"«u n ^ -^^ ^" .0. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) m^O €.0 4fj /. ns connmniication. In the latter decades of the nineteenth century we have no longer to encounter the objections which, in spite of his ardent advocacy of the advantaL>es of the theory, seemed to the ,i;reat orator of the past to frustrate any prospect of its being fulfilled. Deeply imbued with the same patriotic sentiments as his own, realising the innnense issues connected with this grand and noble conception, profoundly convinced of the vast l)eneiit which would accrue to the British people if the principle of Imperial Federa- tion could be fairly and thoroughl}^ carried IXTIJOJUCTIOX ^'^i out, {I few ontliusifistic spirits ainon,«^ iis have laboured earnestly for a ([uai'.er of a cc^itury in advoeatinn- it, and endeav()\n'in«^- to enlist the national syin[)atliies, and to win in its favour the ])o[)ulai' su[)[)ort. ^ly late lamented friend Mr. de [.abilHere (all ]iis liiV a warm and al)le advoeate of Imperial Federation) pnhHshed recently a book entitled ' Federal Britain.' In it he has; .L;i\en a very comi)lete history of th(^ rise and pro^i^-ress of the movement in faNonr of this Ki-cat qu(^stion from the year LSTo to the present time. In the year ]87() T m.yself pu])h"s]ied a. volume entitled ' Imperial Federation,' which contained a summary of my own views, by broadly advocatino- the ' pi'inciple ' to be fol- lowed in dealino- with it. From tln^se views, I may say, I have never sw-rved. Tijne has only accentuated and confnined in iny own mind the opinion that they were based on a sound and correct conviction of the lines to be fohowed in developing the principle 1 then endeavoured to lay down. Vlll A SCIIKMK FOR IMPKIIIAL rF.DKKATIOX Three* years afterwards, in tlie year 1870, ] received from a Canadian correspondent, My. Granville Cuninghani, a sen -s of most j'jbly written articles, warmly snpportin;^^ my own ideas on the nhject, and developin.!** in most full ai\d comprehensive detail the plan l)y which, when once the principle of Im- I)erial Federation, as already laid down by myself, was fully accepted, it could be suc- cessfully carried into effect. These articles I was able to get inserted in the ' Westminster Review,' throu<,di the favour of the then editor, the late Dr. Chapman. They were read \n ith nnich interest, as indeed they deserved to be, by a limited circle of readers at the time. Four years afterwards, in the year 1883, the Imperial Federation League was founded under the able leadership of its tirst president, the late Eight Hon. W. E. Forster, M.P., who continued up to his death a most warm and energetic supporter of Imperial Federation, and by his wise counsel rendered invaluable help to a cause which he had so much at heart. He was succeeded by the Bight Hon. IXTRODUCTION 1\ Edward Staiihopo, M.P., in the presidential chair; and hy Lord Kosehery : both showin- ^iH equally earnest interest in, and devotii.rr much time and attention to, the question on hvhnli of which the Lea-ue was founded. For ten years the League Hved and flourished, and svu-ceeded in winnin,cr the ad- hesion of an increasing number of members, who showed their sympathy with its general objects by consenting to join it. But there is an old and trite ving, 'Many men, many ininds.' While n .. true, therefore, that, for a long while, harmonious action was main- tained by the strenuous advocacy by its leaders, of the advantages of 'Imperial Federation,' as a name, whenexer any question came to be touched upon, or discussed, as to the way in which it was to be carried into effect, great differences of opinion were deve- loped among its members. Hence it became impossible to put forward pubhcly any plan with the seal and approval of the League as being its actual and definite programme of policy in detail for adoption. Of course, ail X A SCHEME FOR LMPElilAL FEDiaiATION the time there were aetive i]ieii)l)ers of the League, Hke myself, who had our own phin * cut and dried ' ; but this was only the indi- vidual, an J not the collective, opinion of the League. Meanwhile the inevitable [ind, in the opinion of some of us, the re,L,n'ettable conse- quence of no detailed scheme of Imperial Fede- ration havin.i,^ for many years been put forward by the League took place. It was constantly challenged — and this over and over again — by the organs of the Press, with having no fea- sible or practicable plan worthy of the name to put forward at all. The League was charged with being only a body of academical faddists and philosophical dreamers, and men desirous of making political capital, by superficially conjuring with a (piestion possessing a grand and noble national name, without having any intention of grappling with it in reality, or probing its issues to its bottom depths. At length the League, after having accomplished a very important and most laudable and successful work, through the great influence IXTIIODUCTIOX xi ts powerful oixanisatioii broiio-ht to bear, in nilightenino- the public mind hs to its scope iiid object, was dissolved in the year LS(i:-j. The Imperial Federation Lea-ue has come md gone, but the prluciple on which it was ounded remains deep down in the hearts of -hose who have always been its staunchest idvocates. For the last two years eliorts lave been niade to attt>m]it to re\ive the League in some shape, under new auspices. While I am uncertain what particular line t may be thought fit to adopt, I cannot pled-e nyself to giVe to them my active support, rhey certainly, liowewr, ha^'e my sympathy md good wishes, as having, I believe, an in- ention of going, in what I myself regard, in general terms, in a 'right direction.' How- ever this may be, I haAe resolved, with the onsent of Mr. Granville Cuningham, to re- >ublish the articles, to which I have referred, diich appeared in the ' W'estniinster Review,' lecause they so entirely coincide, in their ■eneral apphcation and intention, with my wn original views of Imperial Federation. xii A SCHEME FOR [MPERIAE FEDERATION To these views I have always fii-inly adhered from the first, because I heheve they contain the gerni and ^i^t of the realisation of this Knmd Jiational political problem, for the suc- cessful acconiplislnnent of which I have worked so earnestly for so many years of my life. FKEDEltICK YOUNd. 5 QuEENSBEKUY Placr, S.W. : October, 1895. t A SCHEME FOR IMPERIAL FEDERATION CHAPTER 1 Thk fittoiition of tJio British ])iil)li(' has of lat(> h(H'ii (lii-octed to the question of the F(Hlei-atiou of tlie l^mpire hy various discus- sions that liave taken i)laee at meeting's of the ivoyal Colonial Institute, hy the i)uhlica- tion of a volume on Imperial Federation hy Mr. (now Sir) Fi-ederick Youn^^ and hy the appearance in leading- periodicals of articles dealin;^- with the matter. It is not, however, pretended that, though attention has heen directed to the question, puhlic interest in it has heen evoked to any lar^^e extent. As a rule, the British puhlic is supremely indifferent to Colonial affairs. Prohably not one man out of a hundred of v hat are called the educated B 2 A .SCHEME FOR classes is at all conversant with the salient featnres of any of the ('olonies, conld gi\e more than the ron<^hest sketch of the geo- graphical pecnliarities, or even an ontline of the social, political, and econojnic character- istics of the country. Those few who do know anythinf,^ of the Colonies are generally either those who have friends resident in them or who have business relations with them which necessitate some knowledge of Colonial affairs. Nor is the reason of this indifference far to seek or difficult to understand. To the individual Briton the Colonies are totally uninteresting, because he has no immediate interests bound up in them ; and to the l^ritish public collectively they are totally uninteresting, because they in no direct way affect the wealth or strength of England. As the result of this feeling we have the fact that many of the leading minds of England would be in favour of allowing the Colonies to drift asunder from the Mother C^ountry, that most would be inclined to allow matters to go on as at present, and that few, if any, would favour such changes in the system of governing as would draw the connection more closely. Kecognising such a condition of things, TMPKKIAL rEl)i:il.VTl()X the roiKl(4' ]ii!iy ))('r]i;ips ask, ' W'liat "^'ood cini !)(' ,^?iiii<'cl bv (liscussiii<^' t\\{) (jucstioii of thr l^'cMleration of the Eni])ir(' ? ' It is the aim (,f llio follo\vin,L'" pa^^es to answer this (jucslion, aiul to siiow tJiat in thr futinv tlic wclfar* of l'in,L,dan(l and her C()h>nies must be intcr- (U'pendent. Hitherto, jis the J'hiipirii has ,i^n-o\vn, the ])oh"ti('al system of the JMiipire has )'emained stationary. 'J'lie accniisition of new territory and the .gradual growth of additional peopk's and societies has not been aecom- jKinied by a similar ,L>T(nvth and development of the political system of the JMn})ire. To draw a parallel fi'om animal life, we may say that, while the liurbs and various parts of th(? ()rL;anism have developed to a ])rodi,L;ions extent, the cerebro-spinal centre has reniained the same. In other words, the Empire of Ih'itain, as we see it to-day, consists of the Mother Conntry, and an appenda<^e of loosely- comuicted States in various conditions of dependence, or rather independence. And perhaps not the least ^'urious fact in this coiuicction is that those States that are the lar<(est, wealthiest, most populous, and most likely to be of value to the Mother Country are precisely those that are most independent. And there can be no doubt that under the B 2 4 A SCHKMI-: i'Uli prcsv'iit p(ilitic-al system of the pjiipiro this iii(l('p('ii(l('uc(' of each Colony will iiienuise with its wejih.h aiul popuhition. It cannot h(^ otherwise, rndoiihtedlv there exists in the Colonies a wvy strong" sentiment of affection and lov(> to the Mother C()unti"\', which has held them t(),L;(.'ther, and will continue to hold them Ion*;' jifter a consideration of material interests would jidvise a different course. There is more of an Imperial feelinL*', and more love for the ideal Empire amoni^- Colonists than is to he found in the ^Mother Country. Colonists are proud of hein«^' British suhjects ; they are proud of the historical traditions of En,L;land, proud of her freedom, of her states- men, of her hterature, of her wealth, and dee[)ly loyal to her Queen. It must not he fori^otten, too, that to a very ^i^-reat iiumher of Colonists there is some one 'little j^Teen s])ot ' of the old country that is particularly dear and sacred, if not from personal recollec- tion, then hy tradition as the place where ' father was horn,' or where ' mother ' lived hefore she ' came out,' or perhaps where the more pretentious 'family' originally came from. All these and kindred sentiments are important factors, as helpin<4" to maintain the connection hetween the Colonies and the old IMPEIUAT. FEDEIJATIOX r coniitry, and only those wlio know tlio Tolonios can know liow iiiiportimt thcst; factors ai'c. Tho Knolisli public is very apt to lonk upon Colonists as to a certain extent foivi.^iicrs, and to lose si^iit of the fact that they are in reah'tv just such as they ai'(^ themselves — sprun.u from the same stock, inheritin,^- the same ti'a- ditions, and animat(>d with the same jiational s])irit. ]3ut no matter how stron^i;- these sen- timents and ^.elini^-s may he, it must he l^ornc' in mind that after all they are oidv senti- nients, and in the natural eourse of affairs, when the material interests of th(^ Colony I'un counter to these sentii]ients, it camiot he otherwise but that these sentiments should s^ive way. As pointed out above, 1 believe that the sentimental regard of the (\)lonies for the Mother Country, the love of Colonists for the ideal Empire, is so strong that material interests will frequently be saeriliced to this feeling, the eonneetion between the ['olonies and the Mother Country being msiin- tained long after a thoroughly dispjissionate ^iew of the case would reeonnnend separation. Hut as the developinent of nations goes on diere must ultimately be reached a poiiit vhen the tension becomes too great to be )orne ; when the sentimental feelings will be A SCIIKMI-: FOR :rioro Lhnn PounLorl) ilanccd by i\w iiiat(»rijil interests; when to iiuiintMiii the. connection would mean ruin and rnisc^ry tor th(^ (Colony, while s(^j)a.ration would hrini^ wealth and hap piness. Let us state a case exi^niplilyin^ this. in all likelihood within the next fifty years t!ie population of Caiiiida, will have ^n'own to 1 weiily-liv(^ or thirty millions. 'riiere will have heen, of course, a concomitant increase ill the wealth of the country. Is it possibles that Canada will then he ahk^ to stand in the position that she now holds towaids i^Ji^land? In the event of b^n.^laiid's ^oin^i^ to war with any Continental nation Canada would innne- diately heconjc an object for the attack of that nation ; she would F'lHpn're to defend herself; to ])luii.L,^e into all th(* heavy expendi- ture re(piii'ed in moder?! warfare, and would be"(% and all this, not from an>' rpiarrel of lier own, not because she had decid(»d to u;() into war, ])ut sin>])ly because she is [)art of tho J^ritish Kmpiro. Or a,<.,^ain, we nn'«^ht easily conceive tlie ])ositi()n to be reversed : tliat some forei<^ni l*ow(»r had not obs(^rved a cf^rtain treaty ; that. th(^ infraction of tliis treaty aflected Canadian interests very much more than Knglish in- IMPLRfAL FEDEUATIOX i,(>rests ; tliat Kh^HmikI refused to eiiforrc oh- sc^rvfinco of tlu! trcMty ; jiud ms CmiukIm is a Colony without power either to ninke treaties or to enforce their ohs(>r\'aiiee, CuuMda would simply have to saerifiee her interests nnd suhniit to whatever the loss or hunn'li?ition ini.i^ht he in order to ninintain the connection with the Mother Country. J5ut is it reason- ahle to suppose that m, country wealthy and pow(>rful as Canada would h(» under this sup- posititious case could exist in a position so dan«,^er()us to her well-l)ein«^and so huniilijitin<^' to lier aivour-projfrc ? We think not ; a-rul we tliink it will he ecpially clear to any one who will realise to himself the position sup- posed that (!anada would he impelled to follow one of two courses, (uther to ohtaiii nde(jUa,te representation in the councils of the hhnpire, or to become entirely separated from the hhnpire. As a develo])ment of ilu) present (V)l()nial policy the latter is the only cours(> that would be possible. Jnd(HMl, without lookincr so hir into the* futures, as in the above case, we thiid< it will become apparent, on considering*- the (>)lonial })olicy of the Empire, that ^n-owth and develo))- nient of the Colony can result oidy in separa- tion from the Mother Country. The various 8 A SCHEME Foil stn, . s in the political ^n'owth of a Colony art; somewhat as follows: — In the first instjince we have a <^'overnor a])pointe(l hy her Majesty, assisted h y a council of thrcv or four incnilu'rs, prohahly the heads of the naval and nnhtiirv force stationed at the place, and who are niemhers cv-officia. In the next sta.i^e the council is auf^mented hy the addition of a few local men also appointed hy her Mjij(>sty. As the Colony ^^rows the ])eo})le are ^rantc'd the privilege of electin<:»' some memhers of the conncil — perhaj^s ahout a third of the entire numher — the remainder hein^i^" appointed hy her Majesty. At a further sta^c a le<(islative asr,end)ty is added, entirely elected hy the people, with a council, partly elected and partly nominated as a second chand)er ; and the fully-developed stage is reached when we have hotli chamhers el(H*ted hy the people (with a difference in the franchise), and the (jovernment carried on by a governor (ap- pointed by her Majesty), and a cabinet com- posed of members of either of the legislative chambers ; or we have, as in Canada, a House of Commons elected by the people, and a Henate Chamber, nominated by the governor in council, constituting the Parliament, the council being the Government of the day, and IMrKlUAL FEDERATION 9 composod of TiKMiibcrs of tho SiMiato and Par- liament similar to the (lovcrniiKMit of I'ln^dand. in these various sta^'es we may see that the direction of the ^n'owth of the ))olitic.il system of the Colony is towards a system that will he perfect in itself, aj)art from any other political system of the l^]mpiro. There is no tendency for the pohtical system of the Colony to hecome ultimately end)raced in the political system of the Mother Country. Quiti^ other- wise. The channel of communication between the two, and the otlicial representation of the one to the other is absolutely the same in the Hrst stage as in the last, and is relatively much snialler and more imperfect in the last stage than in the first. The little desert rock in mid-ocean and the vast territory containing many provinces are on the same footing as regards representation in the Imperial JAii'lia- ment : for the one as for the other the 01 dy ofiicial channel is through a governor in counnunicatioii with the Colonial Secretary. Tlie inconveniences arising from this want of representation have been felt, and it has been attempted to obviate them by the appoint- ment of an ' agent ' for the Colony, one who represents some English or ^i^cotch consti- tuency in the House, and who undertakes also lO A SCIIEMK FOn to advocate the cause and represent the vitnvs of some particular Colony. Such representa- tion as this, however, is of hut little value, as the a^^ent is not responsihle to the ('olony (in a political sense), and merely renders his services in c-onsideration of his salary. Nor can the expression of his sentiments have much wei,L,dit in th(> House. He may he ahle to afford interestin<^' information in re^^ard to the Colony he represents; hut on {iny (pu'stion arisin.!,' on which a vote mi^dit he taken, he would be bound to vote in accordance with the interests of the constituency he represented, and not in accorc^ance with the interests of the Colony, should these interests at the time be different. In like manner the formation of an advisory board, composed of Colonial re- presentatives that should advise the Colonial Secretary on matters affecting' the Colonies, as proposed by Sir Julius Yo^el (in the ' Nine- teenth Century ' for July, IcSTT), is open to <;rave objections. It would be a feature out of harmony with the principle of government by elected representatives ; it is difficult to see how such a board could be politically responsible to the Colonies it represented, and it is still more difficult to see how such a board could exert any influence over the IMPFJUAL FEDERATIOX i i C'olonial Socretary in che event of his ehoos- iii*,' to disre^^ard its advice. Indecnl, Sir Julius \'()«,^el himself proposes siieh h. hoard as a merely temporary arran<(ement, re('o«^iiisin«4- the fact that perfect representation of the ('()loni(>s can only he effected hy the popular election of men to serve in the Imperial Par- liament. But representation of the C-olonies in the present rarliament of Kn«>land would not he henelicial. The greater number of the measures brouf,dit before the House of Com- mons is of a purely local nature, :-jnd it \\ould be quite out of phice that Colonial lepresenta- tives should have a voice in the discission of these. The only chamber to which Colonial representatives could be admitted, and in wliich their presence would be desirable, would be one in which the matters deliberated upon were as distinct from the local affairs of the Mother Country as they were distinct from the local affairs of the Colonies. It must be the supreme chamber of the Empire ; the apex of the political system to which all the lower chambers must lead up. But of such a chamber there is not as yet even the germ. There has been no attempt made, and there seems to be no desire to make the attempt, to separate local from Imperial affairs in English 12 A SCHEME FOI? ])Lirliamentary government. The present Par- liaiiient of En,i^'lan(l is nominally the chief chamber of the Empire, and this Parliament, with regard to the rest of the Em])ire, can be looked upon as none other than a local parlia- ment. 13y no expedient short of representa- tion by election could a chamber be constituted that would afford adecpiate rei)resentation to the Colonies ; such a chamber means the formation of an Impericil Parliament in which all parts of the Empire would be representc.'d, while to local parliaments would be relegattnl the local affairs of the various localities. Tn another chapter I shall discuss more fully the relative positions of the Imperiiil and local parliaments, but in the meantime it may be well to point out here how the establishment of this Parliament would concentrate the whole vast Empire in one chamber. As each (Colony grew and developed, it would not grow as now towards independence and rivalry of the Mother Country, but simply towards repre- sentation in the Imperial Parliament. When it became sufficiently large and important, it would be admitted into the federation of the Empire. Its representatives would iiave their proportionate share in moulding the policy of the Empire, and its population would contribute IMPEIMAL FEDI'lliATIOX j; H ])iT)porti()iKite share towards maintaining- the Empire. Tiie Mother Country and the Colony would event mihy «^ain strenj^th and support, the one from the oth(n\ Now, the Colonv is a present source of weakness and expense, and a future soui'ce of rivahvto the Mother Country, whilt> the Mother Country, after a certain sta<4e of "growth has been rea(;hed by the C()h)ny, ceases to he any support, and may become a soui'ce of dan.i^er and disaster to tlie Colony, Thou^-h the formation of such a Federal Parhament is new to Eno'land it is (puite in accorchmce with the pohtical ^L^'enius of the Hiij[)ire. In the dominion of Canada now may be seen a system of confederation such as would be apphcable to flu' whole Empire. Here in each province, Ontario, Quebec, New lirunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward IsLmd, Manitoba, and British Columbia, there is a k)cal parliament mider a lieutenant- governor entrusted with the mauao-eiueut of the local 'itl'airs ; while, embracin,<>- all these, and composed of men from all these provinces, there is the Dominion Parhament to which is entrusted the nuina,L;-ement of f-'enei'al or Dominio]! matters. Tiiere is in the jior'-west WW example of the undeveloped p^'ovince too snuill to enjoy representation by election, but 14 A SCHEME FOR under ihv ^^oveMMiiiiciit of a lit'iilcnant-f^cn'onior and 51 noniinatod council. 'J\) ])ara]lt«l this system in the J^jupire at lar^e we should liave a local ])arhani(Mit for Kn«;la]id (Scotland and Ireland also if need be), local parliaments for sojiie (.'olonies, a governor and council for others, while over all and superior to all would he the Federal Parliament, composed of men elected from (Ireat Britain and such of the Colonies as had grown to sufiicient size and importance. Under such a supreme chamber the growth and develoj^ment of each Colon • would culminate in representation in thai chamber. Under the present system the growth and development of each Colony can culminate only in separation from the Mother Country. And we think it is the intuitive per- ct'ption of this fact that accounts chiefly for the indifference of Englishmsn to tlie growth of the Colonies. That the development of the Colony is paralleled by its tendency to separate from, and become independent of, the Mother Country we have many evidences constantly coining forward around us. The establishment of the Supreme Court of Canada may be taken as one of the' o. In this case it w as found abso- lutely necessary for the material interests of IMPEUIAL FKDKKATIOX I 5 the couiitrv to estiil)lisli a suprciiu' court in the couutiT, from wliosc dccisioiis thorc should ho 110 appeal to auy other ti'ihunal. The right of appeal to tlie Judicial Committee of the Pi'ivv Council was found to he frauLiht with so many inconveniences and hurd(Mied with so heav\' a cost that it was a ri«^ht only to he enjoyed by the richer classes, and a tlu'eat of an a])peal to this court would he sulHcient to niaivc a man of limited means give up his case ratlier than incur what must necessarily he a very heavy outlay. I'he estahlishment of the Su])reme Court of Canada was the outcome of a po|)ular necessity, as it was found practically impossible to carry on the judicial system without it. But what is the result of this? It se])arfites the judicial system of the Colony from that of the INfother Country ; it is but one step on the road towards the disintegration of the iMnpiri'; and though as yet the separation in not com- ])lete, as there remains still the right of ap))e?ii- iiig either to the Judicial Coniniittee or to tlu; Supreme Court of Canada, yet tliere can be JU) doubt that as the country dc^'t^lops and gr'.)ws, even this niodilication will be n^moved and the right conihied to the Supreme Court of Canada. The same necessities that called the court into being in the lirst instance will i6 A SCHILMK FOR ultijnatcly bar the right of appeal to the Privy CoiiuciL' Again, in the niihtary system of the developed Colony we find the disintegrating forces at work. In Canada the whole burden of the military system is now borne by the (Jolony. The troops that have to be maintained, and which number about 30,000 men (in 1875 number of militia trained '2(S,.S45), are main- tained entirely by the Colony. There are still some two regiments of Imperial troops retained in Hahfax, but these, as Sir Francis Hincks has shown ('Nineteenth Century ' for May, 1S7(S), are so retained to subserve an Impc^rial necessity, and for the convenience of the Ini])erial authorities, and not for the pur- pose of defending the Colony. Of course we do not contend that the troops re(]uired for Caiiada should be maintained in any other manner but by the Colony, so long as the exist- ing Imperial pohcy obtains. It would be absurd to expect that the British taxp^iyer should pay for troops to garrison and support a Colony from which he neither nationally nor ' Tlie ri^'lit of appeal from the Supreme Court of Canada to the .ludicial Committee of the Privy Council has been esta- ))lislic(l, wiih this moilitication, that after a case has been heard by the Supreme Court leave has to be obtained to appeal to the Privy Council (G. C. C, iS'Jii). IMPEIJIAL IKDEKATIOX i; pfrsonnlly derives any beiuvfit, and ))arti('nlarly wlicn the Colony is qnite able and willing- to assunie this ex])(Mise herself. Coloiu'sts see this at once, and \villin,L;ly assume the burden of the military expense. Tlie result of this is immediate and direet. The Inipt'i-ial and Colonial military systems are completely sepa- rated. There is established in the Colony an army of trained scjldiei's that will .i^row witli th(^ <^n'o\vth of the Colony, and which in an- other Hity years may, and probfibly will, attain to a very lar^e size, and which army is entii'clv beyond Im})erial control, and may Ix.* us(>(l for any purpose. V\'e do not hei'e mean to hint, as the words nn'^lit imply, that there is e\'en the remotest likelihood nf the army being used to li,i;ht a.gainst the Alotlier Country. Know- in,i^- the intense lovaltv to the Mother Country that exists in the Colonies, it is moi'e than probable that the lirst i^'reat war in which tiie Colonial army will see service will be in tbe defence or assistance of the ^lother Counti'y. The offer of Canadian troops to assist bhi,^- land in the event of an An,<;'l()-Jiussian Wiir bears out this view ; but it also incidentally shows how C()m})lete alreiidy is tlie separali(/n of the Imperial and Colonial militaiy systems. The offer conies to Enral ^a)od would reijuire the adoption of some measures that would put the countiy in a clear and definite position heforx; the world. Either she nuist hecome truly one with the Empire of Britain, with the pi'oper voic(^ and weiglit in th'_^ councils of the iMnpire that this oneness infers, or she nnist cease to he part of the Empire. We do not tluidv that, ultimately, there can he any ria iiivdia hetween these two I.MPEin.Vf, FKI)i;i{ATK)X 21 (•(fursos, and niulcr tlio prosoiit political system ;lu' hitter is the only course that would he |)(;ssil)le. No d()ul)t Ix'fore this ultiiuiiti^ position was i-eaclied iutenuediate positions would be adopted to smooth over dilliculties as they arose, hut it must hi; admitted that I lie position to wliich the (.^olonies are drift- iii.L(, consideriu'^ the iriilitary aspect of the case, and under the present political systeiu of tlie hhn])ire, is that of complete separation from the Mother Country. A,'-(ain, there is a tendency towards sepa- ration when we consider the treaty-making^ ])()W(U-. (nder the present Imperial political system, a Colony has no power to make treaties with other nati(jns ; no matter how immediately and dei^ply her interests may he affected, she can oidy make treaties with other nations throu<^h the Imperial authorities, and the only oflicial channel of communica- tion with t\w Impcu'ial powers i« through the j^overnor, in communication with the C(>l(mial Secretary. For the small and nndeveloped Colony this is suflicient. Her local interests occupy so small and insignificant a position in the international questions of great Powers that any Imperial treaty completely ignores such interests. As the Colony grows, however, 22 A SCHEME FOR local intorcsts fi;Yow in importance, and ulti- mately thrust themselves forward as factors that caimot he i<^niored. The Colonists feel that in the makin<^ of treaties in \^hich the vital interests of the Colony are lar^^ely affected, it is absolutely necessary for the well-bein',' of the connnunity that those interests should he properly represented and advocated, and they can only be so represented by men whose per- sonal interests are bound up with the Colony — that is, by Colonists. Colonists would feel it as an intolerable injustice if a treaty should be drawn up with a neighbouring Power which would materially affect their personal well- being without any reference being made to themselves in the matter. No doubt such injustice has been done in times past, and has been submitted to, while the Colony was too insignificant to bring pressure upon the Mother Country. But with the growth of the Colony there comes a time when such injustice would produce a stiain that might cause rupture. The Mother Country sees this, and temporarily smooths over the difficulty by allowing Colonial representatives to have a seat at the treaty board. Here, again, however, these representatives are admitted more as the plenipotentiaries of iMP^^rjAi. iEin:itATi()\ ;i foHM.Ljn Power th;in as n^prosoiitat ivcs who have* ail iiilu'rcnt ri,i^ht to be heard — the ri,L;lit (.f all parts of the JMiipii'c to have a voice in the <^^overiiin,Lj of the Mnipirt!. And this pi'iii- ciple of representation l>y plenipotentiaries hein;^' once ^^n'anted and adopted, we think it will be admitted that the wei^dit and effect (-f such reprcjsentrition will l)e proportionate lo the importance of the Colony, and that as the Colony develops a lar*^a'r share will be chiimed in the injikin.^ of treaties in which the Colonial interests are at stake, the final sta^^* of which development is, when the Colony claims the right to in[ike treaties without reference to the Mother Country, and this means separation. There are many practical examph^s tliat could be cited, and which will occur to many, of the growth of this principle of rei)resentation by plenipotentiaries. Thus, at the time of the drawing up of the Ashburton 'I'reaty in LS:U, which lost to Canada greater part of the IState of Maine, Canada, or, more projun-ly, Xew^ Brunswick, was uiu'epresented at the treaty board, except through her governor, in correspondence with the Colonial Secretary, and there can be little doubt that the blunders and injustice committed by that treaty wer(^ mainly traceable to the want of proper repre- 24 A sciiKMi-; roii s(Mit;iti()ii of the local iiit d'c^sts of the ( 'oloiiy. A'_;"ain, at, the drawing" u[) of the TriNity of \\'asliiii,L;toii ill Isj-J, in wliicli the question of the ('Miiaihaii h'isheries Wiis involved, ^^e tiiid that local iiittM'c^sts hiul so ^towh in import- ance tliiit th(\\' could no l()U<4'er he overlooktid \)\ the Imperial aiitlioriti4*s, and Caniida was represented l)y a |)lein"pot(Mitiaj'y appointed by the Canadian (iovin'uinent ^\hose special mis- sion it was to advocate tli(» pro[)er reco'^nition of Canjidian interests. Still more was this pi'ineiple n*co<_;-nis(>d in tht^ appointnjent of the Halifax Coimnissio!i which sat in l!ST7 to decide tht* (.'auaditm h'ishei'ies (]U(»stion, where ('an;ida had an e([uai voice with England and the United States, and a lari^xdy preponder- Htin,i( inlluence when we eonsidcn* the appoint- ment of covmsel. It is not a little si^i^niticant, too, that in this last ease, the only inter- national tribunal at which (Canadian interests ha\o been adequately represented by Canadian I'epresentatives, the decision for the first tinu* in any dispute, as bet\ve(Mi Canada and the United States, was favourable to Canada, thus emphasisin,i>" the value of due representation ()f local interests in the settlement of Imperial questions, Thas we see that with an increase in the I'v, iMPEiMAL i'i:nr:KATiox 25 woaltli niid poiJiilalion of Ji Colon}', tliorc <^^()i's a (•orrt'S])ou(liii,L;" dccivasc in t\w str(Mi.L,'tli of the tics to the ?sl()llu'i- Couiitrv. Instead of {in expansion of the political system of the Mother ( 'oniitr\' that would (Mnhriice the Colony, there is a devlopment of the political system of the Colony that renders it independent of the Mothei' Country. And this separation do(^s not arise from a desii'e on the part of the Colonies to he sepai'att> from the -Mother Country, nor yc^t from a desire on the part of the Mother Country to throw off the Colonies, hut is simply the only possihle result that can follow under the present political system of the ]^im])ii'e. Under the present system there is no possihility of a true extonision of the Km])ire. Kn.^'land may acquire Colonies, as she hiis done, and hold them for a time, hut the <^i'()wtli and development of these Colonies nnist he continuous steps towards separation. As the fcn'e^'oing analysis we think has shown, their ultimate development, considered under various aspects, means complete separation from the Mother Country. At no sta>^*e in the political life of the Colony is there any ten- dency to become merG;*ed in the political life of the Empire at lar<^-e, but at every stage we can mark a step towards separation from the 26 A SCIIEMl': FOR Mother (Country. Nor can it be otherwise. The political f^^enius of the Anglo- Saxon races reffuires that the government should be car- ried on by the representatives of the people elected by the people. But there is no njoiii for the representation of the Colonies under the present Imperial system. To add Colonial members to the present English House of Connnons, and to require men from various far distant parts of the Empire to vote aiid s})end their time in listening to debates upon all the local matters belonging to England, Scotland, and Ireland, would be absuid. Equally absurd is it to imagine that the pre- sent House of Commons of Great Britain can ever be the true Parliament of the Empire, the chamber in which w^ould be found the concentrated opinion and will of the Empire. A parallel to this might be seen if it were attempted to make the local Legislative Assembly of Ontario, containing only repre- sentatives of Ontario, the Parliament of the Dominion of Canada ; or if it were attempted to make the local Legislative Assembly of the State of New York, containing only repre- sentatives from the State of New York, the Congress for the United States of America. But just as in the Dominion of Canada there IMPERIAL FEDERATIOxX 27 is one Dominion Parliament superior to the local legislatures and containing representa- tives from all the provinces in the Dominion, and just as in the United States of America there is one chief Congress superior to all the State assemhlies and containing representa- tives from all the States of the Union, so in the British Enipire — if the Empire is ever to be truly one — there must be a chief Parlia- ment of the Empire, superior to all the local parliaments of the various countries, pro- vinces, and Colonies composing the Empire, and containing representatives from various parts of the Empire. We cannot see that any scheme short of this would be in accord with the political genius of the peoples composing the Empire. We do not mean that every Colony, great or small, as we find them at present, should be at once given representa- tion in the Imperial Parliament, but that as each Colony grows in strength and importance, it should ultimately be granted such repre- sentation, and thus be embraced in the Empire. Any Imperial system of governing that lacks this fundamental principle of representation of the Colonies in the chief Parhament of the Empire contains the germ which, when developed, must break up the Empire ; and, m 28 A SCmiME FOR liowcvcr .^rcai, iiiay b(? the difliciiltics in tho way of toi'iiiiii'-;" this cliicf P[irlijiiiu'nt, we iriust eitli'.T (leal with tlicsi' dillicultics, or aci'cpt the {ilt(>niati\<' of sccini,^ in the near future; the lMiii)lr(' of Drit.iin broken up, and the pre- sent Colonies constituted as independent and ])0\verful n;itions. l)efore closin^i^- this chapter T will briefly sketcli tbe coiKhtion of the; Ein))ire under one chief Imperial Paiiianient, and point out some of the chan,L^('s that would l)e necessary if the fcdeiaiion of the 'hnpire were ever to be an accomplished fact. Tlie oiu) ^reat principh; which must form the ^i^i'oundwork of tlie n;- (pii^-ed clian,^'es is the separation of local from national or lm))erial interests. In a truly unilied hhnpire the Imp(>rial Parliament should be enlireh' su|)erior to the local affairs of anv one j);n't of the l^mpire. The local affairs of (Ireat Ih'itain should have no more ])lace in the Impei'ial Parliament than have the local aH'aii's of Canada, or Australia. The Imperial J'arliament should deal only with the affairs of the hhn[)ire at lar^e. In the so-called Imperial Pailiament at ])resent, however, it is far otherwise, moie than two-thirds of the ineasures dealt with havin<^ reference to purely local matters, in which the rest of the Empire i IMPEIMAL FKDI'IIATIOX 29 is no more interested tlian tlie peoj)l(> of Eii^dfind would l)e inte;este(l in the extension of the water-system of the City of Winnipe.i^-. The Hrst chan.i'-e woidd l)e the separal ion of local alTairs from Impei-ial affairs, and this could only he effected hy the formation of local parliaments for (Jreat r>ritaiii and li-e- land. To these pai'liaments should he left tlie mana.i'-enient of all local husiuess, such as education, sanitary inspecfion, railway i-e^rda- tion, li(juor (juestions, licensin,^-, trallic laws, and all the Innidi'ed and one other local matters that at j)resent clo.i,^ the inachiiieiy of the Imperial Parliament. These parliaments would he under a lieutenant-,!^o\i'rnor, oi- viceroy (as in Ireland), who would he ap- pointed hy the Queen, with the advice of her ministers, these nn'm"stei>; hein,^- chosen from the Impei-ial Parliament, 'i'he lni))erial Pai'- h'ament woidd deal with all intciiiational, inter-colonial, and Imperial mattei's. It would he composcul of men sent fi'om various ])arts of the I'hnijire, and would he formed on the same i)rincij)les as at pi-es(>nt. As the local aifairs of (li-eat 13ri[ain and Ireland would no lon«(er have a place in this cha!id)ei-, it would be unnecessary to liave so c()ni[)lete a icpi-e- sentation of eacii lucaliLy, and therefore tin,' 30 A SCHEME FOR number of members might be considerably less than at present, and still leave an adequate representation of England, Scotland, and Ire- land, and a proper preponderance over the Colonial members. Under such a parliament as this the whole Empire would be held together. This would l)e the central point from which would emanate the supreme controlling force to every part of the Empire. To this parliament every Colony as it grew in wealth and strength would bring its support and health. England would not then look with an indifferent eye at the growth of the Colonies, but their developnit^it and extension would be of as innnediate import- ance to her as is the development of the wealth of an English comity. The Empire of Britain would then truly be an ' Empire on which the sun never sets,' and an ]\m])ire vast and powerful such as the sun never shone on before. Boundless resources would be con- tained within herself, every conceivable want could be supplied from her own territory, while at the same time she would have at her call armies so vast that the whole world would stand in awe of the might of England. Eor such results as these would it not be desirable to carry out a federation of the Empire ? I IMPERIAL FEDERATION ;t In another chapter I hope to he al)le to show, from an economical point of view, the practical henetit that wonld result hoth to h:n-]and and the Colonies from the ad()i)ti()n of a federal system. CHAPTER TI S()^rE ton years a^-o, if we reineinl)or ri.i^-litly, Air. John 13ri<^lit iiindc a sei'ics of viLjoi'ous spccclies embodying- advice and counsel to tli(> workin.!,^ classes of (In^at Britain. lie pointed out to them the nn"stake they wei'e coninn"ttin<4- in crowding- into cities and en- .i>a<^-in,^- in mechanical jiiid manufacturino- work, to the ne.i^iect of a.^riculture. The burd(Mi of his advice was: 'Go hjick to the land.' He ])ointed out how much of the land of Cli'eat Britain and IVeland was still lviner forests and grouse moors, which, if cultivated, would maintain directly many thousands, and the produce of which would cheapen the necessaries of hfe to many * thousands more who work(>d in cities. He even propounded a scheme for pur(diasin,i( these waste hinds from their present pro- prietors at compulsory rates, in order to ,i,dve them hack to the ])eo})le. Xo doubt Mr. Bright was ri«^-ht in the A SCHEME VOW IMPEK'IAl. FEI>Ei{ATION ^^^ advice he ^avo, and inuch of the forciiiL,' of trade and over-i)rodii('ti()n of maiiufactiu'es whicli has resulted in the present conmiercial stagnation and dis()r«^anisation of the hihour market, would have heen avoided had the mass of the people ,i>()ne back to the land. lie clearly foresaw the dangers that lay ahead, and he ri«^htly pointed out the sale course to be followed. 'J'he error that he fell into was in directin.i^* the jx'ople to the un- cultivated lands of (In^at Hritaiii, as though these were the onl\' uncultivated lands that the Empire possessed. Thou.L-h these lands are waste lands in an a<^ricultural sense, they are not so from an aesthetic or even an economic point of view. They are the recrea- tion grounds of the wealthy classes of the Ihnpire, and are for this reason of high value. To take these lands in a compulsory manner from their owners and split them up into farms would create evils far greater than Vvould be cured by that process. It would disorganise rather than consolidate society. The lands to which the people should go are not the parks and pleasure-grounds of Old I'higland, but the waste lands of the outlying parts of the Empire. When there are thousands of acres of magnilicent land lying unoccupied 1) 34 A SCHEME EOII and iihuschI, waitin*'', as it were, to l)o culti- vated to yield ample sustenance for vast j)()))ulati()ns, why interfere with the rights of property of a very lar^e class of the com- njunity hy such a measure as compulsory |)urchase ? These outlyin(>]iis ahsurd that, in an Kujpire such as that of 13ritain, it should he deemed necessary to ])roponnd any such scheme as that of pur- chasing- the deer parks and ,i>rouse moors of (ireat Britain for the purpose of cnltivation, while vast tracts of hetter land in nei^^hhour- in^^ parts of the Empire are left waste and totally unoccupied. Suppose, for example, that in the county of Kent there could not he found land enough for all those resident there who were willing* and anxious to engage in agriculture, while in Yorkshire there were vast tiacts of cultivahle land loiowHed and un- (■ccupied : would it not he the wiser policy to (Micouragc the people of Kent to move to Yorkshire and take up land there, rather than to attempt to make room for them in Kent hy the compulsory purchase of the parks and t!()W(^r gardens of the wealthier residents? Vet the same in kind, though differing in IMPKUIAL FEDEllATIOX 35 (Ic^reo, is the policy that would devise the coiiipulsoi'v piii'ehase of the deer i)arks and ,L;i'()Use moors of (ireat Britain, ^vhile in Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and various other parts of the Empire there are vast tracts of unoccupied land, ca[)ahle of ahsorhin,^' ten hundred times the surplus population of (JrcMit Britain. Surelv it would he the hetter policy to direct the people to these lands. But if the pressure of population in (Ireat 15ritain were to he relieved hy encouraging enii,L;ration to the Colonies, how would this henetit Kn^land ? Under the present Colonial policy emi^'ratioii to the Colonies means the permanent loss to En«^land of so many people. When an emi,L;rant leaves her shores he ceases to he availahle for her defence, and he is no lonj^er taxahle for her support. His departure certainly tends to reduce the hurden of pool- rates, and l)y his productive lahour in the new land whither he has gone he tends to cheapen the cost (jf the staple necessaries of life in I'j Inland. l>ut these effects would he pro- duced (piite as nnich whether he went t(^ Canada or to the United States : whether he went to another part of the Empire or to a foreiiJii countrv. The fact that he leaves England is the only fact in which England is D -' 36 A sciiKMi': roR iutorostcd : wiuM'e lu^ ^^oes to is of hnt lit lie couseqiKMice, ns in anv ('}is(» ho. is lost to En^^laiid. In this wav lie (liffo-s from Mic lal)our('r who moves from Kent to Voiksliirc, under tlic supposititious case stated, foi* this mi^T.ition does not reihu-e the population of the nation, and directly increas(^s tlu^ national wealth, in <'onse(pience of the lahour l)e(*()niiii,L; more productive. M'Ik^ emi.Lfrant who i^oes to l.ii(^ ('olonies tends hy his lal)our to (levelo[) :ind enrich the Colony. And uiuler the present :>ystem of ,i;()vernin^ the Mmpii'e the L>i'owth :iid dt>velopment of a ('olony can only lesult i'l se])aration from the Mother Coimtjy. I have alnnidy pointed out that undiM- the present Imperial policy eveiT sta,i»e of de- selopnuMit in the life of a Colony is an ap- })roach towards s(^{)aration fi'om tlu^ Mother ( 'ountiy. 'rh(M"e is no possihility of the Colony heini;' ultimately (unhraced hy the political system of the Mother Country. Thus every tMni'''rant who leaves tlu^ Mother Couutrv and seeks a now home in a, Colonv, enrieluis and ny be vdom was 8,424,1)4-2. Their destinations were as follows : — L'nited States . . . 0.407.075 British North Aniorica . . I,rj49.010 Australasia .... 1,165, 0*28 Other plat'cs .... 24y,22V) 8,424,942 Thus, while P]ngland sent 5,407,075 ('mi- grants to develop and enrich a foreign Power, TMI'i:i:iAL FKDKlJATinN 39 she secured only "2,9.')7,8()7 for her own Colo- ni«'s. assuming" that the other phices are British possessions. Taking" the money vahie of these emi^'rants at 1,()()0 dollars apiece, as is ordinarily as- sumed in the L'nited States, we iind that tin y represent n sum of 5,407,()7'"),()()() dollars, m- id)out 1,1'J5,()()0,()()()/. sterlin*^-, that Kn.ulan(l has presented to the United States. This, spread over a period of sixty-two years, re- presents an annual ^ift of nearly 19,(X)(),0()()/. sterling. Is it surprisin*,' that, under such a system of assistance, the L'nited States should have prospered and grown at a rate that has amazed the world ? This injmense stream 01 emigration might, with the exertion of very little directive force, have heen used for the fertilising of the British Colonies. The Colo- nies are capahle of ahsorbing ten times this number and yet have room for more. The money value of these Colonists would have been added to the national wealth of Britain, instead of having been handed over to a foreign Power. But, doubtless, the reason of the inditference to the destination of emigrants from England is to be found in the fact that, under the present Colonial policy, the develop- ment of the Colonies means ultimately separii- 40 A SCHEME FOR tion from the Mother Country, and ii is felt that it matters Httle whether emigrants go directly to a foreign Power or to a part of th(^ I'hnpire which will ultimr.tely, and chiefly In' reason of the accession of these very emigrants, l)ecome a foreign Power. Perhaps it may even he argued that it is better to let these emi- grants go to a foreign Power that is already estaj)lished rather than to direct them to the ()land. A few figures will show to what a lai'ge extent England is dependent on outside coun- tries for the necessaries of life. Thus, the home-grown wheat crop of 1878, which was re])orted to be a full average, amounted to 11,-')(K),0()0 quarters. And in order to su})])ly the home market 18,000,0()() quarters would have to be imported from abroad.' In other words, England could supply less than one-half of the wheat required to suj^port her popula- tion. And it cannot be expected that tiif^re can in the future be nnich material increase in the quantity of w^ieat grown in the United Kingdom. Indeed, the tendency p-^ems to be rath(M' in the opposite direction, as from agri- cultural statistics it appears that, whereas in 1870 there were (in the United Kingdom) ^^773,f)()8 acres under wheat, in 1870 there were only 3,1'25,84*2 acres thus occupied, being a decrease of 648,8'21 acres. In 1877 again tbe acreage was about 3,'M)0,0()(), and in 1878 about 3,40(),(30().- ' In 1891 the home grown wheat crop was 0. 842,840 (juartcfs. wliile the wheat and wheat-Hour imported auiounteil to 8"2.;ir)<),77() cwt., or ahout 21.000.000 (inarters (G. C. C, 181)."/ 1. •' In 1891 the total acreage under wheat in the I'nitod Kmg(U)m had decreased to '2,o88,001 (Ci. C. C, 189')). 42 A SCHEME FOR A comparison of the values of food imports for the years 1870 and 1(S7() shows how starthn^ly lar<^*e is the sum that En<^land pays to other countries for the common necessaries of Hfe, and how rapidly this sum is increasin*^'. The followin<^- tahle gives the values of the various articles imported in the respective years . 1 1H70 IH7G Eoreij^n stock (live and (load) . Corn, Hour, iuid <,'riiin of all kinds . . . . . liuttc" Clit't'se . . . . . 1"^%'« 7,656,006 iy,0y0,455 84,or>4,6r>7 6,7'Ja,877 ;{.-274,:j;}1 1,102,080 51,r>34,648 9,702,6-24 4.2ol,4'28 2,010,2i]l 52,881,551 I 87,12i),:}86 111 1877 the total value of the ahove articles imported was U0,87i),737/., the value under the heading ' corn, Hour, &c.,' having risen to 0:J,19-2,'2t24/. Taking the population of the United King- dom at the foP jwin^^' figures : — 1H70 1876 1877 81,205,000 83,098,000 88,446,000 we find the value of the ahove food importa- ' The value of foreign food imported, enibracing a more ex- tensive list of articles than that given in the tv^xt, has risen from 121,148,798/. in 1876, to 151,288,788/. Ui 1891. bee WhifuLci'a Aitnanuck, 1895 (G. C. C.;. L>]ri:KlAI. FKDI-KATIOX 43 tions per head of the poj)ulali()n to })(■ as follows : — J. ^ In 1870 . . . . \ Vi m In ]87t) . . . . "^ 12 7' ill 1H77 . . . . 2 17 11 ' The inrrcdsc in tlu^ value of the food im- ports of 1(S70 over that of ISTO ainoiiiits to :> 1,*247,*S:];5/. And this increase corresponds to an increase in the population of 1,niented by an accompanying decrease in home production. On examinin<'- the a,L;ri- cultnral statistics for LSTO and l.S7(j more closely this will be found to be the case. The followin*^- table shows the acrea<>c^ vnider tbe various crops for the years 1870 and 1870 respectively, and the acrea,i^e per head of popu- lation for eacdi year ' : — ' The iieroa^'e per liead of tlio popnliition for the \eir IS'JI is as follows (population, o7,880,00Ul : — 44 A sciiKMK von — _ -^ ._ _ 1H70 Acri's |i(>r licail lit l'ii|illl:it;(iii 1878 A'T's iirdir 1 AlTOS 1 Acri's .\''r<'s jiC!' hi'.iil III l'(lIMl|:lt;(i|l Wlici.t . P.Milcy . (»;Us ' . Teas . ;j,778,6(ia 1 2,()2;],7r,2 4.424.5:56 74.527 5;!9,9()8 iJ 18,(507 01-20 0084 0-141 0002 0017 0-010 :{.125.:542 2.702.20:5 4,298.722 04.951 528.55<» 295.012 0-094 008;; 0-1-29 0019 ()-01() O-OOS '['(.tu.! 11.755.05:5 0-:i7(5 11.074,840 o-;!;!i Thus the total Hcivu<;e iiiidcn* <^Tain crops (iiicludin*;- beans and peas) shows a decrease of (5S(),'2f)7 acres in ISTO as compared with h^TO. For each particular croj), except one (barley), there is less acrea--e in l.S7() tbaii tbciv WMS in 1870, and for each particular cro]), without exception, tbere is less acrea.^e per h(^ad of the population in LS7() tliim in 1S70. The decrease in the total aci(ni,i;-e H mounts to ()-04'2 acre per head of the p(.pu- "^ ■ " \\}uat .Vi'i'i'-. . 2.;588,(301 Ariv< per Ih'.m ui I'.itmiiirii.u o-00:j Jiavloy . 2.291,097 0-0()0 Oals . . 4.11:5.004 0-1 OS Beans 00.070 . ;558,844 0-001 o-ooo Peas . . 204.8(;(; 0-0('5 9.417,142 0-248 Thf i-G(lnc(ion in acreage under the above crop.s is verv stjilviii" ((i.e. C). IMPKIJIAL FEPERATIDX 45 l;iii<)ii. In 1877 tlio a('rono-(^ uiulc^r tin* iil)()V(' crops ainoiiiited to 1 1, l():j,l ; l)ut owiiiv to the iiicn-ase in the population the acrca-r per licad of the ))opnhition was only ()-:};5-J acre, hein,'^ a dccrcasi' of ()-()()-J acre per head as conipared with 1S7(). (h\ --oin;.;- l)ack a few years wt^tind that the fallino- off in the aerea,^-e is still niore reniark- ahle than that ahoV(^ (pioted, sh()win«< that the food products of Mn-Jand are steadily deercas- in.L;-, not only relatively to the population, ])ut ahsolutely. It is inipossi})le to <>et th()rou,Lrldv accurate ti,i»-ures on tliis suhject, hut the follow- in,^• for 1(S41 are taken from the ' Kncyelopa-dia J^ritannica,' printed in iSd'J, and are no douht ai)pr()xiniat(dy coi-rect. The ti<>ures are for EiKjkuul and Wdlen only. AiTcs Uliil(;l' ISll A CITS I IT Ai'i'iv-^ li.'iiil (ii {■^■7--> Pnlltllltidl) A CIVS AiTf^ (icr hi-iiil (if l'ii|iiil;itiiiii Whoat . .1 ;3,H()0.00() 0-'2m5 'J.OlTJfjr/ Ol'iO Jlarleyaiidryo I U()0,()()0 (HVA) '2.;{1().004 U-OUa (Jat8!iiulbea»,s I :J,000.000 0-1H7 2,>207,!^9'2 O'OUH 'J'otal . . ' 7,700,000 O'lHO 7.40'>,(>«)« 0-;5()H Population . : 16,0;}r>,198 24,244,010 Thus, in the thirty-five years from TS41 to 46 A SCIIEMK Foil 1^7^) the total ac-rca^e under wheat, 1)arl(\v, rye, oats, and beans has (/ccrcdscd by 2()4,'-V.\\) ;ici"es, whih' the poi)ulati(ni has inereased from li;,(m5,llKS to t24,i244,()l(). The acreage per head of the popuhition has deereased from ()• ISO acre per head in LSU to 0':K)8 acre in ]S7n ; a decrease of 0-17"J acre per head. It is very remai'kable to note that the acrea^'e under wheat per head of the popuhition in 187() is ahnost exactlvhalf of what it was in 1S41; hein«!' ()-l-J() acre in 1e extent on forei«^n countries for the necessaries of life. England seems to hav(^ reached the limit of her food- ])i"oducin^' capacity some years a<40, since which time any increase to her population must be maintairied entirely by forei<^n-<^'rown food. Jud^^'ing from tlie fore^'oin*^' statistics, it is prol)abl(^ that at the present time fully one-third of the population is thus maintained, and more than one-half is dependent on f(»rei,L;n-<^rown wheat for bread. I'nder such a condition of thino-s it would be extremely interestin^i;- and valuable to know' what the sur[)lus population of the United Kingdom numbers —that is, the number of IMTKIilAL FEDKIiATIOX 47 those persons wlio could be spai-ed from tlu> population, without impairin*^- the ' national etiiciency ' — those whose labour is not required in the United Kingdom, jind which, if trans- ferred to another part of the Empire, would be more pr()ductiv(^ and the wealth of tlie nation thus largely increased. For it nnist be apparent that is a completely false system of economy which, by charitable donations and otherwise, gives lar^-e sums of money for the purpose of iniporting food to maintain in idleness and semi-idleness lar<^-e numbers of l)tH)pl(; who, if transferred to other parts of the Empire, would be not only self-supportin,^-, but (under a federal system) lart^ely contribu- tory to the national wealth. Tufortunately, however, there are no statistics that will give information on this subject. Though, doubtless, the nund)erof such persons is very large, it can only be arrived at l)y conjecture. The statistics of pauperism will help towards forming an estimate of the nund^er. The nund)ers of pau- pers (exclusive of vagrants) for the United King- dom for the years 1870 and 187(3, together with their cost of maintenance, are as follows': — ' The number of panpors in the United Kingdom for the year 189;) was 1.020,00U/. ; this is a lar^'e increase in cost over the following ti;^Mu-es, the reason for which is not apparent (G. C. C). wfm 4S A Sf'lIKMK I'OII ■ 1 Niinilicr 1 1K70 . 1 1.271>,4l»9 e 9.;}G;{.797 9,195,008 l)ecruasc ai7.21U 228,739 The miinbers show a inarked diminutioii, th()U<4h the cost of niciiiiteiiaiice does not diminish proportionately, and the sum ex- pended still amounts to the very resp(H'tal)le li.t'ure of 9,l'i''>,()'"3S/., or o.v. Vu/. per head of the ,i>ross population. Tliis sum, however, is hut a portion of the innnense amount which is annually ex|)ended in England in jn'ivate and [)uhlic chu.'ities, in helpin.i;" to infiiutain iar.^c numhers of the people in semi-idleness. How lar^^^e this nund:)er liiay be it is impossibh' to say accurately, hut where we have a million paupers supported absolutely by taxes levied on the people, we may, we think, safely con- clude that there are at least twice as iriany moi'e wlu) are half su])[)orted by beg<^in^^ and charity, and who are valueless to the nation as workers, their labour bein^* insutUcient to sup- port themselves, and only having the practical ctfect of takin.g away work from another eipial number of people who would otherwise be fully employed. J. T]wsv thren million pcupj,. cost ihr. Cuit.vi Kin-dom for their support on the ahovc- sin>- position an .'iinmiil sum of 18,()()(),()()()/., whidi, capitMlised at four jh r cent., repnrsents : (•ai)ital sum of 45(M)()0,()()()/. [f these peopl W(MV transferred from the I'mted Kinodojh, where their lahour is not rcnpiired, to "son!- other j)art of the Kmpiic where they would l)t' self-supportni^-, and not only se]f-'supj)ort- in--, hut also producers, clearly the alxne animal outlay would he s.jved, and the national wealth increased hy a caj)ital sum equal t-. 4o(),()00,()00/. But thtM-e would not oidy he this saving effected, there would also he the direct gain on nccount of these peoph^ he- coming producers. The Uioney value ' an inimigrant to the nation whither he goes, wlien that nation has useful work for him t » do, is, as we have already said, ordinaiily assumed in the [Jnited States at 1,000 dollars, or 200/. per head. The transfer of these peopiti would therefore represent a direct increase to the national wealth of ()00,000,000/., whic:h, comhined with the saving effected, woidd re[)resent a total increase of 1,0-30,000,000/. All this, however, presupposes that the emigrant in leaving the United Kingdom aiid going to one of the Colonies does not hecoimt E 50 A sciiKMi: ron I; I lost to the British iKitioii — doos not hccoinc U'ss a suhject of iMi^laiid than if h(^ had coii- tiiiiiod to live in l*hi<^laiid — pi'esupposcs, in fact, that there is estahhshed thron.L-liont the Mmpire a federal system, that would nccord to each district, and to every suhjcM-t, n.o matter in what part of the l^npire he I'esidcd, similar political rights, privile,i>es, and resj)(;r.sil)ilities. Let us now consider* a few tii^ures in re,i>avd to the size and development of the ^reat Colonial dependeiu ies of (ireat Britain. Many of the figures are taken from a lecture delivered hy the Ki^^dit Hon, \V. K. I'orster on 'Our Colonial Empire,' in J^^dinhur^h, in 1.S75. First as to extent — Mi'::'i'i' Miliis Australia and New Zeiiliuul, alxmt . . o.lOU.OOO South Africa' -J'i.l.OOO Ncrth America ;5,;i:;().0()U T..t:il .... (j,07 .'),()()() While the extent of all J'lurope is only :),787,4()9 square miles. The a hove estimate also takes no note of the tropical possessions and the numerous smaller dependencies. The population for 1871 is given hy Mr. Forster as follows ' : — ' The population at the present time is as lollows : — Australia and New Zealand . . . 4.()OU,000 South Africa 2,000.000 North America (Canada and Xcufuundlandi 5,000,000 iiMTo.oob IMPFJJIAI. FEDKRArioX 51 Australia and New Zeal'^nd, aliout . . 2,000.000 Soiitli Africii Hr.O,0()0 Ni.rth America a,7rA),000 l\)tal .... «),000,0U0 It is, however, wlieii we consider the growth of the population, as Mr. I^'orster points out, that we are iin))ressed with the wonderful stren<^th and vitahty of the Colonies. Thus, in LS.jO the population recorded for the Colonies under consideration was : — Australia ami New Zoalan 1. iihout . . r>r>0.000 South Africa 4():J,000 North America 2.r>0(>.()00 Total .... ;j,4r>o.ooo showing an increase in twenty-one years at the rate of 1)1 per cent. Well may he ask, ' What will he the future increase ? ' On examining the agricultural statistics of the Colonies comhined with the statistics of population, we cannot fail to he impressed with the wonderful development that is taking place. Take those of Canada for the ye.ai's Tliouf,'!! the increase in population in these Colonies has Ijoeu satistactorv, it nnist be confessed that it has not been as rapid Hs seemed probable twenty years aj,'o. The ^'reat fall in the value of agricultural products that has taken place of late yeiirs (brought about by various complex causes) has had the effect of lowering the inducement to adopt an agricultural life in the Coloniep, and has checked the inflow of population. Doubtless, too. the adoption of high protective tariffs in most of the Colo- )ues has had a similar effect. E '2 A sen KM K rOR I' 'i l!Sil {Hid ISTI. 'riic stfitistics are not so full (»i* (•()nn)U't(' as tliost' that can l)c obtained for (Ircat Britfiin ; still, such as they arc, they serve foi' [)uri)()ses of comparison. In the lollowi)!*,^ table the 'acres under culture' rei)resent land that has been actually l)roken up and n^clainied from the wilderness : — a IMl 1871 Ontaiio . Quebec . Nova Scotia . New Bruns- wick . Manitoba, r. K. Island . n r i t i s h Coluuil)ia . I A'M'cs miller Acres mulcr I I'opnlatioii miuuv ropuliitioii CuUiuv 4or),()H8 i.Hi].4:n ' i.r)20,Hr)i H.ww.O'iC) 0U7,0.S4 '2.l»i r),70;{,U44 202.r)7r) ' 000,000 ;{H7,800 1,627,091 ir,(i,i(i2 4,704 47,042 i,r)(}3,2r)5 4;j"),H0i 4.041 ' 178,041 28r;,594 l,171.ir)7 12,228 ' 18.000 94,021 44o,10y 10,i586 ' 12,000 r),701,142 i 3,602,596 17,810,921 j Acreage per lieai* ot" j I Po])ulation . . ;]'646 acres 4*944 acres ' For the same years the corresponding sta- tistics for England and Wales are as follows : — Hii 1K71 Acreage under culture (includ- ing pei'manent pasture) . Population . . . . Acreage per head 28.749,000 16,030,198 1-792 29,709.249 24,244,010 1-221 Eatiiuated. iMi'i:i:iAL fi:i)i:i:ati()N 53 Thus, wliilc in I^ii^^laiKl in 1K41 tho acrea^(^ under culture amounted to I'j' acre per head of the population, in ('ana(hi it amounted to ^i.^ acres ; and in JMi^^land in 1871, while thr acrea^^e had (Iccicusvd to 1 [ acre per head, in Canada it had increased to 5 acres per head. And durin<,^ these thirty years, while the population of England had increased 51 per cent., in Canada it had increased 130 per cent, l^erhaps no other facis could be adduced which show more clearly and concistdy En*^- land's growing dependence on foreign countries for food supplies, and at the same time Canada's grc ving capability for furnishing these supplies.' These statistics refer only to what has beoi done in Canada, and do not exhibit tlie enormous undeveloped resources which only require labour to be converted into wealth. The wheat lands of the great Xorth-West alone, comprising Manitoba and the Saskatchewan country, are given by perfectly trustwortliy authorities at over 250,000 square miles in extent — 160,000,000 acres ! — more than live times the w^hole cultivated area of England ' Canadian statistics liave been used in making the above comparison ; but similar statistics hold good lor all the large dependencies of the Empire. i 54 A 8CIIEMK FOR nnd Wales. And this, bo it roinonihered, is hut a small portion of the ^reat heritage of the British people that is lyin<^' unowned and unoccupied. One such fact as this is alone sufficient for the ari(ument, and it would only weary the reader to adduce more figures, besides, by their very largeness, producing a feeling of vagueness and distrust. I think it will 1)e admitted that the fore- going statistics show conclusively that fidly one-third of the population of the United Kingdom is now dependent on foreign-grown food ; that the limit of the food-producing capacity of England has already been reached, and the food-bearing acreage is now stationary and perhaps decreasing ; that any additional population must be supported entirely by foreign-grown food ; that there is a large surplus population, valueless as workers, so maintained at a heavy expense ; that the drain of emigration represents an innnense sum of money annually presented by England to a foreign Power. These statistics also show that the population of the Colonies is increas- ing at a marvellous rate ; that in (!!anada the increase per cent, is more than 2| times greater than the increase in England ; that, notwithstanding this, the increase in the food- IMPKIJIAL FEDEIJATIOX ;; 5 ])('iiriii.^- avrea^t^v of Canadji is still greater than the increase in the popuktion ; that (jiiiadH ?il()iie is capable of supplyiiio- more than all the food reipiired in the I'nited Kino-doni, and thnt all that is required to do this is the })opulation to develop the immense latent resources. To put the matter concisely : In Great Ih'itain th(^re is a larg(^ surplus population with an immense^ demand for foreign -i^-rown food; in the Colonies there is a large un- developed food-producing area, with an im- mense demand for foreign labour. How can these conditions be combined so as to be mutually satisfying ? Under a federal system, when all parts of the Empire would be tributary to, and repre- sented in, oiie Imperial centre, it w^ould be the first and most important care of the imperial governing body to see that the I'csources of every part of the Empire were developed to their pi'oper and natural extent, and that no part was left nnoccupied and im- l)roductive while another part was burdened with a heavy surplus population. This would immediately necessitate a close supervision over enn',:(ration from one part uo another. In Englauc, where the populatio is dense, it cUlllllli -6 A SCHEME EOR wouJd be a priinHi'v object to reduce tlie popu- lation to the luiniiniuri rerpiii-ed for the neces- sities of that part of the Knii)ire, by enconra,ii- iii^' in every way possible tlie enn'^^n'ation of the sui'phis number to those parts of tlie Kin])ire where popuhition was s))arse, and wliei'e mucli vahuibk' work could be done in develo})in,i'' the latent resoui'ces of tlie counti'V- The immediate effect of this wordd be of high value. In the jirst place, the burden of supportini^" a lai.i^e number of peoi)le in idleness (jr semi-idh^ness would be at once removed. Secondly, the wealth of that part of the I'hnpire to which t hese peo])le went would be largely increased, from the fact of tlieir labour being employed in developing latent resources. Thirdly, this again would have a I'eflex action upon Kng- land, from the fact of tht^se emigrants in their new })osition of ease and inde})eiulence becom- ing large consumers of manufactured articles, thus giving a ready juarket for the manufac- tures of England and affoi'ding remunerative employment to many of their counti'ymt'n at home; while, at the saiue time, the produce of the agricultural labom- of these emigrants would supply the needed food in England, the interchange of th(> commodities establisliing a traffic that would find em})loyment for many IMPKKFAL FEDERATION 5; mon and inucli rapital. I^'onrtlilv, tlie .i^^ciicral \v<'alt}i of the Kinpii'c wcr.ild thus \)v hir,L'"fly iiicrf'MstMl. b'ifthly, what may he called the ta.\a))h' fmid at the coininaiid of tlie J^jupire would bo iucroasod hy the fact of those euii- .Lfraiits beiu.i^f coiivert(*d from hui'dens upon th(* .general pojiulatiou, to boin,^" themselves wealthy and burden-beariiiLj citizens. It rmist not be ima*^ined that what is ^'e- commonded is the \^■holesale ship})iii.L;; away of confirmed })aupers ; su( h a scheme as this would without doul)t fail and end disastrously; but what is aim(>d at is the assistance in money and otherwise of able and comj)etent citizens to liiove from one part of the Kmpire to another, wlnu'e their labour woidd be fully employt^l. 'J'heir departvn'e would relieve the })ressure of jiopulation in JMi^i^'land; would leave room for the full and complete employment of many who iivc. at present only i)artially em- ployed, and would allow of the gradual absorp- tion of the ^I'eat uJ'my of })aupers that is at })i'esent dra^'^'ed at the tail of the \ast social veliicle. l^'or the ])ur}H)se of ^i^ii^M" ^^^i^ assistaiu-e it would be necessary to exjHuid a c(^rtain amount of money annually. In connnercial language it would ' pay ' the Empirt* to ex- 5 heen gradually and (juietly transferred to another ])art of the Empire, while during the same time the pauper poi)ulation would have h(H'n gradually dying off or ahsorhed into the connnunity again. When the pressure of ])()pulation had once heen adjusted hy these ai'titicial means, it would of itself maintain a true ha lance hy tlie action of the laws of su])ply and demand. Without some such svsteni of assisted emigratiiui as tlnit ahove indicated it is iin- possihle for the true surplus population — those for whom there is no work, or only partial employment — ever to leave the country. For, hy the very fact of their heing unemployed, ■Mi IMPEK'IAL FEDKKATIOX 5c) or only pjirtiiilly employed, it is iiupossiblc for tluMii to i-aisc the necessary capital, small thouf^-h this may l)e, to make a start. Under the present system of leaving enii«^Tati()n to take care of itself those who emigrate are the industrious, ener<'-etic, far-seein^u;- niend)ers of the labourin.^- coimnunity— those who, am- bitious of a K»'t^fiter success than is likely to l)e obtained in England from their hard-earned wages, by abstinence and self-denial, contrive to save suliicient money to start thtMn in the new country. They are not of the 'surplus ])()pulation '—they are the flower of the labour- ing classes of the community, men of en(>rgv, l)luck, and determination above the average of their fellows, and who evince their supe- riority by ])()ldly striking out for themselves a new line. When England has annually for the last half century poured thousands of such men into the United States, can we wonder at the ania/ing strides that countrv has made in manufactures, arts, and sciences, at the extraordinary energy and activity of her people, or at the very high avei'age of intellectual vigour that obtains among her labouring class? liather should we wonder were it otherwise. To this it may be objected that the United 6o A SCHEME I'X)Il States and the ('olonial (le})oruleiicies of the I'hiipire have stood in the same position rela- tively to England in ref^'ard to enii^i^ratioJi, thiit Knt^land has neither encouraged nor ob- structed emigration to either tlie one or the otlier, that therefore the Cok)nies had Jis good a chance to obtain ' the flower of tlie labour- ing classes ' as had tbe States ; and if they have not obtained a ])i'oportionatc sliare of this emigrant population it must be owing to the inferiority of the ('(Monies as [)laces of settlement. This, bowever, is an ei'roneous view. The true caiisc^ of the grea'j How of e]nigration to the I'nited States li( s in tin; hict that for a hundred years tlu I'nited States has been a compact and ''uergetic nation (or, until lately, twin iiations), whose great object has been to attract emigrants to lier shores. As population is, of course, the backbone of any country, so no money was grudged, and no labour withheld if the result attained was the addition of permanent settlers in the country. Means often the re- verse of honest, agents frequently the inost miscrupulous, were employed to induce eim- grants to shape their course to her land : once in the country it was an easy matter to find einployment to keep them there. Against IMrERlAL FKDKIJATIOX 6 I such a force as this what could a fewscntter(>d and disconnected provinces do in the hatth' iV-r enii^n'ants? It is only within a compara- tively few years that the Canadian provinci^s have enjoyed ' resp()nsil)le government ' — that is, government hy the election of popuhii- re- j)resentatives. It is only sinc^ the estahlisli- ment of this form of j^^ovtniunent that the various provinces have heen in a position to otter inducements to emi«^rants — have heen in a position to enter the lists with the I'liited States in the struggle for the nnich-coveted lahourer. And even then, what could a few weak and poor provinces do separatt^ly and single-handed against the um'ted strength, wealth, and energy of the States? Clearly, any one of these provinces was incompetent to deal with the great question of the internal settlement of the countrv — the larger matteis of emigration — involving as this settlenu>nt does the opening up of the country hy tlie construction of canals, roads, and railways. And when we reflect that it is harely ten years since these separate provinces were unit(Ml under one central parliament ; that for harely ten years have they known the strength that comes of union ; that it is less than ten years since the great wheat lands of the North-West; 62 A sniEME FOR have been pla<*e(l niider such control as to allow of their being settled at all — we nnist own that Canada has had to tight a most uneven battle with the States in the struggle to obtain emigrants. Indeed, had the diplo- matists of England desired to form a great and powerful nation out of the United States, they could have hit upon no surer ex})edient for doing so than that of splitting uj) all the neighbouring British territory into small pro- vinces, each witli its independent govern- mental centre, while the emigration from England was left to itself — to flow to tlie country that could send out the most ener- getic emigration agents, and afford to spend the most money in attracting emigration to its shores. But how different would the tale be had England thrown all her wealth and energy in the scale against the United States, had she, instead of looking on in an indifferent manner as though it were no concern of hers, used all her endeavour to induce her surplus popula- tion to move to her own territory, had spent her money for the purpose of opening up the treasures of her distant possessions ? There can be little doubt but that the greater num- ber of those who left her shores would have iMri;ni\i, fkhkuatkin 6.? remained in the Knipire, and the population of the Colonies nii^ht to-day have nunihered its tens of niilhons.' It is useless, however, to cry over ' what mi^iit have heen ' unless to deduce therefrom lessons for the future. Emi«.;ration from En.i;land will "o on in the future as in the past. If it is left unheeded as heretofore the ^nvater mmil)er of emigrants will ^o to the United States, and, as formerly, they will he the flower of the lal)()urins>- class. J^ut if England exercises a wise control over enii<^'ration, if she exerts herself to induce her surplus population to emigrate to her own territory, if she gives her money to open u]) the vast resources of her possessions, the stream of emigration will rapidly be diverted to the fertilisnig of her own land. She will then find herself possessed of lands capable of supplying tenfold all the food that is rc- (piired for the support of her people at home. She will hnd rapidly growing a population that in the near future will outnumber what ' The population of the American Colonies (now includeJ in the United States), at the accession of Cieorge 111. (ITUO). is given in Greene's History of the Enf/liah Feoplr at about 1,500,000. It now numbers (1879) close on -l.l.OOO.OOO, itu increase of thirty times in a little over 100 years, while in the same period the population of England and Wales has increased barely four times. 64 A SCIIEMK rolJ th(^ most sHn<,niiiie dnniinci" mny even h;tvo l"<)n»t()l(l ; she will tiiul at her feet wealth iiioi'e stupendous thau any nation has evei' known. l^ut for the fulfilment of this tliere must he (^stahlished a federation of the Kmpire by which the whole Knipire would he held t(»- ^•(^th(?r under one •governmental control. Undei* no othcn* system could Kn,L;land he recouped for th(> outlay made in developin<^' the (volonies. I'nder the ))resent system, as ])ointed out hefore, every pound that Kn<4iand spends on her Colonies, every man she sends thither, only hastens the day when her Colonies will he independent nations. It is natural, therefore, that she should refuse to spend any money on their development or ^rudi^ingly allow her people to emigrate thither. The question of emi<^ration has been dwelt u})on thus fully, because it is apparent that upon it hand's the (juestion of the Federation of the P]nipire. The matter placed in brief stands as follows: — Every year a lar^e number of people must leave the United Kin«4'do]n in oi'der to iind room to live in other parts of the world. Shall En<^land control this emigration and direct it to her Colonies, or shall she pay no heed to it ? If she pays no heed to it. IMPERIAL FKDKUATION ^^5 tlieii annually the ticnver of hw population will be drained away to enrich a forei«^n Power or to huild up new nations in the Colonial possessions of l^i^dand. And at no mmv distant day, ])erhaps, Kn«^lan(l will Hnd herself eirenniseribed to the narrow limits of the Cnited Kingdom, weighted with the burden of a lar«^e pauper p()))ulation, forced to pay ininiense sums annually to foreign counti'ies for food, while possibly at the same time her manufactures are excluded from all countries by inimical tariff r(\L>ulations, or by the (h'- velopment of manufactures in otlier places. On the otlier hand, if England controls this emigration, if she expends large sums ot money in developing her Colonial possessions, in transporting her surplus population to these outlying parts of the Empire, how is she to be ivind)nrsed for this outlay? how is siie to benefit by the increased wealth of these out- lying parts unless she is empowered to collect revenne from them ? And, again, how can she collect revenue from these places unless she accords to them a proportionate voice in the government of the Empire — in other words, unless there is established a federjition (>f the Empire ? From a purely Colonial point of view a F 66 A St'JlK.MK J'()I{ federation of llic Empire would also bo of ^rcai btMU'lit. '^^riioii^h the ('()loni(>s arc not like the Mother Country dopcudcnt on other ))lac'es for food, though they have within themselves undeveloped resources which will ultiniatelv afford all the manufactured articles they may re({uire — thou;^h by slow accretions and iKitural <^r()wth their population will reach immense pro])orti()ns — yet their pro«^ress v ill be much slower than if assisted by the energy and wealth of th(> Mother Countiy. In the case of (,'anadji alone the immense outlay of money re(|uired to open up the resources of the ]\orth-\Vest by the construction of the Pacific liailway will be a burden almost too ,i;reat for the present comparatively sniajl population to bear, whik; if this work were largely assisted by the Imperial Government, as no doubt in the event of a federation of the I'hnpire it would he, the burden would be but li«^htly felt, while the increase in the geneial wealth of the nation by the settlement of this valuable country would more than balance the outlay. No doubt, in the event of a federation of the Empire beinf»* adopted, there are many dithcult and delicate matters which would require very skilful handling" for their proper I.MPMinAI. rKl)i:i;AT10X (>; adjustment, rroinineiit Hiiion.^" these we may iiH^ntiou : — 1. Apportioning" of the National Deht. 2. Adjustment of taxation. H. Mode of raising- the revenu(\ It is to he ))resumed that all thities ])et\ve('ii vai'ious parts of the JMupire would he aholished, and as eaeli part could supply what the othei- lacked there would he less necessity to impoit, from forei^ni countries, and th(» revenue de- rived from custom dues would consecpiently l)e nmch diminished. These and kindred matters, thou^^di not insurmountahle ohstaclcs. yet offer great difliculties, and open up ques- tions large enough and interesting enough to require separate treatment. I have already pointed out that the de- velopment of the Colonies under the present Colonial system can result only in the estah- lishment of independent and separate nations, and how necessary it is for the material well- heing of England as a nation that these out- lying parts of the Empire slioidd be retained. I have also shown how^ the retaining of these outlying parts can only be effected by the adoption of a federation of the Empire ; and the question which daily becomes inore vital is whether this vast agglomeration of loosel}- F 2 il!L"PS9199i i]^ ft I 68 A SCHEME FOll IMPERIAL FEDERATION connocted States shall be inonlded by some master hand into one ^rand, stupendous ]Mnpii'e, unparalleled in its extent, unequalled in its wealth, and unrivalled in its political institutions, or allowed slowly to melt away and break up into numerous third-rate Powers. ■■ (^HAPTEII III We have now to consider the practical work- ing of an Ii^iperial federal system. It will, perha])s, he hest to deal first with the question of representation. As hriefly stated hefore, the governing- principles in carrying out a federation of the Empire are the separation of Imperial from local affairs in parliamc^ntary government, and the representation hy popular election of all parts of th(^ Empire in the Imperial Parliament. These are the main principles as broadh' stated, though they are subject to limitations. Thus, in the matter of representation, it would not be either desirable or necessar\ that evciif Colonial possession should be directly represented, as many of the ver\- small V 'olonies would not be of sufficient im- portance to be accorded representation in the Imperial House ; but as each Colony o.^nn- and developed it would ultimately be accorded !«■ 'O A sciiKMi: roil II this rcprosoiitatioii. 'J'lu; precise strif^e in the lif(; of ii Colony at wliicli it wonlcl {U'rive at lliis ropjcsentsition wonld he a matter to Ix' (U;(i(le(l as ciiT-unistancc's re({nire(l. ^riiat is to say, it would not be advisabk; to create any definite; and fixed standard — based either \\\)(m p()j)nlati()n, wealth, or extcjnt — by which to re'^ulatc; the admission to the Iinp(>rial Parliament, and to ^rant this admission oidy when that standard had ])een attained. No doubt the population, wealth, and extent would nlways form tlu; chi(;f and important elements in the; (juestion of admission to the lm))erial Jlouse; still it would l)e injudicious to assi/^ni any definite (piantitative value; to these; elements, as this viilue might, and ]m)- bably would, vary with different Colonies. The main ))oint, h()wt;ver, to be; insisted upon is tlu; ado])ti()n of the ])rinciple that ultimately each (Jolony should arrive at this representa- tion, and that the fully-d(3vel()p(;d state in the [political life of each Colony is that of being merged in the political life of the Empin; at large. J^lvc^ry step should be taken with this final goal in view. It will no doubt be objected to this, as liMS alr(;ady been ()bj(;cted by J^ord J^lachford, that the interests of the various Colonies are IMPKIMAL FKDKIlAriON p so diverse, that the ))]iysical coiiditioiis of each iir(! so (liff('}-('iit, as to rciHlci' any coniirnniity of iiitcHist, such as would he necessary for th(i workiii,L,M)f an Imperial House, imj)()ssihle of heiii^- attained. 'i\) tin's it may he answered that, in s))ite of these apparent diversities and differences, this connnunity of interest docs exist, and exists even now, in spite of the want of any central ))oint in which thes<' interests may he focusscd and practically utilised. 'J'liere would he at least this one ,t;raiid purpose, which would l)e common to every ])art of the Mm[)ire — the maintenance of the iMupire. 'J'here is undouhtedly thi'ou,L;h- out the (Jolom'es a strou^- love for the Mothe)- Country, a. stron*^- desire to remain connected with the Mother Country, and evidence of tlx^ practical outcome from tlies(; feelin.i^s is af- {ord(>d in tlu; ol'fers of nn'litary assistance which have heen tendered to l^hi<.^land hy the Colonies, wlien the (^)l()m'es have nothing- to .i^ain and everything- to lose hy such assist- ance. Would not thes(> feelings he innnensely strengthened hy havin;:^ a defim"te object af- forded to thein in th(! maintenance of one compact J^hnpire under a suprejue parliament- ary chand)er ? The argument drawn from the physical and geogniphical view of the H ii^ '■f I! 72 A SCI IK ME YOn (Mse is captions and nnsonnd. As well nii<4]it it 1)0 said that the people of the Orkney Islands have no interests in eonnnon with tin- people of the West of Ireland, and that, thei'efore, it would he nnwise to form a ])ar- lianientary eluunher alfordin^' representation to such disconnected places. And no donht two hundred years a^^o, and even less, this would have been true ; no such community of f(H'ling could have existed between the Orkney Islands and the West of Ireland as to ha^■e rendered representation in one parliament at Westminster, under any circumstances, ])os- sihle ; the separation, geographically and in- tellectually, was too complete. But just as during the last two hundred years the increase of ])opulation, the extension of knowledge, the dev(dopment of means of comnnrnication, the integration and differentiation of the people of the United Kingdom, have rendered this representat'on not only possible but impera- tivelv necessary ; so the sanu^ causes at work throughout the wliole Empire during more recent years have now resulted in a similar effect. The Empire of the future, if main- tained at all, must be maintained under a system of parliamentary representation of all parts of the Empire. If sectional feelings are I.MPKIIIAL FKliKIJATIOX 7Z to havo \veif>ht, then the ar<4'iirnents adduced a<^aiiist arl'ordiii^^ r(»})reseutati()ii in the Iin- perial Parhainent to the Colonies mi^^lit he iidduced with eqiuii force as })et\veen Kn^^land, Scothmd, and Jrehmd. The ar;^uinent (h'awn from tile ^•eo'^raphical separation is of little force. As a writer in tlu> ' Westminster Iveview'' savs on. this snhject : 'As to the •geographical argument, it is each yera* he- coming more ohsolete ; we laugh at distance ! Australia is not so far off now as John o' (Iroat's was a century ago. Swift stetimers and ocean cables make Melbourne as near to us as Dublin. It is too late, when we can transmit men by steam and messages by elec- tricity, to urge that distance is a bar to government.' And (Mich vear this bar that once existed becomes less and less ; until, by the perfection of the means of travelling and communication, it will be as little personal inconvenience to a man of business to repre- sent a constituency at Westminster as at Ottawa. Another' matter on which there would ho a strong community of interest would be emigration. Tnder a federal system it would be the duty and care of the Imperial Govern- Our Colonial Empire,' Westminster Eevieir, April ISTC). I t 74 A SCHEME roil ]iunit to son tliat oini,L;'niti()ii from the ^MothcM* ('oiiiitryto those parts of thci Empire where tliere were <(re{it hiteut resources to he developed was properly stimulated and en- courai^ed. It would he necessary to spend considerahle sums of money every year in assistinTants to <^o out to Canada, Australia, or the Cape. The effect of this would he to reduce the pressure in the lahou)' market at home, while those who went away would he placed in positions of comparative ease and comfort. It has heen shown in a l)revious chapter that it is only under the federal system that Government assistance can he ^"iven to emi.L;Tants ; and that it is only under a system of assistance that the poorer classes — the true surplus — can ever afford to tMnii»rate. It was shown also that under the federal system not only did it hecome possihle i'- to ^ive this assistance, but that it became a prime duty to afford it, and that it would be an extremely self-injurious policy on the part l\ of the nation to refuse it. See, then, the (i result to which we are driven. Federation of f: the Empire means, for the unemployed and I ! the poor, assisted passages to various parts of , the Empire, where their labour would com- I* mand a rennnierative price. It means trans- f !♦■ IMPERIAL FEDKItATK )X / plantin.i( them from sciiuilor, destitution, .uul misery, to comparative ease, plenty, and com- fort. 'JVj the Colonies, on the other hnnd, fc^deration of the Empire would mean a pl(Mi- tiful supply of lahourers ; it would mean m rapid and complete openin<4- up and peoplin.L;- of the country ; an amazin;^' renewing; of the national vi^'our. From a purely national standpoint this would seem to imply snfiicient comnnniity of interests to make a federation workahle. But what shall we say when we consider the individual interests of those henefited hy this national emigration ? Take the case of a labouring man in England. Even by the utmost prudence and economy it is impossible for him to support himseif and his family, and at the same time lay by any money worth the naming to guard against less prosperous times. When dull times come, as they do periodically, his little savings are swallowed up in a few weeks, or, at most, months. He has to rely on charity and poor- rates for subsistence, while his misery is increased tenfold, and a fresh bitterness added to his degradation by the sight of his starving little ones. Tell such a man (and there are thousands such in England at the present day) of a land beyond the seas where he can 76 A sriiKMi-: roll *^'et plenty of work, where he can place his family heyond the horrors of starvation; tell him that the Government will pay his passage out to this new country, will assist him to start in the new life, and would not his heart hound with new hope, would not his whole being be moved to ik^w action ? If the work- ing men of England, the unemployed of the Mother Country, imderstood the federation of the Empire in this sense, every other political question would sink into insignificance before it. Federation of the Empire would be the ((uestion of the day. It would be discussed in ]\ every working-man's club ; it would be advo- cated at every meeting ; it would be made the test question at every polling-booth. For the philanthropist there could be no work the con- ^,' summation of which would confer such im- |] measurable benefits on his fellow-men as the ^\ federation of the Empire. Not only for i\\v I*! present w^ould the condition of the poor be I immensely improved, but for an indefinitely long time their descendants would be placed I' in positions where, by their own industry and |j perseverance, they could live in comfort and plenty. Again, on viewing the trade aspect of the case, w^e shall discover a sufficient c(Jinnunity ?'. s I I IMPERIAL FEDERATION 77 of interest to render a feclenition of the l^hnpire desiraljle. Within the lust tifty years the wonderful development of the means of communication has almost revolutionised the older systems of tradin^-. Kaw material from I'emote corners of the earth is poured into l*]n^land, there to he worked into useful articles, and again exported in its finished state to far distant countries. Distance is no har to trade. The flannel shirt worn hy the Canadian farmer, and which he has bought at the little country ' store,' is probably made from wool clipped from an Australian sheep, has been manufactured in some English factory, and again carried some thousands of miles by sea and rail before it reaches its final purchaser. And all this has been done ■ at a less cost, and a better garment is obtained, than if the farmer had clipped the wool froiii one of his own iiock. The cost of carrying the material this immense distance is probably less than was the cost in former times of con- veying it from London to Birmingham. Again, the cheese made on the Canadian farm is per- haps purchased on account of its superiority and cheapness by some London artisan. To a far greater extent than ever before is England now dependent upon countries outside cf her- 7^ A SC'dKMK Fdl! H self for the piiint^ iieccssarif^s of hei* })liysi('ul and comiiuM'cial existence.' Like a <^refit tree, her roots have struck into far (hstaiit countries, while her })ranches overshadow the most re- mote hnuls. As it is impossible for tlie Kn«^"hsh people to Hve unless supphed with food from other coimtries, so it is impossible for En«^lish trade to hve unless it has access to other countries. Keco^iiisin*^- this, it may he askc^d, What ])recauti()ns has England taken, what l)olitical safe<»uards has she adopted, in order to secure and maintain her Colonial trade ? It is with amaz(unent that I have to answei', ' Xone at all.' While she has spent millions f money, and poured out her blood in o])enin,L;' up the markets of the world, in accpiirin*^' and peopling vast possessions, in forminf»" new markets for herself, in her Colonies she has adopted a policy towards these Colonies which j)uts it in the power of Colonial politicians, in order to gratify some personal ambition, or gain some party triumph, to adopt a fiscal ])olicy that excludes English manufacturers, that shuts out English trade. No sooner is a Colony sufficiently developed to become of value to England as a purchaser of English ' In the la&t forty years the vahie of the export trade in En;,-- lisli iuunuiactured j^'oods has increased about four times. () i>[ri:i:iAL i'Kdkk'atjon ■c> iii.'iiiufacturcs, lliaii Kii^iaiul lets slip from her iiaiids the i)()W('r tliat could direct or control the inovoiiKMits of I'jiolisli trade.' In tho preceding cha|)tci' I discussed the (piestion of Free Ti'adc* and Protection, and onlv need now to point out to the J^ritish niaiuifacturei- and the J^ritish taxpayer how the volume and direction of British trade is inniiediati^ly and directly affected hy the fiscal policy adoj)ted !)>• the various Hritish Colonies. I'nder a system of 'protection,' with the ohject of fostering' Colonial uianufactures, Jjritisli trade is injured and British merchants suffer. Jn order to maintain a fiscal system throu<^h- out the Empire that would insure the Colom'al markets for British manuhictures, it is appar(>nt that the fiscal policy of the ]^hn[)ire jnust he under the control of the Empire— that is, of one chief parliainentary chamher of the J\ni- pire; and this implies federation. I'nder the l)resent Colonial system it is impossihle for Enf^-land to exert any restraint over the fiscal poHcy of her Colonies ; if they choose to adopt Protection, Eni.'land cannot choose hut a.i^Tf e to iti But it must be apparent to every British manufacturer upon rightly viewing the trade ' This not in the Protectionist senso. bu> in the sense ol' |n'e\eiiting inimical legislutiun. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 4 A ^~ 1.0 i^nii 12.5 2.2 I.I 1^ 1;° 11 2.0 . ... I us 1.8 IL25 i 1.4 mil 1.6

V 7^ r^^^ ^' 'i?,^ I 1^ 8o A SCHEME FOR question, that there is sufficient conimunit}' of interest between himself and his fellow- subjects in the Colonies to render a federation of the Empire desirable. Granting, then, that this parliamentary representation is a necessary element in the maintenance of the unity of the Empire, let us now inquire how this representation may be best effected. To this question there seems to be but one answer. The representation must be effected by the election of members to serve in the Imperial House. All parts of the Empire (that are fully admitted to the federation) must be represented in a similar manner. It has been proposed, however, by Sir Julius Vogel and others, that a Council should be formed of Colonial representatives, which should officially advise the Colonial Secretary or the House of Commons on Colonial matters, and that the representation of the Colonies should be effected in this manner. This n]ight, perhaps, be a judicious manner in which gradually to introduce the federal sys- tem, but it is impossible that this could be the ultimate and hnal form that the Colonial representation would assume. If the federa tion of the Empire is an accomplished fact, why should Canada or Australia be represented in wmm 11 I I IMPEIilAL FEDEHATroX gj a more imperfect manner in the Imperial House than is ScotJand ? Is it reasonable to suppose that as Canada or Australia grow in wealth and population they would be satisfied to be represented in the Imperial Chamber only in a second-hand manner ? If the Empire is one, all parts should have equal rights, and all parts should have a proportionate share ii the governing of the Empire. Eepresentatioi by a Council, as proposed, would be simply j. continuance of the present system ; it would not afford representation in the Imperial House to all parts of the Empire. The objection that seems to be always supreme in the minds of most Englishmen in dealing with this question of Colonial repre- sentation in the Imperial House is that al- ready the House of Commons is too large and unwieldy to do its work, and that to admit ( 'olonial members and bring in Colonial ques- tions to the House w^ould so increase the business and enlarge the talking capacity of the House as to bring all business to a stand- still. Already it is found impossible to get through the business of a session during the sittings of the House, and every year numerous measures are shelved without, from lack of time, having been considered at all; while j_ 82 A SCHEME roil upon some popular question the time of the House is utterly wasted in listeninf^* to the repetition ad nauseam of the same ideas and opinions by members who feel it to be theii* duty to make speeches in order to have then] read by their constituents. ' So pronounced has this evil become of late, and so ^reat are the difficulties of carrying through the nece.-^- sary business of the House, that we have at the conclusion of every session a long list of bills that have been thrown aside from sheer inability of the House to take up their con- sideration, while the press teems with sugges- tions for the expediting of public business. From an article published in the ' Times ' of May 0, 1878, it appears that the total num- ber of measures before the House during the then current session was 147 public bills and iZ75 private bills. How many of the 147 bills became law at the termination of the session might be hard to say, but after three months' work only fifteen had been consummated, while four others had gone up to the House of Lords, and of the remainder only thirty-nine passed a second reading. Oi the 275 private bills, be- sides those of a purely personal nature, there were ninety-six railway bills, thirty-one tram- way bills, thirty-one water bills, twenty-four IMPERIAL FEDEItATlOX S :; gas bills, eighteen docks and harbours bills, and forty-nine local improvements bills. Thest- private bills would appear, all of them, to be of a purely local nature, and not such as should require the deliberations of the lii«>hcst chamber of the Empire. As the writer of tht- article says : ' Why the Imperial Legislature should have to ratify arrangements for em- powering a landlord to grant leases for ninet\ - nine years instead of twenty-one when he and all persons interested in the property have al- ready decided the change to be for their com- mon benefit, it might be hard to explain to u German or French deputy,' No doubt it would, and the same might be said of most, if not all, of the private bills. Again, the same articlt^ says: 'The conclusion is obvious, and has been recognised for years past, that Parlia- ment undertakes more work than it can ever ac- compHsh.' Here in these two sentences thei'e is a recognition of the fact that Parliament is not only overburdened with work, but also un- dertakes work that is somewhat derogatory to the high functions of an Imperial Chamber. To cure these defects in the parhamentai-y system in a thorough and complete manner, there would seem to be but one course to be adopted— viz., to separate the local from the ti i> S4 A SCIIKMK FOR Imperial measures, and, by forniiii<:^ a Local Mouse of Parliaiiie'.iL for the consideration of llu; former, thus leave the Imperial Ifouse so II inch the more untrammelled to deal with Iin))erial matters. The gain to parliamentary l('<^islation by this course would be immediate and direct. The Local House would be of manageable and com])act proportions ; its members would be able to devote their time and energies to the proper treatment and con- sideration of various local questions ; the dis- satisfaction caused at present throughout the rountrv by the constant burking of local measures would be allayed ; and we might even hope that the Irish difficulty would be set at rest, perhaps by the formation of an Irish Local Parliament, but in anv case bv reason of the House being able to devote proper time and attention to the consideration of Irish grievances. In a similar manner, the Imperial House would be much reduced in bulk and proportionately increased in activity and vitality. Its time would be occupied in the consideration of Imperial questions ; its energy would not then be frittered away upon petty local matters ; nor would the business of the House be obstructed by members anxious to force the consideration of some local grievance. VPM^BIBHHH^BiVHBHaBMBiMniMHV. ^■■■■■■■■■■■■0 IMPERIAL FEDERATION 85 Such a rearrangement of the parhamentary system would expedite pubhc business to a degree that could not be attained by any other system ; and, considering the constant and steady growth of parliamentary business, it would seem that recourse must be had to some such system in order to carry on the ordinary business of the country. Nor would this rearrangement require that any violence should be done to the English parliamentary system ; it would not introduce any new prin- ciple, such as would be the case if a large pail (^f the Empire were to be represented by an Advisory Board, as has been suggested ; it wovdd simply be to adopt the confederation system that has been found to work so smoothly in Germany and the United States. A schenie of this nature to facilitate the de- spatch of parliamentary business was put for- ward some years ago by Earl Eussell, and the fact that so experienced a parliamentarian as he favoured the idea is somewhat of a guarantee that it is not impracticable. But it will at once be seen how easily jind naturally, by the adoption of this system, tlu^ representation of the Colonies would be etfected. There would no longer be any objection to the admission of Colonial representatives to the ;%6 A SCHEME for Tmporial House ; the matters submitted to the House would be matters of Imperial in- terest, matters upon which representatives of any or every part of the Empire would have a ri<^lit to express an opinion, and upon which they would be in a position to form sound judgments or offer valuable advice. In the Imperial House every part of the Empire would, as a matter of right, be represented. The Imperial House would stand in the same relation to Australia or Canada as to England or Ireland. I will now venture to submit a general scheme for the Imperial and Local Houses, chiefly with the hope of evoking discussion on, and developing public interest in, the subject. The Imperial House mighc be composed of 300 members, distributed in the following manner : — England 185 Scotland 25 Ireland 40 ' Colonies 50 300 This would retain pretty nearly the propor- tions in which the members are allotted at ' The proportion of Irish members is now too large, in view of the decrease of Irish population and the increase of other parts of the Empire ^G. C. C, 181'5). i^ IMPEltlAL FEDEKATIOX S; present. This, while p^ranting the principle of Colonial representation, and admitting the re- presentatives in a sufficient ninnher to give ]iroper weight to Colonial views and senti- ments, would yet leave a proper preponderance of power on the side of England. Of course it is to be expected that with the growth and increase of the distant parts of the Empire, there would go an increase in the representa- tion. The Colonial representation might be dis- tributed in the first instance as follows : — Dominion of Canada and Newfoundland Australia New Zealand Cape Settlements West Indies 20 15 5 50 These members would be chosen by popular election, and the requisite electoral districts would be marked off in the various countries. The Ministry of the day w^ould be drawn from members of the Imperial House and the House of Lords, and these Ministers would be the im^iediate and responsible advisers of her Majesty. The sittings of the House would take place annually in London, and would be of live 88 A SCirEME FOR years' duration, unless terminated by a dis- solution. The matters falling within the province of the Imperial House to deal with would be chiefly comprised under the following heads : — Maintenance of the Koyal Family. Control of the Army and Navy. Relations with foreign Powers. Inter-provincial relations with various^ parts of the Empire. Marine and shipping affairs. Customs and finance. Postal affairs. Justice. These would probably represent the chief heads of business. The ' postal affairs ' would probably include the entire management and control of the Post Office business throughout the United Kingdom, but throughout the various Colonies the internal management of the Post Office would, perhaps, be better left to the Local Houses. Under ' justice ' would be included the establishment of Supreme Courts of Appeal in various parts of the Em- pire. The powder to appoint judges to these Courts would be retained in the hands of the Imperial Government. Each of these Courts would be a final Court for its respective loca- m IMPERIAL FEDERATION 89 lity. The matters of customs and finance will be more fully treated of further on. The following' is a sketch of the Local House for En^^land or Ireland : — The country would be under a Viceroy or Governor, appointed by the Queen in Council. The advisers of the Viceroy would be drawn from the members of the Local House, and the relations of the Viceroy to his Ministej's would be precisely analogous to those of the Queen to her Ministers. The size of the Local House would, perhaps, be as follows : — Members England 250 Scotland ys Ireland 65 350 This is assuming that the United Kingdom would be represented in one Local House. All measures passed by the Local House would require the assent of the Viceroy before they could become law. But any measure of doubtful constitutionality could be ' reserved ' by the Viceroy, in which case the bill would be remitted for the consideration of the Queen in Council, and either passed or vetoed. Also any measure passed by the Local House, and assented to by the Viceroy, could be annulled 90 A SCHEME I 'Oil if vetoed by the Queen in Council ^vithin two years from the time of assent. These pro- visions have been adopted in Canfcla as be- tween the Governor-General and the Lieu- tenant-Governors, and as between the Queen and the Governor- General, so as to preserve a l)roper control over provincial or local legisla- tion. Copies of all bills assented to by the Viceroy would be immediately forwarded to the Secretary of State for her Majesty's con- sideration. The local Colonial Legislatures would re- main much as at present. The appointment of Colonial governors would rest with the Queen in Council. With respect to Canada, where confederation has already been adopted, it would probably be found that the Dominion House could assume some of the work now performed by the Provincial Legislatures, as some of the w^ork done by the Dominion House would be transferred to the Imperial Parlia- ment. The effect of this w^ould be to render possible a further concentration of the Pro- vincial Legislatures (such as legislative union of the Maritime Provinces) with a proportionate gain in legislative wisdom. No doubt, in time, with the development and perfecting of the municipal system of governing, the ultimate IMPEIIIAL rKDKUATlOX 91 result would be to do away with all the Pro- viiK'ial Lefifislatures, and leave the present Dominion House as the one Local Legislative Assembly for Canada. In the fore^'oin*,' sketch nothing* has been said about a second chamber. For the local lef^islatures a second chamber would n(>t be re- ([uired. The veto power vested in her Majesty in Council would hold a complete check on any unconstitutional measures, and, after all, it is only against such measures as these that it is possible or even desirable to guard. Under our Constitutioi 'uch may be called a ' limited democracy,' the will of the bulk of the people must ultimately become law. In Canada, where we have an example of federa- tion at work, each province (except Ontario) began its political life under the new regime with two chambers, a Legislative Assembly and a Legislative Council, corresponding to a House of Commons and a House of Lords. But each province has awoke, or is awaking, to the fact that the Upper Chamber is only an encumbrance and useless expense, and every province is following the example of Ontario in abolishing the Upper Chamber. 80 it would be with the Local Houses of England or Ireland. The Upper Chamber, if instituted 92 A SCHEME FOR tit first, would soon be found to be un- necessary. The House of Lords would be, as now, the Tpper Chamber of the Imperial Parliament. It would be necessary to add a few life peers (perhaps twenty) to represent the (Colonies. The position of the bishops in the House of Lords would undoubtedl}' raise a very delicate question, and a question over which much bitterness would probably be displayed. There can be no question, from a perfectly unpre- judiced and dispassionate standpoint, but that the Church of Eni,dand is a local matter, and that as such the bishops would no longer, e.r officio, be entitled to a seat in the Upper Imperial Chamber. This, then, is the scheme which is su«>- gested for the representation of all parts of the Empire in one Imperial Chamber. Even apart from the question of a federation of the Em- pire, it is apparent that the parliamentary system of England would be strengthened and renewed in vigour by the formation of Local Houses and the separation of local from Im- perial matters. The heterogeneous mass of legislation which the House of Commons annually attempts to digest is in marked con- trast to the more carefully selected food that '^^'^^'^'^^^^^i^''i^mmmtmmmmmmmmmmm IMPERIAL FEDERATIOX 93 is supplied to the chief chambers of such countries as the I'nited States or Geriuaiiv, where the more highly-developed parliament- ary system obtains. From a separation of the measures to be considered, there would result a more careful consideration of the measures, with more carefully-amended sta- tutes. These, however, are collateral advan- ta^^es ; the chief result to be striven for is the fonnation of one ^reat Empire— an Empire founded on so l)r()ad a base that no storms could move her ; an Empire that would be mitrhty in war, and yet mightier in peace, whose voice would sway the councils of every luition, and whose voice would be always on the side of right, truth, and progress. We come now to the consideration of the income and expenditure of the Empire under federation. This subject is very large and difficult, and though the scheme about to be submitted is probably far from perfect, still it will show that the plan in the main is work- able, and all that is required is only more pre- cise information and more exact knowledge in order to perfect the details. In order to present a comprehensive view of the financial aspect of the case, there is inserted here a statement showing the con- 94 A 8CIIEM1-: FOR dition of the various countries forming the Colonial portion of the Empire in 1875 : — ropuliition I Caiiada and ' N<'\vf(Minilliiii(l ' Australia anil ! I New Zealand I i Caiii-andSoutii ■ ' AfriiM . . ! i West Indies . ! 3,832,077 2,287,500 254,073 1,277,1)20 Revenue ' Imiiorts TotalTniJe Debt £ { £ £ £ 5,249,900 ! 2C,794,040 44,550,579 3I.JSl,M;i I 1 14,000,002 47,272,839 j 91,079,841 j 64,759,347 2,5110.450 0,940,157 I 11.983.391 '■ 2,757,05^ 1,t;(i0,208 7,3P9,t74 15,475,745 ; 1,225,5.')^ 7,051,570 , 23,303,280 88,370,510 [ 103,705,559 90.223,121 | AVhile during the same year the corre- sponding statistics for the United Kingdom were as follows : — Poitulation ' Revenue United Kinfr- 0.0a() Army (include Colonies and India) . . . 17,000,000 Navy 11.000.000 Customs throu^'hout Empire .... 'i.OOO.OOO Inland revenue 'excise, United Kingdom) . 1,000.000 Salaries of departments and expenses . . 2,500.000 Law and justice (include Supreme Courts of Appeal) 1,000.000 Post-oflice (include packet service throughout l^npire) 4,000.000 Consular and foreign service .... r>00.000 Sid)sidies to provinces 2,000,000 Interest on Colonial debt, 100.000,000/. at 3 per cent 3,000,000 Mi.scellaneous, emigration, ke. .... 1.500,000 i. 08,779,400 To balance this the receipts would be somewhat as follows : — IMPERIAL FEDERATION 97 Estimated Ucvanua of the Empire under Federation. British cnstoins- -7 per cent, on 880.000,000/. ' . 2(),r)00.000 Colonial customs— 12 per cent, on 90,000,000/. - 10,800,000 P>ritish excise, mult M ,. Spirits Hu^^ar nscil m brewinif rost-oflice (.'rowri lands Sue/, Canal Miscellaneous . Total 7,800,000/. ^, ir>,ooo,ooo/ 500,000/. J r 20,300,000 . 6,000.000 r)0(),ooo 200,000 . 1,500,000 . £68,900,000 It will be noticed that only foiir-fiftlis of the total charges on account of the National Debt are borne by the Imperial exchequer ; the remaining one-fifth, amounting to 5,082,;]51/., would have to be borne by the local govern- ment of England— at least until the Imperial receipts had sufficiently grown to assume the whole burden of the debt. Probably the best plan would be for the local government to pay the above sum annually to the Imperial Government, allowing the wdiole management ' The value of ]3ritish imports m 1875 was 873,989,577/.; in 1870 it was 875,154,708/. The amount raised by custmns amounted in 1874 to 55 per cent., in 1875 to 5-8 per cent., and in 1876 to 5-15 per cent, on the gross value of the imports. '^ The exact value of the imports into the Colonies for 1875 was 88,876,510/. The amomt raised by customs in Canada its 1875 amounted to 12-48 per cent, on the gi-oss value of the im- ports. In 187() it was 12-68 per cent. The sum mised by customs in the United States in 1878 amounted to 80 per cent, upon the fjross value of the imports, being 26,184,086/. upon a gross value of 86,706,136/. 98 A sciiKMi: ion of tlio (l('l)t to rest willi lli(* IiiijX'rial autliori- tics. This \N'o;il(l \)v the simplest, \v;iv of iiiT;m,u,-iu,H-. Tt would hr bcttoi-, too, that it should 1)0 done iu this way ratlu^' than that the InijK'i'iid (lONci'mncnt should assu?iu* the colloction of any othoi" taxes — such as, for iustaiico, the iucouK^ tax. The receipts from the income tax (o,S41,-^(;.V. for ISTT 7W) would more than balance this onc^-lifth of the Niitional l)(>l)t chari^'es; still it would l)e better that the levviiii'' of this tax should be left to the local i;"()V(>rniiient, and the iiecu'ssary amount ])aid over as a subsidy to t\u) Impe- rial exche(|Uei\ rather than that the Imperial (lovei'nnient should assume the control of so purely local a tax. A\'ith the increase of trade tlu» increasi* in the Iniperial receipts from customs would \)v sufliciiMit to bear the whole bui'den of the National J)ebt. 'J'he incn^ase re(pn'i'ed re])resents only about oO per ciMit. on the Colonial trade, and this would probal)ly be effectcnl in a very few years,' and then it would not be necessary that the local ^ovei'ument should ])ay the subsidy above spoken of. ' The vjilne of iin])orts into the Viirious ('.()lc)nies nndor coii- sidor.itioii %vas aljout (U.r)0().00()/. in 1S().'). asaj^'aiiist SS..'J7(i, '>!()/. ill is?'), sltowiii.u; an increase of 4;)"(> per cent, in ten years. Ill ISilO tlie value of injports from all j)liice,s into tlieso various ('(^Ionics Imd increased only to t!l.4*J0,yi8/. Canada im- poitod less ill value in 181'0 than iu iKTiJ. iMPKurAL fi:i)];i;ati()\ 99 TIk* ain'Miiit set down for (•ust(.iiis tliron^h- ont the J':iiipJLv is for the collection of cust(Uiis ill iill parts o^' the Knipiiv. The customs '»lhcials wonhl be appointed by the In)pen;il (iovernnu'iit. Supi-enie Courts of Appe;il wonhl l)e esta- 1)hslu.d in various parts of the Empire; prn- hal)ly one for Kn-hind, one for Xortli America, one for the West Indies, one for Anstraha, and' one for South Africa. Tlu^ jud-es of the.P Courts woukl be appointed hy i]u^ LnpcM'iiil (ioveriiinent. Eaclioneof these Courts would 1)0 a final Court. The administration of juslic,. ^•(-nerally would hc^ left in the hands of the IocmI government; these Appeal Courts beino- ti:(> only C^)urts to which the Imperial Ciou'rn- nient would a])])()int jnd;[^-es. The item of •2,0()0,0()!)/. for subsidies to provinc(^s is to su])plement the revenues of those provinct^s or Colonies where the soui-(v of re\-enu(- has been tak( n Mway by the ab- s()r])tion of the customs dues in'an Im})erial revenue. Thus, in the l)onn"nion of Canada at the present time the Dominion Covermnen' pays subsidies to the various provinces form. in.o' the eonfederatiim am()untin^• to a total of SOl.fU.y. (.s:],(;.V),S.-,().oS m IS70 77). Tlieso subsidies are fixed char-es, and are paid in 11 :; It ]00 A sen KM K FOR lieu f)f the oui^toins receipts wliich these pro- vinces resi^j^ned to the r>()iiiini()ii on eiitei'in.L,^ (•onfederatioii. ]3iit if the Dominion \ver(^ to join the fedemtion of tlie Mmpire and .ipve np to the Imperial excheipier the cnstoms receipts, the Imperial (lovernment wonld ht? re(|nired to assnme the I)in'den of these ])ro- vincial snhsidies. As with ( 'anada so it ])ro])ahl y would he with some of tlie other Colonic^s, and there is, th(M'efore, set down tlie sum of two millions sterling' as hein^' somewhat near the amount required to meet this expense. Hie (^olonial deht is placed at 100,000,000/. This is greater tlnin it is at ])resent hy som(^ six or eiL!,*ht millions. It would prohahly he advisable to allow^ for a substantial increase to the Colonial debt upon the eve of entering- the federation. In estimating the probable revenue the j^iitish customs receipts are calculated at 7 ]HT cent, on the gross value of the imports. This is an increase of about 1^ per cent, on the present rate. The additional amount raised, as compared with the present customs receipts, would be about 0,000,000/. On the other hand, Iiowever, there would be almost a similar re- jnission of taxation under the local govern- jj^ent of England (see p. lO-J) which would IMPKIIIAL FEDMT^ATION icr coiinterbalaiue tin's iijcroasc of customs. On the Colonial inipoi'ts the a\t'ra«^(' cnslonis receipts are estimated i\i \-2 per cent, m/ vdlureni on the imports. This is prohahlv less than it actually would be. As a \vy\ lai-t^ proportion of the British imi)()rts (a!)out 1(K),00( ),()()()/. out of ;-]H( ),()()(),()()()/.) consists of sta[)le articles of food, it would not be {id\ is- {{ble to collect lu>avy duties on these, and, therefore, the J3iitish customs rate would ])robably avera<^-e less than tlie Colonial on the total value of the imports, as the latter con- sist maiidy of manuhictured articles. Xo doubt this question of customs is one that presents considerable ditliculties ; and the ditliculties are nnich inci'eased by the hict of some of the Colonies having adopted a sys- tem of protection. For the Imperial (lovern- ment in London suddeidy to revert to a revenue tariff throughout the Empire would, in protectionist countries, create great trouble, and probably dissatisfaction. In these countries it would, })erhaps, be best to maintain the ])rotectionist duties, so long as this was desired by a majority of the representatives of the ]>articular country in the Imperial House. At tlie same time, however, it should be pointed out that customs dues levied between parts I02 A S( lIKMi: 1(»I{ of t^ .' Empire ai'c more of tlic luiturc of excise or octi'oi duties rallier than eiisli iiis duties, in an int(M"iuitional sense ; and that in these l)r()teetionist euunti'ies an octroi duty, and merely for revenue ])urposes, jni,nht he ehar.L;("d on ]L;()ods entering" from various i^arts of the J"]ni|nre, while a hi.i;li customs duty mi.L;ht he maintained in deferenee to the protectionist doctrines against for(M,L;n countries. 'J'his is the plan jiroposed hy ^Ir. de Lahilliere in his })aper read l)efore the lioyal Colonijil Institute, in January, 187-5, and hy some such compn'omise as this the customs diiliculty mi^^ht, perhaps, he overcome ; hut, of course, the condition nltimat(dy to he attained is that of free trade hetween all parts of the hhnpire, while the I't^cnue should he raised hy levyin,i>" customs on foreign <>'()ods. The idea has heen sug'«4"ested that the Imperial exchequer mi^ght he supplied hy sul)sidies paid hy the loc-al <4'overninents, leavin,i>" the customs in the hands of thv? local parliaments to he dealt with. But it is not possihle that this system could ever he the final and complete system under an Imperial Federation. It would he necessary that the control of the finances of the Empire should he in the hands of the Imperial Chand)er, and this could not he the case if the revenue w iMiM.iMAL m:i>i:kati()X io; dopoiidcd oil su])si(li('s from the loci.'l ));n-liri- UH'iits. In llic ('\('i)t of ill! incrcjiscd supply lu'iii^f }ii {jiiy tiiiH! {jskcd for lor Iiiipcrial pur- j)()S('s, it would 1)(' (•ojiijX'tcjit for '.<> loc;il j);ir)iiMij(Mit to refuse it; and the .Ljrniitiu.i,^ of supj)lic's would be seized upon by the local parliaments as an oeeasion to rewiew and <'riti('ise tfie })()licy of tlir IniperiaJ House, and possibly to dictate as to the futJire course to 1)(,' pursJied. Such a relation between the two Houses would be (juite untenable, and would rertainly ei"e lon.i^ lead to strife and disa'^ree- ment. The only perfect iinancial systcjn under ;i federation of the J^nii)ire would l)(i that under which the t>ntire control of the customs and revenue was in the hands of the Jn)])erial Parliament. in the i'oregoin*,^ sketch of thi^ iinancial condition of the Empire nnder federation, enou<'-h has been brought forward to show that the scheme is practically W(;rkable. Of course, there are njany points that have only been lightly touched upon, and the working out in detail of which would require much thought iind skilful handhng. Still the main features have been dealt with, and the result may fairly be claimed to be satisfactory. To complete the sketch, however, and even at the risk of I04 A SCI I EM F FOR hccominf^ tedious, it ^\\\\ be necrssary to show the fiiiiiiK'ial i-c^iiditioii of the local govern- iiieiits uiulei" the federal system. AVe will take the Tiiited Kiii^^doiu, using the statistics of the year 1877-7(S. L'stiniatcl Revenur of British Loral Gorrrumcnt {Ireland included) under Federation. i: Stumps 11,000 000 liund and house tax 2.700,000 Imcoiuo tax 5,S00,000 Excise: licenses, 8,()00.000/. ; rnihvays. 7:)0,000/ 4.850.000 Telo-niplis l.SnO.OOO Miscelhineous 2,000,000 i'27,200,000 Esti atcd Expenditure, £ One-fifth charp;e of National Debt . . .'5,082,5351 Courts of justice Or)0.000 Public works and buildinf^s . . . L.'iOO.OOO Salaries and expenses of departments . 1,500,000 I^aw and justice ..... i5,000,000 Inland revenue 800,000 Telegraphs 1,200,000 Education, art, and science . . . 4,000,000 Miscellaneous 1,000,000 £21,332,351 From this it will be seen that the local revenue, as pointed out previously, shows a surplus of nearly 6,000,000/. over the local expenditure, and that, therefore, a reduction of taxation to this extent would be possible. ^tfliM IMPEIJIAI, FKDMIIATIOX J 05 This rc'diution just countcrlKjlancos the in- crease of reveiuu' that wouhl hr exacted hv the Tinperial Farhaiiieiit from the increased cnstoiijs duties levied on liritish imports. At the same time, however, it m\ist he pointed out that, whiU» the reduction is favourahle cliit^/iy totlie richer chisses of the community, tlie increase is ohtainc^l from all classes of the conmnnn'tv. To show how federation would affect the Colonial finances, we may ,i^ive here the con- dition of Canada under the Impeiial h'edera- tion. The statistics are taken from the Canadian financial Blue Book for l«7()-77. lotaJ revenue under present system . . . , 4.aiiH,{)4r> Less revenue transferred to Imperial (ioveru- ment under federation : — Customs .... £2.r>81.()HH ^iilitiu .... '2.r,<)S . Total Canadian revenue under federation 2,rj84,'2Hl Total expenditure wnder present system . Less expenditure borne by Imperial Govern- ment imder federation :— XLy.")4,(J(J4 £ 4,si}9,;-U);j Debt charges . Militia and defence . Customs .... P. O. Transatlantic Packet service .... Appeal Court . Subsidies to provinces £1,611,826 119,408 148,478 34.000 10,000 752,232 2,G75,P44 Total Canadian expenditure under federation 12,164,419 I06 A SCHEME Foil It will bo. noticed there \v;is a deiirit in tlio Canadian revenue anionntin.L,' to ■■]0{),41S/., and in tlie new scheme submitted tlun'e is still a delicit amounting to 109,755/. It would be necessary to provide against this deilcit by a rearrangement of taxation ; and as a further help towards this would be the possibility, as pointed out before, of the Dominion Govern- ment assuming duties and revenues at present performed and a])plied by the provincial legis- latures. This would, doubtless, more than wipe out the deficit, but it is unnecessary here to go further into details on this ])oint. The revenue and expenditure of the various other Colonies entering the federation would be treated in a similar manner. It may be thought painful to have gone so far into this question of revenue and expendi- ture, while as }'et there is but little (if an}') practical movement in the direction of an Imperial Federation, but it is apparent that the whole scheme ultimately hangs upon this. If federation cannot be shown to be workable financially, then, no niatter how grand and lofty the idea may be, no matter how vividly the picture may be painted, it can never bo more than an idea, it can never be more than a picture. If, on the other hand, it can IMPKK'IAL ri:iU;RATI()X O' hv shown to ho pmctic-ally woika])](" innn a .^•ovcnniieiital ))oiiit of vi(>w, Hum it incivly ivniaiiis for the proplr, or rather, to speak iiiore practically, the leaders in poh'tical thouo-ht throuohput the J^mpire, to wei-li cahirly and dispassionately the advanta-vs a-ainst the disadvanta-'es of Imperial Federa- tion, and to decide which has the pi-eponder- aiice. rnfortunately, however, it is difiicult under onr system of pai'ty --overnment to set a new idea such as this in sn.ch a form as to he practically inana<,'eal)Ie. The (piestion is so laro-e, so broad and comprehensive, that it is iiiipossible so to present it [is to appeal to the ordinary intelligence and feelino-s of the .i^Teat body of the electors. Consideriihl(> time njust be required before such a -eneral know- ledge of the question is attained as to make it popular with the bulk of the people. ^'o political leader would care in the present unformed condition of public opim'on to ad()i)t ' Federat jn of the Empire ' as a party cry. ^rhe risk to his party would be too 'or(>a't. Even to identify himself prominently with the question would be dangerous, as,'.uitil the matter :« more thoroughly understood, it is much more easy to stir the small and narrow feelings of a multitude against federation io8 A SCHEME FOR than it is to convince^ the hi<^h{'r and nohle reason in i'avonr of it. We can iniavho would ' suck tlie life-l)lood of the country ' hy a system of national emi«4'ration, who wouhl ' rol) tlie tax})ay(n" ' of En<''land hy makin(iii:\ir: loi; ni('i*ci;il ills. Adopt a ' iiat JodmI policy ' that w ill cxcludt' 1 lie iiiaimfaci iii'fs of ol her couii- li'ics; I'ostt'!' and ciicoin-a^t' ( 'anadiaii iiiaiui- factui'cs Itv the imposition of a prohihit.oiy tai'iif : ki'rp ' Canada for tlic Canadians,' and, said the Conscrvatixc parly, all will he wdl. Cndcr these doctrines the people were tau.uht tc heliex'c that the iniportjit ion of cheap niannfaetnres from Ihi.uland was an iiijnry lallier than a l)enelit. TIk' fact that a man could ))ui'{diase (doth im])ort(Kl from iMi^^iand more (dieaply and of a hettei' (piality than he could make it in Canada was, instead of a matter for congratulation, a matter full of (lander to the W(dl-hein^ of the })eople. Ivx- (dude the l'hi,i;lish (doth hy a iii.^h tariff, and force all to use the woi'se and the dearei', and one step towards coniinercial [)rosperity will hnw heen ,L;ained. No mattei" how suh- \'ei"si\(' of reason ;ind common sense these arguments may seem when thus nah'edly stated, yet when dressed in (dection ^arh hy tile skill of the dema'^^o.^ue they had the effect of winning over the ,gTeat hody of the electors to the Conservative side. As the result there is now estahlished in Canada a strongly ))i'oteclive tariff. Let us trace the coiise- (juences of this. lMl'i:i;iAL FKDKKATK.x I r r 'riic r>ritisli iiiamifacturor linds llmt (ludrr ^'i^' "^'^v larirr hv is n„al)I(> to trado with Canada as innncrly. Wjiiico,, thcoiic hand, ''•^ a Hrilish taxpayer, hr is ivrfiiiivd to assist ('••iiiada hy -iiamntcM'in- ilw ]mvuu^ut of tho J'ltoivst on Canadian loans, on tho other liand Ji^' 1^ h' the (^macHan (iovc^nnncnt (h^iiod the pnvil(-(. of tradin- with (^madn. Naturally this results in a fecdin- of irritation, and w- l)iVsentations of the injustice coiniiiitted are "'=<(I<" throu-li the press and otherwise; wliih' It IS pertinently asked, 'Jf the Colonies turn •',^'iinst us in this maniKM-, whv continue a '•""^^^■^•tinnsohuinilialin-r To the Canadian thr matter presents itself diiferentlv. He has lu'en tauojit to helieve, aud no doubt does iH'licve, tliat th(> admission of British maiiu- hictures is an injury to his country. He feels tliat it is of the utmost importance to him to ' s(H-ure t]ie home market.' He feels that his 'material interests are hound up in this pro- tective tariff; that with this tariff his com- inercial prosperity must stand or fall ; and if tJic result of this should be to endano'er British connection, then 'so much the worse for JUitish connection.' ' Thus, we see on either • As state.] i„ il,o ToroNfo Mail, the leading ConscrvatiNo newspiipcT of Canada. " ^'' ' VI tmmmm 1 12 A SCIIKMI': FOR sidi5 of t]u' All:nili(' :i fc.'liii;^' is profliif-CMl wliich is aiit!i%n)iiisti(' to tlii' iiiiiiiitciuiiK'e of the con- nection between the Motlier Conntrv and the Colonies, and wliich ini^;ht ])ossihly, at any nioment, canse a disrnption of the union. Clearly the only way to ohyiate such dillicul- ties in the future is by the adoption of an uniform iiscal policy throu«;'hout the Empire, and by the adoption of such a system of Imperial ,l;'( )y en n'n^' as will render it impossible for any one part of the Empire to le^n'slate a^i^^ainst another ])art. It must be borne in mind, in dealin.^' with this (pu'stiou of federation, that it is not so much the present tluit should be considered as the future!. Thou,i>Ii, as the fore^u,"oin;4' pages liayt^ shown, the Colonial part of the Empire is by no means miimportant either in popula- tion or ^yealth, yet this is but the germ of the future Empire. In attempting to forecast what will be the growth \yithin the next fifty years, one cannot i)ut be amazed at the vast- ness of the iigures. The population will ])ro- bably be not less than 7(),(K)(),()00, and may be very much more. Is ]Migland content to let this vast Empire^ slip from her grasp ? Is she content to contem})late herself in the future as confined to the narrow limits of the British ■ TMPEIflAL FEDEHATIOX "3 Isles ? When she has l)een Mo, hy the power of her jiniis, hy the heroism of her s(.U (hers, hy the eiier<,'y and endurance of her sons, to ac(|uire and develop these vast eonntries, is she not also cjipahle of the still ••rander effort, and hy widening- her political system, hold them all under one supreme sce])tre ? Upon the answers given to these questions depends the future of the British Empire. If the present policy he persisted in, the result is easily foreseen— the British Empire will he hroken up, and England, hurdened with innnense deht and vast responsihilities, will he left only with those Colonies that are too small and unimportant to he ahle to separate from her. On the other hand, if the political system of England he expanded and broadened so as to embrace all the Colonial possessions, there will be established an Empire that nuist iu the future rule the destinies of the world. Which shall it be ? POSTSCRIPT In the sixteen years that liave elapsed since the fore«(()in^ was written, the net result has heen a stren<^thenin<^- of the feelin<^s holdiu*^' the Colomes to the Motht^r Country. The Colonies have not, however, increased in population, nor has their trade •^rowii to the extent that then seemed \)\'o- hahle. Particularly is this the case with Canada. This checkin;^" of «;rowth is douhtless due to the extraordinary fall in the value hf a<>iicultural products the world ever, which has rendered the life of a Colonial settler nuich less attractive ; and also to the adoption of heavy protective tariffs hy the Colonit^s in •general, which have increased the expenses of the fanner, while his profits have diminished. Still there has heen a definite growth in tln^ population and wealth of each Colony, and the day is hrought so nnicli the nearer when the size and importance of the Colony will he such that the demand for full national life will he irresistible. It cannot be supposed that a A SCIIKMK roil IMPEIIIAK FKDKItATTON ii^ spirited and eii('r«j^etio p(H)|)lo, when <;r()\vii to till' si/i' of 51 nation, will be content to renjain a Colony. They will desire — and ri^ditly de- sire — to have a proper voice in the supreme ai't'airs of their national life. For Canada to ()})tain this voice three })()ssible courses lie before her — federation with Kn^dand, annexa- tion to the United States, or inde})endence. An- nexation is a mean-spirited idea that the ^reat majority of Canadians reject. By it Canada would sell her birthright, and nnich that is noblest and best in her life, for a very unsatis- factory mess of ])otta|>e. The national burdens thrown upon her would be out of all proportion to the national status that she would attain by the change. lnde])endence would place Canada in the position of a fifth-rate Power living by the sufferance of the neighbour t<» the south of her. The expense, too, of main- taining even a moderately-adequate army and navy would put a very heavy burden on the country. The noblest destiny for Canada is federation with England. When the cravings for national life become so strong that they must be satisfied, it is to be hoped that the political system of the Empire will have been so expanded as to allow of the adndssion of Canada — as well as other Colonies — toashaie ii6 A sciiKMi': Koi: impkijiai. ii:i)i:kati()X ill t]w direction of national affairs. Tlic tinn^ will surely conic when the |)eo])lc will he aroused to a sens(» of th(» inferiority of the Colonial ))osition, and will demand a voice in the supreme affairs of the Empire; when they will ask that they should share the res])onsi- bilities, privil(>;4es, and burdens of national life. It is to he ho})ed that, when that crisis in the life of Canada, arises, Kn«^dand may he able to .i^nant the re. rnixTKD nv SrOTTISWOODF. AM) ' o., NKW-SinEET SQUARE LOSliOS I August, 1895. Messrs. LONGMANS, GKKKN, & COAS CLASSIFIED CATALOGUE OK WORKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE. History, Politics, Polity, Political Memoirs, &c. Abbott. -A History ok Grkkce. 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