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the iioitli. Encouragement to explore a reijion invested with mys-
tery and romance was found in the I'aet that great currents, both in
in the sea and the air, were ready to serve as guides and help tlieni
on their way. Nature appears partial towards the north, as the
equator of heat is l»y no means coincident with the eortions of the Pacific the equator of heat indeed runs south of
the geographical eattling his way towards the high latitudes, man acts
in sympathy with the mightiest forces of nature. The magnetic
needle, p»^inting steadfastly towards the north, is the index of his
mind. This joint tendency of nature and man is})rophetic and tells
of a triumphant result.
When or under what circumstances the first arctic voyage was
nuide is not now known. At the dawn of history, the northern regions
were represented as the realm of perpetual night. There, upon the
border of a vast sea, the Cimmerians dwelt in the congenial gloom,
their habits forming the theme of grotesque fables. The earliest
mai)s, however, show the polar regions as occupied by a watery
waste, while there are few statements that come to us from that early
period which are more definite than that of Scymnus of Clio, who
flourished about 000 years B. C, and who says, in his Fragments,
" that at the extremity of the Celts is a boreal i»eak ; it is very high
and sends out a cape into a stormy sea."* Letronne thinks that
^Tt/hf is a i>oetical expression, indicating some mountain chain,
whose peak performed the same ottice in the north that w is filled by
Etna in the south, Caucasus in the east, and Atlas in the west.
* " Kragineiits ties jioeinos Ge )si'n|)liique.-j »lc Seyiunus tic Clio," &c. By M.
Letronae (p. G(5).
3486
wmm.
4 Arctic Eji'plorathni.
Tlic earliest voyage to the north is that claimed for Pytheus,
the distinguished Phenieian astronomer and geographer of Mar-
seilles, who tlourished Wli) B. C. His works were extant in the fifth
centin-y, but are no longer found. Pliny and P^ratosthencs gave
full credit to his narrations, though Strabo shows great hostility
to Pytheus, whose accounts he refused to receive, saying that he
made "use cf his ac(juaintance with astronomy and inathematics to
fabricate his false narrative."* Pliny, however, with more reason,
thought that he employed his knowledge in pi-actical exploration.
The latest editor of 8trabo does not share in his author's doubt.
According to Pliny and others, Pytheus sailed through the Straits of
Gibraltar, making his w^ay north to the IJritisli isles, whither it was
the custom of his countrymen to resort, and, after traveling over
England on foot, proceeded northward to a place called " Thule,"
six days' sail from the northern i»art of Britain.! Strabo points
out serious errors in his account of England, .but the errors in the
main may be attributed to transcribers ; by whom Timceus is made
to call Vectis, the Tsle of Wight, "Mictis,'' and put it at six days'
sail from Britain. In Pliny's time those regions Avere well known,
and he speaks (,f " writers who make mention of some other
islands — Scandia, namely, Diinna, Bergos and, greater than all, Neri-
gos, from which persons embark for Thule. Atone day's sail from
* HtialK), H. VIJ.c. 8, 1.
f Pliny, Nat. Hist., 15. 11., c. 7r, ; and B. 1\'., c. l:}, 30, 36. Stnilio says : " It is
true that Pytheus of Marseilles aflirins that the farthest country north of the liritisli
islands is Thule, for which liesa^s the sutnnier tropi(Mind the arctic circle is all one. Hut
he records no other i)articulars coiiccrnin;^ it, whether Thule is an island, or wliether
it continues haljitahle uj) to the point where the summer trojiic hecomcs one with the
arctic circle." (B. II., c. v., 8.) Strabo's editor says on this, that the summer tropic
heiiifr placed at 24 deforces from the eqiiator liy Strabo, and most jjrobably by P\ theus,
the latitude of Thule or Iceland would be fixed at (JO N., which corresjmnds with the
north of Iceland, where the two tro|)ics would join and become one To the forego-
ing may be added another criticism on Strabo, which bas an effect opposite to that
intended, .is the "marine ,-le of Great Britain
were well acquainted with that lonely isle long before.
The earliest known movement northward from England was that
niaugu'-ated by King Arthur, about the year 505. The authority on
this subject is Geoffrey of Monmouth, who was bishop of Saint
Asaph in 1152, and who wrote the lUstoria Brltonvw, a work which
afforded a basis for the fables and romances of the "Knights of the
Round Table." Nevertheless, whoever inclines to turn fmin all the
statements of Geoffrey, for the reason that they contain much that
is untrue, should ponder the well-considered words of Hume,
who says of the Prince of Silures: " This is that Authur so much cele-
brated in the songs of Thaliossin and the other British bards, and
whose military achievements have been blended with so many fables
as even to give occasion for entertaining a doubt of his real existence.
But poets," he continues, " though they disfigure the most certain
history of their fictions, and use strange liberties with truth, where
they are the sole historians, as among the Britons, have commonly
Pliny, H. IV., c. 30.
Arctlr K.>'iih*rafhui.
I
some foundation for tlioir wildest exau^orations." * The Risliop of
Saint Asaph, who was not a poet, may be eredited, therefore, when
he states siieh simple faets as that, al)oiit the year ")<)'), Kiny; Arthnr,
after the eon({iiesl of Irelatid, received thcf siihmission of the
Orkneys and saih'(l to leehind, " whieh he also sulnlned ; '' at a sul>se-
(pient period overeomino- his foes in Norway.! I'he eompiest of
Ireland cost nMi<*h bloodshed, but that of [celand, if he went there,
must have been made without a strnt^gle, since at that period there
coidd not liave been men enough to make any great resistance.];
Ilakluyt, treating this matter, ((notes from (lalfridus Monume-
tensis, who says that, after subduing Treland, Arthur went to
Iceland, and " brought it ami the people thereof under his sabjee-
tion."j< The same author mentions "Maluasius" as "King" of
Iceland, and tells of soldiers that he furnished. || Tiie "King,"
however, may l)e redueod to a figure of speech, while there eonld
liave been no soldiers, unless, indeed, Arthur, as elsewhere stated,
transported people to the north. iTakluyt also (juotes Land)ord, to
the effect that Artliur made his way to ftreeidand ; •; but we ean
understand how tlui statement originated, since the map of Ptolemy
ma]\oy of
;, wluMi
\rthnr,
of tlu'
I s\il>s«'-
liu'st ol"
t then',
il tliertj
lonunu!-
vont to
iiiir '' ot
' iviuti,"
re could
V, stated,
ihord, to
t wi' <'an
Ptoloiuy
n ot" the
[fori', for
1 on l>is
Moiice of
ircoiiland,
Id fou<4ht
leverthe-
weut to
lit the west.
[ansiMM'tii le
III lea islan-
Arrffc fj.i'idin'othni. 7
Iceland. It is poHsihle that tlie liish'jp of St. Asaph inferi'td that
the northern island visited was Iceland, and it is also possilde that, in
such a case, he may have been in error ; hut this treatment of his
statemetit is not re((uired. That Arthur could have sailed to Iceland,
admits of no (h)ul)t ; nor is there any reason f(»r holdinuj that there
were no inhaltitants there in fjOr*. The fact that the Northmen found
only a few monks in Iceland in 804, (h)es not j)rove that the same
was true 2r)() years earlier. liedc, wlio died in 725, knew of
Iceland ; * and the Prologue of the L ol' the tenth eentury shows that the sailors and
geographers of England were aecpiainted with the Northern sea.
i if' ■■'*•' "•'•"'llr
fctj
^Ei
ili-^
1
it
^
M,
|[
LiTW.tl>f
i
."■-ii
WW
C^^,^ii- 4v::
X9
i
E^m
TjI
^ -^ ^Wii'^JDi^^rv
^^ff<^>-^ii?^Nr^i^*fLy^
Tlif An^^lo Suxon Mup.
Beyond Iceland was the open sea, into which DicniTs informants,
the Religious, wliom he styles "clerks," had so boldly sailed, until
they i-eached the barrier of ice whicli bars the course of tlie ex[)lorer
to-day.
We bave already seen that Arthur did not visit Greenland, yet
that that part of the north was reached about the time of Arthur,
admits of little doubt. It is true that the discovery of Greenland
lias generally been assigned to the pei'iod of Eric the Ked, who went
to Greenland in 0'^.5, yet a Bull of Pope C4regory IV^., dated 770,
refers to (irreenLiiid. The genuineness of this Bull cannot l)e ques-
tioned, nor is there any reason to suppose that the reference to
. Greenland, was interpolated. The Bollandists may indeed think that
there is some mistake,* but the explanation is easy and natural.
* This is a matter of [H'ivate int'orniation, l)iit tlie autiior cannot learn that the
when wo take into POTisKlcrafi.ui tlic known activity of inaiitiTnc
ontcM-priso prior to Kii,- tlic R,.,l. In.l.-ci, the Fivlamlic clironidcs
distinctly say that, Iialf a century l)cCorc the voyaijc (.f Kric, a trrcat
country was known at the west, hcinjr caUcd " Ireland the (iivat."
Itwoidd seem that thisc(Mnitry was first reached l)y the Irish, whose
prior dis(rovery was conceded by the Icelanders.. The Irish had
described it, evidently, as aland of venhire, while the Sa-^a says that
Eric aj)f)lied the name of " Greenland " to the part he visited, not
fnmi ar.y fitness, I»nt from motives of policy, sayinir that " men
would he persuade*! t(. go t<. a land with so (rood a iiamc." It is no-
whore protended that the name •' Greenland " orisrinatc.I with Kric.
His (,wn account imlicates tliat Europeans had visited (Ireenland
before his time, which leads to the conclusion that the Irish had been
in the country, and that the reference to Greenland in the Jbdl of
770 is correct.*
In the year IIS7, (iiraldus Cambreir-is wrote liis T<^me-
tur." — Distinctio, I., c. xiii., p. 95.
10
A rctir E.vpl<)r(» persons had died.f The next year the death of
EugMsh sailors at Bergen, in Norway, opposite Iceland, was reportt^d,
and recorded in the Sagas.]; This is all that we find at present
in connectioii with the fourteenth century in Iceland ; bu> the
reference of the Saga to the grcit mortalitv in Entrland is co'^*-' ,iicd
byStow's " AnnaL's," which state that the plague readied England
in 1348, touching the seaports first. TheTice, no J If the voyages of the
* liiilletin (le GcngiT.pliie 1858, p. 177. Are Frodc, in KHJH, speiikiiii; of the
visit jmid to Iceland hy Klokc Vii^erderson, says tiiat in thosc! times seanieu had
no loi.dstone in tlie northern eountries. The Bilde (nuot, 1150. speaks of the
loadstone as " un pierre Inidaet hrnmiere."
f "Islen/.kir Annular," Hafniu', 1847, p. 37(1. The lotlandie is as follows:
" Mannfnll ojiurlej^t a F.ni;!endi sva at tvo hnitdred thousand datt nidr.''
; IbiiL, ti7S. ^ ytovv's " Annales," p. 315, K.l. 1(131.
a(
A rotic Krplorafiitih
11
Englisli to Iceland had possessed greater inte'-est, there would have
been some more definite notice in the Sagas. We are free, however,
to admit tiiat, early in this century, the merchant trade n.ay have
been small, as in i;{28 Edward III. does not mention Iceland 'in his
"/-•/•o MercuTorihm Krtran('t.^r Nor does he mention Denmark (,r
Norway, hut these are included in the general language, ''oMfruan
alhiriim. IVrnirn))! et locorum e.rfnmonffiV* Nevertlu-Iess, the
mandate of Edward 1)1., ({ated March ISth, i;?r)4, recognizes the fact
that the king maintained afieel for service in the "parts IJoreal,"
-John de lladdon being the A(hniral.f It was probably designed to
protect the fishermen and nierchants from pirates around the nortli
of Britain.
In the Icelaiulic annals of tlu' fifteenth century, tlu> first entry is
tliat of 1407, when news v/as received of the death of the Arch-
bishop of York.]: In 1412, it was recorded that five English sailors
had separated from their ship and wintered in the island. -;< In
1413, " thirty mory of " the coasts of the islands be-
longing to Denmark and Norway, and especially to the island of
Iceland," for the purpose of fisldng or trading, " otherwise than
according to the ancient custom " {alitir qnani antitiuttus jwrl ron-
* Hyiiier's Fmieni, iv., JJfJl.
t lOkl., v., 778.
\. Anmilar, p. 382.
J^ Ibid. . !>. 380.
II Ibfd., p. 388.
•H Ibid., p. 300.
** Ibid., p. 393.
tf Ibid., p. 394.
^mmm
12
I ret/c Explorotlon.
\
stiei'-'t.'"* This notice was served upon the authorities of the
various seaports of Eughind, tlie mayor and bailiff of Lynn, Norfolk,
being notified witli tiie rest. Here, then, we learn, in connection with
1415, that in the ancient times voyages to Iceland liad become fre-
quent. It is clear from the complaint of the Danish king that the
old rules respecting traffic had l)ef^n broken habitually, and that they
were now to be observed, at least for one vear. 01 the exact nature
of the ancient law we cannot speak, but it would appear as though
tne prohibition related to the shore fisheries, wnich they were not
to intrude upon, and hence, when the English went to Iceland, in
1415, they harbored off the coast at the Westmann Islands. The
arrival of the sliips, under the circumstances, formed a noticeable
event, and for this reason it was recorded. Tlu^ Icelandic Annals
add, immediately after mentioning their arrival, that " the ships
brought letters from the King of Ei gland to the people and the
chief men of Iceland, to the effect that license should be accorded
to transact I)usiness, and especially that relating to the king's own
ship." The Annals state tliat the matter was duly arranged. It
will be noti(^ed, too, that one of tliese ships beh)nged to the King of
England. It was evidently a cruisei- of the royal navy.
There is, then, a complete agreement between the English and the
Icelandic Annals, both showing that an Englisli iieet visited Iceland
in 1415 — a circumstance which should go very far ;o estal)lislt the
general value and ( redibility of those records of a distant age.f
In 1410, the English were again in Iceland, but the Juidira does
not mention voyages until 14;{b, when Henry W. issued a license to
John, the Icelandic Bisho}) o<" Ilelem, then in London, authoi'izing
him to engage John May, with his ship "Catherine," for a voyage
to Iceland, where May, evidently an old voyager, was to act as his
attorney, and transact certain business for him, the Bisho}> himself
not wishing to undertake the voyage.| In 14.'5(), Ivichard Weston,
of London, a "stockfishmonger," was well known by the Icelanders.J^
* Foidera, ix., :322.
f Tliis agreeini'iit hc-tweeii the Eii{;lish ami kcliunlic niithorities r.pjJCiirs to ha
pointed out iio\> for tlie (ii>t time
X Fu'dera, x., 045 and 059. Kd. 187T.
5^ iWrf., X., 703. Tliese supplies were sent to the Bishop of Skalholt. who alone
was authorized by the Synod of Deninarl; to supply tlic eleiuents of the sacrameuts
to the churches. 8ee " Kircheii<:efclii(lite von Danenuirk und Norwe^an "
(MUnter), ill., 10.
of the
N^orlolk,
on witli
)\ne fre-
that the
lat they
t nature
, thougli
ere not
land, in
s. The
iticeable
Annals
le ships
and the
iccorded
iti's own
ujed. It
Kinu of
and the
leehnid
ilish the
'ira does
i cense to
horizing
voyage
lit as liis
> himself
\V eston,
landers.vj
ears to be
who alone
iucnuneuts
Arctic .E.i'ploratioii.
13
In 1440, Ilonry Y\. sent two ships to Iceland, with supplies to be
exchanged for such commodities as the inhabitants j)ossessed. It
was feared tliat without this aid from England, the sacraments even
wo(dd be omitted, there l)eing neither wine nor salt in the country,
and only milk and water (A/cr^ (O/tnnu.)*
Ih connection with the year 1445, another voyage is indicated by
the Admiralty Black Jiook, action having been taken agains,, Wd-
liam Byggensa.., and two men of Lynn, who visited Iceland in a
" dogger," called the " Trinity," and kidnapped a boy vhom they
brought to Swetesham and hehl in servitude, contrary to law. f
In 1450, a treaty was made between the Kings of Denmark and
England, which prohibited trading in Iceland ; but a special provi-
sion of l^irliainent exempted Thomas Canynges, Mayor of Bristol,
from the prohibition, in consideration of his great services to Iceland!
He was accordingly allowed to send two ships thither to load with
fish or other commodities. His traur, with Iceland was a matter of
general knowledge, and throws additional light upon a certain remark
by Columbus.
To avoid interrupting the course of the narrative respecting Ice-
land, allusion to the voyage of the Zeno Brothers was omitted in
its proper chronological place. 'V\\h voyage was made {o Green-
land, and a part of the Ameiican coast called Estotiland, and
Drogeo ; but it is not desirable to dwell upon such a familiar theme
here. It sufTices to say, whatever may be the obscurity of portions of
the narrative,t hat its authenticity never would have been questioned,
if it had been undersfood that at the time the voyage was made the
seas at the north and west were well known and frequented, of
which fact ample j»roof has now been given. The Zeno Map, pub-
lisluMl with the narrative in l5oS, shows that the Zeno family had a
knowledge of Greenland that could have been obtained only dur-
ing the pre-Columbian times. I
t " Item (juod Willeliiins Hv^^;,'enmne lie LSiietoshiiiu iniigister riijusdeni iiavis
vocata- le 'I'rinyt.', diotn' viilgariter dogger, Johannis Pigot ct Keiirid Sorysin de
lieiina Kpiscopi, circa festiiiii Kxiiltacionis Sanctiv Crncis anno 'licti regis vicesinio
tertio, cepit, umini piierain in partilius de I.siandia, et ipfurn diixit in dictii tiavi ad
ilmlctn usque Suete.sliarn, adsihi .scrvicnduni, contra statuta regiu in hoc parte facta."
—Monummta Juridica (Biacli Hook), I., 273.
X On Zeno, see "The Sailing Directions of Henry Hudson," p. .'5 ; "The North-
u
1 rdic K.i'ph>ri't'n>n,
\f, i
,1
Si'
111 this eoniu'ctiuii tlio iiivostij^ator must not overlook the voyage
of Skolnus tlie Pole, whicli took place in 1476, Hakluyt says
that this voyage is mentioned by Gemma Frisius and Giiava.* It is
certainly referred to on an ancient globe of about 1540, jtreserved in
Pan and known as the IJouen Globe, whereon, near the northwest
coast of Greenland, is a legend declaring that Skolnus reached that
})t>int in 1470. 'J'his globe seems to antedate Goniara (155o), the
earliest author that the writer has been able to consult.
Next, attention should be directed to the voyage of Coliinilius, of
which the Genoese himself gives the following account:
" III the month of February, 1477, I sailed a huiKb'cd leagues be
yond the island of Tliyle, the southern part of which is distant from
the equinoxial 73 degrees, and not 0'}, as some wish it to be ; nor
does it lie u])0ii the line wliere Ptolemy's west begins, but much
more toward the west. And to this island, whicii is as large as
Kngland, the English come for traflic, and especially thost' of
Bristol. And at the time I >vas there the sea was not fro/en, but in
some ])laces the tide rose 26 fathoms [feet], and fell the same."f
men in Maine," y. iJO. Also a i'uil diseusslon of the suhject in tlie Hakluyt Sooietv'b
edition of the voyage, edited i)y Major.
* Halnj;e. Frisius published "l)e Prineijiius Astronoinia' iS: Cosmoj^rapliiic," &o., in
ir);{0. The " ( osniographaia" of llieroniino Girava was i)rinted loOtt. Goniara
mentions vSkolnns in his " Historia," e. xxxvii., Kd. I.mJJ. See "Tlie Sailing
Direi'tions of Heiny Hudson," p. 3'?, in connection with WytHiet and ronianns.
For Hakluyt, see Maine Coll.. S. 3, Vol. 11., jt. W^.
f The Italian runs as follows : " To navigai I'anno 14T7. nel niese di Feinait* oltra
Tile isola cento leghe, la ciu parte Anstrale e lontana dall' Kipiinottiale sett^nitatrc
gradi, et non sessantntre, I'ome alcuni vogliono : ne gitce dentro dclla linen, chc, in-
clude lOccidentc di Toloineo, ma (■ inolto piu Occidentale. VX a (juest' isola, die c
tanto granile come I'lnghilterra, vanno glTngl -si con le loro mcrcatantie, special-
inente i|iie!li di Bristol. Et al teiii|X), die io vi aiidai, non era coiigelelate i! mare die
in aUnni luoglii ascendena ventesi hraccia, et discendena altro taiiti in altc/,/.r.." (His-
toria del S. ]). Fernando (.oloink). 1571, c. iv.) " Hraccia '' is evidently a clerical
error, as the original Spanish will doubtless show, if ever found. That Colimibus
was familiar with the map in the I'tolemy of 14Ht), showing the northern regions,
with Gieenlaud iis an extension of Eurojie, can hardly lie doubted. His remark re-
specting Thyle ap|)ears to lie intendecing laid down first according
A rrtic Krjdomtloii .
15
It 1%
W .ocvor wrou. iho lif. of the Ad.niral, tl.ero is ,... ,,uostion
but tlut he made th. voyage. Finn Magnusncn has pointed out an
interestmir confirmation of the statement of Columb.is respectin-r
the m. d weather in 147V, where lie sliows, from the annals, the rc"
niarkable fact that in 1477 snow had not been seen at Evafiord in
the nortli of leehmd, as late as March, f
To this period belongs the voyage of Robert Aleock, of Il.dl,
who, in 1478, was commissioned l>y Edward IV. to send a ship of
240 tons to Iceland, which was " to reload with tish or other gooaiiijj;'s IIeinisk»-inghi, Vol. I., chap, viii., p, (il.
\ After writing the greater portion of this paper we chanced to tind two other men
irr//<- I'J.,'j)/(„'(/f/'(,„^
17
- n. .s „IuaI was l,on, i„ Lynn, ^Jorlolk, at tl.c en.l of ,h. tlm-
ecnth ..nturv or at the be.nnnin.,. cf th. fuurteontl.. Of his ances-
tors noth.ng .s known, and hut few of the pa.-.ieuhus of his li^^
iK,w access.hU.. Richards, i,. hi, hi.toryof Lynn, has .nade o e
ho. u they may be ver.Hed. It is nevertheless certain that Nicll
d.r^ "ovf'r "u '" '^'"""^ '"'''^''^ ■''''' ''^-"^ '- --^-i '•-
•e H T ^' "''' ^^■^"" '^^'^'^^'" ''.V Chaucer, .vho, it. his
eat.se or, the Astrohihe, speaks of hin, as '' Frere X Lenne "
"reverent clerke."* Bale sivs th-.M.o ..v ii _" "'\\-^- ""f ""'S ^
«.,.,, . 1 '"*- "'^^^ '^"•^'^ '"tfexceUed ii: anlhmete, o-eom-
e Uy, uus.c and astrology ;f and it is a ^-urious fact that th N.Jh
o a. ot Chaucer's '^Miller's Tale'' is represented as ..ossc^L^Ue
a ne ac.uire.nents. Chaucer also makes him a stud nt at ()v]o |
-n.n^ hnu hende," o.. haudsofue Nicholas, and sur.-oundh., h m
u ith the implements of his profession :
" HLsalmagcstc [Ptolemy] „n.l h„k..s yirtc a.„] sn.alc
Ills ustrolaljie, l(.iioi„o for his m-f,
His aiiurini stoues, Inyen fairc aparte,
On shelves coticlieil at iiis I.eddes lied,
His press yeoverwi with a faldiu^r reil.
And all al)out tiieie juy a -ay sautrie
On wiucii made on iijohtes melodie.
«o sweetly that all the ehaml)ie roii;;- :
And ani;eliiH ad vir<;inem lie sony."
Tl.e ''Miller's Tale" also indicates the possession of certain nauti-
cal tastes on the part of the hero, and the device of the Tub may
.avebecm intended as a playful allnsion to sonte atten.pted navi..,,.
t.on by Nicholas oi Lynn. It is possible, therefore, thouo-h Cha.uler
speaks ol h.m with much respect in his work on the Astrolabe, that,
of the sa„.e name, though .neither .,f them appear to have atfae.ed the attention oi'
those V. ho have wntten on the anti,uities of Ly.m. First, '• Xieoias de Len," Ahhot
U.ro„Kp.e de Matthieu, I>aris,"T. IV., pp. ,S!)-t00. The seeond is Nieolaus Prior of
Lynn w„ entertaine.l John Aieo..k, Jiishop of Ely, upon the occasion of that preh>te's
us c to the phice. Il.s a.hninistration of the See of Ely ende.i in 1500; for which
tact he wnter >s^ m.lehted to the present Bishop <,f Ely, the Hi^^ht Hcv Dr
V\oodtord. See Libri I^tf/ri Scaccani, H., 4(i4.
* Chaucer's '• Astrolabe " (,he Ed. of the Chaucer Societv) p 'S
■\ "Scnptoruui,"cScc., p. 4G«.
I
o other men
■n
18
Arcfie Exploration.
in this talc, several versions of which have been broujjjht out by the
Chaucer Society, he makes an allusion to some adventure which hap-
pened while he was a student, and before he had ac([uired the char-
acter of a "reverent derke." It would appear that, like Chaucer
himself, Nicholas was in favor with tiie famous Duke of Lan-
caster,
lleilbronuer says that Nicholas flourished about the year IMSo, and
that he "ended life" a cenobite; but wliat portion of his life was
spent at sea does not appear. It is possible that he went to the north
with tlie Noi'folk fleet, and it Avould seem that he was a )>ractical
navigator. However lontj he niav have followed the sea, he at last
found grateful repose witliin tlie cloisters of his convent, devoting
his days to science and religion.
His voyage must have been made from the port of his native town
called 1 yim Regis. The town was one of great anti^iuity, having
received its flrst <-harterfrom King John, this being followed by no
less than eleven others, all of which, with their seals, are still carefully
preserved. At a very early period Lynn was an important seaport.
It contained vai'ious com cuts and churches. The latter, in connec-
tion with numerous crumbling antiquities, render Lynn a place of
very great interest. The thoughts of the peo])le, like the air of the
town itself, were full of the ocean bree/e, and even the monk in his
cell felt many of those sul)tle influences which pervade the maritime
provinces and in\ ite men to wander abroad. In the case of Nich-
olas, duty may have united with natural inclination in alluring him
away upon unknown seas. vVt all events, he became a sailor, and, as
Chaucer writes ; " With many a tempest hadde Ills herd be shake."
Thus he won his place as a mariner in the annals of his time.
Two works have been attributed to Nicholas of Lynn; the '" fnven-
tio ForttiiHitit,'''' a copy of which he presented to P^dward III., and
an astronomical Kalendar, aclaptcil luore or less to practical naviga-
tion. The latter is still preserved, and its ccmtents are indicated by
Bale. It treats of the length of the days, the oppositions and con-
junctions of planets, and gives a table of eclipses calculated for
75 years, together with a description of astronomical instruments.*
II
* '■ KiilciKliiriniii indicnns rornni locum Solis, qnnntitiitein (liernrn artifioialium et
viil ..iuui, oppositiones et conj unctions planetiiruiu, &c., cum tal)nlis Eclipsium ad 75
imnos et (lescrijitione (juorundam instrmcntorum astroncmicarum." A recent note
''-3
rjor
Cd
Ari'ff'e Krj)lo)'af/oii.
10
ihap-
eliar-
aucer
Tian-
5, and
:» was
north
ic'ti(!al
at last
voting
> town
Having
by no
rei'uUv
caport.
•onnec-
liice of
of the
in his
laritinie
Nieh-
11 g him
:iiiorum
Manuscriptoruni Anj^lia' et Hilierniie," Oxford, 1(197, No. ()!I04 (oG), Woitley MSS.,
p. 213. John Hale gives the lietids of tlie IJl eliapters coiniiosini; tlie work, anioiif?
which is one on the Astrolabe. See " Seriptoriini iliustrin iiiaioris Brytannie," &e. ,
Male, 1557, p. 4(58. J. Bale is not to be eonfonnded with Hohert, the Car!^:ciite friar
of Norwieli, whohecanio n Protestant in the rei<:n of Kdwanl \'I. Heillironnei fol-
lows Hale in his "Hist. Matheseos Universa-," Leipsie, 1742, p. 490. According; to
Mr Si;'«m/i//(7 (irmoiir for the line of the ''North
Fleets which nniy proliahly refer to the ecjuipnient of one of Nicholas' expeditions.'
(Letter of Octoher I'Jtli, 1879.) I am also in induljjje in any speeulatioiis eoncern-
iiitj^ the connect'ons tliat may have existed I)et\vee!i Nicholas and
John de Iladdon, Admiral of the Fleet for the " parts Uoreal.'"
The IJritish navy was founded by Alfred the Great, and in the
fourteenth eentury it was, in a sense, a recognized institution. In
i;]54 de Iladdon ajtpears to have used both Ilartlepdol and Xew-
eastle-upon-Tyne as naval stations ;f the latter beinu; r.ot far from
l.ynn, while the former, situated on the coast of Durham, aft'or-^ '•] a
most convenient base for operations towards Iceland, whither, as we
have seen, one of the king's ships went with a trading fleet in 1415.
In the fourteenth eentury Kanulfus Iligden wrote his well known
" Polychronicon," but, though a contemporary of Lynn, he niakes
no reference to his voyage. Iligden died about the year 1:^63, while
the voyage of Nicholas is set down for 13(50. The early part of the
Rannlfu? Hiprdon's Map, A.D. 13W).
work, where the reference to Nicholas would belong, was probably
composed some time before his death, and possil)ly prior to inOO. Ilig-
den, therefore, may have known of Lynn and his voyage, though he
fails to mention him. Iligden gives a description of Iceland, based
more or less or. Giraldua Cambrensis, and adds a map of the Avorld,
upon the northern part of which Iceland appears as " Tile."
* " Third Report of the Koyal Commission." (1872), p. 351.
t Fmhra, v., 778.
>>»
\ri'tl<- HxfdiU'dtiini.
3
'I'i
IC ('ill'
lit'sl allusions to the Int'nitlo Foi'tiinntti of Ijvim is found
ii|iuii the JiiiirLrJ!! of a niiip by John Ruyscli, vliidli appeared at
Rome ill the I'toh'iny of 150W. On this map is a h'lands, 'J4 of whicii (h-ny
lia
hitat
ion to man.
'This woidd seem to indicate that the hook written by Nicholas
Ol
Lynn was known to the mapmaker, while, also, it may have been
known at liome. It is evidei't that tli'- polar reoion was drawn
more or less in accordance with some plan l»y Nicholas, which was
comhined with later material.
round tiie inajjjnetKt rock, iiiimedi
li
at"Iy under the |»ole, arc four islaiuls, "Aronphei,"" Insvia deserta,"
" llyperhorei Evroj»a" ami " Insvie Deserta." Outside of these
islands are smaller and mountainous islands, arranged in a semi-circle,
while the ix-niiisiila of " Pilapelaiiti," with its base rostini;' upon
Kuro|)e, pushes out into this druidic arrangement (jf islands, bearing
up what is intended to represent a church, with tlu; legend "Sacte
()rare Svgenvm " the water flows northward
through the four oj)enings into the itolar basin. The arrangement
is curious, yet not wholly without resemblance to what is found in
nature; for what is called the polar basin is fed by several vast
streams pouring into it from the warm regions at the south. These
streams also create counter currents, which flow south.ward, bearin<''
* "Lcf^ere est t I^ihro dc hrtioiie fortvrmti, svl) polo arctico ky\>T' esse cxcelsa e.\
lapide iiiat^uete Ji8 iniliarvm geniianorvni aiiihitv. liaiic coplectitvr mare svgciivm
flvidvm instar vasi.s aqva deorsv |)er foramina einetettis, ciicv Isvlc svt & ecivihvs
im-olvtvr dve ariibivnt avtem has insvlas continvi montes vasti latiq dictis. 24
qt) iiej^at liominvm liahitatio " This is obscure and appears to have suffered in the
hands of the en|;raver. Our transhition may not j)rove very satisfactory.
t'olilid
L! Kor-
\\ tiiiin-
kUmI by
moiillis
al>iti'piH/ri letter infoniierl than himself. 'I'he iriuidv of Lynn was
i-h'arly indebted to (iriialdns for the description of liu' streams. In
tiirji (xiraMus refers to " the )dnh)soi»ljers '' who ntion, as it
has been claimed that the monk had ajtplied his mind to one of the
most dlihcult of })roblems and that tlie magnetic mountaiti stands
for the solution thereof.
The attention of Humboldt does not appear to liave been drawn
to Nicholas, l)ut, iii treating the history of the rnagnet, the great
investitrator calls attention to the fact that " on the remarkable
chart of America appended to the edition of the Geogra))hy of
Ptolemy ]»ul)lished at Kome in 1508, we find the magnetic pole
marked as an insular mountain north of Grventla»it." In 15 "i,
]\[artin Cortez placed the magnetic pole further south, as did Sanuto
in 1588.* That Nicholas entertained fanciful notions is not at all
strange. Sanuto held that if men were ever so fortunate as to reach
the magnetic pole, they would experience some miraculous effect.
Columbus, likewise. Avas full of curious fancies, holding for instance,
that, west of the Azores, ships sailed Uj) hill towards the unapproach-
able T*ara(lise.+ It Avould have l)een a happy thing if the false
notions of Nicholas of Lyiui had not misled others. First, however,
it must be indicrited that the magnetic mountain of Lvnn was bor-
rowed from the early philosophers and geographers. Galen rej)orts
magnetic rocks on the coasts of tl)(> Indian ocean, and St. Ambrose
echoes the idea ; while the Arabic geographer Edrisi, of the
twelfth century, author of a Map of the World, of the year
1154, reported a magnetic mountain at the mouth of the RikI sea,
it being 12 miles long and surrounded by islands, acting upon
■ ^ — ^
et conrurrcnt : (ini iti secreta tmtiii;i> penetralia se il)i transfmlentes, (junsi in ahys-
snm vorantur. Si vero navein hoc forte rransirc eontiirerit tiuita rapilur et attraliitur
fliictuuin violentia ut earn stutini irrevoeahiliter vis vara'itatis ahs^orlicnt. Qiiatuor
hujiis modi oceani vora<.Mnes', qnntuor ajipositio mnndi paitil)us, pliilosophi descrih-
nnt. ITiide et tarn marines flnxos, .sa
a ^86
26
[rrtie Ki-plnr<(tl.O)}.
The map of Ruysch alone is the authority for ('oiM!',"'tiiig Lynn's
name with the magnetic mountain. The accounts preserved by
Mercator and Dr. Dee do not mention the magnetic rock, the ships
beinf driven by the currents or indraughts. Nicholas understood
something of }>olar magnetism, and su]>i)osed that it was to be ex-
plained by the aid of a magnetic island like that of Ptolemy, and
accordimjflv created one. It was partially suggested as hypothetical.
Of the extent of his actual knowledge in connection with polar mag-
netism it is iniposj.ible to sj)eak.
It will be necessary, however, to notice the blunder into which the
map of Ruysch led Humboldt, who, contrary to his usual custom,
hastily accepted a suggestion found in Biddle's Life of Cabot. Mr.
Biddle, in seeking to exalt his hero, dwells upon what Cabot ob-
served in connection with the variation of the compass, and says
that his earliest transatlantic voyage carried him " to the very quar-
ter where it is exhibited in a manner so sudden and striking that
modern navigators seem to concur in placing there one of the mag-
netic poles." As respects the locality of the voyage in question,
however, there is much doubt, the so-called map of Cal)ot being no
authority on the sui)ject.* Mr. Biddle nevertheless continues :
"There is a curious piece of evidence to show how early the north-
ern region discovered by Cabot was associated with the alarm which
this phenomenon [the variation] must, in the first instance, have
excited," adding: "On the great map of the world which accom-
panies the edition of Ptolemy ])ublished at Rome in l.")()S, is the fol-
lowing inscription," which he gives in ]^atin, but "hich is Englished
as follows : " Here the ship's compass loses its p' operty, and no ves-
sel with iron on board is able to get away."t On this, the author
I
^>
#
gims') New Foundland." Both
are (luite wrong, as the legend stands north of Greenland and Ice-
land, at the entrance of the polar sea, evidently being placed there
for the reason that there was not suthcient room nearer the ma-netic
mountain. Humboldt, by the aid of Mr. Biddle, simply fell h.to a
blunder, confusing a monastic hypothesis with the su])posed record
of an actual ol)servation by Cubot. This error does not appear to
have been noticed hitherto.
The arrangement of the land ami water around the pole on Ruysch's
niaj) is conventional, and it may be questioned whether the great
peninsula called " Grvenlant " was a part of Lynn's plan. At all
'vents, he had ample opportunities of b(
(ireenland when making his voyage to the nortl
coming acquainted with
1, as in i;no the I
ce-
* " Memoir/" &c., p. 17!).
f "M. Riddlo, uuteur du suvant Mnnoir of Stbaxtian Qihot, ,jni a |mru ei. 1831
oLscrve avcc jiistesse (cliai.. 2(5, p. 177-180) <|u'iiue rcinar,,iie ir>sn-ite dai.sln Mappe-
inoiide de Ptok'mee ajoutee a I'edition ron.aine de \rm. re.naniue .lapres la.p.ell..
' |>n.s do Tcrrc Neuve et Tile .Ic Ha.alaiin.s, la l.ous.sole ne Rouvenie pas, lur naven
([nojerrum tencntrn-crUre volent,' parait fondi'e mu- Ics idt't-s de CaU.t relativcis A la
position etii la proxiniite du pole inaoneti.nie boreal."- (" Exainen Critidne " MI
;52.) ' ' '
28
Arctic Exploration.
landers were still well iiit'onrnd respecting that country.* rndeed,
there is good reason for supposing that the map of Ruysch shows
less knowledge of (4reenland than Nicholas possessed, as the
monk was a contemporary of tlie Zeni and Birdsen; for it was dur-
ing the lifetime of Lynn, 1340, that Ivar Burdsen went from Nor-
way to Greenland for the relief of tlie colonists there.f
Next we ])ass to the map of Orontiiis Fine, of the year 1 "i:?!, which
-';
f >
f
shows the influence of Nicholas, as exerted by Ruysch ; for there is
no evidence at hand ])roving that Fine liad seen the book called bi-
veiitio Fortunatti. J-'ine's ma)) represents the circum|»>)lar region
com|>lete, and retains the four iniuM- islands shown by Ruysch. The
outer circle of islands is broken, Av^'.ih' ''Grvenlant "" ap[)ears as an
island widely separated from Asia. Iceland and the Orcades appear
in their proj)er relativi' [>o^,itions ; " Baccalar," which included New
Foundland and Labrador, being a part of Asia, in accordance witli
the Columbian idea.
The next trace of Nid olas, the monk of Lynn, is found in the
work of Las Casas, written in l")52-6], where he speaks of floating
islands, and refers to those of Northern Italy, mentioned V)y Pliny,
and where he also mentions the tioating pummice-stone described by
ik
* " Islenzkir AnnAlnr," p. JWO.
f Sec "The S:tilin(4 Directions ol' Henry Hudson, '" and Banlsen'.s Cor.nmission in
" Aroti\e liindes Giinile (icd^aiipliie,'" i>. 47.
Arctli- Hfploratioyi,
29
Seneca. Passing from those oases, he mentions " eortain ishinds
wh.chswHn on the water," saying " of this kind nu.st l.ave been
those, wh.eli are caUed Saint Brandon, in whose history, it is said
you may read of many islands that were seen in the sea surrounding'
the islands ot Cape Verde and the Azores, which are always in I
state oi conflagration, and which must be similar to those spoken of
above, adding, ^' of the same mention is made \n the book of In-
ventu) Iu>rtu/iata.''*
Nicholas of Lynn also appears upon the map of Mercator, 1569,
whereon the polar regions are delineated n.ore or less i,i aeconhmce
with the conceptions of the famous monastic voyager, while the map
shows that Mercator obtained his information throuoh Cnoyen f
1 lu .«, L,k ., . !),, .,. su • Natural Ilistoria,' .^ue luida la parte del Se,.ten,trion.
ocaha la ,nar alo-unas arboledas ,ie la tierra. .jue tienon tan ora.ules rai Js, que la
en. e,,„.o balsas sobre el a.„a .^ue de.ic lejos parogen islas. A,,ula a es;o lo que
.iK'e Seneca e„ el hb. III. .ie 'Los Naturaies.' ,,„e hav narura .le pie.h.s tar.
esponjosas y hv.anas, Verde ode las A.ores, que sie.aprc ardian y debian de ser anno las que
u ba solmndadu,: ,le lo n.isn.o se l.ace n.enciuu en el libro Ihuuado lucenUo
joitanata. ihstonas.le las In.iias, i„ - Ducun.entos ine.iitos," Ton.. LXII p 9<)
^or tlie passage of Seneca, see " (Euvres Con.plOtes," Tun.. VIII., p. m)^^:,
PIn.y, Eohn'sed., p. Vi2. '
t y.cvator says; " TonH.in^- tl... description of the north partes, I have taken the
>^a...e out oi the voyage of Ia,.>es Cnoyen, of Hart/.euan ]Juske, which allen.^eth
;«'non^^ the rest, he learned of a certaine p.i.st, in the Kinj-- of Norwaves
J'ourt, „. the yee>e 1;J(J4. This priest was desce.uled f.on, then which Kini;,l,sh l-r.e.-, a Fianciscan, a.,d a Mathematician of Oxford, came into those Islands
^^"«' Icavi... then,, .,nd passin- further by his MaoioiH Arte, desc.-ibed all those
places that he M.wc, "n.l touke the hci-ht of then, with his Astrolabe, acconjin- to the
'"nr.e that I, Gera.d Mercator, have set .lown in n.y ,„appe, an.! as I have tl.kcn it
•'Ut ot the aforesaid Cnoy.n. lU-e say.l that those fou.e lnd.-au;,d,ts were d.'awne into
""•"^VMnUulfoor whiricpoole, wM.M, Km.t ;i force, that the ships which once
fnte.-ed therein, ccrM by .,„ „aanes be .iriven back a-aine, and that there is never in
hose parts so n.uch win'e)it!o Fortnndtn of Nicholas of Lynn, thoui;h the editor of the
Life of the Admiral, whoever he may have been, makes the title of
the book itself the name of the author. It is indeed possible tiiat
such a person as ".Inventus Fortunatus " wrote on geographical
subjects and hence was ([noted, but the probabilities are against this
view. At all events, no such work now exists in the Colombina
Library at Seville, where we should expect to tind it, for the reason
that the library in question is none other than the library of Ferdi-
nand Columbus, the reputed author of the Tiife of the Admiral.
Noi- does this iil)rary contain the hivtntio Fortinmta of Nicholas ;
which constitutes another argument, such as it is, to prove that Fer-
dinand did not write the book attributed to him, or at least that he
did not comj)ose the work in its present form. The catalogue of tlie
Colombina has been searched diligently for some indication of such
work, but in vain.f An impury has also been nnide respecting the
I
^
i'l
Lvim, I'oiu'i'rniiijj; whose work soiiiethiii}; more will l)p known \vhe>> the t'ortnniite
iuiti(iuar3' driiws ont from its hidiiifx-place the l)ook of Cnoyeii, which Merciitor
says contained his vovaj^e " throniihout all Asia, Africa and the North," a liook
which " was let! t me in time pant, l)y a friend of mine at Antwerpe.'" He adds:
" After I had nsed it, I restored it afiaine; after many years I re([uired it apiin of
my friend, hut he had forgotten of whom he had horrowed it." (Principal Navij^a-
tions, "I., 44.5.)
* " Et Inventio Fortnnato narra, sarsi mentiono di 'plnrat}(>)i,
31
book of Tvnoycn, through which the author of the Life of the
Adniira! niight have learned the story of Nicholas. This work is
also wanting in the Colombina catalogue. It is nevertheless clear
that Columbus maile a careful examination of the arctic (juestion.
In the course of his studies he might have seen the Inventio
Fortuuata, That he had examined the subject is evident from his
Memoir or Annotations upon the Five Zones, in which he sets forth
the theory found in the " Imago Mundi," holding tliat the north
was inhabitable, and proving it out of his own experience in 1477.*
In 1589, lilundeville expressed an opinion derogatory to Lynn,
holding that the voyage attributed to him could never have been
performed Avithout the aid of some " colde devil.'' \
We now pass to the celebrated Dr. John Dee, a large number of
whose invaluable manuscripts were destroyed by a mob at Mortlake
in 1583, who evidently knew the manuscript of Nicholas; and liak-
Itiyt, in 1599, gives an additional testimony from the Astrologer.
It runs as follows : " Ano 1800, (that is to wit, in the .'34 yeere of
the reigne of the triumphant King Edward the third), a frier
of Oxford, being a good astronomer, went in comj>anie with others
to the most Northern Islands of the world, and there leaving his com-
* The " Iiiiaj^o Mundi " was studied and annotated liy Coiunil)us. 'I'iic sixth
" Inference " of (Jhajiter VH. speaks of those who live un in nnme oi)inio to he meer tallies.'' (A IJriefe Description of
Vniversal ^[appes and Cardes. and of their vse: and also the vse of Ptholeiney hi.«
Tallies, hy Thomas Blumleviile, London, 1580, 4to, p. e 2.) The work of Bernardns
I'liteanus, of nru^res, 1579, does not appear to he known. See Voya;;es of John
l>uvis, p. Ixxxviii., 1880.
32
Ai'ffic fCi-ptorafHuf,
j);uiy together, Ihh' travailod iiloiio, iiiid purposely described all the
Nortlicni Islands, with the iiidrawiiig seas: and the record thereof ;
at his returiuf he delivered to the Kintf of England. The name of
which book is Iniientio Fortunata (aliter fortuiuu) qui liber incii)it
a gradu 54 vfque ad pohirn. Which frier for sundry purposes after
that did live several times passe from England thither, and home
agam
As late as IGoO, tlu' story <:)f Nicholas of Lynn was echoed by
geographers and cosmographers. Ileylin wrote about the great rock
at the pole, and the four indraughts or Euripi, which swallowed
uj> ships, and added the story of the pigmies, mentioned on Mer-
cator's map of ln4'J.f
Among the maps which give more or less exactly the ideas repre-
sented by Kuysch, tiiat made in 1572 for Munster, copies of which
are found in Belleforest of 1575. Linschoten's maj) of 1505 faintly
shows the Euripi. The Ortelius of 1599 also snows them faintly.
I
* Ilakluyt, I., 132.
f " Under tlie Arctick Pole is said to l>e a Black Rock of wondrous liciuht,
about !)<} li'iijiues in cuniimss ; tlie Lany
reason of his strait passa^^e, and violent course, is never frozen : the other on the back
of Orcenlauu, liein;; ;]? leagues Ion;;, hath three inlets, and remaineth frozen three
months yearly. Metween these two lieth an Island, on the Nortli of Liippia and
Biaoiiia, iidial)ited as they say i)y Pi/(jiiHCS, the tallest- of them not above four foot
hiyh. A c('rrain Scholer of O.vJ'ord roportetli, that these four Euripi aic
carried with such finious violence towards some OiilJ\ in which they are finally
swallowed u]), that no ship is able with never so stronj;- a Gale to dem the Current,
and yet there is never so strong' a wind asfto blow a windmill." (*' Cosnioj^raphie, "
B. IV., p. 191, K,^ht of this Black Rock
with his Jacob tStaf."
Arcfir J-J.t'pIorKtl'y)!.
;<:}
The Mcvcator of Ifoiitliiis, ItUiT, w.-iiits tlicin; l)ut tlic '' Fascicvlvs
(icoLjrapliicv.s," of Mattlit'w ilwud, iOos, shows tlic Euripi fully, as
(Iocs tlie Ilondius of l(il!», in wliicli thciv is an allusion to tlu' " fab-
ulous
K
uovcn
yci
{(]<> fdhiilcKx CiiKi-c.) In lo.T), Puivlias copied
the maj) of Ilojidius, wlio repeats the then current account of Lynn
(III., 024). Further on (p. S5;5) lie says that Mercator "■ was
abused Ity a map sent unto him, of foin-e Kuripi meetini; about
th(! North Pole."
In all these accounts tlun'c is, however, not hinjjj to impuy-ii the gen-
eral statement respectini^ tlie voyage of Nicholas i?ito the far North.
If correctly rei)orted, lie may have faiicieushed northward to tlie pack ice, but
there is no indication of their having known either Jan IVfayen, or
PVanz Joseith's Land^ though they may have seen both. The map
of the Zeno Brothers, the result of the voyage of loSO, stood un-
equalled down to looS, no improvement iti the cartology of Green-
laiul being made until the voyage of John Davis, in 15S5, The
results of his observations in Greenland were indicated by Molynenx
on his globe of 1592 and on his mai> of KiOO, which was engraved
by Wright, being ]»rojected on the plan attributed to Mercator.
The map of lOOO apjx'ars to be the one referred to by Shakespeare
in Td'dftli Xl'jlit, as " the new map with thc^ augmentation of the
Indies."
Tn 1511, the Lenox Globe showed an open sea around the [>;.!e,
and in 1529 the Verra/ano Map left the sea still open, though in
the antaratic region a great continent was beginning to appear
south of Cape Horn. Herein was the ))artial representation of a
classic myth. On Mercator's map of 1509, the antarctic continent
exults in astounding jjvojtortions. Xotwithstanding the great bene-
fits conferred upon geogra}ihical science by Mercator, the know-
ledge of the globe in some respects was retarded in his hands, owing
to the weight of his reputation. The northern region also was in
time filled up, and ever since geographers have been struggling to
recover the original conception of a ))olar sea. Shall we succeed ?
Of speculation on this ))oint we have had enougli, and the question
remains to be decided by events. One thing, however, has become
clear, namely, that the prospect of sailing to the pole by the way of
Smith's Sound is far from encouraging. Manifestly, beyond a cer-
tain point, the route must l)e pursueil by sledging. On the other
hand, the route by l^ehring Straits is still to be fully tested. The
JeaneUe under Captain de Long, which last year ])assed within the
ice belt, sailing for Wrangell's J^and, is yet to be heard from. The
establishment of the proposed colony at Discovery Bay, in latitude
81^ 44' N., also awaits its accomplishment. When this is done, as pro-
bably it will be done in thesummer of IftHl, explorers will be prepared
to make fresh advances north of Smith's Sound, and thus enter seri-
jst have
\ {)01>l>-
lic early
ice, but
ayen, or
riu" map
tood un-
it" Green-
er,, 'fl.e
lolyiu'ux
jimraved
^levcator.
ikespeare
)ii of the
the {»;.le,
hough in
,o appear
,ioii of a
rontinent
cat bcne-
ic know-
Is, owing
o was in
gling to
succeed ?
question
s become
le way of
nd a cer-
the other
ed. The
ithin tlic
)ni. The
latitu(h'
le, as pro-
|) rep and
'uter seri-
At'ctlc Krp/ortifion.
35
ously upon the work of reaching the j)oh'. Captain Nares predicts
that this run never b('(h)no, as, in his judgment, tlic ice is too rouifh
for rapid sledging, wliile a powerful current is continually carry-
ing tile ice southward. The opinion of so brave and skilful an otlicer
is not to be treated lightly; yet tliere is no proof that the current
always acts as it did when Captain Markliam made his great
sledge journey to 83° 20' N., the highest point yet reached, nor that
the ice is always in the same rough condilioti tliat made his pro-
gn'ss so slow. These are points that remain to be decided by a
]»ermanent colony. In that sledge journey, Captain Afarkham's
party was prostrated by scurvy, the scourge of the north, thou<;h a
disease which a [troper supj>ly of provisions will obviate. Kvideutly,
too, the season passed in the north by the Nares expedition was one
of unusual severity. As it remained, Cajjtain iVIarkham reached a
point where the water had shoaled to 70 fathoms, indicating apjtroach-
ing land. They turned back when only MOO^ iniles fntm the pole. It
is not unreasonable to sup|)Ose that land actually exists a short dis-
tance north of this point. If so, that land may be gained and used
as a base of operations for the regions beyond. The y those means emjil(»yed by liieutenant Schwatka in the
i«outhward regions while engagi'
\^=
.<^^
is^'
Morcator'n Map of the World, A
fator> Map of thu Work), A. D. 1569.
m