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Les diagrammes suivants iiiustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 m 1 I t f. 1 1 \ 111 j:|Hft m'- ^|iV II 'If iS^ itl II 1 Ho C 3- ti„i SPEECH ^ r^ A) OF MR. LEAKE, OF VIRGINIA, ON THE OREGON QUESTION. BELl VE RED 'i^% IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 3, !846. I ; \ i-i WASHINGTON: PRINTED AT THE UNION OFFICE. 1846. if % , ^ 'f- ,.,'-' ^n.,^ v.^.^^]' (i Bar me, on Fnaay last, l believe, lOOK occa- 1 Mr. Rives had been deposea f^o^ oflice on ^account cf his I s '' fl ' ' WW ■(■Wb '- 1 H> '9W Si wt m^l M\ mn m imti :-i M" liii ^^ra w ■i 'ilH i i »' ll>,,l di t I i'' 1 m ': 'W m '' Si ^J • 1 'KU] * )• SPEECH. . LEAKE rose, and oddrcssed the committee .Chairman: 1 am '"" one of those who are ?sed to regret the -acted debate which the !ion before us has >...ited in this House. 1 am 5ie of those who believe that when a question e magnitude and importance, the acknowledged rtance of this, is brought up for consideration iccision, the debate in relation to its merits and > conserjuences which may result from it, ought it all limited. It is a question as to which the !c of the United States are demanding at our is the fullest and most thorough investigation hour minds are capable of bestowing upon it. ii the eyes of the nation are turned towards Jeliberations here — when all classes and inter- ire involved in the consideration and decision of question — I say it behooves the American Con- , it behooves the representatives of this great Jeracy, to deliberate well and to consider ma- / before they come to a decision on its merits. IS, indeed, no ordinary que.^tion that we are i upon to decide. It is, I firmly believe, as im- i!it a one as any that has ever engaged the atten- of the American Congress since the foundation '.e government, not excepting even the momen- declaration o'' war, and the deliberations which eded it, in 181. I have given to it whatsoever itieration my fet !e powers have enabled me to 1 have investig ted it as maturely as I could; such are the impressions and such the conclu- at which my mind has arrived. spirit of levity unbecoming this body, and un- hy of the occasion, has sometimes manifested m the course of this discussion. And I could rejoice had no matter foreign to the question extraneous to the subject under consideration introduced, so that 1 might be at liberty to :h directly up to the question, as is my wont, confine my attention, and the attention of the mittee, if 1 shall be so fortunate as to obtain it, asively to that point. But, sir, I am not thus lerty. For, high as are the responsibilities un- tfliich I acknowledge myself to be as a repre- tive in the Congress of the United States — as is the duty which I owe to this great confed- )' of States — yet there is one duty even higher more sacred, and which calls were loudly upon or at least a passing notice. he State which I have the honor in part to rep- nt on this floor, has been again I' 1 couservativo position— when the Old Dominion flood erect, 'roileemcd, regenerated, and diaenthralled' from the fettera ofconservatiiim— that her statoimen should now return 'l.ke a sow that is washed to hei wallowinfi; in the mire'— was truly a thing to be deprecated by ererj- friend of hers, an'l by every lover of his country. Now, if hit information was correct, ten to four of her politicians had relapsed Into the position of conservatism. Now, if Mr. Rives was in power, he would undouI)t(!dly stand at the liead of the rep- resentatives from the Old Dominion, leading on their co- horts. But the people of the Old Dominion would yet speak for themselves; their voices would be beard from the west- ern mountains to the Atlantic coast, proclaiming in thunder tones our right to the whole of Oregon up to 84 degrees 40 minutes." Did the gentleman mean to intimate, (contir/jcd Mr. L.,) in this grave charge, that the State of Vir- ginia, like that which he represents, had ever dv EEirted from the republican faith, here or else when?.' )id he mean to insinuate that there ever had been a time wh'jn the constitution of our country was endangered, when the principles of the repuolican party, which contain in themselves the true exposi- tion of that constitution, had beei. assailed, when conservatism, or whigism had threatened to sweep away the great landmarks of the republican policy — did he mean to say that the time had ever been when the Commonwealth of Virginia had fallen from the proud position she has always occupied in the ranks of the republican party ? This lecture comes from the State of Tennessee. Remember it ! From the Stale of Tennessee! And the eientlemun who failed to set his own household in order, under- takes to regulate ours; he who had proved inade- quate to preserve his own State, to raise her up from tne slough into which she had fallen, undertakes to interfere between us and our constitu- ents, and to tell us that wc have departed from the faith of our fathers. I say to him that when the State of Tennessee, like Virginia, shall have as- sumed the proud position to which she is so well entitled — when she shall have cast off the slough of federalism, in which she has been engulfed for some years past — when she shall have proved more faith- ful to lier own distinguished .son tluvM Virginia has done, K will be time enough for him to lecture us and to show us what our u es are. Sir, I have not come heie to pass any eulogium on the Stale which I m part represent. But smce she has been thus assailed, and an eflbrt deliberate- ly made to cast a blot upon her hitherto unsullied escutcheon, since she has been accused, arraigned, and (if the testimony of the accuser is to be taken) convicted, I have felt it rny duty to say a word in her vindication. As to the charge against inyself, (for I am one of the ten representatives of Virginia on this floor against whom it is brought;) that I had relapsed from the ancient faith of my State, I let it pass by me "as the idle wind that I regard not;" but I felt it due to old Virginia, the bulwark of the republican party now and heretofore, to set her right before Congress and the country. I know that when the gentleman from Illinois and others told us that we, who occupy an antago- nistic position to that which he holds, were appeal- ing to the fears of the people, they did not under- stand the force of the terms which they used. We appealing to the fears of the people.' We of the South — of Virginia and of South Carolina in par- ticular — to be accused of appealing to the fears of the people! If we had made such an appeal, it is one that would have fallen as upon the ears of night, which could not be responded to, because there was no such feeling existing. But we made no appeal, except to their caution and prude We did not attempt to excite their prejudice alarm their fears by warning them that without cause or provocation there was danger to their ri or their interests. A word more before I close this portion of my marks. I say to all those who have assailcii that whilst we do not vauni ourselves on our ac ments, yet, when thus assailed, I must, as un her representatives, say that Virginia has r thought it necessary to erect any monuments to iions; and it is not our boast, aa it was Justly boast of the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Gii the other day, that his State "gave graves to het emies and monuments to hor defenders." We n no such boast, because the fame of our Comi wealth is so well established on the pages of ourh ry that it requires no sculptured marble or pyratii stone to commemorate her achievements, or to petuate the virtues of her sons. She builds monuments on the battle-field, and stamps the ord of her achievei .ents on the destinies of the tion. I pass now, Mr. Chairman, to another mattci tremely irrelevant in it.i character, and which gret to be compelled to refer to. 1 speak of th tempt which is made here to read out of the di cratic church all who do not agree in the proprit giving this notice, and to the repeated allusion that connexion, to the Baltimore convention its action. 1 say I regret that any allusion has made on this floor to a mere party convenli whether held by whigs or democrats. The has yet to come when caucus machinery shall trol the action of the federal government. The has yet to come when the dictates of a convei shall be regarded as law by an American Conj And I, for one, do not hesitate to say to this H and through this House to the country, that 1 not what may be the dictates of party, unless meet the approbation of my conscience I wi! bow down to them. No consideration shall lis me to surrender the rights and interests of my stituents, or to sacrifice one tittle of the hoiio; true glory of the nation, because the parly which it is my pride to act, and with which I I ever shall act, may think proper to lay do different rule of action. But what was the decision of the Baltimore vention.' Did that make Oregon a party que: A certain running resolution asserted our rigli Oregon. Nothing was said about a notice, convention did not require anyone of the i! cratic party to give that notice. It was an ab declaration of our right to Oregon, in which 1 concur, and which I expect to carry out by m tion on this floor, either at this session, or at subsequent time, if I should have the honoi seat here. IsMhis a party question? My and colleague7[Mr. Pendletok,] the "lone sU whigism from the State of Virginia, has falle some error. In the fierce vehemence of his di ciation, he has given a party aspect to the i unworthy of the occasion, and unworthy position as a representative here. I am not to enter into the history of the Baltimore co tion, nor to reply to the hits of my colleague a that convention. It is tpie, he told us that th« vention had brought forth, rather suddenly,! tain distinguished individual; that the heteroge elements of which the democratic party was posed must insure ita speedy dissolution; a ir caution and prude Rxcite their prejudic?: ng them that without was danger to their ri< osethis portion of niy so who have assailrd i ourselves on our ac ailed, I must, aa urn that Virginia haa m :ct any monuments to ist, as it wae justly m Maryland [Mr, Gii e "gave gruves to hei lOr defendera." We fame of our Coirit d on the pages of ourh ured marble or pyrani achievements, or to ler sons. She builds ield, and stamps the n the destinies of the tian, to anathcr matiei character, and which ;fer to. I speak of th to read out of the di ot agree in the proprie the repeated allusion Baltimore convention hat any allusion has (lere party conventi or democrats. The icus machinery shall ■al government. The 8 dictates of a convei )y an American Conj itate to say to this H the country, that ates of party, unless my conscience 1 wil consideration shall ii; 1 and interests of my ne tittle of the hoiioi because the parly ict, and with which I nk proper to lay do on of the Baltimore Oregon a oarty ques ion asserted our rigli aid about a notice, ire any one of thed lotice. It was an ) Oregon, in which 1 ct to carry out by m U this session, or at uld have the honoi rty question.' My LETOK,] the "lone stj f Virginia, has falle ! vehemence of his di )arty aspect to the li »n, and unworthy ve hete. I am not of the Baltimore co its of my colleague a le, he told us that tha I, rather suddenly,! ual; that the heteroge ;mocratic party was peedy dissolution; hifl imagmation, he was contcmplaliijg the proppcct of that brilliant party with which he haa, ft>r at i«ast ten years, been associated, gaining ascendency in the councils of the nation, ond of our own State. I cannot but tkink, Mr. Chairman, that he had, in his imagination, gone back to the scenes of the ex- tra session of 1841, when a party, flushed with one of the most brilliant triumphs that had ever been achieved, came here in the full tide of successful ex- i)eri«ient; and, in the short space of six weeks, (a eas time than would be rer|uired, in the e.stimation of the gentleman from Michigan, [Mr. Chipman,] to take Canada,) dissolved into its original elements, and was scattered to the four winds of heaven, nev- er more to be gathered together. But is this a party question.' If the Baltimore convention so settled it, then 1 charge upon the dem- ocratic party here that they have proved recreant to their duty, and false to the instructions they have received. 1 say, if it is a party ouestion, it is un- doubtedly true that they have violated the instruc- tions of the democratic party. Do you not remem- ber, sir, that at the last session, the proposal to give this notice was under consideration.' I was submitted in an independent form. It wax pro- posed to be incorporated in a bill then befoi* the House. And what was the vote.' Of the 82 mem- i»ers who voted in the negative, 79 were dem- ocrats, and 3 only whis;.^; while, of the 120 who voted in the atfirmative, (il were wliigs and 53 dem- ocrats. And this, too, at the session which imme- diately followed the Baltimore convention, and after the election of Mr. Polk. But one brief year ago, then, we find the democratic party on this floor re- pudiating the very issue which gentlemen now say was made by that convention, and decided by the people in that contest. Sir, if it is a party question now, it was so then. If there is now any.obiiira- tion on the democracy here to vote for this notice, that obligation was equally strong upon them at the lust Kession. And gentlemen who taunt us with A departure from the household faith on this ques- tion, do but pass the heaviest censure upon them- selves. The gentleman from Indiana in my eye, [Mr. Kf.nnedy,] who made u most amusing, ns well as an argumentative speech on this question, voted at the last session against the notice. Mr. Kevnedy explained. He said that, as he presumed it was not the desire of his friend from Virginia to misrepresent him on this subject, he would beg leave to state, that he had at no time du- ring the last session voted against giving this no- tic«; but on the contrary, in all possible ways he had voted for it. He had concurred wi^ his col- league [Mr. OwenI in its introduction aa an inde- pendent proposition; and after it was connected with a separate and different proposition, he had voted for them both together. It was true that he had voted against cminecling these separate and dis- tir\ct propositions in one bill; and one of the 4itrongest objections he had against this connexion, was the fact that it might defeat the final passage of this very notice, and possibly endanger both meas- ■ures. This was his position, and he understood it to be the position of nearly all, if not all, of those who voted with him on that occasion. Mr. Leake continued. These episodes, Mr. ■chairman, are not very convenient or agreeable; particularly under the one-hour rule. I only state a fact which ihe journal proves. And I as.°ert that of those distinguished orators of the democratic piirly who have spoken this scKsion in favor of the notice, all, with the exception of five or six, voted u the last session against it. The gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. Tiiompkon] undertook yesterday to explain away his vote. And almost every dem- ocrat who now charges us with a departure from the household faith, because we will not go for the notice, themselves voted against it twelve months But I refer to another consideration. If this be a party question, then I do not hesitate to say that the democratic party is now di. solved, and tliat there must be a new formation of parties. If to oppose the notice makes a man no democrat, then to sup- port the notice is, of course, to make a democrat of the first water. And if you apply the test of my colleague, who spoke several days ago, [Mr. Bay- ly,] the distinguished gentleman from Massa- chusetts, [Mr. Adams,] the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. GiPDiNGS,] the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Pollock,] the gentleman from Alabama, [Mr. HiLLunu, the "lone star" from that State,] and some dozen other whigs, are now democrats of the first water; whilst we, who bore the burden and heat of the day, when, in the memorable contest of 1844, the principles of the republican parfy were staked "upon the cast of the die;" we who were foimd in the breach, eye to eye and front to front with the whigs, and who contributed somewhat to the splendid victory which then crowned our efforts, are now to be denounced ns traitors to the dcmo- crnlic \mriy and its principles. Sir, if I believed that the distinguished muir who now fills the presi- dential chair with so much honor to the country— that man of whom I can proudly say that I confide in him as fully as I would in any man that ever held that exalted station — if, I say, he could give coun- tenance to these assaults upon a portion of his beat friends, simply because they could not concur with him in a question of mere expediency involving no political principle whatever, I should hold him un- worthy of the station. But, Mr. Chairman, I have not yet referred t the question before the committee. I have felt it my tiuty to place my self right before the people whom i represent, and to say a few words in vindication of those of my colleagues who occupy the same posi- tion. I must confess, and the remark comes in patly here, that I have seen enough in the discussion in this House, and of the action of certain individuals, to excite the fears of a novice like myself. I have seen enough to have caused me, had I been an ad- vocate for this notice, (which I was not,) to pause and deliberate before taking a step so fatal and ir- revocable. What have we seen here? We are told that this is a party question. 1 congratulate gentle- men, then, on their new allies. I have seen the veteran federalism of Massachusetts, the wild, reck- less, and impudent fanaticism of all the non- slaveholding States, (which finds its appropriate representative even on this floor,) and the high and generous chivalry of the West, shaking hands in strange and unnatural concord over this most por- tentous proposition. I have seen abolitionists and federalists, tarifl!* men, bank men, and internal im- provement men, all meeting and acting in harmoni- ous concert upon what they say in a democratic question. Sir, if these are the emblems of democ- racy, I am not a democrat. But they are not so. And gentlemen who undertake to arraign us, know full well that the test is no test at all. ri V; ?1 Hi I I i f ■«•.,' %£\ 1 1 Wlien I wns elected to represent tlic fifth ron- preasionnl iliKtrict, of Virginia, I was nlfctnl by n people who had cvfr held their rcprescntntivcH ex- clusively respnnsible to thcmselveB. Tlie charter un- der winch I hold my sent hire, comes from tiie fieopic of Viijjiiiiii, or n poriion of them; nnd wiiilst I hiive pvcry rcmlidence in the incumbf-.it of the [ireHi- diiitial chnir — whilst / hnve every coildenfe in my brethren of the democratic pnrty — and \vhil^^t I nm t'tttrmined to continue by connexion with that piir- ty (grappled to it as I ntn with hooks of principle) through all time to come; yet I look neither to the White flonsc, nor to members licre, nortopMrty dict.-.tion out ofdoora, ns to what 1 sliall do. I Hhull fjo iiome to my people; to them I shall give a full •■xpianatinn of my course here; and lam content to iiijideby their veriliet; and neither the gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. Booe.] nor the a;entleinan from Ten- nessee, [Mr. JoiiNso.v.JehnU be permitted to step in herween us. 1 proceed now, Mr. Chairman, to notice a few of the considerations which will guide my action on this question of notice. And I beg leave, at the out- Met, to observe that 1 shall not go into a discussion of theftncrits of our title to Oregon, or iuto an ex- amination of its merits as compared with that of Great Britain. The mutter has been so fully discus- sed and elaborated here, and in the able exposition of our two Secretaries of State, Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Buchanan, that it would be a work of superer- ogation to attempt to throw any new light upon it. Suffice it to say, that I liold the American title to be clear and unt^uestionablc up to 49° and-a-half. I hold our title agamst England as good to 54° 40'; but I canno' hold, with the chairman ofth? Committee on Territories, [Mr. Douglass,] that we may go up to the Arctic circle. Believing this, I shall pursue that course which 1 believe best calculated to secure our rights to the \vhole country, and to bring this contro- versy to an amicable settlement. What, then, is rh*' "uestion for u.i to decide.' So far it has been c exclusively to the propriety of giving or not j this notice; but tlie fact is that the propos' .iv>i'. .ogive this notice is one of the least considerations connected with the question. Whatdo gentlemen mean when they say thntycu are to give this notice, and that it is a.'i amicable measure .' If you do no more than give the notice, I asrree that there could not possibly be any danger to the jitace of the country. But that is tlis !i;ast part of It. Your notice means something mnro than mere notice, or it means nothing at all; you contemplate srong ulterior action, to give it force nnd vitality; otherwise you are merely acting the part of a l)rava- do. You say that the joint occupancy shail tenni- nate in twelve months fiom the date of the notice; but you also tell Great Britain, by inevitable impli- cation, that you mean to take steps to enforce your title. Is not this so .' Must it not be inevitably so .' It is an axiom— a truth that, merely stated, proves itself. Suppose that at the end of the twelve months this controversy shall remain open and unadjusted, nnd that Great Britain and the United States should have been unable (and I believe this notice to be an insuperable barrier in the way) to adjust it by ne- gotiation: what, then, will you do.' In the first place, you v/ill announce to Great Britain that the notice having been duly given, and believing our title to be clear and unquestionable, you are determined to lake such measures as may be requisite to enforce ■:| that title, and to take pogsession. Is this peace Is this calculated to secure an amicable adjustmentof thedifficulty ? On the contrary, 1 repeat tli;it, in my judgment, it is a declaration of war in embryo. It is saying to Great Britain that at the exfiiration oi' the twelve months, we will take the country by force. I shall n«t imdertake to enter into a disquisition upon the relative power of Great Britain and the United Stiraii(in of ie the country by into a (lisqiiisition vt Uritnin and the e, tlie miijlity and i; and I do not ftiar any oilier power. 5 to tell na of the n Great Britain and r>n thia continent — ing to war without say tlmt thia i.s a !ie speeches of gen- iire. If there be no who advocated the Bad to war, whence le American eagle, 8t the Briliah lion.' the patriotism and American people, e arrogance of Brit- nts of pence, or its Hiding in fierce de- it Britain; we have ith which we could indencics. Agentle- who made an elo- tell us, tliat with no of hi3 wagon dri- ory and drive the im Michig;an, [Mr. zeal, took occasion ) over into Canada, n appendage to the the gentleman from that these two gen- the conquest of the rid for himself to lion in his path, leard, and throws is now, doubtless, ?cssses of the Tow- bearJ again on this se, I ask, the em- 3idity of their con- 36 that recorded in re the walks of Jer- »y the blowing of seem to think that by a process as Chairman, Ctesar, pride of his glory, )idity of the light- that he should first omt. Napoleon, al- irerran many of the but he was backed e finest troops the t glory of the one, rishable laurels of by the wordy he- ant campaign; and vements of gentle- eonquest of Jeri- kspeare. We are certain liot spirits assembled in the quiet recesses of the mountains of Wales, and very coolly proceeded to dethrone the reigning monarch, and to parcel out hia dominions ifliong themielvcs. To so great an exactness did they carry thin imaginary conquest, that they "cavilled about the ninth part of a liair." But two houni of time "by Shrewsbury clock" sufficed to show the futility of tiicir calculation. And I tell gentlemen here, tnnt, wimtcver fancies they may think proper to indulge in, however easy in the distance the conquest of Great Britain may appear, something more than bluster, something more effectual than words, will be required to accomplish the object. There is another consideration, Mr. Chairman, which, to my mind, presents a conclusive objection lo this notice. When tny friend from Illinoia, [Mr. HoGE,] and the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. JouNsoN,] who have l)een hunting in pairs against Virginia, were assailing us for the want of democ- racy on this question, I could not but remember the surprise with which I had seen them sit coolly by, antl hear the most monstrous foliacies udvunctd on this floor, (on the part of democrats, too,) yet fold tlieir arms in inglorious apathy, and not rebuke them for their want of consistency with the princi- ples declared by the Baltimore convention. Was ihc Oregon question the only question embraced in the resolutions of that convention* Was nothing said about the tariff.' Was nothing said of other great issues.' Of internal improvemcriis.' When I heard the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Thompson,] in the course of the facetious speech he made here the other day, declaring himself in favor of Oregon, end at the same time boldly an- nouncing that the tariff would remain untouched, I wondered that some of these fiery members fi oni the West did not read him a lecture for his non-con- formity to one of the fundamental articles of the democratic ereed. But, to my surprise, they regard that gentleman as one of the best democrats on tliis floor, whilst I aiin one of the worst. Strange, that gentlemen who advocate the most monstrous error that has ever exhibited itself in our government, should be permitted to hold liieir places in the dem- ocratic party, whilst I and my colleagues are to be read out of it because we do not concur in a mere question of expediency. That, too, wes a question settled by the contest of 1844. The people settled it. That contest, however, was but "the war of the rev- olution — that of independence is yet to come," and it remains to be seen whether we can consummate it. What is the state of the relations between this country and Great Britain ? We have now ascer- tained that, if a proper line of policy shall be pur- sued between the two countries — if the amicable re- lations heretofore existing between them ghall be cultivated-«-the result must be in a shorktime to draw the commercial ties that bind us totrcth- er more closely, and in a manner that will re- dound equally to the interests and the honor of both nations. Much has been said about the restrictive policy of England — a policy which is unworthy of tlie en- ightened age in which ^t live. But now, when we have assurance almorjt doubly sure, that if the gov- ernntent of England 50 on in the line of policy which she has marked out, that system of restrk- tio« is to be relaxed, is it not madness to interpose any obstacle in the way ? Within two years a mc- terial modification of ner tariiT system has been made. Her restrictions upon the provision trade have been niateiially lightened, and wo have now nn almost certain prospect of the unconditional and total repnil of her corn-laws. These things arc but the loniniemeracnt of a grf at and glorious reform; and when the people of Kngland shidl have been once be^'un to feel the benetits of free trade in one respect, ihey will demand it in all. We have or- cerlained that even Sir Robert Peel, the organ and tlie spokesmon of the rtlern and hitherto unyidding tory interest of England, has been compelled to bow before the advancing spirit of the age — of freedom of trade and freedom of thought. On our own .side ofthewatern similar state of things exist.-?. Our people have awakened to the importance of iho sub- ject; and if the canvass of 1844 derided anything, it deridcil that these advances on the part of Great Britain fihould hornet in a corresponding spirit here. Anil in n few years, if this spirit is rultivatrd, it will prove ofinrakMilahle benefit 10 ihe people whom we all represent. No man can estimate the advantuges to accrue to the agricultural interests, nnd in fact to all class,! s of our people, from a system of perfect reciprocity of trade between us and Ihe nations of Europe. Is not tlii.s glorious prosjiect ciul;ingercd by 'lie notice' I advened sometime since to the fart th.Tt gentlemen who aU' ocate the notice con- sider it a war measure, and aiiiong.^t this number, Mr. (lIliniriTuin, i« yourself; for the anien(li,icnt you have propofied indicates as plainly as that two and two make four, the fears you enteitnin that war is to grow o\it of it. The second section of your bill reads as follows : Skc ■!. Jlnil ht it fv.vt'iri- rexolviil. That tlip I'lcsidont of tlie Lnitcil St.iti!.< i- horctiv iiuthoii/;-il to repc! any ami all Regressions uj'Oii thu cou'inerre uf llic I'nilfd blates; (0 ic- sist any nttempt wliirli muy I;u iiiuno to cxcirise fxcliit.i\provecl the third of .Mnrch vighteenhundiudand tl...\v in aclimi service oil the naval force if t!ie I'nited Stati-s, and to bnild, pnrrh,".se, or charter, arm, equip, and man, such vessels and .steamhoats m he shall deem necessaiy for the pui poses afoicsaid. And again it provides: ' SfcOs 3. ^■hid liH it fiTthn- ypsn!iei!. Th.nt the; mm of million'? of dollars is hereliyappiopiiuted and place.! a^the disi)oiial of the rreslder.l of the Unit.-;*' Statcf;, for the jvurpose of executing the proviRions aforesaid; to ])ro- vi le for which, the l^erretiiry of Ihi; Treasury is authorized to borrow money on the credit of the United States, nnd to cause cerii!io:iti'!i to be issued therefor, atcrei'abl) to the provisions of the lU'ih section of the act afore.'^aid, npiroved March third, ei^-hteen hundred and thirty-ijine. Now, (Continued Mr. L.,) I ask, if you give the notice, liave you, Mr. Chairman, not put it on tie ground that this liou.so wi';l be obliged to put it 01: ? And I do nothefiitate to soy that if this unqu<\lified notice shall be given, 1 shall be prepared (I do not wy to vote for so strong a bill as thi:;) but to arm tlie nation, in order that It may be in a condition to repel aggrc5;.sion, .-^nd to enforce the declaration it will have nude. For if we once got into v.-ar, or \ I ■| % ■I' '^ 7 •^ f-i }■ h til f\ t II to me It is tne noolest reflection in waste," oil Ml piu".'? I memori,' s ' Wi». ^-i auic..«— i } n ir lift: 8 the danger of war, wc shall hnvo to meet it OH becorncH tha Americt\n Congress. Give this notice — nccompany it with a liill of this char- acter — think you that Great Britain will (|ui- etiy fold htr arms, not anticipating the possibility of a conflict? And what then becomes oftlie jirospcct to which I have advcrtcii? The tai ill .syHteni of England would not be modi- ficd,lwhiic the inicjuiiouH bill of lb4'i would be pcr- (jeluiitcd, and all the isHuod which the peop:ii of this country decided in In44 would be awt^pt av, ..y. My friond from Mississippi, [Mr. Tuompsov,] spoke yesterday of one consideration, which, 1 inink, ri'C|iiirrH notice at the liands of southern cot- ton-fjrowin^ gentlemen, lie waid that Enjsildii'l .would not go to war because she depended on ul. for the raw material to sustain her manufactures. There urc two s.de; to tliut question. Mr. Jacob Thompson explained. He said he had only urged that as one of the eonsiderationa. Mr. Leake. Well, then, one of the considera- tions was that England could not do without a sun- ply of cotton from um, and, therefore, that she would not fi^ht. I do not doubt that this consideration woulJ opciiiic in Kcnio dc^^rec. uut I aopenl lo ti.c cotton interest — (and I am of their kinurcd, feelio'^ as they feel, my heart palpitatiri;^ to every injury inflicted upon tliein, for I am the represeniative of an agticultural inteicst) — I .luy I appeal to them to say if Great Britain cannot flourish without our eoiton, can our cotton flourish without the Engli:;h market? Of ilie two and a half millions of Oales raised in the United Slates, Isnglnnd takes over two millions, or more than four-fifths; and yet we are to be told that she will not ;^o to war, be- cause she cannot do without our cotton, when, in fact, all of us know that we cannot do without the Engli.«h market. The gross delusion that the tariff of J842 was to build ufi a home market has been exploded. It is at least in the womb of time — and I give it as my opinion — tlio promise never can be realized. So that, by a war, wc would be cut ofT from the market in England, whilst we should find no adequate market hereto countervail the los^. Uut this is an unpropitious time, for another con- sideration, at which to give this, notice. I know that some attempts have been made to ridicule the position which many of us occupy as lo the true mode of settling this Oregon question. We say that, without giving aay notice, we may proceed to take the proper steps to secure our ulutnate pos- session of the country, and to j)lace ourselves in .-^tich a strong and invincible position that Great 'kitain cannot move us. The gentleman from Ilii- iioit; [Ah . i.! ■^::-] tt>i'! I'.s that this would be stealing the teruii I.;; hw. I m'x ■Atii-tUo', to :n aUm^-ion ,...»* 'i, '-'... !r.i):f, wtycli goes as he .w ^ could v;ish. That gentiein.m tul ! d.-, M'.at without ,•■ •''"g the notice, we could properly rr.sort to ai' the meas- ures recommended by the President in hij message. What, sir, arc those measures? To encourage cmicjratio.i to Oregon hy nil proper means. To estaoiish at oncenr^'Iitary posts; to es- tabliijh pf .it-routes, and to guara.usa by tiic strong arm of the goveinmert tjia rlp'.'us r.f Ameri." n -.'iti- 7ons aoci'i;!,;.' i;i Oregon. Ail Miia we uavb the yiov/er to do wiliioii' notice, nnd "*. i.s i-ll thr.t 5s ne- cess.iry to bs doi? to ensure our uUimets posses- sion of tiie country. If you g;vo the notice you must do iviorcthan ;hi3. You must take forcible pos^'.asion r,fthe coii'try and maintain it at every hazard, whil.jt the athan- tages to be secured,' by this line of policy, will be identically the same 's those resulting from the course I have indicated. Hut will that course be an infrac- tion of the joint convention? Gentlemen say thu; Great Britain has twenty-odd forts erected within the limits of the disputed territory; that she hai nu- merous settlements there, nnd is engaged in the actual cultivation of the soil. England, then, has cin. strued the convention for us; and if we have sul). mitted for a |)eriod of .'JO years to thfinr- "cncroHiJi. nients," surely she can have no right to complain if we (;oloni^■<•, with a view to avail ourselves of tlic bcnffils stipulated in the agreement between th*) two countries. I wish to repent that I nm in favor of all steps requisite to secure our rights, and to encourage em- igration. The great argument I have heard here i:i fuvorofthc notice, is, that nCi^otiations have been brought to aclose,and therefore that we nuistlook to ulterior action. If this argument is founded in ren- son, it would have been good from the titne of. the adoption of the convention. That convention was resoried to as a substitute for war, as tlie. distin- gu'slied genilenr..i from Massachusetts, [Mr. A HAMS, I (in rci.i.irks which I fi:;! reported in tli^; "intelligencer" of the 3d of February lart,) declared. It was a .•substitute for war; negotiations had fail- ed. In 18;J4, another brief attempt to iiegotiate failed. And agiin, in 18'2(), another effort was made to settle ihe difflculty by negotiation. But the Brit- i^ili plenipotentiaries^ made a proposition to whicii v/e could not n''ccJe, and it was rejected. Negotia- tion failed, and the convention was renewed. So that in eaidi of these cases the argument had quite as much force and efficacy as it can iiave now. But it is precisely for the reason that negotiation has failed that this notice ought not to be given, because if it is given, war is the only alternative. Your negotiations have failed, and therefore you give the notice. It becomes, then, a resort to the ultima ratio of nations; and the ques tion must be settled by the struggle of nrm.=», with all the power and resources of the two countries. It is an event fraught with too much horror, and with too vast a destruction of the interests of the two countries to be for a moment contemplated. One other consideration, and I have cio.ged. la 1843, wc had not in Ori'gon 200 cit'zens who hml gone there to s( tile. In 1845, we had 8,000. If this increase of population, nlmojit unexampled even in the nearly fabulous growth of population in the States of this great nation, should continue, and the notice should not be given, in two or three years, at the 89 me ratio of increase, we should have not less than 50,000 sturdy sons of the West ready to repel r/.!,ii:»9^.\, ^P'' '■'•■- ."^rrc v'.-.o country' frTvi Briusi. This consideration alone would deter me froi.i giving the notice, and satii.iies me that the course 1 am pur^juing is consistent with our rights; for it is to be remembered that the joint convention in no respect detracts from our claim. It does r.jt weak- en the strength of our title, but leaves it precisely as it is. I hftve thus, Mr. Chairman, hastily expressed the vie'i's v.'hi( b }.'ive guidtd me to the -oncluKion ai wVich ' have ar.-ivcd; and 1 sincerely inist that, in tlie r'uim".te settlement of this momen',ous question, the real honor and true glory of our country may be preserved untarnished, and its interests guaran- tied, as well against foreign aggression as against the eiTects of hasty and ill-timed legislation here. _i»— ---■-^■•'V^^ - ■ ~'*^W-:i. y'- le of policy, will be llinj^ from the course courBe be an infrnc- ientlcmen say that forts erected within ry; that she hai nu- enajasjeii in the actual mil, then, lias cnri. iitid if Nvc have fiiib- t(i thci'f "eiicr()'ii:h- ) ri-^ht lo coinpliiifi ivail oursplves of the joment between th'! in favor of all steps ml to encourage ein- I have heani here i;! ntiations have been that we nuiNtlook to lU is founded in roa- from the tiTrie of. the rhnt convention was var, as the distin- fassachusetts, [Mr. fi;rl rcpnrtnd in ll.'' ruary Inrt,) dcrinrcd egoliations had fail- ttempt to Mes;otir\tc )ther elfort was mado aiion. But the Uris roposilion to wliicii I rejected. Negotia- n wn(3 renewed. So the argument had ' as it can have now. ;on tliat negotiation ought not to be , war ia the only 13 have failed, and It become.s, then, a ions; and the ques- iggle of arma, with lie two countries. It uch horror, and with interests of the two )ntennpiated. I have closed. In !0U citizens who had we had 8,000. If iO£)t unexampled even of population in the uld continue, and the ;wo or three years, at should have not less ! West ready to if;pel jountry frtii Briusi. i joiM deter me froi.-. me that the course 1 our rights; for it ia it convention in no . It does r.jt wcak- it leaves it precisely hastily expressed the to fbe -ancluKion ai incerciy i.-ust that, in momentous question, of our country may its interests guaran- iggression as against id legialation here. v.'J '"H.j^. I J|7