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 V. ? - 
 
 S<ii 
 
 THE MANITOBA SGHOOk QUESTION. 
 
 BY JOHN S. EWART, Q.C. 
 
 'S 
 
 In the July number of the Canadian 
 Magazine, I pleaded for libeity of 
 thought and opinion. As one argu- 
 ment, I suggested that possibly even 
 the cockiest bigot might be wrong; 
 and I mentioned a few out of the mil- 
 lions of o|)inions that had already gone 
 to the ditch. Might his not go, too ? 
 " I beseech you, in the bowels of Christ, 
 think it possible you may be mis- 
 taken." After seven pages, I sum- 
 marized the proposition to which I 
 had " been endeavoring to win as- 
 sent," as follows: — "(I) That human 
 thought is, even the best of it, upon 
 social and religious questions, far from 
 infallible; (2) That other people of 
 equal intelligence, who honestly differ 
 with us, are as likely to be right as 
 we are ; (3) That religious and irre- 
 ligious opinion is in the category of 
 the debatable . . .; (4) That the 
 true policy, with reference to all 8uch 
 <lue8tions. is that of perfect liberty; 
 for the onw,s ot proving the harmful- 
 ness of opposing opinion cannot be 
 tiischarged." Then follow four pages 
 wherein I applied these principles to 
 theschooh. 
 
 The Rev. Dr. Bryce, in the Septem- 
 ber number, makes reply, and that in 
 the very simplest manner possible. He 
 puts into my pages opinions and con- 
 tentions that are not there, and, so far 
 as I am aware, I never entertained ; 
 and then, without much eflfort, victori- 
 ously confutes them. He might have 
 spared himself the confutation, for the 
 poor, miserable things, with all possi- 
 ble shifts, straddles, and devices, could 
 never have stood upright, even if left 
 alone. The worthy Doctor would have 
 accomplished all his purpose, had he 
 contented himself with saying, in a 
 single sentence, "Mr. £ wart's whole 
 article is a foolish defence of the geo- 
 
 centric theory." Mydiscomfiture would 
 thus have been sufficiently apparent 
 to all men, without wasting pages to 
 disprove the antiquated absurdity. 
 
 Not that Dr. Bryce had the slightest 
 intention of misrepresenting me. He 
 is merely a singularly good example 
 of that " incapacity to appreciate and 
 sympathetically understand an opinion 
 contrary to his own," to which I re- 
 ferred in July. Instead of either un- 
 derstanding my argument, or telling 
 me that it was something " no fellow 
 could understand," he flings a heap of 
 wretched inanities at me, saying : 
 Your opinion is that "my right is 
 your wrong ; my wrong is your right. 
 One for me is as good as the other for 
 you. There is no fixed right. There 
 is no hope of reaching a common 
 standard . . . Plainly Mr. Ewart 
 believes there is no common standard 
 of opinion; that there can be no con- 
 census of right ; that there can be no 
 invariable principle in man which can 
 serve as a basis of agreement, and 
 hence of truth. That being the case, 
 then each must be allowed to believe 
 and act as he likes. Absolute, unre- 
 strained liberty to do as he may choose 
 must be given him. He might just 
 as well have atlded, "And Mr. Ewart 
 believes that alligators are Divine em- 
 anations, and ought to be protected 
 with forty-five per cent." He seems 
 to say : — 
 
 " As for you, 
 Say what you can, my false o'erweighs your 
 true." 
 
 In order to justify his ascription to 
 me of these absurdities. Dr. Bryce 
 quotes four passages from ray article. 
 They are as follows (numbered and 
 italicised) : — 
 
 First Passage. — "// we cannot d«- 
 cide (and Mr. Ewart nays we cannot 
 
 f«ovi,\ci.^L kmms of 
 
 ftc. 
 
IO« 
 
 THE CANADIAN MAGAZINE. 
 
 (i<;ride)whefJier the. opinions arc harm 
 fid or innocent, A has as much riijhl 
 to have his way as Ji, has he not f" 
 What opinions was I alluding to ? 
 Whether alligators are emanations, or 
 not ? Whether A. is to have "abso- 
 lute and unrestrained liberty to do as 
 he may choose," or not ? No, neither 
 of them ; but whether atheistical opin- 
 ions are so certainly harmful to society 
 as to warrant the State in suppressing 
 them. That is what I said could not 
 be decided. Was I not right? 
 
 Second Passage: — " Vour opinions 
 are not entitled to one whit 1/ rente r 
 deference or respect than are the opin- 
 ions of others." If Dr. Bryce refuses 
 to admit "that other people of equal 
 intelligence, who honestly difler with 
 him, are as likely to be right as he is," 
 then, in all politeness, I shall make nn 
 exception in his favor. With tins 
 qualification, I believe the statement 
 to be perfectly accurate. Nevertheless 
 I will reverse it entirely, if he wishes, 
 and say that every person's opinions 
 o,re entitled to 'greater deference and 
 respect than are the opinions of others." 
 But it must be understood that the 
 (change was made to oblige Dr. Bryce. 
 Plato, more modest than the Doctor, 
 would have said: (a) "To be absolutely 
 sure of the truth of matters concern- 
 ing which there are many opinions 
 is an attribute of the Gods, not given 
 to man, stranger; but I shall be very 
 happy to tell you what I think." 
 
 Third Passage: — "Religions and 
 irreligious opinion is in tlie category 
 of the debatable ; the true policy with 
 reference to all such questions is per- 
 fect liberty." With the same under- 
 standing I will reverse this, too. I 
 shall say: Religious questions are not 
 "in the category of the debatable;" 
 that from the time of Elijah and the 
 prophets of Baal, down to the time of 
 Prof. Briggs and Prof. Campbell, they 
 never have been debated. 1 slxall 
 further say that " the true policy with 
 reference to all such questions is" not 
 
 (o) Laws, Bk. I.; Jowett's Trans. IV., 172. 
 
 that of liberty at all, perfect or other- 
 wise ; but that of the Doctor's ( 'onfes- 
 sion of Faith in the words following : 
 " The civil magistrate . . . hath au- 
 thority, and it is his duty, to take 
 order that unity and peace be preserved 
 in the church ; that the truth of Ood 
 be kept pure and entire; that all blas- 
 phemies and heresies be suppressed ; 
 all corruptions and abuses in worship 
 and discipline prevented, or refcjrmed; 
 and all the onliuances of God duly 
 settled, administered, and observed. 
 For the better effecting thereof, he liath 
 power to call .synods, to be present at 
 them, and to provide that whatsoever 
 is tran.sacted in them be f^iording to 
 the mind of God." 
 
 It must, however, again be most 
 distinctly understood that the change 
 was made to oblige Dr. Biyce. (I tind 
 my.selt still muttering .something like 
 "H pur si muo>\'. ') 
 
 Fourth Passage:^"/?}, the name 
 of liberty, I tvould say to the parents : 
 Certainly you have the right to teach, 
 or have taught, to your children any- 
 thing you like, so long as you can 
 agree about it." Robbed of all its own 
 context, and surrounded with a totally 
 different one, this sentence might be 
 taken to mean, that I thought that 
 parents were acting quite properly, 
 did they teach their children "False- 
 hoods, thieveries, iniquities, injustice, 
 disloyalty, anarchic tendencies." With 
 its own context it is plainly limited to 
 Imperial Federationisui, Militarism, 
 Pietism, Sabbatarianism, Anti-alco- 
 holism, and every otiier ism of -iack 
 like you can think of. 
 
 These are the four quotations to 
 prove that one of my principles must 
 be that " absolute, unrestrained liberty 
 to do as he may choose must be given 
 him." Of course they are laughably 
 worthless for that purpose ; but they 
 serve excellently another (probably 
 not intended), namely, to show with 
 what extraordinary fitness the Doctor 
 selected, for his opening page, the 
 words "Lord, thou knowestgif I dinna 
 gae richt, I'll gang far wrang." In 
 
 fut 
 
 th 
 
 KU< 
 ll 
 
 lia 
 
 T 
 
 IJ' 
 
9 
 
 THE MANITOBA SCHOOL QV EST ION. 
 
 109 
 
 ihcr- 
 ifes- 
 m^ : 
 aii- 
 take 
 "ved 
 Ood 
 las- 
 sed 
 
 li.Iy 
 ved. 
 
 future he can apostrophise all Canada 
 aK well. 
 
 liut he goes much further " wrang " 
 than this. Having tripped up quite 
 huowrh^fully the rickety Aunt Sallys, 
 that the first passing butterfly would 
 have tumbled over, he proceeds to 
 enunciate three propositions which he 
 hsiya are "in opposition to these views." 
 Three propositions — every one of them 
 H.H certain, as well known, and as 
 br'«<l-l)«sed as Ararat, Blanc or his 
 own Nevis ! Three propositions — and 
 not one f»f them in opposition to any- 
 thing — so far as my views are con- 
 cerned. On the contrary, while the 
 first of them is as irrelevant as would 
 \jti any proposition in Euclid, the other 
 two are among the foundations of my 
 July argument. These are the three 
 ''numbered consecutively and italic- 
 ized):— 
 
 r "That the State has a right to 
 form, and enforce, an opinion, at 
 <:o.r'm.i,r.e vjith. the opinions of many 
 of 'iXh "^'^'jeilH" Why this platitude, 
 rather than any other — " Some things 
 are gfx>'l to eat," for example — I cannot 
 imagine, "The State has a perfect 
 right to form, and enforce an opinion" 
 t'lM/n Home, mattera "at variance with 
 the opinion-s of many of its subjects," 
 w, surely, what the Doctor intends. 
 He do*,-?* not mean that the State ought 
 U> form, and enforce, an opinion ujton 
 <M matters — upon the literary value 
 of the Fsalms, upon the use of meat 
 on fast-days, upon attendance at 
 church, etc. He does not advocate 
 (probably) the return to Acts of Con- 
 formity, and Test Acts. His proposi- 
 ti'm, if intended to be universalis un- 
 questionably wrong. If intended to 
 U; litniU;d, it is perfectly correct, but 
 at the same time perfectly worthless; 
 for there always remains to be proved, 
 that the matter under discussion is 
 one of those upon which the State may 
 form aiifl enforce an opinion. " Far 
 « rang : " 
 
 n, 'The writer fwrther rontend-f 
 lliiU the State, being founded onjastiee, 
 
 may not give sper'ud iirivilegex to ninj 
 class of its siilijeilH." Most certainly. 
 Doctor ; that is what I was hitting at, 
 and you were objecting to, when I 
 said: "A has as much right to have 
 his way as B., has he not?" "Your 
 opinions are not entitled to one whit 
 greater deference or respect, than are 
 the opinions of others;" and "The true 
 policy with reference to all such ques- 
 tions is perfect liberty." A few pages 
 ago you said that "these are the ele- 
 mentary principles of anarchy." What 
 do you think of them now? "No 
 special privileges to any class of its 
 sulijects," — let us adhere to that, for it 
 is good. 
 
 And it is not in the least opposed to 
 my views, as the Doctor .«eems to think. 
 He says: "What does Mr. Ewart pro- 
 pose? He proposes that the people of 
 Manitoba .should have their public 
 schools, and that one denomination 
 should be singled out, and Vje allowed 
 to teach their 'isms,' in certain schools, 
 to be controlled by them." To which 
 I can only reply that I never proposed 
 any such thing; or anything having 
 the faintest resemblance to it, and that 
 the whole drift of my article is entirely 
 opposed to any such notion, and di- 
 rectly contrary to any such contention. 
 "Far wrang!" "Far wrang I" 
 
 The Doctor tries in another way to 
 make it appear that my purpose is as 
 he alleges. He says that I " was 
 most strenuous, when pleading the 
 Jioman Catholic position l)efore the 
 courts, in insisting that Episcopalians 
 and Presbyterinns had no rights in the 
 same way." Which is to say, that be- 
 cause I argued as to the meaning of 
 certain words, in a certain statute, 
 therefore my contention must be that 
 that statute, with that certain mean- 
 ing, upon abstract principles is just 
 and good. Far, "far wrang" again! 
 A lawyer might argue as to the mean- 
 ing of one of Dr. Bryce's sermons 
 surely, without Ijeing compelled to 
 justify it '. But the J>oct<jr is wrong, 
 not only in his logic, but in his facts. 
 I did not so argue, for I was not even 
 
 1B34!)4 
 
J iO 
 
 THE CANADIAN MAGAZINE. 
 
 fcnf,'iiged in the case in which the ques- 
 tion was debated. Once more " far 
 wraag ! " 
 
 Why does not the Doctor tell me 
 that my real object is to destroy all 
 belief in an isosceles triangle ? And 
 why, at all events, does he not doggedly 
 adhere to that method of arguing, 
 rather, at all events, than change to 
 another very much worse ? For, on 
 the whole, I would much rather be 
 told that I had said something that I 
 did not, than have it alleged that tl:e 
 " mild, gentle-faced tolerance that Mr. 
 Ewart pleads for, is not the reality for 
 which he is arguing." This means, 
 either that I am endeavoring to mis- 
 lead, or that I do not know what I am 
 arguing for — sufficiently uncomfort- 
 able horns both of them. I take com- 
 fort, however, in the fact that it is the 
 " far wrang " Professor that so charges 
 me, and the chances are infinity to one 
 that he is " far wrang " again. 
 
 But what is this dreadful, or evasive, 
 *' reality, for which " I am arguing — 
 this thing too horrible to mention, or 
 too elusive for common apprehension ? 
 Veritably this : a desire to place the 
 schools " under the control of the 
 church " — that is, under the same kind 
 of control as is the college in which 
 Dr. Bryce has spent th*^ best part of 
 his life, as a most wortl./ and estima- 
 ble professor ! He sees nothing im- 
 proper in his school being governed 
 by a church, but deems the design of 
 a similar government for other schools, 
 a |>urpose altogether too heinous for 
 public acknowledgment. Were he the 
 Profe.s.sor of "far wrang" (and I do 
 not think he ever did lecture on ex- 
 egesis), he could not go much further 
 " wrang " than this, surely ? He may 
 endeavor to distinguish. He will say 
 that his school is sustained by private 
 subscription. The distinction does not 
 appeal to me as having much validity. 
 Some of my income goes directly to 
 the support of his school, and some of 
 it indirectly (through the tax-collector), 
 to the support of the other schools. To 
 me, it is either well, or ill, that all these 
 
 schools should be under church gov- 
 ernment — well or ill, that is, for the 
 pupils. Whence como the salaries, can, 
 by no means, affect the benefit or dis- 
 advantage to the children. He may 
 urge, too, that theology is taught in 
 his college, and that there is, therefore, 
 for it, a necessity for church-govern- 
 ment. But I do not refer to the theo- 
 logical department of his college, which, 
 in numerical proportion, is but an ad- 
 junct of it; but to the larger body of 
 the institution, the part in which the 
 Doctor himself laboi-s so successfully — 
 to the ordinary every-day school for 
 general education. Is church govern- 
 ment for such schools well, or ill. Doc- 
 tor ? You spend a little of your time 
 arguing for the suppression of them, 
 because (1) " the only hope for the pro- 
 vince was to * * have a vigorous 
 effort made to raise up a homogeneous 
 Canadian people ; " and (2), " in order 
 to make us a united people, a patriotic 
 love of our province demands this ex- 
 pedient ; " and you employ the main 
 energies of your life in working in, 
 and seeking support for, a particular 
 school of that very class. I know that 
 you can distinguish again, and that 
 your church is always right, and the 
 others always wrong; so do not tell 
 me that. But, " I beseech you, in the 
 bowels of Christ, think it possible that 
 you may be " gone " far wrang ! " 
 
 I say that this, the second of the 
 Doctor's propositions, is not only not 
 opposed to my views, but that it is 
 one of the foundations of my July ar- 
 gument ; and I further say that it is 
 entirelj'^ opposed to the action of the 
 Manitoba Government. 
 
 Let us suppose that there are in a 
 community three classes of persons, 
 each with desires and ideas in refer- 
 ence to education. There are (A) those 
 who desire it to be purely secular ; (B) 
 those who desire to have a certain 
 spice, or flavor, of religion in it ; and 
 (C) those who desire to have it dis- 
 tinctly religious-history-taught, as in 
 the Old Testament (God acting all the 
 time), and not as in Gibbon (chance 
 
 an<i 
 |)oc 
 
 \i 
 
IHE MANITOBA SCHOOL QUESTION. 
 
 Ill 
 
 I'Ch frov- 
 
 for the 
 rie.s, can, 
 t or dis- 
 He may 
 
 ami circumstance at play). And now, 
 |)f)ctor, what I want to know is : How, 
 upon the " no special privilege " plan, 
 you pick out B, and determine that Ae 
 must have his way ? Do you say that 
 B is in the majority ? Very well, then 
 we must amend our principle, and say 
 " that the State may not give special 
 privileges to any class of its subjects," 
 except the muijority. Is it right now ? 
 If you think so, take it down to Que- 
 bec, set it to work, and watch it a little 
 while. You will change your mind ! 
 
 III. The last of the broad-based 
 propositions (said to be opposed to my 
 contentions), for which the Rev. Doc- 
 tor contends is, " That religion is out- 
 side of State interference, unless reli- 
 gion invade the State's domain." But 
 this is not opposed to my contentions. 
 On the contrary it is one of them, and 
 the one to which I constantly make 
 appeal as against the action or the 
 Manitoba Legislature. What did that 
 Legislature do ? There were two sets 
 of schools in existence — in one was a 
 little religion suitable to Protestants, 
 and in the other a little more religion 
 suitable to Catholics. Under such cir- 
 cumstances, if the Doctor desires to 
 know " What could patriotic Manito- 
 bans do ? " I can have no objection to 
 say, that if in the name of patriotism 
 (or of all biology), they felt bound to 
 aboILsh the one set of schools, and to 
 strengthen the other, they could not 
 have hit upon a more stupid reason 
 for their action than that " religion 
 [all religion that is] is outside of State 
 interference." Any flrst-come law of 
 dynamics (the science which treats of 
 the action of force), would have been 
 much more appropriate. Surely, far 
 "far wrang! " 
 
 For religion has not been removed 
 from the schools. Episcopalian and 
 Presbyterian Synods thank God an- 
 nually that it is still there ; while Ro- 
 man Catholics bemoan its character. 
 At present religion is taught, but 
 taught perfunctorily, indirectly, cir- 
 cuitously, and as though people were 
 ashamed of it. This may be taught, 
 
 and that may not. The Bible may be 
 read, but it must be read " without 
 note or comment." The meaning of 
 words probal ly cannot be given ; the 
 local customs, or notions, must not 
 be referred to; the connection with the 
 previous chapter must not be pointed 
 out. Christ's life is to be read in this 
 foolish fashion, and in detached 
 snatches, with a minimum of ten ver- 
 ses at a time ; but no one must say a 
 word to help the children to under- 
 stand or appreciate it. All which, to 
 my mind, is worse than making a fet- 
 ish of the Bible; it is making a bore 
 and an annoyance of it Why doe.s 
 not .some Educationist propose that 
 History or Philosophy be taught in 
 the same way ? There must be no 
 note or comment on the Bible ; but, 
 on the other hand, some of the means 
 to be employed for " instruction in 
 moral principles," are "stories, memory- 
 gems . . . didactic talks, teaching the 
 Ten Commandments, etc." Should the 
 Professor again write upon the School 
 question, I beg of him to tell us, 
 (1) Whether, working under these pre- 
 scriptions, religion is, or is not, taught 
 in the schools ; (2) Whether religion 
 ought to be taught in the schools ; and 
 (3) If yea, how it comes that his 
 maxim, " that religion is outside of 
 State interference," leads to State-dir- 
 ected religion in State schools. And 
 let me anticipate one of his replies: 
 " Yes, there is religion in the schools, 
 but it is purely of a non-sectariaji 
 character." I shall still (1) ask him to 
 apply his maxim, or to submit to its 
 amendment, so that it shall read "Reli- 
 gion, o<Aer than non-sedarianreligion, 
 is outside of State interference ;" but 
 further, (2) 1 shall beg him to remem- 
 ber (as said D'Israeli) that, " a non- 
 sectarian religion is a new religion." 
 " Non-sectarian " is it ? Look at the 
 " Form of Prayer," and tell me if any 
 Jew or Unitarian would join in it. 
 Read at one sitting a Presbyterian and 
 a Roman Catholic catechism ; and see 
 what they would respectively make of 
 '■ teaching the Ten Commandents." 
 
112 
 
 THE CANADIAN MAGAZINE. 
 
 Will J)r. lirvcu say tliat lie would con- 
 sent to Uonian (^'atholics, in their way, 
 " tuacliing the Ten (Jomniandments" to 
 PniU'stant cliililren ? Of course he 
 will not, but he thinks it quite right 
 in the name of " patriotism," and of 
 " homogeneity," and of " a united peo- 
 ple," to re(iuire Roman Catholic child- 
 ren to take their ideas from Protestant 
 teachers. As he says, " a patriotic 
 love of our province demands this ex- 
 pedient." "Far wrang!" "Far wrangl" 
 Toujours perdrix ! 
 
 One more etJbrt to make myself 
 understood. In my July article, quot- 
 ing from Dr. Bryce, I said, that of the 
 Catholic school districts, " all but a 
 very small percentage, are in localities 
 almost entirely French." And I a hied, 
 "Manitoba has said to a large section 
 of her people": Unless you undertake 
 to stop teaching 3'our own religion, to 
 your own children, in schools to which 
 no one goes except those of your own 
 faith, we will not permit you to organ- 
 ize yourselves together for the instruc- 
 tion of those in whose education the 
 whole couimunity has a decided inter- 
 est." This is too true to be denied, and 
 the Doctor does not deny it. He con- 
 tents himself with denying the motive 
 which actuated it. Let the motive go; 
 there is the fearful fact. Catholics 
 are thrown upon voluntary effort, and 
 subscription, unless they will abandon 
 that which, is to them a sacred duty. If 
 this be not intolerance and persecution, 
 then the world never .saw those horrid 
 monsters and never will see them. 
 
 Dr. Bryce helps me splendidly here: 
 " Probably most would say that should 
 Roman Catholics or others desire to 
 educate their children in private 
 schools at their own expense, so long 
 as illiteracy does not result it would 
 be well to allow it." There are three 
 conditions — (1) "private .schools"; (2) 
 " at their own expense ; " and (3) " so 
 long as illiteracy does not result." 
 The difference between private and 
 public schools (apart from expense) is 
 that in the latter there is public in- 
 
 spection and oversight, a connuon 
 standard, control by the vote of the 
 people. It could be no reason for not 
 allowing Roman Catholics to educate 
 their children that they were willing 
 to permit public inspection and over- 
 sight, to adopt the common standard, 
 and to substitute control by the pooi)le 
 for control by the church. Upon the 
 contrary, this would evidently re- 
 move an objection (juite formidable to 
 many minds, and make Manitobans 
 all the more willing, one would think, 
 to allow the Roman Catholics to pro- 
 ceed in their own way. Shall we, 
 therefore, rub out the first condition '. 
 By so doing we shall also dispose of 
 the third, shal! we not ? Where are 
 we now ? We have Catholics in pub- 
 lic schools, under public regulation, 
 governed by the pcoi>le, working up 
 to a common standard. Well, then, 
 the only condition left is — "at their 
 own expense," and they (mirabile 
 dicta) unanimously reply, "Why, cer- 
 tainly ! We do not want a sixpence 
 of anybody's money but our own." 
 What do they propose ? Merely this, 
 (they are not beggars, although most 
 of them are poor), tliat they should 
 be allowed to organize them.^elves for 
 the purpose of taxing themselves to 
 raise money for their own schools. 
 
 Take an example. In the district 
 of X. there is an exclusively Roman 
 Catholic population. Up to 1890 
 there was a State school there. To- 
 day there is none. (This is what is 
 known as providing " one public 
 school for each hjcality.") The peo- 
 ple, therefore, pay no taxes for school 
 purposes at all. They contribute 
 voluntarily, but not in a sufficiently 
 systematic way, for the purpose of 
 providing private education for their 
 children. They want power to tax 
 themselves, in order better to support 
 their schools^ — schools which shall 
 have all the qualities of public schools. 
 And Manitobans (" us Mr. Ewart 
 knows, are a generous people ") reply : 
 " Certainly you may do .so, but upon 
 one condition. You must promisi; to 
 
THE AfAXnO/i.t SCHOOL QUESTION. 
 
 11? 
 
 ininoii 
 of tlie 
 or ant. 
 tlucato 
 williiifT 
 
 over- 
 ndaid, 
 poo|)le 
 on the 
 
 y 'e- 
 able to 
 tobaiis 
 
 read the bd)lc ' witliout note or coni- 
 tnont ' of any kind, and either refrain 
 troni teaching; religion altogether, or 
 else adopt and teach tlii^ enittHCulaled 
 thinj,' called ' non-sectarian religion.' 
 This is our ultimatum. Accept, or go 
 and bo hanged — you and your child- 
 ren." " A patriotic love of onr pro- 
 vince demands this expedient, " coolly 
 adds Dr. Bryce, seated comfortably in 
 his .study, and continues to act on 
 the exact contrary of " this exped- 
 ient." 
 
 In addition to the right to tax 
 themselves, and as something which 
 Manitobans may or may not, accord- 
 ing to their sense of justice (no one 
 asks for generosity), withhold, the 
 Catholics further propo.se this : Out of 
 public funds there is paid to each 
 .school a certain sum in aid of the 
 amount raised by taxation. These 
 public funds belong to the peo|)le, 
 Protestants and Koman Catholics 
 alike, and " the State, being founded 
 on justice, may not give special privi- 
 leges to any class of its .sulijects." The 
 people of district X say : Give us our 
 share. We will conform to all your 
 secular requirements, to inspections, 
 to regulation.s, to standards; "Religion 
 is outside of State interference ; " 
 leave it, therefore, outside of your 
 regulations. Pay us our share, if in 
 every respect we do the proper and 
 efficient work of a secular school. 
 And " generous " Nfanitobans reply : 
 No ; your school may be the best in 
 the Province, but you will not get a 
 cent if you comment on the Bible. 
 When we said that " religion was out- 
 side of State interference," we meant 
 that the State could quite properly in- 
 terfere with the teaching of religion, 
 and that, by one of the most drastic 
 of penalties, namely, the threatened 
 illiteracy of your children, it could 
 with the most perfect justice, indeed, 
 in the exercise of much generosity, 
 prevent Catholics teaching Catholic 
 children the Catholic religion in the 
 only way in which Catholics believe 
 it can effectively be done. 
 
 Let us dissect a little this .seem- 
 ingly simple propi sltioii, " Religion is 
 outside ot State • 'terference," and let 
 us distinguish, because in r?o/ under- 
 standing it, simple as it is, lie many 
 dithculties fur many people. Cuizot 
 says" that Chixrch and State htive 
 maintained four forms of relations to 
 one another: — (1) "The State is 
 .subordinate to the Church ; " (2) " It is 
 not the State which is in the Church 
 Vuit the Church which is in the 
 State ; " (3) " The Church ought to 
 be independent, unrestricted in the 
 State ; the State has nothing to do 
 with her ; tHe temporal power ought 
 to take no cognizance of religious 
 creeds ; " (4) " The Church and the 
 State are di.stinct societies, it is true, 
 but they are at the same time close 
 neighbors, and are nearly interested in 
 one another; let them live separate 
 but not estranged ; let them keep up 
 an alliance on certain conditions, each 
 living to itself, but each making sacri- 
 fices Tor the othei' ; in case of need each 
 lending the other its support." 
 
 Many people apprehend clearly 
 enough the two first situations, but the 
 last are usually jargogled together. 
 And yet what a wide difference between 
 them. Under the one principle, a man- 
 of-war goes to sea, and many of her 
 crew go to their graves beneath the 
 water, without the services or ofKces of 
 a clergyman. Under the other, the 
 State recognizes the (avi of religion 
 (although refusing to .'<ay anything as 
 to its truth), and, among each ship's 
 officers, places one of the spirituality. 
 The State in this case iias regard to the 
 wantsof the crew. Even as provision 
 is made for food and raiment as wants, 
 .so provision is made for dc facto spir- 
 itual wants. It may be consideretl by 
 many to be a very foolish thing to wish 
 to have a clergyman with you on a 
 battle-ship ; even as others think it 
 very absurd to want " baccy " or grog. 
 But the State recognizes the existence 
 of these wants (not their wisdom), and 
 
 rt Civilization in France, l^ei't. 3, Vol. I, p. 817, and see 
 Uct. 12, Vol. II, p S!. 
 
 V.[iO\':i\iL:L /uJliiiVci Ot. b. U 
 
114 
 
 THE CANADIAN MAGAZINE. 
 
 refiixex the men noitlicrtlie onenortlie 
 otiior. A<,^iin, imkIit tlie one piitifiplo, 
 till' tmnio of (j()(l, and oveiytliiii}^ 
 wliicli could 8iij:jf(.'st tlio fact ol ro- 
 lii,n()n, is excludoil iVoiii tlie schools. 
 VVhilo under the other, the State takes 
 co^'niz'ince of the existence of religion ; 
 find tilt! WMnts ot the parents rospect- 
 int( it aie, so far ns |)ra(!ticaV)Ie, recog- 
 idzed and iicceded to. Tin- distinction 
 is now, I think, sufficiently clear. 
 Which of them is eorrect ? To my 
 mind, he who is actuated liy the true 
 spirit of liherty will undoubtedly 
 choose the lattoi-. 
 
 With this understanding, let us re- 
 turn to Dr. Bryce's proposition, " He- 
 ligion is outside of State interference.'' 
 By this is properly meant tlmt, re- 
 volving as they do in different orbits, 
 they oui,dit not to collide with, or clash, 
 or oppose one another. Jt does not 
 mean that one can deny the existence 
 of the other, or act as though it did not 
 exist, or invade the territory of the 
 other, saying, " Make way, for we nius 
 not collide." It means, so far as the 
 State's action is concerned, that the 
 fad that religion exists must be recoir- 
 nizcii ; and that in so far as its orderly 
 observance and propagation are con- 
 cerned, it is "outside of State inter- 
 ference." Doctor Brj'ce himself con- 
 cedes that "on the whole, the trend of 
 modern thought is to allow as great 
 liberty as possible to religious opinion." 
 
 Let us go back to District X. Prior 
 to 18!)0, the .school there was under 
 State control and governance ; the 
 people taxed themselves to support the 
 school ; and, according to the secular 
 work accomplished, they obtained the 
 same assistance from public funds that 
 other schools received. In addition to 
 secular instruction, the children were 
 taught the way of salvation, as be- 
 lieved by the parents of every child in 
 the school. The State, true to prin- 
 ciple, interposed no obstacle. It al- 
 lowed as "great liberty as possible." 
 It did not interfere. It did not oppo.se. 
 It did not object. Then Manitobans 
 ("as Mr. Ewart knows, a 
 
 people ") informed these \wov parish- 
 ioners, that unless they would cease 
 telling the cliildien aliout Jesus, they 
 would be deprived of tlxir organiza- 
 tion, they would lose their share ui 
 the publie moneys, atKi might get 
 idong as best, 'or as worst,) tliey could. 
 Since then, I lie Government (the people 
 have not yet approved the step) has 
 hail the astounding hardihood to send 
 ai'euts to these poor people to sympa- 
 tliize with them, and to urge them to 
 forego their conscientious convictions, 
 in order that they may have the pe- 
 cuniary advantages of which, for their 
 religion's sake, they were deprived. 
 Than this,history records nothing more 
 intolerant, and, but that it is done 
 without proper reflection, more base. I 
 use the word deliherately. These 
 people have been taught to believe, and 
 do most thoroughly believe, that it is 
 their duty to provide a certain kind of 
 education for their cliildren. It is not 
 proposed to remove this belief by argu- 
 ment. It is proposed to tempt these 
 peoi)le with money to act contrary to 
 their belief If the word " base" is not 
 too strong to apply to the Judas who 
 exchanges conscience for mere cash ; 
 does not the tempter who, to accomp- 
 lish a base betrayal, appeals to the bas- 
 est of motives, also richly merit the 
 same word. 
 
 And is it not in the last degree ex- 
 traordinary, that of all principles, social 
 or scientific, mundane or divine, or 
 other whatsoever, the one which most 
 strongly and clearly condemns such 
 gro.ss interference with religious lib- 
 erty — Religion is outride of State in- 
 terference — is the very principle select- 
 ed byDr.Bryce to support it ? We must 
 leave him, venturing and proffering 
 this suggestion, namely, that if at any 
 time he does " heartily join in the 
 piayer of that fellow-countryman, who 
 pleaded for heavenly direction, .saving, 
 ' Lord, gif I dinna gae richt. Thou 
 knowest I'll gang far wrang,'" the 
 proper hymn for the occasion would be, 
 in my humble opinion, " For those at 
 sea" — far, far at sea. Failing relief 
 
THE MANITOBA SCHOOL QUESTION. 
 
 "5 
 
 ' paiisii- 
 l<l cease 
 ms, thev 
 I'gariiza- 
 liaie of 
 j,'lif- get 
 !y rould. 
 e people 
 i'|»; has 
 to send 
 syrnpa- 
 tlii'in to 
 victions, 
 tlie pe- 
 Tor their 
 priveij. 
 iiir more 
 is (lone 
 J base. I 
 These 
 eve, and 
 lat it is 
 kind of 
 Jt is not 
 )>' (irgu- 
 )t these 
 [laiy to 
 e" is not 
 ias who 
 •e easli ; 
 iiccoinp- 
 tlie bas- 
 erit the 
 
 by tills uietliod, I aui afraid nothing 
 remains but the traditional surgical 
 operation ! 
 
 Si (|uid per jocum dixi, nolito in 
 scrium convertere ; for 
 
 Though they may gang a kennin wruog, 
 To step aside Ih human. 
 
 The few passages of my July article 
 wliich escaped misconstruction at the 
 hands (S Dr. Bryce, have, at those of 
 Mr. Lo , .ueur shared the general fate. 
 This latter gentleinan seems to tliink 
 that one of my contentions was, that 
 because opinion might be erroneous, 
 therefore we ought to " shun the re- 
 sponsibility of putting any of our 
 opinions into practice." Tiiis is not 
 my "therefore," nor the proper "there- 
 fore ; " but this rather : that as our 
 opinions mui]) be erroneous, we ought 
 not tivvecfssarily to ride rough-shod 
 over the opinions of other.s — that while 
 acting upon our opinions, we should 
 proceed, not as if they were certain to 
 be right, but aft if, pi>xsihlj/, theij iniglit 
 be wroTiC; ; and that, therefore, if, in 
 our economy, sco|)e can be left, or 
 made, for the free play of contrary 
 opinion, left or made it ought to be. 
 A general may be of opinion that the 
 enemy is 40,000 strong. He ought to 
 act upon that opinion ; but he would 
 be a foul if he made no provision for 
 a sudden reversal of his idea. 
 
 Suppose that the city of London 
 determined to establish a number of 
 public hospitals, and that there came 
 to be determined the question of t. . t 
 .system of medicine to be adopted. 
 Alderman A proposes the allopathic 
 .system (which he knows to be the 
 best), and has the majority on his side. 
 Alderman B, who is an hom<eopathist, 
 urges that many of the people are of 
 his way of thinking; that, possibly, 
 the majority may be wrong ; and that 
 both kinds of hospitals ought to be 
 estal))ished, so that people of both 
 opinions may be accommodated. Alder- 
 man A says. " Certainly not. The 
 majority must act upon its opinion, 
 and not be deterred by the fact that 
 
 they may bo entirely wrong. If 
 homcL'opathists want special treatment 
 they can have it at their own expense, 
 and at other places." In such case, 
 Alderman B, in my opinion, is, most 
 undoubtedl}, i /lit. A is wrong, be- 
 cause he acts ipon his opinion a.s 
 though it werf t'le " ultimate infallible 
 credo." ^- my meaning now clear ? 
 
 This igineu case ir.i,y bo made 
 further useful. Allj^^athic hospitals 
 may be taken tr. lepresent Protestant 
 .schools, an'' homoeopathic hospitals. 
 Catholic schools. In such case Alder- 
 man C proposes that, ina.<Bmuch as the 
 people are not agreed upon the ques- 
 tion of medicine, there should not be 
 any practice at all, of a sectarian 
 character, in the hospitals. " We are 
 all agreed," he says, " upon surgical 
 matters; we are all agreed that nurs- 
 ing and low diet are beneficial in fever 
 cases; there is much about which 
 there is unanimity. There is a national 
 mandate tliu' far. Let us, then, have 
 non-sectarian ho.spitals, and if any 
 patient wants more than that, let him 
 pay for it out of his own pocket." 
 Then, quoting Mr. Le Sueur, he adds : 
 " Do not ask that the hospitals, which 
 all agree, are not only useful, but 
 necessary, shall be made subservient 
 to the propagation of your peculiar 
 ideas in these matters." Manitoba 
 has established non-sectarian hospitals 
 (as she choo.ses to call them), and 
 many of the people will make no use 
 of them. Could not Alderman B have 
 given them a better idea ? 
 
 Mr. Le Sueur gives me credit, also, 
 for tbe " idea of handing over local 
 minorities to local majorities, without 
 any check from the general law of the 
 land." My article was, as I under- 
 stand it, one long argument against 
 this idea— ac«i7(.s'^ the exercise of the 
 power of majorities; and I am in- 
 debted to my critic for the great sup- 
 port which he gives me. The single 
 sentence in my article which has led 
 Mr. Le Sueur astray refers to unan- 
 imities, and not to majorities and 
 minorities at all. " Practical unanimi- 
 
Ii6 
 
 THE CANADIAN MAGAZINE. 
 
 ty," or the disregard of merely " ec- 
 centric, or isolated opinion," I, fur one, 
 can by no means translate into a 
 " majority vote." And if I am asked, 
 " What power does ho look to, to check 
 a school-district which, dispensing 
 with practical unanimity, wants to 
 introduce some fad into the school by 
 a majority vote ? " the answer is 
 very simple : I look to the " check 
 from the general law of the land," 
 which my critic makes me say that I 
 do not look to. I must have some 
 little license to speak for myself. 
 
 Passing from these misconceptions, 
 Mr. Le Sueur .says that "the State may, 
 therefore, be said to get a mandate 
 to establish secular schools. Does 
 the State get any bimilar mandate to 
 teach theology in the schools?" I beg 
 to recommend these sentences to Dr. 
 Bryce, and to Manitobans in general. 
 There is more point in them, I venture 
 to say, than will be admitted ; for they 
 avoid the inconsistency of arguing 
 from the principle of entire separation 
 of Church and State, to the practice 
 ■of teaching some certain limited re- 
 ligion in the schools, and the exclusion 
 of a few degrees more of it. But Mr. 
 Le Sueur is speaking beside the facts. 
 If there was any mandate about which 
 Manitobans were moie emphatic than 
 another, it was that the schools should 
 not be secular. For the rest, the 
 mandate of the majority was to con- 
 tinue non-sectarian schools, and the 
 mandate of the minority to re-estab- 
 lish the old system. Mr. Le Sueur's 
 argument, leading, as it does, to secular 
 .schools, therefore, may for present 
 purposes be disregarded. The subject 
 is interesting, but purely academic, 
 so far as the pending controversy is 
 concerned. 
 
 I have to thank Mr. Le Sueur for an- 
 otber sentence : " Lil)erty consists in 
 being as Utile governed as possible, 
 and in having the largest possible 
 scope left for private initiative." Ap- 
 ply this to district X, and .some 
 scores of other districts in Manitoba. 
 
 In them, the Catholics, if "governed as 
 little as possible,' will be required to 
 keep their schools up to certain secu- 
 lar standards ; and will not be forbid- 
 den (for it is unnecessary) to comment 
 on the Bible-reading of the day, if 
 unanimously they desire to do so. Am 
 I not right ? Is it in the name of lib- 
 erty, or of tyranny, that all such com- 
 ment, when unanimously desired, is 
 by law stringently prohibited ? Is this 
 imposing the will of other people upon 
 them, or is it freedom to act as they 
 like? 
 
 Mr. Le Sueur is more successful, if I 
 may be allowed to say so, when he 
 advocates the rights of the Catholics 
 to " be allowed to count themselves 
 out," as he expresses it. Suppose this 
 was done, and that the Catholics of 
 district X applied for a charter under 
 which they could organize themselves 
 for the support of education. Tiiis 
 would not, surely, be refused them, so 
 long as every other good ])urpose is be- 
 ing aided in similar fashion. The char- 
 ter having been granted, suppose that 
 the Catholics in district X all became 
 members of the Association, and agreed 
 to pay certain rates per annum into 
 the exchequer, and to charge their 
 properties with the amounts, Mr. Le 
 Sueur would, I think, see nothing 
 wrong in all this. How far would he 
 thon be away from the separate school 
 system ? He will .say that the arrange- 
 ments would be purely voluntary. He 
 is aware that in Ontario every Catho- 
 lic must support the public schools un- 
 less he ooluntivnly supports some 
 separate school. Make the law the 
 same in Manitoba, and give each school 
 district a separate charter, or provide 
 for all by one general law, as you 
 wish. Thatditteronco, if insisted upon, 
 would not cau.se much grumbling or 
 discontent. Mr. Le Sueur is, I think, 
 more with me than with Dr. Bryce to 
 whom, nevertheloss, he say.s, " Well 
 done." 
 
 Winnipeg. 
 
 »»