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 EON 
 
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SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 pON. C. GOODYEAR, OF NEW YORK, 
 
 ON 
 
 THE OREGON QUESTION, 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FRIDAY, JANUARY 1(J, 1846. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 BLAIR & RIVES, PRINTERS. 
 
 1846. 
 

 r 
 
 'he RcRolutif 
 tlio noticp ft 
 p.iiicy of th< 
 fiidcration ir 
 
 Mr. GOOD' 
 
 Mr. Chairs 
 lie discuswior 
 esfiiirily, fron 
 batiMl; and I 
 f tlip House 1 
 iew.s ill re^nr 
 
 verj' brief d( 
 ontidl my ;ict 
 
 aiuill deem it 
 lOfiidon of t!ic 
 eliiile the mai 
 omewhat loe 
 vestern mea.ii 
 roin an additi 
 •.ign invasion i 
 ispect s<i far a 
 o lie aptirehei 
 )e diflleult to I 
 new of tlic 11 
 West can c\i 
 if tlie Union, 
 Tiilitary hiirdc 
 >f a tract of u 
 irerge of its a! 
 lor liow the 
 ifiore viilneral: 
 liar institution 
 in the pcaceah 
 other States ( 
 valuable intcn 
 be, the West 
 liebate almo.st 
 ducted it as i 
 issue; and yei 
 confederacy. ( 
 ly to discover 
 Atlantic State 
 intcre.st in ar 
 threatened a r 
 foreign Powe: 
 more cxtensi\ 
 State, and w 
 that of the wl 
 war with Gr{ 
 upon her inte 
 a bhi^hting in 
 to ask for th 
 •yrnpathy on 
 <htioii, nor to 
 

 THE OREGON QUESTION. 
 
 'ho RcRolutinn authorizing the President to give 
 tiie notice for the terniiniilion of the joint occu- 
 pancy of the Oregon Territory being under con- 
 sideration in Committee of the Whole — 
 
 Mr. GOODYEAR spoke as follows : 
 Mr. Ciiairmak: I ohnerve that the interest in 
 lis discujiwion, tliough not in the subject, has ne- 
 essariiy, from its protracted character, very much 
 bated: and I cannot liope to claim the attention 
 f the Tlouse to any lengthened exposition of my 
 iews in regard to it. I therefore jiropose simply 
 ▼•■ry brief detail of the considerations which will 
 ontrnl my action in connexion with tlie vote which 
 shall deeni it iny duty to give upon the final dis- 
 lOfiilion of the question. In the early ]iart of this 
 ebate the matter seemed to take a sectional, and 
 omewhat local character; it vras said to be a 
 vestern measure, so far as any advantages arising 
 rom an addition of territory and safety from for- 
 lign invasion is concerned; and to have a southern 
 ispecl so far as the desolating effects of war were 
 o be apprehended from its prosectition. It might 
 )e ditllcult to give any very good reason for eitiier 
 new f)f the matter; I cannot conceive how the 
 West can claim any advaiUages over the rest 
 >f the Union, either by May of exemjitioti from 
 nilitary burdens, in case of war, or by the addition 
 if p tract of uninhabited territory upon the outer 
 rerge of its already almost boundle.=;s wilderness; 
 lor how the South, ludesii! she may be deemed 
 ifiore vulnerable in conseqiu;nce of her own pecu- 
 liar institutions, can claim any exclusive interest 
 in the pca<'eable settlement of this controversy over 
 other States equally exposed, and with far more 
 valuable interests at stake. But however that may 
 be, the West and the South had, for a time, the 
 debate almost exclusively to themselves, and con- 
 ducted it as if they alone were interested in the 
 LsBue; and yet, sir, in looking over the map of this 
 confederacy, even a casual oi)serverwoidd he like- 
 ly to discover that New York, as well as other 
 Atlantic States, nuist necessarily havc^ some slight 
 interest in any (Question, the agitation of which 
 threatened a rupture of our peaceable relations with 
 foreign Powers. With a lake and Atlantic, coast 
 tnore extensive and expo.'^ed than that of any other 
 State, and with a commerce more valuable than 
 that of the whole residue of the Union together, a 
 war with Great Britain, at this time, w-(i dd fall 
 upon her interests and resources with a ..ihing, 
 a blighting infiuence; aiid yet, sir, I stand not here 
 to ask for the State of New York any peculiar 
 •yrnpathy on account of her doubly exjiosed con- 
 dition, nor to claim, in imitation of the example of 
 
 most gentlemen who have spoken upon this sub- 
 ject in behalf of their respective States, any parti- 
 cular merit for patriotic devotion. It is sufficient 
 for me to say, that she asks no exclusive regard 
 for her interests, and that now, as at all times, she 
 is ready to discharge her whole, duty to the com- 
 monwealth. And if national rights, interest.**, or 
 honor, shall demand flu' sacrifice, slie counsels no 
 craven policy, though the issue sliould involve the 
 annihilation of her commerce, the d<Tiniation of 
 her citizens, and the exposure of her towns and 
 cities to plunder and conflagration; she is even 
 no w speaking upon this momentous subject through 
 the medium of h<'r own State Legislature, and 1 
 doubt not that her voice, when heard, will awaken 
 a sentiment in every bosom, and an echo from 
 every lip, worthy in all respects of the Empire 
 State. 
 
 Rut, sir, without regard to any action of my own 
 State upon the subject, I had, in the early stages of 
 thisd(!bate, for reasons satisfactory to myself, come 
 to the conclusion that this resolution should pas.s 
 this House, and that the President should take im- 
 mediate action under it. Thirty years of unsuc- 
 cessful negfUiation would of itself seem to demand 
 some mon; eflicient action. Diplomacy has ex- 
 hausted its skill, an<l a more auspicious period has 
 been sought in procrastination; but the one has 
 only added to its embarrassments, and the other 
 multiplied its difficulties and dtuigers. 
 
 May I bejiermitted to ask gentlemen who coun- 
 sel further delay, when they prrtpose to terminate 
 this controversy .- Are we to bequeath this deferred 
 quarrel, rendered doubly complicated by delay and 
 unsucceasful negotiation, as n legacy to our chil- 
 dren .' Ah, sir, even if that timid and tardy policy 
 could be deemed honorable and ])atriotic, it is no 
 longer practicable. The time has g".ie by when 
 safety might be found in supineness. The relaticna 
 of the two countries growing out of this controversy 
 have assumed a critical and alarming attitude. The 
 feverisii and excited state of the public mind de- 
 mands immediate action, and mighty interests await 
 the result. The provisions of the joint convent' n 
 will not be observed, in fact, though they he < ..n- 
 tinued in form. The efforts of the two countries 
 will be stimulated by re<.'ently excited jealousien, 
 to fortify and de fend their respective claims. Con- 
 fidence and tViendly intercourse will be destroyed, 
 andallthecommercial relationsof the iwocountriee, 
 and with the rest of the world, v/ill be constrained 
 and embarrassed by th(! over-recurring danger of 
 an immediate and fatal collision. iMi^elTe.ct of 
 the existence of this siite of things between two 
 of the greatest commercial nations upon earth is 
 
 i 
 
 1. X.i: 
 
 Ui.:^'f ...i 
 
too apparent to leave room for a doubt that it can- 
 not loiitf continue. Kvery nerve and fibre of tli(: 
 body |iolilie is trcniblin;;Iy alive to llie slij^htcat in- 
 dication of menace or a;;};rc.s.sion; enterprise is re- 
 strained, business at a stand; the public, pulse is 
 madly bounding; with excitement; and if the ad- 
 justnient of Ih*; ditliculty be much Ioniser deferred, 
 cither a surrender of the whole territory, or war, 
 with all its consefiuences, will be sounht as a re- 
 lief tVoni this wild fever of apprehension and sus- 
 pense. 
 
 Beside, sir, I said there were mighty interests 
 awaitini; the issue. The proijress of events with- 
 in the few past years bus vastly eiilmnc.ed the value 
 of this territory. When the convention was first 
 entered into, the disputed domain was deemed of 
 little moment; it has even been questioned whether 
 it would not morejiroperly con.slitute an indejiend- 
 eiit sovereif^nty than a ijart of our confederacy. But 
 recent improvements in the facilities of transport- 
 ation and intercourse have rendered the ports on 
 the Pacific coast contiguous to our territory of iin- 
 nieiise iin|)ortaiice. It can no lonj^er be doubted 
 that, unless the onward pro5;ress of our country is 
 checked by a devustatini; war with Euro})e, the 
 mouth of the Hudson and the Columbia will, ere 
 lon<,', by means of the railroad and magnetic wires, 
 be brought into close communion. However stu- 
 pendous the |)roject may ajipear, its early accom- 
 plishment is nevertheless within tiie limits of the 
 enterprise and highly stimulated energies of ihe 
 day. The late revolution in the foreign policy of 
 China has awakened the attention of the public to 
 the importance of this overland communicaliou be- 
 tween our Pacific and Atlantic coasts. I can con- 
 ceive that the whole trade of the Celestial Empire 
 may be diverted through this channel, and that 
 Europe may find her India market where she now 
 purchases Iter cotton, tobacco, and corn. 
 
 But the first ste)) in the jirosecution of this vast 
 enterprise cannot be taken until this convention for 
 a Joint oct^upancy is abrogated. Again, sir, our 
 citizens are liowing into that territory in one con- 
 tinuous tide of emigration. They leave behind 
 them the graves of their ancestors, but carry with 
 them, together with our language, our manners and 
 customs, and all those natural afiections which at- 
 tach them to the land of their birth. They demand 
 the protection of our laws; but this we cannot | 
 grant them during the existence of this treaty for 
 joint occu))ancy. Perfect protection to the citizen 
 admits of no divided sovereignty. And yet we 
 cannot deny it them, without being recreant to our 
 duty, and faithless to our trust. Sir, 1 admit that 
 the Roman Republic, although frequently alluded 
 to by gentlemen in the progress of this debate, fur- 
 nishes no model for our imitation. 1 should deep- 
 ly regret to read our future in the page of blended 
 virUie and crimes — of justice and oppression — of 
 magnanimity and meanness — of fidelity and trea- 
 son — of profuse generosity and the most gracping 
 cupidity — of glorious victories and wide-spread 
 desolation, which mark her patluvay to universal 
 empire. The deep shadows of her decline and 
 fall stand out too ready and pertinent a comment- 
 ary upon the crimes which contributed to her ele- 
 vation. The justice which broke the sceptre of her 
 power was too prompt and retributive, and her 
 final degradation was too dark and despairing, to 
 make her career the object of rational ambition. I 
 
 cherish the hope of a brighter page for my c( 
 try's history — one less bespolted with blood, 
 sullied with tears. But ihe varied page is bt : 
 us; and, with a disposition to profit by the te; 
 ings of the jiast, w<' may st let t ihi; virtues un<l 
 Ject the crimes. If in tht whole histm-y nf Roi, 
 greatness there is any one trait which, nxire t 
 any other, challeiigis imitalion and approval,] 
 the protection which her policy, in conjuni", 
 with her jiowcr, all'orded her ciii/cns. In that 
 even of lawhsv vinlence, Roman citizenshij) — fil 
 in llu; wilds of JMirope, the wastes of Asia, ; 
 the deserts of Africa — was a talismiin whi«'h 
 vesK'd its foriuiiau' possessor with an invulnera 
 panoply. Our citizens, to say the least of it, 
 enlitlt;d to a like itroli'cUon within our own te, 
 lory and upon our own soil. 
 
 But it is said, sir, that all our j)urposcs may 
 accomplished by delay. As f.ir as 1 have b( 
 able to ascertain tin; state of |)arties upon this si 
 Ject, there are, among others, two, both of wh 
 claim the whoh; tf Oregon, but widely dill'er in 
 means of oiitaining it. The one proposes to j; 
 the notice, and immi dialely on its expiration la 
 a Ou'ciblc possession of the whole territory; ; 
 other, to del'er the notice, and, by a masterly 
 activity — or, in the more cxjjressive and meaiii 
 phrase of the geiuieinan from Virginia, [Mr.Bi 
 iNtiEii,] by a quiet but ellicicnl action — accompli 
 the same purpose. The lirst, as I shall attempt 
 show hereal'ier, would, in my view, be inexpcdi' 
 and unjust; the other, utterly impracticable. \V 
 England awakened to the suljcct — England, li, 
 never slejit upon her rights or left her interesis i. 
 guarded — it would be worse than folly, it woi 
 be madness, to hope to gain by stealth what \ 
 dare not demand by open defiance. Hasten on, 
 you please, the emigrant armed with the axe a 
 the riile, and for every hundred men who cros.v 
 the Rocky mountains, England would erect a 
 other fort, mount it witli her cannon, and garris 
 it with her troops; she would draw around her 
 closer alliance the Indian tribes, and arm them wi 
 the implements of their savage warfare; and aft' 
 the lapse of any given ])eriod of " iriasterly iiiti 
 tivity," wc should find either the British in qui 
 military possession of the whole territory, or t: 
 war precipitated with all its horrors, which ti 
 gentleman so much deprecates and dreads. The: 
 indeed, in the gentleman's own eloquent langua^" 
 might we hear burdening every breeze from ti 
 west, the savage yell and the shriek of tortuit 
 then miglil we see, not in imagination but in fm 
 the bones of the emigrants whitening the j)rairi(.' 
 and his own favorite eagle uttering his wild cr 
 above their mutilated, blackened, and festering bi 
 dies. JNo, sir, if we wish to avoid the horror 
 \vhich the gentleman has so elotjuenlly depictcii 
 we must settle this question of disputed bound 
 ary before our people are madly thrust upon ili' 
 danger. What, sir, is it )>roposed to send oii 
 citizens forward into the wilderness, far beyoiu 
 the reach of aid, expose them to all the vicissitude 
 of a forest life, and the more terrible weapons of; 
 powerful nation, united with a savage foe — am 
 when their prov/ess and fortitude shall have over 
 come all obstacles, and their industry made the for 
 est bloom around them, to exemplify the benign 
 influence and protecting care of our Governmeiii 
 by kindly extending over them our laws, and visit- 
 
& 
 
 pii^o {'•)r my a 
 (|(J with liloixJ, 
 riwj pii^'i- i.s l)(-: 
 |>n)fii l)y tlie tc, 
 
 iht; virHifH uiiil 
 • llistrn-y of Koi, 
 
 wliicli, more i 
 
 mill a|)|in)vul, ; 
 I'y, 111 fodjiinr; 
 iyt'iiH. Iirthiit 
 
 tuiiznii.slii|) — ill 
 isles of Asia, ; 
 tiilisniiiii wliicli 
 nil all iiivuliiLTii 
 llie Ica.st of it, 
 liii our own U. 
 
 purposes may 
 ir as 1 have L( 
 ties uiioii tills Si 
 'o, Loth of wh 
 videlydi/rer in: 
 : proposes to f; 
 t.s expiration ta 
 lole territory; ; 
 l)y a iiiaateiiy 
 sive and meaiii 
 r^ciiiia, [Mr. IJi 
 ;lion — a(:eoni|))i 
 
 I sliuil altcm|)i 
 w, be iiiexpcdi. 
 )ra('tieal)le. W 
 •t — Eiijfjiand, li 
 . Jier interesiH i. 
 
 II folly, it woi 
 ' slealtli wlmt \ 
 e. Hasten on, 
 i'itli llie axe n 
 ineji wlio cros^ 
 would erect a 
 on, and ^arris 
 w around lier 
 id arm them wi 
 arfare; and uf(. 
 " masterly inn 
 1 British in (jn, 
 territory, or i. 
 •I'ors, which ti 
 I dreads. Tlic! 
 iquent ianguui;. 
 jreeze from l! 
 riek of tortuit 
 ition hut in fai 
 iiiff the j)rairi( • 
 iiii,' his wild (■!■ 
 nd festerinj^ bi 
 aid the liormi 
 uently depictcij 
 iisputed bound 
 thrust upon tli 
 ed to send on 
 :ss, far beyom 
 tiic vicissitudi 
 le weapons of. 
 iva^e foe — am 
 hail have over 
 ■y made the for 
 ify the benififi: 
 \r Governmeiii 
 laws, and visit- 
 
 ing them with the tax-pathcrer? Such was the 
 protection wiiich Knfjlanil vouchsafed to her colo- 
 nies, and wliicli they indifjnantly hurled buck upon 
 her. In my judi^mcnt, this policy pursued, the 
 war will be speedy and inevitable; and by j^ivirif:; 
 the notice, it will be eipially certain to be avoided. 
 Tlie notice, if jL!;ivcn, will be in pursuance of a 
 treaty sii|)ulali()n; and its effect will be simply to 
 throw into our exclusive possession a larj2;t' portion 
 of tiiis territory, the title to which is undisputed, 
 and leave the residue to be settled by ncjjotiatioii, 
 Hccoiiijiaiiied, however, witli an admonition wliich 
 may not be disregarded as to the necessity of its 
 speedy adjuslnient. 
 
 War cannot be the direct or necessary result of 
 the notiii! to ahro^^ate this convention. That con- 
 tingency will depend upon another and far more 
 important tpiestion, to which I shall presently al- 
 lude. I confess that, if war were to be the neces- 
 sary coiisefiuence, as some seem to apprehend, of 
 the passay;e of this resolution, I should hesitate, at 
 all events until a certain other measure had first 
 found its way through this House — that of provi- 
 ding for the public (lefence. I do not subscribe to 
 the oft -repeated doctrine, that the genius of our in- 
 stitutions must necessarily subject us to defeat in 
 the commencement of a war. We need not be 
 prepared for offensive operations; we want no 
 standing army, but the material for defence should, 
 at all times, l)e complete; we should be satisfied by 
 the report of competent engineers, that the requi- 
 site nirnber of guns arc mounted uyion our de- 
 fences and fit for service; we can at all times find 
 hands to man them. I could not consent that, by 
 any hasty action of ours, the important seaports 
 of the Atlaniic coast should be exposed to a sud- 
 den and fatal attack, nor that our country should 
 ever again lie disgraced by having the very walls 
 of her Capitol blackened by the torch of an inva- 
 ding foe. But no war need be apprehended from 
 this measure. These conflicting claims existed 
 before this convention was entered into, and no 
 war ensued; they may exist again upon like terms. 
 But the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Yancey] 
 says the convention was a substitute for war. No, 
 sir; it was a wretched substitute for firm and effi- 
 cient negotiation; it was this putting off the en- 
 countering of difficulties, which time alone has 
 rtindercd formidable. There have been several 
 periods at which this controversy might have been 
 favorably adjusted. It is now well known that 
 Lord Ashburton had full instructions from his gov- 
 ernment upon this question, and it is believed that 
 he was prepared to make liberal concessions in the 
 northwest for tnc advantages which he actually 
 gained in the northeast without them. If the Gov- 
 ernment had, at that time, firmly insisted upon 
 connecting the two questions, we should not now 
 be troubled with this ; but the then Administration 
 preferred the continuance of this substitute for di- 
 plomatic firmness and efficiency. Happily we 
 have at length arrived at a period when neither the 
 state of the affair itself, nor the inclination of the 
 Administration will admitof longer delay. 
 
 But I proceed to the consideration of the more 
 important question — that of the extent to which 
 our right to the possession of the territory should 
 be asserted under the notice. It is the uncertainty 
 of the policy of our Government upon this ques- 
 tion, which has alone multiplied the chances of war. 
 
 Upon this branch of the subject, after Inokinff 
 over the whole ground, I cannot rid myself of the 
 conviction that I^Ingland has some rights in Ore- 
 gon — rights commencing in some pretensions to 
 early discovery, continued by a partial occupation, 
 and confirmed by thirty years' negotiation and 
 numerous treaties — negotiations entered upon and 
 conducted with the avowed purpose of settling a 
 boundary, not the title, tuid terminating in treaties 
 for the Joint oc-cupation of the whole territory, hut 
 conceding no superior rights or paramount title to 
 either jiarty. It is with this view of the matter that 
 I arrive at the conclusion that the action of our own 
 Government has conceded to England some rights 
 in the territory of Oregon. But the extent of those 
 rights — we having the better title — must depend 
 entirely upon our sovereign will and pleasure. The 
 determination of that will has been repeatedly ex- 
 pressed by our Government, and recently signified 
 to the British minister resident in this city , by a pro- 
 position to divide the territory by the 49th parallel 
 of latitude. This, sir, 1 take it, is the extreme limit 
 to which concession will Le carried. This division 
 of the territory has been repeatedly offered to Great 
 Britain; and those offers constitute almost the sole 
 foundation of her title. Whether it be viewed, 
 then, in the light of a gratuity, or a concession 
 for comiiromise, the just pride and acknowledged 
 power of the nation alike forbid the resumption of 
 the gift. The American people should scorn to 
 retract the clnritable boon. But I have said that 
 Britain has claims to this territory which, by our 
 own concessions, have ripened into rights. Let 
 us for a moment reverse the picture, for the pur- 
 pose of ascertaining the more clearly whether this 
 position be tenable. Suppose (which is the truth) 
 the two countries had conflicting claims to the 
 whole of this territory, claims resting somewhat 
 in illy authenticated journals of navigators and in 
 vague tradition; suppose (which is also the truth) 
 that, for the purpose of settling these conflicting 
 claims, negotiation should be resorted to, and 
 should result in unsuccessful propositions on both 
 sides to divide the territory, but by different lines, 
 and should finally terminate in a convention for the 
 joint occupation of the whole territory, conceding 
 exclusive rights to neither; that this state of things 
 should continue for the period of some thirty years, 
 and in the mean time the citizens of both countries 
 should make partial settlements upon those por- 
 ■ions of the territory which, by all the proposi- 
 tions on both sides, were conceded to be the exclu- 
 sive })roperty of their respective countries. Sup- 
 pose, then, that Britain, with the same show of 
 better title which we now exhibit, should turn 
 upon us and claim the whole: what would be our 
 answer? We would say: you have conceded to us 
 rights; our citizens have taken possession accord- 
 ingly; they are entitled to our protection, and an 
 impartial world will justify us in maintaining those 
 rights, if neces.sary, by a resort to arms. And we 
 would do it. We would feel it unnecessary to go 
 further back for title, but would unhesitatingly 
 hurl back the threats of England by a stern de- 
 fiance. 
 
 I am aware, sir, that a claim in our favor para- 
 mount to all others has been set up — that of mani- 
 fest destiny. It runs thus: God hath given to this 
 nation the western continent and the fulness there- 
 of. This, as I understand it, overrides all titles, 
 
 1 
 
n 
 
 1 
 
 and Hcta (\t ilrfinncc all rrnannincf, Tliia cluim to 
 univcrHiil rloniinioii was [iiit forth in tlir (•oniirifinre- 
 rrurtt of thin (l('l)nt(!, and has l)ncn fiTqunntly iiry;rd 
 ill the coiir.sf! of it; and inon! particularly liy the 
 pcnfli!inati from Michiijan, [Mr. Ciiu'mav,] as a 
 final and conclusivf art^niniciit. 1 rcijrcttcd to hear 
 the sentiinont avowfil in an Ainnrii-an (lon^-rcss, 
 because it iinplios a (htulil of llit! validity of our 
 <»\vn perfect title, and hocausc it lias ever been 
 used to justify every act of wholesale violence and 
 nipine tdatever disi^racfid the history of the world 
 It is the roblicr's title; but its re<'ord is aeconipa- 
 iiicd by the instructive lesson that it ultimately 
 meets the robber's doom. The Macedonian con- 
 queror consulted tli'j Dt'lpbic oracle, and havinj^ 
 obtained from the priestess an emiivoc;il answer, 
 ■which, in his construction, gave linn the right, iiy 
 mnniftst (Ivsliny, to conquer ihe world, he jiursued 
 his career of victory amid sighs and tears and 
 blood, over homes and heartlis made desolate, cities 
 ■wasted, and prostrate thrones, until, standing on 
 the verge of the tlien habitable glolic, he wept that 
 he had not another world to conquer. Confident 
 in the omnipotence of his fate, he drew around 
 him his imperial robes and proudly boasted of the 
 endless duration of his dynasty and his throne. 
 But death struck the conqueror in a drunken revel, 
 and his fated empire was broken into fragments, 
 and di.sappeared from the earth, like the sand be- 
 fore the simoom of tlie desert. Rome, too, con- 
 sulted her oracles, and sought in omens and signs 
 her title by manifest destiny to universal empire. 
 The response of the priest was jiropitious, and her 
 legions proceeded to execute the decree. The title 
 lost nothing of its force while there was wealth to 
 plunder or nations to subdue; under it, tlie rap.acity 
 of the Roman praetor knew no bounds, his cruelty 
 no remorse. She checked not her career of vic- 
 tory until th(! spoils of every nation, from the i 
 pillars of Hercules to the Indian ocean, swelled the 
 triumph of her conquerors, and contributed to the 
 luxuries and magnificence of what she fondly 
 termed the Eternal City. " While the CoUiseum 
 stands Rome shall stand," was her proud boast. 
 The Colliseum still stands, mcjestic in its ruins; 
 but the Eternal City, long since despoiled of its 
 glory and its power, is now only known to the 
 traveller as the city of shattered columns and 
 mighty ri^coUections. The modern conqueror — the 
 man of unbeating heart and iron nerve, who pur- 
 sued his purposes with like unbending firmness 
 upon the sands of Egypt and the snows of Russia 
 — whose eye never quailed, and whose heart never 
 faltered — who asserted and proved his title at the 
 cannon's mouth, until victory, even, seemed the 
 doomed minister of his stern and unrelenting will — 
 he, too, pointed to his star and talked of destiny; 
 but that bright luminary hiis set in perpetual night, 
 and the eye that gazed upon its Ijrightness was 
 closed forever upon a barren rock in the steep At- 
 lantic wave. 
 
 Wiio hath read the book of fate, or fathomed the 
 purposes of the Almighty .' Sir, we may read the 
 luture by the past. I have no doubt of our des- 
 tiny, if we limit our ambition to the development 
 of the human faculties and the cultivation of the arts 
 of peace. With a territory capable of sustaining 
 a larger population in comfort and opulence than 
 any other country under one Government upon 
 earth, the human mind can scarcely limit the pro- 
 
 gress of our dominion, cither in duration or extent. 
 Ihit if, on tlie other hand, wc should be stiaiulated 
 to tf^rritiu'ial aggrandi/.cjinent by the prospiic.t of 
 suc(;essful war, I have as little doubt that the. 
 western continent would soon be found too narrow 
 a sjdiere for our coiupiests. Mut with this brilliant 
 irospect before us, we should reineiiibrr that all 
 listory conies bur(l<Mied with the admonition, that 
 the nation which is destined to cxtciid its territory 
 by conquest, is equally fated to perish in the midst 
 of its victories. It In due, sir, to the American 
 firople to know that their title, in this instance, 
 needs no such equivocal alliance. In the .ippro- 
 priat(^ language of the g( ntlcnian from Teiiiiessiie, 
 [Mr. Stavton,] our right is our destiny, not our 
 destiny our right. But we are led to cunsider, in 
 this <'oniicxion, the duly of oiir Govcriinient, in 
 :'ase England should propose to reiie\cthc iiigotia- 
 tion upon the basis of the division of the territory 
 in tile spirit of amicable adjustment. I answer, 
 she should be met in the same spirit; and, in cjise 
 she should oU'er the terms ri'cently tendered and 
 withdrawn by this Governrnent, they should be 
 unhesitatingly accepted. If it was consistent with 
 the duties of Government to make the oHVr then, it 
 is proper to accept it now. The interests and 
 riglits of the two countries have in no resjiect 
 changed in regard to this territory. I do not say 
 that tlie negotiation should lu; reopened at our in- 
 stance, nor that any more fiivorable terms .^liould 
 bo offered or accepted. On the contrarv, I think 
 our Government, in the manil'estation of its dispo- 
 sition to adjust this difficulty, has approached the 
 extreme.st limit which the rights, the interests, or 
 the honor of our country will warrant: and if Eng- 
 land should prefer to try the issue of a resort to 
 arms, we shall then be restoi-ed to our belligerent 
 rights, and may claim and take the wlioh;. Eng- 
 land well knows that war is a game which more 
 than one can play at. 
 
 Sir, the inf<!rence I draw from tliis view of the 
 matter is, that the notice being given, the joint oc- 
 cupancy terminated, and England remaining quiet, 
 our rights to exclusive jurisdiction should be as- 
 serted only up to the 49th parallel of latitude. This 
 being understood to be the policy and determina- 
 tion of our Government, the chances of war are 
 entirely removed. Enghuid will not incur the haz- 
 ards of a war for an in(!onsiderablc tract of unpro- 
 ductive wilderness, the title to which she knows is 
 clearly and litiquestionably in us. This beinw 
 known, the excitement upon this subject, as well 
 in England as in this country, would entirely 
 subside, and we should hear little more of Ore- 
 gon. 
 
 But if the extreme policy, of the whole or none, 
 urged by a few gentlemen iqion this floor, is to be 
 carried out, I cannot see how awar<'an be avoided. 
 England cannot, consistently with her national 
 honor, accept less, in the division of this territory, 
 than has been repeatedly ofli*ered her; and, how- 
 ever reluctant she may be, I see not how she can 
 escape a resort to this last dread alternative. 
 
 I proceed to consider for one moment whether it 
 is our interest to drive her to this extremity. 
 
 Our national honor is no way concerned in the 
 matter. By adopting the 49th parallel as our boun- 
 dary we make our own terms, and dictate them, 
 too, somewhat imperiously to the haughtiest and 
 most powerful nation upon earth. It is, then, a 
 
 mere m; 
 
 to consii 
 
 The 
 
 Witll till 
 
 bliioiUh' 
 iHSiie. 
 Hublima 
 of a ri; 
 (juences 
 gotten, 
 consequ 
 it is tha 
 him ere 
 of these 
 Iranscci 
 braiidi 
 llemen 
 a less e 
 First 
 grees o 
 mate in 
 the fact 
 evident 
 advanti 
 that vit 
 We ha 
 most ui 
 ulate tc 
 aware 
 
I 
 
 or extent, 
 stiiiinlatrd 
 linisiK'ct nC 
 
 ll'llSIK.'d 
 
 )l Unit 
 
 tho, 
 (no nnrniw 
 liis ln-illi(tnt 
 
 I'T tli;it (ill 
 
 litioii, thnt 
 
 ts li'rri((»rv 
 
 II t\ii' midst 
 A incrican 
 iiislance, 
 
 till! iippro- 
 'I'f'nne.s.scn, 
 
 y, not fiiir 
 
 uisirlcr, in 
 rniiif'tit, in 
 Ik' m',i;ntiu- 
 tcrritory 
 
 I nn.swer, 
 11(1, in cnso 
 
 ill ri'd and 
 nliDulii be 
 f;lfMir, with 
 I'l-r then, it 
 
 ■fcsis and 
 lo rnsjinct 
 li> not say 
 
 iit oiir in- 
 niH slionid 
 V, I think 
 
 its dispo- 
 aclieil the 
 'iTcsts, or 
 iui if Eng- 
 [ resort to 
 htliigrront 
 'III. ling- 
 ii(;h more 
 
 CSV of the 
 ! joint oc- 
 in<^ quiet, 
 i!d be as- 
 de. This 
 etormina- 
 ■ war are 
 r tlio liaz- 
 )f unpro- 
 knowa is 
 lis bein^ 
 t, as well 
 entirely 
 3 of Ore- 
 
 or none, 
 , is to be 
 avoided, 
 national 
 erritory, 
 id, how- 
 she can 
 a. 
 
 hether it 
 
 u in the 
 urboun- 
 te them, 
 icst and 
 then, a 
 
 mere mattrr of expediency, and as .such I propose 
 to consider it. 
 
 'I'he value of the territory in dL-^piite, compared 
 with llic c.\|i<'nf<f'N, the sacrifices, llie ^ut^(•rini;■.■', 
 i)l()0(lsiic(i, and liorrors of a war, is the (picstioii at 
 iHHue. !Sir, I address not my ary;unii'nts to those 
 Hubiimalcd •j^ciitlcmcn whoasrirt tiiat ilic existence 
 of u rijilit prccliidcH the considi.'ralion of conse- 
 ()ucnccri in lU assertion. The ;;;entlemen have for- 
 <^otten, or haply never learned, that a regard to 
 consequences is the first duty of a statesman; that 
 it is that alone for which impartial history will j;ive 
 him credit for sagacity and wisdom. Tlie notions 
 of these •gentlemen arc somewhat too al)sti"ict and 
 transcendental for myj)resent ](urposcs. On this 
 branch of tiie subject, i prefer addrcssin^f the ijen- 
 tlemen upon this door who have been educated in 
 a less ethereal school of statesmansliij). 
 
 First, then, the territory comprises some six de- 
 jl^rees of latitude north ot parallel of 41). The cli- 
 mate in that latitude must necessarily be severe, 
 tlie face of tlie country is broken, and we have no 
 evidence that any part of it po.ssesses any j)eculiar 
 advantages t'or purposes of cultivation. Indeed, in 
 that view tlie territory is entirely valueless to us. 
 We have now a territory which centuries of the 
 most uninterrupted national prosperity cannot pop- 
 ulate to the full extent of its capability. I am well 
 uwarc of the adventurous spirit and impatience of 
 continuity of the West; but 1 think if the most zeal- 
 ous pioneer will join a caravan for the mouth of the 
 Columbia, and pursue his pilgrima.i,'e for some six 
 months over a boundless expanse of forest and 
 ])rairie, without the siiy;n of a human habitation and 
 .scarce the sign of human life, where the wild horse 
 and the buH'alo have revelled for centuries in the 
 j)rofusion of nature's bnuniics, he will be most ef- 
 fectually cured of all scruples on the score of den- 
 sity of population. Nor is this jiortion of the ter- 
 ritory of any greater value with a view to that 
 camnicrce o which I have heretofore alluded. The 
 49th parallel secures to us the Straits of I'\ica and 
 Puget's sound — thus furnishing, for all the com- 
 merce of the East, the best harbors on the coaat of 
 the Pacific ; and for thin territory, so valueless, in 
 every res|iect, to the United States, gentlemen jiro- 
 j)Ose to take the chances of at best a disastrous 
 war with Great Britain, 
 
 Sir, I am not satisfied by the remarks wliich 
 have fallen from the gentlemen who insist upon the 
 whole or none of the territory, that they themselves 
 have any very clear conception of the means neces- 
 sary to accomplish their purpose. The one por- 
 tion of these gentlemen propose what has been 
 termed a " masterly inactivity;" the other, imme- 
 diate and coercive measures. Though 1 question 
 not gentlemen's sincerity, nor doubt their valor, 
 yet 1 much fear that the lofty pretensions of the 
 first, compared with their supineness of action, 
 will pass in the eye of the world as a veiy shallow 
 covering for timid counsels — a sort of whistling to 
 keep one's courage up. The other has more of the 
 bravado in it, but seems equally wide of its pur- 
 pose. True, the gentleman from Michigan [Mi. 
 Chipman] pledges the State of Michigan alone to 
 take Canada in ninety days. This, at all events, 
 looks like action; but it might have occurred to 
 that gentleman that in the last war General Hull 
 proposed a somewhat similar feat, and issued a 
 like boastful procliunation; and in less tlmn twenty 
 
 days thereafter he and his gallant army passed b^* 
 neath the caudine forks. I intend, sir, no improper 
 comjiarison between Michigan then and Michigan 
 now; I merely allude to it for the purpose of show- 
 ing that Uti\y pretensions and high-sounding prom- 
 ises are not always the best evidences of faithful and 
 elHcient performance. Perhaps the gentleman will 
 make the application. Anotlier gentleman seems 
 to think there will be a great deal of valorous bush- 
 fighting in Oregon, and, in the exuberance of hia 
 fancy, talks about the fountains of the Pacific coast 
 spouting blood until they shall liave tinged the 
 broad ocean with their crimson currents. Wir, 
 there will be no fighting in Oregon, The few in- 
 habitants of that \i\»l forest will be content to re- 
 main quiet and await the fearful shock which in to 
 uproot and unsettle the nations of the earth. The 
 war will be in Canada, in the British colonial 
 islands, on our own frontiers, on the ocean, wher- 
 ever the two nations may be deemed most vulner- 
 able, or can meet in deadly and mortal combat. 
 The blood and resources of the two nations will be 
 exhausted in the fruitless struggle. All the worst 
 passions of the human race will be aroused and 
 brought into fierce action; commerce will be de- 
 stroyed, civilization retarded, and the progress of 
 improvement rolled back for half a century; the 
 bonds of society will be ruptured and the aflTectioni 
 crushed; the page that records the triumph will be 
 streaked with blood, and the cheer that hails the 
 victory will meet with no response at the desolate 
 fireside and in the breaking heart. 
 
 It is well said, that no little war can hereafter be 
 waged between these two great and powerful na- 
 tions; no war of outposts and detachments. It. will 
 be England, with all her tremendous military re- 
 sources, matched with the aroused and terrible en- 
 ergies of a nation of freemen — the long-deferred 
 contest for the dominion of the western continent I 
 and for maritime supremacy — the fearful death- 
 struggle with which foe grapples foe, and falters 
 not nor yields, until death unnerves the muscle 
 and relaxes the grasp. It would be well for gen- 
 tlemen who talk thus flippantly of a contest where 
 olows are to be given and not received, where lau- 
 rels are to be won without the cypress, to turn their 
 attention for a little to the magnitude of hostile pre- 1 
 parations, and learn to look the realities of war I 
 steadily and stenily in the face. The time for the I 
 exercise of all their courage and patriotism may be J 
 nearer than they suppose. War will not ensue I 
 from any disputed boundary in Oregon, unless itl 
 be precipitated by our own indiscretion. If wel 
 yield to England the territory north of the 49th I 
 l)arallel— and more than that she should not have— I 
 and war then ensue, the disputed boundary willl 
 be the pretext, not the cause. If, i;) her newly-l 
 awakened apprehensions for the safety of her colo-l 
 nies on the western continent, it is the purpose oi 
 England at this time, in conjunction with otherl 
 European Powers, to humble the pride and crip- 
 ple the resources of this Republic, concession onl 
 our part would be worse than useless. Give her 
 ■ e whole of Oregon, and she will find a pretext for 
 the quarrel; she will find it in California, in Mex- 
 ico, on tlie reefs of Florida, or the banks of New- 
 foundland, She will find it wherever the red crosa 
 meets the flag of the Union on the ocean. Conces- 
 sion on our part would not prevent nor long post-j 
 pone the struggle; and the more resolutely we meet 
 
8 
 
 it ih thr, iwscrlion of ihn pHnriplc of (Irninnrlin(» 
 notliinj; liut wimt is clciirly liijht, and Nulirniitiiif^ 
 t(i riotliitii; wntni;, ilm more n lulily niuy wc hope 
 for (I Hp«'t'(ly and j'livomlile Inmuc. 
 
 Sir, the dan{?(!r may !»! rcnioic — apprcliPtiMJon 
 may lie chunuIcmh. I am imlincd to dunk tliat the 
 time had gone hy wlicn thr. combined intercNiH of 
 European mcniarchie.s pouhl .seriouNly tiiink of ai^ 
 restin};; tiic proj^rews of liumiiti rif,'hls, at least on 
 the western continent. Dnt " coniini; events cast 
 their shadows hefore." The insidions susrilistion 
 of a halance of power npnn this eonlini'nt manifests 
 a. tremMiniij apprehension that the Atlantic is not 
 broad and deep en"uu;h to protect the Kast from the 
 nll-encroachinij inflni'iices of rational Imt proirrcs- 
 Bive Democracy. Tlie political atmosphere of Ku- 
 rope has hecome dark and lurid; element.s never 
 before comUiiud are now found in close alliance. 
 Our ancient friend and ally is prompt to suir^est to 
 its ancient and hereditary enemy the readiest nit nns 
 of checkina; the prof^ress of the far-reachiii2; Re- 
 public. The gatherin;:^ storm is precedet hy the 
 deep mutterings of the distant thunder. No hu- 
 man f(M'e.sight can foretell tiie fearfid cntuKtrophe 
 which may be produced by the bold assertion of a 
 political right, when the contest is stimulated by 
 the passions engendered in the warfare of conflict- 
 ing principles. Hampden, by res^isting the collec- 
 tion of a sixpenny tax, aroused a spirit in England 
 ■whi( h never again slept until it liail overturned the 
 throne, and brought the head of its monarch to 
 tlie block. The colonies, by resisting an equally 
 trifling tax uixm lea, dismr-mbered the British em- 
 pire, and laid the foundation for n great 'ind now 
 powerful Ilepubiic. What mighty revolutions 
 may now be on the verge of their accompli.shrnent, 
 it is impossible for us to f<n'esee. In tlie mean 
 time, it is our policy to nwait coolly the. progress 
 of events, with a firm reliance upon our undoubted 
 rights, and a stern determination to maintain them 
 at all and every liazard. 
 
 Sir, my allotted time has nearly expired, and I 
 have but a word more to say. I hope that the 
 boundary of the 49th parallel may be understood 
 
 to be our ultimate oflTer, and that it will not bo re- 
 newed, but ihiit it will Ik- cniiHidered thn limit of 
 I (inr <-lami, whilst the peaceful reliitidiis nf the two 
 I countries remain unbroken; but if, c<tnir«ry to my 
 ' Jmlgmeiit and my sense of justice, the doctrine of 
 the whole of Oregon or none should prevail with 
 the Adininistration, I would then say that I am 
 fully aware of the objection.^ to engaging in a war 
 with Great iiritain U|i(in the issue presented in 
 this c(Mitrov(rsy. I'erhajis no American citizen 
 now living I'ould lie personally beiietited by the re- 
 sult of the contes't, hftwevrr favorai)le. It would 
 imply, then, a large draught upon our national 
 feelings to expect a cordial and unanimous assent 
 to measures which must, of necessity, involve 
 such a mighty t:a<'rifice. Ihit, sir, I can easily un- 
 dei-Ktand tlnit tiiere may be conditions of national 
 rights and national honor which imperiously de- 
 mand this last evidence of devotion to one 'sconmry. 
 Fully impressed with tiie fearfid responsibility 
 risting upon the repre^^entatives of the people, I 
 would then cease to iiKpiire into the justice or expe- 
 diency of maintaining the stand taken by the t,x- 
 ecutive; I would merely counsel the most prompt 
 and liiieral appropriations for the public defence, 
 aiul, if war be inevitable — as i believe it would l)e 
 in that contini^ency — for prosecuting it with vigor; 
 for, while iny saniriiine hopes for her future pros- 
 peri'v prom|it the patriotic, sentiment— '' My coun- 
 try , may she ever be right," yet the knowledge 
 that my fortunes, by inclination, if lot nec.eKsity, 
 are inseparably connected with hers, impels me to 
 add, " but right or wrong, still mycoutury." My 
 feelings and sympathies are associated indissolubly 
 with the land of my birth; and if iier fair promise 
 and high hopes are to be realized in her future 
 greatness, I shall, in common with the rest of my 
 countrymen, enjoy the glory of the alliance; but 
 if the cloud which is now lowering is to burst witli 
 fatal fury, and her bright star is destined to set 
 in darkness and gloom, I cannot, 1 seek not, to 
 separate my fortunes. I and mine, and ail that I 
 prize iuid love, must Kharc her fate. 
 
 I 
 
 V 
 
it will not lip re- 
 nd tlin limit of 
 lidii.s oC till! two 
 
 • oiiiniry to my 
 
 I tlif (loriritu; of" 
 iil'l Jirfviiil with 
 
 »ny that I nm 
 •j:i^s:o\<j: in n war 
 !«' I'lTsfiiif'd in 
 mcricnn citi/.crj 
 cfiit'd [)v the r«!- 
 »l>h'. /l would 
 
 II n<ir iialioniii 
 tnimouN a.MHfnt 
 '■-^^iiy, involve 
 
 • an <n,sily un- 
 'iH of natiorinl 
 iipmoiisly de- 
 oncNcoiiniry. 
 rcsponNihility 
 lliP pf'o[.le, I 
 
 istice or cxpe- 
 '■n by the Ex- 
 ' most prompt 
 iililic, (Icfctic.e, 
 'P it would be 
 it with viijor; 
 r future j)ros- 
 ^*'Mycoun- 
 10 knowlpdj^e 
 lot nec'i'HNity, 
 impels me to 
 ititry." My 
 iiidiHsolubly 
 fiiir promise 
 » her future 
 f rest of my 
 alliance; but 
 :o burst witli 
 itined to set 
 seek not, to 
 lid all that I 
 
 .J 
 
 :( y 
 
 '.V