)cin^ such, 
 liu tlioii!r|it hiinsflt'oltli^cd, in honor, to iiolil liis ton<^n(^;" uml that ho sai(i 
 ho would rather die tiiaii reniain a prisoner, and reipiested titat Oncko 
 niifjjiit pnt him to death, as he was ofeciiia! rank. "Yet withall thn-ateii- 
 «;(l, he had 2000 men, [w!io] wonld r(!venf,'e iiis «leatli severely. VVh(<re- 
 Ibre onr forees, fearing an eseape, |)ut tlie stoniest nitm to tlic sword, hut 
 preserved Mijantonomi/ till tliey retnrned to Stoneinj^on ; where (uir 
 Indian fri^Muis, and most of tlu^ Knirhsh soldiers, deelaring to the eoiii- 
 inanthTS their fear that the iln^lisli shonid, upon conditions, release him, 
 and that then lie wonhl, (thoni;li the Kn^lisli might have peace with liitii,) 
 be very pernicions to those Indiinis that now assisted us, the said Indians, 
 (on these consideratio'is, and the mischiefs and murUiers he had done 
 during tiiis war,) ])ermitted to put him to death.* And that all might 
 sjiare in the glory of destroying so great a jtrince, and come imder the 
 obligation of fid*;lity, each to other, the t'eijiiods shot him, the Mohegiiis 
 cut otf his head and (|nart(;red his body, and the Ninnicrofts men made 
 the fire and burned his «|iiarters, and, as a token of th(;ir love and fidelity 
 to the I'iiiglish, presented his h«'ad to the council at Hartford!" This 
 must close our notic*; of JVanitnkvoo, in this place, and we hasten to 
 ti])eak of 
 
 Jlniiawon, a Wampanoag, and mw of Philip^s most famous couns(;llors 
 and captains. He was his fiist friend, and icsisttul as long as th(Te was a 
 beam of hope ; and when at last every chanct? of success had fiiiled, he 
 gave himself up in the most heroic manner, as will apitear in the ibllowing 
 account. 
 
 At the swamj), when Philip was killed, he csca|)ed with most of his 
 men, as has been relatful, by his thoroughly miderstanding the situation 
 of bis enemies. " I'ercr'iving (says Church) they were waylaid on the 
 east side of the swamp, tacked short about. One of the enemy, who 
 seemed to be a great surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and 
 often called out, l-oo-tnjih, I-oo-Uuth. Captain Church called to his Indian 
 Pcter,\ and asked him who that was that called so. He answered that it 
 was old ^Innnwon, Philip^s great captain, calling on his soldiers to stand 
 to it, and ftght stoutly." 
 
 " < 'aptain Church liad been but little while at Plimouth, [after the death 
 of Philip,] before a post from K(>hobotb canu; to iidbrni the governor that 
 old Annawon, Philip^ s chief captain, was with bis com[)any ranging al)out 
 their woods, and was very ortiuisive and p(M'nicious to Rehoboth and 
 Swansey. (ya|)tain Church was innnetliately sent for again, and treated 
 with to engage in one ex|)edition more. He told tlnun their encourage- 
 ment was so poor, he feared his soldiei¥ would be »lull about going again. 
 IJut being a hearty friend to the cause, be rallies again, goes to Mr. Jahez 
 Howland, his old lienttMiant, and some of his soldiei's that nsoA to go out 
 with him, told them how the case; was circums-tanced, and that he had 
 intelligence of old Jlnnawon\<t walk ai 1 haunt, and wanted hands to hunt 
 him. They did not want nuich entreating, but told him they wonld go 
 with him as long as then; was an Indian left in the woods. lie moved 
 and ranged through the woods to Pocasset." 
 
 In the early part of this expedition, somc! of Captain ChurclCs Indian 
 scouts captured a lumiber of Jlnnawoii's company, but from whom they 
 could learn nothing of the old chief, oidy that lie did not lodge " twice in 
 a place." 
 
 "Now a certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church had gained over to 
 
 • This seems lo us tlic most probal)U« nrcounl of llic iifTair of all we have seen, 
 t The son of Awashonks, it is sup|>osed. 
 
[Rook IlL 
 
 if princes 
 ciiij,' such, 
 mt lie 8!ii(i 
 liat Oncko 
 I liiri'iitcii- 
 , VVliriT- 
 swoni, but 
 ivlicro our 
 ) Uio coiii- 
 ileiLsi! Iiiiii, 
 witli him,) 
 id IndianH, 
 
 liiiti (loiu; 
 : nil ini^'lit 
 ! uiuliT tlir 
 ; Molicj^iiis 
 
 iiKMi inado 
 mid lulclitv 
 rd!" This 
 t liastcii to 
 
 (•oims(?iU)rs 
 tiion! was u 
 d faih'd, ho 
 le Ibllowiiif^ 
 
 most of his 
 
 ht; situation 
 
 laid on the 
 
 neniy, who 
 
 voice, and 
 
 his Indian 
 
 ered tiiat it 
 
 rs to stand 
 
 ;r the dcatli 
 >vernor that 
 liginj; about 
 lioboth and 
 ind treated 
 lencDurage- 
 toing a^ain. 
 fo Mr. Jnhez 
 1(1 to go out 
 Ihat he had 
 Inds to innit 
 ]y woidd go 
 lie moved 
 
 [ch\t Indian 
 honi they 
 " twice in 
 
 led over to 
 
 Ive seen. 
 
 niAP. Ill] 
 
 ANNAWON. 
 
 47 
 
 I 
 
 l)e on his side, ]>rayed that ho might have liberty to go and fetch in Ids 
 father, who, he said, was about four miles from that |)lace, in a swamp, 
 with no other than a young K(|uaw. Captain Chvrcfi inclined to go with 
 him, thinking it might be in his way to gain some intelligt^nce ni'Jinna- 
 woii; and so taking one Knglishman and a few Indians ^vith him, leaving 
 the rest there, he went wilh his new soldier to look his father. When 
 lie came to the swamp, lie bid the Indian go and se«> if he could find his 
 father. He was no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a truck 
 coining down out of the woods, upon which he and his little company 
 lay close, some on one side of tli(^ track, and sonw; on the other. They 
 heard the Indian sohlier making a howling for his father, and at length 
 somebody answered him ; but while they were listening, tlu\v thought 
 they heanl somebody coming towards them. Presently they sjiw an old 
 man coming nj), with a gun on his shoulder, and a young woman ftdlow- 
 ing in the track wliich they lay by. They let them coiikj between them, 
 and then started np and laid hold of them both. Captain Church imme- 
 diately examined them apart, telling them what they must trust to if they 
 told false stories. He asked the young woman what (rompany they came 
 from lust. She snid from Captain ./77niff{(!o>iV. He asked her how many 
 were in company with him when she left him. She said ' filly or sixty.' 
 He asked her how many miles it was to tin; place where she left him. 
 She said she did not undei-stand miles, but he was up in S(piaimaconk 
 swamp. The old man, who had been one of Phili/t\<t coimcil, u\h^u 
 examination, gave exactly the same account." On being asked whether 
 tliey coukl get there that night, answer»;d, "If wo go pre8«;nUy, und travel 
 stoutly, we may get there by sunsiit." The old man said ho was ot\/1nna- 
 uioii's comjiany, and that .flnnawon li;id sent iiim down to find some 
 Indians that were gone down into JNIount Hopo neck to kill provisions, 
 ("uptain Church let him know that that com|)aiiy were all his prisoners. 
 
 The Indian who had lieen permitted to go after his father, now returned 
 with him and another man, (^nptain Church was now at great loss what 
 he should do. He ""vs unwilling to miss of so good an opportunity of 
 giving a finishing lnv,.. to the Indian power. lie had, us himself says, 
 hut " half u do/(>n men beside himself," and yet was under the necessity 
 of sending some one buck to give Lieutenant Ilowland, whom he left at 
 the old fort in Pocasset, notice, if he shoiiiil proceed. IJut, without 
 wasting time in pondering npon what course to pursue, he put the ques- 
 tion to hit men, " whether they would willingly go with liiin and give 
 .hinatpon a visi* " All answered in the aflirmativc, but retninded nim 
 " that they knew this Captain ,/lnnnicon was a great soldier ; that he hud 
 b(!on a valiant captain under ^auhmequin, [JVoosamequin,] Philip^s father ; 
 und that he hud be- n Philip's chiefluin all this war." And they further 
 told Cu|)tain CAurcA, (and these men knew him well,) that ho was "a very 
 subtle man, of great resolution, and hud often said that ho would never 
 Im! taken alive by the English." 
 
 They also reminded Tiim that those with Jinnatoon were " resohite 
 fijUows, some of Philip's chief soldiers," and very much feared that tw 
 make the attempt with such a hundful of soldiers, would be hazardous in 
 the extreme. IJut nothing could shake the resolution of Captain Church, 
 who rcunarked to them, " that he had a long time sought for Jinnmoon, 
 but in vain," and doubted not in tin; least but Providence would protect 
 tliem. All with one consent now desired to proceed. 
 
 A man by the name of Cook,* belonging to Plimouth, was the only 
 Knglishman in the company, except the captain. Captain Church asked 
 Mr. Cook what his opinion of the undertaking was. He made no other 
 
 * Caleb, doubtless, who was present at the lime Fhilip was killed. 
 
48 
 
 ANNAWON. 
 
 [Book FII. 
 
 reply than this : " I am never afraid of going any where when you are 
 with me." Tiie Indian who limnght in his father informed C'a|)tain 
 Church, thai it was impossible for him to take his horse with Inm, which 
 lie had hronght thus far. He therefore scut him and his father, witii tlie 
 liorse, back to Lieutenant Howlaiid, and ordered thetn to tell iiim to take 
 his prisonere immediately to Taunton, and then to come out the n<'xt 
 morning in the Rehoboth road, where, if alive, he hoped to meet him. 
 
 Things being thus settled, all were ready for the journey. Ca|)tain 
 Church turned to the old man, whom he took with the young woman, 
 and asked him whether he would be their pilot. He said, " You having 
 given me my life, I am under obligations to serve you." They now 
 inarched for Squannaconk. In leading the way, this old man would 
 travel so much faster than the rest, as sometimes to be nearly out of sight, 
 and coiise(iuentIy might have escaped without feju* of being recaptured, 
 but he was true to his word, and would stop until his wearied followers 
 came up. 
 
 Having travelled through swamps and thickets until the sun was setting, 
 the pilot ordered a stop. The captain asked him if he had made any 
 discovery. He said, " About that hour of the day, Annawon usually sent 
 out his scouts to see if the coast was clear, and as soon as it began to grow 
 dark the scouts returned, and then we may move securely." When it 
 was sufliciently dark, and they were about to proceed, Captain Church 
 asked the old man if he would take a gun and fight for liim. He bowed 
 very low, and said, " I pray you not to impose such a thing upon me as 
 to fight against Captain Jlnnawon, my old friend, but I will go along with 
 you, and be helpful to you, and will lay hands on any man that shall offer 
 to hurt you." They had proceeded but a short space, when they heard 
 a noise, which they concluded to be the pounding of a mortar. This 
 warned them that they were in the vicinity of Jlnnawon' s retreat. And 
 here it will be very proper to give a description of it. It is situated in 
 the south-easterly corner of Rehoboth, about eight miles from Taunton 
 Green, a few rods from the road which leads to Providence, and on the 
 south-easterly side of it. If a straight line were drawn from Taunton to 
 Providence, it would pass very nearly over this place. Within the limits 
 of an inuTiense swamp of nearly 3000 acres, there is a small piece of 
 upland, separated from the main only by a brook, which in some seasons 
 is dry. This island, as we may call it, is nearly covered with an enor- 
 mous rock, which to tins day is called Annawon^s Rock. Its south-east 
 side presents an almost perpendicidar precipice, and rises to tlie height 
 of 25 or 30 feet. The north-west side is very sloping, and easy of ascent, 
 being at an angle of not more than 35 or 40°. A more gloomy and hid- 
 den reces:?, even now, although the forest tree no longer wiives over it, 
 could han'ly be found by any inhabitant of tlie wilderness. 
 
 When they arrived near the foot of the rock, Caj)fain Church, with two 
 of his Indian soldiers, crept to the top of it, from whence they could see 
 distinctly the situation of the whole compiuiy, by the liglit of their fires. 
 They were divided into three bodies, and lo(l;j,cd a siiort distance from 
 one another. Annawoii's camp was formed by felling a tree against the 
 rock, with bushes set up on each side. 
 
 -, 
 
 " He passed, in the heart of that ancient wood — 
 * * * ^ * * t. 
 
 Nor paused, till the rock where a vauhi'd bed 
 Had been hewn of oUl for the kingly dead 
 Arose on his inidnig;ht way." 
 
 Mrs. H'einans's Sword of the Tomb. 
 
 With kim lodged bis son, and others of his principal men. Their guns 
 
[Book III. 
 
 II you nro 
 I Cuptuiii 
 111, wliich 
 I with tlio 
 in to tuke 
 
 tlie next 
 ;t him. 
 
 Cajituiii 
 g woiimri, 
 lu hiiviiig 
 L'hey now 
 an would 
 It of sight, 
 'Captured, 
 
 followers 
 
 ras setting, 
 made any 
 Mially sent 
 in to grow 
 When it 
 lin Church 
 He bowed 
 pon me as 
 liong with 
 shall offer 
 ;hey heard 
 tar. This 
 •eat. And 
 situated in 
 
 I Taunton 
 
 md on the 
 
 'aunton to 
 
 the limits 
 
 II piece of 
 e seasons 
 an enor- 
 
 Isoiith-east 
 ;lie height 
 of ascent, 
 and h id- 
 les over it, 
 
 with two 
 
 could see 
 
 heir fires. 
 
 liin!e from 
 
 Igainst thu 
 
 Chm-. HI] 
 
 ANNA WON. 
 
 49 
 
 Wo mi. 
 [heir giins 
 
 were discovered standing and leaning against a stick resting on two 
 crotches, safely covchmI li-oiii the weather by a mat. Over their fires 
 wt're pots and kettles boiling, and meat rousting upon their spits. Captain 
 Church was now at some loss how to proctied, seeing no possibilif" of 
 getting down the rock without discovery, which would have been lata). 
 He therelbre cre<!ps silently back again to the foot of the rock, and asked 
 tiie old man, their pilot, if there was no other way of coming at them. 
 He answered, " No ; ' and said that himself and all others belcnging to tliu 
 roinpaiiy were ordered to come that way, and none could come luiy 
 odier witiioiit danger of being shot. 
 
 The fruitful mind of Church was no longer at loss, and the followng 
 stratagem was put in successful practice. He ordered the old man and 
 tlie young woman to go forward, and lead the way, with their baskets 
 upon their Imcks, and when Annawon should discover them, he would 
 take no alarm, knowing them to lie those he had lately sent forth upon 
 (iiscovtiiy. "Captain Church and his handful of soldiers crept down also, 
 uiitltn- tlie shadow of those two and their baskets. The captain himself 
 crept close behind the old man, with his hatchet in his hand, and stepped 
 over the young man's head to the arms. The young Annaivon discover- 
 ing him, whipped his blanket over his head, and shrunk up hi a heap. 
 The oKl Cajitain Jlnnawon started ii|) on bis breech, and cried out ' Ho- 
 wohf which signified, 'VVelcom.'"* All hope of escape was now fled 
 forever, and he made lo etlbrt, but laid himself <lown again in perfect 
 silence, while his captors secured the rest of the company. For he sup- 
 jiosed the English were far more numerous than they were, and before 
 he was undeceived, his company were all secured. 
 
 One circumstance much facilitated this daring project. It has been 
 l^efore mentioned that they hearti the ])ounding of a mortar, on their 
 a])proach. This continued during their descent down the rock. A squaw 
 was pounding green dried corn for their supper, and when she ceased 
 pounding, to turn the corn, they ceased to proceed, and when she pounded 
 again, tliey mov<;d. This was the reason they were not heard as they 
 lowered themselves down, from crag to crag, supported by small bushes 
 that grew from the seams of the rock. The pounded corn served aller- 
 wanls for a sup|)er to the captors. 
 
 Jlnnawon would not have been taken at this time but for the treachery 
 of those of his own company. And well may their Lucun exclaim, as did 
 the Roman, 
 
 " A race renowned, the world's viciorioiis lords, 
 Turned on tlicmselves with their own hostile swords." — Rmce. 
 
 The two companies situated at a short distance from the rock knew 
 not the late of their captain, until those sent by Church announced it to 
 tliein. And, to prevent their making resistance, they were told, that Capt. 
 Church had encompassed them with his army, and that to make resist- 
 Diice would be immediate death ; but if they all submitted peaceably, they 
 should have good qinirter. "Now they being old acquaintance, and 
 many of them relations," readily consented: delivering up their guns 
 and hatchets, they were all conducted to head quarters. 
 
 * II is a curious fart, tliat amonfj the triltos of the west the same word is used lo signify 
 approbation: thus, when a speech liad been made to some in that region, which pleased 
 them, at the end of each paragraph they would exclaim, " /ioa/i.' Hoah!"—\V'M's 
 Trai'iils in America. 
 
 Vhe fact l)ecomes still more curious whi-n we find the same word used yet farlhi'r 
 west—even on the North-west Coast, and with very nearly the same signilicalion. See 
 Dixon's Voyage, 189. 4to. London, 1789. In this \\ork it is spelt Whoah. 
 
50 
 
 ANN A WON. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 "Things b(;iii;r tliiis fur aettied, Captain Church nskcd JInnawon what he 
 had for siipixT, Tor,' Huid h»!, 'J am couio to sup with you.'" ^nnaioon 
 ropliud, " Tauhut" with a "big voice," and, looking arotind upon his 
 womon, ordered them to hasten nnd [irovide Capt. Church and Ins coni- 
 )»uny some sufiper. Me asked Caj)t. Church " whether ho would eat cow 
 hoef or horeo heel'." Church said lie would prefer cow hecf. It was 
 soon ready, and, by tiie aid of some salt ho had in his pocket, ho made 
 a good meul. And hero it should be told, that a small bag of salt (which 
 h(> carried in his pocket) was the only provision ho took with him upon 
 this iixpedilion. 
 
 When HU|)per was over, Capt. Church set his men to watch, telling them 
 if they would let him .ileep two hours, they should sleep all the rest of 
 the night, he not having slept any for 30 hours before; but after laying a 
 huif liour, and feeling nu disposition to sleep, from the momentous cares 
 upon his mind, — for, as Dr. Young says in the Revenge, 
 
 " Tlic dead alone, ir. such a night, can rest, — '' 
 
 he looked to see if his wntch were at their posts, but they were all fust 
 asleep. Annawon felt no more like sleeping than Church, ond they lay 
 for some time looking one upon tl>e other. Church spoke not to JInnawon, 
 because he could not sjMiak Indian, and thought JInnawon could not speak 
 English, but it now appeared that he could, from a conversation they held 
 t(»gether. Church had laid down with JInnawon to prevent his escape, of 
 which, however, he did not seem much afraid, for after they had laid a con- 
 siderable time, Annatoon got up and walked away out of sight, which Church 
 considered was on a common occasion ; but being gone some time," he began 
 to suspect some ill design." He therefore gathered all the guns close to him- 
 self, and lay as close as he possibly coidd under young Annawon's side, that 
 if a shot should be made pt him, it must endanger the life of young Anna- 
 won also. After laying a while in great suspense, he saw, by the light of 
 the moon, Annnwon coming with something in his hands. VVhen ho l:od 
 got to Captain Church, he knelt down before him, and, after presenting him 
 what he had bfougiit,s])oke in English as follows; — " Great captain, you have 
 killed I'liilip, and conquered his countn/. For I believe that I and my com- 
 
 ?any are the lad that war asrainst the linglish, so suppose the tear is ended 
 y your means, and there/ore these things Mong unto you.''^ He then took 
 out of his pack a Ix'autifuily wrought belt, wliicb belonged to Philip. It 
 was nine inches in breadth, and of such length, as when put about the 
 shoulders of Capt. Church,\\. reached to his ankles. This was considered, 
 at that time, of great value, Iveing embroidered all over with money, that 
 is, wampumi)eug,* of various colors, curiously wrought into figures «tf 
 birds, beasts and Howcsrs. A 8v.cond l)elt, of no less exquisite workman- 
 ship, was next prcjsented, which belong'^d also to Philip. This, that chief 
 used to ornament his head A^ith : from the back part of which flowed 
 two flags, which decorated his back. A third was a siniillcr one, with a' 
 star upon the end of it, which he wore upon his breast. All three were 
 edged with red hair, which, Annawon said, was got in the country of the 
 Mohawks. These belts, or some of them, it is believed, remaiii at this 
 day, the properly of a fatnily in Svvansey. He next took from his pack 
 two horns of glazed powder, and a red cloth blanket. These, it appears, 
 were all that remained of rlie eflbcts of the great chief. He told Capt. 
 Church that those were Philip^s royalties, which he was wont to adorn 
 himself with, wiicn he sat m state, and he thought liimself hapi)y in 
 liuving an op[)ortunity to present them to him. 
 
 * An Iroijuuis word, signifyiiig a 7nuscle, Gordon's Hist. Pennsylvania, page 398 
 
;ooK III. 
 
 ClIAI'. Ill] 
 
 QUINNAriN. 
 
 ni 
 
 whixl he 
 \nnaioon 
 pon his 
 18 coin- 
 cat cow 
 It was 
 lin niado 
 t (which 
 irii upon 
 
 ing ihcm 
 B rest of 
 laying a 
 0U8 cares 
 
 e all fust 
 they lay 
 /Innawon, 
 not speak 
 they held 
 escape, of 
 laid a con- 
 ch Church 
 "he began 
 »se to him- 
 ! side, that 
 mg ^nna- 
 le light of 
 en ho I'.ad 
 nting him 
 n,youhave 
 ' "nil/ corn- 
 is ended 
 [then took 
 'hilip. It 
 about the 
 [onsldercd, 
 foney, that 
 Iguri's of 
 vork man- 
 that chief 
 :h flowed 
 le, with a* 
 [hree were 
 itry of the 
 tin at this 
 lis pack 
 it appears, 
 told Capt. 
 to adora 
 happy in 
 
 Ipagc 
 
 Tlie remainder of the night they spent in discourse, in which ^lunmpoii 
 "gave an account of what mighty success he lind liiul foruicrly in wars 
 against many nations o Indians, when ho served .huhmcfptin, Philip^a 
 
 father." 
 
 Morning ht-ing come, they took up their march for Taunton. In the 
 way they met Lieutenant Howland, according to appointment, at his no 
 small surprise. They lodged at 'J'auntou that i:iglit. Th*^ next day 
 •'Ca|)t. Church took old Jlnnnwon, and lialf a do/cu Indian soliiiers, ami 
 Jiis own men, and went to Rhode Island ; the rest were ^rnt to IMimouth, 
 under Li""it. Howland. 
 
 ,^nvaivon, it is said, had confessed "that he had put to death several of 
 tiie English, that had been taken alive; ten in on < day, and could not 
 deny but that some of them had been tortured ;"* and therefore no mercy 
 was to be expected from those into wlios(! hand'! he had now fall<'n. His 
 captor, Capt. Church, <lid not mean that he sin I have i)ecn put to death, 
 and iiad entreated hard for hin ; but tn his iice froiii I'limouth, not 
 
 long alter, lu; was remorsi^lessly executed. \V « shall again have occasion 
 to advert to th-J execution of Jinnawon, and shall now pa:)s to consider 
 the events in the lifi; of a sachem of nearly «;qual interest. 
 
 (^u'mnapin was by birth a noble N»irraganset, bemg the son of Coi^ina- 
 quan, otherwise Conjancujuond, who was ncphetv to Cnnojiinis. There- 
 lore Miu-Humwmoh wna uncle to Qiiinnapin, and Canomcus was his 
 great uncle. 
 
 We find his name spelled in almost every possible way, and for the 
 amusement of the reader will offer a few of them — (^uanopin, Ouonopirt, 
 (lunnapin, (^uantwpm, Quenoquiri, Panoquin, and Qi(anepm. Ilis name 
 has also been confounded with that of Qmiupen, the " old queen" of 
 Narraganset. 
 
 In 1G72, (^uinnnpin confirmed, by a writing, the sale of a tract of land 
 previously granted by Coginaquan, his father. 
 
 This sachem took part with the Wampanoags in Philip^s ^var, and 
 from the punishment which the English executed upon him, on his falling 
 into their hands, wo may suppose he acted well his part in that war, 
 although but little is recorded of him by the historians of that period. 
 From Mrs. Rowlarulson's account of him, we must conclude he was not 
 wanting in Pttentions to the fair sex, as he had certaiidy three wives, one 
 of whom was a sister o'' fVootonekanuske ; consequently he was, accord- 
 ing to the Etiglish method of calculating relationships, brother-in-law to 
 tiie famous Metxomet himself. 
 
 Qidnnapin was one of the chiefs who directed the attack on Lancaster, 
 the 10 Feb. 1675, O. S., and he purchased Mrs. Rowlandson from a Nar- 
 raganset Indian who had seized her when she came out of the garrison, 
 among the captives of that place. And it was this circumstance which 
 caused her to notice him m her Narrative.f fVetlinwre, whom she men- 
 tions in the following extract as his wife, we have said, avjis }f'crfamoo, 
 the "queen of Pocp^sset." 
 
 In the winter cf 1676, when the Narraganseta were at tiiuch " great 
 straits," from the loss of their provisions, in the great swamp fight, (" corn 
 being two shillings a pint with them,") the English tried to bring anout a 
 peace with them ; but their terms were too hard, or some other cause, 
 prevented. " Canonchet and Panoquin said they would fight it out, to 
 the last man, rather than they would become servants to the English."t 
 A truly noble resolution, and well worthy of the character we have of 
 Canonchet. 
 
 " Hubbard, Nar. 108. 
 
 t Mr. IVillard's edition of it, (p. 25.) Lancaster, 182S. 
 
 + Hubbard. 
 
n 
 
 QITINNAPIN. 
 
 [Book hi. 
 
 "My inastpr (Hnyh Mrn. limditmlaon) liud tlinui HqiinwH, living sotnc- 
 timos with oiu; uiid Hoiiictiiiics with iiiinthtT. Onnx, tliiH ol<t Hr|imw nt 
 wl;oso wigwam 1 wuh, iiimI with wh«)iri my iiiiuutcr [(^uinnnpin] hail l)t!cu 
 tliosn thrt'o wjitiks. Another was h'dlimorc, witli whom 1 had hvi'd anil 
 sitrvud all this whilo. A uuveru and ])rond dame uiii! wiw; hoHtowin;; 
 pvory day in drussin^^ liorHtslfncai' as mnch timo as any of the gi-ntry of 
 tilt; land — povvdiTing Ix-r hair and painting Imt t'uci', going with hi'r 
 necklaces, with jewels in her ears, and hracitjets upon her hands. When 
 Hhe had dressi^d herscdf, her work was to make girdles of wampinn and 
 l)eails. The third sijunw [or wife] was u young one, hy whom he liad 
 two paj)oosc9."* 
 
 While the iVarragansets and Nipnincks were oncamfiod at a place on 
 Connecticut River at considerahle distance ahove Northampton, perha|)s 
 near as far as llellows Falls, Mrs. Howtnndnon says, " IMy moster s maid 
 came home: she had l)e(;n gone three weeks into the Narraganset conn- 
 try to fetch corn, where they hail stored up somo in the groimd. She 
 broui^fU home, about a pr.ck and a halj'ofcom" I 
 
 We shall relate?, in the life of JVepanet, the mission of Mr. Hoar to 
 Philip's quarters for the rcdem|)tion of Mra. Roiclandson. This was not 
 long after Sudhiu'y fight, and the Indians were preparing to connuemornte 
 it by a great dunite, " which was carried on hy eight of them, (as Miu H. 
 relates,) four men and four squaws ; my master and mistress [ (^irm- 
 napin and fVeetantoo] Ix'ing two. He wr.s dressed in his Holland shirt, 
 with great stockings, his garters himg round with ahillinsrs, and had gir- 
 dles of wainpnm upon his head and siiouidiTS. She had a kearsey cout, 
 covenjd with girdles ofwampom from the loins ujiward. Her arms, from 
 her elbows to her hands, were covered with bracelets; there were liand- 
 fuls of necklaces about her neck, and several sorts of jewels in her ears. 
 She had fine red stockings, and white shoes, her hair powdered, and 
 her face painted red, that wus always b(?tbre black. And all the dancers 
 were atler the same maimer. There were two others singing and knock- 
 ing on a kettle for their music. They kept hopping up and down one 
 after ant)ther, with a kettle of water in the midst, standing warm upon 
 80tno embers, to drink of when they were dry. They held on till almost 
 night, throwing out their xoampom to the sianders-by. At night I asked 
 them again, if I should go home: they all as one said. No, except my 
 husba.:d would come for nie. When we were lain down, my master 
 went out of the wig«vam, and by and by sent in an Indian called Jamrs- 
 the-printer, who told Mr. Hoar, that my master would let me go home to- 
 morrow, if he would let him have one pint of liquor. Then Mr. Hoar 
 called his own Indians, Tom and Peter, and bid them all go aiid see if he 
 would promise it before them three ; and if he would he should have it, 
 which he did, and had it. Philip smelling the business, called me to him, 
 and asked mo what 1 would give him, to tell me some good news, and to 
 speak a good word for me, that I miglit go home to-morrow ? 1 told him 
 1 could not tell what to give him, I would anything I had, and asked him 
 what he would liave. He said two coats and 20 shillings in money, half 
 a bushel of seed corn, and some tobacco. I thanked him for his love, 
 but I knew that good news as well as that crafty fox. My master, after 
 he had his drink, (piickly came ranting into the wigwam again, and 
 called for Mr. Hoar, drinking to him and saying /le was a good man ; and 
 then again ho would say. Hang him a rogue. Being almost drunk, he 
 would drink to iiiin, and yet presently say he should be hanged. Then 
 he called for me ; I trembled to hear him, and yet I was fain to go to him, 
 and he drank to me, shewing no incivility. He was the first Indian I 
 
 i 
 
 • Narrative, 63, 64. 
 
Book hi. 
 
 \ff soriH'- 
 (qimw at 
 
 luul \U'.l'\l 
 
 ivt'd ami 
 ic'Htowiii;; 
 ^('iilry «)t' 
 witli lior 
 i. Wli.'ii 
 piMii niid 
 II hu luul 
 
 j)la(;(i OH 
 I, iH'rIuips 
 nr ri nm'ul 
 iSL't coim- 
 iiul. She 
 
 , Hoar to 
 IS was not 
 iiH'inornto 
 13 Miu R. 
 (ss [ Qiitn- 
 laml Hliirt, 
 1 had gir- 
 iirsey coat, 
 nriiiH, from 
 vcvii hand- 
 I her ears, 
 (lered, and 
 i« (lancers 
 md knock- 
 <lown one 
 vnrm upon 
 till almost 
 It I asked 
 xcept my 
 [my master 
 led James - 
 homo to- 
 Mr. Hnar 
 \ see if ho 
 Id have it, 
 nc to him, 
 |\vs, and to 
 1 told hitn 
 lasked hirii 
 |oney, half 
 his love, 
 uster, after 
 gain, and 
 I man ; and 
 drunk, he 
 k1. Then 
 |go to him, 
 Indian I 
 
 Ciup. in 1 
 
 TUSI'AQIJIN. 
 
 r>;i 
 
 i 
 
 ill 
 
 saw drunk, all the time 1 was among them. At last his squaw ran out, 
 and he after her, roui.d the wigwam, with his nu)nev jingling at his knees, 
 hilt she eHea|ie<l him; hut having an old squaw, ho run to her,"* and 
 troubled the otimrs no more that night. 
 
 A day <»r two aller, tht; sagamores had a couiu'il, or ffenernl court, as 
 they called it, in which the giving u|) of Mm. R. was dehatetl. All 
 seemed lo consent tor her to go except Philip, \%\\o would not come to 
 tlu; council. However, she was soon dismissi-d, and some who were at 
 first opposed to lu-r going, s(!cnu!d now to rejoice at it. They shook her 
 i)y the hand, and asked lier to senti them sonu; t<:bacco, and some onu 
 thing and some another. 
 
 When the extensive system of war carried on by Philip was broken 
 in the west by intestiiu; bickt.rings, (^uinnapin returned with Philip to bis 
 coinitry of the Wamimnoags. About the end of July, l(I7(i, Captain Church 
 learne(i by a captive 8(iuavv that (^uinnapin and Philip wen; in a "great 
 cedar swamp" near Aponaganset with "abimduncc of Indians." This 
 news, togetlier with a discovery the captain soon after nuule, induced him 
 to leave that country without disturl>ing so formidable an enemy. Hoon 
 after, QiinniH/n'/i escaped from a company of Jlridgevvater nu'ii, who 
 killed jlkkompoin, as ho and Philip^s company were crossing Tautiton 
 Kiver. The next day. Church pursued him, but he eft'ectt-d his escape. 
 
 Not long after this, he was taken, and, some considerable time after the 
 war, was shot at Newjtort in II. '.tlaiul. It appears that (^uimmpin had bad 
 sonu! difticidty with the 11. Island |)eopIe, who, some tinu) b(;ft)re the war, 
 had (^ast him into prison ; but that by some means bo had escaped, aiul 
 htjcome active in the war. He was reported "u young lusty suchcm, and a 
 very rogue."f 
 
 Tu.ymquin, whose biography we shall next pursue, was one o^ Philip's 
 most tuithftd captains, and sachem of Assawomset, as we Iiave before 
 had occasion to notice, in speaking of John Sassamon. His name in 
 printed accounts difters but little, and is abbreviated from tValHspamdn. 
 Also in our life o^Ttdoson it was necessary to speak of this chief, trom 
 a surv<!y of the tieeds which he executed of various large tracts of land, 
 it is evident his sachenulom was very extensive. It will Imj necessary to 
 glance at some of the conveyances of }Valiutpaquxn for several reasons, 
 the principal of which is, that the part he acted in the great drama of 
 1G75 and 1G7G may not be underrated. FJis conveyances to the Rev. John 
 Sassamon and bis family are already related. 
 
 On 9 Aug. 1GG7, " Tuspcquin, otherwise called the Black-sachem,''^ for 
 £4, sells to Henry Wood of Plimoutli his right and title to the land on 
 the east side of " Namassakett" River,t bomuled " on one end" by the 
 I)oiul called Black-sachemtS Pond, or, in Indian, WanpawcuU; on the 
 other end, by a little porul called Jisnemsctitl. How nmch was included 
 in the given bounds, is not mentioned, nor could we now by the descrip- 
 tion possibly tell how far said tract extended back from the river. With 
 Tuspaqnin, his wife, Amey, signed this deed, and it was witnessed only by 
 two Englishmen. 
 
 On 17 July, 1GG9, Tuspaquin and his son Tfilliam sell for £10 a tract 
 or parcel of land near " Assowampsctt," half a mile wide, and "in length 
 from said ponds to Dartmouth path." IJesides two Knglish, Samuel 
 Henri], Daniel and Old Harry were witnesses. Experience Mitchell, Henry 
 Sampson, of Duxborough, Thomas Little, of Marshtield, and Thomas Paine, 
 of Eastham, were the purchasers. 
 
 June 10, 1G70, Tuspaquin and his son William sold for £G, to Edward 
 
 *^Niirralivc, 73—75. 
 
 t Capt. Move's account of" The Warr in N. E. visibly ended," dec. 
 j Tuspaquin, however, reserved the riglil " to gcll ceder barke iu the gwamps." 
 5 • 
 
84 
 
 TUSPAUUIN. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 Gnt}!, "ill tlio liclinlf of tlio court of Pliinoiitli, ' "nil tlmt our inoddow 
 that lyt.'tli ill or iirart! tlir town of iMiitiilclKTry," on i\w west nidu of u 
 tract IxHoii^iii): to 7»/iH .VA/r/t and Coiustiiut .S'o»//ut'or</», " mid iH Ix'twccn 
 A.sNowain.xrtt I'ond and 'raiinloii path, hcin;; in thrcti imrscIlM vpon thm> 
 lirookt's;" also another |taiccl on tii«; other nido of Taunton path. VVii- 
 liusstMl l»y "./wiiV," the witb of 7'(M/<rt7iJi»i, and two lOngliHJi. 
 
 ,M0 Jiini', U>7% Tnstnuiuin, "sachem of NainasHftkett, and Mmitnwapurt 
 alias lyillidin his r«)n, hcII to Edward draij and Josias h'insluw, lands on 
 tile easterly side of AHSowninsett, to iiejrin where Naniasket Kiver falletli 
 out of the pond, and so Hoiitli by the pond ; thence by |)erishalili; hounds 
 to TiisiKKiuin^a i'ond, and so liuiiiu to the lands forniorly Kold to Hfiir/ 
 If nod. 
 
 ',i July, 1(J73, Timpaquin and his son WUlinm sell to Ifenjnmin Clnirch of 
 Diixhoroiijrh, house carpenter, and John Tompson of Harnstaliii-, lands 
 nl)out iMiddlehorough, for wiiicli they paid him ilir>. It is descrihed as 
 "lyiiii^ att and iieare the township of Miidhiherry," l»<tmided westerly hy 
 a river called Monhifr^in, which runs into a pond called (linsiiiinsct't, 
 luid so hy a cedar swamp to TitsptKfidii's IVtiid ; tiii-nce liy IL nrij IVoiuCa 
 land to a place called PorhahoqwU. Naliudset Kiver is named 
 
 as a 
 
 northern houndary ; and ti;c two " places" called Tusmmamst and 
 Mansapanoh are also named, likewise a pond cailt'd Siilptiitlt, and a 
 "river's mouth i idled Tuppatneit which runneth into a pond called f^i/iV- 
 tuivashelt." Two Englisli; .'iani Harry, and Joseph of Naniasket, were 
 witnesses. 
 
 1 Nov. 1073, William Jf'atnspaquin, ^Issawcta, Tobias and fincnt, for 
 £10. soil to three English of Barnstable a tract of land bounded by (.iuc- 
 ta(iiiasli Pond northerly, by Ciueta(iuasli Kiver easterly, tinepetuitt 
 Pond, &c. 
 
 14 May, 1(»75, the two Timpaquins, fiither and son, " make over to Jr>lin 
 Tompsoii, Constant SouthtcoHli" lunl others, of Middleboroiigh, "all that 
 tract of land which we now have in possession, called commonly Asso- 
 wamsM neck or necks, and places adjiurent," as a security against the 
 claims of others, &c. of other lands deeded at the same time; if, there- 
 fore, they are not disturbed in the possession of the former lands deeded, 
 then they "are not to be outcd of Assuwamsett neck." I'ottawo, alias 
 Daniel, Porjinan, Paffatt,* alias Joseph, were witiu'sses. 
 
 For the land deeded they received £;J^i. "sterling." It consisted of 
 uplands and meadows about the pond called JWnipokct, (^mticiis,\ &c,, 
 and, judging from the price paid, was, no doubt, a very large tract. 
 
 Thus are a few of the acts of Watuspaquin sketched |)revious to the 
 war. We are now to trace his operations in quite another sphere. In 
 our o|)iiiion, Mr. Hubbard was right in styling him "the next note-d cap- 
 fain to Philip," hut erroneously calls Old Ihispaquin "the Black-sachenrs 
 son." He does not appear to have known of the son WiUiam. Indeed, 
 we hear nothing of him in the v.ir, but it is probable he shared the liite 
 of his father. 
 
 Ill the spring of lOTH, Tuspaquin was marching from place to plnc(» 
 with about 300 men, and was doubtless in high expectation of humbling 
 the pride of his enemies, and, but for Philipi's western disasters, occa- 
 sioned by the disaffection of his Pocomptucks and others, his expectations 
 might have been realized. It was doubtless under his direction that 1!» 
 buildings in Scituate were burnt on 20 April; and on the H May, had 
 not a shower prevented, most, if not all, the houses in Bridgewater would 
 have shared the same fate. Tuspaquin was known to have led his men 
 
 * Two names, probably; but in the IMS. there is no ronima bntwcpn, as is often the 
 case. t Titicut, probably, now. 
 
[Hook III. 
 
 moddow 
 
 Hide of a 
 
 hftwtTii 
 
 poll tllHM' 
 
 til. VVit- 
 
 ulowapurt 
 
 lands (III 
 
 k»T lallctli 
 
 lit; Itoiiiids 
 
 to Htnnj 
 
 Church of 
 hie, lauds 
 s(Til)rd as 
 cstcrly Ity 
 tiisiinnsett, 
 nj IVofuCs 
 MK'd as u 
 vxcst and 
 (7/, and a 
 illcd f^HlV- 
 
 ikct, wen; 
 
 rirwnt, for 
 1 l»y Uiii;- 
 riiicpetuitt 
 
 ■er to y.'/m 
 1, "all thai 
 )iily »7.vsa- 
 gaiiist the 
 
 if, there- 
 Is dt'oded, 
 
 awo, alias 
 
 lisistcd of 
 
 icus,\ &c., 
 
 kct. 
 
 HIS to the 
 licre. In 
 it(3d cap- 
 
 l-sacheni's 
 IndiM'd, 
 
 Id the fan; 
 
 to i>Iar» 
 Itiuinb'.iiig 
 f-'rs, oci'a- 
 l)eotatioiis 
 Ji that Ifl 
 IjMay, had 
 Iter would 
 
 his men 
 
 lis often tli8 
 
 3W. 
 
 CukV. Ill 1 
 
 TUSI'AQI^IN. 
 
 55 
 
 J 
 
 ill thiri attack.* The inhaliitaiits exerted theiiLtelveH to repel tlie Iiidiaim, 
 but, roiiHeioiiri of their Htren^th, they iiiaintaiiied their ^'rouiid iiiiiil (hi; 
 next day, when they retreati.-d. NoiwithNlaiKliiig the ruin, they HiieceedutI 
 in hiirniii^' 17 hiiildin^ het'oie they deeainped. 
 
 On II iMay, 1(>7<>, tliere were elt.>v«-n houses and live liartis hiirnt in I'li- 
 nioiidi, and a few weeks all(!r, seven houses more and two hariis. Tiiese 
 were prol)jd>ly Hiieh aa were at a eonsiderahlt! distaiiee from the villap-, 
 and liati ehieily been deserted. This "mischief" was nttrihiited tu Tus- 
 paquin and his men. 
 
 Aliout this time, livnjnmin Church was eommissioned by the jfovern- 
 ment of I'iimouth to lead parties in diflerent direetions over the colony ; 
 and from the time he commenced o|)eration8, tho Indiana i(>umi but few 
 opportunities to do misehitd' in I'iimouth colonj. 
 
 Tuspaquin still kepi his ground in the Assawomset roimtry, and for a 
 lonjj time batHed all the skill Capt. Church was master of, who used »;very 
 endeavor to take him prisoner. Church received his commission !:24 July, 
 l()7(i, and the same night set out on an cx|)cditioii against Tuspaquin. 
 Ills Indian scouts brought him before day U|)on a company of Tuspaquiti's 
 people in Middleboroiigh, every one of whom fell into his hands. How 
 many there were. Church does not say. Ho took thum directly to Pli- 
 inouth, "and disposed of them all," exce|)l "one Jeffery, who, proving very 
 ingenious and faithful to him in informing where other pan'.els of tho 
 Indians harbored, Capt. Church |)romisc<l him, that if ho continued to Ite 
 tiiithful to him, he should not be sold out of the country, but should lio 
 his waiting man, to take care of his lioi-se, &c., ancl accordingly ho 
 nerved him faithfully as long as he lived."! 
 
 Thus strengthened by Tujtpaquiii's own men, Church pursued his suc- 
 resstvs with a manifold advantage. There was n small tribe residing near 
 Muiiponset I'oml, which was next captured without loss on either side, 
 and there was hencuifbrth scarcely u week passed wherein ho did not 
 captivate some of these peo|>l«;. 
 
 Not long aller this, it was found that Tuspaquin had encamped about 
 Assawomset, aiul Church set out on an expedition there ; but finding Old 
 Tuspaquin was ready for him at the neck lietween the two great ponds,| 
 he was glad to make the best of his way on towards Acushnet and Dart- 
 mouth. As he was crossing Assawomset neck, a scout from Tuspaquin's 
 camp fired upon him, but did him no injury. 
 
 Meanwhile the great Jlnnawon having bt^en surprised by the indefati- 
 gable Church, Tuspaquin saw no chance of holding out long; therefore 
 a|)pears alterwanls only intent upon kiteping out of the way of the Eng- 
 lish. This could not bo long reasonably expected, as their scouts were 
 ranging in every direction. 
 
 On 4 Sept. 1G7(J, according to Churches account, Tuspaquin's company 
 were encamped near Sippican, doing " great damage to the English i*i 
 killing their cattle, horses and swine." The next day. Church and his 
 rangers were in their neighborhood, and, after observing their situation, 
 which was "sitting round their iires in u thick place of brucli,"§ in seem- 
 ing safety, the ca[)tain "ordered every man to creep as he did; and sur- 
 rounded them by creeping as near as they could, till they should be dis- 
 covered, and then to run on upon them, and take them alive, if possible, 
 
 * Mr. Hubbard says, (Nar. 71.) the Indians were led by one Tusguogen, but we are 
 satisfied T^ts}iaqmn is meant. 
 
 t Church, Narrative, 31. 
 
 \ Just below where Sampson's tavern now stands. 
 
 ^I suspect Mr. Hubbard mistakes the situation of this place, in sayinp it was " in 
 Lakenham, upon Pocassel neck." Church is so unrewarding of all geography, that il is 
 quite uncertain where it was. If it were near Sippican, it was a long way from any 
 part of Pocassel. 
 
56 
 
 TF;.-3PAaUlN.— TATOSON. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 (for their prisoners were their pay.) Tliey did so, taking every one that 
 was ^t tlie fires, not one escaping. Upon examination, they agreed in 
 their story, that they helonged to Tispaqiiin, who was gone with John 
 Bump and one njore to Agawoni and Sijjican to kill horses, and were 
 not expected back in two or three days."* Church proceeds: "This 
 same Tispaquin had been a great captain, and tlie Indians repv^Ked that 
 he wasi such a groat pouwau, [priest or conjurer,] that no bullet could 
 enter him. Capt. Church said he woidd not have him killed, for there was a 
 war broke out in the eastern part of the country, and he would have him 
 saved to go with them to fight the easteri: Indians. Agreeably, he lell 
 two old squaws of the prisoners, and bid them tarry there until their 
 Captain Tispaquin returned, and to tell him, that Church had been there, 
 and had taken his wife, children and company, and carried them down 
 to Plymouth ; and would spai'e all their lives, and liis too, if he would 
 come down to them and bring the other two that were w>th him, and 
 they should be his solrliers, &c. Capt. Church then returned to Plymouth, 
 leaving the old squaws well provided for, and bisket for Tispaquin when 
 he returned." 
 
 This Church called laying a. trap for Tuspaqiiin, and it tunied out as 
 he expected. V/e shall now see with what faith the English acted on 
 this occaf'on. Church liad assured him that, if he gave himself up, he 
 should not be killed, but he was not at Plimouth when Tuspaquin came 
 in, having gone to lioston on business for a few days ; " but when he 
 returned from Boston ho found, to his grief, the heads ofAnnawon, Tis- 
 paquin, &c. cut off, which were the last oi'Philip^s friends" ! 
 
 It is true that those who were known to have been personally engaged 
 in killing the English wore, in the time of the greatest danger, cut off 
 from ])ardon by a law ; that time had now passed away, and, like many 
 other laws of exigency, it should then have been considered a dead letter; 
 leaving out of the case the faith and promise of their best servant. Church, 
 View it, therefore, in any light, and nothing can be found to justify this 
 flagrant inroad upon the promise of Captain Church. To give to the 
 conduct of the Plimouth government a pretext for this murder, (a milder 
 expression I cannot use,) Mr. Hubbard says, Tusjiaquin having pretended 
 tliat a bullet could not penetrate him, trial of his invulneral)leness was 
 resolved upon. So he was placed e.s a mark to shoot at, and " he fell 
 down at the first shot" ! 
 
 This was doubtless the end of numerous others, aa we infer from the 
 following passage in Dr. Mather's Prevalkncy of Prayer. He asks, 
 " Where are the six Narraganset sachems, with all their captains and coun- 
 sellors? Where are the Nipmuck sachems, with their captains and coun- 
 sellors ? Where is Philip and Squaio- sachem of Pocasset, with all their 
 captains and counsellors ? (Jod do so to all the implacal>le enemies of 
 Christ, and of his people in N. England"!! The next of P/a'/i/j's captains, 
 in our arrange:M<'nt, is 
 
 Tatoson, also a great captain in the war of 1()7.5. It scorns rather 
 uncertain whether lie were a Narraganset or Wumpanoag. He (or one 
 bearing the same name) signed the treaty made with the Nairagansc^ts in 
 the beginning of the war. It is (]uite certain that his residence afterwards 
 was in Sandwich, since Rochester ;t and when he signed tlie treaty just 
 named, it is probable he was only among the Narragansets upon a mission 
 or visit. 
 
 * Rv tliis it seems tlic ])lace iniy;lit liave hecn as I'ar ofT'is Pocasset. 
 
 t ()i> llie rij^iit of tlio inain roa.l. as you ])ass from IMala])oiset to Rochester vil 
 
 lOT. 
 
 and aljout two miles I'rcsni the former, at a small distance 'Vom the road, is a kind of 
 island in a niirv swamj). i'|)on this, it is said, was Tuloson's camp, Tiiis island is con- 
 nected by an isthmus to the main land. 
 
Chap. HI] 
 
 TATOSON. 
 
 57 
 
 We fii'st meet with Tatoson* or, a3 hi.s unme is commonly prititcd, 
 Totoson, in KifKi, in the respectnl)!*^ company ol" 3Ir. Secrctai-y Morton of 
 I'Wiiiuuih, aud .flcanootus, fVanno rto"graue anil sago Indians," and a 
 iiunil)i;r more, ol* whose cliaracti ,.s we are not so well prepared to si)eak. 
 Anion*' this assemblage he is oiiy consiacuons, however, as a witness to 
 adee(l ofthe lands npou Weequancdt neck. Mr. JVfor/on'* name follows 
 Tatosoii's, on this instrnment. 
 
 Tliore was a general disarming of the Indians in 1G71, as will be 
 menlioned in the lite of Jlwashonks. Among a great numb(!r ordered to 
 appear at Plimoutli the same year, to bind themselves more strongly in 
 allkviance to the English, we tind the name of Tatoson, or, as his name 
 Wits tlien written, Tautozcn. Also l^oby, alias JVauh7iocommt,\ and Jf'ill, 
 alias IVashawanna. >. 
 
 Tatoson was a son of the " noted Sam Bairow" but of his own family, 
 or whetiier h(! had any, we are not informed. 
 
 On tjje 12th of Jnae, 1G7G, several Indians, who had been sent in by 
 Bradford iim\ Church, were "conventcd before the couneell" at Plimonth ; 
 being "such of them as were aceuscd of working vnsufferable mischeiti'e 
 vpon some of ours." Among them was one named flatukpoo, or, as he 
 was often called, Tuknoo.l Against him, several charges were brought, 
 such as his going oft to the enemy, and trying to deceive the governor 
 al)out the prosjiect of war ; telling him that Philip's men had deserted 
 him, and that he had only a few old men and boys remaining. 
 
 At this time were ])resent three other Indians, whose names were 
 Woodcock, (^uanapawhan and John-num. The two first were accused by 
 a squaw of destroying Clark's garrison at Eel River in Plimouth, and 
 nuirdpring the inhabitants. This had been done on the 12 March pre- 
 vious, and with such secrecy and effect, that the English knew not whom 
 to accuse of it. Many supposed that fVatuspaquin conducted the affair, 
 and I\lr. Hubbard charges it uj)on him without hesitation, but it is now 
 quite certain that he had nothing to do with it, as in the seq\iel we shall 
 show. 
 
 The two just mentioned, finding themselves detected, accused their 
 follow prisoner, Johi-nntn. It appeare that JVum not only owned himself 
 guilty of this charge, but acknowledged, also, that he was concerned in 
 the murder of " Jacob Mitchel and his wife, and John Pope,§ and soe cen- 
 tfliice of death was pronounced against them, which accordingly eme- 
 diately was executed." 
 
 Uefbre these were executed, they implicated a fourth, whose name was 
 Keweenam. Although Tatoson commanded the company that put to 
 death the peo})le at Clark's garrison, yet Keweenam set the e.\i)edition on 
 foot. He lived at Sandwich, and was probably one of T'atoson^a men. 
 
 * So almost always in the MSS. 
 
 t Somclimcs called Toby Cole. The same, wc conclude, who joined Philip after- 
 wards, and fell into the hands of Capt. Church, as did his niothc, and many more at 
 the same time. 
 
 X This Indian, whoin we shall have occasion several times to mention, was not one of 
 those sent in by P idford, as appears from Mati.jr, (Brief Hist. '10.) luit tlipy" informed 
 iliat a hloudy Indian called Ttickpoo, (who the last summer murdered a man of Boston, 
 at Naniaskct,) with al)out 20 Indians more, was at a place within 16 miles of Plimouth." 
 Eigiit Enelish and fourteen Indians succeeded in teiking them all. and Tuckpoo was 
 immediately executed. 
 
 4 The murder of those people is supposed to be referred to by Mr. Hubbard in his 
 " 'I'able." The passag'e fcdlows: "In June, l(uil, [1C73?] a man and a woman were 
 slain by the Indians : another woman was wounded and taken ; but because she had 
 kept an Indian child before, so much kindness was showed her, as that she was sen! 
 back, after they had dressed her wound ; the Indians guarded her till she came within 
 siglit of the Endish." Mr. Mitchel informs us that the name of the wounded woman 
 was Dorothy Ilaywood. See 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. vli. 169. 
 
58 
 
 TATOSON. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 However, on Saturday, the 11 March, he was at Mr. fVUliam Clark% and 
 ol)served how every part of the garrison was conditioned. He then went 
 to his chief, Tatoaon, and toht him that it could he easily taken, as it was 
 but slightly fortified ; and that the next day, being Sunday, would be the 
 proper time to execute their plan, as the residents would mostly be gone 
 to meeting; "and in case they left a man at home, or so, they might soon 
 dispatch him." 
 
 This intelligence was pleasing to Tatoson, and he found himself at the 
 head of ten warriors the same day. Their names were as follows : Woo- 
 nashenah, Miwquiiah, fVapanpowett, Tom, " the son of Tatosori's brother," 
 Uttsooweest, and Tom Piant ; which, with the three before named, nia le 
 up the whole company. Commencing their march before night, t!<ey 
 arrived in the borders of Plimouth, where they lay concealed until the 
 people had gone to public worship. About 10 o'clock in the morning, 
 they came upon the garrison, which fell easily into their hands. After 
 killing all they met with, they took what plunder they could carry, and 
 burned the buildings ; then again dispersed into the woods. 
 
 There were some of two other families in this garrison, mostly women 
 and children. Three only were of Mr. Clark's family, but there were 
 eight others belonging to the other two. Mvs. Elizabeth Clark,* one ot' 
 the heads of the family, was among the slain.f 
 
 Keioe.tnam was beheaded, but how the other three were disposed of, we 
 are not informed ; it is very probable that the whole number suffered in 
 due time. At the tiial of Keweenam and the other three, some of them 
 pleaded that the govenior's proclamation was now their protection ; from 
 which it would seem that they had surrendered themselves. But there 
 was none to plead their case, except their accusers, and they explained 
 its things in their own way. The court said, " Forasmuch as the council 
 had before this engaged to several Indians desirous to come in and tender 
 themselves to mercy, that they shv/uld find favor in so doing : it was fully 
 made known to such Indians ns were then |)resent, that the said engage- 
 ment was to be understood with exception against such as by murder as 
 above said had so acted, and not against such as killed his enemie in the 
 field in a souldieilike way." 
 
 This kind of argument would answer among duelists, but when did 
 the Indians agree to fight the English according to <Aei> rules of war ? 
 The former might with equal propriety demand that the English should 
 conform to tlieir manner, and not depend on their numbers, forts, and 
 superior weapons. 
 
 Although the murder at Clark^s garrison was one of those homble acts 
 in Indian warfare, which would justify the most rigid retaliation, still, as 
 the English began the war, they had no right to expect but that it would 
 be prosecuted by the Indians in all the ways at their command. On this 
 ground the philanthropist will ever condemn the severity of the English. 
 
 When Capt. Church came upon Philip and a great number of his peo- 
 
 ^ 
 
 * " Who was the dauffhtcr of a godly father and mother, that rame to N. Eiidand on 
 llio account of reli^fion. " They also killed her sucking child, and knockocl another 
 child (who was about eight years old) in the head, supposing they had killed him, bin 
 allerwards he came to himself." /. Mother, llricf Hist. 2i. 
 
 t We relate all that is to be found in the MS. records, but the author of the Present 
 State, &,c. furnishes the followiflg valu.'\i)le facts : " About this time, [his last dale men- 
 tioned being II March,] one Mr. (^Idrk's wife, children, and all his family, at his farm- 
 house, two mil(!S from i'limouth, wore surprised and killed, except one boy. who was 
 knockt down, and lell for dead, but afterwards taken up and revived. The house 
 they plundered of provision and goods to a great value ; eight complete arms, 30/. [lh.\ 
 of powder, with an answerable i|nantity of lead for bullets, and 150/. in ready money ; 
 (he said Mr. Clark hinise)!' narrowly escaping their cruelty, by being at that instaut ai a 
 meeting." 
 
[Book III. 
 
 Clark's, and 
 ! then went 
 n, as it was 
 3ul(l be the 
 t!y be gone 
 might soon 
 
 nself at the 
 ows: Woo- 
 i'a brother," 
 imed, made 
 nigiit, t!«"y 
 d until the 
 le morning, 
 nds. After 
 . carry, and 
 
 stly women 
 there were 
 irk,* one of 
 
 (osed of, we 
 : suffered in 
 me of them 
 ction ; from 
 But there 
 ty explained 
 
 the council 
 I and tender 
 
 it was fully 
 laid engage- 
 murder as 
 
 emie in the 
 
 when did 
 les of war ? 
 jlish should 
 Is, forts, and 
 
 ioiTible acts 
 lion, still, as 
 liat it would 
 On this 
 [e English. 
 )f his peo- 
 
 |. EiiHand on 
 Ickcd aiiotlicr 
 lilled iiiin, bill 
 
 If the Present 
 Isl chile nieii- 
 
 al his farm- 
 fcoy, who was 
 
 The house 
 Ims, 30/. [lt>.] 
 lady moiiev ; 
 It instaut at a 
 
 Chap. Ill] 
 
 TIASHQ. 
 
 50 
 
 pie, the 3d of August, 1G76, " Tispaquin, Toloson, &.r." prevented the 
 entire destruction of some of them, by combating the English while their 
 chief and others extricated themselves from a small swamp into which 
 tliey had fled. " In this swamp skirmish Capt. Church with his two men 
 which always ran by his side as his guard, mc^t with three of the enenjy, 
 two of which surrendered themselves, and the captain's guard seized 
 them ; but the other, being a great stout smiy fellow, with his two locks 
 tv'd up with red, and a great rattlesnake's skin hanging to the back i)art 
 of his head, (whom Capt. Church concluded to be Tolo^un,) ran from 
 them into the swamp. Capt. Church in person pursued him close, till, 
 coining pretty near up with him, presented his gun between his shoulders, 
 but it missing fire, the Indian perceiving it, turned and presented at Capt. 
 Church, and missing fire also, (their guns taking wet with the fog and 
 dew of the morning,) but the Indian turning short for another rim, his 
 foot trip'd in a small grape-vine, and he fell flat on his face. Capt. Church 
 was by this time up with him and struck the muzzle of his gun an inch 
 and an half into the back part of his head, which dispatclied him without 
 another blow. But Capt. Church looking behind him saw Totoson, the 
 Indian whom he tho't he had killed, come flying at him like a dragon ; 
 but this happened to be fair in sight of the guard t'uit were set to keep 
 the prisoners, who spying Totoson and others that were following him, in 
 the vei7 seasonable juncture made a shot upon them, and rescued their 
 captain, though he was in no small danger from his friends' bullets, for 
 some came so near him that he thought he folt the wind of them."* The 
 celebrated Church, in the skirmishes he had in these two days, August 1 
 and 2, took and killed 173 Indians. 
 
 Little more than a month after, the fall of Philip, Church surprised 
 Tatosori's whole company, about 50 persons, lie was the last tliat was 
 left of the family of Ban'ow; and, says Church, "the wretch reflecting 
 upon the miserable condition he had brought himself into, his heart 
 became a stone within him, and he died. The old squaw [that Church 
 had employed to persuade him to submit] flung a few leaves and brush 
 over him — came into Sandwich, and gave this account of his death ; and 
 offered to show them where she left his body, but never had an opportu- 
 nity, for she immediately fell sick and died also." 
 
 The fate of the father of Barrow does not so much excite sympathy, 
 as does that of the son, but is one of those cases more calculated to arouse 
 the fiercer passions. The old chief fell into the hands of Capt. Church, 
 in one of his successful expeditions in the vicinity of Cape Cod. Church 
 says, in his history, that he was " as noted a rogue as anj among the 
 enemy." Capt. Church told him that the government would not permit 
 him to grant him quarter, "because of his inhuman murders and barbari- 
 ties," and therefore ordered him to prepare for execution. "Zfarrojo 
 replied, that the sentence of death against him was just, and that indeed 
 he was ashamed to live any longer, and desired no more favor, than to 
 smoke a wiiiflT of tobacco before his execution. When he had taken a 
 lew whiffs, he said, 'I am rer.dy ;' upon which one of Capt Church's 
 Indians sunk his hatchet into liis brains." 
 
 Tiashq,\ or T)jasks,\ " was tlie next man to Philip,'" says Church ; there 
 were others also said to be " next to him," and it may be all reconciled 
 by supposing these chiefs as having the chief command over particular 
 tribes. ]Mr. Hubbard^ says only this of the famous Tiashq : " In June 
 last, [1G7G,] one Tiashq, a great captain of Philip^s, his wife and child, 
 or children, being taken, though he escaped himself at fii-st, yet came 
 since and surrendered himself." Dr. /. Mather, writing under date of 522 
 
 * Hist. Philip's War, 11. t tlubhanl, Mather. 
 
 Church. J Narrative, lOG. 
 
60 
 
 TIASHQ. 
 
 [Book hi. 
 
 July, iCi7G, says it was " tliis week" that Capt, Church and liin Indian sol- 
 diers foil n|)ou Tiashq aiMJ liis company. It appears tlicrolbre lliat Mr. 
 Hubbard is in error, as the account yiven l»y Church corroborates tiiat of 
 MiUher, wlio speaks thus of liis o])erations: "It having been his maimer 
 wlien he taketh any Indians by a promise of favor to tliem, in case tliey 
 acquit tlieniselves well, to set them an 'lunting after more of these wolves, 
 whereby the woi*st of them sometimes do singular good service in linding 
 out the rest of their bloody fellows. In one of these skirmishes, IHashij, 
 
 Philip's chief captain, ran away leaving his gun behind him, and nis 
 Btjuaw, who was taken."* Tliese Indian soldicre, who perlbrnied tiiis 
 exploit, were forced upon it by Church. They had been seeking Indians 
 about Aponaganset River, and discovered thct a large company of them 
 had just been gathering the apples at a deserted settlement on the east 
 side of it. The English and Indians immediately pursued in their traek.r 
 " Traveling three miles or more, they came into the comitry road, where tlie 
 track parted : one parcel steered towards the west end of the great cedar 
 swatnj), and the other to the east end. Tiie captain halted and told his 
 Indian souldiers that they had licard as well as he what sc ne men had 
 said at Plymouth about them,|: &c., that now was a good opportunity for 
 each party to prove themselves. The track being divided, they should 
 follow one, and the English the other, being equal in number. Tiie 
 Indians declined the motion, and were not willing to move any where 
 without him : said thtu should not think themselves safe without hivi. Hut 
 the captain insisting upon it, they submitted. He gave the Indians their 
 choice to follow which tmck they pleased. They replied. They loert 
 light and able to travel, t lerefot c if he pleased they ivoxdd take the leeat track. 
 And appointing the ruins of John Cook's house at Cushnet§ for the place 
 to meet at, each company set out briskly to try their fortunes."|| When 
 the parties met, "they very remarkably found that the number that each 
 company had taken and slain was equal. The Indians liad killed three 
 o*" the enemy, and taken 63 prisoners, as the Engl'sli had done before 
 them."1I IJoth parties were much rejoiced at their successes, but the 
 Indians told Capt. Church " that they had missed a brave opportunity by 
 parting. They came upon a great town of the enemy, viz: Capt. Tyasks' 
 com[)any. {Tyasks was the next man to Philip.) They fired upon the 
 enemy before they were discovered, and ran iipon them with a shout. 
 The men ran and left their wives and children, and many of them their 
 guns. They took Tyasks' wife and son, and thought that if their captain 
 and the English company had been with them they might have taken 
 some hundreds of them, and now they determined not to part any more."** 
 This transaction, in the opinion of Capt. Church, was a " remarkable prov- 
 idence," inasmuch, perhaps, as the equality of tiieir successes prevented 
 either party from boasting, or claiming superiority over the other. Nev- 
 ertheless, Church adds, — " But the Indians had the fortune to take more 
 arms than the English." It would add not a little, perhajis, to the grati- 
 fication of the reader, could he know the name of the Indian captain in 
 this far-famed exploit, or even that of one of hi§ men ; but at present they 
 are hid alike from us and from liim. 
 
 ■♦ Brief Hist. 42. f C/i«rc/i , 33. 
 
 \ Tiie tlcicstaiion in wliich tlie Indians were iield by " .some men," in many otlier 
 places as well as in Plimoutii, will ol'ten appear in tiiis work. Sucli people could know 
 nothing' of human nature, and many would not have believed the Indians capable of 
 gooa actions, thou<rh oiie from the dead had assured them to the contrary. 
 
 ^ Abbreviated trom Acushnet, See Doiifr/ass, Summary, i. 403. who writes it Ac- 
 rushnot. Thus many Indian names are changed. Instead of Aponaganset, we hear 
 PoTKHxanxet, and for Asonet, Sonet, &c. Cushnel is the river on wliicli New Bedford 
 and Fairhaven stand. 
 
 II Church, yi. IT Ibid. 36. ** Ibid. 
 
rBiioiw- III. 
 
 Iiuliuii sol- 
 re that Mr, 
 U09 tlmt ot* 
 his maniior 
 in case tlu-y 
 lesu wolves, 
 
 in iin(rni<r 
 lies, l\nsh(], 
 iin, and his 
 Conned tliis 
 :hig Indians 
 ny of th'.'Mi 
 on the east 
 
 their truck.r 
 J, where the 
 
 great cedar 
 md told his 
 ue men had 
 lortunity for 
 they should 
 mher. The 
 
 any where 
 (t him. But 
 ndians their 
 , They were 
 le ivest track. 
 or the place 
 s."|| When 
 ler that each 
 
 1 killed three 
 one before 
 
 ses, but the 
 lortunity by 
 It. Tyash^ 
 tipon the 
 a shout, 
 them their 
 leir captain 
 lave taken 
 >y more."** 
 able jirov- 
 preventcd 
 ler. Nev- 
 take more 
 o the grati- 
 captain in 
 resent they 
 
 (3. 
 
 many otlier 
 could know 
 IS capiible of 
 
 A'rites it Ac' 
 set, we hear 
 Vew Bedford 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 th 
 
 Chap. IV.] MAGNUS. GI 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Chief women conspicuous in Philip's war — Magivus — Her country and 
 relations — Her capture and death — Awashonks — h greatly annoyed 
 in the events of l()7l — Her men disarmed — Philip's endeavors to engage 
 her against the English — CJnirch prevents her — tsfnally in the power of 
 Philip — Reclaimed by Church — Some particulars of her family. 
 
 Although, liefore we had finished the life of Weetamoo, we deemed it 
 jiroper to have deferred it to this chajjler, but na we had been led rather 
 imperceptibly into many particulars concerning lier in that place,* we 
 cduld not break off our narrative without a greater imjiropriety than an 
 o?nission here would have been, and shall theiHjfore begin here with one 
 of her cotemporaries, the bare facts in whose life are suflicient to main- 
 tain a high interest, we believe, in the mind of every reader. 
 
 Magnus was squaw-sachem of some part of the exttuisive country of 
 tlie Narraganseta, and was known by several names at different and the 
 same times; as. Old Queen, Sunk Squaic,\ Qiiaiapen, and Matantuck. 
 She mairied Mriksah, or Mexar-, a son of Canonicus, and was sister to 
 JVinigrct. She had two sons, Scuttup and (^uequaquennrt, otherwise 
 QiiequeguJient, called by the English Gideon, and a daughter named 
 <}uinemiquet. These two died yoimg. Gideon was alive as late as IGGl ; 
 Scuttup, and a sister also, in 1664. She was, in 1675, one " of the six 
 present sachems of the whole Narraganset coimtry " 
 
 In the beginning of Philip's war, the English army, to catise the Nnrra- 
 gansets to fight for them, wnom they had always abused and treated with 
 contemjrt, since before the cutting off of MiardunnomoK's head, marched 
 into their country, but could not meet with a single sachem <f the nation. 
 They fell in with a few of their people, who could not v-ell secrete them- 
 selves, and who concluded a long treaty of mere verbosity, the import of 
 which they could know but little, and doubtless cared less ; for when the 
 army left their country, they joined again in the war. The English 
 caused four men to subscribe to their articles in the name, or in liehalf 
 of Qitaiapen and the other chiefs, and took four others as hostages (cir 
 their due fulfilment of those articles. Their names were Wohequob, We- 
 nwchim, Pewkes, and Wenew, who are said to have been " near kinsmen 
 and choice friends" to the sachems. 
 
 We hear no more of her until the next year, when herself and a large 
 company of her men Avere discovered by Major Talcot, on the; 9 July, in 
 Narraganset. The English scouts discovered them from a hill, having 
 pitcheil their tents in a valley in the vicinity of a swamp, ns was usuidly 
 their custom. About 300 of the English, moimted ujion fleet horses, 
 divided into two sqiiadrons, antl fell upon them before they were 
 aware of their approach, and made a great slaughter. The Mohegani. 
 and Pequots came ufion them in the centre, while the lioi-semen beset 
 them on each side, and thus prevented many from escaping imo the 
 swamp. When all were killed and taken within the encampment, Capt 
 N'eiohury, who commanded the horsemen, dismounted, and with his men 
 rushed into the swamp, where, without resistance, they killed a hundred, 
 
 * l^ook iii. cliap. 1. 
 
 t Ti'iimhull, i, 3V7. from Hubbard, I suppose, i, .^1. Female chiefs were called 
 taiinks by the Indians, which sij^nitied wife of the sachem ; but writers, beinjr irnorant 
 of that fact, ihoiifrlu it a proper name of a particular person, and hence the appellations 
 of Snuke, i^nnke, Snake, &.c. applied to Mtivnus. 
 
 6 
 
()2 
 
 AWASnONKS. 
 
 [FOOK III. 
 
 and inadn many prisoncra. In all, they killod and took 171* in tl>iH 
 swamp rtylit, or nilh(!r massacre. Not an Englishman waa hurt in tiio 
 afliiir, and hut one Moiiegan killed, and ojic wounded, wl.icii wn can 
 liardly suppose was done hy Ma^nus^s people, as they made no resistance, 
 hut rather l)y themselves, in tluur fury mistaking one another. Ninety 
 ol" the captives were put to .. th ! among whom was Magnus,\ Tiie 
 Kwainp where this afltiir took place is near the present town ot'Wai*- 
 wick, hi Rhode Island. 
 
 We now a|>proacli atFaii's of great interest in our biographical history 
 of the Indians. 
 
 Awujfhonks, squaw-sachem of Sogkonate,:| was the wife of an Indian 
 called Tolonij, hut of whom we learn very little. From her important 
 standing among the Indiana, few deserve a more particular attention ; and 
 we shall, therefore, go as minutcdy into her history as our documents will 
 (;nahle us. 
 
 The first notice we have of Awaskonks is in iG/l, when she entered 
 into articles of agreement with the court of Plimouth as follows: — " In 
 admitting that the court are in some measure satisfied with your voluntary 
 coming in now at last, and submission of herself unto us ; yet this we ex- 
 pert that she give some meet satisfaction for the charge and trouble she 
 iias |)ut us upon hy her too long standing out against the many tenders of 
 peace w» have made to lier and her people. And that we yet see an in- 
 tention to endeavor the reducement of such as have been the incendiaries 
 of the trouble and disturbance of her people and ours. And as many of 
 her people as shall give tliemselves and arms unto us, at the time ap- 
 pointed, shall receive no damage or hurt tr^m us, which time appointed 
 is ten days from the date hereof. Thus we may the better keep off such 
 from her lands as may hereafter bring upon her and its the like trouble, 
 and to regulate such as will not be governed by her, she having submitted 
 !ier lands to the authority of the government. And that, if the lands and 
 estates of such as we are necessitated to take arms against, will not de- 
 tray the charge of the expedition, that she shall bear some due ])roportioa 
 of the charge. In witness whereof, and in testimony of the sachem, her 
 agreement hereunto, she hath subscribed her hand in presence of Samuel 
 Barker and John Almey. 
 
 Mark X of the squaw-sachem Awasuncks ; 
 the mark X of Totatomet, and Somaqaonet." 
 
 Jflinessed at the same time hy "Tattacomhett, » 
 
 -Samponcut, and 
 Tamoueesam, alias Jeffery." 
 
 Plimouth, 24 July, 1671. 
 
 The last-named witness appeared again, in the same capacity, 4 Sept. fol- 
 lowing, when " between 40 and 50 Indians, living near or in the town rf 
 Dartmouth, made a like submission." Ashawanomuth, JVoman, Marhorkum,^ 
 James and John, were other witnesses. 
 
 Atvashonks was at Plimouth when the former articles were executed, 
 from which it appears there was considerable alarm in Plimouth colony. 
 There were about this time tnany other submissions of the Indians in 
 <lifferent places. This step was taken to draw them from Philip, or at 
 least to give a check to Mieir joining with him, as he was now on the point 
 
 * Trumbull. 200, says Cobbel's vianusrript ; 240, Hu!)bard. 
 
 t Hubbard, Ind. Wars, i. 1)7, 98. I. Mather's llrief Hist. 39. TrunihuH's Hist. 
 Conneclicul, i. 347. 
 
 \ The point of land bpi>,w Pocasset, and now cliicfly included in ihc (own of Conip- 
 tou, Rhode Island, and coinmoiily called Seconet. 
 
 I 
 
:nooK III. 
 
 * in tl'ia 
 irt in tlit> 
 
 II we ctui 
 esistancc, 
 . Ninrtv 
 us.\ Tlie 
 ■ of War- 
 
 :al liistory 
 
 in Indian 
 important 
 ition ; and 
 neuts will 
 
 le entered 
 ws : — " In 
 voluntary 
 this u'c ear- 
 rouble she 
 tenders of 
 siee an in- 
 cendiaries 
 ) many of 
 3 time ap- 
 
 appointed 
 p off such 
 ie trouble, 
 
 submitted 
 lands and 
 
 11 not de- 
 |)roportiou 
 
 hem, her 
 
 of Samuel 
 
 |NCK3 ; 
 LONET." 
 
 Sept. fol- 
 town f f 
 irhorkum,^ 
 
 lexecuted, 
 Vh colony. 
 Indians in 
 lilip, or at 
 I the point 
 
 liiill's Hist. 
 of Comp- 
 
 Chap. IV.] 
 
 AWASHONKS. 
 
 fif{ 
 
 of attacking the English settlements, under a pre ten jo of injury done him 
 in his planting lands. 
 
 Not only the chiefs of tribes or clans suhpciibed articles, but all their 
 men, that could be prevailed with, did the same. Tnc August following, 
 42 oi' Awrshonks^s "nen signed a paper, approving v hat slui had <lone, anil 
 binding themselves in like manner. Out of 42, we can give names of 
 three onl^ — Tolaiomet, Tunuokum and Sausamnn. 
 
 It appears from the following letter li-om Awashonk.t to (Jov. Prince, 
 that those who submitted themselves, delivered up their arms to the 
 English : — 
 
 " August 11, 1071, Honored sir, I have received a very great favor from 
 your honor, in youre of the 7th instant, and as you are pleased to signify, 
 that if I continue faithful to the agreement made; wirh youi-selvt^s at 
 riimouth, I may expect all just favors from your honor. I am fully re- 
 solved, while 1 live, with all fidelity to stand to my engagomcni, and in a 
 peaceable submission to your connnands, according to the best of my 
 ])oor ability. It is true, and 1 am very sensible thereof, that there are 
 some Indians who do seek an advantage against me, for my submitting to 
 his majesty's authority in your jurisdiction, but being conscious to myself 
 of my integrity and real intentions of peace, I doubt not but you will 
 aftbrd me all due encouragement and protection. I had resolved to send in 
 all my guns, being six in number, according to the intimation of my letter; 
 but two of them were so large, the messengers were not able to carry them. 
 I since proffered to leave them with Mr. Barker, but he not having any 
 order to r. ceive them, told me he conceived I might do well to send them 
 to Mr. Almy, who is a person concerned in the juristliction, which I re- 
 solved to Ao ; but since then an Indian, known by the name of Broad- 
 J'aced-will, stole one of them out of the wigwam in the night, and is rim 
 away with it to Mount Hope; the other I think to send to Mr. Almy. A 
 list of those that are obedient to me, and, I hope, and am persuaded, faith- 
 ful to you, is here enclosed. Honored sir, I shall not trouble you further, 
 but desiring your peace and prosperity, in which I look at my own to be 
 included, I remain, your unfeigned servant, X AwAsu^cKS." 
 
 This letter was very probably written by Mr. Barker, named in it. 
 
 October 20, 1671, Gov. Prince wrote to Awashonks, that he had receiv- 
 ed the list of nameo of her men and husband, that freely submitted them- 
 selves to his majesty's authority ; and assured her that the English would 
 befriend her on all just occasions ; but intimates her disapi)ointment and 
 his own, that she had succeeded no better in procuring the submission of 
 her subjects. "Though," he continued, " I fault not you, with any fail- 
 ing to endeavor, only to notice your good persuasions of them outwent 
 their deserts, for aught yet appeareth. I could have wi.shed they had 
 been wiser for themselves, especially your two sons, that may probably 
 succeed you in your government, and your brother also, who is so nearly 
 tied unto you by nature. Do they think themselves so great as to disre- 
 gard and affront his majesty's interest and authority here ; and the amity 
 of the EngUsh ? Certainly, if they do, I think they did much disservice, 
 and wish they would yet show themselves wiser, before it be too late." 
 He closed by recommending her to send some of here to the next court, 
 to desire their arms, that her people might have the use of them in the 
 approaching season. Desires her to let him hear from her and her hue- 
 band. 
 
 On the 20 June, 1072, the folloAving writing appears on record : 
 "Wheras Awaahunckes, squa-sachem, stand indebted vnto Mr. John Almey 
 the Bume of £25 to be paid in porke att three pence a pound, or peage ntt 
 
04 
 
 AWASIIONKS. 
 
 [Hook III. 
 
 IG |.eney, and 20 polo of stoiio wuU utt £4, wliich stone wall, or £4, is to 
 be viidorHtood t'» bo prto oftlio Hue and twenty pound," therefore ^ii:>rt- 
 slionks, liavin!4 fuilca to |)ay agreeably to her promise, agrees to set off 
 land on the north side of " tiie Indian field," next Punkateesett, on tho 
 cast line till it meets with " a great runing brooke," thence northei !y to a 
 fresh meadow, thence bounded to tiie river by a salt cove : — tliis " \s 
 mortgaged vnto the court of Plymouth" for tho payment of said debt, 
 wliich debt is to be paid 10 of February, 1672, O. S. 
 
 " The mark X of Awasiiunkes." 
 
 To illustrate the connections and genealogy of the family of t'Jjt^as/ionfts, wo 
 give from the Records of Piimouth tiie following exceedingly valuable facts. 
 
 July 14, 1G73. " Whereas Mamuneway [a son of Jlwashonks] hath by 
 full and clear testimony [iroved to this court, in behalf of hiimielf r.nd 
 brethren, the sons of Toloney, and a kinsman of theirs called Anumjiash, 
 [commonly written .V«m/JosA,] son to Pokaltawn^^, that they are the 
 chief proprietors and sachems of Saconett, or places commonly so called; 
 and yet it being also probable that Tatuckamna* Awashunckes and those 
 of that kindred who are of the same stock, the more remote may have 
 some rig'it to lands there, as they are relations to the above said Maman- 
 etvay, &c. and have been long inhabitants of that place. This court ad- 
 viseth tnat convenient proportions of land be settled on the above said 
 Tatacamana Awashanks, &/C. at Saconett aforesaid ; concerning which, 
 the above said Mamaneway and his brethren and kinsman who have 
 proved their right to those lands do not or cannot agree, this court do ap- 
 point that some meet persons, by order of this court, shall repair to the 
 place, and make settlement of the said lands by certain and known 
 boundaries to intent that peace may be continued among the said Indians, 
 and they may all be accommodated for tlieir subsisting and payment of 
 their debts in an orderly way." 
 
 The same year, we hoar again of Tokapiona, or, as he is then oallnd, 
 Totoinonna, who, with his brother Squamatt, having endeavored to hinder 
 the English from possessing some lands in Dartmouth, was, from some 
 consideration, not named, induced to relinquish his right to them. And 
 the next year, 1674, Mamanawachy, or, as his name was before written, 
 Mamaneway, surrendered his right also. The rights of these Indians, it is 
 said, had been sold by others. 
 
 We hear no more of Awashonks until about the commencement of 
 Philip's war. The year before this war, Mr. Bc.yamin Church, allorwards 
 the famous and well-known Col. Church, settled upon the [peninsula of 
 Sogkouate, in the midst of Awas/ionks^s people. This peninsula is on the 
 north-east side of Nari'aganset Bay, against the south-east end of the island 
 of Rhode Island. Here he lived in the greatest friendship with these 
 Indians, until the spring of the year 167.'), when suddenly a war wp« 
 talked of, and messengei-s were sent by Philip to Awashonks, to engage 
 her in it. She so far hstened to their persuasions, as to call her principal 
 people together, and make a great dance ; and because sh.e respected Mr. 
 Church, she sent privately for him also. Church took with him f man 
 that well understood Indian, and went directly to the place appointed. 
 Here " they found hundreds of Indians gathered together from all pirts 
 of her dominions. Awashonks herself, in a foaming sweat, was leading the 
 dance ;" but when it was announced that Mr. Church was come, she 
 stopped short, and sat down ; ordered her chiefs into her presence, and 
 then invited Mr. Church. All being seated, she informed him that Meta- 
 comet, that is, Philip, had sent six of his men tc urge her to join with hirn 
 
 * Or Tokamona, killed by the Karraganscts, not long after, probably in 1674. 
 
engage 
 principal 
 3ted Mr. 
 Ill p mail 
 J)pointe(l. 
 Jail pnrts 
 Iding the 
 J me, she 
 Ince, and 
 |at Meta- 
 
 nth hirn 
 
 1674. 
 
 Chap. IV] 
 
 AWASU'ONKS. 
 
 a'l 
 
 
 ill prosecuting a war against tho Knglisli. She said these messengers iii- 
 I'uniind hur tiiat tlic Uin/ntmes,* iliut is, Pliinoiitli iiicn, were gatiieriiig u 
 grc.t uriiiy to invade his eountry, and wished to knowofhim if this wen; 
 truly the case. He told her that it was i-ntirely without toiiiidalion, for lu; 
 had hut just come from I'iiiiioiith, and no preparations of any kind wore 
 making, nor did he helievt; any thoughts of war were entertained hy any 
 of the head men there. " lie asked her whether she thought he would 
 have brought up his goods to settle in that place," if he in the least ap- 
 prehended a war; at which she seemed somewhat convinced, .flwa- 
 shonks then ordered the six Pokanokets into their presence. These made 
 an imposing appearance, having their faces painted, and their hair so cut 
 OS to represent a cock's comb ; it being all shaved from each side of the 
 head, lell only a lu}l upon the crown, which extended from the forehead 
 to the occiput. The' had powder-horns and shot-bags at their backs, 
 which denoted warlikt messengers of their nation. She now informed 
 them of what Capt. Church had said. Upon which they discovered dis- 
 satisfaction, and a warm talk followed, but Awashonka soon put an end to 
 it; after which she told Mr. C/turtA that Philip had told Ids messengers to 
 tell her, that, unless she joined with him, he would send over some of his 
 warrioi-s, privately, to kill the cattle and burn the houses of the English, 
 which thoy would think to bo done by her men, and consequently would 
 fiill upon her.f 
 
 Mr. Church asked the Mount Hopes what they were going to do with 
 the bullets in their possession, to which they scoftingly answered, " to shoot 
 pigeons with." Church then told Awashonks that, it' Philip were resolved 
 on war, "her best way would be to knock those six Mount Hopes on 
 the head, and shelter her.-:elf under the protection of the English." When 
 they understood this, they were very silent, and it is to be lamented that 
 so worthy a man as Church should be the first to recommend murder, 
 and a lasting remembrance is due to the wisdom of Awashonks, that his 
 unadvised counsel was not put in execution. 
 
 These six Pokano'''".d came over to Sogkonate with two of Awashonks' s 
 men, who seemed very favorably inclined to the measures of Philip. 
 They expressed themselves with great indignation, at the rash advice of 
 Church. Another of her men, called Little-eyes, one of her council, was 
 so enraged, that he would then have taken Church's life, if he had not 
 been prevented. His design was to get Mr. Church aside from the rest, 
 under a pretence of private talk, and to have assassinated him when he 
 was off his guard. IJul some of his friends, seeing through the artifice, 
 prevented it. 
 
 The advice of Church was adopted, or that part which directed that 
 Awashonks should immediately put hereelf under the protection of the 
 English, and she desired him to go immediately and make the arrange- 
 ment, to which he agreed. After kindly thanking him for his information 
 and advice, she sent two of her men with him to his house, to guard him. 
 These urged him to secure his goods, lest, in his absence, the enemy 
 should come and destroy them ; but he would not, because such a step 
 might be thought a kinti of preparation for hostilities ; but told them, that 
 in case hostilities were begun, t. ""y might convey his effects to a place of 
 safety. He then proceeded to Plimouth, where he arrived 7 June, 1675. 
 
 In his way to Plimouth, he met, at Pocasset, the husband of IVeetanioo. 
 He was just returned from the neighborhood of Mount Hope, and con- 
 firmed all that had been said about Philip's intentions to begin a war. But 
 before Mr. Chwch could return again to Awufihonks, the war commenced, 
 
 * Umparne and Apanin were iimncs of I'liiiioulh. 
 
 t This may streng-thaii tlio belief that Fliilip put in practice a similar expedient lo 
 gain the Mohawks to his cause, as we have seen in his life. 
 
m 
 
 AWASHONKS. 
 
 [Book hi. 
 
 and all comtnunirntiou as at nil end. This was sorely rogrettod by 
 Churrh, and tliu hciuivc ^wa.thonkit wns onrri<!d nwny in the tido of 
 
 Philip^a BUCcesHCH, wliic, hIio wus circuinHtanccd, was her only al- 
 
 ternative. 
 
 Mr. Church was woniulcd at the great swamp fight, 10 December fol- 
 lowing, and ren;uiined upon IMiodn Island nntil about the middle of May, 
 1670. He now resolved to engage again in the war, and, takitig pimsago 
 in a sloo|) boimd to Jiarnstable, arrived at I'limouth the first Tuesday ui 
 June. The governor a.id other ofiiccrs of government were highly pleas- 
 ed to see him, and desired him to take tlu; command of a company of 
 men to be inunediately sent out, to which he consented. We thus notice 
 Churxh''s proceeding, because? it led to important matters comiected with 
 the lust()ry of Awnshonks. JJefore he set out with the soldiers raised at 
 Pliniouth, it was agreed that he should fii-st return to Rhode Island, for 
 the purpose of raising other forces to be joined with them. In his return 
 to the island, as he passed from Sogkon<'sset, now callerl fVooWs Hole, to 
 the island, and when he came against Sogkonate Point, some of tho 
 enemy were seen fishing upon the rocks. He was now in an open canoe, 
 which he had hired at Hogkonesset, and two Indians to paddle it. He or- 
 dered them to go so near the rocks that he might speak with those upon 
 them; being persuaded that if ho could have an opportmiity, he might 
 still gain over the Sogkonates to tho side of the English, ibr he knew 
 they never had any real attachment to Philip, and were now in his in- 
 terest only from necessity. They accordingly paddled towards them, 
 who made signs for them to approach ; but when they had got pn^tty 
 near, they skulked av.'.iy among the rocks, and could not be seen. The 
 canoe then paddled oft' again, lest they should be fired upon ; which when 
 those among the rocks observed, they showed themselves again, and 
 called to them to come ashore ; and said they wished to speak with them. 
 The Indians in the canoe answered them, but tiiose on shore informed 
 them that the waves dashed so upon the rocks that they could not under- 
 stand a word they said. Church now made signs for two of them to go 
 along upon the shore to a beach, where one could see a good space round, 
 whether any others were near. Immediately two ran to the place, one 
 without any arms, but the other had a lance. Knowing Church to be in 
 the boat, they urged him to come on shore, and said they wanted to dis- 
 course with him. He told him that had the lance, that if he would carry 
 it away at considerable distance, and leave it, he would. This he readily 
 did. Mr. Church then went ashore, left one of his Indians to guard the 
 canoe, and the other he stationed upon the beach to give notice if any 
 .should approach. He was surprised to find that Georse was one of them, 
 a very good man, and the last Sogkonate he had spoken with, being one 
 of those sent to guard him to his house, and to whom he had given 
 charge of his goods when he undertook his mission to Plimouth. On 
 being asked what he wanted that he called him ashore, answered, " that 
 lie took him for C^htc/i, as soon as he heard his voice in the canoe, and 
 that he was glad to see him alive." He also told him that Jiwashonks was 
 in a swamp about three miles off| and that she had left Philip and did not 
 intend to return to him any more ; and wished Mr. Churchxo stay while 
 he should go and call her. This Church did not think p»"udent, l)Ul said 
 he would come again and speak with Jiwashonks, and some other Indians 
 that he should name. He therefore told George to notify Awashonks, her 
 son Ptter, their chief captain, and one JVompash, to meet him two days 
 after at a certain rock, " at the lower end of Capt. Richmond's farm, which 
 was a very noted place." It was provided that if that day should prove 
 stormy, the next pleasant day should be improved. They i>arted with 
 
 CI 
 
 1" 
 
Chap. IV.] 
 
 AWASIIONKS. 
 
 er 
 
 ith thciri. 
 nlbrmed 
 )t iinder- 
 em to go 
 ;e round, 
 lace, one 
 to be in 
 I to dis- 
 ild carry 
 readily 
 lard the 
 e if any 
 jot" them, 
 ing ono 
 id given 
 Ith. On 
 nl, " that 
 noe, and 
 iiks was 
 did not 
 y while 
 hut said 
 Indians 
 \71ks, her 
 ivo days 
 which 
 !d prove 
 :ed with 
 
 cordiality, flcoi-f^e to carry the news ti> .lirnshonkn^ and Church for New- 
 jiort. 
 
 On heinjT made a(>(|nainted with Churches intention to vioil thone In- 
 dians, till* ptvernmrnt of Rhode Island marvelled much at his |ir('Hiun|>- 
 tion, and would not (^ive him any permit umh-r their hands ; assuring; 
 him that the IndiatiH would kill him. They said also that it was madness 
 on his part, aOer such sifjnai services as he had done, to throw away his 
 lite in such a maimer. Neither could any entreaties of friends alter iiis 
 resolution, imd he made rearly for his d(*parture. It was his iiiteiuion to 
 have taken with him one Dnnid IVilcor* a man who well understood 
 the Inrlian lan<,'ua}ie, l)iit the f^overnment utterly refused him; so that his 
 whole retimie, in this im|>ortant einhassy, consisted only of hims<;lf, his 
 own man, and the two Indians who condiicn d hitn from Sogkoiiessi<t. 
 As an important item in his outfit, must he mentioned a boUle o/nim, and 
 a mil of iohitrrn. 
 
 Tlie day appointed havin<» arrived, after paddling about throe miles, 
 they came to the a|)pointed rock, where the Indians were ready to receive 
 tiiem, and gave him their hands in token of friendship. They went back 
 from the shore about fifty yards, for a convenient place for consultation, 
 when all at once rose up from the high grass, a great many Indians, so 
 that they were entirely encompassed. They were all armed with gims, 
 spears and hatchets ; fiuvjs jjaintei! and hair triimned, in complete v/ar- 
 like array, if ever a man knew fear, we shoidd apprehend it would dis- 
 cover itself ui)on an occasion like this. Hut, judging from his conduct, 
 we should say he was one of those "who never felt fear." 
 
 As soon as la; could la; heard, IMr. Church, told Atoashonks that Georee 
 had said that she desired to see him, about making peace with the Englisli. 
 She said, "Yes." Then, said Mr. Church, "it is customary when people 
 meet to treat (tf peace, to lay aside th(!ir arms, and nr>t to appear in such 
 hostile form as your people do." At this there w, much murmuring 
 among them, and Jlwnshonks asked him what arms t ley should lay aside. 
 Seeing their displeasure, he said, only their guns, for form's sake. With 
 one consent they then laid away their guns, and came i4nd sat down. lie 
 then drew out his bottle of rum, and asked Awnshonks whether she had 
 lived so long up at Wacluisctt as to fi)rget to drink occapeche.t. Then, 
 drinking to her, he ol)served she watched him very narrowly to sen 
 whether he swallowed, and, on otiering it to Jier, she wished him to drink 
 again. He then told her there was no [)oison in it, and, pouring some 
 into the palm of his hand, sijiix-d it up. After he had taken a second 
 hearty drain, ^^wnshonk.t ventur»Ml to do likewise ; then she passed it 
 among her attendants. The tobacco was next passed round, and they 
 began to talk. Awnshonks wanted to know why he bad not come, as he 
 promised, the year before, observing that, if be had, she and her people 
 bad not joined with Philip, \lv told her he was prevented by the break- 
 ing out of the war, and mentioned that he made an attempt, notwith- 
 standing, soon after he left hei, and got as far as Punkatesse, when a 
 multitude of enemies sot uimn him, and obliged him to retreat. A great 
 murmur now arose among the warriors, and one, a fierce and gigantic 
 fellow, raised his war club, with intention to have killed Mr. Church, but 
 some laid hold n him and prevented hiin. They informed him that 
 this fellow's brother was kilK^d in the fight at Pimkateese, and that be said 
 it was Church that killed him, and he would now have his blood. Church 
 told them to tell him that his brother began first, and that if he had done 
 
 * Ififi?, " Daniel Willrockes tookc llie oalli oft" fidclitie this roiirt." Plim. Rec. 
 
 In lGI-2, one Wilcox set up a tradiii" house in the Narragansct country. See Cal- 
 I'mUr's Cent. Discourse, 38. If he were the same, it will well accoual for ills being; an 
 interpreter. 
 
G8 
 
 AWASMONKS 
 
 (Rooic in. 
 
 aH liR had dii'cctod liint, ho woiilil not imvo h«nn hurt. The rhiof rnp- 
 tniii now ordered niIimii-i*, ti'lliiifr tlirni they should talk no niori! nlK)ut 
 old MiiittcrH, which put an end to ilic tunuilt, an<l an af^recinont wan Hoon 
 concluded, .iwa.thonk.i af!^vvt'i\ Ui m-rvo th«) lOnglish "hi what way she 
 wiLs ahic," providi'd '' I'linioudi would tinnly onga^o to her that hIio and 
 uli of Im.t piMipli', and th<Mr wives and rhildri>n hIiouKI havo thi'ir livoH 
 Hpurcd, and non*; ot'thcni transported out of th<! country." This, Church 
 told her Ik; did in)t douht in tlu; least hut IMiinouth would consent to. 
 
 Things l)uing thu.s nnitured, the chief captain stood up, ani'. at\er ex- 
 pressing the great respt-ct he had lor iMr. (ViHrr/i, said, "riir, if you wi.l 
 plooso accept of nie and my men, and will head us, wo will tight for 
 you, and will help you to Ph\lip\t head hefore thcs Indian corn he ripe." 
 VVo do not expect that this chief pr*!tended to possess the spirit of proph- 
 ecy, hut certainly lie was ii truer prophet than many who have made 
 the j)retension. 
 
 Mr. Church would have taken a few of the men with him, and goiio 
 directly through the woods to I'limoiith ; \nit Jlwashonkn insisted that it 
 would ho very hazardous, lie therefore agnu'd to return to the island 
 and proceed hy water, and so would take in some of their company at 
 Sogkonate Point, which was accordingly hronght ahout. AnrI here it 
 should he iiK^ntioned that tlm friendship, now rciiiewed hy tlie industry of 
 Mr. Church, was never afterward hroken. Many of these Indians always 
 accoinpann!d Church in his memorahle expeditions, and rendered great 
 service to the I^nglish. When Philip's war was over. Church w» nt to 
 reside again among them, and the greatest harmony always prevailed. 
 But to return to the tlir<!a<l of our narrative : — 
 
 On returning to the island, Mr. Church "was at great pains and charge 
 to get a vessel, hut with unaccountahle disappointments; sometimes hy 
 thu falseness, and sometimes hy the faint-heartedness of men that he har- 
 {? allied with, anil sometimes hy wind and weather, &,c." he was hindered 
 a long time. At length, Mr. Anthony Low, of Swanscy, happening to put 
 into the harhor, and although hound to the wt.'stward, on Ixiing made 
 acquainted with Mr. Churches case, said he would run the venture of his 
 vessel and cargo to wait upon him. But when they arrived nt Sogkonato 
 Point, although the Indians were there according to agreement waiting 
 upon the rocks, they met with a contrary wind, and so rough a sea, that 
 none hut Peter AwashonJis could get on board. This he did at great 
 peril, having only an old broken canoe to get off in. The wind and rain 
 now forced them up into Pocasset Sound, and they were obliged to bear 
 away, and return round the north end of the island, to Newport. 
 
 Church now dismissed Mr. Low, as he viewed their effort against the 
 will of Providence. He next drew up an account of what had jjassed, 
 and despatched Peter, on the 9 July, by way of Sogkonate, to Pliiriouth. 
 
 Major Bradford* having now arrived with an army at Pocasset, Mr. 
 
 * Out of a curious book we take the t'ollowiiij; iiole, as, l)csi<les irivinsj us an iiilcrcstinif 
 fact concerning the major, it contains others ot" value. It was wrillen in ItJ'.)?. At liiat 
 time, some pretended Inal the age of people was much shorter in America than in F.u- 
 rope ; which gave rise to what we are ahout to cxtract.-^.Vury lirown was the first-tiorn 
 of Newbury, Mass. wlio married a Godfry ; and, says our liook, she " is yet ahve, and 
 is become the mother an(i grau<hnollier of many children." " The mention of Marit 
 Brmon, brink's to our mind an idle whimscy, as if persons born in New Ennjand would 
 be short-lived ; whereas, the natives live long. And a judgment concerning Rriglish- 
 men, cannot well be mf\de till 20 or .30 years hence. Capt. Peregrine White', born 
 [on board the M'tij /lower] Nov. I(i20, is yet alive, and like to live. [He died 7 years 
 after, in nOl ] Major VVilliam Bnid/ord is more than 73 years old, and hath worn a 
 bullet in his flesh above 20 of them, [which he doubtless received in Philip's war. He 
 died aged 79.] Elizabeth Alden, (now Paijhndy, whose granddaughter is a mother,) 
 Capt. John Alden, her brother, Alef. Standish, and John Howland, have lived moro 
 than 70 years." S. Sewall's New Heixven upon the New Earth, 69, GO. 
 
•.MAP. IV.] 
 
 AVVASnONKS. 
 
 m 
 
 made 
 
 of Ilia 
 
 cotiate 
 
 waiting 
 
 ;a, tiiut 
 
 {^roat 
 
 11(1 rain 
 
 to bear 
 
 list tlie 
 lassnd, 
 iniith. 
 set, Mr. 
 
 tcrcstiii^ 
 At I lull 
 II ill P'li- 
 irst-tiorii 
 live, ami 
 of Maru 
 (I would 
 Riiijlish- 
 iVc, bora 
 7 years 
 worn a 
 ar. H(! 
 mollicr,) 
 ed moro 
 
 Vhnrrh n'pairril toliini, niid told liim of liis trn>i<<nrtloii!< and cnpnpompntn 
 with .'liciinhoiika. Hiadj'Dnt t'.imtfd liiin to ^o and iiitiinii Iter of lii.s 
 arrivul, wliicli he did. ^'hi'dslnniks doiilidcsN now discovered itiiieli iin- 
 ea.'iiiieHS and anxiety, Itiit !Mr. Cliurrft told lier "that if HJie would lie ad- 
 vinrd and observe order, hIio nor Iht |m'o|»|o need not fear bein^ hurt." 
 lie directed iier to j;et ail her iiropir toj/cther, " lent, if ihcy Hhould bo 
 found Htra!;^lini{ about, iiiischiit nTiKlit h^dit on them;" anil that the next 
 day the army would march down into iIm; neck to receive iier. After 
 bc^r^riii<; him to consider the short time she had to collect them together, 
 HJie |)romised to do the best she could, and he left her. 
 
 Accordiii;,'ly, two days after, siic met ilic army at IMmkateese. yiiia- 
 slionk.^' was now unnecessarily iicr|ilexed by the Htern carria),'«( of Major 
 Ilrailfitrd. For she expected her men would have been employed in the 
 army; but instead of that, In; "presently gave forth orderH tor jhmshonkit, 
 and all her sulijccts, both men, women anil children, to repair to Hand- 
 wich, and to be then; upon peril, in six ilays." Chnrrh wa.s also (piite 
 disconcerted by this unexpected order, but all rimsoning or remonstrunce 
 was of no avail with the cimimanch'r in chief, lie told Mr. Church he 
 woidd employ him if he chose, hut as liir the Indians, "he would not be 
 cone»!rned with them," and accordinfjtly sent them olVwith aftag of truce, 
 under the direction of dark Il(tvtns, an Indian who had never iMfen 
 «;ngaj,'ed in the war. Mr. Church told ^hcashonki not to be concerned, 
 hut it was best to obey orders, and he would shortly meet lier at 
 Sandwich. 
 
 Aci'ording to promise. Church went by way of Plimouth to meet the 
 Sogkonates. The governor of IMimoiith wan highly pleased at the ac- 
 coiuit Church gave him of the Indians, and so much was ho now satisfied 
 of his superior abilities and skill, that lie desired him to be conimissioncd 
 in the country's service. He left IMimouth the same day with six attend- 
 ants, among whom were IMr. Jabcz Howlnnd, and Mr. JVathanid South- 
 worth. They slept at Sandwich the first night, and here taking a few 
 more men, agn;cably to the governor's orders, proceeded to Jigawam, a 
 email river of Rochester, where they expected to meet the Indians. 
 Some of his company now became ('iscouragcd, presuming, perhaps, 
 the Indians were treacherous, and half of them returned home. When 
 they came to Sijipican River, which empties into IJuz/ard's Bay in 
 Rochester, Mr. Ilowland was so fiitigucd that they were obliged to leave 
 him, he being in years, and somewhat corpuient. Church left two more 
 with him as a reserve, in case lie should be obliged to retreat. They 
 goon came to the shore of Buzzard's Bay, and, hearing a great noise at 
 considerable distance from them, upon the hank, were presently in sight 
 of a " vast company of Indians, of all ages and sexes, some on horseback, 
 running races, some at foot-ball, some catching eels and flat fish in the 
 water, some clamming, &c." They now had to find out what Indians 
 tlicse were, before they dared make themselves known to them. Church 
 therefore halloed, and two Indians that were at a distance from the rest, 
 rode up to him, to find out what the noise meant. They were very 
 much surprised when they found themselves so near Englishmen, and 
 turned their horses to run, but. Church making himself known to them, 
 they gave him the desired information. He sent for Jack Havens, who 
 immediately came. And when he had confirmed what the others had 
 related, there arrived a large number of them on horseback, well armed. 
 These treated the English very respectfully. Church then sent Jack to 
 .^washonks, to inform her that he would sup with her that night, and 
 lodge in her tent. In the mean time, the English returned with their 
 friends they had left at Sippican. When they came to the Indian com- 
 pany, they " were immediately conducted to a shelter, open on one side. 
 
70 
 
 AWASHONKS. 
 
 [Book III, 
 
 whither Awaslionk^ and Ijor chiefs scion came and paid their respects." 
 Wh(;n this had tak(!ii plaoe, there were great shouts made hy tiie "multi- 
 tudes," which "made the heavens to ring." Ahout sunset, "the JVetops* 
 came rinuiing from all (juarters, laden with the tops of dry pines, and the 
 like comhustihlo matter, making a huge pile thereof, near Mr. Churches 
 shelter, on the open side thereof. Jhil hy this time supper was l)rought 
 iu, in three dishes, viz. a curious young hass in one dish, eels and flat 
 fish in a second, and shell fish in a third ;" hut salt was wanting. When 
 the supper was finislu^l, "the mighty pile of pine knots and tops, &:c. 
 was fired, and all the Indians, great and small, gathered in a ring around 
 it. Jlwashonks, with the eldest of her {)eoi)le, men and women mixed, 
 kneehng down, made the first ring next the fire, and all the histy stout 
 men standing up made the next ; and tiien all the rahhie, in a confused 
 crew, surrounded on the outside. Then the chief captain stepped in 
 between the rings and the fire, with a sfjear in one hand, and a hatchet 
 in the other, danced round the fire, and began to fight with it, making 
 np'ation of all the several nations and companies of Indians in the country 
 that were enemies to the English. And at iiaming of every particular 
 tribe of Indians, he would draw out and fight a new fire-brand, and at 
 his finishing his fight with each particular fire-brand, would bow to Mr. 
 Church and thank him." When he had named over all the tribes at war 
 with the English, he stuck his spear and hatchet in the ground, and lell 
 the ring, and then another stepped in, and acted over the same farce ; 
 trying to act with more fiay than the first. After about a half a dozen 
 had gone through with the performance, their chief captain step{)ed to 
 Mr. Church, and told him "they were making soldiers for him, and what 
 they had been doing was all one swearing of them." Awaslionlis and her 
 chiefs next came and told him "that now they were all engaged to fight 
 for the English." At this time Awashonks presented to Mr. Church a 
 very fine gim. The next day, July 2% he selected a number of her men, 
 and proceeded to Plimouth. A conunission was given him, and, being 
 johied with a number of English, volunteers, commenced a successful 
 series of exploits, in which these Sogkonates bore a c(>nspicnous part, but 
 have never, since the days of Church, been any where noticed as they 
 deserved. 
 
 It is saidf that Awashonks had two sons ; the youngest was William 
 Mommynewit, who was put to a graunnar school, and learned the Latin lan- 
 guage, and was intended for college, but was prevented by being seized 
 with the palsy. We have been able to extend the interesting memoir of 
 the family oi Awashonks in the early part of this article nnich beyond any 
 before printed accoimt ; of Tokamona we have no printed notice, except 
 what ChurchX incidentally mentions. Some of his Indian soldiers re- 
 quested liberty to pursue the Narragansets and other enemy Indians, 
 inmiediately after they had captured Philip^s wife and son. "They sai(l 
 the Narragansets were great rogues, and they wanted to be revenged on 
 them, for killing some of their relations; named Tokkamona, {Awashonks's 
 brother,) and some others." 
 
 About 130 years ago, i. e. 1700, there were 100 Indian men of the Sog- 
 konate tribe, and the general assembly appointed JVumpaus their captain, 
 who lived to be an old man, and died about 1748, after the taking of Cai)e 
 Breton, 1745. At the commencement of the eighteenth century, they 
 made quite a respectable religious congregation ; had a meeting-house of 
 
 * Sigiii('yin'r/We«(/,?, in Tndinn. t Col. ^fass. Hist. Sor. 
 
 \ Hist. Philip's War, 3'J. It is usnnl to cite Capt. Church as the author or rocordor 
 of his own actions ; it is so, altlioiifjh his son Thomas appears as the writer of tlie h\*- 
 tory. The truth is, tlie father dictaled to the son, ajul corrected what ajipeared errone- 
 ous aAcr the work was wrlUen. 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 PUMMAM. 
 
 71 
 
 their own, in wliich they were instructed l)y Rov. Mr. Billings, once a 
 month, oil Sundays. They had a stcaciy iireacher among themselves, 
 wliose name was John Simon, a niun of a strong inind. 
 
 Ahout 1750, a very distressing fever carried off many of this tribe, and 
 in 18U3 tliere were not above ten in Compton, their principal residence. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ^ further account of chiefs conspicuotis in Philip's tvar — Pui'h,5m — Taken 
 and slain — His son Quaqualh — Chickon — Socononoco — Potock — 
 His residence — Complaint against Wildhotd's encroachments — Delivers 
 himself up — Put to death — Stone-wall-john — Jl great captain — A 
 vmson — His wen greatly annoy the English army in JVarraganset — Kills 
 several of them — They bwn a garrison, and kill fifteen persons — A traffic 
 in Indian prisoners — The burning of Rehoboth and Providence — John's 
 discourse with Roger IVilliams — /* killed — Sagamore John — Fate of 
 Matoonas — Put to death on Boston Common-^His son hanged for mur- 
 der — MoNoco — David — Andrew — James-thc-printer — Old-jethero — 
 Saga MORE-SAM, a/icw Shoshanim — Visited by Eliot in 1652 — Anecdote — 
 Peter-jethero. 
 
 Pumham, it may be truly said, " was a mighty man of valor." Our 
 history has several times heretofore brought him before us, and >ye shall 
 now proceed to relate such facts concerning him as we have been able to 
 collect. He was sachem of Shawomet, the country where the old 
 eqiiaw-saciiem Magnus was taken and slain, as in her life we have 
 shown. 
 
 This chief was brought into considerable difficu! 7 by the English as 
 rarly as 1045. In 1G42, the Rev. Samuel Gorton took loluge i ^ his coun- 
 try, and was kindly treated by him ; and in January the ne.xt year, Mian- 
 tunnomoh and Canonicus deeded to him Mishawomet, or Shaomet, which 
 he afterward called Warwick, after the earl of that name. This settle- 
 ment was grievous to the Puritan fathera of Massachusetts, as they soon 
 showed by their resentment to jlfian/iwmojno/t ; and here we cannot but 
 discover the germ of all the subsequent disasters of that sachem. Mr. 
 Gorton was kindly treated by him, as well as Pumham, until the latter 
 was urged by Mr. Gorton's enemies to lay claim to the lands he had pur- 
 ohasctl of Miantunnomoh, whom the court of Massachusetts declared an 
 usurper,* as in his life has been told. 
 
 By the letters of the un-iipeachable Roger Williams, the above conclu- 
 sions will appear evident. In 165(5, he wrote to Massachusetts, showing 
 iliein the wretched state Warwick was in from their difficulties with the 
 Indians, as follows : — "Your wisdoms know the inhuman insultations of 
 these wild creatures, and you may be pleased also to imagine, that they have 
 not been sparing of your name as the patron of all their wickedness against 
 our English nn ii, women and children, and cattle, to the yearly damage of 
 60, 80 and 100£. The remedy is, (under God,) only your pleasure that 
 Pumham shall come to an agreement with the town or colony."t Now 
 it should be remembered, that when Warwick was purchased, Pumham 
 and some other inferior sachems received presents for their particular 
 interests in what was sold, agreeably to the laws and usages of the Indians. 
 
 The Plimouth people had tlioir share in the Warwick controversy, 
 ^avinir caused fhisamaquin to Iny cliiim to the same place, or a .sachem 
 
 * MS. slitte paper. 
 
 t 
 
 Hutchinson's papers^ and Hazard. 
 
\ 
 
 73 
 
 PUMIIAM.— SOCONONOCO.— QUAQUALII. 
 
 [Book III, 
 
 who lived with him, named JVav)wnshnwsuck ; between whom and Pum- 
 ham the quarrel ran so higii that the ibrmer stabbed the latter. 
 
 The aftiiirs of Warwick had been under consideration by the commis- 
 sioners of the United Colonies for several yeare before this, and in 1G49, 
 they say, " Vppon a question betwixt the two collonies of tlie Massachu- 
 eets and Plymouth, formerly propounded, and now again renewed by the 
 commissionera of the Massachusetts, concerning a tract of land now or 
 latciy belonging to Pamham and Saconoco, two Indian sagamores who 
 had submitted themselves and their people to the Massachusetts gover- 
 ment, vppon part of which land som rhiglish, (besides the said Indians,) 
 in anno 1643, were planted and settled." The decision was, that though 
 the said tract of land fall witliin Plimouth bounds, it should henceforth 
 belong to Massachusetts. 
 
 About 1640, we find the following record* of these chiefs: — " Pomihom 
 and Saconanoco complaining to us [the court of Mtiss.] that many In- 
 dians dwelling 20 miles beyond them, (being friends and helpers to the 
 Narragansetts in their present wars with Uncas,) are come upon their lands, 
 and planted upon the same againsttheir wills, they not being able of them- 
 selves to remove them, and therefore desire our counsel and help. We 
 shall therefore advise them, if the deputies agree thereunto, to send a 
 messenger to the sachem of those intruders to come to us to give an ac- 
 count of such his intention ; and if he come to us, then to offer him pro- 
 tection upon the same terms that Pumham hath it, provided they satisfy 
 Uncas for any injury they have done him. If he refuse to come, then we 
 would have our messenger charge them to depart from Pomham and 
 Soconanocho their lands, which also if they refuse, then we shall £::count 
 them our enemies."* 
 
 Though, by the aid of the English, Pumham had been able to maintain 
 a kind of independence for some years after the death of the chief sa- 
 chem, yet he was among the first who espoused the cause of Philip in his 
 war. The English army n arched through his country, in their return from 
 the attack on Philip and i)is confederates in Narraganset, in December, 
 1675. At this time a small fighc took place between some of the English 
 and a number of Pumham^s men, under a chief' whose name was Qua- 
 qualh, who gained some advantage of the English, wounding four of 
 their men. The English, however, report that tl'ey killed five of the -In- 
 dians. Quaqualh himself was wounded in the kpee. At the same time 
 ihey burnt Pumham's town,+ which contained near 100 wigwams. The 
 English were commanded by Capt. Prentice.^ 
 
 Pumham was not the chief captain in the fight at the great falls in the 
 Connecticut, which took place 19 May, 1676, although we presume, from 
 the known character of him, that he was the most conspicuous in it on the 
 aide of the Indians; being a man of vast physical powers and of extraor- 
 dinary bravery. In this affair the English acted a most cowardly part, 
 having every advantage of their enemy, who acquired credit upon the oc- 
 casion, evea at the time, from the historian. The English came upon 
 them before day, while none were awake to give the alarm, and, " findv'j^ 
 them secure indeed, yea, all asleep, without having any scouts abroad, so 
 tliat our soldiers came and put their guns into their wigwams, before le 
 Indians were aware of them, and made a great and notable slau^ tcr 
 amongst them."§ Many in their fright ran into the river, and were hurled 
 
 • In manuscript, amorij, tlie papers on file in the secretary's office, Mass. without date, 
 t Letter to London, 51J. 2cl ediiion. Tliis aullior has liis name fittm/iam. There wer» 
 nany instances, at this time, of the use of B i'ur /'. 
 \ Hubbard, Nar. 67. J /. Mather, 30. 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 PUMIIAM. 
 
 73 
 
 s in the 
 from 
 
 down the falls,* some of whom, (lonl)tl('ss, were drowned. As soon as 
 the English, who were led by Captains' Turner and Holioke, had mur- 
 dered the unresisting, and the Indiiuis having begun to rally to oppose 
 them, tlicy fled in the greatest confusion, alihough they had "about an 
 hundred and four score" men,f of whom but one was wounded when the 
 flight began. Tliis enhances the valor of the Indians, in our niinds, es- 
 pecially as we read the following passage, in Mr. JJfa</ie;'s Brief History : — 
 " In the mean while, a party of Indians from an island, (whose coming 
 on siiore might easily have been prevented, and the soldiers, before they 
 set out from Hadley,were earnestly admonished to take care about that 
 matter,) assaulted our men ; yea, to the great dishonor of the English, a 
 few Indians pursued our soldiers four or five miles, who were in number 
 near twice as many as the enemy." In this flight Capt. Turner was 
 killed, ac he was crossing Green River. Holioke exerted himself with 
 great bravery, and seems well calculated to oppose such a chief as Pum- 
 ham was. We hear of no other bravery among the English in this mas- 
 sacre, but this passage concerning Holioke, which we are sorry is so sadly 
 oclipsed, a," appears by what follows. During the fight, some old persons, 
 (whether men or women is not mentioned,) and children, had hid them- 
 selves under the bank of the river. Cajtt. Holioke discovered ihem, and 
 with his own hands put five of them, "young and old," to death.J This 
 English captain did not long survive his antagonist, for, by his great exer- 
 tions in this fight, a fever was brought upon him, of which he died in 
 September following, " about Boston."§ 
 
 It would seem from the scvernl ae.«.uiit<i, tl.r.t, a'^hough the En;;!:sh 
 were sadly distressed in this fight, the Indians could never liave repaired 
 their loss ; which, says the author of the Present State, &c. was al- 
 most as much, nay, in some respects more considerable, than their lives." 
 He continues, "We destroyed all their animunition and provision, which 
 we think they can hardly be so soon and easily recruited with, as possibly 
 they may be with men. We likewise here demolished two forges they 
 had to mend their arms, took away all their materials and tools, and drove 
 many of them into the river, where they were drowned, and threw two 
 great pigs of lead of theire, (intended for making of bullets,) into the said 
 river."|| — " x\s our men were returning to Iladley, in a dangerous pass, 
 which they were not sufliciently aware of, the skulking Indians, (out of 
 the woods,) killed, at one volley, the said captain, and eight-and-thirty of 
 his men, but immediately after they had discharged, they fled." 
 
 In relating the capture and death of Pimiham, jMr. Hubbard snys,1T " He 
 was one of the stoutest and most valiant sachems that belonged to the 
 Narragansets ; whos«! courage and strength was so great that, after he 
 had been mortally wounded in the fight, so as himself could not stand; 
 yet catching hold of an Englishman that by accident came near him, had 
 done him mischief, if he had not been presently rescued by one of his 
 lellows." This was on 25 July, 167G. Pumham, with a few followers, 
 had for some time secreted themselves in Dedham** woods, where it was 
 supposed they were "almost starved for want of victuals." In this sad 
 
 * We cannot agree wivli our friend Gen. Hoijt, llint tlicso falls slionld he named Tur- 
 ner's Falls, although we once ihouijht it well cnoiii;li. Wo would radicr call them the 
 Massacre Falls, if, indeed, their Indian name cannot be recovered. 
 
 t /. Mather, .30. t Hubbard, Nar. 88. $ Ihid. 
 
 II Many of the Indians learned trades of the English, and in the wars turned Ihcif 
 knowledge to good account. They had a forge in iheir fort at Narraganset, and the 
 Indian blacksmith was killed when that was taken. The author of the Present State, 
 &c. says, he was the only man amongst them that fitted their suns and arrow-heads ; 
 that among other houses they burnt his, demolished his forge, and carried away his tools. 
 
 H Narrative, 100. 4to. edition. 
 
 ** Woollummonuppogve was its Indian name, or a part of it. 
 
74 
 
 POTOK. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 condition, tliey were fallen upon by the English under Cnpt. Hunting, who 
 killed fifteen and took thirty-five of them without resistance.* They 
 found here considerable plunder ; "besides kettles, there was about half 
 a bushel of warnpumpeag, which the enemy lost, and twelve pounds of 
 powder, which the captives say they had received from Albany but two 
 days before."! A sun of Pumham was among the captives, " a very likely 
 youth," says Hubbard,l "and one whose countenance would have be- 
 spoke favor for him, had he not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an 
 Indian as his father was." It would seem from this unfeeling account 
 that he was put to death. Dr. Mather says he wis can-ied |)risoner to Bos- 
 ton. From the same author we must add to the revolting picture of the 
 fatler's dcatli. "This Pumham, after he was. wounded so as that he 
 coidd not stand upon his legs, and was thought to have been dead, made 
 a shift, (as the soldiers were pui-suing othei-s,)to crawl a little out of the 
 way, but was found again, and when an Englishman drew near to him, 
 though he could not Ptand, he did, (like a beast,) in rage and revenge, get 
 hold oil the soldier's head, and had like to have killed him, had not an- 
 other come in to his help, and rescued him out of the enraged dying 
 liands of that bloody 6arftrtnan."f 
 
 A short time before this, a grandson of tliis chief was killed by a party 
 under Denison,^ " who was also a sachem, and another sachem called 
 Chickon." 
 
 Potok, a Narraganset chief, we may properly in the next place notice. 
 None of his acts in Philip's war are recorded, at least none have come to 
 «ijr knowledce. but they cot'.ld not have been inconsiderable, in the 
 opinion of his enemies, as !iis life atoned for tl'em. We find him firet 
 mentioned, on account of his opposition to the introduction of Christian- 
 ity into his nation. When, in the beginning oi Philip's war, the English 
 army marched into the Narraganset country, to treat or fight with that 
 nation, as thny might be found inclined, Potok appeared as the principal 
 chief. In the treaty which was concluded at that time, a condition was 
 urged by him, " that the English should not send any among them to 
 preach the gospel or call upon them to pray to God." But the English 
 would not admit such an article ; but if an article of this character had 
 l)een urged on the other hand, we doubt whether there would have been 
 any objection urged by the Indians. On »his policy of the English 
 Roger fVUliam^ should be heard, as, at this dcy even, we need no better 
 commentary on the matter in hand. It is contained in a lettGr|| to the 
 
 fovemor of Massachusetts, and is ns follows: — " At my last departure for 
 England, I was importuned by y*= Narraganset sachems, and crtpccially 
 by Nenecumtt, to present their petition ti the high sachems of England, 
 th t they ini;.du not be Ibrced from their religion ; and, for not changing 
 their religion, be invaded by war. I'or they said they were daily 
 visited with threatonings by Indians, thot came from about the Massa- 
 chusetts ; that if they would not pray, they should be destroyed by \' ar." 
 And again, in the same letter: "Are not all the English of this land, 
 (generally,) a persecuted people from their native soil ? and hath not the 
 God of peace and Father of nercics made the natives more friendly in 
 this than our native countryme.t in our own land to us ? have they not en- 
 tred leagues of love, and to this uay continued peaceable commerce with 
 us? are not our families grown up in peace amongst them ? U|K)n which 
 Ihumbly ask how it can suit with Christian ingenuity, to take hold of some 
 seeming occasions for their destruction." 
 
 * MS. Narrative of Rev. T. Cobbet. \ Mather's Brief Hist. 43. 
 
 I Narrative, nt supra. 
 
 6 Many write Dennison, but his own si^iature, in my posses-ion, is as in the text. 
 
 II In M"S. dated Providence, 5:8: 1C34. 
 
 
m^^:''^ 
 
 Chap. V.] 
 
 STONE-WALL^OHN. 
 
 75 
 
 hangiiiff 
 fcre daily 
 
 Mussa- 
 
 |by \' ar." 
 
 his land, 
 
 not the 
 liendly in 
 
 not en- 
 Irce witli 
 l»n which 
 
 of some 
 
 Uisi. «. 
 text. 
 
 Wo arc able to fix the place of his residence in the vicinity of Point 
 Judith. Otir earliest notice of him is in 1G61. In this year, Potok, with 
 several other chiefs, complained to the court of Massachusetts, that 
 " Samuel JVildboio, and others of his companie," claimed jurisdiction it 
 Point Judith, in their country, and lands adjacent. They came on and 
 possessed themselves forcibly, bringing their cattle and other effects with 
 them.* What order the court took upon it does not appear. About the 
 close of Philip's war, Potck came voluntarily to Rhode Island, no doubt 
 with the view of making friends again with his enemies; but was sent to 
 Boston, where, after answering all their inquiries, he was put to death 
 without ceremony. 
 
 In the account carried to London by Capt. More, mentioned in the last 
 chapter, is this notice of Potok: — "There is one Po<mc/c, a mischievous 
 Engine, and a Counsellour, taken formerly, said to be in Goal at Rhode- 
 Island, is now sent to Boston, and there shot to death." 
 
 In the detail of the great Narraganset expedition of 1G75, we have 
 omitted to notice a by no means unimportant Indian captain. 
 
 Stone- wall-john, Stone-layer-john, and sometimes simply Stone-wall, 
 were names by which his English friends knew him, and we have not 
 discovered what was his Indian name. One writer of his time observes 
 that he was called the Stone-layer, " for that, being an active, ingenious 
 fellow, he had learned the mason's trade, and was of great use to the 
 Indians in building their forts, &c." Hence we may hnzard but little in 
 the conjecture that he was the chief engineer in the erection of the great 
 Narraganset fort, which has been described in the life of Philip. Al- 
 though but little is known of him, he was doubtless one of the most dis- 
 tinguished Narraganset captains. 
 
 The first notice of Stone-layer-john, which we now remember, is con- 
 tained in a letter of Capt. Oliver,^ which he wrote while on his march 
 with the English army to attack the fort, which we havQ just mention- 
 ed. He says, " Dec. 15 ca[me in] John a rogue, with a prdtence of 
 peace, and was dismissed with [this] errand : That we might speak with 
 sachems. That evening, he not being gone a quaiter of an hour, his 
 company, that lay hid behind a hill of our quarters, killed two Salem 
 men, and wounded a third within a mile of us, that he is dead. And at a 
 house three mile off, where I had ten men, they killed two of them. In- 
 stantly Capt. Mosely, myself and Capt. Gardner were sent to fetch in 
 Major Appleton^s company, that kept three miles and a half off, afid com- 
 ing, they lay behind a stone wall, and fired on us in sight of the garrison, 
 we killed the captain that killed one of the Saicm men, and had his cap." 
 Mr. Hubbard says, " A few desperate Indians, creeping under a stone-wall, 
 fired twenty or thirty gims at Mosely in particular, a commander well 
 known amongst them, but the rest of the company riuming down upon 
 them, killed one of them and scattered the rest." Thus did tlie scout.s 
 from the main body of the Indians, under such captains as the Stotie- 
 layer, annoy the English in their march into their country. Immediately 
 after these skirmishes, "they burnt Jerry Builds house, and killed seventeen 
 [persons.] Dec. 16, came that news. Dec. \7, came news that Con- 
 necticut forces were at Petaquamscut ; killed four Indians and took six 
 prisoners. That day we sold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians, young and old, 
 for £80 in money ."| 
 
 How much John had to do in the devastations which had been perpe- 
 trated the previous season, is unknown, but we are told that he had no 
 
 * MS. documents. 
 
 t 111 7ri(mu!!cnpt. See an account of it iu a note to tlie life of Pliilip. 
 
 i Capt. Olivef's MS. letter. 
 
76 
 
 STONE-WALL-JOHN. 
 
 [Book III 
 
 small agency in " the sacking of Providence,"* and Rehoboth also, with- 
 out doubt. In the former about 30 housesf were burned, and in the latter 
 place " near u|>on 40" houses and 30 bams. 
 
 Stone-tvall-john was doubtless one who conversed with the Rev. Mr. 
 Williams at the time Providence was burned. The substance of that con- 
 versation is related by our anonymous author, already cited, in these 
 words: — "But indeed the reason that the inhabitants of the towns of Sea- 
 conick and Providence generally escaped with their lives, is not to be at 
 tributed to any compassion or good nature of the Indians, (whose very 
 mercies are inhumane cmelties,) but, [the author soon contradicts himself, 
 as will bo seen,] next to God's providence, to their own i)rudence in 
 avoiding their fury, when they found themselves too weak, and unable to 
 resist it, by a timely flight into Rhode Island, which now became the 
 conunon Zoar, or place of refuge for the distressed ; yet some remained 
 till their coming to destroy the said towns ; as in particular Mr. Williams 
 at Providence, who, knowing several of the chief Indians that came to 
 fire that town, disc^oui-sed with them a considerable time, who pretended, 
 their greatest quarrel was against Plimouth ; and as for what they at- 
 tempted against the other colonics, they were constrained to it, by the 
 spoil that was done them at Narraganset.f They told him, that when 
 Captain Pierce engaged them near >Ir. Blackstone% they were boimd for 
 Plimouth. They gloried much in their success, promising themselves 
 the conquest of the whole country, and rooting out of all the English. 
 Mr. Williams reproved their confidence, minded them of their cruelties, 
 and told them, that the Bay, viz. Boston, could yet spare 10,000 men ; 
 and, if they should destroy all them, yet it was not to be doubted, but our 
 king would send as many every year from Old England, rather than they 
 should share the country .§ They answered proudly, that they should be 
 ready for them, or to that effect, but told Mr. Williams that he was a 
 good man, and had been kind lo them formerly, and therefore tliey would 
 not hurt him." 
 
 This agrees well with Mr. Hubbard's account of the caiTiage of John at 
 the time he went to»the English army to talk about peace, already men- 
 tioned. His words are, " yet could the messenger, [John,'j hardly forbear 
 threatening, vaporing of their numbers and strength, addmg, withal, that 
 the English durst not fight them." 
 
 We have now to close the career of this Indian captain, for which it 
 requires but a word, as he was killed on the 2 July, 167(5, at the same 
 time the old squaw-sachem Quaiapen and most of her people were fallen 
 upon by Major Talcot, as we nave related in a former chapter. 
 
 Many Indians bore the name of John, but when they were any ways 
 conspicuous, Some distinguishing prefix or affix was generally added, as 
 we have seen in several instances in the preceding chapters. We have 
 already given the life of one Sagamore-john, but anothsr of that name, still 
 more conspicuous, (for his treachery to his own nation,) here presents 
 himself. This Sas^amore-john was a Nipmuk sachem, and a traitor to his 
 country. On the 27th of July, 167G, doubtless from a conviction of the 
 hopelessness of his cause, he came to Boston, and threw himself on the 
 mercy of the English. They pardoned him, as he enticed along with 
 
 \ 
 
 ♦ Present State, &c. V2. 
 
 t The building cojiiaining- the records of II. I. was consumed at this time, and part of 
 lis contents. Some of them were saved by boinj^ thrown out of a window into some 
 water. They bear to this time the marks of the;i immersion. — Oral information of N. 
 R. Staples, Esq. of Providence. 
 
 t And who could ask for a better reason ? 
 
 ^ f his was rather gasconading for so reverend a man ! Had he lived since the rov- 
 olulionarj war, he would Imrdly have meant so, whatever he might have said. 
 
[Book III 
 
 »lso, with- 
 1 the latter 
 
 Rev. Mr. 
 
 f that con- 
 [, in these 
 lis of Sea- 
 it to be at 
 I'liose very 
 ts huTisclf, 
 udence in 
 , unable to 
 jcame the 
 ! remained 
 . Williams 
 t came to 
 pretended, 
 It tiicy at- 
 it, by the 
 that when 
 bound for 
 :hemselves 
 le English. 
 
 • cruelties, 
 ,000 men ; 
 ed, but our 
 
 • than they 
 ■ should be 
 
 he was a 
 hey would 
 
 of John at 
 eady men- 
 Uy forbear 
 t^ithal, that 
 
 which it 
 the same 
 vere fallen 
 
 any ways 
 added, as 
 We have 
 name, still 
 e presents 
 ,itor to his 
 ion of the 
 elf on the 
 ong with 
 
 and part of 
 w into some 
 nation of iV. 
 
 ire the rev- 
 
 ClIAP. V] 
 
 MATOONAS. 
 
 77 
 
 him about 180 others. And, that he might have a stronger claim on their 
 clemency, he seized Maloonas, and his son, agamst whom he knew the 
 English to be greatly enraged, and delivered them up nt tlic same time. 
 On death's being immediately assigned as the lot of Mnloonas, Saf;nmore- 
 john requested that he might execute him with his own liands. To 
 rciuler still more horrid this story of blood, his request was granted ; and 
 he took Matoonas into the conmion, boimd him to a tree, and there "shot 
 him to death." To tl ^ above Dr. Mather adds,* " Thus did the Lord 
 retaliate upon him the innocent blood which he had shed ; as he had 
 done, so God requited him." 
 
 Although much had been alleged against John, before he came in, af- 
 terwards the most favorable construction was ])ut upon his conduct, 
 Mr. Hubbard says, he " affirmed that he had never intended any mischief 
 to the English at Brookfield, the Inst year, (near which village it seems 
 his j)lace was,) but that Philip, coming over night amongst them, he was 
 forced, for fear of his own life, to join with them against the English."! 
 
 Matoonas was also a Nipmuk chief. A son of his was said to have 
 nnu'dered an Englishtnan in 1671, when "traveling along the road," 
 which Mr. Hubbard says was "out of mere malice and s|)ite," because he 
 was "vexed in his mind that the design against the English, intended to 
 begin in that year, did not take place." This son of Matoonas was 
 hanged, and afterwards beheaded, and his head set tipon a pole, where 
 it was to be seen about six years after. The name of the murdered 
 Englishtnan was Zachary Smith, a young man, who, as he was passing 
 through Dedhain, in the month of April, put up at the house of Mr. Caleb 
 Church. About half an hour after he was gone, the next morning, three 
 Indians passed the same way ; who, as they jjassed by Churches house, 
 behaved in a very insolent manner. They had been employed as labor- 
 ers in Dorchester, and said they belonged to Philip; they left their 
 masters under a suspicious pretence. The body of tlie tnurdered man 
 was soon after found near the saw- mill in Dcdiiatn, and these Indians 
 were apprehended, and one put to death, as is stated above.| 
 
 Mr. Hubbard supposes that the father, "an old malicious villain," bore 
 an old grudge against them," on the account, of the execution ot his son 
 
 And the first mischief that was done 
 
 iunt.c 
 
 in \ 
 
 lassacluisctts colony was 
 
 charged to him ; which was the killing of fom- or live persons at Mendon, 
 a town upon Pawtucket River; anil, says /. Mather, ^^ had we amended 
 our ways as we should have done, this misery would have been pre- 
 vented."§ 
 
 When old Matoonas was brought before the council of Massachusetts, 
 he " confessed that he had rightly deserved death, and could expect no 
 other." "He had often scen)ed to favor the praying Indians, and die 
 Christian religir n, but, like Simon Jl/aafif.?, by his after jiractice, discovered 
 quickly that he had no part nor portion in that matter."|| 
 
 The following horrible circumstance, according to an anonymous 
 aulhor,1T took place at the execution oi' Matoonas : — " The executioners, (for 
 there were many,) flung one end, [of a rope abotit his neck, by which they 
 led htm,] over a post, and so hoisted him up like a dog, three or four 
 times, he being yet half alive and half dead ; then came an Indian, a 
 friend of his, and with his knife made a hole in his breast to his heart, 
 and sucked out his heart-blood: being asked his reason therefor, his 
 
 * Riief History of liie War, 43. f Nairative, 101. 4to edition. 
 
 t Manuscript (iocumcDts, in the office of liie secretary of the state of Massachusetts. 
 ^ Hrief Hist. 5. || Hnbhard, 101. 
 
 ^ Of liie Letter to London, tl, who mnlies no mention of ihe name of the Judiaa exe- 
 cuted ; but his account ' vidcntlv relates to Matoonas. 
 
 7* 
 
78 
 
 MONOCO. 
 
 [Hook III 
 
 answer, ' Umh, umh nu, me stronger as I was before. Me be so strong as 
 me and he too, he be ver strong man fore he die.'' " 
 
 The autijor from whom we huve made th'iH extract is rather more of a 
 savage tliaii any one we liuve met with. Upon tiic above muiistrous act 
 he has this comment: "Thus willi llie dog-like dcatii (good enough) of 
 one poor )ieallien, was the peo})ir;'8 rage laid, in some measure ;" from 
 which the reader will naturally infer that there was at this lime a great 
 thirst tor blood amongst the English, which, it is too evident, was actually 
 the case. 
 
 Our readers must ere this have become acquainted with the state of 
 feeling towards the Indians, and consequently towards all those who 
 ventured to raise their voice in commutation of severity towards them. 
 At the time the eleven Indians were tried for their lives, the paiticulars of 
 which we shall soon huve occasion to relate, Mr. Gookin and Mr. Eliot, 
 by singular perseverance, succeeded in clearing the most of them. The 
 rage of the people was no longer confined to the rabble, as will be seen 
 by the following passage from our anonymous author: — "Uut for Captain 
 Guggitis, why such a wise council us they should be so overbonio by 
 him, cannot be judged otherwise than because of his daily troubling them 
 with his impertinences, and multitudinous speeches ; insomuch, that it 
 was told him on the bench by a very worthy person, Captain Oliver, there 
 present, that he ought rather to be confined airicng his Indians, than 
 to sit on the bench. His taking the Indians' part so much liath made 
 him a by-word both among men ond boys."* 
 
 While Matoonas belonged to the Christian Indians, his residence was 
 at Pukachoog. Here he was made constable of tlio towii.f On joining 
 in the war, he led parties which committed several depredations. He 
 joined the main body of the Nipinuks in the winter of 1(J75, when James 
 Q^uanapohit was among them as a spy, who saw him arrive there with a 
 train of followers, and take the lead in the war dances.}: Doubtless 
 QuannpohiCs evidence drew forth the confessions which he made, and 
 added to the severity exercised at his execution. 
 
 We have yet to notice a distinguished Niptnuk sachem, called 
 
 Monaco by his countrymen, but by the English, generally, One-eyed- 
 John ; as though deficient in tlie organs of vision, which probably was 
 the case. He was, says an early writer, "a notable fellow," who, when 
 Philip's wur began, lived near Lancaster, and conseq»iently was acquainted 
 with every part of the town, which knowledge he improved to his advan- 
 tage, on two occasions, in that war. On Sunday, 22 August, 1G75, a 
 man, his wife and two children were killed at that place.§ At this time 
 the Hassanamesit praying Indians were placed at Marlborough by au- 
 thority. No sooner was it known that n murder was committecl at Lan- 
 caster, than not a few were wanting to charge it U[)on the Hassanamesits. 
 Captain Mostly, who it seems was in the neighborhood, sent to their 
 quartera, and found " much suspicion against eltvcn of them, for singing 
 and dancing, and having bullets and slugs, and much powder hid in their 
 baskets." For this offence, thesa eleven were sent to Boston, on suspicion, 
 and there tried. " fiut upon trial, the said prisoners were all of them 
 acquitted from the fact, and were either released, or else were, with 
 othera of that fort, sent for better security, and for preventing future trou- 
 ble in the like kind, to some of the islands below Boston, towards Nan- 
 
 * Letter to London, 2G. t Shattuck's Ilist. Concord, 31. 
 
 X 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. vi. 206. 
 
 ^ The above is Mr. Hulibitrd'.i account. Mr. Willard, in his excellent history of lian- 
 caster, gives us the names of six, and says eight were killed. But in his cnumuratioa I 
 coiuit nine ; and Gookin says seven. 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 MONOCO. 
 
 79 
 
 s|)icion, 
 
 f tliein 
 
 ', with 
 
 •e trou- 
 
 Nun- 
 
 ,31. 
 
 tasket."* Fifteen was the number brought down to Boston, hut eleven or 
 twelve only were suspected of tlie alleged oH'i'iice. The others, ntnong 
 whoiri were Mram Specn and John Choo, were taken along and impris- 
 oned, for no other reason hut their heuig accidiMitally, at that lime, at 
 Marlborough, or the crime of being Indians, It appears some time had 
 elapsed alter the murder was conunitted, before they were sent down for 
 trial, or more probably they were suffered to retmri home before being 
 sent to Deer Island. For Ephraim TurncT ami IVilliain Kent were not 
 sent up to find out where "tn(\v all were," and what answers they could 
 get from those they should meet, until the beginning of October; at 
 which time these eleven Indians were scattered in various directions, about 
 their daily callings. And all the information Turner and Kent handed 
 into court was, tliat they were thus disi»ersed. fVaban and Mr. John 
 H'atson, who had been appointed to reside among those Indians, were 
 the only persons questioned. What steps the court took upon this in- 
 formation, we are not informed, but they were about this time sent to 
 Deer Island. 
 
 The names of these 12 Indiana, concerning whom more particular 
 incpiiry may hereailer be made by the benevolent antiquary, it is thought 
 should be given; especially as they may not elsewhere be preserved. 
 They follow :— 
 
 Old-jethro and two sons, (Peter probably being one,) a sqitaio, (namu 
 not mentioned,) James -the-printer, James Acompanet, Daniel Munups, John 
 Cquasquaconet, John Jlsquenet, George J^onsequeseivitf Thomas Mamuxon- 
 f MO, and Joseph Watapacoson. 
 
 After a trial of great vexation to these innocent Indians, David, the 
 mam witness against them, acknowledged ho had perfidiously accused 
 them ; and at the same time, a prisoner was brought in, wlio testified that 
 he kneio One-eyed-john had committed the murder at Lancaster, and a 
 short time after another was taken, who confirmed his testimony. 
 
 These Indians brought all these troubles upon themselves by reason of 
 their attachment to the English. It was in their service that they discov- 
 ered and captured Andrew, a brother of David, who, on being delivered 
 to the soldiery, was shot by them with ferocious jirecipitancy. Therefore, 
 when the Lancaster murder happened. Captain Mosely, having already 
 sundry charges against David, held an inquisition upon him to make him 
 coiiil'ss relative to the Lancaster affiiir. The method taken to make him 
 contess, (agreeably to the desire of his inquisitors,) was this: they bound 
 him to a tree, and levelled guns at his breast. In this situation, to avert 
 innnediate death, as well as to be revenged for the death of his brother, 
 he proceeded to accuse the eleven Indians before named. The residtwe 
 have before stated. For thus falsely accusing his countrymen, and shoot- 
 ing at a boy who was looking after sheep at Marlborough, David was 
 condemned to slavery, and accordingly sold. 
 
 James Acompanet was conspicuous at the trial, as one of the eleven, and 
 "pleaded, in behalf of himself and the rest, that what David said against 
 them, was to save his own life when bound to the tree," &c. Acompanct, 
 says Mr. Gookin, "was a vei-y understanding fellow." 
 
 Notwithstanding the two prisoners, taken at ditferent times, as we have 
 mentioned, avowed that Monaco led the party that did the mischief, yet 
 one* of the eleven, whom Mr. Gookin calls Joseph Spoonant, was, by a 
 new jury, found guilty, and sold into foreign slaveiy. His Indian name 
 was iVattapacoson. 
 
 Andreiv's history is as follows: he had been gone for some time before 
 the war, on a lunting voyage towards the lakes ; and on his return home- 
 
 Gookin's MS. lliit. Praying Indians. 
 
80 
 
 MONOCO. 
 
 [Re OK III. 
 
 wnnl, he foil in atnon*]^ Philt/t^s luv.ti ulioiit Qiiahnoif. Tliifl wns nbout a 
 tnoiitli before tlie iiOiiir nt LiiiicasttM'. 'J'lio n-uHoii he Httiid aiiioiif; tiio 
 hoHtilo loiliuiis i8 very ohvioiis: lie was afraid to v(;iitiire into the vieinity 
 of the whites, lest they Nhoiild treat iiiiii in iii enemy, lint as his ill 
 furtune fell out, he was found in the woi ds, l»y his countryirieii of Marl- 
 buroiigli, who conducted liiiii to thu I'liglish, hy wlioin he was shot, ait 
 we have just related. The olfnier who presided over and directed this 
 alfair, would, no douht, at any other time, have received a reward pro- 
 portioiiatn to the niali^'nity nf the otfenci!. lint in this horrid storiii of 
 war, many were suflered to tranHiaess the laws wiri; impimity. 
 
 We have yet to add a word ' 'uornins,' Mono>o. When (liiminpohil 
 was out as a sjiy, Monoro kindly <:ref tamed him, in ii-connt of former 
 acquaintance. 
 
 icter. Ihc) liaM M-rved logeiner in 
 On JO Kel). Il)7(!, ahoiit (500 Indians 
 
 not knowing; his cii I icter. 'I'l 
 their wars against the Mohawks. 
 
 fell upon Lancaster, and, after huriiing the town, carri(;d the inhabilants 
 into captivity. Among them was the family of Kev. IMr. Jiowlandson. 
 Mrs. Rowlandson, after her redemption, |)nltli.sliod an amusing account of 
 the affair. Monaco, or One-tije'-john, it is said, was among the actora of 
 this tragedy. On 13 March following, Groton was surprised. Fn this 
 affair, too, John Monaco was principal ; and on his own word we set hirn 
 down as the destroyer of Medtield. After he had burned Groton, except 
 one garrison house, he called to the ca|)tain in it, and told him he would 
 burn in succession Chelmsford, Concord, Watertown, Cambridge, Charles- 
 town, Roxbury and Jioston. Ho boasted mncli of tlio men at his com- 
 mand ; said he had 480 warriors; and added — " ff /i«/ me tvill me do" 
 The report of this very much enraged the English, and occasioned hia 
 being entitled a "bragadocio" by the histor'uii. At the close of Ph'dip'a 
 war, with others, he gave himself up to IMajor Waldron at Cochecho; or, 
 having come in there, at the request of Peler-jclhro, to make j)eac(!, was 
 seized and sent to Boston, where, in ilie language of Mr. Hubbard, he, 
 "with a few more bragadocios like liiiiisoltj Sui^amore-sam, Oil-jcthro, 
 and the sachem of Quabaog, [MatUump*], Wf3re taken by the FiUglish, 
 and was seen, (not long before the Wiiting of tins,) marching towards ilie 
 gallows, (through Boston streets, which he threatened to burn at his 
 pleasure,) with a halter aliout bis neck, with which he was hanged at the 
 town's end, Sept. 20, in this preseiit year, 1G7G." 
 
 It was reported, (no doubt by the Indians, to vox ihrir enemies,) tha' 
 Mrs. Rowlandson had married Monoco, " Hut," the author of the 1'rksf.nt 
 State, &c. says, "it was soon contradicted," and, "that she appeared 
 and behaved liereelf amongst them with so much courage and majestic 
 gravity, that none durat offer any violence to her, but, on the contrary, (in 
 their rude manner,) seemed to show her great respect." 
 
 In the above quotation from Mr. Hubbard, we have shown at what 
 time several of the Nipmuk chiefs were put to death beside Monoco. 
 Old-jethro was little less noted, though of quite a dif!l'reiit character. His 
 Indian name was Tantamous. He was present at the sale of Concord 
 (Mass.) to the English, about which time he lived at Natick. In 1G74, he 
 was appointed a missionary to the Nipniuks living at VVeshakim, since 
 Sterling, but his stay there was short.f He and his family, (of about 12 
 persons,) were among those ordered to Deer Island, on the breaking out 
 of the war the next year. Their residence then was at Nobscut Hill, near 
 Sudbury. His spirit could not brook the indignity offered by those 
 
 * The same, probablv, called Matlawamppe, who, in 1GG5, witnessed the sale of 
 Brookfield, Mass., deeded at that lime by a chief named Shatloockt/uis. Mantamp 
 claimed an interest in said lands, and received pari of the pay. — Ilcv. Mr. Fool's Hist. 
 Brookfield. 
 
 t Mr. Shattuck's Hist. Concord, 30. 
 
ncoK III. 
 
 about a 
 
 Killer tllP 
 
 5 vicinity 
 IS ITm ill 
 of Marl- 
 
 I HllOt, UH 
 
 ;cto(l tliitt 
 uril |iio- 
 sturni uf 
 
 tnnnpohil 
 f foruHjr 
 ,'('llM'r ill 
 I Iiitliiins 
 liabiliiiits 
 vlnndson. 
 ;:coiiiit of 
 iictora of 
 111 tliiu 
 ! set him 
 11, except 
 ii> would 
 , Cluirles- 
 liis com- 
 l me do!'' 
 ionetl his 
 ■ Philip's 
 echo ; or, 
 Race, was 
 hbard, l\o, 
 }il-jdkro, 
 Fiii^lish, 
 vards the 
 lit his 
 ed at the 
 
 ies,) tha' 
 
 RKSF.NT 
 
 )])ear{nl 
 iiajeslic 
 trary, (in 
 
 at what 
 j\Ionoco. 
 tor. His 
 Concord 
 1G74, he 
 
 Chap. V.] 
 
 SAG A MORES AM. 
 
 81 
 
 
 English who were sent to conduct the praying Indians to Boston, and in 
 the nii;ht he escaped, with all his family, into hi native wil(l8. His son 
 Peter liud hccn so long iiiii' t the instrtictioii of the Englisi), that he had 
 become almost one of them. He dciserted his father's cause, and was the 
 means of his beiii$r executctl wit!i the other Ni|)muk saciiems already 
 mentioned. This occasioned Dr. /. Mather to say of him, "Tiiat abomi- 
 nable Indian, Peter-jelhro, betrayed his own father, and other Indians of 
 his special ac(|uaintance, unto deatii." It sitems he had been em]>loyed 
 by the Kn<rlish for this |>urposc. 
 
 • Sagamore-sam, sachem of Nashua, was a participant in the sufferings of 
 those just named, lie was one of those that sacked Lancaster, 10 Feb. 
 I(j7(). His Indian name was at one time Shoshanim, but in Philip's war 
 it ap[»ears to have been changed to Uskatuhfrun ; at h^ast, if he be the 
 same, it was so subscrilicd by Peter-jcthro, when the letter was sent by 
 the Indians to the English about tiie exchange of Mrs. Rowlandson and 
 othci-s, as will be found in the life oC JVepanet. Shoshanim was successor 
 to Malthrw, who succeeded Sholan. ' This last-mentioned sachem is prob- 
 ably referred to by the author quoted in Mr. Thorows;ood''s curious book. 
 In the stimmcr of 1G52, Rev. JoAn fi/io< intended to visit tlie Nashuas, 
 in ills evangelical capacity, but understanding there was war in that 
 direction among the Indians,* delayed his journey for a time. The 
 sachem of Nashua hearing of Mr. ElioVs intention, "took 20 men, armed 
 alter their manner," as his guard, with many others, and conducted him 
 to his country. And my author adds, "this was a long journey into the 
 wilderness of GO miles: it proved very wet and tedious, so that he was 
 not dry three or four days together, night nor day."t One of the Indians at 
 this time asked Mr. Eliot why those who grayed to God among the 
 English loved the Indians that prayed to God "more than their own 
 brethren." The good man seemed some at a loss for an answer, and 
 waved the subject by several scriptural quotations. 
 
 We may be incorrect in the supposition that the sachem who con- 
 ducted Mr. Eliot on this occasion was Sholan, as perhaps Passaxonaway 
 would suit the time as well. 
 
 Another great and benevolent chief it would be proper to notice in 
 this place, whose name was Ashpclon; but as he comes to our notice after 
 Philip's war, we shall notice him in anoiher chapter. 
 
 * In 1G47, three Indians were killed between Qnabao"' and Springfield, by other 
 Indians. The next year, five others were killed aliout midway between Quabaog and 
 Lancaster. — Winthrop's Journal, {Savage's cd.) . 'uch instances were common among 
 the Indians. 
 
 t Sure Arguments to prove that the Jews inhabit now in America.— By Tliomas 
 TViorowgood, 4to. London, 1G52. Sir Roger L' Estrange answered this book by another 
 4atitled, The Amektcans nu i&y/a. 
 
 bout 12 
 ving out 
 I ill, near 
 )y those 
 
 sale of 
 Muntamp 
 jot's J list. 
 
83 
 
 AMOS. 
 
 [DOOE III. 
 
 CIIAI'TKR VI. 
 
 Fricndljf Indians — Captain Amcih — Pursues Tatoson and Penachason — 
 K.icapcs Ihf uliiufrlUer al Pawlnckd — Commnwts a company in the enslrrn 
 war — Captain IjioiiTKotrr — His services in Phillp^s war — In the ea.ilent 
 war — KATTENANir — //w services — (Iuannapoiiit — His important sir- 
 tnccs as a spi/ — MwrxMV—Monoco — Nkpanet — Employed to treat with 
 the enem), — iirinf^s letters from them — Effects an exchange of prisoners — 
 Petkr Co.nwav — Petku Kpiikaim. 
 
 Jimos, cominoiily ralh'l Captain Amos, wna n Wampanonj?, wliose 
 rosiilciico was al)()iit {h\\n\ (.'od. Wo Imvo no iinticf) of liiin until Phitip\<i 
 war, at whirli tiino lio was cnlirrly dcvotiMl to llus survico of tlu; Kll^llsll. 
 After tlio I'liiiioiitli pcoplt! had loiiinl lliat Tatoson was conccrn»ul in tho 
 deatructioii of Cl'trk\t fjaiiisoii, tlicy Hoiijj[ht for sonio fri«indly IiidiuiiH 
 wlio would u'alcrtaki; to dulivcr hiui und liis abettors into tlieir 
 hands, ('aptain Amos tciiidcicd liis scrvicfs, and was duly ronirnissioncd 
 to prosecute the eiitcr|)ris(', and to take into tliat service any of his friends. 
 Mttantinie, Taloson had tied to Illi/aheth Island, in company with Pina- 
 chason, another chief who was also to be taken if lio could !)e found. 
 This Penachason was probably Tatoson^s brothtir's son, sometimes called 
 Tom, who, if the same?, w.-ls also at the (h'stroying of Clark^s },'arrison. 
 Yet the wily chiefs ehidcid the vij^ilance of Captain Amos, by flying from 
 that region into the Nipmuks' country, where they joined Philip. 
 
 To encourage greater exertion on tho part of tho friendly Indians, to 
 execute their commission, it was ordered, that in case they captured and 
 brought in either Tatoson or Penachaso.i, "they may expect for their 
 rewaril, for each of them foin* coats, and a coat apiece for every other 
 Indian that shall prove mercliantable." 
 
 We have mentioned in a former chapter the horrid catastrophe of 
 Captain Pcirse and his men at Pawtut ket. Caj)tain Amos escaped that 
 dreadful slaughter. II'J fought there with 20 oi bis warriors, and when 
 Captain Peirse was siiot down by a ball, which wounded him in the 
 thigh, he stood by liis side, and defended him as long as there was a 
 gleam of hope. At length, seeing nearly all his friends slain, by great 
 presence of mind he made his escape, I y the following subtle stratagem : — 
 
 J\ranuntenoo''s warriors had blackened their faces, which Captain Amos 
 had observed, and by means of powder contrived to discolor his own 
 unobs'^rved by them. When ho had done this, he managed, by a dexterous 
 manoei ver, to pass among the enemy for one of them, and by these 
 means esca|)ed. 
 
 What were Captain Amos\') other acts in this war, if any, we have not 
 learned; nor do we meet again with him until 1G89. In that year, he 
 went with Col. Church against the eastern Indians and French, in which 
 expedition he also had the command of a company. Church arrived 
 with his forces in Sept. at Ciisco, now Portland, and, having landed se- 
 cretly under cover of the night, surprised, on the following morning, about 
 four hundred Indians, who hacl coiiio to destroy the place. Although the 
 Indians did not receive imich damiige, yet. Gov. Sullixmn says,* the whole 
 eastern country was saved by the timely arrival of this expedition. In 
 the fight at Casco, eight of the English were killed and many wounded. 
 Two of Captain Amos^s men wore bndly wounded, and Sam Moses, 
 another friendly Indian, was killed. There was another Indian com- 
 
 • Hisl. District of Maine, 102. 
 
[nooK III. 
 
 Chap. VI.] 
 
 KATTF.NANIT. 
 
 lachason — 
 the cnnlirn 
 the etuiteni 
 ortnut scr- 
 » treat with 
 )risoners — 
 
 njf, wliosn 
 til Philip's 
 
 O KlIgllHll. 
 
 io(i ill the 
 lly Indians 
 into tliiMr 
 iiiiissioiiod 
 his friends, 
 villi Ptna- 
 !)u ioiiiid. 
 [HI'S called 
 '.» }i;arri.son. 
 lying i'lom 
 ip. 
 
 Indians, to 
 ^tiired and 
 t for their 
 jvery other 
 
 iitrophe of 
 cajied that 
 and when 
 im in the 
 ere was a 
 
 hy great 
 atageni :— 
 itain Jlmos 
 r his own 
 I dexterous 
 
 by tliese 
 
 1 
 
 J have not 
 t year, he 
 , in which 
 ch arrived 
 anded se- 
 ing, about 
 lough the 
 the whole 
 ition. In 
 wounded, 
 iffi Moses, 
 iau com- 
 
 pany ill this expedition, ronirnanded liy ('a|itain Panirl, out of which ono 
 man was killed, who was of Yannoiilh on Cape Cod.* 
 
 Ijifrhljhiit, of the tribe of the Sogkoiiates, diMinguished in Philip's wnr, 
 was also in tlu; service under f'hurrh al Casco; a niemorable expedition, 
 on more than one account. One circumstance w«! will name, as it well 
 nigh proved the ruin of the undertaking. VVhen,onth(! following morn- 
 ing, a(ier tlie arrival of the forces, the attack was begun, it was, to the in- 
 cxpn'ssible surprise of the ilnglisli, found, that the liullets were much 
 larger than the calibn; of their guns. This was n most extraordinary and 
 nnaccountabh; occurrence, and great blame was chargeable Homewhere. 
 In this wretched tlilemma, the light having alrea«ly begun, Church sot 
 Kome at work making the bullets into slugs, Ity which resort he was able 
 to continue the fight, it being high water at the time, an estuary sepa- 
 rated the iiattle-groimd from the town. The bullets were to be carried to 
 the army engaged, in buckets, alter being hammered. Wiien the first 
 recruit of slugs was made up, ('ol. Church ran with it to the water's edge, 
 and, not caring to venture himself to wade across, called to those on the 
 other side to send some one to take it over to the army. None appeared 
 hut Lifrhffoot. This Indian dexteioiisly rejmssed the estuary, with a quan- 
 tity of |)ow(ler uiMin his head, and a "kettle" of bullets in each hand, ond 
 thus the tight was maintained, and the enemy put to flight. In Philip's 
 war, LighlJ'oot's exploits were doubtless very iiiimerons, but few of them 
 have come down to us. lie volunteered to fight for the English, at 
 Jlionshonks's great dance at Buzzard's Bay, already mentioned. When 
 Littlc-tyes was taken at Cuslmet, in KiTH, Litthlfooi was sent with liim to 
 what is now called Palmer's Island, near the mouth of Cuslmet lliver, 
 where he held him in guard, until he could he safely conducted to Pli- 
 inouth. About the time Akkompoin was killed, and Philip's wife and 
 son were taken. Church gave him a captoin's coinniiBsion, alter which he 
 made several successful ex|)editions. — We now pass to characters hitherto 
 less known, though, perhaps, of more interest. 
 
 Very little was known of certain important characters among the friend- 
 ly Indians of Massachusetts, which siiould have by no means been over- 
 looked, until the discovery of Mr. Gookin's manuscript history of th« 
 praying Indians, not long since, and to which we hove often referred 
 already. We shall, therelbre, devote the remainder of the present chap- 
 ter to their history. 
 
 Job Kattenani' seems first to demand attention. He was a Christian 
 Indian, and lived some time at Natick, luit was at one time a preacher at 
 Magimkog, and belonged originally, we believe, to Ilassanamesit. How- 
 ever that may have been, it is certain he lived there in the beginning of 
 Philip's war, when that chief's men made a descent upon the place, with 
 the intention of carrying away those Christian Indians prisoners. Job 
 made his escape from them at this time, and came in to the English at 
 Mendoii. He had still three children in the enemy's hands, and he was 
 willing to run any venture to release them. He therefore applied for 
 nnd obtained a pass, assuring him safety, provided that, in his return, lie 
 should fall into the hands of the Englisli scouts. Besides liberating his 
 children, considerable hopes were entertained, that he might be enabled 
 to furnish information of the enemy. It unfortunately hafipened, that, 
 before he had passed the frontier, he fell in Avith some English soldiers, 
 who treated him as a prisoner, anrl an enemy, even taking from him his 
 clothes and gun, sending him to the governor at Boston ; " who, more to 
 eatisfy the clamors of the people than for any offence committed," as- 
 signed him to the common jail, where he suffered exceedingly ; himself 
 
 * MS. letter of Capl. Basset of the expedition. 
 
84 
 
 KATTENANIT. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 and many othera being crowded into a narrow and filthy place. After 
 about three weeks, he was taken out and sent to Deer Island. The clanioi-s 
 of the j)eo|)lo were indeed high at this t'lne, and many accused Major 
 Gookin, who gave him the pass, as guilty of furnishing the enemy with 
 intelligence. 
 
 After the Narraganset fight, 19 December, 1G75, the English were very 
 anxious to gain information relative to the position of the enemy, and 
 accordingly instructed JMajor Gookin to use his endeavors to employ some 
 friendly Indian spies; who, after considerable negotiation among those 
 at Deer Island, engaged Job again, and James Quannapohit, alias Quana- 
 paug. Their reward was to be five pounds ai)iece! They de|mrted 
 upon this service before day, the 30th of December, and, during their 
 mission, l)ehaved with great i)rudence, and brought valuable information 
 to the English on their return ; but which, from intestine bickerings 
 among the English, turned to small account. 
 
 James Qiiannapohit returned 24th of Jan. following, nearly worn out 
 and famished ; having travelled about 80 miles in that cold season, upon 
 snow-shoes, the snow being very deep. The information which he gave 
 was written down by Major Gookin.* Among other matters, he stated 
 that the enemy had taken up their quarters in different places, proliably 
 near Scattacook ; and many others, including the Nipmuks, about Mcnu- 
 messe. The Narragansets had not yet joined Philip oj)enIy, but while 
 James and Job were among the Nipmuks, messengers arrived from Ntu*- 
 raganset which gave them much joy, for they exjjressed an ardent desire 
 to join them and Philip in prosecuting the war. They said their loss in 
 the great swamp fight was small. In three weeks, James learned, they 
 would assault Lancaster, which accordingly came to i)ass, upon the very 
 day which he said they intended it. He learned and thus divulged their 
 plans to a great extent. A circumstance now occurred, which obliged 
 him to make his escape, which was this : He found a friend and pro- 
 tector in Mautamp,f one of the Ni|)nuik chiefs, who, it seems, intended 
 shortly to visit Philip ; and insisted that Quannapohit should accompany 
 him, and it was with no small difficulty he was able to elude the vigilant 
 eye ofMauiamp, and make his escape, which, however, was eftected only 
 by a cunning stratageni, as follows : — He told Muutamp that he had fougiit 
 against Philip in the commencement of the war, .•'.nd that Philip knew 
 him, and that, unless he could go to him with some important trophy, 
 Philip would not believe hinj, and would immediately kill him. And 
 moreover Tukapawillin had privately told him that Philip had given out 
 word that certain praying Indians should be sought after, and, if possible, 
 seized and brought to him ; for he wanted to put them to death in a 
 cruel manner, with his own hands, and that he was one of them. He 
 therefore told Mautamp that he would go, in the first place, and kill some 
 English, and take their heads along with him, and then he should con- 
 sider himself safe. This being consented to, he lost no time in retracing 
 his steps to the frontiers of the English. 
 
 He mentions Monaco, or One-cyed-john, as a great captain among the 
 enemy, who also treated him kindly, and entertained him in his wigwam 
 during his stay there ; they being old accjuaintance, having served to- 
 gether in their wars against the 3Ioliawks, ten years before.]: 
 
 And here also Mr. Gookin gives a favoraiile account of Monaco. Philip 
 had ordered that the persons above named should be brought to him, if 
 
 » Tlie same puUlislierl in Col. Tl/iis.?. Iflst. f^oc. I. vi. 200—203. 
 t The same, prolml)ly, railed Xetatimp. who \v;is afterwards executed at Boston, al 
 •be same time with Sanamore-sam. See llnhbard, .3.5. 
 \ Of this war wc have given an account iu b. SJ. c. iii. 
 
[Book III. 
 
 ;e. After 
 le clamors 
 ied Major 
 leiny with 
 
 were very 
 lemy, and 
 ploy some 
 ong those 
 IS Q^nana- 
 departcd 
 ring their 
 formation 
 bickerings 
 
 worn out 
 ison, upon 
 li he gave 
 he stated 
 , proliably 
 )ut Mcnu- 
 l)ut wliile 
 rem Ntu-- 
 lent desire 
 iir loss in 
 rued, they 
 1 the very 
 Iged their 
 ;h obliged 
 and pro- 
 intended 
 ccompany 
 vigilant 
 !Cted only 
 ad fought 
 Hip knew 
 It trophy, 
 im. And 
 civeii out 
 possible, 
 eath in a 
 em. He 
 (ill some 
 uld con- 
 rotracing 
 
 fnong thf 
 
 wigwam 
 
 erved to- 
 
 PhiUp 
 o him, if 
 
 Cfiap. VI.] 
 
 KATTENANIT. 
 
 85 
 
 taken alive, " that he might put them to some tormenting death, which 
 had hitherto been prevented by the care and kindness of a gi-eat captain 
 among them, named John-ivith-ov:-cye, belonging to Nashua,* who had 
 civilly treated and protected James, and entertained him at his wigwam, 
 all the time of his being there."t 
 
 Job was requested to come away with Qiianapohit, but saw no way of 
 getting away his children, which was a main object with him. He knew, 
 too, that James could give all the information they both possessed at that 
 period, and not considering himself in imminent danger, preferred to 
 tarry longer. 
 
 At Wanexit, or Mane.xit, they fell in with seven Indians, who took them 
 and conveyed them about twenty miles, across the path leading to Con- 
 necticut, northward from Quabaog. These were some of the Quahmsits 
 and Segunesits. At this place were three towns which contained about 
 300 warriors well armed. Here they were threatened with death, their 
 mission being truly guessed. But going to the wigwam of One-eyed-john, 
 or Monaco, he charged his gun and said, " I will kill whomsoever shall 
 kill Q^uanapohit"l Some said he had killed one of Philip's counsellors 
 at Mount Hope, and Philip had hired some to kill him ; also James Speen, 
 Andrew Pitimy, Captain Hunter, Thomas Quanapohit, and Peter Ephraim. 
 On being ordered to \\s\t Philip, "Job and lie jiretended to go out a hunt- 
 ing, killed three dear quickly, and perceiving they were dogged by some 
 other Indians, went over a pond and lay in a swamp till before day, and 
 when they had prayed together he ran away." Job was to return to the 
 enemy, and tell them that James ran away because they had threatened to 
 kill him. Job, not being particularly obnoxious to them, concluded to 
 remain longer for the end of ransoming his children, as we have said. 
 
 He returned to the English in the night of the 9th of February, and 
 said, as James had before, that on the next day Lancaster would be at- 
 tacked, for he knew about four hundred of the enemy were already on 
 their nmrch. It resulted as James had foretold. 
 
 He further informed the English, that the enemy would shortly attack 
 Medfield, Groton, Marlborough, and other places, and that the Narragan- 
 sets had joined Philip and the Nipmuks. 
 
 While James was there, " a Narraganset brought to them one English 
 head : they shot at him, and said the Narragansets were the English 
 friends all last summer. Afterwards two messengers came with twelve 
 heads, craving their assistance, they then accepted them."§ 
 
 Before he lefi the enemy, he ap])ointed a place of safety for his children, 
 and sundry others of his friends, captured at Hassanamesit, where he 
 would afterwards meet and conduct them to the English. He therefore 
 petitioned the council for liberty to meet them, which was granted. But he 
 now had new difficulties to encounter, owing to "the rude temper of those 
 times," as one of the wise men of that age expressed it.]] Although both 
 these men had acquitted themselves to the entire satisfaction of the au- 
 thorities who sent them forth, yet the populace accused them of giving 
 information to the enemy, and that they were -ecretly their advisers, or 
 else they had not returned in safety; to appease which they were con- 
 fined again to the island. This so interfered wilh the time set by Job to 
 meet his children and friends, that gi-eat sufferings ensued to them, as 
 well as to himself; and he knew not that ever he should have an oppor- 
 tunity to see his children again. But it much sooner happened, no doubt, 
 than he expected, although in an indirect way. About the time he was 
 
 Boston, at 
 
 • Called sagamore of Nashua, in the Cotton Manuscripts 
 t Hist. Praying Indians. ^ Cotlou Manuscripts. 
 
 , ...... . ...^...s , ^„.. _„...f.„. $ Ibid. 
 
 y Major Daniel Gookin, who was at least a hundred years in advance of ihal age. 
 8 
 
86 
 
 KATTENANIT. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 sent to the island, a vote passed in the general court of Massachusetts, to 
 raise an army of six iiunilred men, and Major Thomas Savage was ap- 
 plied to, to conduct them in the war. He refused, luiless he could have 
 some of the friendly Indians from the island for assistants. On a messen- 
 ger being sent among them, six of their principal and bravest men vol- 
 unteered in that service, among whom was Job Kaitenanit. The army 
 marched about the first of March, 1(j75, O. S. Hut when at Marlborough, 
 Job got liberty of Major Savage and Major-general Dennison, to attempt 
 the finding of his friends and children, whom he had ap;7ul:\ted to meet 
 near llassanamesit. When it was known to Captain Mostly,* he be- 
 haved hitnself very unbecoming towards the conmianding otiicer, and 
 nothing but his popularity with the army saved his reputation. Indeed, 
 his conduct seems quite as reprehensible as that of a more modern In- 
 dian hunter in the Floridas, which all friends of htjnianity joined to con- 
 demn. Mosely, it appears, would place no confidence in any Indian, and 
 doubtless thought he was acting for the best interests of the country. 
 He urged that it was a most itnpolitic measure to sufl'er any Indian to go 
 away at this time, knowing their natural treacherousncss ; and he doubted 
 not but Job (although a tried friend) would inform the enemy of the ap- 
 proach of the army, which would frustrate all their designs. The great 
 ascendency which this otiicer held in the army can best be understood 
 by a simple statement of the fact, that Major Savage and General Denni- 
 son were obliged to send after Job before the soldiery would cease their 
 clamora. Captain Wadsworlh and Captain Syll, accomjjanied by James 
 Quannapohit, went in pureuit with the utmost speed. But they did not 
 overtake him, and he soon returned to the army without finding his 
 friends ; they, from fear of discovery, having changed their place, the 
 time having been much longer than was set, and their consequent suffer- 
 ings were indescribable. 
 
 We shall only add here concerning them, that they afterwards fell into 
 the hands of a party of English, who treated them very ill, taking every 
 thing from them. But when they were brought to Major Savage, he 
 treated them kindly, and had them sent to Boston, all except four, who 
 ran away from Marlborougli, where they stopped for the night, from the 
 fear of being murdered, some of the people so abused them. About two 
 months after that, they were found and brought in by JVcpanet. Finally, 
 Job recovered all his children, and, marrying again, lived very happily. 
 His wife was one of those which he had managed to deliver out of the 
 hands of the enemy at such hazard and pains. She had, during their 
 wanderings, nui-sed and kept alive his children, one, especially, which was 
 very young. 
 
 When the Hassanamesits went off with the enemy, James Qiiannapohit 
 was in the neighborhood with the English forces. Captain Syll sent out 
 a scout, and James and Elizer Pegin accompanied. Seven of the enemy 
 were soon discovered, one of whom was leading an English prisoner. 
 They discovered the English scout, and flerl. James and Elizer pursued 
 them, and recovered the prisoner, whose naine was Christopher Muchin, 
 who had been taken from Marlborough. James also took one of the 
 enemy's guns.f 
 
 The English having, by means of spies, as in the preceding life we 
 have just stated, learned the state of leeling anmng their enemies, felt 
 themselves prepared, as the spring of 1()76 advanced, to make overtures 
 to them fbr peace, or exchange of prisoners, or both, as they might be 
 found inclined. 
 
 It may be a question witli soini" wliiulier llie captain meant, iu the original documeats, 
 
 s Afosei 
 t Gookih 
 
 were Mosely, liut I think I conjecture rightly. 
 in's MS. Hist. Christian Indians. 
 
Book III. 
 
 Chap. VI.] 
 
 NEPANET. 
 
 87 
 
 usetts, to 
 was ap- 
 uld have 
 L tnessen- 
 rnen vol- 
 he army 
 Iborougb, 
 a attempt 
 l1 to meet 
 ,* he be- 
 Scer, and 
 Indeed, 
 )dern In- 
 d to con- 
 dian, and 
 country, 
 iian to go 
 e doubted 
 )f the ap- 
 rhe great 
 nderstood 
 al Denni- 
 3ase their 
 by James 
 y did not 
 nding his 
 place, tlie 
 int suffer- 
 
 s fell into 
 ing every 
 hvage, he 
 four, who 
 from the 
 Lbout two 
 Finally, 
 happily, 
 ut of the 
 ng their 
 lich was 
 
 annapohU 
 sent out 
 
 le enemy 
 
 prisoner, 
 pursued 
 Muchin, 
 
 le of the 
 
 life we 
 nies, felt 
 )verture8 
 might be 
 
 Jocuments, 
 
 Tom J^epanet was fixed upon as plenipotentiary m this business. And, 
 although unjustly suffering with many of his brethren upon a bleak island 
 in Boston harbor, consented, at the imminent risk of his life, to proceed 
 to meet the Indians in the western wilderness, in the service, and for the 
 benefit, of those who had caused his sufferings. 
 
 JVepanet set out, A[)ril the 12th, 1G76, to make overtures to the enemy 
 for the release of prisoners, especially the family of Mr. Rowlandson, 
 which was taken at Lancaster. He soon returned with a written answer 
 from the enemy, saying, " fVe no give answer by this one man, but if you 
 like my anstoer sent one more man besides this one Tom Nepanet, and send 
 with all true heart and ivith all your mind by two men ; because you know 
 and we know your heart great sorroivful ivith crying for your lost many many 
 hundred man and all your house and all your land and woman child and 
 cattle as all your thing that you have lost.'" 
 
 At the same time, and I conclude in the same letter, they wrote a few 
 words to others as follows : " Mr. Rowlandson, your toife and all your 
 child is well bid one dye. Your sister is tvell and her 3 child. — John Kittell, 
 your wife and all your child is all well, and all them prisoners taken at JStash- 
 
 ua is all toell. 
 
 Mr. Rowlandson, se your loving sister his hand L Hanah. 
 
 ^nd old Kettel tvifhts hand X 
 
 Brother Rowlandson, pray send thre pound of Tobacco for me, if you can 
 
 my loving husband pray send thre pound of tobacco for me. 
 
 " This writing by your enemies — Samuel Uskattuhgun and Gunrashit, 
 two Indian sagamo7-es."* 
 
 Mrs. Rowlandson, in her account of " The Sixteenth Remove," relates, 
 that when they had waded over Baqunugf River, " Quickly there came 
 up to us an Indian who informed them that I must go to Wachusect to 
 my master, for there was a letter come from the council to the saggamores 
 about redeeming the captives, and that there would be another in 14 days, 
 and that I must be there ready."]: This was doubtless after the letter just 
 recorded had been sent to the English. "About two days after," Mrs. R. 
 continues, " came a company of Indians to us, near 30, all on horseback. 
 My heart skipt within me, thinking they had been Englishmen, at the 
 first sight of them : For they were dressed in English apparel, with hats, 
 white neck-cloths, and sashes about their waists, and ribbons upon their 
 shouldera. But when they came near, there was a vast difference between 
 the lovely faces of Christians, and the foul looks of those heathen, which 
 much damped my spirits again."§ 
 
 Having, after great distres.i, arrived at Wachuset, our authoress adds, 
 " Then came Tom and Pet( r with the second letter from the coimcil, 
 about the captives." "I asked them how my husband did, and all my 
 li-iends and acquaintance. They said they were well, hut very melan- 
 choly." They brought her two biscuits and a pound of tobacco. The 
 tobacco she gave to the Indians, and, when it was all gone, one threateri('<l 
 her because vshe had no more to give ; probably not believing her. She 
 told him when her husband came, she would give him some. "Ilatig 
 him, rogue, says he, I will knock out his brains, if he comes here." 
 "Again, at the same breath, they would say, if there should come an 
 hundred without guns they would do them no hurt. So unstable and 
 like madmen they wcre."|| There had been something talked aboiit l\'r. 
 Rowlandson's going himself to ransom his wife, but she says she dared 
 
 ^fter-Jethro, a Cliristiaii Iiuliaii. aclcfl as srrihe upon this ocrasion. 
 
 )r Payqiiapfe, now Miller's Itivor. lis conllucncc witl» ihc Coiineclicul i 
 
 hflnlfl :\ttf\ 1\1/\nl:inrim 
 
 * P 
 
 t Or _ _ 
 Norlliliold and Monlaguc. 
 I Narrative of lier Captivity, 59. $ Ibid. CO. || Ibid. 64, 65 
 
 is between 
 
88 
 
 NEPANET. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 not send for him, " for there was little more trust to them thtui to the mas- 
 ter they served."* 
 
 JVepanet learned hy the enemy that they lost in the fight when Capt. 
 Pierse was killed, "scores of their men that sabhath day."t 
 
 As they refused to treat with Tom JVepanet alone, Pdtr Conioay was 
 joined with hhn on a second expedition, as we have seen, which led to 
 several others, to which some English ventured to add themselves, which 
 resulted in the redemption of Mrs. Rowlaiidson and several others. 
 
 " When the letter was come, (says Mi's. R.,) the saggamores met to 
 consult about the captives, and called me to them, to inquire how much 
 my husband would give to redeem me: When I came and sat down among 
 them, as I was wont to do, as their manner is : Then they bid me stand 
 up, and said Ihey toere the general court. They bid me speak what I 
 thought he would give. Now knowing that all that we had was destroy- 
 ed by the Indians, I was in a great strait."}; She ventured, however, to 
 say £20, and Tom and Peter bore the offer to Boston. 
 
 Of their return the same writer proceeds : " On a sabbath day, the sun 
 being about an hour high in the afternoon, came Mr. John Hoar, (the 
 council permitting him, and his own forward spu'it inclining him,) to- 
 gether with the two fore-mentioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with the 
 third letter from the council. When they came near, I was abroad; they 
 presently called me in, and bid me sit down, and not stir. Then they 
 catched up their guns and away they ran, as if an enemy had been at 
 hand, and the guns went off apace. I manifested some great trouble, 
 and asked them vv^hat was the matter. I told them I thought they had 
 killed the Englishman ; (for they had in the mean time told me that an 
 Englishman had come ;) they said, Ao, they shot over his horse, and under, 
 and before his horse, and they pushed him this way and that loay, at their 
 pleasure, showing him what they could do."§ 
 
 They would not at firat suffer her to see Mr. Hoar, but when they had 
 gratified their tantalizing whim sufficiently, she was permitted to see 
 him. He brought her a pound of tobacco, which she sold for nine shil- 
 lings. " The next morning, Mr. Hoar invited the saggamores to dinner ; 
 but when we went to get it ready, we found they had stoltMi the greatest 
 part of the provisions Mr. Hoar had brought. And we may see the won- 
 derful power of God, in that one passage, in that, when there was such a 
 number of them together, and so greedy of a little good food, and no 
 English there but Mr. Hoar and myself, that there they did not knock us 
 on the head, and take what we had; there being not only some provision, 
 but also trading cloth, a pait of the 20 pounds agreed upon : But instead 
 of doing us any mischief, they seemed to be ashamed of the fact, and 
 said it was die matchit [bad] Indians that did it."|i 
 
 It is now certain that this negotiation was the immediate cause of their 
 final overthrow. For before this time the Pokanokcts and Narraganscts 
 went hand in hand against their common enemy, and they were the most 
 powerful tribes. This parleying with the English was so delestable to 
 Philip, that a separation took place among these tr' lies in consequence, 
 and he and the Narragansets separated themselvet from the Nipmuks, 
 and other inland tribes, and went off to their own country. This was 
 the reason they were so easily subdued afler this took place. 
 
 It was through jYcpaneVs means that a party of English, under Capt. 
 Henchman, were enabled to surprise a body of iiis countrymen at Wesha- 
 komll Ponds near Lancaster, in May, 1G7G. Following in a track pointed 
 
 * Narrative, G4, C5. |- Manuscripts of Rev. J. Cotton. 
 
 t Narrative, ?// 5Hpr(i, C5. ^ Il.icl. 71, 7'2. y Ibid. 72, 73. 
 
 H Roger Williams sets down sea as the dctinitiou of yVechkum, 
 
Book III. 
 
 the mas- 
 
 len Capt. 
 
 iivay was 
 :h led to 
 es, which 
 •s. 
 
 38 met to 
 o\v inucli 
 vn among 
 me stand 
 k what I 
 3 destroy- 
 >wever, to 
 
 y, the sun 
 Hoar, (the 
 him,) to- 
 with the 
 •oad ; they 
 ?hen they 
 d been at 
 It trouble, 
 t they had 
 ne that an 
 ind under, 
 ly, at their 
 
 1 they had 
 ed to see 
 
 nine shil- 
 :o dinner ; 
 le greatest 
 
 tlie Won- 
 kas such a 
 
 I, and no 
 
 knock us 
 provision, 
 ut instead 
 
 fact, and 
 
 ie of their 
 ■raganseta 
 the most 
 estable to 
 sequence, 
 Niptnuks, 
 Tliis was 
 
 idcr Capt. 
 t Weslia- 
 ; pointed 
 
 Cotton. 
 d. 72, 73. 
 
 Chap. VI.] 
 
 QUANAPOIHT. 
 
 89 
 
 out by J\/epanet, the Indians were fallen upon while fishing, and, being 
 entirely unprepared, seven were killed, and 29 taken, ciiiefly women and 
 children. 
 
 Peter-ephraim and Andrew-pilyrm were also two other considerably dis- 
 tinguished Nipnuik Indians. They rendered mucii service to the English 
 in Philip's war. They went out in Januarj', 167(5, and brought in many 
 of the Ni|)nets, who had entleavored to shelter themselves under Uncaa. 
 But, Mr. Hubbard observes, that Uncus, having "shabbed" them off, "they 
 were, in the beginning of the winter, [107(),] brought in to Boston, many 
 of them, by Peter-ephraim and Andrew-pityme." Ephraim commanded 
 an Indian company, and had a conmiission from government. The news 
 that many of the enemy were doing mischief about Rehoboth caused a 
 pnrty of English of Medfield to march out to their relief; Ephraim went 
 with them, with his company, which consisted of "'\ The snow being 
 deep, the English soon grew discouraged, and returned, but Capt. Ephraim 
 continued the march, and came upon a bot y of them, encamped, in the 
 night. Early the next morning, he successfully surrounded them, and 
 offered them quarter. " Eight resolute fellows refused, who were pres- 
 ently shot :" the othere yielded, and were brought in, being in number 42. 
 Other n inor exploits of this Ind'fin captain are recorded. 
 
 Tliomas Q^uanapohit, called n'so Ruviney-marsh, was a brother of James, 
 and was also a Christian Indian. In the beginning of hostilities against 
 Philip, Major Gookin received orders to raise a company of praying 
 Indians to be employed against him. This company was immediately 
 raised, and consisted of 52 men, who were conducted to Mount Hope by 
 Capt. Isaac Johnson. Qiianapohit was one of these. The officers under 
 whom they served testified to their credit as faithful soldiers ; yet many 
 of the army, officers and men, tried all in their power to bring them into 
 disrepute with the country. Such proceedings, we should naturally con- 
 clude, would tend much to dishearten those friendly Indians ; but, on the 
 contrary, they used every CACition to win the affections of their oppressors. 
 Q^uanapohit, with the other two, received from government a reward for 
 the sculps which they brought in. Though not exactly in order, yet it 
 must be mentioned, that when Thomas was out, at or near Swanscy, in 
 the l)eginning of the war, he by accident had one of his hands shot off. 
 He was one of the troopere, and carried a gun of remarkable length. 
 The weather being excessively hot, his horse was very uneasy, being 
 disturbed by flies, and struck the lock of the gun as the breech rested 
 upon the ground, and caused it to go off, which horribly mangled the 
 hand that held it ; and, notwithstanding it was a long time in getting well, 
 yet he rendered great service in the war afterward. The account of one 
 signal exploit, having been preserved, shall here be related. While Capt. 
 Henchman was in the enemy's country, he made an excuraion from Has- 
 sanamesit to Packachoog, which lies about ten miles north-west from it. 
 Meeting herewith no enemy, he marched again for Hnssjinamesit ; and 
 having got a few miles on his way, discovered that he had lost a tin case, 
 which contained his commission, and other instructions. He thereforc3 
 despatched Thomas and two Englishmen in search of it. They made no 
 discovery of the lost article until they came in siylit of an old wigwam at 
 Pachachoog, whore, to their no small surprise, they discovered jome of 
 the enemy in possession of it. They were but a few rods from them, and 
 bring so few in number, that to have given them battle would have been 
 desperate in the extreme, as neither of them was armed for such an 
 occasion ; stratagem, tlierefore, could only save them. The wigwam 
 was situated upon an eminence ; and some were stauuicg i)i the door 
 when tlioy api)roached, who discovered them as soon as tlioy came in 
 sight. One presented his gun, but, the weather being storm j, it did not 
 
90 
 
 PAKSACONAWAY. 
 
 tBooK III. 
 
 go otr. At th'ia moment our cliief, looking Imck, called, und made muny 
 gestures, as thougn ho were disposing of u large ibree to eiicoiripass them. 
 At this inunoBUvrc they all lied, being six in number, leaving our heroes 
 to pursue their object. Thus their preservation was duo to Quanapohit ; 
 and i^ the more to be admired, as they were in so far destitute of the 
 means of defence. Capt. Quanapohit had but a pistol, and one of his 
 meD a gun without a flint, mid the other tio gun ai all.* 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of the Indians in JVeiD Hampshire and Maine previous to their wars irith 
 the whites — Dominions of the bashaba — Perishes in toar — Passacoi'^a- 
 WAY — His dominions — His last speech to his people — His life — Hit 
 daughter marries IVinnapurket — Petitions the court of Massachusetts — 
 Lands allotted to him — hnglish send a force to disarm him — Their fears 
 (fhis enmity unfounded — They seize and ill treat his son — He escapes — 
 Passaconaway delivers his anas, and makes peace with the English — 
 Traditions concK-ning — Life 0/ Wannalancet — His situation in Phil- 
 ip^s war — Messengers and letters sent him by the English — Leaves his 
 residence — His humanity — Fate ofJoawii Nouki, — Wannalancet returns 
 to his country — His lands seized in his absence — He again retires into the 
 wilderness — Moscly destroys his village, Sfc. — Imprisoned for debt — 
 Favors Christianity — A speech — Weiianowinowit, sachem of jYew 
 Hampshire — Robiniiooi. — His sales of land in Maine — MoNquiNE — 
 Kennebis — A.ssiMiNAS(iUA — Abbigadasset — Their residences and 
 sales of land — Melancholy fate o/"Chocorua. 
 
 Some knowledge of the Indians ejistward of the Massachusetts was 
 very early obtained by Ca])tain John Smith, which, however, was v(!ry 
 general; as that they were divided into several tribes, each of which had 
 their own sachem, or, as these more northern Indians pronounced that 
 word, sachemo, which the Tlnglish understood sagamore; and yet all the 
 sacheinos acknowledged subjection to one htill greater, which they called 
 bashaba. 
 
 Of tho dominions of the bashaba, writers differ much in respt-ct to their 
 extent. Some siipjiose that his authority did not extend this side the 
 Pjiscataqua, but it is evident that it did, from Captain Smitli's account.f 
 Wars and pestilence had greatly wasted the eastern Indians but a short 
 time before the English settled in the country, and it was then dilHcult to 
 determine the relation the trib(!s had stood in one to the other. As to the 
 liashaba of Penobscot, tradition states that he wns killed by the Tarra- 
 tines, who lived still farther east, in a war which was at its height in IGl.Ti. 
 
 Passaconaway seems to have been a bashaba. Ho lived upon the 
 
 * fiookiii'x MS. Hist. Prayiii? Iiiilitiiis. 
 
 t '• Tlic priiiripiil li;ihil:ili()i]S I saw ;it iiorlhward, was Penobseol, who arc in wars 
 with tlu! T(U('utint:s, llieir iioxl northerly iioiirlibors. Soulhorly up the rivers, and alon;^ 
 tho coast, wc loinul Mecaihicnt, Sej^'oi'kct, Pcmniaquid, Niiscoiicus, Kapfachiliock, Sul- 
 quin, Auniaiiifhcawc-en and Kcnaln'ca, 'Vn tiiose l)eh)ny; the coiiiitries and j)eo|)le of 
 Sepfotaf^'n, I'auliiinhinuck, Pocopassuin. Taiiiihianakairnet, WalMjriJrnmis, Nassacnie, 
 lVIaslieros(|ueok, Wawrigwick, ]Vlosii(»iii('n, Waoropo, I'asharanac'c, itc. To those 
 arc allied in ronfederacy, tiie ronnlries of Aucorisco, Acooniiiiliciis "' .ssataiiuak, Aii- 
 j;aw(Kuii and Naenikcek, all these, I'or any ihinpf I couhl |)rrc(>ivf , difler little in lan- 
 tjtia^re or any thing; though most of tlieni he sapainos and lords of Ihcmsclvcs, yet they 
 hold the bashabes of Penobseol the chief and greatest amonffsl ihcni." 3 Col. Mass. 
 Hist. Soc. iii.21.22. 
 
in. 
 
 Chap. VII] 
 
 PASSAC'ONAWAY. 
 
 91 
 
 Morriinttck River, at a place called Pennakook, and liis doininioiis. at tlio 
 period of tlie English scttleaients, were very extensive, evt n over tlio 
 Haclieni:^ living npon the PaHcata(|ua and it.s branehes. The Ahenaqnts 
 inlial)ited between the Pascata{|ua and Penobscot, and the residt^ce ot' 
 the chief sachem wasujuHi Indian Island.* Fludkn and Captain Sunday 
 were early known as chiefs among the Abenaques, and Squando at a 
 later period; but of these we shall be more particular hereafter: the firet 
 sachem we should notice is Passaconawaij. He "liveil to a verj great 
 age; for," says my manuscript, "I saw him alive at Pawtucket, when ho 
 was about a hundred and twenty years ol(l."t Before his death, he de- 
 livered the following speech to his children and friends: ^^ I am now going 
 the way of alljlesh, or ready to die, and not likely to see you ever meet to- 
 gether any more. I will now leave this word of counsel with you, that you 
 may take heed how you quarrel with the English, for though you may do 
 them much mischief, yet assuredly you will all he destroyed, ana rooted off 
 the earth if you do ; for, I was as much an enemy to the English, at their 
 first coming into these parts, as any one whatsoever, and did try all ways and 
 means possible, to have destroyed them, at least to have prevented ihe/u set- 
 tling down here, but I could no way effect it ; therefore, I advise you never to 
 contend with the English, nor make tear with them" And Mr. Hubbard 
 adds, " it is to be noted that this Passaconawa was the most noted powow 
 and sorcerer of all the country." 
 
 A story of the marriage of a daughter of Passaconaway, in 1GG2, is thus 
 related. H'innepurket, coinmoidy called George, saidiem of Saugus, made 
 known to the chief of Pennakook, that he tiesired to marry liis daughter, 
 which, being agreeable to all parties, was soon consunnnated, at the resi- 
 dence of Passaconaway, and the hilarity was closed with a great feast. 
 According to the usages of the chiefs, Passaconaway ordered a select 
 number of his men to accompany the new-married couple to the dwell- 
 ing of the husband. When they liad arrived there, several days of feast- 
 ing followed, for the enteitainment of his friends, who could not be pres- 
 ent at the consummation at the bride's iathcr's, as well as for the escort ; 
 who, when this was ended, returned to Pennakook. 
 
 Some time after, the wife of Winnepurkel, expressing a desire to visit 
 her father's house and friends, was permitted to go, and a <'hoice company 
 conducted her. When she wished to return to her husband, her father, 
 instead of conveying her as before, sent to the young sachetn to come and 
 take her away. He took this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in-law 
 this answer: "When she departed from me, I caused my men to escort 
 her to your dwelling, as became a chief. She now having an intention 
 to return to me, I did expect the same." The elder sachem was now in 
 his turn angry, and returned an answer which only increased the differ- 
 ence ; and it is believed that thus terminated the connection of the new 
 husband and wife.f 
 
 This same year. [10(59,] we find the general court acting upon a peti- 
 tion of Passaconaway, or, as his name is spelt in the records themselves, 
 Papisseconeway. l^ho {)etition we have not met with, but frotn the 
 answer given to it, we lt;arn its nature. The court say : " In answer to 
 the petition of Papisseconeway, this court judgeth it meete to graunt to 
 
 * Willidinsori's Hist. Maine, ii. 4. 
 
 t Gookin's Hist. Praying Indians. This history was drawn up during the year 1677, 
 and liow lonj; i)cfore this tlic author saw him, is unkno' n ; hut Incre can be no doubt 
 l)ut ho was dead sonic years l)efore Philip's war. N*~tcrtheiess, with Mr. Hubbard and 
 our text before hiin, llie aullior of Tides of the Indicuis lias made Passaconatuay appear 
 in the person of Aspinquid, in 1()82, at Agamcniucus iu Maine. 
 
 X Deduced from facts in Morton's N. Canaan, 
 
99 
 
 PASSACONAWAY. 
 
 IKooK iir. 
 
 the snid Papisscconewmj and his mon or associates about Naticot,* above 
 Mr. lircnloii's hinds, wlioro it is frec!, a inilo and a lialf on cither side 
 Merreinacic lliuer in l)roadth, three miles on either side in len<>th : pro- 
 vided he nor tiioy do not alienati; any part of tliis grant v^itiiout leave and 
 license from this court, first ol)taincd." 
 
 Gov. IVinlhrop mentions this ciiief as oaily as 1G32. One of his men, 
 havhig gone with a white man into the country to trade, was killed by 
 another Indian "dwelling near the Mohawks country, who fled away 
 with his broods ;" hut it seems from the same account, that Passaconaway 
 
 pui»ued and took the murderer, 
 out tiie English settlements 
 
 In 1(542, there was great alarm through- 
 irom the belief that all the Indians in the 
 country were about to juake a general massacre of the whites. The 
 government of Massachusetts took prompt measures "to strike a terror 
 into the Indians." They therefore " sent men to Cutshamekin, at Brain- 
 tree, to fetch him and his guns, hows, &c., which was done ; and he came 
 willingly: And being late in the night when they came to Boston, he 
 was put into the j)rison ; but the next morning, finding, upon examination 
 of him and divers of his men, no ground of suspicion of his partaking in 
 any such conspiracy, he was dismissed. Upon the warrant which went 
 to Ipswich, Rowley and Newbury, to disarm Passaconamy, who lived by 
 Merrimack, they sent forth 40 men armed the next day." These Englisli 
 were hindered from visiting tiie wigwam of Passaconaway, by rainy 
 weather, " but they came to his son's and took him." This son we pre- 
 sume was fVannalancet. This they had orders to do; but for taking a 
 squaw and her child, they had none, and were ordered to send them back 
 again immediately. Fearing WannalanctVs escape, they " led him in a 
 line, but he taking an opportunity, slipped his line and escaped from them, 
 but one very indiscreetly made a shot at him, and missed him narrowly." 
 These were called, then, " unwarranted proceedings," as we should say 
 they very well might have been. The English now had some actual 
 reason to fear that Passaconaway would resent this outrage, and therefore 
 "sent Cutshamekin to him to let him know that what was done to his 
 son and squaw was without order," and to invite him to a parley at Bos- 
 ton; also, "to show him the occasion whereupon we had sent to disarm 
 all the Indians, and that when we should find that they were innocent ol 
 any such conspiracy, we would restore all their arms again." Passacona- 
 way said when he should have his son and squaw returned safe, he would 
 go and speak with them. The squaw was so much frightened, that she 
 ran away into the woods, and was absent ten days. It seems that fVan- 
 naiancet was soan liberated, as he within a short time went to the English, 
 "and delivered up his guns, &c."t These were the circumstances to 
 which Miantunnomoh alluded so happily afterwards. 
 
 At a court in Massachusetts in 1(344, it is said, ^^ Passaconaway, tha 
 Merrimack sachem, came in and submitted to our government, as Pum- 
 ham, &c. had done before ;" and the next year the same entry occurs 
 again, with the addition of his son's submission also, " together with their 
 lands and people."| 
 
 This chief is supposed to have died about the same time with Massasoit, 
 a sachem whom in many respects he seems to have much resembled.'J 
 
 * Aiiollier version o{ Nahun-keag. \ Wirilhrop's Journal. iflbid. 
 
 § Among other stanzas in Farmer and Moore's Collections, the following very happily 
 introduces Passaconaway : — 
 
 " Once did my throbbing bosom deep receive 
 The sketch, which one o( Passaconaway drew. 
 Well may the muse his memory retrieve 
 From dark oblivion, and, with pencil true, 
 Retouch that picture strange, with tints and honors due." 
 
Chap. VII] 
 
 WANNALANCET. 
 
 93 
 
 The 
 
 He was often Btyled the frreat sachem, and, according to Mr. Hubbard, was 
 considered a great powow or sorcerer among liis people, and his lanio 
 in tliis respect was very extensive ; and we know not that there was any 
 tiling that they thought him not able to perform : that he could cause a 
 green leaf to grow in winter, trees to (lance, and water to burn, seetn to 
 have been feats of common notoriety in his time. A sachem of nearly as 
 much note was his son, already mentioned, named 
 
 Wannalancet, or Wonolanctt, who, in obedience to tlie advice of his 
 father, always kept peace with the English. lie resided at an ancient 
 seat of the sagamores, upon the Merrimack, called at that time JVaamkeke, 
 but from whence he withdrew, about six weeks before the war with 
 Philip. Fearing that his movements might bo hostile, the council of 
 Massachusetts, in Sept. 1G75, ordered that Lieut. Thomas Henchman of 
 Chelmsford should send some messengers to find him, and persuade him 
 of their friendship, and urge his return to his ])loce of residence. With 
 this order a letter was sent to JFannalancet at the same time, and are as 
 follows : " It is ordered by the council that Lieut. Tho\ Henchman do 
 forthwith endeavor to procure by hire, one or two suitaL.e Indians of 
 Wamcsit, to travel and seek to find out and speak with fVanncUancet tho 
 sachem, and carry with them a writing from the council, being a safe 
 conduct unto the said sachem, or any other principal men belonging to 
 Natahook, Penagooge, or other people of tnose northern Indians, giving 
 (not exceeding six persons) free liberty to come into the house of the said 
 Henchman, wliere the council will appoint Capt. Gookin and Mr. Eliot to 
 treat with them about terms of amity and peace between them and the 
 English ; and in case agreements and conclusions be not made to mutual 
 satisfaction, then the said sachem and all others that accompany him 
 shall have free liberty to return back again ; and this offer the council 
 are induced to make, because the said H^annalancet sachem, as they are 
 informed, hath declared himself that the English never did any wrong to 
 him, or his father Passaconaway, but always lived in amity, and that his 
 father charged him so to do, and that said IVannalancet will not begin to 
 do any wrong to the English." The following is the letter to fVan- 
 nalancet : — 
 
 "This our writing or safe conduct doth declare, that the governor and 
 council of Massachusetts do give you and every of you, provided you 
 exceed not six persons, free liberty of coming unto and reti:rning in 
 safety from the house of Lieut. 'T. Henchman at Naandieake, and there 
 to treat with Capt. Daniel Gookin and Mr. John Eliot, Avhom you know, 
 and [whom] we will fully empower to treat and conclude with you, 
 upon such meet terms and articles of friendshii), amity and subjection, as 
 wore formerly made and concluded between the English and old Passa- 
 conaioay, your father, and his sons and peo})lc ; and for this end we have 
 sent these messengers [blank in the MS.] to convey these imto you, and 
 to bring your answer, whom we desire you to treat kindly, and spe(;dily 
 to despatch them bnck to us with your answer. Dated in Boston, 1 Oct. 
 1675. Signed by order of the council. John Leverelt, Gov^. 
 
 EdwK Rawson, Seer." 
 
 On tho .3 May, 1676, Tliomas Kimhal of Bradford was killed, and his 
 wife and five children carried into the wilderness. From the circum- 
 stance that Wannalancet caused them to be sent home to their friends 
 again, it would seem that they were taken by some of the enemy within 
 his sachemdom, or by some over whom he had some control. From a 
 manuscript written about the time,* we are able to make tho following 
 
 By Rev. 1 . CobiH of Ijiswich. 
 
94 
 
 WANNALANCET. 
 
 [Rook III. 
 
 extract, wliich goes to sliow thiit IVannnlnncel was evor the friend of ilio 
 Kii^liHli, uiid al8o his ili.s|i()siti()ii to liiitiiiiiu; actioiiR. Mr. Cobbet .siiyn, 
 "tliougli 8lie, [Mrs. Kiiiibal,] mid her sucking child were twice con- 
 dciunud by tlic Iiiiliaiis, and tlic (ircH ready made to burn thoin, yet, both 
 times, saved by the re(jue.st of one of their own fjrnnchies; and alterwanla 
 by the iuterct!Ssion of tl'>; saciiem of I'eniiicook, stirred up thereunto by 
 Alaji'f ff^nl Iron, was she and Iter five cliildren, toj^ether with Phillip 
 Kaslmmi of llaverliill, taken eajitivc wlien she and her children were, H(!t 
 at ll*i)erty, without ransom." 
 
 At the time Wannalancet f()rsook his residenc«?, as we have just m(>ii- 
 tioiied, several of the prayinj^ Indians, to avoid tlie war, went off vvitli 
 him, and when he delivered himself up afterwards to Maj. Waldrnn, they 
 accompanied him, and delivered themselves up also. Some of these suf- 
 fered capital puuisiiment at Boston, and, it is to be feared, for charges 
 which had no foundation in truth against them. 
 
 About the 19 Sept. ](J7{5, the Indians fell ui)on Hatfield, burnt several 
 houses and barns without the line of the town, wounded and killed about 
 12 persons, and carried off about 20 mere into ca|)tivity. Most of the 
 latter were women and children. This attack was supposed by some, 
 at first, to have been made by a party of Mohawks, because it took 
 place the next day after some of that nation had passed through the ])lace 
 witii some Christian Indian })risoner9, women and children, and a scalj), 
 which it was afterwards found had b(!en taken from the head of an In- 
 dian called Josiah JVouel, near Sudbury.* But it was found out soon 
 after, by o white that escaf)(!d from his captivity, that the company of 
 Indians that attacked Hatfield consisted of 23 men and four women, who 
 were of the common enemy, but had for some time before been among 
 the P^'ench about (luebeck, and that a second party, who just before sep- 
 arated from these, went towards tlie east, to fiill upon some of the oettle- 
 inents upon the Merrimack. It appears that the fair promises of the 
 English had before this induced the return of Wannalancet to Naamkeke, 
 MM who, finding that some lawless whites had, during his absence, taken 
 possession of his gromids and planting, and consequently his chief means 
 of subsistence were cut off, did, upon being visited by this party of the 
 enemy, go off with them ; but what was most astonishing in tiiis affair, no 
 mischief of any kind was committed at their going off, although it was 
 in their power to have done the English great damage. All the whites 
 attributed their escape to the influence of JVannalancet, to whom, no doubt, 
 the credit was justly due. 
 
 Here, then, opens a fair field of reflection, in which "poor human 
 nature," in her spontaneous growth and wild retreat, will be seen to flour- 
 ish and bring forth fruits no less to be admired than any ever found in 
 the cultivated garden of civilization. 
 
 We have still to relate another circumstance, which redounds as much 
 to the honor and humanity of this sachem as any we have related. 
 Some time after the letter had been sent to him, " there was a company 
 of soldiers, about 100, sent under Capt. Mosely, to Pennagog, where it 
 was reported there was a body of Indians ; but it was a mistake, for 
 there were not above 100 in all of the Pennagoog and Namkig Indians, 
 whereof JVannalancet was chief When the English drew nigh, whereof 
 he had intelligence by scouts, they left their fort, and withdrew into the 
 woods and swamps, where they had advantage and opportunity enough 
 in atnbushment to have slain many of the English soldiers, without any 
 
 * Noud and James Speen were hrolhcrs-in-Kiw. By liis dcatli four small children 
 were left fatherless. Ho and Speer, liad beon lon;ethcr but iialf an hour before, and by 
 appointment were to have met again, but when Speen came to the place, he could find 
 nothing' of his friend. 
 
[Rook III. 
 
 kI of llio 
 bbet HiiyH, 
 'ice coii- 
 
 yot, bolli 
 rtcrwuiilH 
 rt'iiiitn l»y 
 h riiillip 
 
 wen', set 
 
 ust rnoii- 
 ort' vvitli 
 Iron, they 
 tlicst! suf- 
 r chuigca 
 
 It several 
 lied about 
 )st ot" tlie 
 by some, 
 le it took 
 llie i)lace 
 1 a sealj), 
 )f an Ill- 
 out soon 
 inpmiy of 
 men, who 
 en among 
 efore sep- 
 ;he oettle- 
 es of the 
 aamkekc, 
 ice, taken 
 ief means 
 rty of the 
 affair, no 
 h it was 
 •whites 
 no doubt, 
 
 Chap. VII.] 
 
 WANNALANCET. 
 
 95 
 
 le 
 
 ir human 
 to flour- 
 found in 
 
 as much 
 related, 
 company 
 where it 
 stake, for 
 Indians, 
 whereof 
 into the 
 y enough 
 liout any 
 
 M cliilclren 
 
 brn, and by 
 
 could find 
 
 great liazard to tlicmselves ; and several of the young Indians inclined to 
 it. Kill the sachem H'annalancet, by his uutborily and wiMiom restrained 
 his men, and Huti'ered not uii iiidian to appear vr sluiot a gun. They 
 were very near the Kiiglish, and yet, thoiigii they we -c provoked by the 
 English, who burnt their vvigwamf, and destroyed some dried fish, yet 
 not one gun was shot at any iiiiglishinaii."* The liicts in this affair were 
 relatfid by H'annaliinctl himself, and sciveral of his men, after their return. 
 
 No mischief ajipears to have been done at the time that fVanncUancet 
 went away, and it is reasonable to suppose that he prevented the enemy 
 with whom he went from doing any. Although he might not have Ihsv.u 
 in any fear from the English, yoX there were various causes, either of 
 which were suffifient to induce him to leave this part of the country. A 
 son of his lived with the French, or near them, in Canada, and many of 
 his friends, and other relatives. While he withdrew from his place of 
 residence;, as has been meuiioned, the Engli.sh had taken possession of 
 his planting ground, and so lieprived him of means of living there. 
 
 He liad acknowledged n belief in Christianity, and this was laid hold of 
 by many to reproach the advocates of Christiani/.iiig the Indians. 
 
 In 1()51>, IVannalansit was thn.ivn into prison for a debt of about £45. 
 Ilis people,who owned an island in Merrimack River,three miles above Paw- 
 tiickett Falls, containing GO acres, half of which was under cultivation, re- 
 linquished it, to obtain liis release. About lfi70, he removed to Pawtuck- 
 ett Falls, where, upon an eminence, h'j builta fort, and resided until Philip's 
 war. He was (•.bout .l.'i years of r.go in 1<)V'4 ; always friendly to the Eng- 
 lish, but unwilling to be importuned about adopting their religion. When 
 he had got to be very old, however, he submitted to their desires in that 
 respect. Upon that occasion he is reported to have said, "/ must ac- 
 knowledge I have all my days been used to puss in an old canoe, and now 
 you exhort me to change and leave my old canoe, and embark in a new one, 
 to which J have hitherto been umoilliiig, but now I yield up myself to your 
 advice, and enter into a new canoe, and do engage to pray tr- God hereaher.^* 
 After the war, Wannalansit went to the Rev. Mr. Fxsk of Chelmsford, and 
 inquired of him after the welfare of his former acquaintances, and 
 whether the jtlace had suffered much during the war. Mr. Fisk said 
 they had been highly favored, and for which he thanked God. " Me next,''^ 
 said IVannalanset. This showed his consciousness of the great influence ho 
 had had in warding destruction from theni.f 
 
 Revi. John Eliot thus writes to the Hon. Robert Boyle\ in England, in 
 1677: — "We had a sacliem of the greate t blood in the country submitted 
 to pray to God, a little before the wars : his name is fVanalaiincet : in the 
 time of the wars he fled, by reason of the wicked octings of some Eng- 
 lish youth, who causKlessly and basely killed and wounded some of them. 
 Ho was persuaded to come in again. But the English having plowed 
 and sown with rye all their lands, they had but little corn to subsist by. 
 A party of French Indians, (of wh ni some were of the kindred of this 
 eachcm's wife,) very lately fell upon this people, being but few and ui>- 
 armed, and partly by pei-suasion, partly by force, carried them away. 
 One, with his wife, child and kinswoman, who were of our praying In- 
 dians, made their es<-jipe, came in to the English, and discovered what 
 was done. Tii^se things keep some iu a continual disgust and jealousy 
 of all the Indians."^ 
 
 ■ \ ■ I- — ■ ■ I .. ■■ ... I I I.I- I I — .1 I . . M — .M.-I . i-.i... -■■■ I HIM rill I ■■.I. — I 
 
 * GooUn's MS. Hist. t Allen's Hist. Chelmsfor<l, 155, 159. 
 
 t For many years at the iicad of tlie Society for propagating the Gospel among the 
 Indians. He was a f^reat benefactor of N. Enjriand, and one of llie founders of the 
 Royal Society of London. He was? liy birth an Irishman, but settled finally ai O.xford, 
 Eiig. He died in London, IC'Jl, aged Gt years. 
 
 i 1 Col. JUass. Hist. Soc. iii. 179. 
 
M 
 
 WHIIANOWNOVVIT. 
 
 [Book in. 
 
 It mny bo proper to ndd a word iipctti tlio ntitno of tlio plaro which \vn 
 have oilon iri(;ntioiir;(i in thi.s life, an th*; Hniiitt word, ditTrmitly proiioiiiirrd, 
 was a[>plie(l to a •^rcut iiiaiiy places iiy the IiidiaiiH, and iri the same word 
 which Dr. /, Mather and some otiiers made many helitive was made np 
 of two llehrew words, to prove tiiat the Indians were really the descend- 
 ants of the dispersed Jews ; hut lor which pnrjmse, if wi; are not misin- 
 lormefl, any otiier Indian word would answer tlm same piir|)ose. The 
 •loctor writes the name ^Vahumkcik, and adds that ^Valium signifies consola- 
 tion, and kcik a bosom, or heaven; and hence the settlers of places lujaring 
 this name were seated in tin; hosom of consolation.* He points onl this 
 etymological analojry in speaking? of the settlement of Salem, which was 
 called by the Indians .Yrtum/certjr, .Vamkesr, JVaamhok, .yaumkuk, or some- 
 thing a /tW/e somewhat like it. A sad bosome of consolation did it prove 
 in the days of Tituhn, and even in Dr. Mather^s own days. Though a 
 digression, we sliull, I doubt not, !)e pardoned for inserting Inire Dr. C. 
 Mather's account of a curiosity at Amoskeag Falls, which he gave in a 
 letter to London, and which afterwards appeared in the l*liiloso|)hical 
 Transactions:]- "At a place called Amnusk«!ag, a little above th(! Iiideousj 
 falls of Merimack River, there is a huge rock in the midst of tin; stream, 
 on the top of which aro n great number of pits, made exactly round, liku 
 barrels or hogsheads of different capacities, some so large as to hold sev- 
 eral tuns. The natives know nothing of the time they were made ; Imt 
 the neighboring Indians have been wont to hide their provisions in them, 
 iu their wars with the Maciuas; affirming, God had cut them out for that 
 use for them. They seem plairdy to be artificial." It cotdd certainly 
 have required no great sagacity to have supposed that one stone placed 
 upon anothe" in the water, so as to have been constantly rolled from side 
 to side by the current, would, in time, occasion such cavities. One (juito 
 as remarkable we have seen near the source of this river, in its descent 
 from the Franconia Mountains; also upon the Mohawk, a short distance 
 below Little Falls. They may be seen as you pass upon the canal. 
 
 Earl}' ])in*chase3 of lands bring to our notice a host of Indians^ 
 many of whom, though sachems, but for such circumstances of trade, 
 would never have come to our knowledge. There are some, however, 
 of whom we shall in this chapter take notice, as such notices assist in 
 enabling us to judge how the natives regarded their lands, and the terri- 
 tories of their neighboring Countrymen. 
 
 fVehanownotvit was a New Hampshire sachem, whose name has been 
 considerably handled within a lliw years, from its being found to the 
 much-talked-of deed conveying lands in New Hampshire to the Rev. John 
 fVheelwright, and others, 3 April, 16JJ8. If JVehanownowit were sachem 
 of the tract said to have been by him conveyed, his " kingdom" was larger 
 than some can boost of at this day who call themselves kings. It was to 
 contain 30 miles square, ond its boundaries were thus described : "lying 
 and sitftate within three miles on the northerne side of y" River Meremoke, 
 extending thirty miles along by the river from the sea side, and from the 
 sayd river side to Pisscataqua Patents, 30 miles up into the countrey north- 
 tvest, and so from the falls of Piscataqua to Oyster River, 30 miles squara 
 
 * Relation of the Troubles, &c. 20. Dr. Increase Mather was the aullior of a p-eat 
 many works, chiefly sermons, many of which have become curious for their sinijularity, 
 and some otliers valuable for the facts they contain. His sermons, like many others of 
 that day, had very little meaning in them, and consequently are now forgotten. H« 
 was son of Richard Mather, preached in Boston above GO years, died in 1723, aged 84 
 years. See his life, by his son, Dr. Cotton Mather, who was born 12 Feb. 1662 — 3, 
 died 13 Feb. 1727—8, aged 63. See his life by Samuel Mather. 
 
 t Published in vol. v. of Jones's Abridgment, part ii. 164. 
 
 X We cannot say what they were in those days, but should expect to ba laughed »l 
 if we should call them hideous at the present time. 
 
Chap. VII. ] 
 
 ROniNlIOOD. 
 
 DT 
 
 rvery wny." Tliis drod I)ns hpcn sIkuvm to he. n for^fry. Tho orif^inftl 
 19 in posHi-t^sioii of Mr. John Fnnntr, ot'Conconl, N. II.* 
 
 I^tmmndorkiinu wiih a hod ot' /fV/iftnoiniot/*?'/, nnd liw nniiin *h nlso to thfl 
 (lootl aliovt! mciitiodcd ; mid aiiotlur Indiiiii, lMloii;;iii^' to iliat tract of 
 country, nanifd It'nlchrnoiort : tlicwi! hotli rdnKinislind their titi(! to, or con- 
 curred in the .•'ale of said tract. 
 
 l{M)\hnoil\ was the liitlier of a more noted chief, whose Indian name wus 
 fVohaioa, but commonly known amonj,'tlie Mnfflish as Hopihocd. His terri- 
 tories, as will api)ear, were upon the Keiuieheck River in the first settle- 
 ment of N. England. 
 
 Our first notice of Roliinhond runs as follows: " He it known"— "that I, 
 R(tmririn,\ a(»e called hy my Indian name, or Rahinliood, soe called by 
 I'lnplish name, sagamore of Ncf^usset, [or Ncf^uasseajr,] doe freely sell 
 vnto James Stnilli" — " part of my land, beginninj.' att Mcirry-meetiiif? Cove, 
 and sot! downward the main*; riuer vnto a rocke, called ff'inslowe's 
 Rorkc, in the lonpe reach, and in breadth eastward oner the little riuer, 
 runin;;e throuf,'h the great mersh, with the priuilidges [res(!rved to me] 
 us hunting, fowlinge, fishing, and other games." .Smi7/i wcs to pay him 
 or his heirs, on tlu; I Nov. anni' dly, "one peck of Indian corn." This 
 deed bears date B May, 1<j48, and is signed ami witnessed as follows: — § 
 
 Neowkms his -T- mark. Robinhood VJ -its mark. 
 
 SoNOREKHooD lits ], mark Mr. Thomas /\ hin mark. 
 
 and two English. Pewazegsakk ^ his mark. 
 
 Tlie mark ^>'-^ o/" Robin. 
 
 The next year, 1040, iie sold the island of Jeromysquatn, on the east 
 side of the Kennebeck, and in 1054 we find him selling his place of resi- 
 dence, which was in what is now Woolwich, to Edward Bateman and 
 John Brown. In 1003, Rolnnhood is mentioned as one of the principal 
 chiefs among the eastern Indians.|| 
 
 In 1(J07, the iidiabitants upon Connecticut River, about Iladley, sustained 
 some injui-y from Indians, in their lands and domestic animals, and 
 satisfaction therefor was demanded of Robinhood; at the same time 
 threatening him with the utmost severity, if the like should be repeated. 
 But whether his people were the perpetrators we are not told ; but from 
 the following facts it may be thought otherwise. " To promote amity 
 widi them, license was at length given to the traders in fur and in peltries, 
 to sell unto Indian friends guns and a/wmum7jo«."1f Hence these friends 
 could see no reason, afterwards, why arms were proliibited them, as wo 
 shall again have occasion lb notice. 
 
 On the breaking out of Philip^ s war, Robinhood was in no wise inclined 
 to join in it, and when a party of English was sent at that time to learn 
 their feelings in that respect, he made a great dance, and by songs and 
 shouts expressed his satisfaction that the English were disposed to inain- 
 tJiin peace. 
 
 Monquine, " alias JVatahanada, the son of old JVatawonnett, sagamore of 
 Kennebeck River," sold to William Bradford and others, all the land on 
 both sides of said river, "from Cussenocke upwards to Wesserunsicke." 
 
 * IMS. communication of that gentleman. 
 
 I This name was adopted, I have no doubt, as it came sometliing' near the sound of 
 his IntHan name, as was ihc case in several iiislances which we have already recorded ; 
 ihe old Eii<rlish robber of tlial name, or fables eonccriiinjj him, are among the first in the 
 nursery. Even at this day, the curious adult will dispense with Mr. Ritson's collecliooa 
 of legends concerning him with peculiar regret. 
 
 X The same, I suppose, called in Sullivan's Hist. Rogomok. 
 6 From a nutimscript copy of the original deed. 
 
 II Hv Jnsseliin, who visited tlii> country at this time. See hii Vayaget. 
 ir Williamson's Mdiw, i. iilB, from 3 Mass. Rec, 
 
 9 
 
m 
 
 KENNEIJIS.— CIIOCORUA. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 This sale bore dale 8 August, 1048. The signature is "JUbjjguine, alias 
 Dunilianada." Then foll"\vs : " We, ^igodoademago, tlie soune of fVasslie- 
 melt, and Tassucke, the brother of JVatahanada, do consent Irecly unto the 
 sale to Bradford, Paddy, and otiiers."* 
 
 Kenncbis was a sachem from whom it has l)een supposed that the Ken- 
 uebuck River derived its naino. But whether there were a line of saga- 
 mores of tliis name, from wliom the river was so called, or whether sa- 
 chems wore so called from their living at a certain place upon it, is un- 
 certain. It l: certain, however, that there was one of this name residing 
 there, contemporaneously with Rohinhood, who, besides several others, 
 deeded and redeeded the lands u)) and down in the country. lie was 
 sometimes associated in his sales with Abbigadassel, and sometimes with 
 others. In 1(340, he sold to Ckiistopher Lawson all the land on the Ken- 
 nebeck River up as high as Taconnet falls, now Winslow, which was the 
 residence of the great chief Essiniinasqua, or Assiininasqua, elsewhere 
 mentioned. About the same time, he sold the same tract, or a part of it, 
 to Spencer and Clark. The residence oi' Kennebis was upon Swan Island, 
 " in a delightful situation, and that of Abbigadasset between a river of hia 
 name and thi Kenncbeck, upon the northern bordei-s of Merry-meeting 
 Bay."t S\. in Island was purchased of Abbigadassd in 1(507, by Hum- 
 phry Dr-vic, and afterwards claimed by Sir John Davy, a serjeant at law.| 
 
 Wc "uali proceed to notice here one, of another age, whose melanciioly 
 fate has long since commanded the attention of writers. 
 
 Some time previous to the settlement of Burton, N. H., that is, previous 
 to 17G(}, there resided in that region a small tribe of Indians, among whom 
 was one named 
 
 Chocorua, and he was the last of the primitives of those romantic 
 scenes. This region was attractuig to them on account of the beaver 
 which were found in its pellucid waters, and its cragged cliffs afforded 
 safe retreats to a plentiful game. It is hai;ded to us by tradition, that 
 Chocorua was thn last of this region, and that he was murdered by a mis- 
 erable white liunter, who, with others of his complexion, had wandered 
 here in quest of game. This solitary man had retired to a neighboring 
 mountain, and v as fuere discovered and shot. The eminence to which 
 it is said this Indmn had retired, is the highest mountain in Burton, and 
 commands a beautiful view of a great extent of surrounding country. 
 One of the most superb engravings that has appeared in all our animals, 
 is that representing Chocorua in his last retreat. 
 
 It is a fact well known in all the neighboring parts of the country, that 
 cattle cannot long survive in Burton, although there appears abundance 
 of all that is necessary for their support. They lose their appetite, pine 
 and die. It is said that Chocorua cursed the English before he expired, 
 and the superstitious, to this day, attribute the disease of cattle to the curse 
 of Chocorua. But a much more rational one, we apprehend, will be 
 found in the affection of the waters by minerals. 
 
 * People of Pliinouth.— W//iaf« Paddy died at Boston, 
 out of the rubbish under the old state-house in 1830, 
 t Williumson, i. 467. 
 
 His gravestone weis dug 
 t Ibid. 331. 
 
Chap. VIII.] 
 
 SUUANDO. 
 
 99 
 
 hether sa- 
 
 is, i)revioii3 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Squando, sachfin of Saco — Attacks the toton of Saco — Singular account of 
 him by a cote uporary — The ill treatment of his ivife a cause of ivar — ms 
 humanity in restoring a captive — MauokawaniIo — Causes of his hostii- 
 ity — AssiMiNASQUA — His speech — Speech o/'Tarumkin — Muug — /* ear- 
 ned to Boston to execute a treaty — Is Madokawando^s ambassador — Re- 
 lease of Thomas Cobbet — Madokawando's kindness to jomoner*-- Moxus 
 attacks IVells and is beaten off— Attacked the next year by the Indians 
 under Madokawando and a company of I\enchmcn — Are repulsed with 
 great loss — Incidents of the siege — Mons. Casteins — A further account of 
 Moxus — Wanungonet — Assacombuit — Further account of Mugg — 
 His death — Symo.v, Andrew, Jeoffrev, Peter and Joseph — Account 
 of their depredations — I/ife of Kankamagus — Treated ivilh neglect — 
 Plies his country — Becomes an enemy — Suiprise of Dover and murder oj 
 Maj. Waldron — Masandowet — Worombo — His fort captured by Church 
 — Kankamagus^s wife and children taken — Hopehood — Conspicuous in 
 the massacre atSalmon Falls — His death — Mattahando — Megu.naeway, 
 
 The firet chief which will liere be properly noticed is Squando, a Tar- 
 ratine, commonly called sagamore of Saco. He is mentioned with a 
 good deal of singularity by the vvritei*s of his times. And we will here, 
 by way of exordium, extract what Mr. Mather, in his Brief History, 
 &c., says of h-.n. " After this, [the burning of Casco,] they [the Indians] 
 set upon Saco, where they slew 13 m in, and at last burnt the town. A 
 principal actor in the destruction of Saco was a strange enthuciMsiicM sa- 
 gamore called Squando, who, some years before, pretended that God ap- 
 peared to him in the form of a tall man, in black clothes, declaring to 
 him that he was God, and commanded him to leave his drinking of 
 strong liquors, and to pray, and to keep sabbaths, and to go to hear the 
 word preached ; al! which things the Indian did for some years, with 
 great seeming devotion and conscience, observe. But the God which 
 appeared to him said nothing to him about Jesus Christ ; and therefore 
 it is not to be marvelled at, that at last he discovered himself to be no 
 otherwise than a child of him that was a murderer and a liai from the 
 beginning." Mr. Hubbard says that he was " the chief actor or rather 
 the beginner" of the eastern war of 1675 — 6; but rather contradicts the 
 statement, as we apprehend, in the same paragraph, by attributing tlje 
 same cause to the "rude and indiscrete act of some English ^onnien," 
 who either for mischief overset a canoe in which was Squando's wife 
 and child, or to see if young Indians could swim naturally like animals 
 of the brute creation, as some had reported.* The child wen^ to the 
 bottom, but was saved from drowning by the mother's diving down and 
 bringing it up, yet " within a while after the said child died." " The said 
 Squando, father of the cliild, hath been so provoked thereat, that he hath 
 over since set himself to do all the mischief he can to the English." The 
 wliites did not )elieve that the death of the child was owing to its immer- 
 sion ; still we naist allow the Indians to know as well as they. When the 
 tlunily of "old Mr. Wakcly'^ was nnirdercd, n young woman was carrie<l 
 away captive. Squando was the means of her being set at liberty. "She 
 having been carried up and down the country, some hundreds of miles, 
 MS far as Narraganset fort, was, this last June, returned back to Major 
 IValdron's by one Squando, the sagamore of Saco ; a strange mixture of 
 
 not 
 
 " They can swim naturally, strikinsf their paws nndcr their tiiroat like a dog, and 
 spreadlug tlieir arms as we do." Josselyn's Voyage to i\'. E, 112. 
 
%• 
 
 100 
 
 MADOKAWANDO. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 mercy and cruelty !" And the historian of Maine observes, that his " con- 
 duct exhibited at different times such traits of cruelty and compassion, as 
 rendered his character difficult to be portrayed." 
 
 He was a great powwow, and acted in concert with Madokatvando. 
 These two cliiefs " are said to be, by them that know them, a strange 
 kind of moralized savages ; grave and serious in their speech and car- 
 riage, and not without some show of a kind of religion, which no doubt 
 but they have learned from the prince of darkness." In another 
 place, Mr. Hubbard calls him an " enthusiastical, or rather diabolical mis- 
 creant." His abilities in war gained him this epithet. 
 
 Madokawando, of whom we have just made mention, was chief of the 
 Penobscot tribe. He was the adopted son of a chief by the name of ^s- 
 siminasqua. Some mischief had been done by the Androscoggin Indians 
 in Philip's war, and' the English, following the example of those whom 
 they so much reprobated, retaliated on any Indians that fell in their way. 
 
 Madokawando was not an enemy, nor do we learn that his people had 
 committed any depredations, until after some English spoiled his corn, 
 and otherwise did him damage. 
 
 Many of the eastern Indians had been ki<lnapped and sold for slaves, 
 about the time Philip's war commenced. This, it will not be questioned, 
 was enough to cause a war, without Philip's instigation, or the afTront 
 offered to the wife and child of Squando. 
 
 The English had prohibited the sale of arms and ammunition to the 
 eastern Indians, as they had before to the western, as a means of lessen- 
 ing their power ; provided they should declare themselves hostile : thus 
 regarding their own safety, and totally disregarding whatever evils might 
 accrue from the measure to the Indians. Knowing enough had been 
 done to excite their resentment, agents were sent to parley with them, in 
 the spring and suuuner of 1G7G, to hinder, if possible, their taking offence 
 at these proceedings. 
 
 Meanwhile the Indians had complained to some friendly English of 
 the outrage upon their frion;'s, who were unacquainted with the circum- 
 stance, and hardly believed it; still, told the Indians, that if it were so, 
 tliose kidnapped should be restored, and the perpetrators puniohed. But 
 knowing the circumstance to be as they had represented, it is rather 
 marvellous, that Indians, instead of at once retaliating, should hearken to 
 unsatisfactory parleyings, as will appear. 
 
 When the English agents went to treat with them, or rather to excuse 
 themselves for what they cortld not, or pretended they could not, amend, 
 the Indians, in the course of the interview, said, " We rvere driven frotr 
 our com last year by the people abQut Kennebeck, and many of us died, IVe 
 had no powder and shot to kill venison and foid loith to prevent it. If you 
 English tvere our friends, as you pretend you are, you woidd not suffer us to 
 stai-ve as we did." 
 
 " However, says Mr. Hxbhard, the said agent, makinf^ the best he cotdd 
 of a bad cause, used all means to pacify the complainaris," The great " all 
 means'''' was, that they should try to get the Andrnr.i-oggin Indians to come 
 and hold a treaty ! so that if the Englis!; couia effect a treaty with thom, 
 then there would be a general peace with the eastern Indians. This 
 talk, it was said, they received with joy. "Yet, adds the same author, 
 still by one fatal accident or other, jealousies still seemed to increpse in 
 their minds, or else the former injuries began to boil afresh in their spirits, 
 as not being easily digested," &c. 
 
 A meeting had been agreed upon at Totononnock, or Taconnet, and 
 immediately after the aiceting just mentioned a runner was sent down 
 from thence, with word that Squando would be there with " divcre Am- 
 onuscoggan sachems," Mugg being a messenger to him. Accordingly 
 
toOK III. 
 
 is " con- 
 ssion, as 
 
 .aivando. 
 
 strange 
 lud car- 
 lo doubt 
 
 another 
 ical mis- 
 
 :f of the 
 le of ./?5- 
 I Indians 
 e whom 
 eir way. 
 ople had 
 his corn, 
 
 »r slaves, 
 estioned, 
 e affront 
 
 m to tlie 
 )f lessen- 
 :ile : thus 
 ils might 
 had been 
 them, in 
 [g offence 
 
 glish of 
 circum- 
 were so, 
 ed. Bat 
 is rather 
 ;arken to 
 
 a excuse 
 :, amend, 
 ven frorr 
 ltd. We 
 If you 
 \r us to 
 
 l/ic cordd 
 treat " all 
 
 to come 
 
 |th them. 
 
 This 
 
 author, 
 Irense in 
 |r spirits, 
 
 Inet, and 
 
 Int down 
 
 31-8 Am- 
 
 jrdingly 
 
 Chap. VIII.] 
 
 MADOKAWANDO. 
 
 101 
 
 the English proceeded to Taconnet. On thei ; arrival, they were honored 
 witii a salute, and conducted into ,'he council house, where they found 
 Madokawando, Assiminasqua, TarunMn, Hopehood, Muf!;g, and many at- 
 tendants. Madokawnndo was prime iiv'gotiator, and Asaiminasqxia chief 
 speaker, who soon after proceeded to make a speech, and among other 
 things said, — 
 
 "//! is not our custom when messejigrrs come to treat of peace, to seize upon 
 their persons, as sometimes the Mohauks do ; yea, as the English have done, 
 seizing' upon fourteen Indians, our men, who ivtnt to treat with you — settin<r; 
 a guard over them, and taking away their guns. This is not all, but a 
 second time you required our guns, and demanded us to come down unto you, 
 or else you icould kill us. This ivas the cause of our leaving both our fort 
 and our corn, to our great Zom." 
 
 This speech caused considerable embarrassment to the English, " yet 
 to put the best construction might be, on such irregular actions, which 
 could not well be justilied, they told them, the persons who had so done* 
 were not within the limits of their government, and therefore, though they 
 could not call them to an account for so acting, yet they did utterly dis- 
 allow thereof't And to be as expeditious as possible, the English com- 
 missioners told thcf:e chiefs that they came to treat with the Androscog- 
 gins, and were sorry that Squaiido was not there. And it appears that, 
 though the English reported a peace with the Penobscots, yet Madoka- 
 wando and his coadjutors scarcely understood as much ; and it is also 
 evident that the business was hurried over as fast as possible by the 
 English commissionei-s. 
 
 What had been said by Assiminasqua in the morning was merely pre- 
 liminary, and it was his intention in the afternoon to enter more particu- 
 larly into details ; but the English cut the matter short, and proceeded to 
 treat with such of the Androscoggins as were present. Tarumkin was 
 their orator, and he spoke to this effect: — 
 
 " / have been to the westward, where I have found many Indians umvilling 
 to make peace ; but for my own pari, I am willing^'' which he confirmed by 
 taking the English by the hand, as did seven or eight of his men, among 
 whom were Mugg and Rohinhood's son. The English had now, as they 
 supposed, got matters into a regular train ; but MadokaivaTulo, it appears, 
 was not willing to leave things in quite so loose a manner, as it regarded 
 his people, lie therefore interrupted : — 
 
 " If hat are we to do for poivder and shot, token our com is consumed? 
 what shall we do for a winter^s supply ? Must tee perish, or must we aban' 
 don our country, andfy to the Fi-ench for protection ?" 
 
 The English replied that they would do what they could with the gov- 
 ernor ; " some might be allowed them for necessity." Madoktiwando added : 
 " JFe have loaited a great while already, and noif we expect you will say yes 
 or no." The English rejoined : " You say yourselves that many of the 
 western Indians would not have peace, and, therefore, if we sell you pow- 
 der, and you give it to the western men, what do we but cut our oivn 
 throats'? It is not in our power without leave, if you should wait ten years 
 more, to let you have powder." 
 
 Here, as might reasonably have been expected, ended the negotiation, 
 and massacres and bloodshed soon after desolated that part of tho 
 country. 
 
 At the close of the war of 1675 and (1, this sachem's people had among 
 them about 60 English captives. When it was known to him that the 
 English desired to treat about peace, he sent Mugg, one of his chiefs, to 
 Pascataqua, to receive proposals ; and, that he might meet with good ac- 
 
 '^ That iS; those who had kidnapped their friends. 
 9* 
 
 t Hubbard, part ii. 38. 
 
103 
 
 MADOKAWANDO. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 ceptauce, sent along with liini a captive to his home. Gon. Gendal, of 
 Massachusetts, being tliere, forced Mugg on board liis vessel, and carried 
 him to Boston, for which treacherous act an excuse was pleaded, that ho 
 was not vested with sufficient authority to treat with him. Madokawan- 
 do's ambassador, being now in the power of the English, was obliged to 
 agree to such terms as the English dictated.* It is no wonder, therefore, 
 if the great chief soon appears again their enemy. Still, when Mugg 
 was sent home, Madokawando agreed to the tosatj, more readily, perhaps, 
 ' .: two armed vessels of the English conveyed him. 
 
 A son of Rev. Thomas Cobbet had been taken, and was among the In- 
 dians at Mount Desert. It so happened that his master had at that time 
 sent him down to CasttirCs trading-house, to buy p vder for him. Mugg 
 took him by the hand, and told hirn he had been - c his father's house, 
 and had promised to send him home. Madokawando demanded a i"an- 
 som, probably to satisfy the owner of the captive, " fearing to be killed by 
 him, if lie yielded him up without he were there to consent ; for he was, 
 iu; said, a desperate man, if crossed, and had crambdj two or three in that 
 way." Being on board one of the vessels, and treated to some liquor, 
 "he walked awhile to and again on the deck, and on a sudden made a 
 stand, and said to Captain Moore, ' Well captain, since it is so, take this 
 man : I freely give him up to you ; carry him home to his friends.' "| A 
 red coat was given to Madokatvando, which gave him great satisfaction. 
 
 The historians of the war have all observed tliat the prisoners under 
 Madokawando were remarkably well treated. 
 
 In Febrviary, 1677, Major JVuldron, and Captain Frost, with a body of 
 men, were yent into the eastern coast to observe the motions of the In- 
 dians, wlio still remained hostile. At Pemmaquid they were invited on 
 eliore to hold a treaty, but the English finding some weapons concealed 
 among them, thought it a sufficient umbrage to treat them as enemies, 
 and a considerable fight ensued, in which many of the Indians were 
 killed, and several taken prisoners ; among whom was a sister of Ma- 
 dokawando. He had no knowledge of the affiiir, having been gone for 
 several months at a great distance into the country, on a hunting voyage. 
 
 We hear no more of Madokawando, until 1G91. It will be found men- 
 tioned in the account of Egeremet, that in that year a treaty was made 
 with him and other eastern chiefs. This was in November, and it waa 
 agreed by them, that, on the first of May following, they would deliver all 
 the captives in their possession, at Wells. " But," says Dr. Mather,^ " as 
 it was not upon the firm land, but in their canoes upon the water, that they 
 signed and sealed this instrument ; so, reader, we will be jealous that it 
 will prove but a fluctuating and unstable sort of business ; and that the 
 Indians will do a lie as they used to do." 
 
 The tune for the delivery of tlie captives having arrived, tlie English 
 met at Wells to receive them, and to renew their treaty. They took caio 
 to be provided with an armed force, and to have the place of meeting at 
 a strong place, which was Storer^s garrison-house. But, as the author 
 just cited observes, "The Indians being poor musicians for keeping of 
 time, Cc»me 'iot according to their articles." The reason of this we cannot 
 explain, unless tlie Avarlike appearance of the English deterred them. 
 After waiting a while. Captain Converse surprised some of them, and 
 brought them in by force, and having reason to believe the Indians pro- 
 voked by this time, immediately added 35 men to their force. Tlicsc 
 
 * A trraty was sifrned 0th of Dee. 1676. Manuscript Nar. of Rev. T. Cobbd. I 
 may be seen in Ihibliard'x Narrative. 
 t The Iniiian won! (or killed. Wood's N. E, Prospect. 
 i Manuscript Narrative, before cited. 
 
 ^ Mag;ualia, ii. 529. 
 
Chap. VlII] 
 
 MADOKAVVANDO. 
 
 103 
 
 enemies, 
 ins were 
 of Ma- 
 rone for 
 voyage, 
 inen- 
 as niailo 
 it waa 
 iver all 
 ier,§ " ag 
 lat they 
 that it 
 that the 
 
 ieting at 
 author 
 
 epin/r of 
 cannot 
 tliein. 
 
 em, and 
 
 uiH ])ro- 
 Thcso 
 
 obbet. I 
 529. 
 
 "were not come half an hour to Storer^s house, on the 9th of June, 1G{)1, 
 nor had they got their Indian weed fairly lighted, into their mouths, 
 before fierce Moxus, with 200 Indians, made an attack upon the garri- 
 son,"* but were repulsed and soon drew off'. Madokawando was not 
 here in person, but when he knew of the disaster of his chief ca]>tain, he 
 said, " jtfy brother Moxus has viissed it noiu, but I will go myself the next 
 year, and have the dog Converse out of his hole.''* 
 
 The old chief was as good as his word, and appeared before the garri- 
 son 22 Jime, 1692. lie was joined by Bumiff&ud Labrocre, two Frencli 
 ofiicere, with a body of their soldiers, and their united strength was esti- 
 mated at about 500 men. They were so confident of success, that they 
 agreed befoie the attack, how the prisonere and property should be di- 
 vided. Converse had but 15 men, but fortunately there arrived two sloops 
 with about as many more, and supplies, the day before the battle. 
 
 Madokawando' s men had unwisely given notice of their approach, by 
 firing upon some cattle they met in the woods, which running in wound- 
 ed, gave the inhabitants time to fly to the garrison. Madokawando waa 
 not onl_, --cnnded by the two French officers and a company of their 
 men, as before observed, but Moxus, Egeremet and Worombo were also 
 among them. 
 
 They began the attack before day, with great fierceness, but aff:er con- 
 tinuing it for some time without success*, they fell upon the vessels in the 
 river; and here, although the river was not above twenty or thirty feet 
 broad, yet they met with no better success than at the garrison. They 
 tried many strata2;ems, and succeeded in setting fire to the sloops several 
 times, by means of fire arrows, but it was extinguished without great 
 damage. Tired of thus exposing themselves and throwing away their 
 ammunition, they returned again to the garrison, resolving to practise a 
 stratagem upon that, and thus ended the first day of the attack. They 
 tried to persuade the English to suirender, but finding they coidd not 
 prevail, made several desperate charges, in which they lost many. Be- 
 ginning now to grow discouraged, they sent a flag to the garrison to eflfect 
 a capitulation, but Converse, being a man of great resolution, replied, 
 "that he wanted nothing but men to come and fight him." To which 
 the bearer of the flag said, " Being you are so stout, ivhy donH you come 
 and fight in the open fi Id like a man, and not fight in a garrison like a 
 squaw.''* This attemju proving ineffectual, they cast out many threats, 
 one of which was, " We will cut you as small as tobacco, before to-morrow 
 morning." The captaii ordered them "to come on, for he wanted 
 work." 
 
 Having nearly spent their ammunition, and general Labrocre being 
 slain, they retired in the night, after two days' siege, leaving several of 
 their dead, among whom was the general just named, who was shot 
 through the head. They took one Englishman, named John Diamond, 
 whom they tortured in a most barbarous manner. About the time of 
 their retreating, they fired u|)on the sloops, and killed the only man lost 
 by the vessels during the as.saidt. 
 
 During the attack upon the vessels, among other stratagems, they pre- 
 pared a breastwork upon wheels, and endeavored to bring it close to the 
 edge of the river, which was within, perhaps, ten feet of them. When 
 they had got it pretty near, one wheel sunk in the ground, and a French 
 soldier, endeavoring to lift; it out with his shoulder, was shot down ; a 
 second was also killed in tlie same attem[)t, and it was abandoned. 
 They also built a raft in the creek above them, and ])laced on it an im- 
 mense pile of combustibles, and, setting them on fire, floated it down 
 
 * Magnaliu, ii. 629. 
 
104 
 
 MOXUS. 
 
 [Rook III, 
 
 towards them. But when within a few rods of the sloops, the wind drove 
 it on sliore, and thus they W(;re deii'ered from the most dangerous arti- 
 fice of the wliole. For it was said that, had it come down against them, 
 they could not have saved themselves from the fury of its flames. 
 
 Madokawando lived several years aller this, and is su[)posed to have 
 died about 1698. 
 
 A daughter of his married the Baron Dt Casttins, by whom lie had 
 several children.* 
 
 Some have endeavored to ground an argument upon the similarity of 
 the name of this chief to that of Madock the Welshman, that the (.-astern 
 Indians were descended from a Welsh colony, who, in 1170, left tliat 
 country, and were never heard of after. The s/ony of some white In- 
 dians speaking Welsh, on the Missouri River, has gained supporters iu 
 former and latter periods.f 
 
 Moxus, or, as he was sometimes called, ^gamagus, was also a noted 
 Penobscot chief, and one of Madokawando' s ])rincipal captains. Wo 
 can add little concerning him, to what has already been said above. 
 After that great sachem was dead, and the war between the French and 
 English nations ceased, the eastern chiefs were ready to submit to terms. 
 
 Moxus seems the successor of Madokawando, and when delegat(?s were 
 sent into the eastern country to make peace with the Indians, in JG99, his 
 name stood firet among the signers of the treaty.l He conclu(le<l another 
 treaty with Gov. Dudley, in 1702. The next year, in comjjany with Wa- 
 nungonet, AssacombuU, and a number of French, he invested Caj)taiu 
 
 * A ffood deal has been said and written about I\Ions. Casleins, but ^enorally without 
 conveying much inlbrniatiun. VVc will give here the original authority whence accounts 
 have chiefly originated :— 
 
 " Lc Raron de Saint Casleitis, gentilliomme d'OIeron en Ream, s'cst rendu si re 
 commandable parmi les Abonakis dcpuis vingt et tant d'anneos, vivans i\ la saiivage, 
 qu'ils le rcgardent aujourd 'liui comme Icur Dieu tulelaire. II etoit autrefois ofticier do 
 Carignan en Canada, niais d^s que ce rcgiincnt f'ut cassc, 11 sc jella chez ces sauvagrs 
 dont il avoit apris la langue. II se inaria a lour uianiere, preierant les forots de I'Acadie 
 aux monts Pirenees dont son pats est environne. II vccut les premieres anni'es avec 
 cux d'une maniere a s'cn faire estimer au-dcia de tout te qu'on pent dire, lis lc firenl 
 grand chef, aui est comme le souverain de la nation, et peu-a-peu il a trnvaille h. se I'aire 
 une fortune nont tout autre que lui sauroit profiler, en retirant de ce pajs-la plus de deux 
 ou trois cents mille ecus qu'il a dans ses colTres en belle monnoic d'or. Cependant il no 
 s'en sert qu' a acheter des marchandises pour faire des prcsens a ses confrqsps les sau- 
 vages, qui lui font ensuite, au retour de Icurs cliasses,dcs prcsens de castors d'une triple 
 valeur. Les gouverneurs grnoreaux de Canada le mcnagcnt, el ceux de la Nouvelie 
 Anglelerre le craignent. il a plusieurs filles el loutes marices Iris's avantagouscment 
 avec des Fran9ois, aianl doune une riche dot a chacune. 11 n' a jamais change de 
 femme,|| pour aprendre aux sauvages que Dieu n'aime point les hommes inconstans. 
 On dit qu'il tacne de converlir ces pauvres peuples, mais que ses paroles ne prodnisant 
 aucnn fruit, il est done inutile que les Jesuiles leur prechent les veritez du christianii-nie • 
 cependant ces peres ne se rebutenl pas, ils estimenl que le bapteme confere a un enfant 
 inourant, vaut dix fois la peine el le chagrin d'habiter avec ces peuples." Memoires tie 
 VAmeiique par LaJwntan, ii. 29 and 30. 
 
 A son of Casteins was a sachem, and held in great esteem bv liis tribe, and, like his 
 father, was a discreet and upright man. The English treated him very reprchcnsibly, 
 and once took him prisoner and sent him to Roston, but he was soon released. Iliu 
 father had then retired to his estate in France. 
 
 t See Janson's Stranger in A7nerica, 210. ed. 4io London, 1807; Universal Afaga- 
 tine, vol. xciii. 21 ; Dr. Southey's Pre/ace to his Madock ; Rouquet's Exped. ufi-aimt 
 Ohio Indians, 69. ed. 4lo. London, 17Gfi ; Ker's Travels in Avierica, iGl- — 172 ; Rurk, 
 Hist. Virginia, ii. 84. We may elsewhere devote a chapter to au examination of these 
 accounts. 
 
 \ Magnalia, ii. 543. 
 
 11 Wo do not approhond Ihnt Uiia nmountu to a dntial (as Mt. IMkt.t rnads It, Notpg, 230,) that 
 ho had but one wifo. Ilig not clumgiiig Ma wife might be trub also in the plural, if he had had 
 Rororal, ai soino authors state. 
 
;rook III. 
 
 ind (Irovo 
 
 rous arti- 
 
 iist them, 
 
 ). 
 
 . to have 
 
 n he had 
 
 lilurity of 
 le (.•nst(?rn 
 , leCt that 
 ivliite lii- 
 [)oitcrs in 
 
 ) a roted 
 lius. Wo 
 lid above, 
 ench and 
 to terms. 
 ;ates were 
 
 I J()9i),hiH 
 
 d another 
 with Wa- 
 1 Captain 
 
 ally wilhout 
 ice accounts 
 
 SI ro 
 
 rendu 
 
 [la sauviif^o, 
 f ofticier do 
 sauvagos 
 le I'Acadie 
 t'cs avec 
 s Ic firent 
 a so f'aire 
 us do dpux 
 dant il ne 
 s les sau- 
 uuc triple 
 Nouvelle 
 sjcusemeni 
 lango de 
 jnconstaiis. 
 prodnisant 
 stianisme • 
 uii enfant 
 fcjnoires (le 
 
 id, like his 
 rclicusilily, 
 jscd. His 
 
 •sal Mciga- 
 az-ainst 
 72; l?urk, 
 >n of these 
 
 , 230,) that 
 lie had had 
 
 Chap. VIII] 
 
 MUGG.— SYMON. 
 
 105 
 
 March in the fort at Casco. After nsing every endeavor to take it by 
 assault, they had recom-se to the following stratagem. They began at 
 the water's edge to nndertnine it by digging, but wore prevented by the 
 timely arrival of r.n armed vessel under Captain Sontlmck. They had 
 taken a vessel and a great quantity of plunder. About 200 canoes were 
 destroyed, and the vessel retaken. From which circumstance it may be 
 inferred that their number was great. 
 
 Moxus was at Casco in 1713, to treat witli the English, and at George- 
 town, upon Arowsike Island, in 1717. There were seven other chiefk 
 who attended also at the time and place last mentioned. 
 
 Mugg was a chief among the Androscoggins, and very conspicuous in 
 the eastern war of 1G7G-7, into which he seems to have been brought by 
 the same cause as Madokaivando, already stated. He had been very 
 friendly to the English, and had lived some time with the* ;, 
 
 On the 12th Oct. 1G7G, he made an assault upon Black Point, now in 
 Scarborough, with about 100 warriors. All the inhabitants being gath- 
 ered into one fortified place upon that point, a few hands might 
 have defended it against all the Indians on that side of the coimtry.* 
 While the captain of the garrison was gone out to hold a talk with Mugg, 
 the people fled from the garrison, and took all their eftects along with 
 them. A few of his own servants, however, remained, who fell into the 
 hands of the chief, who treated them kindly. 
 
 When Francis Card was a prisoner aitiong his men, he told him " that 
 he had found out the way to burn Boston,''^ and laughed much about the 
 English, saying he would have all their vessels, fishing islands, and whole 
 country, and bragged much about his great numbers. He was killed at 
 Black Point, the same place where, the year before, he had had such 
 good success, on 16 May. He had besieged the garrison three days, 
 killed three men, and taken one captive. The celebrated Symon, who had 
 donn so much mischief in many places, was with him here. Lieutenant 
 Tippin, Avho commanded the garrison, " made a successful shot upon an 
 Indian, that was observed to be very busy and bold in the assaidt, who at 
 that time was deemed to be Symon, the arch villain and incendiary of all 
 the eastward Indians, but proved to be one almost as good as himself^ 
 wlio was called JWog"g"."t 
 
 Symon, just named, was a troublesome fellow, who continued to create 
 considerable alarm to the inhabitants upon the Merrimack River, in the 
 vicinity of Newbury and Amesbury, about which part seems to have 
 been his residence, as late as the month of July, 1677. On the 9th of 
 July, six Indians were seen to go into the bushes not far from the garri- 
 6on at Amesbury ; two days before, several men had been killed in the 
 neighborhood, and one woman wounded, whose name was Quimby. 
 Symon was the alleged leader of the party which committed the depre- 
 dation. Mre. Quitnby was sure that it was he who " knocked her on the 
 head," and she knew many of the names of the rest with him, and named 
 Andrew, Geoffrey and Joseph. She begged of Symon not to kill her. He 
 replied, " WTiiy, goodwife Q^uiinby, do you think that I will kill you ?" She 
 said she was afraid he would, because he killed all English. Symon then 
 eaid, "I will give quarter to never an English dog of you all," and then 
 gave her a blow on the head, which did not happen to hurt her much ; at 
 which, being a woman of great courage, she threw a stone at him ; lie 
 then turned upon her, and " struck her two more blows," at which she 
 fell, and lie left her for dead. Before he gave her the last blows, she 
 called to the garrison for help. He told her she need not do that, for, 
 (Baid he, " I will have that too, by and by." Syimn was well known to 
 
 '* Hubbard, Lid. Wars, ii. 46, 
 
 t Iliitory New England. 
 
lOG 
 
 KANKAMAGUS. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 many of the inhabitants, and csppcinlly to Mi's. Qiiimby, as lie had for- 
 merly lived with her father, HMliam Osgood.* In April, 1677, Synton 
 and his companions burnt the house of Edward Weymouth at Sturgeon 
 Creek, and plundered the house of one Crawley, but did not kill him, be- 
 cause he had shown kindness to Symoii'a grandmother.f 
 
 Symon was one of the Christian Indians, as were Jindrew, Jeojfrey, Peter, 
 and several others of the same company, a circumstance which, with 
 many, much aggravated their oftences. The irruption just mentioned is 
 thus related by Mr. Hubbard :\ ^* Simon and Amirew, the two brethren in 
 iniquity, with a few more, adventured to come over Pascataqua River on 
 Portsmouth side, when they burnt one house within four or five miles of 
 the town, and took a maid and a young woman captive; one of them 
 having a young child in her arms, with which not willing to be troubled, 
 they gave leave to her that held it, to leave it with an old woman, whom 
 the Indian Symon spared, because he said she liad been kind to his grand- 
 mother ; yet one of the two captives escaped from their hands two days 
 aller, as did tiie other, April 22, who gave notice of tlie Indians, (being 
 not so narrowly looked to as they used to do others.)" 
 
 It was on 3 May, 1676, that Symon, Andrew and Peter fell upon the 
 house of Thomas Kimbal, of Bradford, killed him, and carried off his wife 
 and five children into the wilderness. Having on the whole concluded 
 to make peace with the English while they could, did, before the end of 
 six weeks, restore the captives. Instead of improving the opportunity of 
 securing their friendship, the English seized Symon and Andrew, and con- 
 fined them in the jail at Dover. This treatment they considered, as very 
 naturally they should, only a precursor of something of a different char- 
 acter ; and therefore foimd means to break jail, and make good their 
 escape. They joined their eastern friends, and hence followed maiiy 
 other cruelties, some of which we have already related. About the first 
 depredation which followed their flight from Dover, Avas committed at 
 Greenland, One John Keniston was killed, and his house burned. A 
 writer of that day, after observing that the perpetrators of the outrage 
 were Symon, Andrew and Pefer, observes that they were the "three we 
 had in prison, and should have killed," and closes with this exclamation, 
 " The good Lord pardon us."§ Thus some considered they had need of 
 pardon for not dealing with more rigor towards the Indians ! 
 
 We are now to commence upon the recital of one of the most horrid 
 massacres any where recorded — the sacking of Dover by the famous 
 chiefs Kankamagus and Massandowet, and the barbarous murder of Maj- 
 Waldron and many of his people. 
 
 Kankamagus, commonly in the histories called Hogkins, Hawkins, or 
 Hdkins, was a Pennakook sachem, and an artful, persevering, faithfid 
 man, as long as he could depend upon the English for protection. But 
 when Governor Cranjield, of New Hampshire, used his endeavors to bring 
 down the Mohawks to destroy the eastern Indians, in 1684, who were 
 constantly stirred up by the French to commit depredations upon the 
 English, Kankamagus, knowing the Mohawks made no distinction where 
 they came, fled to the eastward, and joined the Androscoggins. He had 
 a fort upon that river, where his family and that of another sachem, 
 called Woromhos, or iVoromho, lived. But before he fled his country, he 
 addressed several lettei-s to the governor, which discover his fidelity as 
 well as his fears; and from which there is no doubt but he would always 
 gladly have lived in his own country, and on the ni03t intimate and 
 friendly terms with the English, to whom he had become attached, and 
 
 * MS. Pocumoni^. 
 
 \ Hut. N. England, G31. 
 
 t Belknap's N. Hampshirt. 
 j Ihid. 1. 168. 
 
[Book III. 
 
 3^ had for- 
 377, Synwn 
 : Sturgeon 
 ill him, be- 
 
 frey, Peter, 
 rh\ch, with 
 initioned is 
 arethren in 
 a River on 
 
 e miles of 
 e of them 
 i troubled, 
 lan, whom 
 
 hisgrand- 
 s two days 
 ans, (being 
 
 upon the 
 iff his wife 
 concluded 
 he end of 
 3rtunity of 
 !, and con- 
 ;d, as very 
 ;rent char- 
 ;ood their 
 >ved maiiy 
 ut the first 
 nmittcd at 
 urncd. A 
 IB outrage 
 'three we 
 clamation, 
 d need of 
 
 ost horrid 
 famous 
 tr of May 
 
 nokins, or 
 
 g, faith fid 
 
 ion. But 
 
 s to bring 
 
 viio were 
 
 upon the 
 
 on where 
 
 He had 
 
 sachem, 
 
 untry, he 
 
 idelity oB 
 
 d always 
 
 nato and 
 
 hcd, and 
 
 )shirt. 
 
 Chap. VIII] 
 
 KANKAMAGUS 
 
 107 
 
 had adopted much of their manner, and could read and write, but for 
 the reasons just stated. The following letter fully explains the situation 
 of his mind and his feelings, at the time ho expected the Mohawks would 
 ravage his country: — 
 
 " JWizT/ I5th, 1685. Honor eovemor my friend. You my friend I desire 
 your worship and your power, because I hope you can do som great matters 
 this one. lam poor and naked, arid have no men at my place because I 
 afraid allways Mohogs he will kill me every datf and night. If your worship 
 when please pray help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Malam- 
 ake River called Panukkog and J^atukkog, I will submit your toorship and 
 vour power. And now I want ponder and such alminishon, sluxtt and guns, 
 occause I have forth at my hom, and I plant theare." 
 
 The above letter is signed by Inmself and 14 of his principal men. 
 Whether he were among the Pennakooks seized by Major fValdron about 
 ten years before, is not certain, or, if he were, it is not probable any re- 
 sentment remained in his breast against him on that account, as the Pen- 
 nakooks were all permitted to return home ; but it is certain that he was 
 the director and leader in the dreadful calamity which fell upon Waldron 
 not long afterward, and which is as much chargeable upon the maltreat- 
 ment they received from the English, at least, as upon any agency of the 
 French. It may be true that many belonging to the eastward, who were 
 seized with the Pennakooks, and sold or left in foreign countries, had 
 found their wiy back among their friends again, and were glad of the 
 first opportunity of revenging themselves upon the author of their unjust 
 expatriation. 
 
 Major Waldron lived at Dover,* New Hampshire, in a strong garrison- 
 house, at which place were also four others. Kankamagus had artfully 
 contrived a stratagem to eflfect the surprise of the place, and had others 
 beside the Pennakooks from different places ready in great numbers, to 
 prosecute the undertaking. The plan was this. Two squaws were sent 
 to each garrison-house to get liberty to stay all night, and when all should 
 be asleep, they were to open the gates to the warriors. Masandotcet, 
 who was next to Kankamagus, went to Major Waldron's, and informed 
 him that the Indians would come the next day and trade with him. 
 While at supper with the major, Masandowet said to him, with an air of 
 familiarity, " Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians 
 should come?" To which he vauntingly replied, "that he could assem- 
 ble an hundred men by lifting up his finger." In this security the gates 
 were opened at midnight, and the work of death raged in all its fury. 
 One garrison only escaped, who would not admit the squaws. They 
 rushed into Waldron^s house in great numbers, and while some guard- 
 ed the door, others commenced the slaughter of all who resisted. 
 Waldron was now 80 years- of age, yet, seizing his sword, defended him- 
 self with great resolution, and at first drove the Indians before him from 
 room to room, until one getting behind him, knocked him down with his 
 hatchet. They now seized upon, and dragged him into the great room, 
 and placed him in an armed chair upon a table. While they were thus 
 dealing with the master of the house, they obliged the family to provide 
 tliem a supper, which when they had eaten, they took off" his clothes, and 
 proceeded to torture him in the most dreadful manner. Some gashed 
 his breast with knives, saying, " / cross out my account ;" others cut off 
 joints of his fingers, and said to him, " JVotv will your fist weigh a pound ?" 
 
 After cutting oflT his nose and ears, and forcmg them into his mouth, 
 he became faint from loss of blood ; and some holding his own sword on 
 end upon the floor, let him fall upon it, and thi:" *>nded his misery. 
 
 * Then called by its Indian name, Quochecho, 
 
106 
 
 iiorEHoon. 
 
 [UooK iir. 
 
 Thfi Indians had been greatly alniheo nd wronpod in their trading 
 with th(! whites, and it is u triiditinn to ti lay nil over tiiat part of ihe 
 country, that Major Jf'aldron took great ;» outage of them in trade, and 
 did not croHH out their accounts when they had |)aid him; and thut, in 
 buying beuvcr, his fist was accoiuited to weigh a pound. Altliongh lie 
 may liavc taken no more advantage of the Indians tiian the majority of 
 Indian traders, yet, at this distant chiy, extenuation will not be looked for 
 in impartial accounts of the transactions of our ancestors with tlie 
 Indians. 
 
 Several were killed at each of the garrison-houses that fell into their 
 hands. They kept the place until tlie next morning, when, after collect- 
 ing all the phnuler they could carry, took up their march, with 20 cap- 
 tives, into the wilderness towards Canada; where the chief of them were 
 l)ought by the French, and in time got home to their country again. 
 Twenty-three were killed before they left the |)lace. This offiiir took 
 place on the night of the 27th of June, JGW>. Several friendly Indians 
 nifornied the English at Chelmsford of the certainty of an ottack u[)on 
 Dover, and they caused a letter to be despatched in season to have noti- 
 fied the people, but on accoimt of some delay at Newbury ferry, the 
 benefit of that information was lost. 
 
 Four years after. Col. Church took Worovihd's fort, in which were Kan- 
 kamagus's wife and children. This fort was upon the Androscoggin, 
 about 25 or 30 miles Irom its mouth. In another place, we have given a 
 history of Church's expedition to this fort. The prisonei-s taken here in- 
 formed Church that there had been lately a great council held there l»y 
 the Indians, in which "many were for peace and many against it;" but 
 tliey finally agreed to go with 300 warriors to Wells with a flag of truce, 
 atui to offer the English peace, which if not accepted, they would then 
 fidl upon them. "If they could not take Wells, then they resolved to 
 attack Piscataqua. The which, says Church, when we were well in- 
 formed of, we left two old squaws that were not able to march, gaue thera 
 victuals enough for one week of their own corn, boiled, and a little of 
 our pruisions, and buried their dead, and left them clothes enough to 
 keep them warme, and left the wigwams for them to lye in : gaue them 
 orders to tell their friends how kind Ave were to them, biding them doe 
 the like to ours. Also if they were for j)eace to come to goodman SmalPs, 
 att Barwick, within 14 days, who would attend to discourse them ; then 
 we came away with our own five captiues, [English that they had deliver- 
 ed J and nine of theirs."* 
 
 In the same letter we are informed that among these prisoners were 
 Kankamagus*s wife and four children. His brother-in-law was taken, but he 
 " ran away from them." Among tlie slain was Kankainaffus^s own sister. 
 A girl was brought away whose father and mother had been slain before 
 her eyes. Two of the children of Woromho were also among the pris- 
 onei-s, all of whom were carried to Plimouth. This expedition upon the 
 Androscoggin was on Sunday, 14 Sept. 1G90. 
 
 A few days after this. Church landed at Casco, where the Indians fell 
 Tipon him by surprise, and were not beaten oF for some time, and then 
 only by hard fighting. This was on the 21 September. Church had 
 seven men killed and 24 wounded, two of whom died in a day or two after. 
 The Indians who made this attack were probably led by Kankamagus and 
 Woroviho. 
 
 Hopehnod was a chief nearly as celebrated, and as much detested in his 
 time, as the chiefs of which we have just spoken. He was chief of the 
 tribe of the Kennebecks generally known os the Nerigwoks. He was 
 
 * Manuscript letter wrilteu at the time by Church, and sent to Gov. Hinckley of 
 Plimouth. 
 
[Book 1!?. 
 
 Chap. VIII] 
 
 HOPRIIOOD. 
 
 109 
 
 I'ir trading 
 ()art oC the 
 trudo, and 
 lid tiiat, in 
 tlioiiKh Uv 
 najoriiy of 
 looked for 
 with tlie 
 
 into their 
 vr collcct- 
 li 20 cap- 
 thcni W(To 
 iitry «{rain. 
 ntlhir took 
 lly Indians 
 taok upon 
 liave noti- 
 ferry, the 
 
 were Kan- 
 roscogf^'in, 
 vc- given a 
 1 here in- 
 I there hy 
 St it ;" hilt 
 I of truce, 
 ould thou 
 ^solved to 
 well in- 
 sane them 
 a httle of 
 ugh to 
 aue them 
 them doe 
 n SmalPs, 
 om ; then 
 deliver- 
 ers were 
 in, hut he 
 wn sister, 
 ill before 
 the pris- 
 upon the 
 
 ians fell 
 nd then 
 rch had 
 wo after. 
 igiis and 
 
 ^d in his 
 f of the 
 He WM 
 
 nckkij of 
 
 th(! son of Robinhnod, a sachoin of whom wc have spoken in a former 
 chapter. According to out! writer, Hopehood was also known hy the name 
 yVohawa.* The career of his warlike exploits was long and hloody. 
 Our first notice of hiiu is in Philip's war, at the attack of a house at Ne- 
 wichevvannok, since! Jierwick, in Maine. Filtcen pei-sons, all women and 
 children, were in t' o house, and Hopehood, with one only beside himself, 
 Andrew of Saco, wiioiii we have before mentioned as an accomplice with 
 Syinon, thought to surprise them, and, but for the timely discoveiy of their 
 approach by a young woman within, would have eflected their purpose. 
 She fastened and held the door, while all the others escaped unobserved. 
 Hopehood and his companion hewed down the door, and knocked the 
 girl on the head, and, otli('rwis(! wounding her, left her lor dead. They 
 took two children, which a fence had kept from escaping. One they 
 killed, the other they carried oft' alive. The young woman recovered, 
 and was entirely wesll aft<!rwards. 
 
 On the IBtJi of JMarcli, 1(51)0, happened a horrid massacre at Salmon 
 Falls. Hopehood had joined 2'2 Frenchmen, under Hertel, with ^5 of his 
 warriors. They attacked the place, as soon as it was day, in three places. 
 The people defended themselves as well as they were al)le, in their con- 
 Bternation, until about .'}() of their best men were slain, when they gave 
 themselves up to the mercy of the besiegers ; ()4 men were carried away 
 captive, and much plunder. They burned all the houses, and the barns 
 with the cattle in them. The number of buihliiigs thus destroyed is un- 
 known, but was perhaps about 30, and perhai)S 200 head of cattle. 
 
 In the same year, Hopehood ap[)ears again upon our records. In May 
 of that year, at the head of a party, he fell upon Fox Point, in New 
 Hampshire, killed about fourteen persons, and carried away six, after 
 burning several hou.ses. This was a.s easily done, says Mather,! "as to 
 lave spoiled an ordinary hen roost." Two companies of English soon 
 collected and pursued them ; came up with them, killed some, and recov- 
 ered considerable plunder. In this action Hopehood was wounded, and 
 lost his gun.J 
 
 Many were the horrid acts of barbarity inflicted on the prisoners taken 
 at this time. Not long after this, Hopehood went to the westward, " with 
 a design, says Mather, to bewitch another crew at Aquadocta into his 
 assistance." The Indians of Canada and the Five Nations were then at 
 war, and he being in their country, was met by some of the Canada In- 
 dians, who, taking him to be of the Iroquois nation, slew him and many 
 of his companions. He had been once a captive to the English, and 
 served a time in Boston as a slave. There appears to have been another 
 Nerigwok chief of the same name, who treated with Gov. Dudley at 
 Casco, in 1703.t 
 
 We have, in narrat'iig the events in the life of Madokaivando, noticed 
 tiie voyage of Maj. Waldron to the eastern coast of Maine, which was at 
 the close of Philip's war. How much treachery was manifested at that 
 time by the Indians, which caused the English to massacre many of them, 
 we shall not take upon us to declare; yet this we cannot but bear in 
 mind, tliat we have only the account of those who performed the tragedy, 
 and not that of those on whom it fell. 
 
 <.'apt. Cfuirles fYost, of Kittery, was with Waldron upon that expedition, 
 and, next to him, a principal actor in it ; and, like him, was killed by the 
 
 * Harris, in liis Voyages, ii. 302, who says he was a Huron ; but as he cites no au- 
 thoritios, we know not how he came by his information. 
 
 t Magiialia (Christ. Americana, b. vii. art. ix. 
 
 i " All healiien Indian would rather part with his head than with his gun." Loskiel, 
 ii. 214. 
 
 10 
 
ilO 
 
 nOMAZEKN. 
 
 [Hook III. 
 
 Iiulinna afterwards.* Mr. Hubbard givos tliis nnooiint of his taking a 
 noted warrior as follows : — "Ca|)t. Fro.it soi/cd an Indian railed MeeuU' 
 neway, a notorious rogue, that iiad been in arms at ConnerticMit last Jiine, 
 ut the falls, and saw that brave and rrsoluto Cant. Ihtrner, when be was 
 Hiain about (irreen Kivc'r; anrl helped to kill Tlumuui Bracket at Caseo, 
 August last, [lt)7(j.] And with the help of hient. JVuller, according to 
 the major's order, carried him aboard" their vessel. "Ky this time," the 
 same author continues, " some of the soldiers were got ashore, and in- 
 stantly, according to their major's command, pursued the «;nemy towards 
 their canoes. In the chase, several of the enemy wore slain, whose bodies 
 these [soldiers] found at their return, to the number of seven; amongst 
 whom was Mattahando, the sagamore, with an old powow, to whom tlie 
 Devil had revealed, as sometimes he (lid to Saul, that on the same day he 
 should be with him ; for lie had a little before told tlie Indians, that with- 
 in two days the English would come and kill them all, which was at tho 
 very same time verified upon himself" Hero we must acknowledge, 
 notwithstanding our great respect for this author, that his commentary 
 upon that passage was rather gratuitous. He might have considered that 
 Sards among the English would not be wanting, of whom parallels might 
 be made. Indeed, the historian of Kankamagua might say the Dtvil was 
 less deceitful in the case of this powow than he was afterwards iu the 
 case of Major ffaldron. 
 
 The English took much plunder from the Indians at this time, among 
 which were about a 1000 lbs. of dried beef, and various other commojli- 
 ties. Megunneway, after having fallen into their hands as we have stated, 
 was shot without ceremony. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 BoMAZEEN — Treachery of the whites towards him — Is imprisoned at Boston 
 — Saves the life of a female captive — Captures Saco — Is killed — Arru- 
 HAWiKWABEMT — His coptwc and death — Egeremet — Seized at Pem- 
 maqtiid — Barbarously murdered — Treachery of Chubb — Its requital — 
 Capt. Tom — Surprises Hampton — Dony — His fort captured by Col. 
 Church— Events of Churches expedition — Capt. Simmo — Treats xcith the 
 English at Ca^co — His speech — Wattanummon — Capt. Samuel — His 
 fight at Damaris Cove — Hegan — One of the name barbarously destroyed 
 by the whites — Mogg — Westbrook bums JVerigtook — Some account of the 
 Jesuit Rasle — Motdtori's expedition to JVerigivok — Death of Mogg — 
 Death of Father Rasle — JVotice of Moulton — Charlevoix's account of this 
 affair — Rasle goes out to meet the English, who shoot him down — He falls , 
 near the cross which hs had raised — Seven Indians shot down by his side — 
 77i€ English burn the church and break its crucifix — Shockingly mangle 
 the body of Rasle — Padgus — Bounty offered for Indian scalps — Captain 
 John LoveteelVs first expedition — His second hunt for Indians — Fails in 
 
 tmth Paugus- 
 dents. 
 
 kim, and is slain — Particulars of the affair — Inci- 
 
 We will continue here our catalogue of eminent chiefs of the east, 
 which, though a remote section, has no less claim than any other ; and 
 the first of them which we shall introduce was called 
 
 At his native place, 4 July, 1697. MS. letter of John Farmer, Esq. 
 
[OooK HI. 
 
 taking a 
 tl Meffun- 
 liist Juno, 
 n iio waa 
 at ('nsco, 
 nrdiog to 
 tinif," the 
 0, mid in- 
 y towards 
 uso l>odi(!s 
 ; amongst 
 rvliorn tlie 
 lie day lio 
 that with- 
 ivas at the 
 nowledgp, 
 mnicntary 
 dered that 
 llcls inlglit 
 Devil was 
 •ds iu the 
 
 ne, among 
 commodi- 
 ave stated, 
 
 at Boston 
 
 Arru- 
 
 at Pem- 
 
 reqiiital — 
 
 by Col. 
 
 tinth the 
 
 UEL — His 
 
 destroyed 
 
 unt of the 
 
 Mo^fr-. 
 
 mt of this 
 He falls ^ 
 \is side — 
 ly mangle 
 —Captain 
 -Falls in 
 lir — Inci- 
 
 the east, 
 her ; and 
 
 Chap. IX. 1 
 
 AUKUHAWIKVVAnKMT. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Bomnzeen, wlio was a flachemoru tribe of the Canilms, or KonnelirckH, 
 whose rcsid('n<'e was at an ancient sent of snganiort's, iipim a river hear- 
 ing tlieir name, at a plnee called JVorndirrtcock.'^ Whether Hoinnzeen were 
 the ica(h'r in tiie attack upon Oyster Kiver in New Hampshire, Groton in 
 Massachnsetts, and many otiier places, about the year l(!!>4, we cannot 
 determine, biu Hutchinson says he was "a principal actor in the carnage 
 ui»on the l''...irliHh," nl'UH' the treaty which Ik* had inadc with (Jovernor 
 Phips/\n Id!);{. In 1()!)4, ho came to the fort at l'cnun!ii|uid with a flag 
 of truce, and was treacherously seized by those who commaiKhvl, ainl 
 sent |)riMoner to Boston, where he remained some months, in a loathsome 
 |)rison. In 170(5, ,iew barbarities were committed. ('Iielmsford, Sud- 
 bury, (Jroton, Kxeter, Dover, and many other places, sufVered nu)n! or 
 less. Many captives were taken to Canada, and many kilh'd upon the 
 way. A poor woman, one Rebecca Taylor, who had arri\ed at the River 
 St. Lawrence, was about to be hanged by her master, an "overgrown In- 
 tlian," named Sampson. The limb of the t»*"e on which he was executing 
 his purpose gave way, and, while he was making a second attemi)t, Boina- 
 zeen iia|>|)ened to be passing, and rescued her. 
 
 We liear of iiim just after the death of Arruhawikwnbemt, in October, 
 1710, when he fell upon Sat o witli GO or 70 nien, and killed several peo- 
 ple, and carried away some captives. He is mentioned as a "notorious 
 fellow," and yet but few of his acts arc u|)on record. Soirio time afler 
 tlie peace of 1701, it seemed to be confirnit'd by the appearance; oi' Boma- 
 zeen, and another principal chief, who said the French, friars were urging 
 them to break their union with the English, "fcuf that they had made no 
 impression 07i them, for they tvere as firn as the mountains, and should con- 
 tinue so as Ions; as the sun and moon endured.^'' On peace being niadvj 
 known to the Indians, as having taken place between the French and 
 FiUglish nations, they came into Casco with a flag of truce, and noon aller 
 concluded a treaty at Portsmouth, N. II., dated 11 July, 1713. Bomazeen's 
 name and mark are to this treaty. 
 
 When Capt. Moidton was sent tip to Nerigwok, in 1724, they fell in 
 with Bomazeen about Taconnet, where they shot hi a as he was escaping 
 through the river. Near the town of Nerigwok, his wife and daughter 
 were, in a l)arbarous manner, fired upon, the daughter killed, and the 
 mother taken. 
 
 We purjjosely omit Dr. C Mather''s arcotnit of Bomazeen\', conversation 
 with a minister of Boston, while a priiioner there, which amounts to little 
 else than his recounting some of the extravagant notions which the French 
 of Canada had made many Indians believe, to their ^'reat detriment, as he 
 said ; as that Jesus Christ was a French man, and the Virgin Mary a 
 French woman ; that the French gave thom poison to drink, to inflamn 
 them against the P^nglish, which made them run mnd. And we hear of 
 others, who told the Indians that the English put Jesus Christ to death in 
 l..ondon. 
 
 Arruhavnkwahcmt, just mentioned, was a sachem of the same tribe, and 
 was said to be of Norridgewock also. We can find but very few partic- 
 ulars of him, but, from the fate he met with, it is presumed he had been 
 very instrumental in continuingor brinjring about the eastern war of 1710. 
 In that year. Col. JFalton made an expedition to the eastern coast of Maine 
 with 170 men. As they were encamped upon an island, the smoke of 
 their fires decoyed some of the Indians into their hands, among whom 
 WAS Arruhaivikwabemt. Penhalloiv says, he was "an active, bold fellow, 
 
 * Neriirwok is believed to be the most proper wav of s|)elliiig the name of this place, 
 as agreeiiic; best with it.s orthoepy 5 at least, wilii that licard at and in the vicinity of 
 it, at thi.s (Jay, ns pronounced by the oldest iuhabitants. It is a delightful place, and will 
 be found elsewhere described. 
 
112 
 
 EGEREMET. 
 
 Bo&«. III. 
 
 and one of an undaunted spirit ; for when they asked him several qups- 
 tious, he made them no reply, and when they threatened him with death, 
 he laughed at it tvith contempt ! At which they delivered him up unto our 
 friendly Indians, who soon became his executioners. l?u: when the 
 squaw saw tlie destiny of her husband, she became more flexible, and 
 freely discovered where each party of them [the Indians] encamjjed." 
 The savage perpetrators of this act callud themselves Christian warriors ! 
 and it must be acknowledged that civilization gains nothing in contrastlDj^- 
 the conduct of the whites, under Jf'alton, and tliat of Bomazeen towards a 
 captive, just related. 
 
 Egeremet was of Machias, and, although sometimes called MoxuSy was, 
 we believe, a distinct sachem. This chief, with five others of like quality, 
 were seized by the English when they came into Pemmaquid Fort to 
 treat with them. Egeremet and another were killed. This was 16 Febru- 
 ary, 1696.* Their seizure could not have been outdone, by the greatest 
 barbarians, for faithlep?ness ; and we shall learn that its author paid for it 
 in due time with \vs life. We are not disposed to add to transactions which 
 are in themselves sufficiently horrible, but we will venture to give the ac- 
 count as we find it in Dr. C. Mather's decennium luctuosum : — f 
 
 " Let us, before the year be quite gone, see some vengeance taken upon 
 tlie heads in the house of the vncked. Know then, reader, that Capt. March 
 petitioning to be dismissed from his command of the fort at Pemmaquid, 
 one Chvb succeeded him. This Chuh found an opportunity, in a pretty 
 chubbed manner, tp kill the famous Edgeremet and Ahenqi >■ a couple of 
 principal sagamores, with one or two othei Indians, on a Lord's day. 
 Some that well enough liked the thing whicb was now done, did, not alto- 
 gether like the manner of doing it, because t. re was a pretence of ti'eati/ 
 between Chid) and the s?igamores, whereof ho took his advantage to lay 
 violent hands on them." 
 
 Thus the manner is seen in which this horrid and cold-blooded act is 
 related I ! Few are the instances that we meet with in history, where In- 
 dian treachery, as it is termed, can go before this. The reverend author 
 adds, " If there were any unfair dealing (which I know not) in this action 
 of Chub, there will be another Februan/ not far off, wherein the avengers 
 of blood will take theu* satisfaction." By this innuendo, what befell Capt. 
 Chubb afterwards is understood, and of which we shall presently give an 
 account. 
 
 The point of land called TrotVs JVeck, in Woolwich, in the state of 
 Maine, was sold, in 1685, hy Egeremet and several other sachems. In 1693, 
 he, with 12 other chiefs, treated with Sir William Phips, at Pemmaquid, 
 anil a treaty was signed by theni.t 
 
 Before this, in 1691, " New England being quite out of breath," says 
 Dr. C. Mather, a treaty, or truce, was entered into between the eastern sa- 
 cliems and Messrs. Hutchinson and Toionsend, of Boston, and others of 
 the eastern coast, at Sagadahock. Here ten captives were given up by 
 tliem, and the English gave up eight captive Indians. One was a woman 
 by the name of Hull, who had been of great service to them, having writ- 
 ten letters on various occasions, such as their affairs required, antl with 
 whom they regretted much to pai't. Another was JVathanicl IVhitc, who 
 had been bound and tortured in a wretched manner. His ears were cut 
 oi^, and, instead of food, he was forced to eat them, after which, but for 
 this timely treaty, the sentence of burning would have been executed 
 upon Lim, This truce stipulated that no hurt should be done the English 
 until May, 1692, and that, on the first of that month, they would deliver 
 
 * Manuscript of Rev. John Pike, 
 \ It may be seen iu the Magnalia. 
 
 t Magnalia, b. vii. 
 
Chap. IX.] 
 
 EGERE3IET. 
 
 113 
 
 at Wells, all English captives i» their hands, and, in the mean time, would 
 inform of any plots that they might know of the French against the Eng- 
 lish. Egeremet being the cliief sachem, and most forward in this busi- 
 ness, Dr. Mather utters his contempt for him by saying, "To this instru- 
 ment were sot the paws of Egeremet, and five more of their sagamores 
 and noblemen."* 
 
 This treaty may be seen at length in the Mnssachusctts Collections, but 
 is dated one year earlier tiian it is in the Magnalia. The fact that it was 
 made upon the water, as Dr. C.Mather says, and as we have quoted in the 
 life of jiladokawando, appears from the last paragraph of that instrument, 
 which is in theso words : — 
 
 " Signed and sealed interchangeably, upon the water, in canoes, at Sack- 
 atehock, ivhen the ivind bleiv." 
 
 It was headed, " At a treaty of peace with the eastward Indian enemy 
 sagamores." The other five sachems, beside Egeremet, were Toquelmut, 
 fVatumbomt, JFatombamet. fValumhe, [fFonnnhos,] and John Hawkins, [or 
 Kankamagus,] The places for whicii they stipulated are, according to the 
 treaty, " Pennecook, Winnepisseockeege, Ossepe, Pigwocket, Amoscon- 
 gen, Pechepscut, Kennebeck River, and all other places adjacent, within 
 tlie territory and dominions of the above-named sagamores." 
 
 The witntisses were, Dewando, [the same called Adiwando by Penhal- 
 lotc, probably,] JVed Higon, John Alden, jr. and JVathaniel Alden. 
 
 The next year, Egeremet was with Madokawando, Moxus and a body of 
 French under Labrocre, and made the notable attack upon the gaiTison at 
 Wells, which will be found written elsewhere. 
 
 We will now irf ;r;:i the reader of the wretched fate of Capt. Pcwco 
 Chub. It was not long after he committed the bloody deed of killing the 
 Indian sagamores, before he and the fort were taken by the French and 
 Indians. He was exchanged, and returned to Boston, where he suffered 
 much disgrace for his treachery with the Indians.f He lived at Andover, 
 in Massachusetts, where the Indians made an attack in February, 1698, 
 in which he was killed. It was not thought that they expected to find 
 him there ; but when they found they had killed him, it gave them as much 
 joy, says Hutchinson, " as the destruction of a whole town, because they 
 had taken their beloved vengeance of him for his perfidy and barbarity 
 to their countrymen." They siiot him through several times after he was 
 dead. 
 
 In his characteristic style, Mr. Oldmixon speaks of this event.| He 
 says, "Nor must we forget Chub, the false wretch who surrendered 
 Pemmaquid Fort. The governor kept him under examination some time 
 at Boston, and then dismissed him. As he was going to his house, at An- 
 dover, the Indians surprised him and his wife, and massacred them ; a just 
 
 * Araffiialia Christ. Amerirana, book vii. art. viii. 
 
 \ Harris's Voyages, ii. 3()6, (ed. 17tJI'.) says Chub was arrested by Co!. Gedncy, who 
 was sent east with lliree ships of war, on iiuariiig of tiie surrender of llic fort, aiid tiiat 
 no Freiinh or Indians could be tbund ; that aller he strengthened the garrison, he rc- 
 turnod iiomo, 
 
 '• Col. Gi'ibiei/ had l)ecn by land with 500 men, to secure the eastern frontier";. Find- 
 ing tlie enemy gone, he strengthened tlic garrisons, wliich were not taken. He also ar- 
 rested Posco Chubb, for surrendering Peinci(|uiil I'\irt, while under his command in July, 
 and had him brought to iJoston. Here Capt. ('Iiiibb wa7 conlined, till it was decided that 
 he should lose his commission, and not lie cligiMc for any other. This unforlunato man, 
 with his wife Hannah, and three odier«:, were killed by the Indians at Andover, Feb. 22, 
 lG!t8." lin: Mr. F.'lt's Anwtls of Sal.'m. 
 
 A naval force was sent at the same time ; hence, the accounts are not altogether irrco- 
 oiu'ilable. Three men-of-war were sent out in pursuit of the French, "but meeting 
 with contrary winds, they could never get sight of theiu." Ncal, Hist. N. Eug. ii. 551. 
 
 i British Empire in America, i. 77, 78. 
 
 10 
 
114 
 
 CAPTAIN TOM.— DONEY. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 rewaixl of his treason." The author, we think, should have added, ac- 
 cording to the jurisprudence of savages. 
 
 The most favorable account given of the conduct of Chub, and indeed 
 the only one, follows: "An Indian sagamore's son appeared with a flag of 
 truce, and Capt. Chub went out to them without arms, man for V'An. An 
 Indian asked for rum and tobacco: the captain said, 'JVb; it i.i sabbath 
 daif.^ They said, ' JVe tvill have rum, or we tvill have rum and you too! 
 Two Indians laid hold on the captain. Then he called to his men, to fall 
 on, for God's sake. Then he made signs to his men, to come from the 
 fort. One of the English liad a hatchet under his coat, took it out and 
 killed an Indian ; and then ours killed two more Indians, and took an- 
 other ali"e, and wounded another, supposed mortally. Then many of the 
 eiKMiiy came near to the English, who retreated all safe to the fort."* 
 
 There was another sagamore of the same r.ame, noticed in the follow- 
 ing wars with the eastern Indians, who was friendly to the whites ; it waa 
 probably he who sometimes bore the name of Moxus. 
 
 In the Indian war of 1703, there was a great Indian captain who re- 
 sided somewhere to the east of Pascataqua River, who made his name 
 dreaded among the settlements in that region, by some bloody expeditions 
 which he conducted. He wps called by the English 
 
 Captain Tom,. On 17 Aug. of this year, this daring war captain, with 
 about 30 others, surprised a part of Hampton, killed five persons, where- 
 of one was a widow Hussey, "who waa a remarkable speaking Quaker, 
 and much lamented by her sect." After sacking two houses near the gar- 
 rison, they drew ofT.f 
 
 Many Indians bore the name of Tom. Indian Hill, in Newbury, was 
 owned by Great Tom. He is supposed to have been the last Indian pro- 
 prietor of lands in that town. In written instruments, he styles himself, 
 « / Great Tom Indian."^ 
 
 We come, in the next place, to an interesting portion of our eastern 
 history. It has been generally supposed that the name Dony, or Doney, 
 was the name of an Indian chief, but it is now quite certain that he was 
 a Frenchman, who took up his residence among the Indians, as Baron de 
 St. Castcins did. There appears in our history, in 1645, a " Monsieur 
 Dony," who had some difficulty with Lord de la Tour, about their eastern 
 possessions, and he was, doubtless, the same of whom we have an account 
 after vards, in the war of 1G90, with the eastern Indians. At this time, 
 tliero were two of the name in Maine, father and son. The son, perhaps, 
 like Casteins the younger, was half Indian, but of this we are not sure ; 
 nevertheless, to preserve our narrative of the events of Col. Church's ex- 
 pedition of 1690, we shall notice them among others. 
 
 Church landed at Maquait, V^ September, before day, and, after a wet, 
 fatiguing march into the woods of about two days, on the soutii-west side 
 of the Androscoggin, came into tt e neighborhood of a fort. They came 
 upon an Indian and his wife who were leading two captives ; and imm«»- 
 diately pursuing and firing upon ihcm, killed the Indian woman, who 
 proved to be the wife of Young Doney.§ We can only hope it was not 
 their design thus to have killed an innocent woman. Wliich i)arty it was 
 that fired upon them (for they divided themselves into three) is unknown, 
 and we in cl .ity must suppose that, at considerable distance, and in much 
 confusion, it was difficult to know an Indian man from a woman. 
 
 * Manuscript letter in library Mass. Ilist. See. written in the tbllowinj:^ nionlh. As it was 
 written at a jjreat distance from the place, and from a report of the day, lilllo reliance 
 can he placed upon it. It may have neen Chub's report of the case. 
 
 t Pcnhallow, Ind. Wars, 8 ; Farmer's Belknap, i. 1G7. 
 
 \ Manuscript Flist. Nowliury, by J. (^ojiu. 
 
 ^ And the same called in the Mugnalia Robin Doney. 
 
Chap. IX.] 
 
 DONEY. 
 
 eastern 
 account 
 lis time, 
 )erhaps, 
 ot sure ; 
 ch^s ex- 
 
 As it was 
 reliance 
 
 As Church expected, Doney ran into one gate of the fort and out at the 
 other, giving the alarm so effectually, that nearly all within it escaped. 
 They found and took prisonciii "but two men and a lad of about 18, with 
 some women and children. Five ran into the river, three or four of wliich 
 were killed. The lad of 18 made his escape up the river." The whole 
 number killed in this action was " six or seven." The English had but 
 or.^ wounded. They took liere, at this time,* a considerable quantity of 
 com, guns and ammunition, and liberated Mrs. Huckings, widow of Lieut. 
 Robert Huckings, taken at Oyster River, Mrs. Barnard, wife of Beujamin 
 Barnard, of Salmon Falls, Jlnne Htard, of Cocheco, a young woman, 
 daughter of one Willis, of Oyster River, and a boy belonging to Exeter. 
 These captives, says Church, "were in a miserable condition." They 
 learned h^ th«m that most of their men were gone to Winter Harbor to 
 get provisions for the Bay of Fundy Indians. This information was 
 given by a prisoner talcen in the fort, who also said that the Bay of Fundy 
 Indians were to join them against the English, in the spring. "The sol- 
 diers, being very rude, would hardly spare the Indian's life, while in exam- 
 ination ; inteniling, wlien he had done, that he should be executed. But 
 Capt. Hucking's wife, and another woman, down on their knees and 
 begged for him, saying, that ho hatl been a means of saving their lives 
 and a great many more ; and had helped several to opportunities to run 
 away and make their escape ; and that np'or, since he came amongst 
 them, had fought against the English, but being related to Hakin^s\ wife, 
 kept at the fort with them, having been there two years ; but his living 
 was to the westward of Boston. So upon their request, his life was 
 spared." 
 
 Two old squaws were left in the fort, provided with provisions, and in- 
 structed to tell those who returned who they were, and what they were 
 determined to do. They then put four or Jive to death, and decamped. 
 Those, we must suppose, were chiefly women and children ! ^^ Knocked 
 on the head for an example," We know not that any excuse can be given 
 for this criminal act ; and it is degrading to consider that the civilized must 
 be supposed to imagine that they can prevent barbarities by being wretch- 
 edly barbarous themselves. 
 
 Old Done}! was next to be hunted. As they were embarking at Ma- 
 qiiait, Mr. Anlhony Bracket came to the shore and called to them to take 
 him on board, which they did. He; learning tliat an f]nglish army was 
 thereabout, made his escape from the Indians, with whom he had been 
 some time a prisoner. The fleet now proceeded to Winter Harbor, from 
 whence they despatched a detachment of 60 men to Saco Falls. When 
 they came near, they discovered Donejfs company on the opposite side of 
 the river, who chiefly made their escape. A canoe, with three Indians, was 
 observed coming over the ri\;er ; they did not see the English, and were 
 fired upon, and " all three perished." This gave the firet alarm to Doney^s 
 company. They did not, however, leave their ground without returning 
 the fire of the English, by which Lieut. Hunneivell was shot through tl:o 
 thigh.J When the parties fired upon each other, Old Doney, with an Eng- 
 lish captive, was higher up the river, who, hearing the firing, came down 
 to see what it meant ; and thus he discovered the English time enough to 
 escape. Doney fled from the canoe, leaving his captive, who came to 
 the English. His name was Thomas Baker, who had lived before at 
 Scarborough. 
 
 There were many other movements of the English after this, in which 
 
 * Siiys my record, which is a manuscript letter from Church, written at that time. 
 
 t The same called Kankamasiis. 
 
 i Oflicial letter iu MS. from the expedition. 
 
IIG 
 
 CAPTAIN SIMMO. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 they got much plunder, and wliich tended to cause an uneasiness among 
 them, and their final determination to return home. Church urged a longer 
 continuance, but was out- voted in a council of officers, and thus ended 
 the expedition. Many in the country reproached Church with coward- 
 ice, and ahnost every thing but what we should have looked for. If put- 
 ting to death captives had been the charge, many might have accorded 
 Amen ! But we do not find that urged against him. 
 
 Two years after this, in 1G93, Rohin Doney became reconciled to the 
 English, and signed a treaty with them at Penimaquid. But within a 
 year after, he became suspected, whether with or without reason, wo 
 know not, and coming to the fort at Saco, probably to settle the difficulty, 
 was seized by the English. What liis fate was is rather uncertain, but 
 the days of forgiveness and mercy were not yet. 
 
 Among the chiefs which we shall next proceed to notice, there were 
 several of nearly equal notoriety. 
 
 Captain Simmo's name should, perhaps, stand most conspicuous. We 
 shall, therefore, go on to narrate the events in his life, after a low prelim- 
 inary observations. 
 
 Whenever war commenced between the English and French in Eu- 
 rope, their colonies in America had to fear the worst. This was tlio 
 aspect which affairs wore in 1703. With the first news, therefore, of 
 its flame, the New Englandei-s' thoughts were turned towards the In- 
 dians. Gov. Dudley immediately despatched messengers to most of tlio 
 eastern tribes, inviting them to meet him in council upon the peninsula in 
 Falmouth, on the 20 Juno. His object was so to attach them to the Eng- 
 lish, that, in the event of hostilities between the rival powers on tills side 
 of the Atlantic, they would not take arms against them. Agreeably to tho 
 wishes of the English, a vast multitude assembled at the time appointed : 
 tjic chiefs Adkoando and Hegan for the Pcnnakooks, Wattanummon for 
 the Pequakets, Mesamhomett and Wexar for the Androscoggins, Moxus 
 and Hopehood (perhaps son of him killed by the Mohawks) for the Nc- 
 rigwoks, Bomazeen and Capt. Samuel for the Konnebecks, and Warrun- 
 gunt and Wanudugunbuent for the Penobscots. After a short sp ech to 
 them, in which the governor expressed brotherly affection, and a desire to 
 settle every difficulty "which had happened since the last treaty," Capt. 
 Siinmo replied as follows T-^^ 
 
 " }Fe thank you, good hrother^Jor coming so far to talk loilh its. It is a 
 great favor. The clouds fly and darken — hut we still sing with love the 
 songs of peace. Believe my loords. — So far as tue sun is aiiove 
 
 THE EARTH ARE OUR THOUGHTS FROM WAR, OR THE LEAST RUPTURE BE- 
 TWEEN US."* 
 
 The governor was then presented with a belt of wampum, which was 
 to confirm the truth of what had been said. At a ])revious treaty, two 
 heaps of small stones had been thrown together, near by, and called the 
 Two-hrothers.\ These were considered by the parties in the light of 
 seals to their treaties. They now repaired to these heaps of stones, and 
 each increased their magnitude, by the addition of othoi*s. Thus was 
 happily terminated this famous treaty. Some parade and rejoicing now 
 commenced, and a circu.nstance transpired which threw the Euglisli into 
 great fear, and, perhaps, j^r^atc suspicion. A grand salute was to bo 
 fired upon each side, at i)ar.irg,and the English, advisedly, and very wa- 
 rily, it must be confessed, but in apjiearance complimentary, e\pres«(>d 
 their desire that the Indians would fire fii-st. The Indians received tli«; 
 compliment, and discharged their guns ; to their great surprise, the Eng- 
 
 * This is I\rr. William.inn'.i vcrsioii of the speech, Hisl. Maine, il. 36. 
 t Tiie liiiliaas and En-^lish. 
 
Chap. IX.] 
 
 CAPTAIN SAMUEL.— IIEGAN. 
 
 117 
 
 It is a 
 
 love the 
 
 AIIOVK 
 ;UE IIK- 
 
 lirli was 
 
 laty, two 
 
 lllod the 
 
 iglit of 
 
 ic^s, and 
 
 |uis was 
 
 ig now 
 
 li.sli into 
 
 Is to be 
 
 Icry wa- 
 
 T(l the 
 ic Ens- 
 
 lish found they had been loaded with bullets. They now considered their 
 treachery certain, and marvelled at their escape. However, it can only 
 be presumed, that, according to the maxim of the whites, the Indians had 
 come prepared to treat or fight, as the case might require ; for no doubt 
 their guns were charged when they came to the treaty, otherwise why did 
 they not fire upon the English when they saluted them ? 
 
 What became of Cupt. Simmo we have as yet no account. Several of 
 the other chiefs who attended this council wero, perhaps, equally con- 
 spicuous. 
 
 Wattaivimmon being absent when the council first met on the 20 June, 
 no business was entered upon for several days. However, the English 
 afterwards said it was confirmed that it was not on that account that they 
 delayed the conference, but that they expected daily a reinforcement of 
 200 French and Indians, and then they were to seize upon the Englis-li, 
 and ravage the country. Whether this were merely a rumor, or the real 
 state of the case, we liave no means of knowing. Watlanummon was 
 supposed to have been once a Penn'-kook, as an eminence still bears I.is 
 name about a mile from the state-houSC in N. Hampshire.* 
 
 Capt. Samuel was an Indian of great bravery, and one of the most for- 
 ward in endeavoring to lull the fears of the English at the great council 
 just mentioned. What gave his pretensions the air of sincerity was his 
 coming with Bomazeen, and giving some information about the designs of 
 the French. They said, 
 
 " Although several missionaries have come among ws, sent by the French 
 fnars to break the peace between the E^iglish and us, yet their words have 
 made no itnp'-ession upon us. We are as firm as the mountains, and 
 
 WILL so CONTINUE, AS LONG AS THE SUN AND MOON ENDURES." 
 
 Notwithstanding '.ese strong expressions of friendship, "within six 
 weeks after," says Penhcdlotv, " the whole eastern country was in a con- 
 flagration, no house standing nor garrison unattacked." The Indiana 
 were no doubt induced to commit this depredation from the influence of 
 the French, many of whom assisted them in the work. And it is not 
 probable that those Indians who had just entered into the treaty wer. 
 idle spectators of the scene ; but who of them, or whether all were en- 
 gaged in the affair, we know not. A hundred and thirty people were 
 said to have been killed and taken. 
 
 Capt. Samuel was either alive 20 years after these transactions, or an- 
 other of the name made himself conspicuous. In .Tune, 1722, this war- 
 rior chief, at the head of five others, boarded Lieut. Tilton, as he lay 
 at anchor a fishing, near Damaris Cove. They pinioned him and his 
 brother, and beat them very sorely ; but, at last, one got clear and released 
 the other, who then fell with great fury upon the Indians, threw one over- 
 board, and mortally wounded two more.f Whether Capt. Satnuel were 
 among those killed is not mentioned. 
 
 There was a Captain Sain in the wars of 1745. In the vicinity of St. 
 George's, Lieut. Proctor, at the head of 19 militia, had a skii'mish with the 
 Indians, 5 Sept. in which two of theu- leaders were killed, viz. Colonel 
 Morris and Capt. Sam, and one Colonel Job was taken captive ; the latter 
 being sent to Boston, he died in prison. To quiet the resentment of his 
 relatives, the government made his widow a valuable present after the 
 peace.l 
 
 We should not, perhaps, omit to speak separately of another chief, 
 who was present at the famous treaty mentioned above ; we refei ♦o 
 
 HeguH. His name is also spelt Hegon and Heigon. There were seve- 
 
 * MS. communication of J. Farmer, Esq. 
 t FenhaUow's lud. Wars, 8G. 
 
 \ Williamson, Hist. Me. ii. 341. 
 
118 
 
 MOGG.— RASLE. 
 
 [Book 111. 
 
 ral of the name. One, called Moggheigon, son of Walter, was a sachem 
 at Saco, in 16fj4. This chief, in that year, sold to Win. Phillips, "a tract 
 of land, being bounded with Saco River on the N. E. side, and Kenne- 
 bnnk River on the S. W. side." To extend from the sea up Saco River 
 to Salmon Falls, and up the Kennebunk to a point opposite the former. 
 No amount is mentioned for which the land was sold, but merely "a cer- 
 tain sum in goods."* One Sampson Hegon attendetl the treaty of Pem- 
 inaquid, in 1G98 ; John, that at Casco, in 1727 ; JVerf was a Pennakook ; 
 Walter, brother of Mogg ;\ which, or whether either of these were the one 
 60 barbarously destroyed at Casco, as appears in the following account, 
 we are not informed. The fate of this Hegon is remembered among the 
 inhabitants of some parts of Maine to this day. He was tied upon ahorse 
 with spurs on nis heels, in such a manner that the spurs continually goad- 
 ed the animal. When the horse was set at liberty, he ran furiously 
 through an orchard, and the craggy limbs of the trees tore him to pieces. 
 Mather, in his Decenmu^m Luctuosum,|: seems to confirm something of the 
 kind, which took place at Casco, in 1694, where the Indians, having taken 
 some horses, made a bridle of the mane and tail of one, on which "a son 
 of the famous Hegon was ambitious to mount." " But being a pitiful 
 horeeman, he ordered them, for fear of his falling, to tie his legs fast un- 
 der the horse's belly. No sooner was tliis beggar set on horseback, and 
 the spark, in his own opinion, thoroughly equipped, but the nettlesome horse. 
 furiously and presently ran with him out of sight. Neither horse nor man 
 was ever seen any more. The astonished tawnies howled after one of 
 their nobility, disapjiearing by such an unexpected accident. A few days 
 after, they found one of his legs, (and that was all,) which they buried in 
 Capt. Brackets cellar, with abundance of lamentation." 
 
 Here we cannot but too plainly discover the same spirit in the narra- 
 tor, which must have actuated the authors of the deed. He who laughs 
 at crime is a participator in it. 
 
 From these, we pass to affiiirs of far greater notoriety in our eastern 
 history ; and shall close this chapter with two of the most memorable 
 events in its Indian warfare. 
 
 Mogg, the chief sachem of Norridgewok in 1724, may veiy appropri- 
 ately stand at the head of the history of the first event. How long he had 
 been sachem at that period, we have not discovered, but he is mentioned 
 by the English historians, as the old chief of Norridgewok at that time. 
 Notwithstanding Mogg was the chief Indian of the village of Nerigwok, 
 or, as Father Charlevoix writes it, Narantscak, there was a French priest 
 settled here, to whom the Indians were all devotedness ; and it is believed 
 that they undertook no enterprise without his knowledge and consent. 
 The name of this man, according to our English authors, was RalU, but 
 according to his own historian, Charlevoix, it was Raslc.§ The depreda- 
 tions of the Ab6naquis, as these Indians were called by those who lived 
 among them, were, therefore, directly charged by the English upon Fa- 
 ther i?cw/c; hence their first step was to offer a reward for his head.(| 
 The object of the expedition of Col. Westbrook, in 1722, was ostensibly to 
 seize upon him, but be found the village deserted, and nothing was effected 
 
 * MS. among the files in our slatc-liousc. 
 
 t MS. letter of Joh7i Farmer, Esq. J Magnalia, ii. 546. 
 
 j Hist. Gen. de la Nouv. Fr. ii. 380, H suiv. 
 
 If " Apris plusieurs tenlatives, d'ahord pmtr ejtgnger ces sauvages par les nffres et let 
 promesises les plus seduisantcs d, Iclivrer aux Anglois, ou dii moins a Ic renvoyer a Qui' 
 bee, et a prendre en sa place iin de lews mitdstres ; ensuite pour le surpeiidre et pour 
 i'eidever, les Anglois r>^solus de s'en d'^fiire,(jUoiqnm lenr en diit coftler, mirent sa t^tt 
 a prix, et prornirent milk livres sterling h celui, qui la leur porteroit." CliarUvoix, ut 
 supra. 
 
Chap. IX.] 
 
 MOGG — RASLE. 
 
 119 
 
 Book III. 
 
 L sachem 
 " a tract 
 Kenne- 
 co River 
 e former, 
 y " a cer- 
 of Pem- 
 nnakook ; 
 ■e the one 
 r account, 
 mong tlie 
 jn ahorse 
 ally goad- 
 furiously 
 to pieces, 
 ling of the 
 ving taken 
 ch " a son 
 ig a pitiful 
 (fs fast un- 
 \eback, and 
 some horse 
 se norTwan 
 ler one of 
 V few days 
 r buried in 
 
 the narra- 
 vho laughs 
 
 lur eastern 
 lemorable 
 
 appropri- 
 
 »ng he had 
 
 Imentioned 
 
 that time. 
 
 ferigwok, 
 tnch priest 
 Is believed 
 h consent. 
 {Ralli, but 
 depreda- 
 Iwho lived 
 jupon Fa- 
 jiis head.II 
 
 fensibly to 
 
 IS effected 
 
 1, ii. 546. 
 
 Yffres et les 
 
 \yer a Qw- 
 
 ire ft po7cr 
 
 ^rent sa tett 
 
 xrlevoix, ut 
 
 by the expedition but the burning of the place. Father Rash was the 
 last that left it, which he did at the same time it was entered by the ene- 
 
 my 
 
 having 
 
 first 
 
 secured the sacred vases of his temple and the orna- 
 ments of its altar. The English made search for the fugitives, but without 
 success, although, at one time, they were within about eight feet of the 
 very tree that screened the object for which they sought. Thus the French 
 considered that it was by a remarkable interposition of Providence, or, as 
 Charlevoix expresses it, par une main iiivisible, that Father Rasle did not 
 fall into their hands. 
 
 Determined on destroying this assemblage of Indians, which was the 
 head quarters of the whole eastern country, at this time, the English, two 
 yeare after, 1724, sent out a force, consisting of 208 men and three Mo- 
 hawk Indians, under Captains Movlton, Harman and Bowne, to humble 
 them. They came upon the village, the 23 August, while there was not 
 a man in arms to oppose them. They had left 40 o** their men at Teco- 
 net Falls, which is now nithin the town of Winslow, upon the Kenne- 
 beck, and about two milas below Waterville college, upon the opposite 
 side of the river. The English had divided themselves into three squad- 
 rons : 80, under Harman, proceeded by a circuitous route, thinking to sur- 
 prise some in their corn-fields, while Moidton, with 80 more, proceeded 
 directly for the village, which, being surrounded by trees, could not be 
 seen until they were close upon it. All were in their wigwams, and the 
 English advanced slowly and in perfect silence. When pretty near, an 
 Indl-m came out of his wigwam, and, accidently discovering the English, 
 ran " and seiz- d his gun, and giving the war-whoop, in a few minutes 
 the warriors were all in arms, and advancing to meet them. Monlton or- 
 dered his men not to fire until the Indians had made the first discharge. 
 This order was obeyed, and, as he expected, they overshot the English, 
 who then fired upon them, in their turn, and did great execution. When 
 the Indians had given another volley, they fled with great precipitation to 
 the river, whither the chief of their women and children had also fled 
 during the fight. Some of the English pursued and killed many of them 
 in the river, and others fell to pillaging and burning the village. Mogg 
 disdained to fly with the rest, but kept possession of a wigwam, from 
 which he fired upon the pillagers. In one of his discharges he killed a 
 Mohawk, whose brother observing it, rushed upon Mogg and killed him ; 
 and thus ended the strife. There were about 60 warriors in the place, 
 about one half of whom were killed. 
 
 The famous Rasle shut himself up in his house, from which he fired 
 upon the English ; and, having wounded one, Lieut. Jaques,* of Newbu- 
 ry ,f burst open the door and shot him through the head; although Movl- 
 ton had given orders that none should kill him. He had an English boy 
 with him, about 14 years old, who had been taken some time before from 
 the frontiers, and whom the English reported Risle was about to kill. 
 Great brutality and ferocity are chargeable to the English in this affair, 
 according to their own account ; such as killing women and children, 
 and scalping and mangling the body of Father Rasle.X 
 
 * Who I conclude was a volunteer, as I do not find his name upon the return made 
 by Moulton, which is upon file in the garret, west wing of our state-house. 
 
 t Manuscript History of Newbury, by Joshua CoJJin, S. II. S. wiiich, should the world 
 ever be so fortunate as to see in print, we will ensure them not only great gratification, 
 but a fund of amusement. 
 
 t As we have confined ourselves chiefly to the English accounts in the relation of this 
 affair, it will, perhaps, be gratifying to many to hear something upon the other side. 
 This we cannot do better than by ofTering the following extract from C/iar/eroi.T. He 
 says, — ." Jl n'y avoit alors que cinqiiantc gucrrievs dans le boiirg. lis prirent les amus, 
 et coururent tumulluairemeiU, non pas pour defcndre la place contre un ennemi, qui Hoit 
 d^ja deduns, mats pour /avoriser la fuite desfemmes, des veillards et des enfans, et letir 
 
J 20 
 
 PAUGUS. 
 
 [Book III. 
 
 There was here a Imndsoine cliiircl!, with a bell, on wliich the English 
 con'iiiitted u double .sacrilege, fir.st robbing it, then setting it on lire ; 
 he'oin surpassing the act of the firat English circumnavigator, in his dep- 
 redations upon the Spaniards in South America; for ho only took away 
 the gold and silver vesseLs of a church, and its crucifix, because it was of 
 massy gold, set about with diamonds, and that, too, upon the advice of hi.s 
 chaplain. ''This might pass," says a reverend author, "for sea divinity, 
 but justice is quite another thing." Perhaps it will be as well not to in- 
 quire here what kind oi divinity would authorize the acts recorded in these 
 wars, or indeed any wars. 
 
 Harman was the gonei al in the expedition, and, for a time, had the 
 honor of it ; but Movilon^ according to Gov. Hutchinson, achieved the 
 victory, and it \, is afterward acknowledged by the country. He was a 
 prisoner "hen a t,mail boy, among the eastern Indians, being among those 
 taken i if "uction of York, in 1G1)2. He died about IT-W. The 
 
 township Mo K luborough, in New Ha.npshire, was nanwl from him, 
 and many 'lis pf.^'*»: ity reside there at t le present day. 
 
 Under the head Fu- ^tis, we shall proc ;ed to narrate our last event in 
 the present chapter, than which, may be, few, if any, are oftener mentioned 
 in New England story. 
 
 Paugus, slain in the memorable battle with the English under Captain 
 Loveioell, in 1725, was chief of the Pequawketa. Fryeburg, in Maine, 
 now includes the principal place of their former residence, and the place 
 where the battle was fought. It was near a considerable body of water, 
 called Saco Pond, which is the source of the river of the same name. 
 The cruel and barbarous murders almost daily committed by the Indians 
 upon the defenceless frontier inhabitants, caused the general court of 
 Massachusetts to offer a bounty of £100 for every Indian's scalp. Among 
 the various excureiojis performed by Loveioell, previous to that in which 
 he was killed, the most important was that to the head of Salmon-fall 
 River, now Wakefield, in New Hampshire. With 40 men, he came upon 
 a small company of ten Indians, who were asleep by their fires, and, by 
 stationing his men advantageously, killed all of them. This bloody deed 
 was performed near the shore of a pond, which has ever since borne the 
 name of LoveweWs Pond. After taking oft' their scalps, these 40 war- 
 riors marched to Boston in great triumph, with the ten scalps extended 
 upon hoops, displayed in a formal manner, and for which they received 
 £1000. This exploit was the more iauded, as it was supposed that these 
 ten Indians were upon an expedition against the English upon the fron- 
 tiers ; having new guns, much ammunition, and spare blankets and moc- 
 
 donner le tfins de gagner le cuti de la riviere, qui n'^toit pas encore occupi par les An- 
 glois. Le P. Raslk averti par les clameurs et le tumulte du danger, ok se trouvoient ses 
 rvophytes, alia sans crainte se presenter anx assaillans, dans I'esperance d'atlirer sur 
 Ifii seul toute leur attention, et par-la de procurer le salut de son troupeau au peril de sa 
 vie. Son esperance ne fat pas vaine, a peine eut-il pant, que les Anglois jetterent un 
 grand cri, qui fut suivi d'ungrMe de monsquetades , dont U tomba tnort aupres d'nne 
 croix, qu'il avoit plantee au milieu du village : sept sauvages, qui V accompagnoient, et 
 qui avoient roulu luifaireun rempart deleurs corps, furent tuis d ses cotes. Ainsi 
 mourut ce charitable pastenr, endonant sa vie potir ses ouailles, apris trente-sept a7is 
 d'un penible apostolat." — " Quoiqu'on elit tire sur eux plus de deux mille coups de fu- 
 sils, il n'lj en eut que trente de tu<^s, et quatorze de blesses :"—" ils n'^pargnerent pas 
 I'eglise, mais ils n'lj mirent lefeu, qu'aprh avoir indignement profani les vases sacres, et 
 le corps adorable de Jesus-Christ. lis, [les Anglois,'] retirerent ensuite avec line pre- 
 cipitation," — " avoient eti frapph d'une terreur panique. Les sauvages rentrerent aus- 
 si-ti)t dans lews villages ; el leur premier soin, tandis que les femmes cherchoient des 
 lurbes et des plantes propres aguerir les blesses, fut de pleurer sur le corps de lur 8. mis- 
 sionnaire. Ils le trouiierent perc^ de mille coups, la chevelure enlevee, le crAne brise h 
 coups de baches, la bouche et les ycux remplis de bou^, les os des fambes fracasses, et tout 
 les membres Tnutilis de cent manieres dijjfcrcnles." Hist. Gen. li. 382-^1. 
 
[Book III. 
 
 tlie Englisli 
 it on lire ; 
 , in iiis (lep- 
 y took away 
 se it was of 
 idvice of Ills 
 sea divinity, 
 11 not to in- 
 ded in tliese 
 
 ne, had the 
 chieved the 
 He was a 
 among those 
 1759. The 
 d from him, 
 
 last event in 
 r mentioned 
 
 jder Captain 
 g, in Maine, 
 nd the place 
 dy of water, 
 same name. 
 '■ the Indians 
 ral court of 
 ;alp. Among 
 lat in which 
 [ Salmon-fall 
 B came upon 
 fires, and, by 
 bloody deed 
 ce borne the 
 lese 40 war- 
 Ips extended 
 ley received 
 ed that these 
 lon the fron- 
 ts and moc- 
 
 p^ par les An- 
 
 trouvoient ses 
 
 d'atlirer sur 
 
 au peril de sa 
 
 <is jetterent un 
 
 aupres d'une 
 
 impag^twient, et 
 
 coiis, Airtsi 
 
 •eTite-sept ans 
 
 coups defu- 
 
 argncrent pas 
 
 Mses sacres, et 
 
 auec tine pr^- 
 
 •entrerent aus- 
 
 •herchoienl des 
 
 de lur 8, mis- 
 
 crdne brise ^ 
 
 cassis, et tout 
 
 Chap. IX.] 
 
 PAUGUS. 
 
 121 
 
 casons, to accommodate captives. This, however, was mere conjecturo, 
 and whether they had killed friends or enemies was not quite so certain 
 as that they had killed Indians. 
 
 It is said that Paugus was well known to many of the English, and 
 personally to many of LovewtWs men ; and that his name was a terror to 
 the frontiers. In a song, composed aller the Pequawket fight, he is thus 
 mentioned, as appearing in that battle : — 
 
 " 'Twas Pangus led tlic Poqu'k't t«bc ; 
 As runs the fox, woulil Pausiis run ; 
 As howls the wild wolf, would lie howl ; 
 A huge bear-skin had Paugus on." 
 
 There was another chief, who was second to Paugus in this fight, by 
 the name of Wahwa. What became of him does not ajujcar. 
 
 Capt. Lovewell marched upon this expedition against Paugus, with 46 
 men, from Dunstable, about the middle of April, 1725. Their setting out 
 is thus poetically set forth in metre : — 
 
 " What time the noble Lovewell came, 
 With fifty men from Dunstable, 
 The cruel I'equ'k't tribe to tame. 
 With arms and blood-shed terrible." 
 
 They arrived near the place where thoy expected to fi .d Indians, on 
 the 7 May ; and, early the next morning, while at prTvcrs, heard a gun, 
 which they rightly suspected to be fired by some of . vgus^s men, and 
 immediately jjrepared for an encotmter. Divesting themselves of their 
 packs, they marched forward to discover the enemy. But not knowing in 
 what direction to proceed, they marched in an opposite direction from the 
 Indians. This gavePawg-us great advantage ; who, following their tracks, 
 soon fell in with their packs, from which he learned their strength. Be- 
 ing encouraged by his superior numbers, Paugus courted the conflict, and 
 pursued the English with ardor. His number of men was said to have 
 been 80, while that of the English consisted of no more than 34, having 
 left; ten in a fort at Ossipee ; and one, an Indian, had before returned 
 home, on account of sickness. The fort at Ossipee was for a retreat in 
 case of emergency, and to serve as a deposit of part of their piovisions, 
 of which they disencumbered themselves before leaving it. 
 
 After marching a considerable distance from the place of their encamp- 
 ment, on the morning of the 8 May, Ensign Wyman discovered an 
 Indian, who was out hunting, having in one hand some fowls he had just 
 killed, and in the other, two guns. There can be no probability that he 
 thought of meeting an enemy, but no sooner was he discovered by the 
 English, than several guns were fired at him, but missed him. Seeing 
 that sure death was his lot, this valiant Indian resolved to defend himself 
 to his last breath ; and the action was as speedy as the thought : his gun 
 was levelled at the English, and Lovewell was mortally wounded by the 
 fire. Ensign Wyman, taking deliberate aim, killed the poor hunter ; which 
 action our poet describes in glowing terms : — 
 
 " Seth Wyman, who in Woburn lived, 
 A marksman lie of courage true, 
 Shot the first Indian whom tliev saw ; 
 Sheer through his heart the bullet flew. 
 
 The savage had been seeking game ; 
 Two guns, and eke a knife, he Dorc. 
 And two black ducks were in his hand ; 
 He shrieked, and fell to rise no more." 
 11 
 
122 
 
 PAUGUS. 
 
 [Book III 
 
 He was scalped by the chaplain and another ; and then they marched 
 again by the way thoy came, for their packs. This was expected by the 
 wary Paufi^us, and he hiy in ambush to cut tliem off. When they liad got 
 completei^y within the ambush, 
 
 " Anon, there eighty* Indians rose, 
 Who'd hid themselves in ambusli dread ; 
 Their knives they shook, their f^uns tliey aimed, 
 The famous Paugus at iheir head." 
 
 \Vheu the Indians rose from their coverts, they nearly encircled the 
 English, but seemed loath to begin the fight ; and wore, no doubt, in liopcs 
 that the English, seemg their niunbers, would yield without a battle ; and, 
 therefore, made towards thetn with their guns presented, and threw away 
 their first fire. This only encouraged the English, and they rushed 
 toward the Indians, fired as they pressed on, and, killing many, drove the 
 Indians for several rods. But they soon rallied and fired vigorously in 
 their turn, and obliged the English to retreat, leaving nine dead and three 
 wounded, vvluire the battle began. Lovfoell, though mortally wounded 
 butbre, had led his men until this time, but fell before the retreat. 
 
 ''John Loi^eicell, capla'm of the band. 
 His sword he wav'd, that clitter'd bright, 
 For tlic last time he cheerVl his men, 
 And led tiieni onward to the tight. 
 
 ' Fight on, fight on,' brave Lovewell said ; 
 ' Figiit on, while Hciaven shall givr you breath !' 
 An Indian ball then pierc'd him through, 
 A\\< 1 Lovewell clos'd his eyes in death." 
 
 Being near the shore of Saco Pond, the English made good their re- 
 treat to it, which prevented their being surrounded; and but for this mo- 
 tion, none could possibly have escaped. The bank of the pond aftbrded 
 a kind of breastwork,! behind which the English maintained the fight 
 imtil night. The Indians drew off about dark, and they saw no more of 
 them. Nine only of the liiiglish escaped unhurt, though several that were 
 wounded lived to rLlurn home. Paugus was killed by one John Cham- 
 berlain, and is thus mentioned by the poet : — 
 
 " Rut Chamberlain, of Dunstable, 
 One whom a savage ne'er shall slay, 
 3Iet Paugus by the water-side, 
 And shot him dead upon that day." 
 
 A 
 
 son of Paugus, after peace was restored, came to Dunstable to 
 revenge his father's death by killing Chamberlain; but not going directly 
 to him, his design was mistrusted by some one, and communicated to 
 him, and he kept himself upon guard, and had a hole cut through the door 
 of his house, from which early one morning he discovered an Indian 
 behind a pile of wood, with his gun pointed towards the door, to shoot 
 him, he supposed, as he came out; but making use of his advantage. 
 Chamberlain fired upon and killed this son of Paugus. 
 
 * l\Ir. Williamson, Hist. Rlainc, ii. 137, says " at>out 63." This number he gets, I 
 suppose, from an average of three authors, thus ; — Penhallow, 70, — Hutchinson and 
 Sijmms, 80, — and Belknap, 41 ; hence, 70-J-80-|-'ll-7-3— G3-}-: But he has missed one of 
 his authorities, for 70+80+80+41-^4=68 — j i. c. about G8 would be the accurate 
 average. 
 
 t Penhalloic's Indian Wars, 113. 
 
Chap. IX.] 
 
 PAUGUS. 
 
 193 
 
 The English chaplain, Jonaihan Frye, was mortally wounded during 
 the buttle. 
 
 " A m.in was he of comely form, 
 
 Polish'd and brave, well learnt and kind. 
 Old llarvard'c learned halls he left, 
 Far in the wilds a grave to find." 
 
 He was of Andover, in Massachusetts, and had, but a short time before, 
 graduated at Harvard college. 
 
 " Lieutenant Farwdl took his hand. 
 His arm around his neck ho threw, 
 And said, ' Brave chaplain, I could wish 
 That Ilcaveii had made me die for you.' 
 
 The chaplain on kind FarweWs breast, 
 Bloody, and languishing, he fell ; 
 Nor after that, said more but this, 
 ' I love thee, soldier ; fare thee well !' " 
 
 The following lines apply well here, although they are not in the or- 
 der of the poet : — 
 
 " Then did the crimson streams, th«t flow'd, 
 Seem like the waters of the brook. 
 That brightly shine, that loudly dash. 
 Far down the clifls of Agiochook."* 
 
 If nib-acles had not then ceased in the land, we should be induced to 
 pass to their credit the extraordinary escape of several of the wounded 
 Englishmen. Solomon Keyes, having received three wounds, said he would 
 hide himself, and die in a secret place, where the Indians could not find 
 him to get his scalp. As he crawled upon the shore of the pond, at some 
 
 * The Indian name of the White Mountains, or, as the people of New Hampshire 
 would say. White Hills. The natives believed the summits of these mountains to be 
 inhabited by invisible beings, but whether good or evil we are not informed. Nor is it of 
 much importance, since they reverenced the one as much as the other. 
 
 It is always highly gratifying to the curious to observe how people primitively viewed 
 objects which have become familiar to them. We will here present the reader with Mr. 
 Jossijlyn's description of the White Mountains, not for its acatracy, but for its curious 
 extravagance. " Four score miles, (upon a direct line,) to the N. W. of Scarborow, a 
 ridge ofmountains run N. W. and N. E. an hundred leagues, known by the name of 
 the White Mountains, upon which lieth snow all the year, and is a landmark twenty 
 miles otT at sea. It is a rising ground from the sea shore to these hills, and they are in- 
 accessible but by the gullies uliich the dissolved snow hath made. In these gnlhes grow 
 saven bushes, which being taken hold of, are a good help to the climbing discoverer. 
 Upon the top of the highest of these mountains, is a large level, or plain, of a day's 
 journey over, whereon nothing grows but moss. At the farther end of this plain is an- 
 other hill called the Sugar-loaf, to outward appearance a rude heap of massie stones 
 piled one upon another, and you may, as you ascend, step from one stone to another, as 
 if you were going up a pair of stairs, but winding still about the hill, till you come to the 
 top, which wdl require half a day's time, and yet it is not above a mile, where there is 
 also a level of about an acre of ground, with a pond of clear water in the midst of it, 
 which you may hear run down, but how it ascends is a mystery. From this rocky hill 
 you may see the whole country round about ; it is far above the lower clouds, and from 
 nence we beheld a vapor, (like a great pillar,) drawn up by the sun-beams out of a great 
 lake, or pond, into the air, wlicre it was formed into a cloud. The country beyond these 
 hills, northward, is daunting terrible, being full of rocky hills, as thick as mole-hills in a 
 meadow, and cloathed with infinite thick woods." New England's Rarities, 3, 4. Sad 
 recollections are associated with the name of those mountains. The destruction of lives, 
 occasioned by an avalanche at the celebrated Notch, in 182G, will not soon be forgotten. 
 Mr. Moore, of Concord, has published an interesting account of it in the Col. N. H 
 Hist. Soc. vol. iii. 
 
liM 
 
 TAUOUS. 
 
 [ItooK III. 
 
 diHtanct; from the some of notion, he found u ranoo, into wliich he rolled 
 hiniHelf, and was dritlrd away l»y the wind. To hiH great astoniuhinent, 
 he wnHcraHt UHhort^ at no ^reat dintaiuM; from the fort at ONsipee, to which 
 he crawled, and there met sev(>ral of Iuh eompanions^ arul gaining Htrength, 
 returned lionn; with them. 
 
 Tliose who escaped (hd not leave the haltle ground until near tnidnight. 
 When they arrived at the fort, they expected to have found refreshment, 
 and thos(! they iiad left as a reserve ; hut a fellow whose nainc! is not men- 
 tioned, wIh) deserted the rest when tin,' hattle hegan, so frightened them, 
 that they fled in great confusion and <lisniay to their homes. 
 
 The place where this light took places was .lO miles from any white in- 
 hal)itants ; and that any should have 8urvivt>d the tiunine which now stared 
 tlu'in in the face, is almost as miraculous as that they should have; escaped 
 death at the liands of the courageous warriors of Paugus ; yet 14 lived 
 to return to their friends. 
 
 Fifty men, from New IIam|)shirc, afterwards marched to the scene of 
 action, when; they found and buried the dead. They f()und hut three In- 
 dians, one of whom was Paugus. The rest were supposed to have hcen 
 taken away when they retreated from the battle.* Wo will let the poet 
 close the account : — 
 
 " Ah ! many a wife shall rend her hair, 
 Ami many a child cry, ' Woe is me,' 
 When messengers tiie news shall bear, 
 Of Lovewell's dear-bought victory. 
 
 With footsteps slow shall travellers go, 
 Where Lovewell's pond shines clear and bright, 
 And mark the pln.^e where those are laid, 
 Who fell in Lovewell's bloody fight. 
 
 Old men shall shake their heads, and say. 
 Sad was the hour and terrible. 
 When Lffvewell, brave, 'gainst Paugus went. 
 With filly men from Dunstable." 
 
 Afier LoveiveWs fight, the Androscoggin and Pequawket Indians retired 
 to the head of Connecticut River. They remained here hut two years in 
 peace, at which time the Androscoggins removed to Canada, where they 
 were afterwards known as the St. Francis tribe. The others remained on 
 the Connecticut. Their chief, Philip^ fought with the Americans in the 
 revolutionary war.f 
 
 * For the principal (acts in this account, we are indebted to Sijmnies's narrative of tlic 
 fight, published the same year in which it happened, and lately republished in Farmer and 
 Moore's Historical Collections, vol. i. The poetry is from vol. iii. of the same work. 
 
 t Rogers's Reminis. Fr. War. 160. 
 
BOOK IV. 
 
 BIOORAPIIY AND HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN 
 
 INDIANS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Preliminrtry observations respecting the country of 
 WiNGi.NA, the first Virginia chief known to the 
 
 the southern Indians— 
 English — Destroys the 
 first colony settled there — Mf.natonon — Skiko — Ensenore — Second 
 culony abandons the country — Tobacco first canned to England by them — 
 Curious account of prejudices against it — Gra.nganemeo — His kind- 
 nesses— His family — His death — Powhatan— Boimcfcwi'es of his country — 
 Surprises the Paynnkntanks — Capt. Smith fights his people — Opekanko^ 
 nough takes Smith prisoner — The particulars of that affair — He marchis 
 him about the country — Takes him, at length, to Powhatan, who condemns 
 him • be put to death — Smith''s life saved at the intercession of Pocahon- 
 tas — insolence of Powhatan increased by JVitvporVs folly — Smith bi-ings 
 him to terms — Ji crown sent over to him from England — is crowned empe- 
 ror — Sprti-h — Uses every stratagem to kill Smith — Is baffled in twry 
 attempt — Smith visits him — Speeches — Pocahontas again saves Smith and 
 his comrades from being murdered by her father — Tomocomo. 
 
 The difficulty of rightly partitioning between the southern nations find 
 the Iroquois, or Five Nations, can easily be seen by all such as have but 
 very partially taken a survey of tliein, and considered their wandering 
 Jiabits. Therefore, should we, in this book, not always assign a sachem 
 to his original family or nation, we can only plead in excuse, that we have 
 gone according to our best information. But we have endeavoreil to 
 1 
 
WINtUNA. 
 
 [Rook IV. 
 
 draw a kind of natural boundary betAveon the above-mentioned nationp, 
 (iistMigiiisliing tli'jse j)eo|)le l)eyoiid the Cbt'sapeake and some ol* its tribu- 
 taries, as the southern Indians, and thosr l)etvvcen that boundary and the 
 Hudson by liie name Iroquois. To tlieir respective territories inhind, wo 
 Khali not, nor is it necessary to, fix bounds, in our present business. We 
 ore aware that some writers sup'/osc! that all the Indians, from the Mi.ssis- 
 sippi to tie vicinity of the HuJson, and even to the Connecticut, were 
 originally of the same stocK. If this were the case, the period is so 
 remoK; when they 8|)read themselves over the coimtry, that these greitt 
 natural «livisions had long since caused (piite a dilference in the inhab- 
 itants .vhich they separated ; and hence the projmety of noticing them 
 ucfording to our |tlan. 
 
 It is said that the territory from the sea-coast to the River Alleghany, 
 nnd from the most southern waters of James River up to Patuxent, in the 
 state of Maryland, was inhabited by three different nations, and that tli<^ 
 language of each differed essentially from the others. The English called 
 these nations by the names Poivlmtans, Manahoacs, and Monatans ; these 
 were the Tuscaroras. The Powhatans Avere the most powerful, and con- 
 fisted of several tribes, or connnunities, who possessed the country from 
 the scji-coast to the falls of the rivers.* 
 
 To give a tolerable catalogue of the names of the various nations of 
 Virginia, the Carolinas, and thence to the Mississippi, would far exceed 
 our plan. We shall, therefore, pass to notice the chiefs of such of those 
 nations as are distinguished in history, pointing out, by the way, their 
 localities, and whatever shall appear necessary in way of elucidation, as 
 we pass, and as we have done in the preceding books. 
 
 Winsina was first known to the English voyagers Amidas and Bar- 
 loiv, wlio landed in Virginia in tlie summer of 1584, upon an island called, 
 by the Indians, Wokokon. They saw none of the natives until the third 
 day, when three were observed in a canoe. One of them get on shore, 
 and the English went to him. He showed no signs of fear, " but spoke 
 much to them," then went boldly on board the vessels. After they had 
 given him a shirt, hat, wine, and some meat, "he w^ent away, and in half 
 an hour he had loaded his canoe with fish," which he immediately brought, 
 and gave to the English. 
 
 Jf'ingina, at this time, was confined to his cabin from wounds he had 
 lately received in battle, probably in his war with Piamacum, a desperate 
 and bloody chief. 
 
 Upon the death o^ Gi'anganemeo, \n l.'iS.'), WiJi^?na changed his name 
 to Pemissapan. He never had much liiith in the good intentions of the 
 English, and to him was mainly attributed the brwiking up of the first 
 colony which settled in Virginia. 
 
 It was upon the return to England of the Captains t57ni£/a,s and Barlow, 
 from the country of Wingina, tliat Queen Elizabeth, from the wonderful 
 accounts of that fruitful and delightful j)la(;e, named it, out of respect to 
 herself,- Virginia ; she being called the virgin queen, from her living un- 
 married. Rut, with more honor to her, some have said, "Recause it still 
 Koemed to retain the virgin purity and jilenty of the first creation, and the 
 )K'oplt' their primitive innocency of lilb and manners."t Waller referred 
 to this country when he wrote this: — 
 
 " So sv\f.,!t the air, so moderate the rlime, 
 None siokly lives, or dies l)efore liis time. 
 Heav'ii sure lias kept this spot of earth uiicurst, 
 To show how all things were created first." 
 
 • From a communication of Secretary Thompson to Mr. Jefferson, and appended l« 
 the Notes on Virginia, cd. of 1801. f Siilh, 11. 
 
[Rook IV. 
 
 ioned nntionp, 
 ne ofits tribii- 
 indary niul the 
 ries inland, we 
 t)usinesH. We 
 om the Missis- 
 necticut, won; 
 : period is so 
 at these {jrejjt 
 ill the iidiah- 
 noticijig tlieiii 
 
 ver Allephaiiy, 
 atuxent, in the 
 S and tlidt tii(> 
 Eufflish (•alle<l 
 macans ; these 
 erfid, an(l eon- 
 ! couiUry from 
 
 3US liations of" 
 Id far exceed 
 such of those 
 the way, tfieir 
 elucidation, as 
 
 idas and Bar- 
 1 island called, 
 until the third 
 
 get on shore, 
 r, " hut spoke 
 Lfter they had 
 and in half 
 
 tely brought, 
 
 ounds he had 
 , a desjierate 
 
 ed his name 
 
 ntions of the 
 
 ) of the first 
 
 and Barlow, 
 le wonderful 
 of respect to 
 ler living un- 
 
 cause it still 
 tion, and the 
 dkr referred 
 
 Chap. 1.] 
 
 WINGINA.— MEiWATONON. 
 
 d 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 cl appended t« 
 t Stitli, 11. 
 
 Sir Richard Gretnvil, stimulated by the love of gain, next intruded him- 
 self upon the shores of f^Vingina. It was fie who committed the first 
 outragt; upon the natives, which occasioned the breaking up of the colony 
 which he left behind him. He made but one short excursion into tliu 
 country, during whici>. by foolishly exposing his commodities, some na- 
 tive took from him a silver cup, to revenge the loss of which, a town was 
 burned. He left 108 men, who seated themselves upon th(! island of 
 Roanoke. Ralph Lane, a military character of note, was governor, and 
 Capt. Philip Amidas lieiit. governor of this colony. They made various 
 excursions about the country, in hopes of discovering mines of precious 
 metals ; in which they were a long time duped by the Indians, for their 
 ill conduct towards them, in compelluig them to jiilot them about. Wfn- 
 gina bore, as well as he could, the provocations of the intruders, until tin; 
 (ieatli of the old chief J5^^senore, his father. Under pretenct; of lionoring 
 Ills funeral, he assembled 1800 of his people, with the intention, as the 
 JOnglish say, of destroying them. They, therefore, upon the information 
 of Skiko, son of the chief Menatonon,* fell upon them, and, after killing 
 five or i^ix, the rest made their escape into the woods. This was done 
 upon the isia; d where ff'ingina lived, and the English first seized upon 
 ;I.o '>oats of liis visitants, to prevent their escape from the island, with die 
 intei'tior no doubt, of murdering them all. Not long after, " Wingina 
 was entr p; :d by the English, and slain, with eight of liis chief men." 
 
 Menato ■• was king of the Chawonocks, and Okisko of the Weopo- 
 meokes, " r. powfirful nation, possessing all that country from Albemarle 
 Sound and Chowan Rivof, quite to the Chesapeakes and our bay."f At 
 this time, Menatonon wan lame, and is mentioned as the most sensible and 
 tinderstanding Indian with whom the English ware at first acquainted. 
 It was he that made Lane and iiis followers believe in the existence of the 
 mine already mentionetl. "So eager were they," says Mr. Stith, "and 
 resolutely bent upon this golden discovery, that they could not be per- 
 suaded to return, as long as they had one pint of corn a man left, and two 
 mastitt' dogs, which, being boiled with sassafras leaves, might aftbrd them 
 some sustenance in their way back." After great suft'crings, they arrived 
 upon the "onst again. 
 
 The reason why Menatonon deceived the English, was because they 
 made him a prisoner for the purpose of assisting them in making discov- 
 eries. Ailer he was set at liberty, he was very kind to them. Two years 
 after, when Governor fVhite was in the country, they mention his wife 
 and child as belonging to Croatan, but nothing of him. 
 
 ffTiite and his company landed at lloanoake, 22 July, 1587, and gent 20 
 nun to Croatan, on E'oint Lookout, with a friendly luUive called Mantm, 
 to see if any intelligence could be had of a former colony of .50 men left 
 there by Sir Richard Greenv'l, They learned, from soiiic natives whom 
 They met, that the people of Dassanionpeak, on what is now Alligator 
 Kiver, had attacketl them, killed one, and driven the others away, but 
 whither they had gone none could tell. One of tlii.'ir present company, 
 a jiriiicipal man of their government, had also been killed by the san'ie 
 Indians. This tribe and several others had agreed to come to Roanoake, 
 and submit themselves to the English ; but not coming according to ap- 
 pointment, gave the English an opportunity to take revenge for former 
 injuries. Therefore, Capt. Stafford and 24 men, with Manteo as a guid", 
 set out upon that business. On coming to their village, " where seeing 
 them sit by the fire, we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed, 
 fied into the reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to havt; 
 
 * Smith ealls liim tlio '' lame king- of IVToraloc." 
 
 t Slith'at Virginia, ]l. By " our buy" is ineaiil Jitmcii River Bay, 
 
4 
 
 WINC.INA.— ENSENORK. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 been fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends come 
 from Croatan to gather their corn !" " Being thus disappointed of our 
 purpose, we gathered the fruit we found rijie, left the rest unspoiled, and 
 took Menatonon, his wife with her child, and the rest with us to Koa- 
 iiiiak."* But to return to Wingina. 
 
 While the English were upon the errand we have been speaking of^ 
 fUngina pretended to be their friend, but deceived them on every oppor- 
 tunity, by giving notice to his countrymen of their course and purpose, 
 and urging them to cut them oft'. He thought, at one time, that the Eng- 
 lish were destroyed, and thereuj)on scoft'ed and mocked at iuch a God as 
 liieirs, who would sufl'er it. This caused his son Enscnore to join their 
 « ncmirs, but on their return he was their friend again. lie, and many of 
 liis peu|)le, now believed, say the voyagere, that " we could do them more 
 hurt being dead, than lining, and that, iS^jingan hundred myles from them, 
 shot, and struck them sick to death, and that when we die it is but for a 
 time, then we return again." Many of the chiefs now came and subniit- 
 te i themselves to the English, and, among others, Ensenore persuaded his 
 father to become their friend, who, when they were in great straits for 
 provisions, came and i)lanted their fields, and made wears in the streams 
 t(» catch fish, which were of infinite benefit to them. This was in the 
 spring of 1586, and, sajs Lane, " we not having one corn till the next 
 harvest to sustain us." What added greatly to their distresses, was the 
 •leath of their excellent friend Enscnore, who died 20th of April follow- 
 ing. The Indians began anew tlieir conspiracies, and the colony availed 
 themselves of the first opportunity of returning to England, which was 
 in the fleet of Sir Francis Drake, whicii touched there in its way from an 
 exjjedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies.f 
 
 The conduct of Lane and his company in this fruitless attempt to estab- 
 lish themselves in Virginia, was, in the highest degree, reprehensible. 
 They put to death some of the natives on the most frivolous cnarges, and 
 no wonder they were driven out of the country, as they ought to have 
 been.}; While they were there, they became acciuainted with the use of 
 tobacco, and, takir<f it to England, its introduction into general use soon 
 rendered it a great .Mticle of commerce. And here it will not be improper 
 to notice how manv ditlerent persons have had the credit, or, perhaps, 
 1 should say discrtJit, of introduciiig this " Indian weed " into Enghuul ; 
 as. Sir Francis Drake, Sir ft alter Ralegh, Ralph Lane, and some others. 
 Now, as some writer observes, the reader may father it upon whom ho 
 pleases, as it is evident Sir Francis Drake took Ralph Lane and tobacco 
 Ijoth together into England ; and no one will dispute the agency of the 
 gallant knight. Sir Walter Ralegh, for he sent out Lane in his employ. 
 
 Mr. John Josselyn, in his "Two Voyages to N. England," has tliis pas- 
 sage : " Othere will have tobacco to be first brought into England from 
 Peru, by Sir Francis Drake's mariners." 
 
 There were many who afiected a violent disgust towards the use of ^ 
 tobacco ; the most cons])icuous was King James, whose mind seems to 
 have been just weak eiiough *o fight windmills. He even wrote a book 
 denouncing its use in tlie seve -est terms he could command. Not doubt- 
 ing but the reader will be gratified with a specimen of the opposition with 
 which our Indian plant met, in its transatlantic use, we will offer him a 
 passage from Winstanleifs Worthies,^ which, he says, is from one of the 
 poets of that day : — 
 
 * ^milh's Hist. Virginia. 
 
 t Relation of Lane, printed in Smith's Virginia. 
 
 i Herriol's Oiist^rvations, (one of Lane'n company,) printed iu Smith. 
 
 ^ Page 211, 212. 
 
CHJif. I.] GRANGANEMEO. 
 
 " He's no good fellow that's without the [- 
 Burnt pipes, tobacco, and his tinder box.' 
 
 -]x. 
 
 He then proceeds, " a folly which certainly had never spread so far, if 
 here had been the same means of prevention used vvitli us, as was in 
 Turky by Moral Bassa, who commanded a pipe to be tltrust through the 
 nose of a Turk which was found taking tobacco, and so in derision to 
 be led about Constantinople. Take his farewell to it, who once inucb 
 doted on this heathenish weed : — 
 
 'Farewell, thou Indian sinoak, barbarian vapor. 
 An enemy to life, foe to waste paper. 
 Thou dost diseases in the body breed, 
 And like a vulter on the purse dost feed. 
 Changing sweet breaths into a stinking loathing, 
 And with three pipes turns twopence uito nothing. 
 Grim Pluto first invented it, 1 think, 
 To pwyson all the world with hellish stink: 
 Base heathenish weed, how common is grown, 
 Thai but a few years past was scarcely known ! 
 When for to see one take it was a riddle, 
 As strange as a baboon to tune a fiddle^ 
 Were it confined oncly to genlicmen, 
 'Twere some repute to take tobacco then, 
 But bedlams, tinkers, coblers, water-bearers, 
 Your common drunkards, and most horid swearers. 
 If man's flesh be like hogs, as it is said. 
 Then surely by smoaking thus it's bacon made. 
 Farewell, foul smoak, good for such things as these, 
 'Gainst iice, sore heads, scabs, mange, or Frc-nch disease.' " 
 
 Tobacco grew spontaneously in Wingandacoa, (Virginia,) and the na- 
 tives called it Uppoiooc. It is generally supposed to be called tobacco 
 from the island Tobago, but this derivation is denied by some.* 
 
 But to return to our biography. Granganemeo was a chief very favora- 
 bly spoken of. As soon as the arrival of the English w^ made known 
 to him, he visited them with about 40 of his men, who were very civil, 
 and of a remarkably robust "ind fine appearance. When they had left 
 their boat, and came upon the shore near the ship, Granganemeo spread a 
 mat and sat down upon it. The English went to him armed, but he dis- 
 covered no fear, and invited them to sit down ; after which he performed 
 some token of friendship ; then making a speech to them, they presented 
 nim with some toys. None but four of his people spoke a word, or sat 
 down, but maintained the most perfect silence. On being shown a pew- 
 ter dish, he was much pleased with it, and purchased it with 20 deer-skins, 
 which were worth, in England, one hundred shillings sterling ! ! The dish 
 he used as an ornament, making a hole through it, and wearing it about his 
 neck. While here, the English entertained him, with his wife and children, 
 on board their ship. His wife had in her ears bracelets of pearl, which 
 reached to her middle. Shortly after, many of the people came out of 
 the country to trade, " but when Granganemeo was present, none durst 
 trade but himself, and them that wore red copper on their heads as he 
 did." He was remarkably exact in keeping his promise, " for oft we 
 trusted him, and he wu'ild come within his day to keep his word." And 
 these voyagers further report, that " commoidy he sent them every day a 
 brace of bucks, conies, hares, and fish, and sometimes melons, walnuts, 
 cucinnbers, pease and divers roots." 
 
 In their wanderings, Capt. Amidaa and seven others visited the island 
 of lloanoake, where they found the family of Granganetneo living in great 
 
 • Stith's Hist. Virginia, I'J. 
 
POWHATAN. 
 
 [Book 1 i 
 
 coinibrt and plenty, in a little town of nine houses. Th ; cliii' »vaf> iioi 
 at home, " but liis wife entertained them with wonderful courtesy and 
 kindness. She made some of her people draw their boat up, to prevent 
 its being injured by the beating of the surge ; some she ordered to bring 
 them ashore on their backs, and others to carry their oars to the house, 
 for fear of being stole. When they came into the house, she took off 
 iheir cloathes and stockings, and washed them, as likeAvise their feet in 
 warm water. When tlieir dinner was ready, they were conducted into 
 an inner room, (for there were five in the house, divided by mats,) wLrro 
 they found hominy,* boiled venison, and roasted fish; and, as a desi rt, 
 melons, boiled roots, and fruits of variuus sorts. While they were at 
 meat, two or three of her men came in with tlieir bows and aiTovvs, which 
 made the English take to their arms. But she, perceiving their (listrust, 
 ordered their bows and arrows to be broken, and themselves to be beaten 
 out of the gate. In the evening, the English returned to their boat ; and, 
 I)utting a little ofi" from shore, lay at anchor ; at which she was much 
 concerned, and brought their supjjcr, half boile,!, pots and all to the 
 shore ; and, seeing their jealouny, she ordered several men, and 30 women, 
 to sit all night upon the shore, as a guard ; and sent five mats to cover 
 them from the weather."f Well hath the poet demanded, "Call ye them 
 
 ,?" 
 
 common ac- 
 
 savage .'"' If the wife of Grangammeo was savage, in the 
 ceptation of the term, where shall we look for civilization ? 
 
 Sir R. GreenvU, having arrived on the coast in 1685, anchored off the 
 island Wokokon, 26 May, and, by means ofManteo, had sornu i?uercourse 
 with the inhabitants. At Ilatteras, where tliey staid a short tnne, soon 
 after, Granganemco, with Manteo, went on i)oard their ships. This waa 
 the last visit he made to the English. 
 
 Thir must close our account of the excellent family of Granganemeo, 
 and would that the account of the English would balance as well, but they 
 exhibit their own, and onti item more from it, and we close the compari- 
 son. For a small kettle hey took 50 skins, worth in Englauvl £12. lOs. 
 sterling.}; 
 
 We have now arrived at tiie most interesting article in Virginia historj'. 
 Powhatan was, of all the clucfs of his age, the most famous in the regions 
 of Viif^inia. The Englisii suppos*"!, at first, that his was the name of tho 
 country ; a common error, as we h.A'f teen in several cases in tlxe previous 
 books of our biogra;)hy, but, in ilii • .^e, anlike th<j others, the error pre- 
 vailed, and a part of iiis people, ever aller the settlement of the English, 
 were called the Powhaians. A great river, since called the James, and a 
 bay received his name aiso. He had three brothers, Opilchepan, Opekan- 
 kanough and Catatunugh, and two sisters. His principal residence was 
 at a place called ff'erowocomoco, when the English came into tlie country; 
 which v/as upon the north side of what is now York River, in the county 
 of Gloucester, nearly opposite the mouth of Queen's Creek, and about 
 25 miles below the fork of the river.§ He lived here until the English 
 began to intrude themse'vcs into his vicinity, when he took up his resi- 
 dence at Orakakes. 
 
 Poivhatan was not his Indian name, or rather original name; that 
 was Wahunsonacock. He is described as tall and well proportioned — 
 bearing an aspect of sadness — exceedingly vigorous, and possessing a 
 
 "A food nritide of Indian com, or maize, beaten and carefully husked, something 
 liKe furmety in England ; and is aji excellent dish various ways." 
 
 t Stith's'liist. Virginia, 10, 11. 
 
 \ Smith's Hist. Virp-'..ia. 
 
 ^ About two n)i!es ,:low whore Richmond now stpnds. The farm of a gentleman of 
 •he ntnie of Muyo included the site of a part of his town, in 1813. — CumpbeWi 
 i'irginia. 
 
[Book J '.'. 
 
 f wa? xioi 
 irtcsy and 
 :o prevent 
 J to bring 
 he house, 
 ) took oft' 
 ir feet ia 
 icted into 
 ts,) where 
 a dcsi rt, 
 y were at 
 wa, which 
 r (listrust, 
 he beaten 
 tout ; and, 
 vas much 
 ill to the 
 to women, 
 
 I to cover 
 
 II ye them 
 riniou ac- 
 
 e«i off the 
 uercourse 
 time, soon 
 This waa 
 
 nganemeo, 
 , but they 
 compari- 
 £12. lOa. 
 
 la historj'. 
 16 regions 
 Irne of tho 
 previous 
 srror jjre- 
 English, 
 \es, and a 
 Opekan- 
 snce was 
 [country ; 
 county 
 id about 
 English 
 Ihis resi- 
 
 jric; that 
 Itioned — 
 jessing a 
 
 Something 
 
 klcman of 
 uimpbcU's 
 
 Chap. I.] 
 
 POWHATAN. 
 
 body capable of sustaining great hardships. He was, in 1607, about GO 
 years of age, and his hair was considerably gray, which gave him a ma- 
 jestic appearance. At liis residence, he had a kind of wooden form to 
 sit upon, and his ornamental robe wasof raccoon skins, and his head-dress 
 was composed of many feathers wrought into a kind of crown. He 
 swayed ntany nations upon the great rivers and hays, tlie chief of whom 
 he had conquered. He originally claimed only the places called Pow- 
 hatan, (since named Haddihaddocks,) Arrohattock, (now Appomattox,) 
 Youghtanund, Pamunky, Mattapony, Werowocomoco, and Kiskiak ; at 
 which time, his cliief seat WJis at Powliatan, near the foils of James River. 
 But when he had extended his conquests a great way north, he removed 
 to Werowocomoco, as a more commodious situation. 
 
 At the termination of his warlike career, the country upon James 
 River, from its mouth to the falls, and all its bmnches, was the boundary 
 of his country, southerly — and so across the counay, "nearly as high as 
 the falls of all the great rivers, over Potowmack, even to Patuxent, in 
 Maryland," and some of the nations on the north shore of the Chesapeake. 
 His dominions, according to his law of succession, did not fall to his chil- 
 dren, but to his brothers, and then to his sisters, (the oldest first,) thence to 
 the heirs of the oldest ; but never to the lieii-s of the males. 
 
 He usually kept a guard of 40 or 50 of the most resolute and well- 
 formed men about him, especially when he slept ; but, after the English 
 came into his country, he increased them to about 200. He had as many, 
 and such women as he pleased ; and, when he slept, one sat at his head 
 and another at his feet. When he was tired of any of his wives, he be- 
 stowed them upon such of his men as most pleased him. Like the New 
 England chiefs, he had many places where he passed certain seasons of 
 the year; at some of which he had very spacious wigwams, 30 or 40 
 yards in extent, where he had victuals provided against his coming. 
 
 In 1(J08, he surprised the people of Payankatank, who were his neigh- 
 bors and SI jects. Captain Smith, m the account, "writ mth his men 
 hand," says, lie occasion was to vs vnknowne, but the manner was thus." 
 He sent sevt al of his men to lodge with them the night on which he 
 meant to fall upon them ; then, secretly surrounding them in their wig- 
 wams, commenced a horrid slaughter. They killed 24 men, took off their 
 scalps, and, with the women and children prisoners, returned to the sa- 
 chem's village. The scalps they exhibited upon a line between two trees, 
 as a trophy, and the weroteance (their name of a chief) and his wife 
 Powhatan made his servants. 
 
 From 1585 to 1607, every attempt to settle a colony in Virginia had 
 failed ; and, at this time, would have failed also, but for the unexampled 
 perseverance of one man. I need but pronounce the name of Capt. John 
 Smith, The colony with which he came did not arrive until the planting 
 sea.son was over ; and, in a short time, »hey found themselves in a suffer- 
 ing condition, from want of suitable provisions. Smith, therefore, under- 
 took to gain a supply by trafticking with the Indians back in the country, 
 who, being acquainted with his situation, insulted him and his men wher- 
 ever they came; offering him but a handful of corn, or a piece of bread, 
 for a gun or a sword. " But seeing by trade and courtesie there waa 
 nothing to he had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessitie 
 inforced, thorgh contrary to his coMuni-ssion." So he fired upon them, 
 and drove them into the woods. He then marched to their village. 
 Tliere they found corn in abuiidaiice, which, after some maiionuvring, 
 he - I'^ci oded ui trading ft)r, and returned with a supply to J.imestown. 
 
 S iiih, soon after, proceeded to discover the source of the Chikahama- 
 nin. A' 'en he had passed upas far as it was navij^able for his barge, he 
 left it '1'. a wide place, at a safe distuucc from the shore, and ordered hia 
 
 ^Mm 
 
8 
 
 rOVVHATAN. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 men not to f»o on shore on Juiy condition. Taking two of his own men 
 mid two In(hans, he proceeded to complete liis discovery. As soon as iio 
 was gone, his men went on shore ; one was killed, and the rest hardly 
 escajxHl. Sinilli was now 20 miles into the wilderness. Opckankanovgli, 
 with ;100 warriors, liavin<? learned, from the men they had jnst taken, 
 which way he was gone, followed after him, and came npon the two Eng- 
 lishmen belonging to his company, and killed them l)oth while asleep, 
 he being absiuit to shoot some fowls for provisions ; they then contin led 
 their pursuit after him. He was not far iiom his canoe, and endeavored 
 to retreat to it, but, being hard pressed, made a shield of one of his In- 
 dians, and, in this maimer, fought upon the retreat, until he had killed 
 three, and wounded divers others. Being obliged to give all his attention to 
 his pm-suers, he accidentally fell into a creek, where the mud was so dee]) 
 that he could not extricate himself. Even now, none dared to lay hands 
 upon him ; and those whom thi!ir own numl)ers forced nearest to liim, 
 were observed to tremble v,ith tiiar. The Indian he had bound to Jiis 
 arm with his garters, doubtless saved him from being killr'd by their 
 arrows, from which, owing to his Indian shield, he received but very little 
 hurt, except a wound in his thigh, though his clothes were shot full of 
 tliem. 
 
 When he could stand no longer in the mire, without perishing with 
 cold, he threw away his arms, and suftered them to come and take him. 
 After pul'ing him out of the mire, they took him to the place where hia 
 men had just been killed, where there was a fire. They now showed 
 lum kindness, rubbing his benuml)ed limbs, and warming him by the fire. 
 Jle asked for their chief, and Opekankanoujrh appeared, to whom he gave 
 a small compass. This amused them exceedingly. " Much they mar- 
 velled at the playing of the fly a"»d needle, which they could see so [dainly, 
 and yet not touch it, because ot die glass tliat covered them. But when 
 be demonstrated, by that globe-like iewell, the roundnesse of the earth, 
 and 'ikies, the sjjlieare of the sunne, and moone, and starres, and how the 
 sunne did chase the night round about the world, continually — tiie great^ 
 nesse of the land and sea, the diversity of the nations, varictie of complex- 
 ions, and how we ^vere to them antipodes, and many other such like mati.rs, 
 they all stood as amazed with admiration !" Yet, notwithstanding he had 
 such siiCi'CSs in explaining to them his knowledge of geograjdiy and astron- 
 omy, (how nmch of it they understood we will not undertake to say,) within 
 an hour after, they ti(;d him to a tree, and a multitude of them seeined 
 prepared to shoot him. Hut when their bows were bent, Opekankanousch 
 held uo his eoinpass, and tlicy all laid down their weai)ons. They now 
 led liim to Ora|)akas, or Orakakes, a temporary seat of Powhatan, on the 
 north side of Ch'kahomiuy swamp. Here they feasted him, and treatetl 
 him well. 
 
 Whiii rheymorched him, they drew themselves up in a row, with their 
 ehif'f in the midst, before whom the guns and swords they had taken 
 frou) the iJnglish were borne. Smith came next, led by three great men 
 hold of eac!i arm, and on each aide six more, with their arrows notched, 
 and ready, if he should atteu'pt to escape. At the town, they danced and 
 suTig about l.im, and then put him into a large house, or wigwam. Here 
 they kept him so well, that he thought they were fatting him to kill and 
 eat. They took him to a sick man to v^iu'c him; but he told them he could 
 not, ui less they would let him ;j,o to Jamestown, and get something with 
 which he could do it. This thi!y would not consent to. 
 
 The taking of Jamestown was now resolved upon, and they made groat 
 preparations for it. To this end, they endeavored to get Smitfi\<i assist- 
 ance, by making large promises of land and women ; but he t(;id them it 
 could not bo done, and described to them the great ditticb / of the under- 
 
 /,'//'// v/;v 
 
/■/} 
 
 lis own men 
 ,3 soon as lio 
 
 rest Imrdly 
 kankanoup;h, 
 1 just tukcn, 
 lit! two Fiiif;- 
 wliile asleep, 
 ^,n contiii Jeti 
 I endeavored 
 le of liis In- 
 e had killed 
 is attention to 
 I was so dee]) 
 
 to lay hands 
 iirest to liiin, 
 bound to his 
 lied by their 
 hut very little 
 B shot lull of 
 
 erishing with 
 md take him. 
 ace where hia 
 ' now showed 
 iin hy the fire, 
 ivhoni he gave 
 ich they mar- 
 see so j)lainly, 
 
 ley made great 
 
 ] Smithes assist- 
 
 [e t(dd them it 
 
 of the under- 
 
 Kiiiq FowliatiiU 11 Dill II, k I'Sniith ti- /■/• //iiviif, Ins 
 
 ~' rT7^_ _ -rJr^::^r---^ ==H=^- i'/f<//V?A'/ IVikiihoulns A;./-/."' /</> Z-//"' lii.\ f/itHi/f/ii//iiffs 
 
 _-Jli£^S-' T^r^^JL;^:^^-^ iVIil llnw ll •' Mi/'i,-i/fil:.,W/'t/li'ir/{ill<l.\ ri'i'<f'\<'' fii/t'''y 
 
 /■j/'/r/tri'i/ /ri'/ii //if ,>/n/i/tif/ ,is /'iif'/rs/i,;/ /t/ c.ir' Smith liiiiisril'. 
 
Chap. I] 
 
 rOVVIIATAN. 
 
 9 
 
 taking in audi a manner that they were greatly terrified. With the idea 
 of procuring K'^inething curious, Stnilh prevailed upon some ot' tliein to 
 go to Jaincstowti ; whidi journey they performed in the most severe, 
 frosty and snowy weather. Ily this means, he gave the people tiiero to 
 understand what iiis situation was, and what was intended against tiieni, 
 by sending a leaf from his pocket-book, with a few words written upon 
 it. He wrote, also, for a few articles to be sent, which were duly brought 
 by the messengers. Nothing had caused such astonishment as their 
 bringing the veiy articles Smith had promised them. That he could talk 
 to his friends, at so great a distance, was utterly incomprehensible to 
 them. 
 
 Being obliged to give up the idea of destroying Jamestown, they amused 
 themselves by taking their captive from jjlace to place, in great pomp and 
 triumph, and showing him to the different nations of the dominions of 
 Powhatan. They took him to Youghtannund, since called Pamunkey 
 River, the country over which Opekankanough was chief, whose princi- 
 pal residence was where the town of Pamunkey since was; thence to 
 the Mattaponies, Piankatanks, the Nautaughtacuiids, on Rappahanock, tho 
 Nominies, on the Patowmack River; thence, in a circuitous course, 
 through several other nations, back again to the residence of Opekankor 
 nough. Here they practised conjurations upon him for three successive 
 days ; to ascertain, as they said, whether he intended them good or evil. 
 This proves they viewed him as a kind of god. A bag of gunpowder 
 having fallen into their hands, they preserved it with great care, thinking 
 it to be a grain, intending, in the spring, to plant it, as they did com. He 
 was here again feasted, and none could eat until he had done. 
 
 Being now satisfied, having gone through all the manoeuvres and pranks 
 with him they could think of, they proceeded to Powhatan. " Here more 
 than 200 of those grim courtiers stood wondering at him, as he had been 
 
10 
 
 I'OWIFATAN. 
 
 fMooK IV. 
 
 Ji iiioiistor, till Powhatan and his trnyno lind put thnnipoivos in tlioir 
 gn-atcm l)r(ivori<3H." Hi; was seated hcton! a tire, upon a scat like a lied- 
 stead, having on a rolie of rareoon skins, "and all the t.iyles han^inp hy." 
 On each side of him sat a young woman; and upon (wdi siJi; of tiie 
 houHe two rows of men, and with us many women hehind them. These 
 Inst hud their heads and shoulders painted red — some of whone h»!uds 
 were udorned with white down ; and ahout their necks white heuds. On 
 Smilk's being hrouglit into the presi nee ni' Powhatan, nW present joined in 
 u great shout. " Tlie queen of Apamatuek was ippointed to hring him 
 water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, 
 instead of a towel, to dry them." Then, having feasted him again, " alter 
 their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but 
 the conclusioji was, two gn>at stones were l)rought bei'ore Powhatan — then 
 as mnny as could lay hands on him, dragged him to them and thereon 
 laid his head, uiui being ready, with their clubs, to beat out his brains, 
 Pocahontas, tlu; king's dearest daughter, wIkmi no (uitreaty could prevail, 
 got his head ui her urines, and laid her own upon his, to save him li-oni 
 death." 
 
 Powhatan was unable to n'sist the extraordinnry Bolicitations and sym- 
 pathetic entreaties of his kind-hearted little daughter, and thus was saved 
 the life of Capt. Smith ; a character, who, without this astonishing deliv- 
 erance, was sufficiently renowni^d for escapes and adventures. 
 
 The old sachem, having set the sentence of death aside, made up his 
 mind to employ Smith as an artisan ; to make, for himself, robes, .shoes, 
 bows, arrows, and pots ; and, for Pocahontas, bells, beads, and copper 
 trinkets. Powhatan^s son, named JVantatjuaus, was very friendly to 
 Smith, and rendered him many important sei-vicea, as well atler as during 
 his captivity. 
 
 " Two days after, Powhatan, having disguised himself in the most fear- 
 fullest manner he could, caused Captain Smith to be brought forth to a 
 great hotjse in the woods, and there, upon a mat by the fire, to be left 
 alione. Not long after, from behinde a mat that divided the house, was 
 n-ade the most dolefullest noyse he ever heard ; then Powhatan, more like 
 a Dcvill then a man, with some 200 more, as black as himselfe, came unto 
 him, and told him, now they were friends ; and presently he should go to 
 Jamestowne, to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndestone, for which 
 he would give him the countiy of Capahowosick, [Capahowsick,] and 
 forever esteem him his sonne, JVantuquo7id. So to Jamestowne, with 12 
 guides, Powhatan sent him. That night they quartered in the woods, he 
 still expecting, (as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment,) 
 every hour to be put to one death or another." Early the next morning, 
 they came to the i'ort at Jamestown. Hen; he treated his guides ,vith the 
 greatest attention and kindness, and offered Rawhunt, in a jesting manner, 
 and for the sake of a little sport, a huge mill-stone, and two demi-culve- 
 riiis, or nine pound cannons, to take to Powhatan, his master ; X\m» fidjilling 
 his engagement to send him a grindstone and two guns. This Rawhunt 
 was a sachem under Powhatan, and one of his most faithful captains, and 
 who, it seems, accompanied Smith in his return out of captivity. 
 
 "They found them somewhat too heavie, bu wl)en they did see him 
 discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great 
 tree loaded with isickles, the yce and branches came so tumbling down, 
 that the poore salvages ran away half dead with fear. But, at last, we 
 regained some conference with them, and gave them such toyes, and sent 
 to Powhatan, his women, and children, such presents, and gave them in 
 gcnerall full content."* 
 
 *Tliis is Captain Smith's own account, which I shall follow minutely; adding occa- 
 *ioaaHy from Stith, to illustrate the geography of the country. 
 
Chvp I] 
 
 I'OVVIIATAN. 
 
 11 
 
 Powhatan wnH now completdy in thci KiigliHli inlrroHt, nnd uIinoRt rvnry 
 oiIkt (lay s<'nt his (laiiffliter, I'ocalionta-n, wiili victiial.s, to Jaintstown, of 
 whifli tlicy were greatly in need. Smilh liad told Powhatan tliat a fjnat 
 chief, which was Ca|itain JVcwport, would arrive from Miiplaii<l ahoiit that 
 time, which coining to pat<s as lit; liad naid, greatly increastsd his admira- 
 tion of the wisdom of the Knglisii, and he was ready to <lo as they desired 
 in every thing ; and, hut for the vanity and ostentation of JVewport, mat- 
 ters woidd have gone on well, ami trade flourished greatly to their advau- 
 ta;;e. Htit he lavished so many presents upon Powhatan, that lie was in 
 no way inclined to trade, atid soon liegan to show his haughtiness, hy 
 «lemandiiig five times the value of an article, or his contempt for what 
 was oU'ered. 
 
 By .VcwjmiVs imprudence and folly, what had cost Smith so much toil 
 and pains to achieve, was hlown away hy a single hreath of vanity. 
 Nevertheless, his great mind, continually exercised in ditlicnlt matters, 
 brought the suhtle chief again to his own terms. Himself, with JVewport, 
 and about 20 other.s, went to Poivhatan's residence to trade with iiini. 
 "Wherein Powhatan carried himself so proudly, yet discreetly, (in his 
 salvage manner,) as made us all to admire bis natural gifis." He pre- 
 tended that it was far beneath his dignity to tradv as his men did. Thus 
 his craft to obtain from JVewport his p)ods for whatcner he pleased to give 
 in return. Smith saw through Powkatan^s crurt, and told JVcivport how it 
 would turn out, but being determined to show himself as dignified as the 
 Indian cliief, repented of his folly, like too many others, when it was too 
 late. Smith was the interpreter in the business, and JVeivporl the ohieC 
 Powhatan made a speech to him, when they were about to enter upor 
 trading. He said, " Captain JVewport, it is not agreeable to my greatness, 
 in this peddling manner, to trade for trifles ; and I esteem you also a great 
 werowance. Therefore, lay ine down all your commodities together; 
 what I like I will take, and in recompense give you what I think fitting 
 their value." Accordingly, JVewport gave him all his goods, and received 
 in return only about three bushels of corn ; whereas they cx|)ected to have 
 obtained 20 hogslieads. This transaction created some hard thoughts 
 between Smith and J^''cwport. 
 
 If it add to raise Poivhatan in our admiration, it can detract nothing 
 from the character of Smith, to say, that he was as wily as the great Indian 
 chief. For, with a few blue beads, which he pretended that he had shown 
 liim oidy by accident, and which be would hardly ]mn with, as he pre- 
 tended, because they were of great price, and worn only by great kings, 
 lie completely got his end, at this time, answered. Tantalization had the 
 desired effect, and Powhatan was so infatuated with the lure, that he was 
 almost beside himself, and was ready to givt all be had, to possess them. 
 " So that, ere we departed," says my relation, " for a pound or two of blew 
 beades, he brought over my king for 2 or 300 bushells of corne." 
 
 An English boy was left with P( hatan, by Captain JVewport, to learn 
 the language, manners, customs and geography of his country ; and, in 
 return, Powhatan gave him JVamontack, one of his servants, of a shrewd 
 and subtle capacity ; whom he afterwards carried to England. Powhatan 
 became offended with Captain Smith, when J^cwpoii left the country, in 
 1608 ; at whose departure he sent him 20 turkeys, and demanded, in return, 
 20 swords, which were granted. Shortly after, he sent the same number 
 to Smith, expecting the like return ; but, being disappointed, ordered his 
 men to seize the English wherever they could find them. This caused 
 tlifiiculty — many of the English being robbed of their swords, in the 
 vicinity of their forts. They continued their depredations until Smilh 
 surprised a number of thetn, from whom he learned that Poivhatan was 
 endeavoring 19 get all the arms in his power, to be able to massacre tho 
 

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12 
 
 POWHATAN. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 English. When he found that his plot wns disrovcred, he sent Pocakon- 
 taSf with presents, to excuse himself, and pretended that the mischief was 
 done by some of his ungovernable chiefs. He directed her to endeavor 
 to effect the release of his men that were prisoners, which Smith consented 
 to, wholly, as he pretended, on her account ; and tlius peace was restored, 
 which had been continually interrupted for a considerable time before. 
 
 On the 10th of September, 1008, Smith was elected governor of Vir- 
 ginia. Mwport, going often to England, had a large share in directing 
 the affairs oi the colony, from his intertdt with the proprietors. He ar- 
 rived about this time, and, among other baubles, brought over a crown for 
 Powhatan, with directions for his coronation ; which had the ill effect to 
 make him value himself more than ever. JVcwport was instructed to 
 discover the country of the Monacans, a nation with whom Powhatan was 
 at war, and whom they would assist him against, if he would aid in the 
 business. Captain Smith was sent to him to invite him to Jamestown to 
 receive presents, and to trade for corn. On arriving at Wcrowocomoco, 
 and delivering his mespago to the old chief, he replied, " If your king 
 have sent me presents, I also am a king, and this is my land. Eight days I 
 will stay to receive them. Your father [meaning NeAV[)ort] j> to come to me, 
 not I to him, nor yet to your fort — neither will I bite at such a bate. As for 
 the Monacans, I can revenge my own injuries ; and as for Mquanachuck^ 
 where you say your brother was slain, it is a contrary way from those parts 
 you suppose tt ; but, for any salt icater beyond the mountains, the relations 
 you have had from my people are false." Some of the Indians had made 
 the English believe that tlie South Sea, now called the Pacific Ocean, was 
 but a short distance back. To show Smith the absurdity of the story, he 
 drew a map of the country, upon the ground. Smith returned as wise as 
 he went. 
 
 A house was built for Powhatan, almut this time, by some Germants 
 who came over with Newport. These men, thinking that the English 
 . could not subsist in the country, wantonly betrayed all the secrets of the 
 English to Powhatan, which was again the source of much trouble. They 
 even urged him to put all the English to death, agreeing to live with him, 
 and assist him in the execution of the horrible project. Powhatan was 
 
 f)lea8ed at the proposition, and thought, by their assistance, to effect what 
 le had formerly hoped to do by engaging Smith ir such an enterprise. 
 Their first object was to kill Captain Smith ; by which act, the chief ob- 
 stacle to succ«»s8 would be removed ; and, accordingly, they took every 
 means in tht r i ower to effect it. 
 
 In the first place, he invited him to come and trade for corn, hoping an 
 opportunity, in that business, would offer. That his design might not be 
 mistrusted, Powhatan promised to load his ship with corn, if he would 
 bring him a grindstone, 50 swords, some muskets, a cock and a hen, and 
 a quantity of copper and beads. Smith went accordingly, but guarded, as 
 though sure of meeting an enemy. 
 
 In their way, the English stopped at Warrasqueake, and were informed, 
 by the sachem of that place, of Potvhatan's intentions. That sachem 
 kindly entertained them, and, when they departed, furnished them with 
 guides. On account of extreme bad weather, they were obliged to spend 
 near a week at Kicquotan. This obliged them to keep then* Christmas 
 among the Indians, and, according to our authorities, a merry Christmas 
 it was ; having been " never more merry in their lives, lodged by better 
 fires, or fed with greater plenty of good bread, oysters, fish, flesh and wild 
 fowl."' 
 
 Having arrived at Wcrowocomoco, after much hardship, they sent to 
 Powhatan for provisions, being in great want, not having taken but three 
 or four days' supply along with them. The old chief sent them immedi- 
 
[Book IV. 
 
 !nt Pocahon- 
 riiscliief was 
 to endeavor 
 th consented 
 vas restored, 
 10 before, 
 rnor of Vir- 
 in directing 
 )rs. He ar- 
 a crown for 
 c ill effect to 
 nstructed to 
 owhatan was 
 Id aid in the 
 imestown to 
 owocomoco, 
 f your king 
 Eight days J 
 come to me, 
 ite. As for 
 tquanachuckf 
 n those porta 
 the relations 
 s had made 
 Ocean, was 
 the story, he 
 id as wise as 
 
 le GermanR, 
 
 the English 
 
 ;crets of the 
 
 auble. They 
 
 'c with him, 
 
 whatan was 
 
 effect what 
 
 enterprise. 
 
 le chief ob- 
 
 took every 
 
 , hoping an 
 light not be 
 " he would 
 hen, and 
 guarded, as 
 
 ■e informed, 
 I at sachem 
 them with 
 ed to spend 
 Christmas 
 Christmas 
 a by lietter 
 3h and wild 
 
 ley sent to 
 n but three 
 m immedi- 
 
 Chap. I] 
 
 POWHATAN. 
 
 13 
 
 atcly a supply of broad, turkeys and venison, and soon after iniulc a fi'Jist 
 for tlicrn, nccordiiig to custom. 
 
 Meanwhile, Powhatan pretended he had not sent for the English ; tell- 
 ing them he had no corn, "and his people much less,"* and, therefore, 
 iutimat»"l that he wifshod they would go off again. Ihu Smith produced 
 the m(!ssenger that he hud sent, and so confronted him ; Powhatan then 
 laughed heartily, and tluis it passed f!)r a joke. He then asked for their 
 commodities, "hiu he liked ;iOthing, except guns and swords, and valued 
 a basket of corn higher tiian a basket of copper ; saying, he could rate 
 his corn, but not the copper." Ca|)t. Sinith then made a speech to him, 
 in which he endeavored to work u|)on his feelings and sense of honor; 
 said he had sent his meivto build him a house while his own was neglect- 
 ed ; that, because of his promising to sup[>ly him with corn, he hud 
 neglected to supply himself with provisions wIhmi he might have done it. 
 Finally, Smith reproached him of divei-s ucgligftnces, deceptions and pnn ar- 
 ications, but the main cause of Powlmtan^s refusing to trade seems to have 
 been because the English did not bring the articles he most wanted. 
 
 When Smith had done, Powhatan answered him as follows : — " /Fc have 
 but little corn, but what tee cari spare shall be brought two days hence. As 
 to your coming here, I have some doubt about the reason of it. I am told, by 
 my men, that you came, not to trade, bvi to invade my people, and to possess 
 my country. Tliis makes me less ready to relieve you, ana frightens my peo- 
 ple from bringing in their com. And, therefore, to relieve them of that fear, 
 leave your arms aboard your boats, since they are needless here, where toe are 
 all friends, and forever PowhatansJ'^ 
 
 In these, and other speeches of like amount, they t:pe!it the first day. 
 " But, whilst they expected the coming in of the country, they wrangled 
 Powhatan out of 80 bushels of corn, fur a copper kettle ; which the presi- 
 «leut seeing bun much affect, [value,] he told him it was of much grf-ater 
 value ; yet, in regard of his scarcity, he would accept that quaiuiiy at 
 present ; provided he should have as much more the next year, or the 
 Alanakin country," were that condition not complied with. 
 
 This transaction will equal any thing of the kind in the history of N. 
 England, but we will leave the reader to make his own comment. 
 
 At the same time, Powhatan made another speech, in which were some 
 very singular passages, as reported by Smith. One was that be had seen 
 the death of all his people three times; and that none of those three gen- 
 erations was then living, except himself. This was evidently only to 
 make the English think him something more than human. The old chief 
 then went on and said, 
 
 " / am now grown old, and must soon die ; and the succession must de- 
 scend, in order, to my brothers, Opitchapan, Opekankanough and Catataugh,* 
 and then to my two sisters, and their two daughters. I loish their experience 
 was equal to -.nine ; and thai your love to iw might not be less than ours to 
 you. Why shoidd you take by force that from tis which you can have by love ? 
 Why should you destroy tts, who liave provided you with food? What can 
 you get by ivar f We can hide our provisions, and fly into the woods ; and 
 then you must consequently famish by wronging your friendt. What is the 
 cause of your jealousy? You sec us unarmed, and willing to supply your 
 wants, if you will come in a friendly manner, and not loiih stvords and guns, 
 as to invade an enemy. I am not so simple, as not to know it is belter to eat 
 good meat, lie well, ami sleep quietly tvith my women and children; to laugh 
 
 8G 
 
 Tlie reader may wonder how this could be, but it is so in tlic old history, by Stith, 
 tCatanaugii, Stith. 
 
14 
 
 POWHATAN. 
 
 [Book IV, 
 
 and be merry mth the English ; and, heing their friend, to have copper, 
 hatchets, and whatever el.ic I want, than tojlyfrom all, to lie cold in the woods, 
 feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, aim to be so hunted, that I cannot 
 rest, eat, or sleep. In stick circumstances, my men must watch, and if a twig 
 sJiovld but break, all tvould cry oid, ' Here comes Capt. Smith' ; and so, in 
 this miserable manner, to end my miserable life ; and, Capt. SmiUi, this niiglit 
 be soon your fate too, through your rashness and unadvisedness. J, there- 
 fore, exhort you to peaceable councils ; and, above all, I insist that the guns 
 aiul swords, the cause of all our jealousy and uneasiness, be removed and 
 sent away.''^ 
 
 Smith interpreted thia speech to mean directly contrary to what it ex- 
 
 {)ressed,and it rather confirmed than lessened his former suspicions. He, 
 lowever, made a speech to Powhatan, in his turn, in which he endeavored 
 to convince him that the English intended him no hurt ; urging, that, if 
 tiiey had, how easily they might have effected it long before ; and that, as 
 to their perishing with want, he would have him to understand that the 
 English had ways to supply themselves unknown to the Indians ; that as 
 to his sending away the arms, there was no reason in that, since the In- 
 dians were always allowed to bring theirs to Jamestown, and to keep them 
 in their hands. Seeing Smithes inflexibility, and despairing of accom- 
 plishing bis intended massacre, he spoke again to Smith as follows : — 
 
 " Capt. Smith, I never v^e any toerowance so kindly as yourself; yet from 
 you I receive the least kindness of any. Capt. Newport gave me swords, 
 copper, clothes, or whatever else I desired, ever accepting what I offered him ; 
 and tvoidd send away his guns ivhen requested. JVb one refuses to lie at my 
 feet, or do ivhat I aemand, bid you only. Of you I can have nothing, but 
 what you value not ; and yet, you tvill have tchatsoever you please. Capt. 
 Newport you call father, and so you call me ; but I see, in spite of us both, 
 you will do what you will, and loe must both study to humor and content you. 
 Bui if you intend so friendly, as you say, send away your arms ; for you 
 see my undesigning simplicity and friendship cause me thu^ nakedly to for- 
 get myself.^' 
 
 Smith now was out of all patience, seeing Powhatan only trifled away 
 the time, that he might, by some means, accomplish his design. The 
 boats of the English were kept at a distance from the shore, by reason of 
 ice. Smith, therefore, resorted to deception ; he got the Indians to break 
 the ice, that his men might come in and take on board the corn they had 
 bought, and, at the same time, gave orders to them to seize Powhatan ; 
 Smith, in the mean time, was to amuse him with false promises. But 
 Smith's talk was too full of flattery not to be seen through by the saga- 
 cious sachem ; and, before it was too late, he conveyed himself, his 
 women, children, and eflfects into the woodo , having succeeded in his 
 deception better than Smith ; for two or three squaws amused him while 
 Powhatan and the rest escaped. Unwilling, however, to renounce his 
 
 Eurpose, Powhatan sent Smith, soon after, a valuable bracelet, as a present, 
 y an old orator of his, who tried to excube the conduct of his eachem ; 
 he said, Powliatan ran off' because he was affaid of the English arms, and 
 said, if they could be laid aside, he would come with his people, and 
 bring com in abundance. At length, finding all artifices vain, Powhatan 
 resolved to fall upon the English, in their cabins, on the following night 
 But here, again, Pocahontas saved the life of Smith and his attcndan*s. 
 She came alone, in a dismal night, through the woods, and informed 
 Smith of her father's design. For this most signal favor, he offered her 
 such articles as he tliought would please her; but she would accept of 
 nothing, and, with tears standing in her eyes, said if her father should 
 Bee her with any thing, he would mistrust what she had done, and instant 
 
[Book IV. 
 
 have copper, 
 'd in the woods, 
 , that I cannot 
 h, and if a ttoig 
 th' ; and so, in 
 litli, this might 
 ness. J, there- 
 t that the guns 
 e removed and 
 
 to what it ex- 
 spicions. Up, 
 he endeavored 
 urging, that, if 
 e ; and that, as 
 rstand that the 
 ]dians ; that as 
 ;, since the In- 
 d to keep them 
 ing of accom- 
 i follows : — 
 
 irself; yet from 
 
 %ve me swords, 
 
 1 1 offered him ; 
 
 ises to lie at my 
 
 ive nothing, but 
 
 please. Capt. 
 
 tpite of Its both, 
 
 :nd content you. 
 
 arms ; for you 
 
 nakedly tofor- 
 
 ly trifled away 
 
 design. The 
 
 e, by reason of 
 
 idians to break 
 
 1 corn they had 
 ize Powhatan ; 
 womises. But 
 h by the saga- 
 d himself, his 
 zceeded in his 
 ised him while 
 
 renounce his 
 3t, as a present, 
 )f his sachem ; 
 ^lish arms, and 
 tis people, and 
 vain, Powhatan 
 bllowing night, 
 his attendants. 
 , and informed 
 he offered her 
 ould accept of 
 r father should 
 >ne, and instant 
 
 Chap. I] 
 
 POWHATAN. 
 
 15 
 
 death would be her reward ; and she retired by herself into the woods, 
 as she came. 
 
 Powhatan was so cxnsporatrd at tlio failure of his pints, that he threat- 
 ened death to his men if they did not kill Smith by some means or other. 
 Not long after, a circuuistance occurred, which gave him security the rest 
 of his administnition. One of Potvhatan''s men having, by .some means, 
 ffot a (jiiantity of powder, pretended that he could manage it like the 
 Knglish. Several came about him, to witness his exploits with the strange 
 commodity, when, by some means, it took fire, "and blew him, with one 
 or two more, to death." This struck such a dread into the Indians, and 
 so ama/ed and lightened Powhatan, that his people came from all direc- 
 tions, and desired peace ;* many of whom returned stolen articles that 
 the English had never liefore missed. Powhatan would now send to 
 Jamestown such of his men us had injured the English, that they might 
 be dealt with as they deserved. The same year, ItiOl), he sent them nearly 
 half his crop of corn, knowing them to be in great want. 
 
 Captain Smith, having, by accident, been shockingly bm-iied by his |iow- 
 dcr-bags taking fire, for want of surgical aid, was obliged to leave the 
 country and go to England, from whence he never returned. He pub- 
 lished the account of the first voyages to Virginia, and bis own adventures, 
 which is almost the only authority for the early history of that country. 
 He died in London, in lG31,t in the 52d year oi" his age. 
 
 Thou (hvis admired, 
 
 Didst make proud Powhaian, his subjects send, 
 To lames his towne, thy censure to attend : 
 And all Virgina's lords, and pcttic kin^, 
 Aw'd by thy vertue, crouch, and presents brings, 
 To gain thy grace ; so dreaded thou liast beene : 
 Ana yet a heart more milde is seldome scene. "| 
 
 The Dutchmen of whom we have spoken, and who had been so assid- 
 uous t ) bring ruin upon the colony, came to a miserable end. One of them 
 died in wretchedness, an^ •'> others had their brains beat out by order 
 of Powhatan, for their deception. 
 
 After SmiLk had left; Virginia, the Indians were made to believe that he 
 was dead. Powhaian doubted the report, and, some time after, ordered 
 one of his counsellors, named Ultamatomakin,^ or Tomocomo,\ whom he 
 sent to England, to find out, if possible, where he was. He instructed 
 him, also, to note the number oi the people — to learn the state of the 
 country — and, if he found Smith, to make him show him the God of the 
 English, and the king and queen. When he arrived at Plimouth, he took 
 a long stick, and began to perform a part of his mission by cutting a notch 
 for every person he shoulu see. But he soon gave up that business. And, 
 when he returned to his own country, his chief asked him, among other 
 things, to give him an account of the number of the inhabitants in Eng- 
 land. His answer to that inquiry, we hazard not much in saying, is nearly 
 as extensively known as the golden rule of Confucius. It was as follows : 
 *' Count the stars in the sky, the leaves on the trees, and the sand vpon the 
 sea-shore,— for such is the number of the people of England." 
 
 Tomocomo had married a sister of Pocahontas, and, probably, accompa- 
 
 * Did not the English of N. England owe their safety to Massasait and Miantunno- 
 moh's fear of tiie same article ? 
 
 t Josselyn, N. Eng. Rarities, 106. 
 
 i Laudatory verses affixed to the first volume of his History of Virginia. 
 
 II Purchas. 
 
•I I 
 
 16 
 
 POWHATAN. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 nied her to England.* Wliilo there, the famous anti(|uary, Samuel Pur- 
 chase, had an interview with him, and from whom lie ct)ll(;('tcd many facts 
 relating to the manners and customs of his countrymen ; the result of 
 which he afterwards puhlished in his Pilgrim8.f 
 
 The difficulties were almost perpetual between Powhatan and the Eng- 
 lish ; very little time passed, while he lived, but what was full of brous 
 and dissatisfaction, on the one ])art or the other. Few Indian chiefs have 
 fallen under our notice, possessing such extraordinary characteristics as 
 Powhatan. He died at peace with the English, in April, 1G18, and was 
 succeeded by Opitchapan, his second brother, who was known afterwards 
 by the name Itopatin. 
 
 Our readers will be compelled to acknowledge that Capt. Smith was 
 borljarous enough towards the Indians, but we have not met with any thing 
 quite so horrible, in the course of his proceedings, as was exhibited by his 
 successor. Lord De La War. This gentleman, instead of taking a mean 
 course between the practices of Smith and N'ewport, went into the worst 
 extreme. Finding Poivhatan insolent, on Ins arrival in the country, he 
 determined, by severity, to bring him to unconditional submission. Hav- 
 ing, therefore, got into his hands an Indian prisoner, his lordship caused 
 his right hand to be cut off. In this manned and horrid condition, he sent 
 him to Powhatan ; at the same time, giving the sachem to understand that 
 all his subjects would be served in this manner, if he refused obedience 
 any longer ; telling him, also, that all the corn in the country should be 
 immediately destroyed, which was just then ripcf This wretched act 
 increased, as reasonably it should, the indignation of Poti^ftcrfcn, and his 
 acts were governed accordingly. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Reflection upon tlie character rf Potohatan — Pocahontas — She singiilarli/ 
 entertains Capt. Smith — Disaster of a boaVs cretv — Smith's attempt to 
 surprise Powhatan frustrated iii consequence — Pocahontas saves the life 
 of ff)jiffin — Betrayed into the hands of the f English — Japazaws — J\lr. 
 Rolfc marries Pocahontas — Opachisco — Pocahontas visits England — 
 Her interview loith Smith — Dies at Gravesend — Her son — Opkkanka- 
 NOUGH — Made prisoner by Smith — Is set at liberty — Nemattanow — 
 Murders an Englishman — Is murdered in his turn — His singular conduct 
 at his death — Conducts the massacre of 1022 — Plots the extirpation of the 
 'English — Conducts the horrid massacre of 1G44 — /* taken prisoner — His 
 conduct upon the occasion — Barbarously ivounded by the guard — Last 
 speech, and magnanimity in death — Refections — Nickotawance — Toto- 
 POTOMoi-->oi?i« the English against the Rechahecrians — /* defeated and 
 slaiit. 
 
 It is impossible to say, what would have been the conduct of the great 
 Poivhatan, towards the English, had he been treated by them as he ougiit 
 to have been. The uncommonly amiable, virtuous and feeling disposition 
 of his daughter will always be brought to mind in reading his history ; 
 and, notwithstanding he is described l)y the historians as possessing a sour. 
 
 * Mr. Oldmixon (Rrit. Empire, i. 285.) says, " That when the princess Pocahontas 
 came for Enjrlnnfl, a coucarousa, or lord of her own nation, attended her ; his name was 
 Utiamaccomiick. ' ' 
 
 t Vol. V. b. viii. ciiap. vi. page 955. :f Harris, Voyages, ii, 226. 
 
[Book IV. 
 
 ^aviuel Pur- 
 (l many facts 
 the result of 
 
 iiid the Eng- 
 iull of broils 
 I cliiefs hnvo 
 icteristicB as 
 J18, and was 
 n afterwards 
 
 t. Smith was 
 ith any thing 
 lihited by liis 
 iing a mean 
 to the worst 
 1 country, he 
 ssion. itav- 
 (Iship caused 
 lition, he sent 
 ilerstand that 
 ed obedience 
 ry should be 
 wretched act 
 itan, and his 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 POCAHONTAS. 
 
 17 
 
 he sins^ularlif 
 I's attempt to 
 saves the life 
 AZAWS — J\Ir. 
 England — 
 Opkkanka- 
 
 lATTANOVV 
 
 «;ular conduct 
 rpation of the 
 prisoner — His 
 guard — Last 
 NCE — ToTo- 
 defeated and 
 
 . of the gi-eat 
 I as he ought 
 ig disposition 
 his history ; 
 !ssing a sour, 
 
 CSS Pocahontas 
 ; his name was 
 
 ages, ii. 226. 
 
 morose and savage disposition, full of treachery, deceit and cunning — and 
 whose word was never to be depended upon, yet, on the very page that lie 
 IS thus represented, we shall iind the same faults set him as examples by the 
 English themselves. 
 
 The first and most memorable events in the life of Pocahontas have 
 necessarily been detailed in the account of her father ; therefore we shall, 
 under her own name, give those which are more disconnected with his. 
 
 Pocahontas was born about the year 151)4 or 5, and hence was no more 
 than l^or 13 years old, when she saved the life of Capt. Smith, in 1G07. 
 Every particular of that most cMraordinary scene has been exhibited. It 
 has also been :nentiotied, that, at the suggestion of Capt. JVetvport, Smith 
 went with a few men to Werowocomoco, to invite Powhatan to lames- 
 town to receive presents, hoping thereby to influence hiui to open a trade 
 in corn with them. 
 
 When he arrived at that place, Powhatan was not at home, but was at 
 the distance of 30 tniles off'. Pocahontas and her women received him, 
 and while he waited for her father, they thus entertained him : " In a fayro 
 plaine field, (soys Smith,) they made a fire, before which, he sitting upon 
 a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and 
 shrecking, that the English botooke themselves to their arms, and seized 
 on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan, witli all his 
 power, was come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas come, 
 willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended ; and tho beholders, 
 which were men, women —id children, satisfied the captain there was no 
 such matter. Then presently they were presented with this onticke ; 30 
 young women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and 
 before with a few greene leaues, their bodies all painted, some of one color, 
 some of another, but all differing. Their leader had a fayre payre of bucks 
 homes on her head, and an ottcr-skinne at her girdle, and another at her 
 arme, a qi'iver of orrowes at her backe, o bow and arrows in her hand. 
 The next hod in her hand a sword, and another a club, another a pot- 
 sticke, all horned alike ; the rest every one with their seuerall devises. 
 These fiends, with most hellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the 
 ti'ees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing with 
 most excellent ill varietie, oft; fulling into their infernall passions, and sol- 
 emnly again to sing and daunce. Having spent neare an houre iii this 
 mascarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed." After a short 
 time, they came and took the English to their wigwams. Here they 
 were more tormented than before, " with crowding, pressing, hanging 
 about them, most tediously crying, ' Love you not me ? love you not me ?' " 
 When they had finished their caresses, they set before them the best 
 victuals their country afforded, and then showed them to their lodgings. 
 
 While Captain Smith was upon an expedition into the country', with an 
 intention of surprising Powhatan, there happened a melancholy accident 
 at home, to a boat's crew, which had been sent out in vciy severe 
 weather, by one who was impatient to have the direction of matters. In 
 the boat were Captain Waldo, Master Scrivener, the projector of the expe- 
 dition, Mr. Anthony Gosnolil, brother of the well-known Jinrtholometv 
 Gosnold, and eight others. By the sinking of the boat, tlio.se all perished, 
 and none knew what had become of them, uniil their bodies were found 
 by the Indians. The veiy men on whom Smith depended to remain at 
 the fort for his succor, in case he sent for them, were atiionj; the numlier. 
 Therefore, to prevent the failure of this expedition, somebody mu.st bo 
 sent to opprize Smith of the catastrophe. None volunteered for the haz- 
 ardous service, but Mr. Richard Wjiffin, who was obliged to undertake it 
 alone. Tiiis was a time when Powhatan was very insolent, and iirgtul daily 
 the killing of Smith upon hia men. Nevertheless, after many dilliculties, 
 2* 
 
18 
 
 POCAHONTAS. 
 
 fBooK IV 
 
 lie nrrived at Wprowocomoco, Hen; lin ioiiiul liiinst.'lf ninidBt propara- 
 tiniis lor war, and in 8till grr>ntrr danger than lie luui yet I oen. Jiiit 
 Pocahontas up|)eured as Ids uavior. Knowing tl^; intention of the war- 
 riora to kill iiini, hIw. first Hccivted liiiii in tin- woods, and then directed 
 those wliu sought liiai in an opposite direction from that he had gone; 
 HO, by this incanH, he escniicd, ajid got safe to Smith at I'aniunkey. TJiis 
 was in the winter of 1G01>. 
 
 W(i next hear of her saving the life of Hevry Spilthnn, who, was one 
 of 30 that went to trade, upon the confidence of Powhatan, but who were, 
 all except Spilinan, killed by his |)eoi)le. 
 
 From UiOJ), the time Smith left the country, until K511, Pocahontas was 
 not seen at Janjestown. At this time, she was treacherously taken ])ris- 
 oner by Captain .^r/afa/,and kept hy the English to j>reventPou'/trt<«nfroin 
 doing them injury, and to extort a great ransom from him, and such terms 
 of peace as they should dictate. At the titne she was betrayed into th<' 
 hands of Captain Jlrgal, she was in the neighborhood of the chief of 
 Potomack, whose name was Japazatvs, a jMirticular friend of the English, 
 and an ohl acquaintance of Captain Smith. Whether she had taken up 
 her residence here, or whether she was here only u|K>n a visit, we arc not 
 informed. Hut some have conjectured, that she retired here soon nfter 
 Smithes departure, that she might not witness the frequent murders of the 
 ill-govenied English, at Jar lestown. Captain w^r^aZ was in the Potomack 
 River, for the purjwse of trade, with his ship, when he learned that Poca- 
 hontas was in the ncighl)orliood. Whether Japazatvs had acquired his 
 treachery from his inuircourse with the English, or whether it were natu- 
 ral to his disposition, we will not undertake to decide here ; but certain it 
 is, that he was ready to practise it, at the instigation ot'Jlrgal. And for a 
 copper kettle for himself, and a few toya for his squaw, he enticed the 
 innocent girl on boai'd ArgaVs ship, and l)etrayed her into his hands. It 
 was effected, however, witliout compulsion, by the aid of liis squaw. The 
 captain had previously promised that no hurt should befall her, and tliat 
 she should be treated with all tenderness. This circumstance shouid go 
 as far as it may to excuse Japazaios. The plot to get her on board was 
 well contrived. Knowing that she had no curiosity to see a ship, having 
 befbre seen many, Japazaws^ wife pretended great anxiety to see one, but 
 would not go on board unless Pocahontas would accompany her. To this 
 she consented, but with some hesitation. The attention with which they 
 were received on board soon dissipated all fears, and Pocahontas soon 
 strayed from her betrayers into the gun-room. The captain, watching his 
 opi)ortunity, told her she was a prisoner. When her confinement was 
 known to Javazaws and his wife, thay feigned more lamentation than she 
 did, to keep her in ignorance of the plot ; and, after receiving the price 
 of their perfidy, were sent ashore, and Argal, with his pearl of great price, 
 sailed for Jamestown. On being informed of the reason why she was 
 thus captivated, her grief, by degrees, subsided. 
 
 The first step of the English was to inform Powhatan of the captivity 
 of his daughter, and to demand of him their men, guns and tools, which 
 he and his jieople had. from time to time, taken and stolen from them. 
 This unexpected news threw the old, stem, calculating chief into a great 
 dilemma, and what course to take he knew not ; and it was three months 
 before he returned any answer. At the end of this time, by the advice 
 of his council, he sent back seven Englishmen, with each a gun vvhich 
 had been spoiled, and this answer : that when they should return his 
 daughter, he would make full satisfaction, and give them 500 bushels of 
 corn, ancl be their friend forever ; that he had no more guns to return, the 
 rest being lost. They sent him word, that they would not restore her, 
 until he liad conipli'.'d with their demand ; and that, as for the gu :3, they 
 
[Book IV 
 
 Chap. 11] 
 
 POCAHONTAS. 
 
 10 
 
 8t prnpnra- 
 I lien. lUit 
 )f the wnr- 
 I'n dirt'cted 
 I had gone ; 
 key. Tiiis 
 
 wlio were, 
 
 ihontas was 
 taken ])ris- 
 vhaian from 
 such terms 
 ed into tin- 
 he chi«f of 
 lie Englisli, 
 d taken up 
 , wo arc not 
 
 soon I'.itcr 
 rders of the 
 e Potoninck 
 I that Poca- 
 icqnircd his 
 ; wero nntu- 
 lut certain it 
 
 And for a 
 enticed tho 
 s liands. It 
 ?quaw. The 
 er, and tliat 
 e should go 
 
 hoord was 
 
 lip, having 
 sec one, but 
 To this 
 
 wiiich they 
 hontas soon 
 vatchinghis 
 
 ement was 
 on than she 
 tlie price 
 
 great price, 
 fhy she was 
 
 le captivity 
 ools, wliich 
 from them, 
 into a great 
 iree months 
 the advice 
 gun vvliich 
 return his 
 husliels of 
 return, the 
 restore her, 
 } gu :3, they 
 
 did not Iiohevo they were lost. Seeing tlie determination of the Eiif-Iish, 
 or his inability to satisfy them, was, wo apprehend, why they " heard no 
 more from him for a long time after." 
 
 In the spring of the year I. I'i{, Sir Thomns Dale took rocahontas, and 
 went, with a shi|>, up Powlintmi's River to VVerowocomoco, the residence 
 of her father, in hopes to eftert an exchange, and bring alniut n peace. 
 Powhatan was not at home, and they met witli nothing but bravailoes, and 
 a disposition to fight, from all the Indians they saw. After burning many 
 of their habitations, and giving out thr(>ats, some of the Indians came and 
 made peace, as they calhul it, which oi)cned the way for two of Pocahon- 
 t(is\<i brothei-s to come on board the ship. Their joy at seeing their sister 
 may be imagined. 
 
 A particular friendship had some time existed between Pocahontas and 
 a worthy young Englishman, by t\ni name of John Rolfe ; which, at length, 
 growing into a sincere attachment, and lieing mutual b«'tween them, he 
 made known his desire to take her for his compani' This being highly 
 approved of by Sir Thomas Dale, an.l other gcnti n of high standing 
 and authority, a consummation was soon agreed upon. Acquainting her 
 brother with her determination, it soon came to the knowledge of her 
 fiither also ; who, as h'-ghly approving of* it as the English, inmiediately 
 sent Opachiscoj her uncle, and two of his sons, to witness the perform- 
 ance, and to act as her servants upon the occasion : and, in the beginning 
 of April, 1()13, the marriage was solemnized according to appointment. 
 Powhatan was now their friend in reality ; and a friendly intercourse 
 commenced, which was, without much interruption, continued until his 
 death. 
 
 Pocahontas lived happily with her husliand, and became a believer in 
 the English religion, and expressed no desire to live again among those 
 of her own nation. M'^hen Sir Thomas Dale returned to England, in 
 1(31(5, Pocahontas accompanied him, with her husband, and several other 
 young natives. They arrived at Plimouth on the 12th of June of that 
 year. She met with much attention in that country, being taken to court 
 by the Lord and Lady Delaware, and others of distinction. She was, at 
 this time, called the Lady Rebecca. Her meeting with Captain Smith was 
 affecting; more especially as she thought herself, and very justly, no doubt, 
 too slightly noticed by him, which caused her mucli grief. Owing to the 
 barbarous nonsciise of the times. Smith did not wish her to call liim fa- 
 ther, being afraid of giving o fence to royalty, by assuming to be the lather 
 o * a king's daughter Yet he did not intend any cause of offence, and 
 did all in his power to make her hap|)v. At their first interview, after 
 n.'inaining silent some time, she said to him. " You promised my father, that 
 what was yours should be his ; and that you and he would be all one. Being 
 a stranger in our country, you called Powhatan yh</jer ; and I, for the satne 
 reason, will now call you so. You were not afraid to come into myfather^s 
 country, and strike fear into every body but myself; and are you here afraid 
 to Id me call you father ? I tell you, then, i will call you father, and you shall 
 call mc child; and so I will forever be of your kindred and country. They 
 always tuld us that yon ivcre dead, and I knew not othenvise, till I came to 
 Plimouth. But Powliatan •commanded Tomocomo to seek you out, and 
 know the truth, because your countrymen are muck given to lying." 
 
 The useftd and worthy young Pocahontas, being about to embark for 
 her native; country, in the beginning of the year 1()17, fell sick at Graves- 
 end, and died ; having attained only the age of 22 years. She left one 
 son, whose ii.'ime was Thomas Rolfe, very young; and whom Sir Lewis 
 Stcuhfy, of IMinoutli, doi^in-d to be left with him, that he might direct his 
 othicatvon. Jint, iioni tlie unmanly part this gentleman took against the 
 unfortunate Ralegh, he was brought into such merited disrepute, that he 
 
30 
 
 OPEKANKANOUGII. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 found himself oliligod to timi nil liis jutfiuion to \m own proHonntion ; 
 and tlu! Hon of Punthonlas whh taken to London, und there <;(hioated Ity 
 Ills une!i', Mr. Hruri/ liolfe. He nrterwards came to Amerion, to the na- 
 tive (Mtuntry of his mother, where he heonnie n genth^rnan of preat dis- 
 tinction, and posNCHsed an ain|>le fortune. He leil an only dauf;liter, who 
 married Colonel Jiobtrt HoUiiifr, and died, leaving an only son, Mn'}or John 
 HollinfT, who was the father of Colonel John Jhlliiif;, and sevend daugh- 
 ters; on«! of whom married Col. Rirhard Ramlol^)h, from whom arc 
 descended those lN;aring that name in Virginia, at this day.* 
 Harlow thus notices Pocahontas : — 
 
 " BJpsl Pnctihontas ! fonr no lurking piiilo ; 
 I Tliy lioro's love shall well rrward thy smile. 
 
 Ah, soothe llic wuiiileror in his desperate plicht, 
 
 lli<h; him by day, nnd cahn his cares l)y iiiglit ; 
 
 Tho' savage nations, with thy veiifjeful siro, 
 
 Pursue their virtim with luircasinfi;' ire — 
 
 And tho' their tiireats thy startled car assail, 
 
 Let virtue's voice o'er lllial fears prevail." — Columbiad. 
 
 Opekankanovfrh has already received our notice. He was a very con- 
 Kpieiious character in his time, and was styled, hy the Virginians, King of 
 the Pannmkies. The dreadful massacre, of which ho was author, brings 
 to mind his name oilener than almost any other chief of his times. 
 
 There seems to Im; some contradiction, or difference of opinion, with 
 regard to the origin of this chief. Some of the Indians reported that ho 
 came from tho west, and was not a brother of PotvJuttan ; but that story, 
 we judge, is merely a fable, invented and told by some of them, who were 
 his enemie^j, to influence the English against him, that they might destroy 
 him. 
 
 Opekankanouffh seems to linve l)orne the name of Mangopeomen in 
 lG'il,f a circimistancc imnoticed by most historians, and, therefore, wo 
 conclude that it prevailetl only among his own tribe, and, perhaps, even 
 an)ong them fell into disuse soon after. 
 
 Opitchapan, called also Odnn, and lastly Sasauopeomen,l was the suc- 
 cessor of Powhatan, but he st^ems never to have been otherwise noted. 
 "TJie defects of tht; new emperor," says Mr. Burk, "were aggravated in 
 the minds «-f the Indians, by a conijmrison with the accomplished Ope- 
 kankanoii^h, who, in the council and the field, was the most conspicuous 
 warrior amongst the Powhatans; and who, during the life-time of the late 
 etnporor, had procured from the free tribe of the Chickahominies, the title 
 of their king." The same author calls Opitchapan a " feble and decrepid" 
 chief, who "was little calculated to secure respect, or enforce obedience."^ 
 
 In 1G08, the Indians liad become Jiniversally at variance with the Eng- 
 lish, nnd insulted them whenever they appeared abroad ; knowing their 
 miserable, half-starved condition. Insult followed insult, upon both sides, 
 und, but for the never-tiring perseverance of Smith, this colony, like the 
 first, would have been soon destroyed. The Indians wotdd promise to 
 tradj? with them, but when they went to them for that purpose, they only 
 " laughed at tlieir calamities ;" sometimes putting jokes upon them, and 
 at others, running away into the woods. 
 
 In this extremity of their circuiiistanccs, though in the depth of winter, 
 Smith resolved to make himself master of some of the Indians' store of 
 
 {)rovisions, by some means or othei-. He, therefore, proceeded to Pnmun- 
 :ey, the residence of Opikankanovgh, with 15 men, where he tried to 
 
 * Smillis Virginia, with addilioiis from iftith. 
 t liur/i's Va. V. 221i, t Ibid. 
 
 § Hist. Virgiuia, i. 233. 
 
[Book IV. 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 OI'KKANKANOUrUI.— NEM.VTTANOW. 
 
 31 
 
 rosorvntion ; 
 I'ducatcil l»y 
 n, to tli<: iiu- 
 jf great (IIh- 
 ujflitrr, who 
 , Nlajctr JoA« 
 vcnil (luiigh- 
 >vhuin uru 
 
 3 a very con- 
 ians.Kiiigof 
 luthor, brings 
 times. 
 
 opinion, with 
 ortcd that ho 
 )ut that story, 
 m, who were 
 night destroy 
 
 ifTopeomen in 
 therefore, wo 
 [jcrhaps, even 
 
 was the suc- 
 crwise noted, 
 agpi'avated in 
 iplished Ope- 
 : conspicuous 
 me of the lato 
 linies, the title 
 ind decrepid" 
 ; obedience."^ 
 k^ith the Eng- 
 nowing their 
 on both sides, 
 lony, like the 
 d promise to 
 ise, they only 
 on them, and 
 
 )th of winter, 
 ians' store of 
 cd to Pamun- 
 he tried to 
 
 irgiuia, i. 233. 
 
 trade with him for corn ; but, not Hiirreeiling, bo, in n (Icspcrate manner, 
 t*ei/.ed upon th*t rliii-f by \\'\h hair, in tb)* midHt of bin m«>M, " with Iiih ])iH- 
 toll readii! JH-nt agaiiiHt \m iireartt. 'I'buM ho led tiie tremltliiig king, nean; 
 d<;ad witli fear, amougHt all bis people."* .S/>it7/i told him that lie had 
 attempted to murder him, which war) the eauHo of IiIh treating him thus. 
 No one <*an doid>t, on reading the history of those aHairs, that the Indians 
 all wished .S'mi//i dead, but whether they all wanted to kill him, is not quitu 
 so plain. 
 
 One great end of Smithes design was now tmswered ; for OpekankO' 
 noHi;h\t people came in load«>(l with presents to ransom their chief, until 
 bis l)oats wer<^ com|)!etely filled. News being Itrought of a disaster ut 
 Jamestown, he was set at liberty. 
 
 JVrmrMtinow, a nniownnd warrior, we have to introduce hero, a.s well 
 on accoimt of bis sui)posed agency in bringing about the great massacre 
 of \(f^i, as for th(! object of exhibiting a trait of chanicter eijually to bo 
 admired and lamented. We are not certain that be belonged to the jm'o- 
 ple of Opekanknnoufrh, but it is storied that o jealousy existed between 
 them, and that the chief had informed Sir deorge Yearaley ihat he winhed 
 .Ne'mnltnnow^s throat were cut, soiue time before the massacre took place, 
 to which W(; have alluded. However, Opekankanou^h denied it aftcr- 
 ivards, and affected great indignation at his nuirder, and the Indians said 
 the massacre was begun by him, to revenge JMenuUtanoio's death. But 
 ot»r present object is to portray th». character of Mmattanow, who was 
 both eccentric and vain, and " who was wont, out of bravery and parade, 
 to dross bims(;lf up, in a strange, antic and barbaric fashion, with feathers, 
 which, therefore, obtained him the name of Jack-of-the-feather." He was 
 even more popular among his coiuitrymen than Optkankanoxigh, which, 
 doubtles.s, was the ground of that chief's jealousy ; esfiecially os he was 
 one of the greatest war-captains of his times. He had l)eun in many 
 fights and encounters with the English, always exposing himself to the 
 greatest danger, and yet was never wounded in any of them. This cir- 
 cumstance caused the Indians to believe in bis invulnerability, and henco 
 he WHS by them considered superhuman. Only about 14 days before the 
 massacre, Jack-of-the-feather went to the house of one Morgan, where he 
 saw many such articles exhibited rj were calculated to excite admiration 
 in such pcoi»le. Jack, perhaps, had not the means to purchase, but, it 
 seems, be was resolved, some how or otlii'r, tv^ i)ossoss them. He, there- 
 lore, told Morgan, that if he would take his conunoditi(« to Pamunkey, 
 the Indians would give him a groat price for them. Not in the least mis- 
 trusting the design of J\cmnttanou>, the timple Englishman set out for 
 Pamunkey, in comi)any with this Indian. This was the last the English 
 li(!ard of Morgan. However, straugc as it may seem, Jack''s ill-directing 
 fate sent him to the same place again, and, what was still more strange, he 
 had the cap of the murdered Morgan upon his bead. Morgaii's servants 
 osked him where their master was, who very deliberately answered, that 
 he was deiid. This satisfied them that be had murdered him. They, 
 therefore, seized him, in order to take him before a magistrate at Berkeley ; 
 but be made a good deal of resistance, which caused one of his captors 
 to shoot him down. The singular part of the tragedy is yet to be related. 
 Though mortally wounded, .VewiaWaJioif was not killed outright, and his 
 cai)tors, which were two stout young men, got him into a boat to proceed 
 to Mr. Thorpes, the magistrate. As they were going, the wan'ior becamo 
 satisfied that he must die, and, with the most extraordinary earnestness, 
 besought that two things might be granted him. One was, that it shoulil 
 
 * Perliaps the New Kni^landors followed Smith's example, afterwards, in the case of 
 Alexander, Ninigret, and others. 
 
« 
 
 OPFIKANKANOUail. 
 
 rn.ioK IV. 
 
 u»!V<'r Iw told to li'iH roiiiilntiK!!) tliiit \\v vns killed by n l)ull«'t ; and tlic 
 otlitT, tliiit lie nlioidd Ih; liiiried aiiKUif^' tin* IliigliMli, ko that it Hliould inner 
 l*R dim-overed that he had died, or wan Hiiltjeet to death like other men. 
 Surh wius the pride and vanity exiiihited hy an Indian ut hi.i death. The 
 following inferenee, therefore, in naturally to he drawn ; that a (h-nire to 
 b(; rentmned, and heltl in veneration hy poHterity, iu not cunfined to thu 
 civili/ed and learned of any nge or nation. 
 
 Meanwhile, Opekanknnou^h, the luttter to inrreaHO th(« rage of hin war- 
 rk)i"s, afliieted great grief at yVem)illanoiv\i death, whieh had the «'irect ho 
 intended ; owing, ewpecially, to tlm favor in whieh that warrior had stood 
 among the IndiaiiH. itiit the IliigliMh were Hutislied that tluN witH only 
 pretenee, as we havt! hefi)r(! observed ; beeaiiHe they wert! informed of his 
 trying to engage some of his neighbors against them, and otherwise aeted 
 suspiciously, some time b«'fore jViiiKillanoic^s death ; of the justice of 
 vvhieli, however, tlu; Knglisli tritul arguments at lirst, and threats al\er- 
 wards, to convince! him. \iy his dissiniiilation, Optkankatwufrh cotii|)letelj' 
 deceived them, and, just belbre the iiiasHaere, treated a messenger that 
 was sent to him, with much kindness and civility ; and assured him that 
 tilt; peace, which had been some time before concluded, was held so firm 
 by him, tliat tlio sky shoidd full so')ner than it should be violated on his 
 part. And such was the concert and secrecy among all the Indians, that, only 
 two days before the f!'»al 22 March, some kindly conducted the English 
 through the woods, and i<ent one of their youth to live with the English, 
 and learn their language. Moreover, on the morning of that very day, 
 they came unarmed among them, and traded as usual, and even sat down 
 to breakfast with their victims, in several instances. Never, perhaps, was 
 a massacre so well contrived and conilucted, to ensure success, as was this 
 of Opeknnkanou^h. The English were lulled into a fatal security, and 
 even unknowingly assisted the Indians inUieir design ; lending them their 
 boats to communicate with distant tribes, and furnishing them with vai-i- 
 ou3 utensils, which were converted at once into weapons of death. 
 
 The 22 March, 1G22, having come, and the appointed hour of that mem- 
 orable day orrived, with a siinultancousness unparalleled on any former 
 occasion, the Indians rose from their ambushes, and, with the swillness 
 of the tiger, appeared, in a moment, amidst the Englisli settlements. Age, 
 sex nor condition shielded no one; their greatest benefactors were among 
 their first victims. Thus, in the space of about one hour, fell three hun- 
 dred and forty-seven men, women and children. IJy this horrid calamity, 
 out of 80 plantations, six only were left uninjured. And these were 
 saved by the timely information of a Christian Indian called Chanco. 
 
 The ensuing summer was spent, by the surviving English, in strength- 
 ening themselves against further attacks, and preparations for taking 
 vengeance on the Indians ; wholly neglecting all improvements, works of 
 utility, and even their planting. Every thing was lost sight of in their 
 beloved project o"^ revenge ; and the En'^lish, in their turn, showed them- 
 selves more treacherous, if not more barbarous, than their enemy. For, 
 under the pretence of making peace again with them, they fell upon them 
 nt unawares, and murdered many without mercy. This crime was vasdy 
 aggravated, in that, to induce the Indians to come forward and make peace, 
 tlie English had not only solemnly assured them forgiveness, but likewise 
 security and safety in their persons. 
 
 It was, for some time, supposed thot Opeknnkanough was among the 
 slain, but, if Mr. Beverley was not misinformed, the same sachem, 22 years 
 afterwanls, executed a still greater massacre upon the English, as, in the 
 next i)lace, we shall relate. 
 
 How long Opekankaiioufrh had been secretly plotting to cut off the in- 
 tiuders of his soil cannot be known; but, in i()44, all the Indians, over a 
 
[I1....K IV. 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 OPEKANKANOUOI!. 
 
 rt ; iiinl tli<) 
 lioiild iicvor 
 itllirr liK'ii. 
 Iratli. Tho 
 t a <l«'Hir(' to 
 fliird to tliu 
 
 of IiIh wnr- 
 lu! iHi'i't lin 
 )i- lirul Httiod 
 li'iN wiiH only 
 triiifd of IiIh 
 ;rwisc nrtcd 
 I! jiiMtico of 
 irt'UtH nftcr- 
 coniplctcly 
 si<ciip>r that 
 •vi\ liiiii tliat 
 lit'ld HO fii'iri 
 >latL>d on hJH 
 iiH, tliut,oiily 
 the Eii^lisli 
 the Ktiglish, 
 at very day, 
 en sat down 
 )crha[KS, was 
 I, us was this 
 leciirity, and 
 g them their 
 n with vai'i- 
 atii. 
 
 f that meni- 
 ally former 
 he swillness 
 ments. Age, 
 ;re among 
 II three him- 
 'id calamity, 
 these were 
 Chanco. 
 in strength- 
 for taking 
 ts, works of 
 of in their 
 owed them- 
 lemy. For, 
 II upon them 
 was vastly 
 make jieace, 
 but likewise 
 
 among the 
 cm, 22 years 
 ;h, us, in the 
 
 It off the in- 
 iians, over a 
 
 3|)aoe of country of fiOO miles in extent, were leagued in the eiiterpriiM*. 
 Tli't old I'hief, at tluH time, was Hii|)|iosed to lie mar UK) years of age, and, 
 thr iigh uiiahle to walk, would be |inMi>iit in the execution of his belove(l 
 iiroject. It was upon the IH April, when O/icAvoi^vniow^Wi, borne in a litt«T, 
 led his warriors forward, and coiumciiced the bltxnly work. They lH.>gan 
 at the frontiers, with a determinati«)n to slay all betore thriu, to the (tea. 
 Atb>r continuing the massacre two days, in which time about TKIO {>ersons 
 were murdered, Sir tyUlinin lierkclei/, at the head of an armed force, 
 checked their nrogress. The destruction of the inhabitants was the 
 greatest upon York and I'amunkey Rivers, where Opekankanoitirh com- 
 manded in person. The Indians now, in their turn, were driven to great 
 oMremity, and their old chief was taken prisoner, and carried in triuriipb 
 to Jamestown. How long atler tlit; massacre this happened, we are not 
 informed ; but it is said that the fatigues he had previously undergtino 
 hiul wast<*d away his flesh, and destroyed the elasticity of his niuscUts to 
 that degree, that ho was no longer able to raise x\w, eye-lids from his eyes; 
 and it was in this forlorn condition, that lie fell into the hands of his ene- 
 mies. A soldier, who had beeti appointed to guard him, barbarously fired 
 upon him, and inflicted a mortal wound, lie was supposed to have been 
 nrompteil to tho bloody deed, from a recollection of the old chief's agency 
 in the massacre. Just before he expired, hearing a great bustle and crowd 
 about him, he ordere*! an attendant to lifl up his eye-lids ; when ho dis- 
 covered a multitude pressing around, to gnuify the untimely curiosity of 
 beholtiing a dying sachem. Undaunted in death, and roused, as it were, 
 from sleep, at the conduct of the confused multitude, ho deigned not to 
 obs4.>rve th(;m ; but, raising himself from the ground, with tlie ex|)iring 
 breath of authority, commanded that the governor should be called to 
 liim. When the governor came, Opckanknnough said, with indignation, 
 " H(ul it been my fortune to have taken Sir \\m. Berkkley prisoner, I 
 would not meanly have exposed hiin as a shoto to my people ;"* and soon after 
 expired. 
 
 It is said, and we have no reason to doubt the fact, that it was owing to 
 the encroachments upon his lands, that caused Opekankanov^h to deter- 
 mine U[»on a massacre of the whites. These intrusions were, nevertheless, 
 conformable to the grants of the proprietors. He could hardly have ex- 
 pected entire conquest, as his people had already begun to waste away, 
 and English villages were springing up over an extent of country of more 
 than 500 miles, with a |H)puloiisness beyond any preceding example ; still, 
 he was determined upon the vast undertaking, and sacrificed himself with 
 as much honor, it will, perhaps, be acknowledged, as did Leonidas at 
 Thermopylte. 
 
 Sir fVtlliam Berkeley intended to have sent him, as a present, to the king 
 of England ; but assassination deprived him of the wretched satisfaction, 
 and saved the chief from the mortification .f 
 
 None of the Virginia historians seem to have been informed of the true 
 date of this lust war of Opekankanoufrh ; the ancient records of Virginia, 
 says Mr. Burk, are silent even upon the events of it, (an extraordinary 
 omission.) Mr. Beverley thinks it began in l(j39, and, although Mr. Burk 
 is satisfied that it took place after 1641, yet he relates it under the date 
 1640. And we are not certain that the real date would ever have been 
 fixed, but for the inestimable treasuiy of N. England history, JVinthrop^s 
 Journal. 
 
 That it took place subsequent to 1G41, Mr. Burk assures us, upon the 
 evidence of the MS. records ; for they relate that, in 1640, one John Bur^ 
 torn had been convicted of the murder of an Indian, and that his punish- 
 
 *' Beverley, Ilisl. Virg. 51. 
 
 t See British Empire in America; i. 240^ 1. 
 
84 
 
 NICKOTAWANCE.— TOTOPOTOMOI. 
 
 [Book IV 
 
 mcnt was remitted, " at the intercession of Opekankanough, and his great 
 jnon." And that, in the end of the year 1G41, Thomas Jtolfe, the son of 
 Pocahontas, petitioned the governor for permission to visit liis kinsman, 
 Opekankanough, and Cleopatre, the sister of his mother. That, therefore, 
 tliese events happened previous to the war, and death of Opekankanovgh. 
 
 JWckotawance succeeded Opekankanough, as a trihutary to the English. 
 In 1()48, he '^ame to Jamestown, with five other chiefs, and hroiight 20 
 beaver skins to he sent to King Charles. He mode a long oration, whicli 
 he conchided with the protestation, "that tlie sun and moon shoiihl first 
 loose their glorious lights, and shining, before he, or his people, should 
 ever more hereafter wrong the English." 
 
 Totopotomoi, probably, succeeded JVickotawance, as he was king of Pa- 
 munkey in 1656. In that year, a large body of strange Indians, called 
 Rechahecrians, came down from the inland mountainous country, and 
 forcibly possessed themselves of the country about the falls of James 
 River. The legislature of Virginia was in session, v.hen the news of their 
 coming was received. What cause tlio English had to send out an army 
 against them, our scanty records do not satisfactorily show ;* but, at all 
 events, they determined at once to dispossess them. To that end, an army 
 of about 100 men ws:j raised, and put under the direction of Col. Edtcard 
 Hill, who war joined by Toiojiotomoi, with 100 of his wan-iors. They did 
 not find the Rechahecrians unprepared, but what were the particulars of 
 the meeting of the adverse parties we are not informed. The event, 
 however, was, to the allien, most disastrous. Totopotomoi, with the most 
 of his men, was slain, and the English suffered a total defeat, owing, it is 
 said, to the criminal management of Col. Hill. This officer lost his com- 
 mission, and his property v/as taken to defray the losses sustained by the 
 Country. A peace seems to have been concluded with the Indians soon 
 after. 
 
 * By the following preamble aiul resolve of the legislature, all we possess, touching 
 this matter, is to be gathered: — '' Whereas information hath been received, that many 
 western or inland Indians are drawn from the mountains, and lately set down near the 
 falls of James Rive.-, to the number of 6 or 700, whereby, upon many several considera- 
 tions being had, it is conceived great danger might ensue to this colony. This assembly, 
 therefore, do think fit and resolve, thit theiie new come Indians be in no sort suffered to 
 seat themselves there, or any place near us, it having cost so much blood to expel and 
 extirpate those perfidious and treacherous Indians, wTiich were there fo'mcrly. It being 
 so apt a place to invado us, and within the limits, which, in a just ir, were formerly 
 conquered by us, and by us reserved, at the conclusion of peace, '..ith the Indians, 
 Bulk, Hist. Virginia, ii. 105. 
 
 
[Book IV 
 
 and liis great 
 fe, the son of 
 Ills kiiisiimn, 
 lat, thcj'eforo, 
 ekankaaovffh. 
 tlie English. 
 I brought 20 
 ration, which 
 1 siiould first 
 eople, should 
 
 3 king of Pa- 
 ndians, called 
 country, ami 
 ills of James 
 news of their 
 out an army 
 r ;* but, at all 
 end, an army 
 'Col. Edtvard 
 •s. They did 
 particulars of 
 The event, 
 ivith the most 
 t, owing, it is 
 lost his com- 
 itained by the 
 Indians soon 
 
 ossess, touchirifi^ 
 
 ved, that many 
 down near the 
 
 kferal considera- 
 This assembly, 
 sort suffered to 
 
 )d to expel and 
 icrly. It being 
 were formerly 
 
 li the Indians. 
 
 Chap. Ill] 
 
 TOMOCHICHI. 
 
 25 
 
 ^^":wm :^ - 
 
 1 
 
 ^Bst^-"-i 
 
 'Mir - 
 
 
 
 
 ^ ~^-a m 1 
 
 
 n}^ K-V_^ 
 
 
 ^=^-- . ,1, „ 
 
 
 
 
 I^Kj^^^.-' s> 
 
 '■^ft 
 
 
 
 
 
 '\ '■'".■■■■ -^^/ A 
 
 ■ 1 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^.^^ 
 
 
 
 ^^-^'~~. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 iSeft/'emcn< o/" Carolina — jHie English are kindhf receivea by the Indians — 
 ToMOCHicHi — Holds a counnl toUh the English — Rs proceedings — 
 Speeches of the chiefs — Tomochichi, loith several others, goes to England 
 with Gen. Oglethorpe — Makes a speech to tJie king — Returns to America — 
 His death — Attakullakulla, Malachta, Wolf-kino, and others, 
 visit Charleston — Some Indians brvtally murdered — Proceedings of 
 AttakullakvUa in jn-eventing retaliation upon some English in his potcer — 
 &oeech to his warriors — fVar — Conducted roith barbarity on both sides — 
 l&nglish murder hostages — Ockonostota takes Fort Loudon — Most of the 
 captives slain — Chlucco, or the Lono-warrior. 
 
 The presumption is pretty strongly supported, that Sir Walter Ralegh 
 visited the southern shores of North America. When Gen. Oglethorpe 
 landed in Greorgia, in 1732, O. S., and commimicated to the Indians the 
 contents of a journal of Sir Walter's, they seemed to have a tradition of 
 him, which they had fondly cherished ; although, if the person they 
 meant were Ralegh, a hundred years had elapsed since he was there. 
 They pointed out to Mr. Oglethorpe a place near Yamacraw bluff, since 
 Charleston, on which was a large mound, in which was buried, they 
 said, a chief who had talked with Sir Walter Ralegh upon that spot. The 
 chief had requested his people to bury liitn there, that the place might be 
 kept in veneration. 
 
 Tomochichi was the principal chief, or mico, as chiefs were called, of 
 this region. Seveial chief men, of various tribes, came to welcome the 
 English, immediately after their arrival. " They were as follows : From 
 tlie tribe of Coweeta, Yahan-lakee, their king, or mico ; Essaboo, their 
 warrior, the son of Oid-brim, lately dead, whom the Spaniards called em- 
 peror of the Creeks, with eight men and two women attendants. From 
 the tribe of Cuseetas, Ctisseta, their mico ; Tatchiquatchi, their head war- 
 rior, with four attendants. From the tribe of Owseecheys, Ogeese, the 
 rnicb, or war king; JSeathlouthko and Ougachi, two chief men, with three 
 attendants From the tribe of Cheechaws, OiUhleteboa, their mico, 
 Thlautho-thlvkee, Figeer, Sootamilla^ war captains, with three attendants. 
 3 
 
26 
 
 TOMOCHICHI. 
 
 [Book IV 
 
 From the tribe of Echetas, Chutabeeche and Robin, two war captains, (tho 
 latter was bred among the Englisii,) with four attendants. From the tribe 
 of Polachucolas, OUlattee, their head warrior, and five attendants. From 
 the tribe of Oconas, Oueekachumpa, called by the EngUslt Long-king, 
 Koowoo, a warrior. From the tribe of Eufaule, Tonummi, head warrior, 
 and three attendants. 
 
 " The Indians being all seated, Oueekachumpa, a very tall old man, stood, 
 and made a speech, which was interpreted by Mr. ff^gan and Mr. Mus- 
 
 Srove," in which he said ull the lands to tlie southward of Savannah River 
 elonged to the Creeks. He said, the Indians were poor, but the same 
 Power that gave the English breath, gave them breath also. That that 
 Power had given the English the most wisdom. That, as they had come 
 to instruct them, they should have all the lands which they did not use 
 themselves. That this was not only his mind, but the minds of the eight 
 towns of Creeks, who had, after consulting together, sent some of their 
 chief men with skins, which was their wealth. At this period of Oueeka- 
 chumpa's speech, some of the chiefs of the eight towns brought each a 
 bundle of buck's skins, and laid them down before Mr. Oglethorpe. Then 
 the chief said, " These are the best things ice possess, but we give them unth 
 a good heart. I thank you for your kindness to Tomochichi, and his peo- 
 ple. He is my kinsman, and, though he toas banished from his nation, he is 
 a good man and a greed warrior. It loas on account of his tvisdom and jus- 
 tice, that the banished men chose him their king. I hear that the Cherokees 
 have killed some Englishman. If you [addressing Mr. Oglethorpe] toill 
 command us, toe toill go against them toith all our force, kill their people, and 
 destroy their living.''^ 
 
 Tomochichi belonged to Yamacraw, and was sachem of the tribe that 
 resided there. When Oueekachumpa had done speaking, Tomochichi drew 
 near with his men, and, after making a lo.v bow, said, — 
 
 '' / toas a banished rnan, and I came here poor and helpless to look for good 
 land near the tombs of my ancestors, and tohen you came to this place, I 
 feared you tooxdd drive tis aioay ; for toe toere weak and wanted com. But 
 you confirmed our land to tis, and gave tis food.''* The other chiefs spoke 
 in the same manner as Oueekachumpa had, and then agreed upon and 
 executed an amicable treaty. 
 
 The next year, 1734. Mr. Oglethorpe returned to England. He took 
 along with him, Tomochichi, Sennwki, his consort, and Toonakotoi, the 
 prince, his nephew ; also, Hillispilli, a war captain, and JlpaJcowtski, 
 Stimalechi, Sintouchi, Hinguithi and Umphychi, five other chiefs, with their 
 interpreter. These were accommodated,' while in London, at. the Geor- 
 gia office. Old Palace Yard, where they were not only handsomely enter- 
 luined, but had great attention showed them. After being dressed suitably, 
 they visited the king's court, at Kensington, where they had an interview 
 with his majesty, King George II. Tomochichi presented him with several 
 eagle's feathers, which was considered, by him and his people, the most 
 respectful present they could make. The sachem then delivered the fol- 
 lowing speech to the king : — 
 
 " This day I sec the majesty of your face, the greainesn of your hxntse, ami 
 ike number of your people. I am come for the good of the tvhole nation of 
 Uie Creeks, to reneio the peace they had loitg ago made toith the English. I 
 am come over in my old days ; am, though I cannot live to see any advan- 
 tage to myself, I am come for the good of the children of all tJie nations of 
 the Upper and Lotoer Creeks, that they may be instructed in the knotvledge 
 of the English. These are the feathers of the eagle, which is the siciflett 
 of birds, and tohofieth all round our nations. These feathers are a stgn of 
 peace in our land, a-nd we Jiave brought them over to leave them with you, 
 great king, as a i, .^'n of everlasting peace. O ! great king, tohatsoever 
 
Chap. III.] 
 
 ATTAKULLAKULLA. 
 
 .97 
 
 eao warnor. 
 
 words you shall say Unto me, I imU tell them faithfully to all the kin^s of the 
 Creek naiions.^^ Tlie king's answer was, in tlie highest degree, concilia- 
 tory, and what was termed gracious.* 
 
 Thus are traced the tirst steps in the history of Georgia, and thus did 
 every lliing promise a continuance of that friendship so well hegun by 
 Gen. Og;lethorpe. Nothing was left undone, while the Creek chiefs were 
 in England, to impress upon their minds exalted ideas of the power and 
 greatness of the English nation. The nobility were not only curious to 
 see them, but entertained them at their tables in the most magnificent style. 
 Alultitudes flocked around them, conferring gifts and marks uf respect 
 upon them. The king allowed them £20 3terling a week, during their 
 stay, and it was computed that, at their return to America, they brought 
 jtresents to the amount of £400 sterling. After remaining in England 
 tour months, they embarked at Gravesend for Georgia. They were con- 
 veyed to the place of embarkation in his majesty's carriages.f 
 
 We have not met with a record of the death of Tomochichi, but as he 
 was, at this time, an old man, he probably died not long after. 
 
 In the invasion of Georgia by the Spaniards, in 1743, many Indians 
 were drawn into the controversy, on. both sides. Toeanoeoun,l or Tooa- 
 nohotoi,^ a nephew of Tomachichi, was shot through the right arm, in an 
 encounter with the Spaniards, by a Spanish captain. Tooanohmvi drew 
 his pistol with his left hand, and shot the captain through the head. 
 
 Thus, with the Spaniards upon one hand, and the English upon the 
 other, and the French in the midst of them, the Creeks and Cherokeos 
 became subject to every possible evil to which the caprice of those seve- 
 ral nations gave rise. Although there were events, in every yt'ar, of im- 
 portance, yet, in this place, we shall take up the period rendered more 
 mt norable by the distinguished chiefs Attakullakidla and Ockonostota.^ 
 
 The fame of Carolina had, in 1753, drawn a multitude of Europeans 
 to her shores. The same year, on the 2C May, Malachty, attended by the 
 Wolf-king and the Ottasee chief, with about 20 others, and above a hun- 
 dred of their people, came to Charleston. They were met, on their 
 way, by a troop of horsemen, who conducted them to the town, by the 
 governor's order, in great state. This was to induce them to make [)eace 
 and remain their allies, and, to this end, the Gov., Glenn, made a very j)a- 
 cific speech, in the Indian manner. Malachty, who, at this time, seems to 
 have been the head chief among the Creeks, presented the governor with 
 a quantity of skins, and readily consented to a peace with the English, 
 but, in regai-d to a peace with the Cherokees, he said, that was a matter 
 of great moment, and he must deliberate with his people, before he could 
 give an answer. The Cherokees were already under the protection of 
 the English, and some of them had, not long before, been killed by the 
 Creeks, in the very neighborhood of Charleston. The party which 
 committed this outrage was led by Malachty. Notwithstanding, a cessa- 
 tion of hostilities boems to have taken place, for numbers of each nation 
 joined the English immediately after the capture of Oswego, by the 
 French, in 1756. The Cherokees are particularly named as having ren- 
 dered essential service in the expedition against Fort Duquesne ; but a 
 circumstance happened, while those warriors were returning home from 
 that expedition, which involved them in an immediate war with the Eng- 
 
 * Harris, Voyiigcs. 
 
 t MCa/l's Georgia, i. 4.5. | flarrix. 
 
 ^ AT Call, who says he accompanied Gen. Oglethorpe to England, in 1731, with 
 Tomochichi. 
 
 II Ouconnostolah, Ouconnoslola, Ouconnostata, Wynne.— Occonoslota, Ramsay.— 
 AttakuUakulla was generally called the Littk-carpenler. 
 
28 
 
 ATl'AKULLAKULLA. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 lisli, in whose service they had been engaged. Having lost their horses, 
 and being worn out with toil and fatigue, on coining to the frontiers of 
 Virginia, they picked up several of those animals, which belonged to the 
 inhabitants of the places through which they travelled. This, Dr. Ram- 
 say* says, was the cause of the massacre, which they suffered at that 
 time. But Mr. Adair,\ who lived then among th? Indians in those parts, 
 says, " Several companies of the Cheerake, who joined our forces under 
 Gen. Stanioix, at the unfortunate Ohio, affirmed that tlieir alienation from 
 us was because they were confined to our martial arrangement, by un- 
 just suspicion of them — were very much contemned, — and half starved at 
 the main camp: their hearts told them, therefore, to return home, as free- 
 men and injured allies, though without a supply of provisions. This they 
 did, and pinching hunger forced them to take as much as barely support- 
 ed nature, when returning to their own country. In their journey, the 
 German inhabitants, without any provocation, killed, in cool blood, about 
 40 of their warriors, in different places — though each party was under the 
 command of a British subject." It must be remembered that, upon 
 BraddocKa defeat, Virginia had offered a reward for the scalps of hostile 
 Indians. Here, then, was an inducement for remorseless villains to mur- 
 der, and it was impossible, in many oases, to know whether a scalp were 
 taken from a friend or an enemy. Out of this, then, we have no hesita- 
 tion in saying, grew the excegsive calamities, which soon after distressed 
 the southern provinces. Forty innocent men, and friends, too, murdered 
 in cold blood by the backwoodsmen of Virginia, brought on a war, which 
 caused us much distress and misery among the parties engaged, as any 
 since that region of country was p '.diited by the whites. 
 
 At one place, a monster entertained a party of Indians, and treated them 
 kindly, while, at the same time, he caused a gang of his kindred ruffians 
 to lie in ambush where they were to pass, and, when they arrived , bar- 
 barously shot them down to a man ! The news was forthwith carried to 
 the Cherokee nation, and the effect of it upon the minds of the warriors, 
 was like thai of electricity. They seized their tomahawks and war clubs, 
 and, but for the wisdom of Attakvllakvlla, would have murdered several 
 Englishmen, then in their country upon some matters respecting a treaty. 
 As Attaktdlakulla was a chief sachem, he was among the first apprized of 
 the murders, and the design of vengeance. He therefore goes imme- 
 diately to tliem, and informed them of their danger, and assisted them to 
 secrete themselves; then, without loss of time, he assembled his warriors, 
 and made a speech to them, in which he inveighed, with great bitterness, 
 against the murderous English, and urged immediate war against them ; 
 **and never (said he) shall the hatchet be buried, until the blood of our coun- 
 trymen be atoned for. Let t« not (he continued) violate our faith, or the 
 laws of hospitality, by imbruing our hands in the blood of those who are note 
 in our potoer. They came to us in the confidence of friendship, tvith belts of * 
 wampum to cement a perpetual alliance with us. Jjet us carry them back toj| 
 their own settlements ; conduct them safely ivithin their corifines, and then take 
 up the hatchet, and endeavor to cxttmiinate the whole ra4:e of them.''* This 
 council was adopted. Before commencing hostilities, however, the mur- 
 derers were demanded, but were blindly refused them, and we have men- 
 tioned the consequences. 
 
 The French, it was said, used their influence to enrage the Indians ; but, 
 
 * Hist. South Carolina, i. 169. 
 
 fHist. Amer. Indians, 245. That the Indians' taking horses was no pretext for the 
 murders, even at the lime, appears evident. " As (says Capt. ATCall, i. 257.) the horses 
 in those parts ran wild in tne woods, it was customary, both amone; the Indians and 
 wliite people on the frontiers, to catch them and appropriate them to their own use," 
 
[Book IV. 
 
 eir horsea, 
 'ontiers of 
 ■ed to the 
 r. Ram- 
 id at that 
 lose parts, 
 ces under 
 ition Irotn 
 nt, by un- 
 ' starved at 
 le, as free- 
 This they 
 y support- 
 irney, the 
 3od, about 
 under the 
 hat, upon 
 of host'"Q 
 18 to mur- 
 calp were 
 no hesita- 
 distressed 
 murdered 
 i^ar, which 
 ed, as any 
 
 iated them 
 3d rufiians 
 rived, bar- 
 carried to 
 warriors, 
 war clubs, 
 ed several 
 5 a treaty. 
 >prized of 
 es imme- 
 i them to 
 warriors, 
 )itteniess, 
 nst them ; 
 our coun- 
 iihy or the 
 are noto 
 Ih belts of ' 
 m back tol^ 
 then take 
 This 
 the mur- 
 ave men- 
 
 ans; but, 
 
 ext for the 
 the horses 
 ndians and 
 f\k use," 
 
 Chap. III.] 
 
 ATTAKULLAKULLA. 
 
 29 
 
 %. 
 
 if that were the case, we should not deem it worth naming, as it appears 
 to us that nothing more could be i ocessary to inflame them than the hor- 
 rid outrages of which we have spoken. 
 
 Meanwhile, war parties dispersed themselves along the frontiers of South 
 Carolina, and began the slaughter of the inhabitants with that fury and 
 barbarity which might justly have been expected from an exasperated 
 
 Eeople. With such tardy steps did the whites proceed, thot half a year 
 ad passed before a force could be sent against them. Col. Montgomerif, 
 afterwards Lord Eglington, at length marched into their country, but was 
 ambushed at a place called Crows-creek, a dangerous defile between a 
 river and a steep mountain, where he met with a dismal defeat The 
 colonel ond a part of his men escaped. • 
 
 If we can believe Mr. Adair, — and I know not that he is or has been un- 
 der any impeachment, — the perfidy of the whites, in this war, surpasses, or, 
 at least, is equal to anything which occurred in New England, regarding 
 the Praying Indians, in the times of Pometacom, alias King Philip. The 
 following is an instance. A great many of the remote Cherokee towns 
 took no part in the war, in the first place, but, on the contrary, declared 
 ihemselves the friends of the whites, and even volunteered to fight agoinst 
 whatever people should be found in arms against them ; and, as they 
 needed ammunition, a large deputation from those tribes set out for 
 Charleston, to strengthen their friendship and tender their assistance. 
 The principal leader of these Indians was a chief, whom the whites called 
 ^oitruf- O, " on account of a blue hnpression he bore in that form;" a 
 brave and aged warrior, and particular friend of the English. The 
 friendly Indians, under Round-O, were met by an army under Gov. Lyttle- 
 ton, of 1100 men, at Fort Prince George, in Dec. 1759. This fort wjis 
 upon the Savannah River, near the Cherokee town called Keotvee. Here 
 the governor compelled these friendly Indians to sign a treaty, one article 
 of which required them to deliver 22* of their people into his hands, to 
 be kept as hostages for the due fulfilment of all the rest.f Besid .s the ab- 
 surdity of detaining hostages from their friends, the English seem to have 
 been miserably blind to their interests in other respects ; for the Indians, at 
 this time, knew not the meaning of hostages,! but supposed those so retained 
 were doomed to slavery ; an office the most unsuflfcrable to Indians of all 
 others. The following are such of the names of the unfortunate Chero- 
 kees as we have been able to collect, who, under the name of hostages, 
 were thrown into a dismal, close prison, scarce large enough for six lucn, 
 where they remained about two months, and were theu massacred, as in 
 the sequel we shall show : — 
 
 CheTwhe, Ousanatanah, TaUichama, Tallitahe, Quarrasattahe, Connasa- 
 ratah, Kaiagtoi, Otassite of Watogo, Ousanoletah of Jore, Kataehtah of 
 Cowetche, Chisquatalone, Skiaetista of Sticoe, T^naesto, ff'ohatche, 
 fVyejah, Oucahchistaixah, JVtchotche, Tony, Toaiiakoi, Shallisloske and 
 Chistie. 
 
 Both Attaktdlakulla and Ockonostota, it appears, were at Fort Prince 
 George at this time, and signed the treaty ; and Otassite, Kitagusta, Ocon-. 
 nocca and Killcannokca were the others on the part of the Indians. Things 
 having been thus settled, Mr. Lyttleton returned to Charleston, where ne 
 
 *This was the number of murderers the governor demanded should be delivered to 
 him. Two had been delivered up before the hostages were taken, and when any 
 others were delivered, the same number of hostages were to be released. Trtatij, 
 Art. III. 
 
 t The treaty is printed at length in the Bntish Etnpira, by Mr. Wynne, (ii. 273.) an 
 author, by the way, of very great merit. 
 
 \ Adair. 
 
90 
 
 ATTAKULLAKULLA.— OCKONOSTOTA. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 was received like a conqueror, although what he had done, it will appear, 
 was worse than if he had done nothing at all. 
 
 Ockonostota, for good reason, no doubt, entertained a deep-rooted hatred 
 against Capt. Cotymore, an officer of tl"^ garrison, and the army had but 
 just leil the country, when it was founu that he was hovering about the 
 garrison with a large number of warriors. But it was uncertain, for some 
 time, whether they intended to attack the fort, or whether they wished io 
 continue near their friends, who were imprisoned in it. However, it is 
 said, that, by some means, a plan was concerted between the Indiana 
 withoiu ami those confined within the fort, (or surprising it. Be this as 
 it may, Ockonostota practised the following wile to effect the object. Hav- 
 ing placed a party •{ his warriors in a dark cane-brake near at hand, he 
 sent a squaw to the garrison to invite the commander to come out, for he 
 had something of importance to communicate to him. Capt. Cfftyviore 
 imprudently went out, accompanied by two of his officers, and Ockonos- 
 tota appeared upon the opposite bank of the Savannah, with a bridle in his 
 hand, the better to conceal his intentions. He told the captain he was 
 going to Charleston to effect the release of the hostages, and requested 
 that a white man might accompany him ; and that, as the distance was 
 great, he would ^o and try to catch a horse. The captein promised him 
 a guard, and hoped he would succeed in finding a horse. Ockonostota 
 then quickly turned himself about, and swinging his bridle thrice over his 
 head, which was the signal to his men, and they promptly obeying it, about 
 30 guns were dis<rharged upon the officers at tht same moment. Capt. 
 Cotymore received a shot in his lefl breast, from which he died in two or 
 tliree days after, and both the others were wounded. On recovering the 
 fort, an attempt was made to put the hostages in irons. Ar Englishman, 
 who laid hold on one of them for that purpose, was stabbed and slain ; 
 and, in the scuffle, two or three more were wounded, and driven out of 
 tlie place of confinement. The tragedy in the fort had now only com- 
 menced ; the miserable prisoners had repelled their assassins for the mo- 
 ment, and doubtless hoped for deliverance from their friends without, who 
 had now closely besieged the place. But unfortunately for these poor 
 wretches, the fort was too strong to be carried by their arts of war, and 
 the dastardly whites found time and means to murder their victims, one 
 by one, in a manner too horrible to relate. 
 
 There were few families who did not lose a friend or relation by this 
 massacre, and, as one man, the nation took up the hatchet, and desolations 
 quickly followed. 
 
 Meanwhile, singular as it may appear, Attakullakulla rema'ned the fast 
 fiiend of the whites, and used all his arts to induce his countrymen to 
 make peace. But it was in vain he urged them to consider that they had 
 more than revenged themselves ; they were determined to carry all before 
 them. MtakvlldcvUa was now an old man, and had been in England 
 formerly,* and had become much attached to the English, from several 
 causes. On the other hand, Ockonostota was a stern warrior, in the vigor 
 of manhood, and, like the renowned Pontiac, was determined to rid liis 
 country of his barbarous enemies. 
 
 Afler the unfortunate expedition of Col. Montgomery, to which we have 
 before alluded, all communication was cut off between Fort Loudon and 
 the English settlements, and nothing but famine and the worst of deaths 
 stared those who held it in the face. The number of men stationed here 
 was 200, and their situation was truly deplorable. Ockonostota, with his 
 numerous warriors, kept sti . ;t watch, insomuch that there was no means of 
 escape. At length, the garrison having miserably subsisted, for some time, 
 
 * He went over with Sir Alexander Cumming, ia 1730. 
 
Chap. III.] 
 
 OCKONOSTOTA.— ATTAKULL AKULL l. 
 
 81 
 
 upon popic famiBhed horses, dogs, &c., many became /"jolved to throw 
 themselves into the power of tiic Indians, wishing rather to die by their 
 hands, than miserably to perish within tlieir fortress. Capt. Sleuart, an 
 officer among them, was veil known to the Indians, and {Mssessed great 
 address and sagacity. He resolved, at this crisis, to repair to Chote, the 
 residence of OcKonostota, and make overtures for the surrender of the 
 garrison. He, accordingly, effected his object, and returned with articles 
 cf capitulation agreed upon. Besides the names of Ockonostota and Paul 
 Demere, the commander of the gairison, the name of anotI>cr chief was 
 to the articles, called Cunigacatgoae. The articles stipulated, that the 
 ^rrison should march out with their arms and drums, each soldier hav- 
 mg as much powder and ball as his officers should think necessary, and 
 that they should march for Virginia unmolested. 
 
 Accordingly, on 7 August, 1760, tiie English took up their march for 
 Fort Prince George. They had proceeded but about 15 miles, when they 
 encamped, foi the night, upon a small plain near Taliquo. They were 
 accompanied thus far by Ockonostota in person, and many others, in a 
 friendly manner, but at night they withdrew without giving any notice. 
 The army was not molefited during the night, but, at dawn of day, a sen- 
 tinel came running into camp with the infornmtion that a host of Indians 
 were creeping up to surround them. Capt. Demere had scarce time to 
 rally, before the Indians broke into his ccmp with great fury. The poor 
 emaciated soldiers made but feeble resistance. Thirty of their number 
 fell in the first fnset, among whom was their captain. Those that were 
 able, endeavoreit to save themselves by flight, and others surrendered 
 themselves upon the place. Among the latter was Capt. Steuart. The pris- 
 onera were conducted to Fort Loudon, which now became Ockonostota^a 
 head-quaiters. 
 
 Attakidlakvlla, learning that his friend Steuart was among the captives, 
 proceeded immediately to Fort Loudon, where he ransomed him at the 
 expense of all the property he could command, and took care of him with 
 the greatest tenderness and affection. 
 
 The restless Ockonostota next resolved to invest Fort Prince George. 
 He was induced to undertake that project, as fortune had thro\vn in his 
 way some of the means for such an undertaking, hitherto beyond his 
 reach. Before abdicating Fort Loudon, the English had hid in the ground 
 several bags of powder. This his men had found. Several cannon had 
 also been left behind, and he designed to force his English prisoners to get 
 them through the woods, and manage them in the attack upon Fort Prince 
 George. But AttakvilakuUa defeated these operations, by assisting Capt. 
 Steuart to escape. He even accompanied him to the English settlements, 
 and returned loaded with presents. 
 
 Ockonostota continued the war until Col. Grant, in 1761, traversed the 
 Cherokee country, and subdued his people in several battles ; and peace 
 was at last effected by the mediation of Attakvllalculla. This chief's resi- 
 dence was upon the Tennessee or Cherokee River, at what was called the 
 Overkill Towns. In 1773, when the learned traveller, Bnrtram, traveled 
 into the Cherokee country, he met the old chief on his way to Charles- 
 ton ; of which circumstance he speaks thus in his Travels : — " Soon aftei 
 crossing this large branch of the Tannsc, I observed descending the 
 heights, at some distance, a company of Indians, all well mounted on 
 horseback. They came rapidly forward ; on their nearer approach, I 
 observed a chief at the head of the caravan, and apprehending him to be 
 the lAttle-carpenter, emperor or grand chief of the Cherokees, as they 
 came up, I turned off" from the path to make way, in token of respect, 
 which compliment was accepted, and gratefully and magnanimously re- 
 turned ; for bis kigbnees, with a gracioua and cheerful smile, came up to 
 
83 
 
 CHLUCCO. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 iiie, and clapping his hand o'\ his breast, offered it to me, oaylng, I am 
 Ala-cul-aUla, and iieartily sliook hands with me, and asked nie if 1 knew 
 it ; I answered, that the good spirit who goes before me spoke to me, and 
 said, that is tiie gieat ^ta-cul-cuUa." Mr. Bartram added, that he was of 
 Pennsylvania, and though that was a great way off, yet the name o^Atta- 
 kidlakulla was dear to his white l)rothei-8 of Ponnsyivania. The chief 
 tJien asked him if he came directly from Charleston, and if his friend 
 ^^John Stewart were well." Mr. Bartram said he saw him lately, and that 
 he was welh This was, probably, the same person whom Attc^idlakvlla 
 had assisted to make an escape, as we have just related. 
 
 In carrying out the history of the two chiefs, JltlakullakuUa and Ocko- 
 nostota, we nave omitted to notice Chlucco, better known by the name of 
 the Long-warrior,k'mg or mico of the gemuioles. He went out with Col. 
 
 Montgomery, and rendered him essential service in hisunsuccessfid expe- 
 dition, of which we have spoken. A large band of Creeks accompanied 
 him, and there is but little doubt, if it had not been for him and his war- 
 riors, few of the English would have returned to their friends. Hut, as 
 usual, the English leader, in his time, had all the honftr of successfully 
 encountering many difficulties, and returning with his own life and many 
 of his men's. It was by the aid of Chlucco, that the army escaped ambush 
 after ambush, destroyed many of the Cherokee villages, and finally his 
 warriors covered its retreat out of one of the most dangerous countries 
 throuj^h which an army could pass. Long-toarrior was what the New Eng- 
 land In.lians termed a great powwow. That he was a man possessing a 
 good mind, may fairly be inferred from his ah'lity to withstand the tempta- 
 tion of intoxicating liquors. He had been known to remain sober, when 
 
Chap. IV.] 
 
 MOiVCACHTAPE. 
 
 33 
 
 all his tribe, and many whites among them, had all been wallowing in 
 the mire of drunkenness togctlier. In the year 1773, at the head of about 
 40 warriore, hi i.-arched against the Cliocktaws of West Florida. What 
 was the issue of this expedition wo have not learned. We may have 
 again occasion to notice Vhlucco. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 MoNCACHTAPE, the Yazoo — JVarrative of his adventures to the Pacific 
 Ocean — Grand-sun, chief of" the JVatchez — Receives great injustice from 
 the French — Concerts their destruction — 700 French are cut off—Wartoiih 
 them — The JVatchez destroyed \ tkei' turn — Great-mortar — M'Gilli- 
 VRAT — His birth and education — Visits JS/eto York — Trovblts of his na- 
 tion — His death — Tame-king — ]VlAi>-Doa. 
 
 Moncachtape was a Yazoo, whose name signified, in the language of that 
 nation, killer of pain and fatigue. How well he deserved this name the 
 sequel will unfold. He was well known to the historian Du Pratz, about 
 1760, and iv, was owing to his singul ir good intelligence, that that traveller 
 was able to add much valuable information to his work. " This man 
 (says Du Pratz*) was remarkable for his solid understanding and eleva- 
 tion of sentiment ; and I may justly compare him to those first Greeks, 
 who travelled chiefly into the east, to examine the manners and customs 
 of different nations, and to communicate to their fellow citizens, upon 
 their return, the knowledge which they had acquired." He was known 
 to the French by the name of the Interpreter, as he could communicate 
 with several other nations, having gained a knowledge of their languages. 
 Mons. Du PrcUz used great endeavors among the nations upon the Mis- 
 sissijjpi, to learn their origin, or irom whence they came ; and observes 
 concerning it, " All that I could learn from them was, that they came 
 from between the north and the sun-setting ; and this account they uni- 
 formly adhere to, whenever they give any account of their origin." This 
 was unsatisfactory to him, and in his exertions to find some one that could 
 inform him better, he met with Monccuhtape. The following is the result 
 of hip communications, in his own words : — 
 
 " I had lost my wife, and all the children whom I had by her, when I 
 undertook my journey towords the sun-rising. I set out from my village 
 contrary to the inclination of all my relations, and went 'first to the Chic- 
 asaws, our friends and neighbors. I continued among them several 
 days, to inform myself whether they knew whence we all came, or, at 
 least, whence they themselves came ; they, who were our elders ; since 
 from theui came the language of the country. As they could not inform 
 me, I proceeded on my journey. I reached the Wabash, or Ohio, near 
 to its source, which is in the country of the Iroquois, or Five Nations. I 
 left them, however, towards the north ; and, during the winter, which, in 
 that country, is very severe and very Ion-, I lived in a village of the Abe- 
 naquis, where I contracted an acquaintance with a man somewhat older 
 than myself, who promised to conduct me, the following spring, to the 
 great water. Accordingly, when the snows were melted, and the 
 weather was settled, we proceeded eastward, and, after several days' jour- 
 ney, I at length saw the great water, which filled me with such joy and 
 admiration, that I could not speak. Night drawing on, we took up our 
 
 " Hist. Louisiana; ii. 121. 
 
84 
 
 ADVENTURES OF MONCACIFTAPE. 
 
 [Hook IV. 
 
 lodging on n liigh hank above the t, wliirli was sonrly voxod by the 
 wind, and rnado so great n noiwe th- could not sloep. Next day, tho 
 ohl)ing and flowing ol* the water filK ". with great appreliension ; but 
 my companion ouieted my fears, l)y assi4.ing mo that the water ol (served 
 certain bounds, l)otli in advancing .•uid retiring. Having satisfied oiu* cu- 
 riosity in viewing tiie great water, we returned to the village of the Abe- 
 naquis, where I continued the following winter; and, alter the hiiows 
 were melted, my conipanion and I went and viewed ihe great fall of tho 
 River St. Lawrence, at Niagara, which was distant from the village seve- 
 ral days' journey. The view of this great fall, at first, made my hair stand 
 cii end, and my heart almost leap out of its place; but afterwards, iMjforo 
 I left it, I had the courage to walk under it. Next day, we took tin; short- 
 est road to the Ohio, and my comj)anion and I cutting down a tree on the 
 I)ank8 of the river, we formed it mto a pettiaugre, which served to con- 
 duct me down the Ohio and the Mississippi, after which, with much 
 difficulty, I went up our small river, and at length arrived safe among my 
 relations, who were rejoiced to see me in good health. — This journey, 
 instead of satisfying, only served to excite my curiosity. Our old men, 
 for several years, had told me that the ancient speech informed them that 
 the red men of the north came originally much higher and much farther 
 than the source of the River Missouri ; and as I had longed to see, with 
 my own eyes, the land from whence our first fathers came, I took my pre- 
 cautions for my journey westwards. Having provided a snmll quantity 
 of corn, I proceeded up along the eastern bank of the River Mississippi, 
 till I came to the Ohio. I went up along the bank of this last river, 
 about the fourth part of a day's journey, that I might be able to cross it 
 without being carried into the Mississippi. There I formed a cajeux, or 
 raft of canes, by the ossistance of which I passed over the river ; and next 
 day meeting with a herd of bufiiiloes in the meadows, I killed a fat one, 
 and took from it the fillets, the bunch, and the tongue. Soon after, I ar- 
 rived among the Tamaroas, a village of the nation of the Illinois, where 
 I rested several days, and then proceeded northwards to the mouth of the 
 Missouri, which, after it enters the great river, runs for a considerable 
 time without intermixing its muddy waters witli the clear stream of the 
 other. Having crossed the Mississippi, I went up the Missouri, along its 
 northern bank, and, after several days' journey, I arrived at the nation of 
 the Missouris, where I staid a long time to learn the language that is 
 spoken beyond them. In going along the Missouri, I passed through 
 meadows a whole day's journey in length, which were quite covered with 
 buffaloes. 
 
 " When the cold was past, and the snows were melted, I continued my 
 journey up along the Missouri, till I came to the nation of the west, on 
 the Canzas. Afterwards, in consequence of directions from them, I pro- 
 ceeded in the same course near 30 days, and at length I met with some 
 of the nation of the Otters, who were hunting in that neighborhood, and 
 were surprised to see me alone. I continued with the hunters two or 
 three days, and then accompanied one of thern and his wife, who was 
 near he** time of lying in, to their village, which lay far off betwixt the 
 north and west. We continued our journey along the Missouri for nine 
 days, and then we marched directly northwards for five days more, when 
 we came to the fine river, which runs westward in a direction contrary 
 to that of the Missouri. We proceeded down this river a whole day, and 
 tlien arrived at the village of the Otters, who received me with as much 
 kindness as if I had been of their own nation. A few days after, I joined 
 a party of the Otters, who were going to carry a calumet of peace to a 
 nation beyond them, and we embarked in a pettiaugre, and went down 
 the river for 18 days, landing now and then to supply ourselves with pro- 
 
ClIAF. IV.J 
 
 ADVENTURES OF MONCACMITAI'E. 
 
 35 
 
 vinions. When I arrived nt tlin nation wlio were at penro witli tlic 
 OtterH, ! Htiiid with tliciu till th(; rold wiih [uiKscd, that I ini^ht h-urn 
 their hiiigimge, vvliicli watt cuniinun to nioHt of the natiunn that hved be- 
 yond tlicin. 
 
 " Tlie cold was hardly eonc, when I again embarked on th(^ fine river, 
 and in my cnnrHe I met with 8(!v<!ral nations, with whom I generally staid 
 but one night, till I arrived at the nation that ia but one dayV jonrney from 
 the great water on the west. This nation live in the wooiIh about the 
 distance of a league from the river, from their apprehension of bearded 
 men, who come upon their coasts in Hoating villages, and carry off their 
 childn^n to make slaves of them. These men w«'rc described to be white, 
 with long black beards that came down to their breast ; they were thick 
 and short, had large heads, which were covered with cloth ; they wero 
 always dressed, even in the greatest heats ; their clothes fell down to the 
 middle of their legs, which, with their feet, were covered with red or yel- 
 low stuff. Their arms made a great fire and a great noise ; and when 
 tliey saw themselves ont-ninnbered by red men, they retired on board 
 their large pettiaugre, their number sometimes amounting to thirty, but 
 never more. 
 
 " Those strangers came from the sun-setting, in search of a yellow 
 stinking wood, which dyes a fine yellow color ; but the people of this na- 
 tion, that they might not be tempted to visit them, had destroyed all those 
 kind of trees. Two other nations in their neighborhood, however, hav- 
 ing no other wood, could not d-stroy the trees, oiid were still visiteil by 
 tlie strangers ; and being greatly incommoded by them, had invited their 
 allies to assist them in making an attack upon them, tlie next time they 
 should return. The following siinnncr I accordingly joined in this expe- 
 dition, and, after travelling five long days' jouniey, we came to the place 
 where the bearded men usually landed, where we waited seventeen days 
 for their arrival. The red men, by my advice, placed theinselv'^ in am- 
 buscade to surprise the strangers, and accordingly, when they aiided to 
 cut the wood, we wero so successful as to kill eleven of thei i, the rest 
 immediately escaping on board two large pettiaugTvis, and flying westward 
 upon the great water. 
 
 " Upon examining those whom we had killed, wo found them much 
 smaller than ourselves, and very white ; they hud a large head, and in the 
 middle of the crown the hair was very long ; their head was wrapt in a 
 great many folds of stufT, and their clothes seemed to be made neither of 
 wool nor silk ; they were very soft, and of different colors. Two only, of 
 the eleven who were slain, had fire-arms, with powder and ball. I tried 
 their pieces, and found that they wero much heavier than yours, and did 
 not kill at so great a distance. 
 
 "After this expedition, I thought of nothing but proceeding on my jour- 
 ney, and, with that design, I let the red ;n< n return home, and joined my- 
 self to those who inhabited more westwr rd on the coast, with whom I 
 ti'avelled along the shore of the great water, which bends directly betwixt 
 tho north and the sun-setting. When I arrived at the villages of my fellow 
 travellers, where I found the days very long, and the nights very short, I 
 was advised by the old men to give over all thoughts of continuing my 
 journey. They told me that the land extended still a long way in a direc- 
 tion between the north anvl sun-setting, after which it ran directly west, 
 and at length was cut by the great water from north to south. One of 
 them added, that, when he was young, he knew a very old man who had 
 seen that distant land before it was eat away by the gi-eat water, and that 
 when the great water was low, many rocks still appeared in those parts. 
 Finding it, therefore, impracticable to proceed much farther, on account 
 of tlie severity of the climate, and the want of game, I returned by the 
 
3G 
 
 r.RAND-SUN. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 ■ame route by which I had net cut; nnd, nuhirinff my whole travolswcHt- 
 wnrd to dnyn journryH, I compute thut they wonul liavo cmj)loyL'(l me 30 
 mooiifl; hut, on account of my frcqiinnt delays, it was five years before I 
 rctunicd to my relatioiiN amoiic the Ya/oos." 
 
 Thus ends the narrative of tlie thmouH traveller Moncachtnpe. lie soon 
 after hjft Mons. Du Pralz, and returned to his own country. It would 
 have l)cen gratifyiuf^, could we have known more of the history of this 
 very intcliiiri^nt man. The Nimie author bringR also to our knowledge u 
 chief called Grand-suti, chief of the Natchez. Although Sun was a com- 
 mon name for all chiefs of that nation, this chief was nartieidarly distin- 
 guished in the first war with the French, which exhibits the com|)aN8 of 
 our information concerning him, and which we purpose here to sketch. 
 
 lie was brother to the great warrior, known to the F'rcnch by the name 
 of Stvnfr-aerpent, and like him was u friend to the whites, until the 
 haughty, overl)earing di8i)osition of one man brought destruction and ruin 
 on uieir whole colony. This affair took place in the year 1729. The 
 residence of the Grand-sun was near the French post of Natchez, where 
 he had a l)eautiful village called the White JipvU. M. dt Chopart had 
 been reinstated in the command of the post, whence he was for a time 
 removed by reason of misconduct, and his abominable injustice to the 
 Indians became more conspicuous afterwards than before. To gratify 
 his pride and avarice, he had projected the building of an elegant village, 
 and none appeared to suit ids purjmso so well as the White Apple of the 
 Grand-aun. He sent fbr tlie chief to his fort, and unhesitatingly told him 
 that his village must be immediately given up to him, for he had resolved 
 to erect one a league square upon the same ground, and that he must 
 remove elsewhere. The great chief stifled his surprise, and modestly 
 replied, "that his ancestors had lived in that village tor as many years as 
 there wero hairs in his double cue, and, therefore, it was good that they 
 should continue there still." When this was interpreted to the command- 
 ant, he showed himself in a rage, and threatened the chief, that, unless 
 he moved from his village speedily, he would have cause of repentance. 
 Grand-3un left the fort, and said he would dissemble his counsellors, and 
 hold a talk upon it. 
 
 In this council, which actually assembled, it was proposed to lay before 
 the commandant their hard situation, if they should be obliged to abandon 
 their com, which then was just beginning to shoot from the ground, and 
 many other articles on which they were to depend for subsistence. But, 
 on urging these strong reasons, they rnet only with abuse, and a more 
 peremptory order to remove immediately. This the Grand-s^tn reported 
 to the council, and they saw all was lost, unless, by some stratagem, they 
 should rid themselves of the tyrant Cfiopart, which was their final decis- 
 ion. The secret was confided to none nut the old men. To gain time, 
 an offer was to be made to the avaricious commandant, of tribute, in case 
 he would pennit them to remain on their land until their harvest. The 
 oflTer was accepted, and the Indians set about maturing their plan with the 
 p*eatest avidity. Bundles of sticks were sent to the suns of the neighbor- 
 mg tribes, and their import explained to them by the iiiithful messengers. 
 Each bundle contained as many sticks as days which were to pass before 
 the massacre of all the French in the Natchez. And that no mistake 
 should aiise in regard to the fixed day, every morning a stick was drawn 
 from the bundle and broken in pieces, and the day of the last stick was 
 that of the execution. 
 
 The security of the wicked, in the midst of their wickedness, and their 
 deafness to repeated warnings, though a standing example before them 
 upon the pages of all history, yet we know of but few instances where 
 
Chap. IV] 
 
 GRANIX-8UN. 
 
 they liavo profited by it. I need cite no cxampica ; our pages are full of 
 them. . 
 
 The breast of women, whether civilized or nncivili/ed, rannot lieorthe 
 thoughts of revenge and death to prey upon them for mo great a length 
 of time aa men. And, as in the last case, 1 need not produce examples ; 
 on our pages will bo found many. 
 
 A feinafo tiun having, by accident, understood the secret design of her 
 people, partly out of resentment fur their keeping it from her, and partly 
 from her attachment to the French, resolved to make it known to them. 
 But so fatally secure was the commandant, that he would not hearken to 
 her messengers, and threatened others of jiis own people with chastise- 
 ment, if they continued such intimations. But the great council of so 
 many suns, and other motions of their wise men, justly alarmed many, 
 and their complaints to the commandant were urged, until seven of his 
 own people were put in irons, to dispel their fears. And that he might 
 the more viumt himself upon their fears, he sent his inter{)reter to demand 
 of the Grand-sun, whether he was alraut to full u|>on the French with his 
 warriors. To dissemble, in such a cose, was only to be expected from the 
 chief, and the interi)reter reported to the commandant as ho desired, 
 which caused him to value himself upon his former contempt of his peo- 
 ple's fears. 
 
 The 30th of Novenil)er, 1729, ot length came, and with it the massacre 
 of near 700 |)eoi)le, being all the French of Natchez. Not a man escarcd. 
 It being upon the eve of St. Andreio'a day, facilitated the execution of the 
 horrid design. In such contempt was M. Chopart held, that the suns 
 would allow no warrior to kill him, but one whom they considered a 
 mean person. He was armed only with a wooden tomahawk, and with 
 such a contemptible weapon, wielded by as contemptible a person, was 
 M. Chopart pursued'frotn his house into his garden, and there met his 
 death. 
 
 The design of the Grand-sun and his allies was, to have followed up 
 their success until all the French were driven out of Louisiana. But 
 some tribes would not aid in it, and the governor of Louisiana, promptly 
 seconded by the people of New Orleans, shortly nfter nearly annihilated 
 the whole tribe of the Natchez. The Choctnws offered themselves, to 
 the number of 15 or 1600 men, and, in the following February, advanced 
 into the coimtry of the Natchez, and were shortly afler joined by the 
 French, and encamped near the old fort, then in po88et;dion of the Grand- 
 aun. Here flags passed between them, and terms of peace were agreed 
 upon, which were very honorable to the Indians ; but, in the following 
 night, they decamped, taking all their prisoners and baggage, leaving 
 nothing but the cannons of the fort and balls behind them. Some timo 
 now passed before the French could ascertain the retreat of the Natche/» 
 At length, they learned that they had crossed the Mississippi, and settled 
 upon the west side, near 180 miles above the mouth of Red River. Here 
 they built a fort, ai^id remained quietly until the next year. 
 
 The weakness of the colony caused the inhabitants to resign themselves 
 into the hands of the king, who soon sent over a sufficient force, added to 
 those still in the country, to humble the Natchez. They were accordingly 
 invested in their fort, and, struck with consternation at the sudden ap- 
 proach of the French, seem to have lost their former prudence. They 
 made a desperate sally upon the camp of the enemy, but were repulsed 
 with great loss. They then attempted to gain time by negotiation, as 
 they had the year before, but could not escape from the vigilance of the 
 French officer ; yet the attempt was made, and many were killed, very 
 few escaped, and the greater number driven within their fort. Mortars 
 were used by their enemies in this siege, and the third bomb, fulling in 
 
,18 
 
 GREAT-MORTAR. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 the centre of the fort, mode great hnvoc, hut still prenter consternation. 
 Drowned by the cries of tho women and cliildren, Grand-sun caused the 
 sign of capitulation to be given. Iliniself, with the rest of his company, 
 were carried prisoners to New Orleans, and tlirown into prison. An in. 
 creasing infection caused the women and children to he taken out and 
 employed as slaves on the king's ])lantations; among whom was the wo- 
 man who had used every endravorto notify the commandant, Chopart,of 
 the intended massacre, and from whom the i)articulars of the affair were 
 learned. Her name was Stuvf^-arm. These slaves were shortly after 
 embarked for St. Domingo, entirely to rid the coimtry of the Natchez.* 
 The men, it is probable, were all put to death. 
 
 (ireat-mortar, or Yah-yah-tmtanage, was a very celebrated Muskogee 
 chieJ^ who, before the revolutionary war, was in the French interest, and 
 received his supplies from their garrison at Alabama, which was not far 
 distant from his place of abode, called Okchai. There was a time when 
 he inclined to the English, and but for the very haughty and imprudent 
 conduct of the superintendent of Indian affiiirs, among them, might have 
 been reclaimed, and the dismal period of massacres which ensued avert- 
 ed. At a great council, appointed by the superintendent, for the object 
 of regaining t.'ieir favor, the pipe of peace, when ])assing around, was re- 
 fused to Great-mortar, because he had favored the French. This, with 
 much other ungenerous treatment, caused him ever after to hate the Eng- 
 lish name. As the superintendent was making a s|)eech, which doubtless 
 contained severe and hard sayings against his red hearers, another chief, 
 called the Tobacco-eater, sprimg upon his feet, and darting his tomahawk 
 at bin), it fortunately missed him, but stuck in a plank just above his head. 
 Yet he would have been immediaiely killed, but for the interposition of a 
 friemlly warrior. Had this first blow been effectual, every Englishman 
 present would have been immediately put to death. Soon after, Greai- 
 mortar caused his people to fall upon the English traders, and they mur- 
 dered ten. Fourteen of tlie inhabitants of Longcane, a settlement near 
 Ninety-six,t next were his victims. He now received a commission from 
 the French, and the better to enlist the Cherokees and others in his cause, 
 removed with his family far into the heart of the country, upon a river, 
 by which lie could receive supplies from the fort at Alabama. Neither 
 the French nor Great-mortar were deceived in the advantage of their 
 newly-chosen position ; for young warriors joined him there in great 
 numbers, and it was fast becoming a general rendezvous for all the Mis- 
 8issi[)pi Indians. Fortunately, however, for the English, the Chickasaws 
 in their interest plucked up this Bohon upas before its branches were yet 
 extended. They fell upon them by sui^jrise, killed the brother of Great- 
 fiwrtar, and completely destroyed the design. He fled, not to his native 
 place, but to one from whence he could best annoy the English settle- 
 ments, and cominenced anew the work of death. Atigusta, in Georgia, 
 and many scattering settlements were destroyed.t Those ravages were 
 contiinied until their united forces were defeated by the Americans under 
 Gen. Grant, in 17G1, as we shall have occasion to notice in our progress.^ 
 The fate of Great-mortar, like many others, is hidden from us. 
 
 Wo hav^. next to notice a chief, king, or emperor, as he was at different 
 times entitled, whose omission, in a biograj)hical work upon the Indians, 
 would incur as much criminality, on the part of the biographer, as an 
 omission of Buckougehelas, fVhite-eyes, Pipe, or Ockonostota ; yea, even 
 more. We mean 
 
 * Mons. Dii Pratz, Hist, de Louisiana, tome i. chap. xii. 
 
 t So called because it was % miles from tlic Cherokee. Adair. 
 
 t Adair's Hist. N. American Indians, 254, &c. 
 
 $ Wynne's Brit. Empire, ii. 283. 
 
[Book IV. 
 
 )nsternation. 
 I caused the 
 is company, 
 on. An in> 
 kcii out and 
 ivns the wo- 
 , Chopartf of 
 ! nfliiir were 
 ihortly after 
 le Natchez.* 
 
 \ Muskogee 
 interest, and 
 was not far 
 I tijne when 
 1 imprudent 
 , might have 
 isucd avert- 
 ir tlie ohject 
 ind, was re- 
 This, with 
 ite tlie Eng- 
 ch douhtlees 
 notiitr chief, 
 s tomahawk 
 >ve his head, 
 position of a 
 Englishman 
 after, Great- 
 \ they niur- 
 lement near 
 riission from 
 in his cause, 
 pon a river, 
 la. Neither 
 jge of their 
 sre in great 
 ill the Mia- 
 Chickasaws 
 les were yet 
 ler of Great- 
 :o his native 
 glish settle- 
 in Georgia, 
 ivagps were 
 icans under 
 r progress.^ 
 
 f at difTorent 
 
 lie Indians, 
 
 iphcr, as an 
 
 ; yea, even 
 
 Chap. IV.] 
 
 M'GILLIVRAY. 
 
 39 
 
 .Alexander M'Gillivray, who was, perhaps, one of the most con- 
 epicuous, if not one of the greatest, chiefs that has ever borne that title 
 among the Creeks ; at least, since they have been known to the Eu- 
 ropeans. He flourished during iialf of the last century, and such was 
 the exalted opinion entertained of him by his countrymen, that they styled 
 him " king of kings." His mother was his predecessor, and the govern- 
 ess of the nation, and he had several sistere, who married leading men. 
 On the death of his mother, he came in chief sachem by the usages of 
 his ancestors, but such was his disinterested patriotism, that he left it to 
 the nation to say whether he should succeed to the sachemslin. The 
 |)eople elected him "emperor." He was at the head of the Crocks dur- 
 ing the revolutionary war, and was in the British interest. Aler the 
 peace, he became reconciled to the Americans, and expres.sed a desire to 
 renounce his public life, and reside in the U. States, but was hindered by 
 the earnest solicitations of his countrymen, to reniain among them, and 
 direct their affairs. 
 
 M'Gillivray was a son of an Englishman of that name who married a 
 Creek woman, and hence was a half Indian. He was born about 1739, 
 and, at the age of ten, was sent by his father to school in Charleston, 
 where he was in the care of Mr. Farquhnr M'Gillivray, who was a rela- 
 tion of his father. His tutor was a Mr. Sheed. He learned the Latin lan- 
 guage under the tuition of Mr. William Henderson, afterwards somewhat 
 eminent among the critics in London. When young J\TGillivray was 17, 
 he was put into a counting-house in Savamiah, but mercantile affairs had 
 not so many charms as books, and he s|)ent all the time he could get, in 
 reading histories and other works of usefulness. After a short time, his 
 father took him home, where bis superior talents soon began to develop 
 themselves, and his promotion followed, as we have shown. He was 
 often styled general, which commission, it is said, he actually held under 
 Charles III., king of Spain. This was, probably, before he was elected 
 emperor. 
 
 " The times that tried men's souls" were his times, and the neighbor- 
 hood of the Spanish, French and English gave him and his people 
 troubles which ended only with tlieir lives. 
 
 On the 23 July, 1790, Col. M^Gillivray, and 29 of his chiefb and warriors, 
 visited New York, accompanied by Co). Marinus JVillet. They were con- 
 ducted to the residence of the secretary of war, Gen. Knox, who con- 
 ducted them to the house of the jjresident of the U. States, and introduced 
 them to him. President Washington received them " in a very handsome 
 manner, congratulated them on their safe arrival, and expressed a hope 
 that the interview would prove beneficial both to the U. States and to the 
 Creek nation." They next visited the governor of the state, from whom 
 they received a most cordial welcome. They then proceeded to the City 
 Tavern, where they dined in company with Gen. Knox,, and other officers 
 of government. A correspondence between Gov. Tel/air, of Georgia, 
 and ^^ Alexander M'Gilvary, Esq." |)robably opened the way for a negotia- 
 tion, which terminated in a settlement of (lifficulties. From the following 
 extract from M'Gillivray's letter, a very just idea may be formed of the 
 state of the affairs of his nation previous to his visit to New York. "In 
 answer to yours, I have to observe, that, as a peace was not concluded on 
 between us at the Rock-landing meeting, your demand for (iroperty taken 
 by our warriors from off the disputed lands cannot be admitted. We, 
 also, have had our losses, by captures trjade by your people. We are 
 willing to conclude a peace with you, but you must not expect extraordi- 
 nary concessions from us. In order to spare the further effusion of hu- 
 man blood, and to finally determitie the war, I am willing to concede, in 
 «ume measure, if you are disposed to treat on the ground of mutual con- 
 
w 
 
 40 
 
 TAME-KING. 
 
 [Book IV. 
 
 cession. It will save trouble aiid expense, if the negotiations are managed 
 in the nation. Any person from you can be assured of personal safety 
 and friendly treatment in this country." It was dated at Little Tellassee, 
 30 March, 1790, and directed to " His Excellency Edtoard Telfair, Esq." 
 and signed ^^Akx. M^GUlivray.^^ 
 
 This chie^' seems pflerwards to have met with the censure of his peo- 
 ple, at least some of them, in a manner similar to that ofAPIntosk recent- 
 ly ; and was doubtless overcome by the insinuations of designing whites, 
 to treat for the disposal of his lands, against the general voice of his na- 
 tion. One Bowles, a white man, led the councils in opposition to his 
 proceedings, and, for a time, jyVGHlivray absented himself from his own 
 tribe. In 1792, M'GUlivray's party took Bowles prisoner, and sent him 
 out of the country, and solicited the general to return to his own nation.* 
 To this he consented, and they became more attached to him than ever. 
 He now endeavored to better their condition by the introduction of 
 teachers among them. In an advertisement for a teacher, in the summer 
 of 1792, he styles himself emperor of the Creek nation. His quiet was 
 soon disturbed, and the famous John Walts, the same summer, with 500 
 warriors, Creeks, and five towns of the Chickamawagas, committed many 
 depredations. The Spaniards were supposed to be the movers of the 
 hostile part3^ MGillivray died in April, 1793, and is thus noticed in the 
 Pennsylvania Gazette : — "This idolized chief of the Creeks styled himself 
 king of kings. But, alas, he could neither restrain the meanest fellow of 
 his nation from the commission of a crime, nor punish him after he had 
 committed it ! He might persuade or advise, all the good an Indian king 
 or chief can do." This is, generally speaking, a tolerably correct estimate 
 of the extent of the power of chiefs ; but it should be remembered that 
 the chiefe of different tribes exercise very different sway over their peo- 
 ple, according as such chief is endowed with the spirit of government, 
 by nature or circumstance. There is great absurdity in applying the 
 name or title of king to Indian chiefs, as that title is commonly under- 
 stood. The first Europeans conferred the title upon those who appeared 
 most prominent, in their first discoveries, for want of another more ap- 
 propriate ; or, perhaps, they had another reason, namely, that of magnify- 
 ing their own exploits on their return to their own countries, by reporting 
 their interviews with, or conquests over, " many kings of an unknown 
 country." 
 
 Contemporary with Gen. JVF Oillivray was a chief called the Tame-king, 
 whose residence was among the Upper Creeks, in 1791 ; and he is noticed 
 in our public documents of that year, as a coii3j)icuou8 chief in matters 
 connected wiih establishing the southern boundary. At this time, one 
 Bowies, an English trader, had great influence among the Lower Creeks, 
 and used great endeavors, by putting himself forward as their chief, to 
 enlist all the nations in opposition to the Americans. He had made largo 
 promises to the Upper Creeks, to induce them not to hear to the Ameri- 
 can commissioners. They so far listened to him, as to consent to receive 
 his talk, and accordingly the chiefs of the upper and lower towns met at 
 a place called the Half-ivay-house, where they expected Bowles in person, 
 or some letters containing definite statements. When the chiefs had as- 
 sembled. Tame-king and Mad-dog, of the upper towns, asked the chiefs 
 of the lower, "whether th^y had taken Boivles^s talks, and where the let- 
 ters were which this great man had sent them, and where the white man 
 
 * In 1791, this J3m»/M, with five chiefs, was in England, and we find this notice of 
 him in the European Magazine of that year, vol. 19, p. 268 : " The ambassadors con- 
 sisted of two Creeks, and of Mr. Bougies, (a native of Maryland, who is a Creek by 
 adoption, and the present general of that nation.) and tiirce Cherokees. 
 
Book IV. 
 
 nanaeed 
 al safety 
 ["ellassee, 
 ir, Esq." 
 
 his peo- 
 h recent- 
 g whites, 
 if his na- 
 DU to his 
 
 his own 
 sent him 
 n nation.* 
 han ever. 
 Liction of 
 3 summer 
 quiet was 
 
 with 500 
 tted many 
 its of the 
 ced in the . 
 ;d himself 
 
 fellow of 
 ter he had 
 idian king 
 ct estimate 
 bered that 
 
 their peo- 
 pvernment, 
 plying the 
 y under- 
 appeared 
 more ap- 
 magnify- 
 reporting 
 unknown 
 
 Tame-king, 
 is noticed 
 matters 
 time, one 
 
 rer Creeks, 
 
 ir chief, to 
 lade large 
 le Ameri- 
 to receive 
 
 irns met at 
 in person, 
 'a had as- 
 the chiefs 
 
 ere the let- 
 white man 
 
 his notice of 
 
 issadors con- 
 
 a Creek by 
 
 Chap. IV.] 
 
 MAD-DOG. 
 
 41 
 
 m 
 
 was to rend them." An Indian in Bowles's employ said, "he was to 
 give them the talk." They laughed at tins, and said, " tliev could hear his 
 mouth every day ; that they had come there lo see those fetters and hear 
 them read." Most of the chiefs of the upper towns now left the council, 
 which was about the termination of Bowles's successes. He was shortly 
 afterwards obli;i[ed to abdicate, as we have already declared in the life of 
 JW Gillivray. lie returned agaui, however, after visiting Spain and Eng- 
 land, and spending some time in prison. 
 
 Mr. Ellicott observes,* that, at the close of a conference with sundry 
 tribes, held 15 August, 1799, in which objects were discussed concerning 
 his passage through their country, that " the business appeared to termi- 
 nate as favomi)iy as could be expected, and the Indians declared them- 
 selves perfectly satisfied ; but I nevertheless had my doid)ts of their 
 sincerity, from the depredations they were constantly making upon our 
 horses, which began upon the Coeneuck, and had continued ever since ; 
 and added to their insolence, from their stealing every article in our camp 
 they could lay their hands on." Mr. Ellicott excej)ts tlie Upper Creeks, 
 generally, from participating in these robberies, all but Tame-king andhin 
 people. 
 
 Though we have named Tame-king first, yet Mad-dog was quite as 
 conspicuous at this time. His son fought for the Americans in the last 
 war, and was mentioned by Gen. Jackson as an active and valuable chief 
 in his expeditions. His real name we have not learned, and the general 
 mentions him only as Mad-dog's son. 
 
 In the case of the boundary already mentioned, the surveyors met with 
 frequent difficulties from the various tribes of Indians, some of whom 
 were influenced by the Spanish governor, Folch, of Louisiana. Mad-dog 
 appeared their friend, and undeceived them respecting the governor'!* 
 pretensions. A conference was to be held about the 4 May, between tha 
 Indians, Governor Folch and the American commissioners. The i)lace of 
 meeting was to be upon Coenecuh River, near the southern estuaiy of tha 
 bay of Pensacola. When the Americans arrived there. Mad-dog met' 
 them, and informed Col. Haivkins,ihe Indian agent, that two Indians had 
 just gone to the Tallessees with bad talks from the governor. The colonel 
 told him it could not be possible. Shortly afler. Mad-dog asked Colonel 
 Hawkins and Mr. Ellicott, the commissioner, if they supposed that Gov. 
 Folch wou]d attend at the treaty; they said, "Most assuredly." *^JVo,^* 
 returned Mad-dog, " he will not attend, he knoivs what I shall say to him 
 about his crooked talks. His tongue is forked, and, as you are here, he wiU 
 be ashained to show it. If he stands to what he has told us, you will be of- 
 fended, and if he tells us that the line ought to be marked, he will contradict 
 himself: but he will do neither ; he will not come." It turned out as Mad- 
 dog declared. When it was found that the governor would not attend, 
 tlie chief went to C. 1. Haiokins and Mr. Ellicott, and, by way of pleas- 
 antry, said, " fVell, the governor has not come. I told you so. A man with 
 two tongues can only speak to one at a time." This observation has refer- 
 ence to the governor's duplicity, in holding out to the Indians his deter- 
 mination not to suffer a surA'ey of the boundary, while, at the earn* 
 time, he pretended to the Americans that he would facilitate it.f 
 
 Mad-dog was an upper-town Creek, of the Tuckaabatchees trite. 
 
 lu Us Journal, 214. 
 
 t Ibid. 203, &e. 
 
43 
 
 WEATIIERFORD. 
 
 [Book IV 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Weatherkord — His character and countri/ — The comer-stone of the Creek 
 confederacy — Favors the designs of 7\cumseh — Captures Fori Mimms — 
 Dreadful massacre — Subjection of the Creeks — Wentherford surrenders 
 himself— His speeches — ]\I'Intosh — Jlids the Americans — Battle of Jlu- 
 tossee — Great slaughter of the Indians — Battle of the Horse-shoe-ocnd — 
 Late trouh'es in the Creek nation — J\fIntosh makes illegal sale of lands — 
 Executed for breaking the laws of his country — Menawway — Tuste- 
 NUGGE — Hawkins — Chilly M'Intosh, S07i of William — Marriage of 
 his sister — Lovett. 
 
 JVeatherford, one of the most conspicuous war chiefs of the Creek 
 nation, demands an early attention, in the biographical history of the late 
 war. Mr. Claiborne, in his Notes on the War in the South, informs 
 us that, "among die firet who entered into the views of the British com- 
 missioners was the since celebrated H'eatherford ;" that he was born in 
 the Creek nation, and whose " father was an itinerant pedler, sordid, 
 treacherous and revengeful ; his mother a full-blooded savage, of the tribe 
 of the Seminoles. He partook (says the same author) of all the bad 
 qualities of both his parents,* and engrafted, on the stock he inherited 
 from others, many that were peculiarly his own. With avarice, treach- 
 ery, and a thirst for blood, he combines lust, gluttony, and a devotion to 
 every species of criminal carousal. Fortune, in her freaks, sometimes 
 gives to the most profligate an elevation of mind, which she deniec; to men 
 whose propensities are the most vicious. On Weatherford she bestowed 
 genius, eloquence and courage. The first of these qualities enabled him 
 to conceive great designs, the last to execute them ; while eloquence, bold, 
 impressive and figurative, furnished him with a passport to the favor of 
 his countrymen and followers. Silent and reserved, unless when excited 
 by some great occasion, and superior to the weakness of rendering him- 
 self cheap by the frequency of his addresses, he delivered his opinions 
 but seldom in council ; but when he did so, he was listened to with de- 
 light and approbation. His judgment and eloquence had secured the 
 respect of the old ; his vices made him the idol of the young and the un- 
 
 fH'incipled." " In liis person, tall, straight, and well proportioned ; his eye 
 )lack, lively and penetrating, and indicative of courage and enterprise ; 
 his nose m-ominent, thin, and elegant in its formation ; while all the fea- 
 tures of his face, harmoniously arranged, speak an active and discii)lined 
 mind. Passionately devoted to wealth, he liad appropriated to himself u 
 fine tract of land, improved and settled it; and from the profits of his fa- 
 ther's pack, had decorated and embellished it. To it he retired occasion- 
 ally, and, relaxing from the cares of state, he indulged in pleasures which 
 are but rarely found to afford satisfaction to the devotees of ambition and 
 fame. Such were the opposite and sometimes disgusting traits of char- 
 acter in the celebrated Weatherford, the key and corner-stone of the Creek 
 confi'deracy !" 
 
 It is said that this chief had entered fully into the views of Tecumseh, 
 and that, if he had entered upon his designs without delay, he would have 
 been amply able to have oveiTun the whole Mississippi territory. Hut 
 this fortunate moment was lost, and, in the end, his plans came to ruin. 
 Not long before the wretched butcliery at Fort Mimms, Gen. Claiborne 
 
 * The reader sliould be early apprized thai this was writtou at a time when some preju- 
 dice might have infected the niinJ of (he writer. 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 WEATHERFORD. 
 
 4;* 
 
 en some preju- 
 
 visited that post, and very particularly warned its possessors against « 
 surprise. After giving orders for the construction of two additional block- 
 houses, he concluded the order with these words: — "To respect an ene- 
 my, and prepare in the best possible way to meet him, is the certain uk^uus 
 to ensure success." It was expected that fVeatlierford would soon atturk 
 Bome of the forts, and Gen. Claiborne marched to Fort Early, as that was 
 the farthest advanced into the enemy's country. On his way, he wrote to 
 Maj. Beasley, the commander of Minuns, informing him of the danger of 
 an attack, and, strange as it may a|)i)ear, the next day after the letter was 
 received, (30 Aug. 1813,) Wealherford, at the head of about 1500 warriors, 
 entered the fort at noon-day, when a shocking carnage ensued. The gate 
 had been left open and unguarded ; but before many of the warriors had 
 entered, they were met by Maj. Beadey, at the head of his men, and for 
 some time the contest was bloody and doubtful ; each striving for the 
 niastery of the entrance. Here, man to inan, the fight continued for a 
 quarter of an hour, with tomahawks, knives, swords and bayonets : ,i 
 scene there presented itself almost without a parallel in the annals of In- 
 dian warf ire ! The garrison consisted of 275 : of these only IGO were sol- 
 diers ; the rest were old men, women and children, who had here taken 
 refuge. It is worthy of very emphatical remai-k, that every officer expired 
 fighting at the gate. A lieutenant, having been badly wounded, was car- 
 ried by two women to a block-house, but when he was a little recovered, 
 he insisted on being carried back to the fatal scene, which was done by 
 the same heroines, who placed him by the side of a dead companion, 
 where he was soon despatched. 
 
 The defenders of the garrison being now nearly all slain, the women 
 and children shut themselves up in the block-houses, and seizing upon 
 what weapons they could find, began, in that perilous and hopeless situa- 
 tion, to defend themselves. But the Indians soon succeeded in setting 
 these houses on fire, and all such as refused to meet death without, per- 
 ished in the flames within ! ! Seventeen only escaped of all the garrison, and 
 many of those were desperately wounded. It was judged that, during the 
 contest at the gate, near 400 of Wcalherford's warriors were wounded and 
 slain. 
 
 When the news of this affair was circulc ed through the country, many 
 cried aloud for vengeance, and two powerful armies were soon upon their 
 march into the Indian country, ancl the complete destruction of the In- 
 dian power soon followod. The Indians seeing all resistance was at an 
 end, great numbers of them came forward and made their submission. 
 Wealherford, however, and many who were known to be desperate, still 
 stood out ; perhaps from fear. Gen. Jackson determined to test the fidel- 
 ity of those chiefs who had suLinitted, and, therefore, ordered lliem to 
 diilivcr, without delay, JVeatherford, bound, into his haiuls, that he might 
 be dealt with as he d(!scrved. When they had made known to the sachem 
 what was required of them, his nol)le spirit would not submit to su<',h dog- 
 r.idation ; and to hold them harmless, he resolved to give himself up 
 without compulsion. Accordingly, he proceeded to the American camp, 
 unknown, until ho ap|)eared before the commanding general, to whoso 
 prose-nce, under some pretence, he gained admission. Geu. Jackson was 
 greatly surprised, when the chief said, "/ am fVeatherford, the chief who 
 commanded at the capture of Fort Minims. I desire peace for my people, and 
 have come to ask it." Jackson had, doubtless, determined upon his execu- 
 tion when he should bo brought bound, as he had directed, but his sudden 
 and unexpected apj.oarance, in this manner, saved him. The general said 
 he was astonished that he should venture to ajjpear in his ])resence, as he 
 was not ignorant of his having been at Fort Mimms, nor of his inhuman 
 conduct there, for which he so well deserved to die. " I ordered," con- 
 
w 
 
 44 
 
 M'lXTOSH. 
 
 [DooK IV. 
 
 tinned tliR pnncral, " tliat yon should bo brought to me bound ; nnd, had you 
 breii brought in that uiann* r, 1 slinuld have known liow to have treat- 
 ed you." In unavver to tliis, Wealhtrford made the followhig iiitnous 
 8|>(;ech : — 
 
 " / am in ifour power — do with me as you please — / am a soldier, I have 
 done the whites all the harm 1 coiUd. I have fought them, and fought them 
 bravclu. If I had an army, I would yet fighl — / loould contend to the last : 
 hut I have 7wne, My people are all gone. I can only weep over the misfor- 
 tunes of my nation." 
 
 Gen. Jackson was pleased with his boldness, and told him that, though 
 he wa3 in his power, yet he would take no advantage ; that he might yet 
 join the war party, and contend against the Americans, if he chose, but 
 to depend upon no quarter if taken afterward ; and that unconditional 
 submission was his and his people's only safety. Weatherford rejoined, in 
 a tone as dignified as it was indignant, — " You can safely address me in 
 such terms now. There was a time when I could have answered you — there 
 was a time when J had a choice — / have none now. I have not even a hope. 
 I could 07ice animate my ivarriors to battle — but I cannot animate the dead. 
 My ivarriors can no longer hear my voice. Their bones are at Talladega, 
 Tallushatches, Emurkfaw and Tohopeka. I have not surrendered myself 
 toithout thought. While there loas a single chance of success, I never left my 
 post, nor supplicated peace. But my people art gone, and I now ask it for 
 my nation, not for myself I look back toilh deep sorrow, and msh to avert 
 still greater calamities. Jf Ihad been left to contend with the Georgia army, 
 I would have raised my com on one bank of the river, and fought them on the 
 other. But your people have destroyed my nation. You are a brave man. I 
 rely upon your generosity. You will exact no terms of a conquered people, 
 but such as they should accede to. Whatever they may be, it tooidd now he 
 madness and folly to oppose them. If they arc opposed, you shcdl find me 
 amongst the sternest enforcers of obedience. Those who would still hold out, 
 can he influenced only by a mean spirit of revenge. To this they must not, 
 and shall not sacrifice the last remnant of their country. You have told our 
 nation lohere we might go and be safe. This is good talk, and they ought to 
 listen to it. They shall listen to it. And here we must close our present 
 account of fVeatheiford, and enter ujion that of a character opposed to 
 him in the field, and, if we can believe the writers of their times, opposite 
 in almost all the affairs of life. This was the celebrated and truly unfor- 
 tunate 
 
 GiMi. William MIrdosh, a Creek chief, of the tribe of Cowetaw. He 
 was, iike M^Gillivray, a half-breed, whom he considerably resembled in 
 several parti(!ulars, as by his history will appear. He was a prominent 
 leader of such of his countrymen as joined the Americans in the war of 
 1812, i:^ and 14, and is first mentioned by General Jacltson,* in bis ac- 
 count of the battle, as he called it, of Autossee, where he assisted in the 
 brutui destruction of 2C0 of his nation. There was nothing like figiitin:: 
 on the |)art of the people of the place, as we can learn, being surjjrised in 
 tli(!ir wigwatns, and hewn to [)ieces. " The Cowelaws," says the general, 
 "luuler MIntosh, and Zookaubatchians,f uiuler Mad-dog^s-son, fell in on 
 our flanks, and fought with an intrepidity worthy of any trooj)s." And 
 after relating the burning of the place, he thus proceeds: — " It is diflicult 
 to determine the strengtii of the enemy, but from the information of some 
 of the chiefs, which it is said can be relied on, there were assembled at 
 Autossee, warriors from eight towns, for its defence ; it being their be- 
 loved ground, on which they proclaimed no white man could approach 
 without inevitable destruction. It is diflicult to give a precise account of 
 
 • Brannuns ofHcial letterii. 
 
 t Tuckabalche. Bartram, 417. 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 M'INTOSH. 
 
 45 
 
 the loss of the enemy ; but from the number which were lying scattered 
 over the field, together with those destroyed in the towns, and the many 
 slain on the bank of the river, which respectable officers affirm that they 
 saw lying in heaps at the waters' edge, where they had been precipitated 
 by their surviving friends,[! !] their loss in killed, uidependent of theu* 
 wounded, must have been at least 200, (among whom were the Autossee 
 and Tallasaee kings,) and from the circumstance of their making no etibrts 
 to molest our return, probably greater. The number of builduigs burnt, 
 eome of a superior order for the dwellings of savages, and filled with 
 valuable articles, is supposed to be 400." This was on the 29 November, 
 1813. 
 
 M'Intosh was also very conspicuous in the memorable battle of the 
 Horse-shoe-bend, in the Tallapoosie River. At this place the disconsolate 
 tribes of the south had made a last great stand, and had a tolerably regu- 
 lar fortified camp. It was said that they were 1000 strong. They had 
 constructed their works with such ingenuity, that httle could be effected 
 against them but by storm. " Determined to exterminate them," says Gen. 
 Jackson, " I detached General Coffee with the mounted, and nearly the 
 whole of the. Indian force, early on the morning of yepterday, [March 
 27, 1814,] to cross the river about two miles below their encampment, 
 and to surround the bend, in such a manner, as that none of them should 
 escape by attempting to cross the river." " Beari'a company of spies, who 
 had accompanied Gen. Coffee, crossed over in canoes to the extremity of 
 the bend, and set fire to a few of the buildings which were there situated ; 
 they then advanced with great gallantry towards the breast-work, and 
 commenced a spirited fire upon the enemy behind it." Tliis force not be- 
 ing able to effect their object, many others of the army showed great 
 ardor to participate in the assault. " The spirit which animated them waa 
 a sure augury of the success which was to follow." " The regulars, led 
 on by their intrepid and skilful commander. Col. Williama, and by the 
 gallant Maj. Montgomery, soon gained possession of the works in the midst 
 of a most tremendous fiie from behind them, and the militia of the vene- 
 rable Gen. Dokerty's brigade accompanied them in the charge with a vi- 
 vacity and firmness which would have done honor to regulars. The 
 enemy was completely routed. Five hundred and fjly-seven* were lefl; 
 dead on the peninsula, and a great number were killed by the horsemen 
 in atterfipting to cross the river. It is believed that not more than twenty 
 have escaped. 
 
 " The fighting continued with some severity about five hours ; but we 
 continued to destroy many of them, who had concealed themselves un- 
 der the banks of the river, until we were prevented by the night. This 
 morning we killed 16 who had been concealed. We took about 250 pris- 
 oners, all women and children, except two or three. Our loss is 106 
 wounded, and 25 killed. Major Mcintosh, the Cowetau, who joined my 
 army with a part of his tribe, greatly distinguished himself."! Truly, this 
 was a war of extermination ! ! The friend of humanity may inquire 
 whether all those poor wretches who had secreted themselves here and 
 there in the " caves and reeds," had deserved death. They were first 
 taken prisoners, then murdered ! 
 
 The most melancholy part of the life of the unfortunate M'Intosh re- 
 mains to be recorded. The late troubles of the Creek nation have drawn 
 forth many a sympathetic tear from the eye of the philanthropist. These 
 troubles were only tlie consequences of those of a higher date. Those 
 of 1825, we thought, completed the climax of their affliction, but 1833 
 
 * Those are the ^cnerars italics ; at least, Braiman so prints his official letter. 
 I Uraiiiian, xU supra. 
 
46 
 
 M'liVTOSlI. 
 
 (Book IV. 
 
 mnrt Hiilly her annals with records of their oppression also. It is the for- 
 mer period with wliieh our orticio iiriiig?. «i8 in rollision, in closing this 
 account. In that year, the government of the U. States, hy its agents, 
 Becnicd determined on possessitig a Uu-gc tmct of tlieir country, to satisfy 
 the state of Georgia. SPIniosh, and a small part of the nation, were tor 
 conceding to their wishes, hut a large majority of his countr}'n»en would 
 not hear to the [)roposal. The commissioners employed were satisfied of 
 the fact, and comumnicated to the presi<lent the result of a meeting they 
 hud had for the purpose. lie was well satisfied, also, that M'Intosh .'ould 
 not convey the lands, as he represented hut a small part of his nation, hut 
 still the negotiation was ordered to he renewed. A council was called hy 
 the commissioners, (who were Georgians,) which assemhled at a |)laco 
 called Indian-springs. Here the chief of the Tuckauhatcheese spoke to 
 them as follows : " We met you at Broken Arrow, and then told you we 
 had no land to sell. I then heard of no claims against the nation, nor 
 have I since. We have met you here at a very short notice, and do not 
 think that the chiefs who are here have any authority to treat. Gen- 
 eral jyVIntosh knows that we are hound hy our laws, and that wliat is 
 not done in the public square, in the general council, is not binding on 
 the nation. I am, therefore, under the necessity of repealing the same 
 answer as given at Broken Arrow, that we have no land to sell. I know 
 that there are but few here from the upper towns, and many are absent 
 from the lower towns. Gen. JWIntosh knows that no part of the land can 
 be sold without a full council, and with the consent of all the nation, atid 
 if a part of the nation choose to leave the country, they cannot sell the 
 land they have, but it belongs to the nation." "This is the only talk I 
 have for you, and I shall return home immediately." He did so. The 
 ill-advised commissioners informed Jiflntosh and his party, that the Creek 
 nation was sufficiently represented by them, and that the United States 
 would bear them out in a treaty of sale. The idea of receiving the whole 
 of the pay for the lands among themselves, was doubtless the cause of the 
 concession of JWIntosh and his party. "Thirteen only of the signers 
 of the treaty were chiefs. The rest were such as had been degraded from 
 that rank, and unknown persons; 36 chiefs present refused to sign. The 
 whole party of AVIniosh amounted to about 300, not the tenth part of the 
 nation." Still they executed the articles, in direct violation to the laws of 
 their nation, which themselves had helped to form. It must be remem- 
 bered that the Creeks had made no inconsiderable advances in what is 
 termed civilization. They had towns, and even printed laws by which 
 they were to be governed, similar to those of the United States. 
 
 ^^ M'Intosh was aware, that, after signing the treaty, his life was forfeit- 
 ed. He, and others of his coadjutors, repaired to Milledgeville, stated 
 their feai-s, and claimed the protection of Georgia, which wos promised 
 by Gov. Troup."* It tnust be observed that the greater part of the pur- 
 chased territory was within the claimed limits of Georgia ;t and that the 
 Georgians had no small share in the whole transaction. It is not stranger 
 that the people of Georgia should conduct as they have, than that the 
 United States' government should place it in her power so to act. To take, 
 therefore, into account the whole merits of the case, it must be remem- 
 bered, that, by a compact between the two parties in 1802, the former, in 
 consideration of the latter's relinquishing her claim to the Mississippi ter- 
 ritory, agreed to extinguish, at the national expense, the Indian title to the 
 lands occupied hy thetn, in Georgia, whenever it covld be done, vpon rea- 
 
 • Thus far selected from facts published by Mr. W. J. Snelling. 
 t Ferkitis, Hist. U. Slates, a work, by the way, of great value, and which we are sur- 
 prised should have issued from the press with little ur uo notice. 
 
[Book IV. 
 
 IS the for- 
 osiiif; tills 
 Its ajTcnts, 
 , to satisfy 
 , were l"or 
 icn would 
 iitlsfied of 
 etiiig they 
 tosh jotild 
 nation, hut 
 s cnllcd hy 
 at a place 
 e spoko to 
 lid you we 
 lation, nor 
 ind do not 
 !at. Gen- 
 ial what is 
 hinding on 
 ; the same 
 I. I know 
 
 are abs<'nt 
 lie land can 
 nation, and 
 lOt sell the 
 only talk I 
 dso. The 
 t the Creek 
 lited States 
 r the whole 
 ause of the 
 he signers 
 raded from 
 sign. The 
 part of the 
 
 he laws of 
 
 [)o remcm- 
 
 |in Avhat is 
 
 by which 
 
 fas forfeit- 
 |ille, stated 
 
 promised 
 )f the pur- 
 iid that the 
 lot stranger 
 In that the 
 It. To take, 
 l»e remem- 
 
 fortner, in 
 lissippi ter- 
 1 title to the 
 {■upon rea- 
 
 Chah. v.] 
 
 M'INTOSII. 
 
 47 
 
 aonable lertna.* Who was to decide when the practicable time had arrived, 
 we belii've was not mentioned. However, previous to ISy.*!, the United 
 Stales had succeeded in cxtinguinliing the aboriginal title of 15,000,000 
 acres, am* there were yet about 10,000,000 to be bought oft't The change 
 of life from wandering to stationary, which the arts of civilization had 
 effected among the Indiann, made them prize their possessions far more 
 highly than heretofore, and hence their reluctance and opposition to relin- 
 quish them. 
 
 Thus much it seemed necessary to premise, that the true cause of the 
 fate of jWInlosh should be understood. It appears that when the whole 
 of the nation saw that the treaty MIntosh and his party had made could 
 not be abrogated, forty-nine fiilicths of them were violent against them; 
 and therefore resolved that the sentence of the law should be executed 
 upon him. The execution, anti circumstances attending it, are thus re- 
 lated :\. " About two hours before day, on Sunday morning, 1 May,§ the 
 house of Gen. jWIntoah was surrounded by Menaw-tvay, and about 100 
 Oakfuskee warriors. Mcintosh was within, us likewise were his women 
 and children, and sojne white men. Menaw-wny directed an interpreter 
 to request the whites, and the women and children, to come out, as the 
 warriors did not wish to burm them ; that Gen. .Wlntosh had broken the 
 law that he himself had iong since made, and tiiey had come to execute 
 him accordingly. They came out of the house, leaving JWInlosh and 
 Etomi-tusieniiffge, one of his adherents, therein. The warriors then set 
 fire to the house ; and as JW/ji<o*/i and bis comrade [Tustemtfcge] attempt- 
 ed to CO nc out at the door, they shot them both down. The same day, 
 about 12 -''"lock, they hung Sam Hawkins, a half breed, in the Huckhos- 
 seliga Square. On Monday, the 2 May, a party of Halibee Indians fired 
 on and wounded Ben Hawkins, another half breed, verv badly. The chiefs 
 stated, at the time, that no danger whatever was to fie apprehended by 
 persons travel ling through the nation ; that they were friends to the whites, 
 and wished them not to be alarmed by this execution, which was only a 
 compliance with the laws that the great chiefs of the nation made at Pole- 
 cat Spring. Chilly MMosh escaped froin the house with the whites, and 
 was not fired at or wounded." He is now chief among the western Creeks, 
 and some time since increased his notoriety by beating a member of Con- 
 gress, in Washington. 
 
 The great agitation which the execution of the head chiefs of the 
 J\fIntosh party caused was allayed only by the interference of the United 
 States' government. Gov. Troup of Georgia declared vengeance against 
 the Creek nation, denouncing the execution of the chiefs as an act of 
 murder; however, he, by some means, learned that his judgment was 
 gratuitous, and, by advice of President Adams, desisted from acts of hos- 
 tility, the survey of the disputed lands, &c. 
 
 We have not learned much of the family ofMTntosh. On 14 August, 
 1818, Jenny, his eldest daughter, was married to fVilliam S. Mitchel, Esq., 
 assistant Indian agent of the Creek nation. They were married at a place 
 called Thearakkkah near Fort Mitchel, in tliat nation. || 
 
 Gen. Mcintosh participated in the Seminole campaigns, as did another 
 chief of the name of Lovelt, with about 2000 of their warriors. They 
 joined the American army at Fort Scott in the spring of 1818.11 
 
 * Amor. An. Ropr. i. t Ibid 
 
 t 111 the Annual Register, tit supra. 
 
 ^30 April Is mentioned, in another part of the same work, as the date of the execu- 
 tion, and so it is set down >y Mr. Perkins, in his Hist. U. S. 
 11 Niles's Register, 14, U)?. V N. Y. Monthly Mag. iii. 74. 
 
 , we are sux- 
 
BOOK V. 
 
 BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE IROQUOIS 
 OR FIVE NATIONS, AND OTHER NEIGHBOR- 
 ING NATIONS OF THE WEST. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Particulars respecting the Irogiiois — Grangula — His famous speech to a 
 French general — Adario — His successful wars against the French — De- 
 stroys a thousand inhabitants in one expedition — His real name — Black- 
 KKTTLE — His wars against the French — Te-yee-neen-ho-ga-prow — 
 Sa-ga-ye-an-qua-prah-ton—E-low-oh-ka-om— Oh-nee-ye-ath-ton- 
 NO-PROW — Ga.n-a-joh-mo-re — l^hcir visit to England — Particulars of 
 their residence there — Treated with great attention hy the nobility — Their 
 interview with the queen — Speech to her — Their return to America^ 
 
 The great western confederacy of Indian nations has generally been 
 Btyled by the French, Iroquois,* but generally by the English, tlie Five 
 J^ations, and sometimes the Six JVations ; but either of the two latter ap- 
 pellations must be considered only as such, because we shall show, as 
 we proceed, that they are not numerically true now, if they ever were. 
 
 * " Ces barbares ne sont qu'nne scute nation, et qu'un seul iiUerit public. On pour- 
 roit les nommer pour la distribution du terrain, les Suisses de ce continent. Les Iroquois 
 »ont partager en cinq cantons, sqavoir les Tsonontotlans, les Goyogoans, les Onnotagues, 
 Us Oiioyouts, et les Agni^s." (Lahontan, i. 35.) Thus comprehending in his five na- 
 tions some nations which the English never have, and vice versa. By the Agniis we 
 are to understand Mohawks, 
 
 1 
 
It ' 
 
 ORANGULA. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 Fivo may have boon tlio niiinlirr wliicli originally Icafi^ind toprtluT, but 
 when that happptiod, if intlcttd it ever did, ran ni'vcr tx) known. It in a 
 tradition that titns*) pooplu caino from beyond the lakcH, a groat whih; ngo, 
 and HidMhied or extertnmated the inhiiltitantH of the country on thin side. 
 Even if thin were the cum), it proves nothing of their origin ; for there may 
 Imve been a time when tlieir ancoHtorH went from thiu wide to the country 
 beyond, and no on. 'V\u\ IMohawkH are said to have been the ohIeHt of 
 the confederacy, and tliat the "Onayaut-s" (Oneidaw) were the first that 
 joined them by putting tliemselves un(U'r their protection. The Onon- 
 dagoB were the next, tlien tlie " TeuontowanoH, or Sinikers," (Seneca8,J 
 then the " Cuiukguos," (Cayugos.) The Tuscaroras, from Carohna, joined 
 them about 1712, but were not formally admitted into the confederacy 
 until about 10 years afler that. The addition of tliis new tribe gained 
 them fhe nome of the Six Nationw, according to most writers, but it will 
 appear that they were called the Six Nations long before the last-named 
 
 f)eriod. The Shawanese were not of the conleJeracy, but were called 
 )rothei'8 by them. This nation came from the south, at no very remote 
 Scriod, and the Iroauois assigned them lands on the west branch of the 
 usquehaimah, but looked upon them as inferiore. They occupied, before 
 the French wars, a great extent of country, some of their towns behig 80 
 tniles asunder. 
 
 The Six Nations did not know themselves by such names as .he 
 English apply to them, but the name A(|uanuschioni,* which signified 
 tmi/erf ;?eop/e, was used by them. f This term, as is the case with most 
 Indian words, is defined by a knowledge of its etymology. A knowledge 
 of the Indian languages would enable us to know what almost every 
 place in the country has been noted for ; whether hill or mountain, brook 
 or river. It is said by Coldtn,\ that New England was called Kinshon., 
 by the Indians, which, he says, means a fish ;§ and that the New England 
 Indians sent to the Iroquois a " model of a fish, as a token of their adhering 
 to the general covenant." The waters of New England are certainly 
 abundantly stored with fish. From these cursory observations we must 
 proceed to details in the lives of the most noted men. 
 
 Perhaps we cannot present the reader with a greater orator than Ga- 
 rangula, or Grangvla, as Lalwntan writes his name, and that writer 
 knew him. He was by nation an Onondaga, and is brought to our notice 
 by the manly and magnanimous speech which he made to a French 
 general, who marched into the country of the Iroquois to subdue them. 
 
 In the year 1684, Mr. de la Barre, governor-general of Canada, com- 
 plained to the English, at Albany, that the Senecas were infringing upon 
 their rights of trade with some of the other more remote nations. Gov- 
 ernor Dongan acquainted the Senecas with the charge made by the 
 French governor. They admitted the fact, but justified their course, 
 alleging that the French supplied their enemies with arms and ammuni- 
 tion, with whom they were then at war. About the same time, the 
 French governor raised an army of 1700 men, and made other 
 "mighty preparations" for the final destruction of the Five Nations. But 
 before he had progressed far in his grecit undertaking, a mortal sickness 
 broke out in his army, which finally cau6.jd him to give over the expedi- 
 tion. In the mean time, the governor of New Yoni was ordered to lay 
 no obstacles in the way of the French expedition. Instead of regarding 
 
 • Loskiel, Hist. Mis. i. 2. 
 
 t At a i^reat assemblage of chiefs and warriors at Albany, in Aug. 1746, the chief 
 speaker ot the Six Nations informed the English commissioners that they had taken in 
 the Mcssesagnes as a seventh nation. Colden, Hist. F. Nations, ii. 176. 
 
 t Hist. Five Nations, i. 109. 
 
 ^ Kickons, in Algonkin ; Kegonce, in Chippeway. Long^s Voyages, &c. 202, 4to. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 toRotlicr, l)iit 
 lowii. It JH a 
 cat while n^o, 
 r on tliiH 8i(ie. 
 for there may 
 :o the country 
 the oldfHt ot' 
 the first that 
 
 Tho Onon- 
 •8," (Scnecas,! 
 irohna, joined 
 I confederary 
 
 trihc gained 
 'rs, hut it will 
 10 hiHt-nanied 
 t were culled 
 I very remote 
 ranch of the 
 ;upie<l, hefore 
 •wns being 80 
 
 ames as .he 
 lich signified 
 86 with most 
 A knowledge 
 almost every 
 untain, brook 
 lied Kinshoiu, 
 'few England 
 heir adhering 
 are certainly 
 )n8 we must 
 
 or than Ga- 
 that writer 
 to our notice 
 to a French 
 )due them, 
 'aiiada, com- 
 ■inging upon 
 tions. Gov- 
 nade by the 
 heir course, 
 id ammuni- 
 ne time, the 
 made other 
 ntions. But 
 tal sickness 
 the expedi- 
 dered to lay 
 )f regarding 
 
 ^46, the chirf 
 Y had taken in 
 
 &c. SOS. 4to. 
 
 Chap. I.J 
 
 ORANCJULA. 
 
 8 
 
 thin order, which wan from hi« manter, the duke of York, he B«>nt iuter- 
 protnrs to the Five Nations to encourage thetn, with ort'ers to mtflist them. 
 
 De la linrre, in hope« to eflTect nomething l»y this ex|M'nHive undertak- 
 ing, crossed lake Ontario, and held a talk with hiicIi of the Five Nations 
 «n would meet him.* To k»ei> up the appearance of power, he made a 
 high-toned sneech to Grandma, in which Ik; ohscrved, that the nations 
 had oflen inlringed upon the peace ; that he wished now for peace ; hut 
 on the condition that they should make full satisfaction for all the injuri(!B 
 they had done the French, and for the future never to disturb them. 
 That they, the Senecas, ('ayugas, Onundagos, Oneidas, and Mohawks, 
 liad abused and robbed all their traders, and unless they gave satisfaction, 
 he should declare war. That they had conductiul the Knglish into their 
 country to get away their trade heretofore, but the past he would over- 
 look, ii* they would ott'end no more ; yet, if ever the like shotdd liap|)eu 
 again, he had express orders from the king, his master, to declare war. 
 
 Gran^uia listened to these words, and many more in the like strain, 
 with that contem|)t which a real knowledge of the situation of the French 
 army, and the rectitude of his own course, were calculated to inspire ; 
 and after walking several tinies round the circle, tbrmed by his j)eo|)le 
 and the French, addressing himself to the governor, seated in liis elbow 
 chair, he began as follows: — \ 
 
 " Yonnondio i\ I honor you, and the warriors that are with mo likewise! 
 honor you. Your interpreter has finisiKul your speech. 1 now begin 
 mine. My words make haste to reach your «.'ars. Harken to them. 
 
 " Yminondio ; You must have believed, when you left Quebeck, that 
 the Sim had burnt up all the forests, which render our country inaccessi- 
 ble to the French, or that the lakes had so far overflown the banks, that 
 they had surrounded our castles, and that it was impossible for us to get 
 out of them. Yes, surely, you must have dreamt so, and the curiosity of 
 seeing so great a wonder has brought you so far. Now you are unde- 
 ceived, since that I, and the warriors h(!re present, are come to assure 
 you, that the Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas and Mohawks are 
 yet alive. I thank you, in their name, for bringing Imck into their country 
 the calumet, which your predecessor received from their hands. It was 
 ha{>py for you, that you left under ground that murdering hatchet that 
 has been so often dyed in the blood of the French. 
 
 " Hear, Yonnondio ; I do not sleep ; I have my eyes open ; and the 
 sun, which enlightenj me, discovers to me a great captain at the head of 
 a company of soldiers, who speaks as if he were dreaming. He says, 
 that ho only came to the loke to smoke on the great calumet with the 
 Onondagas. But Grangula says, that he sees the contrary ; that it was 
 
 * As it will gratify most of our readers, we believe, to hear the general in his own 
 words, we will pre:ient them with a paragraph of his speech to Grangvla in his owi: 
 language : — 
 
 " Le roi mon maltre inform^ que les cinq Nations, Iroquoises contrcvenoient depuis 
 long-lems k la paix, m'aordonn^ de me transporter ici avec une escorte, ct d'envoier 
 Akouessan au village des Onnatagues, pour inviter les principaux chefs a me venir voir. 
 L'intention de ce grand monarque est que nous fmnions toi et moi ensemble dans le 
 grand calumet de paix ; pourvik que tu me promettes au nom des TsonontoOans, Goyo- 
 goans, Onnotagucs, Onoyouts el Agnies, de donner une entiere satisfaction et dedom- 
 tnagement k ses sujets, et de ne rien faire ^ I'avenir, qui puisse causer une fachcusc 
 rupture," &c. Lahontan, i. 58, 59. 
 
 t " Gran^/a, qui pendant tout le descoursavoiteu les yeux fixament attachcz sur 
 le bout de sa pipe, se leve, et soil par une civilite bisarre, ou pour se donner sans fa9on 
 le tems de mMiter sa reponse il fait cinq ou six tours dans n6tre cercle compose de 
 sauvages et de Fran9ois. Revenu en sa place il resta debout devant le general assis 
 dans un bon fauteOil, et le regarant il lui dit." Lahontan, (i. 61, 62.) who was one of 
 those present. 
 
 X Tne name they gave the governors of Canada. Spelt in Lahontan, Onnontio. 
 
: f 
 
 GRANGULA. 
 
 [Boor V. 
 
 to knock them on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms of the 
 French. I see Yonnondio raving in a camp of sick men, v/hose Hves the 
 Great Spirit has saved, by inflicting this sickness on them. 
 
 " Hear, Yonnondio ; our women had taken their clubs, our children 
 and old men had carried their bows and arrows into the heart of your 
 camp, if our warriors had not disarmed them, and kept them back, when 
 your messenger Mouessan* came to our castles. It is done, and I have 
 said it. 
 
 " Hear, Yonnondio ; we plundered none of the French, but those that 
 carried guns, powder and balls to the Twightwiesf and Chictaghicks, 
 because those arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow the 
 example of the Jesuits, who break all the kegs of rum brought to our 
 castles, lest the drunken Indians should knock them on the head. Our 
 warriore have not beaver enough to pay for all those arms that they have 
 taken, and our old men are not afraid of the war. This belt preserves 
 my words. 
 
 " We carried the English into our lakes, to trade there with the Utawa- 
 was and Quatoghies,}: as the Adirondaks brought the French to our 
 castles, to carry on a trade, which the English say is theirs. We are born 
 free. We neither dc|)end on Yonnondio nor Corlear.^ Wo may go 
 where we please, and carry with us whom we please, and buy and sell 
 what we please. If your allies be your slaves, use them as such, com- 
 mand them to receive no other but your people. This belt preserves my 
 words. 
 
 " We knock the Twightwies and Chictaghicks on the head, because 
 they had cut down the trees of peace, which were the limits of our coun- 
 try. They have hunted beaver on our lands. They have acted contrary 
 to the customs of all Indians, for they left none of the beavers r.'ive, they 
 killed both male and female. They brought the Satanas into tlx'ir country, 
 to take part with them, aft;or they had concerted ill designs i gainst us. 
 We have done less than either t.'ie English or French, that have usurped 
 the lands of so many Indian nations, and chased them from their own 
 country. This belt preserves my words. 
 
 " Hear, Yonnondio ; what I say is the voice of all the Five Nations. 
 Hear what they answer. Open your ears to what they speak. The 
 Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas and Mohawks say, that when they 
 buried the hatchet at Cadarackui, in the presence of your predecessor, in 
 the middle of the fort, they planted the tree of peace in the same place; 
 to be there carefully preserved: that, in the place of a retreat for soldiers, 
 that fort might be a rendezvous for merchants : that, in place of arms and 
 ammunition of war, beavere and merchandise should only enter there. 
 
 " Hear, Yonnondio ; take care for the future, that so great a number of 
 soldiers as appear there do not choke the tree of peace planted in so 
 small a fort. It will be a great loss, if, after it had so easily taken root, 
 you should stop its growth, and prevent its covering your country and 
 oure with its branches. I assure you, in the name of the Five Nations, 
 that our warrioi-s shall dance to the calumet of peace under its leaves; 
 and shall remain quiet on their .'iiats, and shall never dig up the hatchet, 
 till their brother Yonnondio or Corlear shall, either jointly or separately, 
 endeavor to attack the country which the Great Spirit has given to our 
 ancestors. This belt preserves my words, and this other, the authority 
 which the Five Nations have given me." 
 
 Then, addressing himself to the interpreter, he said, " Take courage, you 
 
 * Tlic name they gave Mr. Le Maine, which signified a partridge. 
 
 t Iwikiies, Colden. % Chictaghicks, Colden. 
 
 § The name they gave the governors of New York. 
 
Chap. 1.] 
 
 BLACK-KETTLE. 
 
 courage, > ou 
 
 have spirit, speak, explain rry words, forget nothing, tell all that your 
 brethren and friends say to Yonnondio, your governor, by the mouth of 
 Grangiday who loves you, and desires you to accept of this present of 
 beaver, and take part with me in my feast, to which I invite you. This 
 present of beaver is sent to Yonnondioy on the part of the Five Nations." 
 
 De la Barre was struck with surprise at the wisdom of this chief, and 
 equal chagrin at the plain refutation of his own. He immediately re- 
 turned to Montreal, and thus finished this inglorious expedition of the 
 French against the Five Nations. 
 
 Grangula was at this time a very old man, and from this valuable 
 speech we became acquainted with him ; a very J^estor of his nation, 
 whode powers of mind would not suffer in comparison with those of a 
 Roman, or a more modem senator. He treated the French with great 
 civility, and feasted them with the best his country would afford, on their 
 departure. We next proceed to notice 
 
 Mario, chief of the Dinondadies, a tribe of the Hurons.* About 1687, 
 the Iroquois, from some neglect on the part of the governor of New 
 York, owing, says Smith^f to the orders of his master, " King James, a 
 poor bigoted, popish, priest-ridden prince," were drawn into the French 
 interest, and a treaty of peace was concluded. The Dinondadies were 
 considered as belonging to the confederate Indians, but from some cause 
 they were dissatisfied with the league with the French, and wished by 
 some exploit to strengthen themselves in the interest of the English. 
 For this purpose, Adario put himself at the head of 100 warriors, and in- 
 tercepted the ambassadors of the Five Nations at one of the falls in Kada- 
 rakkui River, killing some and taking others prisoners. These he in- 
 formed that the French governor had told him that 50 warriors of th& 
 Five Nations were coming that way to attack him. They were astonished 
 at t!ie governor's apparent perfidiousness, and so completely did the plot 
 o{ Adario succeed, that these ambassadors were deceived into his interest. 
 In his parting speech to them, he said, " Go, my brethren, I untie your bonds, 
 and send you home again, thonsh our nations be at war. The trench gov- 
 ernor has made me commit so black an action, that I shall never be easy after 
 it, till the Five J^ations shall have taken full revenged This outrage upon 
 their ambassadors, the Five Nations doubted not in the least to be owing 
 to the French governor's perfidy, from the representations of those that 
 returned. They now sought immediate revenge ; and assembling 1200 
 of their chief warriors, landed nr»on the island of Montreal, 26 July, 1688, 
 while the French were in perfect security, burnt their houses, sacked 
 their plantations, and slew all the men, women and children without the 
 city. A thou3and|: persons were killed in this expedition. In October 
 following, they attacked the island again with success. These horrid 
 disasters threw the whole country into the utmost consternation. The 
 fort at Lake Ontario was abandoned, and 28 barrels of powder fell into the 
 hands of the confederate Indians. Nothing now saved the French from 
 an entire extermination from Canada, but the ignorance of their enemies 
 in the art of attacking fortified places. 
 
 The real name of Adario was Sccstaretsi. He man'ied a woman of his 
 own nation, by whom he had several children. The French nicknamed 
 him the Rat, by which he is oflen mentioned by Lahontan and others. 
 Another warrior, though an Iroquois, of nearly equal fame, was 
 
 Black-kettle. A war with France, in 1690, brought this chief upon the 
 records of history. In the summer of that year. Major Schuyler, of Albany, 
 
 ** Dionondadies, Colden; Tionnontat6s, Charlevoix. t Hist. N. Y. Sfi. (4to ed.) 
 
 t So says Colden. but Charlevoix says 400, and that 200 of tliese were burnt after- 
 wards. There can be uo doubt but that the truth is between them, as there is ample room. 
 
ii 
 
 «♦ 
 
 6 
 
 FIVE IROQUOIS CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND. [Book V. 
 
 with a company of Mohawks, fell upon the French settlements at the 
 north end of Lake Champlain. De Callieres, governor of Montreal, hastily- 
 collected about 800 men, and opposed them, but, notwithstanding his 
 force was vastly superior, yet they were repulsed with great loss. About 
 300 of the enemy were killed in this expedition. The French now took 
 every measure in their power to retaliate. They sent presents to many 
 tribes of Indians, to engage them in their cause, and in the following 
 winter a party of about 300 men, under an accomplished youn^ gentle- 
 man, marched to attack the confederate Indian nations at Niagara. Theii 
 march was long, and rendered almost insupportable ; being obliged to 
 carry their provisions on their backs through deep snow. Black-kettle 
 met them with about 80 men, and maintained an unequal fight until his 
 men were nearly all cut off; but it was more fatal to the French, who, 
 far from home, had no means of recruiting. Black-ketUe, in his turn, 
 carried the war into Canada during the whole summer following, with 
 i.'^imense loss and damage to the French inhabitants. The governor was 
 so enraged at his successes, that he caused a prisoner, which had been 
 taken from the Five Nations, to be burnt alive. This captive withstood 
 the tortures with as much firmness as his enemies showed cruelty. He 
 sung his achievements while they broiled his feet, burnt his hands with 
 red hot irons, cut and wrung off his joints, and pulled out the sinews. 
 To close the horrid scene, his scalp was torn off, and red hot sand poured 
 upon his head. 
 
 We will close this chapter with an account of the visit of five Iroquois 
 chiefs to England. The English in America had supposed that if they 
 could convince the Indian nations of the power and greatness of their 
 mother country, they should be able to detach them forever from the 
 uifiuence of the French. To accomplish tliis object, these chiefs were 
 prevailed upon to make the voyage. They visited the court of Quuen 
 Anne in the year 1710. None of the American historians seem to have 
 known the names of these chiefs, or, if they did, have not tlioiight it proper 
 to transmit them. Smithy in his history of New York, mentions the fact 
 of their having visited England, and gives the speech which they made to 
 the queen, and says it is preserved " in Oldmixon,''^ perhaps in his Brit- 
 ish Empire in America,* as nothing of the kind is found in his history 
 of England, although he records the circumstance, and ill-naturedly 
 enough too. We think he would hardly have done even this but for tiie 
 purpose of ridiculing the friends of the queen. The following is all that 
 he says of them if "Three weeks after the battle of Sarragossa wiis 
 fought by Gen. Stanlwpe, whose victory made way for the march to Ma- 
 drid, the news of the victory was brought to the queen by Col. Harrison, 
 the 15 Sept. O. S., at which time the High-church rabble wrre pelting 
 Gen. Stanhope\'i proxy, and knocking down his friends at the Westminster 
 election. However, for the successes in Spain, and for the taking of Do- 
 way, Bethune and Aire, by the duke of Marlboroiigh in Flanders, there 
 was a thanksgiving-day appointed, which the queen soleitmized in St. 
 James's chapel. To have gone as usual to St. Paul's, and there to have 
 had Te Deum sung on tliat occasion, would have shown too much cotm- 
 t( ance to those brave and victorious English generals, who were fight- 
 ing her battles abroad, while High-church was plotting, and railing, and 
 addressing against them at home. The carrying of four Indian Casaques 
 about in the queen's coaches, was all the triumph of the Harleian admin- 
 istration ; they were called kings, and clothed, by the play-house tailor, 
 like other kings of the theatre ; they were conducted to audience by Sir 
 
 * Tlie edition I use (1708) does not contain it. 
 t Hist. England, a. 452. (Fol. London, 1736.) 
 
Chap. I.] 
 
 FIVE IROQUOIS CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND. 
 
 Charles Cotterel ; there was a speech made for ttiem, and nothing omitted 
 to do honor to tliese five nionarchs, whose presence did so much honor to 
 the new ministry ; which the latter seemed to be extremely fond of, and 
 defrayed all their expenses during their stay here. They were the cap- 
 tains of the four nations, [Five Nations,] in league with the English at 
 New York and New England, and came in person to treat of matters con- 
 cerning trade with the lords commissioners of plantations ; as also of an 
 enterprise against the French, and their confederate Indians in those 
 parts." 
 
 Sir Richard Steele mentions these chiefs in his Tatler of May 13, 1710, 
 and Addison makes them the subject of a number of the Spectator the 
 next year, at a suggestion of Dean Simfl.* Neither of these papers, 
 however, contain many facts respecting them. In the former it is men- 
 tioned that one of them was taken sick at the house where they were ac- 
 commodated during their stay in London, and they all received great 
 kindness and attention from their host, which, on their departure, was the 
 cause of their honoring him with a name of distinction ; which was 
 Cadaroque, and signified " the strongestfort in their country.^^ In speaking 
 of their residence, Mr. Steele says, "They were placed in a handsome 
 apartment at an upholster's in King-street, Covent-garden." There were 
 fine portraits of each of them painted at the time, and are still to be seea 
 in the British Museum.f 
 
 The best and most methodical account of these chiefs was published 
 in the great annual history by Mr. Boyer,\ and from which we extract as 
 follows : " On the 19 April Te Yee JS/een Ho Ga Prow, and Sa Ga Yean 
 Qiia Prah Ton, of the Maquas ; Eloiv Oh Kaotn, and Oh JVee Yeath Ton 
 Jyo Prow,^ of the river sachem, and the Ganajoh-hore sachem, four 
 kings, or chiefs of the Six Nations|| in the West Indies,1I which lie between 
 New England, and New France, or Canada : who lately came over with 
 the West India fleet, and were cloathed and entertained at the queea'a 
 expense, had a public audience of her majesty at the palace of St. Jamesy 
 being conducted thither in two of her majesty's coaches, by Sir Charles 
 Cotterel, master of the ceremonies, and introduced by the duke of Shrews- 
 bury, lord chamberlain. They made a speech by their interpreter, which 
 Major Pidgeon, who was one of the oflicers that came with them, read ia 
 English to her majesty, being as follows : — 
 
 "Great Queen — We have undertaken a long and tedious voyage, 
 which none of our predecessors** could be prevailed upon to undertake. 
 The motive that induced us was, that we might see our great queen, and 
 relate to her those things we thouf,ht absolutely necessary, for the good 
 of her, and us, her allies, on the other side the great water. We doubt 
 not but our great queen has been acquainted with our long and tedious 
 
 * " I intended to have written a book on that subject. I believe he [Addison] has 
 spent it all in one paper, and all the under hints there are mine too." Suii/t's Letter to 
 Mrs. Johnson, dated London, 28 April, 1711. 
 
 t Notes to the Spectator, ed. in 8 vols. 8vo. London, 1789. 
 
 I " The Annals of Queen Anne's Reign, Year the IX. for 1710." 189—191. This is 
 a v/ork containing' a most valuable fund of information, and is, with its continuation, a 
 lasting monument to its learned publisher. His being dragged into the Dunciad in one 
 of Pope's freaks notwithstanding. 
 
 ^ We have these names in the Tatler spelt Tee Yee Neen Ilo Ga Row, Sa Ga Yeatk 
 Rua Geth Ton, E Tow Oh Koam, and Ho Nee Yeth Taw No Row. 
 
 II Quere. If, according to Colden and others, the Tuscaroras did not join tne Iro- 
 cjuois until 1712, and until that time these were called the Five Nations, how comes it thai 
 tliev wore known in England by the name of Six Nations in 1710 ? 
 
 it No one can be misled by this error, any more than an Englishman would be by 
 being told that London is situated at the foot of the Rocky Mountains. 
 ** None of tlie Six Nations, must be understood. 
 
]} 
 
 \t 
 
 0* 
 
 8 
 
 FIVE IROQUOIS CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND. 
 
 LBooK V. 
 
 war, in conjunction with her children, against her enemies tht French : 
 and that we have been as a strong wall for their security, even to the loss 
 of our best men. The truth of which our brother Qttcrfer, Col. [Pe<erl 
 Schuyler, and Anadagatjaux, Col. Nicholson, can testify ; they having all 
 our proposals in writing. We were mightily rejoiced when we heard by 
 Anadagarjaitx, that our great queen had resolved to send an army to re- 
 duce Canada ; from whose mouth we readily embraced our great queen's 
 instructions : and in token of our friendship, we hung up the kettle, and 
 took up the hatchet ; and with one consent joined our brother QuedeTf 
 and Anadagarjatix, in making preparations on this side the lake, by build- 
 ing forts, store-houses, canoes and batteaux ; whilst Aundiasia, Col. Vttch, 
 at the same time, raised an army at Boston, of which we were informed 
 by our ambassadors, whom we sent thither for that purpose. We waited 
 lon^f in expectation of the fleet from England, to join Anadiaaia, to go 
 agamst Quebec by sea, whilst Anadagarjaux, Queder, and we, went to 
 Port Royal by land ; but at last we were told, that our great queen, by 
 some important affair, was prevented in her design for that season. This 
 made us extreme sorrowful, lest the French, who hitherto had dreaded 
 us, should now think us unable to make war against them. The reduc- 
 tion of Canada is of such weight, that after the effecting thereof, we 
 should have free hunting, and a great trade with our great queen's chil- 
 dren ; and as a token of the sincerity of the Six Nations, we do here, in 
 the name of all, present our gi-eat queen with the belts of wampum. 
 We need not urge to our great queen, more than the necessity we really 
 labor under obliges us, that in case our great queen should not be mind- 
 ful of us, we must, with our families, forsake our country, and seek other 
 habitations, or stand neuter ; either of which will be much against our 
 inclinations. Since we have been in alliance with our great queen's 
 children, we have had some knowledge of the Savior of the world ; and 
 have oflen been importuned by the French, both by the insinuations of 
 their priests, and by presents, to come over to their interest, but have 
 always esteemed them men of falsehood : but if our great queen will be 
 pleased to send over some persons to instruct us, they shall find a most 
 hearty welcome. We now close, with hopes of our great queen's favor, 
 and leave it to her most gracious consideration." 
 
 We cannot but respond amen to Mr. Oldmixon^s opinion of this speech, 
 namely, that it was made for instead of by the chiefs ; still we thought it 
 proper to print it, and that by so doing we should give satisfaction to 
 more than by withholding it. Our account next proceeds : " On Friday, 
 the 21 April, the four Indian princes went to see Dr. Flamstead's house, 
 and p^athematical instriunents, in Greenwich Park ; after ivhicb they were 
 nobly treated by some of the lords commissioners of the admiralty, in 
 one of her majesty's yachts. They staid about a fortnight longer in Lon- 
 don, where they were entertained by several persons of distinction, par- 
 ticularly by the duke of Ormond, who regaled them hkewise with a re- 
 view* of the four troops of life-guards ; and having seen all thr curiosities 
 in and about this metropolis, they went down to Portsmo Jth, through 
 Hampton Court and Windsor, and embarked on board the Dragon, one 
 of her majesty's ships, Capt. Martin, commodore, together with Col. 
 Francis Nicholson, commander in chief of the forces desif^ned for an ex- 
 pedition in America. On the 8 May, the Dragon and Falmouth sailed 
 from Spithead, having under convoy about 18 sail, consisting of mer- 
 chantmen, a bomb-ship and tender, and several transports, with British 
 
 * And the chiefs maiio a speech in return, but our author makes this note upon it : 
 " N. B. The speech whicii was said to have been made by them, on that occasion, to tiw 
 duke of Ormond, is spurious." 
 
LBooK V. 
 
 hfc French : 
 n to the loss 
 Col. [Peter] 
 / having all 
 ive heard by 
 army to re- 
 reat queen's 
 ! kettle, and 
 her Queder^ 
 ie, by build- 
 !, Col. Vetch, 
 re informed 
 We waited 
 diasia, to go 
 ve, went to 
 t queen, by 
 ason. This 
 lad dreaded 
 The reduc- 
 thereof, we 
 ueen's chil- 
 do here, in 
 f wampum. 
 :y we really 
 ot be mind- 
 1 seek other 
 against our 
 eat queen's 
 world ; and 
 nuations of 
 ;t, but have 
 leen will be 
 ind a most 
 een's favor, 
 
 this speech, 
 thought it 
 isfaction to 
 On Friday, 
 ad's house, 
 they were 
 miralty, in 
 ter in Lon- 
 iction, par- 
 with a re- 
 curiosities 
 th, through 
 ragon, one 
 with Col. 
 for an ex- 
 )Uth sailed 
 g of mer- 
 ith British 
 
 lote upon it : 
 :asion, to th« 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 TAMANY. 
 
 9 
 
 officers, a regiment of marines, provisions and stores of war ; and on the 
 15 July arrived at Boston in N. England." 
 
 Little is to be gathered from Smith's History of New York relative to 
 those sachems. He gives a speech which ihey made to the queen, but 
 it is a meagre abridgment of less than half of the one above, and the 
 rest is omitted entirely. " The arrival of the five sachems in England 
 made a great bruit throughout the whole kingdom. The mob followed 
 wherever they went, and small cuts of them were sold among the 
 people."* 
 
 -^^##&- 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Tamany, a famous ancient Delaware — His history — Shikellimus — Favors 
 the Moravian Brethren — His reception of Count Zlnzendorf — His death — 
 Canassatego — Visits Philadelphia — His speech to the Delawares — An- 
 ecdotes of him — Glikhikak — His speech to Half-king — His attachmerU 
 to Vie Christian Indians — Meets with vnch trciiblefrom Capt. Pipe — Con- 
 duct of Half-king — Of Pipe — Glikhikm perishes in the massacre at 
 4jnadenhuetten — Pakanke — His history — ^Netawatwees — Becomes a 
 Christian — His speech to Pakanke — His death — Paxnoos— Tadeuskund 
 — His history and death — White-eves — His transactions with the mis- 
 sionaries — Skenando — His celebrated speech — Curious anecdote of him 
 — His death. 
 
 Tamany was a name much in print a fifty years since, but of what 
 nation or country, or whether applied to an imaginary or real personage, 
 by any account accompanying it, no one could determiuo. The truth 
 respecting this has at length come to light. 
 
 He was a Delaware chief, of similar renown to the Basheba of Kenne- 
 beck, and JVunepashem^t of Massachusetts ; and we infer from Gabriel 
 71iomas,\ that possibly he might have been alive as late as 1680 or 1690. 
 He wrote the name 'Temeny. 
 
 Mr. Heckewelder, in his Historical Account of the Indian Nations, 
 devotes a chapter to this chief and Tadeuskund. He spells the name 
 Tamaned. The difficulty of gaining information of deceased individuals 
 among the Indians is well known to those conversant with their history. 
 Mr. Heckewelder says, " No white man who regards their feelings, will in- 
 troduce such subjects in conversation with them." This reluctance to 
 speak of the departed he attributes to " the misfortunes which have be- 
 fallen some of the mo.st beloved and esteemed personages among them, 
 since the Europeans came among them." It is believed, however, that 
 it had a more remote origin. The same author continues, '• All we know 
 of Tamened is, that he was an ancient Delaware chief, who never had his 
 equal."t 
 
 It is said that when, about 1776, Col. George Morgan, of Princeton, N. J. 
 visited the western Indians by direction of congress, the Delawares con- 
 ferred on him the name of Tanurn?/, " in honor and remembrance of their 
 ancient chief, and as the greatest mark of respect which they could show 
 to that gentleman, who they said had the same address, affability and 
 meekness as their honored chief "§ 
 
 * Hist. New York, 122. ed. 4to. London, 1757. 
 
 t " Who resided there [in Pennsylvania] about 15 years," and who published '• 
 Historical and Geographical Account of Pa. and W. Jersey" 12nio. London, 1698 
 X Some will doulTtless imagine that this was knowing a good deal. 
 $ Heckewelder, ut supra. 
 
 An 
 
• k< 
 
 10 
 
 TAMANY.— SIIIKELLIMUS. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 " Tlie fame of this great man extended even among the whites, who 
 fabricated numerous legends respecting him, which I never lieard, how- 
 ever, from the moutli of an Indian, and tlierefore believe to be fabulous. 
 In the revolutionary war, his enthusiastic admirers dubbed him a saint, 
 and he was established under the name of St. Tammany, the patron saint 
 of America. His name was inserted in some calendars, and his festival 
 celebrated on the first day of May in every year. On that day a numer- 
 ous society of his votaries walked together in procession through the 
 streets of Philadelphia, their hats decorated with bucks' tails, and pro- 
 ceeded to a handsome rural place out of town, which they called the toig' 
 warn ; where, after a long talk or Indian speech had been delivered, and 
 the calumet of peace and friendship had been duly smoked, they spent the 
 day in festivity and mirth. After dinner, Indian dances were performed 
 on the green in front of the wigwam, the calumet was again smoked, and 
 the company separated." 
 
 It was not till some years after the peace that these yearly doings were 
 broken up, which would doubtless have lasted longer but for the misfor- 
 tune of the owner of the ground where they were held. Since that time 
 Philadelphia, New York, and perhaps other places, have had their TamU' 
 ny societies, Tamany ha.ls, &c. &c. In their meetings these societies 
 make but an odd figure in imitating the Indian manner of doing business, 
 as well as in appropriating their names upon one another. 
 
 Among the multitude of poems and odes to Taviany, the following is 
 selected to give the reader on idea of the acts said to have been achieved 
 by him : — 
 
 " Immortal Tamany, of Indian race, 
 Great in the field and foremost in the chase ! 
 No puny saint was he, with fasting pale ; 
 He climbed the mountain, and he swept the vale, 
 Rushed through the torrent with unequalled might ; 
 Your ancient saints would tremble at the sight ; 
 Caught the swift boar and swifter deer with ease, 
 And worked a thousand miracles like these. 
 To public views he added private ends, ^ 
 
 Ana loved his country most, and next his friends ; 
 With courage long he strove to ward the blow ; 
 (Courage we all respect ev'n in a foe ;| 
 And when each effort he in vain had tried, 
 Kindled the flame in which he bravely died ! 
 To Tamany let the full horn go round ; 
 His fame let every honest tongue resound ; 
 With him let every gen'rous patriot vie, / 
 
 To live in freedom or with honor die."* 
 
 We are next to speak of a chief, concerning whom much inquiry i.as 
 been made from several considerations. We mean 
 
 ShikeUimus, the father of the celebrated Logan. He was a Cayuga 
 sachem, and styled by Mr. Loskiel,] "first magistrate and head chief of all 
 the Iroquois Indians living on the banks of the Susquehannah, as far as 
 Onondago. 
 
 He is the same often mentioned by Colde.n,\ under the names Shickcal- 
 amy, Shicalamy, and Shick Calamy, and occupies a place next the famous 
 Canaasaiego. His residence was' at Conestoga in Pennsylvania. He was 
 present at a great council held in Philadeh)hia in 1749, with 91 other 
 chiefs, counsellors and warriors of the Six Nations, to consult about the 
 encroachments of some of the Delawares upon the people of Jennsylva- 
 nia, as will be found mentioned in the history of Canassatego. That lie 
 
 * Carey's Museum, v. 104. 
 
 t Hist. Five Nations, ii. 57, G9, 75, 77, 85. 
 
 + Hist. Mifsiotis, ii. 119. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 I whites, who 
 heard, how- 
 ) be I'abulous. 
 him a saint, 
 i patron saint 
 id his festival 
 Jay a numer- 
 through the 
 ails, and pro- 
 filed the ung- 
 lelivered, and 
 hey spent the 
 re performed 
 I smoked, and 
 
 ' doings were 
 T the misfor- 
 ince that time 
 a their Tama- 
 hese societies 
 oing business, 
 
 e following is 
 jeen achieved 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 CANA8SATEGO. 
 
 11 
 
 inquiry has 
 
 as a Cayuga 
 ad chief of all 
 nah, as far as 
 
 mes ShickaU- 
 the famous 
 ma. He was 
 ith 91 other 
 lilt about tho 
 )f lennsylva- 
 0. That he 
 
 'jiotts, ii. 119. 
 
 was a man of much consequence among the Five Nations will appear 
 from the fact, that Canassatego re|)eated a speech of his to Gov. Thomas, 
 when the assault upon fVilTiam fVebb was inquired into, " whereby his 
 
 tthe said fVebVs] jaw-bone was broke, and his life greatly endangered, 
 y an unknown Indian." This took place upon the disputed lands m the 
 forks of the Delaware. " Canassatego repeating the message delivered 
 to the Six Nations by Shickcaiamy, in the year 1740, with a siring of wam- 
 pum, said in answer : ' The Six Nations had made diligent inquiry into 
 the affair, and had found out the Indian who had committed the fact ; he 
 lived near Asopus, [iEsopus,] and had been examined and severely re- 
 proved ; and they hoped, as fViUiam Webb was recovered, the governor 
 would not expect any further punishment, and therefore they returned 
 the string of wampum received from their brethren, by the hand of Shick- 
 caiamy, in token that thoy had fully complied with their request.' " 
 
 When Count Zinzendorf visited this country, in 1742, he had an inter- 
 view with this chief at Shamokin. Conrad Wsiser was present, and 
 Shikellimus inquired with great anxiety the cause of the count's visit. 
 fVeiser told him " that he was a messenger of the living God, sent to 
 preach grace and mercy ;" to which he answered, " he was glad that such 
 a messenger came to instruct his nation." 
 
 Shikellimus was a great friend of the missionaries, and his death was a 
 severe loss to them. He died at his own residence in Shamokin, in 1749. 
 We have already named the chief proper to be proceeded with, on finish- 
 ing our account of Shikellimu.9. 
 
 Cana.isatego, a chief of the Six Nations, was of the tribe of Onondago. 
 In 1742, there arose a dispute between the Delawares and the government 
 of Pennsylvania, relative to a tract of land in the forks of the Delaware. 
 The English claimed it by right of prior purchase, and the Delawares 
 persisted in their claim, and threatened to use force unless it should be 
 given up by the whites. This tribe of the Delawares were subject to the 
 Six Nations, and the governor of Pennsylvania sent deputies to them to 
 notify them of the trouble, that they might interfere and prevent war. 
 It was on this occasion that Canassatego appeared in Philadelphia with 
 230 warriors. He observed to the governor, " that they saw the Dela- 
 wares had been an unruly people, and were altogether in the wrong ; 
 that they had concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over the 
 river Delaware, and quit all claim to any lands on this side for the future, 
 since they had received pay for them, and it is gone through their guts 
 long ago. They deserved, he said, to be taken by the hair of the head, 
 and shaken severely, till they recovered their senses, and became sober ; 
 that he had seen with his own eyes a deed signed by nine of their ances- 
 tors, above fifty years ago, for this very land, and a release signed not 
 many years since, by some of themselves, and chiefs yet living, (and then 
 present,) to the number of 15 and upwards; but how came you (address- 
 ing himself to the Delawares present) to take upon you to sell land at 
 all ? We conquered you ; we made women of you ; you know you are 
 women ; and can no more sell land than women ; nor is it fit you should 
 have the power of selling lands, since you would abuse it. This land 
 /ou claim is gone through your guts ; you have been furnished with 
 clothes, meat and drink, by the goods paid you for it, and now you want 
 it again, like children as you are. But what makes you sell lands in tlie 
 dark ? Did you ever tell us that you had sold this lanf* ? Did we ever 
 receive any part, even the value of a pipe shank, frorr you for it ? You 
 have told us a blind story, that you sent a messenger to us, to inform us 
 of the sale ; but he never came amongst us, nor did we ever hear any 
 thing about it. This is acting in the dark, and very different from the 
 conduct our Six Nations observe in the sales of land. On such occasions 
 
w • 
 
 12 
 
 CANASSATEGO. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 they cive public notice, and invite all the Indians of their united nations, 
 and give them all a share of tiie presents they receive for their lands. 
 
 "This is the behavior of the wise united nations. But we find you are 
 none of our blood ; you act a dishonest i)art, not only in this, but in other 
 matters; your ears are ever oi)en to slanderous reports about your 
 brethren. For all these reasons, we charee you to remove instantly ; we 
 donH give you liberty to think about it. You are women." They dared 
 not disobey this command, and soon after removed, some to Wyoming 
 and Shamokin, and some to the Ohio.* 
 
 This is but a part of one of Canassatego's numerous speeches. In a 
 future chapter we intend to lay before the reader several others. 
 
 When Canasaatego was at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, in 1744, holding 
 a talk about their aiTairs with the governor, he was informed that tlie 
 English liad beaten the French in some important batde. " Well," said 
 he, " if that be the case, you must have taken a great deal of rum from 
 them, and can afford to give us some, that we may rejoice with you.'* 
 Accordingly, a glass was served round to each, which they called a French 
 glass.^ 
 
 Dr. Franklin tells us a veiy interesting story of Canassatego, and at the 
 same time makes the old chief tell another. In speaking of the manners 
 and customs of the Indians, the doctor says, " The same hospitality, es- 
 teemed among them as a principal virtue, is practised by private persons ; 
 of which Conrad Weiaer, our interpreter, gave me the following instances: 
 He had been naturalized among the Six Nations, and spoke well the 
 Mohawk language. In going through the Indian country, to carry a 
 message from our governor to the council at Onondago, he called at the 
 iiabitation of Canassatego, an old acquaintance, who embraced hirn, 
 spread furs for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled beans, and 
 venison, and mixed some rum and water for his drink. When he was 
 well refreshed, and had lit his pipe, Canassatego began to converse with 
 him ; asked how he had fared the many years since they had seen each 
 other ; whence he then came ; what occasioned the journey, &c. Conrad 
 answered all his questions ; and when the discourse began to flag, the 
 Indian, to continue it, said, ' Conrad, you have lived long among the 
 white people, and know something of their customs: I have been some- 
 times at Albany, and have observed, that once in seven days they shut up 
 their shops, and asseml)le in the great house; tell me what that is for; 
 what do they do there ?' ' They meet there,' says Conrad, ' to hear and learn 
 good things.' ' I do not doubt,' siiys the Indian, ' that they tell you so ; 
 they have told me the same; but 1 doubt the truth of what they say, and 
 I will tell you my reasons. I went lately to Albany, to sell my skins, and 
 buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You know 1 used generally to 
 deal with Hans Hanson ; but I was a little inclined this time to try some 
 other merchants. ll«)wcvnr, I called first upon Hans, and asked him 
 what he would give for beaver. lie said he could not give more than 
 four shillings a pound ; but, says he, I cannot talk on business now; this 
 is the day when we meet together to learn good things, and I am going to 
 the meeting. So I thought to myself, since I cannot do any business to 
 day, I may as well go to the meeting too, and I went with him. There 
 stood up a man in black, and began to tiUk to the people very angrily ; I 
 did not underdtaud what he said, but perceiving that he looked much at 
 me, and at Hanson, I imagined that he was angry at seeing me there ; so 
 I went out, sat down near the house, struck fire, and lit my pipe, waiting 
 till the meeting should break up. I thought too that the man had men- 
 tioned sometliing of beaver, and suspected it might be the subject of their 
 
 Colden and Gordon's Histories. 
 
 t Colden's Hist. Five Nations, ii. 142. 
 
[UOOK V. 
 
 ed nntioiis, 
 heir lands, 
 ind you are 
 )ut in other 
 ahont your 
 atantly; we 
 rhey dared 
 Wyoming ^ 
 
 ches. In a 
 rs. 
 
 rU, holding 
 ed that the 
 ' Well," said 
 ,f rum from 
 with you-'* 
 lied a French 
 
 0, and at the 
 the manners 
 )8pitality, es- 
 tate persons ; 
 ig instances: 
 (ke well the 
 ', to carry a 
 called at the 
 [braced him, 
 d beans, and 
 fhen he was 
 onverae with 
 id seen each 
 &c. Conrad 
 1 to flag, the 
 among the 
 jeen some- 
 ley shut up 
 that is for; 
 icar and learn 
 tell you so; 
 they say, and 
 ny skins, and 
 generally to 
 to try some 
 asked him 
 more than 
 ss now; this 
 am going to 
 y business to 
 lim. There 
 ry angrily ; I 
 ?ed much at 
 Tie there; so 
 pipe, waiting 
 an had men- 
 ibject of their 
 
 itions, ii. 142. 
 
 Chap. II.] 
 
 GLIKHIKAN. 
 
 13 
 
 meeting. So when they came out, I accosted my merchant. " Well, 
 Hans" says I, " I hope you have agreed to give more than 4*. a poimd." 
 "No," 8ays he, "I cannot give so much, I cannot give more than three 
 shillings and sixpence." 1 then spoke to several other dealers, but they 
 all sung the same song, — three and sixpence, three and sixpence. This made 
 it clcoi* to me that my suspicion was right ; and that whatever they pre- 
 tended of meeting to learn good things, the puipose was to consult how 
 to cheat Indians in the price of beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and 
 you must be of my opinion. If they met so often to learn good things, 
 they would certainly have learned some before this time. But they are 
 still ignorant. You know our practice. If a white man, in travelling 
 through our country, enters one of our cabins, we all treat him as I do 
 you; we dry him if he is wet; we warm him if be is cold, and give him 
 meat and drink, that he may allay his thirst and hunger; and we spread 
 soft furs for him to rest and sleep on : we demand nothing in return 
 But if I go into a white man's house at Albany, and ask for victuals and 
 drink, they say. Get out, you Indian dog. You see they have .lOt yet 
 learned those little good things that we need no meetings to be instructed 
 in, because our mothers taught them to us when we were children ; and 
 therefore it is impossible their meetings should be, as they say, for any 
 such purpose, or have any such effect: they uie only to contrive the 
 cheating of Indians in the price of beaver.'"* 
 
 The missionary Frederic Post, in his journal of an embassy to the 
 Indians on the Ohio, in 1758, mentions a son of Canassaiego, whom he 
 calls Hans Jacob. 
 
 We are not to look into the history of Pennsylvania for a succession of 
 Indian wars, although there have been some horrid murders and enormi- 
 ties committed among the whites and Indians. For about 70 years, their 
 historic page is very clear of such records, namely, from 1682, the arrival 
 of William Penn, until the French war of 1755. 
 
 There were several chiefs very noted about this period, on account of 
 their connection with the Moravian Brethren. Among the most noted was 
 
 Glikhikan,\ or Glikh;ickan,l "an eminent captain and warrior, counsel- 
 lor, and speaker of the Delaware chief [Pakankel^ in Kaskaskunk." It is 
 said that he had disputed with the French Catholic priests in Canada, and 
 confounded them, and now (1769) made his appearance among the 
 United Brethren for the purpose of achieving a like victory ; but as the 
 Brethren's account has it, his heart failed him, and he became a convict 
 to their doctrines. In 1770, he quitted Kaskaskunk, to live with the 
 Brethren, greatly against the minds of his friends and his chief. This 
 occasioned great trouble, and some endeavored to take his life. Pakanke's 
 speech to him upon the occasion will be seen when we come to the ac- 
 count of that chief. At the time of his baptism, Glikhikan received tlie 
 name of Isaac. 
 
 The period of the revolutionary war was a distressing time for the 
 Brethren and those Indian: who had adhered to their cause. War par- 
 ties from the hostile tribes were continually passing and repassing their 
 settlements, and often in the most suspicious manner. It was to the 
 famous chief Glikhikan that they owed their preservation on more than 
 one occasion. The Indians nbciU the lakes sent deputies to draw the 
 Delawares into the war against the Americans, but they were not receiv- 
 ed by them. Siiortly after, in the year 1777, 200 Huron warriors, with 
 Half-king at their head, approached the Moravian settlement of Lichte- 
 nau, in their way to attack the settlements upon the frontiei*s, and caused 
 
 * The editors of the valuable Encyclopedia Fertheusis have thought this anecdote 
 worlliy a place in that work, (i. 652.) 
 t Loskiel. t Heckewelder. 
 
14 
 
 OLIKIIIKAN. 
 
 [Rook V, 
 
 grent consternation among the Brothnin ; but resolving to sliow no signs 
 of f(!ur, victuals were prepnretl for them, and sent out by some of the 
 (Jhristian Indians to meet them. The reception of those sent out was fiir 
 more promiHing than was anticipated, and soon after was "sent a soleiim 
 embassy to the Half-king and other cliicfs of the Hurons." Glikhikiin 
 was at the head of this einbassy, and the following is his speech to Half- 
 king: — " Uncle ! We, your cousins, the congregation of believing Indians 
 at Lichtenau and Gnadenhuetten, rejoice at this opportunity to see and 
 speak with you. We cleanse your eyes from all the dust, and whatever 
 the wind may have carried into them, that you may see your cousin with 
 clear eyes and a serene countenance. We cleanse your ears and hearts 
 from all evil reports which an evil wind may have conveyed into ycjur 
 ears and even into your liearts on the journey, that our words may find 
 entrance into your ears and a place in your hearts. [Here a string of 
 wampum was presented by Glikhikan.] Uncle ! hear the words of the 
 believing Indians, your cousins, at Lichtenau and Gnadenhuetten. We 
 would have you know, that we have received and believed in tlie word 
 of God for 30 years and ujjwards, and meet daily to hear it, morning and 
 evening. You must also know, that we have our teachers dwelling 
 amongst us, who instruct us and our children. By this word of Cod, 
 }>reached to us by our teachers, we are taught to keep peace with all men, 
 and to consider them as friends ; for thus God has commanded ns, and 
 therefore we are lovers of peace. These our teachei*s are not only our 
 friends, but we consider and love them as our own flesh and blood. 
 Now as we are your cousin, we most earnestly beg of you, uncle, that 
 you also would consider them as your own body, and as your cousin. 
 We and they make but one body, and therefore cannot be separated, and 
 whatever you do unto them, you do unto us, whether it be good or evil." 
 Tlien several fathoms of wampum were delivered. Half-king received 
 this speech with attention, and said it had penetrated his heart, and after 
 he had consulted with his captains, he spoke as follows in answer : — 
 "Cousins! I am very glad and feel great satisfaction that you have 
 cleansed my eyes, ears and heart from all evil, conveyed into me by the 
 wind on this journey. I am upon an expedition of an unusual kind; for 
 I am a warrior and am going to war, and therefore many evil things and 
 evil thoughts enter into my head, and even into my heart. But thanks 
 to my cousin, my eyes are now clear, so that I can behold my cousin 
 with a serene countenance. I rejoice, that I can hear my cousins with 
 open ears, and take their words to heart." He then delivered a string of 
 wampum, and after repeating the part of Gltkhikan's speech relating to 
 the missionaries, proceeded : " Go on as hitherto, end suffer no one to 
 molest you. Obey your teachers, who speak nothing but good unto you, 
 and instruct you in the ways of God, and l)e not afraid that any harm 
 shall be done unto them. No creature shall hurt them. Attend to your 
 worship, and never mind other aflfairs. Indeed, you see us going to Avar ; 
 but you may remain easy and quiet, and need not think much about it, 
 &c." This was rather odd talk for a savage warrior, and verily it seems 
 more like that of one of the European Brethren, but the veracity ofLos- 
 kiel will not be questioned. 
 
 Some time after this, a circumstance occurred which threw Glikhikan 
 into nmch trouble and danger. A band of Huron warrioi-s seized upon 
 the missionaries at Salem and Gnadenhuetten, and confined them, and did 
 much mischief. Michael Jung, David Zeisberger and John Heckewelder 
 were the Brethren confined at this time. The savages next pillaged 
 Schoenbrunn, from whence they led captive the missionary Jungman and 
 wife, and the sisters Zewicrg-er and Senseman; and, singing the death- 
 Bong, arrived with them at Gnadenhuetten, where were the rest of tho 
 
[I'.U0K V. 
 
 )W no signs 
 3()Mie of the 
 ; out wns fur 
 !nt a Rolt-inn 
 ' (Jlikhiknn 
 ech to Half- 
 ving Iiuliaiis 
 f to see and 
 lid whutcvtr 
 • coiiBin with 
 s and hearts 
 L'd into your 
 •ds may find 
 a slrins; uf 
 vords of tiie 
 luettcn. We 
 in the word 
 niorinng and 
 lera dwelling 
 ford of God, 
 with all men, 
 nded us, and 
 not only our 
 ih and blood, 
 u, uncle, that 
 your cousin. 
 ie[)arated, and 
 irood or evil." 
 iing received 
 jart, and after 
 in answer: — 
 lat you have 
 to me by the 
 lual kind ; for 
 r\\ things and 
 But thanks 
 d my cousin 
 cousins with 
 d a string of 
 relating to 
 er no one to 
 )od unto you, 
 lat any harm 
 ttend to your 
 going to war ; 
 uch about it, 
 erily it seems 
 racity of Los- 
 
 ew GliWkan 
 s seized upon 
 them, and did 
 Heckewelder 
 next pillaged 
 Jungman and 
 g the death- 
 Be rest of the 
 
 Ciup. II.] 
 
 I'AKANKn. 
 
 15 
 
 prisoners. This wns Sept. 4> 1781. It appears that the famous Cnpt. 
 Pipf. was among these warriors, from what follows. A young Indian 
 woman, who accoiiiimnied the warriors, was much nifived by the hard 
 treatment of the IJrethren, and in the night " found mt-ans to get Ca|)t. 
 Pi/)e\s iu'st horse, and rode off full speed to Pittsburgh, wlie.e she gavn 
 au account of the situation of the missionaries and their congregations." 
 This woman was related to (jlikhiknn ; on him, therefore, they determined 
 to vent their wrath. A jmrty of warriors seized him at Salem, and 
 brought him bound to (inadeidiiKtttcn, singing the death-song. VVlieii 
 lie was brought into the presence of the warriors, great commotion fol- 
 lowed, and many were clamorous that he should be at once cut to pieces; 
 esp(!cially the Delawares, who could not forget his having renounced his 
 nation and tnanncr of living; here, however, //a//'-A:i'rt^ interfered, and 
 prevented his being killed. They now held an intpiisitorial examination 
 tipon hitn, which terminated in a proof of his innocence, and, after 
 giving vent to their spleen in loading him with the worst of epithets and 
 much o])|)robrious language, set him at liberty. 
 
 The missionari(!S and their congregations were soon at liberty, but 
 were obliged to emigrate, as they coidd have no rest upon the Muskingum 
 any longer; war ])arties contimuilly hovering about them, robbing and 
 troubling them in various ways. They wont chiough the wilderness 125 
 miles, luid settled at Sandusky, leaving their beautiful cornfields just ready 
 to harvest. Their losses and privations were immense. Above 200 
 cattle and 400 hogs, much corn in storC; beside 300 acres just ripening, 
 were among the spoils. " A troop of savages commanded by English 
 officers escorted them, enclosing them at the distance of some miles on 
 all sides." They arrived at their place of destination Oct. 11, and here 
 %vere left by Ilalf-kbig and his warriors without any instructions cr 
 orders. 
 
 Many believing Indians had returned to Gnadenhuetten and the ad- 
 jacent places in 1782. Here, on 8th March of this year, happened the 
 most dreadful massacre, and Glikhikan was among the victims. Ninety- 
 six persons were scalped and then cut to pieces. Besides wojnen, there 
 were 34 children murdered in cold blood.* This was done by white 
 
 men 
 
 Pakanke was a powerftil Delaware chief, whose residence, in 1770, was 
 at a place called Kaskaskunk, about 40 miles north of Pittsburgh, lie is 
 brought to our notice by the agency of the missionary Loskiel, from whom 
 it appears that he was very friendly to the Breiiren at first, and invited 
 them into his country, but when Glikhikan, his chief captain and speaker, 
 forsook him, and went to live with them, he was so disconcerted, that he 
 turned against them, and for a time caused them much difficulty. Meet- 
 ing with Glikhikan afterward in public, he spoke to him in an angry tone 
 as follows: "And even you have gone over from this council to them. I 
 suppose you mean to get a white skin! L Jt I tell you, not even one of 
 your feet will turn white, much less your body. Was you not a brave 
 and honored man, sitting next to me in council, when we spread the 
 blanket and considered the belts of wampiun lying before us? Now you 
 pretend to desj)ise all this, and think to have found something better. 
 Some time or other you will find yourself deceived." To which Glikhikan 
 made but a short and meek reply. Soine epidemic disease can'ied oflT 
 many of the Indians about this time, and they attributed its cause to their 
 obstinacy in not receiving the gosjjel. Pakanke was among the number 
 at last who accepted it as a remedy. He appears not to have been so 
 
 * T liave bpon particular in noticing this affair, as it is not found in such extensively 
 circulated works as the American Annals 
 

 16 
 
 NETAWATWEES.— PAX NOUS. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 orcduloiifl as iimiiy of his neiglil)ors; for wlion tlio ncknowlodffnicnt of 
 ChriHtiaiiitv wns coiirludcd upon by iniiny, ho r<!irianu;(l inrnHlulouN; and 
 when a hrlt of wuiiipuiii wan Hoiit him, ncroinpunicd witli a lufWHage, 
 (loclaritit^ that " wlioHocver refused to a('c<'pt it would be considorud u 
 munhu'er of \m countrymen," ho nflcctod not to unch'rHtand its 
 import, and (h)ubth!HH would not have acknowledged it, but for the 
 impending danger which he saw threatening him. When he went to 
 hoar the Brethren preach, he declared his conviction, and recommended 
 his children to receive the gospel. A son of his waH baptized in 1775. 
 
 jYetawatwees was h<!ttd chief of the Delawares, and if we are to judge 
 of him from our scanty records, he will appear to the best advanuige. 
 "He uwhI to lay all affiiirs of state before iiis counsellors for their con- 
 Hideration, without telling them his own sentiments. When they gave 
 him their opinion, he either approved of it, or stated his objections and 
 amendments, always alleging the reasons of his disapprobation." Jieiure 
 the revolution, it was said that ho had amazingly increased the reputation 
 of the Delawares; and he 8|>ared no pains to conciliate all his neighbors, 
 and reconcile them one to another. His residence, in 1773, was at Gekel- 
 emukpechuenk. Tlie Moravian missionaries sent messengers to him, 
 with information of the arrival of another missionary, in July of this year, 
 requesting a renewal of friendship and a confirmation of his former 
 promise of protection. When this was laid before him and his council, 
 they were not much pleased with the information, and the old chief JVe- 
 iawatwees said, " T^ey have teachers enough already, for a new one can teach 
 nothing but the same doctrine.''^ He was, however, prevailed upon to give 
 his consent to their request, and afterwards liecame a convert to their 
 religion. After he had set out in this course, he sent the following speech 
 to his old friend Pakanke : " You and I are both old. and kv.O'.v not hci lev." 
 we shim uve. ThZrefore lei us do a good work, before we depart, and leave a 
 testimony to our children and posterity, that we have received the word of 
 God. Let this be our last totll and testament." Pakanke consented, and 
 was at great pains to send solemn embassies to all such tribes as he 
 thought proper, to communicate his determination. JS/etatvatwees died at 
 Pittsburgh near the close of 1776. The missionaries felt the great sever- 
 ity of his loss, for his counsel, as they acknowledge, was of great beneftt 
 to them upon all trying occasions. 
 
 Paxnous was head chief of the Shawanese in 1754. At this time, the 
 Christian Indians of the Moravian settlement, Gnadenhuetten, were op- 
 pressed by a tribute to the Hurons. This year, Paxnous and Gideon 
 Tadeu^kund, who had become dissenters, came to them, and delivered the 
 following message : " The great head, that is, the council of the Iroquois 
 in Onondago, speak the truth and lie not : they rejoice that some of the 
 believing Indians have moved to Wajomick, [near Wilksburg and the 
 Susquehannah,] but now they lift up the remaining Mahikans and Dela- 
 wares, and set them also down in Wajomick ; for there a fire is kindled 
 for them, and there they may plant and think of God. But if they will 
 not hear of the great head, or council, will come and clean their ears with 
 a red-hot iron ;" that is, set their houses on fire, and send bullets through 
 tlieir heads. The next year, Paxnous and 13 others came again, and in 
 the name of the Hurons demanded an answer to the summons he had 
 delivered last year. His wife attended him, and for whom he had great 
 affection, having then lived with her 38 years. She, being touched by 
 the preaching of the Brethren, was no doubt the cause of softening the 
 heart of Paxnous, and causing him thenceforth to do much for them. 
 This answer was returned to him to bear to the Hurons: "The Brethren 
 will confer with the Iroquois themselves, concerning the intended re- 
 moval of the Indians from Gnadenhuetten to Wajomick." Paxnous, "being 
 
Chap. II] 
 
 TADEUSKUND. 
 
 ir 
 
 only an ninhnssador in this buHincss, wns sntisfypcl, nnd cvon fonnod n 
 cloMer iu*(|iiaintancc with the Brt'thn-ii." TiiLs Ih siithcit'nt to explain 
 Pamotis^ partiality for the Hrethrcn. Bofon; th«7 (JRparH'il, his wife waH 
 bapti/.t;(i, and all prcHcnt, anionic whom was her hiiHband, wrro nnich af- 
 fected. She declared "s she naurned home, "that whe fcilt as happy as u 
 child now horn." I'amoua also had two sonw, who did much for tho 
 lirothren. 
 
 Tadeuakuiul, a noted chief among tho Delawarca, may ho considered 
 next in importance to thosu above named. He was known amnii^' tho 
 Engliwh, previous to 1750, by the name Honest-John. About this time, ho 
 was received into the Moravian connnunity, and atlcr some delay, "owing 
 to his wavering disjwsition," was baptized, and received into H-llowshij). 
 His baptismal narno was Gideon. He adhered to the misHionaricH just as 
 long as his condition appeared to be better, but when any thing more fa- 
 vorable offered, lie stood r(?ady to embark in it. 
 
 Tlie Christian Indians at Unadenhiietten weni desirous of removing to 
 Wajomick, which offered more advantages than that place, and this was 
 a secret desire of the wild Indians ; for they, intending to join the I'n'nch 
 of Canada, wished to have them out o/ the way of their excursions, that 
 they might with more secrecy fall upon the English frontiers. It was 
 now 1754. 
 
 Meanwhile Tadeuskund had had the offer of leading tho Delawores 
 in the war, and hence he had been a chief promoter of a removal to Wa- 
 jomick. The missionaries saw through the plot, and refused to move ; 
 but quite a comnany of theit Ibllowers, to the number of about 70, went 
 thither, agreeably to the wishes of Tadeuskund and his party, and some 
 went off to other places. 
 
 Tadeuskund was now in his element, marching to and from the French 
 in warlike style. When Paxnous, as has been related, summoned the re- 
 maining believers at Gnadenhuetten to remove to Wajomick, Tadeuskund 
 accompanied him. As the interest of the French began to decline, Ta- 
 deuskund began to think about making a shift again. Having lived a con- 
 siderable part of the year 1758 not far from Ikthlehem, with about 100 
 of his followers, he gave the Brethren there intimations that he wished 
 again to join them ; and even requested that some one would preach on 
 his side of the Lehigh. But the hopes of liis reclaim were soon after 
 dissipated. And " he now even endeavored to destroy the peace and 
 comfort of the Indian congregation." From the discouraging nature of 
 the affairs of the French, ten Indian nations were induced to send dep- 
 uties to treat with the English at Easton, which eventuated in a treaty 
 of peace. Tadeuskund pretended that this treaty had been agreed to on 
 condition that government should build a town on the Susquehannah 
 for the Indians, and cause those living with the brethren to remove to it. 
 This his enemies denied. There was some foundation, from their owTi 
 account, for Tadeuskuivffs pretending to have received full commission 
 to conduct all tho Indians within cenain limits, which included those of 
 Bethlehem, to Wajomick ; and therefore demanded their compliance with 
 his commands. He was liberal in his promises, provided they would 
 comply ; saying, they should have fields cleared and ploughed, houses 
 built, and provisions provided : not only so, but their teachers should 
 attend them, to live there unmolested, and the believers entirely by them- 
 selves. But, through the influence of their priests, they would not com- 
 ply, which occasioned some threats from Tadeuskund, and he immediately 
 set off for Philadelphia, considerably irritated. 
 
 Tadeuskund went to Philadelphia in consequence of an intended gen- 
 eral congress of the Indians and English, including all those who did not 
 attend at Easton. When he returned, he demanded a positive answer, 
 2* 
 
18 
 
 WHITE-EYES. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 .! .• 
 
 and they replied that they would not remove unless the governor and all 
 the chiefs so determined, for that they could not without the greatest 
 inconvenience. This seemed to satisfy him, and he left them. 
 
 The great council or congress of English and Indians at Easton above 
 referred to, being of much importance in Indian history, as also illustra- 
 tive of other eminent characters as well as that of Tadeiiskund, vfe 'jv'ill 
 refer its details to a separate chapter. 
 
 Tadeuskund was bui»it to death in his own house at Wajomick in 
 April, 17G3. 
 
 A chief nearly as distinguished as Tadeiiskund we shall introduce in 
 this place ; b'lt will first note that we observe the same errors, if so they 
 may be called, in more modern writers, with regard to the standing of 
 chiefs, as in the very earliest. The New England historians, it will have 
 been noticed, make several chiefs or sachems each the next to a still 
 greater one: thus, Annawon, Tyasks, Woonashum and Jlkkompoin were 
 said to have been severally next to Metacomet. And authors who have 
 written about the wf^stern Indians, mention ^several who are head chiefs of 
 the same tribes. B-.-, as we have observed in a former book, such mis- 
 nomers were scarcey to be avoided, and we only mention it here, that 
 we may not be ihought remiss in perpetuating them. 
 
 White-eyes i^j', as though deficient in organs of vision, some write 
 White-eye) was "the first cajitnin among the Delawares." There was 
 always great opposition among the Indians against missionaries settling 
 in their country ; who, in the language of one of the Moravians, "were a 
 stone of offence to many of the chiefs and to a great part of the council 
 at Gekelcinukpechuenk, and it was several times proposed to expel them 
 by force." But "this man [Captain White-eyes] kept the chiefs and 
 council in awe, and would not suffer them to injure the missionaries, 
 being in his own heart convinced of the truths of the gospel. This was 
 evident in all his speech s, held before the chiefs and council in behalf 
 of the Indian congregucion and their teachers."* 
 
 The old chief JVetawatwees used every art to thwart the endeavors of 
 White-eyes, and, as they »v?rp rather w. a strain bordering upon persecu- 
 tion, were only sure to kiiake the latter more strenuous. He therefore 
 declared " that no prosperity would attend the Indian affairs, unless they 
 received and believed the saving gospel," &:c. White-eyes was forced about 
 this time to separate himself from the other chiefs. " This occasioned 
 great and general surprise, and his presence being considered both by 
 the chiefs and the people as indispensably necessary, a negotiation com- 
 menced, and some Indian brethren were appointed arbitratoi-s. The 
 event was beyond expectation successful, for chief JVetawatwees not only 
 acknowledged the injustice done to Captain White-eye, but changed his 
 mind with respect to the believing Indians and their teachers, and re- 
 mained their constant friend to his death."* 
 
 At the breakuig out of tlie revolutionary war, the American congress 
 
 endeavored to treat with the chiefs of the Six Nations, and accordingly 
 
 invited the Delawares to send deputies. WJiite eyes attended on the part 
 
 of the Brethren, and his conduct before the commissioners was highly 
 
 . approved by the missionaries. 
 
 Towards the close of the year 1676, the Hurons sent a message to the 
 Delawares, " that they must keep their shoes in readiness to join the war- 
 riors." JVettawatwees being their head chief, to him, consequently, was the 
 talk delivered. lie would not accept the message, but sent belts to the 
 Hurons, with an admonition for their rash resolution, and reminding 
 them of the misery they had already brought upon themselves. Captain 
 
 Loskiel, iii. 101—2. 
 
Chap. II.] 
 
 SKENANDO. 
 
 19 
 
 White-eyes was a bearer of tlie belts, who in his turn was as unsuccessful 
 as the Huron ambassadors: for when they were delivered to the chiefs 
 in Fort Detroit, in presence of the English governor, he cut them in pieces, 
 and threw them at the ^ jet of the bearers, ordering them, at the same 
 time, to depart in half an hour. He accused White-eyes of a connection 
 with the Americans, and told him his head was in danger. 
 
 It is not strange that White-eyes was treated in this manner, if he took 
 the stand at the commencement of the war, which we suppose from the 
 following circumstance that he did : The Iroquois, being chiefly in the 
 English interest, and considering the Dela wares bound lo operate with 
 them, ordered them to be in readiness, as has been just related. Upon 
 this occasion, White-eyes said "he should do as he pleased ; thi^t he wore 
 no petticoats, as they falsely pretended ; he was no woman, but a man, 
 and they should find him to act as such."* 
 
 We hear nothing more of importance of this chief until 1780, which 
 was the year of his death. He died at Pittsburgh, in Pennsylvania, of the 
 small-pox. Many others died about this time, among whom was a man 
 who must have been very old, perhaps near 120, as he could well re- 
 member when the first house was built in Philadelphia, in 1682, being 
 then a boy. 
 
 Although White-eyes was so friendly to the Brethren, yet he never fully 
 joined them, stating his political station as a reason. 
 
 The Delaware nation perpetuated his name ; a chief signed a treaty in 
 1814, at Greenville, in Ohio, bearing it-f White-eyes^ town is frequently 
 mentioned in history. It was the place of his residence, which was near 
 the falls of the Muskingum. 
 
 Skenando, though belonging to a later age, may very properly be noticed 
 here. He was an Oneida chief, contemporary with the missionaiy Kirk- 
 land, to whom he became a convert, and lived many years of the latter 
 part of his life a believer in Christianity. Mr. Kirkland died at Paris, N. 
 York, in 1808, and was buried near Oneida. Skenando desired to be 
 buried near him at his death, which was granted. He lived to be 110 
 years old, and was often visited by strangers out of curiosity. He said to 
 one who visited him but a little time before his death, " / am an aged 
 hemlock ; the tcinds of an hundred winters have whistled through my branch- 
 es ; I am dead at the top. The generation to which I belonged has run away 
 and left me." 
 
 In early life, he was, like nearly all of his race, given to intoxication. 
 In 1775, he was at Albany to settle some affairs of his tribe with the gov- 
 rrnment of New York. One night he became drunk, and in the mori. 
 iiig found himself in the street, nearly naked, every thing of worth stripped 
 from him, even the sign of his chieftainship. This brought him to a 
 sense of his duty, and he was never more known to be intoxicated. Ho 
 was a powerful chief, and the Americans did not fail to engage him on 
 their side in the revolution. This was congenial to his mind, for he al- 
 ways urged the rights of the prior occupants of the soil, and once opposed 
 the Americans on th" same principle, for encroachments upon the red 
 men. He rendered Ids adopted Anglo brethren important services. 
 
 From the "Annals of Tryon County ,"| we learn that Skenando died 
 on the 11 March, 1816. He left an only son. And the same author ob- 
 serves that " his person was tall, well made, and robust. His countenance 
 was intelligent, and displayed all the peculiar dignity of an Indian chief. 
 In his youth he was a brave and intrepid warrior, and in his rijier years, one 
 of the noblest counsellors among the North Auierican tribes:" and that, in 
 
 * Ileckewelder, Hist. 22. 
 
 tSee Hist. Socornl War, by S. R. Brown, Appendix, 105. 
 
 \ By W. W. Campbell. 
 
20 
 
 SHINGIS. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 the revolutionary war, by his vigilance he preserved the settlement of 
 German Flats from being destroyed. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of several chiefs spoken of by Washington, in his journal of an embassy to 
 the French of Ohio — Shingis — Monacatoocha — Half-king — Juska- 
 KAKA — White-thunder — Alliqcipa — Captain Jacobs — Hendrick 
 — His history — Curious anecdote of— hoGAN — Cresap's War — Battle of 
 Point Pleasant — Logan's famous speech — Cornstock — His history — 
 Red-hawk — Ellinipsico — The barbarous murder of these three — Mel- 
 ancholy death of Logan — Pontiac — A renovmed ivarrior — Col. Rogers's 
 account of him — His policy — Fall of Michilimakinak — Menehwehna — 
 Siege of Detroit — Pontiac' s stratagem to surprise it — Is discovered — Offi- 
 cial account of the affair of Bloody Brilge — Pontiac abandons the siege 
 — Becomes the. friend of the English — Is assassinated. 
 
 The expedition of Washington to the French on the Ohio, in 1753, 
 brings to our records infonnation of several chiefs of the Six Nations, of 
 tlie most interesting kind. He was commissioned and sent as an ambas- 
 siulor to the French, by Governor Dintviddie of Virginia. He kept an 
 accurate journal of his travels, which, on his return to Virginia, was pub- 
 lished, and, not long after, the same was republished in London, with a 
 map; the substance of this journal was copied into almost eveiy periodi- 
 cal of importance of that day. 
 
 Shingis was the first chief he visited, who lived in the forks of the 
 Alleghany and Monongahela rivers, where Pittsburgh now stands. Ho 
 intended holding a council with the celebrated Half-king,* already men- 
 tioned, at Loggstown, and such others as could be assembled at short 
 notice, to strengthen them in the English interest. He therefore invited 
 Shingis to attend the council, and he accordingly accompanied him to 
 Loggstown. " As soon us I cainc into town," says Washington, " I went 
 
 * He is called a Huron by T,oskiel, Hist. Missions, iii. 123. Ho was called by tho 
 Dclawarcs Pomoacait, which lii English means Siceet-liouse. Heckeweider, Nar. 236. 
 
Chap. III.] 
 
 HALF-KING. 
 
 21 
 
 Ion. " I went 
 
 to MonakcUoocha, (as the Half-king was out at his hunuug cahin, on Little 
 Beaver Creek, about 15 miles off,) and inforn.ed him hy John DavidsoUf 
 my Indian interpreter, that I was sent a nie.ssenger to the French general, 
 and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the Six Nations to acquaint 
 them with it. I gave him a string of wampum «ind a twist of tobacco, 
 and desired him to send for the half-king, which he promised to do by a 
 runner in the morning, and for other sachems. I invited him and the 
 other great men present to my tent, where tney stayed about an iiour, and 
 returned." This place was about 140 miles, " as we went, and computed 
 it," says the great writer, " from our back settlements, where we arrived 
 between sunsetting and dark, the twenty-fifth day after I left Williams- 
 burgh. 
 
 Half-king, it seems, had, not long before, vi.sited the same place to which 
 Washington was now destined ; for as soon as he returned to his town, 
 Washington invited him privately to his tent, "and desired him to relate 
 some of the particulars of his, journey to the French commandant," the 
 best way for him to go, and the distance from thai place. " He told me," 
 says Washington, " that the nearest and levelest way was now impassable, 
 by reason of many large miry savannas ; that wc must be obliged to go by 
 Venango, and should not get to the near foil in less than five or six nights' 
 sleep, good travelling." Half-king further informed him that he met with 
 a cold reception ; that the French officer sternly ordered him to declare 
 his business, which he did, he said, in the following speech : — 
 
 " Fathers, I am come to tell you your own speeches ; what your own 
 mouths have declared. You, in former days, set a silver basin before us, 
 wherein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come 
 and eat of it ; to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be churlish to one 
 another : and that if any such person should be found to be a disturber, 
 I here lay down by the edge of the dish a rod, which you must scourge 
 them with ; and if your father should get foolish, in my old days, I desire 
 you may use it upon me as well as others. — Now, fathers, it is you who 
 are the disturbers in this land, by coming and building your towns ; and 
 taking it away unknown to us, and by force. — We kindled a fire, a long 
 time ago, at a place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and 
 not to come and intrude upon our land. I now desire you may despatch 
 to that place ; for, be it known to you, fathers, that this is our land, and 
 not yours. — I desire you may hear me in civilness ; if not, we must hin- 
 dle that rod which was laid down for the use of the obstreperous. If you 
 had come in a peacea!)le manner, like our brothers the English, we would 
 not have been against your trading with us, as they do ; but to come, 
 fathers, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by force, is what 
 we cannot submit to." 
 
 Half-king then repeated what was said to him in reply by the French, 
 which, when he had done, Washington made a speech to him and his 
 council. He acquainted them with the reason of his visit, and told them 
 he was instructed to call upon them by the governor of Virginia, to advise 
 with them, to assure them of the love of the English, and to ask the assist- 
 ance of some of their young men, to conduct him through the wilderness, 
 to the French, to whom he had a letter from his governor. Half-king 
 made this reply : — 
 
 " In regard to what my brother the governor had desired of me, I return 
 you this answer." " I rely upon you as a brother ought to do, as you say 
 we are brothers, and one people." " Brotheh, as you have asked my 
 advice, I hope you will be ruled hy it, and stay until I can provide a com- 
 pany to go with you. The French speech belt is not here ; I have it to 
 go for, to iny hunting cabin. Likewise the people, whom I liave ordered 
 
>» i . 
 
 32 
 
 HALF-KING. 
 
 night 
 
 [Book V. 
 from this; until 
 
 in, are not yet come, and cannot until the third 
 which time, brother, I must beg you to stay." 
 
 When Washington told him that his business would not admit of so 
 much delay, the chief seemed displeased, and said it was "a matter of no 
 small moment, and must not be entered without due consideration.^' Perhaj)s 
 it will not be too much, to give this Indian, chief credit for some of that 
 character which was so well exemplified by JVashingtoii in all his after 
 life, i*- 1 "as I found it impossible," says the narrator, " to get off, with- 
 out aftronting them in the most egregious manner, I consented to stay." 
 Accordingly, Half-king gave orders to Kmg Shingis, who was present, to 
 attend on Wednesday night with the wampum, and two men of their 
 nation, to be in readiness to set out with us next morninp There wiis 
 still a delay of another day, as the chiefs could not get in their wampum 
 and young men which were to be sent ; and, after all, but three chiefs 
 and one hunter accompanied. " We set out," says Washington, " about 
 9 o'clock, with the Half-king, Juskakaka,* fVliite-thunder, and the hunter; 
 and travelled on the road to Venango, where we arrived the 4th of 
 Deceml)er." This place is situated at the junction of French Creek with 
 the Ohio. Here the French had a garrison, and another a short distance 
 above it, whicL was the extent of our discoverer's peregrinations north. 
 The commanders of these posts used all means to entice Half-king to desert 
 the English, and it was with great difficulty that Washington succeeded 
 h\ preventing them. They endeavored to weary out the major, by 
 making the chiefs delaj' their departure from day to dtiy, by means of 
 liquor, so that they should be left behind. At length, having out-gen- 
 eraled his complotters, and " got things ready to set off, I sent for the 
 Half-king,'" continues the narrator, " to know whether he intended to go 
 with us, or by water. He told me that White-thunder had hurt himself 
 much, and was sick, and unable to walk ; therefore he was obliged to 
 carry him down in a canoe ;'' so, notwithstanding the delays, Washington 
 was obliged to go without him ; but he cautioned him strongly against 
 believing Monsieur Joncaire's pretensions of friendship, and represen- 
 tations against the English. Here ends Washington's account of Half- 
 king. 
 
 He now set out for the frontiers with all expedition. He had, he says, 
 the " most fatiguing journey possible to conceive of. From the 1st to the 
 15th December, there was but one day on which it did not rain or snow 
 incessantly ; and through the whole journey, we mec with nothing but one 
 continued series of cold, wet weather." 
 
 This expedition of Washington has in it great interest, more especially 
 from his superior eminence afterwards. It is pleasing to contemplate the 
 *' savior of his country" in every adventure and circumstance of his life ; 
 and even gratifying to view him with a gun in one hand, a staff in the 
 other, and a pack upon his back ; wading through rivers, encountering 
 storms of sleet and snow, and sleeping upon the ground, thus early, for 
 his country's good. He had some very narrow escapes, and, during part 
 of the way on his roturn, he had but one attendant. One day, as they 
 were passing a place called Murdering Toum, they were fired upon by 
 one of a war-party of French Indians, who had waited in ambush for 
 tliem ; and although they were within fifteen paces of him, yet they 
 Ciicaped unhurt. They captured the fellow that fired upon them, and 
 
 * We hear again of this cliief in 1794, wiien, with 58 others, he signed a treaty with 
 the U. States at Fort Stanwix. His name is thr-re written Jishkaaga, which signified a 
 green grasshopper. He was sometimes called Little-Billy. 
 
[Book V 
 
 this; until 
 
 Iniit of so 
 alter of no 
 Perhai)s 
 me of tliat 
 ill his after 
 t oft", with- 
 d to stay." 
 present, to 
 in of their 
 There was 
 • wanipuin 
 iree chiefa 
 m, " about 
 ■he hunter; 
 the 4th of 
 Creek with 
 rt distance 
 ions north, 
 ng" to desert 
 ; succeeded 
 major, l)y 
 y means of 
 g out-geu- 
 ?nt for the 
 ^nded to go 
 Lirt himself 
 
 [obliged to 
 Vashington 
 gly against 
 represen- 
 nt of Half- 
 id, he says, 
 1st to the 
 in or snow 
 ng but one 
 
 especially 
 niplate the 
 of his life; 
 ptafF in the 
 countering 
 s early, for 
 
 uring part 
 ly, as they 
 upon by 
 nbush for 
 
 , yet they 
 them, and 
 
 a treaty with 
 :h signified a 
 
 Chap. III.] 
 
 HENDRICK. 
 
 23 
 
 kept him until nine at night, then dismissed him, and travelled all night, 
 "without making any stop," fearing they should be pursued the next 
 morning by his party. Continuing their course all the next day, they 
 came to the river where they intended to cross. Here the firmness of 
 Wushingtoii and his companion was thoroughly tried. The river was 
 very high, and filled with floating ice, and there was no way to pass it but 
 by a raft. They had " but one poor hatchet," with the assistance of 
 which, after laboring from morning till sunset, they had a raft ready to 
 launch ; on this they set out, but it was soon crushed between the floating 
 ice, and they veiy narrowly esca|)ed perishing. Washington was himself 
 precipitated into the river, where the water was ten feet deep. Fortu- 
 nately, however, he catched by a fragment of the raft, and saved himsc^lf. 
 They finally extricated themselves from their perilous situation, by getting 
 upon the ice which confined their frail bark, and from thence to an island, 
 and finally to the opposite shore. The cold was so intense, tliat Mr. Gist 
 froze his hands and feet. This place was about three miles below the 
 mouth of the y^hcgany, where an Indian queen, as Washington calls her, 
 lived. He wei;-!. to see her, he observes, she having "expressed great 
 concern that we passed her in going to the fort. I made her a present of 
 a watch coat, and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the best 
 present of the two." Her name was Alliquippa. From this place, he 
 pureued his journey home without further accident. 
 
 We have mentioned the friendly attention of Shingis to our adventurer, 
 who had probably expected he would have attended him on his journey ; 
 hut Shingis went to collet ? in his men, and did not return. The Indians 
 said it was owing to the sickness of his wife, but Washington thought it 
 was fear of the French which prevented him. But this conjecture does 
 not seem well founded, for he ordered Kustaloga, who lived at Venango, • 
 to proceed to the French and return the wampum, which was as nmch 
 as to tell them they wished no further fellowship with them. 
 
 The massacres which followed Braddock's defeat were horrible beyond 
 description. Shingis and Capt. Jacobs were supposed to have been the 
 principal instigator of them, and 700 dollars was oflTered for their heads.* 
 It was at this period, that the dead bodies of some that had been mur- 
 dered and mangled were se it from the frontiers to Philadelphia, and 
 hauled about the streets, to inflame the people against the Indians, and 
 also against the Quakers, to whose mild forbearance was attributed a 
 laxity in sending out troops. '.?he mob surrounded the house of assem- 
 bly, having j)laced the dead bodies at its entrance, and demanded imme- 
 diate succor. At this time the above reward was offered. 
 
 Some of the most noted chiefs now fall under our observation. 
 
 Hendrick was a gallant Mohawk chief, who took part, with many of 
 his men, against the Frcr.oh, in the year 1755. The French were encour- 
 aged by the defeat of Gen. Braddock, and were in high expectation of car- 
 rying all before them. Ilcndrick joined the English army at the request 
 of Gen. Johnson, and met the French, consisting of 200 men, under Gen. 
 Dieskau, at Lake George. While the English and Indians were encamped 
 in a slight work, their scouts brought news of the approach of the French, 
 with a great body of Indians upon their flanks. Gen. Johnson despatched 
 Col. Williams of Massachusetts, with 1000 men, and Hendrick with 200 of 
 his warriors, to give them battle ; but falling in with them about four miles 
 from camp, unexpectedly, Col. Williams and Hendrick were killed, with 
 many other officers and privates of the detachment. The rest fled to the 
 main body with great precipitation, infusing consternation into the whole 
 
 Watson^ s Annals of Philadelphia, 4oO. 
 
to 
 
 S4 
 
 HENDRICK. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 army.* The French followed closely, and potired in a tremendous fire, 
 which did very little execution, from the j)recaution of the English in 
 falling flat upon their faces. They soon recovered from their surprise, 
 and tought with bravery, having advantage not only in numbers, but 
 artillery, of which the French had none.f At length the brave i)ie«A;au 
 was wounded in the thigh, and his Indians, being temfied at the havoc 
 made by the cannon of the English, fled to the woods, and the regulars 
 were ordered to retreat by their general, which they did in great disorder. 
 Gen. Dieskau was found in the pursuit, supporting himself by the stump 
 of a tree. Supposing jjlunder to be the first object of his captors, as he 
 was attempting to draw his watch to present to them, some one, supposing 
 him to be searching for his pistol, discharged his gun into his hips. Not- 
 withstanding he was thus twice wounded, he lived to reach England, but 
 he died soon after. The French lost 800 men in the attack. 
 
 When Gen. Johnson was about to detacn Col. Williavis, he asked Hen- 
 drick's opinion, whether the force was suflicient. To which he replied, 
 " If they are to Jight, they are too few. If they are to be killed, they are too 
 many." And when it was proposed to divide the detachment into three 
 parts, Hendrick oDJected, and forcibly to express the impracticability of 
 the plan, picked up three sticks, and, putting them together, said to the 
 general, " You see now that these cannot be easily broken ; but take them one 
 by one, and you may break them at once." But from this valuable counsel 
 very little advantage seems to have been derived. 
 
 It was reported at the time, that 38 of Hendrick's men were killed, and 
 12 wounded.J Few historians mention the loss of the Indians ; probably 
 considering them as unworthy of record ! Such historians may be forgot- 
 ten. At least, they cannot expect to pass imder that name in another age. 
 
 The Indians were greatly exasperated against the French, "by the 
 death of the famous Hendrick," says the same writer, "a renowned Indian 
 waiTior among the Mohawks, and one of their sachems, or kings, who was 
 slain in the battle, and whose son, upon being told that his father was 
 killed, giving the usual Indian groan upon such occasions, and suddenly 
 putting his hand on his left breast, swore his father was still alive in that 
 place, and stood there in his son : that it was with the utmost difficulty, 
 Gen. Johnson prevented the fury of their resentment takuig place on the 
 body of the French general."§ 
 
 As soon as the battle was over, the Indians dispersed themselves in 
 various directions, with the troj)hies of victory. Some to their homes, to 
 condole with the friends of the slain, and some to the English, to carry 
 liie welcome news of victory. The different runners brouglit into Albany 
 above 80 scalps, within a very short time after the fight.|| And thus we 
 are furnished with an early record of the wretched custom which appears 
 to have been fostered, and actually encouraged by all who have employed 
 the Indians as auxiliaries in war. Indeed to employ them, was to employ 
 their practices — they were inseparable. To talk, as some have done, of 
 employing them, and preventing their barbarous customs with the luifor- 
 tunate captives, all experience shows, is but to talk one thing and mean 
 another. 
 
 Soon after Sir fVilliarn Johnson entered upon his duties as superintend- 
 ent of Indian affairs in North America, he received from England some 
 richly embroidered suits of clotlies. Hendrick was present when they 
 were received, and could not hel]) expressing a great desire for a share in 
 them. He went away very thoufrhtful, but returned not long after, and 
 called upon Sir William, and told him he had dreamed a dream. Sir 
 
 * The English lost about 200 in this ambush. Guthrie's Universal History, y. 94. 
 t Ibid. I Gent. Magazine for 1756. § Ibid. i| Ibid. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 3ndous fire, 
 English in 
 iir surprise, 
 imbers, but 
 ive Dieskau 
 ; the havoc 
 he regulars 
 eat disorder, 
 y tlie stump 
 ptors, as he 
 e, supposing 
 liips. Not- 
 i^ngland, but 
 
 asked Hen- 
 he replied, 
 ', they are too 
 It into three 
 cticability of 
 , said to the 
 lake them one 
 I able counsel 
 
 e killed, and 
 IS ; probably 
 lay heforgot- 
 another age. 
 ch, "by the 
 kvned Indian 
 igs, who was 
 father was 
 id suddenly 
 alive in that 
 difficulty, 
 place on the 
 
 Chap. III.] 
 
 I/)f;AN. 
 
 25 
 
 emselves in 
 ir homes, to 
 ish, to carry 
 
 into Albany 
 tid thus we 
 
 ich appears 
 
 e employed 
 IS to employ 
 
 ve done, of 
 the unfor- 
 and mean 
 
 uperintend- 
 ^laiid some 
 when they 
 r a share in 
 after, and 
 ■ream. Sir 
 
 m-'. 
 
 y. 9i. 
 II Ibid. 
 
 WUliam very concernedly desired to know what it was. Hemlrick very 
 readily told liini he had dreatried that Sir ff'illimn JohTison had presented 
 him with one of his new suits of uniforiM. Sir IV'dliam could not refuse it, 
 and one of the elegant suits v/as forth with presented to Hendrick, who 
 went away to show his present to his countrymen, and left Sir William to 
 tell the joke to his friends. Some time after, the general met Hendrick, 
 and told him he had drcuititd a dream. Wlietlicr the sachem mistrusteil 
 that he was now to be taken in his own net, or not, is not certain : hut 
 he seriously desired to know what it was, iis Sir ^Villinm had done before. 
 The general said he dreamed that Hendrick had i)resente(l him witli a 
 certain tract of land, which he described, (consisting of alunit 500 anrs 
 of the most valuable land in the valley of the Mohawk River.] H.ndridc 
 answered, "/< is yours f but, shaking his head, said, "Sir Willir ,i John- 
 son, I will never dream with you again." 
 
 John Konkapot, a Stockbridge Indian, was gi-andson to Hctidn'nk, and 
 he informs us that his grandfather was son of the Jt^'olf, a Moliegnn chief, 
 and that his mother was a Mohawk.* Rev. Gideon Haivley, in a letter to 
 Gov. Hutchinson (1770) about the Marshpcc Indians, has this jwissage: 
 " Among JoAn^on'* Mohawks, ./?6m/ia»i and Hendiick were the oldest of 
 their tribe, when they died, and neither of them was 70, at their deaths. 
 I saw a sister of theirs in 17G5, who appeared to be several years above 
 70. At Stockbridge, Captain Kunkapot was for many years the oldest 
 man in his tribe."t We have now come to one of the most noted chiels 
 in Indian story. 
 
 Logan was called a Mingo| chief, whose father, Shikellimus, was chief 
 of the tribe of the Cayugas, whom he succeeded. Shikellimus was 
 attached in a remarkable degree to the benevolent James Logan, from 
 which circumstance, it is probable, his son bore his name. The name is 
 still perpetr;ated among the Indians. For magnanimity in war, and 
 greatness of soul in peace, few, if any, in any nation, ever surpassed 
 Logan. He took no part in the French wars which ended in 17G0, 
 except that of a peacemaker ; was always acknowledged the friend of 
 the white people, until the year 1774, when his brother and several others 
 of his family were murdered, the particulars of which follow. In the 
 spring of 1774, some Indians robbed the people upon the Ohio River, who 
 were in that country exploring the lands, and preparing for settlements. 
 These land-jobbers were alarmed at this hostile carriage of the Iiiilians, 
 as they considered it, and collected themselves at a place called Wheeling 
 Creek, the site on which Wheeling is now built, and, learning that there 
 were two Indians on the river a little above, one Captain Michael Cresnp, 
 belonging to the exploring party, proposed to fall upon and kill them. 
 His advice, although opposed at first, was followed, and a ])arty led by 
 Cresap proceeded and killed the two Indians. The same day, it being 
 reported that some Indians were discovered below Wheeling upon the 
 river, Cresap and his party immediately marched to the place, and at first 
 appeared to show themselves friendly, and suffered the Indians to pass by 
 them unmolested, to encamp still lower down, at the mouth of Grave 
 Creek. Cresap soon followed, attacked and killed several of them, having 
 one of his own men wounded by the fire of the Indians. Here some of 
 the family of Logan were slain. The circumstance of the afl^air was 
 exeeeding aggravating, inasmuch as the whites pretended no provocation. 
 
 Soon after this, some other monsters in human shape, at whose head 
 were Daniel Greathonse and one Tovilinson, committed a horrid murder 
 upon a company of Indians about thirty miles above Wheeling. Great- 
 
 * Col. Mas. Hist. Soc. t Ibid. 3. i. 131. 
 
 i M^ngwe, Maquas, Maqua, or Iroquos, all mean the same. 
 
\'i'- 
 
 26 
 
 LOGAN. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 house resided at the same place, but on the opposite side of the river from 
 the Indian encampment. A party of thirty-two men were collected for 
 this object, who secreted themselves, while Greatkouse, under a pretence 
 of friendship, crossed the river and visited them, to ascertain their 
 strength ; Avhich, on counting them, he found too numerous for his force 
 in an open attack. These Indians, having heard of the late murder of 
 their relations, had determined to be avenged of the whites, and Great- 
 house did not know the danger he was in, until a squaw advised him of 
 it, in a friendly caution, "to go home." The sad requital this poor 
 woman met with will presently appear. This abominable fellow invited 
 the Indians to come over the river and drink rum with him ; this being 
 a part of his plot to separate them, that they might be the easier destroyed. 
 The opportunity soon offered ; a number being collected at a tavern in 
 the white settlement, and considerably intoxicated, were fallen upon, and 
 all murdered, except a little girl. Among the murdered was a brother of 
 Logan, and his sister, whose delicate situation greatly aggravated the 
 horrid crime. 
 
 The remaining Indians, upon the other side of the river, on hearing the 
 firing, set off" two canoes with armed wan-iors, who, as they approached 
 tlie shore, were fired upon by the whites, who lay concealed, awaiting 
 their approach. Nothing prevented their taking deadly aim, and many 
 were killed and wounded, and the rest were obliged to return. This 
 affair took place May 24th, 1774.* These were the events that led to a 
 horrid Indian war, in which many innocent families were sacrificed to 
 satisfy the vengeance of an incensed and injured people. 
 
 A calm followed these troubles, but it was only such as goes before the 
 storm, and lasted only while the tocsin of war could be sounded among 
 the distant Indians. On the 12 July, 1774, Logan, at the head of a small 
 party of only eight warriore, struck a blow on some inhabitants upon the 
 Muskingum, where no one expected it. He had left the settlements on 
 the Ohio undisturbed, which eveiy one supposed would be the first 
 attacked, in case of war, and hence the reason of his great successes. 
 His first attack was upon three men who were pulling flax in a field. 
 One was shot down, and the two others taken. These were marched 
 into the wilderness, and, as they approached the Indian town, Logan gave 
 the scalp halloo, and they were met by the inhabitants, who conducted 
 them in. Running the gauntlet was next to be performed. Logan took 
 no delight in tortures, and he in the most friendly manner instructed one 
 of the captives how to proceed to escape the severities of the gauntlet. 
 This same captive, whose name was Robinson, was aft^erwards sentenced 
 to be burned ; but Logan, though not able to rescue him by his eloquence, 
 with his own hand cut the cords that bound him to the stake, and caused 
 him to be adopted into an Indian family. He became afterwards Logan^s 
 scribe, and wrote the letter that was tied to a war club, the particulars of 
 which we shall relate farther onward. 
 
 ■The warriors now prepared themselves for open conflict, and, with 
 Comstock at their head, were determined to meet the Big-knives, as the 
 Virginians were called, from their long swords, in their own way. 
 
 It is necessary to notice a chief rather suddenly introduced here, as, in 
 fact, he was the leader, or commander-in-chief, of the Indians in this war. 
 The name of Comstock we have already mentioned. He was chief of 
 the Shawanese, and in the time of the revolutionary war, was a great 
 friend of the Moravian missionaries. We shall again notice him. 
 
 The Virginia legislature ^vas in session when the news of Indian depre- 
 dations was received at the seat of government. Gov. Dunmore immedi- 
 
 Facts published in Jefferson's Noies. 
 
' [Book V. 
 
 10 river from 
 collected for 
 ;r a pretence 
 ;ertain their 
 for his force 
 e murder of 
 i, and Great- 
 naed him of 
 tal this poor 
 bHow invited 
 i; this being 
 er destroyed. 
 , a tavern in 
 m upon, and 
 I a brother of 
 gravated the 
 
 1 hearing the 
 f approached 
 Jed, awaiting 
 n, and many 
 •eturn. This 
 that led to a 
 sacrificed to 
 
 )es before the 
 
 inded among 
 
 ^ad of a small 
 
 ants upon the 
 
 3ttlement8 on 
 
 be the first 
 
 at successes. 
 
 IX in a field. 
 
 ere marched 
 
 Logan gave 
 
 conducted 
 
 Logan took 
 
 structed one 
 
 the gauntlet. 
 
 ds sentenced 
 
 lis eloquence, 
 
 , and caused 
 
 ards Logan^s 
 
 larticulars of 
 
 ct, and, with 
 nives, as the 
 way. 
 
 here, as, in 
 IS in this war. 
 was chief of 
 was a great 
 him. 
 
 ndian depre- 
 wre immedi- 
 
 Chap. Ill] 
 
 LOGAN. 
 
 27 
 
 ately ordered out the rfiilitia, to the number of 3000 men, half of whom, 
 under Col. Andrew Lewis, were ordered towards the mouth of the Great 
 Kanhawa, while the governor himself, with the other half, marched to a 
 point on the Ohio, to fall upon the Indian towns in the absence of the 
 warriors, drawn off by the approach of the army under Col. Lewis. 
 
 The Indians met the division under Letvis at a place called Point 
 Pleasant, on the Great Kanhawa, where a very bloody battle ensued. A 
 detachment of 300 men first fell in with them, and were defeated, with 
 great slaughter ; but the other divisions coming up, the fight was main- 
 tained during the whole day. Never was ground maintained with more 
 obstinacy. Every step was disputed, until the darkness of the night 
 closed the scene. The Indians slowly retreated, and while the Ameri- 
 cans were preparing to pursue and take revenge for their severe loss, an 
 express arrived from Gov. Dunmore, that he had concluded a treaty with 
 the Indian chiefs. In this battle, above 140 Americans were killed and 
 wounded, nearly half of which were of the former, among whom was 
 Col. Charles Lewis, brother o{ Andrew, and Col. I^eld. These officers led 
 the first division. Of the number of the Indians destroyed, we are igno- 
 rant ; though very probably they were many, as their numbers engaged 
 were said to have been about 1500.* 
 
 After the Indians had been beaten, as we have stated, the Americans 
 encamped on a plain eight miles from Chillicothe, a place appointed for 
 meeting the chiefs to treat of peace. Three days after, Comstock\ came 
 to the encampment with eight other chiefs, where a short debate was 
 held between him and Lord Dunmore, in which each charged the other 
 with the breach of treaties and injuries committed by their respective 
 countrymen ; but finally a peace was settled. It was at this time that the 
 far-famed speech of Logan was delivered ; not in the camp of Lord Dun- 
 more, for, although desiring peace, Logan would not meet the Americans 
 in council, but remaine [ in his cabin m suiicn silence, until a messenger 
 was sent to him, to know whether he would accede to the proposals. 
 On which occasion, after shedding many tears for the loss of his friends, 
 he said to the messenger, who well understood his language, in sub- 
 stance as follows : — 
 
 " / appeal to any white to say, if ever he entered Logan's cabin himgry, 
 and he gave him not meat ; if ever he cam^ cold and naked, and he clothed him 
 not. 
 
 " During the course of the last long bloody war, Logan remained idle in 
 his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such loas my love for the lohites, that my 
 countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, ' Logan is the friend of white 9/ien.' 
 
 " / had even thought to have lived loith you, but for the injuries of one man. 
 Col. Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the 
 relations of Logan ; not even sparing my tvomen and children. 
 
 " There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. 
 This called on me for revenge. I have sought it. I have killed many. I 
 have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of 
 peace. But do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan 
 never felt fear. He ufUl not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there 
 to mourn for Logan ? — J\ot one .'" 
 
 When Mr. Jefferson published his "Notes on Virginia," the facts 
 therein stated implicating Cresap as the murderer of Logan's family, were 
 
 * Campbell's Virginia. 
 
 t Some write Cornstalk, but wlien a word is used for a proper name, there is no harm 
 in adopting a different spelling, and we follow our oldest printed authority. 
 
o 
 
 98 
 
 CORNSTOCK. 
 
 [Book V, 
 
 by Crfsitp^s fri(>nJH called in (]ue8tioii. IMr. Jet;i- on at first merely stated 
 tiio fuctd at) preliinliiury to, uiid tiic cuiiso o(', '-iSpeecli of Lo^aw," 
 which ho coii8id(;n;d as fffiierally known in V' ■ liu; but the acrimony 
 discovered by his enemies in their eiidcjavors to gainsay liia statement, led 
 to an investigation of the whole transaction, and u publication of the 
 residt was the immediate conseciuence, in u new edition of the " Notes ou 
 Virginia." 
 
 Among other proofs, that the chief guilt lay upon the head of Cresap 
 of bringin}' about a bloody war, since well known by his name. Judge 
 Jnnes of Frankfort, Kentucky, wrottf to Mr. Jefferson, 2 March, I7!t!>, 
 that he was, ho thought, able to give him more particulars of that alfair 
 than, perhaps, any other person ; that, in 1774, while at the house; of 
 Col. Prciton, in Fincastle county, Va., thtire arrived an express, calling 
 upon liim to order out the militia, " for the protection of the iidiabilants 
 residing low down on the north ihrk of Holston River. The express 
 brought with him u war club, and a note tied to it, which was lell at the 
 liouse of one Robertson, whose family were cut off by the Indians, and 
 gave rise for the application to Col. PrcslonJ'* Here follows the letter or 
 note, of which Mr. Innes then made u copy, in his memorandum book : — 
 
 " Captain Cresap, Jf'hat did you kill my people on Yellow Creek for ? 
 T/ie white people killed my kin at Concstofia,* a f!;rcat while a^o ; and J 
 thoiifrht nothing of that. But you killed my kin again, on Yellow Creek, and 
 took my cousin prisoner. Then I thought I must kill too ; and I have been 
 three times to war since : but the Indians are not angry ; only myself," 
 
 It was signed, " Captain John Logan." 
 
 Not long after these times of calamities, which we have recorded in 
 the life o{ Logan, he was cruelly murdered, as he was on his way home 
 from Detroit. For a time previous to bis death, he gave himself up to intox- 
 ication, which inii short time nearly obliterated all marks of the great man ! 
 
 The fate of Cornstock is ecpially deplorable, although in the contenjjjla- 
 tion of which, his character does not sutler, as does that of Z<oi>"an. Ho 
 was cruelly murdered by some white soldiers, while u hostage among 
 them. And there is as much, nay, far more, to carry down his nMueni- 
 brance to posterity, as that of the tragical death of Archimedes. He was 
 not murdered while actually drawing geometrical figures upon the 
 ground, but, while he was ex|)Iaining the geography of his country by 
 drawings upon the floor, an alarm was given, which, in a few minutes 
 after, eventuated in his death. We will now go into an explanation of 
 the cause and manner of the murder of Cornstock. It is well known that 
 the war of the revolution liad involved a!', or nearly all, of the Indians in 
 dreadful calamities. In consequence of murders committed by the 
 Indians on the frontiers of Virginia, several companies marched to Point 
 Pleasant, where there had been a fort since the battle there in 1774. 
 Most of the tribes of the north-west, except the Shawanese, were deter- 
 mined to fight against the Americans. Cornstock wished to preserve peace, 
 and therefore, as the only means in his power, as he had used his powerful 
 eloquence in vain, resolved to lay the state of affairs before the Ameri- 
 cans, that they might avert the threatened storm, In the spring of 1777, 
 he came to the fort at Point Pleasant, upon this friendly mission, in com- 
 pany with another chief, called Redhawk. After explaining tlie situation 
 of things with regard to the confederate tribes, he said, in regard to his 
 owa, the Shawanese, " The current sets [with the Indians] so strong 
 agaiiwt the Americans, in consequence of the age- cy of the British, that they 
 
 Alluding', I suppose, to the massacre of the Conestoga Indians in 1763. 
 
Chap. III.] 
 
 CORNSTOCK. 
 
 29 
 
 [the Shnwnneae] ttnil float tvilh U, I fear, in spite of all my txertiona,''^ Upon 
 this ititolli^encc, the coiiiiiuinder of the; garrJHon thought |)ro|)(!r to detuiu 
 him and Jiedhawk as hostagcH to prevent tlie meditated calamities. 
 When Captain Jlrbuckle, the commander of the garrison, had notified the 
 new government of Virginia of the situation of afluii-s, and what he had 
 done, forces marched iii»o that country. A part of tiiein having arrived, 
 waited for others to join them imder (ien. Hand, on whom these dependctl 
 for i)rovisions. 
 
 Meanwhile the officers held frequent conversations with Comstock, 
 who took pieafure in giving them minute descriptions of his country, and 
 especially of that portion between the Mississippi and Missouri. One 
 day, as he was delineating a map of it upon the floor for the gratification 
 of those present, a call was heard on the opposite side of the Ohio, which 
 he at once recognized as tlie voice of his son, Ellinipsico, who had fought 
 ut his side in the famous battle of Point Pleasant, in 1774, of which we 
 have spoken. At the request of his father, Ellinipsico came to the fort, 
 where they had an afTcctionate meeting. This son had become uneasy 
 at his father's long absence, and had at length sought him out in his exile 
 here ; prompted by those feelings which so much adorn human nature. 
 The next day, two men crossed the Kanhawa, upon a hunting expedition. 
 As they were returning to their boat afler their hunt, and near the side of 
 the river, they were fired upon by some Indians, and one of the two, 
 named Gihnore, was killed, but the other escaped. A party of Captain 
 HnlVs men went over and brought in the body of OUtnore ; whereupon a 
 cry was raised, '^Let us go and kill the Indians in the fort." An enfuriated 
 gang, with Captain Hall at their head, set out with this nefarious resolu- 
 tion, and, against every remonstrance, proceeded to commit the deed of 
 blood. With their guns cocked, they swore death to any who should 
 oppose them. In the mean time, some ran to apprize the devoted chiefs 
 of their danger. As the murderers approached, Ellinipsico discovered 
 agitation, which when Comstock saw, he said, ^^My son, the Great Spirit 
 has seen Jit that ive should die together, and has sent you to that end. It is 
 his will, and let us submit." The murderers had now arrived, and the old 
 chief turned around and met them. They shot him through with seven 
 bullets. He fell, and died without a struggle ! 
 
 Ellinipsico, though having at first appeared disturbed, met his death 
 with great composure. He was shot upon the seat on which he was 
 sitting when his fate was first pronounced to him. 
 
 Red-hau'k was a young Delaware chief, and, like Ellinipsico, had fought 
 under Comstock. He died with less fortitude: having tried to secrete 
 hunself, he was soon discovered and slain. Another Indian, whose name is 
 not mentioned, was mangled and murdered in the most barbarous man- 
 ner. Suffice it here to say, that this was all that was eflected by the 
 expedition, and the forces soon afler returned home. 
 
 Few, if any, chiefs in history are spoken of in terms of higher com- 
 mendation than Comstock. Mr. Withers, a writer on Indian affairs,* 
 speaks as follows of hjm : 
 
 " Thus perished the mighty Cornstalk, sachem of the Shawanees, and 
 king of the northern confederacy, in 1774 , — a chief remarkable for many 
 great and good qualities. He was disposed to be at all times the friend 
 of white men, as he ever was the advocate of honorable peace. But when 
 his country's wrongs ' called aloud for battle,' he became the thunderbolt 
 of war, and made her oppressors feel the weight of his uplifted arm." 
 "His noble bearing — his generous and disinterested attachment to the 
 
 jUtij 
 
 In his 
 ■inciit. 
 
 Chronicles," a work, it is our duty to remark, written with candor and 
 3* 
 
80 
 
 PONTIAC. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 colonics, when tlio tliundur of nritiflli cannon wiis rnvprhorntinp through 
 the land — his anxiety to prosorvc the frontier of Virginia from (h>(<olutiou 
 and death, (the object of hia visit to Point Pleanunt,) all conspired to win 
 lor him the esteem and respect of otliers; while the nntinieiyund perfid- 
 ious manner of his deatii, couscd a deej) and lasting regret to pervadi; tlio 
 lH)Homs even of those who were enemies to bis nation; and excited the 
 just indignation of all towards his inhimian and barbarous murder(>rs." 
 
 Col. fVilson, present at the intervi«(W between the chiefs tuid (Jov. 
 Dunmore in 1774, thus speaks of Cornstock : — " When he arose, he was in 
 no wise confused or daunted, but spoke in a distinct and audible voice, 
 without stammering or repetition, and with peculiar emphasis. His looks, 
 while addressing Dunmore, were trtdy grand and majestic ; yet graceful 
 and attractive. I have heard the first orators in Virginia, — Patrick Henri/ 
 and Richard Henry Lee, — but never have I heard one whose powers of 
 delivery surpassed those of Cornstalk." 
 
 Ten years after the bloody aftiiir above related, an able writer* upon 
 those times says, "The blood of the great Cornstock and of his gallant 
 son was mingled with the dust, but their memory is not lost in oblivion." 
 But how few at this day know of his fate, or even that such a chief ever 
 existed ! and, at the same time, the same persons woidd be indignant, 
 were we to suppose them ignorant of the fate of the monster Pizarro. 
 
 As great a warrior, perhaps, as any who have lived amon;» the nations 
 of tlie west, we shall in the next place proceed to give an account of. This 
 was 
 
 Pontiac, a chief of the Ottaway nation, whose fan^e, in his time, wos 
 not alone confined to his own continent ; but the gazettes of Europe spread 
 it also. 
 
 One who knew this chief, and the tribes over whom he had swny, thus 
 speaks of them in ^705: — "The Indians on the lakes are generally at 
 ])eace with one another, having a wide-extended and fruitl'ul country in 
 their possession. They are formed into a sortof empire, and the emperor 
 is elected from the eldest tribe, which is the Ottawawas, some of whom 
 inhabit near our fort at Detroit, but are mostly further westward, towards 
 the Mississippi. Ponteack is their present king or emperor, who liiis cer- 
 tainly the largest empire and greatest authority of any Indian chief that 
 has appL'ared on the continent since our acquaintance with it. Ife puts 
 on an air of majesty and princely grandeur, and is greatly honored and 
 revered by his sul^jects."t 
 
 In 17G0, Major Rogers marched into his country, in fulfilling his orders 
 of displacing the French, afl:er the fall of Quebec.J Apprized of his 
 a|)proacli, Pontiac sent ambassadors to inform him that their chief was 
 not lar otF, and desired him to halt until he coidd see him "with his own 
 eyes," and that he was lord of the country. 
 
 Pontiac soon met the English ofiicer, and demanded his business into 
 his country, and how it come about that he dared enter it without his 
 permission. When the colonel told liim he had no design against the 
 Indians, and only wished to remove the French, their common enemy, 
 and cause of all their trouble, delivering him at the same time several 
 belts of wampum, Pon/iac replied, "I stand in the path you travel in, 
 until to-moiTow morning," and gave him a belt. This communication 
 was imdcrstood, and " was as much as to say," says the actor, " I must 
 not march further without his leave." Tiie colonel continues : " When 
 he departed for the night, he inquired whether I wanted any thing that 
 
 * In Carei/s Museum, iv. 1 10. 
 
 + Ko^crs\s Account of North Amfricii, extracU'il in tlie Annual Register for 1765. 
 
 i (lutbeis is an Algonquin word, signifying a IStrait. Charlevoix. 
 
C'livp. Ill] 
 
 PONTIAO. 
 
 31 
 
 lonoicd and 
 
 Iter for 1765. 
 
 his cfmiitry anonlcd, nnd [if! did] he woidd H(!iid liis wnrrioi-s to fetch it. 
 1 n.'^Hiircd liiiii tiiat any provisions tlit^y broii^dit slioiild Ih; paid for; and 
 thf! next day wo were tJiipplird by tlit'ni witli several hags of parched 
 corn, and hoim(! other n<Mu;ssarieH. At our seroml meeting, ho gave ino 
 the pipe of jieaee, and Imtli of us hy turns smoked with it; and lie assured 
 UK! Ik; had made; pimire with me and my diuachmt^nt; that I might jiasa 
 through his eouu'ry unmolestfNl, and refu^vO the French garrison ; and 
 that h(! would protect mo and my |)arty from any InsultH that might bo 
 odi-red or intendiMl by the Indians; and, as an earnest of his friendship, 
 he sent 100 warriors to protect and assist us in driving 100 fat cattle, 
 which wo had brouj/ht foi* the use of tlm detachment from Pittsburgh, by 
 the way of Prcsciue-Isle. He attended me constantly after this interview 
 till I arrived at Detroit, and while J remained in the country, and was the 
 means of preserving the detachment from the fury of the Indians, who 
 had U8sernl)lcd at the tnouth of the strait, with an intent to cut us off. I 
 had several conlireuees with him, in which he tl'scovercd great strength 
 of judgment, and u thirst after knowhulge." 
 
 Tiiis same ofticer observes, that he discovered much curiosity at their 
 ef|uipa;jre, and wished to know how their clothes were made, and to learn 
 their mode of war. Ho expressed a willingness to acknowledge the king 
 of I'n^land, though not as his 8ui)erior, but as his uncle, which he would 
 acknowledge, as he was able, in furs. Englanil was much in his thoughts, 
 and he often expressed a desire to sec it. This was very natural, ancl 
 was often observed among other natives, lie lold Col. Roirers that, if ho 
 ^v■ould conduct him there, he would give him a part of his country. 
 
 He was willing to grant the English favor^i, and allow them to settle in 
 his dominions, but not unless he could be viewed as sovereign ; and he 
 gave thetn to midcrstand, that, unless they conducted themselves agree- 
 ably to his wishes, "ho would shut up the way," and keep them out. 
 Hence it is fair, within the scope of the most reasonable conjecture, to 
 conclude, that his final disafft'ction to tiie English was owing to their 
 haughty carriage, and maltreatment of him and his people. 
 
 The principal scenes of his prowess were at Michilinakinak and De- 
 troit. The French finally gave up r)ossossion in Canada, in 17(J0 ; but 
 many of the Indian nations who had become attached to them were 
 taught, at the same time, to hate the English. Pontiac was most conspic- 
 uous in his enmity, although, until he liad united the strength of many 
 tribes to his, he showed groat kindness and friendship towards them. 
 The Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyandots,Pottowaton)ies, Mississagas, 
 Shawanese, Ottagamies, and Winnebagoes, constituted his power, as, in 
 after time, they did that of Tccvmseh, 
 
 There was more system emi)loye(l by this distinguished man than, per- 
 liaps, by any other of his countrymen upon any similar undertaking, not 
 excepting even .'Vfetecomff or Tecumseh. In his war of 1763, wiiich is 
 justly de!iominated " Poriliac's war," he appointed a commissary, and began 
 to make and issue bills of credit, all of which he afterwards carefully re- 
 deemed. He made his bills or notes of bark, on which was drawn the 
 figure of the commodity he wanted for it. The shape of an otter was 
 drawn under that of the article wanted, and an otter was the insignia or 
 arms of his nation. He had also, with great sagacity, urged upon his 
 peo|)le the necessity of dispensing altogether with European commodities, 
 to have no intercourse with any whites, and to depend entirely upon 
 their ancient modes of jn'ocuring sustenance. 
 
 Major Gladwin hold possession of Detroit in 17G3. Having been des- 
 patched tiiither by General .Oinfur.it, h(! had been informed by commis- 
 bioners who had been exi)loring the country, that hostile feelings wero 
 
32 
 
 PONTIAC. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 mar Ifested among the Indians, and he sent men on purpose to ascertain 
 the fact, who, on their return, dissipated all fears. 
 
 Major Roberts was a messenger to Pontine from Col. Rogers, and ♦ook 
 with him, for a present, what he thought would be most agreeable to him, 
 which was a quantity of Veau-ds-vie, i. e. brandy. When it was presented, 
 his men, thinking it to be a stratagem to poihun him, entreated him not to 
 taste of it. But that the English should not in the least apprehend fear or 
 distrust in him, he said to his people present, " It is not possible that this 
 man, who knows my love for him, who is also sensible of the great favors I 
 have done him, can think of taking away my life ;" and, takmg the spirit, 
 drank it with as much apparent confidence of its purity and good effect, 
 as Socrates did his fatal cup. And, adds the historian, " Cent traits d'une 
 elivafion parielle avoientfixi sur Pontheack les yeux des nations sauvages. 
 U vouloit les reunir toutes sous les memes drapeaux, pourfaire respecter leur 
 ierritoire et leur indipendance Des circonstances malheurev^esjirent avortcr 
 ce grand project.''^* 
 
 Several traders had brought news to the fort at Michilimakinak, that 
 the Indians were hostile to the English. Major Etherington commanded 
 the garrison, and would believe nothing of it. A Mr. Ducharme commu- 
 nicated the information to the major, who was much displeased 'tt it, 
 "and threatened to send the next person who should bring a story f f the 
 same kind a prisoner to Detroit."t 
 
 The garrison, at this time, consisted of 90 men, besides twosu' . lenis 
 and the commander-in-chief. There were also at the fort four /Juglish 
 merchants. 
 
 Little regard was paid to the assembling of sundrj ')ands of Indians, as 
 they appeared friendly ; but when nearly 400 of them were scattered up 
 and down throughout the place, " I took the liberty," says Mr. Henry, " of 
 observing to Major Etherington, that, in my judgment, no confidence 
 ought to Le placed in them ; in return, the major only rallied me on my 
 timidity." 
 
 On the fourth of June, the king's birth day, the Indians began, as if to 
 amuse themselves, to play at a favorite game of ball, which they called 
 baggatiway, which is thus described by Mr. Hemy : — " It is played with a 
 bat and ball, the bat being about four feet in length, curved, and terminat- 
 ed in a sort of I'acket. Two posts are placed in the ground, at e consid- 
 erable distance from each other, as a mile or more. Each party has its 
 post, and the game consists in throwing the ball up to the post of the ad- 
 versary. The ball, at the beginning, is placed in the middle of the course, 
 and each party endeavors as well to throw the ball out of the direction of 
 its own post, as into that of the adversary's." This farce drew many off 
 their guard, and some of the garrison went out to witness the sport. 
 
 "The game of baggatiway, (he continues,) as from the descrii)tion 
 above will have been perceived, is necessarily attended with much noise 
 and V -olence. In the ardor of contest, the ball, as has been suggested, if 
 it cannot be thrown to the goal desired, is struck in any direction by 
 which it can be diverted from that designed by the adversary. At such 
 a moment, therefore, nothing could be less liable to excite premature 
 alarm, than that the ball should be tossed over the pickets of the fort, nor 
 that, haviiig fallen there, it should be followed, on the instant, by all en- 
 gaged in the game, as well the one party as the other, all eager, all striv- 
 ing, all shouting, all in the unrestrained pursuit of a rude athletic exer- 
 cise." And thii was their plan, while in the height of their game, to 
 
 * Raijnal, Hist. Pliilos. ct Politicmc, &lc,. ix. 89. ed. fiencva, 1781. 
 
 t Travels in Canada, tiv Alixamlcr ILnnj, Esq., from which the following account of 
 
 *Xvi deslructiou of Michilimakiiiulv is taken. 
 
Ci:ap. III.] 
 
 PONTIAC. 
 
 33 
 
 throw thoir ball within the pickets of the fort, and then all to nish in, and, 
 in the midst of tlieir hubbiil), to murder the garrison ; and it succeeded to 
 thrir wislies. Tliey struck the ball over the stockade, as if by accident, 
 and repeated it several times, running in and out of the fort with all 
 freedom, '' to make the deception more complete ;"* and then, rushing in 
 in every direction, took possession of the place without the least resistance. 
 
 They murdered the soldiers, until their numbers were so diminished, 
 that thoy a|»prchendcd nothing from their resistance ; many of whom 
 were ransomed at Montreal afterwards, at a great price. Seventy were 
 ])ur, to (l(uuh, and the other twenty reserved for slaves. A few days after, 
 a boat from Montreal, without knowing what had happened, came ashore 
 with English jmssengcrs, who all fell into the hands of the Indians. 
 Pontine was not personally concerned in this affair, but it was a part of 
 Iiis design, and, therefore, is very properly here related. A chief named 
 .Mcnehwehnn was the comniander in that affair.t 
 
 It was only 15 days from tlie time the firet blow was struck, before 
 Pontine had taken possession of every garrison in the west except three. 
 No less than 10 were, in this short space, reduced. Detroit alone remain- 
 ed in tiiat distant region, and, as will [)resently be seen, this was brought 
 to the very brink of the most awful precipice of which the imagination 
 can conceive. The names of those captured at this time were Le Boeuf) 
 Venango, Presq' Isle, on or near Lake Erie ; La Bay, upon Lake Michi- 
 gan ; St. Joseph's, upon the river of that name ; Miamis, upon the Miam' 
 River ; Ouachtanon, upon the Ouabache ; Sandusky, upon Lake Junun- 
 dat; and Micliilitnakinak.t 
 
 The garrison at Detroit was closely besieged by Pontiac, in person, 
 before the news of the massacre of Fort Michilimakinak arrived there. It 
 was garrisoned by about 300 men, and when Pontiac came with his war- 
 riors, although in great numbers, they were so intermixed with women 
 and children, and brought so many commodities for trade, that no sus- 
 picion was excited, either in the mind of Major Gladwin, or the inhabit- 
 ants. He encamped a little distance from the fort, and sent to the major 
 to inform him that he was come to trade, and, preparatory thereto, wished 
 to hold a talk with him for the purpose of "brightening the chain of 
 peace" between the E'lgiish and his people. No suspicion was yet en- 
 tertained, and the major readily consented, and the next morning was 
 Hxed upon for the council. 
 
 The same evening, a circumstance transpired which saved the garrison 
 from a dreadful massacre. An Indian woman, who had made a pair of 
 inocoasins for Major Glndwin, out of a curious elk skin, brought them 
 to him, and returned the remainder of the skin. Being much pleased 
 \vith them, the major wished her to take ihe skin and make another pair, 
 !is he had concluded to give the others to a friend, and what was left to 
 make into shoes for herself She was then paid for her work, and dis- 
 missed. But when those whose duty it was to see that the fort was clear 
 of strangers, and to close the gates for the night, went upon' their duty, 
 this woman was found loitering in the area, and, being asked what she 
 wanted, made no reply. The major, being informed of her singular de- 
 jiieanor, directed her to be condu.;ted into his presence, which being 
 done, he asked her why she did not depart before the gates were shut. 
 She replied, with some hesitation, that she did not wish to take away the 
 s'liin, as he set so great a value upon it. This answer was delivered in 
 such a manner, that the major was rather dissatisfied with it, and asked 
 her why she had not made the same objection on taking it in the first 
 
 iijr account of 
 
 * Cairer's Travels, 19. 20. ocllt. 8vo. Lontl. 1784 
 t Henry's Travels, w^ snprz 
 
 \ BoHjitet's Ohio Expedition, Int. iii. 
 
• 1. 
 
 34 
 
 PONTIAC. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 . ! 
 
 place. This rather confused her, and she said that if she took it away 
 now, she never should be able to return it. 
 
 It was now evident that she withheld something which she wished to 
 communicate, but was restrained through fear. But on being assured by 
 Major Gladivin that she should not be betrayed, but should be protec." d 
 and rewarded, if the information was valuable, she said that the chiefs 
 who were to meet him in council the next day had contrived to murder 
 him, and take the garrison, and put all the inhabitants to death. Each 
 chief, she said, would come to the council, with so much cut off of his 
 gun, that he could conceal it under his blanket; that Pontine was to 
 give the signal, while delivering his speech, which was, when he should 
 draw his peace belt of wampum, and present it to the major in a certain 
 inanner ; and that, while the council was sitting, as many of the warriors 
 as could should assemble within the fort, armed in the same manner, 
 under the pretence of trading with the garrison. 
 
 Having got all the information necessary, the woman was discharged, 
 and Major Gladwin had every precaution taken to put the garrison into 
 the best possible state for defence. He imparted the discovery to his 
 men, and instructed them how to act at the approaching council ; at the 
 same time sending to all the tradeis in different directions to be upon 
 their guard. 
 
 The next morning hLving arrived, every countenance wore a different 
 aspect ; the hour of the council was fast approaching, and the quick step 
 and nervous exercise in every evolution of the soldiers were expressive 
 of an approaching event, big with their destiny. It was heightened in 
 the past night, when a cry was heard in the Indian encampment differ- 
 ent from what was usual on peace occasions. The garrison fires were 
 extinguished, and every man repaired to his post. But the cry being 
 heard no more, the remainder of the night was passed in silence. 
 
 The appointed hour often o'clock arrived, and also as punctual arrived 
 Pontiac and his 36 chiefs, followed by a train of warriors. When 
 the stipulated number had entered the garrison, the gates were closed. 
 The chiefs observed attentively the troops under arms, marching from 
 place to place; two columns nearly enclosing the council house, and 
 both facing towards it. On Pontiac's entering it, he demanded of Major 
 Gladwin the cause of so much parade, and why his men were under 
 arms; he said it was an odd manner of holding a council. The major 
 told him it was only to exercise them. The Indians being seated upon 
 the skins prepared for them, Pontiac commenced his speech, and when 
 he came to the signal of presenting the belt, the governor and his attend- 
 ants drawing their swords half out of their scabbards, and the soldiers 
 clinching their guns with firmness, discovered to the chiefs, by their pe- 
 culiar attitudes, that their plot was discovered. Pontiac, with all his 
 bravery, turned pale, and every chief showed signs of astonishment. To 
 avoid an open detection, the signal in pa«onig the belt was not given, and 
 Pontiac closed his speech, which contained many professions of respect 
 and affection to the English. But when Major Gladtvin commenced his, 
 he did not fail directly to reproach Pontiac with treachery ; told him he 
 could not do an_ thing to ensnare the English, and that he knew his 
 whole diabolical plan. Pontiac tried to excuse himself, and to make 
 Major Gladtvin believe that he had laid no plot ; upon which the major 
 stepped to the chief nearest himself, and, drawing aside his blanket, ex- 
 posed his short gun, which completed their confusion. 
 
 The governor, for such was Major Gladwin, ordered Pontiac to leave 
 the fort immediately, for it would be with difficulty he could restrain his 
 men from cutting him in pieces, should they know the circumstances. 
 The governor was afterwards blamed for thus suffering them to with- 
 
Chap. III.] 
 
 PONTIAC. 
 
 35 
 
 me manner, 
 
 draw, without retaining several of them as hostages for the quiet beha- 
 vior of the rest ; but he, having passed his word that they should come 
 and go without hinderance or restraint, merited, perhaps, less censure for 
 keeping it, and respecting his honor, than those who reproached him. 
 
 A furious attack was the next day made upon the fort. Every strata- 
 gem was resorted to. At one time they filled a cart with combustibles, 
 and run it against the pickets, to set them on fire. At another, they were 
 about to set fire to the church, by shooting fiery arrows into it ; but re- 
 ligious scruples averted the execution, — a French priest telling Pontiac 
 that it would call down the anger of God upon him. They had fre- 
 quently, during the siege, endeavored to cut down the pickets so as to 
 make a breach. Major Gladwin ordered his men, at last, to cut on the 
 inside at the same Mnie, and assist them. This was done, and when a 
 breach was made, there was a rush upon the outside towards the breach, 
 and at the same instant, a brass four pounder, which had been levelled 
 for the purpose, was shot oflT, which made a dreadful slaughter among 
 them. After this they merely blockaded the fort, and cut off its supplies, 
 and the English were reduced to the greatest distress, and for some time 
 subsisted upon half rations. 
 
 There was great difficulty in throwing succor into the garrison at De- 
 troit, as there was such an extent of country between it and the other 
 most western posts, in possession of the English. Fort Pitt and Niagara 
 had been besieged, and all communication for a long time cut off; the 
 former had been reduced to great extremities, but they were at length re- 
 lieved by Col. Bouquet. Capt. Dalyell was at the same time sent for the 
 relief of Detroit, where he arrived on 29 July, 1763.* A bloody scene 
 was shortly to follow. Captain Dalyell, with 247 men, went out of the 
 fort to surprise Pontiac in his camp ; but the wary chief had runners out, 
 who gave him timely notice, and he met them in an advantageous place, 
 and, being vastly superior in numbers, and concealed behind a picket 
 fence, near a bridge where the English were to pass, poured in upon 
 them a dreadful fire. Many fell at the first onset, but they kept their 
 order, and exerted themselves to regain the bridge they had just passed. 
 They effected their purpose, but many fell in the attempt, among whom 
 was Captain Dalyell. The famous Major Rogers, the second in command, 
 and Lieut. Brehm, with about 200 others, recovered the fort. This bridge, 
 where so many brave men were slainf is called to this day Bloody Bridge. 
 
 Pontiac ordered the head of Captain Dalyell to be cut off and set upon 
 a i)Ost. Between eighty and a hundred dead bodies were counted upon 
 the bridge the next morning, which entirely blocked up its passage. 
 
 Having been put in possession of the official return of Sir Jeffery Am- 
 herst, minutely detailing this affair, we will lay it before the reader, as it 
 appeared at that time : — 
 
 " On the evening of the 30th of July, Captain Dalyell, aid-de-camp to 
 General Amherst, being arrived here with the detachment sent undei' his 
 command, and being mlly persuaded that Pontiac, the Indian chief, with 
 his tribes, would soon abandon his design, and retire, insisted with the 
 commandant, that they might easily be surprised in their camp, totally 
 routed, and driven out of the settlement ; and it was thereupon determin- 
 ed, that Captain Dalyell should march out with 247 men. Accordingly, 
 we marched about half an hour after two in the morning, two deep, alonf^ 
 the great road by the river side, two boats up the river along shore, witn 
 a imtteraro in each, with orders to keep up with the line of march, cover 
 our retreat, and take off' our killed and wounded ; Lieutenant Bean, of the 
 Qiteen'5 Independents, being ordered, with a rear guard, to convey tlie dead 
 
 * Bouquets Expedition, Introd, iv. 
 
36 
 
 PONTIAC. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 and wounded to the boats. About a mile and a half from the fort, we 
 had orders to form into platoons, and, if attacked in the front, to fire by 
 street-firings. We then advanced, and, in about a mile farther, our ad- 
 vanced guard, commanded by Lieut. Brown, of the 55th regiment, had 
 been fired upon so close to the enemy's breastworks and cover, that the 
 fire, being very heavy, not only killed and wounded some of his party, 
 but reached the main body, which put the whole into a little confusion ; 
 but they soon recovered their order, and gave the enemy, or rather their 
 works, it being very dark, a discharge or two from the front, commanded 
 by Captain Gray. At the same time, the rear, commanded by Captain 
 Grant, were fired upon from a house, and some fences about twenty 
 yards on his left ; on which he ordered his own and Captain Hopkins'a 
 companies to face to the lefl:, and give a full fire that way. After which, 
 it appearing that the enemy gave way eveiy where. Captain Dalycll sent 
 orders to Captain Grant, to take possession of the above-said houses and 
 fences ; which he immediately did ; and found in one of the said houses 
 two men, who told him, the enemy had been there long, and were well 
 apprized of our design. Captain Grant then asked them the numbei's ; 
 they said, above 300 ; and that they intended, as soon as they had attack- 
 ed us in the front, to get between us and the fort; which Captain Grant 
 told Captain Dalycll, who came to him when the firing was over. And 
 in about an hour after, he came to him again, and told Captain Grant he 
 was to retire, and ordered him to march in the front, and post himself in 
 an orchard. He then marched, and about half a mile farther on his re- 
 treat, he had some shot« fired on his flank ; but got ])ossession of the or- 
 chard, which was well fenced ; and just as he got there, he heard a warm 
 firing in the rear, having, at the same time, a firing on his own post, from 
 the fences and corn-fields behind it. Lieutenant JWDougal, who acted 
 as adjutant to the detachment, came up to him, (Captain Grant,) and told 
 him, that Captain Dalyell was killed, and Captain Gray very much wound- 
 ed, in making a push on the enemy, and forcing th ^vi out of a strong 
 breastwork of cord wood, and an intrenchment which they had tal.^n 
 possession of; and that the conunand then devolved upon him. Lieut. 
 Bean immediately came up, and told him, that Captain Rogers had de- 
 sired him to tell Captain Grant, that he had taken possession of a house, 
 and that he had better retire with what numbers he had, as he (Captain 
 Rogers) could not get off without tllfe boats to cover him, he being hard 
 pushed by the enemy from tiie enclosures behind him, some of which 
 scoured the road through which he must retire. Captain Grant then 
 sent Ensign Pauli, with 20 men, back to attack a part of the enemy which 
 annoyed his own post a little, and galled those that were joining hinj, 
 from the place where Captain Dalyell was killed, and Captain Gray, 
 Lieutenants Brotvn and Duke, were wounded ; which Ensign Pauli did, 
 and killed some of the enemy in their flight. Captain Grant, at the same 
 time, detached all the men he could get, and took possession of the enclo- 
 sures, barns, fences, &c. bading from his own jiost to the fort, which 
 posts he reinforced with t'.io oflicers and men as they came up. Think- 
 ing the retreat then secured, 'le sent Lack to Captain Rogers, desiring he 
 would come ofl'; that the rci'-ef; was quite secured, and the difterent 
 parties ordered to cover one another successively, until the whole had 
 joined ; but Captain Rogers not finding it ritrlit to risk the loss of more 
 men, he chose to wait for the armed boatt-, one of which a|)i)eared soon, 
 commanded by Lieutenant Brehin, whom Captain Grant had directed to 
 go and cover Captain Rogers^s nUreat, who was in the next house. Lieut. 
 JJrchm accordingly went, and fired several shots at the enemy. Liei'f. 
 Ahhott, with the other boat, wanting annnunition, went down with Capt. 
 Gray. Lieutenant Brown and some wounded men returned also, which 
 
[Book V. 
 
 le fort, we 
 to fire by 
 er, our ad- 
 iment, had 
 n; that tlie 
 [ liis ])arty, 
 confusion ; 
 ather their 
 oinmanded 
 by Captain 
 out twenty 
 n Hopkins's 
 iter which, 
 Dalycll sent 
 houses and 
 said houses 
 I were well 
 e nurnbei-s; 
 had attack- 
 iptain Grant 
 over. And 
 lin Grant lie 
 It himself in 
 ;r on his re- 
 n of the or- 
 eard a warm 
 m post, from 
 I, who acted 
 mt,) and told 
 luch wound- 
 of a strong 
 y liad taL:)n 
 lim. Lieut. 
 rers had de- 
 of a house, 
 he (Captain 
 e being hard 
 le of which 
 Grant then 
 neniy which 
 joining him, 
 aptain Gray, 
 n Pauli did, 
 , at the same 
 of the enclo- 
 fort, which 
 up. Think- 
 , desiring he 
 the different 
 whole had 
 Hoss of more 
 ipeared soon, 
 directed to 
 house, liieut. 
 licmy. LieiM. 
 wUh Capt. 
 also, which 
 
 Chap. III.J 
 
 PONTIAC. 
 
 37 
 
 Captain Grant supposes the enemy seeing, did not wait her arrival, but 
 retired on Lieutenmit Brehm's firing, and gave Captain Rogers, with the 
 rear, an opportunity to come oft*: so that the whole from the different posts 
 joined without any confusion, and marched to tlie fort in good order, 
 covered by the armed boats on the water side, and by our own parties on 
 the country side, in view of the enemy, who had all joined, and were 
 much stronger than at the beginning of the affair, as was afiierwards told 
 us by some prisoners that made their escape ; many having joined them 
 from the other side the river, and other places. The whole arrived at 
 the fort about eight o'clock, commanded by Captain Grant, whose able 
 and skilful retreat is highly commended. 
 
 Return of killed and wounded of the several detachments near the Detroit, 
 
 Jidy 31, 1763. 
 
 55th Regiment. — 1 serjeant, 13 rank and file, killed ; 1 captain, 2 lieu- 
 tenants, 1 drummer, 28 rank and file, wouiiued. 
 Royal Americans. — 1 rank and file, killed ; 1 rank and file, loounded. 
 80th Regiment. — 2 rank and file, killed ; 3 rank and file, wounded. 
 Q^ueen's Rangers. — 2 rank and file, killed ; 1 rank, and file, wounded. 
 
 JVames of the Officers. 
 
 55th Regiment. — Captain Gray, Lieutenant Luke, and Lieutenant 
 Brown, wounded. 
 JV. B. Captain Daly ell, killed, not included in the above. 
 
 kiUed. wounded. 
 
 Captain, 1 
 
 Lieutenants, 2 
 
 Serjeant, 1 
 
 Drummer, 1 
 
 Rank and file, 18 38 
 
 Total, 19 
 
 48" 
 
 Hence it appears that the accounts hitherto circulated of this famous 
 action contain material errors ; at least, they differ materially from that 
 furnished by those engaged in it. 
 
 About this time several small vessels fell into the hands ofPontiac, which 
 were destined to supply the garrison, and the men were cruelly treated. 
 The garrison was in great straits, both from the heavy loss of men, as 
 well as from want of provisions and continual watching. In this time 
 of despondency, there arrived near the fort a schooner, which brought 
 them supplies of provisions, but nothing of this kind could be landed 
 without Pontiac's knowledge, and he determined, if possible, to seize the 
 schooner ; a detachment made the attempt, and, to save herself, the vessel 
 was obliged to tack short about, and proceed in an opposite direction. 
 Tile Indians followed her in canoes, and, by continually firing into her, 
 killed almost every man, and at length boarded her. As they were 
 climbing up the sides and shrouds in every quarter, the captain, having 
 determined not to fall into their hands alive, ordered the gunner to set 
 fire to the magazine, and blow all up together. This was heard by a 
 Huron chief, who understood enough English to know what was going 
 forward, and instantly communicated it to his followers. They disen- 
 gaged themselves from the vessel as fiist as possible, and fled from her in 
 a great fright, at considerable distance. Meantime the crew took the ad- 
 
' \'l 
 
 38 
 
 CAPTAIN PIPE. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 vantage of a wind, and arrived safe back to the fort. In the pursuit of 
 the vessel, the Indians discovered extreme temerity, often coniing ko dose 
 to the schooner as to be severely burned by tlie disciiarge of her guns. 
 
 Many other circumstances are related of this famous siege, but it is 
 believed the preceding are all that are well authtuticated. 
 
 Pontiac having invested Detroit now for about twelve months, and the 
 news having been carried to various parts of the British empire, exten- 
 sive preparations were matle to put down the Indian power. Aware ol" 
 the movements of General Bradstreet, who was proceeding for Dciroit 
 with an army of 3000 men, he gave up, and sued for peace, which was 
 granted him, and his warriors retired to their hunting grounds. lie seems 
 now to have laid aside all resentment against the Enghsh, and becamt! 
 tiieir friend ; and to reward his attachment, the government granted him a 
 liberal pension. But it is reported that he became suspected afterwards, 
 and as he was going to hold a council among the Indians in lilinoiH, as 
 an agent for the English, a spy attended him to observe his conduct ; 
 and that, in a speech, he betrayed the English, and discovered his former 
 enmity against them. When he had finislied, the Indian who had ac- 
 com])anied him plunged a knife into his breast, and tlius ended the days 
 of a chief who has been renowned for singular sagacity, daring courage, 
 great spirit of command, and indeed numerous other qualities, found only 
 in those born to be great. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 Capt. Pipe — Situation of affairs on the frontiers at the period of the revo- 
 lution — Sad condition of the Moravian Indians at this period — Half-king 
 enframes to take them to Canada — His speech to them — They remonstrate — 
 Half-king inclines not to molest them, bid Capt. Pipe's counsel prevails, 
 ana they are seized — Pipe's conduct thereupon — Missionaries taken to 
 Detroit and examined — Pipe loent to accuse thevi — Changes his conduct 
 towards them, and they are acquitted — Remarkable deliverance — Capt. 
 White-eyes, or Koquethagaeehlon, opposes the conduct of Pipe — His 
 speech to his people — Col. Broadhead's expedition — Bndal massacre of a 
 chief — Pachgantscihilas — Surpiisesthe rnissicnaries — His speechtothevi 
 — Treats them with great kindness — Geleleme.nd — Buokongahelas — 
 Murder of Major Trueman and others disapproved by him — His speech to 
 the murderers — In the battle of Presque-lsle — His death — His great intre- 
 pidity — Further particulars of Capt. Pipe — His famous speech — Expedi- 
 tion and defeat of Col. Crawford, who was taken pnsoner and burnt at the 
 stake — Chiktommo--Tom-lewis— Messiiaw A— Ki>g-crajVE— Little- 
 turtle — Defeats Gen. St. Claires army — Incidents in that affair — lAltle- 
 turtle's opinion of Gen. Wayne — Visits Philadelphia — His interview with 
 C. F. Volney — Anecdotes — Blue-jacket — Defeated by Gen. Wayne in 
 the battle of Prcsque-Isle. 
 
 Pipe, or Captain Pipe,* as he is usually called, from his having been a 
 most conspicuous war-captain among the Delawares, during the period 
 of the revolution, in particular, was chief of the Wolf tribe. His charac- 
 ter is a very prominent one, in the memorable troubles among the frontier 
 settlements, at the breaking out of the war. Situated as were the Dela- 
 
 * A thief of this name signed a treaty at Fort Greenville, in 1814, with 112 others, 
 by which it seems the Delawares perpetuated it. It followed that of Wliite-eyes. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 pursuit of 
 ng HO close 
 er giuis. 
 e, but it is 
 
 lis, and the 
 pire, exten- 
 
 Awure of 
 for Detroit 
 whicli was 
 
 lie seems 
 ind became 
 mted him a 
 atterwanls, 
 I Illinois, as 
 is conduct ; 
 I liis former 
 ho had ac- 
 id the days 
 ng courage, 
 I, found only 
 
 Chap. IV.] 
 
 CAPTAIN PIPE. 
 
 39 
 
 I of the revo- 
 — Half-king 
 cmonstrate — 
 isel prevails, 
 ies taken to 
 I his conduct 
 'ance — Copt, 
 f Pipe— His 
 lassacre of a 
 speechtothem 
 
 SGAHELAS — 
 
 iis speech to 
 s great intre- 
 ch — Expedi- 
 hiirnt at the 
 
 JE— LlTTLE- 
 
 fair—Littlc- 
 nterview with 
 Wayne in 
 
 ving been a 
 tlie period 
 
 His cliarac- 
 the frontier 
 
 re the Dela- 
 
 nth 112 others, 
 ite-eyes. 
 
 wares between the English of Canada and the Americans, it was hardly 
 to be expected but that tiiey should be drawn into that war. They could 
 not well weigh its merits or demerits upon eitlier side. A speech of the 
 renowned Corn-plant contains the best conunentary upon this matter. 
 The English stood much the best chance of gaining the Indians to their 
 interest, inasmuch as they were profuse in their presents of what was 
 useful to them, as well as ornamental, whereas the Americans recjuired 
 all their resources to carry on the war. The commanding officer at De- 
 troit, believing that the Moravian Indians upon the Susquehannah 
 lavored the Americans, ordered them, dead or alive, with their priests, to 
 be brought into Canada. The Iroquois agreed that it should be done, but, 
 unwilling to do it themselves, sent messengers to the Chippeways and 
 Oltawas, to intimate that if they would do it, "they should have them to 
 make soup of." These two tribes, however, retused, and the Half-king of 
 tlie Hurons undertook it himself. He had been formerly very friendly 
 to the believing Indians, an(:. now pretended that he only concluded to 
 8(uze upon them, to save them from destruction ; and, Mr. Loskiel adds, 
 " even the Half-king would certainly never have agreed to commit this 
 act of injustice, had not the Delaware, Capt. Pipe, a noted enemy of the 
 gospel and of the believing Indians, instigated him to do it." Pipe and 
 his company of Delawai'es, joined by Half-king and his warriors, and 
 some Slmwanese, held a war-feast, roasted a whole ox, and agreed upon 
 the ma' ler of proceeding. The captains only of this expedition knew 
 fully its destination. With such secrecy did they proceed, that the Mora- 
 vian settlements knew nothing of their approach, until they were in their 
 vicinity. They bore an English flag, and an English officer was among 
 tliem. It was now 10 August, 1781. Half-king sent in a message to 
 Salem, requesting the inhabitants not to be alarmed, for they should 
 receive no injury, and that he had good words to speak to tliem, and 
 wished to know at which of the settlements they might hold a council 
 with them. Gnadenhuetten being fixed upon, all assembled there upon 
 11 August. 
 
 Meanwhile, the numbere of Pipe's expedition had increased from 140 
 to 300, and about 10 days after, Half-king made the following speech to 
 the believing Indians and their teachers : — 
 
 "Cousins: ye believing Indians in Gnadenhuetten, Schoenbrunn, and 
 Salem, I am much concerned on your account, perceiving that you live 
 in a very dangerous spot. Two powerful, angry and merciless gods 
 stand ready, opening their jaws wide against each other : you are sitting 
 down between both, and thus in danger of being devoured and ground to 
 powder by the teeth of either one or the other, or both. It is therefore 
 not adv-isable for you to stay here any longer. Consider your young 
 j)eoi)le, your wives, and your children, and preserve their lives, for here 
 they must all perish. I therefore take you by the hand, lift you up, and 
 place you in or near my dwelling, where you will be safe and dwell in 
 peace. Do not stand looking at your plantations and houses, but arise, 
 and follow me! Take also your teachers [priests] with you, and worship 
 God in the place to which I shall lead you, as you have been accustomed 
 to do. You shall likewise find provisions, and our father beyond the 
 lake [the governor at Detroit,] will care for you. This is my message, 
 and I am come hither purposely to deliver it." 
 
 The brethren, after taking this into consideration, remonstrated, in feel- 
 ing language, against such an immediate removal ; saying they did not 
 concc^ive that the danger was so great, as, moreover, they were at peace 
 with all men, and took no part in the war, and that it would bring famine 
 and distress upon them, to set out before their harvest witli nothing in 
 their hands, but that they would keep and consider his words, and would 
 
40 
 
 CAPTAIN PIPE. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 answer hiPi tlie next winter. It was supposed that Half-king was willing 
 to comply, but for the importunity of Pipe and the English captain. 
 
 This afiair eventuated in the seizure of the missionaries and their 
 remeval to Sandusky, as has been written in the account of Glikhikan. 
 
 Capt. Pipe now publicly boasted of his exploit, and said the Indians 
 and their priests were his slaves. They had had but a moment's repose at 
 Sandusky, when the governor at Detroit ordered Capt. Pipe to conduct 
 them to him. They were glad of an opportunity of seeing the governor 
 face to face, believing they could convince him that they had never 
 nssi'ted the Americans, and accordingly attended Pipe thither. Here the 
 missionaries Zeisberg',. Seruieman, Heckewelder and Edwards had to 
 tiwait a kind of *''-iI, unu Pipe was the evidence against them. On the 
 9 November, t - ■ *v'. ■ • e.xamination came on, and Capt. Pipe appear- 
 ed, and spoke as ' ; iwt Father, you have commanded us to bring the be- 
 liexnng Indians ai^ *\eir tf"'.^ ers from the Muskngum. This has been 
 done. When we had brought '.. i ,i, to Sandusky, yov ordered us to bring their 
 teachers and some of their chiefs unto you. Here you see them before you: 
 now you may speak vnth them yourself , as you haoe desired. But I hope 
 you ivill speak good words unto them, yea I tell you, speak good words unto 
 them, for they are my friends, and I should be sorry to see them ill used." 
 The governor then repeated to Pipe the charges lie had formerly urgfld 
 against the brethren, and called on him to prove his assertions. Tlie 
 chief secired now evidently confused, and said such things might have 
 hapj)ened, but they would do so no more, for tliey were now at Detroit. 
 This did not satisfy the governor, and he peremptorily demanded that 
 Pipe should answer positively to the point. This caused him still greater 
 embarrassment, and he asked his counsellors what he should say, but 
 each held down his head in silence, and this occasioned his choosing the 
 only wise course, and he thus ingenuously spoke : " / said before, that 
 some such thing might have happened, but now I will tell you the plain truth. 
 The missionaries are innocent. They have done nothing of themselves: 
 what they have done, they were compelled to do. lam to blame, and the chiefs 
 that were with me in Goschachguenk : we have forced them to do it,ivhentfiey 
 refused." The governor now declared them innocent, in the presence or 
 the court, and they were permitted to return to their brethren. 
 
 One circumstance, illustrative of savage superstition, we will notice 
 here. When Pipe's warriors were about to force the brethren to leave 
 their dwellings, it was almost unanimously concluded at one time by the 
 chiefs, that the white brethren should be put to death. They, however, 
 would not adventure upon such a deed without the advice of one of their 
 common warriors, who was considered a great sorcerer. His answer 
 was, "he could not understand what end it would answer to kill them." 
 Upon this, the chiefs held a council, in which it was resolved to kill not 
 only the. white brethren and their wives, but the Indian assistants also. 
 When they made this resolution known to the sorcerer, he said to them, 
 "Then you have resolved to kill my friends ; for most of their chief peo- 
 ple are my friends: but this I tell yon, that if you hurt any one of them, 
 I know what I will do !" This threat deterred them : thus were the 
 missionaries as well as many others saved. 
 
 It is stated by Mr. Heckewelder, that, notwithstanding Capt. Pipe was so 
 eager for the war before its commencement, he soon became sorry for it 
 afterwards. This might have been the case ; and yet he was one of the 
 most efficient enemies of the Americans after the peace, as will elsewhere 
 appear. Ca|)t. While-eyes, or Koquethagaeehlon, which was his Indian 
 name,* was liis [)articular friend, and they were both great men of tho 
 
 * According to 3Ir. Heckewelder. His residence was at the mouth of the Big Beaver, 
 
[Book V. 
 
 Chap. IV. ] 
 
 CAPTAIN PIPE 
 
 41 
 
 vns willing 
 plain. 
 
 and their 
 ikhikan. 
 le Indians 
 s repose at 
 to conduct 
 3 governor 
 had never 
 
 Here the 
 ds had to 
 n. On the 
 ipe appear- 
 iring the be- 
 is has been 
 3 hing their 
 before you : 
 But I hope 
 
 ivords unto 
 rn ill used." 
 nerly urged 
 tions. Tlie 
 might have 
 { at Detroit, 
 landed that 
 I still greater 
 uld say, but 
 ;hoosing the 
 ; before, that 
 ! plain truth. 
 ' themselves: 
 \nd the chiefs 
 
 it,tvhenth€y 
 
 presence of 
 
 will notice 
 
 |-en to leave 
 
 time by the 
 
 [y, however, 
 
 lone of their 
 
 iHis answer 
 
 kill them." 
 
 to kill not 
 
 [istants also. 
 
 |id to them, 
 
 chief peo- 
 
 le of them, 
 
 is were the 
 
 'ipc was so 
 I sorry for it 
 
 one of the 
 111 elsewhere 
 
 his Indian 
 tnen of the 
 
 1 Big Beaver, 
 
 Delaware nation, having been nearly alike distinguished by tlieircourage 
 on many occasions. No one could have more at heart llic welfare of their 
 country, than Capt. White-eyes had that of the Delaware nation, and it is 
 not pretended, but that as much should Ik; said of (^'apt. Pipe ; but they 
 were dift'erontly circumstanced, and the former was ojien and fearless in 
 his declarations in favor of the Auiericans, while the latter s(!eretly fivor- 
 ed the British. Thus they were unwillingly opposed to each other, and 
 for about two years, one by his fraidiuess and tlie other by his clandestine 
 operations, strove to unite and strengthen their res|)Octivc' [)nrties. 
 
 Meanwhile a circumstance happruied, which Capt. Pipe seized u])on 
 for declaring war. jyTKee, Elliot, Girly, and several others, had been held 
 at Pittsburg as tories. Early in the s|)ring of 1778, they made an escape, 
 and fled into the Indian country, and, as they went, proclaimed to that 
 ])e()ple, that the Americans had determined to destroy them ; that there- 
 fore their only safety consisted in repelling them ; that they • ist fly to 
 arms, and flglit them in every jilace. Pipe, being rather incli d t ^ war, 
 believed all that those exasperated fugitives said ; while, on die itlier 
 hand, tVhite-eyes woulil give no credit to them. Having got lany :.>< his 
 men together, Capt. Pipe addressed them with great earnestness, and 
 with grf-at force of oratory said, " Evenj man is an enemy to his country, 
 who findeavors to persuade us against fghling the Americans, av ' all such 
 oright surely to be put to death" Capt. ffldle-eyes was not idle, and at th(! 
 same time had assembled the people of his tribe, and t' • sid)stance of 
 what he said was, "that if they [any of his warriors] ?net . in earnest to 
 go Old, as he observed some of them were preparing to do, they should not go 
 tvithout him. He had, he said, taken peace measures in order to save the 
 nation from utter destruction. But if they believed that he was in the wrong, 
 and gave more credit to vagabond fugitives, whom he knew to be such, than 
 to himself, who tvas best acquainted ivith the real state of things ; if they had 
 determined to follow their advice, and go out against the Americans,he would 
 go out with them ; but not like the bear hunter, who sets the dogs on the ani- 
 mal to be beaten about with his paws, tvhile he keeps at a safe distance ; no ! 
 he woidd lead them on, place himself in the front, and he the first who chould 
 fall. They only had to determine on what they meant to do ; as for his own 
 mind, it was fully made up, not to survive his nation ; and he tooidd riot 
 spend the remainder of a miserable life, in bewailing the total destruction of 
 a brave people, who deserved a belter fate. " 
 
 This speech was spoken with a pathos and in a manner calcidated to 
 touch the hearts of all who listened to it, and its impression was such, 
 that all unanimously came to the determination to obey its instructions 
 and orders, and to hear or receive directions from no other person, of any 
 nation or color, but Capt. White-eyes. 
 
 At the same time, Capt. Wfiite-eyes, in order to counteract, as much as 
 })ossil)le, the evil counsel of the while m(!n just mentioned, desj)atehed 
 runners to the Shawanese towns on the Scioto, where these impostors 
 had gone, with the following speech : " Grandchildren, ye Shawanese, 
 some days ago, a flock of birds, that had come on from the east, lit at Gos- 
 chochking, imposing a song of theirs upon us, which song had nigh proved 
 our ruin. Shoidd these birds, which on leaving us, took thnr fight towards 
 Scioto, endeavor to impose a song on you likcivise, do not listen to them, for 
 they lie .'" 
 
 A knowledge of the proceedings of Capt. White-eyes having reached 
 Pipe, he knew not what course to take, and, wiiilo thus eonfounded, a kind 
 and conciliatory message was received in the Delaware nation, from the 
 American agent of Indian affairs at Pittsburg. It particularly cautioned 
 the people of that nation " not to hearken to those wicked and wortldesa 
 men, who had run away from their friends in the night, and to be assured of 
 4* 
 

 •i 
 
 42 
 
 CAPTAIN piri:. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 Ihe real friendship of thr Unilcd Slrtlcn." This romi>lrtc'(l Pipe\<t confu- 
 sion. IJut uflcr p(/ii(loririg u wliilo upon tin; \vronf,'s to wliich liis roiin- 
 trynien iiiul for u lonjj time been hiil)ioctcd, liko tlie Hucliein of the Wutn- 
 imnoHf,'H, lie perniittcd his waniors to go out, untl Hur|)risc,und murder ull 
 the Amoricjuis they eould hiy their iiands upon. 
 
 Blood having now bcgmi to flow, burharitics followed in (|ui('k sncros- 
 «ion. I'arly in the spring of 1781, Col. liroadhtad arrived near the Mora- 
 vian town of Salem, and notified the inhabitantH that he wan on an expe- 
 dition against the hostile Indians, and gave them that timely notice that 
 they might eolleet their p(!opIe, if any were abroad, that they n:ight not 
 betaken lor enemies. "However," says Mr. Ihcktwdder, "whilst tlio 
 colonel was assiu'ing mc that our Indians had nothing to fear, an oflirer 
 <'ame with great speed from one (piarter of the camp, and reported that h 
 particidar division of the njilitia 'were i)reparing to break ofV for tho 
 purpose of destroying the Moravian settlements n|» the river, and he 
 feared they could not be restrained from so doing.'" They were, how- 
 ever, by tho exertions of the commander in cliief, aided by Col. Slicphcnl, 
 of VVheoling, prevented from their murderous design. Thus thesi! Chris- 
 tian Indians were situated precisely like many of those of N. E. in Phil- 
 ip's war. But we have no instance to record, of the latter, e(|ual iti extent, 
 lor diabolical atrocity, to that of the-massacre of (juadeidiuetten, elsewhere 
 mentioned. 
 
 JMeanwhilc Col. Broadhead proceeded to Coshocton, a hostile settle- 
 ment near the forks of the Muskingum ; and with such secrecy did he 
 proceed, that not a person escaped. How many fell into the hands of the 
 army is not mentioned ; bit, not long after, 10 warriors were ])iit to death 
 with shocking manifestations of depravity. There accompanied Col. 
 Broadhead's army a Delaware cliief named Pelnllon.* Sixteen of the 
 captive warriors were designated by him as |)erpeirators of murders, and 
 they were forthwith tomahawked and scalped. They were executed 
 pursuant to the decree of a court-martial. 
 
 Some extenuation has been urged for this revolting transaction, and 
 that alone in which, perhaps, the mind can find any relief. But a short 
 time before Broadhcad^s exj)edition, a large Indian force, called by the 
 whites an army, collected, and set out for the destruction of North-western 
 Virginia. This army was divided into two parts, and their expectations 
 were wrought iij) to a very high degree, which, when suddenly blasted, 
 wcie clianged into rage and fury. Having, in their march, taken a largo 
 iiumber of captive^, they retreated to a place of safety, and there tied them 
 to trees and put them to death in their barbarous maimer. This massacre 
 was, however, confined to their male prisoners. Fathers, in j)resence of 
 their families, were led forth to execution, amid tears and lamentations, 
 which no creature but infuriated man could withstand. This barbarity 
 was the more aggravating, when it was contemplated that those who fell 
 into their hands bad made no resistance ! Nothing, therefore, like just 
 retribution was to be expected from an army of frontier militia, when 
 vengeance was the only i)ursuit. 
 
 After every thing had been destroyed in the Indian country tlirough 
 which the Americans passed, they returned to Pittsburg. Before leaving 
 Coshocton, a shocking circumstance occurred, which alone was sufficient 
 to have tarnished the most brilliant exploits. An Indian came to the side 
 of the river over against the encampment, and called to the sentinels, who 
 asked him what he wanted. He answered that he wished to see the big 
 captain, (the name by which Indians commonly designate the commander 
 it chief.) Col. Broadhead appeared, and asksd him what he wanted 
 
 * The same who, afterwards, as I conclude, was a party to Waijne's treaty. 
 
Chap. IV] 
 
 PETCIIF.NANAI.AS. 
 
 43 
 
 who roplind, " To viake peace.^^ TIkmi, said thfi rolonol, send over snino 
 of'yoiir oliiefH. Tlie Iiiduiii iiit(!iTo;.'ativ«'ly Hiiid, '■'■Mnxf be you kill/" No, 
 said tlit^ cul()ii(!l, thoy sliall conin and go in safety. II(;n>n|)oii a chiof of 
 most elegant uppeuranc'e crossed to the encampment, and — 1 hesitatt! to 
 relate it — while this chief was conversing with the colonel, a monster, of 
 the militia, catno np, and with a tomahawk, which he had concealed in 
 his clothes, laid him dead with a single stroke!* Thus the peace which 
 might have been concluded was unhappily suspended, and the \\ ,ir after- 
 ward^ might well liuve been expected to exhibit scones no less bloody 
 than before. 
 
 A chief, calhid Pach<ranlschihilas, distinguished himself upon the fron- 
 tiers, inmicdiately upon the retreat of Col. lirondhentCs army; not as 
 many others have, but by magnanimity and address, llo was, according 
 to Mr. Hcckewcl(lei;\ the head war chief of the Delaware nation. And 
 subse(jnently his name was set to many treaties between liis nation and 
 the United States, from that of G(!n. ff'aijne at Greenville to that of St. 
 Clary's in 1818: if, indeed, Petchcnanalu3,Bukongclielaji, and SG\cral other 
 variations, stand fur the same jjerson. 
 
 PetckenantUas, ut the head of 80 warriors, appeared suddenly at Gna- 
 denhuetten, surrounding it before day, allowing no one a chance for escape. 
 Not knowing his object, the people were tilled with terror. lUit ho soon 
 dispelled their fears, by telling them that he came to take the chief Gele- 
 leincml, and a few otiier head men, whom he would have, either dead or 
 alive. As it happened, not one of those he sought aller was there at 
 the time. Having satisfied himself of this fact, the chief demanded that 
 deputies from the three Christian towns should meet to hear what he had 
 to say to them. When the deputies and others had met, he spoke to them 
 as follows: — 
 
 " Frienda and kinsmen, listen to what I say to you. You see a great 
 and powerful nation divided. You see the father fighting against the son, 
 and the son against the futlier. — The father has called on his Indian chil- 
 dren to assist him in punishing his childreji, the Americans, who have 
 become refractory. I took time to consider what I should do ; whether 
 or not I should receive the hatchet of my father, to assist him. At first I 
 looked upon it as a family quarrel, in which I was not interested. At 
 length it ap|)eared to me, that the father was in the right, and his children 
 deserved to be punished a little. — That this nuist l)e the case, I concluded 
 from the many cruel acts his oflspring had committed, from time to time, 
 on his Indian children — in encroaching on their lands, stealing their 
 properly — shooting at and mardering without cause, men, women, and 
 children: — yes, even murdering those, who at all times had been friendly 
 to them, and were placed for protection under the roof of their father's 
 house ;| the father himself standing sentry at the door, at the time ! — ■ 
 Friends and relatives, often has the fiither been obliged to settle and make 
 amends for the wrongs and mischiefs done us, by his refractory children ; 
 yet these do not grow better. No! they remain the same, and will con- 
 timie to be so, as long as we have any land left us ! Look back at the 
 murders connnitted by the Long Knives on many of our relations, who 
 lived peaceable neighbors to them on the Ohio ! Did they not kill them 
 without the least provocation ? — Are they, do you think, better now, than 
 they were then ? No! indeed not; and many days are not elapsed, since 
 you had a number of these very men near your doors, who panted to kill 
 
 * Chronicles of Western Settlemenls, passim. 
 t Narrative, 2IG. 
 
 i Alliidiiitj to the miirder of the Concsiog-a Tndi.Mis, which was as atrocious as tlial 
 at Guadeuhuettsii, uud of which wu shall ia Uuu course give a relation. 
 

 .! . 
 
 44 
 
 IUi()K()N(iAnF,LAS. 
 
 [Hook V. 
 
 you, but f!)itunaU!ly w<;ro pn'voritc-d from ho doing, by iho (Irent Hun,* 
 wlio, ut tliat titiic, Imd by tbt; (ircat Spirit boeii onlaiiiod to protect you I" 
 
 Tlio ciiief tlHiU h|)oki5 with roHpcct of their peuccabh; uiodo of life, and 
 counneiidcd tiicir dcHirc to live in frioiidHhip with ail inankin*! ; but miid, 
 thoy luiiHt bo aware of their exposetl Hituation — hvinjy in tiin very roacl 
 the hostile parties must pass over, in goiii<r to fight each other; that tluty 
 had Just escaped destruction, from one of tiieso parties; that therefore no 
 time siiould he lost, but they should go to the country on the Miami, 
 where they \Yould be entirely out of danger. 
 
 The Christian Indians replied, that, ns tliey hod never injured the Amer- 
 icans, they thought they need not fear injury from them ; that if their 
 friends ut war wished thetn well, in trutli, they would not make tiieir 
 settlement upon the path they took to go to war, as it would lead their 
 antagonists tlie same way ; and that they could not remove without great 
 detriment ; and therefore, as they were then situated, they could not con- 
 sent to go. 
 
 Pachffantschihilas consulted in the mean time with his chief men, and 
 answered vei-y feelingly to what the brethren had said. He observed 
 tiiut he was sorry that they should ditfer from him in o|)inion, but that he 
 had no intention to use compulsion, and oidy requested that those might 
 be permitted to go, whose fears prompted them to it. This was readily 
 assented to, and the council broke up, and the warriors de])urtcd. At 
 Salem they made a short stay, where they conducted themselves as they 
 had done at Gnadenhuetten. Here a family of old people joined them, 
 through fear of whot Pachgantschxhilas had predicted, and the event justi- 
 fied the proceeding ! The massacre of Gnadenhuetten will ever be re- 
 membered with the deepest regret and indignation. 
 
 Nothing was feared from the good Pclchenanalas ; but the prowling 
 monsters M'Kee^ Girly, Elliot, and perhaps others, calling themselves 
 white, were the plotters of the ruin of the innocent people at Gnaden- 
 huetten, which followed not long after. 
 
 Our present design makes it expedient that we pass over many events 
 in the chronicles oi the frontier wars, that we may be enabled to proceed 
 with more minuteness of detail, in the lives of the eminent chiefs. 
 Although we cannot, by any rule known to us, derive Ihiokongahdas 
 from Pachgantscihilas or Petchenanalas, yet, as they have as much affinity 
 as Pomelacom and Metacomet, we shall let them pass for the same person, 
 and thus continue our narrative. 
 
 Duokongahdas was not only u great, but a noble warrior. He took no 
 delight hi shedding blood ; and when he raised the hatchet on the side of 
 the British in the revolution, it was for the best of reasons ; and would 
 that numerous other allies we could name had acted from as pun; 
 motives. Our next notice of Buokongahdas is in 1792, when he showed 
 himself no less magnanimous than at Gnadenhuetten and Salem. Col. 
 Hardin, Major Trucman, and several others, were sent, in May of tins 
 year, with a flag of truce, to the Indian nations of the west, particularly tlie 
 RIttumee towns. They having arrived near the Indian town of Au Ghiize 
 on theS. W. branch of the Miami of the Lake, fell in with some Indians, 
 who treated them well at first, and made many professions of friendship, 
 but in the end took advantage of them, while off their guard, and murder- 
 ed nearly all of them. Tlie interpreter made his escape, after some time, 
 and gave an account of the transaction. His name was William Smally ; 
 and he had been some time before with the Indians, and had learned 
 their manners and customs, which gave him some advantage in being 
 ubie to save himself. He was at first conducted to Au (tlaize, and soon 
 
 * Referrirg to what we have just related of Col. Daniel Broadhead and his army. 
 
Chap. IV 1 
 
 BUOKON(3AIIEI-AS. 
 
 45 
 
 same person 
 
 aftor to " nuotcnn{(ahda, kitip of tlin Dnlawnrop, by his cnptors." The 
 chief told thoHO that ooMiinitU'd tiio inurdci', fit was vcri/ .iin-n/ Ihnj had 
 killed the men. That imdead of so doiufr, iheif shoidtl have hroufrht thitn to 
 the Indian towns ; and then, if what then h(ul to saif had not hnn liked, it 
 would have been time enouf^h to have kdled them then. JVothinfr, he said, 
 could juslifii them for puitinsf them to death, as there was no chance for them 
 to escape. The truth was, tiiey kill(!d tiierii to j)hiiiil<'r tiuir cfrocta. 
 Jiuokonfrah(la.s took Mr. Smally into iiis ral)iii, and showed him great 
 kiruhiess; told him to stay there while he could go Kafidy to his former 
 Indian friends. (He having been u<lopted into an Indian family, in place 
 of one who had been killed, in his former captivity.) While hero with 
 Buokonirahelas, which was near a month, Mr. Smally said the chief 
 Would not j)ermit hitn to go abroad 'done, for fear, ho said, that the young 
 Indians would kill him. Tims, though wo do not meet often with Buo- 
 kongahdas, but when we do, the interview is no loss lionorubic to him, 
 tlian in the instances we have given. 
 
 It is said that the conduct of the British, at the battle of Presquc Isle, 
 forever changed the tnind of this chief, as it did that of many others, in 
 regard to them. Buokongahtlas said he would henceforth trust them no 
 more. The fort at Maumee wits critically situated, but by its own impru- 
 dence. The otlicers of it had told th(! Indians that if the battle turned 
 against them, they should have protection in the fort. Inmiediately after, 
 tien. Wayne informed them, that if they did protect the Indians in that 
 event, he would treat them as though found in arms against him ; there- 
 fore, thinking their own safety of more consequence than keep'mg their 
 faith with the Indians, they ban'eil the gates, and were idle spectators of 
 those they had basely betrayed, cut down in great numbers by the swords 
 of the horsemen, under their very ramparts! 
 
 It would seem fron a passage in the Memoirs of Gen. Harrison,* that 
 Buokongahelas died soon " after the treaty of 1804 ;" that if he had been 
 alive, Mr. Dawson thinks, when Tecumseh and the Prophet eidisted so 
 many nations against the Americans, he would not have suffered their 
 plans to have been matured. The same author relates an incident of 
 jjoculiar interest, concerning our subject, which is as follows: — AftiT tho 
 light with Way,ne's army before m«!ntioned, Buokongahelas collected the 
 remnant of his band, and embarked with them in canoes, and passed up 
 the rivpr, to send a flag of truce to Fort Wayne. When the chief arrived 
 against the British fort, he was recjucsted to land, which he did. When 
 he had ai)i)roached the sentinel, he demanded, " WJiai have you to say to 
 me ?" He was answered that the conunandant desired to speak with him. 
 " Then he may come here," was the reply. The sentry then said the ofti- 
 cer would not do that, and that he would not lie allowed to pass the fort, 
 if he did not comply with its rules. " What shall prevent wie?" said the 
 intrepid cli 'f. Pointing to the cannon of the fort, the sentry said, 
 " Those." '>'"lie chief rejilied indignantly, ^' I fear not your cannon : after 
 siiff'ering the ^.Jmericans to defde your spiing, without daring to fire on them, 
 you cannot exped to frighten Buoko.vgehelas." He reeinbarked, and 
 passed the fort, without molestation. By "defiling their spring," he meant 
 an ironical reproach to the British garrison for their treachery to the 
 Indians, which has been mentioned. 
 
 It is said that Buokongahelas was present at Fort M'Intosh, at the treaty 
 of 1785; but as his name is not among the signers, we suppose he was 
 opposed to it. Gen. George R. Clark, Jlrthur Lee, and Richard Butler, 
 were the American commissioners ; the former had been a successful 
 warrior against the Indians, which had gained him the respect of iJuofton- 
 
 By Mr. Dawson, page 82. 
 
46 
 
 CAPTAIN PIPE. 
 
 [Book V, 
 
 gahclas; and when he had an opportunity, he passed the others without 
 noticing thetn, but went and took Gen. Clark hv iije hand, and said, "/ 
 thank the Great Spirit for having this day brought together two such great 
 warriors, as Buokongahelas and Gen. Clat-.k." 
 
 A separate article in the treaty just nr.med, illustrates the history of 
 several chiefs already mentioned. It ■': in these words: — "It is agreed 
 that the Delaware chiefs Kelelamand, [Gelelemcnd, Killbuck,] or Col. 
 Henry ; Hengne-pushees, or the Big-cat ; fVicocaliiid, or Ca})!. iVhile-eyes ; 
 who took up the hatchet for the United States, and their families, shall be 
 received into the Delaware nation, in the same situation and rank as 
 before the war, and enjoy their due portions of the lands to the Wyandot 
 and Delaware nations in this treaty, as fully as if they had not tak(;n part 
 with America." We shall have occasion again to consider further some 
 of the characters which we have but incidentally mentioned here. IV)r 
 the present, we will proceed with some mattere of deep interest in the life 
 of Capt. Pipe. 
 
 At one time, after an expedition against the Americans, Capt. Pipe 
 went to Detroit, where he was received with respect by the British com- 
 mandant, who, with his attendants, was invited to the council-house, to 
 give an account of past transactions. He was seated in front of his 
 Indians, facing the chief officer, and held in his left hand a short slick, to 
 which was fastened a scalp. After a usual pause, he arose and spoke as 
 follows : — 
 
 "Father, [then he stooped a little, and, tuming towards the audience, 
 with a countenance full of great expression, and a sarcastic look, said, in 
 a lower tone of voice,] " / have said father, although, indeed, I do not 
 knoio WHY f am to call him so, having never known any other father than 
 the French, and considering the English only as brothers. But cw this 
 name is also imposed upon us, I shall make use of it, and say, [at the same 
 time fixing his eyes upon the commandant,] Father, some time ago you 
 put a war hatchet into my hands, saying, ' Take this iveapon and try it on the 
 heads of my enemies, the Long-Knives, and let me afterwards know if it teas 
 sharp and good.'' Father, at the time tvhen you gave me this iveapon, I had 
 neither cause nor inclination to go to war against a people who had done 
 me no injun/ ; yet in obedience to you, who say you are my father, and call 
 me your child, 1 received the hatchH ; well knowing, that if I did not obey, you 
 would withhold from me the necessaries of life, without which I could not sub- 
 sist, and which are not elsewhei ?, to be procured, but at the house of my 
 father. — You may perhaps thi7ik me a fool, for i-isking my life at your bid- 
 ding, in a cause too, by which 1 have no prospect of gaining any thing ; for it 
 is your canse and not mine. It is your concern to ft:;!' I the Long-Knives ; 
 you have raised a quarrel amongst yourselves, and you ought yourselves to 
 fght it out. You shoidd not compel your children, the Indians, to expose 
 themselves to danger, for your sakes. — Father, many lives have already been 
 lost on your account! — J^ations have suffered, and been weakened! — cltil- 
 dren have lost parents, brother),, and relatives .'- ivives have lost husbands ! — 
 It is not known how many more may perish before your war will be at an 
 end! — Father, I have said, that you may, perhaps, think me a fool, for thus 
 thoughtlessly rushing on your enemy ! — Do not believe this,fath:r: Think 
 not that I want sense to convince .ac, that although you now pretend to keep 
 up a perpetual enmity to the Long-Knives, you may before long conclude (i 
 peace with them. — Father, you say you love your children, the Indians. — This 
 you have often told them, and indeed it is your interest to say so to them, that 
 you may have them at your sei-vice. But, father, who jf us can believe that 
 you can love a people of a different color from your own, better than those 
 tvho have a white skin like yourselves ? Fathe^; pay attention to what I am 
 going to say. While you, father, are setting me [meaning the Indians in 
 
[Book V. 
 
 crs without 
 
 nd said, "/ 
 
 such great 
 
 I history of 
 It is agreed 
 •,] or Col. 
 Jthile-cyes ; 
 ira, sliall he 
 nd rank as 
 le Wyandot 
 t taken part 
 irther some 
 here. Tor 
 5t in the Ul'e 
 
 Capt. Pipe 
 British com- 
 :'il-houso, to 
 front of his 
 lort stick, to 
 id spoke as 
 
 )e audience, 
 ook, said, in 
 ;e(/, / do not 
 father than 
 But as this 
 at the same 
 me ago you 
 try it on the 
 ow if it ivas 
 'apon, I had 
 10 had done 
 leVy and call 
 lot obey, you ' 
 mid not sub- 
 house of my 
 ii your bid- 
 Ikmg ; for it 
 vg-Knives ; 
 lourstlves to 
 to expose 
 already been 
 ncd ! — chil- 
 ushands ! — 
 // be at ail 
 wi, for tints 
 :' Think 
 end to keep 
 r conclude a 
 ians. — This 
 to them, that 
 believe that 
 than those 
 what I am 
 Indians in 
 
 Chap. IV.J 
 
 CAPTAIN PIPE. 
 
 47 
 
 jreneral] on your enemy, much in the same manner as a hunter sets his dog 
 on the game ; while I am in the act of rushing on that enemy of yours, with, 
 the bloody destructive weapon you gave me, I may, perchance, happen to look 
 back to the place from whent" you started me ; and what shall I see ? Per- 
 haps I may see my father shaking hands with the Long-Knives ; yes, icith 
 these ven/ people he 7iow calls his enemies. I may then see him laugh at my 
 folly for having obeyed his orders ; and yet I am now risking my life at his 
 command! Father, keep what I have said in remembrance. — Mow, father, 
 here is what has l>een done with the hatchet you gave me. [With tliese words 
 he handed the stick to the connnan(laiit,witli tlie scalp upon it, ahove nien- 
 tion'!(l.] / have done ivith the hatchet what you ordered me to do, and found 
 it sharp. A^evertheless, I did not do all that I miglii have done. »Vo, / did 
 not. .My heart failed within me. I felt compassion for your enemy. Inno- 
 cence [helpless women and children] had no part in your quarrels; there- 
 fore I distinguished — I spared. I took some live flesh, which, while I iveut 
 bringing to you, I spied one of your large canoes, on which I put it for 
 you. In a feu days you will recover this flesh, and find that the skin is of 
 the same color with your own. Father, I hope you will not destroy what 
 1 h^vc ...fprf. You, fatiier, have ihc means of preserving that which with 
 me ivould pen's^ 'or want. The warrior is poor, and his cabin is always 
 empty; but you ■ ^'se, father, is always full." 
 
 After a liigh t mium upon this speech, which need not be repeated, 
 Mr. Ileckewelder isays, " It is but justice here to say, that Pipe was well 
 ac(juainted with the noble and generous character of the British oflicer to 
 whom this speech was addressed. He is still living in his own country, 
 an honor to the British name. He obeyed the orders of Iiis superiors in 
 employing the Indians to fight against us; but he did it with reluctance, 
 and softened as much as was iii his power the horrors of that abominable 
 warfare. He esteemed Capt. Pipe, and, I have no doubt, was well pleased 
 with the humane conduct of this Indian chief, whose sagacity in this in- 
 stance is no less deserving of praise than his eloquence." 
 
 The name of Capt. Pipe is unfortunately associated with the history of 
 the lamented Col. JVilliam Crawford, who perished at the stake, after 
 suffering the most horrible and excruciating tortures possible for Indians 
 to inflict. lie v.'as particularly obnoxious to them, from having been 
 many years a successful commander against them. He fell into the hands 
 of the Indians not far from Upper SiUidusky, in the latter end of May, 
 1782. At this time he was arrived there, at the head of a band of about 
 500 volunteers, 'vho were attacked and put to flight, without having ac- 
 quitted themselves like soldiers in any do jree ; except, indeed, some in- 
 dividual instances. At least a hundred were killed and taken, and of 
 the latter, but two are said ever to have esca])ed. 
 
 Capt. Pipe, if not the principal, was probably one of the chief leaders of 
 the Indians at this time. When the rout of the at my began, instead of 
 retreating in a body, they fled in small i)artics, and thus fell an easy prey 
 into the liands of their j)ursuers. Col. Crawford became separated from 
 the main body of his soldiers, by his extreme anxi(^ty for his son, and two 
 or three other relations, whom he suspected were in the rear, and there- 
 fore waited for them an imreasonable time. He at length fled, in com- 
 pany with a Dr. Knight and two others. Fufortunately, after travelling 
 nearly two days, they were, with several others, surprised by a j)arty of 
 Delawares, and conducted to the Old Wyandot Town. Here Ca|)t. Pipe, 
 with his own hands, painted Crawford and Knight black in every part of 
 their bodies. A place called the New Wyandot Town was not lar oft". 
 To this place tliey were now ordered, and Pipe told Crawford, that when 
 ho arrived there, his head should be shaved; of which, it seems, he did 
 not understand the import. These miserable men were accompanied by 
 
V 
 
 48 
 
 CIIIKATOMMO. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 Pipe and anotlier noted Delaware chief, named Wingenim. Several 
 other captives had been sent forward ; and in the way, as Knight and 
 Crawford i)assed along, they saw lour of the mangled bodies of their 
 friends, lying uj)on the gronnd, dead and scalped. Nine others had been 
 picked uj) at the same time the two just named were, and four of these 
 were those murdered in the way. The other five met a like fate, from 
 the hands of Indian squaws and boys at the destined village. Here 
 Crawford and Knight saw Simon Girt;/, of whom no Inunan being since, 
 we ai)i)rehend, has spoken or written without indignation. He is repre- 
 sented to have witnessed the torture of Cranford with much satisfaction ! 
 
 After the colonel was tied to the fatal [)ost, Capt. Pipe addressed the 
 assembled Indians in an earnest speech, which when he had closed, they 
 all joined in a hideous yell, and fell to torturing the prisoner, which con- 
 tinued for about three hours, when he sunk down upon his face, and with 
 a groan expired. 
 
 Dr. Knight was reserved for the same fate, and was present, and obliged 
 to hear the agonizing ejaculations of his friend, and at last to see him 
 expire, without being able to render him even the assistance of a con- 
 soling word! — Indeed the il.oughts of his own condition, and the end 
 that awaited him, were as mu( h, nay, more, perhaps, than a rational mind 
 could bear. There se^iij.jJ no possibility of a deliverance ; but it came in 
 on unexpected hour. He was to be sent to the Sawanee Town, and for 
 this purpose was intrusted to a young warrior, who watched him inces- 
 eandy. The distance was about 40 miles ; and, during their march, he 
 found means to knock down his driver and make good his escape. He 
 Avas 21 days in the wilderness alone, and was nearly famished when he 
 arrived at Fort M'Intosh. At the place to which he was destined by the 
 Indians, Col. Crawford''s son, son-in-Iavv, and several others, were put to 
 death about the same time. 
 
 The expedition of Col. Crawford was not so laudably undertaken as 
 many others, in as far as it was directed against the Moravian towns 
 upon the Muskingmn, where many, who composed it, were determined 
 that the Christian Indians, which tliej there expected to find, should glut 
 their vengeance by their blood, as these at Gnadenhuetten had done but a 
 short time before,* as will elsewhere be found noticed. We may again, 
 in a future chapter, extend our account of these affairs, which we pass 
 here, to give |)lace to the events in the life of a noted Shawanese chief, 
 who made himself conspicuous by his successful depredations at this 
 period. This was 
 
 Chikatommo. In 1790, he succeeded in capturing many boats upon 
 the Ohio River, killing many of those in them, and taking and destroying 
 u vast amount of property. Among the boats which fell into the Jiands 
 of Chikatommo was one in which was a Mr. Cliarles Johnston of Bote- 
 tourt county, Virginia, and several others, and from whose narrative we 
 derive nuich of this information — a book replete with instruction, and one 
 of the most valuable in its kind.f As this company were descending tho 
 Ohio, in an unwieldy flat-bottomed boat, in which were a number of 
 liorses and considerable merchandise, two white men appeared upon the 
 shore, and called to them, affecting great distress, and begged to be taken 
 
 * Our chief autliority for these events is the valuable Chronicles by Mr. Withers, 
 before referred to. 
 
 t The author appears to have been prompted to its publication by the misinterpreta- 
 tion of liis oral cominuiiiratioiis by the Uiike de Lainconrt ; whom, by the way, we do not 
 find to (iirtcr so materially, in his account, from the author as one mif^lit apprehf^ncJ 
 from his statement. Tlie chief disagreement appears in such minor points as the 
 spellinff of names : thus, in naming' the persons t'aptivated, for Skylcs lie writes Skuyl . 
 for Dolly f'lcming, Dohj Flamming ; for Flinn, Flihjn, &c. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 . Several 
 jiight and 
 s of their 
 i had been 
 r of these 
 fate, from 
 ;e. Here 
 L'ing since, 
 i is repre- 
 itisfaction ! 
 ressed the 
 losed, they 
 rt'hich con- 
 e, and with 
 
 ind obliged 
 to see him 
 ! of a cou- 
 ld the end 
 tional mind 
 t it came in 
 ^-n, and for 
 him inces- 
 • march, he 
 iscape. He 
 d when he 
 ined by the 
 iveve put to 
 
 lertaken as 
 
 ian towns 
 
 etcrmined 
 
 lould glut 
 
 done but a 
 
 may again, 
 
 we pass 
 
 nese chief, 
 
 ons at this 
 
 joats upon 
 destroying 
 
 the hands 
 an of Bote- 
 rrativc we 
 an, and one 
 sending the 
 number of 
 
 upon the 
 to be takc;n 
 
 Chap. IV.] 
 
 CHIKATOMMO. 
 
 49 
 
 Mr. Withers, 
 
 lisintcrprcta- 
 
 av. we ilo not 
 
 apprt'h'^iK] 
 
 |)oints as the 
 
 vrilcs Skuyl : 
 
 on board. Before these two whites showed themselves, however, a 
 smoke was seen above the trees, and for some time held them in doubt on 
 which side of the river it was. They wished to ascertain this fact, as 
 thereby they might keep close in upon the opposite shore, and so escape 
 mischief in the event of an ambushment of Indians. They were thus 
 wary, as the Indians were constantly doing mischief upon the rivers, and 
 had but a short time before destroyed a settlement at a place called Ken- 
 nedy's Bottom, in Kentucky. 
 
 It was before sunrise on the 20 March, that the two white men before 
 mentioned hailed the boat, which was safely out of the reach of fire-arms, 
 having discovered the smoke to be upon the N. W. shore, and therefore 
 they kept upon the S. W. Those white men, the more eft'ectually to 
 decoy the l)oat's crew, said they had been taken prisoners by the Indians 
 at Kennedy's Bottom, and iiacl just escaped from them, and unless they 
 would take them on board they nuist perish from hunger and cold. The 
 truth was, one or both of them were abandoned wretches, who had 
 leagued with a band of depredators under Chikatommo, and thus were 
 the means of destroying many innocent lives in the most atrocious man- 
 ner. When hailed by them, as we have just said, some in the boat were 
 for listening to them, and some against it. In the mean time, the boat 
 floated fast down the current, and left those on shore considerably in the 
 rear, although they exerted themselves to keep abreast of the boat. Those 
 who were against taking them on board had their objections well ground- 
 ed; for when these men were asked the occasion of the smoke upon their 
 side of the rivei*, they denied that there had been any, or said they knew of 
 no such thing; and this was urged as a sufficient reason why they should 
 reject the other part of their story. Still, as the boat glided down, those 
 on board debated the subject, and at length concluded, that if there were 
 Indians where they first saw the men, they must tlien be far up the river, 
 as it was thought impossible that they could have got through the woods 
 so fast as they had floated down ; and one of the company, a Mr Flinn, 
 whose kindness of heart brought upon them this calamity, proposed haz- 
 arding his own person on shore, without in the least endangering the rest. 
 His plan was as follows : that whereas rhey must be now out of the reach 
 of the Indians, they should haul in, and barely touch upon the shore, and 
 he would jump out, and the boat should at the same time haul off'; so 
 that if Indians should be coming, the boat would have time to get off" safe, 
 and as to himself, he jould well outrun them, and would get on board the 
 boat again at a certain point below. And thus was the humane plan laid 
 of relieving supposed distress, the sad recompense of which we now pro- 
 ceed to relate. 
 
 One circumstance had not been taken into account by this devoted 
 company. The current being rapid, it took them much longer than they 
 had anticipated to gain the shore ; and this gave some of the most swilt- 
 footed of Chikatommo' s party time to arrive at the point at the same time 
 with them. Having arrived close to the shore, Mr. Flinn had but barely 
 cleared himself from the boat, when a large numlier of Indians, jiaintod 
 in the most frightful manner, came rushing upon them. Some of the 
 boat's crew seized their guns, and determined to resist, while the others 
 used every means to get their boat from the shore ; but every thing seemed 
 to conspire against them. Their boat became entangled in the branches 
 of a large tree, and the whole body of Indians, havmg arrived, being 54 in 
 number, gave a horrible yell, and poured in their whole fire upon the 
 boat. From the protection afforded by the side of the boat, one only 
 was killed, Dolly Fleming, and Mr. Skyles wounded. All resistance was 
 vain, and the others lay down upon the bottom of the boat, to prevent 
 being immediately killed. The Indians kept up their fire until all the 
 5 
 
50 
 
 CHIKATOMMO. 
 
 [Hoc • V 
 
 horses were shot down, whicli added much to the horror o[ the sitLiation 
 of those upon the bottoin of the boat, as they were in great danger of 
 being trampled to death by them before they fell, and afterwards from 
 their strivings. When this was finished, the firing ceased, and Mr. May 
 oluuu up, and held up a white cap in token of surrender ; but he fell in a mo- 
 ment after, with a ball shot through his head. Several of the Indians now 
 swam to tlie l)oat, and were helped into it by those within. Having now got 
 possession of it, they seemed well pleased, and oflered no further violence. 
 All t'lings were now taken on shore, and an immense fire kiuvlled; the 
 dead were sciilped, and thrown into the river, and the captives divested 
 of most of their clothes. As several 4ndians were gathered around Mr. 
 Johnston when he was stripped, one, observing that he had on a kind of red 
 vest, apjiroached and said to him in English, " Oh ! you cappatin ?" He 
 said, "A'b." Then the Indian pointed to his own breast, and said, " JMe 
 cappatin — all dese my sogers." This was Chikatommo. An Indian, 
 named Tom Letvis, tliscovered much humanity to Mr. Johnston, in that 
 he covered him with his own blanket after he had lost his clothes. 
 
 IJeing all stationed about the fire, Chikatommo was at one end of it, (it 
 being about 50 feet in length,) who, rising up, made a speech to the multi- 
 tude. An old Shawanee chief, whose name is not mentioned, ma('e the 
 fii'st speech, at the end of whicli Chikatommo conducted Johnston to 
 another Shawanee chief, whose name was Mes-shaw-a, to whom he waa 
 given or assigned, and informed that he was his friend. At the eiit' sif 
 Chikatoimno^s speech, another prisoner was disposed of. The same cere- 
 mony was repeated with the third and last. Johnston, Skyles and F'inii 
 went to the Shawanese, and Peggy Fleming to the Cherokees. This band 
 of robbers appears to have been made up of adventurers from ihe tribes 
 just mentioned, with the addiiion of a few Delawares. The hitter had 
 none of the prisoners, as they did not wish to be known in the business, 
 thinking it might involve their nation in a war with the U. States. 
 
 The two white men who had Jecoyed the boat into the Indians' 'jands, 
 were still with them, and the next day all the captives were onU r'.d to 
 take a po^'tion upon the edge of the river, to decoy the first that should 
 be passing. A boat soon apjjeared, ard 'Tuugnant as such an employment 
 was to the feelings of these captives, ■ t ,iiey were obliged thus to do, or 
 suffer a horrible death. D^ivine and j'\" is were the names of tne two 
 whites so often mentioned : the former was the voluntary agent, and, as 
 Mr. Johnston expresses it, the one who " alone had devised and carried 
 into effect their destruction ;" and, " ingenious in wicked stratagems, 
 seemed to be perfectly gratified to aid the savages in their views, and to 
 feel no scruples in suggesting means for their accomplishment. He fabri- 
 cated a tale, that we were passengers down the Ohio, whose boat had 
 suffered so great an injury, that wo were unable to proceed until it was 
 repaired ; but that for want of an axe, it was imi)ossibIe for us to do tho 
 necessary work. These unsuspecting canoe-men turned towards us; 
 but the current bore tliem down so far below us, as to preclude all chance 
 of my putting them on their guai-d. [Mr. Johnston having intended by 
 some sign to have given them warning of what awaited them.] The 
 Indians, as they had acted in our case, ran down the river at such a dis- 
 tance from it, and under cover of the woods, that they were not discover- 
 ed Uiicil the canoe was close to the shore, when they fired into it, and 
 shot every one on board. As they tumliled into the water, their little 
 berk was overset. T' o, who were not yet dead, kept themselves afloat, 
 iiiu wen so sevetely wounded that they could not swim off'. Tho In- 
 'iiuds leujied into the river, and, after dragging them to the shore, de- 
 Lj'ito.hed them wilii the tomahavk. The bodies of the four who were 
 killf^d wcrs also brought to land, uid the whole six were scalped. All 
 
 tS^&ima£fM'i 
 
 
V H .f" f 
 
 '^*%. 
 
 [Boc- V. 
 
 he situation 
 it danger of 
 wards from 
 id 3Ir. May 
 fell in a mo- 
 Indians now 
 nng now got 
 ler violence, 
 dndled ; the 
 ves divested 
 I around Mr. 
 a kind of red 
 vpatinf^ He 
 id said, ".We 
 An Indian, 
 aston, in that 
 othes. 
 
 end of it, (it 
 1 to the multi- 
 ed, ma('e the 
 i Johnston to 
 vhom he ^vas 
 t the ev..* of 
 lie same c- le- 
 les and F'Um 
 3. This band 
 rom the tribes 
 he I'ltter had 
 1 the business, 
 ■ttates. 
 
 ndians" 'lands, 
 re ordv r'd to 
 ■St that should 
 employment 
 ms to do, or 
 of tlie two 
 igent, and, as 
 and carried 
 stratagems, 
 lews, and to 
 nf. He fabri- 
 lose boat had 
 until it was 
 »r us to do the 
 towards us; 
 ude all chance 
 g intended by 
 them.] The 
 such a dis- 
 not discover- 
 iiito it, and 
 er, their little 
 mselves afloat, 
 off. The In- 
 the shore, de- 
 bur who were 
 scalped. All 
 
 Chap. IV.] 
 
 KING-CRANE. 
 
 51 
 
 It 
 
 were then thrown into the river. Nothing I could then learn, or which 
 has since come to tny knowledge, has enabled me to understand who 
 these unfortunate sufferers were." 
 
 After various successes and encounters upon the river, CMkatommo lefl 
 it, and met a number of his company at an encampmi ut about five miles 
 from it. Here he lefl the rest, taking with hiin a select number and some 
 of the Cherokees, with Miss Fleming ; and the company with whom 
 Johnston remained did not join him again for many days. Afler much 
 delay and interesting incident, they reached the Indian town of Upper 
 Sandusky. Here they scpiandered all their rich booty for whiskey, and, 
 as usual, rioted in drunkenness for several days. Chikatommo at this time 
 showed himself very savage to the prisonere, and had he not been pre- 
 vented by the humane and benevolent Messhawa,* would have killed some 
 of them. The unfortunate Skyles had some time before lefl them, and 
 gone in an unknown direction with his cruel master. 
 
 A French trader at Sandusky, a Mr. Ducliouquet, had used endeavors 
 to ransom Johnston ; but his master for some time would hear nothing 
 of it. At length, having dissipated all his booty, and ashauied to return 
 home in such a state, he concluded to sell Johnston for the most he could 
 get ; and accordingly 600 silver broaches were paid iiim, equal in value 
 to 100 dollai-s, the amount agreed upon. Chikatommo and his party then 
 took up their march for Detroit. Not long after this, Mr. Johnston return- 
 ed home by way of that place. Before he lefl Sandusky, he was informed 
 of the burning of the ill-fated Flinn : he suffered at the stake at the Miami 
 village, and was eaten by his torturers. The Indian who brought the 
 news to Sandusky, said that he himself had feasted upon him. 
 
 King-crane, a W indo* "hief, a})peai-s conspicuous in this narrative, 
 and illusti'ates a val. ble trait of character in Indian life. When Mr. 
 Duchouqud and Johru con had arrived at Lower Sandusky, in their way to 
 Detroit, the town was filled with alarm, and they soon learned the occa- 
 sion to be from the arrival of some Cherokees in the neighborhood with 
 u female captive. The traders in the place immediately went to their 
 camp, whore they found Peggy Fleming, who some time before had 
 been separated fi'om Johnston and the other captives. Among those who 
 went to see lier, was a white man by the name of IfTiitaker, who, having 
 been carried into captivity in his youth, had grown up in all the Indian 
 habits, and being a man of considerable physical ])owers and enterprise, 
 had become a chief among the Wyandots.f lie had been upon the fron- 
 tiers with the Indians upon trading expeditions, and hud lodged it times 
 in Pittsburg in the tavern of Miss Fleming's father. She imiiK diately 
 knew hhn, and l)esought him, in the most afTecting manner, to deliver her 
 from bondage. He went immediately to King-crane, and told liim that 
 the woman with the Cherokees was ins sister,]: and urged him to use 
 means fc* her relief. King-crane went without loss of time, and urged 
 tlie Cherokees to restore her to her brother. They were enraged at the 
 request, and there was danger of their murdering her lest she should be 
 taken from them. He next tried to purchase her ; but his benevolent 
 offers were indignantly refused, and their rage was still increased. Re- 
 solved to rescue her out of their hands, King-crane repaired to their 
 camp early the next mornuig, accomjjanied with 8 or 10 young warriors. 
 They found the Cherokees asleep, but the captive — it is shocking to hu- 
 manity to relate — was without the least attire ! extended and lashed to 
 the stair! — ready to be burned! — her body painted all over \\ith black. 
 
 * ;Mi. Jol-->sio'., tlirouffl;out his narrative, g-ives him an excellent character, 
 aliv'- i.'Xer llio « r of 1812 began, and was one of the followers of Tecumseh. 
 t Ihirovr . ad Wtjandots arc syaoiiynious terms with most writers, 
 i II over good came out of evil, we should expect it hi a case like this. 
 
 He was 
 

 83 
 
 LITTLE-TURTLE. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 King-crane silently cut the thongs with which she was bound, then 
 awakened the murderers, and threw down upon the ground the price of 
 a captive in silver broaches, (which are current money among them,) and 
 departed. She was soon after sent forward for her home, disguised in 
 the attire of a squaw. The Cherokees prowled about seeking vengeance 
 upon some white ])erson for a few days, and then disappeared. 
 
 The reader may wish to know what became of Skyles : — he was taken 
 to a place upon the Miami River, wliere lie was doomed to be burnt, but 
 made his escape the night previous to the day on which he was to have 
 suffered. After enduring the most painful fatigues and hunger, from 
 wandering alono in the wilderness, he met with some traders who con- 
 veyed him to Detroit, and from thence home to Virginia. 
 
 The se(iuel of the life of the old hard-hearted Chikatommo is as follows: 
 For four years succeeding the events above related, he followed his dep- 
 redating career, and was concerned in opposing the war parties of Amer- 
 icans until the time of Gen. Wayne's famous expedition. As that veteran 
 was advancing into the western region, Chikatommo met an advance par- 
 ty of ills army at the head of a band of his desperate warriors, who were 
 sent forward as tlie Indian forlorn hope. A sharp skirmish followed, and 
 Chickatommu was slain. This was the action near Fort Defiance. King- 
 crane was also in arms to oppose Gen. Wayne ; but in the last war against 
 England, he fought for the Americans, and is supposed to have died 
 three or four years after its close. He was one of the signers of Wayne's 
 famous treaty at Fort Greenville, and several others. 
 
 Wc now pass to a chief by far more prominent in Indian history than 
 many v, bo have received much greater notice from historians. This was 
 Mishikinakwa, (a name by no means settled in orthography,) which, in- 
 terprofed, is said to mean the Liitle-turP To the different treaties bear- 
 hig his iipinc;, we find these spellings: Meshckunnoghquoh, Greenville, 3 
 Aug. 1795 : Meshekunnoghcuoh, Fort Wayne, 7 June, 1803 ; Mashekan- 
 ahqiiah, Vincennes, 21 Aug. 1805 ; Meshekenoghqua, Fort Wayne, 30 Sept. 
 1809 ; and were we disposed to look into the various authors who have 
 used the name, we might nearly finish out our page with its variations. 
 
 .LitUe-tiirHe was chief of the Miamis, and the sccmes of his warlike 
 achievements were upon the country of his birth. He had, in conjunc- 
 tion willi the triLcs of that region, successfully tbiight the armies of Har- 
 vier and St. Clair ; and in the fight with the latter, he is said to have had 
 the chief command ; hence a detailed account of that affair belongs to 
 his fife. 
 
 It is well IvHOwn that the Americans inveighed loudly against the 
 English e^ "^anada, hi most instances, charging them with all the guilt of 
 the enoriuities committed on their frontiers by the Indians. It is equally 
 we'i ivnown, C this day, by every judicious inquirer, that they were not 
 so ( la-nable "is t'le Americans represented, nor so innocent as themselves 
 and ffieidlH. t;vcv long aller, represented them. That the British govern- 
 ment encoura'ied depredations upon the frontiers in times of peace, 
 should not tO(» ea5<;'.v be received for truth ; still, there is reason to believe 
 that 8ome n'lio heitl inferior offices under it, were secret aliettors of bar- 
 barities. In the attack upon Gen. St. Clair'' s army, now about to be re- 
 lated, there was much cause of susjjicion against the Canadians, as it 
 wns known Hat many of them even exceeded in that bloody afliiir the 
 Indians themselves. Mr. Weld, the intelligent traveller, says,* " A great 
 i.'.any yning Canadians, and in particular many that were born of Indian 
 women, fought on the side of the Indians in this action ; a circumstance 
 which confirmed the people of the States in the opinion they had pre- 
 
 Travels in Canada, 436-7, 8vo. London, (4 ed.) 1800. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 und, then 
 ; price ol" 
 hem,) and 
 Bguised m 
 vengeance 
 
 was taken 
 
 burnt, but 
 as to have 
 uger, from 
 
 who con- 
 as follows : 
 ed his dep- 
 'S of Amer- 
 hat veteran 
 Ivance par- 
 , who were 
 lUowcd, and 
 [ice, King- 
 war against 
 » have died 
 i of Wayne's 
 
 history than 
 3. This was 
 ,) which, in- 
 ;reaties bear- 
 Sreenville, 3 
 ; Mashekan- 
 . ne, 30 Sept. 
 •s who have 
 Ivariations. 
 his warlike 
 in conjunc- 
 lies of Har- 
 to have had 
 |ir belongs to 
 
 1 against the 
 the guilt of 
 J It is equally 
 ley were not 
 themselves 
 Itish govern- 
 ks of peace, 
 DU to believe 
 Ittors of bar- 
 lut to be re- 
 ladians, as it 
 jdy affair the 
 , # u \ great 
 frn of Indian 
 Vircnmstance 
 Ley had pre- 
 
 Chap. IV.] 
 
 LITTLE-TURTLE. 
 
 53 
 
 viously fonned, that the Indians were encouraged and abetted in tlieir 
 attacks upon them by the British. 1 can safely affirm, however, from 
 having conversed with many of these young men who fought against 
 St. (Hair, that it was with the utmost secrecy they left their homes to join 
 the Indians, fearful lest the goverament should censure their conduct." 
 
 The western Indians were only emboldened by the battles between 
 them and detachments of Gen. Hamier's army, in 1790, and, under such 
 a leader as Mishikinakwa, entertained sanguine hopes of bringing the 
 Americans to their own terms. One murder followed another, in rapid 
 succession, attended by all the horrore peculiar to their warfare, which 
 caused President Washington to take the earliest opportunity of recom- 
 mending Congress to adopt prompt and efficient measures for checking 
 those calamities ; and 2000 men were immediately raised and put under 
 the command of Gen. St. Clair, then governor of the North-Western Ter- 
 ritory. He received his appointment the 4th of March, 1791 ; and pro- 
 ceeded to Fort Washington, by way of Kentucky, with all possible de- 
 spatch, where he arrived 15 May.* There was much time lost in getting 
 the troops embodied at this place ; Gen. Butler, with the residue, not ar- 
 riving until the middle of September. There were various circumstances 
 to account for the delays, which it is unnecessary to recount here. 
 
 Col. Darke proceeded immediately on his amval, which was about the 
 end of August, and built Fort Hamilton, on the Miami, in the country of 
 Little-turtle ; and soon after Fort Jefferson was built, forty miles farther on- 
 ward. These two forts being left manned, about the end of October the 
 army advanced, being about 2000 strong, militia included, whose numbers 
 were not inconsiderable, as will appear by the miserable manner in which 
 they not only confused themselves, but the regular soldiers also. 
 
 Gen. St. Clair had advanced but about six miles in front of Fort Jeffer- 
 son, when 60 of his militia, from pretended disaffection, commenced a 
 retreat ; and it was discovered that the evil had spread considerably among 
 tlie rest of the army. Being fearful they would seize upon the convoy of 
 provisions, the general ordered Col. Hamtramk to pursue them with his 
 regiment, and force them to return. The army now consisted of but 
 1400 effective men, and this was the number attacked by Little-turtle and 
 his warriors, 15 miles from the Miami villages. 
 
 Gen. Butler commanded the right wing, and Col. Darke the left. The 
 militia were posted a quarter of a mile in advance, and were encamped 
 in two lines. They had not finished securing their baggage, when they 
 were attacked in then* camp. It was their intention to have marched 
 immediately to tlie destruction of the Rliami villages. Of this their 
 movements apprized the Indians, who acted with great wisdom and firm- 
 ness. They fell upon the militia before sunrise, 4 November, who at 
 once fled into the main camp, in the most disorderly and tuni- 'tuous 
 manner : many of them, having thrown away their guns, were pui-sued 
 and slaughtered. At the main camp the fight was sustained some time, 
 by the great exertions of the officers, but with great inequality ; the In- 
 dians under Little-turtle amounting to about 1500 warriors. Cols. Darke 
 and Butler, and Major Clark, made several successful charges, which ena- 
 bled them to save some of their numbers by checking the enemy while 
 flight was more practicable. 
 
 Of the Americans, 593 were killed and missing, beside thirty-eight 
 officers; and 242 soldiers and twenty-one officcre were wounded, many 
 of whom died. Col. Butler was among the slain. The account of his 
 fldl is shocking. He was si^veroly wounded, and left on the ground. 
 The well-known and infamous Simo7i Girty came up to him, and observed 
 
 St. Clair's Xuirative, p. 4. 
 
I 
 
 
 •I. 
 
 54 
 
 LITTLE-TURTLE. 
 
 [DooK V. 
 
 him writhing under severe pain from his wounds. Girty knew and spoke 
 to him. Knowing thnt he could not Hve, the colonel begged of Girty to 
 put an end to his misery. This he refused to do, but turned to an In- 
 dian, whom he told that the officer was the commander of the army ; 
 upon which he drove his ton)ahawk iiUo his head. A number of others 
 then came around, and after taking oft" his PcrJp. they took out his heart, 
 and cut it into as many pieces as there were tribcb in the action, and di- 
 vided it among thenj. All manner of brutal acts were committed on the 
 bodies of the slain. It need ijot be mentioned for the information of the 
 observer of Indian ^Tairs, that laiid Wt.^' the main cause of this as well as 
 most other wars bet\.een the Indians and whites; and hence it was very 
 easy to account lor the Indians filling the mouths of the slain with earth 
 after this battle. This was actually the case, as reported by those who 
 shortly after visited the scene of action and buried the dead. 
 
 Gen. St. Clair was called to an account fbr the disastrous issue of this 
 campaign, and was honorably acquitted. He published a narrative in 
 vindication of his conduct, which, at this day, few will think it required. 
 What he says of his retreat we will give in his own words.* " The re- 
 treat was, you may be sure, a precipitate one ; it was in fact a flight. 
 The camp and the artillery were abandoned ; but that was unavoidable, 
 for not a horse was left alive to have drawn it off", had it otherwise been 
 practicable. But the most disgraceful part of the business is, that the 
 greatest part of the men threw away their arms and accoutrements, even 
 after the pursuit, which continued about four miles, had ceased. I found 
 the road sti'ewed with them for many miles, but was not able to remedy 
 it ; for, having had all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that 
 could not be pricked out of a walk, I could not get forward myself, and 
 the orders I sent forward, either to halt the front, or prevent the men 
 from parting with their arms, were unattended to^" 
 
 The remnant of the army arrived at Fort Jefferson the same day, just 
 before sunset, the place from which they fled being 29 miles distant. 
 Ge 1. St. Clair did eveiy thing that a brave general could do. He ex- 
 pose! himself to every danger, having, during the action, eight bullets 
 shot through his clothes. In no attack related in our records, did the 
 Indians discover greater bravery and determination. After giving the 
 first fire, they rushed forward with tomahawk in hand. Their loss was 
 inconsiderable ; but the traders afterwards learned among them that I/lttle- 
 turtle had 150 killed and many wounded.* " They rushed on the artil- 
 lery, hH^dlcori of their fire, and took two pieces in an instant. They were 
 ";;::.iu retaken by our troops ; and whenever the army charged them, they 
 Avere seen to give way, and advance again as soon as they began to retreat, 
 doing great execution, both in the retreat and advance. They are very 
 dextrous in covering themselves with trees ; many of them however fell, 
 both of the infantry and artillery." " Six or eight pieces of artillery fell 
 into their hands, with about 400 horses, all the baggage, ammunition, and 
 })rovisions."t 
 
 It has been generally said, that had the advice of lAttle-tiirtle been taken 
 at the disastrous fight afterwards with Gen. Wayne, there is very little 
 doubt but he had met as ill success]: as Gen. St. Clair§ did before him. 
 
 * Perm. Gazette., of that year. 
 
 t Letter from Fort Hamilton, dated six days after the battle. 
 
 j: Little-turtle told Mr. Volmy circumstances which gave him that opinion. Sec his 
 Travels in America, ed. Lond. 1804. 
 
 § Gen. Arthur St. Clair was of Edinburgh, Scotland. He cpme to America in the 
 fleet which brought over Ai'.miral Boscawen, in 17.5.5, and having served through the rev- 
 olutionary and Indian wars, died at his farm near Greensburgh, Pa. 31 Aug. 1818. 
 Amtr. Mon. Mag. ii. 4C'J, (N. Y. 1818.) 
 
[Book V. 
 
 V and spoke 
 
 of Girty to 
 
 to an In- 
 
 tlic army ; 
 
 !r of others 
 
 ut liis heart, 
 
 ion, and di- 
 
 litted on the 
 
 ation of tlie 
 
 is as well as 
 
 it was very 
 
 1 with earth 
 
 (' those who 
 
 issue of this 
 narrative in 
 it required, 
 t "The re- 
 'act a flight, 
 unavoidable, 
 lei-wise been 
 i is, that the 
 ements, even 
 led. I found 
 le to remedy 
 upon one that 
 i myself, and 
 ent the men 
 
 me day, just 
 niles distant, 
 do. He ex- 
 eight bullets 
 ords, did the 
 
 giving the 
 leir loss was 
 m that Udth- 
 on the artil- 
 
 They w^cre 
 ;d them, they 
 ,'an to retreat, 
 li(!y are very 
 however fell, 
 ' artillery fell 
 nunition, and 
 
 lie been taken 
 is very little 
 before him. 
 
 pinion. See his 
 
 America in the 
 through the rev- 
 31 Aug. 1318. 
 
 Chap. IV.] 
 
 LITTLE-TURTLE. 
 
 55 
 
 (, 
 
 He was not for fighting Gon. Wayne at Prosque Isle, and inclined rather 
 to peace than fighting him at all. In a council held the night before the 
 battle, he argued ua toUows : " IVe have beaten the enemy tivtcc, under sepa- 
 rate commanders. IVe cannot expect the same f^^ood fortune always to attend 
 Its. The Americans are note led by a chief xoho never sleeps: the night and 
 the day are alike to him. And during all the time tfutt he has been marching 
 upon our villages, notmthstanding the watchfulness of our young vien, we 
 have never been able to surprise him. Think tvellofit. There is something 
 whispers me, it looidd he prudent to listen to his offers ofpeace.^^ For hold- 
 ing this language he was reproached by another chief with cowardice, 
 which ptit an end to all furtfier discourse. Nothing wounds the feelings 
 of a w.urior like the reproach of cowardice ; but Little-turtle stifled his 
 rr-sontineiit, did his duty in the battle, and its issue proved him a truer 
 pro()]iot than his accuser believed.* His residence was upon Eel River, 
 about 20 miles from Fort Wayne, where our government built him a 
 house, and furnished him with means of living, much to the envy of his 
 countrymen. Therefore, what had b(;en bestowed upon him, to induce 
 otiier.^ to a like mode of life by their own exertions, proved not only pre- 
 judicial to the cause, but engendered hatred against him in the minds of 
 all the Indians. He was not a chief by birth, but was raised to that 
 standing by his superior talents. This was the cause of so much jealousy 
 and envy at this time, as also a neglect of his counsel heretofore. The 
 same author,t from vhom we get the facts in the preceding part of this 
 paragraph, says, " Meshecunnaqua, or the lAttle-turtle, was the son of a 
 Miami chief, by a Mohecan woman. As the Indian maxim, with regard 
 to descents, is precisely that of the civil law in relation to slaves, that the 
 condition of the woman adheres to the offspring, he was not a chief by 
 birth," &c. 
 
 Little-turtle was alike courageous and humane, possessing great wis- 
 dom. " And," bays my author, " there have been few individuals among 
 aborigines who have done so much to abolish the rites of human sacri- 
 fice. The grave of this noted warrior is shown to visitors, near Fort 
 Wayne. It is frequently visited by the Indians in that part of the country, 
 by whom his memory is cherished with the greatest respect and ven- 
 eration."f 
 
 '1 lie grave of his great opponent was also in the same region ; but his 
 remains were not long since removed to the seat of his family. Ever after 
 his successful expedition, the Indians called him the Big-wind;^ or Tor- 
 nado; some, however, on particular occasions, called liim Sukach-gook, 
 which signified, in Delaware, a black-snake ; because, they said, he pos- 
 ses.sed all the art and cunning of that reptile.]] We he"v yet of another 
 name, which, though it may not have been his fault that acquired it, is 
 less complimentary than the two just named. It is well known that the 
 British bestowed a great many more presents upon the Indians than the 
 Americans did ; b'lt some of the latter made large pretensions about what 
 they would do. Gen. Wayne, the Indians said, made great promises to 
 them of goods, but never got ready to fulfil them, (probably from being 
 di.sappoiii';ed himself by the failure of his government in not forwarding 
 what was promised ;) therefore they called him Gen. Wabang, which signi-' 
 fied Gen. To-morrow.*^ 
 
 When the philosopher and fitinous traveller Volney was in America, in 
 the winter of 1797, Littlc-iurtk came to Philadelphia", where he then was, 
 and who sought immediate acquaintance with the celebrated chief, for 
 highly valuable purposes, which in some measure he effected. lie made 
 
 * Schoolcraft's Travels. 
 § Pa Gazette. 
 
 t Dawson, Moms. Harrison. 
 11 Heckeicelder's Nar. 
 
 I (ichoolcrafr' s Travels. 
 Tf Weld's Travels, 4^4. 
 
k 
 
 50 
 
 LITTLE-TURTLE. 
 
 fBooK V. 
 
 a vocabulary of liis language, which he printed in the appendix to hia 
 Travels. A copy in manuscript, more extensive than the printed one, ia 
 said to he iii the library of the Philosophical Society of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Having become coiivinceil that all resistance to the whites was vain, 
 lAttte-turUe brought his nation to consent toj)eace, and to adopt agricul- 
 tural pursuits. And it was with the view of soliciting Congress, and the 
 benevolent society of Friends, lor assistance to effect this latter purpose, 
 that he now visited Philadelpliia. While here, he was inoculated for the 
 small-pox, and was also ufllicted witii the gout and rheumatism. 
 
 At the time of IMr. Volnty^s inteniew with him for infonnation, he 
 took no notice of the conversation while the interpreter was communi- 
 cating with Mr. Volney, for he did not understand English, but walked 
 about, plucking out his In ard and eye-brows. He was dressed now in 
 English clothes. His skin, where not exposed, Mr. Volney says, was as 
 white as his; and on speaking upon the subject, lAttle-turHe said, "I have 
 seen Spaniards in Louisiana, and found no difference of color betW(;en 
 them and me. And why should there be any ? In them, as in us, it is 
 the work of the Father of colors, the Sun, that burns us. You white peo- 
 ple compare the color of your face with that of your bodies." Mr. Vol- 
 ney explained to him the notion of many, that his race was descended 
 from the Tartars, and by a map showed him the supposed communication 
 between Asia and America. To this Little-turtle replied, " fVhy shotild 
 not these Tartars, ivho resemble us, have come J'rom Jlmerica9 Are there 
 any reasons to the contranj? Or why should we not both have been born 
 in our own country ?" It is a fact that the Inilians give themselves a 
 name which is equivalent to our word indigene, that is, one sprung fron 
 the soil, or natural to it.* 
 
 Baron Lahontan,\ after describing the different dances, or dances for 
 different occasions, among the Indians of Canada, adds the following in a 
 note: — • Toutes us danses peuvent Hre compares a la pyrrhique de Mi- 
 nerve, f. • les sauvages observent, en dansant d'une gravitc singtUih^e, Its 
 cadences de certaines chansons, que les milices Grecques d'Jlchilie, npelloi- 
 ent hyporchematiques. II n^est pa.': facile de sgavoir si les sauvages les 
 ont apriies des Grecs, ou si les Orecs les ont aprises des sauvagesJ^ It is, 
 perhaps, from such passages that Lahontan has been branded with the 
 name of infidel 4 but truly there can be nothing irreligious in such deduc- 
 tions, inasmuch as it is conceded on all hands that the geological forma- 
 tions of the new world have required as inueh time for their perfection 
 as those of the old. Mr. Volney comes within the same pale, when 
 he compares the Spartans to the Five Nations. In contrasting the bfites 
 of Laceda?mon with modern France, he says, " Maintenant quefai vu les 
 sauvages d'Jlmirique,je persiste deplus en plus dans cette comparaison, et 
 je trouve que le premiere livre de Thucydide, et tout ce qu^il dit des mceurs 
 des Lacedhnoniens, convientnt tellement aux cinq nations, que fappellerais 
 volontiers les Spartiates, les Iroquois de Cancien monde"§ 
 
 When Mr. P'olney asked lAttle-turtle what prevented him from living 
 among the whites, and if he were not more comfoi 'able in Philadelphia 
 than upon the banks of the Wabash, he said, " Taking all things together, 
 you have the advantage over us ; bvi here I am. deaf and dumb. I do 7iot 
 
 * See Voliieij's Travels, iit supra. f Memoires de L'Ameriqne, ii. 109. 
 
 X No one presumes to |)ronouiice Father Hennepin an infidel, anil he denies, (after 
 livin^nuicli anionic the Indians.) that dicy liave any notion, or Iiehef, of ^^hat (Christians 
 call Deitij. But Mr. Beverleij (Hist. Virginia, 169.) says, " Baron Luliontan. on the 
 other hand, makes tlieni have such refined notions, as seem almost to confute his own 
 belief of Christiaiiitv-'' 
 
 $ CEuvres de C. F. Volney, t. 6. 129. (Paris, 182G.) 
 
[Book V. 
 
 ix to his 
 ed uue, is 
 >-uni(i. 
 was vain, 
 t ujjricul- 
 ), and the 
 r nuiposr, 
 3(1 ior tlie 
 
 nation, he 
 :onm»uni- 
 jt walked 
 d now in 
 fs, was as 
 d, "I have 
 r between 
 n us, it is 
 tvliite ])eo- 
 
 Mr. Con- 
 descended 
 niuiication 
 Hiif should 
 
 Are there 
 been born 
 jniselvcs a 
 rung from 
 
 dances for 
 owing in a 
 ue de Mi- 
 gnlUre, Its 
 lie, apelloi- 
 luvages les 
 es."" It is, 
 I with the 
 acli dediic- 
 cal fornia- 
 perfcciion 
 mle, when 
 r the f-i'>tes 
 efai vu les 
 )ara{son, et 
 des mceurs 
 appelkrais 
 
 roni living 
 liladelphia 
 gs together, 
 I do not 
 
 me, ii. 109. 
 denies, (after 
 lat Christians 
 mtaii. on the 
 i'ute liis own 
 
 Chap. IV.] 
 
 LITTLE-TURTLE. 
 
 57 
 
 talk your language ', lean neither hear, nor make myself heard. When I 
 inalk through the streets, I see every person iii his shop employed about some- 
 thing : one makes shoes, another hats, a third sells cloth, and every one lives 
 hy his labor, I say to myself, ff^'hich of all these things can you do'/ JVbtone. 1 
 can make a bow or an arrow, catch fish, kill game, and go to war: but none 
 of these it of any use here. To learn what is done here ivould reifuire along 
 time," " Old age comes on," ^^ I shoidd be a piece of furniture useless to 
 my nation, useless to the lohitrs, and useless to myself. " / must return to 
 my own country," 
 
 At tlie same time, (1797,) anionf,' other etriinent personages to whom 
 this chitsf became attached in Pliiladclphia, vva.s the renowned Koskiusko. 
 This old Polish cliiot" vvjis so well pleased with Little-turtle, that when 
 the latter went to take his final leave of him, the old "war-worn soldier" 
 and patriot presented him with a heautifiil pair of pistols, and an elegant 
 robe made of sea-ottor's skin, of tlu; value of "several" liiindred dol- 
 lars. 
 
 Little-turtle died in the spring of 1812, at his residence, but a short time 
 before the declaration of war agtiiiist England by the U. States. His por- 
 trait, by Stewart, graces the walls of the war-otVice of our nation. The 
 following notice appeared in the public prints at the time of his death: 
 "Fort Wayne, 21 July, 1812. On the 14 iiist. the celebmted Miami chief, 
 the Little-turtle, died at this place, at the age of G5 years. — Perhaps there 
 is not left on this contuient, one of his color so distinguished in council 
 and in war. His disorder was the gout. He died in a camp, because he 
 chose to be in the open air. He met death with great firmness. The 
 agent for Indian affairs had hhn buried with the honors of war, and other 
 marks of distinction suited to his character." He was, generally, ill his 
 time, styled the Messissago chief,* and a gentleman who saw him soon 
 after St, Claires defeat, at Montreal, says he was six feet high, " about 45 
 years of age, of a very sour and morose countenance, and apparently very 
 crafty and subtle. His dress was Indian moccasins, a blue petticoat Uiat 
 came half way down his thighs ; an European waistcoat and surtout : 
 his head was bound with an Indian cap that hung half way down his 
 back, and almost entirely filled with plain silver broaches, to the number 
 of more than 200 ; he had two ear-rings to each ear, the upper part of 
 each was formed of three silver medals, about the size of a dollar ; the 
 lower part was formed of quarters of dollars, and fell more than 12 inches 
 from his ears — one from each ear over his breast, the other over his back ; 
 he had three very large nose jewels of silver, that were curiously painted. 
 The account he gave of the action [with the Americans, 4 Nov.] was, 
 that they killed 1400 of them, with the loss of nine only of their party, 
 one of Avhom killed himself by accident." The person who gave this 
 account said this chief was in Canada for the purpose of raising all the 
 Indian force he could to go out again in tl'O spring against the whites. 
 
 Mr. Dawson relates a pleasant anecdote cP Little-turtle, which happened 
 while he was sitting for his portrait in Philadelphia. A native of the 
 Emerald Isle was sitting for his at the same time, who prided himself 
 upon his ability at jokuig. Little-turtle was not backward in the same 
 business, and they passed several meetings very pleasantly. One morn- 
 ing. Little-turtle did not take much notice of his friend, and seemed rather 
 sedate, which was construed by the Hibernian into an acknowledgment 
 of victory on the part of the chief, in their joking game, and accordingly 
 began to intimate as much. When Little-turtle undei-stood him, he said 
 to the interpreter, " He mistakes ; I was just thinking of proposing to this 
 
 * Those of this tribe in the vicinity of Lake Ontario, are of a much darker com- 
 plexion than the other Indians of the west. Weid, Travels in America, 451. 
 
^, 
 
 
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 IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-S) 
 
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 WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 
 
 (716)«72-4S03 
 
 "^V" 
 
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►/4 
 
 
i'. 
 
 58 
 
 man. 
 
 BLUE-JACKET. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 .! .• 
 
 '.>" 
 
 mint U9 botk on one hoard, and there I tvould stand face to face with 
 him, anH blackguard him to all eternity." 
 
 Among the chiefs associated in command, in the wars of which we 
 have been speaking with the famous Mishikinakwa, was another of nearly 
 equal note, familiarly called Blue-jacket by the whites, but by his own 
 nation, fVeyapiersenwaw. He was the most distinguished chief of the 
 Shawanese, and we hear of him at Fort Industry, on the Miami of the 
 Lake, as late as 1805. By some particular arrangement, the chief com- 
 mand seems to have devolved on him of opposing Gen. Wayne. He 
 was more bloody and precipitate than Mishikinakwa, and possessed less 
 discrimination and judgment. The tribes which furnished warriors 
 to oppose the Americans were the Wyandots, Miamis, Pottowattomies, 
 Delawares, Shawanese, Chippeways, Ottaways, and a few Senecas. 
 Blue-jacket was the director and leader of this tnighty band of warriors. 
 
 From the time General St. Clair was defeated, in 1791, murders were 
 continued upon the frontier, and all attempts on the part of government 
 to effect a peace, proved of no avail ; and lastly the ambassadors sent to 
 them were murdered, and that too while the army was progressing towards 
 their country. 
 
 After building Fort Greenville, upon the Ohio, six miles above Fort Jef- 
 ferson, General Wayne took possession of the ground where Gen. St. Clair 
 had been defeated, and there erected a fort, to which he gave the name 
 of Recovery, in which the army spent the winter of 1793-4. Many cen- 
 sures were passed upon the general for his slow progress ; but h' knew 
 much better what he was doing than newspaper writers did what they 
 were writing, when they undertook to censure him, as the event proved. 
 
 It was the 8 August, 1794, when the army arrived at the confluence of 
 the rivers Au Glaize and Maumee, where they built Fort Defiance. It 
 was the general's design to have met the enemy unprepared, in this move ; 
 but a fellow deserted his camp, and notified the Indians. He now tried 
 again to bring them to an accommodation, and from the answers which 
 he received from them, it was some time revolved in his mind, whether 
 they were for peace or war ; so artful was the manner in which their 
 replies were formed.* At length, being fully satisfied, he marched down 
 the Maumee, and arrived at the rapids, 18 August. His army consisted 
 of upwards of 3000 men, 2000 of whom were regulart Fort Deposit 
 was erected at this place, for the security of their supplies. They now 
 Bet out to meet th;. -jnemy, who had chosen his position, upon the bank 
 of the river, wii > iiiuch judgment. They had a breastwork of fallen 
 trees in front, and tho high rocky shore of the river gave them much se- 
 curity, as also did the thick wood of Presque Isle. Their force was di- 
 vided, and disposed at supporting distances for about two miles. When 
 the Americans had arrived at proper distance, a body was sent out to 
 begin the attack, " with orders to rouse the enemy from their covert with 
 the bayonet ; and when up, to deliver a close fire upon their backs, and 
 press them so hard as not to give them time to reload."t This order was 
 so well executed, and the battle at the point of attack so short, that only 
 about 900 Americans participated in it. But they puraued the Indians 
 with great slaughter through the woods to Fort Maumee, where the car- 
 nage ended. The Indians were so unexpectedly driven from their strong 
 hold, that their numbers only increased their distress and confusion. And 
 the cavalry made horrible havoc among them with their long sabres. Of 
 the Americans, there were killed and wounded about 130. The loss of 
 the Indians could not be ascertained, but must have been very severe. 
 The American loss was chiefly at the commencement of the action, as 
 
 * Marshall's Washington, v. 481. ed. 4to. 
 
 t Schoolcraft. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 xe to face with 
 
 of which we 
 tlier of nearly 
 t by his own 
 
 chief of the 
 Miami of tlie 
 le chief cotn- 
 
 Waynt. He 
 possessed less 
 hed warriora 
 )ttowattoniies, 
 few Senecas. 
 of warriors, 
 murders were 
 f government 
 sadors sent to 
 !ssing towards 
 
 )0ve Fort Jef- 
 Gen. St. Clair 
 ive the name 
 . Many cen- 
 but he knew 
 id what they 
 svent proved, 
 confluence of 
 Defiance. It 
 in this move ; 
 le now tried 
 iswers which 
 lind, whether 
 
 which their 
 larched down 
 'my consisted 
 Fort Deposit 
 . They now 
 ton the hank 
 ork of fallen 
 em much se- 
 brce was di- 
 (liles. When 
 i sent out to 
 r covert with 
 ir backs, and 
 his order was 
 ort, that only 
 
 the Indians 
 lere the car- 
 1 their strong 
 fusion. And 
 I sabres. Of 
 
 The loss of 
 
 very severe, 
 he action, as 
 
 wokraft. 
 
 Chap. V.] 
 
 THAYANDANECA, OR BRANT. 
 
 59 
 
 they advanced upon the mouths of the Indians' rifles, who could not be 
 seen 'intil they bad dischiirged upon them. The^ maintained their 
 coverts out a short time, being forced in every direction by the bayonet. 
 But until that was effected, the Americans fell fast, and we only wonder 
 that men - juld be found thus to advance in the face of certain death. 
 
 This horrid catastrophe in our Indian annals is chargeable to certain 
 white men, or at least mainly so ; for some days before the battle, General 
 Wayne sent a flag of truce f them, and desired them to come and treat 
 with him. The letter which he sent was taken to Col. JWJSCec, who, it 
 appears, was their ill-adviser, and he, by putting a false construction U|)on 
 it, increased the rage of the Indians : he then informed them that they 
 must forthwith fight the American army. Some of the chie&, learning 
 the truth of the letter, were for peace ; but it was too late. Little-turtle 
 was known to have been in favor of making peace, and seemed well 
 aware of the abilities of the American general ; but such was the influ- 
 ence of traders among them, that no arguments could prevail. Thus, in- 
 stances without number might be adduced, where these people have been 
 destroyed by placing confidence in deceiving white men. 
 
 The night before the battle, the chiefs assembled in councU, and some 
 proposed attacking the army in its encampment, but the proposal was ob- 
 jected to by others; finally the proposition of fighting at Presque Isle 
 prevailed. 
 
 In this battle all the chiefs of the Wyandots were killed, being nine in 
 number. Some of the nations escaped the slaughter by not coming up 
 until afler the defeat. This severe blow satisfied the western Indians of 
 the folly of longer contending against the Americans j th ,y therefore were 
 glad to get what terms they could from them. The chiefs of twelve 
 tribes met commissioners at Fort Greenville, 3 Aug. 1795, and, as a price 
 of their peace, gave up an extensive tract of country south of the lakes, 
 and west of the Ohio ; and such other tracts as comprehended all tiie 
 military posts in the western region. The government showed some lib- 
 erality to these tribes, on their reUnquishing to it what they could not 
 withhold, and as a gratuity gave them 20,000 dollars in goods, and agreed 
 to pay them 9000 dollars a year forever ; to be divided among those tribes 
 in proportion to their numbers.* 
 
 »#/#« 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 lAfe of Thayandaneca, called by the whites, Brant — His education — His 
 being htt half Indian an error — Visits England — Commissioned there — 
 His sister a companion to Sir Wm. Johnson — His letter to the Oneidas — 
 ^air toith Herkimer at UnadUla — Cuts off Herkimer and 200 men at 
 Oriskana, near Oneida Creek. — Anecdote of Htrkimer — Bums Spring- 
 feld — Horrid affair of Wyoming — Incidents — Destroys Cherry Valley — 
 Barbarities of the tories — Sullivan's depredations among the Five Jva- 
 tions — Brant defeated by the Americans at JVeiotoiim — Destruction of Mi- 
 nisink, and slaughter of 100 people — Destruction of Harpersfield — BranVs 
 letter to M'Causland — Marriage of his daughter — Her husband killed — 
 
 * The terms of this treaty were the same as were offered to tliem before the battle, 
 which should be mentioned, as adding materially to our p^ood feeling's towards its au- 
 thors. It is generally denominated Wayne's treaty. It is worthy of nim. 
 

 60 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 '■ .! .' 
 
 Brant becomes (he friend of mate — Vinita Philadelphia — Hia marriage — 
 Lands granted him by the king— His death — His son John — TVaits of 
 character — One of his sons killed by him, in an attempt to kill his father — 
 Account of Brarws arrival in England — Sortie account of his chddren. 
 
 Col. Joseph Brant was an Onondaga of the Mohawk tribe, whose In- 
 dian name was TTiayendaneca,* or Tayadanaga,] signifying a brant.l But 
 as he was seldom called by that name after he became known to the 
 whites, it was generally forgotten. He received a very good English ed- 
 ucation at the " Moor's charity school," at Lebanon, in Connecticut, where 
 he was placed by Sir fViUiam Johnson, in July, 17G1. His age, at this 
 time, we have not learned. 
 
 The story that he was but half Indian, the son of a German, Jias been 
 widely spread, but is denied by his son, and now believed to ba!j}2^se- 
 hood, ignorantly circulated. This error might have arisen either from the 
 known fact of his being of rather a lighter complexion than his country- 
 men in general, or from his having married a woman who was half 
 white. 
 
 Brant went to England in 1775, in the beginning of the great revolu- 
 tionary rupture, where he was received with attention, and doubtless hod 
 there his mind prepared for the part he acted in the memorable struggle 
 which ensued. He had a colonel's conunission in the English army, upon 
 the frontiers, which consisted of such of the Six Nations and tories, as 
 took part against the country. Gen. Sir William Johnson was agent of 
 Indian affairs, and had greatly ingratiated himself into the esteem of the 
 Six Nations. He lived at the place since named from him, upon the north 
 bank of the Mohawk, about 40 miles from Albany. Here he had an ele- 
 gant seat, and would often entertain several hundreds of his red friends, 
 and share all in common with them. They so much respected him, that, 
 notwitlistanding they had the full liberty of his house, yet they would 
 take nothing that did not belong to thetn. The better to rivet their es- 
 teem, he would, at certain seasons, accommot<ate himself to their mode 
 of dress, and, being a widower, took as a kind of companion a sister of 
 Brant, by the name of Molley. He had received horiors and emoluments 
 from the British government, and the Indians received also, through his 
 agency, every thing which, in their opinion, conduced to their happiness. 
 Hence it is not strange that they should hold in the greatest reverence 
 the name of their " great father," the king, and think the few rebels who 
 opposed his authority, when the revolution began, most ungratefully 
 wirked, and unworthy all mercy. Sir William died in 1774, about a year 
 before the battle of Bunker's Hill. 
 
 The Butlers, John and Walter, whose names are associated with the re- 
 collection of the horrid barbarities upon Cherry Vaiiey and Wyoming, 
 lived at Caughnewaga, four miles south-easterly from the village of John- 
 ston, and upon the same side of the Mohawk. 
 
 In 1775, in a letter to the Oneidas, our chief subr-cribes himself " sec- 
 rotary to Guy Johnson.''* This was early in the summer of that year, and 
 hence he was immediately from England. Col. Guy Johnson was son-in- 
 law of Sir William. The letter was found in an Indian path, and was 
 supposed to have been lost by the person who was intrusted with it. It 
 was in the Mohawk language, the translation of which commences thus : 
 " Written at Guy Johnson's, May, 1775. This is your letter, you great ones 
 or sachems. Guy Johnson says he will be glad if you gel this intelligence, 
 
 * Carey's Museum, v. 18. f Annals Tryon County, 16. 
 
 t Generally written Brandt by those who are unacquainted with the meaning of his 
 Indian name. 
 
 
 ( 
 { 
 i 
 
 < 
 t 
 c 
 ] 
 I 
 c 
 r. 
 c 
 d 
 v 
 
 a 
 
 t( 
 
 P 
 
 V 
 
 e 
 
 o 
 
 ri 
 ii 
 k 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 RRANT. 
 
 61 
 
 you Oneidas, how it froes xoith him now, and he m now more certain concern- 
 ing the intention of the Boston people. Guy JohuHon is in ftjeat fear of 
 being taken prisoner by the Boslonians. We Mohawks are obliged to watch 
 him constantly" &.c. 
 
 After this, Brant accompanied Guy Johnson when he fled to Canada. 
 The two Butlers were also in the train. Being now in a j)hice of safety, 
 and the means in tlieir hands, |)lots of destruction were put in execution 
 in rapid succession. 
 
 Having had some disagreement with Johnson, Brant came again to the 
 frontiers. Some of the peaceable Moiiawks iind been confined, to pre- 
 vent their doing mischieij as were some of the IVrassnchusetts Indians in 
 Philip's war. Brant was displeased at this, for he said, if tin; distant In- 
 dians should come down, they would destroy them indiscriminately with 
 the whites, lie was accompanied by a l)and of 70 or 80 warriors, who, 
 in their rambles, visited Unadilla, where they assembled the inhabitants, 
 and told them that they stood in need of jirovisions, and if they did not 
 give them some, they should take it by force; a refusal, therefore, would 
 have been worse than useless. Brant furtner observed, "that their agree- 
 ment with the king was strong, and that they were not such villains as to 
 break their covenant with him. Gen. Herkimer marched up to Unadilla, 
 in July, with 380 men, where he foimd Brant with 130 of his warriors. 
 Here he had an interview with him, in which he held the following lan- 
 guage : " That the Indians were in concert tvith the king, as their fathers and 
 grandfathers had been. That the king's belts were yet lodged with them, ami 
 they could not falsify their pledge. That Gen. Hc^rkimer and the rest had 
 joined the Boston people against their king. That Boston people were reso- 
 lute, bui the king woiUd humble them. That Mr. Scliuyh^r, or general, or 
 what you please to call him, was very smart on the Indians at thf. treaty at 
 German Flails ; but teas not, at the same time, able to afford them the small- 
 est article of clothing. That the Indians had formerly made war on the 
 ichite people all united ; and now they were divided, the Indians were not 
 frightenedJ" Col. Cox, who accompanied Herkimer, said, if war was his 
 aetermination, the matter was 'cd. Brant tlien spoke to his warriors, 
 and they shouted, and ran to their place of encampment, seized their arms, 
 fired several guuL, and, aller giving the war-whoop, returned in warlike 
 array. Gen. Herkimer then told Brant he did not come to fight, and the 
 chief motioned for his men to remain quiet. Perhaps, as a worthy au- 
 thor observed upon a transaction in Philip's war, it is better to omit the 
 cause of the conduct ot Herkimer, than too critically to inquire into it. 
 His men vastly outnumbered the Indians, and his authority was ample ; 
 but his motives were no doubt pure, and his courage must not now bo 
 calleu in question, as will appear from what is to be related. To jint the 
 most favorable construction upon his neglecting to break down the* [tower 
 of Brard, is to suppose that he was impressed with the belief that tlie In- 
 dians would not join with the English in committing hostilities; if this 
 were the case, he too late discovered the error of his judgment. 
 
 After the general had said that he did not come to fight, Brant, with an 
 air of importance, said, " If your purpose is war, I am ready for you.'" A 
 tempest, which came up sudaenly, separated the parties, ancleach retired 
 peaceably. This is said to be the last talk held by any of the Americans 
 with the Six Nations, previous to hostilities, except with the Oneidas ; all, 
 except a very few, of whom remained neutral. 
 
 Towards the autumn of this year, (1777,] Brant was under the direction 
 of Gen. St. Leger, who detached him with a considerable body of war- 
 riors for the investment of Fort Stanwix. Col. Bidler was commander 
 in chief, with a band of tories. The inhabitants in the valley of the Mo- 
 kawk determined to march for the relief of Col. Ganesvoort, who com- 
 6 
 
m 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 : ; ,;!•■ 
 
 
 rrianded the fort, which they did, in two regiments, with Gon. Herkimer 
 at their head. As is UHuai with militia, tlicy niarrhcd in great disorder, 
 and when the general ordered scouting parties to march as security 
 against surprise, upon the flanks of the main hody, they accused him with 
 cowardice, which, most unwarrantably, had more influence upon his 
 mind, than the safety of his army. A catastrophe ensued, which, though 
 not so momentous in that day, as was that of Lolhrop in 11576, nor so 
 complete a victory on the part of the Indians, yet it was a severe fight, in 
 v'hich 200 Americans were slain.* The place of attack was selected by 
 Jirant or Butler, and was a ravine of a broad bottom, nearly impassable, 
 except a rough track covered with logs, of from 12 to 15 feet in length, 
 laid transversely,! which extended across it. (ien. Herkimer arrived at 
 tliis place about two hours iKjfore mid-day, Aujjust (5. He might reason- 
 ably have expected an ambush, but his first intimations of the vicinity of 
 an enemy were the terrifying yells of the Indians, and the still more last- 
 . )g impressions of their rifles. The advanced guard were all cut ofl^. 
 Such as survived the first fire, were hewn down with the tomahawk. The 
 fatal causeway was semicircular, and Brant and his forces occupied tic 
 surrounding heights.- A surgeon. Dr. Moses Younglove, was taken pris- 
 oner in this battle, and after his return from captivity, he wrote a poem 
 upon the affair, from which we extract the following : — 
 
 " The time and place of our unhappy fight, 
 To you at large were needless to recite : 
 When in the wood our fierce inhuman foes, 
 With piercing yell from circling aitihush rose, 
 A sudden volley rends the vaulted sky ; 
 Their painted bodies hideous to the eye, 
 They rush like hellish furies on our bands, 
 Their slaughter weapons brandish'd in their hands. 
 
 Then we with equal fury join the fight, 
 E'er Phoebus gaiii'd his full meridian neight: 
 Nor ceased the horrors of the bloody fray, 
 Till he had joumey'd half his evening way." 
 
 Running down from every direction, they prevented the two regiments 
 from forming a junction, one of them not having entered the causeway ; 
 and a part of the assailants fell upon those without, and the remainder 
 upon those within it. The former fared worse than the latter, for in such 
 cases a flight has almost always been a dismal defeat. It was now the 
 cjxse. The other regiment, hemmed in as they were, saw, in a moment, 
 that. 
 
 To fight, or not to fight, was death. 
 
 They, therefore, back to back, forming a front in every direction, fought 
 like men in despair. This, Dr. Younglove thus forcibly depicts : — 
 
 " Now, hand to hand, the contest is for life. 
 With bay'net, tom'hawk, sword, and scalping knife: 
 Now more remote the work of death we ply, 
 And thick as hail the show'ring bullets fly: 
 Full many a hardy warrior sinks supine ; 
 Yells, shrieks, groans, shouts and thund'ring volleys join } 
 The dismal din the ringing forest fills, 
 The sounding echo roars along the hills." 
 
 * Their whole loss was about 400, says Marshall, Life Washington, v. Sfil. 
 
 t All who have travelled, even within a few years, in this part of the slate of New 
 York, cannot but well remember the " Corduroy" roads. Such was the road over tliis 
 memorable ravine. 
 
CHAf. v.] 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 63 
 
 The poet thus prcacnts to our view the attacking parties :— 
 
 " or two departments were the assailing foes ; 
 Wild sa'.'u<;e natives lead the tirst of those ; 
 Their almost naked frames, of various dves, 
 And rin^s of black and red surround their eyes: 
 On one side they present a shaven head ; * 
 
 The naked half ol the vermilion red : 
 In spots the party-color'd face they drew. 
 Hcyond desi-ription horrible to view ; 
 Their ebon locks in braid, with paint o'ersprcad ; 
 The silver'*! ears dcpcndin<r from the head ; 
 'I'hcir gaudry iliy descriptive power exceeds, 
 111 plumes of feathers, ^litt'ring plates and beads.'' 
 
 He thus speaks of the tories : — 
 
 " With thcni of parricides a bloody band, 
 Aiisist the rava<^c of their parent land: 
 Willi equal dross, and arms, and savage arts, 
 But more than savage rancor in their hearts. 
 These for the first attack their force unite, 
 And most sustain the fury of the fight ; 
 Their rule of warfare, (iuvaslalioii dire, 
 By undistinguish'd plunder, death and lire ; 
 lliey torture man and beast, with barbarous rage. 
 Nor tender infant - oare, nor rev'rend sage." 
 
 And Butler is noticed in the same poem from \vhich we have nude the 
 preceding extracts, as follows : — 
 
 " O'er them a horrid monster bore command, 
 Whose inauspicious birth disgrac'd our laiid ; 
 By malice urg'd to ev'ry barb'rous art ; 
 Of cruel temper, but of coward heart." 
 
 With such bravery did they flight in this forlorn condition, that the In- 
 dians began to give way ; and, but for a reinforcement of tories, under 
 Major Waison, they would have been entirely dispersed.* This reinforce- 
 ment is thus characterized by the surgeon : — 
 
 " The second was a rcnegado crew, 
 
 Who arm and dress as Christian nations do, 
 Led bv a chief who bore the first command ; 
 A bold invader of his native land." 
 
 The sight of this reinforcement greatly increased the rage of the Amer- 
 icans. It was composed of the very men who had left that part of the 
 country at the commencement of the war, and were held in abhorrence 
 for their loyalty to the king. The fight was renewed with vigor, and the 
 reinforcement fought also with bravery, until about 30 of their numb»)r 
 were killed. Maj. Waison, their leader, was wounded and taken prisoner, 
 but left upon the battle gruiiiKi. 
 
 In the mean time, Gen. Herkimer liad got forward to the fort an express, 
 which informed Col. Ganesvoort of his sitiiation. IIo immediately de- 
 tached Col. Marinus Millet with 207 men, who succeeded in rescuing the 
 remnant of this brave band from destrtiction. He beat the enemy from 
 the ground, and returned to the fort with considerable plunder. Such 
 were the events of the battle of Oriskana. 
 
 * Dr. Gordon says the tories and Indians got into a most wretched confusion, and 
 fought one another ; and that the latter, at last, thought it was a plot of the whites oa 
 both sides, to get them into that situation, that they might cut tbem off. 
 
V, 
 
 64 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 Gen. Herkimer died of a wohikI which he received in thia fight. Near 
 its coiiiiii«>ncciueiit, he was sovoreiy wotitulrd in tiie leg, and his horse wns 
 kille(i. He directed his saddle lo l)e placed upon u Uttle knoll, and rest- 
 ing liimself upon it, continued to issue his orders. On being advised to 
 remove to a place of greater safety, he said, "wVo — / mil face the enemy ;" 
 and, adds the historian of Tryon county, " In this situation, and in the 
 heat of the battle, he very deliberately took from his po"ket his tinder- 
 box, and lit his pipe, which he smoked with great composure." 
 
 The Indians, as well as the Americans, suflered dreadfully in this fight. 
 And our poet writes, . 
 
 '• Such was the liloc;ly iljjlit: and such the f(M»: 
 Our sinalk'r force rrturiiM llicm l)h)W Cor blow; 
 By lurns sucressl'ully ihi-ir force defy'tl, 
 And conquest wav'ring sconi'd from side to side." 
 
 BranCs loss bciog about 100 men ; Ave are inclined to think the loss of the 
 Indiana exaggerated in these lines : — 
 
 " Not half the savages rutunietl from fieht ; 
 They to their native wilds had .iped their flight." 
 
 The Scuccas alone lost 30, and tlie tories about 100. The regiment 
 which fled suffered severely, but would have suflered still more, had not 
 their pursuers been apprized of the desperate case of their fellows en- 
 gaged in the ravine, which caused them to abandon the pursuit. Tho 
 couunanding officer. Col. Cox, was killed, and the command devolved 
 upon Lieut. Col. Campbell and Major Clyde, who conducted tho retreat. 
 
 The scene in the night following the battle is thus strikingly presented 
 by Dr. Younglove, the eye-witness : — 
 
 " Those that remain'd a long encampment made, 
 And rising fires illumin'd ail the shade : 
 In vengeance for their num'rous brothers slain, 
 For torture sundry prisoners they retain ; 
 And three fell monsters, horrible to view, 
 A fellow pris'ner from the sentries drew ; 
 The guards before received their chief's command, 
 To not withhold from the slaught'ring band ; 
 But now the sufterer's fate the; sympathize, 
 And for him supplicate with earnest cries. 
 I saw the general* slowly parsing by, 
 The sergeant, on his knees, villi tearful eye, 
 Implor'd the guards might t.'rcst him from their hands, 
 Since now the troops could nwc their lessen'd bands. 
 With lifted cane the gen'ral <hus replies, 
 (While indignation sparkles from his eves: ) 
 ' Go ! sirrah ! mind your orders giv'n refore ! 
 ' And for infernal rebels pl'-ad no more !' 
 For help the wretched victim vainly cries. 
 With supplicating voice and ardent eves ; 
 With horror chill'd, I turn away my face, 
 While instantly they bear him from the place. 
 Dread scene ! — with anguish stung I inly groan. 
 To think the next hard lot may be my own." 
 
 " When through the grove '.he flaming fires arise ; 
 
 And loud resound the tortur'd pris'ners' cries ; 
 
 Still as their nangs are more or less extreme. 
 
 The bitter groan is heard, or sudden screan : 
 
 But when tneir natures faii'd, and dea<h drew near, 
 
 Their screeches faintly sounded in the ear." 
 _— — 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 niUNT. 
 
 05 
 
 the loss of the 
 
 The poet next describes his drnnin, in which he wan corried to the bat- 
 tle-ground ; and then thus o|>cn8 tlie morning scene : — 
 
 " When savages, for horrid sporl prepar'd, 
 Deniand another pris'ner from the ^uird, 
 Wc saw Ihcir fcnr'd approarh, with mortal fright, 
 Their sralping-knives thoy shiirpcn'd in our sight, 
 
 Hrside the guard Ihcy sal them on the ground, 
 And vicw'd, witii piercing eyes, the pns'ncrs n 
 
 round.' 
 
 " At Ic-^gth, one rising seized nie by the hand ; 
 By him drawn forth, on trembling knees I .stand ; 
 -^ I bid my felKiWs all a long adieu, 
 
 With answering grief, my wrclrbed case they view. 
 They hid me bound, along the winding flord, 
 Far in the gloomy i)osoni of the wooo : 
 There, (horrid sig'ht ! ) a pris'ner roastecl lav. 
 The carving-knile had cut his ^esh away.'' 
 
 After enduring every thing but dentli in his captivity, Dr. Yoiinfrlove re- 
 turned home in safety. 
 
 In 1778, a fort was built at Cherry-valley, where families ior considera- 
 hle t!Xtent about took up their abode, or retired occtisiDiially for safety. 
 Brant intended to destroy this, and came into the neighborhood for the 
 purpose. It happened that, at the time he chose to make the discov- 
 ery of the strength of the garrison, the boys were assembled in a training, 
 with wooden gtms, for amusement : not having a clear view of them 
 from the foliage of the trees which iiitervened, Brant thought them to b«^ 
 men. It was his design to have madt; the attack the following night ; but 
 on this discovery, he gave up the design. He still remained in the neigh- 
 borhood, secreteti behind a large rock near the main road to the IMohawU, 
 nnd about two miles north of the fort in the valley. Here he waited to 
 intercept some unwary pa8seng<T, and gain more certain inteiligence. 
 Near this place is the litth; cascade ealh;d by the natives, Tekaharawa. 
 The inhabitants of the valley were ui expectation of a company of soldiers 
 from the Mohawk, to reinforce them, and the same day Lieut. IVormivood 
 came from thence, and infoinied them that Col. Klock would arrive the 
 next day with the party. Near n'.ght he set out to return, accom|)anie»l 
 by one Pettr Sitz, the bearer of some despatches. He was a yomig orti- 
 cer, of fine personil appearance, and was to return the next ilay with one 
 of thi companies of sol.liers. He had l)een out of sight but a few min- 
 utes, when, as he passed the ambush of Brant, his warriors fired ti[>oii 
 him, and he fell from his licrse. The chief, springing from his hiiliiif;- 
 place, tomahawked him with his own hands. Wormwood and his com- 
 panion were ordered to stand, but not obeying, occasioned their being 
 iired upon. Brant was acquainted with Lieut. Wormwood before the war, 
 and afterwards expressed sorrow at his fate, pretending that he took him 
 to be a continental officer. His horse immediately running back to the 
 fort, with blood upon the saddle, gave some indication of what had hap- 
 pened. His companion, Sitz, wcs taken prisoner. 
 
 lu June, the same summer, hrvxt came upon Springfield, which he 
 burned, and carried oflf a mmiber of prisoners. The women and chil- 
 dren were not maltreated, but were left in one house unmolested. About 
 this time, great pains were taken to seize the wary chief, but there was no 
 Capt. Church, or, unlike Philip of Pokanoket, Brant had the remote na- 
 tions to fly to without fear of oeing killed by them. Capt. MKean hunt- 
 ed him for some time, and, not being able to find him, wrote an insulting 
 letter fcr him, and left it in an Indian patli. Among other things, he clial- 
 lenged him lo single combat, or to meet him with an equal number of 
 G* 
 
t ' 
 
 m 
 
 n:iANT. 
 
 [BooE V. 
 
 men ; niiil "that if ho. would comr to Chrrry-vnllny, nnd have a Tair fight, 
 they would change him from a lirant into a iJoos. This lotter, it is sun- 
 poHcd, lira:>f received, from an iMtimiitiou contained in one which ho 
 wrote ahout the Hume tim«! to n tory. To this man [Pnrcifer Carr, of Hd- 
 meHton) he writes from Tuimdillu [l^nadillu] under date i)July, 177H, — 
 " Sir : I uiukrstnnd by the. Indians thai tvas at your house last week, that 
 one Smith lives near with you, has little more corn to spare. I should he 
 viueh obliged to you, if you would be so kind as to try to fret as much corn 
 us Smith fflH spared; he has sent me five skipples already, of tt'hich lam 
 jiiuvh oblif^ed to him, and tvill see him paid, and would be very frlad if you 
 could spare one or two your men to join us, especially I'lias. / woidd be 
 glad to see him, and I wish you could seiU me as many guns you have, as 
 I knoto you have no use for them, if you any ; as 1 mean now to ftght 
 the cruel rebels as well as I can ; whatever you will ablt to senVd tne, you 
 nnuit senVd by the bearer. I am your sincere friend and humble serH. Jo- 
 SKiMi Bkant. /*. »S'. I heard that Chemf-valley people is vein/ bold, and 
 intended to make nothing of us ; they called %ts tviid geese, but I know the 
 contrary.^^ Tliis we suppose to he n fair specimen of the composition of 
 tiie ciii'ef who afterwards translated the; Gospel according to John into the 
 Mohawk lan^uagi;, also the IJook of Common Prayer ; copies of which 
 aie in the library of Ihirvard college.* 
 
 The next event of importance in which lirant was engaged, was the 
 destruction of Wyoming,t one of the most heart-rending records in the 
 nnnals of the revolutionary war. In that horrid aflair, about .MOO settlers 
 were killed or carried into captivity ; from the greater part of whom no 
 intelligence was ever obtained. 
 
 There were assendjied at the fort in Wyoming HOS men. On the 3 
 July, 177B, a coimcil of war was held among them, upon the propriety of 
 marching in (|U(>st of an enemy. While they were liolding this council, 
 news was brought that a party had left Niagara, to attack the settlements 
 upon the Susquehannah, and the majority of the people determined u|)on 
 an expedition of discovery. Accordingly, they issued forth the same day, 
 and ranged up the river, under the command of Col. Zcbulon Butler, who 
 was cousin to the leader of the tories.l The Americans sent forward a 
 scout, who soon discovered the enemies: the torieswere in possession of 
 a fort, and the Indians in liuta about it.^ Every appearance was now in 
 favor of the Americans, and the spies returned towards their camp with 
 tlu! important intelligence. They had not proceeded far, when they were 
 discovered by two Indians, who were, doubtless, upon the same business. 
 The scouts fired each upon the other, and then hastened to their respec- 
 tive head-quarters. Both parties were immediately in motion, and joined 
 battle near a thick swamp. The Indians and tories, being the more nume- 
 rous,|| out-flunked the Americans, and Brant, at the head of his furious 
 warriors, issuing from the swamp, turned their lefl flank, and creating 
 thereby a confusion, which greatly favored his kind of warfare, and ena- 
 bled him to make dreadful havoc among them. 
 
 The Americans were in two lines, and it was the line commanded by 
 Col. Denison that Brant successfidly encountered. Butler, at the same 
 
 * It would seem from Mr. Weld, (Travels in America, 485,) that he translated those 
 works before the war. 
 
 t This name is said to signify a field of blood, from a great battle fought tiicrc by the 
 Indians before its settlement by the whites. 
 
 t Life Washington, iii. 536. 
 
 $ This was Fort Wintennoot, which, being garrisoned by tories, was treacherously 
 given up on the approach o( Butler and Brant. Marshall, ibid. 557. 
 
 Ij 1G(X) strong, say the histories of the revolution ; Imt this is believed to exceed their 
 number about 300. The Indians were supposed to be 800. 
 
fflAP. v.] 
 
 BRANT 
 
 67 
 
 tiiiK', wiiH griiniiif^ soiiio mlvantu^c over tlic ntlior lino, under his cousin 
 Zihulon, \vlii«*li, iiiIiI«mI to tin* rngiiif^ ilinaHttT in tli<; l)>t>, iM^cnmo iinmodi- 
 atcly a llit^iit. Col. De.ni,wn\<i order to tidi l»ack, by which hodcni^nndto 
 ninko an advautamioiiH evolution, was distorted, l»y the terrified troops, 
 into an order tor ili^^lit ; and nil wa8 in a few moments lost. And from 
 .hidj,'e Marshall W(! add as follows : — "The troops fled towards the river, 
 wliirh they endeavored to pass, in order to enter Fort VVilkeshnn'e, [in 
 the villa<re of that name on the opposite side of the Snsqueliannah.] Ttie 
 enemy pur-sued ' with the fury of devils ;' and of the 400 who had marched 
 out on this nnfortunat(! parley, otdy uhout 20 escaped," uinong whom were 
 the eoinmandin^ officers.* 
 
 The fort at Wyominj( was now closely besieged, and seeing no chance 
 of escape, ('ol. Ihitler proposed a |»arley with Win friend and namesake, 
 whiidi was assented to. The plact; of meeting was a|)pointt>d at some dis- 
 tance from the f)rt, and the Americans marched out ni considerable force, 
 to prevent treachery, to the place appointed ; but when they arrived there, 
 they found noltody with whom to parley. The commnixler of the tories 
 has been branded with gross iufiitny, for this piece of treachery witii iiis 
 kinsman; for lie feigned fear from his a|)proach, and had retired as they 
 advanced, dis|)laying meanwhile the flag of truce. The unwary Ameri- 
 cans were, l)y this treacherous stratagem, led into an ambush in nearly 
 the same manner as were Hutchinson '".'ul ly'hcrler, at VVickabaug Pond, in 
 Philifi's war. TIkjv were, in a moiinnt, n(;arly surrounded by liravVs 
 warriors, and the work of death raged in all its fury. The tories "were 
 not a whit Ixdiind the very chiefesl" of them in this bloody day. A rem- 
 nant only regained the fort, out of several hundreds that went forth. They 
 were now more dostdy besieged than before ; and the more to insult the 
 vanquished, a demand was sent in to them to surrender, "accompanied by 
 19<) bloody scalps, taken from those who had just been slain." When the 
 best terms were asked of the besii^gcrs, the " infiimous Buller'^ replied in 
 these two words, "//le hatchet" This was the only tmlh we bear of his 
 uttering. It was the hatchet, indeed — a few only fled to the surrounding 
 wilderness, there to meet a more lingering death by famine. These were 
 chiefly women and children. 
 
 Thus passed the fourth of Jubi,\Tl^.,\n the before flourishing settle- 
 ment of Wyoming, on the eastern branch of the Susqiieliannali. Barlow 
 knew well, in his early day, who was forever to be branded with infamy 
 for the acts of this memorable tragedy. He says, — 
 
 " His snvapc hordes ihc nuirderous Johnson loads, 
 Files tliroiigii the woods and treads tiic tangled weeds, 
 Shuns open combat, leaches where to run, 
 Skulk, couch the ambush, aim the luuilcr's gun, 
 Wiiirl the sly tomahawk, the war-whoop sing, 
 Divide the spoils, and pack the scalps they bring." 
 
 Columbiad, vi. 389, &c. 
 
 Having now got full possession of Wyoming, and, observes Dr. Thach- 
 er, "aflci- selecting a few prisoners, the remainder of the people, including 
 women and children, were enclosed in the houses and barracks, which 
 were immediately set on fire, and the whole consumed together. Another 
 fort was near at hand, in which were 70 continental soldiers ; on surren- 
 dering without conditions, these were, to a man, butchered in a barbarous 
 manner; when the remainder of the men, women and children were shut 
 up in the houses, and the demons of hell glutted their vengeance in be- 
 
 * There arc disagreements in the accounts of this afTair. 
 history of it, as printed iu ihc Annuls of Tryou County. 
 
 I follow partly Chapman's 
 
k 
 
 68 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 hoMiiijj tlioir dcHtriictiun in ono f^cnurnl conflagration." Tim Iiouhch of 
 the tones were H|>are«l. Ah tliou^li they could not cximtIho their cruelty 
 enough U|)on hutimn beingH, they iell upon the betiMtH in the field — shoot- 
 ing Home, wounding and niungling othern, by cutting out meir tongucH, 
 &n: and leaving them alive. Well doen Campbell muKe his Oneida chief 
 to Huy, (who comeH oh a friend to warn the Hcttlotnunt of thu approach of 
 tliu combined army of torien and Indiunt),) 
 
 " ' Hut this is not a iiinr,' — lie started up, 
 
 And smote his l>roiist with woc-dcnouiiring hand— 
 
 ' Tliis is no time to till lliv joyous cup : 
 
 Tho ninniinoth comes — tlie foe — the monster Brandt, 
 
 Willi nil his howling desolating hand ; — 
 
 These eyes have seen their Made, and hurning pine, 
 
 Awake at onre, and silence hall" your land. 
 
 Red is the eup they drink ; hut not with wino: 
 
 Awake and watch to-night \ or see no nu)rning shine. 
 
 ' Srorninij to wield the hatrhet for his bribe, 
 '(iainst nrnndt himself 
 
 inij to 
 
 nrnndt himself I went to battle forth : 
 Acrursei' Itrandl I In' left of all my tribe. 
 IVor man, nor child, nor lliiii!^ of living birth : 
 IS'o I not the <l(i^, Ihiit .vatr!ied my household hearth, 
 Ksrapod, that nii^hl of blonil, upon our plaiiis ! 
 All perished !— I alone am left on earth! 
 To whom nor 'elative nor blood remains. 
 No !— not a kindrid drop thai runs in liiuimi. veins !' " 
 
 Gerlntde of Wijomiiif;. 
 
 The lories, as was orten the case, were attired like Indians, and, from 
 erm/ occoiint, it appears that they exceeded them in ferocity. 
 
 Dr. Tharlifr givt^s us the following examples of horror, which were of 
 notoriety at the time, and " promulgated from authentic soiuTes. One of 
 the prisoners, a i!'ii\)t. Hndlock, was committed to torture, by having his 
 body stuck full of splinters of pine knots, and a fire of dry wood made 
 round him, when his two com|)anioiis, Capts. Bnnson luid Diirkte, were 
 tin-own into the same fire, and held tlown with pitchforks, till consumed. 
 Oik? Pnrllat Tern/, the s<>m of a man of r(!S|»ectablo character, having 
 joined the Iiutiau jmrty, several times sent his liither word that he hoped 
 to wash his hanils in hifi henrCs blood. The monster, with his own hands, 
 murdered hin father, mother, brothers and sisters, stri|iped off their scalps, 
 and cut of!" his father's head !"* 
 
 It was u|)on such scenes as these, that the mind of the poet just cited 
 had dwelt, which caus<'d him to wield the pen of denunciation with such 
 effect upon the memory of lirant. That liutler was the far greater sav- 
 age, none can dispute, and Mr. Campbell has long since acknowledged his 
 too great severity upon x\w character of the former. We should explain 
 here, that a son of Col. Brant, a chief Mohawk, of the name of Ahyon- 
 waetrhs, called by the I]i)glisii John Brant, was in London in 1822, and 
 furnished Mr. Campbell with documents, wliich, in the poet's own words, 
 "changed his opinion of his latin r." This passage was contained in a 
 long and interesting letter iipen the subject, to Ahyontoaeghs, which aj)- 
 peared at that time in the newspapers. 
 
 With Wyoming wiiro destroyed Wilkesbarre and Kingston, upon tho 
 other side of the Stisipiehantiali. Though W^yoming is generally under- 
 stood to be the place destroyed, it should be remembered that in the val- 
 ley bearing that name, tliert; were three other towns, which were all de- 
 stroyed, as well as Wyoming.t These towns were settletl by emigrants 
 
 * Th(tchi'rs .lournal. 
 
 t The setlieuu'iil of Wyomiiij^ consisted of cip;ht townships, each five miles square. 
 Annual Rvff. for 1779, pui^e 1). " Kach cor.laiiiiui;' a square of five miles," is the lan- 
 guage of liic Uefjistcrj but il is thouglil unlikely tiiat these towns were so small 
 
Chap. V] 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 69 
 
 from CoriiHM'tinit, niul whrn rIoHtroyod rnntninod more tlmn n 1000 farni- 
 licN Hill liail fiirni»lM>(i tli<- rontiiicntiil aniiy with rrinrt! tliuti a IO(K) mnn, 
 wlio were f,'riicrally tin" yoiiiij; ninl artivc part of tlir pn|iiilatit)ii.* The 
 o|)|M)!4it<> ^i(l<'N wliifii tli<; iiilialiitaiits took in lli<< ^rcat rrvoliitioiiiiry quoH* 
 tioii, crratt'd tlio in'<Ht violt-iit rancor in tlie bosonm of botli parties, and 
 h«Mir(^ tlif l)arl)ariti«'H vvliicli rnsucd. 
 
 In NovcinlM-r following;, Clit'rry- valley mot with n fatn similar to Wyo- 
 ininj,'. At this time, limiit was rrHirnin;,' to wiiitt-r-qiiarttTH, when ho was 
 met hy a tory raptain, and p*'rsiiad*-d to «>ii<;a^c in one (■.xpcdition more. 
 This was IVnltcr Hullrr, son of John, the hint of Wyoming. IIo went to 
 Canada witli (ht\j Johnson, in I?/."), a-s h:iN Ix-cn mrntionod ; and now Home 
 rircnmstancc! Itronxl't him auionfj tin- fmntiiT Hcttlfinents of New York. 
 Wimt his object wan, wc arc not informed ; bnt it wax, f!onbtlcHS, that of a 
 spy. However, he was tuUt ii up on KnH|.icion, at least, and coidlne.l in 
 jail at All>uny ; fallinj? sick, he was removed tt) a privates dwelling, from 
 wlience he soon found means to escaue. Joining iiis father at Niagara, 
 he Hiicc(>eded in detaching a part of his regiment upon an incursion. 
 Meeting with Brant, as was just mentioned, they returned to the frontier. 
 It is said that lirnnt was at first dis|)leased with the project, understand- 
 ing that Capt. Halter had been put in otlice over him by his old general, 
 tVallfr's father, but stifled his resentment. Their whole force was 700 
 men, 500 of vvho.!i wens the warriors of lirnnt. 
 
 C'ol. Ichabod Jllden, of Massachusetts, was in command ot Chorry-val- 
 ley, and to his misguided judgment is to he attributed the disaster which 
 ensued. But, like IValdron of Cochecho, he was doomed to escape the 
 disgrace. He was early apprized of the march of Brant, and when urged 
 to receive the inhabitants into the fort, observed that there was no danger, 
 as ho woidd keep out scouts who woidd ap|)ri7.e them of the approach 
 of an enemy in 8ea.son to remove. Scouts were accordingly sent out; 
 one of which, either forgetting the business they were upon, or what was 
 equally reprehensible, made a large fire and lay down to sleep. BranVs 
 warriors were not mi.sled by so huninous a beacon, and the whole were 
 made prisoners. This was on the night of the I) November, 1778. The 
 prisoners now in the hands of Brant were obliged to give the most exact 
 mtelligence concerning the garrison. On the morning of ihe 11, fa- 
 vored by a thick and hazy otmosphere, they approached the fort. Cols. 
 Alden and Slacia quartered ut the house of a Mr. fVells. A Mr. Hamble was 
 fired upon as he was coming from his house to the fort, by a scout, which 
 gave the first notice of the enemy. He escaped, and gave the alarm to 
 Col. Mden, who, strange as it may api)ear, was still incredidous, and said 
 it was notliing more than some straggling Indians. The last space of 
 time was thus lost! — and, in less than half an hour, all parts of the place 
 were invested at once. Such of the soldiers as were collected being im- 
 mediately all killed or taken, the poor inhabitants fell an easy prey. Col. 
 Alden was among the first victims. Like Chopart, in the massacre at 
 Natchez, he fled from his house, and was pursued by an Indian with his 
 hatchet, at whom the colonel endeavored several times to discharge his 
 pistol ; but it missing fire, and losing time in facing about for this purpose, 
 the Indian was sufficiently near to throw his tomahawk with deadly ef- 
 fect. He did so. Col. Mden fell upon his face, and his scalp was in a 
 moment borne off in triumph. "A tory boasted that he killed Mr. fVella 
 while at prayer." His daughter, a young lady of great amiableness, fled 
 from the house to a \n\e of wood for slielter; but an Indian pursued her, 
 who coming near, composedly wiped his long knife, already bloody, upon 
 his Icggins, then returning it to his belt, seized her by the arm, and with a 
 
 t Marshall, iii. 655. 
 
e 
 
 70 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 [Book V, 
 
 Ai'- ^ 
 
 blow of his tomahawk ended her existence. She could speak some In- 
 dian, and begged her murderer to spare her life, and a tory interceded, 
 who stood near, urging that she was his sister; but he would hear to nei- 
 ther. Other transactions in this affair, of still greater horror, we mijst 
 pass ill silence. 
 
 Between 30 and 40 prisonera were carried off; but the fort, contain- 
 ing about 200 soldiers, was not taken, although several trials were made 
 uj>on it. 
 
 Braiit was the only person engaged in this tragedy of whom wc hear 
 any acts of clemency ; one of which was the preservation of a poor wo- 
 man and her children, who, but for liim, would have met the tomahawk. 
 He inquired for Capt. JWKean, (who wrote him the letter before men- 
 tioned,) saying he had now come to accept his challenge. Being answered 
 that " Capt jyVKean would not turn his back upon an enemy," he replied, 
 " I know it. He is a brave man, and I would have given more to have 
 taken him than any other man in Cherry-valley ; but I would not have 
 hurt a hair of his head." 
 
 Brant had seen and heard so much ol' "iiat is called civilized warfare, 
 that he was afraid of the traduction of iiis character, and always said that, 
 in his councils, he had tried to make his wariiors humane; and to his 
 honor it is said, (but in proportion as his character is raised, that of the 
 white man must sink,) that where he had the chief command, few bar- 
 barities were committed. 
 
 The night before Brant and Butler fell upon Cherry- valley, some of the 
 tories who had friends there, requested liberty to go in secretly and ad- 
 vise them to retire. Butler, though some of his own friends were among 
 the inhabitants, refused, saying, "that there were so many families con- 
 nected, that the one would inform the others, and all would escape. He 
 thus sacrificed his friends, for the sake of punishing his enemies." This, 
 whether reported by Brant to magnify his own humanity, by a contrast 
 with the depravity of his associate, is not known, but it may have been 
 the fact. 
 
 Various incursions into the Indian country by Gen. Sullivan, and oth- 
 ers, much damped the spirits of the Indians, although few of them were 
 either killed or taken. When thT armies approached their settlements, 
 they fled into swamps and mountains ; yet they suffered extremely from 
 the loss of all their crops. It was said that this summji, (^''79,) 100,000 
 bushels of their corn was destroyed. As soon as it was knc n that Sul- 
 livan was advancing into the country. Brant & Butler, with 600 Indians, 
 and Johnson, with 200 tories, took a position on his route, to cut liim off. 
 Sullivan came upon them, August 29, at a place called Newtoion, where 
 they had entrenched themselves, and immediately attacked them. The bat- 
 tle lasted about two hours, when, by a successful movement of Gen. Poor, 
 at the head of his New Hampshire regiment, BranVs warriors were 
 thrown into confusion, and ihe whole were put to flight.* Few were 
 killed, and they made no other stand against the Americans during the 
 expedition.t The historian adds, " They utterly destroyed 40 villages, and 
 left no single trace of vegetation upon the surface of the ground."| All 
 their cattle were either killed or brought off, many of which they had be- 
 
 * Nine only of the Indians were killed ; of the Americans, four. It is said to be ow- 
 ing to the sagacity of Brant, that his whole force escaped falling into the hands of the 
 Americans. Annals Tryon Co. 125. 
 
 t Botta, Hist. Rev. ii. 206. 
 
 t Ibid. Some of the officers thought it too degrading to the army to be employed in 
 destroying fruit-trees, and remonstrated to Gen. Sullwan against the order. lie replied, 
 " The Indians shall see that there is malice enough in our hearts to dejlroy every thing 
 that contributes to their support." Gordon, Amer. Rev. iii. 21. 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 71 
 
 ^, some of the 
 
 fore taken from the Americans. " None of the bounties of nature, none 
 of the products of human industry, escaped the fury of the Americans."* 
 Upon tiiis business the same author w'^os^ that "the officers charged 
 with the execution of these devastatio . were themselves ashamed of 
 them ; some even ventured to remonstrate that they were not accustomed 
 to exercise the vocation of banditti." Gen. Poor, doubtless, was the effi- 
 cient man in this expedition, but the ostentation of Sullivan gained him 
 the Aonor / of it. Thus were the Five Nations chastised for acting as 
 they had l)een taught by the white people ; yea, by the Americans 
 themselves.! 
 
 The following summer, (23 July, 1779,) Col. Brant, with 60 of his war- 
 riore and 27 white men, came suddenly upon Minisink, in Orange county, 
 New York, where they killed sundry of the inhabitants and made others 
 captives. They burnt ten houses, twelve barns, a garrison and two mills, 
 and then commenced their retreat. The militia from Goshen and places 
 adjacent, to the number of 149, collected, pursued and came up with them, 
 when a most bloody battle was fought. The Indians were finally victori- 
 ous, and 30 only, out of the 149 whites, esctiped. Some were carried into 
 captivity, and the rest were killed. Not being sufficiently cautious, they 
 fell into an ambush, and so fought at great disadvantage.f 
 
 In 1821, a county meeting was held, by which it was voted that the 
 bones of the slain should be collected, and deposited under a suitable 
 monument, at the same time ordered to be erected.§ In 1822, the com- 
 mittee appointed to collect the bones " which had been exposed to the 
 suns and snows for 43 years," had found those of 44 peraons, which were, 
 with much formality, publicly interred. || 
 
 In the spring of 1780, Brant surprised Harpersfield, with a company 
 of his warriore, and a few tories. He took 19 prisoners, and killed seve- 
 ral othere. On 2 August following, he fell upon Canajoharrie, with 
 about 400 mixed warriors, killed 16 people, took about 55 prisoners, chief- 
 ly women and children ; they killed and drove away, at the same time, 
 about 300 cattle and hoi-ses, burnt 5J3 houses, and as many barns, besides 
 out-houses, a new and elegant church, a grist-mill and two garrisons. 
 
 Doubtless there were many other warlike scenes in which Brant was 
 engaged personally, but we have already dwelt longer upon them than we 
 intended. 
 
 European writers, for a long time, contended that the N. American 
 Indians had, naturally, no beards.1l A Mr. JSVCausland took the trouble 
 of writing to Brant, after the revolution, to get the truth of the matter. 
 The following is Bra.iVs letter to his inquiry: — '■^Niagara, 19 April, 1783. 
 The men of the Six J^ations have all beards by nature ; as have likeivise 
 all other Indian nations of JVbr//i America, lohtch I have seen. Some In- 
 dians allow a part of the beard upon the chin and upper lip to grotv, and a 
 few of the Mohawks shave with razors, in the same manner as Europemis ; 
 out the generality pluck out the hairs of the beard by the roots, as soon as 
 they begin to appear ; and as they continue this practice all their lives, they 
 appear to have no beard, or, at most, only afew straggling hairs, which they 
 mve neglected to pluck out. I am, however, of "^pinion, that if the Indians 
 
 * Gordon, Amer. Rev. iii. 207. 
 
 t Sec tlie speech of Dig-tree, Corn-plant and Half-town, to which nothing need be 
 added by way of commenUiry upon such affairs. 
 
 X Gordon's America, iii. 22. 
 
 <!i Spafford's Gaz. 328. || Holmes's Amer. Annals, ii. 302. 
 
 IT Even tiie great luminary Voltaire fell into this error. He says, " Les Iroquois, les 
 Htirons, et tons les penplssjusqu'A la Florida, parvrent olivAtres et sans ancitn poit sur 
 le corps except/* la t^le." That is, all from the G0° of N. latitude. Voyez CEuvret 
 computes, iv, 708, ed. Paris, 1817, 8vo. Sec also Raynal, viii. 210. 
 
72 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 fDooK V. 
 
 ti-:': 
 
 t 
 
 II! ■ 
 
 were to shave^ they would never have beards altogether so thick as the 
 Europeans ; and there are some to be met with tvho have actual! j very little 
 beard.* Jos. Bkant Thayendaneoa." 
 
 A dniighterof Col. BroTit married a Frenchman, who, in June, 1789, 
 waa killed by a party of Indians, while peaceably travelling up the Wa- 
 bash Iliver. He was in company with nine others, four of whom were 
 killed and three wounded. When the hostile i)arty came up to llieni, and 
 discovered the son-in-law of iJmni, they assisted in drawing the arrows 
 from the wounded, and then went ofi'.f 
 
 When the Indians upon the southern and western frontier were show- 
 ing themselves hostile, in 1791, Col. Brant used his exertions to prevent 
 hostilities, by visiting such tribes as appeared hostile. His name appears 
 in many important transactions of those times. The boundary line be- 
 tween the United States and the Indian nations had not been satisfactorily 
 established, which was the cause of much trouble. A gentleman in 
 Canada wrote to another in the state of New York, under date of 2 Au- 
 gust, 1791, wherein Col. Brant is thus mentioned: "Capt. Joseph Brant, 
 alter having attended for some time the councils of the western Indians 
 at the Miami River, set off' a few days ago for Quebec, attended with 
 several of the chiefs from that quarter; as they avowedly go to ask Lord 
 Dorchester's advice, and as we well know his and governn-nt's strong 
 desire for peace, we would gladly hope that it may be the means of bring- 
 ing on an accommodation." 
 
 In 1792, his arrival in Philadelphia is thus publicly noticed in the Ga- 
 zette of that city : — " Capt. Joseph Brant, the principal warrior chief 
 of the Six Nations, arrived in this city on Wednesday evening last, (June 
 20.) It is said his errand is a visit to a number of his acquaintance re- 
 sidmg here, and to pay his respects to the president of the United States.** 
 He left there about the beginning of July, upon another peace excursion 
 among the western tribes, which still remained hostile. 
 
 When Gen. Wayne was marching into the Indian country, in 1793, 
 many of the tribes were alarmed, having heard that his army consisted of 
 8000 men. Learning, also, that commissioners accompanied the army, 
 authorized to treat of per»ce, and wishing to know the strength of the 
 Americans, thirty chiefs of different t -ibes were despatched upon this im- 
 portant business. Col. Brant was one of these 30 Indian ambassadors, 
 if the Americans would make the Ohio the boundary, they wished peace. 
 The whole cause of Gen. Wayne^s war appears to have been about the 
 knds lying west of the Ohio and Alleghany Rivers, We have no doubt 
 Brant secretly, if not openly, advocated the establishment of this bound- 
 ary ; yes, and we must acknowledge that if he did, it was from the best 
 of reasons. We know that Tecumseh labored incessantly for this bound- 
 ary. Rightly did they conceive of the mighty wave of population rolling 
 westward, southward and northward. Truly, they must have been blind 
 not to have seen that it was about to engulf them forever ! When they 
 had met the commissioners, and found them inflexible in their determina- 
 tion. Brant, with most of the chiefs of the Six Nations, gave up the point 
 as hopeless, preferring peace, on any terms, to war. But the Wyandots, 
 Delawares, Shawanees and Miamis would not agree to it. 
 
 IMention will be found in the account of Farmers-brother of a great 
 council held by the chiefs of most of the western nations, at Niagara, in 
 April, 1793. In this council it was agreed that peace should be main- 
 tained ; and "they unanimously agreed to meet the Americans in a grand 
 council, to be holden the June following, upon the soutli side of Lake 
 
 * This is •lie case with many of the whites. 
 t Carey's Muaoum, vi. 178. 
 
[Hook V. 
 
 lick as the 
 J very lilUc, 
 
 JANEGA." 
 
 June, 1789, 
 jp iIh; Wa- 
 vhoni were; 
 ) tlifiii, and 
 the arrows 
 
 were show- 
 s to prevent 
 inie appears 
 iry line be- 
 mtisfactorily 
 intleinan in 
 ite of 2 Au- 
 Bsep/i Brant, 
 em Indians 
 ttended with 
 to ask Lord 
 K'nt's strong 
 uns of bring- 
 
 id in the Ga- 
 farrior chief 
 ig last, (June 
 jaintance re- 
 nited States." 
 ice excursion 
 
 itry, in 1793, 
 J consisted of 
 ;d the army, 
 englh of the 
 upon this im- 
 ainbassadors. 
 vished peace, 
 en about the 
 ive no doubt 
 ■ this bound- 
 Trom the best 
 . this bound- 
 lation rolling 
 e been blind 
 When they 
 ir determina- 
 up the point 
 le Wyandots, 
 
 Ir of a great 
 
 It Niagara, in 
 lid be main- 
 Ins in a grand 
 side of Lake 
 
 Chap. V.] 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 78 
 
 Erie ; and for the purpose of making the peace more permanent and ex- 
 tensive, they liave appointed Brant, who is now their king of kings, to 
 go and convene all those U'ibes who live to the nortii-west of Lake (5ntu- 
 rio. He accordingly, the day afte>-, set out for that purpose." The Indians 
 did not assemble until July, from the diihculty of their journeys and oth- 
 er causes, which is generally the case with meetings of this kind. The 
 council was held at Sandusky, and Col. Brant set out from Niagara ff r 
 that place in May. Before leaving, he had fi-equent conversations with a 
 gentleman of respectability, to whom he gave it as his opinion, mat no 
 peace could take place, until the Ohio and Muskingum should tnake the 
 boundary between the Americans and the nsd men. He still expressed 
 good feelings towards the United States, and hoped that they would see it 
 to be their interest to agree to that boundary, as he firmly believed war 
 would ensue should they refuse. He even said, that, in case they would 
 not consent to make these rivers the boundary, he should take part against 
 them. It was not agreed to ; but we do not hear that the old chief was 
 actually engaged in the hostilities that followed. 
 
 How much the English of Canada influenced the measures of the In- 
 dians, it is diflicult to determine ;* but men like Pontiac, Brant and Te- 
 cumseh could easily see tlirough such duplicity as was practised by a f(!w 
 unprincipled speculators, as M'Kee, Girty and Elliot. They had, doubt- 
 less, conceived that if the Ohio and Muskingum were made the boundary, 
 it would be an ea.sy matter for them to possess themselves of the country 
 from thence to the lakes, and thus enlarge the extent of Canada. They 
 knew well that if the Indians pofssessed this tract of country, it would be 
 uo diflicult matter to [)urchase it from them by means of a few trifling ar- 
 ticles, comparatively of no consideration, and that worst of calamities, ar- 
 dent t,,)irits ! In this they were disappointed, and, with the battle of 
 Presque Isle, resigned their hopes, at least for a season. They urged 
 upon the Indians what they must have been well assured of —their de- 
 struction ! 
 
 Much has been said and written of the cold-blooded atrocities of Brant, 
 but which, in our opinion, will be much lessened on Iwing able to come 
 pretty near the truth of his history. Every successful warrior, at least 
 in his day, is denounced by the vanquished as a barbarian. JVapoleon 
 was thus branded by all the world — we ask no excuse for our chief on this 
 score — all wars are barbarous, and hence those who wage them are bar- 
 barians! This we know to be strong language ; but we are prepared to 
 prove our assertion. When mankiud shall have been cultivated and im- 
 proved to that extent which human nature is capable of attaining, — when 
 the causes of avarice and dissension are driven out of the human mind, 
 by taking away the means which excite them, — then, and not till then, 
 will wars and a multitude of attending calamities cease. 
 
 * We will hear a ^reat writer and traveller upon this subject, whose means of forming 
 a correct judgment, It is presumed, will not be questioned. '• Je remar(|uerai a cello 
 occasion sans m'i'tendre davantaee sur cc sujel, que toute la politque do TAngleterre 
 avec les Indicns est absolument Jans les mains des agens, qui seuls en entendcnt la 
 langiie ; et (|ui seuls sont les distribiiteurs des prcsens ;" &,c. Voijaire duns les Klu/.:- 
 unis en 1795, etc. Par La Rochefnnrauld-I.aincourt, ii. 78. The duke v\as at New- 
 ark, U. C at this time, where he witnessed a business assemblage of Indians. After a 
 dance, which they held before their audience with the governor of Canada, the duke 
 says that, " I'endant ces jcux, Tagenl s'est approche du general avcc un des chefs, el 
 lui a dit que sa nation de Tuscorora Ic ronsultait pour savoir si cllc irait a un consei! 
 tenu par les Indiens Oiieydas a Onondago jiour vetidre leurs tcrres de reserve, que 
 I'Ktat de New Yorrk desirait uihelcr. I.e gouverneur a repondu tres-vaguement a celt 
 question ; l'n;^ent a traduit conune il a voulu cctte reponse ; mais il a repliquo au gou- 
 verneur de la part des Indiens niii coinme ils cro^vai^'il Clre plus agri'ablos au roy d'An- 
 glclerre eii u'y allant pas ; ils u'iraient pas." Ibid. 77. 
 

 74 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 As a sample of the stories circulating about Col. Brant, while the affairs 
 of Wyoming and Cherry- valley were fresh in the recollections of all, we 
 extract from fVeliVs Travels the following : — * 
 
 " With a considerable body of his troops he joined the forces under the 
 command of Sir John JohnstonJ'* " A skirmish f^ok place with a body of 
 American troops ; the action was warm, and Brant was shot by a musket 
 ball in his hee) ; but the Americans, in the end, were defeated, and an offi- 
 cer with about CO men were taken prisoners. The officer, after having 
 delivered up his sword, had entered mto conversation with Col. Johnston^ 
 who commanded the British troops, and they were talking together in the 
 most friendly manner, when Brant, having stolen slily behind them, laid 
 the American officer lifeless on the ground with a blow of his tomahawk. 
 The indignation of Sir John Johnston, as may be readily supposed, was 
 roused by such an act of treachery, and he resented it in the warmest 
 terms. Brant listened to him unconcernedly, and when he had finislitd, 
 told him, that he was soiry for his displeasure, bvi that, indeed, his hed was 
 extremely painful at the moment, and he could not help revenging himself on 
 the only chief of the party that he sato taken." 
 
 Upon this passage the author of the Annals of Tryon Countyf observes : 
 "I have heard a story somewhat similar told of him, but it was said that 
 the officer was killed to prevent his being retaken by the Americans, who 
 were in pursuit." This we should pronounce veryrfw-similar to the story 
 told by Mr. fVeld. But there was, no doubt, some circumstance out of 
 which a story has grown, the truth of which, we apprehend, is now past 
 finding out. 
 
 Col. Brant was married, in the winter of 1779, to a daughter of Col. 
 Croghan by an Indian woman. He had lived with her some time, ad libi- 
 tum, according to the Indian manner, but at this time, being present at 
 the wedding of a Miss Moore, at Niagara, (one of the captives taken trom 
 Cherry-valley,) insisted on being married himself; and thus hip consort's 
 name was no longer Miss Croghan, but Mrs. Brant. The ceremony was 
 performed by his companion in arms. Col. John Butler, who, although he 
 had left his country, yet carried so much of his magistrate's commission 
 with him, as to solemnize marriages according to law. 
 
 King George conferred on his famous ally a valuable tract of land situ- 
 ated upon the west shore of Lake Ontario, where he finally settled and 
 lived after the English fashion. His wife, however, would never conform 
 to this mode of life, but would adhere to the custom of the Indians, and 
 on the death of her husband, which happened 24 Nov. 1807, she repaired 
 to Grand River, there to spend her days in a wigwam, with some of her 
 children, while she left behind others in a commodious dwelling.^ A son, 
 of whom we have spoken, with a sister, lately occupied this mansion of 
 their father, and constituted an amiable and hospitable family. This son, 
 whose name is John, is a man of note, and is the same who was in Eng- 
 land in 1822, as has been mentioned, and the same, we conclude, who has 
 been returned a member of the colonial assembly of Upper Canada. His 
 place of residence was in the county of Haldiman, in Brantford, so called, 
 probably, in honor of the old chief § Several other places are mentioned 
 as having been the residence of Brant — Unadilla, or Anaquaqua, (which is 
 about 36 miles south-west from the present site of Cooperstown,) and 
 Niagara. He resided at these places before the Mohawks removed to 
 Canada, which was soon after the war of the revolution was ended. They 
 
 * Paffe 486, octavo ed. London, 1800. 
 
 t In the Appendix, page IG. X Buchanan's Sketches, i. 36. 
 
 \ Mr. Campbell's Annals of Tryon County has been one of our main sources of in- 
 formation throughout ti.<s account, especially of the revolutionary period. 
 
Chap. V.] 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 75 
 
 made their principal residence upon Grand River, which falls into Lake 
 Erie on the north side, about GO miles from the town of Newark, or Ni- 
 agara. At one time, he had no less than 30 or 40 negroes, who took care 
 of his horses and lands. " These poor creatures," says Mr. fVeld, " are 
 kept in the greatest subjection, and they dare not attempt to make their 
 escape, for he has assured them, that if they did so, he would follow them 
 himself, though it were to the confines of Georgia, and would tomahawk 
 them wherever he met them. They know his disposition too well not to 
 think that he would adhere strictly to his word." The same author says 
 that Brant received presents, which, together with his half pay as captain, 
 amounted to £500 per annum. 
 
 An idea of the importance of this chief, in 1795, may be formed from 
 the circumstance, that a gentleman considered himself a loser to the 
 amount of £100, at least, by not being able to arrive at Niagara in season 
 to attend to some law case for him. Contrary winds had prevented his 
 arrival, and the business had been given to another.* 
 
 " Whenever tlie affairs of his nation shall permit him to do so, Brant 
 declares it to be iiis intention to sit down to the further study of the Greek 
 language, of which he professes himself to be a great admirer, and to 
 translate from the original, into the Mohawk language, more of the New 
 Testament ; yet this same man, shortly before we arrived at Niagara, 
 killed his own son, with his own hand. The son, it seems, was a drunk- 
 en, good-for-nothing fellow, who had often avowed his intention of de- 
 stroying his father. One evening, he absolutely entered the apartment of 
 his father, and had begun to grapple with him, perhaps with a view to put 
 his unnatural threats in execution, when Brant drew a short sword, and 
 felled him to the ground. He speaks of this affair with regret, but, at the 
 same time, without any of that emotion which another person than on 
 Indian might be supposed to feel. He consoles himself for the oct, by 
 thinking that he has benefited tlie nation, by ridding it of a rascal."f 
 
 With regard to the dress of the sachem, there has been some cop.radic- 
 tion. Mr. fVdd, though he did not see him, says he wore his hair in the 
 Indian fashion, as he also did his cloth3s ; except that, instead of the 
 blanket, he wore a kind of hunting frock. This was in 1796. But it was 
 reported, that, in 1792, Brant having waited on Lord Dorchester^ the gov- 
 ernor of Canada, upon some business, his lordship told him, that as he 
 was an officer in the British service, he ought to lay aside the Indian 
 dress, and assume that of an English captain ; and that, if he persisted in 
 wearing an Indian dress, he should stop his pay. It is added that there- 
 upon he changed his dress.:^ 
 
 When Col. Brant arrived at any principal city, his arrival was publicly 
 announced in the gazettes with great minuteness. Although we have 
 given some specimens of these, we will add one more : — 
 
 " New York, June 20, 1792. On Monday last arrived in this city, from 
 his settlement on Grand River, on a visit to some of his friends in this 
 quarter, Capt Joseph Brandt, of the British army, the famous Mohawk 
 chief, who so eminently distinguished himself during the late war, as the 
 military leader of the Six Nations. We are informed that he intends to 
 visit the city of Philadelphia, and pay his respects to the president of the 
 U. States,"§ Gen. Washington, which he did. We have before mentioned 
 his visit to that city. 
 
 The very respectoble travellerlj Rochefoucauld thus notices our chief: 
 " At 24 miles from this place, (Newark, U. C.) upon Grand River, is 
 
 * WeW, Travels, 487. 
 t Ibid. 4S9. 
 
 } American Apollo, 297. 
 Duke de Laincomi, Travels, ii. 81, before cited, from whom we translate this. 
 
 X Apollo for 1792. 
 
k? 
 
 »?;' 
 
 76 
 
 BRANT. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 ail establishment which I had been curious to visit. It is that of Coi. 
 Brant. But the colonel not being at home, and being assured that I should 
 see little else than what I had already seen among those people, I gave 
 over my intention. Col. Brant is an Indian who took part with the Eng- 
 lish, and having been in England, was < "iniissioncd by the king, and po- 
 litely treated by every one. His manners are half European. He is ac- 
 companied by two negro servants, and is in appearance like an English- 
 man. He has a garden and farm under cultivation ; dresses almost entirely 
 like an European, and has great influence over the Indians. He is at 
 present [1795] at Miami, holding a treaty with the United States, in com- 
 pany with the Indians of the west. He is equally respected by the Ameri- 
 cans, who extol so much his character, that I regret much not to have 
 seen him."* 
 
 The great respect in which Bravt was held in England will be very ap- 
 parent from a perusal of tlie following letter,t dated 12 December, 1785 : 
 " Monday last. Col. Joseph Brant, the celebrated king of the Mohawks, 
 arrived in this city, [Salisbury,] from America, and after dining with Col. 
 de Peister, at the head-quarters here, proceeded inunediately on his jouk"- 
 ney to London. This extraordinary pereonage is said to have presided at 
 the late grand congress of confederate chiefs of the Indian nation in 
 America, and to'»e by them appointed to the conduct and chief command 
 in the war which they now meditate against the United States of Ameri- 
 ca. He took his departure for England immediately as that assembly 
 broke up; and it is conjectured that his embassy to the British court is of 
 great importance. This country owes much to thu services of Col. Brant 
 during the late war in America. He was educated at Philadelphia, [at the 
 Moor's charity school in Lebanon, Connecticut,] is a very shrewd, intel- 
 ligent person, possesses great courage and abilities as a warrior, and is in- 
 violably attached to tlie English nation." 
 
 It has been denied thai Brant was in any way engaged in the massa- 
 cres at Wyoming, hut it seems hardly possible that so many should have 
 been deceived at that time ; and, moreover, we do not find that it was de- 
 nied until almost everyone of that age had left the stage of action. Those 
 who deny that he was at Wyoming should, at least, prove an alibi, or 
 they cannot expect to be believed.J 
 
 * This French traveller seems to have been in advance of 'history, in as far as he thus 
 early sets in their proper light the characters of the heroes of Wyoming, After speak- 
 ing of the influence of Indian agents over those people^ as we have extracted in a pre- 
 vious note, he thus consigns to Col. Butler the place which he is doubtless to hold in ail 
 after time in the annals of his country : — " L'agent anglais dont il est ici oueston, est le 
 Colonel Bhttler, fameux par ses incendies, ses pillages et ses meurtres Jans la guerre 
 d'Am^rique. II est lui-meme Americain d'aupr^s de Wilkesbarre ; [one of the towns 
 in the valley of Wyoming ;] son pr^tendu loyalisme qu'il a su se faire payer de brevets 
 et de traitemens, lui a fait commettre plus de barbaries, plus d'infamies contre sa pati'ic, 
 qu'a qui que ce soit. II conduisait les Indiens, leur indiquait les fcrines, les maisons k 
 bruler, les victimes k scarpeler, les enfnns k dechii 3r. L'Anpleterre a recompense son 
 loyalisme de 6000 acres de terre pour lui, d'une quantity pareille pour ses enfans, d'une 
 pension de deux k trois cents livres sterlings, d'une place d'agent aupr^s des Indiens, 
 ui lui en vaut cinq csnts autres, avec la facility de puiser a volontfe dans les magdsins 
 e presens." Rochefoucauld, ut supra, (ii. 78-9.) 
 
 t There is no name to this letter; but it was written in Sa/sbury, Eng. and ihencesent 
 to London, where it was published. 
 
 t In a late criminai trial which has much agitated New England, reasonable people 
 said, the defendant, out of respect to public opmion, ought to make il appear where he 
 was at the time a murder was committed, although in law he was not bound so to do. 
 An advocate for his innocence told the writer, that " he was not obliged to tell where he 
 was," and it was nobody's busin' » ; and, therefore, we were bound, according to law, 
 to believe him innocent. This we offer as a parallel case to the one in hand. But it 
 happens we are not " bound by luw" to believe our chief eniirely innocent of the blood 
 shea at Wyoming. 
 
 I 
 
[Book V. 
 
 hat of Coi. 
 lat I ehouid 
 pie, I gave 
 h the Eng- 
 ng, and po- 
 He ia ac- 
 an English- 
 fiost entirely 
 I. He is at 
 tes, in com- 
 the Anieri- 
 not to have 
 
 1 be very ap- 
 ;niher, 1785 : 
 B Moliawks, 
 ng with Col. 
 on his jouk"- 
 B presided at 
 in nation in 
 ief command 
 es of Ameri- 
 iiat assembly 
 ih court ia of 
 ofCol. Bran« 
 elphia, [at the 
 shrewd, intel- 
 •or, and ia in- 
 
 in the massa- 
 
 shouid have 
 
 Ihat it was de- 
 
 .ction. Those 
 
 e an alibi, or 
 
 las far as he thus 
 ARer speak- 
 iracted in a pre- 
 >ss to hold in all 
 .i queston, est le 
 s Jans la guerre 
 )ne of the towns 
 hayer do brevets 
 Icontre sa patiie, 
 V les maisons k 
 [recompense son 
 [es enfans, d'une 
 r^s des Indiens, 
 IS les magdsins 
 
 [. and thence sent 
 
 lasonable people 
 toppear where he 
 fbound so to do. 
 I to tell where he 
 tcording to law, 
 in hand. But it 
 lent of the blood 
 
 CHAr. VI] 
 
 RED-JACKET. 
 
 77 
 
 Brant wea said to have been G5 years old at hLs death A daughter of 
 hia inarried fVm. J. Ker, Esq. of Niagara, and he hnd several other chil- 
 dren besides those we have mentioned. The son who visited England in 
 1822, and another named Jacob, entered Moor'a school at Hanover, N. H. 
 in 1801, under the care c" Dr. fVheelock. The former son, John, died 
 about two years since, in the winter of 1831. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Facta in the history of the Seneca nation — Sagoyewatha, or Red-Jack- 
 et — His famous speech to a missionary — His intervieto vnth Col. Snell- 
 ing — British invade his country — Resolves to repel them — His speech 
 upon the event — Gov. Clinlon^s account of him — nitchcrafl affair — Com- 
 plains of encroachments — One of his people put to death for being a 
 toitch — He defends the executioner — His interview with Lafayette — Coun- 
 cil at Canandaigua — Farmers-brother — Red-jacket visits Philadelphia — 
 His speech to the governor of Pennsylvania — Speech of Agxvelondongwas, 
 or Good Peter — N'arralive of his capture during the revolutionary war — 
 Farmers-brother, or Honayawus — Visits Philadelphia — Peter- 
 JAQUETTE — Visits Fraucc — Account of his death — Memorable speech of 
 FarmePs-brother — His letter to the secretary of tear — .Notice of several 
 other Seneca ch! ff — Koyingquautah, or Young-kino — Juskakaka, or 
 Little-billy — Achiout, or Half-town — Kiandogewa, or Big- 
 tree — Gyantwaia, or Corn-plant — Address of the three latter to 
 President JVashington — Grant of land to Big-tree — His visit to Phila- 
 delphia, and death — Further account cf Corn-plant — His oivn account of 
 himself— Interesting events in his life — His sons. 
 
 The Senecas were the most important tribe among the Iroquois, or 
 Five Nations, and, according to Conrad Weiser, they were the fourth na- 
 tion that ioined that confederacy. He calls them* " leuoirtowanois or 
 Sinikerc,'* and says, " they are styled by the Mohawks and Onondagos, 
 brothers ;" and that their title in councils is Onughkaurydaaug. The 
 French call them l^onnonthouans, from their principal castle, or counciU 
 house, the name of which, according to Colden, is Sinondowans.f Other 
 
 f)articulars of this nation will be related as we proceed in detailing the 
 ives of its chiefs. Among these, perhaps, the most illustrious was 
 
 Sagoyewatha,\ called by the whites, Red-jacket. His place of residence 
 was, for many years previous to his death, (which happened 20 Januaiy 
 1830, at his own house,) about four miles from Buffalo, and one mile north 
 of the road that leads through the land reserved for the remnant of the 
 Seneca nation, called the Reservation. His house was a log cabin, situ- 
 ated in a retired place. Some of his tribe are Christians, but Red-jacket 
 would never hear to any thing of the kind. He was formerly considered 
 of superior wisdom in council, and of a noble and digtiitied behavior 
 which would have honored any man. But, like nearly all his race, ho 
 could not withstand the temptation of ardent spirits, which, together with 
 his age, rendered him latterly less worthy notice. Formerly, scarce u 
 
 * American Mag. t Hist. Five Nations, i. 42. 
 
 ^ The common method of spelling. Gov. ClirUon writes, Saguoalia. Written to the 
 treaty of " Konondaigua," (Nov. ITO'l,) Sosrffooyaioautliau ; to that of Buffalo Creek, 
 (June, 1802,) Sooffooyawautau ; to tliat of Moscow, (Sept. 1823,) Sagouata, It is 
 said to signify " One who keeps awake," or simply, Keeper-awake. 
 7* 
 
78 
 
 lED-JACKET. 
 
 [Rook V, 
 
 traveller passed near his place of residence, who would not go ont of his 
 way to see this wonderful inar, and to hear his profound ohservations. 
 
 In the year 1805, a ci:uncii were held at Rutlalo, in the state of Now 
 York, at which were present many of the Seneca chiefs and wnrriors, as- 
 sembled at the request of a missionary, Mr. Cram, from Massachusetts. 
 It was at this time that Red-jacket delivered his famous speech, about 
 which so much hoc been said and written, and which we propose to give 
 here at length, and correctly, as some omissions and errors were contained 
 in it as published at the time. It may be taken us genuine, at least as 
 nearly so as the Indian language can be translated, in which it was deliv- 
 ered, for Red-jacket would not speak in English, although he understood 
 it. The missionary first made a speech to the Indians, in which he ex- 
 plained the object for which he had called them together; namely, to in- 
 form them that he wos sent by the missionary society of Boston to instruct 
 them " how to worship the Great Spirit," and not to get away their lands 
 and money ; that there was but one religion, and unless they embraced it 
 they could not be happy ; that they had lived in du-kness and great er- 
 rors all their lives ; he wished that, if they had any objections to his reli- 
 gion, they would Ftate them ; that he had visited some smaller tribes, who 
 waited their decision before tliey would consent to receive him, as they 
 were their " older brothers." 
 
 After the missionary had done speaking, the Indians conferred together 
 about two hours, by themselves, when they gave an answer by Red- 
 jacket, which follows: — • 
 
 "lYiend and brother, it was the will of the Great Spirit that we should 
 meet together this day. He orders all things, and he has given us a fine 
 day for our council. He has taken his garment from before the sun, and 
 caused it to shine with brightness upon us ; our eyes an; opened, that we 
 see clearly; our ears are unstopped, that we have been able to hear dis- 
 tinc'ly the words that you have spoken ; for all these favors we thank the 
 Great Spirit, and him only. 
 
 " Brother, this council fire wos kindled by you ; it was at your request 
 that we came together at this time ; we have listened with attention to 
 what you have said; ycu requested us to speak our minds freely; this 
 gives us great joy, for we now consider that we stand upright before you, 
 and can speak what we think ; all have heard your voice, and all speak to 
 you as one man ; our minds are agreed. * 
 
 " Brother, you say you want an answer to your talk before you leave 
 this place. It is right you should have one, as you are a great distance 
 from home, and we do not wish to detain you ; but we will fii-st look back 
 a little, ard tell you what our fathers have told us, and what we have 
 heard frf m the white people. 
 
 " Brother, listen to what we say. There was a time when our forefathers 
 owned this gi-eat island.* Their seats extended from the rising to the 
 setting Sim. The Great Spirit had made it for the use of Indians. He 
 liad created the buflfalo, the deer, and other animals for food. He made 
 the bear, and the beaver, and their skins served us for clothing. He had 
 scattered them over the cotmtry, and taught us how to take tliem. He 
 had caused the earth to produce corn for bread. All this he had done for 
 his red children because he loved them. If we had any disputes about 
 hunting grounds, they were generally settled without the shedding of 
 nuich blood : but an evil day came u])on us ; your forefathers crossed the 
 great waters, and landed on this island. Their numbers were small ; they 
 found friends, and not enemies ; they told us they had fled from their own 
 country for fear of wicked men, and come here to enjoy their religion. 
 
 * A general opinion among all the Indians tliat this country was an island. 
 
Cmr. VI.l 
 
 RED-JACKET 
 
 79 
 
 They asked for a small seat ; we took pity on them, granted their request, 
 and they nnt down amount us ; we gave them corn and meat ; they gave 
 us poison* i i teturn. The white people had now found our country, 
 tidings were carried back, and more came amongst us ; yet we did not 
 ftar them, we took them to be friends; they called us brothers; we be- 
 lieved them, and gave them a larger seat. At length, their numbers had 
 greatly increased ; they wanted more land ; they wanted our country. 
 Our eyes were opened, and our minds bp(!ame uneasy. Wars took place ; 
 Indians were hired to fight against Indians, and many of our people were 
 destroyed. They also brought strong liquora among us : it was strong and 
 powerful, and has slain thousands. 
 
 " Brother, our seats were once large, and yours were very small ; you 
 have now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place leU to 
 spread our blankets ; you have -ot our country, but are not satisfied ; you 
 want to force your religion upon ./a. 
 
 " Brother, continue to listen. You say that you are sent to instruct us 
 how to worship the Great Spirit agreeably to his mind, and if we do not 
 take hold of the religion which you white people teach, we shall be un- 
 happy hereafter ; you say that you are right, and we are lost ; how do we 
 know this to be true ? We understand that your religion is written in a 
 book ; if it was intended for us as well as you, why has not the Great 
 Spirit given it to us, and not only lO us, but why did he not give to our 
 forefatitevs the knowledge of that book, with the means of understanding 
 it rightly J* We only know what you tell us about it ; how shall we know 
 when to believe, being so often deceived by the white people ? 
 
 *' Brother, you say there is but one way to worship and serve the Great 
 Spirit ; if there is but one religion, why do you white people differ so 
 much about it .'' why not all agree, as you can all read the book ? 
 
 " Brother, we do not understand these things ; we are told that your re- 
 ligion was given to your forefathers, and has been handed down from 
 father to son. We also have a religion which was given to our forefa- 
 thers, and has been handed <^or,n to us their children. We worship that 
 way. It teacheth t« to be thankful for all the favors tve receive ; to love each 
 other, and to he united ; we never quarrel about religion. 
 
 " JBrother, the Great Spirit has made us all ; but he has made a great 
 difference between his white and red children ; he vns given us a differ- 
 ent complexion, and different customs ; to you he ha • given the arts ; to 
 thesb he has not opened our eyes ; we know these thing., to be true. Since 
 he has made so great a difference between us in other things, why may 
 we not conclude that he has given us a different religion according to our 
 understanding ; the Great Spirit does right ; he knows what is best for his 
 children ; we are satisfied. 
 
 " Brother, we do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you ; 
 we only want to enjoy our own. 
 
 " Brother, you say you have not come to get our land or our money, but 
 to enlighten our minds. I will now tell you that I have been at your 
 meetings, and saw you collecting money from the meeting. I cannot tell 
 what this money was intended for, but suppose it was for your minister, 
 and if we should conform to your way o/*hinking, perhaps you may want 
 some from us. 
 
 " Brother, we are told that you have been preaching to white people in 
 this place ; these people are our neighbors ; we are acquainted with them, 
 wft will wait a little while and see what effect your preaching has upon 
 them. If we find it dees them good, makes them honest, and less dis- 
 posed to cheat Indians, we will then consider again what you have said. 
 
 Spirituous liquor is alluded to, it is supposed. 
 
80 
 
 RED-JACKET. 
 
 [BooE V. 
 
 nnswor to your talk, and thiH is all 
 «?oiiif^ to part, we will come and 
 ' Spirit will protect you on your 
 
 " Brother, you have now heard ou* 
 wo have to say at prrsent. As wt 
 take you by the hand, and hope the 
 journey, and return you safe to your i. . «.' 
 
 In one version of this speech wo find the ibllowing passagr, which, 
 though very well agreeing with Red-jackefs Hi>ntiinent8, we cannot aver to 
 lie genuine. It may he mentioned, that the Indians cannot well conceive 
 how they have any participation in the guilt of the crucifixion ; inasmuch 
 08 they do not believe themselves c f the same origin as the whites; and 
 there being no dispute but that they committed tliat act. What our chief 
 is rej)orted to have said is as follows : — 
 
 ^^lirother, if you white men murdered the Son of the Great Spirit, we In- 
 dians had nothing to do with it, and it is none of our affair. If he had 
 come among us, we would not have killed him ; we would nave treated him 
 well. Y'ou must make amends for that crime yourselves.^^ 
 
 The chiefs and others then drew near the' missionary to take him by the 
 hand; but he would not receive them, and hastily rising from his seat, 
 said, " that there was no fellowship between the religion of God and tho 
 works of the DevU, and, therefore, could not join hands with them." 
 Upon this being interpreted to them, " they smiled, and retired in a peace- 
 able manner." 
 
 Red-jacket took part with the Americans in tho war of 1812, but was 
 not dintinguished for that prodigality of life which marked the charac- 
 ter of Tecumseh, and many others, but, on all occasions, was cool and 
 collected, lie had become attached to Col. Snelling during the war, and 
 when he heard that that officer was ordered to a distant station, he went 
 to take his farewell of him. At tliat interview, he said, 
 
 " Brother, I hear you are going to a place called Governor's Islond. 7 
 hope you toill he a governor yourself. I understand that you white people 
 thxnk children a blessing. I hope you may have a thousand. And, above 
 all, I hope, wherever you go, yo%i may never Jind whiskey more than two shil- 
 lings a quart."* 
 
 Grand Island, in Niagara River, just above the famous Niagara Falls, is 
 owned by the Senecas. When it was rumored that the British had taken 
 possession of it, in their last war with the Americans, Red-jacket assem- 
 bled his j)eople, to consult with Mr. Granger, their agent. After having 
 stated to him the information, the old chief made the following profound 
 speech : — 
 
 " Brother, you have told us that toe had nothing to do with the war that has 
 taken place between you and the British. But toe find the war has come to 
 our doors. Our property is taken possession of by the British and their In- 
 dian friends. Jt is necessary now for u* to take up the business, defend our 
 property, and drive the enemy from it. If we sit still upon our seats, and 
 take no means of redress, the British (according to the customs of you white 
 people) wUl hold it by conquest. And shotdd you conquer the Canada^, you 
 ivill claim it upon the same principles, as [though] conquered from the Brit- 
 ish. We, therefore, request permission to go toith, our warriors, and drive 
 off those had people, and take possession of our lands." Whereupon, such 
 of tho Senecas as had an inclination, were permitted to join the American 
 army. 
 
 Gov. De Witt Clinton, in his most valuable discourse before the Histor- 
 ical Society of New York, thus notices Red-jacket ;— " Within a few yeare, 
 an extraordinary orator has risen among the Senecas ; his real name is 
 Saguoaha. Without the advantages of illustrious descent, and with no ex- 
 traordinary talents for war, he has attained the first distinctions in the na- 
 
 N. E. Galaxy, 13 July, 1833. 
 
Chap. VI.J 
 
 UI'.r)-JA('KKT. 
 
 81 
 
 le American 
 
 tion hy tho forrv, of his oloqiiniirj!." lieii-jnckd liiiviiig, by somo nn'miH, 
 l()8t lliucoiifKlfMicooriiiHCoiiiitryincn, in onlt'r, uh it is i-i>|)<)rtf(l, to rclriuvi' it 
 n^uiii, prttvuiltMi ii|u)ii liis lirotlicr toannuiiiici! Iiiinsclt'a |)i-<i[)lu>(, coiiiiniH- 
 HJoiu'd by tli<; (ir<>(U Spirit to rt'tltMMii tli<; iiiis(;ritl)io conditioii oCliis country- 
 int!n. It rt.>(|uir<;(l iiotliing hut an achoit andsUiHiil rt-asoiicr to ptisuncU; the 
 ij^tiorant nniltitiuU*, giv<Mi to thu ^roHsrst sn|)t>rstition, of his intalhhihty in 
 tlui prct(«n(i(!(l nrt or niyHft-ry. If >;oo(l vyv.r canio out of «!vii, it did nt thin 
 tinif!. TlieOnondajras wore, at that period, the; most drunken and proMi^^atn 
 of all tln! Iroqiioin, Tliny were now so far prevailed upon as almost entirely 
 to ahstain from ard(;nt spirits, hec-ame solxir and industrious, and oi)servc(l 
 nnd p-'spented the laws of morality. This good effect was notconfnied to 
 tho Onondngas, hut shod itshenign intiuenco through the nations adjacent, 
 liutas this reform wa.s l)egun in hy|)ocrisy, it necessarily ended with ita 
 }iypocriticai author. The greatest clu'ck, perhaps, which can ho tlirown 
 in the way of imposture, is its own exposition. In this case, like witch- 
 craft among us in former times, it was stayed hy its own operations. Ma- 
 ny wore (huiounced os witches, and sotiie would have l)eeu executed but 
 for the interference of their whitt; neigldtors. Red-jacket was denounced 
 in u great council of Indians, held at Butfalo Creek, as tiie chief author 
 of their troid>lc8. Ho was accordingly brought to trial, and iiis eloquonco 
 saved his life, and greatly incriiased his reputation. His defence was near 
 three hours long. And, in the language of (Jovernor Clinton, " the iron 
 brow of superstition relented under tlie magic of his eloquence : he de- 
 clared the prophet [his brotlier] an inqjostor and a cheat ; he prevailed ; 
 the Indians divided, and a small majority ap|)eared in his favor. Perhaps 
 the annals of history cannot furnish a more conspicuous instance of the 
 triumph and power of oratory, in a barbarous nation, devoted to supersti- 
 tion, and looking up to the accuser as a delegated minister of the Almighty. 
 I am well aware that the speech of Logan will be triumphantly quoted 
 against me; and that it will be said, that the most splendid •- 'hibition of 
 Indian eloquence may be found out of the pale of the Six Na jus. I fully 
 subscribe to the eulogium of Mr. Jefferson, when he says, 1 may chal- 
 lenge the whole orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more em- 
 inent orator, if Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single 
 passage superior to the speech of Logan.^ But let it be remembered that 
 Logan was a Mingo chief," that is, an Iroquois. 
 
 The time is not far distant, if not already arrived, when the name of 
 Red-jacket will be heard, in the most august ossemblies, to give weight to 
 the mightiest efforts of eloquence. In the debate on the Indian bill, in 
 1830, in Congress, Mr. Crockett, of Tennessee, said, "I an« forcibly re- 
 minded of the remark made by the famous Red-jacket, in the rotunda of 
 this building, when he was shown the pannel which represented in sculp- 
 ture the first landing of the Pilgrims, with an Indian chief presenting to 
 them an ear of com, in token of fri<mlly welcome. The aged Indian 
 said, '■That ivas good.'' He said he 1 new they came from the Great 
 Spirit, and he was willing to share the soil with his brothers. But when 
 he turned round to view another pannel, representing Penn's treaty, he 
 said, ^M! all's gone nott;.' There was a great deal of truth in this short 
 saying." 
 
 Nothing seems more to have troubled the peace of Red-jacket than the 
 intrusion of missionaries among his people. With the merits or demerits 
 of the manner in which particular creeds have been forced upon the In- 
 dians in general, we have nothing to do, but we will refer the reader to 
 Mr. Buchanan's Sketches,* where, in our opinion, every sectaiian will 
 glean some useful hints upon that head. 
 
 * Vol. i. chap. ix. 
 
UfM)-JA("Ki;T. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 Rfd-jnrkit and li'iHraiinril, in IH'^I, ninil<> a formal rotnpliiint totli«! jfov- 
 crnor of Nt!W Y«)rk, of th(3 arhitniiy condiict of mohk! tniclMTH aiMon^ Ii'ih 
 |H>o[)lf, and of tlitMr iindui! intliiciic*! generally. Connidfrin;; it lo con- 
 tain a most important and valiiubU; |m;cu of intbrrnation, wu will give it 
 entin! : — 
 
 " llrotlirr Parish, I addrcHH myself to you, and through yon to iIm; gov- 
 ernor. The chiefn of Onondufra have accompunird you to Allmny, to d(» 
 buHincsH with the goviTiior; I also was to havi; been with you, hut 1 ani 
 sorry to Hay that had health liaH put it out of my power. i''or thin you 
 must not think hard ofm(>. 1 am not to hiame for it. It is the will of thu 
 (jirent Spirit that it Hhould he ho. The object of tin; OnondagaH is to |)ur- 
 ehaye our lands at Tonnewanta. TIiIh and all other buHmoHH that they 
 may have to do at Albany, must be trauHacted in the presence of the gov- 
 ernor, lit! will see that the bargain is fairly made, so that all parties may 
 have reason to be satisfied with what shall be done ; and when our sanc- 
 tion shall be wanted to the transaction, it will be freely given. 1 nnich 
 regret that, at this time, the state of my health should have prevented me 
 from accompanying you to Albany, as it was the wish of the nation that 1 
 should state to the governor some circumstances which show tliat the 
 chain of friendship between tis and the white people is wearing out, and 
 wants brightening. I proceed now, however, to lay them before you by 
 letter, that you may mentioti them to the governor, and solicit redress. He 
 is appointed to do justice to all, and the Indians fully confide that he will 
 not suffer them to be wronged with impunity. The first subject to which 
 we would call the attention of the governor, is the depredations that arc 
 daily committed by the white people upon the most valuable timber on 
 our reservatiors. This has been a subject of complaint with ns for many 
 years; but now, and particularly at this season of the year, it has become 
 an alarming evil, and calls for the immediate interposition of the govern- 
 or in our behalf. Our next subject of complaint is, the frequent thefts 
 of our horses and cattle by the white people, and their habit of taking and 
 using them whenever they please, and without our leave. These are evils 
 which seem to increase upon us with the increase of our white neighbors, 
 and they call loudly for redress. Another evil arising from the pressure 
 of the whites upon us, and our unavoidable communication with them, is 
 the frequency with which our chiefs, and warriors, and Indians, are thrown 
 into jail, and that, too, for the most trifling causes. This is very galling to 
 our feelings, and ought not to be permitted to the extent to which, to grat- 
 ify their bad passions, our white neighbors now carry this practice. In 
 our hunting and fishing, too, we are greatly interrupted by the whites. 
 Our venison is stolen frotn the trees, where we have hung it to be re- 
 claimed after the chase. Our himting camps have been fired into, and we 
 have been warned that we shall no longer be permitted to pursue the deer 
 in those forests which were so lately all our own. The fish, which, in the 
 Buffalo and Tonnewanta Creeks, used to supply ns with food, are now, 
 by the dams and other obstructions of the white people, prevented from 
 multiplying, and we are almost entirely deprived of that accustomed sus- 
 tenance. Our great father, the president, has recommended to our young 
 men to be industrious, to plough and to sow. This we have done, and 
 we are thankful for the advice, and for the means he has afforded us of 
 carrying it into effect. We are happier in consequence of it. But another 
 thing recommended to us, has created great confusion among iis, and is mak- 
 ing us a quarrelsome and divided people ; and that is, the introduction of 
 preachers into our nation. These black coats contrive to get the consent 
 of some of the Indians to preach among us, and wherever this is the case, 
 confusion and disorder are sure to follow, and the encroachments of the 
 wlutcs upon our lands are the invariable consequence. The governor 
 
(Hook V. 
 
 t lo{\v. gov- 
 H uiiinri^; liiM 
 1^' it (u coii- 
 ! >vill give it 
 
 I to tlio gov- 
 tllmiiy, to do 
 II, liiit 1 um 
 *'or this you 
 e will of the 
 raH ia to |>iir- 
 sH tliat tlify 
 
 ) of till! gov- 
 
 particB iiiuy 
 
 II our sniic- 
 n. I niiicli 
 reventf'd me 
 nation tliat I 
 ow tliat the 
 ing out, and 
 forp you by 
 nulress. He 
 that he will 
 ec.t towhicli 
 ions that arc 
 e timber on 
 118 for many 
 has become 
 
 'the govern- 
 
 quent thefts 
 
 )f taking and 
 
 ese an* evils 
 
 e neighbors, 
 
 he pressure 
 
 ith theii), is 
 
 are thrown 
 
 y galling to 
 
 ich, to grat- 
 
 ractice. In 
 
 the whites. 
 
 to be re- 
 
 into, and we 
 
 sue the deer 
 
 vhich, in the 
 
 d, are now, 
 
 'ented from 
 
 stomed sus- 
 
 our young 
 
 done, and 
 
 srded us of 
 
 But another 
 
 and is mak- 
 
 oduction of 
 
 the consent 
 
 is the case, 
 
 lents of the 
 
 ,e governor 
 
 Chap. VI] 
 
 RKD-JACKET. 
 
 83 
 
 nuwt not tliink hnn! of nio for Hpeaking thus of the prenrherH. I have 
 olxtitrved tlifir progivsH, anil wlini I look Ixirk to Hec what Ikin taken 
 place of old, I piTceive thai whenever they came among the Indians, they 
 were the t()rcriinners of their disjiersion ; that they alwayH excitiul enini- 
 ties and miarrels uinoiig them ; that they introdiired the white peopli; on 
 tiieir lanilH, by whom they were robbed and plundered of their property ; 
 and that the Indians w<!re sure to dwindle and deerease, and be driven 
 bark, in proportion to the number of preaehcrs that came among thi!::. 
 Kach nation haii its own customs and its own religion. The IndiaiiH have 
 theirs, given to them by the Great Hpirit, under which they were happy. 
 It was not intended that they should embrace the religion of the whites, 
 and be destroyed by the attempt to make them think difl'erently on that 
 subject from their fathers.* It is true, these preachers have got the con- 
 sent of Home of the chiefs to stay and pn.'ach among us, but I and my 
 friends know this to be wrong, and that they ought to be removed; be- . 
 aides, we have been threatened by Mr. Hyde, who catne among us as a 
 school-master and a teacher of our children, Init has now become a black 
 coat, and refused to teach them any more, that unless we listen to his 
 preaching and become Christians, we will be turned off our lands. We 
 wish to know from the governor if this is to be so, and if he has no right 
 to say BO, we think he ought to be turned off our lands, and not allowi^d 
 to plague us any moro. We shall never be at peace while he is among us. 
 Let them be removed, and we will be happv and contented among our- 
 selves. We now cry to the governor for help, and hope that he will at- 
 tend to our complaints, and speedily give us redress. 
 
 Red-jacket." 
 
 "This letter was dictated by Red-jacket, and interpreted by Henry 
 Obeal,} in the presence of the following Indians : Rtd-jackeVa son, Corn- 
 planter, John-cobb, Peter, Younf^-kin^s-brother, Tom-the-infant, [Onnong- 
 gaiheko,] Blue-sky, [Toujyocauna,] John -sky, Jemmy-johnson, Marcus, Big- 
 Jire, Captain-jemmy?^ 
 
 The success this petition met with, it is presumed, was full and satis- 
 factory to him, in respect to one particular ; for no ministers are now ad- 
 mitted upon the reservation. 
 
 In the spring of 1821, a man of Red-mckeVs tribe fell into a languish- 
 ment and died. His complaint was unlknown, and some circumstances 
 attended his illness which caused his friends to believe that he was be- 
 witched. The woman that attended him was fixed upon as the witch, and 
 by the law, or custom, of the nation, she was doomed to suffer death. A 
 chief by the name of Tom-jemmy, called by his own people Soo-nong-gise, 
 executed the decree by cutting her throat. The Americans took up the 
 matter, seized Tom-jemmy, and threw him into prison.l Some time afler, 
 when his trial came on, Ked-jacket appeared in court as an evidence. The 
 counsel for the prisoner denied that the court had any jurisdiction over 
 the case, and afler it was carried through three terms, Soo-nong-gise was 
 finally cleared. Red-jacket and the other witnesses testified that the wo- 
 man was a witch, and that she had been tried, condemned and executed 
 in pursuance of their laws, which had been established from time imme- 
 morial; long before the English came into the country. The witch doc- 
 trine of the Senecas was much ridiculed by some of the Americans, to 
 which Red-jacket thus aptly alludes in a speech which he made while upon 
 the stand : — 
 
 * A happy illuslralion of the force of education. 
 
 t Son of Complanter, or Corn-plant. 
 
 X Information of a gentleman ( W. J. Snelling, Esq.) who was on the spot, and saw 
 him brought to Buffalo. This was the next day after Ihc murder, and the blood was 
 yet upon his hands. 
 
84 
 
 RED JACKET. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 " ff'hat ! do you denounce us as fools and bigots, because we still continue 
 to believe that which you yoursdves sedulously inculcated tivo centuries ago'} 
 Your divines have thundered this doctrine from the pulpit, your judges have 
 pronounced it from the bench, your courts of justice have sanctioned it with 
 the formalities of law, and you would noio punish our unfortunate brother for 
 adhtrence to the superstitions of his fathers ! Go to Salem ! Look at the 
 records of your government, and you will find hundreds executed for the very 
 crime which has called forth the sentence of condemnation upon this woman, 
 and drawn down the arm of vengeance upon her. What have our brothers 
 done more than the rulers of your people have done ? and tvhat crime has this 
 man committed by executing, in a summary way, the laws of his country, and 
 the injunctions of his God?" Before Red-jackd was admitted to give evi- 
 deiice in tlie case, he was asked if lie believed in future rewards and pun- 
 ishirticni-., and tlic existence of God. With a piercing look into the face 
 . of his interrogator, and witii no little indignation of expression, he re- 
 plied: " Yes! Much more than the white men, if we are to judge by their 
 actions" U;)on the a|)pearance of Red-jacket upon this occasion, one ob- 
 serves: "There is not, perhajjs, in nature, u more expressive eye than 
 that of Red-jacket ; when fired by indignation or revenge, it is terrible ; 
 and when he chooses to display his unrivalled talent for irony, his keen 
 sarcastic glance is irresistible."* 
 
 When Lafayette, in 1825, was at Buffalo, among the persons of distinc- 
 tion who called upon him, was Red-jacket. Of the old chief, M. Levas- 
 seur observes :f This extraordinary man, although much worn down by 
 time and intemperance, preserves yet, in a surprising degree, the exercise 
 of all his faculties. He had ever remembered Lafayette since 1784, at 
 "which time he, with others, met a great council of alfthe Indian nations 
 at Fort Schuyler, when the interest of all those nations, friends and ene- 
 mies, was regulated with the United States. He asked the general if he 
 recollected that meeting. He replied that he had not forgotten that great 
 event, and asked Red-jacket if he knew what had become of the young 
 chief, who, in that cotmcii, opposed with such eloquence the "burying 
 of the tomahawk." /?erf-jacA:e< replied, "//e i* before you." His speech 
 was a master-piece, and every warrior who heard him was carried away 
 with his eloquence. He urged a continuation of the war against the 
 Americans, having joined against them in the revolution. The general 
 ob»3rved to him that time had much changed them since that meeting. 
 "Ah !" said Red-jacket, "time has not been so severe upon you as it has 
 upon me. It has left to you a fresh countenance, and hair to cover your 
 
 head ; while to me behold !" and taking a handkerchief 
 
 from his head, with an air of much feeling, showed his head, which was 
 almost entirely bald.J 
 
 At this interview, was fully confirmed what we have before stated. 
 Levasseur continues: Red-jacket obstinately refuses to speak any language 
 but that of his own country, and affects a great dislike to all others; al- 
 though it is easy to discern that he perfectly understands the English ; 
 and refused, nevertheless, to ref)ly to the general before his inteii)reter had 
 translated liis questions into the Seneca language. The general spoke a 
 few words in Indian, which he had learned in his youth, at which 
 
 * Niles's Weekly Register, vol. xx. 359, 411. 
 
 t In his Ln/dijette en Amerique, lome ii. 437-8. 
 
 I " Ijes assistitnts ne pnrenl s'empecher de sourire de la simpHciU de VIndicn, qui sem- 
 blait ignorer I'art de reparer les injures du temps ; mais on se garda bien de dHruire son 
 erreur ; et peiit-etre Ht-nn bien, car il eftt pu confondre line pernique avec une cherelure 
 scnlpee, et concevoir I'idi^e de recrarnir sa tete aiix depens de la tite d'unede sesvoisons." 
 Ibid. This pleasantry of Mons. Levasseur ■w(\\x\(\ better have suited the age of the rev- 
 olution j but even then not so well the character of Red-jacket. 
 
Chap. VI.] 
 
 RED-JACKET. 
 
 85 
 
 Red-jacket was highly pleased, and which augmented much his high opin- 
 ion of Lafayette. 
 
 The author of the following passage is unknown to us ; but presimiing 
 it to be authentic, we quote it. " More than 30 years* have rolled away 
 since a treaty was held on the beautiful acclivity that overlooks the Ca- 
 nandaiguaf Lake. The witnesses of the scene will never forget the pow- 
 ers of native oratory. Two days had passed away in negotiation w ith 
 the Indians for a cession of their lands. The contract was supposed to 
 be nearly completed, when Red-jacket arose. With the grace and dignity 
 of a Roman senator, he drew his blanket around him, and, widi a pierc- 
 ing eye, surveyed the multitude. All was hushed. Nothing interposed 
 to break the silence, save the gentle rusthng of the tree tops, under whose 
 shade they were gathered. Atler a long and solemn, but not unmeaning 
 pause, he commenced his speech in a low voice and sententious style. 
 Rising gradually vvitii the subject, he depicted the primitive simplicity and 
 happiness of his nation, and the wrongs they had sustained from the 
 usurpations of white men, with such a bold but faithful pencil, that every 
 auditor was soon roused to vengeance, or melted into tears. The effect 
 was inexpressible. But ere the emotions of admiration and sympathy had 
 subsided, the white men became alarmed. They were in the heart of an 
 Indian country — surrounded by more than ten times their number, who 
 were inflamed by the remembrance of their injuries, and excited to indig- 
 nation by the eloquence of a favorite chief. Appalled and terrified, the 
 white men cast a cheerless gaze upon the hordes around them. A nod 
 from the chiefs might be the onset of destruction. At this portentous 
 moment, Farmers-brother interposed. He replied not to his brother chief, 
 but, with a sagacity truly aboriginal, he caused a cessation of the cotmcil, 
 introduced good cheer, commended the eloquence of Red-jacket, and, be- 
 fore the meeting had reassembled, with the aid of other 'irudent chiefs, he 
 had moderated the fury of his nation to a more salutary review of the 
 question before them. Suffice it to say, the treaty was concluded, and the 
 Western District, at this day, owes no small portion of its power and influ- 
 ence to the counsels of a savage, in comparison with whom for genius, 
 heroism, virtue, or any other quality that can adorn the bavvble of a dia- 
 dem, not only George the IV. and Louis le Desiri, but the German empe- 
 ror and the czar of Muscovy, alike dwindle into insignificance." We can 
 add nothing to this high encomium. 
 
 Red-jacket was of the number who visited Philadelphia in 1792, vm will 
 be found mentioned in the account of Jaqueite ; at which time he was 
 welcomed by the governor of Pennsylvania to that city, and addressed by 
 him, in behalf of the commonwealth, in the council chamber. The fol- 
 lowing is the closing paragraph of the governor's speech : " Brothers ! 
 I know the kindness with which you treat the strangers that visit your 
 country ; and it is my sincere wish, that, when you return to your fami- 
 lies, you may be able to assure them, that the virtues of friendship and 
 hospitality are also practised by the citizens of Peimsylvania." He had 
 before observed that the government had furnisiied eveiy thing to make 
 them comfortable during their stay at Phila(lol|)liia. This was upon the 
 28 March, 1792, and on 2 April following, tlioy met again, when Red- 
 jacket spoke in answer to the governor as follows : — 
 
 " Brother, Onas|: Governor, open unprcjudictul ears to what we have to 
 
 * Tliis writer, I concludn, wrotn in 1822. I copy it from Miscellanies selected fro'". the 
 Public Journals, by Mr. Buckingham. 
 
 t Siffiiifying, in the Seneca laiio;iiag'o, a town setoff. The lake received its name 
 from the town upon its shore. — i^pajford's Gni. 
 
 I Onas was tlie name the Iiitliaiis gave William I'enn. and they continue tlie same 
 Dame to all the governors of Pennsylvania. 
 
 8 
 
86 
 
 RED-JACKET. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 pay. Some days since you addressed us, and what you said gave us great 
 pleasure. This day the Great Spirit has allowed us to meet you again, in 
 this council chamber. We hope that your not receiving an immediate 
 answer to your address, will make no improper impression upon your 
 mind. We mention this lest you should suspect that your kind welcome 
 and friendly address has not had a proper effect upon our hearts. We 
 iiKsure you it is f«r otherwise. In your address to us the other day, in 
 this anc ient council chamber, where our forefathers have often conversed 
 together, several things struck our attention very forcibly. When you 
 told us this was the place in which our forefathers often met on peaceable 
 terms, it gave us sensible pleasure, and more joy than we could express. 
 Though we have no writings like you, yet we remember often to have 
 heard of the friendship that existed between our fiithers and youre. The 
 picture* to which you drew our attention, brought fresh to our minds the 
 li"iendly conferences that used to be held between the former governors 
 of Pennsylvania and our tribes, and showed the love which your fore- 
 fathers had of peace, and the friendly disposition of our people. It is still 
 our wish, as well as yours, to preserve peace between our tribes and you, 
 and it would be well if the same spirit existed among the Indians to the 
 westward, and through every part of the United States. You particularly 
 expressed that you were well pleased to find that we differed in disposi- 
 tion from the Indians westward. Your disposition is that for which the 
 ancient Onas Governors were remarkable. As you love peace, so do we 
 also ; and we wish it could be extended to the most distant part of this 
 great country. We agreed in council, this morning, that the sentiments 
 I have expressed, should be communicated to you, before the delegates 
 of the Five Nations, and to tell you that your cordial welcome to this city, 
 and the good sentiments contained in your address, have made a deep im- 
 pression on our hearts, have given us great joy, and from the heart I tell you 
 so. This is all I have to say." 
 
 When Red-jacket had finished, another chief, called ^gtvelondongtoas, 
 (and sometimes Good-peter,^) addressed the assembly. His speech is 
 much in the style of Red-jackeVs, and was chiefly a repetition, in other 
 words, of it. It was short, and contained this passage : " What is there 
 more desirable than that we, who live within hearing of each other,should 
 unite for the common good ? This is my wish. It is the wish of my na- 
 tion, although I am sorry I can't say so of every individual in it ; for 
 there are differences of opinions among us, as well as among our white 
 brethren." 
 
 Since we have here introduced Dominie Peter, we will so far digress as 
 to relate what follows concerning him. He was one of those who took 
 part againrfi the Americans in the revolutionary war, and when hostilities 
 commenced, he retired and joined the remote tribes towards Canada. Col. 
 John Harper (one of the family from whom Harpersfield, N. Y. takes its 
 name) was sfationed at the fort at Schorrie, in the state of New York. 
 Early in the spring of 1777, in the season of making maple sugar, when 
 all were upon the lookout to avoid surprise by the Indians, Col. Harper 
 left the garrison and proceeded through the woods to Harpersfield 
 thence by an Indian ])ath to Cherry-valley. In his way, as he was tui 
 ing the point of a hill, he saw a company of Indians, who, at the sanie 
 time, saw him. He dt..3d not attempt flight, as he could expect no other 
 than to be shot down i»i such attempt. He, therefore, determined to ad- 
 vance and meet them without discovering fear. Concealing his regimen- 
 tals as well as he could with his great coat, he hastened onward to meet 
 them. Before they met him, he discovered that Peter was their chief, 
 
 * A fine picture representing Peitn's treaty with the Indians, 
 t And oAcn Domine-peter. 2 Col. N. Y. Hist. Soc. 74. 
 
Chap. Vl] 
 
 FARMERS-BROTHER. 
 
 87 
 
 ^ave us great 
 you again, in 
 n immediate 
 
 ual in it; for 
 
 with whom he had formerly traded much at Oquago, but who did not 
 know him. Harper was the first to speak, as tliey met, and his words 
 were, " How do you do, brothers ?" The cliief answered, " Well. — How do 
 you do, brother ") HTiich way are you bound f The colonel replied, " On 
 a secret expedition. And which way are you bound, brothers ?" They an- 
 swered without hesitation or distrust, thinking, no doubt, they had fallen 
 in with one of the king's men, '^Doion the Susquehannah, to cut off the 
 Johnstone settlement." This place, since called Sidney Plains, consisted of 
 a few Scotch families, and their minister's name was Johnstone ; hence 
 the naine of the settlement. The colonel next asked them where they 
 lodged that night, and they told him, " At the mouth of Scheneva's Creek." 
 After shaking hands, they separated. As soon as they were out of sight. 
 Harper made a circuit through the woods with all speed, and soon ar- 
 rived at the head bf Charlotte River, where were several men making 
 sugar. This place was about ten miles from Decatur Hill, where he met 
 the Indians. He ordered them to take each a rope and provisions in their 
 packs, and assenible at Evan's Place, where he would soon meet them : 
 thence he returned to Harpei-sfield, and collected the men there, which, 
 including tlie others and himself, made 15, just equal to Peter^s force. 
 When they arrived at Evan's Place, upon the Charlotte, Harper made 
 known his project. They set off, and before day the next morning, came 
 into the neighborhood of the Indians' camp. From a small eminence, 
 just at dawn of day, their fire was seen burning, and Peter, amidst his 
 warriors, lying upon the ground. All were fast asleep. Harper and his 
 companions each crept silently up, with their ropes iu their hands, man 
 to man ; and each, standing in a position to grasp his adversary, waited for 
 the word to be given by their leader. The colonel jogged his Indian, and, 
 as he was waking, said to him, " Come, it is time for men of business to be 
 on their way." This was the watchword ; and no sotmer was it pronounced, 
 than each Indian felt the warm grasp of his foe. The struggle was des- 
 perate, though short, and resulted in the capture of every one of the party. 
 When it was sufficiently light to distinguish countenances, Peter, observ- 
 ing Col. Harper, said, " Ha ! Col. Harper ! JVow I know you ! — fVhy did I 
 not know you yesterday ?" The colonel observed, " Some policy in war, 
 Peter.^^ I'o which Peter replied, "Ah! me find em so now." These cap- 
 tives were marched to Albany, and delivered up to the commanding offi- 
 cer. By this capital exploit no doubt many lives were saved.* 
 
 But to return to Sagoyewatha. 
 
 We have observed that he was in the war of 1812. In one battle he 
 was particularly named as having distinguished himself. Farmers-brother 
 was his equal in conuDand, and, with several others, was also honorably 
 mentioned. When they resolved to take up the hatchet, they did not 
 wish to be under the United States' officers, but desired to retaliate in their 
 own way upon their invaders. This, as far as practicable, was ac- 
 ceded to. 
 
 The famous Seneca chief, called the Farmer' s-brother, is often mention- 
 ed in the accounts of Red-jacket. His native name was Ho-na-ya-wus. 
 
 In 1792, Farmers-brother was in Philadelphia, and was among those 
 who attended the burial of Mr. Peter Jaq%iette, and is thus noticed in the 
 Pennsylvania Gazette of 28 March, of that year: " On Monday last, the 
 chiefs and warriors of the Five Nations assembled at the state-house, and 
 were welcomed to the city of Philadelphia in an address delivered by the 
 governor. Three of the chiefs made a general acknowledgment for the 
 cordial reception which they had experienced, but postponed their formal 
 answer until another opportunity. The room in which they assembled 
 
 * Annals of Tryou Co. 8vo. N. York, 1831. 
 
88 
 
 FARMERS-BROTHER. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 was mentioned as the ancient council chamber, in which their ancestors 
 and ours had oflon met to brighten the chain of friendship ; and this cir- 
 cumstance, together with the presence of a great part of the beauty of the 
 city, had an evident effect upon the feelings of the Indians, and seemed 
 particularly to embarrass the elocution of the Farmers-brother." This 
 last clause does not correspond with our ideas of the great chief. 
 
 Through his whole life, Farmers-brother seems to have been a peacema- 
 ker. In the spring of the next year, there was a great council held at 
 Niagara, consisting of the chiefs of a great many nations, dwelling upon 
 the shores of the western lakes. At this time, maiiy long and laborious 
 speeches were made, some for and others against the conduct of the Uni- 
 ted Slates. Farmers-brother shone conspicuous at this time. His speech 
 was nearly three hours long, and the final determination of the council 
 was peace. We know of no speeches being preserved at this tin;e. but 
 if there could have been, doubtless much true history might have been 
 collected from them. He seems not only to have been esteemed by the 
 Americans, but also by the English.* 
 
 Of Peter Jaqtiette, whom we have several times incidentally mentioned, 
 we will give some account before proceeding with Honayaious. He was 
 one of the principal sachems of the Oneidas. This chief died in Phila- 
 delphia, 19 March, 1792. He had been taken to France by Gen. Lafay- 
 ette, at the close of the revolutionary war, where he received an educa- 
 tion. Mr. Jaquette, having died on Monday, was interred on the following 
 Wednesday. " His funeral was attended from Oelcr's hotel to the Pres- 
 byterian burying-ground in Mulberry-street. The corpse was preceded 
 by a detachment of the light infantry of the city, with arms reversed, 
 drums muffled, music playing a solemn dirge. The corpse was followed 
 by six of the chiefs as mourners, succeeded by all the warrioi-s ; the rev- 
 erend clergy of all denominations ; secretary of war, and the gentlemen 
 of the war department ; officer of the federal army, and of the militia ; 
 and a number of citizens."f 
 
 One of the most celebrated speeches of Farmers-brother was delivered 
 in a council at Genesee River, in 1798, and, after being interpreted, was 
 signed by the chiefs present, and sent to the legislature of New York. It 
 follows : — 
 
 " Brothers, as you are once more assembled in council for the purpose 
 of doing honor to yourselves and justice to your countiy, we, your broth- 
 ers, the sachems, chiefs and warriors of the Seneca nation, request you 
 to open your ears and give attention to our voice and wishes. — Yon will 
 recollect the late contest between you and your father, the great king of 
 Engla"d. This contest threw the inhabitants of this whole island into a 
 great tumult and commotion, like a raging wliriwind which tears uj) the 
 trees, and tosses to and fro the leaves, so tliat no one knows from whence 
 they come, or where they will fall. — This vvhi *lwind was so directed b • 
 the Great Spirit above, as to throw into our arms two of your infant chil- 
 dren, Jasper Parrish and Horatio Jones.l Wo adopted them into our 
 families, and made them our children. We loved them and nourished 
 them. They lived with us many years. At length the Great Spirit spoke 
 to the ichirhvind, and it was still. A clear 'and uninterrupted sky ap- 
 
 *"Le village de Buffalo est liabito par las Senecas. Le chef de cette iiation est 
 Brothers-farmer, estime par toutes les tribus comme grand guerrier et grand politiqup, 
 et fort caresse k ce litre par les agens anglais et les agcns Americains. Buffalo est le 
 chef lieu de la nation Seneca." Rocliefoucatild, Voyage dans VAm^rique en 1795, G, and 
 7, t. i. 299. 
 
 t Pennsylvania Gazette. 
 
 X Taken prisoners at the destruction of Wyoming by the tones and Indians under 
 Butler and Brant. 
 
:w^^ 
 
 Chap. VI.] 
 
 FARMER8-nROTHER. 
 
 e!l» 
 
 i Indians under 
 
 peared. The path of peace was opened, and the chain of friendsliipwaH 
 once more made bright. Then these our adopted children left us, to seek 
 their relations ; we wished them to remain among us, and promised, if 
 they would return and live in our coimtry, to give each of them a seat of 
 land for them and their children to sit down upon. — They have returned, 
 and have, for several years past, been serviceable to us as interpreters. 
 We still feel our hearts beat with affection for them, and now wish to ful- 
 fil the promise we made them, and reward them for their services. We 
 have, therefore, made up our minds to give them a seat of two square 
 miles of land, lying on the outlets of Lake Erie, about three miles below 
 Black-iock, beginning at the mouth of a creok known by the name of 
 Scoy^vmutydescreek, running one mile from the River Niagara up said 
 creek, thence northerly as the river runs two miles, thence westerly one 
 mile to the river, thence up the river as the river runs, two miles, to the 
 place of beginning, so as to contain two square miles. — We have now 
 made known to you our minds. We expect and earnestly request that 
 you will permit our friends to receive this our gift, and will make the 
 same good to them, according to the laws and customs of your nation. — 
 Why should you hesitate to make our minds easy with regard to this our 
 request ? To you it is but a little thing ; and have you not complied with 
 the request and confirmed the gifts of our brothers, the Oneidas, the 
 Onondagns and Cayugas to their interproters ? And shall we ask and not 
 be heard ? We send you this our speech, to which we expect your an- 
 swer before the breaking up our great council fire." 
 
 A gentleman* who visited Buflalo in 1810, observes that Farmers- 
 brother was never known to drink ardent spirits, and although then 94 years 
 old, walked perfectly upright, and was remarkably straight and well 
 formed ; very grave, and answered his inquiries with great preci.sion, but 
 through his interpreter, Mr. Parrish, before named. His accoimt of the 
 mounds in that region will not give satisfaction. He told Dr. King that 
 they were thrown up against the incursions of the French, and that the 
 implements found in them were taken from them ; a great army '^f French 
 having been overthrown and mostly cut off*, the Indians became possessed 
 of their accoutrements, which, being of no use to them, were buried with 
 their owners. 
 
 He was a great warrior, and although " eighty snows in years" wheji 
 the war of 1812 began, yet he engaged in it, and fought with the Ameri- 
 cans. He did not live till its close, but died at the Seneca village, just 
 after the battle of Bridgewater, and was interred with miUtary honors by 
 the fifth regiment of U. S. infantry. He usually wore a medal presented 
 him by Gren. Washington. In the revolution, he fought successfully 
 against the Americans. Perhaps there never flowed from the lips of ntnii 
 a more sublime metaphor than that made use of by this chief, in the 
 speech given above, when alluding to the revolutionary contest. It is 
 worth repeating : " The Great Spirit spoke to the whirlwind, and it lean 
 
 stui:' 
 
 The following letter will, besides exhibiting the condition of the Sene- 
 cas, develope some other interesting facts in their biographical history. 
 
 " To the Honorable William Eustis, secretary at war. 
 
 "The sachems and chief warriors of the Seneca nation of Indians, un- 
 derstanding you are the person appointed by the great council of your 
 nation to manage and conduct the affairs of the several nations of Indians 
 with whom you ar'' at peace and on terms of friendship, come, at thi.s 
 
 * Dr. William King, the celebrated electrician, who gives the autlior tlus information 
 verbally. 
 
» 
 
 PO 
 
 FARMERS-BROTHER. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 time, as children to a father, to lay before you the trouble which we have 
 ou our minds. 
 
 " Brother, we do not think it best to multiply words : we will, therefore, 
 tell you what our complaint is. — Brother, listen to what we say : Some 
 years since, we held a treaty at Bigtree, near the Genesee River. This 
 treaty was called by our great father, the president of the United States. 
 He sent an agent, Col. JVadsworth, to attend this treaty, for the purpose of 
 advising us in the business, and seeing that we had justice done us. At 
 this treaty, we sold to Robert Morris the greatest ])art of our country ; the 
 sum he gave us was 100,000 dollars. The commissioners who were ap- 
 pointed on your part, advised us to place this money in the hands of our 
 great father, the president of the United States. lie told us our father 
 loved his red children, and would take care of our money, and plant it in 
 a field where it would bear seed forever, as long as trees grow, or waters 
 run. Our money has heretofore been of great service to us ; it has helped 
 us to support our old people, and our women and children ; but we are 
 told the field where our money was planted is become barren. — Brother, 
 we do not understand your way of doing busuiess. Tliis thing is very 
 heavy on our minds. We mean to hold our white brethren of the United 
 States by the hand ; but this weight lies heavy ; we hope you will remove 
 it. — We have heard of the bad conduct of our brothers towards the set- 
 ting sun. We are sorry for what they have done ; but you must not 
 blame us ; we have had no hand in this bad business. They have had bad 
 people among them. It is your enemies have done this. — We have per- 
 suaded our agent to take this talk to your great council. He knows our 
 situations, and will speak our minds. 
 
 Farmer's Brother, [Honayawus,] his X mark. 
 Little Billy, [Gishkaka,] " X " 
 
 Young King, [Koyingquautah,] " X " 
 Pollard, [Kaounaootvand,] " X " 
 
 Chief-warrior, [Lunuchsheway] " X '' 
 Two-guns, " X " 
 
 John Sky, " x " 
 
 Parrot-nose, [Soocooiva,] " X " 
 
 John Pierce, [Teskaiy,] " X " 
 
 Strong, [Kahalsta,] " x " 
 
 Wheelbarrow, " x " 
 
 Jack-berry, " x " 
 
 Twenty canoes, [Cachaiimvasse,] " x " 
 Bie-KETTLE, [Sessewa9] " x " 
 
 Half-town, [Jlchioiit,] " x " 
 
 Keyandeande, " X " 
 
 Captain-cold, " x " 
 
 Esq. Blinkney, " x " 
 
 Capt. Johnson, [Talwinaha,] " X " 
 
 " N. B. The foregoing speech was delivered in council by Farmers- 
 Brother, at Buffalo Creek, 19 Dec. 1811, and subscribed to in my presence 
 by the chiefs whose names are annexed. 
 
 Erastus Granger." 
 
 Eight thousand dollars* was appropriated immediately upon receipt of 
 the above. 
 
 Ldttle-billy, or Gishkaka, is the same of whom we have spoken in a 
 preceding chapter, and called by Washington, Jtiskakaka. 
 
 Young-king, the third signer of the above talk, was engaged in fighting 
 
 * " In lieu of the divideiu) on the bank shares, held by the president of the U. States, 
 iu trust for the Seneca nation, in the bank of the U. States," 
 
Chap. VI.] HALF-TOWN— CORN-PLANT— BIG-TREE. 
 
 91 
 
 poken in a 
 
 for the Americans in the last war witli England, and by an act of con- 
 gress WHS to be paid yearly, in quarterly puynieiits, 200 dollars, during 
 life. The act states that it was " a compensation for the brave and meri- 
 torious services which he rendered" in that war, " and as a provision for 
 the wound and disability which he received in the performance of those 
 services." This was in the spring of IBKJ. 
 
 Of Pollard, or Capt. Pollard, we shall have occasion elsewhere to say 
 more. 
 
 Jack-berry was sometii.es interpreter for Red-jacket. 
 
 Half-town was very conspicuous in the aHuirs of the Senecas, but as he 
 is generally mentioned, in our documents, in connection with Corn-plant, 
 or Corn-planter, and Big-tree, we had designed to speak of the three col- 
 lectively. 
 
 VVe find among the acts of the Pennsylvania legislature, of 1791, one 
 " for granting 800 dollars to Corn-planter, Ualf-toum and Big-tree, Seneca 
 chiefs, in trust for the Seneca nation." At this time much was ap- 
 prehended from an Indian war. Settlei-s were intruding themselves upon 
 their country, and all experience has shown that Avhenever the whites have 
 gone among them, troubles were sure to follow. Every movement of the 
 Indians was looked upon with jealousy by them at this period. Half-town 
 was the " white man's fi-iend," and communicated to the garrisons in his 
 country every suspicious movement of tribes of whom doubts were en- 
 tertained. It is evident that hostile bands, for a long time, hovered about 
 the post at Venango, and, but for the vigilance of Half-toion, and other 
 friendly chiefs, it would have been cut off. In April this year, (1791,) 
 Corn-plant and Half-town had upwards of 100 warriors in and about the 
 garrison, and kept runners out continually, " being determined to protect 
 it at all events." Their spies made frequent discoveries of war parties. 
 On the 12 August, 1791, Half-town and N'eto-arroto gave information at 
 Fort Franklin, that a sloop full of Indians had been seen on Lake Erie, 
 sailing for Presque Isle ; and their object was supposed to be Fort Frank- 
 lin ; but the conjecture proved groundless. 
 
 The Indian name of Half-toton was Achiout. We hear of him at Fort 
 Harmer, in 1789, where, with 23 others, he executed a treaty with the IJ. 
 States. The commissioners on the part of the latter were Gen. Arthur 
 St. Clair, Oliver fVolcut, Richard Butler and Arthur Let. Among the 
 signers on the part of the Senecas were also Big-tree, or Kiandogexoa, 
 Corn-planter, or Gyantwaia, besides several others whose names are famil- 
 iar in history. Big-tree was often called Great-tree, which, in the lan- 
 guage of the Five Nations, \vas JVihorontagotva,* which also was the name 
 of the Oneida nation.f Big-tree was with Gen. Washington during the 
 summer of 1778, but returned to the Indian nations in the autumn. He 
 j)roceeded to the Senecas, and used his eloquence to dissuade them from 
 fighting under Brant against the Americans. The Oneidas were friendly 
 at this time, and Big-tree was received among them with hospitality, in 
 his way, upon this mission. Having staid longer than was expected 
 among the Senecas, the Oneidas sent a messenger to him to know the 
 reason. He returned answer that when he arrived among his nation, he 
 found them all in arms, and their villages, Kanadaseago and Jennessee, 
 crowded with warriors from remote tribes ; that they at firet seemed in- 
 clined to hearken to his wishes, but soon learning by a spy that the 
 Americans were about to invade their country, all flew to arms, and Big- 
 tree put himself at their head, " determined to chastise,'''' he said, " the enemy 
 that dared presume to think of penetrating their country.'^ But we do not 
 
 the U. Slates, 
 
 * Or Kiandotrewa, Kniirntho:rlib:. &c. 
 
 t Hcnson's Memoir, before the N. Y. Ilist. Soc. page 20. 
 
 Also Ainer. Mag;aziue. 
 
» 
 
 98 
 
 HALF-TOWN— CORN-rLANT— BIG-TREE. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 learn that he was obliged to maintain that hostile attitude, and doubtless 
 returned soon after. 
 
 In the year 1790, Big-tree, Corn-plant and Half-toion appeared at Phi- 
 ladelphia, and, by their interpreter, coniinunicated to President Washing- 
 ton as follows : — 
 
 " Father : The voice of the Seneca nations s{>eaks to you ; the great 
 counsellor, in whosi heart the wise men of all the thirteen fires [13 li. S.] 
 have placed t\w\v wisdom. It may be very small in your ears, and we, 
 therefore, entreat you to hearken with attention ; for we ai-c able to speak 
 of things which are to us very great. 
 
 "When your army entered the country of the Six Nations, we called 
 
 {•ou xhctoion destroyer; to this day, when your name is heard, our women 
 ook behind iliem and turn pale, and our children cling close to the necks 
 of their mothers." 
 
 " When our chiefs returned from Fort Stanwix, and laid before our 
 council what had lieen done there, our nation was surj)rised to heur how 
 great a country you had compelled them to give up to you, without your 
 paying to us any thing for it. Every one said, that your hearts were yet 
 swelled with resentment against us for what had happened during the 
 war, but that one day you would consider it with more kindness. We 
 asked each other, IVhat have we done to deserve such severe chastisement ? 
 
 " Father : when you kindled your 13 fires separately, the wise men as- 
 sembled at them told us that you were all brothers; the children of one 
 great father, who regarded the red people as his children. They called 
 us brothers, and invited lis to his protection. They told us that he resided 
 beyond the great water where the sun first rises ; and that he was a king 
 whose power no people could resist, and that his goodness was as bright 
 as the sun. What they said went to our hearts. We accepted the invi- 
 tation, and promised to obey him. What the Seneca nation promises, 
 they faithfully perform. When you refused obedience to that king, he 
 commanded us to assist his beloved men in making you sober. In obey- 
 ing him, we did no more than yourselves had led us to promise." " We 
 were deceived; but your people teaching (iS to confide in that king, 
 had helped to deceive us ; and we now appeal to your breast. /* all the 
 blame ours ? 
 
 " Father : when we saw that we had been deceived, and heard the in- 
 vitation which you gave us to draw near to the fire you had kindled, and 
 talk with you concerning peace, we made haste towards it. You told 
 us you could crush us to nothing ; and you demanded from us a great 
 country, as the price of that peace which you had oflTered to us: as if our 
 toant of strength had destroyed our rights. Our chiefs had felt your power, 
 and were unable to contend against you, and they therefore gave up that 
 country. What they agreed to has bound our nation, but your anger 
 against us must by this titne be cooled, and although our strength is 
 not increased, nor your power become less, we ask you to consider 
 calmly — JVere the terms dictated to us by your commissioners reasonable and 
 
 just r 
 
 They also remind the president of the solemn promise of the commis- 
 sioners, that they should be secured in the peaceable possession of what 
 was left to them, and then ask, "Z>oes this promise bind you V^ And that 
 no sooner was the treaty of Fort Stanwix concluded, than commissioners 
 from Pennsylvania came to purchase of them what was included within 
 the lines of their state. These they informed that they did not wish to 
 sell, but being further urged, consented to sell a part. But the commis- 
 sioners said that "</ip?/ must have the tvhole ;" for it was already ceded to 
 them by the king of i^ngland, at the peace following the revolution. But 
 Btill, as their ancestors had always paid the Indians for land, they were 
 
Chap. VI.] 
 
 HALF-TOWN— CORN-PLANT— IlIG-TRKE. 
 
 98 
 
 willing to pny them for it. ik-ing not able to contend, the land was sold. 
 Soon afler this, they empowered a person to let out part of their land, who 
 said Congre.sa had sent him for the purpo.se, hut who, it seems, fraudu- 
 lently procured a deed instead of a power to lease- ; for there soon came 
 another person claiming all tiieir coimtry northward of the line of Penn- 
 sylvania, saying that he purchased it of the other, and for which he had 
 paid 20,000 dollars to him, and 20,000 more to tlu; United States, lie 
 now demanded the land, and, on being refused, threatened immediate 
 war. Knowing their weak situation, they held a council, and took the ad- 
 vice of a wiiite man, whom they took to be their friend, but who, as it 
 proved, had plotted with the other, and was to receive some of the land 
 for his ag(!ncy. He, therefore, told them they must comply. " Astonished 
 at what we heard from every quarter," they say, "with hearts aching with 
 com|)assion for our woujen and children, we were thus compelled to give 
 up all our country north of the line of Pennsylvania, and east of the Gen- 
 esee River, up to the great forks, and cast ol a south line drawn up from 
 that fork to the line of Penn.sylvania." For this he agreed to give them 
 10,000 dollai-s down, and 1000 dollars a year forever. Instead of that, he 
 paid them 2500 dollars, and some time after offered 500 dollars more, in- 
 sisting that that was all he owed them, which he allowed to be yearly. 
 They add, 
 
 " Father : you have said that we were in your hand, and that by clos- 
 ing it you could crush us to nothing. Are you determined to crush us ? 
 If you are, tell us so ; that those of our nation who have become your 
 clrldren, and have determined to die so, may know what to do. In this 
 cas ', one chief has said, he would ask you to put him out of his pain. 
 Another, who will not think of dying by the hand of his father, or his 
 brother, has said he will retire to the Chataughque, eat of the fatal root, 
 and sleej) with his fathei-s in peace." 
 
 " All the land we have been speaking of belonged to the Six Nations. 
 No part of it ever belonged to the king of England, and he could not give 
 it to you." 
 
 " Hear us once more. At Fort Stanwix we agreed to deliver up those 
 of our people who should do you any wrong, and that you might try 
 them and punish them according to your law. We delivered up two men 
 accordingly. But instead of trying them according to your law, the low- 
 est of your people took them from your magistrate, and put them imme- 
 diately to death. It is just to punish the murder with death, but the Sen- 
 ecas will not deliver up their people to men who disregard the treaties of 
 their own nation." 
 
 There were many other grievances enumerated, and all in a strain 
 which, we should think, would have drawn forth immediate relief. In his 
 answer, President Washington said all, perhaps, which could be said in his 
 situation ; and his good feelings are manifest throughout : still there is 
 something like evasion in answering some of their grievances, and an 
 omission of notice to others. His answer, nevertheless, gave them much 
 encouragement. He assured them that the lands obtained from them by 
 fraud was not sanctioned by the government, and that the whole transac- 
 tion was declared null and void ; and that the persons who murdered 
 their people should be dealt with as though they had murdered white 
 men, and that all possible means would be used for ihcir apprehension, 
 and rewards should continue to be offered to effect it. But we have not 
 learned that they were ever apprehended. The land conveyed by treaty, 
 the president inibrmed them, he had no authority to concern with, as that 
 act was before is administration. 
 
 The above speech, although appearing to be a joint production, is be- 
 lieved to have been dictated by Corn-planter. It, however, was no doubt 
 
'W 
 
 01 
 
 CORN-PI-ANT. 
 
 fHooK V 
 
 tlie sontimrnts of tlio whole nation, as woll na those of himself, Ilalf-lown 
 und fh'ir-tree. 
 
 In 17i»l,aM net passed the legislature of Pennsylvania, "to empower the 
 governor to grant a patent to liiff-lree, a Seneca ehief, for a certain island 
 in the Alleghany River." 
 
 He lamented the disaster of St. Claires army, and was heard to say 
 aftc^rwards, that he would hare two scnlpa for Gen. Ihttler\<i, who fi-il anil 
 was scalped in that fight. John Deckard, another Seneca ehief, rej)(!ate<l 
 the same words. 
 
 Being on a mission to Philadel|)hia, in April, 175)2, he was taken sick 
 at his lodgings, and died after abont 120 hours' ilhiess. Three days after, be- 
 ing Sunday, the 2tid, he was buried with all requisite attention. The 
 river Big-tree was probably named from the circiunstance of this chief 
 having lived upon it. His name still exists among some of his descend- 
 ants, or others of his tribe, as we have seen it subscribed to several instru- 
 ments within a kw yeare. 
 
 Although Corn-planter be but half Indian, we would not throw him 
 out of oiu' book on that account, and will, therefore, proceed again with 
 liis memoirs. His Indian name, as w(; have before noted, Avns Kiandoge- 
 wa ; and most of our knowledge concerning him is derived from himself, 
 and is contained in a letter sent from him to the governor of Pennsylva- 
 nia ; and, although written by an interpreter, is believed to be the real 
 production of Corn-planter. It was dated " Alleghany River, 2d mo. 2d, 
 1822," and is as follows: — 
 
 " I feel it my duty to send a speech to the governor of Pennsylvania at 
 this time, and inform him the j)lace where I was from — which was at 
 Conowaugus,* on the Genesee River. 
 
 " When I was a child, I played with the butterfly, the grasshopper and 
 the frogs ; and as 1 grew up, I began to pay some attention and play with 
 the Indian boys in the neighborhood, and they took notice of my skin be- 
 ing a different color from theirs, and spoke about it. I inquired of my 
 moiher the cause, and she told me that my father was a residenter in Al- 
 bany.! I still eat my victuals otit of a bark dish. I grew up to be a young 
 man, and married me a wife, and I had no kettle or gim. I then knew 
 where my father lived, and went to see bim, and found he was a white 
 man, and spoke the English language. He gave me victuals whilst I was 
 at his house, but when I started to retmni home, he gave me no provision 
 to eat on the way. He gave me neither kettle nor gun, neither did he tell 
 me that the United States were about to rebel against the government of 
 England. 
 
 " I will now tell you, brothers, who are in session of the legislature of 
 Pennsylvania, that the Great Spirit has made known to me that I have 
 been wicked ; and the cause thereof was the revolutionary war in Amer- 
 ica. The cause of Indians having been led into sin, at that time, was 
 that many of them were in the practice of drinking and getting intoxi- 
 cated. Great Britain requested us to join with them in the conflict against 
 the Americans, and promised the Indians land and liquor. I myself 
 was opposed to joining in the conflict, as I had nothing to do with the dif- 
 ficulty that existed between the two parties. I have now informed you 
 how it happened that the Indians look a part in the revolution, and will 
 relate to you some circumstonces that occurred after the close of the war. 
 Gen. Putnam, who was then at Philadelphia, told me there was to be a 
 council at Fort Stanwix ; and the Indians requested me to attend on be- 
 
 * This was the Iroquois term to designate a place of Christian Indians j hence many 
 places bear it. It is the same as Ca7iff}mewaga. 
 t It is said (Ainer. Reg. ii. 228) that he was an Irishman. 
 
Chap. VI] 
 
 CORN-PLANT. 
 
 95 
 
 half of the Six Nations ; which I did, and there met with three commiB- 
 sioners, who had been appointed to hold the council. They told me they 
 would inform me of th« (rauso of the revolution which I requested them 
 to do minutely. They then said that it had origuiatcd on account of the 
 heavy taxes that had been imposed upon them by the British govern- 
 ment, which had been for fifty yeai-s increasing upon them ; that the 
 Americans had grown weary thereof, and refused to pay, which afl'rontcd 
 thn king. There had likewise a dithculty taken place about some tea, 
 which tliey wished me not to use, as it hud been one of the causes that 
 nmny people had lost their lives. And the British government now being 
 afti-onted, the war conunenced, and the cannons began to roar in our 
 country, (ieneral Putnam then told me, at the council at Fort Stanwix, 
 that, by the lute war, the Americans hud gained two objects: they had 
 established themselves an independent nation, and had obtained some 
 land to live u[)on ; the division line of which, from (ireat Britain, run 
 through the lakes. I then s|)okc, and said that I wanted some land for 
 the Indians to live on, and General Piilnnm said that it should Imj granted, 
 and I should have land in the state of New York for the Indians. Gen. 
 Putnam then encouraged me to use my endeavors to pacify the Indians 
 generally; and, as he considered it an arduous task to perl"' imi, wished 
 to know what I wanted for pay therefor. I replied to liim, that I would 
 use my endeavors to do us he had requested, with the Indiana, and for 
 pay thereof, I would take land. I told him not t(> pay me money or dry 
 goods, but land. And for having attended thereto, 1 received the tract 
 of land on which I now live, which was ))resented to me by Governor 
 Mi/lin. I told General Putnam that I wished the Indians to have the 
 exclusive privilege of the deer and wild game, which he assented to. I 
 niso wished the Indians to have the privilege of hunting in the woods, 
 and making fires, which he likevv'ise assented to. 
 
 "The treaty that was made at the aforementioned council, has been 
 broken by some of the white people, which I now intend acquainting the 
 governor with. Some white people are not willing that Indians should 
 hunt any more, v.hilst others are satisfied therewith ; and those white 
 people who reside near our reservation, tell us that the woods are theirs, 
 and they have obtained them from the governor. The treaty has been 
 also broken by the white people using their endeavors to destroy all the 
 wolves, which was not spoken about in the council at Fort Stanwix, by 
 General Putnam, but has originated lately. 
 
 " It has been broken again, which is of recent origin. White people 
 wish to get credit from Indians, and do no* pay them honestly, according 
 to their agreement. In another resy)ect, it lias also been broken by white 
 people, who reside near my dwelling; for when I plant melons and 
 vines in my field, they take them as their own. It has been broken again 
 by white people using their endeavors to obtain our pine trees from us. 
 We have very few pine trees on our land, in the state of New York ; 
 and white people and Indians often get into dispute respecting them. 
 There is also a great quantity of whiskey brought near our resert-ation 
 by white people, and the Indians obtain it and become drunken Another 
 circumstance has taken place which is very trying to me, and I wish the 
 interference of the governor. 
 
 " The white people, who live at Warren, called upon me, some time 
 ago, to pay taxes for my land ; which I objected to, as I had never been 
 called upon for that purpose before ; and having refused to pay, the 
 white people became irritated, cfilled upon me frequently, and at length 
 brought four guns with them and seized our cattle. I still refused to pay, 
 and was not willing to let the cattle go. After a time of dispute, they re- 
 turned home, and I understood the militia was ordered out to enforce the 
 
96 
 
 CORN PLANT. 
 
 [nooK V. 
 
 ffollpction of thn tnx. I went to Wnrrrn, nnd, to nvort tho iniptMidiri^ 
 (litliciilly, WON (ll)li^l'(l to ^ivr my iioto tor tin; tax, tlio ntrioiiiit of wliicli 
 wiw 4;{ (lollarH aiui 7!) (•»(iIh. It Ih iny ilfsirt! tliat tla; govcriior will v\ 
 fiiipt iiK! from |iayiriK tax*>N for my land to wliito |)fO|)lu ; nnd aim) caii.sn 
 that tlio money I am now ohiif^'cd to pay, may ho rcfnnded to me, aH I 
 niu very poor. Tim governor \n the person who attends to thr> sitiialion 
 of the people, and I wish him to Neiid a person to Alleghany, that I may 
 inform him of the parti(Mdars of our Hitiiation, and hv he aiithuri/ed to 
 instruct tht! white people in what maimer to eondiict themselves towards 
 tiio Indians. 
 
 "'I'he ^overnment has told us that wlien any ditfieidtieH arose between 
 the Indians and wiiite people, they would attend to having them removed. 
 We are now in a trying situation, and 1 wish the governor to send a per- 
 son, authorized to attend th(>relv , the tore jtart of next summer, about the 
 time that grass has grown big enough for pasture. 
 
 " The governor formerly rerjucisU'd m<; to pay attention to the In<lianH, 
 and takt! care of them. VVe ar«> now arrived at a situation that 1 believe 
 Indians eaimot exist, tudijss the governor should eomply with n)y request, 
 nnd send a person authorized to treat between us nnd tiie white people, 
 tilt! ap|)roaehmg sumnu^r. I have now no more to speak."* 
 
 Whether the govermnent of I'emisylvania acted at all, or, if at all, what 
 order they took, upon this pathetic appeal, our author does not state. Hut 
 that an inde[)endent triho of Indians should be taxed by a neighbu.-ing 
 people, is absurd in the extreme ; and we hope we shall learn that not 
 oidy the tax was remitted, but a remuneration granted for the vexation 
 and <lamagc. 
 
 Corn-plant was very early distingifished for iiis wisdom in council, not- 
 withstanding he contirnied the treaty of Fort Stanwix of 1784, live years 
 aft(rr, at the treaty of Fort Hariner, giving up an immense tract of the-r 
 <M)untry, and for wliicli his nation very much reproached him, and even 
 threatened his life. Himself and other chiefs conmiitted this act tor tho 
 best of reasons. The Six Nations having taken part with England in the 
 revolution, when the king's power tell in America, the Indian nations were 
 reduced to the misend)le alternative of giving up so inuch of their coun- 
 try as the Americans required, or tlie whole of it. In 1790, Corn-vlant, 
 Half-tuwn and Big-tree^ made a most pathetic n|)peal to Congress tor an 
 amelioration of their condition, and a reconsideration of former treaties, 
 in which the following memorable passage occnrs: — 
 
 " Father : wcwill not conceal ti'om you that the great God, and not men, 
 has preserved the Corn-plant from the hands of his own nation. For they 
 ask continually, ' Where is the land on which our children, and their chil- 
 dren atler th 'in, are to lie down uj)on ? You told us that the line drawn 
 from Pennsy'vania to Lake Ontario, would mark it tbrever on the east, 
 and the line running trom Beaver Creek to Pennsylvania, would mark it 
 on the west, and we see that it is not so ; for, first one, and then another, 
 come and take it away by order of that people which you tell us })rom- 
 ised to secure it to us.' lie is silent, for he has nothing to answer. When 
 the Sim goes down, he opens his heart before God, and earlier than the 
 sun appears, again uj)on the hills he gives thanks for his protection during 
 the night. For he feels that among men become desperate by tho inju- 
 ries they sustain, it is God only that cai! preserve him. He loves peace, 
 and all he had in store he has given to those who have been robbed by 
 your ])eople, lest they should plunder the innocent to repay themselvea 
 The whole season, which others have employed in providing for their 
 
 * Buchanan's Sketches. 
 
[Hnoit V. 
 
 Chap. VIl 
 
 CORN-PI.ANT. 
 
 irii|><>nilin^ 
 
 oi" wliicii 
 lor will fiX 
 
 uIho oiuimi? 
 
 lO IIK', IIH [ 
 
 k; Hitiiatiun 
 tliut I Miny 
 tliori/.fd to 
 rvH tuwurdH 
 
 HO between 
 n reiiiovod. 
 Hciul a p(!r- 
 r, uboiit tlio 
 
 tlie IndiaiiB, 
 lat I Ix'lievo 
 my re(|iicst, 
 bite people, 
 
 'at all, wlint 
 t state. But 
 neij,'hl)u.ing 
 ai-n that not 
 tlie vexation 
 
 council, not- 
 
 ]4, five yeans 
 
 iract of ther 
 
 ni, and even 
 
 act for the 
 
 pland in tho 
 
 nations were 
 
 their coun- 
 
 Corn-plant, 
 
 jrress for an 
 
 uer treaties, 
 
 nd not men, 
 ni. P'orthey 
 id their cliil- 
 line drawn 
 on the east, 
 uld mark it 
 len another, 
 ell us prom- 
 iwer. When 
 ier than the 
 ction during 
 )y th3 inju- 
 [loves peace, 
 robbed by 
 themselves, 
 g for their 
 
 fiunilicH, he ban Hpent in cndcavora to preserve peace ; and thi« moment 
 bis wife and children are lying on the ground, and in want of AxnI.*' 
 
 In President If tt»Atn^o»r« answer, we are gratified by his particular no- 
 lice of thifl chief. H« says, "The ni(!rits of the Com-plani, and hi* 
 fricnilHhip for the United Htates, are well known to me, and shall not be 
 forgotten ; and, oh a mark of esteem of the United States, I have directed 
 the secretary of war to make him a present ut'two hundred midjyiy dol- 
 lars, either m money or goods, as the C'om-pUtnt shall likt! best." 
 
 There wos, in 1781), a treaty held at Morietto, between the Indions and 
 Americans, which terminated "to the entire sutisfuction of all concerne<l. 
 On this occasion, an elegant entertainment was provided. The Indian 
 chiefs Iwhaved with the greatest decorum throughout the day. After din- 
 ner, we were served with good wine, and Com-plnntrr, one of the first 
 chiefs of the Five Nations, and a very great warrior, took u^) his glass 
 and said, ' / thank the Great Spirit for this opportunity of smoking the pipt 
 of friendship and love. May we plant our oum vines — be the fathers of our 
 oten children — and maintain them.'' "* 
 
 In 17*.)0, an act passed tho legislature of Pennsylvania, f()r "granting 
 800 dollars to Com-plaiUer, Half-town and Big-tree, in trust for the Sene- 
 ca nation, and other purposes therein mentioned." In Feb. 1791, Com- 
 plant was in Philadelphia, and was employed in an extremely hazardous 
 expedition to undertake the pacification of tho western tribes, that had 
 already shown themselves hostile. The mission terminated unfavorably, 
 from msurmountable difticultics.f There were many, at this time^ as m 
 all Indian wara, who entertained doubts of tho fidehty of such Irjdiana 
 as pretended friendship. Corn-plant did not escape suspicion ; but, as his 
 conduct showed, it was entirely without foundation. In the midst of tbe«*e 
 imputations, a letter written at Fort Franklin says, " I have only to ob- 
 serve that the Corn-plant has been here, and, in my opinion, he Is as 
 friendly as one of our own people. He has advised me to take care, 
 *for,^ said he, • you toill soon have a chance to let the world know whether 
 you are a soldier or not.'' When he went off, he ordered two chiefs and 
 ten warriors to remain here, and scout about the garrison, and let tue 
 know if the |-%id Indians should either advance against me, or any of the 
 frontiers of the United States. He thinks the people at Pittsburgh shouTd 
 keep out spies towards the salt licks, fbr he says, by and by, be tbink^s 
 the tad Indians will come from that way." 
 
 In 1792, the following advertisement appeared, signed bv Corn-plant : 
 " My people having been charged with committing depredations on the 
 frontier inhabitants near Pittsburgh, I hereby contradict the assertion, as 
 it is certainly without foundation, and pledge myself to those inhabitants, 
 that they may rest perfectly secure from any danger from the Senecas 
 residing on the Alleghany waters, and that my people have been and stiil 
 are friendly to the U. States." 
 
 About the time Corn-plant loft his nation to proceed on his mission to 
 the hostile tribes, as three of his people were travelling through a w'ttle- 
 ment upon the Genesee, they stopped at a house to light their pijK.'s. 
 There happened to be several men within, one of whom, as the foremost 
 Indian stooped to light his pipe, killed iiim with an axe. One of tho oth- 
 ers was badly wounded with the same weapon, while escaping from tlje 
 house. They were not pursued, and the other, r< boy, escaped inihurt. 
 (The poor wounded man, when nearly well of the wound, was bitten by 
 a snake, which caused his immediate death.) When Corn-plant knew 
 
 * Carey's Museum, v. 'H.5. 
 
 t " Causes of the existing Hoslililies," &c. ilrawu up by the sec'y of war, Gen. Kiufj, 
 is 1791. 
 
 9 
 
98 
 
 cor:: PLANT. 
 
 [Book V 
 
 what had happened, he charged his warriors to remain quiet, and not to 
 seek revenge, and was heard only to say, " It is hard, when I and my peo- 
 ple are trying to make peace for the ivhttes, thai we should receive sxtch re- 
 ward. I can govern my young men and warriors better than the thirteen 
 Jires can theirsJ^ How is it that this man should practise upon the max- 
 ims of Confucius., of whom he never heard ? {Do ye to others as ye would 
 that they should do unto you ;) and the monster in human form, ni a gos- 
 pel lai'd, taught them from his youth, should show, by his actions, his 
 utter contempt of them, and even of the divine mandate ? 
 
 In 181G, the Rev. Timothy Mden, then president of Alleghany col- 
 lege, in Meadville, Pennsylvania, visited the Seneca nation. At this time. 
 Corn-plant lived seven miles below the junction of the Connewango with 
 the Alleghany, upon the banks of the latter, « on a piece of first-rate bot- 
 tom land, a little within the limits of Pennsylvania." Here was his vil- 
 lage,* which exhibited signs of industrious inhabitants. He then owned 
 1300 acres of land, 600 of which comprehended his town. " It was grate- 
 ful to notice," observes Mr. Alden, " the present agricultural habits of the 
 place, from the numerous enclosures of buck-wheat, corn and oats. We 
 also saw a number of oxen, cows and horses ; and many logs designed 
 for the saw-mill and the Pittsburgh market." Corn-plant had, for some 
 time, been very much in favor of the Christian religion, and hailed with 
 joy such as professed it. When he was apprized of Mr. Alden's arrival, 
 he hastened to welcome him to his village, and wait upon him. And not- 
 withstanding his high station as a chief, having many men under his com- 
 mand, he chose rather, " in the ancient patriarchal style," to serve his 
 visitors himself; he, therefore, took care of their horses, and went into the 
 field, cut and brought oats for them. 
 
 The Western Missionary Society had, in 1815, at Com-planVs "urgent 
 request," established a school at his village, which, at this time, promised 
 success. 
 
 Corn-plant receives an annual annuity from the U. States, of 250 dol- 
 lars, besides his proportion of 9000 divided equally among every member 
 of the nation. 
 
 Gos-kuJc-ke-wa-na-kon-ne-di-yu., commonly called the Prophet, was 
 brother to Corn-plant, and resided in his village. He was of little note, 
 and died previous to IBlG.f Corn-plant, we believe, is yet living, and, 
 like all other unenlightened people, very superstitious. Not long since, he 
 said the Good Spirit had told him not to have any thing to do with the 
 whites, or even to preserve any mementoes or relics they had from time 
 to time given liim ; whereupon, among other things, he burnt up his belt 
 and broke his elegant sword. He often mentions his having been at Brad- 
 docVs defeat. Henry Obeale, his son, he sent to be educated among the 
 whites. He became a drunkard on returning to his home, and is now 
 discarded by his father. Corn-plant lias other sons, but he says no more 
 of them shall be educated among the whites, for he says, " It entirely spoil 
 Indian^''' And although he countenances Christianity, he does not do it, 
 it is tliought, fi'om a belief of it, but probably from the same motives as 
 too many whites do.}: 
 
 Teaslaegee, or Charles Corn-planter, was a party to the treaty of Mos- 
 cow, N. Y. in 1823. He was probably a son of Koeeniwahk, or Gyanitoaia. 
 
 We find this notice of Corn-plant in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 1791 : 
 " The Indians in this quarter [Fort Pitt] have been very peaceable for 
 some time, but down the Ohio they are continually doing mischief. There 
 
 * Formerly called Obaletmvn. See Pa. Gaz. 1792, and Stanbunj's Jour, 
 t Amer. Register for 1S16, vol. ii. 226, &c. 
 
 i Verbal account of E. T. Foote, Esq. of Chatauque co. N. Y. who possesses much 
 valuable iufortnation upon matters of this kind. 
 
Chap. VII] 
 
 TECUMSEH. 
 
 99 
 
 are many conjectures in this country about Col. Proctor's business in the 
 Indian country, as it is known ho has left Fort Franklin, at French Creek, 
 in company with the Corn-planter and many of his people." 
 
 Col. Proctor was sent to aid Com-plattt in his intended mission to the 
 hostile tribes. 
 
 rs no more 
 
 ssesscs much 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Tecumseh — His great exertions to prevent the whites from overrunning his 
 country — His expedition on Hacker's Creek — Cooperation of his brother, 
 the Prophet — Rise of the difficulties between Tecumseh and Gov. Harri- 
 son — Speech of the foiTtier in a council at Vincennes — Fearful occurrence 
 in that council — Winnemak — Tecumseh visited by Gov. Harrison at his 
 camp — Determination of war the result of the interview on both sides — 
 Characteristic anecdote of the chief— Determines, in the event of war, to 
 prevent barbarities — Baitle of "tippecanoe — Battle of the Thames, and 
 death of Tecumseh — Description of his person — Important events in his 
 life — PuKEESHENO,ya/Aer of Tecumseh — His death — Particidar account 
 o/'Ellskwatawa, or the Prophet — Account of Kovyn-HKA^D — Capture 
 and massacre of Gen. Winchester's army at the River Raisin — Myeerah 
 or the Crane, commxynly called V/alk-in-the-Water — Teyoninhoke- 
 RAWEw, or John Norton — Wawnahton — Black-thunder — Ongpa- 
 TONGA, or Bio-elk — Petalesharo — Metea. 
 
 Tecumseh, by birth a Shawanee, and brigadier-general in the army of 
 Great Britain, in the war of 1812, was born about 1770, and, like his great 
 prototype, Povnetacom, the Wampanoag, seems always to have made his 
 aversion to civilization appear a prominent trait in his character ; and it 
 is not presumed that he joined the British army, and received the red 
 sash and other badges of ofice, because he was fond of imitating the 
 whites ; but he employed them, more probably, as a means of inspiring 
 his countrymen with that respect and veneration for himself which was 
 80 necessary in the work of expulsion, which he had undertaken. 
 
 The first exploit in which we find Tecumseh engaged was upon a 
 branch of Hacker's Creek, in May, 1792. With a small band of warriors, 
 he came upon the family of John Waggoner, about dusk. They found 
 Waggoner a short distance from his liouse, sitting iipon a log, resting 
 himself after the fatigues of the day. Tecumseh directed his men to cap- 
 ture the family, while himself was engaged with Waggoner. To make 
 sure work, he took deliberate aim at him with his rifle ; but fortunately ho 
 did not even wound him, though the ball passed next to his skin. Wag- 
 goner threw himself off the log, and ran with all his might, and Tecumseh 
 followed. Having the advantage of an accurate knowledge of the ground, 
 Waggoner made good his escape. Meanw-iile his men succeeded in 
 carrying off the family, some of whom they barbarously murdered. 
 Among these were Mre. Waggoner and two of her children. Several of 
 the children remained a long time with tho Indians. 
 
 This persevering and extraordinary man had made himself noted and 
 conspicuous in the war which terminated by the treaty of Greenville, in 
 1795. He was brother to that famous impostor well known by the name 
 of the Prophet, and seems to have joined in his views just in season to 
 prevent his falling into entire disrepute among his own followers. His 
 principal place of rendezvous was near the confluence of the Tippecanoe 
 with the Wabash, upon the north bank of the latter. This tract of coun- 
 
» 
 
 100 
 
 TECUMSEH. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 try was none of his, but naa been possessed by his brother the Prophet^ 
 in 1808, with a motley band of about a 1000 young warriors from among 
 the Shawanese, Delawares, Wyandots, Potowatomies, Ottowas, Kikka- 
 poos and Chippeways. The Miamies were very much opposed to this 
 intrusion into their country, but were not powerful enough to repel it, 
 and many of their chiefs were put to death in the most barbarous man- 
 ner, for remonstrating against their conduct. The maladministration of 
 the Prophet, however, in a short time, very much reduced his numbers, 
 so that, in about a year, his followers consisted of but about 300, ar.d these 
 in the most miserable state of existence. Their habits had Ijeen such as 
 to bring famine upon them ; and but for the provisions furnished by Gen- 
 eral Harrison, from Vincennes, starvation would doubtless have ensued.* 
 At this juncture, Tecumseh made his appearance among them ; and al- 
 though in the character of a subordinate chief, yet it was known that he 
 directed every thing afterwards, although in the name of the PropheL 
 His exertions now became immense, to engage every tribe upon the con- 
 tin ;?nt in a confederacy, with the open and avowed object of arresting the 
 progress of the whites. 
 
 It will be hard to find excuse for all the proceedings of the government 
 of the United States and its agents towards the Indians at any time. The 
 consciousness of power goes a great way with almost all men. 
 
 Agreeably to the direction of the government, Governor Harrison pur- 
 chased of the Delawares, Miamies, and Potowatomies, a large tract of 
 country on both sides of the Wabash, and extending up the river 60 miles 
 above Vincennes. This was in 1809, about a year after the Prophet set- 
 tled with his colony upon the Wabash, as above stated. Tecumseh was 
 absent at this time, and his brother, the Prophet, was not considered as 
 having any claim to the country, being there without the consent of the 
 Miamies. Tecumseh did not view it in this light, and at his return was 
 exceedingly vexed with those chiefs who had made the conveyance; 
 many of whom, it is asserted, he threatened with death. Tecumseh^s dis- 
 pleasure and dissatisfaction reached Gov. Harrison, who despatched a 
 messenger to him, to state <>' that any claims he might have to the lands 
 which had been ceded, were not affected by the treaty ; that he might 
 come to Vincennes and exhibit his pretensions, and if they were found to 
 be solid, that the land would either be given up, or an ample compensa- 
 tion made for it."t This, it must be confessed, was not in a strain calcu- 
 lated to soothe a mighty mind, when once justly irritated, as was that of 
 Tecumseh, at least as he conceived. However, upon the 12 August, 
 1810, (a day which cannot fail to remind the reader of the fate of his 
 great archetype, Philip, of Pokanoket,) he met the governor in council at 
 Vincennes, with many of his warriore ; at which time he spoke to him as 
 follows : — 
 
 " It is true I am a Shawanee. My forefathers were warriors. Their 
 son is a wairior. From them I only take my existence ; from my tribe 
 I take nothing. I am the maker of my own fortune ; and oh ! that I 
 could make that of my red people, and of my country, as great as the 
 conceptions of my mind, when I think of the Spirit that rules the universe. 
 I would not then come to Gov. Harrison, to ask him to tear the treaty, 
 and ■> obliterate the landmark ; but I would say to him. Sir, you have 
 liberty to return to your own country. The being within, communing 
 with past ages, tells me, that once, nor until lately, there was no white 
 man on this continent. That it then all belonged to red men, children of 
 the same parents, placed on it by the Great Spirit that made them, to 
 keep it, to traverse it, to enjoy its productions, and to fill it with the same 
 
 * Memoirs of Harrison. 
 
 t SFAftt. 
 
Chap. VII] 
 
 TECUMSEH, 
 
 101 
 
 race. Once a happy race. Since made miserable by the white people, 
 who are never contented, but always encroaching. The way, and the 
 only way to check and to stop this evil, is, for all the red men to unite in 
 claiming a common and equal right in the land, as it was at first, and 
 should be yet ; for it never was divided, but belongs to all, for the use of each. 
 That no part has a right to sell, even to each other, much less to strangers; 
 those who want all, and will not do with less. The white people have 
 no right to take the land from the Indians, because they had it hrst ; it is 
 theirs. They may sell, but all must join. Any sale not made by all is 
 not valid. The late sale is bad. It was made by a part only. Part do 
 not know how to sell. It requires all to make a bargain for all. All red 
 men have equal rights to the unoccupied land. The right of occupancy 
 is as good in one place as in another. There cannot be two occupations 
 in the same place. The first excludes all others. It is not so in hunting 
 or travelling ; for there the same ground will serve many, as they may 
 follow each other all day ; but the camp is stationary, and that is occu- 
 pancy. It belongs to the first who sits down on his blanket or skins, 
 which he has thrown upon the ground, and till he leaves it no other has 
 a right."* 
 
 How near this is to the original is unknown to us, but it appears too 
 much Americanized to correspond with our notions ofTecumseh; never- 
 theless it may give the tme meaning. One important paragraph ought to 
 be added, which we do not find in the author from which we have ex- 
 tracted the above ; which was, " that the Americans had driven them 
 from the sea-coasts, and that they would shortly push them into the lakes, 
 and that they were determined to make a stand where they were."f This 
 language forcibly reminds us of what the 'ancient Britons said of their 
 enemies, when they besought aid of tlfe Romans. " The barbarians (said 
 they) drive us to the sea, and the sea beats us back upon them ; between 
 these extremes we are exposed, either to be slain with the sword, or 
 drowned in the waves."| 
 
 Tecumseh, having thus explained his reasons against the validity of the 
 purchase, took his seat amidst his warriors. Governor Harrison, in his 
 reply, said, "that the white people, when they arrived upon this continent, 
 had found the Miamies in the occupation of all the country on the Wa- 
 bash, and at that time the Shawanese were residents of Greorgia, from 
 which they were driven by the Creeks. That the lands had been pur- 
 chased from the Miamies, who were the true and original owners of \t. 
 That it was ridiculous to ast^ert that all the Indians were one nation ; fbr 
 if such had been the intent'on of the Great Spirit, he would not have put 
 six different tongues into their heads, hut have taught them all to speak a 
 language that all could understand. That the Miamief- found it for their 
 interest to sell a part of their lands, and receive for them a further an- 
 nuity, the benefit of which they had long experienced, from the punctu- 
 ality with which the seventeen fires [the seventeen United States] com- 
 plied with their engagements ; and that the Shawanese had no right to 
 come from a distant country and control the Miamies in the disposal of 
 tlieir own property." The governor then took his seat, and tlie inter- 
 preter proceeded to explain to Tecumseh what he had said, who, when 
 he had nearly finished, suddenly interrupted him, and exclaimed, "It is 
 all false ;" at the same time giving to his warriors a signal, they seized 
 their war clubs and sprung upon their feet, from the green grass on which 
 they had been sitting. The governor now thought himself in imminent 
 danger, and, freeing himself from his arm-chair, drew his sword and pre- 
 pared to defend himself. He was attended by some officers of his gov.> 
 
 * Hist. Kentucky. 
 9* 
 
 t Mem. Harrison. 
 
 t Sellers Englaud, 
 
'• » 
 
 102 
 
 TECUMSEH. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 eminent, and many citizens, more numerous than the Indians, but all 
 unartned ; most of whom, however, seized upon some weapon, such as 
 stones and clubs. Tecumseh continued to make gestures and speak with 
 great emotion ; and a guard of 12 armed men stationed in the rear were 
 ordered up. For a few minutes, it was expected blood would be shed. 
 Major G. R. Floyde, who stood near the governor, drew his dirk, and 
 fVinntviak cocked his pistol, which he had ready primed ; he said Tecum- 
 seh had threatened his life for having signed the treaty and sale of the 
 disputed land. A Mr. Winas, the Methodist minister, ran to the gov- 
 ernor's hou'je, and taking a gun, stood in the door to defend the family. 
 
 On being informed what Tecumseh had said, the governor rej)lied to 
 him, that "he was a bad man — that he would have no further talk with 
 him — that he must return to his camp, and set out for his home imme- 
 diately." Thus ended the conference. Tecumseh did not leave the neigh- 
 borhood, but, the next morning, having reflected upon the impropriety 
 of his conduct, sent to the governor to have the council renewed, and 
 apologized for the affiront offered; to which the governor, after some 
 time, consented, having taken the precaution to have two additional tom- 
 panies of armed men in readiness, in case of insult. 
 
 Having met a second time, Tecumseh was asked whether he had any 
 other groimds, than those he had stated, by which he could lay claim to 
 the land in question ; to which he replied, " No other." Ilere, then, 
 was an end of all argument. The indignant sotd of Tecumseh could nut 
 but be enraged at the idea of an "equivalent for a countiy," or, what 
 meant the same thing, a compensation for land, which, often repeated, as 
 it had been, would soon amount to a country! "The behavior of Tecum- 
 seh, at this interview, was very different from what it was the day before. 
 His deportment was dignified and%;ollected, and he showed not the least 
 disposition to be insolent. He denied having any intention of attacking 
 the governor, but said he had been advised by white men"* to do as he 
 had done ; that two white men had visited him at his place of residence, 
 and told him that half the white people were opposed to Governor Ham- 
 son, and willing to relinquish the land, and told him to advise the tribes 
 not to receive pay for it ; for that the governor would be soon put out of 
 office, and a "good man" sent in his place, who would give up the land 
 to the Indians. The governor asked him whether he would prevent the 
 survey of the land : he replied that he was determined to adhere to the 
 old boundary. Then arose a Wyandot, a Kikkapoo, a Pottowattomie, an 
 Ottowas, and a Winnebago chief, each declaring his determination to stand 
 by Tecumseh, whom they had chosen tiieir chief. After the governor had 
 info- aied Tecumseh that his words should be truly repo.'.ted to the presi- 
 dent, alleging, at the same time, that he knew the land would not be re- 
 linquished, and that it would be maintained by the sword, tlie council 
 closed. 
 
 The governor wished yet to prolong the interview, and thought that, 
 l)ossibly, Tecumseh might appear more submissive, should 'ie meet him 
 in his own tent. Accordingly he took with him an interpr;ter, and visit- 
 ed the chief in his camp the next day. The governor was received with 
 kindness and attention, and Tecumseh conversed with him a considerable 
 time. On being asked by the governor, if his determiiiPtion really was 
 as he had expressed himself in the council, he said, " Yes ;" and added, 
 " that it was with great reluctance he would make war with the United 
 States — against whom he had no other complaint, but their purchasing 
 the Indians' land ; that he was extremely anxious to be their friend, and 
 if he (the governor) would prevail upon the president to give up the lands 
 
 * Memoirs of Harrison, 
 
Chap. VII.] 
 
 TECUMPEH. 
 
 108 
 
 lately purchased, and agree never to make another treaty, without the 
 consent of all the tribes, he would he their faithful ally, and assist them 
 in all their wars with the English," whom he knew were always treat- 
 ing the Indians like dogs, clapping their hands, and hallooing slu-boy; 
 that he would much rather join the seventeen fires : but if they would not 
 give up said lands, and comply with his request in other respects, he would 
 join the English. When the governor told him there was no probability 
 that the president would comply, he said, "Well, as the great chief is to 
 determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit will put sense enough into 
 his head, to induce him to direct you to give up this land. It is true, he 
 is so far off, he will not be injured by the war. He may sit still in his 
 town, and drink his wine, whilst you and I will have to fight it out." 
 He had said before, when asked if it were his de*' .iiination to make 
 war unless his terms were complied with, "/t is my determination; nor 
 xoUl I give rest to my feet, until I have uni :ed all the red men in the like 
 resolution." 
 
 Thus is exhibited the determined character of Tecumseh, in which no 
 duplicity appears, and whose resentment might have been expected, when 
 questioned, again and again, upon tne same subject. 
 
 Most religiously did he proserute this plan ; and could his extraordinary 
 and wonderful exertions be known, no fiction, it is believed, could scarce- 
 ly surpass the reality. The tribes to the west of the Mississippi, and those 
 about Lakes Superior and Huron, were visited and revisited by him pre- 
 vious to the year 1811. He had raised in these tribes the high expecta- 
 tion, that they should be able to drive the Americans to the east of the 
 Ohio. The famous Blue-jacket was as sanguine as Tecumseh, and was 
 Ii^s abettor in uniting distant tribes. 
 
 The following characteristic circumstance occurred at one of the meet- 
 ings at Vincennes. After Tectimseh had made a speech to governor Har- 
 rison, and was about to sea^ hiAiself in a chair, he observed that none had 
 been placed for him. One was immediately ordered by the governor, 
 and, as the interpreter handed it to him, he said, " Your father requests you 
 to take a chair." ^ My father T^ says Tecumseh, with great indignity of 
 expression, " the sun is my father, and the earth is my mother ; and on her 
 bosom [will repose ;" and immediately seated himself in the Indian man- 
 ner, upon the ground.* 
 
 The fight at Tippecanoe followed soon after. This affair took place in 
 the night of Nov. 6, 1811, in which 62 Americans were killed, and 126 
 wounded. Tecumseh was not in this fight, but his brother, the Prophet, 
 conducted or ordered the attack. During the action, he was performing 
 conjurations on an eminence not far off', but out of danger. His men 
 displayed great bravery, and the fight was long and bloody. Harrison 
 lost some of his bravest oflScers. The late Colonel Snelling, of Boston, 
 then a captain, was in this fight, and took prisoner with his own hands 
 an Indian chief, the only Indian taken by the Americans. The name of 
 the captured chief we do not learn, but, from his fear of being taken for a 
 Shawanee, it is evident he was not of that tribe. When he was seized 
 by Capt. Snelling, he ejaculated, with hurried accents, " Good man, me no 
 Shawanee."j The chiefs fVhite-lion [Wapamangwa,^ Stone-eater {Sana- 
 mahhonga,) and IVinnemak, were conspicuous at this tune. The latter had 
 been the pretended friend of the governor, but now appeared his enemy. 
 
 Just before hostilities commenced, in a talk Governor Harrison had 
 with Tecumseh, the former ex|)ressed a wish, if war must follow, that 
 cruelty to prisoners should not he allowed on either sid o. Tfcumseh as- 
 sured him that he would do all in his power to prevent it ; and it is be- 
 
 Schoolcraft. 
 
 t Information of his sou, IF. J. Snelli/ig, Esq. of Boston. 
 
•• I 
 
 104 
 
 TEv^UMSEH. 
 
 [Book 9. 
 
 •!•:.■ 
 
 Iieved he strictly adhered to this resolution. Indeed, we have one ex- 
 ample, which has never been called in question, and is worthy the gi^at 
 mind of this chief. When Col. Dudley was cut off, and near 400 of his 
 men, not far from Fort Meigs, by iiilling into an ambush, Tecumseh arrived 
 at the scene of action when the Americans could resist no longer. He 
 exerted himself to put a stop to the massacre of the soldiers, which waa 
 then going on ; and meeting with a Chippeway chief who would not 
 desist by persuasion nor threats, he buried his tomahawk in his head.* 
 
 It is said that Tecumseh had been in almost every important battle with 
 the Americans, from the destruction of General Harmer'a army till his 
 death upon the Thames. He was under the direction of General Proctor, 
 in the last great act of his life, but was greatly dissatisfied with his course 
 of proceedings, and is said to have remonstrated against retreating before 
 the Americans in very pointed terms. Perry's victory had just given the 
 Americans the command of Luke Erie ; and immediately after, Proctor 
 abandoned Detroit, and marched his majesty's army up the river Thames, 
 accomi)anied by General Tecunxseh, with about 1500 warriors. Harrison 
 overtook them near the Moravian town, Oct. 5, 1813, and, after a bloody 
 battle witii the Indians, routed and took prisoners nearly the whole Brit- 
 ish army ; Proctor saving himself only by flight. After withstanding 
 almost the whole force of the Americans for some time, Tecumseh received 
 a severe wound in the arm, but continued to fight with desperation, until 
 a shot in the head from an unknown hand laid him prostrate in the thick- 
 est of the fight.f Of his warriors 120 were left upon the field of battle. 
 
 Thus fell Tecumseh, in the forty-fourth year of his age. He was about 
 five feet ten inches in height, of a noble appearance, and a perfectly sym- 
 metrical form. " His carriage was erect and lofty — his motions quick — 
 his eyes }>enetrating— his visage stern, with an air of hauteur in his coun- 
 tenance, which arose from an elevated pride of soul. It did not leave 
 him even in death." He is thus spoken of by one who knew him. His 
 dress on the day of the fatal battle was a deerskin coat and pantaloons. 
 
 At the battle of the Thames, a chief by the name of Shane served as a 
 guide to Col. Johnson^s regiment. He informs us that he knew Tecumseh 
 well, and that he once had had his thigh broken, which not being proper- 
 ly set, caused a considerable ridge in it always after. This was published 
 in a Kentucky newspaper, lately, as necessary to prove that the Indian 
 killed by Col. Johnson was Tecumseh. From the same paper it would 
 seem, that, even on the day of battle, it was doubted by some whether the 
 chief killed were Tecumseh, and that a critical inquest was held over his 
 body ; and although it was decided to be he, yet to the fact that the colo- 
 nel killed him, there was a demur, even then. But, no doubt, many 
 were willing it should so pass, thinking it a matter of no consequence, so 
 long as Tecumseh, their most dreaded enemy, was actually slain ; and, 
 perhaps, too, so near the event, many felt a delicacy in dissenting from 
 the report of Col. JohTison's friends ; but when time had dispelled such 
 jealousy, those came out frankly with their opinion, and hence resulted the 
 actual truth of the case. 
 
 That the American soldiers should have dishonored themselves, after 
 their victory, by outraging all decency by acts of astonishing ferocity and 
 barbarity, upon the lifeless body of the fallen chief, is grievous to mention^ 
 and cannot meet with too severe condemnation. Pieces of hi? skin were 
 
 * James, i. ^91— Perkins, 221. 
 
 t The story that he fell in a personal rencounter with Col. Johnson, must no longer 
 be believed. Facts arc entirely opposed to such a conclusion. Indeed, we cannot leaia 
 that the colonel ever claimed the honor of the achieven.ent. 
 
Ch*p. VII.] 
 
 TECUMSEII. 
 
 105 
 
 taken away by some of them ns mementoes!* He is said to have home a 
 personal enmity to General Harrison, at this time, for having just before 
 destroyed his family. The celebrated speech, said to have been delivered 
 by the great " Shawanese warrior" to General Proctor, before the battle 
 of the Thames, is believed by many not to be genuine. It may be seen 
 in every history of the war, and every periodical of that day, and in not a 
 few since, even to this. Therefore we omit it here. The sjwech of 
 Logan, perhaps, has not circidated wider. Another, in our opinion, more 
 worthy the mighty mind of Tecumseh, published in a work said to be 
 written by one who heard it,t is now generally (on the authority of a 
 public journall) discarded as a Action. 
 
 Among the skirmishes between the belligerents, before Gen. Hull sur- 
 rendered the north-western army, Tecumseh and his Indians acted a con- 
 spicuous part. 
 
 Maiden, situated at the junction of Detroit River with Lake Erie, was 
 considered the Gibraltar of Canada, and it was expected that Gen. HuWs 
 first movements would be to possess himself of it. In a movement that 
 way, Col. jyrjlrthur came very near being cut off by a party of Indians 
 led by Tecumseh. About 4 miles from Maiden, he found a bridge in pos- 
 session of a body of the enemy ; and although the bridge was can-ied by 
 a force under Col. Cass,§ in elfecting which, 11 of the enemy were killed, 
 yet it seems, that in a " lew days afterwards" they were in possession of 
 It again, and again the Americans stood ready to repeat the attack. It 
 was in an attempt to reconnoitre, that Col. M'Arthur "advanced somewhat 
 too near the enemy, and narrowly escaped being cut off from his men"| 
 by several Indians who had nearly prevented his retreat. 
 
 Major Vanhorn was detached from Aux Canards, with 200 men, to con- 
 voy 150 Ohio militia and some provisions from the River Raisin. In his 
 second day's march, near Brovvnstown, he fell into an ambush of 70 In- 
 dians imder Tecumseh, who, firinrc upon him, killed 20 men ; among whom 
 were Captains M'Culloch,^ Bostler, Gilcrease** and Ubry : 9 more were 
 wounded. 
 
 A British writer upon the late war,tf afler having related the battle of 
 the Thames, in which Tecumseh fell, says : " It seems extraordinary that 
 Gen. Harrison should have omitted to mention, in his letter, the death of 
 a chief, whose fall contributed so largely to break down the Indian spirit, 
 and to give peace and security to the whole north-western frontier of the 
 U. States. Tecumseh, although he had received a musket-ball in the left 
 arm, was still seeking the hottest of the fire," when he received the mor- 
 tal wound in the head, of which he in a few moments expired. The 
 error, which for some time prevailed, of hia being shot by Col. Johnson, 
 is copied into this author's work. The following descriptions, though in 
 some respects erroneous, are of sufficient value to be preserved. 
 
 Tecumseh was endowed " with more than the usual stoutness, possess- 
 ed all the agility and perseverance, of the Indian character. His carriage 
 was dignified ; his eye penetrating ; his countenance, which, even in 
 death, betrayed the indications of a lofty spirit, rather of the sterner cast. 
 Had he not possessed a certain austerity of manners, he could never have 
 
 * We have often heard it said, but whether in truth we do not aver, that there are 
 those who still own razor straps made of it. 
 
 t John Dunn Hunter. \ North American Review. 
 
 & Since governor of Michigvin, and now secretary of war. 
 
 rt Brackenridge, Hist. War, 31. 
 
 V In this officer's pocket, it is said, w.os found a lette' written for his wife, giving an 
 account of his having killed an Indian, from whose he^xd he tore the scalp with nis teeth. 
 This is the process when the hair is short. 
 
 ** GUchrUt, commonly written. ft James, i. 287, &c. 
 
108 
 
 TECUMSEH. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 controlled the wayward passions of those who followed him to battle. 
 He was of a silent habit ; but,when his eloquence became roused into 
 action by the reiterated encroachments of the Americans,* his strong in- 
 tellect could supply him with a flow of oratory, that enabled him, as he 
 governed in the rield, so to prescribe in the council. Those who consider 
 that, in all territorial questions, the ablest diplomatists of the U. States are 
 sent to negotiate with the Indians, will readily appreciate the loss sustain- 
 ed by the latter in the death of their champion. The Indians, in general, 
 are full as fond as other savages, of the gaudy decoration of their persons ; 
 but Tecumseh was an exception. Clothes and other valuable articles of 
 spoil had oflen been his ; yet he invariably wore a deerskin coat and pan- 
 taloons. He had frequently levied subsidies to, comparatively, a large 
 amount ; yet he preserved little or nothing for himself. It was not wealth, 
 but glory, that was Tecumseh^s ruling passion. Fatal day! when the 
 •Christian people' first penetrated the forests, to teach the arts of 'civiliza- 
 tion' to the poor Indian. Till then water had been his only beverage ; 
 and himselt and his race possessed all the vigor of hardy savages. Now, 
 no Indian opens his lips to the stream that ripples by his wigwam, while 
 he has a rag of clothes on his back, wherewith to purchase rum ; and he 
 and his squaw and his children wallow through the day, in beastly drunk- 
 enness.! Instead of the sturdy warrior, with a head to plan, and an arm 
 to execute, vengeance upon the oppressors of his country, we behold the 
 puny besotted wretch, squatting on his hams, ready to barter his country, 
 his children, or himself, for a few gulps of that deleterious compound, 
 which, far more than the arms of the United States, [Great Britain and 
 France,] is hastening to extinguish all traces of his name and character. 
 Tecumaeh^ himself, in early life, had been addicted to intemperance ; but 
 no sooner did his judgment decide against, than his resolution enabled 
 him to quit, so vile a habit. Beyond one or two glasses of wine, he never 
 afterwards indulged." 
 
 It was said not to be from good will to the Americans, that he would 
 not permit his warriors to exercise any cruelty upon them, when fallen 
 into their power, but from principle alone. When Detroit was taken by 
 the British and Indians, Tecumseh was in the action at the head of the 
 latter. After the surrender, Gen. Brock requested him not to allow his 
 Indians to ill-treat the prisoners, and to which he replied, " JVo ! I de- 
 spise them too much to meddle tvith themJ'^ 
 
 Some of the English have said that there were few officers in the U. 
 States' service so able to command in the field as Tecumseh. This it will 
 not us behove to question ; but it would better have become such speech- 
 makers, if they had added, " in his peculiar mode of warfare." That he 
 was a more wily chief than Mishikinakwa, may be doubted ; that either 
 had natural abilities inferior to those of Gen. Wayne, or Gen. Brock, we 
 see no reason to believe. But this is no argument that they could prac- 
 tise European warfare as well as those generals. It is obvious, from his 
 intercourse with the whites, that TecuTtiseh must have been more skilled 
 in their military tactics than most, if not all, of his countrymen, whether 
 predecessors or cotemporaries. 
 
 A military man,|; as we apprehend, saya, "He [Tecumsehj was an ex- 
 cellent judge of position ; and not only knew, but could pomt out the lo- 
 calities of the whole country through which he had passed," "His fa- 
 cility of communicating the information he had acquired, was thus dis- 
 played before a concouree of spectators. Previously to Gen. Brock^s cross- 
 ing over to Detroit, he asked Tecumseh what sort of a country he should 
 
 * As though the English of Canada had never been guilty of encroachments! 
 t This is not true. X Mr. James, ut supra. 
 
[Book 
 
 V. 
 
 Chap. VII.] 
 
 PROPHET. 
 
 107 
 
 1 to liattle. 
 •ouaed into 
 B strong in- 
 
 him, as he 
 ho consider 
 J. States are 
 loss sustain- 
 i, in general, 
 leir persons; 
 e articles of 
 oat and pan- 
 vely, a large 
 IS not wealth, 
 y! when the 
 s of ' civjliza- 
 nly beverage ; 
 vages. Now, 
 rigwam, while 
 
 rum ; and he 
 beastly drunk- 
 en, and an arm 
 
 we behold the 
 ;er his country, 
 )U9 compound, 
 eat Britain and 
 
 and character, 
 smperance ; but 
 solution enabled 
 
 ■wine, he never 
 
 that he would 
 'm, when fallen 
 it was taken by 
 the head of the 
 not to allow his 
 ^ed, "JVo- ^«*" 
 
 Seers in the IJ. 
 U. This it will 
 Inie such speech- 
 Irfare." That he 
 
 3ted ; that either 
 
 I Gen. Brock, we 
 Ithey could prac- 
 'abvious, from h'^ 
 
 een more skilled 
 itrymen, whether 
 
 Inseh] was an ex- 
 
 II point out the lo- 
 lassed." "Hisfo- 
 led, was thus dis- 
 
 Jen.Brocfc'* cross- 
 country he should 
 
 I encroachments 1 
 . James, ut supra. 
 
 have to pass through, in case of his proceeding farther. Tecutnseh, taking 
 a roll of elm-bark, and extending it on the ground by means of four 
 stones, drew forth liis scalping-knife, and with the point presently etched 
 upon the bark a plan of the country, its hills, woods, rivers, morasses, and 
 roads ; a plan which, if not as neat, was, for the purpose required, fully 
 as intelligible as it Arroxvsmith himself had prepared it. Pleased with 
 this unexpected talent in Tccumse/i, also with his having, by his charac- 
 teristic boldness, induced the Indians, not of his immediate party, to cross 
 the Detroit, prior to the embarkation of the regulars and militia, Gen. 
 Brock, as soon as the business was over, publicly took off his sash, and 
 placed it round the body of the chief. Tecumseh received the honor with 
 evident gratification ; but was, the next day, seen without his sash. Gen. 
 Brock, fearing .something had displeased the Indian, sent his interf)reter 
 for an explanation. The latter soon returned with an account, that Te- 
 cumseh, not wishing to wear such a mark of distinction, when an older, and, 
 as he said, abler, warrior than himself was present, had transferred the 
 sash to the Wyandot chief Round-head." \ 
 
 The place of this renowned warrior's birth was upon the banks of the 
 Scioto River, near what is now Chillicothe. His father's name was 
 Pukeesheno, which means, / light from flying. He was killed in the battle 
 of Kanhawa, in 1774. His mother's name was Meetheetashe, whicl; sig- 
 nifies, a turtle laying her eggs in the sci;id. She died among the Chero- 
 kees. She had, at one birth, three sons : — Ellskwatawa, which signifies, 
 a door opened, was called the Prophet; Tecumseh, which is, a tiger 
 crouching for his prey ; and Kumskaka, a tiger that flies in the air.* 
 
 Although we have given some important facts in the life of Ellskwatataa, 
 there are some circumstances which claim to be related. After the ter- 
 mination of the war of 1812, he received a pension from the government 
 of Great Britain, and resided in Canada. In 1826 he was prevailed upon 
 to leave that country, and went, with others, to settle beyond the Missis- 
 sippi. At the same time also went the only surviving son of Tecumseh. 
 
 Much has been said and written about the Prophet ; and, as is generally 
 the case, the accounts vary, in proportion to their multiplicity. From a 
 well-written article in a foreign periodical,! it is said that, during the Hrst 
 50 years of his life, he was remarkable for nothing except his stupidity 
 and intoxication. In his 50th year, while in the act of lighting his pipe, 
 he fell back in his cabin, upon his bed ; and, continuing for some time life- 
 less, to all appearances, preparations were made for his interment ; and it 
 was not until the tribe was assembled, as usual on such occasions, and 
 they were in the act of removing him, that he revived. His first words 
 were, " DonH be alarmed. I have seen heaven. Call the nation together, that 
 I may tell them what has appeared to me." When they were assembled, 
 he told them that two beautiful young men had been sent from heaven 
 by the Great Spirit, who spoke thus to him : — " The Great Spirit is angry 
 with you, and will destroy all the red men : unless you refrain from 
 drunkenness, lying and stealing, and turn yourselves to him, you shall 
 never enter the beautiful place which we will now show you." He was 
 then conducted to the gates of heaven, from whence he could behold all 
 its beauties, but was not permitted to enter. After undergoing several 
 hours' tantalization, from extreme desire of paiticipating in its indescriba- 
 ble joys and pleasures; he was dismissed. His conductors told him to tell 
 all the Indians what he had seen ; to repent qf their ways, and they would 
 visit him again. My authority says, that, on the PropheVs visiting the 
 neighboring nations, his mission had a good effect on their morals, &c. 
 But this part of his story, at least, is at variance with facts ; for none 
 
 Schoolcraft. 
 
 t The New Monthly Magazine. 
 
'■ » 
 
 108 
 
 ROUND-HEAD. 
 
 [Book T. 
 
 Ai" 
 
 would hear to him, except the most ubaiuloned younjf warriors, of those 
 tribes he visited, and their niisoralile ooiKiitiun in colonizing thetnuelves 
 upon the Wabash, in 1811, is well known.* 
 
 There was an earthquake said to have taken place in the Creek coun- 
 try, in December, 181 l.f The Prophet visited the Creeks in the previous 
 August, and "pronounced in the public s(|uare, that shortly a lamp would 
 appear in the west, to aid him in his hostile attack upon the whites, and, 
 if they would not be influenced by his persuasion, the earth would ere 
 long tremble to its centre. This circumstance has had a powerful effect 
 on the minds of these Indians, and would certainly have led them, gener- 
 ally, to have united with the northern coalition, had it not been for tho 
 interposition of travellers." This statement was made by a Mr. Francis 
 JWHenru, in the Georgia Journal, to contradict that ever any such earth- 
 quake did take place, and by which we learn that that |>art of the super- 
 stitious world really believed that it had, and that places had been actu- 
 ally sunk. The same communicant says, "I have only to state, that I 
 have comfortably reposed in houses where newspapers liave announced 
 every disappearance of earth." lie states also, upon the authority ol 
 "a Mr. Chcidbury, an English gentleman, from Quebec," that, "at the 
 age of 15, this Indian disappeared from his relatives, and was considered 
 as finally lost. That he strolled to Quebec, and from thence to Montreal, 
 where, taken as a pilot to Halifax, he remained several years ; and in this 
 Ruace received an education qualifying him to act the part already known.'* 
 The comet of 1811 was viewed by many, throughout the country, as a 
 harbinger of evil, and it was upon this seeming advantage that the Proph- 
 et seized to frighten his red brethren into his schiimes.t 
 
 Round-head was a Wyandot, and fought against the Americans in the 
 last war. He was very conspicuous in the battle at Frenchtown, upon 
 the River Raisin. The Indian force in this affair was about 1000.§ Gen. 
 1Vinchester''s quarters were at 1 or 200 yards from the main army when 
 the fight commenced, and, in an endeavor to render it assistance, war* 
 fallen upon by the Wyandots, and himself and attendants captured. 
 Round-head seized upon Gen. Winchester with his own hands. It was a 
 severe cold morning, 22 Jan. 1813, and the ground was covered with 
 snow. 
 
 Our chief, in a manner truly characteristic, obliged the general to divest 
 himself of his great coat, and all his uniform. With nothing but his shirt 
 to protect him from the cold. Round-head conducted him to a fire, but 
 not until he had got on the general's cocked hat, uniform coat, vest, &c 
 It was in this condition, that Col. Proctor found him ; and it was not 
 without much persuasion that the stern warrior relinquished his impor- 
 tant captive ; and it was with still more reluctance, that he gave up the 
 uniform, in which he had had so short a time to strut about and show him- 
 self to his countrymen.il 
 
 This was a most diastrous expedition for the Americans : 538 were cap- 
 tured, according to the British account, which does not differ materially 
 
 * This famous vision of liie Prophet will compare in stranMiicss with that of Kepotkf 
 bead chief of the Delaware nation, related by Loskiel, (ii. 114.) He lay to all appear* 
 ance dead for three days. In his swoon, he saw a man in white robes, who exhibited a 
 catalogue of the people's sins, and warned him to repent. In 1749, he was about 80yeaf> 
 of age, and was baptized by the name of Solomon. We have related in Book HI. aa 
 account of S(ptando's vision ; and others might be mentioned. 
 
 t " The earthquakes, which, in 1811, almost destroyed the towii of New Madrid ofth« 
 Mississippi, were very sensibly felt on the upper portion of the Missouri country, and 
 occasioned much superstitious dread amongst the Indians." Long's Expedition, 1.272% 
 
 t Halcyon Luminary, i. 205, &c. New Vork, (June,) 1812. 
 
 ^ Perkins's Late War, 100. || James, Milit. Occurrences, i. 18&. 
 
Chap. VII. ] 
 
 ROUND- HEAD. 
 
 100 
 
 frotii the Anicrirnii ;* ami UOO killed in the Imttle mu\ niaasarrctl by th« 
 Iniiiiins iiniiieiliatt'iy nOrr. 
 
 In Col. Proctor's otlicial aecoinit of this affair, lie speaks in high terms 
 of the conduct of the Indian chiefs and warriors. His words are: "The 
 /eal and courage of the Indian departuieiit were nev • more cons|)icuouH 
 than on this occasion, and the Indian warriors tbirght with their usual 
 bravery." 
 
 Col. Proctor has been much censunul for his conchu't at the River Rai- 
 sin. It was said that he agreed to the terms asked for by Gen. Wmc.keattr, 
 and then paid no attention to their observance, but rather countenanced 
 the Indians in their barbarities, thinking thereby to strike the Americans 
 with dread, that they might be (Uuerred from entering the service in 
 future, ihit the British historians say that " the whole of the left divis- 
 ion surrendered at discretion," and not "on condition of their being pro- 
 tected from the savages, being allowed to retain their private property, 
 and having their side-arms naurne<l to them," as stated by Gen. fVinchester : 
 for, Mr. James adds, "had t.iis been the understanding, one may suppose 
 that some wilting would have becui drawn up ; but, indeed. Gen. Winches- 
 ter was not in a condition to dictate terms. Stripped to l.«s shirt and trow- 
 .sers, and suffering exceedingly from the cold, the American general 
 was foimd by Col. Proctor, near to one of the Indinn fires, in possession 
 of the Wyandot c\\w.{ Round- hecuV 
 
 So, according to the judgment of this historian, Col. Proctor was tmder 
 no obligation to keep his word, because there was "no writing" with his 
 name to it. The historian that will even set up a defence for treachery 
 may calcidate with certainty upon the value posterity will set upon his 
 work. We want no other than Col. Proctor's own account from which 
 to condemn him of, at least, great want of humanity. We do not pretend 
 that the Americans were always free from the same charges ; but wc would 
 as soon scorn their extenuation as that of their enemies. 
 
 Round-head was present with (Jen. Brock and Tecumseh when they 
 took possession of Detroit, on the 15 August, 1812. Whin abotit to cross 
 the river to lay siege to Detroit, Gen. Brock presented Tecumseh with his 
 red sash. This chief had too much good sense to wcjir it, well knowing 
 it would create jealousy among the other chiefs, who considered them- 
 selves equal with him ; he therefore presented it to Round-head, as has 
 been mentioned in the life of Tecumseh. 
 
 Whether this chief were more wise than Tecumseh, in the last affair in 
 which the latter was engaged, we are in)'!ble to say ; but it ap|)ears high- 
 ly {)robable that the conduct of Gen. Prodor was the cause of his bemg 
 abandoned by most, if not all the Wyandots, previous to the battle of the 
 Thames.f As Round-head was their chiefj to him will be attributed the 
 cause of their wise proceeding. 
 
 The following letter, written after the battle of the River Raisin, (we 
 conclude,) is worthy of a jjlace here. 
 
 " The Hurons, and the other l7'ibcs of Indians, assembled at the Miami 
 Rapids, to the mhabitaiits of the River Raisin. — Frientfs, li.itcn ! You have 
 alxvays told us you loould give us any assistance in your power. We, there- 
 fore, as the enemy is approachins; vs, within 25 miles, call upon you all to 
 lise up and come here immedi(dch; hrinp;ino; your arms along toith you. 
 Shoxdd you fail at this time, we will not consider you in future as friends, 
 and the consequences may be ven/ unpleasant. We are toell convinced you 
 
 * Tliomson has .522. Hist. Skcfclii'.i, 104. 
 
 t (ieii. Harrison's oflicial leiter, among Brannan's OJicial Doc. p. 237. 
 
 10 
 
110 
 
 WAMv-IN-THF.-WATKIl. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 have no writing forbidding you to assist its. h'e are your friends at 
 present. 
 
 Round-head ■ ^ »» ^ < li'iH iimrk. 
 
 kyalk-in-the-ioaler @ IiIh murk.* 
 
 Walk-in-the-water also m^nuli/ed iiiirriclt' in these evonts. Iliu nativt^ 
 name is Mi/renth. lln Ih a liiiron, of tiio trilM! of tlu; WyaiidolH, and, in 
 JH17, n!8i(l(!(l on a n-'wrvation in Michigan, at u viilajfo called Magua^'a, 
 near lJrown.st(»wn. Mr. lirown, in his valuable Wkmtkr.n (jazk.ttkfr, 
 justly styles this liimoiis chief one of "nature's nobles." The unfortunate 
 (jren. Hull m(;ntions him as one of the principal "among the vast number 
 of chiefs who led the hostile hands" of the west when the war of IHiy 
 oonnnenccd. The Kaskaskias VVyandots, in 1814, were n(;arly e(|ually 
 divided between a chief called Tarhe, which signifies the Crane, and 
 Myeerah. The former was called the grand chief of the nation, and re- 
 wded at Sandusky, lie was a very venerabl<! and intelligent chief. In 
 1812, Myeerah told some American ofiicers who were sent to the Indians 
 to secure their liivor, that the American government was acting very 
 wrong to send an army into tiieir coimtry, whi(;h woidd cut off their 
 commimication witli Canada. The Indians, he said, were their own 
 miusters, and would trade where they pleased ; that the alliiir of the Wa- 
 bash was the fiuilt of (Jen. Harrison entirely. He commanded the In- 
 dian army with Round-head at the battle of the River Uaisin. 
 
 After the battle of the Thames, in which also Walk-in-the-water was a 
 conspicuous coiiunander, he went to Detroit to make peace, or rather to 
 ask it of Gen. Harrison. In crossing from Sandwich with a white flag, 
 many were attracted to the shore, to see him, where also were drawn up 
 the Kentucky vohmteers. All were struck with admiration at his noble 
 aspect and fearless ciu'riage, as he ascended the bank and passed through 
 the ranks of the soldiers. The greatest firmness attended his st(|)s, and 
 the most dignified nonchalance was upon his countenance; notwitlistand- 
 ing his condition was now calculated to discover humiliation and deep 
 depression. Only a few days before, he had fought hand to hand with 
 these same volunteers, whose ranks he now j)assed through. 
 
 We have not heard of the death of the heroic and truly great chief 
 Myeerah; but, whether alive or dead, our veneration is the same. It was 
 saul of his cotemporary, Tecinnseh, that in the field he was an Achilles, 
 and in the council an Agamemnon. At least, we think, as much may in 
 truth be said of Myeerah. The sequel of the life of Tarhe will be found 
 in a former chajjter, where he figures under the name of King Crane. In 
 1807, a treaty was made at Detroit between the Chippeways, Ottowas, 
 Pottowattomics and Wyandots and the U. States. Two chiefs besides 
 Myeerah signed on behalf of the last-named tribe. His name to that 
 treaty is written Miere. The next year, 1808, another treaty was made 
 at Brownstown with the satne tribes, with the addition of two delegates 
 from the Shawanees. Three besides Myeerah signed at this time. He 
 was also, we believe, a party to the treaty made at Fort Industry in 1805, 
 on the Miami of the Lake. 
 
 Less is known of the history of the two next chiefs, of which we shall 
 say something, than of many othei"s less distinguished. 
 
 Teyoninhokerawen was a Mohawk chief, who is generally known imder 
 the appellation o^ John Karton. " This interesting Indian, about two years 
 ago, [1804 or 5,] visited England, where numerous traits of an amiable 
 disposition and a vigorous intellect produced the most pleasing imi)res- 
 sions on all who were introduced to him. A proof of his possessing, in a 
 
 * English Barbarities, 132. 
 
[Book V 
 
 ■ friends ai 
 
 imi'k. 
 IN mark.* 
 
 His nativn 
 lots, and, in 
 t Mii^iia^'n, 
 
 lAZKTTKFU, 
 
 untbrtunatf! 
 iiHt niunlti-r 
 ■ai- of 1H12 
 iirly ('(lually 
 
 Crane, and 
 ion, and n;- 
 t ciiicf. In 
 tlio Indians 
 nctinff very 
 It ort" tlu'ir 
 
 tiieir own 
 of tlio Wa- 
 lled the In- 
 
 water was a 
 ir rather to 
 white flag, 
 p drawn up 
 kt I lis noble 
 )ed tliroufih 
 s stepH, and 
 )twitiistand- 
 and deep 
 land with 
 
 ^reat chief 
 
 ne. It was 
 
 an JlchilleSj 
 
 cii may in 
 
 be found 
 
 Crane. In 
 
 , Ottowas, 
 
 cfs besides 
 
 me to that 
 
 was made 
 
 delegates 
 
 time. He 
 
 ry in 1805, 
 
 :;h we shall 
 
 own under 
 t two yeai'S 
 in amiable 
 ig impres- 
 ssing, in a 
 
 Chap. VIl ] 
 
 TEYONINIIOKF.RAWEN. 
 
 in 
 
 hij,'h degree, the qualitieM of a good temper and great mental quioknoss, 
 neeurred at the upper rooms, at llatli, whijre he appmred in tht; dress of 
 hiri eoinitry. A young Mnglishman, who had been in Aiuerioa, ae- 
 eosted the ehief with wtveml abrupt (piestionM respecting his plaee of 
 aliode, situation, and the like. To these jVmton returned answers at once 
 pertinent and u><"'est. 'I'he immirer, however, expressed liiiiiself dis- 
 Hatistied with tliem, and hiiit(Ml, in almost plain terms, tiiat he believed 
 him to be an impostor. Still the Ameriean suppressed his resentment, 
 and endeavored to (Mdivinee the ire nth- man that tliis aecount of himself 
 mi:fht Ix; depended upon. ' Well, hut,' returned the other, 'if you n-ally 
 ure what you pretend to be, how will yoti relish returning to the savages 
 of your own eountry ?' ' .S'tV,' replied Norton, with a glanee of intelligenee, 
 ' / shiill not expericnre so frreat a change in m\j soriiti/, us yon I'mrtgi/ir, for 
 I find flurt (irr snvos^es in tkis countri/ also.^ Animated with th<! spirit of 
 genuine patriotism, this generous ehit^tlain was un weariediy oeeupied, dur- 
 ing the intervals of his publie business, in aivpiiring every species of 
 useful knowledge, for the purpose of transporting it to his own eountry, 
 for the beuelit of his peoplt! ; and what the Irieuds to the liappiiu'ss of 
 men will hear with still greater •.dmiration and pleasure, lie was also 
 engaged, mider the auspices of M.*. H'Uhvrforcs imd iMr. Thornton, in the 
 laborious employment of translating the (jios|)el of St. John into his native 
 tiuigue."* Whether that published by the American Bible Society bo 
 the same translation, I am not positive, but believe it is. The following 
 is the ;kl of Chap. i. Y^orii^fnmt<j,-wrgon ne rode werjcnokden, ok tsi nikon ne 
 kai^lison }l<igh oghnakfioten h notion ne ne iicii>;li rnonhah te hayhdare. 
 
 We learn also from Mr. Jttnsen that when Teyoninhokvrawcn was in Eng- 
 land, he "appeared to Ih; about 45 years of age ;" tall, nuiscular, and well 
 pro|)ortioned, possessing a line and intelligent countenance. His mother 
 was a Scotch woman, and he had spent two years in Edinburgh, in his 
 youth, namely, from his JlJth to his 15th year, read and spoke English and 
 FriMii-h well. He was married to a female of his own tribe, by whom he 
 had two children. He served in the last war with the English, as will 
 |)r(!S(!ntly he related. 
 
 Because this chief spen*: a few years in Scotland when young, some 
 historiansf have asserted that he was not an Indian, but a Scotchman ; 
 and a writer| of a sketch of the late Canada war, says he was related to 
 the French. Of this we have no doubt, as it is iu)t uncommon for many 
 of those who pass for Indians to have wliite liuhers. We should think, 
 tlierefor(>, that, instead of his mother's being a Scotch woman, his father 
 might have been a Frenchman, and his mother an Indian. 
 
 Of JVorton''s or Teyoninhokerawen^ s exploits in tlie last war, there were 
 not many, we presume, as there are not mimy recorded. When Col. 
 Murray surprised Fort Niagara, on the 15) Dec. 1813, .Norton entered the 
 lln-t with him, at the head of a force of about 400 men.§ Fort Niagara 
 was garrisoned by about !J00 Americans, of whom but 20 escai)ed. All 
 who resisted, and some who did not, were run through with the bayonet. 
 We only know that JVorlon was present on this occasion. 
 
 On the (J June, 1814, Gen. Vincent and JVorton, with a considerable 
 force,]] attacked an American camp ten miles from Burlington Bay, at a 
 place called Fifty Mile Creek. The onset was made before day on a Sun- 
 day morning. The invaders seized upon seven pieces of cannon, and turned 
 them upon their enemies. The night was very dark, and the confusion 
 
 * Janson's Stranger in America, 27U. 4lo, Loiulon, 1807. 
 
 t Jiimns, Military Occurrences, ii. 1(). { Mr. M. Smith, wlio lived then in Canada. 
 ^ Some American historians say, " Briiisli and bidians ;" hut Mr. Janus (ii. IG.) 
 fays there was but one " Inrlian," and he was a Scotchmaii I 
 il The number of rank and lile wa; lOl, of the Americans about 3000. 
 
113 
 
 WAWNAHTON. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 waa very great. Tlie American generals Chandler and fVinder, one ma- 
 jor, five capluins, one lieutenant, ind I IG men, were taken prisonei-a. Never- 
 tlielesa the Americans fought with such resolution that the attacking parly 
 were obliged to abandon their advantage, leaving 150 of thcnr number 
 Itehind them. They, however, carried off two pieces of cannon and some 
 honses. 
 
 The next chief we introduce chiefly to illustrate a most extraojdinary 
 mode of doing penance, among the nations of the west. 
 
 fVaicnahton,* a bold and fearless chief, of the tribe of Yankton,f (whose 
 name, translated, is " he ivho charges the enetny,'") was considerably noted 
 in the last war with Canada. " lie had," says my author, "killed seven 
 enemies in battle with liisown hand, as the seven war-eagle plumes in his 
 hair testified, and received nine wounds, as was shown by an equal number 
 of little sticks arranged in his coal-black hair, and painted in a manner 
 that told an Indian eye whether they were inflicted by a bullet, knife or 
 tomahawk, and by whom. Ac the attack on Fort Sandusky, in the late 
 war, he received a bullet and three buck slifit in his breast, which glanced on 
 the bone, and passing round under the skin, came out at his back." Tfiis, 
 and other extraordinary (-scapes, he made use of, like tli(> famous Tuspa- 
 (//n'n, two ages before, to render himself of gr(>atcr imi>ortance among his 
 nation. At this tinie he was siipiKtsed to bi; about .'30 years of age, of a 
 noble and elegant appearance, and is still believed to be living.:^ 
 
 Major hong's company considered Waumahtov. a very inU'rcsiing man, 
 whose ac(]uaintance they cultivated with success in the neighborhood of 
 Jiake. Traverse. They describe him as upwards of six feet high, and 
 
 Wanotan, in Long's Exped. to St. Peters, i. 448 
 Yanktoan, ( Long, ib. 40't, 
 + Facts publislied by W. ./, 
 
 t Yanktoan, {Long, ih. -lOt,) which siiftiilies descended from the fern leaves. 
 
 " ' "' h is said ny ATeafiRj^, in Lorig'* Expcd. 
 
 Snelliiig, I'jSii. 
 i. 448, that he was about 23 years of ago. This was iu 1823. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 er, Olio ma- 
 era. Never- 
 icking party 
 i;ir number 
 n and somo 
 
 :traoi(linary 
 
 on,f (whose 
 
 ably noted 
 
 lied seven 
 
 ines in Hm 
 
 al number 
 
 a manner 
 
 t, knii'o or 
 
 in the late 
 
 pljuieed on 
 
 <." Tfiis, 
 
 IS Tuspa- 
 
 uiiong his 
 
 age, of a 
 
 stinjj man, 
 orhood of 
 higli, and 
 
 PH. 
 
 ma's Expcd. 
 
 Chap. VII] 
 
 BLACK-THUNDER. 
 
 113 
 
 possessing a countenance that would be considered handsome in anj 
 country. He prepared a feast for the party, as soon as he knew they 
 were coming to his village. " When speaking of the Dacota.s, we pur- 
 posely postponed mentioning the fretiuent vows which they make, and 
 their strict adherence to them, because one of the best evidences which 
 we have collected on this point connects itself with the character of fVa- 
 notan, and may ^tve a favorable idea of his extreme fortitude in enduring 
 pain. In the summer of 1822 he undertook a journey, from which, ap- 
 prehending much danger on the part of the Cliippewas, he made a vow 
 to the sun, that, if he retunied safe, he would abstain from all food or 
 drink for the space of four successive days and nights, and that he would 
 distribute among his people all the pro|)erty which he |)ossessed, including 
 all his lodges, horses, dogs, &c. On his return, whicli happened without 
 accident, he celebrated the dance of tlie sun ; this consisted in making 
 three cuts through his skin, one on his breast, and one on each of his 
 arms. The skin was cut in the manner of a loop, so as to ptirinit a rope 
 to pass between the flesh and the strip of skin which vvjis thus divided 
 from the body. The ropes being passed through, their ends were secur- 
 ed to a tall vertical pole, planted at about 40 yards from his lodge. H« 
 then began to dance round this pole, at the conmiencement of this fast, 
 frequently swinging himself in the air, so as to be supported merely by 
 the cords which were secured to the strips of skin separated from his 
 arms and breast. He continued this exercise with few intermissions 
 during the whole of his fast, until the fourth day about 10 o'clock, A. M., 
 when the strip of skin from his breast gave way ; notwithstanding which 
 he interrupted not the dance, although supported merely by his arms. 
 At noon the strp nom his left arm snapped off': his uncle then thought 
 tliat he had suffered enough," and with his knife cut the last loop of skin, 
 and Wanotan fell down in a swoon, where he lay the rest of the day. ex- 
 posed to the scorching rays of the sun. After this he gave away all his 
 property, and with his two squaws deserted his lodge. To such mon- 
 strous follies does superstition drive her votaries ! 
 
 Black-thunder, or Mackkatananamakee, was styled the celebrated patriarch 
 of the Fox tribe. He made himself remembered by many from an excellent 
 speech which he made to the American commissioners, who had assem- 
 bled many chiefs at a place called tlie Portage, July, 1815, to hold a talk 
 with them, upon the state of their afflilrs ; particularly as it was believed 
 by the Americans that the Indians meditated hostilities. An Vmerican 
 commissioner opened the talk, and unbecomingly accused the Indians of 
 breach of former treaties. The first chiuf that answered, spoke with a 
 tremulous voice, and evidently betrayed guilt, or ])erliaps fear. Not so 
 whh the u])r\f^\\t chn^f Black-tlnmder. He feltj^equally iiidigiwiit at the 
 charge of the white man, and the unmanly cringing of the chiei ,yho had 
 just spoken. He bejran ; — 
 
 " l\Iy father, restrain your feeliups, and hear calmly what 1 shall say. 
 I shall say it i»lainly. I shall not speak with ftiu* and trenibling. I havB 
 never injured you, and innocence can feel no fear. I turn to you all, red- 
 skins and while-skins— •vliere is the man who will appear as my accuser? 
 Father, I und'^-stand not clearly how things arc working. I have just 
 been set at lib rty. Am I aj^ain to be pluiiired into bondage? Frowns 
 are all aromid me; but I am incapablt! ol' change. You, jjerhaps, may 
 be ignorant of what 1 tell you ; but it is a truth, which 1 call heaven and 
 earth to witness. It is a liict which can easily be proved, that I hav« 
 been assailed in almost every possible way that pride, fear, leeling, or in- 
 terest, could touch me — that I have been pushed to the last to raise ihu 
 tomahawk against you ; but all in vain. 1 never could be made to feet 
 that you were my enemy. If this be the conduct of an cneviu, I shall ncvtr 
 10 » 
 
114 
 
 ONGPATONGA. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 '. I 
 
 bt your friend. You are acquainted with my removal above Preirie des 
 Chiens.* I went, and formed a settlement, and called my warriors around 
 me. We took counsel, and from that counsel we never have departed. 
 We smoked, and resolved to make conunon cause with the U. States. I 
 sent you the pipe — it resembled this — and 1 sent it by the Missouri, that 
 the Indians of the Mississippi might not know what we were doing. You 
 received it. I then told you that your friends should be my friends — that 
 your enemies should be my enemies — and that I only awaited your signal 
 to make war. Jf this be the conduct of an enemy, I shall never be your 
 friend. — Why do I tell you this? Because it is a truth, and a melancholy 
 truth, that the good things which men do are often buried in the ground, 
 wJiile their evil deeds are stripped naked, and exposed to the world.f — 
 When I came here, I came to you in friendship. I little thought I should 
 have had to defend myself. I have no defence to make. If I were 
 guilty, I should have come pr('f)ared ; but I have ever held you by the 
 
 hand, and I am come without excuses. If I had 
 
 fought 
 
 against you, I 
 
 would have told you so : but I have nothing now to say here in your 
 councils, except to repeat what I said before to my great father, the pres- 
 ident of your nation. You heard it, and no doubt remember it. It was 
 simply this. My lands can never be surrendered; I was cheated, and 
 basely cheated, in the contract ; I will not surrender my country but with 
 my life. Again I call heaven and earth to witness, and I smoke this pipe 
 in evidence of my sincerity. If you are sinc'3re, you will receive it from 
 me. My only dt-aire is, that we should smoke it together — that I should 
 grasp your sacred hand, and I claim for myself and my tribe the protec- 
 tion of your country. When this pipe touches your lip, may it operate 
 as a blessing upon all my tribe. — May the smoke rise like a cloud, aiul car- 
 ry away with it all the animosities ivhich have arisen between wff."| 
 
 The issue of this council was amicable, and on the 14 Sept. following. 
 Black-thunder met commissioners at St. Louis, and executed a treaty of 
 peace. 
 
 Ongpatojiga,^ or, as he was usually called. Big-elk, was chief of the 
 Mahas or Omawhaws, whose residence, in 1811, was upon the Missoin-i.|| 
 Mr. Brackenridge visited his towi: on the 19 May of that year, in his voy- 
 Age up that river. His "village is situated about three miles from the 
 river, and contains about »iOOO souls, and is 830 miles from its mouth."^ 
 We shall give here, as an introduction to liini, the oration he made over 
 the grave o^ Black-buffalo, a Sioux chief of the Teton tribe, who died on 
 the night of the 14 July, 1811, at "Portage des Sioux," and of whom Mr. 
 Brackenridge remarks:** "The Black-buffalo was the Sioux chief with 
 w liom we had the conference at the great bend ; and, from his apf)ear- 
 ance and mild deportment, I was induced to form a high opinion of him." 
 After being interred with honors of war, Ongputonga s|)oke to those as- 
 honibled as follows: — " Do not grieve. Misfortunes will haf)pen to the 
 wisest and best men. Death will come, and always comes out of season. 
 It is the command of the Great S[)irit, and all nations and people must 
 obey. What is passed and ctnnot be prevented should not be grieved 
 
 * The upper military post upon tlie Mississippi, in 1818. 
 
 t " Tiiis passag'c forcibl}- remiiui.s us ol'tliat in Slut' speare :" 
 
 ' The evil that men do lives after them ; 
 The good is often interred wltli tlieir bones.' 
 
 X Philadelphia Lit. Gazette. 
 
 ^ Ons^ip-pon-we, in lro(]nois, was •'men surpassing all others." Hist. Five Nation$ 
 
 II " The O'Malias, in number 2250, not long ago, abandoned their old village on the 
 south side of the Missouri, and now dwell on ilio Rlk-horn Ilivcr, due wesi irom their 
 old village, 80 miles west-north west from Council Bluffs." Morse's Ind. llept. 231. 
 
 T Brackenridge, ut sup. 91. ** Jour, up the Missouri, 240. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 Preirie des 
 iors around 
 re departed. 
 . States. I 
 issouri, that 
 oing. You 
 icnds — that 
 your signal 
 ver be your 
 melancholy 
 ihe ground, 
 e world.f — 
 rht I should 
 
 If I were 
 you by the 
 aiiist you, I 
 !re in your 
 3r, the pres- 
 
 it. It was 
 heated, and 
 try but with 
 ke this pipe 
 eive it from 
 at I should 
 
 the protcc- 
 ly it oi)erate 
 id, and car- 
 
 "t 
 
 t. following, 
 a treaty of 
 
 ihief of the 
 lMissouri.ll 
 in his voy- 
 froin the 
 niouth."ir 
 made over 
 ho died on 
 whom 3Ir. 
 chief with 
 lis appear- 
 on of him." 
 o those as- 
 )oi\ to the 
 of season, 
 'ople must 
 be grieved 
 
 Five Nationt. 
 nllanjo on the 
 St irom tlieir 
 .opt. 251. 
 ssouri, 240. 
 
 Chap. VII] 
 
 ONGPATONOA. 
 
 115 
 
 for. Be not discouraged or displeased then, that in visiting your father* 
 here, [the American commissioner,] you have lost your chief. A mis- 
 
 fortune of this kind may never again befall you, but this would have at- 
 tended you perhaps at your own village. Five times have I visited this 
 land, and never returned with son ovv or pain. Misfortunes do not flour- 
 ish particularly in our path. They grow every where. What a misfor- 
 tune for me, that I could not have died this day, instead of the chief that 
 lies before us. The trifling loss my nation would have sustained in my 
 death, would have been doubly paid for by the honors of my burial. 
 They would have wiped off* every thing like regret. Instead of being 
 covered with a cloud of sorrow, my warriors would have felt the siiii- 
 Bliine of joy in their hearts. To me it woul(^have been a most glorious 
 occurrence. Hereafter, when I die at home, instead of a noble grave and 
 a grand procession, the rolling music and the thundering cannon, wiiii 
 a flag waving at my head, I shall be wrapped in a robe, (an old robe jier- 
 -Iiaps,) and hoisted on a slender scaffold to the whistling winds,t soon to 
 be blown down to the earth.J: My flesh to be devoured by the wolves, 
 and my bones rattled on the plain by the wild beasts. Chief of the sol- 
 diers, [addressing Col. Miller,] your labors hav(! not been in vain. Your 
 attention shall not be forgotten. IMy nation shall know the respect that is 
 paid over the dead. When I return I will echo the sound of your guns." 
 Dr. Morse saw Ongpatonga at Washington in the winter of 1821, and 
 
 • Gov. Edwards or Col. Miller. 
 
 t It is a custom to cxiiose llic dead upon a scnfTbld among; some of the tribes of lb* 
 west. See ifracAcnn't/ifc, Jour., !!!().; y'iA:c'« Expodition ; /,o/»^'.9 do. 
 \ Tha engravings at tlie comincitcumcut of Book II, illustrates this passage. 
 
116 
 
 PETALESHAROO. 
 
 [Book T. 
 
 '. I 
 
 discoursed with hini nnd Ishkatappa, chief of the republican Pauneea, 
 "on the subject of tlieir civilization, and sending instrueters among them 
 for that purpose." The doctor has printed the conversation, and we are 
 sorry to acknowledge that, on reading it, Big-elk suffers in our estima- 
 tion ; but his age must be his excuse. When he was asked who made 
 the red and white people, he answered, "The same Being who made the 
 white people, made the red people ; but the white are better than the red 
 people." This acknowledgment is too degrading, and does not comport 
 with the general character of the American Indians. It is not, however, 
 very surprising that such an expression should escape an individual sur- 
 rour' J, as was Qngpatonga, by magnificence, luxu'-y, and attention from 
 the great. 
 
 Big-elk was a party to several treaties, made between his nation and 
 the United States, previous to his visit to Washington in "821. 
 
 Petalesharoo was not a chief, but a brave of the tribe of the Paunees. 
 (A brave is a warrior who has distinguished himself in battle, and is next in 
 importance to a chief*) He was the son of Leteltsha, a famous chief, com- 
 rnoidy called the Knife-chief, or Old-knife. When Major Long and his 
 company travelled across the continent, in 1819 and 20, they became ac- 
 quainted witii retalesharoo. From several persons who were in Long's 
 company. Dr. Morse collected the particular of him which he gives in \i\» 
 Indian Report as an anecdote. 
 
 In the winter of 1821, Petalesharoo visited Washington, being one of a 
 deputation from his nation to the American government, on a busiuew 
 matter. 
 
 Long's Expedition, i. 356 ; and Dr. Morse's Indian Report, 247. 
 
[Book T. 
 
 1 Paunees, 
 aong thetn 
 nd we are 
 ur estitna- 
 ivho made 
 ) made the 
 an the red 
 ot comport 
 :, however, 
 ridual sur- 
 ntion from 
 
 nntion and 
 
 Chap. VH.] 
 
 PETALESIIAROO. 
 
 117 
 
 PauncM. 
 is next iu 
 lief, com- 
 
 1^ and his 
 came ac- 
 in Long's 
 
 ives in hut 
 
 Z one of ft 
 butjiueM 
 
 This brave was of elegant form and countenance, and was attired, in 
 his visit to Washington, as represented in the above engraving. In 1821, 
 he was about 25 years of age. At the age of 21, he was so distinguished by 
 his abilities and prowess, that he was called ihn ^^ bravest of the braves.''^ 
 IJut few yeara previous to 1821, it was a custom, not only with his nation, 
 but those adjacent, to torture and burn captivos as saoritices to the great 
 Star. In an expedition performed by some of his couutrynieu against the 
 Iteans, a female was taken, who, on tlicir return, was doomed to suffer 
 according to their usages. She was fujJtened to the stake, and a vast 
 crowd assembled upon the adjoining plain to witness the scene. This 
 brave, unobserved, had stationed two fleet horses at a small distance, and 
 was seated among the crowd, as a silent spectator. All were anxiously 
 waiting to enjoy the spectacle of the first contact of the flames with their 
 victim ; when, to their astonishment, a brave was seen rending asunder 
 the cords which bcimd her, and, with the swiflncss of thought, bearing her 
 in his arms beyond the amazed multitude ; where placing her upon one 
 horse, and mounting himself upon the other, he bore her off safe to her 
 friends and coimtry. This act would have endangered the life of an or- 
 dinary .ief, but such was his sway in the tribe, that no one presumed 
 to censure the daring act. 
 
 This transaction was the mors extraordinarj', as its performer was as 
 much a son of nature, and had had no more of the advantages of educa- 
 tion, than the multitude whom he astonished by the humane act just 
 recorded. 
 
 This account being circulated at Washington, during the young chief's 
 stay there, the young ladies of Miss White's seminary in that place, re- 
 solved to give him a demonstration of the high esteem in which they 
 held him on account of his humane conduct; they therefore presented 
 him an elegant silver medal, appropriately inscribed, accompanied by the 
 following short but affectionate address : " Brother, accept this token of 
 our esteem — always wear it for our sakes, and when again you have 
 the power to save a poor woman from death and torture — think of this, 
 and of us, and fly to her relief and her rescue." The brave's reply : — 
 " This [taking hold of the medal which he had just suspended from his 
 neck] ivill give me ease more than I ever had, and I loill listen more than I 
 ever did to white men. I am glad that my brothers and sisters have heard of 
 the good act I have do le. My brothers and sisters think that I did it in ig- 
 norance, but I now kno V ichat I have done. I did, it in ignorance, and did 
 not know that I did gooi; but by giving me this medal I kuow it." 
 
 Some time afler the attempt to sacrifice the Itoan woman, one of the 
 warriors of Letelcsha brought to the nation a Spanish boy, whom he had 
 taken. The warrior was resolved to sacrifice him to Venus, and the time 
 was appointed. Letclesha hod a long time endeavored to do away the 
 custom, an-J now consulted Petalesharoo ujion the course to be puisued. 
 The young trare said, "I will rescue the boy, as a warrior should, by 
 force." liis father was unwilling tliat he should expose his life a second 
 time, and used great exertions to raise a sufiicient quantity of merchan- 
 dize for the [)in'chase of the captive. All that were able contributed, 
 and a pile was made of it at the lodge of the Knife-chief, who then sum- 
 moned the warrior before him. When he had arrived, the chief com- 
 manded him to take the merchnndize, and deliver the boy to him. The 
 warrior refused. Letelesha then waved his war-club in the air, bade the 
 warrior obey or prepare for instant death. ^^ Strike," said Petalesharoo, 
 " I will meet the vengeance of his friends." Rut the prudent and excellent 
 Letelesha resolved to use one more endeavor before committing such an 
 act. He therefore increased the atnount of property, which had the de- 
 sired effect. The boy was surrendered, and the valuable collection of 
 
118 
 
 MKTli;A. 
 
 [DooK v. 
 
 goods sacrificed in liis stead.* This, it is tliouglit, will be the last time 
 the inhuman ciihiom will he attempted in the tribe. "The origin of this 
 sangninary sacrifice is nnknown ; probably it existed previously to their 
 intercourse with the white traders,"! They believed that the success of 
 their enterprises, and all undertakings, depended upon their faithfully 
 adhering to the due performance of these rites. 
 
 In his way to Washington, he staid some days in Philadelphia, where 
 Mr. JVeagle had a fine opportunity of taking his j)ortrait, which he per- 
 formed with wonderful success. It was copied lor Dr. Godinan^s Natural 
 History, and adorns the second volume of that valuable work. 
 
 Metea, chief of the Pottowattomies, is brought to our notice on ac- 
 r-ount of the opposition he made to the sale of a large tract of his country. 
 In 1821, he resided upon the Wabash. To numerous treaties, from 1814 
 to 1821, we find his name, and generally at the head of those of his tribe. 
 At the treaty of Chicago, in the year last mentioned, he delivered the 
 following speech, after Gov. Cass had informei'. him of the objects of his 
 mission. 
 
 " My father,— We have listened to what you have said. We shall now 
 retire to our camps and consult upon it. You will hear nothing more 
 from us at present. [This is a uniform custom of all the Indians. When 
 tlie council was again convened, Metea continued.] We meet you here 
 to-day, biicause we had promised it, to tell you our minds, and what we 
 have agreed upon among ourselves. You will listen to us with a good 
 mind, and believe what we say. You know that we first came to this 
 country, a long time ago, and when we sat ourselves down upon it, we 
 met with a gr(;at many hardships and difHculties. Our country was then 
 very large, but it has dwindled away to a small spot, and you wish to pur- 
 
 Long, tU supra, 357-8. 
 
 t Ibid, 
 
[Book V. 
 
 last time 
 [ill of this 
 y to their 
 iiccras of 
 
 Ihithfully 
 
 I in, where 
 ti he per- 
 '» Natural 
 
 on ac- 
 
 country. 
 
 rrorn 1814 
 
 Ills tribe. 
 
 'cred the 
 
 Its of his 
 
 hall now 
 ng more 
 When 
 you here 
 what 
 
 a 
 
 to this 
 an it, we 
 wus then 
 h to pur- 
 
 we 
 good 
 
 Chap. VII.] 
 
 METEA. 
 
 119 
 
 chase that ! This has caused us to reflect much upon what you have 
 told us ; and we have, therefore, brought all the chiefs and warriors, and 
 the young men and women and children of our tribe, that one part may 
 not do what the others object to, and that all may be witness of what is 
 going forward. You know your children. Since you first came among 
 tliem, they have listened to your words with an attentive ear, and have 
 always hearkened to your counsels. Whenever you have had u proposal 
 to make to us, whenever you have had a favor to ask of us, we have al- 
 ways lent a favorable ear, and our invariable answer has been 'yes.' 
 This you know! A long time has passed since we first came upon our 
 lands, and our old peo|)le have all sunk into their graves. They had 
 sense. We are all young and foolish, and do not wish to do any thing 
 that they would not approve, were they living. We are fearful we shall 
 offend their spirits, if we sell our lands ; and we are fea' ful we shall of- 
 fend you, if we do not sell them. This has caused us g.eat perplexity of 
 thought, because we have counselled among ourselves, and do not know 
 how we can part with the land. Our country was given to us by the 
 Great Spirit, who gave it to us to hunt upon, to make our cornfields upon, 
 to five upon, and to make down our beds upon when we die. And he 
 would never forgive us, should we bargain it away. When you first 
 spoke to us for lands at St. Mary's, we said we had a little, and agreed to 
 sell you a piece of it ; but we told you we could spare no more. Now 
 you ask us again. You are never satisfied ! We have sold you a great 
 tract of land, already ; but it is not enough ! We sold it to you for the 
 benefit of your children, to farm and to live upon. We have now but 
 little left. We shall want it all for ourselves. We know not how long 
 we may live, and we wish to have some lands for our children to hunt 
 upon. You are gradually taking away our hunting-grounds. Your chil- 
 dren are driving us before them. We are growing uneasy. What lands 
 you have, you may retain for ever ; but we shall sell no more. You 
 think, perhaps, that I speak in passion ; but my heart is good towards you. 
 I speak like one of your own children. I am an Indian, a red-skin, and 
 live by hunting and fishing, but my country is already too f^mall ; and I 
 do not know how to bring up my children, if I give it all away. We 
 sold you a fine tract of land at St. Mary's. We said to you then it was 
 enough to satisfy your children, and the last we should sell: and we 
 thought it would be the last you would ask for. We have now told you 
 what we had to say. It is what was determined on, in a council among 
 ourselves ; and what I have spoken, is the voice of my nation. On this 
 account, all our people have come here to listen to me ; but do not think 
 we have a bad opinion of you. Where should we get a bad opinion of 
 you ? We speak to you with a good heart, and the feelings of a friend. 
 You are acquainted with this piece of land — the country we live in. 
 Shall we give it up? Take notice, it is a small piece of land, and if we 
 give it away, what will become of us ? The Great Spirit, who has pro- 
 vided it for our use, allows us to keep it, to bring up our young men 
 and support oiu* families. We should incur his anger, if we bartered it 
 away. If we had more land, you should get more, but our land has been 
 wasting away ever since the white people became our neighbors, and we 
 have now hardly enough left to cover the bones of our tribe. You are 
 in the midst of your red children. What is due to us in money, we wish, 
 and will receive at this place ; and we want nothing more. We all shake 
 hands with you. Behold our warriors, our women, and children. Take 
 pity on us and on our words." 
 
 Notwithstanding the decisive language held by Metea in this speech, 
 against selling land, yet his name is to the treaty of sale. And in another 
 
130 
 
 KEEWAGOUSIIKUM. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 speech of about equal length, delivered shortly alter, upon the same sub- 
 ject, the same determination is nianitcst througliout. 
 
 At this time he appeared to be about forty years of age, and of a noble 
 and dignified appearance. He is allowed to be the most eloquent chief 
 of his nation. In the Jast war, ho fought against the Americans, and, in 
 the attack on Fort Wayne, was severely wounded ; on which account he 
 draws a pension from the British government.* 
 
 At the time of the treaty of Chicago, of which we have made mention, 
 several other chiefs, besides Metea, or, as his name is sometimes written, 
 Meeteya, were very prominent, and deserve a remembrance. Among 
 them may be particularly named 
 
 Keewagoushkum, a chief of the first authority in the Ottowa nation. 
 We shall give a speech which he made at the time, which is considered 
 very valuable, as well on account of the history it contains, as for its 
 merits in other respects. Indian History by an Indian, must be the 
 most valuable |)art of any work about them. Keeivagoushkum began : — 
 
 "My father, listen to me! The first white people seen by us were 
 the French. When they first ventured into these lakes they hailed us as 
 children ; they came with presents and promises of peace, and we took 
 them by the hand. We gave them what they wanted, and initiated them 
 into our mode of life, which they readily fell into. After some time, 
 during which we had become well acquainted, we embraced their father, 
 (the king of France,) as our father. Shortly afler, these people that wear 
 red coats, (the English,) came to this country, and overthrew the French ; 
 and they extended their hand to us in friendship. As soon as the French 
 were overthrown, the British told us, ' We will clothe you in the same 
 manner the French did. We will supply you with all you want, and 
 will purchase all your peltries, as they did.' Sure enough ! after the 
 British took possession of the country, they fulfilled all their promises. 
 When they told us we should have any thing we were sure to get it ; and 
 we got from them the best goods. — Some time after the British had been 
 in possession of the country, it was reported that another people, who 
 wore white clothes, had arisen and driven the British out of the land. 
 These people we first met at Greenville, [in 171)5, to treat with Gen. 
 fVayne,] and took them by the hand. — When the Indians first met the 
 American chief, [Wayne,] in council, there were but few Ottowas pres- 
 ent ; but he said to them, ' When I sit myself down at Detroit, you will 
 all see me.' Shortly after, he arrived at Detroit. Proclamation was then 
 made for all the Indians to come in. — We were told, [by the general,] 
 ' The reason I do not push those British farther is, that we may not forget 
 their example in giving you presents of cloth, arms, ammunition, and 
 whatever else you may require.' Sure enough ! The first time, we were 
 clothed with great liberality. You gave us strouds, guns, anmiunition, 
 and many other things we stood in need of, and said, ' This is the way 
 you may always expect to be used.' It was also said, that whenever we 
 were in great necessity, you would help us. — When the Indians on the 
 Maiuiiee were first about to sell their lands, we heard it with both ears, 
 but we never received a dollar. — The Chippewas, the Poltowattomies, 
 and the Ottowas tvere, orip^inally, but one nation. We sej)arated from 
 each other near Micliilimackinac. We were related by the ties of blood, 
 language and interest; but in the couree of a longtime, these things have 
 been forgotten, and both nations have sold their lands, without consulting 
 us." — " Our brothers, the Chippew^is, have also sold you a large tract of 
 land at Saganaw. Pople are constantly passing Jlirough the country, 
 but we received neither i ivitation nor money. It is surprising that the 
 
 * Schoolcraft's Travels. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 G same sub- 
 
 [1 of a noble 
 [juent chief 
 ;anB, and, in 
 1 account he 
 
 ide mention, 
 nes written, 
 ce. Among 
 
 owa nation. 
 
 i considered 
 
 IS, as for its 
 
 must be the 
 
 n began : — 
 
 by us were 
 
 hailed us as 
 
 nd we took 
 
 litiated them 
 
 some time, 
 
 their father, 
 
 lie that wear 
 
 the French ; 
 
 5 the French 
 
 m the same 
 
 u want, and 
 
 h ! after the 
 
 ir promises. 
 
 ) get it ; and 
 
 sh had been 
 
 [)eople, who 
 
 )f the lund. 
 
 with Gen. 
 
 rst met the 
 
 towas pres- 
 
 )it, you will 
 
 )n was then 
 
 le general,] 
 
 y not forget 
 
 nition, and 
 
 e, we wei'e 
 
 iiiuiunition, 
 
 is the way 
 
 lenevrr we 
 
 ans on the 
 
 both ears, 
 
 \\ attorn ies, 
 
 rated from 
 
 es of blood, 
 
 lungs have 
 
 consulting 
 
 [fe tract of 
 
 e country, 
 
 g that the 
 
 Chap. VII.] 
 
 TOPINABEE. 
 
 121 
 
 Pottowattomies, Ottowas, and Cliii)i)(!vvas, who arc all one nation, should 
 sell their lauds without giving each other notice. Have we then degen- 
 erated so much that w*; can no longer trust one another? — l*erha|)s the 
 Pottowattomies may think I have come here on a begging journey, that 
 I wish to claim a share of lands to which my people are not entitled. I 
 tell them it is not so. We have never begged, and shall not now com- 
 mence. When I went to Detroit last fall, Gov. Cass told me to come to 
 this place, at this time, and listen to Avliat he had to say in council. As 
 we live a great way in the woods, and never see white people except in 
 the fall, when the tra(l(>rs comt; among us, we have not so many oppor- 
 tunities to j)rofit l)y this intercourse as our neighbors, and to get what 
 necessaries we re<niire; but we make out to live independently, and trade* 
 upon our own lauds. We have, heretofore, received nothing less than 
 justice from the Americans, and all we expect, in the present treaty, is a 
 full proportion of tlie money ami goods." 
 
 " A series of misl'ortunes," says l\lr. Schoolrrafl, " has since overtaken this 
 friendly, modest, and sensil)le chief On returning from the treaty of 
 Chicago, while off'tlie mouth of Grand River, in Lake Michigan, his canoe 
 was struck by !i Haw of wind and upset. After making every exertion, 
 he saw his wife and all his children, except one son, perislj. With his 
 son he reached the shore ; but, as if to crown his misfortunes, this only 
 surviving child has since been poisoned for the part he took in the 
 treaty." 
 
 The result of this treaty was the relinquishment, by the Ottowas, Chif)- 
 pewas, and Pottowattomies, of a tract of country in the southern part of 
 the peninsula of Michigan, containing upwards of 5,000,000 acres, and 
 for which they received of the United States, in goods, 35,000 dollars ; 
 and several other sums were awarded to the separate tribes, to some 
 yearly forever, and to others for a limited term of yeare. Some of the 
 chiefs who attended to the tre-ity were opposed to this sale, and hence the 
 reason that Keei^agooshkum's son was poisoned. 
 
 Koange, in the following speech, opposed it in a manly style. lie was 
 a chief of mature age, and of a venerable aspect. 
 
 " IMy father, since you heard from our brothers, the Chippewas and 
 Ottawas, we have counselled together. It is now your wish to hear the 
 sentiments of the three Nations. I shall deliver them. Sometimes the 
 Indians have acted like children. When requested they have signed 
 nway their lands without c«nsideration. This has always made trouble 
 in the nation, and blood has been spilt in consequence. We wish to 
 avoid such foolish and bad conduct. The last time we sat down in coun- 
 cil together, we had not fully consulted each other; and perhaps you 
 drew a wrong conclusion from what we said. We did not consent to 
 your request. In times past, when you have asked us for lands, we have 
 tVeely sold them. At present there are a number of our people opjmsed 
 to selling, and we have found it very difficult to agree in mind. One 
 point, in particular, we difter much upon ; it is the extent of the grant you 
 request. We give you one more i)roof of our friendship, by meeting you 
 in this council. You know our minds — we now take you by the hand. 
 Look down upon us with com[)assion and wish us well." 
 
 This speech, Mr. Schoolcraft says, was rather more favorably rendered 
 by the interpreter, than it should have been, in regard to the disjjosal ol' 
 the land. We think, however, that he s[)eaks in very decided terms 
 against it. 
 
 There was another chief present at this treaty, a Pottowattomie, whom 
 we will mention, particularly to show the "ruling passion" cf the Indians 
 for ardent spirits. This was 
 
 Topinabee, or Thipeneba. He was a chief much respected, and was 
 
'. I 
 
 132 
 
 BI.ACK-IIAWK. 
 
 [nooK V. 
 
 vencrnlilo now fiorii his ngo ; linviiig hficn llic first cliiff of his tribe, from 
 heforc tii(! tiiii<! of irat/nr\i war. His iini;i' . ••mds (irst to n muiilior of 
 Ircatirs, from lliat of (j'n'ciiviilc, in 17i».'), to ut of Ciiicugo, in 18!2i. 
 'riicro was u good deal of reluctance with i . ny present, at the latter 
 treaty, to comply with its requisitions, hnt when it was finally determined 
 lliat it should he executed, all seemed eager to have it go into effect with- 
 out delay, from the circimistance, that a certain (juantity of whiskey was 
 stipidated to he deliv(Ted to them as soon as it was executed. Tliiijnncha 
 said to Gov. Cass, ^^ Father, ive are veri/ Ihirsty for some of that milk you 
 have broiif^ht for us. We wish it to be given to ^is. We can no loiif^er' re- 
 strain our thirst.''^ And wlum he was told that the goods were not ready 
 to be delivered, lie said, " Give us the whiskey. We care not for the rest.'''' 
 
 We need not ask, here, whether the tempter or the tempted deserve 
 most our censure in such coses. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Of the late war in the west, and the chiefs engaged in it — Black-hawk — 
 JVeopope — The Prophet — Keokuk, and others. 
 
 It will be necessary, in this chapter, before detailing events in the lives 
 of chiefs, to give some account of such tribes of Indians as will often be 
 mentioned as we proceed. We shall, however, confine ourselves to such 
 tribes as took part in the late war in the neighborhood of the liakes Mich- 
 igan and Superior, more especially ; and linstly of the Winnebagoes or 
 \Viiiebaygos. This tribe inhabit the country n()on the Ouisconsin, a 
 river that rises between the Lakes Superior Jid Michigan, and which 
 disembogues itself into the Mississippi, near the S. W. angle of the N. W. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 i tribe, from 
 niiiiilior of 
 ;o, ill Igyi. 
 t tlio latter 
 (leteriniiied 
 effect wiili- 
 'iiiskey wiis 
 Tlinjnncha 
 tt vidk yoH 
 » longer re- 
 i not ready 
 r the rest." 
 :ed deserve 
 
 ick-hawk — 
 
 n the lives 
 11 often be 
 es to such 
 kes Mich- 
 jbagoes or 
 sconsin, n 
 lid wliich 
 thcN.W. 
 
 Chap. VIII] 
 
 l!I,A('K-HA\VK. 
 
 193 
 
 territory. They were found seated here when the coiintiy wns first 
 visitt;d by wliiti;s, altout ir>0 yearn a<ro, and iiere they still remain. In 
 1820, tlujy were supposcul lo number 1;'>5U souls, of whom 500 were men, 
 JMO women, and 700 chil<lren, and lived in ti'ii towns or villages.* A 
 body ot' Winnebago warriors was in the fight at Tippecanoe, under the 
 impostor FJhkuxUawa. Sanainahliotisra, called Stone-eater, and ff'apnin- 
 nnscwn, or IVhite-loon, were leaders of the Winnebago warriors. The 
 latter was one tha opjiosed (ieii. H'ayne in 17!)4, but was reconciled to 
 the Americans in 17it.'), by the trciaty of (ireenville. He also treated with 
 (Jen. Hanison, in 180!>, at Fort Wayne, and again at Greenville in 1814; 
 but he was active in the war of 1812, and on the British side. Winneba- 
 go Lake, which discharges its watere into (Jreen Bay, was probably 
 named from this tribe of Indians, or, what is quite as probable, they re- 
 ceived their name from the lake. 
 
 Secondly, the Menominies. This tribe inhabits a river bearing their 
 name, and is situauid about one degree north of the Winnebagoes, from 
 whom they are sejiarated by a range of mountains. They numbered in 
 1820, according to some, about B.'iS peraons, of whom not more than 100 
 were fighters ; but this estimate could aj)ply only, it is thought, to the 
 most populous tribe. 
 
 Thirdly, the Pottowattomies, or Pouteouatamis. This nation was early 
 known to the French. In the year 1G()8, ?i00 of them visited Father 
 JUlouez, at a place wliich the French called Chagouamigon, which is an 
 island in Lake Superior. There was among them at this time an old 
 man 100 years old, of whom his nation reported wonderful things; 
 among others, that he could go without food 20 days, and that he often 
 saw the Great Spirit. lie wjis taken sick here, and died in a few days 
 after.f 
 
 The country of the Pottowattomies is adjacent to the south end of Lake 
 Michigan, in Indiana and Illinois, and in 1820 their numbers were set 
 down at 3400. At this time the United States paid them yearlv .5700 
 dollars. Of this, 350 dollars remained a permanent annuity until the late 
 war. 
 
 Fourthly, the Sacs and Foxes. These are usually mentioned together, 
 and are now really but one nation. They also had the gospel taught them 
 about lf)t)8, by the Jesuits. They live to the west of the Pottowattomies, 
 generally between the Illinois and Mississippi Rivers, in th^state of Illinois. 
 The chief of the Sauks, or Sacs, for at least 14 years, has been Keokuk. 
 Of him we shall particularly speak elsewhere. The Sacs and Foxes 
 were supposed to amount, in 1820, to about 3000 persons in all ; one fifth 
 of whom may be accounted wamors. 
 
 Thus we have taken a view of the most important points in the history 
 of the tribes which were engaged in the late border war under Black- 
 hawk, and are, therefore, prepared to proceed in the narration of the events 
 of that war. It will be necessary for us to begin with some events as 
 early as 1823; at which period a chief of the Winnebagoes called Red- 
 hird wiis the most conspicuous. This year, the United States' agents 
 held a treaty at Prairie cm Cliien, with the Sacs or Saques, Foxes, Win- 
 nebagoes, Chippeways, Sioux, &c., for the pui-pose, among other things, of 
 bringing about a peace between the first-named tribe and the others, who 
 were carrying on bloody wars among themselves. To effect the object 
 in view, bounds were set to each tribe. About this time, the Galena lead 
 mines attracted great attention ; and the avarice of those concerned drove 
 several thousand miners beyond the limits of the United States, into tlie 
 
 * Dr. Morse, rated them at .5000. Ind. Report, Ap. 3G2. 
 t Charlevoix, Hist, de la Nouv. France, i. 395. 
 
' I 
 
 124 
 
 ItKD-HlHI). 
 
 [nooK V. 
 
 adjiu-ont IuikIh of tlio VViiiiiclmfroi's. VVIiethor tliiH great cncronclimont 
 was tins caiiHt! of the iininlcr ul'Al. JMclhnttf, Iiih witi; and livn cliildn'ii, wo 
 art) not certain. It i.s eerrain tliat this family lived near Prairit; dn (Jliien, 
 and that they were niunhu'ed hy a party of VVinnebafroes ; two of wiioin 
 wen; alhjrwards taken and imprisoned in the jail of Crawford county. 
 An arti(;l(; in the treaty just mentioned, provided that any or eacli ofthoso 
 Indian nations visitinj,' a jrarrison of the United States, such party or 
 parties should ho prottu-ted from insult from others hy said f,'arrison. 
 
 Notwithstandin;;' this, in thesiinnner of 1827, a [mrty of 24 Chippeways, 
 on a visit to Fort Snellinij:, wi-re fallen upon l»y n i)and of Sioux, who 
 killed and wounded eight of them. The commandant of Fort Snelling cap- 
 tured l()ur of them, wlioin ht; deliverinl into the liaiidsof theCliippevvajs, , 
 who immediately shot tiiem, according to their cu-tom. 
 
 licd-hird resented the proceedings of the commandant of Fort Sneliing, 
 and (Miually the conduct of the Ciiippewavr', and resolved on retaliation. 
 Accordingly Ik; led a war party against the latter, hut was defeated; and 
 upon his return he was derided hy his mighhors. 
 
 It is said that Red-bird had hecn deceived l)y the Indians, who told 
 him, that those put to death l)y the Chippeways were those who had 
 btu'u imj)risoned for the murder of Metltode and family. If this were the 
 case, let it go as iar as it will to brighten the characKT of Red-bird. 
 
 Enraged at his ill success against the Chippeways, Red-bird, with only 
 three desperate com[)anions like himself, repaired to Prairie du Chien, 
 where, about the lirst Jidy, they killed two persons and wounded a third. 
 We hear of no plunder taken by them, except a keg of whiskey, with 
 which they retired to the mouth of Bad-axe River. Immediately after, 
 with his company augmented, Red-bird waylaid two keel-boats that had 
 been ccjiiveying conunissary stores to Fort Snelling. One came into the 
 ambush in the day-time, and, after a fight of four hours, escaped, with the 
 loss of two killed and fom* wounded. It Avas midnight before the other 
 fell into tlie snan , and, owing to the darkness, escaped without much 
 injury. 
 
 Not long after. Gen. Alkinson marched into the Winnebago country, 
 with a brigade of troops, regulars and militia, Avhere he succeeded in 
 making prisoners of Red-bird and some others of the hostile Winm^bagoes. 
 7i«/-/nV^ soon after died in prison. "Some of the other culprits were 
 tried and ibiini^ g"'lty, and sentenced to death, but were pardoned hy 
 President Mams, it is said, on the implied condition of a cession of the 
 mining district."* 
 
 In the cose of the United States against Wou-koo-hdh and Man-na-at- 
 ap-e-kah, for the murder of Methode and family, a nolle prosequi was en- 
 tered, and the jirisoners discharged. Kanonekah, or the youngest of 
 the Thunders, and Karazhonsept-hah, or Black-hawk, had been imprisoned 
 for the attack on the boat above mentioned, and also a son of Red-bird ; 
 but they were discharged. Two others, at the same court, were found 
 guilty of murders, and sentenced to be executed 26 December foUowing- 
 This was in August, 1S28. 
 
 Hence, where daily troubles, in kind like what we have related, oc- 
 curred, no one could expect tranquillity while the parties in them were 
 within hail of each other ; and it has often happened that much greater 
 bloodshed has followed far less causes, than existed at the commence- 
 ment of the present war. Nevertheless, it did not commence, as border 
 wars often do, by a great irruption on the part of the Indians ; and it 
 seems as though they were only following uj) a retaliation, to which, by 
 numerous grievances, they had been actually driven. The complaints on 
 
 * From a collection of facts published by W. J. Snellijig, Esq. 
 
[lioOK V. 
 
 •ronclitiient 
 liildrcii, wo 
 > (III ('Ii'kmi, 
 () of wliom 
 )r(l coiiiity. 
 
 icli (iftllOSO 
 
 •li party oi- 
 riisoii. 
 
 lli|)IH!VVU}H, 
 
 Sioux, wli(i 
 lu'lliiigcuii- 
 hippewnjH, , 
 
 irt Siicllin^S 
 I n'ttiliatioii. 
 I'cuted; unci 
 
 9, who told 
 o who iiad 
 lis wore tlio 
 -bird. 
 
 I, with only 
 B du Ciiien, 
 idcd a third. 
 Iiiskcy, with 
 liately after. 
 Its that liucl 
 ime into the 
 |ed, with the 
 e the other 
 hout mucli 
 
 go country, 
 cecded in 
 
 nnchafjoes. 
 
 })rits wen; 
 
 nlont.'d hy 
 isioa of the 
 
 Mnn-na-at- 
 jui was en- 
 foungtst of 
 imprisoned 
 f Red-bird ; 
 kvere found 
 r following. 
 
 related, oc- 
 theni were 
 ich greater 
 lommence- 
 , as horder 
 ns; and it 
 which, by 
 nplaints on 
 
 Chap. VFII] 
 
 HI.ACK-II AWK. 
 
 135 
 
 the part of the whites nni the same as have always been made — that the 
 Indians paid no regard to their engagements. Wv. do not pretend to ex- 
 oiiiTaK! th<!ni of blame, but we do ehaige their enemies with much 
 greater. In our present hiisiness, it is enough that the whites wen; the 
 aggressors, which, ♦or onee out of hundreds of times, when; the facts are 
 well estaltlislied, we shall not be thought very presumptuous, perhaps, ill 
 setting down as granted. 
 
 The fact, we upprcihend, will not be deiiunl, that many frontier estab- 
 lishments have very littlt; to lose hy an Indian war, but much to gain if 
 siiccissful. The .settlers are sun; that hy a war the Indians will be drivea 
 farther from them, and be obliged to give u|) tiieir approximate lands; in 
 which event they 're no longer a frontier, but a thoroughfare to one. 
 And luMice the florking in of new settlers raises the value of produce, as 
 well as lands, by creating a demand for them. Thus it is not diflicult to 
 s(!e, that the avaricious and wicked have every inducement to bring ahout 
 an Indian war. 
 
 lildi'k-hnwk, we have just seen, was, in 18127, suspected, and even im- 
 prisoned for an act of alleged hostility ; and it is jn-ohahle that he may havo 
 been remotely conc(!rned in tin; alfair charged against him. IJe that as 
 it may, /?(v/-/>i/7/ had died in prison, and /?tv/-/>/n/ was his friend. Indiana 
 could be seized, tried and executed, for killiiig those who aggravated them 
 to do 3o, but it often hajipens that when Indians are murdenul by whites, 
 the murderers cannot be brought to justice. Sometimes they make an 
 esca|)e, and sometimes are shiiilded by their friends; therefore the equal 
 administration (»f justice has never been had. The Indians know and 
 feel till! force of these reflections; atid it is not strange that, in 1831, the 
 whites of the frontier of Illinois tliLUjrht that "the Indians, with some ex- 
 ceptions, from Canada to Mexico, along the northern frontiers of the 
 Uniterl States, were more hostile to them than at any other period since 
 the last war."* It is not probable, however, that the conjecture was true, 
 to the extent imagined. 
 
 A number of flie Sac Indians, who, in the war between the U. States 
 and Great Britain, served the latter, which gave theuj the name of the 
 *' Hritish band," was the most conspicuous in opposing the whites. This 
 band of Sacs had rendezvoused at their chief village, on the Mississi])pi, 
 where they had collect»3d such of their neighbors as wished to (Jiigage iu 
 the war. (ien. Gaines, joined by Gov. Reynolds, and (jjen. Duncan'a 
 brigade of 1400 mounted men, possea'^ed themselves of tho Sac village 
 on the 2(J June. They did this withoMt oj)position ; for wluMi the Iiiiiiaiis 
 discovered the whites on their march, they fled acrosa the river, and after 
 a short time displayed a white flag for a parley. Meantime their as- 
 sociates had abandoned them, and the Sac band wasj left alone to manage 
 aft'airs in the best manner they could. They therefore made peace with 
 the whites, with all due sui)mission ; and ti'c latter thought then; would 
 be no further cause of alarm. Indeed, such was their deportment, that 
 Gen. Gaines was of opinion that tiicy were as completely humbled, as if 
 they had been chastised in battle, and were less disposed to disturb the 
 frontiers than if the other event had taken place ; and only a few days 
 before tliis. Gen. Gainei said he was confirmed in the opinion, that, what- 
 ever migiil be their hostile feelings, tiiey wen; resolved to abstain from 
 the use of their tomahawks and fir(!-arms, except in self-defence. 
 
 31eanwhile a diflieulty seems to have arisen l)etween some of the Sacs 
 and tiie Meiiomiiiies, and 28 of the latter had been murdered. Agreeably 
 to the 14th article of the treaty of I'rairie des Chiens, concluded 1!) Aug. 
 1825, the United States obliged themselves to interpose between these and 
 
 * Gov. Rninold's letter to the secretary of war, 7 July, 1831. 
 11 * 
 
126 
 
 BLACK-HAWK. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 other western tribes iu cases of troubles. The Sacs had not only com- 
 mitted the murders just mentioned, but they had recrossed the Mississippi 
 to its east bank, and occupied the country in the sprinj? of 1832, that they 
 had fled from the last year, and by treaty given up. Black-.'iawk. was the 
 alleged leader in both cases. Therefore Gen. Atkinson set out on an ex- 
 pedition, in which it was hoped he would seize Black-hawk, who, it was 
 said, was "the sole fonienter of all these disturbances ;" and it was said 
 also that he had little respect for treaties, and that he had, "in former ne- 
 gotiations, so far overreached our conimissioners, as to make peace on his 
 own terms." Here we have an early acknowledgment of the abilities 
 of our chief in mattei-s of diplomacy. But to return to the expedition. 
 
 Gen. Atkinson was at Rock River, at a place called Dixon's Ferry, on 
 15 iMay, when he received news from a force which had marched to 
 Sycamore Creek, about 30 miles from Dixon's, that a part of that force had 
 m'3t with a total defeat. There had been various murders committed at 
 Sycamore Creek, which occasioned the march of this force thither. 
 Among the sufferers aboi:t that place was the family of a Mr. jF/o/i, which, 
 from the circumstance of his two daughters having been carried into cap- 
 tivity, created much sympathy ; they being one but 16 and tlie other 18 
 years of age. Before they were led away, they saw their mother toma- 
 hawked and scalped, and about 20 others (at Indian Creek, wliich empties 
 into Fox River) treated in like manner. These young women, a X'^r they 
 were conveyed out of the reach of the whites, by their captoi's, Nexe hu- 
 manely treated, and have since been restored to their friends. 
 
 Those who marched to Sycamore Creek were in number \ out 275, 
 under the command of Maj. Stillman. They wei e encamped at Ogee, or 
 Dixon's Ferry, when the news of the massacre cr: Indian Creek airived, 
 at which intelligence Maj. Stillman got permissii of Gen. iVhitcsides to 
 march in that direction. On Blonday, 14 May, they came upon a few 
 India)is, whether enemies or not is not mentioned, nor do we presume 
 the wliites stopped to inciuire, for "theirs was the march of death," and 
 therefore two of them were shot do\vn, and two others captin-ed. The 
 .same dfiy, at evening, when the army had arrived at a convenient place 
 to encamp upon, and after they had made some preparations for encamp- 
 ing, a small band of Indians were discovered bearing a white flag. One 
 company of men went out to meet them, but soon discovered they were 
 o:ily a decoy. How they knew this to be the fact, we are not inlbrmed. 
 Tliis detachment, therefore, fell back ujjon the main body, which, Ijy this 
 time, had remounted ; and, as strange as it is true, this misguided band 
 rushed forward, regardless of ail ordc, foi- several miles, until they had 
 crossed Sycamore Creek, and wore completely in the Indians' ]iower. 
 The reader can now expect nothing but a detail almost exactly similar to 
 the Pawtuckct fight. The whites liad crossed the creek man by man, as 
 they came to it, and all the Indians had to do, was to wait until a goodly 
 number ha<l got within their grasp. It was moonlight when the fight 
 began, and after a few struggles tlu; wliites fled in greater disorder, if pos- 
 Si' le, than they came. The Indians, after making the onset by a dis- 
 charge of their guns, fell on with their knives and tomahawks, and had 
 not the night and situation of tite country favored their flight, nearly all 
 the army must have been cut off. The Indians were rej)urted to have 
 been about 1500 or 9000 strong, and it was said 19 of them were killed in 
 th? fiiiht. Of the whites 13 only arc reported as having been killed. 
 Their flight was quite equal to that of tli(» army under Gen. St. Clair. 
 Immediately after, 1 100 men marched to the scene of action, to bury the 
 dead; and tlirir accoun. of l)arl)arities committed on the bodies of the 
 slain adds nothing to those already ndated in f^imilar events. One sol- 
 dier only escaped disfigiu'ation, which is not easily accounted for, unless 
 
[Book V. 
 
 t only corn- 
 Mississippi 
 12, that they 
 xvk was the 
 t on an ex- 
 kvho, it was 
 it wad said 
 former ne- 
 leacc on liis 
 the abilities 
 pedition. 
 s Ferry, on 
 marched to 
 at force had 
 immitted at 
 rco thither. 
 Hall, which, 
 ed into cap- 
 le other 18 
 other toma- 
 ich empties 
 1, o^br they 
 •s, rt'ere Ira- 
 s' out 275, 
 ui Ogee, or 
 !ek aiTived, 
 HiUcsides to 
 -ipon a few 
 /e presume 
 death," and 
 urcd. The 
 nient place 
 or CHcatnp- 
 flag. One 
 they were 
 intbrmed. 
 ich, l)y this 
 lidcnl band 
 I they had 
 ms' ])ower. 
 f similar to 
 by man, as 
 a goodly 
 11 tlie figlit 
 der, ifpos- 
 by a (.11 s- 
 s, and bad 
 , nearly all 
 d to have 
 re killed in 
 con killed. 
 St. Clmr. 
 n bury the 
 lies of the 
 One sol- 
 Ibr, imless 
 
 CH.iP. VIII.] 
 
 BLACK-HAWK. 
 
 var 
 
 ii 
 
 it were the case that he had secreted himself until all the Indians but one 
 had left ilie scene of action ; for he was found side by side with an Indian, 
 each grasping the other, and both in the arms of death. The soldier's 
 liead was nearly cut off, and the Indian was shot through the body. 
 Hence it was su|)posed that these two had exchanged their deadly shafts 
 at the same moment; and from the situation of the Indian it was evident 
 he had died wliile in the very act of dealing *ln fotal blow upon his ad- 
 versary. 
 
 An idea of the rapidity with which the Indians convey intelligence of 
 important events may be had from the fact, that a runner from Black- 
 hawk and his allies, bearing to the IMissouri Indians the news of their 
 victory, arrived at the Des Monies Rapids 24 hours before the express 
 sent by Gov. Rei/nolds. 
 
 In July following the cholera ravaged severely among the troops op- 
 j)oscd to the Indians, insomuch that several companies were entirely 
 broken up, and many belonghig to them perished in a manner too revolt- 
 ing to bo described. Of a corps under Col. Twiggs, of 208 men, but 7u'ne 
 were left alive ! 
 
 Gen. Dodge surprised a party of 12 Indians near Galena, and cut them 
 off to a man. The whites, that they might not bo outdone in cruelty by 
 their enemies, scalped the slain. Near this same place Caj)t. Stevenson 
 had what was termed a hard fight with another small party, killing six of 
 them, and losing three of his own men. This fight wiis severe; knives, 
 bayonets and tomahawks being the weajions employed. What time 
 tliis afiair took place is not mentioned, but it Avas probably in July. 
 
 Black-hawk assembled his forces at a point between Rock and Ouis- 
 consin Rivera, wI.ok, it was expected he wf)uld meet the whites in a gen- 
 eral l)attle. His warriors were supposed to amount to at least 1000. Gen. 
 • Uklnson had nearly double that number of men, and resolved to meet 
 him as soon as possible ; and great hopes were entertained that, in such 
 event, a finishing blow would bo put to the war. But the old chief bad 
 .seen too much experience to fall a prey in this case ; he thereof ore escaped 
 into an interminable wilderness. Gen. Atkinson, afler almost insur- 
 mountable difficulties, arrived at Cashkonong ; in this move he was also 
 disappointed in finding any Indians. This was al)out the middle of July, 
 1832, and peopk begun to despair of effecting any thing against the old 
 wary chief, but by .stratagem. 
 
 About the same time. Gen. Dodge was in pursuit of a trail of Indians 
 near 40 miles from Fort Winnebago. It appears they were a flying, half- 
 .starved baud, who made little or no resistance, on being attacked by the 
 white.s. It is stated that they were "brought to battle" in the evening; 
 which will account for their not being all tut off. Th'-y left Ki d"ad on 
 the ground where the fight or attack b(>gan ; and tli(^ whites had but one 
 man killed, and four wounded. The condition of the Indians at Uiis 
 period can b(! well conceived of, when it is iniderstood that the army 
 found many of them dead, as ihey marched along, emafciatcd and starved 
 to death ! Gen. I>o(/^e had pursued this trail of Indians near 100 miles; 
 and the ))lac(; wluu-e he came up with them was uiion the Ouisconsin, 
 over against the old Sac village. In the generid's official letter, he says, 
 "From the scalps taken by th'j WinnebagoiiS, [a jiart of which tribe wero 
 befriending the w.'utijs,] as well ms ihosc taken by the wbiti's and the 
 IiKlians carried from the field of battle, we must have killed 40 of 
 them." 
 
 It was now unc(!italn where the Indians were next to be found, but it 
 was supposed they might descend the Ouisconsin, and so escape across 
 the !Missi.ssippi in that direction ; therefore Gen. Dodge recommcndeil tho 
 placuig a cannon on the river to cut them otii and Gen. Atkinson marched 
 
128 
 
 BLACK-HAWK. 
 
 [Bjok V. 
 
 for the Blue Mounds with his regular troops, and a brigade of mounted 
 men, in all about 1600 strong. 
 
 Meanwhile Black-hatvk, finding it impracticable to escape with his 
 whole company by way of the Ouisconsin, crossed the coimtry, it ap- 
 pear, and struck the Mississippi a considerable distance above the mouth 
 of tiie former, and, the better to ensure the escape of his warriors, sufl%r- 
 ed their women and children to descend the river in boats, by wi,ich 
 means a great number of them fell into the hands of the whites. In their 
 j)assage, some of the boats conveying these poor wretches were overset, 
 (by what means we are not informed,) and many of those in them were 
 drowned. Their condition, on arriving at Prairie du Chien, was doleful 
 in the extreme. Many of tiie children were in such a famished state that 
 it was thought impossible to revive thein. It is humiliating to add, that 
 in speaking of their treatment, it was said, they were ^^ generally received 
 and treated with humanity ;" if, indeed, generally is to oe understood in 
 its common import. 
 
 Innncdiately after these transactions, the steamboat Warrior, with a 
 small force on board, was sent up the Mississippi ; and on its return the 
 captain of it gave the following account of his expedition : — 
 
 " Prairie du Chien, 3 Aug. 18.32. I arrived at this place on Monday 
 last, [30 July,] and was despatched, with the Warrior alone, to Wapashaw's 
 village, 120 miles above, to inform them of the approach of the Sacs, and 
 to order down all the A'iendly Ijulians to this place. On our way down, 
 we met one of the Sioux band, w!io informed us that the Indians (our 
 enemies) were on Bad-axe River, to the number of 400. We stopped 
 and cut some wood and prepared for action. About 4 o'clock on Wednes- 
 day afternoon, [1 Aug.] we tbund the gentlemen [Indians] where he 
 stated he had left them. As we ncared them, they raised a white flag, 
 and endeavored to decoy us ; but we were a little too old for them ; for, 
 instead of landing, we ordered tliem to send a boat on board, which they 
 declined. After about 15 minutes' delay, giving them time to remove a 
 few of their women and children, we i(>t slip a six-pounder loaded with 
 canister, followed by a severe fire of musketry ; and ii ever you saw 
 straight blankets, you would have seen them there. I fought them at 
 anchor most of the time, and we were all very much exposed. I have a 
 baU which came in close by where I was standing, and passed through 
 the builciiead of the wheel-room. We fought them for about an hour or 
 more, until our wood began to fail, and night coming on, we left and went 
 on to the Prairie. This little fight cost tliem 23 killed, and, of course, a 
 great many wounded. Av'e never lost a man, and had but one man 
 wounded, (shot through the leg.) The next nioniing, before we could 
 get back again, on account of a heavy fog, they had tlie whole [of Gen. 
 jltkinson''s] army upon them. We found them at it, walked in and took 
 a hand ourselves. The first shot froi<i the Warrior laid out three. I can 
 hardly tell you any thing about it, for T am in great haste, as I am now 
 on my way to the fiehl again. The army lost eight or nine killed, and seven- 
 teen wounded, whom we brought down. One died on deck last night. Wo 
 brought down 36 ])risonei-s, women and cldldren. I tell you wiiat, Sam, 
 there is no f\m in fighting Indians, ])articularly at this season, \\hen the 
 giuss is so vcp' bright. Every man, and even my cabin-boy, fought 
 well. We had jo regulars, 5 riflemen, and 20 of oiu'selves. Mr. Haw, of 
 Platte, Mr. Hempstead Soiiilard, and one of the lialettes, Avere with us, 
 and fought well." 
 
 The place where this fight took place was about 40 miles above Prairie 
 du Chien, on the north side of the Mississippi, nearly opjiosite the iiioiith 
 of the loway ; and the whites were very fortunate in being able, ;it the 
 same time, to cooperate by land and water. Gen, Atkinson having 
 
[Bjok V. 
 
 f mounted 
 
 ; with his 
 itry, it ap- 
 the mouth 
 ors, suffer- 
 , by wLich 
 , In their 
 re overset, 
 hem were 
 vas doleful 
 1 state that 
 > add, that 
 y received 
 erstood in 
 
 or, with a 
 return the 
 
 n Monday 
 
 '^apashaw's 
 
 ! Sacs, and 
 
 ivay down, 
 
 idians (our 
 
 '^e stopped 
 
 n Wednes- 
 
 where Le 
 
 white flag, 
 
 them ; for, 
 
 ?hich they 
 
 remove a 
 
 )aded with 
 
 you saw 
 
 t them at 
 
 I have a 
 
 through 
 
 m liour or 
 
 and went 
 
 course, a 
 
 one man 
 
 we could 
 
 e [of Ccn. 
 
 and took 
 
 . I can 
 
 am now 
 
 uid sevcn- 
 
 ;^lit. Wo 
 
 iiat, Sam, 
 
 when tlio 
 
 )y, fiiujilit 
 
 How, of 
 
 witli us, 
 
 vo Pniiric 
 he mouth 
 lie, at the 
 n liaving 
 
 CHAr. VIII.] 
 
 XAOPOFE. 
 
 12*J 
 
 formed a junction with Gen. Dodi>;e, tlic army, consisting of 1300 men, 
 crossed th(! Ouiscoiit«in on the y? and '-i8 July, and soon after fell uj)on 
 the trail of the Indians, who were flying from the late scene of action on 
 tliat riv(.'r, as we have observed above. The country through which the 
 army had to march was a continued series of mountains, covered to their 
 very tops with a thick wood of li(!uvy timlier, and much underwood. 
 The valleys were very deep and dillicult to be passed ; but norbiiig could 
 tiauip the ardor of llit^ whitt>s, and they pressed ou to overtake Bliuk- 
 hawk before he should be able to escape across the Mississippi. This 
 they accom})lishe(l, as we have already seen. The place where they were 
 ovc'takon was very favorable for the Indians, as may be jugded by their 
 being ;il)le to maintain a light of about three lionrs, in their wretched, half- 
 starved condition, with not more than .'WO warriors. They W(;re discov- 
 ered in a deep ravine, at the foot of a ])n cipire, over which the army had 
 to pass; and tlx^y were routed only at the point of the bayonet. Old logs, 
 high grass and large trees covered them imiil the charge was made, when, 
 Hi tli(!y were driven from one covert, they readily found another, and 
 thus was the light protractiid. At length the whites were able so to dis- 
 pose of their force, as to come u|)on them above and below, and also in 
 the centre. No chance remained now to the Indians, but to swim the 
 Mississippi, or elude the vigilance of their encsmies by land, who had 
 nearly encomiiassed them. Alany, therefore, undertook the former means 
 of flight, but few escaped by it, as the greatest slaughter was in the river; 
 but a considerable nund)er foimd means to escape by land. One hun- 
 dred and flfty of them were supposed to have been killeu in this battle. 
 
 Black-hawk was among those who escaped, but his |)recipitation was 
 such, that he leli: even his papers behind him; one of which was a cer- 
 tificate from British ofhcers, that he had served faithfully and fought val- 
 iantly for them in their late war against the United States. Tlie prison- 
 ers taken at this time stated that at the battle on the Ouisconsin, with the 
 force under Gen. Dodge, G8 of their nund)ers were killed and many 
 wounded. 
 
 It was now thought that the Sacs would be glad to make |)eace on any 
 terms. Accordingly Gen. Mkinson determincil to order Keokuk to de- 
 mand a surrender of the remaining principal men of the hostile party. 
 From the battle ground the Gen(>rals .M'i'hwh, Dodge and Posey went 
 down the river to Fort Crawibrd, (I*ralri(! du Clfaui,) in the VV^arrior, and 
 the army followed by land. On the 4 August, Capt. Pncc, with a small 
 company, killed and took 12 Sacs between Cassville and the Ouisconsin. 
 
 The fortune of the hostile ludiiuis having now become desperate, 
 enough of their country nicn were ready to volunteer to hunt them in 
 every place. On the 3 August, 100 .Sioux had ])erinission to go out after 
 them, and soon after another smaller band set oil'. News was soon after 
 brought, that these had overtaken the hostile Sacs and Foxes on the south 
 side of the Mississippi, and in a light had killed about 120 of them. 
 
 Keokuk was chief of the friendly Sacs, and, al)out the same time, caused 
 a nephew of his to be given up to the whites, as being the murderer of 
 one Martin, in Warren county, Illinois. 
 
 uVaopope was second in conunand to Black-hawk, and in all the ex])o- 
 ditions against the whites; he was taken prisoner ir'. the fight with the 
 Sioux, and at his examination afterwards I ly Gen. Siotl, about tin; murders 
 
 w 
 
 liich had been committed ou tli(> whites, !ie g;ive 
 
 this account of himself: — 
 " I always belonged to Black-hawk's band. Last summer I wint to Mai- 
 den ; tvhen I came bark, I found that by the treaty with (Sen. (iaines, the 
 Sacs had moved across the Mississippi. I rcniainvd iluring the tvinter loith 
 the prophet, on Rock River, 35 /»(7(.s' above the mouth. During the tvinter, 
 the prophet sent me across the Mississippi, to I5hick-hawk, ivith a message, 
 
130 
 
 DECORIE. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 to tell him and his band to ci-oss back to his village and make corn : that if 
 the Jlmericans came and told them to move as;ain, they would shake hands 
 with them. If the Americans had come and told us to move, we shoidd have 
 shaken hands, and immediately have moved peaceably. We encamped on 
 Syracuse Creek. We met some Potlowattomies, and I made a feast for them. 
 Jit that time I heard there were some Jlmericans [under Major Stillman] 
 near us. I prepared a white fag to go and see them, and sent two or three 
 young men on a hill to see ivhat they were doing. Before the feast tvas 
 finished, I heard my young men were killed. This tvas at sunset. Some of 
 my young men ran oid ; two killed, and the Americans were seen rushing on 
 to oar camp. My young men fred a few guns, and the Americans ran off, 
 and my young men chased them about six miles." 
 
 J^Taopope further saitl, tliat the; Pottowattomies of the Village immediate- 
 ly irft thei)), and that no Kickapoos joined them, but thoge who wore 
 orifrinally with Black-hawk; but the Winnebagoes did, and brought in 
 scalps fre()uently ; that, at last, when they found tlie Sacs would be 
 beaten, they turned againsst theui. It was also given in by some of those 
 examined at this time, that Black-hawk said, when the stetimboat War- 
 rior ap[)rouclied them, that he {)itied the woiuen and children, and liegan 
 to make pre|mrations to surrender to the whites, and for tliat purpose 
 sent out a white flag to meet the boat, which immediately fired upon 
 them. Then said he, " I fred too." The truth of this will not be ques- 
 tioned, inasmuch as the facts agree with the captain of the Warrior's own 
 account. Hence the inference is clear, that mu(;li blood might have been 
 saved, but for the precipitancy of those who only sought revenge. 
 
 The bloody scene on the morning of the 2 August may be considered 
 as the last act of hostility of importance between the whites and Indians. 
 Parties of the friendly tribes were so continually on the alert, that it 
 seeiued very probable the [)rincipal chiefs would soon fall into their 
 hands. These expectations were soon realized; for at 11 o'clock, 27 
 August, Black-hawk and his prophet were delivered to Gen. Street at 
 Prairie du Chien. They were brought l)y two Winnebagocs, Decorie and 
 Chactar, and, when delivered, were dressed in a fii'.i dress of white tanned 
 deerskins. Soon after they were seated in the presence of the oificer, 
 Decorie, called the One-eyed, rose and spoke thus to him : — 
 
 " My father, I now stand before you. When we parted, I told you I 
 would return soon; but I could not come any sooner. We have had to 
 go a great distance, [to the Dalle, on the Ouisconsin, above the Portage.] 
 You see we have done wliat you ssnt us to do. These [pointing to the 
 prisoners] ar^ the two you told us to get. — We have done what you told 
 us to do. We always do what you tell us, because we know it is for our 
 good. Fatlier, you told us to get these men, and it would be the cause 
 of nuich good to the Wimiebagoes. We have brought them, but it has 
 been very hard for us to do so. That one, Mucatamishkakaekq, [meaning 
 Black-hawk,] was a great way off. You told us to bring them to you 
 alive: we have done so. If you had told us to bring their heads alone, 
 we would have done so, and it would have been less difficult than what 
 we have done. — Fathei we deliver these men into your liands. We 
 would not deliver them e en to our brother, the chief of the warriors, but 
 to you ; because we know j'(hi, a^d we believe you are our friend. We 
 want you to keep them safe . i*" they are to be hurt, we do not wish to 
 see it. Wait until we are gone before it is done. — Father, many little 
 birds have l)een flying about our ears of late, an<l we thought they vtliis- 
 pered to us that there was evil intended for us; but now we hopt; th( »o 
 evil birds will l»!t our ears alone. — We know you arc oiu* friend, bcauso 
 you take our part, and that is the reason wo do what you tell us to do. 
 You say you love your red children : we think we love you as much if not 
 
[Book V. 
 
 Chap. VIII.] 
 
 CIIAETON. 
 
 131 
 
 •71 : that if 
 hake hands 
 thould have 
 icamped on 
 istfor them. 
 ' Sttlhnan] 
 wo or three 
 '. feast tvas 
 . Some of 
 rvshinf^ on 
 ans ran off, 
 
 immediate- 
 wlio Avcre 
 broiiplit in 
 ; would be 
 ne of those 
 iboat War- 
 nil d began 
 lat j)urpose 
 fired upon 
 ot be (|ues- 
 \rrior's own 
 t have been 
 ige. 
 
 : considered 
 iiid Indians, 
 lert, tiiat it 
 1 into their 
 o'clock, 27 
 n. Street at 
 Decorie and 
 ite tanned 
 the oificer, 
 
 told you I 
 ave liad to 
 
 Portage.] 
 
 ting i"> the 
 
 at you told 
 
 it is for our 
 
 the cause 
 
 but it has 
 
 , [meaning 
 
 em to you 
 
 ■ads alone, 
 
 than what 
 
 aids. We 
 
 aniors, but 
 
 ieiid. W> 
 
 ot wish to 
 
 many liule 
 
 th(>y wiiis- 
 
 lop(! tlu'ae 
 
 id, because 
 
 us to do. 
 luich if not 
 
 more than you love us. We have confidence in you, and you may rely- 
 on us. — We have been prouiised a great deal if wo would take these meu, 
 — that it would do much good to our people. We now hope to see what 
 will l)e done for us. — We liave come in haste ; we are tired and hungry. 
 We now put these men into your hands. We have done all that you 
 told us to do." 
 
 Gen. Street said in answer : — 
 
 " My children, you have done well. I told you to bring these men to 
 me, and you have done so. I am pleased at w "lat you have done. It is 
 for your good, and for this reason I am pleased. I assured the great 
 chief of the warriors, [Gen. Atkinson,] that if these men were in your 
 country, you would find them, and bring them to me, and now I can say 
 much for your good. I will go down to Rock Island with the jirisouers, 
 and I wish you who have brought these men, especially, to go with me, 
 with such other chiefs and warriors as you may select. My children, the 
 great chief of the warriors, when he left this place, directed me to deliver 
 these, and all other prisoners, to the chief of the warriors at this place, 
 Col. Taylor, who is here by me.— Some of the Winnebagoes south of the 
 Ouisconsin have befriended the Saukies, [Sacs,] and some of the Indians 
 of my agency have also given them aid. This displeaseth tl "3 great chief 
 of the warrioi-s and your great father the president, and was calculated to 
 do much harm. — Your great father, the president at Washington, has sent 
 a great war chief from the far east, Gen. Scott, with a fresh army of sol- 
 diers. He is now at Rock Island. Your great father, the president, hns 
 sent him and the governor and chief of Illinois to hold a council with the 
 Indians. He has sent a speech to you, and wishes the chiefs and warriors 
 of the Wiiinabagoes to go to Rock Island to the council on the tenth of 
 next month. I wish you to be ready in three days, when I will go with 
 you. — I am well i^.eased that you have taken ♦he lilack-haivk, the prophet, 
 and others prisoners. This will enable mt to say much for you to 
 the great chief of the warriora, and to the president, your great father. 
 xMy children, I shall now deliver the two men. Black-hawk and the i>rophet, 
 to the chief of the warriors here ; he will take care of them till we start 
 to Rock Island." 
 
 Col. Tai/lor, having taken the prisoners into his custody, addressed the 
 .hiefs as fisUows: — 
 
 "The great chief of the warriors told me to take the prisoners when 
 you shall bi'ing them, and send them to Rock Island to him. I will take 
 tliein and keep them safe, but I will use them well, and send them with 
 you and (ien. Street, when you go down to the coimcil, which will be in 
 a few days. Your friend. Gen. Street, advises you to get ready and go 
 down soon, and so do I. I tell you again I will take the prisoners ; I 
 will keep them safe, but 1 will do them no harm. I will deliver them to 
 the great chief of the warriors, and he will do with them and use them 
 in such manner as shall be ordered by your gi-eat father, the president." 
 
 Chaeton, the other Winnebago, next spoke, and said, " My father, I am 
 young, and do not know how to make speeches. This is the second time 
 I ever spoke to you before people. — I am no chief; I am no orator ; but 
 I have been allowed to speak to you. If I should not speak as well as 
 others, still you must listen to me. — Father, when you made the speech 
 to the chiefs Wav3;h-kon-decorie-€arramani, the One-eyed Decorie and 
 others 'lother day, I was there. 1 heard you. I thought what you said 
 to them, you also said to me. You said, if these two [pointing to Black- 
 hawk and the prophet] were taken by us and brought to you, there would 
 never more a black cloud hang over your Winnebagoes. — Your words 
 entered into my ear, into my brains, and into my lieart. I left here that 
 same night, and you know you have not seen me since until now. —I 
 
332 
 
 rROPIIKT. 
 
 [TlooK V. 
 
 have been a preat way ; I had much irouble ; but when I remembered 
 what you said, I knew wliat you snid was right. This made me continue 
 and do what you told me to do. — Near tiie Dallo, on the Ouisconsin, I 
 took Black-hatvk. No on(^ did it but me. I say this in the cars of all 
 jiresenf, and they know it — and I now appeal to the Great Hi>irit, our 
 grandfather, and the enrtii, our frraiidmotjior, lor the truth of what I 
 say. — Father, I am no ciiicf, but what I have done is for the benefit of 
 my nation, and I hope to s(>e tiie good that has l)een promised to us. — 
 Tliat one, Wa-ho-kie-shick, [the prophet,] is my relation — if he is to be 
 hurt, I do not wish to see it. — Fatlicr, soldiers sometimes stick the ends 
 of their gims into the backs of Iiidian prisonei-s when they are going 
 about in tlie hands of the guard. I hoj)e this will not be done to these 
 men." 
 
 On the 7 September, the Indian ])risoners and their guards went on 
 board the steamboat Winnebago, and were conveyed down the river to 
 Jefferson BaiTacks, ten miles below St. Louis. There were, besides 
 Black-hawk and the prophet, (eleven chiefs or head men of the Sacs and 
 Foxes, together with about tiHy h'ss distinguished warriors. These were 
 landed just above the lowerrapids, on their pledge of remaining peaceable. 
 Two days before, a boat had con\(;yed to the barracks six or seven war- 
 riors, among whom was JVaopope. On their arrival at the barracks, all of 
 them were put in irons. 
 
 Black-hawk is not so old a man as was generally supposed. Some 
 who knew him well said he was not above 48, although the toils of wars 
 hud made him appear like one of 70. He was by birth a Potto^vattoinie, 
 but brought up by the Sacs. His height is about six feet. As to his phys- 
 iognomy, it is unnecessary for us to add concerning it here, as that may 
 be better had from an inspection of the engraving at the head of this 
 chapter. Our likeness is said, by many who have seen him, to be excel- 
 lent. 
 
 Like other Indian names, his is spelt in as many ways as times used by 
 different writers. At a treaty which he made with the United States in 
 1829, at Prairie du Chien, it is written Hay-ray-ishoan-sharp. In a 
 description of him about the time he was taken, we find him spelt Miis- 
 cata-mish-ka-kaek ; and several otliei-s might be added. 
 
 The prophet, or fVahokieshiek, (white-cloud,) is about 40 years old, and 
 nearly six feet high, stout and athletic. Ke was by one side a Winnebago, 
 and the other, a Sac or Saukie, and is thus described : — He " has a large 
 liroad face, short blunt nose, large fuil eyes, broad mouth, thick lips, witli 
 a full suit of hair. He wore a white cloth head-dress which rose several 
 inches above the toj) of his head. The whole man exhibiting a deliberate 
 .savageness ; not that he would seem to delight in honorable war, or fight ; 
 but marking him as the priest of assassination or secret murder. He had 
 in one liantl a white flag, while the other hung carelessly by his side. 
 They were both clothed in very white dressed deerskins, fringed at the 
 seams with short cuttings of the same." This description, though written 
 long before any painting was made of him, will be found, we think, to cor- 
 respond very well with the engraving of him on the following page. 
 
 It is said by many, that Wahokieshiek was the prime mover of this war, 
 and had powwowed up a belief among his peoj)le, that he was able to 
 conjure such kind of events as he desired ; aiid that he had made Black- 
 hawk believe the whites were but few, and could not fight, and therefore 
 might easily be driven from the dis|)uted lands. It seems, however, rather 
 incredible that Black-haivk should have believed that the Americans tvere 
 few and coiUd notfischt, when it is known that he was opposed to them in 
 the last war, and must, therefore, have been convinced of the falsity of 
 Buch a report long before this war. 
 
[Book V. 
 
 membcred 
 e continue 
 igoonsin, I 
 pars of all 
 r«|>int, our 
 of what I 
 benefit of 
 d to us. — 
 e is to be 
 c the ends 
 are going 
 le to these 
 
 s went on 
 le river to 
 re, besides 
 e Sacs and 
 riiese were 
 f peaceable, 
 seven war- 
 racks, all of 
 
 ed. Some 
 >ils of wars 
 towattoinie, 
 to his phys- 
 us that may 
 cad of this 
 o be excel- 
 
 les used by 
 1 States in 
 rp. In a 
 spelt Mus- 
 
 •s old, and 
 IVinnebago, 
 |ias a large 
 lips, with 
 (se several 
 deliberate 
 ir, or fight ; 
 He had 
 his side, 
 iged at the 
 igh written 
 link, to cor- 
 page. 
 
 If this war, 
 
 las al)le to 
 
 ide Black- 
 
 tliereibre 
 
 |vcr, rather 
 
 •icaiis tcert 
 
 :o them in 
 
 falsity of 
 
 Chap VIII.] 
 
 PROPHET. 
 
 133 
 
 In September, a treaty was made by the United States with the Win- 
 uebagoes, and another with the Sacs and Foxes. The former ceded all 
 their lands south of the Ouisconsin, and east of the Mississippi, amounting 
 to 4,000,000 acres of valuable lands. The treaty with the Sacs and 
 Foxes was on the 21 of that month, and 0,000,000 acres were acquired at 
 that time, " of a quality not inferior to any between the same parallels of 
 latitude." It abounds in lead ore, and the Indians say in others. 
 
 For these tracts the United States agreed to make the following con- 
 siderations : — " to pay an annuity of 20,000 dollars for 30 years ; to support 
 a blacksmith and gunsmith in addition to those then employed ; to pay the 
 debts of the tribes; to supply provisions; and, as a reward for the fidelity 
 of Keokuk and the friendly band, to allow a reservation to be made for 
 them of 400 miles square* on the loway River, to include KeokuKs prin- 
 cipal village." 
 
 By the same treaty, Black-hmvk, his two sons, the prophet Naopope, 
 and five others, princij)al warrioi-s of the hostile bands, were to remain in 
 the hands of tiie whites, as hostages, during the pleasure of the president 
 of the United States. The other prisoners were given up to the friendly 
 Indians. 
 
 A gentleman who visited the captive Indians at Jeffei-son Barracks, 
 Missouri, speaks thus concerning them : — " We were immediately struck 
 with admiration at the gigantic and symmetrical figures of most of the 
 warriors, who seemed, as they reclined in native ease and gracefuhicss, 
 with their half-naked bodies exposed to view, rather like statues from some 
 master-hand, than like beings of a race whom we had heard ciiaractcrized 
 as degenerate and debased. We extended our liands, which they rose to 
 grasp, and to our question, ' How d'ye do .'' they responded in the same 
 
 * So says our aulliority, (AV'm's Rcg;istcr.) hut wo very mucli doubt tliis onoruions 
 spare. U) inilos siiuaro tjivcs IfiOO square miles, wliicli porliai)s niiglit have been llie 
 truth, But when 1(30,000 suuare miles arc considered, all probability is outraged. 
 12 
 
134 
 
 BLACK-HAWK. 
 
 [Book V. 
 
 words, a' conipunying them vvitli a hearty shake." " They were clad in 
 leggins iiid iiicccaHins of buckskin, and wore blankets, which were 
 thrown around them in the manner of the Roman toga, so as to leave 
 their right arms bare." " Tiio youngest among them were painted on 
 their nocks, with a bright vermilion color, and had their faces transversely 
 streaked with alternate red and black stripes. From their bodies, and 
 from tlieir faces and eyebrows, they pluck out the hair with the most 
 assiduous care. They also shave, or pull it out from their lieads, with 
 the exception of a tuft of about three fingers' width, extending from be- 
 tween the forehead and crown to the back of the head : this they some- 
 h nes jjlait into a queue on the crown, and cut the edges of it down to 
 an incli in length, uui. j.laster it with the vermilion which keeps it erect, 
 and gives it t' •\{>])earance of a cock's comb." 
 
 The same i f . i, the oldest son of Black-hawk, J^asineunskuk, 
 
 called Jack, but ■ ' wa. t 'f " that peculiar expres,iion which emanates from 
 a cultivated inte. v I," co"' "' have been looked u')on by him " as the living 
 })ei-sonification of his beau .al of manly beauty." He calls Black-hawk 
 ^/ac/c-atoma-stc-ac-ac, and states his height ate bout 5 feet 8 inches, and 
 that he should judge his age to be 50. Those who have known him for 
 years, say his disposition is very amiable ; that he is endowed with great 
 kindness of heart, and the strictest integrity; that, like Mishikinakwu, he 
 was not u chief by birth, but acquired the title by bravery and wis(^om. 
 
 JVaseuskuck, or the Thundercloud, is the second son of Black-hawk, and 
 accompanied him in his captivity. He is said not to be very handsome. 
 
 Opeekeeshieck, or Wahokieshiek, the prophet, of whom we have already 
 given some particulars, carries with him a huge pipe, a yard in length, 
 with the stem ornamented with the neck feathers of a duck, and beads 
 and ribbons of various colors. To its centre is attached a fan of feathers. 
 He wears his hair long all over his head. 
 
 Miopope, JVaapope, &c. or Broth, of whom we have also several times 
 spoken, was brother to the prophet, and "some years his junior;" and our 
 informant adds, " he resembles him in height and figure, though he is not 
 so robust, and his face is more sharp: in wickedness of expression they 
 are par nobile fralrum.'''' " When Mr. Catlin, the artist, was about taking 
 the portrait of JVaapope, he seized the ball and chain that were fastened 
 to his leg, and raising them on high, exclaimed, Avith a look of scorn, 
 ^Make me so ami shotu me to the great father.'' On Mr. Catlin's refusing to 
 jjaint him as he wished, he kept varying bis countenance with grimaces, 
 to prevent him from catching a likeness. 
 
 '■'■ Poweeshieck, or Strawberry, is the only Fox among them, the rest 
 being all Sacs. He is the son of the chief Epanoss : his parents dying 
 while he was an infant, he was adopted by JVaapope. He is 19 years 
 of age." ^ . . 
 
 " Pomahoe, or Fast-sioimming-Jish, is a short, thick set, good-natured old 
 brave, who bears his misfortunes with a philosophy worthy of the an- 
 cients." 
 
 The following act of congress we extract, as it throws light upon sub- 
 sequent details : — " For the expenses of 12 prisoners of war of the Sac 
 and Fox tribes, now in confinement, and to be held as hostages, under 
 the seventh article of the treaty of 21 Sept. 1832, embracing the cost of 
 
 provisions and clothing, compensation to an interpreter, and cost of 
 removing them to a place of safety, where they may be kept without 
 being closely confined, the sum of 2500." 
 
 On the 22 April, (1833,) the captive Indians arrived at Washington, and 
 the next day Black-hau'k had a long interview with President Jackson. 
 The first words with which it is said he accosted the president, were, "I 
 AM A MAN, AND YOU ARE ANOTHER." Before this it was iu- 
 
[Book V. 
 
 ere clad in 
 liicli were 
 IS to leave 
 painted on 
 ransversely 
 jodies, and 
 1 the most 
 leads, with 
 ? from be- 
 ihey some- 
 it down to 
 ps it erect, 
 
 isineioiskuk, 
 anatcH from 
 s the living 
 Black-hawk 
 inches, and 
 vn him for 
 [ with great 
 linakwu, he 
 nd wis(^om. 
 'c-hawk, and 
 
 handsome, 
 ave already 
 I in length, 
 . and beads 
 
 of feathers. 
 
 jveral times 
 ;" and our 
 1 he is not 
 ession they 
 30ut taking 
 re fastened 
 of scorn, 
 efiising to 
 grimaces, 
 
 Ti, the rest 
 ents dying 
 s 19 years 
 
 natured old 
 of the an- 
 
 upon siib- 
 of the Sac 
 
 ges, 
 
 under 
 
 le cost of 
 id cost of 
 pt without 
 
 ington, and 
 It Jackson. 
 were, " I 
 it was iu- 
 
 Chap. VIII] 
 
 BLACK-HAWK. 
 
 185 
 
 tended to confine the Indians at Fortress Monroe, at Old Point Comfirt, 
 Va. but after this interview the president altered his determination, and con- 
 cluded to send them home on j)arol»', atler enforcing upon their minds 
 the folly of contending witii the whites in war. To eflect this object, it 
 was ordered that they shouhl visit some of the most populous cities in the 
 United States. Accordingly, they visited Baltimore, Philadelphia and 
 New York. From the latter j)lacc they took their departure for the west, 
 2G June, by way of Albany and the lakes. After visiting the Senecas, 
 they proceeded to Detroit, thence to Chicago, near the scenes of the lato 
 war. 
 
 VVlien Mr. Diirnnt was about to ascend in his balloon from the battery 
 in New York, the steamboat in which the Indians came to that city had 
 just arrived in view. They observed with great attention the aeronaut 
 and his machine ; and when one asked Black-hawk what ho thought of 
 tiieni, he said, " That man is a great brave — donH think he will ever get 
 back." Shortly after, when the balloon had attained a vast height, the 
 old chief exclaimed, " / think he can go to the heavens — to f Great Spirit."