IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 1.0 
 
 I.I 
 
 1.25 
 
 •Ui IM 1112,5 
 
 Ilia 
 m 
 
 22 
 
 ,40 
 
 ZO 
 
 
 1.8 
 
 lA 111.6 
 
 ^. 
 
 <^ 
 
 /}. 
 
 'el 
 
 * 
 
 
 o 
 
 ^. 
 
 
 n 
 
 /A 
 
 7 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 ^ 
 
 i^ 
 
 M 
 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 ■ii}. 
 
 <b 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 Vi 
 
 
 6^ 
 
 % 
 
 ^ 
 
 9> 
 
 33 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, N.Y. MSBO 
 
 (716) 872-4503 
 
CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historicai iS^icroreproductions 
 
 Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 
 
 1980 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best 
 original copy available for filming. Features of this 
 copy which may be bibliographically unique, 
 which may alter any of the images in the 
 reproduction, or which may significantly change 
 the usual method of filming, are checked below. 
 
 D 
 
 D 
 D 
 D 
 
 □ 
 
 D 
 
 Coloured covers/ 
 Couverture de couleur 
 
 Covers damaged/ 
 
 I I Couverture endommag^e 
 
 I I Couverture restaurde et/ou pelliculde 
 
 D 
 
 Covers restored and/or laminated/ 
 Couverture restaur^* 
 
 Cover title missing/ 
 
 Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 E 
 
 Coloured maps/ 
 
 Cartes gdographiques en couleur 
 
 Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ 
 Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) 
 
 Coloured plates nd/or illustrations/ 
 Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur 
 
 Bound with other material/ 
 Relid avec d'autres documents 
 
 Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion 
 along interior margin/ 
 
 La reliure serrde peut causer de I'ombre ou de la 
 distortion le long de la marge intdrieure 
 
 Blank leaves added during restoration may 
 appear within the text. Whennver possible, these 
 have been omitted from filming/ 
 II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajout6es 
 lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, 
 mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont 
 pas 6t6 film^es. 
 
 Additional comments:/ 
 Commentaires s'jpplimentaires: 
 
 L'Institut a microfilm^ le meillour exemplaire 
 qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Les details 
 de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniqu s du 
 point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent nudifier 
 une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une 
 modification dans la methods normale de filmage 
 sont indiquds ci-dessous. 
 
 □ Coloured pages/ 
 Pages de couleur 
 
 □ Pages damaged/ 
 Pages endommagdes 
 
 I I Pages restored and/or laminated/ 
 
 D 
 
 Pages restaurdes et/ou pelliculdes 
 
 Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ 
 Pages d6color6es, tachet^es ou piqu6es 
 
 □Pages detached/ 
 Pages d^tach^es 
 
 rrV] Showthrough/ 
 11— I Transparence 
 
 r~| Quality of print varies/ 
 
 Quality indgale de I'impression 
 
 Includes supplementary material/ 
 Comprend du materiel supplementaire 
 
 Only edition available/ 
 Seule Edition disponible 
 
 Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata 
 slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to 
 ensure the best possible image/ 
 Les pages totalement ou partiellement 
 obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, 
 etc., ont M6 filmdes d nouveau de fagon d 
 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 
 
 □ This item Is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ 
 Ce document est film^ au taux de reduction indiqu6 ci-dessous. 
 
 lOX 
 
 
 
 
 14X 
 
 
 
 
 18X 
 
 
 
 
 22X 
 
 
 
 
 2BX 
 
 
 
 
 30X 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 y 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12X 
 
 16X 
 
 20X 
 
 24X 
 
 28X 
 
 32X 
 
e 
 
 dtails 
 s du 
 rudifier 
 ir une 
 ilmage 
 
 BS 
 
 The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks 
 to the generosity of: 
 
 Library of the Public 
 Archives of Canada 
 
 The images appearing here are the best quality 
 possible considering the condition and legibility 
 of the original copy and in keeping with the > 
 filming contract specifications. 
 
 Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed 
 beginning with the front cover and ending on 
 the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All 
 other original copies are filmed beginning on the 
 first page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, and ending on the last page with a printed 
 or illustrated impression. 
 
 The last recorded frame on each microfiche 
 shall contain the symbol ^^ (meaning "CON- 
 TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), 
 whichever applies. 
 
 L'exempiaire filmd fc^ reproduit grdce d la 
 g6n6ro8itd de: 
 
 La bibliothdque des Archives 
 publiques du Canada 
 
 Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le 
 plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et 
 de la nettetd de l'exempiaire filmd, et en 
 conformity avec les conditions du contrat de 
 filmage. 
 
 Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en 
 papier est imprim6e sont film6s en commengant 
 par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la 
 dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second 
 plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires 
 originaux sont filmds en commenqant par la 
 premidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par 
 la dernidre page qui comporte une telle 
 empreinte. 
 
 Un des symboles sui /ants apparaitra sur la 
 dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le 
 cas: le symbole — ♦- signifie "A SUIVRE ", le 
 symbole V signifie "FIN". 
 
 Maps, platbs. charts, etc., may be filmed at 
 different reduction ratios. Those too large to be 
 entirely included in one exposure are filmed 
 beginning in the upper \eH hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottom, as many frames as 
 required. The following diagrams illustrate the 
 method: 
 
 Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre 
 filmds d des taux de reduction diffdrents. 
 Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre 
 reproduit en un seul clich6, il est filmd d partir 
 de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, 
 et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre 
 d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants 
 illustrent la mdthode. 
 
 errata 
 I to 
 
 t 
 
 9 pelure, 
 
 on d 
 
 n 
 
 32X 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
THE REVENUE BILL 
 
 ITS EFFECT UPQN THE RELATIONS OF THE 
 UNITED STATES V/ITH CANADA. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. ANTHONY HIGOINS, 
 
 OF DELAWARE, 
 
 IN THE 
 
 SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 Thursday, June 14. 1894. 
 
 « ♦ 
 
 ■WASHINO-TON", 
 
 1894. 
 

wmmm 
 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. ANTHONY HIGGINS. 
 
 The Senate having under consideration the bill (H. R. 4884) to reduce tax- 
 ation, to provide revenue for the Government, and for other purposes- 
 Mr. HIGGINS said: 
 
 Mr. President: This bill will put wool on the free list, and 
 thereby add to the free list another product of Canadian pro- 
 duction. To that extent it will increase to the relief given to 
 the people of Canada by the reduction of the duty, either in part 
 or in whole, upon their natural products. 
 
 I do not propose at this time to add anything to what I have 
 already taken occasion to say during this debate upon this meas- 
 ure as one of merely domestic policy. Important as that is it 
 does not constitute its entire, and 1 am not prepared to say that 
 I think it constitutes its chief, importance. In more ways than 
 one, and in no way more vital to the interests of the American 
 people than in respect to its effect upon our relations with Can- 
 ada, it is a measure of far-reaching foreign policy. 
 
 We hear its reverberations already from beyond the waters of 
 the Atlantic in its propositions to uproot the policy of recipro- 
 cal trade with Germany and continental Europe as respects sugar 
 and our agricultural products on the one hand, and with our 
 sister republics of South America and the Island of Cuba upon 
 the other. 
 
 All that, Mr. President, which is of so much importance to 
 the consumer and the pulDlic of the United States, which is of 
 so much importance and has been of so much benefit to the 
 farmers of the United States, is condemned ruthlessly to the 
 block, and I do not know but what there is a feeling on the 
 other side of this Chamber, there certainly is in some of the 
 offices of the able editors in the land, that the time of the Sen- 
 ate is wasted by a discussion before the great forum of the 
 American people as to the effect of this proposed policy. 
 
 This bill, as I have already taken occasion to discuss during 
 the debate, as it was passed by the House of Representatives 
 and reported to the Senate, abrogated the reciprocity treaty 
 with Hawaii. I am glad to say that that has teen altered by 
 amendment, an amendment in which I hope the House of Rep- 
 resentatives will agree. 
 
 But 1 wish at this time to ask the attention of the Senate to 
 some observations which I feel moved to make with regard to . 
 the effect of this bill upon our relations with our neighbors of 
 Canada, and therein and thereby of the most far-reaching oon- 
 Bequence to them and to us as common citizens of one continent. 
 
 lam free tos^v, Mr. Pro.-ddcnt, that whea llio Soiiate cuusiu- 
 ered the McKinley bill and jjassed it four years ago, it really 
 took very little account of its effect upon Canada. We paaaed 
 
 1447 3 
 
in that measure a schedule on agricultural and other n.-i tural 
 productsof Canada of the utmost consequence to them. and. in 
 a certain sense, of the utmost disastrous consequence to them, but 
 in doing it wo really took very little thought of them. I doubt 
 if more than a very few members of either House of Congress 
 had their attention drawn to the groat and importint effect on 
 our Canadian neighbors of the provisions of that bill. 
 
 The farmers of the United States —toe Ropublicim farmers — 
 wanted protection. They said if there was protection to be 
 given to the manufacturer they wanted protection to the farmer, 
 and out of regard for them, and out of regard for their circum- 
 stances, and for the conaistency of the policy of protection, which 
 should hold in equal esteem the products of the soil and the 
 products of the loom and the anvil, we enacted the provision -s of 
 that law, which also, as 1 have said, had their effect upon the 
 natural products of Canada. We, in fact, were involved in a 
 profound self-contemplation, and were lost to all thought of any- 
 body outside of or nhunde ourselves. 
 
 When the McKinley bill was passed, with its agricultural 
 schedule and the duty on lumber and coal, the American market 
 was secured to the American producer, and that, too, without 
 any additional cost to the Americ m consumer. Prices did not 
 rise within the wide limits of this broad land, because the con- 
 sumer was left to the industry and capacity of the American 
 farmer and lumberman and miner. Our splendid resources wore 
 fully adequate to that task. We needed for that purpose no as- 
 sistance from Canada — mm tali auxilio — and from that source no 
 additional cost thereby has been put upon the American people. 
 
 As shown, however, by the figures of the tables, which I will 
 beg leave to submit to the Senate, the duties upon the products 
 introduced into the United States from Canada all fell upon the 
 Canadian producer, and we enforced that much of a right royal 
 contribution to the American exchequer, and to that extent 
 augmented our revenues from our neighbor. 
 
 The McKinley legislation, Mr. President, if I may call it so, 
 is an object lesson upon both sides of the line. It shows to the 
 American farmer what an e^isy remedy he hiu> against foreign 
 competition, and how he can secure for himself the plenitude 
 of our domestic market for his product, a matter of concern the 
 largest at times when we are met in the markets of the world 
 by all the problems of Asiatic and South American and Aus- 
 tralian and other foreign competition, and all the complexity 
 of the problem of silver as a money metal. 
 
 To the Canadian it was an object lesson at the same time. It 
 showed to him the absolute uncertainty of the American market 
 for him so long as he chooses to indulge in the luxury of being 
 either foreign to the United States or a British dependency; that 
 whatever crop he may plant, whatever particular manufacture 
 or mining plant he may establish, it3 prosperity and welfare or 
 its destruction are dependent upon the vicissitudes of American 
 politics, and upon the action taken in this Legislature over 
 which he has no control. 
 
 The bill now before the Senate, for the first time in American 
 hieiory, piopoaes to give and h ind over to the Canadians almost 
 a free market in their natural products, absolutely without any 
 compensation in return. The history of our reciprocal relations 
 with Canada is important and interesting in this connection. 
 
 1447 
 
Our statistics available are only to be found from 1821 to the 
 present time. In 1846 the British Government took the great 
 and impressive step for themselves of free trade, and in the same 
 act cut up by the roots the theretofore diffierential advantages 
 they had given to their colonies and dependencies in their trade 
 witn the mother country; and Canada found herself cut off from 
 an ailvantageous market for her natural products in Great Brit- 
 ain. 
 
 At the same time she found herself face to face with an ad- 
 verse tariff in the United States. The Walker tarifi", of which 
 we have heard such encomiums in this discussioni placed high 
 duties upon agricultural products and the natural products of 
 Canada. So it came about that there was at that time in Can- 
 ada a condition of profound discontent, so great that the Brit- 
 ish Government sent one of its first statesmen over there as 
 governor-general. Lord Elgin; and, as we are told by an emi- 
 nent publicist of England, Lord Elgin himself wondered that 
 the Canadians had rested under the adverse conditions which 
 affected them. 
 
 As a remedy, he came to the city of Washington and proposed 
 to the then Democratic Administration the reciprocity treaty, 
 since known by his name, which was adopted by this country. 
 It offered to the United States reciprocity in the natural prod- 
 ucts of Canada by giving to the Unlt^jd States a free market for 
 agricultural and the like products in Canada in return for free 
 markets for such Canadian products in the United States. That 
 convention and arrangement was what is known as '* jug- 
 handled " — it was all on one side. 
 
 There was no market for which we cared in Canada for the 
 articles which by the treaty were made tree. It was everything 
 to her to have a free market in the United States for her nat- 
 ural products that we thus gave to her free, while she retained 
 her 'sxisting duties upon manufactures, and thus excluded us to 
 the extent of her duties from selling our manufactures in her 
 markets, wherein and whereby alone we could get any advan- 
 tage. 
 
 I submit at this point some tables which have been prepared 
 by the Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Department in re- 
 sponse to an inquiry by a resolution of the Senate, giving a re- 
 capitulation of the trade of the United States with the British 
 North American Provinces for the years running from 1821 up 
 to 1893 inclusive, and also a table, which is a recapitulation of 
 these annual reports by periods, showing in one set of figures the 
 exports from the United States to Canada and in the other the 
 exports from Canada to the United States. The periods are co- 
 temporaneous with what may be called the tariff periods of the 
 United States, and I do not think that such tablea have ever be- 
 fore been prepared. 
 
 The periods are as follows, giving the years inclusive: 1821 
 to 1882, 183.1 to 1845, 1846 to 18)5, 185tj to 18()6, being the period 
 of the Elgin treaty; 1867 to 1873, that being the year when our 
 tiiriff was first materially reduced; 1874 to 1883, when occurred 
 the next reduction of our tariff: 1884 to 1890, the year of the 
 enactment of the McKinley law, and 1891 to 1893, the last year 
 for which we have at this time available figures. The tables 
 are as follows: 
 
 1447 
 
6 
 
 i| 
 
 nt 
 
 » 
 
 «5 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 f f f 7 f mff fftff I \T\111 1111111111 
 
 
 
 ,.N^^^C^MLniftkA 
 
 S S S i 22 S 2! S ^'s fe i S'2 ?f fe fc | S 2 g 55 
 
 r^'c 3-^x ifs 
 
 - «raD m X eo o 
 X- — SBC" 
 
 
 > CO CO t* W iO (^ 
 
 i 1-, p tp *0 T «ft 
 5XCJ ^o»n ■"■r 
 
 fSS 
 
 
 
 S H 
 
 CQ 
 
 a 
 
 
 .■^O^iS©»o-^5iiftx 
 
 ScsS; 
 
 r CO lO G4 ^ ;-; CO CO GOOC 
 
 ■ h'.' I.V uw . f 
 
 iisi 
 
 fNef 
 
 
 ej«,-i»H»jM-H.-i 
 
 C4e^ncO'<><coegs4MS4CQin<oio «>n<«<isioicint< 
 
 ;-'a>«rf 
 
 60 
 
 1447 
 
 
 
 
 N 1 
 
 ! i S 
 
 
 
 
 OaoocaoaoooooooSowcoaoixcocoaoaoa 
 
 jSoE , 
 
 5S3SS3S!SSS 
 
«■■ 
 
 CiCl^^aii^^^Q^Vi'^ ^ ,-5 ^ PH *-( FN I'M iM rl ^ fH »m 
 
 5JSJ5 s a S3 s ?(a a s s IS ^"55 s s a a ii 55 3 8 s s s'g'8 %¥«'§"? ^^ 
 
 
 )kneoo<oooieo^iAcoooaoc 
 
 JOi O T c 
 
 U5 0i-r«TfTi<'» V^«ejN»i--'wcONrt^V^V'*w"»Neo*Nei'e>5«m"« 
 
 M?*-i<0^i-CiOtOff-IX^O(DX5'laf)rtCO'*COa>a'*'-'0»ftt30XOOiOO^-*02S'*lOION 
 
 *-* I ff to' o p* ^" -^^ i^ "^ u^ I--' go irf o' ift OS (i;' Q* -t' »" — ' co' »' to 
 
 ►■'S S Ji 2 2 d SSY'S S a¥Sf J: 53 8 o5 S S'8'S ^"« S S a S S tS ^ 
 
 KxxooxxxxxxxooxMaoooooxJoxocooxooxSoxSSxoBoox 
 
 1417 
 
c« c3 
 
 •6 -"»int-.p3 
 
 O 
 H I. 
 
 0*^ 
 
 i . I SS5.f8sgs- 
 
 3 ^SEe-^-gjife-g 
 
 £ 
 
 
 I I +T I T 
 
 mmm i 
 
 «5 V!c-r-r-rv„-..- T: 
 
 
 Ui7 
 
 C^ CO O ri <3 "^ ^* 
 
 8 
 

 
 This table, when you come to rest your eye upon It, is most 
 instructive. It discloses the fact that in the year preceding 
 the adoption of the reciprocity treaty, both the exports and the 
 imports between Canada and the United States were greatly 
 augiuentod, and that that increase of trade has continued almost 
 without intermission from that time until the present; but it 
 shows also that there was a great advance of the free imports 
 by reason of the Canadians taking advanUige of the trade in 
 tho. e articles which came in free under the treiity; and a corre- 
 sponding falling olf of the articles which were dutiable, thereby 
 proving that, while the volume of the trade was not so greatly 
 increased, the burden of the tarifT of the United States under 
 the treaty was taken off of the Canadian exporters and the loss 
 borne by us; while both before and after the treaty it was borne 
 by the Canadians. 
 
 For instance, the amount of free imports into the United States 
 from Canada in 1854 amounted to only S'llto,!!!)"!, while in l>'r)5, 
 and presumably in the three and one-half months between the 
 Kith day of March, when the treaty took effect, and the ;iOth day 
 of June, when the fiscal year ended, the free imports from Canada 
 amounted to the enormously increased sum of $8,085,678, while 
 the dutiable imports from Canada, which were in 1854 $8,288,41", 
 fell in 1856, the first full year of the treaty, to $821,724. The 
 last year of the treaty, 1866, when It was abrogated, the free 
 imports had increased from the sum of $495,995 in 1854, to the 
 enormous sum of $43,029,389; and the dutiable goods imported 
 that year were $5,499,239, being a great increase over any pre- 
 vious period of the treaty, thev ranging from as low as $491,732 
 in 1858, to $1 ,661,981 in 18(34. 
 
 With but one other conclusion shall I burden the Senate from 
 these tables, and that is in respect to the balance of trade. The 
 balance of trade in our favor when we entered into this reci- 
 procity convention was $15,288,996 in 1854; in 18r;5, during which 
 we were only under the treaty for three months and a half, the 
 balance in our favor was $12,623,519. It immediately fell off 
 under the treaty and went as low as $47,976 against us in 1861. 
 The balance against us in 1866, the last year of the treaty, was 
 $23,699,748, while under the McKinley act the balance was, the 
 first year, 1891, in our favor $9,220, and in the last year, 1893, 
 $10,442,166. 
 
 I shall leave these tables, however, to speak for themselves, 
 and shall not trouble the Senate with drawing any further de- 
 ductions from them. 
 
 It will be remembered by some of the older members of the 
 Senate that in 1874 Canada, through the British minister, ten- 
 dered to the United States a renewal of the reciprocity treaty 
 of 1864, with the addition theretoof alarge listof manufactured 
 articles of the United States, which would be admitted into Can- 
 ada free of duty. President Grant submitted that project to the 
 Senate for its consideration and advice, and the Senate advised 
 against it. That was the action of Congress in 1874 on the ques- 
 tion of reciprocity. 
 
 In 1892, under the pressure of Canadian politics and the effect 
 of the McKinley act upon their trade, the government of Sir 
 John A. Maodonald, who was at that time alive and the premier, 
 through their representatives, members of the Canadian min- 
 istry, and the British minister here, presented to Secretary 
 Blame, under F'resident Harrison's Administration, a proposi- 
 
 1447 
 
; 
 
 10 
 
 tion for the renewal of reciprocity relations. They offered to 
 Mr. Blaine to renew the treaty of IS'A, and that he respectfully 
 declined. Mr. Blaine told them that he would only consider 
 the project of reciprocity as it should include certain manufac- 
 t'lred articles to be agreed upon, as well as natural products. 
 
 Before any answer could be given, however, by the Canadian 
 represent itives to that proposition, they put a further question 
 to him as to whether the United States would require, in the 
 event of the conclusion of sucn an arrangement, that whatever 
 advantages should be given to the United States by the reduc- 
 tion of the Canadian tariff on our manufactured goods, should be 
 exclusive to the United States, or whether weshould be willing 
 to have it granted to Great Britain and her other dependencies 
 and colonies. Mr. Blaine'sanswer was that it must be exclusive 
 to the United States; that we should not be willing to submit 
 our tariff arrangements in that way to Great Britain, and should 
 not bo willing that whatever advantages by this convention 
 should be given to the United States should be given to Great 
 BriUun and her dependencies.. Thereupon, so far as this branch 
 of the conference was concerned, the representatives of Canada 
 terminated it. 
 
 So, Mr. President, was shown by this very adroit and states- 
 manlike treatment of these negotiations by our great premier, 
 the utterly illusory character of any proposition for reciprocity 
 between the United States and Canada. 
 
 What shall be our policy toward Canada, the policy of the 
 McKinley law or the policy of this so called Wilson billV I sub- 
 mit that our true policy toward Canada must bo governed, 
 under present ocnditions, not so much by commercial as by po- 
 litical considerations, and that it must be governed by the great 
 fact of our geographical proximity and of her membership as a 
 dependency of the British Empire. 
 
 It is not the same, case as it would be if we were dealing with 
 Australia, or the Cape Colonies, or India, or any other British 
 dependency. Indeed it is not the same case at all, because all 
 the reasons lead to the conclusion that they never would ask for 
 any special arrangement with us of that' kind. Canada only 
 asked for a special reciprocal treatment from us in our tariff be- 
 cause of her geographical proximity, and indeed her geogr.iph- 
 ical proximity is the great vital fact and consideration in this 
 policy. 
 
 I Hubmit, Mr. Pi'esiden', that the outstanding difference be- 
 tween Canada and the United St ites, growing out of the fact 
 that we are under two different governments, never has received 
 a settleaient, and never will receive a settlement until we cease 
 to be members of separate empires and become members of one. 
 
 I beg the attention of the Senate to a hasty r6Bum6 of these 
 outstanding differences, which can not bj left out of account in 
 any adequate consideration which is given to this subject. The 
 first in time, if not the first in importance, is the ancient and 
 outstanding difference with regard to the fisheries. Under the 
 treaty of 1818, negotiated on our part by Albert Gallatin and 
 Richard Rush, the American fishermen could only land on Ca- 
 nadian soil in order to obtain shelter and repair damages, for 
 wood and water, and for no other purpose. It haa been contended 
 by our Government that oircumstunoes have altered the original 
 H47 
 

 11 
 
 coi^truction of that treaty, and that we have the right under it 
 to enjoy all the ordinary rights of hospitality in Canadian porta. 
 
 That has been steadily resisted by the Canadians, who have, 
 in asserting the right they claim under the treaty, denied to 
 American tishermen the privilege of landing in their ports for the 
 obtainment of bait, seines, supplies, or outfit, or the transmission 
 of their catch of fish to Unit3d States ports. Their reason for re- 
 fusing to give to American fishermen the commonest rights of 
 hospitality has been that they want to force the United States 
 to give them a free market for the fish caught by Canailiaa 
 fishermen; and on that we have had a long outstanding differ- 
 ence. It was one of the matters brought into the treaty of 
 Washington in 1871. 
 
 By that treaty it was agreed that we should let Canadian fish 
 be brought in free for ten years, if on the other hand these rights 
 I have spoken of, hitherto denied, were given for a like period 
 to American fishermen. But inasmuch as the Canadians con- 
 tended that the rights they granted were more valuable than the 
 rights they obtained by the treaty, we provided for ah arbitra- 
 tion of such difference and tlie payment of the sum so awarded. 
 We went into the arbitration and we were astonished to find as 
 an ofi-set to the $15,000,000 awarded us under the treaty of Wash- 
 ington for the Alabama claims, an award of $5,000,000 against ug 
 to Canada for this alleged superiority of rights granted to u» 
 over what was granted to them in their fisheries. 
 
 Mr. FRYE. An award made by a packed court. 
 
 Mr. HIGGINS. I accept the statement of the Senator from 
 Maine. He knows more about it than J do. for I was not thea 
 in public life. But on the abrogation or expiration of the treaty 
 of 1871, no other arrangements having been entered into, the 
 Canadians began a systematic harrying of our fishermen, seiz- 
 ing their vessels and condemning them in their courts in order 
 to compel the United States to admit their fish free. 
 
 I call the attention of the Senate and the country to the fact 
 that they never tried that with a Republican Administration, 
 but they did it in Mr. Cleveland's former Administration, that 
 Administration being full believers in the doctrine of free trade, 
 which then would admitCanadian fish free, as it is now proposed 
 to admit Canadian fish free under the pending bill. 
 
 But they proposed atreaty: and a negotiation wasentered upon 
 in the city of Washington that resulted in the draft of a treaty 
 known as the Chamberlain treaty, negotiated on the part of Eng- 
 land by Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, which admitted Canadian fish 
 free upon their granting to the fishermen of the United States 
 these rights in Canadiun ports. That treaty was rejected by the 
 Senate of the United States, then under a Republican majority. 
 Thereupon these commissioners, probably indebted to the good 
 sense of Mr. Chamberlain, who was a practical man, tendered to 
 the United States what is known as the modufi vivendi, under 
 which American fishermen pay to the Canadians for the enjoy- 
 ment of these rights of hospitality -to land on Canadian shoies 
 to dry their fish, procure bait and seines and nets and outfits, 
 and transship their catch of fish — $1.50 per ton per annum on 
 the tonnage of their vessels. 
 
 That modus vw<indi has been continued. Thus in this uncer- 
 tain way the fisheries question between the United States and 
 
 1447 
 

 i 
 
 12 
 
 I 
 
 Canada remains outstanding, and promises to remain outstand- 
 ing while Canada remains a part of the British dominion. 
 
 Another difference arising out of the treaty of 1871 is the Ca- 
 nadian discrimination in respect to canal tolls. Under that 
 treaty Canada, in respect to her Welland and St. Lawrence Ca- 
 nals, and the United States, in regard totheSaultSte, Marie and 
 St. Clair Plats Canals, agreed to grant each to the citizensof the 
 other country the same privileges that were granted to citizens 
 of its own country in these canals. 
 
 In the face of that the Canadians imposed tolls of 20 cents a ton 
 for all transportation through the Welland canal and the other 
 canals and allowed a drawback of 18 cents a ton on all grain 
 8hii)pedtoMonti'eal. thereby giving a differential rate of 18 cents 
 a ton to the grain shipped to Montreal, for the obvious purpose 
 of building up the commerce of that port to the injury of the 
 commerce of American ports and through American canals or 
 transportation in our own country. 
 
 This was called to the attention of the Br'tish commissioners 
 by Mr. Blaine in February, 1H!)2. According to Mr. Blaine's 
 account they promised to rectify this discrimination, but accord- 
 ing to their own account they only promised to take it into con- 
 sideration. When they got back to Ottawa it was found that 
 the Canadian government was unwilling to discontinue this 
 discrimination which it was making in plain violation of the 
 treaty. Thereupon President Harrison after due deliberation 
 retaliated by imposing a like discriminatory tariff upon all Cana- 
 dian vessels passing through the American Sault St. Marie 
 Canal, and there the matter has remained but for the reason that 
 the Canadians are paralleling our canal at that point with one 
 of their own couL^truction, which is about reaching the point of 
 completion. When it is completed they will have a system in 
 itself complete from one end of their country to the other with- 
 out having to use any part of the American canals, and being 
 independent they propose to discriminate to their heart's con- 
 tent. That is the attitude they assume towards us in that re- 
 spect. 
 
 But a matter of ver" much more importance is the aggressions 
 of the Canadian rail * ys upon American railways and transpor- 
 tation interests in thv internal commerce of the United States. 
 As we all know, the policy was adopted at the very outset of our 
 Government that all coastwise commerce must be carried in 
 American ships. Not a pound of British or Canadian or other 
 foreign freight between American porta could be carried in 
 other than American bottoms; and such is the law to day. It 
 is the law upon the Great Lakes quite as much as it is upon the 
 seaboard on either the Atlantic or the Pacific coast. Yet there 
 has grown up a practice only permitted, not authorized by 
 law, by which Canadian railways carry American merchandise 
 through Canadian territory from one point in the United States 
 to another point in the United States, thereby absorbing traffic 
 which if carried on by ship or vessel could only be by an Ameri- 
 can ship or vessel. 
 
 The origin of this was quite simple and quite unobjectionable. 
 A moment's thought of the geographical boundary line between 
 ourselves and Canada in the eastern part of the country shows 
 the origin of it. It grew up under two sections, 5 and (J of the 
 act of Congress of July 28, 1800, now known in the Revised 
 
 1447 
 
13 
 
 4 
 
 Statutes as sections 3005 and 3C06. Under section 3005 any 
 goods or merchandise landed at the ports of Portland, Boston, 
 New York, or other ports to be designated by the Secretary of 
 the Treasury and intended for their final destination in the 
 Canadian Province, can be entered at the custom-house and car- 
 ried through the territory of the United States on cai-s under 
 seal, and in bond, not to violate the customs laws, without the 
 payment of any duty to the United States. Everyone will se- 
 that that is nothing but a fair and wise and neighborly convene 
 tion. 
 
 Canada for six months in the year is cut off from the sea by 
 ice. Montreal and Quebec can not be reached. The Intercolon- 
 ial road from Montreal and Quebec to Halifax passes through 
 a country practically impassable at that time of the year. So 
 their easy and natural course during the ice-bound season ia 
 through our Atlantic ports; and in that section we have simply 
 said to them that we will permit goods to be carried from Eu- 
 rope or elsewhere in foreign countries through our United States 
 Atlantic ports and over our railways to Crnada without impos- 
 ing any duty, and in a like way from Canada to be carried through 
 the United States and exported from our ports without the pay- 
 ment of duties; and our railroads get thebenefitof the carriage. 
 
 Now, that is one section, and a very proper one. The other 
 section is the one under which this abuse has grown up, and it 
 grew up in this way. It was very convenient to the United 
 States to permit the carriage of American goods through the 
 
 Eeninsula of Ontario between Niagara Falls on the one side and 
 >etroit on the other, or any other route across that peninsula, 
 for goods going from the East to the West or from the West to 
 the East. Both the Michigan Central and the Canadian South- 
 ern roads cross the peninsula of Ontario in this way, and they 
 have been in large measure a convenience to American com- 
 merce. I do not know, and I do not admit that they are neces- 
 sary to-day. I see no reason why we should not require that all 
 such traffic should go over the Lake Shore or Nickel-Plate road 
 on the south of Lake Erie, quite as well as to go through Onta- 
 rio on the north. 
 
 But no objection ever would have been raised to that. This 
 statute, to which I have called attention, was enacted in 1866, at 
 a time when the Canadian Pacific Road was not projected, but in 
 1886 the Canadian Pacific Road was thrown open to traffic. Then 
 arose an exercise of the power under the statute that was never 
 contemplated when it was enacted. 
 
 I have omitted to say that this statute is merely permissive. 
 It permits goods to be carried in this way from American ports 
 through Canadipin territory undar regulations to be adopted by 
 the Secretary of the Treasury. So this whole traffic rests merely 
 upon this permissive statute and certain i-egulationsof the Treas- 
 ury Department, which at any time may be altered or revoked. 
 
 The Canadian Pacific Road extends from ocean to ocean. It 
 has one terminus through the Intercolonial at Halifax and 
 another through a branch or terminal road it has through the 
 State of Maine at a port, the name of which I have forgotten, 
 just north of the boundary between Maine and Canada; and from 
 there it extends to Vancouver on the Pacific Ocean. It has vari- 
 ous connecting roads: the Soo railroad, so-called, from the Sault 
 Ste. Marie through Wisconsin to St. Paul, and the Wabash 
 
 1447 
 
14 
 
 i {i; 
 
 system, which goes from Detroit; the Boston and Maine system 
 on the east and the Vermont Central, the Ogdenaburgand New 
 York. 
 
 It has various roads, which operate as feeders, extending down 
 into the heart of our country. On the Pacific coast there is a 
 line of steamers (I do not know whether they are run under the 
 American or the British flag) from San Francisco to Vancouver 
 taking goods to be carried pver their road. They make rates 
 from one end A this continent to the other for American goods 
 carried through Canada, not merely goods whose transportation 
 originally begins in the States of the northern border, but by 
 means of these feeders on the coast, as well as inland, extending 
 down into the heart of our country. For a reason I shall give 
 in a moment they can afford to make always and every time a 
 lower rate than any American road can afford to make, and 
 they do make a rate low enough to secure the traffic. 
 
 Thus, Mr. President, ashipperat San Francisco can send goods 
 destined to New York up the coast to Vancouver, across the con- 
 tinent by the Canadian Pacific, then down to New York by its 
 eastern connection, at a lower rate than he can send by an 
 American railway. How is it that theC madian Pacificcan com- 
 mand this trade? It is because unless it had this traffic it could 
 not exist as a business undertaking. It could not earn its own 
 axle grease by Canadian traffic alone. 
 
 After leaving Ontario it passes a long distance through unin- 
 habited regions until it reaches Manitoba, where there is but 
 a relatively small population, and after leaving there it goes 
 through another waste equally long, and over the triple ranges 
 of the Rocky and other mountains to British Columbia. But be- 
 cause it earns nothing from Canadian freight it can afford to take 
 American freight at any rate lower than the rate made by an 
 AmericF«n railway, because whatever it gets is just that much 
 more than nothing. This is the attack that is leveled by the 
 Canadian corporation at the railway and transportation inter- 
 ests of the United States. 
 
 Now, if this was done by a merely commercial corporation it 
 would be important enough and serious enough, but it is a very 
 much more serious matter. The Canadian Pacific road was 
 constructed primarily not for commercial purposes so much as 
 for political, military, and imperial purposes. It was to make 
 t> is railway and the Dominion of Canada the connecting link 
 uetween Great Britain on the one side and her Asiatic and Pa- 
 cific Ocean dependencies upon the other. It was intended to 
 accomplish the same object for which the Dominion of Canada 
 was created the consolidau'.on of the confederated Canadian 
 
 Erovinces under one government in order to maintain their 
 oraogoneity and their dependence upon and alleigriance to the 
 British Crown. It was intended for the transport tion of troops 
 and munitions of war from one part of Canada to another part 
 of Canada, and to weld the whole together into one harmonious 
 entity. 
 
 These rates are made not merely from the coast; thoyare made 
 from points inland. I can say that positively , because as a mem- 
 ber of the Committee on Interstate Commerce of the Senate, in 
 a recent hearing with reference to the amendment or repeal of 
 the clause of the interstate-commerce act forbidding pooling, we 
 had before us a very intelligent witness, havingafull knowledge 
 
 1447 
 
 i| 
 
15 
 
 of our internal trade by railway, who testified to the fact that the 
 Canadian Pacific road made rates to the East for their grain in the 
 very heurtof Iowa, and thus from St. Paul, from Iowa, from Den- 
 ver, from all points in the heart of the country, this marader 
 u)^on our internal commerce and traffic levies its contributions 
 upon our American labor. 
 
 The fact that this was a political rather than a mere commer- 
 cial scheme is shown in its innate character and policy; but 
 there \a direct evidence in regard to it. Sir E. W. Watkin, 
 member of the British Parliament, in a work upon " Canad' and 
 the States.'" published in 1887, in his preface speaks abov this. 
 Sir Edward Watkin made, I believe, some thirty visits across 
 the Atlantic with regard to strengthening the British connec- 
 tion. He says: 
 Is this great work- 
 It was the year after the railway was opened — 
 
 the Canadian Pacific Railway, to be left as a monument, at cnco, of Can- 
 ada's loyalty and fores «ht. and of Canada's bturayal; or is it to be made 
 the new land-route to our Eastern and Australian Empire? If it is to be 
 shunted, then the explorations of the last three hundred years have been 
 In vain. The dreams of some of the greatest statesmen of past times are re- 
 duced to dreams, and nothing more. The strength given by this glorious 
 self-contained route, from the old country to all the new countries, is wasted. 
 On the other hand, if those who now govern inherit the great traditions 
 of the past; if they believe in empire; if they are statesmen— then, a line of 
 military posts of strength and magnitude, beginning at Halifax on the At- 
 lantic, and ending at the Paclflc. will give power to the Dominion, and 
 wherever the red-coat appears coulidenca in the brave old country will be 
 restored. 
 
 Which lo it to be? 
 
 Seme years ago. Sir John A. Macdonald said: " I hope to live to see the 
 da/, and If J do not. th,nt my son may bo spared, to see Canada the right arm 
 of England. To see Canada a powerful auxiliary of the Empire, not, as now, 
 a source of anxiety and a source of danger." 
 
 Later Sir John A. Macdonald, in an interview with a repre- 
 sentative of the Pall Mall Gazette, said what I shall read from 
 the testimony of Mr. .Joseph Nimmo, jr., before the Select Com- 
 mittee on Relations with Canada, at page 894 of Senate Report 
 1530, part 2, Fifty-first Congress, first session: 
 
 About three years ago Sir John A. Macdonald divulged to one of the edi- 
 tors of the Pall Mall Gazette the politico-commercial idea upon which the 
 whole Canadian Pacific Railway enterprise is based. He described it as a 
 railroad extending from ocean to ocean, and superior to the American roads 
 by virtue of that fact, and the fact that it enjoys a monopoly of the trans- 
 continental traftli", of Canada. Then, in an outburst of enthusiasm, he an- 
 nounced the fact that he was an imperial confederatlonlst, and a firm ad- 
 herent of ' • Greater Britalnlsm. " Referring to the Canadian Paciilc Railway 
 as a part of an enormous political scheme, he said ; 
 
 " With England as a central power, with Australia and South Africa as 
 auxiliaries, we (the Confederated Urltish Empire) must control the seas, 
 and the control of the sea means the control of the world." 
 
 The leaders of the political party in power in Canada to-day make no at- 
 tempt to disguise their purpose. The Handbook of Canada recently pub- 
 lished by the Dominion government, states that the Canadian Pacific was 
 constructed ''in the Interests of the Empire at large, as well as those of Can- 
 ada," and it adds that If these far-seeing plans had been taken up when first 
 mooted, "Canada would have been at least two generations in atrvanee of 
 her present position, while 'Greater Hritain' (i. «.. Urltish Imperial coufed 
 eratlon) would have been in a much hlgherstate of development than it Is." 
 This significant remark also follows: 
 
 "It was a singular coincidence andperhaps a prophetic omen of the future 
 imperial importance of this railway, that the first loaded train that passed 
 over Us entire length from ocean to oeean was fi-eighted with naval stores 
 belonging to the imperial war department, transferred from Quebec to Van- 
 couver." 
 
 In speaking of the negotiations for a British subsidy Id favor of the Caua- 
 1M7 
 
mm 
 
 16 
 
 ^ 
 
 dian Pacific ftteamer line to Cliina and Japan, the president of that railroad 
 said in his annual report for 1887: 
 
 '• The Imperial Interests Involved In this question are so important that 
 there can be little doubt of a satisfactory result." 
 
 If this matter were confined to railway transportation it could 
 be thwarted; but the scheme is more far-re;iching, and in part it 
 has been carried out. In connection with the C.inadian Paciflo 
 road there has been established on the Pacific a line of fast 
 steamers, heavily subsidized by the British and Canadian Gov- 
 ernments, running from Vancouver, the Pacific terminus of the 
 Canadian Pacific road, to Jap.in and China by one route, and to 
 Australia by the other; while ships are now building under the 
 assurance of a like subsidy and like speed, faster, or as fast a» 
 any yet put upon the ocean, to run betwean Halifax and Liver- 
 pool. 
 
 This means British invasion of the Pacific market— the last 
 refuge of the once almost triumphant American marine. Un- 
 til this competition arose the Pacific Mail and other lines of 
 American steamers commanded *he trade between San Francisco 
 and our other ports on the Pacific coast and Japan, China, Hawaii, 
 and Austnilia, and generally our American trade in what up to 
 recent times has been a most remote region of the globe. The 
 condition is now different. At the outbreak of the civil war we 
 had the seoond gre itest marine of the world anl were fast chal- 
 lenging British supremacy. The Alabama, the Shenandoah, and 
 the Florida put an end to that. Sailing from British ports, our 
 Southern friends were able to drive the knife home to our vitals. 
 It remains to be seen whether by this bill they will succeed ia 
 increasing the damage which was inflicted then. 
 
 But this imperial extension does not stop with the I'ailways or 
 the fast sailing vessels at the ocean termini of the railroads. 
 There is now projected an ocean cable between Vancouver and 
 Australia in opposition to a French cable which has been pro- 
 jected to one of the Australian colonies, I believe, from some 
 point on the coast of Asia. On the 2l8t of the present month 
 there is to meet in Ottawa a conference of repressntatives from 
 Great Britain, the Australian colonies, and the Dominion of 
 Canada, to consider the joint and respective subsidizing of an 
 ocean cable from Vancouver to Australia as a completion of this 
 imperial scheme of commercial advantage and military aggres- 
 sion and defense. 
 
 I read at this point a short extract from a letter to the Lon| 
 don Times of the 25th of May last from a correspondent who has 
 been writing voluminously to the Times from Canada with re- 
 gard to the matter. He says: 
 
 And for what purpose was this mighty barrier of the Rockies and Selklrks, 
 600 miles wide, to be crossed? 
 
 Not to tmitetwo Kreat communities striving for closer Intercourse, as was 
 the case when the 40,000,000 people of the Eastean and Western States, al- 
 ready advanced far beyond the Mississippi, made the first American line 
 across a narrower range of mountains to get In touch with San Francisco, 
 and the large population of the Pacific States, which was also pressing up 
 to the Dase of the Ho'kles. In Eastern Canada there were only 4,000, OOJ peo- 
 ple: in lirltish Columbia there were less than 50.000 white people— the pop- 
 ulation of a small English manufacturing town— and few of these on the 
 mainland, when the railroad was undertaken. 
 
 It was to complete and round off a national conception; to pave the way 
 for commercial and political advantages as yet far remote, and by many 
 deemed imaiinary, that the work was faced. British Columbia. Insignifi- 
 cant in population, was significant enough in position and in some of its 
 resources. It fronted on the Pacific; it had splendid harbors and abundant 
 coal; it supplied a new base of sea power and commercial iuQuence. U 3Ug- 
 1447 
 
17 
 
 gested a new and short pathway to the Orient and Australasia. The states- 
 men at Ottawa, who in 186" be^an to look over the Rockies to continents be- 
 yond the Pacific, were not wanting: In Imagination: many claimed that 
 their Imagluatlou outran their reason; but In the rapid course of events 
 their dreams have already been more than Justified. 
 
 They were, perhaps, building even better than they supposed. We now 
 know, when Japanese and Australian mall and trade routes are already 
 accomplished facts, and Pacific cable schemes are being dl8ous.sed. and the 
 docks and fortifications of Esqulmalt are being completed jointly by Britain 
 and Canada, that they were supplying the ml.-islng Joints and fastening the 
 rivets of empire. While they were doing this they were also clving politi- 
 cal consolidation to the older provinces of Canada. Common asplrathms 
 and a great common task, with the stirring of enthuslam which followed on 
 the sudden widening of the Canadian horizon, did more than anything else 
 to draw those provinces out of their own narrow circles and to give them 
 the sense of a larger citizenship. 
 
 So, though British Columbia made no great addition to the population of 
 Canada, its absorption Into the Dominion some yeais after confederation, 
 and the pledge of a transcontinental railway which was the condition ot 
 that absorption, marked a great turning point in Canadian lUstory. 
 
 Vancouver is the meetlni? place of the Empire's extreme west and east 
 and south, for of the two main lines of steamships which frequent the port, 
 one has Its further terminus at Hongkong, the other at Sydney. Their pres- 
 ence vindicates the policy which led Canada to make such sacrifices to se- 
 cui'e a base upon the Pacific. 
 
 Mr. President, it does not even stop there. I brought with 
 me, but can not lay my hands upon it this moment, a clipping 
 from the London Times which says that on April 25 It had in- 
 telligence from Apia that the conference at Ottawa would con- 
 sider the question ol the disposition of Samoa, and that colonial 
 interests require the putting to an end of the tripartite arrange- 
 ments now governing Samoa. 
 
 So, Mr. President, we mark the interesting advent of a new 
 feature in the dominion of the world. We have known in the 
 past plenty ot things that have been done in support of British 
 interests, but we now have the introduction of colonial interests. 
 I trust that the day will be long distant when for any consider- 
 able time, at least, there will be a disregard in this Chamber ot 
 American interests. 
 
 But this feature )f the question does not rest here. It began 
 with the existence and presence on our Atlantic coast ot the 
 fortifications at Halifax, Bermuda, and Kingston in Jamaica: 
 not aimed at Fi-ance, not aimed at Europe, not aimed at Ger- 
 many,, nor at Russia. They can be aimed at nobody but the 
 United States of America and her colonial po->ts. Now, we are 
 having added by the joint cimtributions of British and Canadian 
 funds a like fortification aA Eaquimault, in the n ighborhood of 
 Vancouver. It is idle to say that it is being built t^cause of the 
 Russian fortress at Vladiovostock on the tar-olt' Pacific shore of 
 the Rassian Po.-sessions. It is a menace and a thi'eat at Paget 
 Sound, and Portland, and San Francisco, and San Diego. It can 
 be no other. 
 
 I do not find fault with this. Everybody has a right to take 
 care ot his own, and Gieat Britain has a right to take care of her 
 own. What I do find fault with is that these grave facts are 
 being ignored by American statesmen, who thereby fail to take 
 care of their own. 
 
 But, Mr. President, not only these lines of shipping, but the 
 Canadian Pacific road itself Was built by subsidies. It never 
 1447 8 
 
18 
 
 m 
 
 could have been built otherwise. The amount which waa given 
 in va'"ious forms and ways for the construction of the lines of 
 railroa<' aim been variously estimated at from two hundred and 
 fifty to three hundred million dollars, in addition to the subsi- 
 dies that are given to the line of steamships from Vancouver to 
 the Orient and to Australia, and that are to be given on the line 
 from Halifax to Liverpool, and upon the proposed oceanic cable 
 from Vancouver to Australia. 
 
 We hear enough of the doctrine of Cobden — laissez faire — let 
 things go as they will. I do not propose to trench upon the 
 ground treated of in such a masterful fashion by the junior 
 Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] in the earlier stages 
 of this debate. No more striking illustration of this is furnished 
 than by the present example to which I am alluding, that while 
 Great Britain wisely relies upon free trade where it is to her 
 advantage, she does'not hesitate to offer subsidies and bounties, 
 and to apply the doctrine of protection wherever that will be to 
 her advanfcige. So we have built around us by subsidies a cor- 
 don of railway and steamer lines encroaching upon our domestic 
 and foreign commerce, as well as a military and naval cordon 
 that in any time of ditTerence would be precipitated upon our 
 undefended cities and shores. 
 
 Mr. President, in this dark picture there is one bright spot 
 that gleams out on the skjr like the North star, shining with no 
 borrowed light, drawing its luster from no sun, a lesson of cour- 
 age and of statesmanship worthy to be learned by the men who, 
 sitting in this Chamber, direct the destinies of the American 
 Re])ublic. I refer to that noble band of Americans in Hawaii, 
 the picket guard, the outpost of American interests, standing 
 there by themselves, loyal to the country of their origin, loyal 
 to the ideas which carried them there, not to be seduced and 
 not to be driven even by the resistless power of that Ilepublie 
 for whose interests they have stood and whose rulers with folly 
 predestinate strove to overthrow them. 
 
 Mr. President, there is one safe point for American interests 
 in the Pacific Ocean. There is no merit in the American Gov- 
 ernment; but a good deal is due the American people for the in- 
 fluence they have exerted in this critical exigency iu their 
 affairs. 
 
 This country, with its vast resources, with its magnificent pos- 
 sibilities, with a prosperity up to the time of the udven*^ of the 
 Democratic Administration without parallel in the exj rience 
 or history of the world, could well afford to contemplate with 
 equanimity and relative indifference any pi-osperity which Can- 
 ada might have by any means whatsoever. 
 
 We mi<!rht look on and view it with comparative indifference. 
 Certainly if that were all. I should not submit the remarks I am 
 now making to present this view of the subject. But we are 
 concerned as respects the Canadian Pacific road and its influence, 
 with the removal of a duty upon wool and upon Canadian natural 
 products, and the effect of that policy upon the future problem of 
 the unity of the English-speaking people of this continent. 
 
 No American has any thought of the conquest of Canada by 
 force of arms. Profoundly as many Americans believe that the 
 welfare of all English-speaking people upon the continent, on 
 whatever side of' the line they may live, demands the unity of 
 
 14i7 
 
19 
 
 the two peoples under one Government, we would not be willing 
 to accept such a unity as the result of war of conquest. 
 
 If Canada comes to the United States she must come of her 
 own free will and as a result of her recognition and her realiza- 
 tion that such unity is demanded by her own permanent and 
 paramount interests. I am one of those who believe that the 
 peimanent and paramount interests of the American people and 
 those who live on our side of the line equally demand the union 
 of the continent, and hence I am opposed to the policy of the 
 present bill and the rate of duties it imposes upon Canadian 
 products. 
 
 The dominating fact for Canadian and American alike is the 
 American market. It is a necessity to Canada equally with the 
 United States. Canada in respect to it holds a peculiar place 
 arising out of her geographical position. Canada is divided into 
 four distinct and sepai-ate sections, each separated from the otlior 
 by a vast uninhabited waste, having no immediate trade or com- 
 merce witb one another. You have on the east the maritime 
 provinces; in the eastern center, Ontirio and Quebec; in the 
 western center, Manitoba and the northwestern provinces, and. 
 on the Pacific coast, British Columbia. Their natural trade is 
 with the United States rather than with each other. If you 
 were to compare them to the fingers of one hand, the tie is n;it- 
 urally with the palm rather than with each other. That palm 
 in this cfise is the United States. 
 
 The prosperity of the maritime provinces rests upon their 
 being able to trade freely with New England and the eastern 
 section of our country. In like manner the prosperity of (Ju^'bec 
 and Montreal depends upon their free access to the markets of 
 our neighboring States. So with Manitoba and British Colum- 
 bia. They are merely joined together by this political road and 
 by no natural tie, as they would be if they lay along the same 
 line of longitude but different lines of latitude, instead of lying 
 along the same lines of latitude. 
 
 If the union between Canada and the United States that was 
 made in 176;} by Chatham and Wolfe had not been broken up by 
 the American Revolution, to-day it is altogether probable that 
 instead of ."),000,0i»() people Canada would have 20,000,0(K) people, 
 and if she could have, without obstruction, free access to our 
 markets for her natural products, especially wool, while she is 
 free to impose duties against us for manufactured goods, she 
 would grow in like manner. 
 
 But for the growth that was made during the pendency of the 
 reciprocity treaty of 1854 she would not have anything like the 
 population she has to-day. Under the influence of the adverse 
 tariffs, particularly those of the McKinley act. one-third of the 
 people born in Canada are to-day residents and possibly citizens 
 of the United States. She is but a way station for immigrants, 
 that are brought to her shores at great expense and after great 
 advertising, for their ultimate destination in America. 
 
 Her entire prosperity, so far as it depends upon the American 
 market, is of absolutely uncertain' foundation just so long as she 
 remains a distinct country. 
 
 Whatever may have been their di-eams about reciprocal trade, 
 they were rudely broken up by the McKinley tariff: and what- 
 ever expectation they may nave of prosperity from the pending 
 
 1447 
 
20 
 
 bill, they may rest equally assured that at the end of four years, 
 whatever business may be started during that time is liable to 
 be cut up by the roots by another President and another Con- 
 gress who will hold sway here at that time. 
 
 The Canadian Pacific Road, as I have already said, rests for 
 its trade upon our sufferance, upon a merely permissive statute 
 and a Tretisury regulation. I am not unaware of the strength of 
 the position it holds by reason of the certain or uncertain trans- 
 poT'tation advantages in cheaper freights that it gives to the dis- 
 tinct sections of our country on the northern border. I am aware 
 that parts of New England have made use of the Canadian Pa- 
 cific Lioadto obviate what they consider to be the unfair results 
 to them of the antipooling and the long and short haul clauses 
 of the interstate commerce act. 
 
 Their patriotism may not be enough for so severe a test, but "t 
 is possible that the clause of the interstate commerce act forbid- 
 ding pooling may either be repealed or greatly modified, and 
 the long and short haul clause as it applies to them may be modi- 
 fied . and thus they can have a relief from what they consider the 
 hardships of that act without feeling compelled unpatriotically 
 to build up a foreign corporation at the cost of the permanent 
 and pai'amount interests of theirown country: and the same may 
 be said of every community and every city along the whole 
 northern border from one ocean to the other. 
 
 One or two other problems in like manner are outstanding 
 and not to be solved by any scheme of policy found in the pend- 
 ing bill. We need not have had any trouble about the Alaskan 
 seals. We need not have had any arbitration ov' ■ the seals. 
 You needed only to have suggested that the transportation in 
 bond and under seal of goods through Canada between American 
 ports would be suspended to have put an end to every proposi- 
 tion of the Canjwiians to poach upon our seals. That would have 
 been a swift and a short remedy, and a complete one. If Canada 
 and British Columbia had been a part of the American Union 
 we would have had no seal question. 
 
 There was no marauding ujjon the seals from American ports. ' 
 It was only from Canadian ports: and it is to be borne in mind 
 that the British Government did not want to engage in it. Lord 
 Salisbury, an English nobleman— gentleman, perforce — wascom- 
 pelled to become the agent of the Canadian poachers to trench 
 upon our right to the seals purchased from Russia, belonging 
 properly to the owners of the Pribyloff Islands, if not by any 
 law hitherto laid down, by a law that ought to be laid down under 
 the circumstances of the peculiar case, as law always is a growth 
 in the application of sound prineiples to new facts. Thus we 
 have the most unsatisfactory condition of this seal question left 
 to us as a consequence of our present relations with Canada. 
 
 But there is another question, Mr. President, of far greater 
 importance. There is no doubt about the attitude or the policy of 
 the people of the United States on Chinese immigration. There 
 ought to be none in the Democratic party. We believe in their 
 exclusion. Certainly we have had trouble enough from race 
 questions in this country. We do not want to introduce another. 
 I am one of those who would give the largest measure of justice 
 to the negro, but no one realizes more than he does the hardship 
 
 1447 
 
21 
 
 that is beingr imposed upon the people by his presence under the 
 circumstances as a part of the American Republic. 
 
 We do not want to bring the Chinese here, we all say, and yet 
 to-day any Chinaman cnn come into British Columbia by the 
 payment of a license of $50, and then walk across the border, 
 and you can not detect it or prevent it. So while we are stop- 
 ping up all other gaps, this great wide one is left open, and that 
 too while this fast line of steamers is put on between Van- 
 couver and Chinese ports, that will greatly facilitate all means of 
 transportation, while the owners of these ships will have all the 
 inducements to make money by the transportation of the Chinese. 
 
 But, Mr. President, the American people have a large inter- 
 eat in this question themselves, and from our st'indpoint I took 
 occasion a few days ago, in the course of this debate, to call at- 
 tention to the fact that we have arrived at the end of our last 
 available land for honieateading. Possibly there may be a few 
 acres added from the Indian reservations. The rush for the 
 Cherokee Strip a year ajfO furnished an object lesson. For the 
 first time since .John Smith landed at .Taraestown, or the Pil- 
 grims at Plymouth liock, there is no longer a home for any 
 American in need or want to be had for the asking and the tak- 
 ing. That idea has been almost like what metaphysicians tell 
 us of time and space, that they are conditions of thought. One 
 never thought of America but that there was a suggestion of a 
 farm for everyone. 
 
 Uncle Sam la rich enough to give us all a farm, 
 
 Very little attention has been called to this fact, and yet the 
 future historian will speak of it as one of the epochs of America 
 and its people, ranking in importance with the discovery of the 
 continent by Columbus, with the landing at .famestown and at 
 Plymouth Rock, with the Declaration of Independence and the 
 destruction of slavery. The army of the unemployed can no 
 longer go out upon the prairie and find a home and a compe- 
 tence for the breaking of the soil. They can no longer go into 
 the forest and find a competence by the clearing up of land. It 
 is all in private ownership and has to be paid for, even though 
 much of it is yet practically unocupied. 
 
 The unemployed to-day are not going to the prairie. They 
 are joining the army of the unemployed, or Coxey's army. 
 North of us in Canada there is an illimitable expanse of unoccu- 
 pied lands, and the isothermal lip'>s formed by the chinook winds 
 coming across the low passes the Rocky Mountains to the 
 north make the land habital)l< and arable and profitable to oc- 
 cupy away up on the Peace River of the North. 
 
 To-day the Senate is going to vote to break down the barrier be- 
 tween the American people and that land and turn the tide of 
 emigration north. Mr. President, shall they go there under the 
 American flag or go there under Her Majesty's flag? That is 
 an issue of great moment to this continent and to all who live 
 on it now or hereafter. 
 
 So far our policy has kept our people within our own limits. 
 Now, there is proposed one which will expatriate our people and 
 send them as emigrants upon a foreign soil. 1 say to our South- 
 ern brethren, who held the other day a convention at Augusta to 
 advance immigratiou to the South, that their talk is idle . They 
 
 1447 
 
22 
 
 can not compass it by the policy of this bill. Not South will 
 this hungry people go to buy land or to compete with the negro. 
 You are going to send them north tc build up a new empire 
 under an alien flag. 
 
 Mr. President, to the Senate, to the country, to the continent 
 and its people there is presented the most momentous question 
 of the day. Compared with it, your talk about parties and pros- 
 perity and power, or wealth or taxation or welfare, is idle and 
 relatively unimportant. It is the great question of peace or of 
 war. We have had it before. This is not the first time this 
 people have had that issue presented to them; and when they 
 were confronted with it they gave no uncertain answer or sound. 
 
 No one I'ecognizes more than I do the ine.xorable influence 
 that drove the South into rebellion. But, Mr. President, if the 
 South did not fight to preserve slavery, the North did not fijjfht 
 to destroy it. If the South fought for the right of secession, the 
 North was nerved to the expenditure of its last dollar and the 
 last drop of its blood because it intended that there never should 
 be on this continent, if it could help it, two governments. 
 
 We should not adopt a policy that would create on the North 
 the same conflict that we had made upon the South, and I said 
 it in terms without any reflection whatever upon the causes 
 that led to the late civil war. 
 
 Now, Mr. President, because of the 5,000,000 people on the 
 Noi'th we have the least possible concern. It is not a power 
 that threatens us in the least. Coupled with the military and 
 naval power of Great Britain, it becomes a matter of much more 
 concern, and yet we take it easily. But it will be a matter of vital 
 difference when Canada contains a population of 20,000, 000 or of 
 50,000,000. Then, Mr. President, we shall again have the ques- 
 tion presented of peace or war. As I have already pointed out, 
 the existing foreign military establishment of forts and naval 
 armament is a threat and menace upon our coasts. When that 
 comes, whatever the time or period may be, there will be a 
 trial of strength. 
 
 Mr. President, the matter would be very different if Canada 
 were independent of Great Britain, but asadependency of Great 
 Britain she becomes a part of the European system, a system 
 the character of which is best designated by the term used as 
 "the balance of power." She is subject to all the vicissitudes of 
 war and peace to which Great Britain herself is subject, grow- 
 ing out of European and Asiatic complications. We have no 
 cause of war that is not distinctively American, but Canada ia 
 involved in all causes of war which are European or Asiatic. 
 
 The difterence between Russia and England in India may 
 create war for Canada. The diiTerences between France and 
 England in Africa may create war for Canada. She is liable to 
 become involved at any time, and whenever she does the inter- 
 ests of nations determine their course and their policy, just as 
 in the war of 1812 or in the Napoleonic wars we were finally 
 involved in conflict with Canada. So in the future we aro likely 
 to be. To-day, growing out of Asiatic and European complica- 
 tions, England is the silent partner of the Triple Alliance or the 
 Dreibund made up of Germany, Austria, and Italy. Against 
 them stands the tacit alliance of Russia and Prance. 
 
 I can conceive that in the event of the conflagration of war 
 
 1117 
 
23 
 
 breaking out upon the European continent we should find that 
 our interests were identical or at least lay alongside of those 
 of Russia and France. It would not be so if England were to 
 withdraw from this continent. With that witlidmwal would 
 end as far as it would be possible the schism of the English- 
 spe. iking race which began more than a century ago. Then the 
 foi'ces of a common language, a common law, a common litera- 
 ture, and a common religion would draw us and England together 
 with all their peculiar and ap()ropriate force. To-day we are 
 divorced because she insists upon holding on to her possessioa 
 upon this continent, invidious and essentially hostile towards us. 
 
 For that we have great authority. The Articles of Confedera- 
 tion included a clause that at any time Canada could become a 
 member. Our army in the Revolutionary war was called the 
 Continental Army, becaui^e we proposed to include the entire 
 continent. When we came to the peace of llS',i it was Franklin 
 who constantly insisted with the British negotiators that wo 
 should have Canada, because thereby only could we have peace. 
 Our experience in 1812 is a pregnant confirmation of his pres- 
 cience and his wisdom and the truth of his declaration, although 
 peace has prevailed from that time until now. 
 
 Mr. President, the McKinley act, which places practically 
 
 f)rohibitive duties upon the natural products of Canada, was a 
 ong step in the true solution of this question. Even before it 
 was enacted great restlessness was being manifested in Canada 
 because of their need of access to our markets free f roni any tariff 
 restraint. 
 
 Whatever may be the course that is taken upon this bill, it 
 need not be expected that the American people will permit its 
 enactment to stand as a settlement. You may succeed in pass- 
 ing the pending bill and strike this blow at the welfare and 
 future peace of the English-speaking race upon the American 
 continent, but that race is too strong, too sagacious, too sensi- 
 ble to permit this temporary obstruction to stem the tide of its 
 imperialdestiny. Thependingbillisbut the ephemeral expres- 
 sion of fOrcesessentiallysecondary. The primary and everlasting 
 forces will speedily reassert themselves. Four years hence 
 will see a President and Congress here that will tear the bill to 
 tatv^vs and re nact laws and policies that are for the lasting 
 welfare of all the people of this continent. 
 
 ua 
 
 - O 
 
 war