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 r 
 
 A FEDERAL PARLIAMENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 BRITISH PEOPLE. 
 
 BY 
 
 ARCH. McGOUN, M.A., B.C.L. 
 
 Advocate, Montreal, Canada 
 
 Published by order of the Executive Committee of the 
 Imperial Federation League in Canada. 
 
 Entered according to Act of the Parliament of Canada in the year one thousand eight 
 hundred and ninety, by Arch. McGoun, M.A., B.C.L., in the office of the Minister 
 of Agriculture. 
 
 TORONTO : 
 
 C. BLACKETT ROBINSON. 
 
 MONTREAL : 
 
 WILLIAM DRYSDALE & CO. 
 
 1890. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Nature and Machinery of a Federation i 
 
 Imperial Parliament 5 
 
 House of Commons 7 
 
 Population and Number of Members lo 
 
 Resume, and German Reichstag 13 
 
 The Upper House 20 
 
 Number of Members 48 and 92 
 
 Executive Authority 23 
 
 Powers of the Imperial Parliament 24 
 
 Treaties of Alliance 33 
 
 Dominion or National Parliaments 35 
 
 Parliament of Canada 36 
 
 Provi.icial Legislatures 38 
 
 Imperial Taxation 41 
 
 Table I. Trade of British Empire, 1883 47 
 
 II. Contributions to Revenue, and Members in 
 
 House of Contributories 48 and 92 
 
 III. Trade of British Empire, 18S5 90 
 
 IV. Australasian Trade 91 
 
 British West Indian Trade 91 
 
 British African Trade 91 
 
 V. Contributions to Revenue on Trade of 1885 92 
 
 Mr. Hofmeyr and Mr. Macfarlane's proposals 50 
 
 Taxes upon Food 53 
 
 Table VI. Wheat, British and Foreign 92 
 
 Other Grain, British and Foreign 93 
 
 Potatoes, British and Foreign 94 
 
 Animals and Meat, British and Foreign 95 
 
 Butter and Cheese, British and Foreign 96 
 
 Resume of Produce of Temperate Zone 54 
 
 Other Produce of Temperate Zone 97 
 
 Wheat Yield, United Kingdom 56 
 
 " " Manitoba and Canadian Territories. 57 
 
 Tropical Produce 60 and 97 
 
 Spirits, Wines and Tobacco 62 
 
 Raw Materials 63 
 
 Table XV. Raw Materials, Chiefly British 63 and 98 
 
 Raw Materials, Chiefly Foreign 63 and 99 
 
 Manufactures and Other Articles 63 and 102 
 
 Resume, Imports into United Kingdom, 1885 ... 64 
 
 64 
 
 Import, Consumption and Re-export 65 
 
 Re-export of British and Foreign Produce 65 
 
 Revenue 67 
 
 Table XXI. Canada's Foreign Imports 68 
 
 Concurrent Tariff Legislation 71 
 
 Commercial Advantages 73 
 
 (a) To the United Kingdom 73 
 
 Table XXII. Comparison Between Tariffs of Canada and the 
 
 United States 75 
 
 XXIII. Colonial and Foreign Consumption, per capita, of 
 
 Imports from United Kingdom 77 
 
 (b) To Canada 79 
 
 Table XXIV. Canada's Chief Exports, and Imports thereof by 
 
 United Kingdom 79 and 103 
 
 XXV. Australasia's Foreign Imports 80 
 
 Other Colonies 8i 
 
 {c) To Other Colonies 82 
 
 Sugar 82 
 
 Most Favoured Nation Principle 83 
 
 Table XXVI. List of Commercial Treaties 84 and 106 
 
 Conclusion 86 
 
 VII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 IX. 
 
 X. 
 
 XI. 
 
 XIrt. 
 
 XII. 
 
 XIII. 
 XIV. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 Re-export Trade 
 
 Table XIX. 
 
 XX. 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 64 
 
 65 
 
 65 
 
 67 
 
 68 
 
 71 
 
 n 
 
 • 73 
 
 3 
 
 . 75 
 
 f 
 
 . 77 
 
 . 79 
 
 y 
 
 d 103 
 
 . 80 
 
 . 81 
 
 . 82 
 
 . 82 
 
 . 83 
 
 id 106 
 
 . 86 
 
 ,jWT is with some anxiety, in view of the utterances of many of the 
 ?£) best friends of federation, that the publication of this sketch is 
 ventured upon. So many have declared their opposition to 
 definite plans being put forward, that it almost argues temerity in a 
 federationist to declare what he really means by Imperial Federation. 
 To my mind it seems clear, however, that if we wish to gain the 
 adhesion of practical and thoughtful men, we must try to define our 
 position. National unity is no doubt an attractive idea, but it was not 
 sufficiently definite for the sagacious mind of our deeply regretted 
 founder, Mr. Forster, when he nailed to the mast the declaration that, 
 to prevent disintegration, "Some form of Federation is essential." 
 This is the charter we work under, and if we hope to make real 
 progress we must not shirk the consideration of the question in all 
 its bearings, nor foster the delusion that it can be accomplished with- 
 out some sacrifices. The necessity of a comprehensive measure arises 
 from the possible danger that may arise from the adoption of partial 
 measures of a nature to greatly increase the difficulties we have to 
 contend with. An illustration of this may be found in some of the 
 suggestions of so true a friend as Mr. Froude, who, in one book, speaks 
 approvingly of the election by a colony of its own Governor or Presi- 
 dent, and in another berates the Imperial authorities for preventing 
 a commercial arrangement between the British West Indian Islands 
 and the United States which would almost of necessity cut them 
 adrift from the Empire. In order to prevent partial changes of 
 such a character as these, and in order to enable us to decide what 
 reforms can be permitted without danger to our great object, and what 
 nmst be emphatically condemned whenever they raise their head, 
 friends of federation should, I think, rather encourage the discussion 
 of a definite policy, complete so far as it can be made so, in its general 
 outlines. I am confirmed in the opinion that efforts should be 
 made to secure a thorough-going federal constitution by the example 
 of Alexander Hamilton — the master mind to whose statesmanship the 
 constitution of the United States owes most of its strength, if not its 
 very existence — the most British in his sentiments and methods of 
 
iv. 
 
 all the early American statesmen — who did not hesitate on several 
 occasions to draw up and to fully discuss projects of a constitution 
 for the seceded colonies, and whose efforts wei'e finally rewarded with 
 such sif^nal success in the calling of a Convention to draw up a Consti- 
 tution, which was afterwards ratified by the several legislatures of the 
 States now forming, with others, the American Union. 
 
 If we were under autocratic rule, these proposals might possibly 
 be better submitted to kings or governments, but as we are under the 
 government of the people, the matter must be submitted to them, 
 which can only be done through the medium of open publication. But 
 not only is open publication and free and thorough discussion neces- 
 sary to secure th*; adoption of any plan, but it will very greatly 
 facilitate its^'harmonious working afterwards, it the principles on 
 which the plan is based are thoroughly understood betorehand, while 
 these principles can only be properly understood if the manner of 
 tueir application is worked out m detail. 
 
 With regard to the tables, I only wish to say that they have been 
 prepared with as great care as I could give to their compilation. 
 But as I was unassisted, and have not been able to revise them all, 
 it is possible some errors in copying may have crept in. I believe, 
 however, that they are substantially correct, and that any errors 
 there may be will not seriously affect the conclusions based upon 
 them. The same remark applies to the analysis of the Commercial 
 Treaties, which was made previous to the Parliamentary return on 
 the subject. 
 
A FEDERAL PARLIAMENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 BRITISH PEOPLE. 
 
 SiiitiH cniqiie tribiiere. 
 
 NATURE AND MACHINERY OF A FEDERATION. 
 
 THE great problem for the British people to solve is how to 
 keep the various countries composing their Empire in per- 
 manent union as one nation. Any plan destined to effect this 
 must meet the requirements of a widely complicated political 
 society, and must be conformable to the traditions of the 
 British constitution. The union must embrace many countries, 
 distant from one another geographically, though brought near 
 by the appliances of modern science. 
 
 The British Federation must be distinct from a mere race 
 union. Attempts have been made at various times to unite 
 peoples by such a bond. One of the most renowned was the 
 aspiration of the ancient Greeks to perpetuate an isolation of 
 the Hellenes from all the other peoples of the world. The 
 dominant idea in Bismarck's policy has been to create a Pan- 
 Germanic Empire. The endeavour of Russia is to form a union 
 of the Sclavonic race. Such an idea is not what we propose. 
 The project of an alliance between all the peoples of the 
 Anglo-Saxon race has been advocated by some not unfriendly 
 to British Federation, who desire, however, to embrace also the 
 people of the United States. An alliance between the British 
 Empire and the United States is a desirable thing in itself, but 
 we can only hope to see it brought about after the consolidation, 
 of the British Empire, and more particularly after the people of 
 the United States are convinced that British North America is. 
 to remain perpetually an integral portion of the British realnu 
 The expectation that the friendship of the United States would 
 be propitiated by the surrender to them of Canada, or by its 
 being allowed to secede from the Empire to form a temporarilj- 
 independent State, is altogether destitute of probability. The 
 only result of such an event would be, that the hostility no\v 
 
3 
 
 sometimes publicly expressed by certain of their public men, 
 would be succeeded by a general sentiment of contempt ; while 
 the statesmanship that will incorporate Canada in the British 
 Empire in such a way that all must recognize that the 
 connexion can never be broken will inspire the respect of 
 Americans and induce them to seek an alliance with the only 
 other great power with winch they share the possession of the 
 continent of North America. If we, the British people, wish to 
 gain the respect and good will of the people of the United 
 States, we must do as they did, courageously and boldly work out 
 our own institutions, depending on ourselves alone. We have 
 an easier task before us than had the founders of the American 
 Commonwealth, and where they succeeded we should not fail. 
 But at present the AiViericans are not seeking our alliance ; they 
 even ostentatiously proclaim that they do not need it. We shall 
 forfeit their respect if we declare ourselves impotent to accom- 
 plish our national destiny without their aid, whereas if once they 
 find we have succeeded in consolidating our Empire, without 
 paying the least regard to them in the matter, they will see that 
 we are worthy to be their comrades in future undertakings, and 
 will be disposed to make overtures for a firm and friendly alli- 
 ance, offensive and defensive, in the interests of peace, liberty 
 and good will among men. 
 
 Another reason why a race alliance is not what we seek is 
 that it is opposed to the fundamental principle of Christianity 
 on this subject, as laid down in the words of Paul : " God that 
 made the world and all things therein . . . hath made of one 
 blood all the nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth." 
 To carry out the aim we have in view, we must enlist the 
 sympathy not of Anglo-Saxons alone, but of the Kelts of Ireland 
 and of the Scottish Highlands, of the French of Lower Canada, 
 of the Dutch of the CApe, and even of the Hindoos and of many 
 other tribes of the far East. The people of the Anglo-Saxon race 
 have no more right to assume sovereignty over the other races 
 of the world, than the Greeks had to class the rest of mankind 
 as barbarians, or than the Sclavs or Germans have to-day to 
 assume unlimited sway in the Old World. The Britons them- 
 selves, the original possessors of our national name, and their 
 descendants in Cornwall, Wales and elsewhere, are not Anglo- 
 Saxon in race. No heart warms at being called by the name of 
 Anglo-Saxon, while millions throb at the name of Briton. 
 
 foul 
 flat 
 |iatJ 
 tndf 
 
 j^eoj 
 Unic 
 
8 
 
 blic men, 
 pt; while 
 le British 
 
 that the 
 respect of 
 li the only 
 sion of the 
 pie, wish to ( 
 the United 
 lly work out 
 We have 
 le American 
 iild not fail. 
 Ihance ; they 
 it. We shall 
 ■nt to accom- 
 3 if once they 
 pire, without 
 J will see that 
 jrtakings, and 
 I friendly alli- 
 
 peace, Uberty 
 
 at we seek is 
 3f Christianity 
 '• God that 
 made of one 
 of the earth." 
 T,ust enlist the 
 ^elts of Ireland 
 ower Canada, 
 OS and of many 
 nglo-Saxon race 
 the other races 
 rest of mankind 
 have to-day to 
 Britons them 
 
 h 
 
 Again we do not seek a geographical union. Another object 
 of Russia's has been to absorb, nolens volens, the small 
 powers with which she is surrounded. The traditional foreign 
 policy of the United States has been, partly by diplomacy, 
 but partly also by conquest, to form a continental union of all 
 the States in North America, if not of the two American con- 
 tinents, and to isolate them from the rest of the world. The 
 same idea appears, to some extent, to influence the people of 
 our own Australian Colonies, who desire to resist the encroach- 
 ments of European nations in the islands of the sea. We certainly 
 think that, so far as Australians are united in resisting any 
 attempt on the part of any European power to establish penal 
 colonies in the Southern seas or in maintaining inviolate the 
 provisions of any treaty which prevents occupation by other 
 European powers, they are right, and should be supported by 
 the whole force of the Empire. But if they were disposed to 
 claim the right, unless in so far as it may be recognized by 
 treaties between the powers, to exclude foreigners from occupy- 
 ing any of the uninhabited portions of the earth, it seems that 
 such a claim is inconsistent with the dictates of the higher 
 modern civilization. Mere continental or geographical union 
 seems to proceed upon narrow and unjustifiable grounds. It 
 cannot be for the advantage of humanity, that the people of one 
 country or of one continent should shut themselves up within 
 their own borders and isolate themselves from contact or fellow- 
 Iship with the rest of the world, not has any people a right to 
 iCurb the development of other nations, when it is not attempted 
 to be carried out in a way that would prove directly or cer- 
 itainly injurious to themselves. It must be remembered that 
 |Dne of the great civilizing influences of the world lies in mter- 
 ourse between distant nations, and that any agency that brings 
 hem into communication or relationship tends to promote a 
 eeling of their common brotherhood. 
 
 The British Empire then, as we desire to see it perpetuated, 
 
 limited by no considerations of race, by no geographical 
 
 oundaries. It embraces countries in all parts of the world, and 
 
 ifiany distinct races. The political idea we desire to keep asso- 
 
 me and their fiated with Federation is the extension of the reign of individual 
 not Anglo- |nd local liberty, together with the combination of as many 
 1 1 the name of peoples as are kindred in heart, in an unbroken, indissoluble 
 f Briton. 4"^°"' ^'^^ *^^ preservation of political rights, and for resisting 
 
,'«5 
 
 injustice and oppression whether of individuals, provinces, 
 nations or races. British Federation must march hand-in-hand 
 with British freedom. The strength of the Empire must lie in 
 the hearts of its people. 
 
 The Federation, again, must be a union of many countries 
 and peoples having dissimilar forms of government, and the 
 diversity of form will have to be respected. But the backbone 
 of the whole must be the self-governing countries of the Empire, 
 or, to be more specific, Federation must begin with the United 
 Kingdom, Canada, Australasia and South Africa. With these 
 highly organized political communities, enjoying representative 
 institutions, which have also been extended, in a greater or less 
 degree, to many of the West Indian Islands, are to be associated 
 the vast Empire of the East Indies, and the Crown Colonies dis- 
 tributed over the whole face of the earth. Several of the com- 
 ponent parts are themselves federations ; others are rapidly 
 becoming, and many must eventually become, such. Therefore 
 it may not be inappropriate to speak of the system we shall 
 propose as a federation of federations, the smaller groups having 
 the character more of State or National Governments, the larger 
 of Imperial, the latter existing for foreign policy chiefly, but pre- 
 serving also the right to exercise jurisdiction over the relations 
 between the different members of the federation. 
 
 It may further be premised that the feeling of friendship 
 arising out of a common history and similar institutions will not 
 alone suffice to establish the Empire upon a firm and enduring 
 basis. To this must be added the conviction that there is a 
 community of interest. The countries of the Empire must be 
 prepared to recognize and to further one another's interests in a 
 very peculiar degree — on every point indeed in which it can be 
 done without injustice or wrong to foreign countries. The 
 recognition of this community of interest is necessary for many 
 reasons, among which it may suffice to mention one only, 
 namely, that the Executive must be sustained by contributions 
 from all the parts, and unless the different contributories are 
 made to feel that thej' derive some special advantage from 
 membership of the Empire, their contributions will be grudgingly 
 given, and may at some very dangerous and important crisis be 
 withheld. 
 
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. 
 
 provinces, 
 nd-in-hand 
 must lie in. 
 
 '^ countries 
 t, and the 
 ; backbone 
 le Empire, 
 the United 
 kVith these 
 resentative 
 iter or less 
 associated 
 •lonies dis- 
 f the com- 
 re rapidly 
 Therefore 
 
 1 we shall 
 ips having 
 the larger 
 
 y, but pre- 
 relations 
 
 friendship 
 s will not 
 enduring 
 
 there is a 
 
 2 must be 
 crests in a 
 
 it can be 
 les. The 
 for many 
 Dne only, 
 tributions 
 ories are 
 ige from 
 "ud,<,'ingly 
 crisis be 
 
 t 
 
 ■ 1 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 ■1 
 
 With these preliminary remarks we shall proceed to con- 
 sider the machinery by which a federation of the Empire may 
 be carried out. First then, as the basis of all our British 
 institutions is representative government, it seems clear that 
 there must be an Imperial Parliament, containing represent- 
 atives from all the countries of the Empire, and an Imperial 
 Executive Government for the whole of the Empire, responsible 
 to that parliament. 
 
 An Imperial Parliament now exists — a parliament with legal 
 authority among the nations of the world to legislate for the 
 whole Empire. But the weakness of this Parliament consists ir. 
 the fact that it is not directly representative of any other coun- 
 tries than the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. 
 To work up, or rather to preserve, a feeling of faith in and 
 loyalty towards this Supreme Parliament, it is necessary that all 
 the people shall know that they are directly represented in it. 
 To make a passing reference to ancient Hebrew histor}', so long 
 as the nation of Israel remained one united kingdom, the people 
 every year went up to Jerusalem to worship. When Jeroboam 
 had effected a disruption of the kingdom, he set up high places, 
 so that the people would not go up to Jerusalem, well knowing, 
 as an astute politician, that the hearts of the people would be 
 likely to return to the allegiance of their fathers, if every year 
 they met their brethren at the temple for worship. We have 
 now a religion that is not bound by the confines of any temple. 
 The day has come when neither at Jerusalem nor in ti»e Moun- 
 tain of Samaria alone do men worship God. Religious worship, 
 having become spiritual, has ceased to be a political institution; 
 a long struggle for the advancement of civilization has virtually 
 effected separation between Church and State. But the true 
 lesson we may learn from the conduct of tlie ancient Hebrew 
 statesmen applies to-day to political institutions as they still do, 
 and ever must, exist. W^e are accustomed to look to our par- 
 liaments, our assemblies of the people, for the redress of national 
 grievances, and for the carrying into effect of national aspira- 
 tions. Therefore if we are to have lasting national union, we 
 must have representation in an Imperial Parliament to which 
 the e3'es of the people will periodically turn. In other words 
 the people of the outlying parts of the Empire must be repre- 
 
6 
 
 sented at Westminister. Whether this representation shall be 
 in the present Parliament of the United Kingdom, or in a new 
 Imperial Parliament, seems to be largely a mere matter of words. 
 If a plan could be devised that would leave, as much as possible, 
 unimpaired the powers and attributes of the existing parlia- 
 ments of the Empire, it is more likely to meet the requirements 
 of the case, than plans that would create greater disturbance of 
 existing institutions. 
 
 The Imperial Parliament, as I think it should be reconstituted^ 
 would consist of a House of Commons representative of the 
 people ot the whole Empire, and, for the self-governing parts, 
 essentially on a basis of relative population ; and of an Upper 
 House also containing representatives from every part of the 
 Empire, whether self-governing or not, in proportion to their 
 contributions to Imperial revenues. It is probable that, at an 
 early date, we shall see the formation, in the several parts of the 
 United Kingdom, of local legislatures, or local municipal insti- 
 tutions with greatly extended powers. Ireland almost imme- 
 diately must have some species, of Home Rule, by means of 
 local representative bodies, subordinate either to the Parliament 
 of the United Kingdom, or to the Parliament of the whole 
 Empire. Similar bodies may have to be created for Scotland 
 and Wales. For England possibly the Local Government 
 measure of Mr. Ritchie, recently passed, may answer the pur- 
 poses of Provincial Government, or that Kingdom might be re- 
 divided into such divisions as the old Heptarchy. These of 
 course are matters for the people of the United Kingdom to de- 
 termine by themselves. But in -any event the general Parlia- 
 ment of the United Kingdom must undoubtedly continue to 
 exist. It seems reasonable however that upon the establish- 
 ment of local legislative bodies the dimensions of the Parlia- 
 ment of the United Kingdom might be diminished to one-half 
 of its present size. The representation is now about one mem- 
 ber for every fifty thousand inhabitants. In the event of the 
 membership being reduced to one member for every one hun- 
 dred thousand inhabitants, the proportion would be about the 
 same that the membership of the Reichstag in Germany bears 
 to the population of that Empire. Such a change in the Par- 
 liament of the United Kingdom would, I think, be desirable, and^ 
 in that case, the figures I am about to give for the colonies 
 would also have to be diminished by one-half, but I prefer in 
 
 
 ■I 
 
 d 
 tl 
 
 z 
 
 c 
 
tion shall be 
 , or in a new 
 ter of words, 
 1 as possible, 
 sting parlia- 
 'equirements 
 sturbance of 
 
 ^constituted, 
 ative of the 
 rning parts, 
 oi an Upper 
 part of the 
 ion to their 
 ! that, at an 
 parts of the 
 licipal insti- 
 most imme- 
 )y means of 
 Parliament 
 
 the whole 
 or Scotland 
 jovernment 
 er the pur- 
 night be re- 
 These of 
 ;dom to de- 
 ;ral Parlia- 
 ontinue to 
 
 establish- 
 the Parlia- 
 to one-half 
 ; one mem- 
 ^ent of the 
 y one hun- 
 
 about the 
 nany bears 
 n the Par- 
 rable, and, 
 e colonies 
 I prefer in 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 f 
 t 
 
 I 
 
 drawing up a scheme to deal, so far as possible, with things as 
 they now exist, and not to make the carrying out of a re-organi- 
 zation of the Empire contingent upon the adoption of radical 
 changes in the present constitution of the Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom, whose membership I shall take as a starting 
 point for the composition of the Imperial body. 
 
 HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 So far as regards the self-governing parts of the Empire, the 
 only satisfactory basis for representation in the popular House 
 will be one of population. This is theoretically the basis recog- 
 nized for the membership of the House of Commons of the 
 United Kingdom. Some slight modifications exist, and Mr. 
 Gladstone, in discussing the question of Irish representation at 
 the time of introducing the last Franchise Bill, said that the 
 more remote parts should have a greater number than their 
 numerical proportion of representatives on account of their dis- 
 tance from the seat of government. But in dealing with a large 
 subject it is safer to go on definite principles, and it would be 
 more satisfactory to the colonies to have the system settled upon 
 an intelligible basis, which will be adhered to in the future, than 
 to admit modifications intended to cover particular cases. 
 
 From the colonial point of view this is only open to one 
 serious objection, and that is the danger they will be in of being 
 out-voted in matters they deem of the highest national import- 
 ance. As Lord Lansdowne has expressed it, they must have a 
 real, not a sham, voice in the decision of the foreign questions 
 they are interested in. But I do not think it will be contended 
 that to make their influence really effective, each country should 
 have an equal number of votes in the House. That would be 
 fair only if each country was to contribute an equal share to 
 the expense of defending the Empire. I think there are only 
 two essentials;for a satisfactory partnership for foreign affairs : 
 First, that the peoples of the different countries composing the 
 Empire have reasonable confidence in one another's spirit of 
 fair play, and secondly, that the representation should be on 
 some equitable and intelligible basis. A decision once come to 
 has to be maintained with the united force of the whole Empire, 
 and to secure the advantage of such force each country can only 
 demand reasonable opportunity of making its views known. The 
 
',' ^ 
 
 I? 
 
 8 
 
 i 
 
 necessity of having such a united force is obvious from the man- 
 ner in which the nations of the world are now becoming distri- 
 buted. The day of small nations is past. Every small or thinly 
 peopled country will consult its own interests best by deciding 
 with what other powers it will make common cause, or with 
 what other nations it will form a united Empire, and having 
 made the choice will exact only reasonable influence in its coun- 
 cils. The safeguard of small communities lies in the well-recog- 
 nized truth that the interests of all nations are not naturally 
 conflicting, but identical, and what is wanted is the creation of 
 a tribunal which will give opportunity for each part to make its 
 wants known, for we may be confident that, once properly 
 known, they will be respected. No part of the Empire is inter- 
 ested in thwarting or injuring any other part ; the danger is that 
 the Imperial authorities should ignore or injure colonial interests 
 from sheer ignorance of what these are. The important thing is 
 not the extent, but the fact, of representation in the Imperial 
 Parliament. It will not be pretended that the interests of Brit- 
 ish Columbia are neglected or unduly subordinated in the Par- 
 liament of Canada, and yet they have but six representatives in 
 a House of 211. The French Colonies are represented in the 
 Chamber of Deputies by 10 members out of 584 ; in the Senate 
 by 4 members out of 300. Cuba and Porto Rico are also repre- 
 sented in the Spanish Cortes. And yet, even at the outset, the 
 influence of the colonies in the British Commons would be by no 
 means insignificant. The present House of Commons of the 
 United Kingdom consists, besides the Speaker, (Whitaker's 
 Almanac, 1887), of about 313 Conservatives, 189 Gladstonian 
 Liberals, 84 Parnellites, and 81 Unionist Liberals. It is easy to 
 see that the infusion of 150 representative men from the colonies 
 would be a matter of very considerable moment even in voting 
 strength ; they could hold the balance of power, and would be 
 able to urge their views and protect their interests in such mat- 
 ters as the New Hebrides question, the Behring Sea seizures 
 the Canadian fisheries, and the neutrality of the Panama Canal. 
 But again, it must be remembered that after every census the 
 proportion would be readjusted, and as the colonies increase in 
 population much more rapidly than the Mother Country, it will 
 not be so very long before they will wield almost a determining 
 influence in the decision of all questions of foreign policy. And 
 the transition from the existing state of affairs, in which England 
 
 
 3 
 
 'Jls. 
 
9 
 
 om the man- 
 miing distri- 
 lall or thinly 
 
 by deciding 
 luse, or with 
 
 and having 
 ein itscoun- 
 e well-recog- 
 lot naturally 
 I creation of 
 
 to make its 
 ce properly 
 pire is inter- 
 langer is that 
 nial interests 
 tant thing is 
 the Imperial 
 ests of Brit- 
 I in the Par- 
 sentatives in 
 ^nted in the 
 
 1 the Senate 
 e also repre- 
 
 2 outset, the 
 uld be by no 
 mons of the 
 (Whitaker's 
 Gladstonian 
 
 It is easy to 
 
 the colonies 
 
 n in voting 
 
 id would be 
 
 n such mat- 
 
 >ea seizures 
 
 lama Canal. 
 
 census the 
 
 increase in 
 
 intry, it will 
 
 determining 
 
 olicy. And 
 
 ich England 
 
 alone holds all the authority and pays all the expenses, would be 
 so gradual as to accustom every part of the Empire to it before 
 any very thorough change should have taken place ; and while 
 England must be content to see her absolute supremacy give way 
 to a mere senior partnership in a firm, she will have the satisfaction 
 of knowing that at the same time her burdens will be diminished 
 and will be shared by the new members of the firm, and that, 
 although in time she may come to be outnumbered by the colo- 
 nies combined, there is no prospect of her being so by any single 
 colony or group of colonies. 
 
 Another difficulty in adopting this basis of representation 
 relates to the non-self-governing parts of the Empire. It would 
 be manifestly out of the question to give India representation in 
 the Imperial House according to population. It may be an 
 answer to this to say that India is not self-governing, and there- 
 fore would not»be entitled to representation. But as what we 
 wish to arrive at is a Parliament for the whole Empire, and as 
 the non-self-governing countries have interests to be protected 
 as well as .the others, we must try to find some rational principle 
 upon which they also may have their voice heard in Parliament, 
 Moreover, this point has to be considered in the interest 
 of the self-governing colonies themselves, for the latter must 
 know, before entering upon a federal union, whether they have 
 anything to fear from these less developed communities. The 
 question of admitting representatives from these will, of course, 
 be dealt with by the Imperial Parliament at a later stage, but the 
 principles on which it is likelj' to be determined should be, to 
 some extent, understood, and the effect of such membership after 
 the House is fully constituted considered beforehand. 
 
 The United States at the time of the formation of their con- 
 stitution had a difficulty similar in principle, though less in 
 degree. Certain of the States had a large slave population. The 
 expedient they resorted to was to give representation to the slave 
 States according to their white population, plus three-fifths of 
 their slave population. Now, it is altogether likely that in the 
 British Empire a different rule may have to be adopted for dif- 
 ferent countries, as will appear from the facts about to be men- 
 tioned with regard to the elements of which the population of 
 the different countries is composed. Allowance will no doubt 
 have to be made in the Imperial Houses for the existence of 
 a large population of African and Asiatic races, but in the popu- 
 
 # 
 
10 
 
 lar House their representation cannot be large. In some cases 
 it may suffice to giv.e such colonies double the numbei of repre- 
 sentatives they would be entitled to according to their white or 
 European population, with this proviso : that every colony 
 which has a separate government, directly responsible to the 
 Imperial authorities, should have at least one representative with 
 or without voting power, with at least one additional member 
 whenever the number of the white or European residents exceeds 
 the standard number entitled to a representative in the self- 
 governing countries. But the guiding principle should be that 
 any inhabitant of a self-governing British country should not lose 
 his right to representation for himself or his children when he 
 goes to any British country whatever. The right of representa- 
 tion should only be given to those of other races who are of 
 assured fidehty to the Empire and are deemed fit to be admitted 
 to the full privileges of responsible governmer^ in their own 
 countries. In the following rough estimate of the component 
 parts of a complete House of Commons, it is proposed to give, in 
 such cases, full representation to the white or European popula- 
 tion, with an addition, upon the grounds to be briefly indicated 
 for the other inhabitants of each country. In many cases my 
 sources of information do not enable me to give the same classi- 
 fication for all. To supply satisfactory data for considering such 
 a question there is urgent need of an Imperial census taken on a 
 uniform principle throughout the entire realm. 
 
 The Imperial House of Commons, then, should consist, in 
 the first place, of the entire membership of the House of Com- 
 mons of the United Kingdom. These members are divided 
 among thi3 several countries as follows : 
 
 Country. Population iS8i. 
 
 England 24,613,926 
 
 Wales 1,360,513 
 
 Scotland 3.735.573 
 
 Ireland 5,174,836 
 
 Total 34,884.836 
 
 Members. 
 
 465 
 30 
 
 72 
 
 103 
 
 670 
 
 That is, roughly put : one member for every fifty thousand 
 inhabitants. 
 
 i'l 
 
 '^£:«* 
 
11 
 
 The other European dependencies may be named at once : 
 
 Country. Population i88i. Membeis. 
 
 The Channel Islands 88,806 2 
 
 The Isle of Man 54,089 2 
 
 Heligoland 2,000 i 
 
 Gibraltar 23,992* i 
 
 Malta and Gozo 155,2891 i 
 
 Cyprus 7.065I I 
 
 Total 8 
 
 Canada's membership, elected from the Canadian House of 
 Commons, would be: 
 
 Province. Population 1881. Members. 
 
 Ontario ; i ,923,000 38 
 
 Quebec i ,359,000 27 
 
 Nova Scotia 440,000 8 
 
 New Brunswick 321,000 6 
 
 Prince Edward Island 109,000 2 
 
 Manitoba and the Western Territories 122,000 3 
 
 British Columbia, over 50,000 2 
 
 86 
 To complete British North America, 
 
 add Newfoundland 179,000 4 
 
 Total go 
 
 Australasia also comes under the same rule, as follows : 
 
 Colony, Population 1881. Members. 
 
 Victoria 862,000 17 
 
 New South Wales 751,000 15 
 
 South Australia 280,000 5 
 
 Queensland , 214,000 5 
 
 Western Australia 30,000 i 
 
 Tasmania n6,ooo 3 
 
 New Zealand 490,000 9 
 
 Fiji Islands 127,000 i 
 
 Total 56 
 
 Next in pohtical development is Cape Colony, Pending the 
 formation of a South African confederation, the different colon- 
 
 * Of whom 18,361 are civilians, and 5,611 military. 
 
 tOf whom 149,782 are civilians, including about 24,000 " English and 
 foreigners"; and 5,509 military and their families. The Maltese are of a 
 race somewhat akin to the Arabs. 
 
 I Of whom 5,149 are Christians, and 1,916 Mohammedans. 
 
I 
 
 1 
 ! !* 
 
 12 
 
 ies in that locality may be estimated for representation as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 The Cape and dependencies — Total population in 1881, 
 1,155,344, of whom 249,626 of European descent. Doubling the 
 latter for purposes of representation gives ten members. 
 
 Natal — Population in 1881, 378,562; of whom 28,483 white. 
 Doubling these for representation, gives two members. 
 
 The other African colonies are West Africa, including Sierra 
 Leone, and Gambia ; the Gold Coast, Lagos and St. Helena, 
 having an aggregate population exceeding 600,000, but a small 
 white population, one voting member, with perhaps additional 
 ■delegates. 
 
 Mauritius and Seychelles — Total population 359,874, of 
 whom 116,212 are Christians. These might have three members. 
 
 Then comes India. The total population in 1881 was 253,- 
 891,821. The number among these speaking the English lan- 
 guage was 202,920; of all European languages it was 219,944. 
 The Christian population was: Protestant 531,981; Roman 
 Catholic 963,059, other Christians 367,377, making a total Chris- 
 tian population of 1,862,517. On the basis of doubling the En- 
 glish speaking population, India would be entitled to ten 
 members. 
 
 Straits settlements — Total population 423,384, of whom 10,- 
 703 whites ; one member. 
 
 Ceylon — Total population 2,759,738, of whom 4,836 Euro- 
 peans ; one member. The Christian population of Ceylon was 
 267,977. 
 
 Hong Kong had a total population of 160,402, of whom 
 7,990 Europeans and Americans ; one member. 
 
 Lastly, we have the colonies in the West Indies and neigh- 
 bourhood. 
 
 Total 
 Country. Population. Whites. 
 
 Bermudas 13.948 5.384 
 
 Bahamas 43.521 .... 
 
 Turks-Caicos 4.778 521 
 
 Jamaica 580,804 14,432 
 
 British Honduras 27,452 375 
 
 Windward Islands 
 
 Coloured. Black. 
 8.564 
 
 1. 123 
 
 121,061 
 
 27,077 
 
 3.134 
 444,386 
 
 Mem. 
 I 
 I 
 I 
 2 
 I 
 
 St Lucia 38,551 
 
 St. Vincent 40,548 
 
 Grenada ) 
 
 The Grenadines, etc \ '♦^•'^°3 
 
 Barbados 171,860 
 
 2.693 7.176 30.679 
 
 16,054 155.806 
 
 1 
 
 ■s 
 
 ill! 
 
 mm 
 
ation as fol- 
 
 ion in 1881, 
 Doubling the 
 ibers. 
 
 28,483 white. 
 ;rs. 
 
 uding Sierra 
 
 St. Helena, 
 
 s but a small 
 
 ps additional 
 
 359,874, of 
 ee members. 
 81 was 253,- 
 English Ian- 
 was 219,944. 
 )8i ; Roman 
 I total Chris- 
 iling the En- 
 tled to ten 
 
 i whom 10,- 
 
 4,836 Euro- 
 Ceylon was 
 
 2, of whom 
 s and neigh- 
 Black. Mem. 
 
 3.134 
 444,386 
 
 ....1 
 30,679 j 
 
 Leeward Islands 
 
 Total 
 
 Population. Whites. 
 
 Virgin Islands 5,287 52 
 
 St. Christopher 29,137 .... 
 
 Nevis 11,864 2og 
 
 Antigua 34,964 
 
 Montserrat 10,083 • • ■ • 
 
 Dominica 28,211 .... 
 
 Tobago 18,051 
 
 Trinidad 153.128 
 
 British Guiana 244.530 (of whom Europeans and 
 
 others) 9.635 
 
 Coloured. Hlack. Mem, 
 1,546 3,68g I 
 
 ""'r ' 
 
 Total 1,499,120 
 
 II 
 
 The Falkland Islands may now be mentioned. Total popu- 
 lation 1,553 ; O"^ member. 
 
 To resume then, the full membership would be, according as 
 we adopted the present membership of the House of Commons,, 
 or its reduction to half its present size : 
 
 England 463 or 233 
 
 Wales 
 
 Scotland 
 
 Ireland 103 
 
 Other European Places. 
 Canada and Newfoundland. 
 
 Australasia 
 
 South Africa 
 
 Mauritius, etc 
 
 East Indies 
 
 Hong Kong 
 
 West Indies 
 
 Falkland Islands 
 
 30 • 
 
 15 
 
 72 • 
 
 36 
 
 103 ' 
 
 52 
 
 8 ' 
 
 6 
 
 90 ' 
 
 47 
 
 56 ' 
 
 34 
 
 12 ' 
 
 6 
 
 4 ' 
 
 3 
 
 12 ' 
 
 b 
 
 I ' 
 
 I 
 
 II ' 
 
 II 
 
 I ' 
 
 I 
 
 Total 864 "451 
 
 The disproportion between the several parts is not greater 
 than between the several states forming the German Empire. 
 These states are 26 in number and differ in their form of govern- 
 ment, there being 4 kingdoms, 6 grand duchies, 5 duchies, 7 
 principalities, 3 free towns and an Imperial territory. 
 
 The representation is as follows : 
 
 Country. 
 
 I 
 2 
 3 
 4 
 5 
 6 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 Prussia 
 
 FSavaria 
 
 Saxony , 
 
 Wurtemburg 
 
 Alsace Lorraine 
 
 Baden 
 
 Hesse 
 
 Mecklenburg-Schwerin 
 Hamburg 
 
 
 Deputies in 
 
 Governm't. 
 
 Reichstag. 
 
 K 
 
 236 
 
 K 
 
 48 
 
 K 
 
 23 
 
 K 
 
 17 
 
 IT 
 
 15 
 
 GD 
 
 H 
 
 GD 
 
 9 
 
 GD 
 
 6 
 
 FT 
 
 3 
 
rW 
 
 lO 
 
 II 
 
 12 
 13 
 
 M 
 15 
 16 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 19 
 20 
 21 
 22 
 23 
 24 
 25 
 26 
 
 14 
 
 C'ountry. Governm't. 
 
 Brunswick D 
 
 Oldenberg GD 
 
 Saxe-weimar GI) 
 
 Anhalt D 
 
 Saxe-Meiningen D 
 
 Saxe-Cobourg (iotlia D 
 
 Saxe-Altenburg D 
 
 Bremen FT 
 
 Lippe P 
 
 Mecklenburg-Strelitz GD 
 
 Keuss-Gera P 
 
 Schwartzburg-Rudolstadt P 
 
 Schwartzburg-Sondershausen P 
 
 Lubeck FT 
 
 Waldeck . P 
 
 Reuss-Greitz P 
 
 Schaumburg-Lippe P 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Deputies in 
 Reichstag. 
 
 3 
 3 
 3 
 
 a 
 a 
 a 
 
 397 
 
 The object of making the whole of the members of the House 
 of Commons of the United Kingdom members of the Imperial 
 House of Commons is to render the transition from the present 
 state of affairs, in which the former really are the Imperial 
 House, more easy and natural, and also to preserve the greatest 
 possible degree of harmony between the Imperial ancf the National 
 Parliaments. It is, no doubt, a great evil that Imperial and 
 purely local or parochial matters should become mixed up, but 
 there would be more difficulty in at once divorcing the larger 
 national affairs from the Imperial. The same thing will be 
 found to be true of the Canadian House of Commons, which is 
 at present charged with the most important national affairs of 
 the country. It would be most satisfactory for the Imperial 
 matters in which Canada is concerned to be dealt with by the 
 same men as are elected to the Dominion House. In principle, 
 then, the Imperial Parliament would be an amalgamation of the 
 various Parliaments. In order to effect this completely the 
 whole membership of the Colonial Houses of Parliament should 
 also become members of the Imperial, but as it would be evidently 
 inconvenient to carry this out, and as the proportions would, in 
 that case, not be properly adjusted, it seems more feasible that 
 the Imperial members for the colonies be chosen from amongst 
 their own members by the Colonial Houses of Commons, but 
 this should be in such a way that the Imperial irembership will 
 be a faithful reflex of the opinions of the whole of the members 
 
 lji l i*jew.mj^."Wtj^ 
 
iii 
 
 I't. 
 
 Deputies in 
 Reichstag. 
 
 3 
 3 
 3 
 
 a 
 a 
 a 
 
 397 
 
 3f the House 
 he Imperial 
 1 the present 
 he Imperial 
 the greatest 
 the National 
 mperial and 
 xed up, but 
 ? the larger 
 ing will be 
 >ns, which is 
 lal affairs of 
 be Imperial 
 with by the 
 [n principle, 
 lation of the 
 ipletely the 
 nent should 
 be evidently 
 IS would, in 
 easible that 
 )m amongst 
 mmons, but 
 bership will 
 ie members 
 
 of the Colonial Houses. Colonial members in the Imperial 
 House should therefore be elected not directly by the people, 
 but by the several National or Dominion Legislatures, and, so 
 far as possible, from among their own members. In Canada the 
 eighty-six members of the Imperial House of Commons should be 
 elected by the Canadian House of Commons, and upon such a 
 system of voting that minorities both of party and of province 
 be fully represented. The choice of the members in the Imperial 
 House from among the members of the Colonial Houses would 
 have the advantage, besides that of keeping the Imperial and 
 National Parliaments in touch, that it would not increase the 
 number of legislators, for thoughtful men in the colonies are 
 disposed to think that they have already quite a large enough 
 number of men engaged in the business of legislation. 
 
 For Australia it is to be hoped that at an early date a 
 Central Parliament with wide powers, similar to those of the 
 Canadian, may be formed, but in the meantime the purely 
 Federal Council is so small in its membership, and its powers 
 are so limited, that it would hardly serve as a basis of represen- 
 tation in the Imperial House, not to speak of the fact that three 
 important coloniesof Australasia have not entered into the Federal 
 Union. The representatives from Australasia would therefore 
 have to be selected by the members of the Assemblies of the 
 respective colonies, which themselves enjoy in detail, as the 
 Canadian Provinces formerly did, most of the powers now 
 exercised by both the Dominion Parliament and the Provincial 
 Legislatures in Canada. The same rule would apply to South 
 Africa and to certain of the British West India Islands. The 
 representatives from the East Indies and from the colonies 
 throughout the world which have not representative institutions 
 would have to be selected upon a basis to be determined by the 
 Imperial Parliament, whenever it was considered that they were 
 ripe for admission as members of the Federation. The Feder- 
 ation of the British Empire must, of course, like other steps in 
 our constitutional history, proceed by slow degrees, and it would 
 not be necessary or expedient to admit all the colonies at once, 
 but each only when it is deemed to have advanced sufficiently 
 in political development. In this respect we should follow, to. a 
 large extent, the example of the United States. In addition to 
 the organized and constitutionally represented States, there are 
 still in the American Union large territories left, most of which 
 
1 1 
 
 16 
 
 are as yet tliiiily peopled and are >,'overnecl from the Central 
 ('ongress without full representation, the organized territories 
 sending delegates, however, who attend the Legislature but do 
 not vote. But there is at least one exception to the onli- 
 nary rule, namely, Utah, which has a population large 
 enough to entitle it to be made a regular State, but this has not 
 been done, and it is excluded and kept in tutelage, owing to the 
 existence of polygamy among its people, which, it is believed, 
 would be permanently legalized if tiie subject came under the 
 control of the local authorities, marriage not being a subject 
 reserved for Congress to deal with. 
 
 A remark may perhaps be necessary upon the great dimen- 
 sions of the House itself. If this scheme were carried into 
 effect, the House of Commons would have a membership of 
 over eight hundred members. I have already stated that I 
 should be glad to see the House of Commons of the United 
 Kingdom cut down to half its size, upon the establishment of 
 local legislatures or other representative bodies for the several 
 parts of the United Kingdom. In that case the number of 
 members of all the other countries, except the smallest colonies, 
 would also be diminished by one-half, but unless simultaneously 
 or previously such a change be adopted in the Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom, the inconvenience of disturbing the present 
 membership would be greater than that of retaining it as it stands. 
 And I do not think it would be satisfactory that one part of the 
 members of the English House should be members of the 
 Imperial and the rest not ; because in that case the more numer- 
 ous body would be likely to attempt to override the less numer- 
 ous, and to treat it somewhat as if it were one of its owri com- 
 mittees. But whatever be decided in that regard, the House 
 must in any event be a large one, and it is worth while pointing 
 out certain advantages that a large assembly would have. The 
 colonies are interested in being largely represented. " In the 
 multitude of counsellors there is safety," and coming into a new 
 sphere the colonial members will be all the better of the moral 
 strength of considerable numbers to make their influence felt ; 
 the members could confer together and support one another, and 
 there is little doubt that they would have the discretion to 
 choose as their spokesman, as a rule, only their leading men. 
 It might seem, if we were reasoning in the absence of facts, that 
 a House of eight or nine hundred members would be too large 
 
17 
 
 1 the Central 
 ced territories 
 ilature but du 
 I to the ordi- 
 ulation large 
 it this has not 
 , owing to the 
 it is believed, 
 me under the 
 ing a subject 
 
 I great dimen- 
 : carried into 
 lembership of 
 stated that I 
 jf the United 
 ablishment of 
 Dr the several 
 he number of 
 illest colonies, 
 limultaneously 
 liament of the 
 g the present 
 it as it stands, 
 ne part of the 
 mbers of the 
 ; more numer- 
 e less numer- 
 its owri com- 
 d, the House 
 while pointing 
 d have. The 
 :ed. " In the 
 ng into a new 
 of the moral 
 nfluence felt ; 
 3 another, and 
 discretion to 
 leading men. 
 i of facts, that 
 be too large 
 
 to transact business, but it would certainly be no more so than 
 the present House of six hundred and seventy, or the old House 
 of Commons of six hundred and fifty-eight, '['he number of 
 members in the French Chamber of Deputies is five hundred and 
 eighty-four. When we come to deal with such large numbers 
 the exact membership does not make any real difference. And 
 notwithstanding the recent cases of obstruction, the record of 
 the House of Commons is good. It has worked more harmoni- 
 ously than, I believe, any public assembly the world has ever 
 seen. When obstruction ceases, business could be satisfactorily 
 done, and so soon as a reasonable measure of Home Rule has 
 been granted to Ireland, there is every reason to believe that 
 obstruction will forever disappear. 
 
 For the place of meeting, it is true that the present House is 
 too small to accommodate such numbers ; it is too small even 
 for the House as it stands. It is indeed a crying disgrace that 
 not more than two-thirds of the present members of the House 
 of Commons can find seats. But there is nothing to prevent 
 Parliament being moved into Westminster Hall, which could 
 accommodate five thousand if necessary. That has been the 
 place of assembly of great national conventions before now, and 
 was at one time the House of Parliament itself. And there is 
 one of the great functions that would be better discharged in 
 such a place than in the present. There would be exerted an 
 educational influence of great value, if the speeches that are- 
 delivered in the great National Assembly could be heard by 
 larger numbers. Statesmen of the Empire might wield some- 
 thing of the influence of the elder Pitt if they could address 
 representative assemblies of eight or nine hundred men from all 
 parts of the Empire, everyone of whom could carry home the 
 inspiration he himself had received from the stately eloquence 
 he had heard in the Chambers. Why should the great speeches 
 of our statesmen be addressed to a few reporters, when, like the 
 sermons of our great preachers, they might as well be heard by 
 thousands of their fellow-countrymen ? 
 
 But if it were found, on experiment, that the House was too 
 large for parliamentary work, when the time came for the first 
 readjustment, which would have to take place after every 
 census, the membership could then be reduced, and a maximum i 
 number fixed, as is now the case in the Congress of the United 
 States. As to the time of meeting, it should probably be once 
 
f 
 
 m 
 
 18 
 
 a year. And in order to enable the various local Houses to 
 accomodate their sessions to it, the Imperial House might meet 
 on a fixed date every year, subject of course, to be called again 
 should urgent public business require it. Fixity of date is the 
 practice in the United State Congress. This would enable 
 members so to dispose their business that they would be able to 
 attend. The Parliament of the United Kingdom would have to 
 arrange, so that if they had any business unfinished when the 
 day for the meeting of the Imperial Parliament came, it should 
 be put over ; for colonial members must not be brought 
 thousands of miles to be kept waitmg until business, in which 
 they have no mterest, is settled. The usual time of meeting 
 of the principal colonial Parliaments is at a different time 
 of the year from that of the present Imperial Parliament. 
 The members, and espedally the members from outside the 
 United Kingdom, would have to be paid. The colonies have no 
 class of persons who have accumulated fortunes, and even if 
 . they had, their choice should not be restricted to such. To get 
 the best men, ,and really representative men, a reasonable 
 amount would have to be offered. The members of the House 
 of Commons of Canada now receive one thousand dollars, or 
 two hundred pounds sterling, a year. In Victoria the amount is 
 ;f300. Those whom they select to represent them in the 
 Imperial House, should receive from two thousand to five 
 thousand dollars, or from four hundred to one thousand pounds, 
 according to the probabie length of time the}' would be engaged 
 in their legislative duties. The amount received by every mem- 
 ber of the Senate and of the House of Representatives in the 
 United States Congress is five thousand dollars. This sum 
 would be sufficient to indemnify even members from Australia, 
 who would necessarily be absent from home for a considerable 
 time, though there seems no good reason why the sea voyage 
 from the remotest part in Australia should not soon be reduced to 
 thirty and by and by to twenty days' duration. In addition to this, 
 members might be allowed necessary travelling outlay and also 
 free postal and telegraphic facilities for all business, public and 
 private, during the session of parliament, and for public business 
 out of session. This is an advantage that could be accorded 
 them without necessarily imposing any great new expense 
 upon the Empire ; for it should be exacted as a return for the 
 subsidies to be paid the steamship and telegraph companies. 
 
 
 
 c JDUMJ-JJU 
 
19 
 
 ;al Houses to 
 56 might meet 
 e called again 
 of date is the 
 would enable 
 uld be able to 
 ivould have to 
 hed when the 
 ime, it should 
 : be brought 
 less, in which 
 ne of meeting 
 different time 
 ,1 Parliament. 
 )m outside the 
 lonies have no 
 5, and even if 
 such. To get 
 
 a reasonable 
 ; of the House 
 nd dollars, or 
 L the amount is 
 
 them in the 
 usand to five 
 usand pounds, 
 lid be engaged 
 by every mem- 
 itatives in the 
 rs. This sum 
 rom Australia, 
 a considerable 
 he sea voyage 
 1 be reduced to 
 iddition to this, 
 )utlay and also 
 ess, public and 
 public business 
 d be accorded 
 
 new expense 
 
 return for the 
 ph companies. 
 
 4nd when the cable from Vancouver to Australia, thence to 
 India and South and West Africa is completed, such telegraphic 
 facilities could be obtained from a line exclusively (except at 
 one point, the Sandwich Islands, in mid Pacific Ocean) on 
 purely British territory. And if any difficulties were put in the 
 way by the Hawaiian Government, the resting point could be 
 made in the adjacent British Islands of Christmas, Fanning, 
 Maiden or Carsline, which would divide the distance between 
 Vancouver and Auckland, New Zealand, still more evenly. On 
 such conditions, the services of the very best men from the 
 colonies could be secured. And to these the advantage of meet- 
 ing in the metropolis of the world once a yeaf*, would be no small 
 inducement. Many of our best lawyers visit London for Privy 
 Council business nearly every year. Every commercial house 
 of any importance has a buyer, and many will soon have sellers 
 for the English markets. The heads of many of these houses 
 cross every year, and the amount of intra-Imperial trade that 
 would be promoted by reason of the visits of such represent- 
 atives would far more than compensate the people of the Empire 
 for the trifling expense such charges would involve. And surely 
 the business of managing the affairs of a world-wide Empire 
 would be of sufficient importance to justify sending ninety men 
 from Canada and sixty from Australia once a year. 
 
 One other point that has to be considered in connexion 
 with this subject is whether, if representation is according to 
 the numbers of the people, taxation should not be upon the 
 same basis. The authorities will be found to agree, I think, that 
 this is not necessary. Mr. Gladstone, in the recent discussion 
 on the proposed Irish legislation, while. 'expressing his willing- 
 ness to retain Irish representatives at Westminster, or to re-call 
 them for the purpose of voting upon Imperial questions in which 
 Ireland was particularly interested, proposed to do so on the 
 same basis as that on which they had been heretofore elected, 
 namely, of population, and at the sam^ tims he expressly lays 
 down in the measure he submitted, that taxation for Imperial 
 purposes should be, not in proportion to their numbers, but in 
 proportion to their ability to pay, to their resources ; and he 
 made several estimates to arrive at the relative wealth of the 
 two countries; and finally, although their population is about 
 one-seventh of that of the United Kingdom, he makes their 
 contribution only one-fifteenth. I think it will be generally 
 
m\ 
 
 
 ll 
 
 ii|;;* 
 
 ! m 
 
 
 ! iiS! 
 
 i : i"^^! 
 
 30 
 
 recognized that it is not necessary that taxation and represen- 
 tation should be upon the same footing. At the present moment 
 the colonies pay nothing directly, and it would be too much to 
 saddle them all at once with their full numerical proportion. It 
 should only be provided that both taxation and representation 
 should be upon some basis susceptible of re-adjustment, so that 
 both numbers and wealth may be properly taken into consider- 
 ation. And this brings us to consider the basis for the consti- 
 tution of the Upper House. 
 
 THE UPPER HOUSE. 
 
 Here it is again to be remembered that we are to preserve, 
 as far as possible, existing institutions, and therefore, unless the 
 Houi^e of Lords be abolished, it must be taken as the basis of 
 any proposed Upper Chamber. The Senate of the United 
 States is composed of two members elected by each oi the 
 States of the Union, and elected not by the people but by the 
 local legislatures. That system was perhaps tolerably well 
 adapted to the condition of the people of the United States at 
 the time of forming their constitution ; there was not at that 
 time any great disparity in the population or importance of the 
 several Colonies. But such a condition of aflfairs does not exist in 
 the British Empire, and even in the United States it has come ta 
 be anomalous. For it seems unjust that a small State like Rhode 
 Island, contributing comparatively little to the general ex- 
 chequer, should have the same voice in determining questions 
 that come before that assembly and in subjecting the other states 
 to serious undertakings as the " Empire State " of New York, 
 which contributes a large proportion of the whole. We should 
 at all events first consider what is the basis of the House of 
 Lords, and find out whether it could not be adapted to the 
 altered condition of affairs, induced by the admission of the 
 Colonies to Imperial representation. It is sometimes asserted 
 that the House of Lords is not a representative assembly at all, 
 but this is not quite correct. In a rough way it is, and is 
 intended to be, representative of the wealth of the country — 
 chiefly it is true, of the landed wealth, but not exclusively — and 
 its restriction to one class is its greatest weakness ; for certainly 
 in principle it does not seem right that any particular class 
 should have special representation in a national assembly. But 
 
m 
 
 and represen- 
 jsent moment 
 ; too much to 
 oportion. It 
 epresentation 
 ment, so that 
 into consider- 
 jr the consti- 
 
 2 to preserve, 
 re, unless the 
 s the basis of 
 [ the United 
 
 each of the 
 le but by the 
 olerably well 
 ited States at 
 s not at that 
 irtance of the 
 es not exist in 
 t has come to 
 ite like Rhode 
 
 general ex- 
 ng questions 
 le other states 
 »f New York, 
 We should 
 the House of 
 apted to the 
 lission of the 
 imes asserted 
 sembly at alU 
 
 it is, and is. 
 he country — 
 lusively — and 
 
 for certainly 
 rticular class 
 sembly. But 
 
 
 the House of Lords could be easily modified so that it would 
 represent the whole of the people, not in proportion to their num- 
 bers, but in proportion to the amount of taxes they pay. If the 
 House of Lords were made elective, and the income tax made 
 the basis of voting, a complete reformation in the character of 
 the House could be effected, without in any serious degree alter- 
 ing its personnel. To effect this, every man who pays income or 
 other direct tax should have, in elections for the Upper House, 
 one vote for every unit of taxation he pays, and this would make 
 it safe to give every tax-payer a single vote in elections for 
 the House of Commons. Such a rule would ensure the 
 election to the Upper House of all its present members who 
 have evinced any decided talent for public affairs, and have 
 gained public confidence ; and these would be supplemented by 
 a membership of other well qualified persons, who would be 
 representative of the national wealth. As is remarked by David 
 Hume (History of England, vol. 3, ch. 97, Murray's re-print), 
 " The advantages that result from opulence are so solid and real, 
 that those who are possessed of them need not dread the near 
 approach of their inferiors. The distinctions of birth and title 
 being more empty and imaginary soon vanish upon familiar 
 access and acquaintance." In these days wealth is forcing its 
 own recognition in every sphere of life ; and it is for the public 
 advantage that some legitimate manner should be provided by 
 which this influence can be made felt, otherwise it will continue 
 to seek illegitimate avenues. And yet it is not as possessors of 
 wealth, but it is as contributories to the National Treasury, that 
 men should be recognized, and this being their title to vote, 
 criticism Vv'ould be disarmed, and the moral strength of the 
 Upper House would be greatly increased. The right of repre- 
 sentation according to interest or contribution, is already 
 familiar to the commercial mind, m joint stock companies, where 
 every shareholder has votes in proportion to the amount of 
 stock he holds ; and this appeals directly to the sense of fair 
 play among men. A house so constituted would be represent- 
 ative of the honesty as well as of the wealth of the country, for 
 the man who declared truly the amount of his income would 
 have more votes than the man of the same fortune who con- 
 cealed a part of his in order to escape taxation. If the House 
 of Lords were constituted in this manner, it is probable that 
 some change in the practice that has grown up, of denying to 
 
,^7"' 
 
 I r 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 !!;; 
 
 ■ii i 
 
 22 
 
 the Upper House any direct voice in the consideration of money- 
 bills should be modified, and money bills be placed upon pre- 
 cisely the same footing as all other measures considered by 
 Parliament, and the. two Houses should be absolutely co-ordi- 
 nate, endowed with equal right to consider, modify or reject 
 all bills. 
 
 If the people of the United Kingdom desire that the House 
 of Lords, as at present constituted, should be retained for the 
 United Kingdom alone, it would be possible to carry out the 
 idea here suggested for the Imperial second chamber, by making 
 only members of the House of Lords eligible as candidates for 
 election to the Imperial House of Contributories. The Colonies 
 would have little objection to such an arrangement as apphed to 
 the representatives of the United Kingdom. But they would 
 not be likely to favour the idea of their cwn choice being 
 restricted to hereditary or nominated peers. 
 
 If this basis were -adopted for the House of Lords and m the 
 election of members of the Upper Houocs in the Colonies, it 
 would seem natural that the Colonies ind dependencies of the 
 Empire should be represented in the Imperial Upper House in 
 proportion to the amount of their contributions to the Imperial 
 Exchequer. Members from the self-governing Colonies would 
 naturally in that case be elected, from amongst their own mem- 
 bers, bj the members of the Colonial Upper Houses if they were 
 constituted on a similar principle. Representation of the Colonies 
 in Parliament according to contribution was suggested, before 
 the loss of the American Colonies, by Adam Smith, and had the 
 suggestion been adopted, it might then have prevented the dis- 
 ruption of the Empire. 
 
 We should then have two representative assemblies : one re- 
 presentative of numbers, the other of contributions. The House 
 of Commons and the House of Contributories. In order to 
 prevent frequent deadlocks between the two, it might be pro- 
 vided that in case a measure should be carried in one House 
 and lost in the other, if the proportion of members by which it 
 was carried in the one was greater than the proportion by which 
 it was lost in the other, then it should be carried : if the other 
 way, then it should be lost ; the whole, subject to the power of 
 the Sovereign to dissolve Parliament and appeal to the people. 
 This would preserve the purely democratic character of the 
 legislation of the future. 
 
23 
 
 ration of money 
 aced upon pre- 
 considered by 
 iolutely co-ordi- 
 lodify or reject 
 
 that the House 
 retained for the 
 D carry out the 
 nber, by making 
 candidates for 
 The Colonies 
 mt as apphed to 
 But they would 
 n choice being 
 
 ^ords and in the 
 the Colonies, it 
 pudencies of the 
 Jpper House in 
 to the Imperial 
 Colonies would 
 their own mem- 
 uses if they were 
 n of the Colonies 
 uggested, before 
 lith, and had the 
 revented the dis- 
 
 emblies : one re- 
 )ns. The House 
 s. In order to 
 t might be pro- 
 i in one House 
 bers by which it 
 )ortion by which 
 ed : if the other 
 to the power of 
 al to the people. 
 :haracter of the 
 
 
 Eventually I think Mr. Gladstone's idea, by which the two 
 chambers should deliberate in the same House, but should vote 
 separately, would be found the most efficacious, as it would 
 enable every man to hear all the arguments by which every other 
 man was influenced, and would bring the Prime Minister and 
 every member of the Government directly into contact with the 
 people's representatives ; but that would not be a necessary 
 element in the constitution of the Parliament. 
 
 The Upper House might be elected for a definite term of 
 years, say six as the Senate of the United States, or nine as the 
 Senate of France, and might or might not be dissolved when 
 the House of Commons was. There might also be a maximum 
 of the number of members fixed. The present membership of 
 the House of Lords is nominally about 513, and 500 would per- 
 haps be a convenient number to fix permanently. For distribu- 
 tion, see further on, where the contributions of the several coun- 
 tries are considered. 
 
 On the dissolution of the Imperial House, it would devolve 
 upon the Governors-General in the several countries in which 
 the Imperial members were elected by the local houses of Par- 
 liament to decide whether at once to dissolve those local houses 
 in order that appeal might be direct to the people, or to cause a 
 new election to be made from the then existing local houses. In 
 this matter the Governor-General would be guided, on the one 
 hand by the advice of his ministers in the Colony, and on the 
 other by his instructions from the Imperial Government. 
 
 EXECUTIVE AUTHORITY. 
 
 The Executive Government of the Empire would have to be 
 kept distinct from that of the United Kingdom. It might or 
 might not contain members of the governments of the United 
 Kingdom or of the Colonies ; probably at the outset it should. 
 But it should contain representatives from each part of the Em- 
 pire ; and it is here that the principle of proportionate repre- 
 sentation could be departed from. The Cabinet offices should 
 be divided more evenly among the great divisions of the Em- 
 pire. The United Kingdom need not necessarily have the ma- 
 jority of the offices. Indeed, in the Cabinet it would probably 
 be wise to adopt something of the idea of the Constitution of 
 the Senate of the United States, and let each great portion be 
 more or less equally represented. If the colonies are to have 
 
11 
 
 Hh 
 
 1; 
 
 ■ll>^* 
 
 u 
 
 representation in Parliament only according to population or 
 resources, they are the more interested in having a distinct and 
 definite part in the initiation of the business laid before Parha- 
 ment. This need not be provided for by statute. It would be 
 safe to trust to the practical wisdom of the Sovereign, or of the 
 Chief Magistrate, acting by the advice of his council. This 
 Cabinet would, of course, be responsible to the Imperial Par- 
 liament alone. So long as the Imperial Parliament consists of 
 members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom and of mem- 
 bers elected by the Parliaments of the colonies, the members of 
 the Cabinet should, no doubt, be chosen so far as possible from 
 among the members of that political party which was in the 
 ascendency in each country, that is to say, from the several 
 national ministerial parties. This would possibly be somewhat 
 difficult, as we might have a Liberal Ministry in office in Eng- 
 land, a Conservative in Canada, and a Liberal-Conservative 
 in Australia, but a Government so composed would have 
 the advantage of being in harmony with the Government of 
 each country, would tend to break 4p ordinary party political 
 lines, and wouM thus be more likely to induce the Imperial Par- 
 liament itself to judge the ministerial policy on its merits, and 
 not according merely to the party traditions of the members of 
 the governments. It would in fact to some extent have the 
 effect of securing government without party, which is what 
 many eminent writers have long contended for. 
 
 POWERS OF THE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. 
 
 We come now to consider the subjects upon which the Im- 
 perial Parliament should legislate. In this we shall be prin- 
 cipally guided by the Constitution of Canada as estabhshed by 
 the British North America Act, 1867, the Constitution of the 
 United States, and the Bill introduced by Mr. Gladstone for the 
 future government of Ireland. These powers may be classified 
 generally under two heads : the relations between the different 
 countries of the Empire, and the relations with foreign coun- 
 tries. It may be expedient to attempt a more specific classi- 
 fication of the subjects that would have thus to be dealt with by 
 this authority. The Imperial Parliament would remain as it 
 now is, the original fountain-head of all political power in the 
 Empire, but would not attempt to exercise its functions directly 
 
 •Dm 
 
 mm 
 
 f fim- t - ' < ' Jii ' wu i iujm 
 
25 
 
 population or 
 a distinct and 
 before Parlia- 
 !. It would be 
 •eign, or of the 
 council. This 
 Imperial Par- 
 lent consists of 
 m and of mem- 
 :he members of 
 s possible from 
 ich was in the 
 )m the several 
 y be somewhat 
 1 office in Eng- 
 il-Conservative 
 d would have 
 government of 
 party political 
 i Imperial Par- 
 its merits, and 
 the members of 
 xtent have the 
 which is what 
 
 ENT. 
 
 which the Im- 
 shall be prin- 
 established by 
 titution of the 
 adstone for the 
 ly be classified 
 m the different 
 1 foreign coun- 
 specific classi- 
 3 dealt with by 
 1 remain as it 
 1 power in the 
 ictions directly 
 
 3xcept upon certain reserved subjects of very general interest. 
 ; Its other powers would be delegated to statutory parliaments of 
 •the United Kingdom, of the Dominion of Canada, of the Con- 
 federation of Australasia, etc. In general terms, the Imperial 
 Parliament should reserve to itself the exclusive right to legis- 
 •late upon such subjects as are mentioned in the following para- 
 graphs : 
 
 I. The status and dignity of the Crown or regency. The 
 right to depose the Sovereign, and to elect for life, or for a term 
 of years, the Sovereign or Chief Magistrate of the Empire. 
 
 ' 2. The selection and appointment of the Viceroy or the 
 Governor-General to any colony, or of any person to whom 
 powers of the Sovereign are to be delegated. 
 
 3. Treason, alienage, and naturalization. 
 
 4. Relations between different parts of the Empire ; includ- 
 ing making of amendments, on the request of the several coun- 
 tries, of their constitutional acts ; aiding and regulating the 
 transference of population from over populated to thinly settled 
 districts, and like subjects. 
 
 5. Regulation of trade, when extending beyond the limits of 
 one country in the Empire. 
 
 6. Postal, telegraphic and transport service beyond the 
 limits of a single country of the Empire. 
 
 7. Currency, coinage, legal tender, weights and measures. 
 
 8. Making of peace and war, and passing laws as to prizes 
 and booty, and as to offences against the laws of nations or 
 against treaties with foreign powers, or offences committed on the 
 high seas, and all offences within the cognizance of the Courts 
 •of Admiralty, also the constitution of Courts of Admiralty. 
 
 9. Treaties and relations with foreign powers, including com- 
 mercial treaties and the ratification of agreements between any 
 one country of the Empire and any foreign power. 
 
 10. The army, navy, militia, volunteers and other naval or 
 military forces for the defence of the realm. Also the diplo- 
 matic and consular services, in all their branches. 
 
 II. Remodelling the judicial committee of the Privy Council, 
 ■or otherwise erecting a Court for the trial, in last resort, of con- 
 stitutional cases. 
 
 12. The raising of money by any system or mode of taxation 
 on the whole or any part of the Empire. 
 
 13. The Imperial Executive would moreover retain the right, 
 
• 
 
 26 
 
 subject to accountability to the Imperial Parliament, to disallow 
 any act of the various Parliaments of the Empire that were 
 oppressive of minorities or inconsistent with the general interests. 
 14. The various National or Dominion Parliaments should 
 be expressly prohibited from discriminating in their tariffs 
 against any part of the British Empire or giving advantages, 
 not granted to the whole of the British Empire, to any country 
 that does not contribute to the mamtenance and support of the 
 forces of the British Empire. 
 
 Several of these require some comment. Under the first 
 head is mentioned the right to depose the sovereign. This is a 
 contingency that may well arise under a thoroughly democratic 
 constitution. So long as the Sovereign respects the limits of the 
 constitution, as Her Majesty has invariably done ; and should 
 the Prince of Wales show like respect for constitutional author- 
 ity, as he appears heretofore altogether disposed to do, there is 
 not likely to be any general desire for a change in the headship 
 of the Empire. On the contrary the personal attachment and 
 devotion of the people to the Sovereign is one of the strongest 
 ties uniting the people of our Empire together. The course 
 consistently followed by our Queen has endeared her to the 
 heart of every true British subject, and millions would die in her 
 defence, were the sacrifice demanded. The Prince of Wales has 
 also established a firm hold upon the affections of the people. 
 All this, however, largely depends upon the personal character 
 of the reigning sovereign. The devotion of the American army 
 after the revolutionary war to George Washington, their general, 
 was for a long time the chief bond uniting the seceded Colonies 
 together, and their best statesmen recognized the danger of 
 trusting to so precarious a bond. Moreover, looking back to our 
 own history, it must be manifest that the arbitrary conduct of 
 former kings, even as late as George III., could not be tolerated;, 
 and the precocious malevolence of the young German Emperor 
 shows how real such a danger may be, even in the present day. 
 If, then, for any reason, a change should have to be made in this 
 office, it is manifest that it should be with the full participation 
 and concurrence of representatives of every part of the realm. 
 
 Under this head would also come the obligation of making 
 provision for the sovereign or chief magistrate. If the people of 
 the United Kingdom desire to continue their present system of 
 
17 
 
 lent, to disallow 
 
 ipire that were 
 
 eneral interests. 
 
 iaments should 
 
 in their tariffs 
 
 ng advantages, 
 
 to any country 
 
 support of the 
 
 Under the first 
 eign. This is a 
 hly democratic 
 the limits of the 
 le ; and should 
 tutional author- 
 to do, there is 
 in the headship 
 ittachment and 
 of the strongest 
 r. The course 
 ired her to the 
 would die in her 
 ce of Wales has 
 > of the people, 
 sonal character 
 American army 
 n, their general, 
 seeded Colonies 
 the danger of 
 nng back to our 
 rary conduct of 
 ot be tolerated;, 
 irman Emperor 
 he present day. 
 be made in this 
 11 participation 
 of the realm, 
 tion of making 
 If the people of 
 esent system of 
 
 dealing with this matter, by making periodical votes for the 
 maintenance of the members of the Royal Family, the Colonies 
 probably ought to have nothin'< to say on the matter. But it is 
 necessary to touch incidentally on this question, because al- 
 though perhaps little may be said about it, this really constitutes 
 one of the most serious obstacles in the way of democratic com- 
 munities, like the self-governing Colonies, looking with favour 
 ipon projects for closer union with the Mothe" Country. 
 
 The Imperial House will undoubtedly be willing to make 
 provision, and ample and generous provision, for all its officers, 
 including the sovereign, but it will consent only to pay for ser- 
 vices performed to the Empire, and not to making grants, as 
 xommutation for lands surrendered by the predecessors of the 
 sovereign to the nation. Indeed, it would simplify the task of 
 those who wish to gain the support of the Colonists, if the pres- 
 ent British Parliament would re-convey to the Queen's family 
 whatever should rightfully belong to them as private property, 
 and allow them to administer it themselves, and pay the sover- 
 eign only a fixed sum, like that paid to the President of the 
 French Republic. No doubt there were good reasons at the 
 time it was done for taking over the royal domain, and admin- 
 ;istering it for the benefit of the nation, making in lieu thereof 
 ^provision for the Royal Family by Parliamentary grant, for then 
 ;;it seemed the only feasible means of preventing the sovereign 
 . ^rendering himself independent of the people and of their repre- 
 sentatives. But now the advance of responsible Govern- 
 ment has gone so far that there is no longer any danger from 
 ; that source, and the prevalence of the system only gives rise to 
 popular discontent and envy when, even in appearance, moneys 
 ithat belong to the people are voted away for members of the 
 ; Royal Family without any ostensible advantage to the nation. 
 fin any event the people of the Colonies will not consent to a 
 I system that will involve their paying anything but fair remuner- 
 ^? ation, even to the head of the Empire. 
 
 2nd. The appointment of the Governor-General of a Colony 
 > should clearly be made by the Imperial body. The vesting 
 of this power in a thoroughly representative Imperial Govern- 
 ■r ment is the only satisfactory answer that can be made to the 
 \? demand that occasionally arises among the people in some of 
 ^ the Colonies, that they have the right to elect their own Gov- 
 I ernor-General ; a right that should on no account be conceded. 
 

 ! h 
 
 
 illlh 
 
 98 
 
 3rd. While treason, alienage and naturalization should be 
 dealt with in the Imperial House, it would be understood that 
 laws already passed in the several Parliaments should be recog- 
 nized until superseded by a general law or laws, and the Impe- 
 rial Parliament might, if it thought fit, prescribe different 
 conditions of residence, etc., to effect naturalization in different 
 parts of the Empire. 
 
 4th. The authority to control constitutional amendments 
 should be vested in the Imperial Parliament as a necessary safe- 
 guard for the protection of minorities. And this is a subject in 
 regard to which the advantage of an Imperial Parliament is 
 most signally manifest, for it must be clear that such matters 
 could be much better dealt with in a House where the represen- 
 tatives of the country interested are known to the other mem- 
 bers, than by the present Parliament and Government, after 
 simply receiving petitions and counter petitions from the several 
 classes whose interests are involved. 
 
 The subject of emigration, again, or more properly, of migra- 
 tion, is one of the greatest possible importance, and one that 
 requires the widest possible knowledge of the resources of the 
 countries of the Empire. The presence of Colonial representa- 
 tives in the United Kingdom, able to give proper information as 
 to the wants of their respective countries, would be one of the 
 most valuable features in any system of federation. And the 
 immense sums that are now squandered almost uselessly on this 
 object could be laid out to the best possible advantage ; and it 
 would soon result that the Western Territories of Canada, and the 
 unoccupied portions of other Colonies, would be filled up with a 
 population of the most desirable kmd. And markets for the con- 
 sumption of the fruits of home industry would be created and 
 kept in constant touch with the source of supply, and thus an 
 impetus would be given, altogether incapable of being calculated 
 now, to trade throughout the Empire. And besides the trans- 
 ference of agricultural and other emigrants to the self-governing 
 Colonies, there is also a well-defined movement of migration 
 from the East Indies to Mauritius, to the West Indies, to British 
 Guiana and elsewhere going on, and very largely without any 
 system of general supervision. 
 
 5th. In regard to regulation of trade beyond the limits of a 
 single country, the " Dominion " or national parliaments might 
 continue to make laws of trade mark, patent right, copyright. 
 
 •••i#»p . 
 
29 
 
 ition should l)e 
 inderstood that 
 hould be recog- 
 and the Iinpe- 
 5crihe different 
 tion in diflferent 
 
 amendments 
 necessary safe- 
 5 is a subject in 
 1 Parliament is 
 t such matters 
 re the represen- 
 he other mem- 
 vernment, after 
 From the several 
 
 •perly, of migra- 
 :, and one that 
 resources of the 
 >nial representa- 
 r information as 
 Id be one of the 
 ition. And the 
 uselessly on this 
 vantage ; and it 
 Canada, and the 
 filled up with a 
 kets for the con- 
 ; be created and 
 y, and thus an 
 being calculated 
 iides the trans- 
 e self-governing 
 It of migration 
 ndies, to British 
 ely without any 
 
 the limits of a 
 rliaments might 
 ight, copyright, 
 
 ^c, applicable within their own limits, and such laws should be 
 mperseded only in case of an Imperial Act being passed and 
 dfclared applicable to the whole or to certain parts of the Em- 
 igre. The Imperial Parliament should also give legislative 
 authority to any treaty or agreement between two countries 
 (|f the Empire, by which they might undertake, otherwise than 
 by the mere alteration of their tariffs (which would remain, 
 »||bject to the restriction above mentioned and commented upon 
 bflow, within the exclusive control of the several national par- 
 lifiments), to grant each other advantages. Its ratification would 
 ^80 be required to give validity to a zollverein among the 
 ^lonies and adjacent states of South Africa and the like. 
 . 6th. This would cover the case of subsidizing lines of steamers 
 fjpr carrying mails and passengers, and of providing telegraphic 
 Cf^cilities. 
 
 Wb 7th. The Imperial Parliament should have the right to pass 
 a, law of uniform currency, coinage, legal tender, and weights and 
 ineasures. ; and it would be even advantageous if they could, in 
 concert with the United States, France and the Latin union, 
 Germany, and the other civilized countries, agree upon a sys- 
 tem of universal application. But until these things were done 
 tjjie laws of the several national parliaments would remain in 
 |>rce. 
 
 M 8th. The controlling of peace and war is evidently the supreme 
 Object of the formation of a federation. 
 
 gth. The controlling of matters relating to treaties with for- 
 eign countries need not prevent, but might facilitate, the appoint, 
 pent of representatives of a single country of the Empire to nego- 
 tiate directly with the foreign country for treaties in which other 
 jbartsof the Empire were not necessarily directly interested, but 
 girhich would still have to be enforced by the Imperial authority, 
 fut it is of the first importance that all the foreign relations of the 
 Empire should be kept as a part of one harmonious system ; and it 
 ; evident that all the countries of the Empire should be constitu- 
 tionally heard in regard to all treaties, since, in case of war aris- 
 ing out of their infraction, they might be prejudicially affected, 
 possible cases coming under this head are such as the New Heb- 
 'iirides matter, the Canadian fisheries, the BehringSea seizures, and 
 Jbne likely to be of still greater importance, that ot preserving 
 ithe neutrahty, when built, of the Panama or Nicaragua Canal. 
 jThe Mother Country, Australia, and South Africa are greatly 
 
i 
 
 i|^:::! 
 
 30 
 
 interested in this (luestion, as being one of the principal routes 
 connecting them with one another. South Africa would need 
 such a canal for her trade with Canada and the Eastern States 
 of the American Union ; and Canada, both for these reasons 
 and also as having the same interest as the United States in 
 having communication by the shortest sea route between her 
 Atlantic and her Pacific provinces. 
 
 loth. Although the In'iperial Parliament should control the 
 naval and military forces, the several State or Dominion Parlia- 
 ments might have the power, in the same way as the States of 
 the American Union, of training the militia according to the 
 discipline prescribed by the Imperial authorities, and the right 
 to call out such portion of the forces as were within their limits, 
 lor the suppression of an insurrection in the country or to resist 
 sudden invasion. But it is manifestly in the interest of the effi- 
 ciency, as well as the economical management of all these forces, 
 that they should form a part of a well-organized and well-disci- 
 plined system, and it would be more satisfactory to the colonial 
 troops, naval and military, that they should have the widest pos- 
 sible field for experience, and should be entitled to promotion in 
 the forces of the whole realm. A distinction might be made 
 providing that the State or Dominion Parliaments should have 
 the general control of internal, and the Imperial of external 
 defence. 
 
 nth. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council should con 
 tain members appointed from among the judges of all the diflferent 
 countries of the Empire, It might also be found advantageous 
 to make it the duty of the Judicial Committee to declare any 
 unjust act of any subordinate parliament, even when constitu- 
 tional, to be in violation of sound principles of legislation. The 
 object of this would be the same as that sought to be gained by 
 the provision of the constitution of the United States which 
 declares ex post facto laws, and laws in violation of a private 
 contract and certain other matters, unconstitutional, leaving it 
 to the judiciary to declare them so and set them aside. It 
 would be more in accordance with British principles to confine 
 the province of the judiciary to declaring such acts contrary to 
 sound principles of legislation, leaving it to theQueen-in-Council 
 or the Governor-General, as the case might be, to disallow them. 
 The British Parliament has always exercised absolute right of 
 legislation in every case. But when it delegates powers of legis- 
 
 
31 
 
 principal routes 
 Frica would need 
 e Eastern States 
 or these reasons 
 Jnited States in 
 ute between iicr 
 
 ould control the 
 )ominion Parlia- 
 IS the States of 
 ccording to the 
 es, and the right 
 hin their limits, 
 intry or to resist 
 erest of the effi- 
 f all these forces, 
 i and well-disci- 
 ^ to the colonial 
 3 the widest pos- 
 to promotion in 
 might be made 
 Its should have 
 rial of external 
 
 jncil should con 
 fall the different 
 d advantageous 
 to declare any 
 when constitu- 
 igislation. The 
 :o be gained by 
 d States which 
 on of a private 
 3nal, leaving it 
 hem aside. It 
 pies to confine 
 cts contrary to 
 leen-in-Council 
 ) disallow them, 
 •solute right of 
 powers of legis- 
 
 lation to subordinate parliaments, it is well that there should be 
 •ome provision of this nature ; and the duty of the judges, if the 
 plan suggested were adopted, would be simply so declare the 
 vicious character of Acts, and to recommend their disallowance, 
 while the parliartient itself would hold the government respon- 
 sible for every act of disallowance. 
 
 1 2th. On the right of taxation, the constitution of the United 
 States, Article I., provides that all taxation, direct (Section 2) 
 and indirect (Section 8) shall be uniform throughout the States, 
 ■nd in proportion to the numbers of their people. The relations 
 between the different countries of the British Empire do not 
 admit of any such uniform rule being laid down, either for 
 representation or taxation. Moreover, wars may arise and 
 imperial expenses may be incurred, in which certain portions 
 Only of the Empire have any appreciable interest, and it would 
 be productive of friction if such expenses were to be saddled 
 upon all countries alike. Therefore Parliament should have the 
 power to make special assessments on any part of the Empire, 
 in case of local wars or expenses. This would of course be sub- 
 ject to the duty incumbent on the whole, to present an 
 unbroken front to the enemy, and would apply solely to the 
 relations between the different countries of the Empire in their 
 internal administration and the equitable apportionment among 
 them of Imperial expenses. 
 
 13th. The right of disallowing any Act passed by any Par- 
 liament or Local Legislature throughout the realm should be 
 retained in the most absolute form. This is necessary both for 
 the protection of general or Imperial interests, and for the pro- 
 tection of minorities in different countries, either of which may 
 be imperilled through Acts rigidly constitutional, but which 
 were not contemplated at the time of granting the powers to 
 these statutory Parliaments or Legislatures. This right as 
 regards disallowance of Acts of the Dominion Parliarnent by the 
 Queen is limited at present to two years, and as regards the dis- 
 allowance of Acts of the Provincial Legislatures by the Gov- 
 ernor-General of Canada, it is limited to one year. This time 
 limit seems unwise, as frequently the dangerous or oppressive 
 ■ character of local laws is not perceived until long after they are 
 ^ p.issed ; and it may be presumed that if disallowance were 
 " resorted to only, or generally, on the recommendation of the 
 chief Court of Judicature in the land, it would not be oppres- 
 

 I !ili!. 
 
 ! "lii.'itii 
 
 
 I •'/■' -^'i 
 
 \ \ \fm 
 
 ■' 1 
 
 32 
 
 sive, and would be a valuable safeguard for the harmonious 
 course of legislation throughout the entire realm.* 
 
 14th. As to the power of regulating Customs and Excise, this 
 should be granted in the fullest manner to the several National or 
 Dominion Parliaments, subject only to the condition contamed 
 under this heading. The constitution of the United States pro- 
 hibits the levying, without the consent of Congress, of any duties 
 on imports by any of the State Legislatures. The right of regu- 
 lating their tariffs has now been so fully conceded to the differ- 
 ent countries throughout the British Empire that it cannot now 
 be resumed, but the interests of the Empire demand that it 
 should be constitutionally impossible for an arrangement to be 
 made between any part of the Empire and any foreign country 
 which would violate the principle that every part of the British 
 Empire is entitled to the best terms granted to any country m 
 all their trade deahngs with one another. The circumstances of 
 some of our outlying dependencies require, however, that a 
 slight modification, even of this principle, should be allowed, at 
 least temporarily. Thus, there is a small fragment of territory, 
 belonging to the Portuguese, consisting of a district called Goa, 
 a seaport town, Damaun, and an island, Diu, all on the west 
 coast of India, covering an area of 1,086 square miles, about 
 half the size of Prince Edward Island, Canada, and surrounded 
 on all sides, except seaward, by British territory. It was evi- 
 dently a matter of great inconvenience that this little wedge of 
 land should have a separate Customs system from the extensive 
 British dominions surrounding it. And accordingly a treaty 
 was entered into in 1878, ratified the next year (Hertslet's Com- 
 mercial Treaties, xiv., 1,119) establishing free trade between 
 Portuguese and British India, a common tariff against the out- 
 side world, and a fund out of which the Portuguese are to be 
 paid the proportion of duties estimated to have been collected 
 on articles consumed or produced in Portuguese India, plus 
 
 • If it should appear that vesting the Judges with such pjwer would give 
 rise to uncertainty in the finality of legislation on the one hand, or would 
 unduly saddle upon private individuals the expense of testing the constitu- 
 tionality of unjust laws, on the other, the same object might be attained by 
 retaining for the Imperial Parliament the right to pass remedial legislation 
 whenever, according to certain rules laid down beforehand, an Act of the 
 Statutory Parliaments contravened the fundamental principles of legislation, 
 or endangered the general interests of the realm. It may be worth while, in 
 this connexion, to examine the Act recently passed by the Legislature of 
 Ontario the bill having been introduced by Mr. Mowat, the Prime Minister. 
 
 
33 
 
 le harmonious 
 
 nd Excise, this 
 al National or 
 tion contained 
 ed States pro- 
 i, of any duties 
 3 right of regu- 
 i to the difTer- 
 it cannot now 
 emand that it 
 igement to be 
 □reign country 
 of the British 
 any country in 
 •cumstances of 
 wever, that a 
 be allowed, at 
 it of territory, 
 ict called Goa, 
 1 on the west 
 e miles, about 
 id surrounded 
 • It was evi- 
 ittle wedge of 
 the extensive 
 ingly a treaty 
 iertslet's Corn- 
 trade between 
 gainst the out- 
 ese are to be 
 )een collected 
 3e India, plus 
 
 ;wer would give 
 hand, or would 
 ng the conslitu- 
 
 be attained by 
 edial legislation 
 1, an Act of the 
 es of legislation. 
 
 worth while, in 
 i Legislature of 
 Prime Minister. 
 
 W 
 
 ilhree-fourths of the amount thereof to cover loss of revenue by 
 'exemption from duty of trade between the two countries, the 
 palance to be retained by the Government of British India at 
 Bombay. Subject to certain enumerated restrictions, the Gov- 
 ernment of British India has the right to modify the tariff as it 
 ^ees fit, but if duties are repealed or abolished, the Portuguese 
 Indian Government is to receive a certain increase of pecuniary 
 compensation. The British Government in India is also given 
 M monopoly in salt in Portuguese India. This treaty will expire 
 in 1891, and if not terminated by notice twelve months before 
 |hat time will be renewed for twelve years more. 
 
 A case of very much more importance is the proposal agreed 
 |o at a conference between the Cape of Good Hope, Natal, 
 l^nd the Orange Free State, to which, it is hoped by the mem- 
 |)ers of the conference, that the Transvaal Republic and the 
 j^mall Portuguese settlement at Delagoa Bay may become 
 parties later, establishing a Customs Union of the whole of 
 5outh Africa. This arrangement is intended to promote and 
 consolidate British interests in South Africa, and it is hoped by 
 jpiany of its promoters that it will result in all the States eventu- 
 ally becoming parts of a British colonial confederation or 
 jpominion ; and the establishment of the zollverein is regarded 
 favourably as a means to further such a desirable end. The 
 ;^mperial authorities do not seem disposed to prevent the con- 
 Bunimation of such a project, and it is therefore necessary for 
 iis to consider how far it need affect the principle we are now 
 discussing. My view of the matter would be that the outlying 
 countries, parties to such agreements with British Colonies, 
 'should be required to assume the same obhgations in con- 
 tributing to the defence of the British Empire as the Colonies 
 il^ith which they are united, and that with this restriction such 
 Jarrangements should not be prohibited, but the ratification or 
 ^renewal of any such arrangement should be made conditional 
 
 iVPOi^ the assumption of liability for such a contribution. This 
 
 would make the other parties to the agreement virtually British 
 |Colonies with the obligations as well as the advantages arising 
 put of such a relation. 
 
 r* TREATIES OF ALLIANCE. 
 
 ."'■'.' 
 ■i 
 
 ;' One important point that deserves consideration is whether 
 lithe subjects above mentioned would be more efficiently dealt 
 
 
ii 
 
 ililll' 
 
 liiiiii 
 
 u 
 
 with in an Imperial Parliament than by means of simple treaties 
 of alUance between the several countries in the Empire. It is 
 very evident that several of them could not be dealt with liy 
 treaty at all, notably the first, second, third, eighth and tenth 
 These would, of course, be dealt with separately by independent 
 Parli^tments, if the Empire were to break up. It is admitted, 
 however, even by advocates of separation, that the remaining 
 subjects should be arranged in some way by joint action. I 
 shall therefore say why I consider that these also — in short, all 
 common and all mutually impinging interests— would be more 
 satisfactorily dealt with by an Imperial Parliament than by mere 
 treaty of alliance. A treaty is a very inelastic document ; it 
 binds the parties with a hard and fast fetter, which cannot with- 
 out great difficulty be adjusted to the continually altering cir- 
 cumstances of the two countries. Some of the provisions of 
 treaties are intended to be perpetual, such, for instance as the 
 free admission of the people of the United States to the naviga- 
 tion of the St. Lawrence by the Treaty of Washington, or the 
 agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States, 
 that neither of them shall fortify any canal or voie de coinnuiui- 
 cation across the Isthmus of Panama, as provided in the Clay- 
 ton-Bulwer treaty. No method exists by which these agreements 
 can be modified, and they cannot be derogated from or avoided 
 except by a breach of faith of one of the contracting par- 
 ties. Of such a breach of faith there is always a danger where 
 no healthy encounters take place in a common assembly of 
 representative men. The recent repudiation by Russia of the 
 provision of the Berlin Treaty regarding Batoum, and the denun- 
 ciation, or threatened denunciation, by President Arthur's admin- 
 istration, of the Clayton Bulwer Treaty, on the part of the 
 United States, could never have taken place had these matters 
 come under the control of some joint representative authority. 
 
 Other provisions of treaties are temporary, like the former 
 Reciprocity treaty between Canada and the United Slates, or 
 the Fishery clauses of the Washington Treaty of 1871, and when 
 such come to an end, however serious the inconvenience may be 
 to the parties, there is no body whose duty it is to deal with the 
 , case and bring about a new agreement. Parties placed in such 
 .a relation are apt to feel themselves under no special obligation 
 to consider the rights or interests of.one another. It is of special 
 importance tliat a common parliament should exist for countries 
 
 . j^^jtsHrehb 
 
35 
 
 Df simple treaties 
 e Empire. It is 
 be dealt with liy 
 ighth and tenth 
 Y by independent 
 It is admitted, 
 at the remaining 
 
 joint action. I 
 so — in short, all 
 -would be more 
 ent than by mere 
 tic document ; it 
 lich cannot with- 
 lally altering cir- 
 :he provisions of 
 • instance as the 
 :es to the naviga- 
 Lshington, or the 
 e United States, 
 voie de couimnni- 
 ided in the Clay- 
 these agreements 
 I from or avoided 
 :ontracting par- 
 
 a danger where 
 ion assembly of 
 by Russia of the 
 (1, and the denun- 
 t Arthur's admin- 
 
 the part of the 
 id these matters 
 itive authority. 
 , like the former 
 United Slates, or 
 if 1871, and when 
 ivenience may be 
 
 to deal with the 
 s placed in such 
 special obligation 
 ■. It is of special 
 ;xist for countries 
 
 i^iat have constant relations with one another but that are situ- 
 ated far apart, and are not in a position otherwise to familiarize 
 themselves with the condition of one another's affairs. In such 
 avparliament it becomes generallj' recognized that each is to con- 
 sider not only its own interests in particular, but also the general 
 welfare of the whole. Another great advantage lies in constant 
 «Ud continuous association of the representatives. They come 
 to understand one another ; they feel themselves bound from 
 ■ftfjine to time to take the steps necessary to keep their mutual 
 <5!^cerns in harmony, and they form the habit of regarding one 
 attother's circumstances and interests. In doing this it will 
 tjirely or never happen that the true interests of any part will be 
 sacrificed, for the wider the interests are the more imperative is 
 itthat the highest considerationsof justice and of humanity should 
 dictate the policy to be adopted ; and it is in the recognition of 
 such wide principles that the security of smaller communities 
 chiefly lies. While, therefore, there may be great advantage in 
 trying to draw all the nations of the earth more closely together, 
 there is no really lasting advantage to be derived from separat- 
 ing the nations that are already united, and by isolating the 
 great peoples of the civilized world. These are a few of the 
 reasons why I think a parliamentary union better than any 
 Species of alliarxe by treaty. 
 
 DOMINION PARLIAMENTS. - 
 
 We come now to consider the fundamental character of the 
 powers of the several Parliaments or Legislatures under the 
 British Constitution. In the Constitution of the United States 
 the powers of Congress are only delegated powers, and these are 
 ^1 expressly enumerated. This is the theoretical doctrine, but, 
 ih make it work at all, the functions of the Central Government 
 and Congress have first been extended by a doctrine of implied 
 powers, and secondly their limits have been disregarded in an 
 unconstitutional— though, in my opinion, justifiable — encroach- 
 ment on States' rights, for the suppression of slavery and the 
 enforced preservation of the Union, in both of which the civil 
 jrar vindicated the arrogated authority of the Central power. In 
 le case of the Imperial Parliament the powers would not be 
 lelegated. The British Parliament is the original and supreme 
 jaJource of all legislative authority. But it is quite competent for 
 
36 
 
 it to do as was proposed by Mr. Gladstone in his Irish Future 
 Government Bill, namely, to delegate all its powers except those 
 expressly reserved. And the direct control of the Imperial Par- 
 liament, though not necessarily identical as regards all parts of 
 the Empire, should, as regards the United Kingdom and the 
 self-governing Colonies at least, be practically restricted to the 
 classes of subjects above enumerated, or to those under some 
 similar classification. The radical defect of Mr. Gladstone's 
 Bill, and of all his subsequent promises of modification, seem to 
 me to have been, first, that he failed to provide for constant and 
 continuous representation of the Irish in the Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom ; and secondly, instead of reserving direct 
 authority over the matters on which the Irish Parliament was 
 prohibited from legislating, it provided a cast iron rule for the 
 regulation of these, which was not to be deviated from for a 
 great number of years, thus destroying all the vitality of the 
 legislative authority of the central Parliament, even in regard to 
 those subjects that were reserved for its sole consideration. 
 
 The express reservation of all the power of legislation on the 
 above-mentioned Imperial subjects to the Imperial Parliament 
 would make it necessary to create, where it has not already been 
 done, statutory Parliaments for the several parts of the Empire, 
 with power of legislation on all subjects not so expressly re- 
 served. This has already been done in the case of Canada, 
 where a tolerably judicious sub-division has been made on the 
 subjects to be dealt with by the Dominion Parliament, and by 
 the Provincial Legislatures, respectively. The subjects reserved 
 for the Parliament of Canada are set forth in section 91 of the 
 British North America Act, 1867, as follows: — 
 
 The Parliament of Canada has power — 
 
 To make laws for the peace, order and good government 
 of Canada, in relation to all matters not coming within the 
 classes of subjects exclusively assigned to the Provincial Legis- 
 latures ; and for greater certainty, but not so as to restrict the 
 generality of the terms above employed, it is declared that the 
 Parliament of Canada shall have exclusive legislative authority 
 over the following matters, namely : 
 
 1. The public debt and property. 
 
 2. The regulation of trade and commerce. 
 
 3. The raising of money by any mode or system of taxation. 
 
 4. The borrowing of money on the public credit. 
 
 '• -vs»«wu-,^^ 
 
37 
 
 his Irish Future! 
 
 ivers except those 
 
 the Imperial Par- 
 
 igards all parts of 
 
 ingdom and the 
 
 restricted to the 
 
 lose under some 
 
 Mr. Gladstone's 
 
 ification, seem to 
 
 for constant and 
 
 arliament of the 
 
 reserving direct 
 
 h Parliament was 
 
 t iron rule for the 
 
 ;viated from for a 
 
 he vitality of the 
 
 even in regard to 
 
 onsideration. 
 
 legislation on the 
 
 perial Parliament 
 
 3 not already been 
 
 rts of the Empire, 
 
 t so expressly re- 
 
 ! case of Canada, 
 
 een made on the 
 
 arliament, and by 
 
 subjects reserved 
 
 section 91 of the 
 
 good government 
 aming within the 
 
 Provincial Legis- 
 I as to restrict the 
 
 declared that the 
 fislative authority 
 
 :axation. 
 
 5. Postal service. 
 
 6. The census and statistics. 
 
 7. Militia, military and naval service and defence. 
 
 8. The fixing of, and providing for, the salaries and allowances of civil 
 ajad other officers of the Government of Canada. 
 
 9. Beacons, buoys, lighthouses, and Sable Island. 
 Navigation and shipping. 
 Quarantine and the establishment and maintenance of marine hos- 
 
 ! 10. 
 I I. 
 
 pitals. 
 12. 
 
 Sea coast and inland fisheries. 
 
 13. F"erries between a province and any British or foreign country, or 
 between two provinces. 
 
 14. Currency and coinage. 
 
 15. Banking, incorporation of banks, and the issue of paper money. 
 t6. Savings banks. 
 
 17. Weights and measures. 
 
 18. Bills of exchange and promissory notes. 
 
 19. Interest. 
 
 20. Legal tender. 
 
 21. Bankruptcy and insolvency. 
 
 22. Patents of invention and discovery. 
 
 23. Copyrights. 
 
 24. Indians, and lands reserved for the Indians. 
 
 25. Naturalization and aliens. . . 
 
 26. Marriage and divorce. 
 
 27. The criminal law, except the constitution of Courts of Criminal 
 Jurisdiction, but including the procedure in criminal matters. 
 
 28. The establishment, maintenance and management of penitentiaries. 
 
 29. Such classes of subjects as are expressly excepted in the enumera- 
 tion of the classes of subjects assigned exclusively to the Legislatures of the 
 Provinces. 
 
 Any matter coming within the above classes of subjects is not deemed 
 to come within the class of matters of a local or private nature comprised in 
 4he enumeration of the classes of subjects assigned exclusively to Provincial 
 
 I,«gislatures. 
 
 In addition to these may be mentioned the right of disallow- 
 ance of provincial legislation, which has been already referred to, 
 le power of appointing judges and Lieutenant-Governors for 
 le Provinces, which is vested in the Governor-General, who 
 tcts, however, by the advice of his Canadian Privy Council, and 
 is thus responsible to the Parliament of Canada. 
 
 To carry out properly a scheme of federation such as we are 
 flow considering, and in order to make a clear line of demarca- 
 tion between Imperial and merely national or State affairs, our 
 ^^task would be greatly facilitated by the statutory creation of a 
 TiParliament for the United Kingdom which would succeed to all 
 Jlhe powers of the present Imperial Parliament, which are not 
 
f 
 
 warn 
 
 ( ^■■^■-■f^fli" 1 
 
 38 
 
 expressly reserved, to consist in the first instance of the 
 members in the Imperial Parliament from the United Kingdom. 
 In other words, the new Imperial Parliament, created by the 
 amalgamation of the present Imperial Parliament with repre- 
 sentatives from the Parliaments of the self-governing Colonies, 
 would retain control in all Imperial matters expressly reserved. 
 The members of the present Imperial Parliament would thence- 
 forward form a statutory Parliament, the Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom alone, but with all the powers not expressly 
 reserved for the Imperial. 
 
 It is not essential to our present purpose to consider whether 
 in the United Kingdom there should be, in addition, local legis- 
 latures similar to the legislatures of the provinces in Canada, or 
 whether the Parliament of the United Kingdom should continue 
 to exercise sole legislative control over all affairr. of the three 
 Kingdoms, relieving the pressure ot public business merely by 
 Ihe creation of local bodies on a principle similar to that of the 
 L' cal Government Act of 1888. That is a matter the people of 
 u> f.'nited Kingdom should be left to decide for themselves. 
 Fci. .oirnation, however, an enumeration may be given of the 
 powcre 1 ..:g".ed to the Provincial Legislatures by the British 
 North America Act, especially in section 92. These com- 
 prise : — 
 
 1. The amendment from time to time of the Constitution of the Pro- 
 vince, except as regards the office of Lieutenant-Governor. 
 
 2. Direct taxation with the Province, in order to the raising of a revenue 
 for provincial purposes. 
 
 3. The borrowing of money on the sole credit of the Province. 
 
 4. The establishment and tenure of provincial offices and the appointment 
 and payment of provincial officers. 
 
 5. The management and sale of the public lands belonging to the Province 
 and of the timber and wood thereon. 
 
 6. The establishment, maintenance, and management of public and reform- 
 atory prisons in and for the Province. 
 
 7. The establishment, maintenance, and management of hospitals, asylums, 
 charities, and eleemosynary institutions in and for the Province, other than 
 marine hospitals. 
 
 8. Municipal institutions in the Provmce. 
 
 9. Shop, saloon, tavern, auctioneer, and other licenses, in order to the 
 raising of a revenue for provincial, local, or municipal purposes. 
 
 10. Local works and undertakings other than lines of steam or other ships, 
 railways, canals, telegraphs, and other works and undertakings connecting the 
 Province with any other Province, or extending beyond the limits of the 
 Province, or declared by the Parliament of Canada to be for the general ad- 
 vantage of Canada or of two or more Provinces. 
 
 11. The incorporation of companies with provincial objects. 
 
 -*^^%2-?^^.it;A 
 
stance of the 
 
 ited Kingdom, 
 created by the 
 snt with repre- 
 rning Colonies, 
 ressly reserved. 
 
 would thence- 
 liament of the 
 
 not expressly 
 
 )nsider whether 
 
 ion, local legis- 
 
 in Canada, or 
 
 ihould continue 
 
 rs of the three 
 
 iness merely by 
 
 r to that of the 
 
 3r the people of 
 
 for themselves. 
 
 )e given of the 
 
 by the British 
 
 These com- 
 
 ution of the Pro- 
 sing of a revenue ' 
 
 Jvince. 
 
 d the appointment 
 
 tig to the P'rovince 
 
 jublic and reform- 
 
 lospitals, asylums, 
 )vince, other than 
 
 , in order to the 
 OSes. 
 
 im or other ships, 
 gs connecting the 
 the limits of the 
 )r the general ad- 
 
 ts. 
 
 39 
 
 12. The solemnization of marriage in the Province. 
 
 13. Properly and civil rights in the Province. 
 
 14. The administration of justice in the Province, including the constitu- 
 fion, maintenance, and organization of provincial courts, both of civil and of 
 criminal jurisdiction, and including procedure in civil matters in those 
 Courts. 
 
 15. The imposition of punishment by fine, penalty, or imprisonment for 
 enforcing any law of the Province made in relation to any matter coming 
 iyithin any of the above classes of subjects. 
 
 16. Generally all matters of a merely local or private nature in the 
 Province. 
 
 ' The Provincial Legislatures may also, subject to certain 
 
 f'ghts and privileges existing at the time of the passing of the Act 
 ith respect to denominational schools, exclusively make laws 
 in regard to education, and it is to be regretted that this subject 
 has not been reserved to the Dominion House, so as to secure a 
 truly national system of education throughout the land. 
 
 We have no interest in discussing whether these matters or, 
 4ny of them, should be delegated to Local Legislatures or to 
 municipal bodies in the United Kingdom. The persistent and 
 disloyal attempts on the part of certain political agitators in the 
 Canadian Provinces to create a feeling of antagonism between the 
 Dominion and Provincial Governments, attempts that are made 
 jj^whenever the same party is not in power in the Central and 
 ocal Legislatures ; the assiduous cultivation of a spirit of 
 rench nationalism in the Province of Quebec, distinct from, 
 and largely hostile to, the allegiance due to our Sovereign and to 
 our country as a whole ; the disposition of the majority there to 
 ignore the wishes of the commercial minority, and to force them 
 to pay an excessive proportion of the taxes, the expenditure of 
 which is altogether controlled by the majority* — these and other 
 
 ^'•■j 
 
 
 I'' 
 
 * For the last of these grievances, however, the minority have to complain, 
 not only of the majority in the Legislature, but also of the Judicial Committee 
 of the Privy Council, which — in declaring constitutional a provincial Act 
 imposing taxes on a limited class for the general benefit, in opposition to the 
 opinion of Sir Antoine A. Dorion, Chief Justice, and of Mr. Justice Rainville, 
 two of the ablest of our French Canadian Judges, and of Mr. Justice Cross, 
 an equally able English Canadian, — utterly ignored the settled jurisprudence 
 of the United States in its interpretation of the meaning of direct taxation 
 under a federal constitution, and had recourse to the vague definitions of 
 writers on political economy who lived in countries having only one legislative 
 authority and no written constitution, and who considered direct and indirect 
 taxes, not from the point of view of a federal constitution, but merely in their 
 character of factors in the national wealth. The Privy Council thus destroyed 
 — at least till their decision becomes one of the Overruled Cases, — the chief 
 protection of the minority from oppression inserted in the British North 
 America Act, as explained with much clearness by Sir Alexander Gait, one of 
 the framers of the Act, when the question was being fully discussed in the 
 
T 
 
 40 
 
 I :!:!::'^V 
 
 
 
 circumstances render it somewhat doubtful whether the experi- 
 ment tried in Canada can be recommended for adoption in the 
 United Kingdom. On the other hand, the system has given 
 pretty general satisfaction, and as time goes on, the country may 
 become firmly welded together as a compact whole. 
 
 This problem, however, we are not required to discuss. 
 All we are interested in is, first, that the Imperial Parlia- 
 ment shall not be burdened with the discharge of duties relating 
 to the local aflfairs of any part of the Empire, and also, secondly, 
 in view of the fact that we intend to propose that the member- 
 ship of the National or Dominion Parliaments, and of the 
 Imperial Parliament shall be largely identical, we have a subsi- 
 diary interest in hoping that the widest scope possible may be 
 given to the powers of local bodies in order that the labours of 
 the members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom may be 
 sufficiently lightened to enable them to attend also to the work 
 of the Imperial.* 
 
 i 
 
 Confederation debates in the Canadian Provincial Parliament, in which 
 debates, moreover. Sir (then Mr.) A. A. Dorion himself took a leading part. 
 This is an illustration of the need, if the Privy Council is to remain the highest 
 Federal Court of the Empire, of the infusion into its composition of an element 
 drawn from the federal colonies. 
 
 * A friendly critic of this essay in the MS. has raised the objection that 
 the new policy of the League, in seeking to bring about a series of periodical 
 conferences, seems to contemplate a solution of the ultimate problem of our 
 movement on different lines from those suggested in these pages ; it being 
 supposed that such conferences, though exercising at first only consultative or 
 advisory functions, may develop into a central body with exclusive control of 
 imperial affairs. My answer is that, while conferences may prove of great 
 value in preparing the way for the organic changes that will be necessary 
 before the relations of the several countries of the Empire can be considered 
 as on a permanently satisfactory basis, I have no faith that they themselves 
 will ever be entrusted with legislative, fiscal, or executive powers. Without 
 these powers every recommendation will have to run the gauntlet of a num- 
 ber of independent parliaments to make them effective, and such a system 
 can never be permanently satisfactory. These conferences can be of the 
 highest usefulness in suggesting the lines upon which a redistribution of the 
 powers enjoyed by the several existing parliamentary bodies may advantage- 
 ously take place, and the manner in which colonial representatives may be 
 admitted into the Supreme Parliament. Indeed, it is only through their 
 instrumentality that the initiative in such matters can be well taken. But it 
 may be assumed as a postulate that Parliament will never part with any of 
 its highest functions, and indeed that public opinion would not sustain it in 
 doing so. Even in the Colonies, however much the Colonial Office, or 
 " Downing Street," may be discredited, there could never be created a body 
 that could rival in public esteem the British Parliament. The permanent 
 constitution must therefore be a development and modification of existing 
 parliamentary bodies, and not the raising up of a new and independent 
 authority. It is the conviction that Parliament will never forego its imperial 
 functions that forms the only justification for introducing into this sketch a 
 discussion of the means by which it may be relieved of its local business, by 
 the establishment of subordinate representative bodies with legislative powers. 
 
 3«i| 
 
 ■Ml 
 
41 
 
 her the experi- 
 doption in the 
 item has given 
 le country may 
 e. 
 
 d to discuss, 
 iperial Parha- 
 duties relating 
 also, secondly, 
 t the memher- 
 and of the 
 ; have a subsi- 
 )ssible may be 
 the labours of 
 igdom may be 
 50 to the work 
 
 iment, in which 
 { a leading part, 
 imain the highest 
 ion of an element 
 
 le objection that 
 ies of periodical 
 ! problem of our 
 
 pages; it being 
 y consultative or 
 :lusive control of 
 ' prove of great 
 ill be necessary 
 in be considered 
 they themselves 
 )wers. Without 
 intlet of a num- 
 
 such a system 
 i can be of the 
 tribution of the 
 may advantage- 
 itatives may be 
 t through their 
 1 taken. But it 
 art with any of 
 lot sustain it in 
 )nial Office, or 
 created a body 
 rhe permanent 
 ion of existing 
 id independent 
 ego its imperial 
 3 this sketch a 
 ;al business, by 
 islative powers. 
 
 IMPERIAL TAXATION. 
 
 In order to give the Supreme Parliament its thoroughly im- 
 erial character, as above contemplated, the first step, I imagine, 
 JWould be for a conference to be held, to be attended by repre- 
 sentatives from the Mother Country and from all the self-govern- 
 f' ig and perhaps the other Colonies, to determine the basis for 
 ^presentation and the subjects that should be treated as of a 
 urely imperial character. The present Imperial Parliament 
 'Should then pass an Act reserving to itself the exclusive right of 
 ;|egislatmg upon these, and authorizing the admission of repre- 
 jlibertatives from the self-governing Colonies upon the basis agreed 
 i^pon, for the consideration of such subjects ; declaring further 
 ??that the right to legislate upon all other subjects whatsoever 
 i(except where provincial or local legislatures had been created) 
 ■phould remain vested in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, 
 fits a statutory Parliament, and in the statutory Parliaments 
 iilready existing for Canada and the other self-governing Colo- 
 itiies. The Houses of Commons in the latter should be author- 
 ized to elect from among their own members the proper number 
 of representatives for each country. The chief reason for having 
 "the Imperial members elected from among the members of the 
 national or Dominion Houses, is to guard against the choice of 
 ,-.'men residing in the mother country and thus somewhat out of 
 Itouch and sympathy with the Colonies they are to represent. 
 ^ I think such representation should precede taxation for 
 -lilmperial purposes, or at least should not be long preceded by it. 
 ';The House of Commons is the body that now determines the 
 .^amount and controls the direction of Imperial expenditure. Be" 
 ^ffore being called upon to pay their share of expenditure, the 
 |Colonies should have a direct voice in deciding what is required 
 Ifor the proper administration of purely Imperial affairs. Meni- 
 Ibers should also be added to the Imperial Cabinet from each of 
 ?the Colonies that exercises the right of sending representatives. 
 Upon the colonial members being admitted, the House should 
 |resolve itself into an Imperial Chamber, giving priority to purely 
 I Imperial matters, and should at once proceed to determine the 
 r amount of Imperial revenue required, and its equitable appor- 
 ^tionment among the several countries. The guiding principle 
 i should be, that to all expenses for diplomatic and consular ser- 
 [vices, and for the equipment and maintenance of the Imperial 
 
) I i: V.llml III 
 
 111 
 
 42 
 
 Civil Service, and of the army and navy upon a peace footing, 
 each country should be bound to contribute upon some equitable 
 and as nearly as possible uniform basis. Particular wars affect- 
 ing only portions of the Empire, or expenses of maintaining war 
 establishments, might be paid for by special assessment, from 
 which the parts not affected should be exempt. A Government 
 bill could be introduced, subject to be modified in committee of 
 the whole, apporcioning this expenditure, the endeavour bein^' 
 to make each part pay according to its wealth, realized resources 
 and the risk to which in general it exposes the Empire. The 
 proportion of contribution thus fixed would form the basis on 
 which representation should take place in the Upper House, the 
 ('olonial members for which could thereupon be elected from the 
 Senates, or in some other way, by the several Colonies. 
 
 The Imperial Parliament would then resolve upon the mode 
 in which the taxation should be levied to meet these expenses, 
 not necessarily restricting itself to one mode for all parts of the 
 Eiupire, but after adopting, if possible, a uniform system for the 
 collection of a part of the revenue required, applying, for the 
 collection of any remainder due by any country, the system re- 
 commended by the representatives from that country. 
 
 One of the powers that we have reserved to the Imperial 
 Parliament is that of raising money by any system or mode of 
 taxation. The question woidd arise whether requisitions should 
 be made upon the governments of the various Colonies for the 
 amount of their assessment, or whether the Imperial Parliament 
 should tax directly. 
 
 Before deciding this point an attentive study should be made 
 of the early history of the constitution of the United States. It 
 will there be found that the system of requisitions upon the gov- 
 ernments was found most unsatisfactory ; it was indeed an abso- 
 lute and disastrous failure. 
 
 The following is an extract from a speech of Alexander Ham- 
 ilton, " On the Revenue System,' delivered in the Legislature 
 of New York in 1787, where he is discussing the working of the 
 system first tried by the seceded colonies, of carrying on the 
 national government by means of requisitions on the separate 
 States : 
 
 " The universal delinquency of the States during the war 
 shall be passed over with a bare mention of it. The public 
 embarrassments were a plausible apology for that delinquency. 
 
 "•^^A to i gwi»^ijvatojt! - '.'f' 'sfe^ 
 
43 
 
 i 
 
 peace foot in;,', 
 
 some equitable 
 
 ar wars affect- 
 
 aintaining war 
 
 sessmeiit, from 
 
 A Government 
 
 n committee of 
 
 deavoiir bein^; 
 
 lized resources 
 
 Empire. The 
 
 n the basis on 
 
 )per House, the 
 
 ilected from the 
 
 lonies. 
 
 upon the mode 
 these expenses, 
 ill parts of the 
 I system for the 
 jplying, for the 
 the system re- 
 |ntry. 
 
 to the Imperial 
 :em or mode of 
 uisitions should 
 'olonies for the 
 jrial Parliament 
 
 should be made 
 ited States. It 
 s upon the gov- 
 indeed an abso- 
 
 dexander Ham- 
 the Legislature 
 working of the 
 arrying on the 
 <n the separate 
 
 luring the war 
 t. The public 
 at delinquency, 
 
 ,nd it was hoped the peace would have produced greater punc- 
 ality. The experiment has disappointed that hope to a degree 
 U'hich confounds the least sanguine. A comparative view of 
 the compliances of the several States for the last five years will 
 furnish a striking result. During that period, as appears by a 
 ptatement on our files, New Hampshire, North Carolina, South 
 arolina and Georgia have paid nothing. I say nothing, be- 
 use the only actual payment is the trifling sum of $7,000 by 
 ew Hampshire. . . . Connecticut and Delaware have paid 
 ibout one-third of their requisitions ; Massachusetts, Rhode 
 Island and Maryland about one-half ; Virginia about three-fifths, 
 Pennsylvania nearly the whole, and New York more than her 
 ^uota." 
 
 There is no higher authority than that of Alexander Hamil- 
 ton. It was he who put the national existence of the United 
 States upon an enduring basis. His practical experience and 
 profound statesmanship led him to devote himself with untiring 
 «(nergy to impressing upon the people of the different Colonies 
 ||f the Confederation, that it was absolutely necessary for the 
 luccessful administration of their national government, that it 
 should have, and should exercise directly upon the people, of its 
 pwn motion, and independently of the State governments, the 
 ight of taxation for Imperial purposes. And I think the same 
 ill hold true for our own Empire. I quite recognize that the 
 mpire, to be strong and durable, must be " broad based upon 
 ;he people's will," its foundation must be in the hearts of the 
 eople ; but the power should not be given to the Legislature in 
 any single part of the Empire to block the wheels of Imperial 
 machinery. Suppose, for example, that the Canadian Parlia- 
 ment or the United States Congress depended upon the local 
 gislatures for their national revenues ; Parliament or Congress 
 ould then be hampered in the most unwarrantable manner by 
 |iny single State or Province that temporarily disapproved of its 
 olicy. 
 
 This is a contingency that must be carefully guarded against. 
 t is questionable whether the authority of the Imperial Parlia- 
 ent could or should be permanently exercised over any of our 
 reat self-governing dependencies if it were the settled desire of 
 he people to withdraw ; but it is clear, on the other hand, that it 
 hould not be in the power of any local Parliament or Govern- 
 ent, even if incidentally m accord with the popular will in a 
 
L 
 
 I 
 
 44 
 
 single country in the Empire, to withhold the supplies for carry- 
 ing on the Imperial Government. This is what was done in the 
 second instance cited by Mr. Gladstone of the action of the Irish 
 Parliament in 1795, when, instead of paying the amount asked 
 for to carry on the existing war, they passed a resolution advis- 
 ing the Parliament oi Great Britain to make peace. A similar 
 interference with Imperial prerogatives almost invariably took 
 place or was attempted by the seceded American C^'onies under 
 their original Articles of Confederation, before tl nstitution 
 
 of 1787 was passed giving Congress full authority to levy its own 
 taxes. Precisely the same argument that is now suggested to 
 the existing Parliaments of the United Kingdom, of Canada, etc.. 
 that they never would or should consent to any other authority 
 exercising control over any of their important national concerns, 
 was strenuously insisted upon in the Legislature of the State of 
 New York, in opposition to the ratification of the Constitution 
 of the United States, which proposed to transfer these matters 
 to Congress. But fortunately for the American nation, the pat- 
 riotism of Hamilton and his associates overcame this narrow- 
 minded objection. The Imperial policy must be decided upon 
 by the Imperial Parliament alone, and it must hf -e the means 
 of carrying it out. Therefore the power of ta n should be 
 
 exercised independently. At the same time i.. ..Id be exer- 
 cised with intelligence and discretion, and in a manner that 
 would be least open to objection on the part of the people. 
 
 Let us consider, then, what expenses would probably have to 
 be provided for at the outset, and what system of taxation Par- 
 liament would be likely to adopt for raismg them. For we do 
 not think people should go into the matter blindfold : they should 
 have some idea of what they will have to expect. 
 
 With regard to the amount of Imperial expenses, Mr. Glad- 
 stone, in introducing his Irish Government Bill, stated the Im- 
 perial expenses, to which the Irish would be expected to contri- 
 bute, as follows : — 
 
 National debt ;^i,466,ooo being i-i5th of /aa.ooo.ooo 
 
 Army and Navy, exclusive of war 
 
 votes 1,666,000 " " 25,000,000 
 
 Civil charges 110,000 " " 1,650,000 
 
 Total £i,2^2,ooo " " ^48,650, 000 
 
 Besides Irish Constabulary ;f 1,000,000 
 
 — *«^SIB>'!>* 
 
46 
 
 plies for carry- 
 as done in the 
 ion of the Irish 
 amount asked 
 solution advis- 
 ee. A similar 
 invariably took 
 C'^lonies under 
 nstitution 
 ,' to levy its own 
 w suggested to 
 of Canada, etc., 
 other authority 
 tional concerns, 
 of the State of 
 he Constitution 
 2r these matters 
 nation, the pat- 
 ne this narrow- 
 De decided upon 
 If -e. the means 
 n should be 
 ..Id be exer- 
 a manner that 
 the people. 
 )robably have to 
 of taxation Par- 
 m. For we do 
 old : they should 
 
 ;nses, Mr. Glad- 
 I, stated the Im- 
 jected to contri- 
 
 Ith of /22,OOO,OO0 
 " 25,CXX),OO0 
 
 1,650,000 
 ^48, 650, 000 
 
 As to the item of national debt, the Colonies should not (un- 
 ss in the event of the Imperial Parliament assuming the debts 
 if all the Colonies) contribute to that; first, because they were 
 jljot represented in Parliament when it was incurred, and sec- 
 ondly, because they have themselves incurred national debts, 
 Jartly for Imperial purposes, which the Imperial Parliament will 
 lot be asked to assume. The item of Irish Constabulary will 
 llso, of course, be excluded ; it corresponds to the item of 
 llounted Police in Canadian accounts, which will remain a 
 0iarge on the Canadian Government. The amount, on Mr. 
 Gladstone's basis, will therefore be : — 
 
 .^rmy and Navy /25,000,00a 
 
 Civil charges 1 ,650,000 
 
 Total ;{|'26, 650,000 
 
 ^ Now, the raising of sudh an enormous sum of money is un 
 doubtedly one of the great stumbling blocks in the way of indue 
 mg the Colonies to consider Imperial Federation favourably. I 
 |b therefore an encouraging sign of the times to observe tha 
 fome of the most practical and energetic public men in Eng 
 land have begun a vigorous attack up a extravagant expendi 
 fure in these services. They say, and with great appearance of 
 reason, that if the German army, which on a peace footing con- 
 lists of over 400,000 men, costs only ;^ 17,400,000 stg., while the 
 British Army consists of only 7,000 men, and costs, including 
 appropriations in aid, ;^2o, 485,000 ; there must be an abundant 
 niargin for retrenchment in the latter service. These reforms 
 Ivill have to be vigorously insisted upon, and the cost of the army 
 and navy cut down enormously. And if the subject were brought 
 before the Imperial Parliament after the Colonial representatives 
 were admitted, the latter would no doubt eagerly co-operate in 
 effecting the economy desired. 
 
 It IS no doubt true that there is also a tendency in the oppo- 
 site direction, prompted by the national determination to have 
 the forces in an efficient condition. But is it certain that 
 (efficiency cannot be attained without increase of expendi- 
 ture ? Why should the officers of the British army be allowed, 
 and even encouraged in, the extravagant habits that were 
 introduced at a time when the force existed almost indepen- 
 dently of the common people, and when every officer was 
 -expected to have independent means ? Why should they not 
 
 il 
 
46 
 
 i^ 
 
 be obliged to adopt a simple and inexpensive style of living 
 such as has proved adequate in the German army ? Why 
 should the officers' mess, with its expensive cuisine and its ruin- 
 ous wine bill, not be discountenanced, and the rate of living 
 of officers be brought within the reach of a moderate purse ? 
 Could not the number of the officers be largely reduced ? By 
 doing away with half of them a vast amount of money would be 
 saved, not only without loss to, but probably with great increase 
 in, the efficiency of the troops for active service. 
 
 But again, why should the national energies be chiefly de- 
 voted to maintaining a large naval and military establishment ? 
 Why not utilize the public revenues to turn the national ener- 
 gies in the direction of peaceful pursuits, stimulating the devel- 
 opment of the resources of the country, increasing the wealth of 
 the people ; confident that if occasion should arise for it, the 
 money in the treasury or at the command of the Government 
 would enable them, in a sudden emergency, to procure defensive 
 appliances of the very latest and best description, at the current 
 market price ; instead of, as under our system, spending millions 
 of money upon experiments in the construction of vast engines 
 of destruction which are likely, in a few years, to be out of date, 
 and which cannot be operated except at ruinous cost ? If the 
 British Government will continue to pursue its present wise and 
 friendly policy towards all foreign nations, and especially if a 
 consolidation of the Empire takes place, and foreign powers are 
 convinced that they will have to confront the united force and 
 inexhaustible resources of the whole, the Empire will then soon 
 be able to greatly reduce its military and naval expenditure. 
 If this were done the country would save more than enough, in 
 capital and interest, in a single decade, to compensate for any 
 possible loss resulting from a fair trade tariff; at the same time 
 increasing manifold the wealth of the undeveloped parts of the 
 Empire, which could thus be drawn upon to join in its defence. 
 
 It thus seems reasonable to believe that the above estimate of 
 Mr. Gladstone's, so far from being t:)o low, could be materially 
 reduced. If, however, the militia departments of the several 
 countries are to be brought under general administration, as when 
 the Empire is thoroughly re-organized they, no doubt, will, a great 
 saving might be effected there also. This would relieve Canada 
 (independently of such expenses as those connected with the 
 North-west Rebellion, of the Mounted Police, and of the naval 
 
47 
 
 expenses connected witli the defence of the fisheries) of an 
 amount of annual expenditure of about $1,000,000 or ;^2oo,ooo. 
 If we add this to Imperial expenditure, and similar amounts for 
 the other self-governing Colonies, and make an allowance for the 
 indemnification of members and for transport and telegraph 
 facilities, and also for India and the Crown Colonies which will 
 have to share more directly in the expenditure, the amount 
 required to be raised is not likely to be short of Mr. Gladstone's 
 figures. Assuming this sum, say £27,000,000, let us examine 
 the question of providing such a revenue for Imperial expenses. 
 
 On what basis should the Colonies contribute to the payment 
 of these ? The interests they have at stake are probably accu- 
 rately enough represented by the amount of their trade. 
 
 The following table is a resume of an analysis (i) of the 
 British or intra-Imperial, (2) of the Foreign, and (3) of the 
 Aggregate External, trade of the principal countries of the 
 Empire in 1883. (In the case of Australasia, the trade between 
 the several Australasian Colonics has been deducted) : — 
 
 TABLE I. 
 
 '^ Trade or the British Empire, 1883. 
 
 (In £ stg., last three figures omitted.) 
 
 IMI'OKTS. 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 J= 
 
 tU) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 £ 
 
 ;:! 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 >I< 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 I'niteil Kinjjiloiii i)8fvSii 528210 ^if>Si)i 
 
 East Indies 7'8S9 
 
 Austniliisia 3498<;» 
 
 British North Aniericu 1 1271/1 
 
 British West Indies 1 4550 
 
 British South Africa 7.195 
 
 Mauritius 1615 
 
 1672S1 8S5S7 
 <''S'»7| 415WJ 
 14765 ^7555 
 
 Hritisli West Africa . 
 
 912 
 
 .1084 1 
 
 nS.I 
 377 
 
 7-^341 
 27(Y) 
 
 12S<; 
 
 e 
 
 o 
 (t. 
 
 S4324" 
 
 iX>4"i I -iiSOi^ ,5054371 1S90S2 
 ''3499i 4'6ii.msi2ol 1353581 58349' 
 2834.S 381)2' 32240 63337! 104.Sc, 
 1 1236 io(KkS -•u»4 24026; 25433 
 
 4467 400 1 84()8 
 
 53'5J 35" 5'''65 
 
 'I, 
 
 9017 
 
 t28lO 
 
 6,So! 
 
 7"> '.399:1 
 
 7085 
 12S6 
 4942: 1653' 
 1592 layi' 
 
 o 
 
 '93707 
 73S26 
 
 4" 1 59 
 
 I IU2 
 1409" 
 
 '•5''5 
 
 2(vSS 
 
 ■«32S9ii.37'''4S 604739 207273,276789 4840(12 44016416(8637 10S8S01 
 
 On the basis of trade with foreign countries, the contribu- 
 tions, and consequently the representation in the House of 
 Contributories, would be as follows. For the latter I give two 
 estimates, one based on a maximum membership of 500, and 
 
48 
 
 the other by making additions to the present membership of the 
 House of Lords : — 
 
 TABLE IL 
 
 (£ stg., ooo's omitted.) 
 
 Foreign 
 trade. 
 
 United Kingdom j 543,246 
 
 East Indies j 58,349 
 
 Australasia | 10,489 
 
 British North America j 25,433 
 
 British West Indies | 7,085 
 
 British South Africa ' i ,286 
 
 Mauritius i ,653 
 
 British West Africa | i ,096 
 
 648,637 
 
 Contribu 
 ticns. 
 
 22,614 
 2,428 
 
 437 
 
 1,060 
 
 294 
 
 54 
 68 
 
 45 
 
 I Members in 
 j House of 
 I Contributories. 
 
 418 
 
 44 
 8 
 
 19 
 6 
 2 
 2 
 I 
 
 or 
 
 i7,ooo 
 
 500 
 
 513 
 55 
 10 
 
 ^3 
 
 8 
 2 
 
 2 
 I 
 
 G14 
 
 I take the above as a convenient way of making an estimate 
 of the relative contributory power of the different countries, and 
 as one that commends itself for the apportionment of expenses 
 for foreign policy. But the intention is not necessarily to base 
 the apportionment on the foreign trade, but on the wealth, 
 accumulated resources and ability to pay of the several coun- 
 tries, and also m some measure, on the risk to which the several 
 countries expose the Empire. 
 
 Since writing the above, I have been enabled to prepare for 
 1885, from Sir Rawson W. Rawson's " Synopsis of Tariffs and 
 Trade of the British Empire," just published, a table largely 
 corresponding to the above (which is for 1883), and this I give in 
 the appendix. Table IIL, as substantially corroborating the 
 foregoing. 
 
 We have now to take up the question, how these amounts 
 could be raised throughout the Empire. It has been urged 
 above that the Imperial Parliament should possess the right of 
 taxation by any system or mode for Imperial purposes ; but 
 while strenuously contending for this, it should be well under- 
 stood that the mode of taxation first resorted to should be one 
 that would not be objectionable to the Colonies. The Imperial 
 Parliament should not introduce a mode of taxation to which 
 the people have not been accustomed ; a way should be sought 
 
49 
 
 that will make the burdens fall lightly upon the countries which 
 for the first time are to contribute towards Imperial revenues. 
 There should, therefore, before federation is entered into, be a 
 common understanding as to how the Imperial revenue is to be 
 raised. 
 
 I intend to advocate that the whole, or the major part, of 
 these revenues should be raised by a system of taxation that 
 would develop an interchange of products between the difterent 
 countries of the Empire, and thus raise up a feeling of interest 
 as well as of sentiment to support the carrying out of our policy. 
 The Colonies should be made to feel that, upon assuming lia- 
 bility for Imperial expenses, they are going to derive some direct 
 advantage from being members of the British Empire. Now, a 
 system may be adopted for the raising of Imperial revenue 
 which will have this effect, and which will, moreover, enable the 
 Mother Country either to reduce or repeal some of her other 
 taxes, or to pay off a considerable portion of the national debt,, 
 as the United States — her most serious competitor in the future. 
 — is now doing. 
 
 Such a policy may be based upon such principles, moreover,, 
 as to be perfectly fair and just to foreign countries. The chief 
 if not the only expenses the different countries of the Empire are 
 to be asked to contribute to in common, are those arising out of 
 relations with foreign countries. While, therefore, for the ordi- 
 nary expenses of government, that is, internal government, there 
 might not be any good reason for trying to derive revenue from 
 relations with foreign countries, it seems perfectly intelligible 
 that for expenses necessitated by the existence or attitude of 
 foreign powers, for protection against foreign attack, taxation 
 should be levied, if possible, upon foreign relations. To thia 
 extent the usage of the " Kings of the earth " is certainly 
 defensible : 
 
 " What thinkest thou, Simon — of whom do the Kings of the 
 earth take custom or tribute : of their own children or of stran- 
 gers ? " Peter saith unto him, " Of strangers." Jesus saith 
 unto him, " Then are the children free." 
 
 I am willing to admit that taxes on foreign trade should be 
 strictly limited to the amount of revenue required for the pur- 
 poses of defence against foreign nations. I even propose, as 
 will be explained later, to hold out the olive branch to every 
 
ffO 
 
 foreign nation in the world for the removal of the obstructions 
 that exist upon mutual trade by offering greater inducements to 
 countries that will adopt reciprocal trade with the whole Empire 
 than to countries that will not. 
 
 My proposal would be to impose, independently of existing 
 tariffs, upon imports from foreign countries into every part of the 
 Empire, a uniform tax, specific or ad valorem, as the particular 
 articles taxed may require, payable upon all manufactured 
 goods and all articles of food, including breadstuffs, and upon 
 such raw materials as can easily be produced within the Empire 
 in sufficient quantities to carry on all existing manufactures ; 
 the revenues to be devoted to strictly Imperial purposes, each 
 country to be allowed to impose other duties over and above 
 these, as they see fit, and to increase, reduce or repeal duties now 
 existing, and finally to reciprocally discriminate distinctly in 
 favour of any or all other parts of the Empire, but in no case to 
 impose higher duties on imports from or exports to any part of 
 the British Empire than those levied on trade with the most 
 favoured of foi'eign nations, with the possible exception of such 
 as, having formed a zoUverein with British Colonies, themselves 
 contribute to the British Imperial exchequer. The problem of 
 Free Trade or Protection could be worked out underneath this 
 tax, which would be imposed for Imperial defence alone. 
 
 As embodying the principle underlying this, I refer to the 
 resv^ution introduced at the Imperial Conference by Mr. Hoff- 
 meyr, of Cape Town (Proceedings of the Colonial Conference, 
 1887, p. 463, and Appendix, p. 5) and the discussion that took 
 place thereon. The same suggestion came before the Montreal 
 branch of the Imperial Federation League in 1885, in a paper 
 by Mr. Thomas Macfarlane. 
 
 The difference between the present proposal and Mr. Hoff- 
 meyr's is that the latter proposed to tax all foreign imports indis- 
 criminately, but only at the rate of two per cent. It is manifest 
 that this would not produce a very considerable revenue, but it 
 has the advantage of simplicity, and also of interfering to a less 
 degree, if at all, with trade. Mr. Macfarlane's proposal was 
 also that the tax should be levied on all foreign imports, and the 
 rate he suggested was five per cent. This would have been more 
 satisfactory as a means of raising revenue. But it is tolerably 
 certain that with a rate even that high it would become neces- 
 sary to make the exception of raw materials ; and that excep- 
 
51 
 
 tion being made, it seems .3 me advisable that a sufficient rate 
 should be levied to raise a substantial revenue. 
 
 The concession it is proposed to make in favour of foreign 
 nations v^rilling to adopt reciprocal trade relations with the pro- 
 posed federation is this : any country that is willing to grant 
 free trade to the entire British Empire, or to subject British 
 merchants and producers to duties not in excess of those col- 
 lected from their own subjects or citizens, and to adopt a tariff 
 similar to that of the Empire against the other countries of the 
 world, might be exempt from the operation of the discriminating 
 duty ; that is, if the United Kingdom imposed no other duties, 
 might be admitted free to the markets of the United Kingdom, 
 in the same way as the Colonies ; and if the Colonies have not yet 
 abolished their duties as against the Mother Country, should be 
 admitted to the Colonies on the same terms as the Mother Country. 
 
 It may be objected to this that it would be ridiculous to 
 expect that any country will consent to free trade with the 
 Colonies unless the Colonies will also admit their produce free. 
 Well, I do not think it would be ridiculous, except, perhaps, in 
 the case of the United States, and of the coloniesof other European 
 states, or other newly settled countries. 
 
 So far as the European nations themselves are concerned, 
 they will be ready enough, I fancy, to gain admission to the 
 British Colonies on the same terms as the United Kingdom, and 
 arrangements could be made with regard to French, Spanish, 
 and other colonies, allowing them similar rights with regard to 
 revenue duties as those reserved to British Colonies. It is true 
 enough, however, that the United States would not contemplate 
 anything of the kind ; they would not give free trade to Canada 
 unless Canada gave free trade to them. My answer to this is, 
 that the moment the United States intimate their willingness to 
 arrange for free trade with the whole British Empire, they will 
 themselves have to adopt for the raising of their national rev- 
 enues some other system than that of customs duties. Should 
 they do so, there will be much less difficulty in Canada and the 
 other protective Colonies adopting a fiscal system similar to that 
 about to be adopted in the United States ; Canada's most serious 
 difficulty in adopting any other system now being the fact that 
 customs duties is the system followed in the United States, and 
 she cannot place her people at even a seeming disadvantage as 
 compared with them, which would be the case were she to adopt 
 
Mt 
 
 52 
 
 direct taxation. Therefore, if the United States were ready to 
 declare for free trade with the whole British Empire, the Colo- 
 nies might be ready simultaneously with the United States to 
 repeal all their customs duties and to raise their revenue in the 
 same way as the United States, or in any other way they might 
 choose. 
 
 Of course, by this policy, the Empire would be precluded 
 from treating with any other nation for commercial advantages 
 except on the basis of entire free trade, or for customs and ex- 
 cise duties, uniform as against its own and British subjects in 
 those articles that are exported from the Empire ; but I venture 
 to say, as Mr. Stephen Bourne has proved,* that the British 
 Empire is, in trade matters, more nearly independent of all the 
 other nations in the world than any other nation is of the British 
 Empire. 
 
 The chief objections to this policy, from the English point of 
 view, are that it would involve a tax on the food of the people,, 
 and would injuriously affect their carrying trade with and be- 
 tween foreign nations. The first of these objections will cer- 
 tainly be made to do duty to the utmost by those who regard 
 free trade as something sacred — who will not admit that econ- 
 omic policy should be made subordinate to the general policy of 
 the realm ; by those who will not hesitate, even in the consider- 
 ation of a great Imperial question, to set class against class, and 
 endeavour to raise prejudices against a system on the ground 
 that it may incidentally benefit some of iheir fellow subjects in a 
 greater degree than others. I sincerely trust that this may not 
 be the spirit that it will be regarded in by the people at large. 
 I hope that the British nation will rise to the higher view of the 
 Imperial advantage of producing a feeling of common interest 
 throughout the length and breadth of the realm, and of getting 
 the Colonies to share the expenses as well as the responsibilities 
 of Imperial relations. And if we do not shut the door to the 
 ultimate adoption by this Empire and by all other nations of 
 true and universal free trade, if we even point out the means 
 by which this can be secured, we really pursue a policy that even 
 Free Traders should heartily accept. 
 
 I will, however, endeavour to meet the honest and consistent 
 
 * In a paper read before the British Association at its meeting in Mont- 
 real in 1885, entitled "The Interdependence of the Countries of the British 
 Empire " 
 
53 
 
 free traders in the fairest spirit. I am myself a believer in 
 free trade, though the question of the integrity of the Empire, 
 and the shaping of our policy so as to render it perpetual, seems 
 to me so much greater and wider that I think concessions should 
 be made in this matter, if it can be shown that it will be likely 
 to lead to the realization of the great Imperial object we have in 
 view. I am not going to contend that it will cost the people 
 nothing ; but I will try to estimate, first, how much it will cost, 
 and then, secondly, whether the loss will not be more than com- 
 pensated for by both commercial and national advantages that 
 will accompany it, and whether it will not be a small price to 
 pay for the object of consolidating our world-wide Empire. 
 
 As, however, I do not propose to tax raw materials produced 
 chiefly in foreign countries, and as I do not believe that people 
 will seriously object to a slight increase in the price of high-class 
 foreign manufactured goods or luxuries, I shall consider, first, 
 the question of the effect on the price of food ; and, secondly, 
 the effect on re-export or transient trade. 
 
 TAXES UPON FOOD. 
 
 Respecting the price of food, we find that the average prices 
 of wheat, since 1869, have been as follows (Whitaker's Almanac, 
 1887, p. 546.) :— 
 
 1869-73 53s. 6d. 
 
 1874-78 50S. id. 
 
 1879-83 44s. od. 
 
 1884 35s- gd. 
 
 1885 33s- «d. 
 
 It must first be borne in mind that any advance in price 
 would really be temporary, until such time, namely, as it took 
 for the Colonies to produce a sufficient quantity for the defi- 
 ciency in the supply of the Mother Country. I will show, further 
 on, that the Colonies have facilities for doing this. It may take 
 some little time to work up to it, though by means of the policy 
 now advocated this time might be very much shortened. Look- 
 ing at it, however, from the present point of view : If we were 
 to add a duty equivalent to ten per cent., say 3s. 4d. a quarter, 
 to the last price given above, it would make the price during the 
 last year 37s, which is still very much below the average price 
 since 1869. It is not at all certain that there would be even 
 this increase in price, or decrease in size of loaf, to the con- 
 
54 
 
 sumer. For the difference might be largely paid by tlie middle 
 man, the importer or the provision merchant; and the latter 
 might bear his proportion without complaint, if the imposition of 
 a duty on wheat were accompanied by a repeal or reduction of 
 the duties on tea, coffee and fruits, so as to readjust his profits. 
 But without discussing further on whom in particular the loss 
 would fall, let us try to arrive at some idea of what the differ- 
 ence would be to the English people as a whole. If duties were 
 levied on all food products generally, there are two classes into 
 which, in order to arrive at an estimate of the proportion of the 
 advance of duty that would be paid by the English people, we 
 should have to divide them ; namely, those articles which are 
 largely produced at home, as well as imported from the Colonies 
 and from foreign countries, and those in which the competition 
 would be between the Colonies and foreign countries alone. I 
 shall also separate spirits, wines and tobacco, as commodities 
 that are fit subjects for taxation on other grounds, and will 
 divide the remaining food products into two classes. First, the 
 produce of the temperate zone, in v/hich, therefore, the home 
 producer is a competitor ; and, second, tropical produce, includ- 
 ing rice, tea, coffee, sugar, spice, raisins and currants. 
 
 I. Produce of temperate zone. 
 
 In the Appendix, Tables VI. to X. inclusive, are given detailed 
 statistics showing how the following conclusions are reached. 
 
 The following is a resume of the products of the temperate 
 zone, grown and imported in 1885: — 
 
 TABLE XI. 
 (In £ stg. ooo's omitted). 
 
 Articles. 
 
 Home 
 grown. 
 
 Colonial. 
 
 United 
 British 
 
 % 
 
 Wheat and flour 
 
 19,318 
 27.516 
 
 40,309 
 70,377 
 13.500 
 
 7.684 
 778 
 
 445 
 3.529 
 1,400 
 
 27,002 
 28,294 
 
 40,754 
 73,906 
 14,900 
 
 50.90 
 73.80 
 99-32 
 78.29 
 51-15 
 
 Other grains, etc 
 
 Potatoes 
 
 Animals and meat 
 
 Butter and cheese 
 
 
 Maize, etc 
 
 171,020 
 
 13.836 
 254 
 
 184,856 
 254 
 
 72.23 
 2.90 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 171,020 
 
 14,090 
 
 185,110 
 
 70% 
 
 
05 
 
 Continued. 
 
 Articles. 
 
 Wheat and flour . 
 Other grains, etc. 
 
 Potatoes 
 
 Animals and meat 
 Butter and cheese 
 
 Maize, etc 
 
 Totals 
 
 Foreign. 
 
 26,051 
 10.033 
 
 281 
 20,484 
 14.231 
 
 % 
 
 Total Con- 
 sumption. 
 
 Of which 
 Import. 
 
 49.10 
 26.20 
 0.68 
 21.71 
 48.85 
 
 71,080 27.77 
 8,454 I 97.10 
 
 53.053 
 38,330 
 41.035 
 94.390 
 29.131 
 
 255,939 
 8,710 
 
 79.534 i 30% 264.649 
 
 33.735 
 10,814 
 
 72'' 
 23.990 
 15.632 
 
 84,898 
 8,710 
 
 93,608 
 
 Rice and sago have been included among the articles of 
 tropical produce (Table XIII. post), but I subjoin their amounts, 
 in case it should be desired to consider all the cereals together. 
 
 Rice iiiid S.ijjo. Per cent . 
 
 From British Countries ;^i,985,ooo 83.86 
 
 From Foreign Countries 382,000 16.14 
 
 /2, 367,000 100% 
 
 Adding these to the above figures makes the total of — 
 
 British producei ;^i87,o95,ooo 
 
 Foreign produce 79,916,000 
 
 ;^267 ,01 6,000 
 The percentage is hardly altered. 
 
 It appears by the above figures that the articles in which 
 there is the greatest deficiency in the home production are 
 wheat and butter and cheese. Now it is precisely these that 
 some of the Colonies are in the very best position to produce. 
 
 The agricultural districts of the eastern provinces of Canada, 
 from Prince Edward Island to Ontario, are one gigantic dairy 
 farm, capable of producing an unlimited quantity of all sorts of 
 dairy produce. 
 
 As for wheat, according to Major Craigie's paper on the 
 Statistics of Agricultural Production, published in the Statistical 
 Society's Journal, 1883, p. 17, it appears that during the ten 
 years, from 1872 to 1881, the cultivated area of the United 
 Kingdom was 47,291,000 acres, of which twenty-four per cent, 
 was devoted to the growth of corn. 
 
.•^6 
 
 Tlius, of the cultivated area there were, in — 
 
 Wheat 3,164,000 acres or 7. i per cent. 
 
 Barley 2,452,000 ,. ,,5-7 
 
 Oats 4,243,000 ,, ,, 8.8 ,, 
 
 The yield in 1882 was: — 
 
 TABLE XII. 
 (*ooo's omitted.) 
 
 Acres.* 
 
 Bushels 
 per acre. 
 
 Wheat ; 3,164 
 
 Barley 2,452 
 
 Oats 4,245 
 
 Bushels. * Quarters* 
 
 26.5 
 33.2 
 41-5 
 
 83,920 
 
 81,272 
 
 176,240 
 
 10,490 
 10,159 
 22.030 
 
 Lbs. to 
 qr. 
 
 480 
 400 
 320 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 44,960 
 36,277 
 62,939 
 
 The grain areas of Manitoba and the Western Territories of 
 Canada are estimated by the department of Agriculture at over 
 200,000,000 acres, being fully four times the total cultivated 
 area of the United Kingdom. But for lack of people there is 
 but a small fraction of this cultivated. According to the census 
 of 1885-86 the acreage under cultivation was, in Manitoba, 
 Assiniboia, Saskatchewan and Alberta : — 
 
 Wheat 430,990 acres. 
 
 Barley 58,381 " 
 
 Oats 181,621 
 
 Potatoes 12,241 " 
 
 Cultivated Hay 8,910 " . 
 
 or less than 700,000 acres in all. 
 
 There was also a considerable quantity of rye, peas, beans, 
 flax seed, turnips and other roots, and prairie hay, produced. 
 
 The gross surplus of wheat at present available for export 
 is somewhat difficult to estimate, but already consists of millions 
 of bushels, while none at all was exported up to 1885 from that 
 part of the country, and less than 2,000,000 bushels from all 
 Canada. 
 
 That country, though pretty far to the north, is the best 
 wheat district in North America. Just as in Scotland the 
 average of bushels to the acre is larger than in any other part 
 of the United Kingdom, being, according to Major Craigie, 
 31.6, while the average in England is 24.9; so, and even in a 
 
f)7 
 
 greater degree, is the superiority of the western territories of 
 Canada over the western states of the United States, very 
 marked. This is due partly to the fact that although farther 
 north the land is not so elevated or so exposed, and partly to 
 the circumstance that being nearer the north there are in summer 
 several hours a day more sunlight than in more southerly dis- 
 tricts. The quality of Manitoba wheat is also higher than that 
 of any other country. 
 
 The adaptability of that country for the growth of cereals can 
 be abundantly demonstrated, but I shall content myself with 
 making a short extract from an official report relating to the dis- 
 trict around Brandon, Manitoba, for 1887: — 
 
 " The crops of Manitoba the past season eclipsed those of 
 every other province in the Dominion. The yield exceeded all 
 former years, and I believe has never been equalled on this 
 continent. Farmers themselves are surprised at the excess of 
 yield over their estimate. 
 
 " A few of the threshing returns may be of interest : — 
 
 Bushels 
 per acre. 
 
 Mr. Richard Tapp, near Virden , 
 
 ' ' Youngsouth of Oat River . , 
 
 " Isaac Edwards, Birtle , 
 
 " Seinkbiel, Kenmay 
 
 " Samuel Hana, Griswold 
 
 " T. Wood, north of Virden 
 
 " E. Graham, eight miles west of Rapid 
 City 
 
 Wheat 
 
 Yield 
 
 acres. 
 
 bushels. 
 
 15 
 
 900 
 
 56 
 
 3.075 
 
 ' 2 
 
 114 
 
 45 
 
 2,610 
 
 225 
 
 10,360 1 
 
 1 5 
 
 315 
 
 2i 
 
 165 
 
 51 
 
 55 
 57 
 58 
 46 
 
 63 
 66 
 
 " These are a few of the heaviest yields, but it is rare to find 
 a farmer having less than 25 bushels per acre, while a large 
 majority run from 30 to 40 pushels per acre, making an average 
 of not less than 35 bushels per acre, while oats averaged 45 
 bushels and barley 35 bushels per acre. 
 
 " The root crops, too, were magnificent, with ordinary field 
 culture. For instance, A. Marion, a half-breed of Oak Lake, 
 had cabbages 27 inches m diameter which weighed 37 lbs., and 
 Mr. Lang, of the same place, had potatoes 3 lbs., beets 18 lbs., 
 and turnips 20 lbs., each." 
 
 These lands are offered free to bona fide settlers in farms of 
 160 and 320 acres, and the people of Canada have, at enormous 
 
ft8 
 
 expense, provideil tlu-m with railway facilities and water trans- 
 port unequalled in the world, so that the produce can be easily 
 transported to the sea-hoard at reasonable rates of freight. 
 
 Up to the present. However, this country has not received its 
 due proportion of immigrants, owing undoubtedly to the general 
 impression that a northerly must be a cold climate, and that 
 there were no exceptionally favourable circumstances generally 
 known to intending emigrants. But if it should be known that 
 farmers north of the boundary line, in the British Empire, were 
 to receive a preference for their produce over those in the foreign 
 country to the south, this would itself contribute largely towards 
 turning the tide of emigration into that country. If a policy 
 could be adopted by the Mother Country, which would induce 
 her surplus population to prefer the Canadian Provinces and 
 Territories, by giving a preference to their wheat in the English 
 market, the production of wheat in that country could easily be 
 made to amount to double the present production of the United 
 Kingdom. Canada alone, therefore, has territory enough, and 
 transporting facilities enough, to supply the greater part, if not 
 . the whole of the deficiency that would exist in the markets of 
 the Mother Country, if the whole of the foreign supply were cut 
 off. Many parts of Australia and New Zealand have immense 
 tracts of land suitable for production of wheat and other grains, 
 which countries like Canada need only people to make them 
 f)roductive, not to speak of the imfnense supply that can be 
 ' obtained from India and Ceylon. 
 
 All of these countries will certainiy be opened up ; it may be 
 slowly, or it may be rapidly ; but if the people can be made to 
 see that their development is promoted directly by the Mother 
 Country, they will gladly remain in a partnership for foreign 
 affairs, and will pay their share of maintaining Imperial defence 
 and power — a share that will necessarily increase with their 
 growth as nations. And the fact that there are so many British 
 competitors will afford a guarantee that the price shall not be 
 kept up to an unreasonable figure. 
 
 But if the Mother Country callously leaves them to de" n 
 themselves, while she continues to buy her supply from foi a 
 countries — countries that retain hostile tariffs against her — the 
 people of those Colonies will be very apt to fail to see any par- 
 ticular advantage in their remaining within the British Empire. 
 To such people it is no matter to evoke a warm attachment, 
 
.'.9 
 
 I 
 
 that England is supposed to be cxpcndinfj money for tlieir de- 
 fence. They do not feel that they need any particular defence, 
 and would rather be inclined to consider such money thrown 
 away; but if you can improve their tiade or agriculture, if you 
 can increase their facilities for communication, commercial, 
 postal and telegraphic, with the rest of the world, you will gain 
 a warm feeling of attachment on the part of their people, which 
 will be invaluable in reorganizing the Empire upon a solid basis, 
 and in inducmg every part to contribute proportionately for 
 the maintenance of its defensive forces. 
 
 Of course, when a suggestion is made that England should 
 pursue a policy that would tend to be beneficial, say, to Canada, 
 it is made a matter of reproach to tlie latter country 
 that she has adopted a protective policy against the Mother 
 Country. But this is an unfair criticism. Canada, among 
 protectionist Colonies, is perhaps the greatest sinner, but she 
 has certainly never discriminated against the Mother Coun- 
 try ; and so long as England treats her exactly as foreign 
 nations, she cannot be surprised at Canada consulting her own 
 interest alone, and levying duties on English as well as on 
 foreign produce : more particularly, as England expressly pro- 
 hibits discrimination in favour of English and other British pro- 
 duce, and even embodies the prohibition in treaties with foreign 
 nations. There might be cause of complaint if Canada treated 
 any other country better than the Mother Country, but she does 
 not. It is not true, therefore, that Canada has treated England 
 unfairly ; the only fair way to regard her position is to compare 
 it with that of the United States. I have never thought a pro- 
 tective policy beneficial to Canada, but I cannot be surprised at 
 its being popular in a country contiguous for its whole length to 
 the United States, which has adopted and preserved and pros- 
 pered under the highest tariff known among the nations. But I 
 call attention to the difference in the tariffs of the two countries 
 given in a latter part of this paper. Moreover, Canada is, and 
 always has been perfectly willing to lower her tariff in favour of 
 England as compared with foreign countries, provided England 
 will give her correspondingly better terms in her markets than 
 she gives to foreign nations. Indeed, I go further, and say I 
 believe that in such a case Canada could easily be induced, in 
 addit")n, to assume her share of Imperial expenses, if that were 
 part the scheme. 
 
•,ip. 
 
 liflM 
 
 60 
 
 The tables above given cover pretty nearly all the ordinary 
 articles of imported food grown in the temperate zones ; they 
 ■cover the principal articles in which the home production is a 
 very important element. If seventy per cent, of the breadstuffs, 
 meat, and other farm, produce is now actually supplied from 
 within the Empire, and thirty per cent, from foreign countries, 
 what would be the effect of an imposition of a duty on foreign 
 food ? The foreigners are as directly interested in selling the 
 quantity they supply, as the people of the United Kingdom are 
 in buying it. In order to keep a share of the trade, the foreigner 
 must pay part of the duty. It is impossible to fix what propor- 
 tion would be paid by each, but it is fair to assume that it would 
 be in inverse ratio to the quantity they now supply. Therefore 
 I believe that if a small revenue duty were imposed, fhe foreigner 
 would pay on the above articles, on an average, seventy per cent, 
 of the duty, and the English middleman and consumer, between 
 them, thirty per cent. It is true that this thirty pei cent, would 
 probably be paid on the home and colonial produce, as well as 
 on the foreign, so that an advance all round would take place to 
 the extent of three-tenths of the amount of the duty ; if the 
 duty were ten per cent., an advance in price would take place 
 to the extent of three per cent. This would be equivalent to 
 the whole of the duty being paid by ^he people of the 
 Mother Country, but on the imported alone, and not on the 
 home grown article. The offset in this case would be the 
 amount that would be assumed by the Colonies of the expense 
 of Imperial defence, which is now entirely borne by the 
 Mother Country. 
 
 With regard to articles which are not produced by the Mother 
 Country, the amount paid by the consumer would be less than 
 the rate imposed, because competition between the Colonies and 
 foreign countries would force the foreigners to pay a portion of 
 the duty, and therefoie the advance would bs less than its full 
 amount. 
 
 Table XIII. in the Appendix, entitled " Tropical Produce," 
 is a statement for 1885 of the imports of articles of food in 
 which the Mother Country is not to any considerable extent a 
 producer. 
 
 The amount of these, which consist principally of rice, fruits 
 and sugars among articles free of duty, and of tea, coffee, cocoa 
 and other fruits subject to duty, is : — 
 
 T 
 C 
 P 
 
 C( 
 
 ei 
 tl 
 ^^ 
 n 
 
 P 
 a 
 
 d 
 
61 
 
 Articles free of duty : 
 
 From British countries /6, 565,000^ 
 
 From foreign countries 20,422,000 
 
 Together ;f 26,993,000 
 
 Articles subject to duty : 
 
 From British countries /6,664,00a 
 
 From foreign countries 10,992,000 
 
 Together /i7,658 000 
 
 Totals of tropical produce, articles enumerated : 
 
 From British countries ;^i3, 229,000 
 
 From foreign countries 31,414,000 
 
 Grand total ;f 44, 651, 000 
 
 Maize and certain other cereals were entered in the first list,. 
 Table VII., although they are not produced in the Mother 
 Country, the reason being that they are used for the same pur- 
 poses as other cereals that are, and therefore go directly into 
 competition with them. With regard to tropical produce gen- 
 erally, competition between foreigners and the Colonies will force 
 the former to pay a portion of the duty in order to retain trade 
 which would otherwise be very largely transferred to the Colo- 
 nies, to their detriment. I will again assume that the portion 
 paid by the foreigner would be in inverse proportion to the 
 amount of the goods he now supplies, say twenty per cent. If a 
 duty often per cent, were imposed, two per cent, would be paid 
 by the foreigner, the remaining eight per cent, would stimulate 
 production among the Colonies, and the Imperial treasury would 
 have the benefit of the whole ten per cent, in addition to the 
 contributions made to the Imperial expenses by the Colonies, 
 and the advance in price to the consumer would only be to the 
 extent of eight per cent, on the import. 
 
 The next class of articles that are usually classed as food, 
 but that are of a totally distinct class from those mentioned, are 
 spirits, wine, liquors and tobacco. 
 
62 
 
 The import of these in 1885 was as follows : 
 
 TABLE XIV. 
 {£ stg., ooo's omitted.) 
 
 Beer and ale 
 
 Spirits 
 
 Wine 
 
 ToLiacco ... 
 
 Totals . , 
 
 From British | From Foreign 
 countries. countries 
 
 506 
 48 
 88 
 
 642 
 
 59 
 1,622 
 
 5.078 
 
 3.755 
 
 10,514 
 
 Total. 
 
 60 
 2,131 
 5.126 
 3.845 
 
 11,162 
 
 I have no particular comment to make on these, except that 
 they should be treated as luxuries, and taxed in the manner that 
 will contribute best to promote the welfare of the state, being 
 made subservient, if necessary, to the binding together of the 
 different parts of the realm. 
 
 In a general way we may conclude with regard to taxes on 
 food by saying : — 
 
 I St. That on the first class above mentioned, the probability 
 is that the whole tax, but on the import alone, will be paid by 
 the English people. The benefit will be divided between the 
 agricultural class of the Mother Country and the inhabitants of 
 the Colonies. 
 
 and. On the second class, while the Colonies would be 
 benefited also, the whole of the tax will not be paid by the 
 people of the Mother Country : a portion must be borne by the 
 foreigner, compelled thereto by the competition of the Colonies ; 
 and this competition would be more and more keen as the 
 development of the Colonies went on. 
 
 3rd. The Imperial revenue would benefit by the whole 
 amount of the taxes, as well that portion paid by the foreigner 
 as that paid by the home consumer ; and the Mother Country 
 would therefore be able to reduce other taxes now paid by the 
 consumer on other food products, or would be relieved of the 
 interest on part of the national debt by paying off" the capital. 
 
 4th. The consumers would be very largely benefited by 
 reduction of their taxation in consequence of the Colonies 
 assuming a portion of the expense of Imperial defence, now 
 
63 
 
 entirely paid by the people of the Mother Country, and this 
 benefit would also be a growing one as the Colonies became 
 wealthier and more developed communities. 
 
 RAW MATERIALS. 
 
 As my proposal has been to impose duties on such raw 
 materials of manufactures as can easily be produced in sufficient 
 quantities within the Empire to sustain existing manufactures, 
 a list is given in the Appendix, Table XV., of the articles that seem 
 to come within this categoiy. 
 
 Raw materials that on this scheme would be made subject 
 to duty, are, for the most part, those that appear in the trade 
 tables, as coming chiefly from British countries, but in a few 
 cases where I know from other sources of information, tliat the 
 colonies are in a position to fully supply the home markets, I 
 have included such items in the list. 
 
 The totals in Table XV. are : 
 
 From British Countries ^■46,990,000 
 
 Foreign " 26,284.000 
 
 Together /73.275.000 
 
 All other raw materials are intended to be free of duty. A 
 list of these also is given in the Appendix, Table XVI. 
 The totals in this Table are : 
 
 From British Countries £ 6,262,000 
 
 Foreign " 80,277,000 
 
 Together ;f 86,555,000 
 
 These two lists of raw materials amount together to : 
 
 From British Countries ^53, 252,000 
 
 " Foreign ' 106,^1,000 
 
 Total ;f 159,830,000 
 
 They are drawn up of course only to illustrate the principle. 
 The particular articles coming under each class would be deter- 
 mined after an investigation by a Committee of Parliament. 
 
 The last list. Table XVII. in the Appendix, is of articles 
 chiefly manufactured, which it is also proposed should be subject 
 to duty, the object really being to charge the duty upon all 
 articles of every kind imported from foreign countries ; the excep- 
 tion being made of raw materials not fully supplied within the 
 Empire, simply in the interest of manufactures already estab- 
 
64 
 
 lished or capable of being established. The division into the 
 several classes is made because it might be thought advisable to 
 impose a higher rate of duty upon manufactures and luxuries 
 than upon food and raw materials. 
 
 The following table is a recapitulation of the several lists of 
 imports into the United Kingdom, 1885, above referred to: — 
 
 TABLE XVIII. 
 
 
 From 
 
 British 
 
 countries 
 
 From 
 
 Foreign 
 
 countries 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 Table XI. Food Produce of Temperate Zone . 
 ■' XIII. " " Tropics 
 
 /1S.035 
 13.229 
 
 /88,253 
 31.414 
 
 ^103,272 
 44.651 
 
 Total food 
 
 28,264 
 642 
 
 119,667 
 10,514 
 
 26,284 
 80.277 
 
 147.923 
 11,162 
 
 " XIV. Spirits, wines and tobacco 
 
 XV. Raw materials, chiefly British 
 
 " XVI. " " chiefly foreign 
 
 46,990 
 6,262 
 
 73.275 
 86,555 
 
 Raw materials total 
 
 53.252 
 2,097 
 
 106,561 
 49,634 
 
 159.830 
 5^747 
 
 " XVII. Manufactures, etc 
 
 Grand totals 
 
 ^84.255 
 
 ^286,376 
 
 ^'370,662 
 
 The Imports given in the Import 
 Tables being* 
 
 /84,4oi 
 
 ^286,566 
 
 ;f370,955 
 
 RE-EXPORT TRADE. 
 
 We have now to consider the effect such a policy would 
 have upon the trade of the Mother Country. 
 
 With regard to manufactures, and such other goods now 
 imported, as would, under the policy advocated be produced in 
 the United Kingdom itself, it is manifest that there would be a 
 slight diminution of external, and a corresponding increase of 
 internal trade. These two would very largely balance one 
 another, and with respect to them I do not think it will be pre- 
 tended that there would be any serious injury to trade generally. 
 
 It is said to be otherwise with jgard to those articles that 
 are now imported from one country and exported to another — 
 what is known as re-export or transient trade. 
 
 *Thi- difference is jirinripally due to the fractional thousands being left out in the 
 above, which in the additions of a large number of articles makes a discrepancy. The same 
 explanation accounts for an occasional difference between the sum of the first two columns 
 and the third column in the above tables. 
 
65 
 
 The first thing that we require to know about this is, what 
 it amounts to at the present time. We have seen the amounts 
 of the imports into the United Kingdom m 1885 of the several 
 classes of goods. The re-exports, that is the exports of foreign 
 and colonial produce, amounted in 1885 to £"58,359,194. Of 
 the greater part of these, tables can easily be prepared, dividing 
 them into the classes above given for imports. The following 
 table shows the total amounts of imports and of the re-exports 
 of each of the classes given. These might be given in as great 
 detail as the imports themselves, but it may suffice to give the 
 the totals, which are as follows : — 
 
 TABLE XIX. 
 (£, ooo's omitted.) 
 
 
 Total im- 
 port. 
 
 Net home 
 
 consump. 
 
 tion. 
 
 Re-export. 
 
 Food 
 
 /147.923 
 11,162 
 
 73.275 
 86.555 
 51.747 
 
 ;fi36,464 
 
 9,614 
 
 47.366 
 
 74.192 
 
 44.939 
 
 /".459 
 
 1.548 
 
 25.909 
 
 12,363 
 
 6 808 
 
 Soirits. wine and tobacco 
 
 Raw materials, chieflv British 
 
 Raw materials, chiefly foreign 
 
 Manufactured and other articles 
 
 
 
 
 ;^37o,662 
 
 /312.575 
 
 ;f 58,087 
 
 I have no means of knowing how much of these re-exports 
 are of colonial, and how much of foreign produce, but it may 
 be presumed that the proportion was the same as the imports of 
 the same articles. Assuming this to be the case, the following 
 shows the proportion of the re-export trade chiefly of foreign, 
 and the proportion chiefly of British, goods : — 
 
 TABLE XX. 
 (In £, ooo's omitted.) 
 
 
 
 
 Imports from 
 
 British 
 
 countries. 
 
 Estimated 
 
 home 
 
 consumption 
 
 Estimated 
 
 re-export of 
 
 British. 
 
 Food 
 
 ^28.264 
 
 642 
 
 46,990 
 
 6,262 
 
 2.097 
 
 /25,9io 
 
 544 
 
 30,513 
 
 5.303 
 
 1,800 
 
 ;^2,354 
 98 
 
 16,477 
 959 
 297 
 
 Spirits, wines and tobacco 
 
 Raw materials, chiefly British 
 
 Raw materials, chiefly foreign 
 
 Manufactures etc 
 
 
 
 /84.255 
 
 ^64,070 
 
 ^20,185 
 
lift 
 
 Kir 
 
 n >, 
 
 m 
 
 66 
 
 Continued, 
 
 
 Imports from 
 
 Foreign 
 
 countries. 
 
 Estimated 
 
 home 
 
 consumption 
 
 Estimated 
 
 re-export of 
 
 Foreign. 
 
 Food 
 
 Spirits, wines and tobacco 
 
 Raw materials chiefly British 
 
 Raw materials chiefly foreign 
 
 Manufactures, etc 
 
 /i 19,667 
 
 10.514 
 26,284 
 80,277 
 49.634 
 
 /iio,562 
 
 9,064 
 
 16,862 
 
 68,873 
 
 43.113 
 
 /248.474 
 
 /9.105 
 1.450 
 9,422 
 
 11.404 
 6,521 
 
 
 
 /286,376 
 
 /37.902 
 
 The amount of re-exports which may be assumed to be of 
 foreign produce was, therefore, in 1885, £37,902,000. From 
 this has to be deducted £"11,404,000 which would still 
 remain free of duty. The remainder, £26,498,000, is what would 
 be affected by the proposed policy. It forms about four per 
 cent, of the total trade for the year (1885) which was: — 
 
 Imports ^370,967 ,000 
 
 Exports 271,403,000 
 
 Total trade ^642, 371,000 
 
 This amount of trade, £26,498,000, might be affected in this 
 way : these goods, if intended for re-export, would have to be 
 entered in bond — which would certainly be an inconvenience, 
 but not an insurmountable obstacle. There need be no difficul- 
 ties put in the way of such operations. The perfection of ad- 
 ministration that has been reached in the Mother Country at 
 the present time, would enable the officials to reduce the bond- 
 ing difficulties to a minimum. 
 
 Possibly, however, a certain proportion of this trade may 
 arise from the fact that foreign goods are admitted free into the 
 English market, not with the direct intention of re-exportmg 
 them, but because it is a free trade country. The answer I 
 would make to this is: In spite of Free Trade, it is natural to 
 expect this branch of trade to decrease. It is getting more and 
 more evident that middle men and middle countries can be dis- 
 pensed with. Foreign nations are opening up direct communi- 
 cation with one another, and even with British Colonies, and it 
 is only in the natural course of things that this trade must decay. 
 Our whole contention is based upon this idea : that it will be 
 better to promote direct trade between countries of dissimilar 
 
67 
 
 products, and having common political aspirations, than to de- 
 pend upon the precarious profits of trade with countries, on 
 whose policy, whether commercial or political, our Empire can 
 exert no mfluence. The probability is that it will be more 
 profitable for the United Kingdom to open up direct trade be- 
 tween the several countries of the Empire, subject to the least 
 possible restrictions, than to consume effort and capital in en- 
 deavouring to retain a transient trade, which may have a certain 
 value in itself, but which must rapidly disappear, chiefly for this 
 reason : that, outside of the British Empire, there are few coun- 
 tries in the world of very great importance to be opened up as 
 new countries. The British Colonies are themselves the coun- 
 tries in which the largest hopes for direct trade can be expected, 
 and intra-Imperial trade is well worth developing. 
 
 Nevertheless, there does not seem any great probability that 
 the foreign trade would be much diminished, either in amount 
 or in profit, by goods being entered in bond, which would be the 
 chief difference between the proposed and the present state of 
 affairs. 
 
 By the policy we are advocating, moreover, England will be- 
 come more and more the emporium for the interchange of the 
 products of this great Empire, and foreign merchants will all 
 continue to flock to London for the purchase of the productions 
 of the British Empire, which are an absolute necessity to them 
 — the British Empire, taken as a whole, being more nearly self- 
 sustaining than any other country in the world ; and there being 
 no country that is not largely dependent upon it for its foreign 
 supplies. 
 
 REVENUE. 
 
 The Revenue that would be collected in the United King- 
 dom by taxation, on the basis of the trade of 1885, would be 
 somewhat as follows: — 
 
 The total foreign imports for consumption in that year 
 amounted, as we have seen, to £248,474,000, of which £^68,- 
 873,000 is raw materials, chiefly foreign, which it is proposed to 
 continue free of duty, leaving £179,601,000 of dutiable goods. 
 From this amount there would probably be a reduction by a 
 transference of trade to British countries, whether the Mother 
 Country or the Colonies, the amount of which it is impossible 
 accurately to foresee ; it would, no doubt, be different in the 
 
68 
 
 t^M' 
 
 dUTerent classes, but it is not probable that, for some time, it 
 would exceed lo per cent, of the amount. Deductinj,' this, 
 namely, £17,960,000, would leave £161,641,000. If a rate of 
 duty averaging 10 per cent, were adopted, the revenue would 
 be £i6,i64.,ioo. 
 
 If such duties were imposed there could be a reduction to 
 this extent in the present taxation of the United Kingdom, or 
 else an amount equivalent to this, out of its other taxes, could be 
 appropriated to the reduction of the national debt, as is being 
 done in the United States, because I think the product of this 
 particular tax should go into the Imperial Exchequer. 
 
 The next point to examine is how this tax would operate on 
 the revenues of the Colonies. I have not the material for work- 
 ing it out as regards the other Colonies, but I can give an 
 estimate for Canada. 
 
 The imports from foreign countries alone into Canada in 1885 
 were : — 
 
 Free 1>i8, 120,000 
 
 Dutiable 40,761 ,000 
 
 Total »58,88i ,000 
 
 These I have attempted to divide into the five classes above 
 mentioned for the United Kingdom, and leaving out those 
 included as raw materials, not readily produced in sufficient 
 quantities in the Empire, the other classes are as follows : — 
 
 TABLE XXI. 
 (In $, ooo's omitted). 
 
 Foreign Import of: 
 
 I Total. 
 
 Articles of Food 
 
 Spirits, Wines, Tobacco 
 
 Raw Materials, chiefly British ' 4,485 
 
 Articles, chiefly Manufactures 
 
 Totals ^9,040 ; 929,876 I $38,916 
 
 *2,299 
 
 »i3.o65 
 
 • 15.364 
 
 1.428 
 
 1.497 
 
 2.925 
 
 4.485 
 
 905 
 
 5.390 
 
 828 
 
 14 409 
 
 15.237 
 
 This amount, $38,916,000, at 10 per cent, duty, would give a 
 revenue of $3,891,600, equal to about £800,000. In this case I 
 do not make any allowance for diminished import, because 
 
69 
 
 I believe the increased consumption consequent upon a rapidly 
 increasing population, would more than counterbalance the 
 decreased importation per head from foreign countries. 
 
 If the ;^2oo,ooo now expended by Canada upon objects that 
 would probably be undertaken by the Imperial Parliament be 
 added to this, it would make the amount £i,coo,ooo, which will 
 be near about Canada's share of her contribution to Imperial 
 expenditure. Now this lo per cent. Imperial Tariff could be 
 levied either by an increase of duty as against foreign countries, 
 or by a decrease of the duty as against the other countries of 
 the British Empire. In any event it would no doubt affect the 
 revenue-producing power of the taxes already imposed. It 
 would be quite possible for the increased revenue to be collected 
 by a simple readjustment of the Customs duties ; but as in the 
 opinion of many this is not the best form of tax, and as the time 
 may be hoped for when Customs duties may be very materially 
 reduced, both within the Empire and against outside nations, it 
 is worth while calling attention to some forms in which the 
 Government of Canada could reduce their Customs duties and 
 replace them by taxes more in conformity with economic 
 principles. 
 
 As bearing upon the possibility of an income tax it may be 
 mentioned that at the time of the last census, 1881, there were 
 in Canada 1,390,604 persons engaged in profitable occupations. 
 In another table there are given 753,017 as occupying houses. 
 There seem, therefore, to have been about 1,000,000 persons who 
 could pay a small income tax. And while such a tax levied at a 
 high rate would be liable to evasion and fraud, there does not seem 
 to be any very good reason why it should not be adopted at a 
 low rate, as supplementary to other taxes. In the United 
 Kingdom the rate is 8d. in the £ ( = to 3^%), incomes under ^150, 
 or $750, free. In 1884 the rate was 6d. in the £ ( = to 2^%), and 
 the amount it yielded was £11,922,770 (= $55,000,000), or $1.60 
 per head of the whole population of the United Kingdom. In 
 Canada an income tax averaging ocp dollar per head of those 
 engaged in profitable occupations, or twenty cents per head of 
 the whole population, would yield $1,000,000. If this were 
 introduced, and the principle adopted in Canada as well as in 
 England, of making the Senate or Upper House elective, every 
 man receiving one vote for every dollar of direct taxes he paid, it 
 would enable Parliament to reduce the Customs tariff as against 
 
70 
 
 m 
 
 the other countries of the British Empire lo per cent, below the 
 rate charged to foreigners, instead of advancing the rate lo per 
 cent, against foreigners. 
 
 But there is a very serious difficulty in the way of imposing an 
 income tax in Canada. There is none imposed by the central 
 government in the United States, and it would be hazardous for 
 a public man in Canada to propose any policy that would even 
 have an appearance of putting our people in a less advantageous 
 position then the people of the United States, while we are com- 
 peting with them for intending emigrants from other countries. 
 
 If that consideration is found to be so powerful as to over- 
 ride the real economical advantages of such a tax, then we shall 
 have to look in another direction. Possibly, as already stated, 
 it could be found in a readjustment ofjthe present Customs 
 tariff. The revenue could probably be increased by lowering 
 the rate of duty now imposed on certain goods imported from 
 within the Empire. This would not necessarily be at the 
 expense of the manufacturers, or rather they would be more 
 than compensated for it by the certainty of a greatly increased 
 consumption, resulting from the direction that would be given 
 to emigration from the United Kingdom, which would more than 
 suffice to give even larger employment to the Canadian factories 
 already established, as well as to ensure a large increase in the 
 consumption of imported goods. 
 
 But if this were found insufficient (and in the writer's opinion 
 this is a policy that recommends itself on other grounds as well, 
 as tending more directly to a sound system of finance), Canada 
 could impose on certain articles an excise duty equivalent to the 
 Customs duty levied on the same articles imported from within 
 the Empire, or if not equivalent, at a somewhat lower rate than 
 the import duty. The Government would have to select such 
 articles as could most easily bear the tax, and the consumption 
 of which would be sufficient to guarantee the necessary revenue. 
 
 Pending the full establishment of an Imperial system of rais- 
 ing revenue, the amounts derived from the Imperial Customs 
 duty in any country, might, if deficient, be supplemented by 
 votes from its Dominion or National Parliament (including that 
 of the United Kingdom) but only as a temporary expedient, for 
 33 that would be essentially a precarious method, it should be 
 rolied upon only until other species of taxation had been thor- 
 oughly discussed in Parliament with its colonial representatives. 
 
71 
 
 Furthermore, if the Imperial Customs duty in any country 
 yielded an excess of revenue over the amount due from it, the 
 remainder, after paying the contribution, would be paid over to 
 the Local Government, and as a general rule the same officers 
 could be named by the Imperial and Local Governments, so as 
 to minimise the trouble of merchants and others passing customs 
 entries, in the same way as municipal officers are frequently 
 charged with the collection of Government taxes. 
 
 The adoption of some such revenue, and incidentally such 
 trade, policy, I consider almost essential to carrying out a federa- 
 tion of the Empire. The Colonies may be willing to admit in 
 principle that they should contribute something towards expenses 
 incurred for the benefit of the whole, provided they are admitted 
 to a proper voice in controlling the foreign policy of the Empire ; 
 but in its practical application, the greatest difficulties will be 
 found. None of the Colonies have accumulated wealth ; their 
 resources are fully taxed to find the capital necessary to develop 
 even in an imperfect way, the natural resources with which 
 their different countries abound. Canada and the British West 
 Indies are being constantly tempted by the standing invitation 
 of the United States to sink their identity in the American 
 Union, by accepting which their contributions to American 
 National defence would be made by augmented customs duties, 
 at the expense of the rest of the British Empire. There is thus 
 a danger of their drifting into union with that country where 
 their contributions, being indirect, can be more easily concealed. 
 
 It would thus be a grievous burden for all the Colonies to 
 assume a contribution out of their present resources towards a 
 protective force, of which, theoretically, they enjoy the benefit, 
 but of which, practically, individual electors do not to any great 
 extent feel the need. The only means by which they can be in- 
 duced to contribute, is by some system which will " temper the 
 wind to the shorn lamb," which will have a direct tendency to 
 develop their resources, by giving them special advantages in 
 the other markets of the Empire, over foreign countries — or, at 
 all events, over countries that deny them the advantages of un- 
 trammelled inter-communication with them. 
 
 I have discussed the above as a system of finance for the 
 Imperial Parhament, containing representatives from the Colo- 
 
72 
 
 nies, to adopt ; and it is my conviction that the proper order is 
 to estabUsh such a parliament first, before proposing to tax 'iie 
 Colonies for Imperial purposes. And at the same time I do .lot 
 think that the Mother Country would, or should, abandon her 
 policy of free trade with the world for the benefit of the Colo- 
 nies, unless, at the same time, they assumed responsibilities for 
 their proper share of Imperial expenditure — unless they form a 
 partnership for the perpetual management, in common with her, 
 of all their foreign and other Imperial affairs. 
 
 But, though less desirable, in my opinion, it is possible for 
 the trade policy here recommended to be carried out — or eveni 
 tentatively, for a tax to be imposed on the same principle, on 
 foreign wheat, cattle, sugar and a few other selected articles (but 
 including articles of considerable importance, so as to give a 
 substantial benefit to the Colonies), — by concurrent tariff legisla- 
 tion on the part of the Mother Country, of Canada, and of the 
 other self-governing Colonies ; it being distinctly understood 
 that the benefit of exemption from the Imperial duty in favour 
 of any country of the Empire, would be conditional upon the 
 duty being levied in that country upon its foreign imports and 
 applied to purely Imperial purposes. But, if that were to be 
 done, it would have to be preceded by a conference between the 
 Mother Country and the Colonies, to come to an agreement as 
 to the articles to which the uniform tariff should apply ; and a 
 bill, formed in accordance with such an agreement, would have 
 to be introduced separately into each of the existing Parliaments. 
 One objection to that method of procedure would be, tliat it 
 would leave untouched the manner in which the Colonies are to 
 exercise their influence upon foreign policy ; and another, that 
 it would be almost, if not altogether, as difficult to secure a con- 
 sensus of opinion upon that single point, and to secure the pass- 
 ing of such a bill through all the Parliaments, as it would be to 
 carry a large, comprehensive measure, dealing with the whole 
 subject of the relations between the different countries of the 
 Empire, and establishing a complete federal constitution, some- 
 what on the lines of the proposals contained in the earlier por- 
 tion of this paper. The latter might be even easier, as the en- 
 thusiasm of the people could better be worked up for giving 
 effect to a grand national scheme, than for an imperfect and 
 undefined policy. And here it may not be out of place to depre- 
 cate what I am afraid is a national failing of ours, to shun a 
 
78 
 
 tliorouphf,'oinf? remedy for acknowledf,'ed evils, and to resort to 
 insufficient half measures to tide over a difficulty. 
 
 COMMERCIAL ADVANTAGES. 
 
 To return now to the consideration of this trade policy, in 
 whatever way it might be adopted, the chief ground on which I 
 recommend it is that it enables the different great countries of 
 the Empire to assume their proper share of Imperial responsi- 
 bilities. It raises revenue for foreign purposes only by imposts 
 upon foreign trade chiefly. It is as a system of raising revenue 
 that I wish it to be adopted ; but though that is the reason for 
 putting it forward, it will not be improper as an inducement to 
 secure its adoption, that some of the advantages which it offers, 
 from a commercial point of view, should be pointed out. 
 
 First — The advantages that would result to the United King- 
 dom. 
 
 The greatest gain, present and prospective, is, of course, the 
 assumption by the Colonies of liability for part of the cost of 
 Imperial defence. This has already been commented on, and 
 here I refer especially to trade advantages. 
 
 I cannot go through the trade relations of England with .each 
 of the Colonies, but I can give a slight indication of the manner 
 in which the United Kingdom might be benefited in its trade 
 with Canada. I take Canada chiefly because it is the Colony of 
 which I have the best knowledge and most detailed information ; 
 but also because it is the least favourable instance, as a market, 
 among the whole of the self-governing Colonies — the one in 
 which the influences at work to detach her from the Empire 
 are strongest, and in which the old colonial policy of nef/lect and 
 indifferen':e have produced the most serious effects. 
 
 Australia and the Cape are better markets for English pro- 
 duce than Canada, but even in the latter country the heart of 
 the people is sound, and the field for development of traffic is 
 simply immeasurable. The list given in Table XXI., p. 68, shows 
 a large quantity of merchandise now imported by Canada from 
 foreign countries, which she could almost equally well import 
 from the United Kingdom, and this she would do by preference 
 if there were an additional duty upon imports from foreign 
 countries. 
 
 These imports amount, as we have seen, to $38,900,000 a 
 year, and of these, articles to the value of about fafi.ooo.ooo are 
 
74 
 
 such as England can supply with advantage. They include such 
 items as books, coal and coke, cotton manufactures, fancy goods, 
 rubber manufactures, glass, hats and bonnets, iron and steel, 
 leather, silks, earthenware and china, woollen manufactures, 
 paints and colours, brass, flax and hemp manufactures, oil cloth, 
 musical instruments, watches, clocks, and almost every variety 
 of merchandise. In these articles Canada is already a market 
 of very coiisiderable extent. It is true the country has not 
 a very large population at the present time, but she is capable 
 of sustaining a population ot enormous magnitude, and it is the 
 latter circumstance that makes it a matter of such importance 
 that the country should be preserved to the Empire, and brought 
 to recognize her responsibilities for its defence. 
 
 But, besides the gain that would result Lorn this policy, we 
 must take into consideration the loss that would be prevented. 
 If Canada were to secede from the British Empire she would 
 possibly seek annexation with the United States. If she did so, 
 It is altogeth.^r idle to imagine that her influence would be used 
 to promote i eer trade with tlie Mother Country. Canada's de- 
 sire, I believe, is to remain in the Empire; but if, through the 
 indifference of the United Kingdom, it proves impossible to 
 work up a feeling of solidarity among the British people such as 
 exists in so marked a degree among the Americans, and if in 
 consequence Canada should secede, it is almost to be expected 
 that she will be animated by feelings rather of resentment than 
 of friendship, and will not endeavour to cultivate closer relations, 
 either commercial or political, with the country that allowed and 
 even encouraged her to drift out of the Empire. If she did not 
 immediately seek annexation with the United States, she would 
 almost certainly make a commercial treaty with that country, 
 by which free trade betweeri the two countries would be adopted, 
 and to make up the consequent loss of revenue of from 
 $7,000,000 to §15,000,000 a yea*-, Canada would increase her 
 duties against England to the rate now levied by the United 
 States; and the two countries, or the united .\merican Nation, 
 would combine to drive England out of other markets of the 
 world ; and with the resources at their command their efforts 
 mig' t be attended with a large measure of success. 
 
 The following comparison of the duties on imports from Eng- 
 land is taken from Sir Thomas Farrer's Book, •' Free Trade V5, 
 Fair Trade, " pages 168, 170: 
 
 
75 
 
 Comparison of United States and Canadian tariffs on imports 
 from the United Kingdom : 
 
 TABLE XXII. 
 
 Cotton Yarn, single, unbleached ... 
 
 " Cloth, unbleached 
 
 Linen Yarn sinRle, unbleached 
 
 •' Cloth unbleached (Packing). 
 
 " '• • other 
 
 Woollen Yarn, single, unbleached.. 
 " Cloth, plain, unprinted. . .. 
 
 Porcelain, White 
 
 Glass, Common bottles 
 
 " " window. 
 
 " I'late : small sizes 
 
 " large sizes 
 
 Iron, Pig 
 
 " Bar 
 
 " Kails for Railways 
 
 " Kails, partly steel 
 
 pure " 
 
 Copp •, Ingots or slabs 
 
 Hammered in bars 
 
 Tanned, Leather (unwrought) :— 
 
 Ox and cowhide 
 
 Calfskins 
 
 Alkali — Bicarbonate of Soda 
 
 Caustic Soda 
 
 Paper for writing 
 
 " Painting (unsized) 
 
 (sized) 
 
 Seeds, oils, Linseed 
 
 Rape 
 
 Coal, Anthracite 
 
 " Bituininousi 
 
 Beer or ale in casks 
 
 " " bottles 
 
 United States, i Canada. 
 
 90 
 
 56 
 35 
 40 
 35 to 40 
 
 35 " 40 
 80 
 
 75 
 
 ^.5 
 
 35 
 
 50 to 70 
 
 20 " 25 
 
 65 " no 
 
 45 
 60 • 
 
 45 
 65 
 80 
 
 34 
 30 
 
 15 
 25 
 70 
 70 
 
 35 
 20 
 
 25 
 
 72 
 
 48 
 
 free 
 
 33 
 
 55 
 
 95 
 
 20 to 25 
 
 16 
 
 20 
 
 25 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 30 
 
 25 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 13 
 
 i7i 
 
 15 
 
 free to 1 88 3 
 10 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 13 to 20 
 
 20 
 
 free 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 20 
 
 25 
 20 
 
 23 
 
 28 
 
 25 
 40 
 
 In corroboration of this and in order to arrive at a general 
 comparison between th-j 'duties of the two countries against the 
 produce of the United Kingdom, finding that information is not 
 obtainable at Washington as to the amount of duty collected on 
 imports from each country, 1 have taken from the United St ates ' 
 Tables of Commerc • for 1885 the total amoimt of each article 
 importeil from the Mother Country, and have calculated the 
 duty at the rate given as th" equivalent ad valorem amount of 
 the specific and ad valorem duties levied, andj find that on 
 $112,143,000 of dutiable imports, plus $24,494,000 free goods, 
 
76 
 
 i 
 
 or a total of $136,637,000, the amount of duty collected was 
 $41,975,441, being the equivalent f^'i 30.72 per cent, of the whole. 
 For the same year Canada's imports from the United Kingdom 
 were $30,702,000 dutiabl-^ ; $10,704,000 free ; total, $41,406,000, 
 on which the duties collected were $7,617,000, being 18.39 per 
 cent. So that, as part of the British Empire, Canada, the imme- 
 diate neighbour of the United States, levied duties on the pro- 
 duce of the United Kingdom at a rate of forty per cent, less than 
 the rate collected by the United States. Even the new iron 
 duties will but very slightly alter the general rate of Canad I's 
 import duty. This is the answer to those who blame Canada 
 for her protective policy, to which may be added that Canad.. is 
 willing to discriminate in England's favour as soon as England 
 will reciprocate. Nor would the reductions in the American 
 tariff proposed in the Mills bill of the Cleveland administration 
 have greatly benefited their trade with the United Kingdom, as 
 they were almost exclusively in raw materials which are brougiit 
 from other and newer countries. Their effect would rather have 
 been to make them more formidable competitors with England 
 in neutral markets for manufactures. 
 
 It is surely, then, the interest of the United Kingdom to try 
 to send a large number of people to the Colonies, where they 
 will be likely to preserve better trade relations witli the Mother 
 Country than any foreign nation has shown a disposition to do. 
 The real meaning of the demand that is now being made by a 
 section of the people of Canada for power to make their own 
 commercial treaties independently of the Mother Country is that 
 those people wish, though they do not avow it,* to discriminate 
 against the Mother Country, and do not hope to be able to do 
 so while they are expected to recognize their responsibilities 
 towards the Empire of which they form a part. 
 
 Will it not be better to organize the Empire in such a way as 
 will give some recognition to the commercial policy of its several 
 parts, to endeavour to get freer trade within the Empire, even 
 at the expense of some sacrifice of one-sided free trade with 
 foreign countries? It may here be well 10 repeat certain figures 
 
 •This was written in the summer of 1886, and they now (March, 1888) do 
 emphatically avow it, many of the Liberal party having distinctly committed 
 themselves to what they call unrestricted reciprocity with the United States, 
 which must distinctly discriminate against all other countries, including the 
 whole of our Empire. 
 
77 
 
 relative to the quantity of imports from the United Kingdom 
 taken by the different Colonies and by foreign nations, respec- 
 tively, in proportion to their numbers, that is to say, in propor- 
 tion to their consuming and producing power. 
 
 The following statement was made up in 1882, which is as 
 good as anything that could be made until after the next census : 
 
 TABLE XXIII. 
 Imports per head of Population from the United Kingdom. 
 
 FOREIGN COUNTRIES. 
 
 United States 
 
 Germany 
 
 France 
 
 Holland 
 
 Belgiun 
 
 Holland, Belgium and Switzerland 
 
 Russia 
 
 Italy 
 
 Spain 
 
 BRITISH POSSESSIONS. 
 
 Channel Islands 
 
 Canada 
 
 Newfoundland 
 
 South Africa- 
 Natal 
 
 The Cape 
 
 Australasia 
 
 Produce of 
 United Kingdom. 
 
 /0.59 
 
 .41 
 
 .46 
 
 2.25 
 
 1.46 
 
 1-35 
 
 • 05 
 
 • 23 
 .22 
 
 57 
 10 
 28 
 
 3.74 
 8.32 
 
 9- 13 
 
 Including other 
 Produce, 
 
 /0-74 
 .67 
 
 •79 
 
 3.89 
 
 2-73 
 
 2.44 
 
 .08 
 
 .26 
 
 .29 
 
 8.94 
 3-31 
 3-74 
 
 4.06 
 
 8.95 
 10.36 
 
 The only two foreign countries that compare with the Colo- 
 nies are Holland and Belgium, which are almost free trade coun- 
 tries. One of these, however, should really include Switzerland, 
 with her population of 2,846,102, which should have been added 
 to the population of Belgium, 5,720,000 (in 1883), and of Holland, 
 4,278,000 (in 1885); for pny trade with Switzerland by water 
 probably appears in Holland's returns, as the Rhine River, which 
 runs from Basle, enters the sea through Holland, and as to over- 
 land commerce, it appears to go principally through Belgium, 
 since we find most of the watches imported by the United King- 
 dom, entered as coming from Belgium, namely, £"501,000 out of 
 £■511,000 sterling. If we take the three countries together, the 
 import per head is under that of Canada. 
 
78 
 
 If- 
 
 j! 
 
 [^ 
 
 It is with these countries, moreover, that we might expect to 
 make a reciprocal arrangement such as has been indicated 
 above, and I am reminded that a proposal has already been 
 made by a Belgian economist that the free trade countries of the 
 world should form a union among themselves ; and I think the 
 trade of the United Kingdom is sufficient to effect such an 
 arrangement, even if she insists upon the terms that have been 
 pointed out with regard to admission to colonial markets. In- 
 deed, Holland and Belgium have already a tariff very much like 
 the one it is proposed England should be asked to adopt — at all 
 events, it would be very easy to alter it to -that basis. 
 
 Comparing Canada once more with the United States, we 
 see that her import of produce of the United Kingdom is £2.01 
 per head, while that of the United States is ^0.39 per head, or 
 taking the total import from the United Kingdom, Canada is 
 £3.31, and the United States ;^o.74, and the principal reason 
 for the difference in favour of Canada is that she is part of the 
 British Empire. All this trade has sprung up by the exertions 
 of a sparse population without any fostering whatever ; but if the 
 Imperial policy suggested were adopted, by which Canada 
 should get a larger share of the British emigrants, they would 
 be certain to afford a much better market for British produce 
 than even at the present. In geroral, it may be said that the 
 Colonies are from three to twenty times as good customers per 
 head of the population as are foreignfcoimtries. 
 
 Again, the adoption of this policy would have important and 
 far-reaching consequence s with regard to the younger Colonies 
 — those thai have not already adopted a protective tariff against 
 the Mother Country. Upon their being incorporated fiscally ,Jso 
 to speak, even in the limited degree suggested, with the other 
 countries of the Empire, the tendency to impose taxes upon 
 British trade would be very greatly diminished. And while it 
 may be difficult in countries where protective duties are already 
 in force to induce the people to abandon them, and while even 
 a reversion to freer conditions may take some time to bring this 
 about in those countries, the danger of the same course being fol- 
 lowed in the Colonies in which such duties have not yet found a 
 footing may be forestalled. As things are going at present, it 
 looks ss if England would rapidly find herself shtit om of all the 
 other markets of the world, upon her granting to colony after 
 colony tha right to control ihcir tariffs; but there are many 
 
79 
 
 colonies to which she still has free access, and by the adoption of 
 the policy I have suggested she may retain this free access 
 permanently. 
 
 Secondly — What commercial advantage would Canada de- 
 rive from this policy ? 
 
 The political advantage would be, having at her command 
 the whole force of the British Empire for the protection of all 
 her international rights at a much smaller cost than the main- 
 tenance of an army and lavy as an independent power, or than 
 contributing her proportion according to population, of the ex- 
 penses of this character, under annexation with the United 
 States, , 
 
 As to the commercial advantages, I have dealt to some ex- 
 tent with ^his aspect of the question in a pap^^r entitled, " On 
 Commercial Union with the United States, with a Word on 
 Imperial Reciprocity," published by the Montreal branch of the 
 Imperial Federation League in Canada, and I shall content my- 
 self with stating a few of the general results there arrived at. It 
 will suffice to call attention to the facts already mentioned in a 
 general way, namely, that the Mother Country is necessarily a 
 large importer of everything that Canada can produce for ex- 
 port. Thus we have seen her import of food products in 1885 
 from foreign countries alone, was £93,6oiS,o«jo, and of almost the 
 whole of these articles, Canada is . large producer, though at 
 present she supplies not more than £6,000,000. Table XXIV. in 
 the Appendix, compiled from the Canadian export table for iSSc. 
 and the English trade statement for the same year shows the 
 amount of expor*: of the various articles in question to the Uni- 
 ted Kingdom, and also the total export to all countries, but 
 taking account of the produce of Canada alone, with the amount 
 of each article imported into the United Kingdom from foreigri 
 countries in the same year (1H85). 
 
 The totals of the articles en.jmerated in this table of Cana- 
 dian exports are: — 
 
 To the To 
 
 I'nited Kinjfdoin. A)l Countries. 
 
 ARricultuval produce ^ 5.3'^.o'^'" ^12,2 0,000 
 
 Animals iind their produce 16,361,000 1^,144,000 
 
 Fish and their produce 1,543.000 7.960,000 
 
 Raw r laterials 2.590,000 3,925.000 
 
 wood 9.577.000 20,989,000 
 
 Manufactured and other 620,000 3,122,000 
 
 *35.997.ooo 
 
 •67,430.000. 
 
80 
 
 Total exports from Cai)ada, 1B85. Produce of Canada : — 
 
 To United Kingdom 136,479,000 
 
 To all countries 76,183,000 
 
 Same, including not produce of Canada : — 
 
 To United Kingdom ^41, 871,000 
 
 To all countries 84,263,000 
 
 Import (1885) by the United Kingdom of articles above enu- 
 merated {£ multiplied by 5 to give $) : — 
 
 Agricultural produce ^22 1,685,000 
 
 Animals and their produce 154,750,000 
 
 Fish, fresh and salted 8,045,000 
 
 Raw materials 53>335.ooo 
 
 " " wood 52,435,000 
 
 Manufactured and other 71,315000 
 
 >56i,565i"Oo 
 
 This, then, is the extent of the market of the United King 
 dom for articles of which Canada now supplies only $35,997,000 
 It is easy to see how vast a field for the expansion of her com 
 merce, the granting of a preference in such a market would be 
 To gain this, it is very certain that all the Colonies would be 
 glad to reduce their tariffs against the rest of the Empire. 
 
 Trade Between Canada and Australasia — Let us look, 
 now, at some of the other markets of the Empire, and first, Aus- 
 tralasia. The several Colonies of Australia and New Zealand 
 imported in 1885, from foreign countries, merchandize to the 
 value of $33,755,000. This amount comprised, among others, 
 the following quantities (values) of a few of the articles that 
 Canada can well su;'ply them with : — 
 
 TABLE XaV. 
 
 Foreign imports by the Colonies of Australasia of certain 
 articles that can be produced by Canada, 1885 : 
 
 Articles. Vahii'. 
 
 Agricultural Implements — 
 
 Mowing machines $131,000 
 
 Ploughs ft, 000 
 
 Others 107,000 
 
 Carrnges and parts 388,o(«j 
 
 Clocks 114.000 
 
 Fish- 
 Salmon, canned 383,000 
 
 Iron- 
 Sewing machines 1 2<j,ooo 
 
 Locomotive engines 140,000 
 
81 
 
 Leather 
 
 Finished, upper |i47,ooo 
 
 Patent 49,000 
 
 Musical Instruments — 
 Organs 138,000 
 
 Oil— 
 Seal. 51 ,000 
 
 rrovi^ions — 
 
 Beef, canned 1 2,000 
 
 Wood- 
 Lumber 840,000 
 
 43.00G 
 
 Household furniture 361 ,000 
 
 Woodenware 68,000 
 
 Other wood manufactures 192,000 
 
 •3,299,000 
 
 Canada could import in return from Australasia, copper, tin, 
 lead. Kauri wood and gum, pearls, certain kinds of leather, 
 hides, cordage, tallow, fruit (green), sugar, jams and preserves, 
 preserved meats, coffee, wines, wool and certain woollen goods. 
 
 British West Indiks — Among the articles Canada could 
 send to the West Indian Colonies may be mentioned several of 
 their most important imports; such as cattle, Indian corn, bread 
 and biscuit, oats, wheat, flour, meal, fish, certain cotton manu- 
 factures, fresh and salted beef, salted pork, butter, cheese, soap, 
 refined sugar, wood (lumber, shooks, staves, headings and house- 
 hold furniture). Their total imports in 18H5 from foreign coun- 
 tries were $13,280,000. 
 
 Canada could receive from them in return asphalt, drugs, 
 cocoa, cocoanut, coffee, bananas, India rubber, hardwoods, 
 oranges, preserved fruits, wool, spirits, sponges, molasses, 
 sugar. 
 
 British Honduras — Belize imports large quantities of fish 
 and wheat flour, and exports mahogany and hardwoods, drugs, 
 sugar, bananas, cocoanuts, India rubber. Total imports from 
 foreign countries in 1885, $720,000. 
 
 British Guiana imports wheat-flour, fish, salt, beef, cheese, 
 soap, lumber, slnvoks, staves, heaihngs ; and exports drugs and 
 sugar. Ht-r tot.il imports from foreign countries in 1H85 were 
 $2,025,000, 
 
 Hong Koni. imports large quantities of wheat flour, fish, 
 also certasn illuminatiny and other oils; and exports «ums, 
 drugs, spices and tea silks and sugar. Her imports from the 
 United States in 1885 amounted to $4,320,000. 
 
82 
 
 The East Indies import largely of uncoloured cotton and 
 illuminating oils ; and export a great variety of produce, among 
 wiiich may be mentioned dye-woods, kutch, shellac, indigo and 
 other drugs, coftee. kauri, rice, goat-skins, India rubber, fixed 
 and expressed oils, plumbago, volatile oils, spicea, nutmegs, 
 pepper, tea, tin, teak wood. India's total imports from foreign 
 countries in 1885 amounted to $68,890,000. Those of the Strait 
 Settlements were $49,095,000. 
 
 British Afkica imports largely of the following articles, pro- 
 duced to great advantage in Canada : agricultural implements, 
 illuminating oil, canned beef, lard, soap, wood, lumbei, shooks, 
 staves, headings, household furniture, and other woodware and 
 manufactures. Their total imports from foreign countries in 
 1885 were $5,305,000. They already send to Canada unmanu- 
 factured wool and sugar, and also dye woods, drugs, goat skins, 
 spices, sugar, and ostrich and other feathers. 
 
 In trade with all these countries the British people derive 
 certain advantages, or, at least, preferences, from being under a 
 conunon flag ; and it only requires the establishment of lines of 
 steamships to make trade between all these countries spring into 
 vigorous life. 
 
 Thirdly. Similar opportunities for enlarged trade within the 
 ICmpire would be placed at the disposal of every country in the 
 Empire. The articles in which each would be benefited can be 
 easily selected from the various tables given in the Appendix. 
 But one item is of sufficient importance to have very special 
 attention called to it ; that is sugar. It seems the height of folly 
 that England should allow that important part of her dominions, 
 the British West Indies, to go to ruin, by persisting in buying 
 for a fraction of difference in price ^15,819,000 worth a year (in 
 1885) of sugar and products of sugar, from foreign countries, 
 while she has possessions which would spring from continued 
 depression, into vigorous activity and prosperity, would buy 
 more and more largely of English produce, and would also join 
 ill paying for England's defence, if only England would give 
 their produce a slight preference in her markets. The reason 
 why certain of those islands have been willing to negoiiate a 
 treaty with the United States discriminating in their favour as 
 against England, is that the policy of the United States would 
 
88 
 
 have shut out other competition. If England would treat them 
 in the same way, her markets would he much more valuahle 
 than the American. 1 very nuich douht if the simple removal of 
 the bounty system would suffice to revive the prosperity of the 
 British West Indies (and the fate of the Sugar Bounties Con- 
 vention shows how difficult it is to secure the passage of a half 
 measure), but the policy I am advocatitjg would certainly do so, 
 and England would as certainly share largely in the effects of 
 that restored prosperity. And in the case of sugar, England 
 would not pay all the duty, it would be largely paid by competi- 
 tion between the Colonies and foreign countries. 
 
 With regard to South .Africa the imports mto the Cape of 
 (iood Hope and Natal from outside countries include articles 
 that are for consumption in the other States to which allusion 
 has already been maile, and with which it is proposed to form a 
 ZoUverein. Any contribut n l)a.sed upon imports would there- 
 lore naturally be borne partly by the whole of the members of 
 the ZoUverein. If such a Zollverem is formed, therefore, it would 
 be necessary to make a stipulation that the Imperial revenue 
 duty should be collected in every part of the ZoUverein, before 
 the Zollverem or any part of it became entitled to enjoy the 
 benefits of admission to the other British markets on the same 
 terms as other British colonies. If this were agreed to by the 
 non- British countries included in the ZoUverein, they would 
 become entitled to representatives in the Imperial Parliament, 
 and by accepting that right would become ipso facto members of 
 the British Empire : if not, they would in any event be liable to 
 contribution. If they (lemurred to this, notice should be given 
 at the first period when the ZoUverein could be terminated, that 
 it would be brought to an end ; and the British colonies inter- 
 ested would have to choose between the local and the British 
 trade alliance. .\nd there is hardly a doubt that the interests 
 of the British and of the non-British members of the ZoUverein 
 would be so manifestly promoted by the reciprocal advantages 
 they would receive in the other markets of the British Empire, 
 that no difficulty would be likely to arise in effecting such an 
 arrangement. The same rtsuiark applies to Portuguese India. 
 
 THE MOST FAVOURKl) NATION I'KINCIFLK. 
 
 One difficulty that may seem to stand somewhat in the way 
 of carrying out such a revenue and trade policy, is that it might 
 
84 
 
 interfere with the treatment of foreign nations upon the footing 
 of the most favoured nation in matters of trade and nnposts. 
 
 The liritisli Government has entered into commercial treaties 
 with most of the nations of the civilised world, in which there is- 
 a stipulation guaranteeing to the other nation, in matter of 
 shipping and trade, the treatment of the most favoured nation ; 
 and that no other or higher import or export duties shall be 
 levied on the produce of the respective parties than on similar 
 articles the produce of any other foreign nation. 
 
 A list is given in the Appendix, Table XXVI., of the treaties 
 now in force containing these or similar clauses. They are 
 divided mto several classes, of which special mention need here 
 be made only of the eighth class, in which the engagement is to 
 grant the most favoured treatment and to impose no other or 
 higher duties than on like produce of any other, or any third, 
 " country "; and of the ninth class, which comprises two treaties, 
 one with Belgium, passed in 1862, and the other with Prussia 
 and the other States of the German ZoUverein, passed in 1H65,. 
 in the latter of which the expression used is likewise " any third 
 country the most favoured," ami in both of which there is pro- 
 vision that the produce of those countries is to be subjected in the 
 British Colonies to no other or higher duties than the produce 
 of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or, in the 
 language of the Belgian treaty, than " similar articles of British 
 origin." 
 
 Now, except as regards the two last mentioned treaties, 
 I submit that the proper attitude for the British Government 
 and Parliament to assume is, that in recognition of the most 
 favoured nation principle, the duties levied on the same article 
 imported from all foreign countries should be the same ; but 
 that the right has not been, and will not be, relinquished to dis- 
 criminate in favour of the several countries composing her Empire. 
 The arrangement above proposed would be no breach of the 
 most favoured nation principle, which was never intended to 
 interfere with the internal fiscal arrangements 'of countries that 
 are united for purposes of foreign policy, as all the countries of 
 the British Empire are. And the only reason that might justify 
 Mie position that the self-governing Colonies should be deemed 
 distinct countries, inasmuch as they control their own tariffs, 
 would no longer apply if a uniform Imperial revenue duty were 
 levied on imports into all countries of the realm. 
 
85 
 
 With regard to the great majority of the existing treaties 
 this discussion is superfluous, as the language used, " foreign 
 country," •' nation," " state," " power," are not applicable to 
 Colonies, nor indeed to any single part of the national unity, 
 and their provisions do not at all interfere with the adoption of 
 the policy suggested. This is true, so far as I have been able to 
 discover from a pretty careful examination of them, as regards 
 all the above treaties, except those mentioned in the last two 
 paragraphs in the table. In respect of the treaties with Austria, 
 Montenegro, the Netherlands, Roumania and Tunis (and if any 
 others there be) there might be a question as to the interpretation 
 of the word "country "—the question, namely, whether it is 
 synonymous with " nation," " state," " power," etc., used in the 
 other treaties. To resolve this beyond dispute, what is required 
 is an Act of Parliament declaring : that in every treaty in which 
 an undertaking has been assumed by the British Government to 
 grant to any other state tiie treatment of the most favoured 
 nation in regard to shipping, trade or import or export duties, 
 and in which it is declared that no other or higher duties shall 
 be imposed upon the produce or manufactures of tlie citizens or 
 subjects of the other party to the treaty than on like articles the 
 produce or manufacture of any other country, or any third 
 country, the word " country " shall, in the absence of any other 
 provisions be interpreted to mean a foreign country, and shall be 
 equivalent to a foreign nation, and nothing in such provision of 
 said treaties shall be deemed to prevent the several countries of 
 the British Empire from admitting British produce free or at a 
 lower rate of duty than the same articles of foreign produce. 
 
 As a matter of courtesy the attention of the nations with 
 which treaties containing such expressions exist, should be 
 called to such Act, and it will be for them if they deem this to 
 be an infringement of the intention of these treaties, to give 
 notice that they desire to terminate them, and their default to 
 give such notice will be equivalent to accepting such interpre- 
 tation for the future. 
 
 In regard to the treaties with Belgium, 1862, and with the 
 German Zollverein, 1865, twelve months' notice should be given 
 to the Governments interested, viz., Belgium, the German 
 Empire, and the several States heretofore composing the German 
 Zollverein, terminating these treaties, with an intimation that 
 the British Government is wiUing to renew all the provisions of 
 
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86 
 
 the treaties except those that preclude the several countries of 
 the British Empire from reciprocally admitting articles of British 
 produce free, or at a lower rate of duty than similar articles of 
 foreign produce — unless indeed it is permissible to denounce the 
 objectionable stipulations alone, a course that has been 
 suggested in some quarters. 
 
 In conclusion, the United Kingdom could adopt such a 
 policy now, when her markets are really of great advantage to 
 the Colonies. If its adoption be long delayed, the markets of 
 the United States may become more valuable than those of the 
 United Kingdom. Even now an attempt is being made to 
 seduce Canada from her duty to the Empire and to lead her to 
 enter a Commercial Union with the United States. Ihe Bri- 
 tish West Indies have been subjected to similar influences ; and 
 some Englishmen have been blind enough not to see the ruinous 
 effect such commercial arrangements would have on British 
 connexion, though, happily, the rulers of the Empire seem to 
 understand it. England could adopt the policy indicated witlj- 
 out serious disturbance of foreign trade. It will undoubtedly 
 lead to perfect free trade between all the countries of the British 
 Empire, countries becoming every day more miportant and 
 valuable for trade. But that must be by the free will of the 
 different countries, and not by any coercion or even pressure 
 upon tiiem. Let them be represented for foreign policy in the 
 same parliament as the United Kingdom, and the intercourse 
 between the members will develop a desire throughout the whole 
 Empire for the freest possible trade relations. 
 
 Such a policy will put the Empire in an advantageous posi- 
 tion for treating with other nations. It will accustom the 
 Colonies to contributing to Imperial revenues, which will be the 
 great safeguard of British power in the future. Their share at 
 the outset must and should be small, but with their increasing 
 development they will take their proper share. 
 
 For many of the Colonies the question is not a vital one; 
 their future, whether under the British flag or not, is assured. 
 Nor is it even vital for England ; she undoubtedly will, whether 
 with or without the self-governing Colonies, remain a great and 
 powerful nation. The question is whether either or both shall 
 attain, or shall miss, their highest destiny. They can attain it 
 only by remaining a united Empire. They can remain united 
 
87 
 
 only by co-operation, and whether this shall be possible England 
 has the most potent voice in deciding. To secure such co-opera- 
 tion it is not too much to hope that England will show a willing- 
 ness to be influenced by the views of Colonists upon the question 
 of how best to hold the Empire together. If the united interests 
 of the whole realm, not solely as conceived by statesmen at home, 
 but as their views may be modified after taking account of the 
 views of the authorized exponents of public opinion in the 
 Colonies — if the general interests thus interpreted demand a 
 modification of England's fiscal policy, should it not be the aim 
 of every citizen of the British Empire to urge that action be 
 taken before any one of the splendid possessions of our Queen 
 has cut adrift ? If England will but look forward to the time 
 when Canada will be a country as populous and as great as the 
 United States now is, when Australia will be another country 
 as great, will she not try to pursue a policy that is likely to 
 retain them perpetually under her flag ? We have only to 
 develop the feeling that the Empire is one, and bring people to 
 see that it must be one in interest as well as in history and 
 institutions. It is not the work of merchants, of agriculturists 
 or of manufacturers exclusively. For these the paramount 
 question will be the immediate effect likely to be produced on 
 their individual concerns. It is a work for statesmen, who can 
 look beyond the passing hour, who can weigh the vast forces 
 that go to building up a nation, often taking a long time to pro- 
 duce their full effects. As rulers of weaker communities, the 
 British have vindicated their title to an honourable pre-eminence 
 among the nations of the world. Let us pray that they may 
 not fail when it comes to facing the supreme problem of their 
 historical development, that of devising the means by which the 
 free self-governing countries of the entire realm may co-operate 
 together for the attainment of the great common aims of their 
 national life. 
 
 We appeal alike to the people of the United Kingdom and of 
 the Colonies. We do not hope to carry out any such policy 
 unless it meets with the hearty, determined and well-considered 
 approval of the people. If we undertake this as an aristocratic 
 movement we shall fail, if we carry the people along with us, we 
 shall and must succeed. 
 
^a 
 

 APPENDIX. 
 
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91 
 
 The amount of Australian trade first above given includes that between the 
 Australian Colonies themselves, which, as corresponding to the trade between the 
 several provinces of the Dominion of Canada, should not be taken into accoimt. 
 The amount of this trade is as follows : — 
 
 TABLE IV. 
 
 (In £, omitting 000). 
 
 New Soath Wales. 
 
 (.^leensland 
 
 Victoria 
 
 S. Australia . . . 
 
 W. Australia 
 
 Tasmania 
 
 New Zealand . . . . 
 Fiji 
 
 Totals 
 
 Imports from 
 Australasia. 
 
 £8,402 
 3,362 
 
 1,399 
 319 
 983 
 
 1,282 
 192 
 
 £21,614 
 
 Exports to 
 Australasia. 
 
 t'6,85S 
 3,503 
 5,652 
 1,659 
 64 
 1,120 
 1,385 
 263 
 
 £20,499 
 
 Total trade 
 
 with 
 Australasia. 
 
 £15,255 
 
 6,865 
 
 11,327 
 
 3,058 
 
 383 
 
 2,103 
 
 2,667 
 
 455 
 
 £42,113 
 
 
 Imports. 
 
 Exporta. 
 
 Trade. 
 
 Total Australasian trade within the 
 
 Empire 
 
 Deduct Intra- Australasian 
 
 £56,659 
 21,614 
 
 £48,107 
 20,499 
 
 £104,7<>6 
 42,113 
 
 Net British (excluding Australasian) 
 
 £35,045 
 
 £27,608 
 
 £62,653 , 
 
 The trade in 1885 between the different British West India Islands, including 
 Bermudas and Honduras, was, as stated in Sir R. W. Rawson's work : — 
 
 Imports £<09,163 
 
 Exports 224,278 
 
 Total 
 
 £533,441 
 
 Deducting this from their total British trade above given (OOOV omitted). 
 Net British, excluding West Indian :— 
 
 Imports £2,964 - £309- £-2, 655 
 
 Exports 2,987- 224:i 2,763 
 
 Trade 5,951- i>33-^ .5,418 
 
 For Africa, including the Cape, Natal, St. Helena, Lagos, Gold Coast, Sierra 
 
 Leonne and Gambia, the amounts in 1885 of internal or British African trade 
 
 are :— 
 
 Imports £307,7.53 
 
 Exports 179,307 
 
 Total £487,040 
 
93 
 
 Deductini; as above from total British trade (OOO's omitted). 
 
 Net British, excluding British African :— 
 
 Imports £6,940-£:}08= £6,632 
 
 Exports 7,486- 179= 7,307 
 
 Trade 14,426- 487= 13,938 
 
 On the basis of the trade of 1885, according to Sir K. W. Kawson's book, the 
 foreign trade -:;nd contributions would be as follows ; in which it will be seen the 
 share of the United Kingdom is slightly less than that given in the table for 1883 
 in the text, and that of India with Asia and Mauritius is considerably greater than 
 the East Indies and Mauritius as there given :— 
 
 TABLE v.— (See page 48.) 
 (In £, omitting 000). 
 
 1885. 
 
 United Kingdom . . 
 
 India 
 
 Asia and Mauritius 
 
 Australasia 
 
 North America 
 
 West Indies 
 
 Africa . 
 
 South America . . . 
 
 Totals 
 
 Foreign 
 Trade. 
 
 472,546 
 
 49,384 
 
 21,943 
 
 10,311 
 
 22,79'< 
 
 5,440 
 
 2,248 
 
 831 
 
 585,504 
 
 Contribu- 
 tion, £. 
 
 21,791 
 
 2,278 
 
 1,012 
 
 476 
 
 1,050 
 
 250 
 
 105 
 
 38 
 
 27,000 
 
 Members in 
 
 House of 
 
 Contributories. 
 
 403 or 513 
 
 42 
 19 
 9 
 20 
 5 
 1 
 1 
 
 53 
 
 24 
 
 12 
 
 25 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 600 or 636 
 
 Tables VI. to X. contain an ani:!ysis of the products of the temperate zone. 
 See pages 54 and 55.) 
 
 The first article is Wh at. The Imports into the United Kingdom of Wheat 
 and Wheat Flour in 1885 were (omitting OOO's) :— 
 
 TABLE VI. 
 
 FROM 
 BRITISH COUNTRIES. 
 
 FROM 
 FOREION COUNTRIES. 
 
 TOTAL IMPORT. 
 
 33,735 
 
 The average price of wheat imported was therefore £0.3917 sterling, = about 
 eight shillings, per cwt. 
 
93 
 
 The home production is given in the London Economist, February 20th, 1886, 
 "Commercial History and Review of 1885," p. 10, as 49,319,000 cwt. Applying 
 the same price to this we get its value as £19,318,252. The comparison between 
 British and foreign is therefore (omitting OOO's) : — 
 
 Home production 49,319 cwt. of value £19,318 . 
 
 From British countries 19,609 " " 7,684 
 
 United British 68,928 " " 27,002 being 50.90 per cent. 
 
 While the foreign was 57,720 " " 26,051 " 49.10 
 
 Total consumption 126,648 " " 53,053 100 
 
 It would appear, then, that about half of the wheat used in the United King- 
 dom is of British, and half of foreign growth. 
 
 Take now the other kinds ok Gk.mn. The relative production is somewhat 
 as follows (Returns for 1885) :— 
 
 TABLE VII. ' 
 
 
 HOME GROWN IN 1885. 
 
 FROM BRITISH 
 COUNTRIES, 188.'). 
 
 Grain. 
 
 Barley 
 
 Oats 
 
 Oatmeal. . 
 
 Lbs. per bus. 
 
 48 
 32 
 
 60 
 60 
 
 Bushels. 
 
 85,721,000 
 160,440,000 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 36,737,000 
 45,840,000 
 
 Value in £ 
 
 10,578,000 
 14,895,000 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 43,885 
 794,634 
 172,230 
 
 51,139 
 1,1.5.5,044 
 
 Val. in £ 
 
 14,297 
 
 268,314 
 
 98,666 
 
 18,984 
 
 378,264 
 
 Beans 
 
 Peas 
 
 9,122,000 
 4,339,000 
 
 4,886,666 
 2,324,000 
 
 1,204,666 
 839,000 
 
 
 £27,516,000 
 
 
 £778,525 
 
 Continued (last three figures omitted) : — 
 
 Grain. 
 
 Barley 
 
 Oats 
 
 Oatmeal. . . 
 
 Beans 
 
 Peas . . . 
 
 UNITED BRITISH. 
 
 Cwt, 
 
 £ 
 
 36,780 
 
 10,592 
 
 46,634 
 
 1.5,163 
 
 172 
 
 98 
 
 4,937 
 
 1,222 
 
 3,479 
 
 1,217 
 
 
 £28,292 
 
 % 
 
 70.1 
 79.2 
 35.5 
 53.5 
 80.1 
 
 73.8 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 £ 
 
 15,322 
 
 4,518 
 
 12,262 
 
 3,982 
 
 313 
 
 169 
 
 3,466 
 
 1,062 
 
 866 
 
 302 
 
 
 £10,033 
 
 % 
 
 29.9 
 20.8 
 64.5 
 46.5 
 19.9 
 
 26.2 
 
 TOTAL 
 CONSUMPTION. 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 £ 
 
 52,103 
 
 15,111 
 
 58,897 
 
 19,146 
 
 485 
 
 268 
 
 7,794 
 
 2,285 
 
 4,346 
 
 1,520 
 
 
 £38,330 
 
M 
 
 The following are given separately, aa there is no appreciable (|uantity grown 
 in the Mother country. 
 
 TABLE VIIa. 
 
 (I^ast three figures omitted). 
 
 (Train. 
 
 Maize 
 
 Indian meal... 
 
 Buckwheat 
 
 Rye 
 
 Other meal 
 
 KROM 
 BRITISH OOUNTHIKH. 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 966.94 
 
 .28 
 
 :M4 
 
 1.87 
 
 £253.65 
 
 KROM 
 KOHKKiN OOUNTItlKH. 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 £ 
 
 30,659 
 
 8,236 
 
 13 
 
 18 i 
 
 79 
 
 25 1 
 
 341 
 
 106 1 
 
 265 
 
 70 
 
 
 £8,454 
 
 TOTAL IMPORT. 
 
 % 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 £ 
 
 96.9 
 
 31,526 
 
 8,488 
 
 98.0 
 
 13 
 
 19 
 
 96.2 
 
 82 
 
 26 
 
 100.0 
 
 .Ml 
 
 105 
 
 99.2 
 
 267 
 
 72 
 
 97.1 
 
 
 £8,710 
 
 As supplementary to the above tables, and as useful for other purposes, we 
 may give the total of the imports alone. 
 
 TABLE VIlB. 
 
 (Last three figures omitted). 
 
 Barley . . 
 
 Oats 
 
 Oatmeal . . . 
 
 Beans 
 
 Peas 
 
 Maize 
 
 Indian meal 
 Buckwheat . . 
 
 Rye 
 
 Other Meal 
 
 Total 
 
 Grain. 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 15,366 
 
 13,057 
 
 486 
 
 3,517 
 
 2,021 
 
 31,526 
 
 13 
 
 82 
 
 341 
 
 267 
 
 4,533 
 
 4,250 
 
 268 
 
 1,082 
 
 681 
 
 8,488 
 
 19 
 
 26 
 
 105 
 
 72 
 
 £19,524 
 
 For Potatoes the following are the figures for 1885 
 
 .Import from 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 British Countries I 1,062,000 
 
 Foreign Countries I 1,237,000 
 
 Totals 2,299,000 
 
 445,000 
 281,000 
 
 £727,000 
 
 Giving an average price of £0.3162, (almost 6<. 4d,) per cwt. 
 
95 
 
 According to the Ecotwmiiit (hu'o rit.), the Home production waa 0,374,000 
 toi)8, e(|ual to 127,480,000 cwt., amounting, at the above price, to £40,:HOi),000. 
 The table of relative production is therefore : — 
 
 TABLE VIII. 
 
 PoTATOEH consumed in 1885 (OOO'b ommitted). 
 
 » 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 * 
 
 Britiah. Home i?rowii 
 
 127,480 
 1,062 
 
 £40,30i> 
 445 
 
 " From British Countries 
 
 
 
 United Britisli 
 
 128,542 
 1,237 
 
 40,754 =»J».32% 
 281 - 68*-^ 
 
 Foreign 
 
 
 
 Total Consumption 
 
 129.779 
 
 £41,085 
 
 The next item is Animat.s fok Food and their produce :- 
 
 TABLE IX. 
 
 Import 1885 (OOO's ommitted). 
 
 Total Import. 
 
 Numl^er. Valuf) £. 
 
 Animals living, Oxen and Bulls. 
 
 " " Cows 
 
 »• " Calves 
 
 Total Cattle 
 
 Animals living. Sheep and Lambs — 
 " Swine 
 
 281 
 45 
 45 
 
 I- 
 
 Total Animals . 
 
 Beef, salted 
 
 " fresh 
 
 Meat, salted and fresh 
 
 " preserved 
 
 Mutton, fresh 
 
 Bacon 
 
 Pork, salted 
 
 " fresh 
 
 Hams 
 
 373 
 
 750 
 
 16 
 
 1,139 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 240 
 
 902 
 
 30 
 
 526 
 
 571 
 
 3,168 
 
 311 
 
 69 
 
 876 
 
 5,959 
 
 878 
 20J> 
 
 7,047 
 1,625 
 
 Totals 
 
 8,735 
 
 458 
 
 2,342 
 
 85 
 
 1,534 
 
 1,483 
 
 6,427 
 
 502 
 
 183 
 
 2,236 
 
 British, £. 
 
 Foreign, £. 
 
 1,295 
 
 113 
 
 1 
 
 1,409 
 80 
 
 4,663 
 764 
 
 208 
 
 5,635 
 1,544 
 
 63 
 
 1,489 
 
 13 
 
 89 
 
 1 
 
 .507 
 
 837 
 
 3.59 
 
 8 
 
 226 
 
 £23,990 3,529 
 
 7,242 
 
 439 
 
 2,2.55 
 
 79 
 
 1,042 
 
 648 
 6,08;h 
 
 496 
 
 184 
 2,016 
 
 £20,484 
 
 The first two columns are from the Ei'omtmitt {he. eit. ) the others from the 
 Import Tables. 
 
 At the same place in the Economist we find that the number of animals in the 
 United Kingdom, in 1885, was as follows (OOO's omitted) :— 
 Cattle, 10,825 ; sheep, ;«),010 ; pigs, 3,671. 
 
96 
 
 The annual BlauRhter in given in Major Craigie'tt paper (Statistical SocietyV 
 Journal, 1883, pp. 26.2H) as :- 
 
 Cattle, 19 per cent. ; uheep, 27 per cent. ; pigs, 100 per cent. 
 
 The annual slaughter on the above figure for 1885 would, at thene raten, be : — 
 Cattle, 2,0r)6 ; sheep, 8,102 ; pigs, 3,071. 
 
 These at the average prices of the imported animals as above, viz. :— 
 
 Cattle, £18.88 ; sheep, £2.16 ; pigs, £3.83, give as the value of the home pro- 
 duction of meat (OOO's omitted) :— 
 
 Cattle £38,817 
 
 Sheep 17,500 
 
 Pigs 14,069 
 
 Total Home production 70,377 
 
 Add, import from British Countries 3,629 
 
 Gives total British production 73,906 = 78 . 29% 
 
 Foreign import 20,484=21.71% 
 
 Total consumption £94,390 
 
 The only other articles of which 1 can get comparative statistics are Buttbr 
 and Chekss. 
 
 ^ TABLE X. 
 
 The imports of Buttkr and Ohersk, in 1885, were, (OOOs omitted) :— 
 
 
 ("ROM BRITISH 
 COUNTRIES. 
 
 FROM FOREIGN 
 COUNTRIES. 
 
 TOTAL 
 IMPORTS. 
 
 Butter 
 
 Cwt. 
 
 39 
 
 610 
 
 £ 
 
 159 
 1,241 
 
 Cwt. 
 2,362 
 
 £ 
 11,404 
 
 Cwt. 
 2,401 
 
 £ 
 ii.nia 
 
 Cheese 
 
 1,222 
 
 2,827 
 
 1,833 • 4,069 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 1,400 
 
 14,231 
 
 
 15,632 
 
 Sir James Caird gives for 1878 (Major Craigie's paper, above cited, p. 23,), as 
 the Home Production of butter and cheese together, 3,000,000 cwt. of the value of 
 £13,500,000. Add to this the Import from British countries, £1,400,000, gives 
 total British production of £14,900,000 — 51.15 per cent. 
 Foreign, 14,231,000 = 48.85 " 
 
 Total Consumption, £29,131,000 
 
 [Table XI., containing the Recapitulation of all the products of the Temperate 
 Zone, is inserted in the text, ante, pages 54 and 55.] 
 
TABLK Xia,, 
 
 Certain other Tetnperftte Zone Imports into the United Kin^'finm, for whiuF* 
 I have no comparative utatisticg, are, in £ (OOO's mnitte'l), as followH :— 
 
 KgKH 
 
 Farinaceous Hulistances 
 
 Fish, fresh 
 
 " cured or salted 
 
 Fruit, a[>ple8 
 
 Lard . 
 
 Onions, raw 
 
 Poultry and game 
 
 VeKetablen, raw (unenumerated) 
 
 Totals 
 
 From 
 
 British 
 
 Countries. 
 
 4 
 
 288 
 14 
 
 371 
 93 
 
 10 
 
 "82 
 
 945 
 
 From 
 Foreign, 
 
 2,!t2() 
 514 
 700 
 900 
 (i23 
 
 l,r)2;{ 
 4«l 
 <>54 
 384 
 
 8,714 
 
 Total 
 Iu)|)ort. 
 
 2,i»3l 
 802 
 714 
 
 1,280 
 717 
 
 i,«;o« 
 
 402 
 fi5r> 
 4(!7 
 
 !»,t;(;4 
 
 TABI.K Xiri.-(Seo pages tiO and 01). 
 TkopicalProduok. Import, 1885, in £ Stg. (OOO's omitted). 
 
 From British 
 Countries, 
 
 I,— Articlks now Frkk of Duty. 
 
 Fruit— 
 
 Almonds 
 
 Nuts, other 
 
 (Jranges and Lemons 
 
 Other raw 
 
 " dried 
 
 " preserved 
 
 Liquorice 
 
 Pickles 
 
 Rice 
 
 Sa«o 
 
 Sauces 
 
 Spices — 
 
 Cinnamon 
 
 G inger 
 
 Pepper 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 Succades 
 
 Sugar- 
 Refined 
 
 Candy 
 
 Unrefined Beet Root 
 
 U^nrefined Cane 
 
 Molasses 
 
 Glucose 
 
 79 
 7 
 51 
 12 
 10 
 
 ""i 
 
 1,804 
 
 181 
 
 20 
 
 58 
 152 
 950 
 228 
 
 39 
 
 2,931 
 3o 
 
 6,565 
 
 From Foreign I tp . , 
 Countries 1 '"*"'• 
 
 1— c 
 
 in 
 
 254 
 
 368 
 
 1,474 
 
 1,370 
 
 195 
 
 rss 
 
 69 
 
 108 
 
 381 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 61 
 
 106 
 
 1,611 
 3,223 
 .5,213 
 5,341 
 105 
 326 
 
 20,422 
 
 2.54 
 
 447 
 
 1,481 
 
 1,421 
 
 208 
 
 204 
 
 69 
 
 109 
 
 2,185 
 
 182 
 
 31 
 
 5» 
 156 
 967 
 289 
 146 
 
 1,611 
 3,224 
 5,21;i 
 8,273 
 I 139 
 \ 326 
 
 26,99a 
 
 loo 1 
 
1$ 
 
 TABLE XIIl.— Continued. 
 
 TABLE XV.-(See page 63.) 
 
 (£Stg., OOO's omitted.) 
 
 Imports into the United Kingdom in 1885 of Haw Materials, largely British. 
 
 Alkali 
 
 Copper Ore 
 
 'Drugs— 
 
 Peruvian Bark. . 
 Dye Stuffs— 
 
 Cutch, Gambler. 
 
 Indigo 
 
 Myrobalms 
 
 Safflower . ... 
 Dye Woods — 
 
 Logwood . 
 •Gum— 
 
 Arabic 
 
 Kauri 
 
 Lac 
 
 Gutta Percha 
 
 Hides- 
 Raw, Dry. — 
 
 Wet 
 
 Horns and Hoofs . . . 
 
 Ivory — 
 
 Jute 
 
 liCather — 
 
 Undressed 
 
 Dressed 
 
 From 
 
 British 
 
 Countries. 
 
 From 
 
 Foreign 
 
 Countries. 
 
 Totals. . 
 
 23 
 
 267 
 
 29 
 450 
 
 53 
 717 
 
 717 
 
 157 
 
 874 
 
 558 
 
 1,852 
 
 344 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 267 
 
 .... 
 
 • 
 
 .563 
 
 2,119 
 
 344 
 
 3 
 
 255 
 
 118 
 
 374 
 
 166 
 254 
 
 mi 
 
 332 
 
 160 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 326 
 258 
 383 
 347 
 
 1,956 
 203 
 110 
 179 
 
 3,235 
 
 401 
 
 1,309 
 
 83 
 
 316 
 
 5 
 
 2,357 
 
 1,612 
 
 193 
 
 496 
 
 3,240 
 
 2,671 
 
 57 
 
 836 
 2,068 
 
 3,507 
 2,125 
 
99 
 TABLE XV.-Continued. 
 
 Manures— 
 
 Phosphates 
 Nuts, for Oil 
 Oil- 
 Fish, Train and Blubbe.- 
 Sperm 
 Castor 
 Cocoanut 
 Palm 
 Plumbago 
 Saltpetre, 
 Seeds — 
 Flax 
 Tlape 
 Shells 
 
 Skins and Furs 
 , Goat 
 Seal . 
 Sheep 
 
 Unenumerated 
 Undressed 
 Furs, 
 Tallow 
 
 Tin, in Blocks 
 Wood- 
 Hewn 
 Oak 
 Teak 
 
 Unenumerated 
 Sawn, Fir 
 Unenumerated 
 Staves 
 Mahogany 
 Wool- 
 Goats 
 Sheep 
 Other kinds 
 
 Totals 
 
 From 
 
 British 
 
 Countries. 
 
 From I 
 Foreign ■ Total. 
 Countries, i 
 
 516 
 393 
 
 539 
 
 •187 
 
 639 
 
 2,622 
 
 69 
 
 952 
 
 20,932 
 
 69 
 
 26,284 
 
 73,275 
 
 TABLE XVL-(See page 63). 
 
 ,o J™£?A,* into the United Kingdom in 1885 of Raw Materials, largely Foreign. 
 (£ stg. 000 8 omitted). 
 
 Asphalt ..., 
 
 Bones 
 
 Brimstone . 
 Bristles . . , 
 Caoutchouc 
 
 Articles. 
 
 From 
 
 British 
 
 Countries. 
 
 9 
 12 
 
 "27 
 324 
 
 From 
 
 Foreign 
 
 Countries. 
 
 41 
 
 67 
 
 183 
 
 390 
 
 1,657 
 
 Total 
 
 Import, 
 
 18S5. 
 
 50 
 
 79 
 
 183 
 
 417 
 
 1,981 
 
100 
 TABLE XYl.- Continued. 
 
 
 
 Articlhs. 
 
 From 
 
 British 
 
 Gauntries. 
 
 From 
 
 Foreign 
 
 Countries. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Imports, 
 
 1885. 
 
 Copper— 
 
 Kegulus and Precipitate 
 
 Old 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 656 
 
 2,924 
 37 
 
 4 
 190 
 
 92 
 
 ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ 2 
 " 26 
 
 ■■■'73 
 37 
 
 i 
 
 ■■■■36 
 
 ■■"26 
 159 
 
 I 
 
 *"29i 
 
 1 
 
 23 
 
 20 
 
 • • . • • 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 ■'"55 
 
 19 
 1 
 5 
 
 95 
 
 56 
 
 2 
 
 ■ ■ ■ "76 
 
 4 
 
 2,149 
 59 
 
 1,348 
 
 61 
 
 227 
 
 93,548 
 125 
 
 451 
 599 
 
 54 
 85 
 236 
 244 
 348 
 36 
 162 
 465 
 303 
 
 120 
 
 7 
 
 2,854 
 
 338 
 
 88 
 
 165 
 
 1 
 
 201 
 
 93 
 
 130 
 
 249 
 
 1,824 
 
 95 
 
 86 
 
 981 
 
 216 
 
 1,951 
 
 180 
 
 1,219 
 
 37 
 
 113 
 
 33 
 
 24 
 
 107 
 
 1,209 
 
 157 
 
 262 
 190 
 122 
 
 10 
 83 
 29 
 
 2,165 
 66 
 
 Unwroutrht 
 
 1,905 
 
 Partly wrought 
 
 Cork. Unmanufactured 
 
 61 
 227 
 
 Cotton- 
 Raw * 
 
 Waste .... 
 
 Drugs — 
 
 Opium ' 
 
 TJnenumerated 
 
 36,472 
 163 
 
 456 
 789 
 
 Dyestuflfs— 
 
 For tanning bark 
 
 Cochineal 
 
 Aniline 
 
 Alizarine 
 
 147 
 
 85 
 
 239 
 
 244 
 
 Extracts 
 
 Madder 
 
 Shumach 
 
 374 
 
 36 
 
 162 
 
 Valonia 
 
 465 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 377 
 
 Dye woods - 
 
 Unenumeralred 
 
 Extracts 
 
 157 
 
 7 
 
 Flax 
 
 2,855 
 
 Tow 
 
 338 
 
 Galls 
 
 118 
 
 Gold- 
 
 Leaves 
 
 Ore 
 
 Oum. Unenumerated 
 
 155 
 
 21 
 
 360 
 
 Hair- 
 Cow 
 
 95 
 
 Horse 
 
 132 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 Hemp 
 
 249 
 
 2,115 
 
 96 
 
 Tow 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 Hops 
 
 Ice 
 
 110 
 
 1,001 
 
 216 
 
 Iron — 
 
 Ore 
 
 1,957 
 
 Pig 
 
 Bar 
 
 180 
 
 1,220 
 
 42 
 
 Old 
 
 Sheet, unwrought 
 
 113 
 
 Isinglass 
 
 88 
 
 Ivorr. VeKetable 
 
 24 
 
 Lead- 
 Ore 
 
 126 
 
 Pig 
 
 Manganese— Ore 
 
 1,210 
 162 
 
 Manures— 
 
 Bones 
 
 357 
 
 Guano 
 
 245 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 124 
 
 Metal Leaf- 
 
 Notgold 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 10 
 158 
 
 Old 
 
 33 
 
101 
 TABLE XVl.—Gontinued. 
 
 
 
 ' . AUTICLKS. 
 
 From 
 
 British 
 
 Countries. 
 
 From 
 
 Foreign 
 
 Countries. 
 
 Total 
 Imports, 
 
 1885. 
 
 Naptha wood 
 
 10 
 1 
 3 
 
 ' ■ 23 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 57 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 1 
 9 
 
 .... ^ 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 7 
 4 
 
 23 
 
 22 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 181 
 
 18 
 
 61 
 
 68 
 
 118 
 
 2 
 
 22 
 
 123 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 ""iO 
 
 3 
 
 '■■■3 
 198 
 
 18 
 1,115 
 
 219 
 980 
 365 
 337 
 160 
 98 
 
 2,015 
 151 
 789 
 410 
 
 2,289 
 
 18 
 
 214 
 
 107 
 
 22 
 
 1,2.52 
 326 
 460 
 
 1,149 
 631 
 674 
 315 
 
 713 
 1,831 
 30 
 100 
 122 
 289 
 
 613 
 1,396 
 967 
 9 
 197 
 397 
 113 
 
 27 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 108 
 
 119 
 
 225 
 
 817 
 
 92 
 
 844 
 
 1,081 
 
 18 
 
 Nitre 
 
 1,115 
 
 Oil- 
 Animal 
 
 229 
 
 Olive 
 
 981 
 
 Seed 
 
 368 
 
 Turoentine 
 
 387 
 
 Chemical 
 
 183 
 
 Unenumerated . 
 
 106 
 
 Oilseed Cake 
 
 Ore. unenumerated 
 
 2,0:J0 
 208 
 
 Painters' colours 
 
 794 
 
 Parai&ne 
 
 414 
 
 Petroleum 
 
 Pitch 
 
 Plants 
 
 2,289 
 
 19 
 
 223 
 
 Platina 
 
 Precious stones 
 
 Pyrites 
 
 Ouicksilver 
 
 107 
 
 26 
 
 1,2-52 
 
 326 
 
 Rags 
 
 465 
 
 £sDarto 
 
 1,149 
 640 
 
 Other 
 
 Woollen .... , 
 
 68 L 
 
 Rosin 
 
 S»eds— 
 
 Clover • 
 
 319 
 
 736 
 
 Cotton 
 
 1,8.53 
 
 Garden 
 
 Tares and Lentiles 
 
 31 
 106 
 
 Unenumerated oil > 
 
 304 
 
 Other 
 
 Silk- 
 
 Husks 
 
 307 
 675 
 
 Raw 
 
 1,464 
 
 Silver Ore 
 
 Specimens of Natural Science 
 
 Snoncres ..*. 
 
 1,085 
 
 12 
 
 219 
 
 Stone, Marble, etc 
 
 Tar 
 
 520 
 115 
 
 Tin- 
 
 Ore 
 
 28 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 Varnish, without spirits 
 
 Vinegar 
 
 Wax 
 
 5 
 9 
 
 8 
 149 
 
 Whalebone 
 
 123 
 
 Wool. Aloaca 
 
 225 
 
 Yeast 
 
 817 
 
 Zinc- 
 
 Ore . . 
 
 92 
 
 Crude 
 
 Thinsrs unenumerated unmanufactured 
 
 848 
 1,279 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 6,262 
 
 80,277 
 
 86,555 
 
 
102 
 
 TABLE XVII.-(See pages 63 and 64.) 
 
 List of manufactured, and other articles imported into the United Kingdom in 
 1885. (In £ Stg., OOO's omitted). 
 
 ARTIOIiES. 
 
 J. 
 
 From 
 
 British 
 
 Countries. 
 
 Animals — 
 
 Horses 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 Arms and Ammunition — 
 
 Swords 
 
 Cannon . . , , 
 
 .Muskets, Rifles, etc 
 
 Shot 
 
 Gunpowder 
 
 Rockets 
 
 Art- 
 Works of 
 
 Beads 
 
 Books 
 
 Brass 
 
 Buttons 
 
 Candles 
 
 Caouchouc Manufactures 
 
 Chemical Manufactures and Products. 
 
 China and Porcelain 
 
 Clocks 
 
 Confectionery 
 
 Copper Manufactures 
 
 Cord, Twine, Cable Yarn 
 
 Cork, Manufactured 
 
 Cotton — 
 
 Yarn 
 
 Manufactures : Muslins 
 
 Other Piece Goods 
 
 Hosiery 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 Embroidery and Needlework 
 
 Feathers— 
 
 For Beds 
 
 Ornamental 
 
 Flowers, Artificial 
 
 Glass- 
 Window 
 
 Plate 
 
 Manufactures unenumerated 
 
 Hats and Bonnets— 
 
 Straw . 
 
 Felt 
 
 Other 
 
 Iron — 
 
 Sewing Machine 
 
 Manufactures 
 
 Jute, Yarn 
 
 Lace 
 
 Lead, Manufactures 
 
 Leather — 
 
 Varnished 
 
 Boots and Shoes 
 
 Gloves, 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 14 
 
 262 
 4 
 
 33 
 
 3 
 1 
 
 11 
 1,006 
 
 14 
 
 From 
 
 Foreign 
 
 Countries. 
 
 189 
 
 13 
 205 
 227 
 
 Total. 
 
 195 
 29 
 
 13 
 205 
 
 228 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 2{)0 
 
 250 
 
 162 
 
 176 
 
 80 
 
 82 
 
 90 
 
 90 
 
 204 
 
 211 
 
 69 
 
 71 
 
 299 
 
 299 
 
 172 
 
 173 
 
 396 
 
 397 
 
 1,342 
 
 1,.356 
 
 503 . 
 
 518 
 
 408 
 
 408 
 
 852 
 
 855 
 
 43 
 
 43 
 
 188 
 
 450 
 
 489 
 
 493 
 
 491 
 
 492 
 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 660 
 
 693 
 
 441 
 
 441 
 
 812 
 
 816 
 
 152 
 
 153 
 
 91 
 
 102 
 
 488 
 
 1.494 
 
 298 
 
 298 
 
 538 
 
 538 
 
 186 
 
 186 
 
 907 
 
 907 
 
 75 
 
 75 
 
 114 
 
 114 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 252 
 
 252 
 
 2,346 
 
 2,361 
 
 297 
 
 297 
 
 1,0.32 
 
 1,032 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 135 
 
 135 
 
 344 
 
 346 
 
 1,502 
 
 1,502 
 
 217 
 
 218 
 
103 
 TABLE XVIL-Continued. 
 
 Abticles. 
 
 Linen — 
 
 Yarn 
 
 Marufactures !!!.!..! 
 
 Metal, Wrought or Manufactured. . 
 
 Musical Instruments 
 
 Paper- - 
 
 Printing or Writing 
 
 Hangings 
 
 Unenumerated , , 
 
 Millboard 
 
 Perfumery ..!!.!.!!! 
 
 Pictures 
 
 Plated Ware '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.".'.['.[ 
 
 Prints, Engravings ..., 
 
 Silk- 
 Thrown 
 
 Broad Stuffs, Silk "or Satin . ' . *" 
 
 "Velvet ;... 
 
 Ribbons 
 
 Other !.'.'.'.'.".".'.'.' .\ 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 Skins and Furs, Fur Manufactures' . '. 
 
 Stationery 
 
 Toys .■.■■.■.■.■.■.■;.■.■ ■' 
 
 Watches " ' 
 
 Wood Furniture 
 
 House, Frame and Joiner Work.. 
 
 Woollen Ya.n 
 
 Wool, for Weaving 
 
 Alanufactures Goats' Hair. 
 
 Cloths 
 
 Stuffs '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'..'.'. 
 
 Untnumerated 
 
 Zinc Manufactures 
 
 Manufactured Goods, Unenumerated. 
 
 From 
 
 British 
 
 Countries. 
 
 8 
 2 
 
 28 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 
 163 
 1 
 
 57 
 1 
 
 Totals. 
 
 43 
 
 1 
 
 377 
 
 2,097 
 
 389 
 41 
 
 620 
 
 351 
 84 
 
 307 
 15 
 
 294 
 
 231 
 
 4,662 
 
 932 
 
 2,177 
 
 89 
 
 2,241 
 
 454 
 
 134 
 
 572 
 
 626 
 
 392 
 
 269 
 
 221 
 
 1,774 
 
 81 
 
 267 
 
 5,114 
 
 1,948 
 
 358 
 
 5,799 
 
 49,634 
 
 From 
 Foreign 
 
 Total. 
 
 Countries. 
 
 
 231 
 
 231 
 
 271 
 
 271 
 
 313 
 
 313 
 
 726 
 
 729 
 
 390 
 49 
 623 
 351 
 113 
 310 
 16 
 295 
 
 231 
 
 4,664 
 932 
 
 2,177 
 89 
 
 2,405 
 4m 
 134 
 572 
 626 
 450 
 271 
 221 
 
 1,774 
 
 82 
 
 267 
 
 5,114 
 
 1,992 
 360 
 
 6,176 
 
 51,747 
 
 TABLE XXIV.— (See pages T9 and 80.) 
 
 Canada's Expokts to United Kingdom. 
 
 In dollars ; £ multiplied by 5 to give $. (Last three figures omitted. ) 
 
 Articles A. - 
 
 Wheat 
 
 '■ Flour . 
 
 Barley 
 
 Oats 
 
 * 
 
 Agiucultuhal Puoduck. 
 
 Canada's 
 Export to 
 
 United 
 Kingdon . 
 
 Canada's 
 
 Total 
 Exports. 
 
 United 
 
 Kingdom 
 
 Import 
 
 from 
 
 Foreign 
 
 Countries. 
 
 
 1,681 
 
 381 
 
 20 
 
 703 
 
 1,966 
 
 55() 
 
 5,503 
 
 QQ'i 
 
 83,185 
 
 
 47,070 
 22,590 
 
 
 Wt} 1 i»,yiu 
 
104 
 TABLE XXIV.- Continued, 
 
 A.— Aguiclltural Produce.— Cor. <inu«rf. 
 
 Oatmeal 
 
 Pease 
 
 Maize 
 
 Bye 
 
 Meal, unenumerated 
 
 Potatoes 
 
 Apples 
 
 Total of above 
 
 Total agricultural produce . 
 
 D.— Animals anr thkir PRonuoK. 
 
 Horned Cattle 
 
 Sheep and LaMibs 
 
 Beef- 
 Salted 
 
 Fresh 
 
 Meat- 
 Salted and Fresh 
 
 Preserved and Canned 
 
 Bacon 
 
 Pork, Salted and Fresh 
 
 Hams 
 
 Butter (exclusive of Butterine). 
 Cheese 
 
 Total of above 
 
 Total Animals and their Produce . 
 
 C— Fish. 
 
 Fresff Fish 
 Salted " 
 
 Total of above 
 
 Produce of Fisheries. 
 
 D.— Raw M^atkrials. 
 
 Copper Ore 
 
 Hides, Raw — 
 
 Dry 
 
 Wet 
 
 Leather— 
 
 Undressed 
 
 Dressed. Sole and Upper. 
 
 Manure, Phosphate 
 
 Oil, Fish.... 
 
 Skins and Furs — 
 
 Marine Animals 
 
 Sealskins 
 
 She* p . . 
 
 Furs, undressed 
 
 " dressed 
 
 Cannda's r'„„„j„ 
 Export to' <^'^"*'l'* 
 ' United 
 
 Kingdom. 
 
 241 
 
 1,713 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 "".537' 
 
 .5,306 
 5,502 
 
 5,752 
 456 
 
 14 
 
 30 
 628 
 
 11 
 
 80 
 1,212 
 
 8,178 
 
 16,361 
 17,979 
 
 1,543 
 
 139 
 
 403 
 327 
 
 47 
 
 • 88 
 
 "2 
 
 1,426 
 
 6 
 
 Total 
 Exports. 
 
 2.')0 
 2,077 
 
 11 
 179 
 
 19 
 234 
 602 
 
 12,290 
 14,518 
 
 7,377 
 1,261 
 
 34 < 
 
 16 
 
 30 
 
 630 
 
 35 
 
 86 
 1,430 
 8,245 
 
 19,144 
 25,337 
 
 7,960 
 
 419 
 362 
 116 
 
 179 
 
 "26 
 
 1,617 
 
 9 
 
 United 
 Kingdom 
 
 Import 
 from 
 
 Foreign 
 Conntries, 
 
 845 
 
 1,510 
 
 41,180 
 
 525 
 
 350 
 
 1,405 
 
 3,115 
 
 221,685 
 
 ?8,175 
 7,720 
 
 2,195 
 11,275 
 
 395 
 
 .5,210 
 
 30,415 
 
 ( 2,480 
 
 \ 920 
 
 10,080 
 
 41,750 
 
 14,135 
 
 154,750 
 
 246 
 601 1 
 
 3,500 
 4,545 
 
 8,045 
 
 2,2.50 
 
 2,005 
 6,545 
 
 4,180 
 
 10,340 
 
 2,61u 
 
 1,37P 
 
 2,015 
 1,850 
 
 2,220 
 
105 
 TABLE XXIY. -Continued. 
 
 D.— Raw M\tm.i\w,— Continued. 
 
 Tallow 
 
 Wool, Sheep and Lambs. 
 
 Ashes- 
 Pot and Pearl 
 
 Alkali 
 
 Canada's 
 Exports to 
 
 United 
 Kingdom. 
 
 Canada's 
 
 Total 
 Exports. 
 
 Fnited 
 
 Kingdom 
 
 Import 
 
 from 
 
 Foreign 
 
 Countries. 
 
 3 
 9 
 
 140 
 
 Total above. 
 
 " Produce of the Mine 
 
 Wood and Timber, hewn- 
 Fir 
 
 Oak ■.■;;;; 
 
 Unenumerated 
 
 Sawn fir 
 
 Unennumerated ... 
 
 Staves 
 
 Total of above Wood 
 
 " Produce of the Forest. 
 
 E.— Manukactured and othkr Articles. 
 
 Animals, Horses 
 
 Iron and Steel — 
 
 Sewing Machines 
 
 Machinery and Iron MannfactureV, N.E S 
 Leather- 
 Boots and shoes. 
 
 Other Manufactures 
 
 Musical Instruments— ' 
 
 Organs 
 
 Pianos 
 
 Wood- 
 
 Furniture 
 
 Doors, Sashes, Blinds, et<3 . . . . . / 
 
 Other Manufactures 
 
 Carriages, Carts and Wagons 
 
 Agricultural Implements 
 
 Woolens— 
 
 , Yarn 
 
 For Weaving 
 
 Cloths 
 
 Stuffs ... '.'.'.".".'.." '.'.\',\ 
 
 Unenumerated ...... 
 
 Books, Pamphlets, Maps, etc . ! . . .. 
 Ships.. ' 
 
 Total of above 
 
 2,590 
 1,543 
 
 4 
 
 196 
 
 156 
 
 3,92.^ 
 7,960 
 
 4,685 
 13,110 
 
 145 
 
 5.3,335 
 
 9,577 
 
 47 
 10 
 
 9 
 17 
 
 116 
 1 
 
 21 
 
 44 
 
 201 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 27 
 
 42 
 
 78 
 
 20,989 
 
 1,554 
 
 69 
 86 
 
 70 
 20 
 
 135 
 
 8 
 
 169 
 46 
 
 470 
 17 
 22 
 
 11,480 
 
 2,295 
 
 350 
 
 3.3,545 
 
 2,185 
 2,580 
 
 52,435 
 
 945 
 
 1,260 
 11,730 
 
 1,720 
 1,085 
 
 I 3,630 
 
 345 
 960 
 
 620 
 
 55^ 
 
 155 
 246 
 
 I ! 
 
 1,105 
 8,870 
 1,335 
 2.5,570 
 9,740 
 1,020 
 
 3,122 
 
 Total Manufactures Exported 
 
 ' ' Miscellaneous " '. 
 
 " Exports, produce of Canada. ... . . . ..'.'. 
 
 " including not produce of Canada 
 
 .$1,335 
 
 64 
 
 36,479 
 
 41,871 
 
 $3,181 
 
 557 
 
 76,183 
 
 84,263 
 
 n,315 
 
106 
 
 TABLE XXVI.-(See page 84.) 
 
 Lint of Treaties containitiK clauses granting most favoured nation treatment 
 in the matter of import and export duties and in shipping and trade. 
 
 1. Those expressly or by the generality of their terms referring to all British 
 subjects and to British possessions all over the world :— 
 
 Austria, 1868 (XII. 1103)*, 1876 (XIV. 164)» ; Chili, 1854 (IX. 949)* ; 
 China, 1858 (XI. 91)*; Colombia, 1866 (XII. 366)*; Corea, 1883 (XV. «87)» ; 
 Denmark, 1860-70 (I. 181,188) ; renewed 1814 ; Dominican Republic, 1850 (VIII. 
 983)» ; Johanna, 1850 (IX. 549)* ; Madagascar, 1865 (XII. 637)* ; Morocco, 1856 
 (X. 905, 915)* ; Nicaragua, 1860 (XI. 452)* ; Persia, 1841 (VI. 589)* ; 1857 (X. 
 949)*; Portugal, 1812 (VI. 599)*; Russia, 1859 (X. 1060)*; Sweden, 1654-1766- 
 1812-1813 (II. 311,335) ; Sweden and Norway, 1826 (III. 435)* ; Switzerland, 
 1855 (X. 594)* ; Tonga, 1879 (XV. 396)* ; Tripoli, 1751 (I. 149) ; Renewed 1812. 
 Turkey, 1861 (XI. 561), (this is marked as expired, but the time or mode of expir- 
 ing does not appear. ) 
 
 2. Similar to the above, but with a clause that future reductions of tariff are to 
 be extended ^''atuitously only if gratuitously granted to other foreign countries, 
 and upon like compensation if in\ch reductions are conditional : 
 
 Liberia, 1848* (VIII. 737), aud possibly some of the others above. 
 
 3. The following stipulate for liberty of commerce as well as most favoured 
 nation treatment with British possessions in Europe, and for most favoured nation 
 treatment only, in British possession out of Europe : 
 
 Argentine Confederation, 1825* (III. 45). 
 
 Bolivia* 1840 (VI. 91). Costa Rica* 1849 (VIII. 134). 
 
 Venezuela, 18-5 (Colombia, III. 57) ; 1834 (IV. 534). 
 
 4. The following similarly restricted and with the above distinction between 
 gratuitous and conditional cancessions : ". . , 
 
 Equatort 1851* (IX. 243). . ' . 
 
 5. The following refer to the United Kingdom and to the Colonies, except 
 those expressly excluded in virtue of a protocol : 
 
 Italy* 1883 (XV. 777); Montenegro* 1882 (XV. 241); Roumania* 1880 
 (XV. 314) ; Servia, 1879* (XIV. 1150) ; 1880* (XV. 342). 
 
 There is a similar clause of exclusion in the treaty with Corea, 1883. 
 (XV. 887}*, but none of the Colonies have availed themselves of it. 
 
 6. The following appear to affect the United Kingdom or British possessions 
 in Europe alone : Denmark, Convention 1824* (III. 74-77), Portugal, Convention 
 1882* (XV. 294) ; United States, 1815, 1818* (II. 387,394), 182,* (IV. 499). 
 
 7. The same with the above distinction between gratuitous and conditional 
 extension of privileges : the Netherlands, 1837 (V. 338, 343). 
 
 *Ttae references are to the volumes and pages of Hertslet's Commeroial Treaties 
 Tbose marked with un c sterisk are noted as in force Ist January, 1886, 
 
 tSpelt thus in the Treaty. It is commonly spelt Ecuador. 
 
107 
 
 8. In the following, the engagement is to grant the most favoured treatment. 
 
 TU t"!"**, ^T <^"" "^ "l'^'^' 1«^«* <^IV. 164); Roumania, 1880#(XV. 314)- 
 (XlV M2) ' '''' ^^' '''' '''^' M°»'«»«^-. 1«82# (XV. 241); Tunis. 1875 
 
 ofV, ^* ■'^irH^ ^''f" '''■f '"^^ *'"^**'''' °"^ '^•**» Belgium, 1862* (XI, 68-71), and the 
 
 ?Sr "' h ??'" r\'^' °*^''* ''^^^^''^ "f *^« ««™'"> ZoUvereln, 1866* (XII 
 762), ,n the latter of which the expression used is likewise "any third country 
 
 he most favoured." and in both of which there U provision that the produce S 
 those countrieH ,s to be subjected in the British Colonies to no other or higher 
 dut.es than the produce of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or 
 
 n the language of the Belgian Treaty, than " similar articles of British origin."** 
 
 ♦In force Ist January, 1883. 
 
 EreBe?t^edSnmot"onofMrOctlv7u?vTo?^^^^^^ ^'1°'' *^.« Return of such Treaties 
 Parliament (on Sess of 27th Anril Ydf^ZlT^JiiFL' °u ^l\ "?-^*'"'^ Vincent, M.P.. to 
 But while the Returrbrinss the information rt^wn * «"ehtly different object In view, 
 given, there does not BeeKt^'nTseTo^^lrdi^ro^aVcy b^J^'een^^tl^e'r '^ "'* '^^^