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LETTER FROM A. G. ARCHIBALD, Esq., M. P. P. 
 
 85 Oxford Terrace, London, 2\th Nov., ISGO. 
 
 TO THE TEOPLE OF NOVA SCOTIA: 
 
 My Fkllow Countrymkn, — 
 
 Since the subject of Colonial Union was 
 first mooted, I have invariably given it my 
 warm snj<i)ort. 
 
 When in 1854 ]\[r. Johnston brought 
 the matter before the Assembly in a Reso- 
 lution, whit'h he supported with a powerful 
 speech — sustained by the Tlon. Mr. Howe 
 in an oratorical effort which I have inva- 
 riably considered fiar away the best of his 
 public sf)ei'ches, I Avas then — though but 
 young in Politics — in favor of the move- 
 ment, and felt that, sooner or later. Con- 
 federation or Union of some kind was a 
 necessity of our continuing a British De- 
 pendency 
 
 no hesitation in seconding a resolution for 
 a new Convention to assemble in London, 
 and reconsidfu- the question under the ar- 
 bitrament and with the important aid of the 
 Ministers of the JNIother Country. 
 
 I\[y long connection therefore with this 
 subject seems to call for some oljst-i-vations 
 from me in reference to certain matters 
 which havt occurred having reference to 
 it ; and this I hope will be considered by 
 my f(dlow-cnuntrymen as a suflicient excuse; 
 for venturing to intrude upon them the ob- 
 servations wliieh I pro[)Ose to make. 
 
 Let me first recall to your mind the cir- 
 cumstances under which the Resolutions 
 
 When in 1857 I was joined in the Dele- were passed, which have been proposed as 
 gation to England with the Hon. Mr. John- the groundwork of a Constitutional Union, 
 ston on lh(! subject of the Mines of Nova i Early in October 1801 there were assem- 
 Scotia, our commission contained an autho- ' bled around a table in the Old Parliament 
 rity to bring the question of Colonial Union ' House at Quebec 33 gentlemen. They 
 before the British Government. We acted had met to consider the future of British 
 on that connnission, and pressed upon the America — to concoct a plan by which the 
 Minister of the day the necessity of taking j destinies of the different Provinces might 
 the question into early and earnest eonside- ! be linked together, and their future prospe- 
 ration. | rity assured. The assembly was unique in 
 
 Tn ISGl, when Mr. Howe, the leader of its constitution, 
 an Administration in which I was Attorney Upon the principles of responsible gov- 
 General, moved his celebrated resolution ernraent, tlu. Legislature represents the 
 on the subject of Union, I concurred in the \ people. The government reflecting the 
 policy, not merely as theoretically responsi- j opinion of the majority in the Legislature, 
 ble for the act of a colleague, but as a matter ' and speaking their sentiments, is supposed 
 on which my judgment was fully matured. '• to represent the whole people. This, though 
 
 When in 18G4 Dr. Tupper moved his : theoretically correct, i^ractically leaves the 
 resolution for a Union of the Maritime Co- ! minority unrepresented for the time. But 
 Ionics, I had no hesitation in seconding a ' at the assembly now convened at Quebec 
 motion in accord with my convictions and majorities and minorities Avere alike repre- 
 
 past political action; and when subse 
 quently at Charlottetown it was ascer- 
 tained that there was a reasonable prospect 
 of being able to arrange the terras of a 
 more extensive Union, to include all the 
 British North American Provinces, I had 
 no hesitation in concurring in the propriety 
 of holding a convention for the purpose of 
 ascertaining how far it was possible to re- 
 
 sented. 
 
 First as regards Canada, the public men 
 of that Province had b' en divided into 
 two great parties by am agonistic views of 
 public subjects. "Noav, however, in pi'csence 
 of a great question, in which were involved 
 not their interests only bui possibly their 
 very existence as a British community, they 
 felt themselves constrained to bury con- 
 
 coneile the views and feelings of all the j troversies of minor moment, and to combine 
 Provinces, and arrange a Constitution that ^ in the formation of a government which 
 would be acceptable to all. j should subordinate every other consdera- 
 
 When, again, the events which took place ! tion to that of providing for the safety of 
 in New Brunswick, and the Legislative j their coram.on country. Such were the men 
 action of the Province of Nova Scotia, pro- \ v/ho, on the part of Canada, attended that 
 duced a new phase of this question, I had i assembly. 
 
New "Rrnnswick siiul Nova Soot in, Ncw- 
 founclland and P. K. Island, were, n'ltnisent- 
 ed as no country or p;ovcrnment were over 
 represented before. From the ranks of the 
 Government in each Province the fore- 
 most men were selected. The ()p[)osition 
 in each Province, furnished their repre- 
 sentative men. The (government and the 
 0] position — the party in power and the 
 party out of power — all were represented 
 at that Hoard. If over there was an As- 
 sembly that could be considered fully, fairly 
 and impartially to represent the whole 
 people, that was the one, and on that occa- 
 sion, selected as they were, it was right to 
 suppose they did represent the feelings, the 
 interests, and the wishes of the four millions 
 of people who dwell between the Great 
 Lakes and the Sea. 
 
 For three weeks these gentlemen de- 
 liberated on the great subjects they had 
 before them. They were one and all im- 
 pressed with the imf)ortance of the questions 
 they had to solve. They appli(3d themselves 
 with vigour a.ul sincerity of purpose to the 
 task belbre them, and at the end of that 
 period they threw into a digested shape the 
 scheme they thought best adapted to pro- 
 mote the welfare and prosperity of the 
 Provinces th(^y represented. In a body so 
 numerous, with interests and feelings so 
 varied, there were necessarily great differ- 
 ences of opinion. In that Assembly there 
 was no man who was not obliged to give 
 up something to which he would rather have 
 adhered. There was no man who had not 
 to acquiese in some proposition that was 
 opposed to his judgment. But every man 
 knew that if there was to be any result, it 
 must be in the nature of a compromise. 
 The resolutions finally passed were the 
 opinions of no one individual, but the opin- 
 ions of each, varied and moditied so far as 
 variations and modifications were necessary 
 to ensm*e the co-operation of the whole 
 Assembly. 
 
 The subjects of deliberation were very 
 numerous. Every thing that was incident 
 to the organization of a Provincial commu- 
 nity, on a scale never before attempted, 
 came before that Assembly — Questions re- 
 lative to a state of things entirely new, and 
 to be solved without the aid of precedent 
 or the light of experience. In such a range 
 of subjects it is not surprising if some mis- 
 takes may have been made. Nobody at 
 the Board expected, nobody has ever as- 
 serted, that there was nothing in the reso- 
 
 lutions which might not probably have been 
 modified after longer discussion or fuller 
 consideration. 
 
 Since those resolutions were published !\ 
 period of two years luis elapsed. They 
 have been the subject of mucli ])ublic dis- 
 cussion, not only in JCngland but in each of 
 the Provinces — at home and abroad. — In 
 the Press and on the platform they have 
 been subjected to the severest critical ex- 
 amination. Political theorists and politicjil 
 aspirants — the men of thought atid tlu; men 
 of action—the sincere opponent of all change, 
 and the lover of changes up to a revolution 
 — men with the aspirations of statesmen 
 and petty political traders on local passions 
 and prejudices, — all have surveyed and 
 scanned and criticised. Yet amid all the 
 mist Avhich has been raised, there stand the 
 resolutions, the great bulk and body of 
 them, founded in the principles of immuti^- 
 ble justice, untouched and unharmed, may 
 I say an enduring monument to the saga- 
 city, the i)atriotism, and the self-denial of 
 the thirty-three men who on that occasion 
 represented four millions of British Ame- 
 ricans. 
 
 The general subject of Union had long 
 been before the people of the Provinces, 
 but it had never before assumed a practical 
 shape. The public men who from time to 
 lime in all the colonies had spoken and 
 written in favour of Union, had not re- 
 duced their views into a digested form, they 
 had merely outlined the scheme. The 
 Quebec resolutions gave to Union a body 
 and a form. Here was a constitution not 
 merely outlined, but with its various parts 
 fully shaped and filled in. 
 
 AVlien this proposition was published 
 some of its features were comparatively 
 new. Two years of discussion have made 
 these familiar to the public mind. These 
 discussions are not without their value. 
 The new light thrown upon some points 
 will be available when the subject again 
 comes up for discussion — and will probably 
 modify some of the resolutions in minor par- 
 ticulars, but the great framework of the 
 structure cannot be expected to undergo 
 any very material modifications. 
 
 When the question of Union assumed a 
 practical shape, there was one man in Nova 
 Scotia to whom all eyes turned. He 
 was the man in all British America the 
 most widely known as an advocate of Union, 
 lie had proclaimed his views on every hill 
 top ; he had spoken of it in the senate, on 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 tlie platform, at '.'estive mootinp;.=i, on 
 every occasion with an chxpicnce and 
 an earnestness which could oidy have 
 been the otlsprinf^ of settled convic- 
 tion. He had with far-seeing sagacity 
 flcannod and pointed out to his eonntrynien 
 the ncieessity of preparing for the great fu- 
 ture before them. He had by his vigorous 
 elfxpience urged tlwin to burst the boinids 
 whii:h kept tliem in httle and isolated ])ro- 
 vinces, and 0|)en their minds to the niagni- i 
 fioent future which a connnon country and j 
 a common destiny offered. He had painted ! 
 tliat future in the briglit<!st colors of a vivid 
 fancy, and had crcatiid in tlie minds of his I 
 lcllow-c()untrym"n who admired his talents ' 
 and hung upoii his words, a large share of j 
 the manly aspiration for a higher prestige 
 and a nobler status which seemed to inspire 
 him as he gave expression to his elocpient 
 tlioughts. All eyes, not in Kova Scotia 
 alone but in every province of British 
 America, turned to that man with the belief 
 that since the '' dream of his boyhood" was 
 about being accomplished, that that for 
 which he had written and s])oken till liis 
 name had become; a household-word in 
 ♦■very handet of Nova Scotia was about to 
 be realized, he would rush to the front, he 
 would cheer on his fellow laborers, he would 
 aid them in a work which was dear to his 
 heart. 
 
 Was there a man in Nova Scotia who 
 dill not expect this from Joseph Howe? 
 
 There might havel)een ; but if there was, 
 that man was not in the ranks of Mr. Howe's 
 Irlcnds ; he was not among those who 
 believed that Mr. Howe was always true to 
 himself and his principles — that he would 
 never be found except in the ranks to which 
 be b(,'l(»nged by duty and conviction. 
 
 Those who believed, as a great body of 
 the people of Nova Scotia did b(dieve, in 
 IVIr. Howe's political honesty, those who did 
 not believe that all the utterances of his 
 public life, that his speeches and writings 
 on the most solemn occasions for over 
 twenty years, when he undertook to instruct 
 and guide the public mind, were one great 
 sliam, — could have no diiliculty in predict- 
 ing IMr. Howe's course. That course could 
 not be but one consistent with his past his- 
 tory, in unison with his honor and his poli- 
 tical reputation. 
 
 When it began to be rumoured that he 
 Avas opposed to union — that he was talking 
 against union — that he was writing under 
 a fictitious name against union — these ru- 
 
 mours were met by such of INFr, Howe'.s 
 friends as loved him for his own sake and 
 were j(>alous of his reputation, with asmilo 
 of incredulity which was the best evidence 
 of their conlideuce in the man, of their as- 
 surance of his political integrity. Ibit wlien 
 tlies(.' rumours became more defuiitc — when 
 the period of his commission as a British 
 oilieial came to a close, he began to throw 
 otf the mask atid, finally, when he ai)pearcd 
 oj)eidy and boldly as tlie opponent, not of 
 our scheme of union, but of union of any 
 kind, INIr. Howe committed an act of poli- 
 '•al sui(;ide. if ever any a( t deserved to be 
 so called. By that act he sev r"d the 
 strongest tie l)y whii-h tlu; friends of a pub- 
 lic man are bound to him — their conviction 
 of the sincerity and integrity of his public 
 action. Let INIr. Howe to-morrow, apjieal- 
 ing (o ])assi(jns and prejudices, be tloated 
 back into power, su[>pose him to-niorrow 
 at the liead of the largest majority he ever 
 led, he cannot escape the consciousness that 
 he has reached that position l)y sacrifices 
 for which no ])osition will comj)ensate, by 
 the sacrifice of his own self respect, by the 
 sacrifice of the respect of those who valued 
 him (or his public integrity, and by the 
 sacrifice of the reputation of a lifetime. 
 The very men who had raised him to that 
 position would feel that he had won it by 
 political dishonour. They would feel that 
 his first professions were a sham or his last 
 a fraud ; that he could claim credit for sin- 
 cerity now only by confessing that twcmty 
 years of his life were a huge deception 
 practised on the public and on his friends. 
 When the opjionents of Confederaticm in 
 Nova Scotia selected jNIr. Howe as their 
 representative on this side of the water, 
 they should ha\e thought of his antece- 
 dents ; and INlr. Howe before accepting 
 should have thought of the same. So far 
 as talents and exi)crience are concerned, the 
 selection was happy, but to be an effective 
 opponent of union Mv. Howe would have 
 to wipe out the best and proudest parts of 
 his history, Ai)i)arently he has applied the 
 sponge. He seems to imagine that the re- 
 cord is erased. He writes as freely as if 
 none remained. His Pamphlet on Confe- 
 deration is composed in a style to excite at- 
 tention. There is a dash about it, a bold- 
 ness of metaphor, a copiousness of illustra- 
 tion, an originality of expression not usual 
 in the dry and arid paths of political 
 discussion, while there is in it a boldness 
 and vigour of assertion which betokens 
 
i 
 
 carnost conviction iintl sincerity of purpo.-iL'. 
 It woiiM 1)0 inii)ossibU' lor iinybody u'lUc- 
 (jUiiintcd willi Mr. IT •wo to read this 
 Piinipliict wiilioiit bolioviii;;, wliutovor lio 
 niiglit tliinlv of tlio roiisoniii;ij, that at all j 
 events tlio lun!^na,a;o was that of a man j 
 thoroii^'hly sincere. [l is ((uit(! Iruo ihat the ' 
 pamphlet contradicts itself — tiial one.' part , 
 of it is at varianco with anotln'r. lleroi 
 assertions of fiict are made to suit one [jart ] 
 of the ariTinnent — there assertions dii'cctly 
 opposite do duty in a dillerent pai'l of the 
 same article. Still this mi^ht bo the re- 
 sult of over-eapferness to convince — of the 
 pcrfcri'tdiiin iiH/eniiim- wiiicli under the 
 heat of earnest conviction docs not stay to 
 weigh expressions or balance conllicling 
 statements. It was not surprising therefore 
 that the. Pamphlet received some attention 
 from the press of England. The amount 
 of tha^ atfiMition was not equal to what 
 might reasonably have been expected. The 
 greater part of the journals which noticed 
 it did so unfavourably. The Siturday 
 Rei'ieiv is a journal which holds aloof from 
 party or faction. It claims to be the organ 
 of indep(Mident political thought. It had 
 no personal or political j)rLJudi<'e against 
 Mr. Howe. Yet here is what the Satar- 
 day Review says of his case on his own 
 shewing : — 
 
 "It would notbopasy fiillytoapprpciatfltliebpnofits 
 wliicli CjiiCcderatioii i)roiniH('s to tliP Maritiiiip I'm- 
 vinco'^ witlimit lirst liparinj? tlip fpohlo vlows wliicli 
 are still urf,'pd by tl»(! discoinlitPd minority. • * * 
 Mr. Howe's arguments arc about as conclusiivo in fa- 
 vour of the scbiime wliich bPdonounceB as anythinf» 
 which could i)ostibly be urged by its supporters. Mr. 
 Howe's I'amplilnt is vahiable as sliowingon liow weatc 
 a basis of Provincial p.-ejudice aud political cowardice 
 the opposition to this largescheme of uuiou has been 
 built." 
 
 I might quote many similar extracts from 
 English periodicals, but I prefer to ask at- 
 tention tor a moment to a journal i)ubli.shed 
 not in England, but exi)ressing English 
 sentiment. It is one with which Mr. Howe 
 in his past life has been larg<dy identitied. 
 It is the pa])er which in the United States 
 is recognized as the organ of British 
 thought. It is one to whicli Mr. Howe has 
 been a large contributor, and which has 
 always treated him with the res[)ect due to 
 a valued correspondent connected with the 
 Editor by personal and literary ties of no 
 common order. I allude to the Nt!w York 
 Albion, to which Mr. Howe sent an early 
 copy of his pamphlet, with a request to 
 have it inserted, so as to difliuse his opinions 
 among the subscribers of that lai'gely read 
 periodical. The Editor complies with the 
 
 request. His views are at varience with 
 those of ]Mr. Howe on the subjects discussed; 
 and while yi<ddingto his per>onal desire to 
 serve his friend, he feids it his duty as a 
 ])ublic nuui, as the responsible (,'ditor of a 
 leading organ of j)ul)lic opinion, to caution 
 his readers against the production. In the 
 numl)er which contains the, lirsl half of the 
 pamphlet, the Editor says : — 
 
 "Wo cheerfully comply with Mr. Howe's request, 
 and p;iri' up considerable ."pace in order to insert it 
 entire, not wisliinR to (i(>cline a free di-cusjion of tho 
 .subject on its merits. When w<! have placed the wholo 
 argument of the* Opi)osi(ion as terse!) put in this 
 panij)lilet upon record, we shall reserve the right to 
 critici?e Mr Howe's vi(M's, and thosi' o| his party, 
 atre<h, and would here ndd Hint ni nimii/ r-sjifcts ly.' 
 <'(»i.ii<hr tlu iirj^iunenls lie initti forth as I'lisnuiid, and in 
 many nspects, dangerous.'' 
 
 In the next number the Editor ])ublishe3 
 the remainth'r of the pamphlet, and makes 
 the comments of which he had gixcn notice. 
 I shall not extract the whole of the article ; 
 its s])irit will be apparent from what follows : 
 
 " sir Howe is agentleman whom we were formerly 
 glad to number amongst the loremost of the advocates 
 ol union, and ct)nsolidation ol strength, for all Itritish 
 America. Hut ho now disingonuo\bly iittempts to 
 show that the best inttu'ests of Lioth Colonics and Em- 
 pire are to be ft)und in a lasting severance of all ties 
 between the several Provinces themselves, and in a 
 perpetual clinging to the Parent State for protection 
 and sustenance. After going on to berate and belittle 
 the chief Province. Canada, wliicli according to this 
 gentleman's own showing ' is as large a-i(ii'eat lUitain 
 France, and Prussia put together, and will, if ever 
 jieopled, sustain a population ol OlI.OOO.dDO," »Mr. Howe 
 goes on to declare that ' anybody who looks at the 
 map ot ISritish America, and'intelligently searches its 
 geographical features in connection with its jjust re- 
 cord, and present political condition, will p'>rceivo 
 that it naturally divides itself into four great centres 
 of political i)ower and radiating intiOligence." Tliese 
 political divisions, ho lurtherinore says, are to bo 
 made up of four parts— Maritime Provinces lirst, 
 second of Canada Kast and West, then of the Reel 
 lliver country, stretching from Canada to the Uocky 
 JI untains, and lastly of the Pacific Colonies. IJut 
 according to Mr. Howe, the last named, and at ])resent 
 least important of all these IJritish American ('olonies, 
 are to look forward to the first national e.visience. 
 He suggest that the ' Pacific Provinces, like all the 
 others, be lelt to govern themselves within the orbits 
 assigned them by IJritish interests aud Imperial regu- 
 lations, until the period arrives for a general break 
 up. when the IJritish Provinces and tho Americau 
 States in tlio Pacific will perhaps unite ami form one 
 great English ( I) community, preserving friendly rela- 
 tions, it is to be hoped, with the nations from which 
 they sprung. In fact the avijumcnts ron'nhicd inthis 
 ji'imphlct from bfii'mning to end, arc cn'culafcd to 
 divide and ireakcn JJrilitili America /lirouf/lioul, and 
 would haii(> a tendcncji to dampen, ij' not (.n/ireh/ ex- 
 tinijiiish, anij f/erms of national fcilmn that man ''c at 
 ]irese7if yroirihi/ up in the mind^i oftlie mont adranced 
 and intellii/int Colonistg. Certainly the honourable 
 gentleman's stay at Washington and his seeming 
 dread of the terrible Fenians manifested since his re- 
 turn, have quite unnerved him as a Britain ; and for 
 the present unfitted him for eitlier a'trornliin; or repre- 
 sentinel British America's interests in eitlier tlie old icorlU 
 or t/ie neiv." 
 
 " The idea only hinted at in the closing sentence of 
 this pamplilet, namely, that Colonial representation 
 in the national councils, is one of Mr. Howe's first 
 born, but impracticable theories, and one which can 
 never be realized, Kepresentation in the national 
 councils means taxation for national undertakings, as 
 well as the sharing of the present obligations of the 
 Mother *.lountry ; and |how, we would ask, would 
 India, Australia, and British America relish the ap- 
 portiomneut oftlie present debt of Great Britain '!" 
 
 i 
 
6 
 
 •i('iu'(3 with 
 -s<lis{'iis.seil; 
 ml (Icsii'o to 
 
 duty us a 
 'iliior o>' a 
 
 ii> ciiutioii 
 '11. Ill the 
 
 liiiU"()f tho 
 
 (iv.i'Vs rpquest, 
 
 ii'i' to insort it 
 
 ('u<-i()ii of till) 
 
 need till' wliolo 
 
 pul in this 
 
 ' tlio ripht to 
 
 >l liis jjiirty, 
 
 iniij fsfit'cts Wf' 
 
 ns"Uii(l, and in 
 
 '1' piiltlislies 
 ;ind iiiiikes 
 ;i\('ii notice. 
 I lie article ; 
 liat follows: 
 
 \v(>re fbrnifirly 
 ■ the iidvocutcs 
 for all ISi'itisli 
 y attoinptst to 
 oiiii's iiiid Em- 
 nc'c of iill ties 
 lv(i,s, and in a 
 lor inok.'Ction 
 \(i' iiiid liclittio 
 ordiii^ to this 
 '(ij'i'iU Hritain 
 will, if over 
 W," Mr. Howe 
 I) look.i lit tlio 
 tly .icarclias its 
 til it-i past re- 
 will p'-rciuvi) 
 • j?reat centres 
 tt'iici'." Tlio-so 
 lys, are to bo 
 'roviuccs first, 
 nil ol' the lied 
 to til" Itocky 
 Colonies. IJut 
 and at jiresent 
 •ican (Colonies, 
 iial (existence. 
 ■s, lik(> all the 
 lull the orbits 
 Imperial regu- 
 general brealc 
 the Anicricau 
 and I'onn ono 
 t friendly rela- 
 l^' from which 
 nhiincil ill this 
 ciilcutatvd to 
 'tmiihout, ami 
 if i-n/iri'li/ ex- 
 'luit mail be at 
 iioKt (td'ranred 
 iH honourable 
 liis seeming 
 d sinoe his re- 
 itain ; and/or 
 'i/iiis; or repre- 
 r the old world 
 
 iR pentenoe of 
 •epresentatiou 
 
 llowe'a Urst 
 ne which can 
 
 the national 
 dertakingH, as 
 tations of the 
 i ask, would 
 relich the ap- 
 t Uritain ?" 
 
 But now let me notice one of the articles 
 I'avourahle (o Mr. Howe's pamphlet, which 
 npp<'ai'e(l in an Kn<^lisli journal. The Star 
 U tlic. oi'^aii of Mr. lirijflit. Slioi'tly alter 
 the ap[)eiirance of the Pamphlet a notice 
 of it appeared in this journal so favourable 
 that it was imniediatcdy rciiublisht'd in tli" 
 Nova Scotia p!i|)ers adverse to Confedera- 
 tion, and the Star was eulogised as one of 
 the fireiit orn;;ins of public opinion in this 
 country. J n'^njt that I have ixit the pa- 
 ])er at hand, or I would reproduce the 
 article, but it will be fresh in the minds of 
 the rtiaders of thi^ Nova Scotia press. It 
 was looked upon as the solemn deliverance 
 of an impartial judjie upon a subject on 
 wliicli he v>;is well qualified to decide. 
 Hut \\w Star was passinu^ judgment on the 
 case when only one side of it had been 
 given. 
 
 The I'am|)hlet required an answei", and 
 an answer was givcm. Had the Pamphlet 
 been written liy any other person than Mr. 
 IIo\v(^ a dilferent kind of answer might 
 have l)ceii required. Had every body else 
 as com|)letely forgotten Mr. Howe's past 
 history as lie seems himself to have done, 
 the answer might have been retpiired tt)be 
 in a dirt'erent style. But the rcscord still 
 remainiid Jind the answer was at hand. 
 Every point that IMr. Howe made in a 
 pamphlet extending over thirty-seven pa- 
 ges was a direct contradiction of solemn 
 declarations made by himself on some for- 
 mer occasion. His speeches and writings 
 contaiiUHl a refutation of every argument 
 he used, in language more glowing, more 
 earnest, more eUxiuent, and a[)i)arently 
 more sincere, than the language of the 
 Pamphlet itself. All that was necessary 
 was selection and arrangement, and Dr. 
 Tujjper, who undertook the rei)ly, had no 
 occasion to do much more than string the 
 passages together, to select as many as he 
 ehos(^ on each branch of tin; argument, 
 and he had Mr. Howe's authority to prove 
 the utter imsoundness of his present posi- 
 tion. 
 
 The elTect of this rejjly upiMi the public 
 opinion of this country was unparalleled. 
 The people of England set a high value 
 on political consistency. They are not so 
 rigid as to refuse any allowance for slight 
 changes of oj)inion, arising from altered 
 circumstances — but a change so thorough, 
 .so sudden, so unaccountable, shocked the 
 public conscience. I think 1 am not over- 
 stating the case in saying that wherever 
 
 Mr. Howe's Pamjihlet had produced any 
 impression, tlie reply obliterated it, and 
 just in proportion to the strength of that 
 impression was the revulsion powerful and 
 overwhelming. I\Ir. Howe's advocacy of 
 isolation, replied to out of his own mouth, 
 may leave here some admirers of his 
 ability and versatility — it leaves none of 
 ids consistency or i)olifical integrity. 
 
 The Star is, as I have .<aid, llu; organ of 
 Mr. Bright's parly. IMr. Howe's lil'e li; 
 been j)!issed in contests which closely ider 
 lify liim with the friends of IMr. Bi-'. 
 Mr. Howe had a right to look to that org 
 for symjiathy and support, and in th(i iii 
 instance these were quickly accorded. Bu 
 the Star had forgotten the maxim Audi 
 alteram pdrton — hear the ollu'r side. Dr. 
 Tu[)[)cr's panqihlet gave the other side. 
 The materials were now before the Editor 
 for a fair and impartial judgment. He 
 pronounces i(, and in ji manner which ciini- 
 mands the respect of everybody. Un- 
 trammelled by the expression.s he had 
 used when he had only half the case be- 
 fore him, with a force of character which en- 
 abled him to confess that Ik; had been led 
 into error, and with a desire to repair the 
 fault into which perhaps personal regard 
 for the author of the })amphlet, at all events 
 ;i hasty judgment on insulhcient materials, 
 had betrayed him, — he comes out in a sub- 
 seiiuent numbtn' with an article which the 
 C/tnmicIe should publish side by side with 
 that which it recently commended to the 
 attention of its readers. The Star says : — 
 
 "In point of fact Mr. llowo is ♦' est witness 
 against Mr. Howe. It could not bo exincted tlnit hi-< 
 pamphlet would pass unscathed through the ordeal of 
 criticism Me must have been prepared for what wa.n 
 to follow, and w<' can tluirefore the more thoroughly 
 appreciate and admire the courage which provoked 
 such a retort as that which Dr. I'upiier has made. 
 'I'/tiK I)ou<itir<ili/i- r/cnl/'initn'n t'lgh is .fo eas;/ tliat tie 
 i)iif/lit Writ licC'imc an ohjiwt ofcnrif mnoiif; publir mot 
 who hart' often hard IJatllc,i to jii/ht and perjilcxinf; 
 niiestinns to sulrc ere tlu'n ca)i snatch even the sein- 
 i)lauce (if rictorii fnmi thiur uni^/ceijinf/ and rdentli^s^ 
 /hi.i. file truth is that there is not a sinj/te, tine ql' at- 
 tack or drfencc in Mr. Howe's c/erer jiamjihict to wlihh 
 Mr. Howe's prerioiis speeches and proceedings on th- 
 «(uni' i/uestion do not ojj'er a ci»icUtsii:e aiisu'er. i)oe^ 
 lie now anathematise and traduce the Canadians? 
 Only two short year.^ ago he allirmed that ' he was not. 
 one of those who thanked God that he was a Nova 
 Scotian merely, for he was Canadian as well.' Does 
 he now draw the most appalling picture of the evil < 
 which will accrue from the union of the cohmies? 
 In lS(j2,speaking before a Canadian audience, ' he look- 
 ed hopefully forward to the time when the great pro- 
 vinces of Canada would be connected with the pro- 
 vinces below, and when a man would feel that to bi- 
 a British North American was to be the citizen of a 
 country which included all these fertile lands, all these 
 inexhaustible fisheries, all this immense marine- car- 
 rying to all seas the flag of Old I'lnglaud, if she wouUi 
 let us; if not, the Hag of British America.' Does hu 
 now from the existence of the French Canadian popu- 
 lation iu Lower Canada evolve the theory of an anta- 
 gonism of race which would mar the fortunes of the 
 
6 
 
 mtrltimo iiroviticoo? Whon in Tnnada In W>2 Up 
 could !<p((»k of tlic impututiDiiH wliirli hud ln'cn cant 
 upiin thn Friinrh ('unndiiiii'* un 'Hlandor*,' and on a 
 provious ou(;a!«iiin lirand tliJM h nno dUtinctioi\ of raco 
 It* ' an invidiiHH tlii'niK upon wliii^li nIarinirttH love to 
 dwpll.' Diw^ III' now oontcmplftti' flit! propound Intor- 
 colonial rallwiiy in II spirit (iramrnir tio ri'ci'nily nn 
 in 1S()4 111) dcoIariMi that ' ho Imd alwuvn been in favour 
 of thi'Intorculoiilul railway,' uiidon tlicHanic occasion 
 ' !u« wuM plcascfi to think that the day wax rapidly ap- 
 proachlnft wlion tlin nroviiiccs would lie unitiMl with 
 onif flag uImivo tln'ir In ;i<1h, oik' thought in all tlnMr 
 hoHoiiiH, with one Sovfrolirn, and oni'eonNtitufion.' It 
 ii uiiiu'ccHrtary to pursuo Un> nuhjcct further, although 
 wu nii)<lil do Ko niifil tlut ri<liitiilioii of .Mr. Howe hy 
 Mr. Ilowo waM rrndcnnl nhsolufdy comploti'. We 
 must thcrcl'ort" di'olinc to accept liis picM'tit o])inioiiH 
 ;m worth inori' than the erratic ^('IHinleut^ ol'ii piililic 
 man who in a wonderfully brief space of tiniu lias 
 tdlien uppoHito Hide.i uu the same (|Ut>dtion." 
 
 In this p!im|)lil('t Mr. Howe piii'siios 
 the courtie wliicli I'roiii tlio l)oj,'inniiie[ tlu! 
 (^pponontH of I'liioii in tlie IMiii-itinn' 
 I'l'oviiic'cs liavo iiiiirkcMl out I'or tlioiii- 
 pelvcs. lie t'onlini's liiinscit' to attack. Ho 
 proposes to strik(! down wliat we sii;r- 
 jjest ; ])iit he olli-rs iiosuhstitiite ot" liisowii. 
 This is what, all aloiifr, the friends of Union 
 eoinjilaincil of. Their iidvei'saries admit 
 that sonii'f/tuuf must he done. Thev iim-ce 
 that ?oine ehanire is indispcnHahlc, but thev 
 tell 11'^ that the chaiiL((! we pi-opose is 
 not that which is required. They foi'hear 
 to tell us what they rc(;oinnjeiid. This in 
 one sense is wise. It is easier to demolish 
 than to c.onstrnet. If. therefoi-e, the oliject 
 of the discussion were niei'ely to obstruct or 
 embarrass, our opponents have iiiirsiietl a 
 Avise course. But in a ,2;i'eat crises of public 
 affairs the man who confines himself to this 
 style of opposition may hope to be consider- 
 ed a useful pai'ti/an, — Ik; can never claim 
 the position of a statesman or a patriot. 
 When Mr. Howe came to Enc^land and ad- 
 dressed himself to l>rilish Statesmen, it was 
 not enough to tell them that he objected to 
 what was pi-oposed. Tiiey had a right to 
 ask what he proposed instead. They did 
 ask, and we have the answer in a j)ain|)hl(!t, 
 extending over thirty-three pages, entitled 
 the '• On/an tZ()tu)n of (he Empire.''' 
 
 Here then is the scheme of tlie oi)))onents 
 of Union. Mr. Howe as their representa- 
 tive heiT has tmdei'taken to put it forward 
 on behalf of the body he represents. Now 
 we have something tangilde. The i)eople 
 o^ Nova Scotia may look at both and draw 
 tlieir own conclusions. 
 
 Mr. llow^i i)ropos(!s that instead of unit- 
 ing with one another, the Provinces shall 
 continue divided as they are ; but that each 
 colony be admitted to have one, two, or 
 three representatives in the Imperial Par- 
 liament, according to size, pojiulations and 
 relative importance ; and in return for this 
 
 concession he would hold evoiy man lialtlc 
 to serve the (^iiccn in wjir, and makt; every 
 fioiind's worth of property responsilde for 
 tilt! National th'fenee. This is the gist o\' 
 the whole pamplilei in a few words. 
 
 Had Mr. Howe undei-taken to put this 
 pamphlet before the public at iui eai'ly date, 
 it coidd have saved a world of useless dis- 
 cussion. His friends with this scheme in 
 their hands would have shrunk tVom a line 
 of attiick which would have dainageil them- 
 selv(>s more than us. They would have 
 refraineil from iirguments which, powerful 
 its they might be agsiinst us. and calenlated 
 to daiiiiige oiu" prospects ii\ Iht^ public esti- 
 mation, were inlinitely more damaging to 
 the scheme of the getitlemen by whom they 
 were used. The Anti-Confederate orators 
 dwell willi gi'eal \'m'{-y\ on the iniide(|iiacy 
 of our i-eproentatiou in Oltawa — 17 mtim- 
 bers in a Parlijuuent of l'.)l. '^I'liis wa-- 
 only one in J'oKr. iMi". Howt; pi'oposes to 
 increase their influence by giving them less 
 than one voice in oi\e hundred. 
 
 In a Parliament whei'C local circum- 
 stances of a pennunent nature lai'gely jui- 
 lagonize two great sections, the voice of 
 the Maritime Provinces, though animated 
 by one inlerest and speaking with one a:-- 
 eord, could not. say they, assure us any in- 
 lluence. Ihit go to a pai'liament where 
 there is no such antagonism, be a luiit in the 
 great crowd of British Representatives, iuid 
 Mr, IIowi! tells you you will be sure to be 
 heard ami to prevail. 
 
 The Aifti-Confedeivites say. Union will. 
 Canada and New Brunswick would make 
 us a common coinitry with a eonnnon 
 interest, and it would be the duty of every 
 man when recinired to rush to the defence 
 of the comiiion frontier. A Nova Scotian 
 or a New lirunswicker might be marched 
 to the Lakes, How does Mi\ Howe 
 remedy a gric^vance which has been made 
 a stalking hoise in every \ illage and ham- 
 let in Nora Scotia? It is intolerable, say 
 the Anti-Unionists, that a man should be 
 liable to serve in Canada. I\Ir. Howe ex- 
 tends his liability to the Antipodes — to 
 India and Japan — to th(! Crim(\i and the 
 Peilio — to the Gold Coast and Ceylon. — 
 Wherever British armsarere(|uii'edto |)ro- 
 tect British interests, there shall a free Nova 
 Scotian, under Mr. Howe's plan, be bound 
 to go whenever the interests of the Empire, 
 in the ojiinion of a parliament in which his 
 voice is powerless, require it. Surely the 
 people of Nova Scotia will accept this boon \ 
 
 I 
 
4 
 
 ry man liiil)It, 
 
 (I iniik(! every 
 
 I'spoiisilile for 
 
 is tlu' f^ist of 
 
 words. 
 
 I'll to put tliis 
 im early ilato, 
 it" useless (iis- 
 liis sclietue in 
 k iVoin a line 
 imaged tlieiu- 
 
 uoiild have 
 icli, itoworl'ul 
 11(1 ealeulited 
 e pultlic esti- 
 (laina^jriiiu: to 
 y whom they 
 erate orators 
 f iiiadcMpiacy 
 a — 17 inem- 
 I. '^riiis wa-- 
 ! proposes to 
 in^' tliem less 
 I. 
 
 Oca! elrruui- 
 ■ largely aii- 
 tlio voice of 
 .irh animated 
 with one ac- 
 re us any in- 
 ment where 
 I unit in the 
 iitatives, and 
 )e sure to be 
 
 Union with 
 
 would make 
 
 a common 
 
 (y of every 
 
 le defence 
 
 )va Seotian 
 
 e marched 
 
 Mr. Howe 
 
 been madc^ 
 
 ■ and ham- 
 
 'rable, say 
 
 sliould be 
 
 Howe ex- 
 
 ipodes — to 
 
 a and (he 
 
 C(!ylon. — 
 
 iredto |)ro- 
 
 i free Nova 
 
 , be bound 
 
 le Empire, 
 
 which his 
 
 Surely the 
 
 this boon [ 
 
 iSiirely llioy will admit that if one of her' 
 Sons can be accommodaled wiih a comfort- 
 able seat in the llritisli House of Commons j 
 that is quite a sufllcient n-ason why the j 
 other 70,(»()il of lh<;m should be liable to be 
 torn from their homes by a power beyond j 
 their control, and marched to the remotest 
 parts rtf ii Hrilish Kmpire to li'/ht in! 
 'juarrels with which they have nothinu; to] 
 (lo, and shed I heir blood in contests of the 
 origin of which they know nothing ! ! 
 
 Is Mr. Howe serious? Is he so ready — 
 are tho peo|)le of Nova Scotia so ready — 
 to strain at a gnat and swallow a canud? 
 
 No man in I"'nglaiid, except willi his 
 own consent, voluntarily given when he 
 enlists, can be comj)elled lo march one inch 
 beyond the frontier. No Statesman in 
 England would dare to propose a law to 
 take away this privilege. Yet Mr. Howe, i 
 in th»! name of all the Anti-Confederates 
 of Nova Scotia, voluntarily offers to subject 
 (o conscription and com]uilsoiy service in 
 every country upon which the sun shines, 
 every man in Nova Scotia — to subject the 
 colonies to a slavery more intolerable than 
 that of Russia or Turkey. 
 
 Has Mr. Howe been empowered to im- 
 jrase this yoke on the neck of his country- 
 men? Has he the authoi" y not only to 
 make slaves of their persons but to subject 
 every pound's worth of property to the lia- 
 bilities of war in an Empire so extensive 
 that the sun never sets upon it ? 
 
 The opponents of Union j)retended to be 
 frightened at the burdens which our scheme 
 imposed : but Mr. Howe's " little finger is 
 " larger than our loins." TJie service 
 to w hich tlujy objected as too onerous to be 
 borne, is to be replaced by a service a 
 hundred fold more grievous ; and Mr. 
 Howe expects the people of Nova Scotia 
 to rejoice at the change. 
 
 Mr. Howe objects to the heavy duties 
 imposed in (Canada, yet he proposes a plan 
 which would render it necessary to raise 
 our duties inmiediately above the Canadian 
 level. How are we to raise the proportion 
 of taxation which Avould devolve upon us, 
 as our share of the support of the British 
 Army and Navy, except by the imposition 
 of duties and imports ? Mr. Howe admits 
 that in a country like ours, sparsely settled, 
 direct taxation is impracticable. Imports 
 alone then remain. The argument that 
 Confederation is objectionable because it 
 involves increased expense and an addition 
 to the tariff, is met by a proposition to 
 
 make that addition still greater. INIr. Howe 
 does not pretend that our Militia are to be 
 <lisembodied. The expens(; of that service 
 comiimes of course, but we are to pay in 
 addition, for the prestige of a seal at Wesl- 
 minster, a sum larger than our whole 
 Militia expenditure. 
 
 Ihit Mr. Howe goes further. He says', 
 " If a Z(»lveriu such as tin; Ciennans havo, 
 "or free trade between states such as the 
 "■ Great Uepublic enjoys, be advantageous 
 "• we have them on the widest scale, and 
 " with a far larger population. The seaH 
 '• divide our possessions it is true, but out 
 ■' of this very division grow our valuable, 
 '' fisheries, our nu'rcantile marine, our line-! 
 " of Ocean Steamers, and out of these our 
 "Navy, and t!ie sujircjnacy upon the scjiy, 
 " which if we hold tog(;ther, with cheaper 
 *' iron, coal, timber and labour, than almost 
 '* any other Maritime Country, no other 
 " jiower can dispute." 
 
 It is dillicult to tell what all this mean'-'. 
 IJut if it means anything, it is probably in- 
 tended to be understood that there is no- 
 thing to prevent all the IJritish dominions 
 from trading with each other free from tax- 
 ation or duty. Suppose this to be the case, 
 how are we to raise our revenue ? Direct 
 taxation is out of the cpiestion. Mr. Howe 
 himself scouts at the idea of it. Britain 
 and her colonies are free ; Nothing is icit 
 but our fbivign trade, and tliat is mainly 
 with tlie United Stjites. A tax laige 
 enough to raise a revenue such as we re- 
 quire at ])resent imposed upon our foreign 
 trade would crush that trade out of exist- 
 tence. Mr. Howe is very sensitive witli 
 regard to the effect which Confederation 
 would have on the American feeling. Ho 
 assumes that our neighbours would consi- 
 der it a menace, and yet he gravely makes 
 a proposition which could be carried out 
 only by driving every American from onr 
 markets. He would erect a Chinese wall 
 between us and them, and as perfectly iso- 
 late them from us as if they were in Bur- 
 raah or Japan. His scheme could not suc- 
 ceed, because trade would laugh at such 
 obstructions. A Hood of illicit commerce 
 would deluge the land and demoralize the 
 people, but without replenishing the treasury 
 
 But I have dwelt at greater length on 
 this Pamphlet than I intended. I must 
 now draw to a close. - 
 
 There is one feature in all this matter 
 that cannot fail to attract attention. The 
 feeling throughout the United States is op- 
 
8 
 
 f)OK<'(l (o Confc'di.'i'nf (on. Every ncwspnpcr 
 in Jliat country wliidi is not iitiflcr I^ritisli 
 Ul!iii;ij.'<'iru'iit, tlu! in'\vs|);ipr'rs in Kn;jrlnii(l 
 whirl) H'tlcct " Aincricim" scntimt'rit or arc 
 sup|io,-i('(l to he. in " Amcnciui" pay, arc op- 
 posi'd to Coiif('(lcrati(Hi. Tli(> Fcuiati^ in 
 Jrclami and Aincrica arc opposed to it. 
 pjvery cIusm and deseriptioii of men who 
 liate Kn;,dainl and woidd ih'stroy her if 
 they eoidd, are in the same ranks. 
 
 On the other liaiid, the Hritisli Govcrn- 
 racnt and the Hritish people are in its fa- 
 vnnr. Hrilirih Statesmen on both sides of 
 I'oliiies, Karl Derby, Karl Rns«;ell, Lord 
 Carnarvon, Mr. Cardwdl, the representa- 
 tives of the two <,'reat parties into which 
 En^rland is divided, speak in uec<)rd on this 
 great snbjoet. Every iriend of Englaml 
 in the t^nit(,'d States us naturally ranj^es 
 him -eir on tlu; side; of Union as every Fe- 
 nian then; does a;.,'ainst it. The Alhmii 
 aeon nnts for this sejiaration of the ])arties 
 when it states that without union our inev- 
 itahle destiny is dhsorption. 
 
 When, therefore, I find in one phalanx 
 those who arc tlu; most proud of British 
 connoetion and the most desirous to conti- 
 nue in it. and in anotli(>r all those who hate 
 Illnjriand and w ish to injure her, is it too 
 much to pay to Mr. Howe and to such of 
 his trienils in Nova Scotia as have taken 
 their place among the enemies <^f our com- 
 mon country, that it belioovcs them at all 
 events to make out such a ease as will re- 
 move the suspicions that fairly arise from 
 the company in which they are found 't 
 The case they have made is not of that 
 character. It only proves to me the lan- 
 guage of an impartial judge already cpioted, 
 " upon how small a basis of personal preju- 
 " dice and political cowardice the opposition 
 " to this scheme of union has been built." 
 
 I do not say that there are not in the 
 ranks of the Anti-Confederates many men 
 as fond of British connection, as loyal to 
 the Crown of England, as any one of the 
 thirty-three men who formed the Quebec 
 Convention. But what I do say is, that 
 when they look around them and sec in 
 whose company they are, with what classes 
 of people they are co-operating, who they 
 are that are encouraging them and cheer- 
 ing them on, they ought to feel some mis- 
 givings, they ought to pause and ask them- 
 selves whether they may not be mistaken, 
 — whether they may not without sufficient 
 thought have entered upon the course they 
 are pursuing. Let them ask themselves 
 
 I whether a flag which floats over a national 
 I vcstel, marnied and (»irieered by natives nnd 
 I friends, bciring the nulhority of the ( Jov- 
 e'rnmt'iil and of the Sovereign, or the flag 
 wiiieh Is borne alot\ by a crew a portion of 
 whom are robbers ami [jirates, is nutst like- 
 ly to be tlie syml)ol of \i\\\ and order. L(^t 
 tliem ask themselves if they saw a crowd 
 ! of (piiel |»e(»pl<' clad in garments of solx^r 
 I hue. with b(>(>ks ofdcnotion in llicir hands, 
 ; wending their way in the direction of the 
 I village eliureh, and they saw another crowd 
 containing many very well dr«v-;sed respect- 
 able lookie.g people, but containing nl<o in 
 I its ranks every ruffian and cut-throat and 
 outcast in lh(! village, who weic hurraing 
 j and cheering their respectable looking 
 , com])anions, — I would ask them if they do 
 ' not thiid< that these worthy people would 
 'do well to stoj) and enquire wlietlw r they 
 were really on the road to tlu; church, 
 wh( ther they must not be mistaken to be 
 where the loudest ^dieers nnd the noisest 
 plaudits come from men whose character 
 and conduct they contemplate with horror. 
 I believe there ju'e many excellcJU per- 
 sons in the opposition ranks; all I wish is 
 that they should pause and think. 
 
 'Let them point out an enemy of Kngland, 
 an Americnn demagogue.a Fenia)i [>irate,an 
 unauthori/ed aggressor from Anun'ican ter- 
 ritory upon a friendly soil, thi^ murderers 
 of Canada's bravest sons, — every man of 
 these is an Anti-Confederate with his 
 hat off cheering — urging on — encouraging 
 the men who on British soil are opposing 
 British Union. 
 
 Yes, my Fellow Countrymen, Union is 
 preservation, — Isolation is absorption. If 
 you wish th(^ British flag to float over your 
 heads join hands with your fellow-colonists 
 and hold it there. If you wish a destiny 
 ecjual to that which Providence holds out 
 to you Avith outstretched hands, then rally 
 round that flag ! Support it with a united 
 force — fight for it — live for it. Manly as- 
 pirations will ensure a manly reward, and 
 those who come after you, looking to the 
 men who laid the foundations of the glori- 
 ous fabric which they have inherited, will 
 bless the sagacity that conceived, and the 
 energy and courage that wrought out, amid 
 much difficulty and trial, the glorious work 
 that is now before you. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 Fellow Novascotians, 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 A. G. ARCHIBALD. 
 
 1 
 
vera national 
 Uy iijitivcsand 
 
 Ml" tlu' (lov- 
 
 .'II, nv iUr finnr 
 
 tvii portion of 
 -', U most like- 
 id oi'drr. Ijot 
 saw a crowd 
 iicrit-* of sober 
 1 llicir hands, 
 '(•(•lion of the 
 motlif^r crowd 
 cssed rcspcct- 
 iiiniiit,' ul<o in 
 •Mt-lliroat and 
 'crc hniTainj? 
 !il)l(! lookinu 
 '111 if they do 
 x'opjc would 
 wlicllu r llicy 
 till! chnrcli, 
 istnkcn to be 
 
 tlic! noisesf 
 >sc cliara('t(ir 
 
 with lioiTor. 
 xcolhiiil por- 
 iill I wish is 
 ink. 
 
 r^of Enj,dand, 
 ian piratc,an 
 bucrican t(}r- 
 •^ murderers 
 v^ery man of 
 n with his 
 ■enconrnging 
 ire opposing 
 
 en, Union is 
 sorption. If 
 at over your 
 low-colonists 
 ^h a destiny 
 ce holds out 
 s, then rally 
 nth a united 
 Manly aa- 
 rcward, and 
 )king to the 
 3f the glori- 
 lerited, will 
 ed, and the 
 ht out, amid 
 orlous work 
 
 (tians, 
 IBALD.