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Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be ffilmed at difffferent reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure ere ffilmed beginning in the upper lefft hand corner, lefft to right and top to bottom, as many fframes as required. The ffollowing diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre ffilmte A des taux de reduction diffffArents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA, II est ffilmA A partir de I'angle supArleur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants lllustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 p Mo^ PAVILIOI, HORTICULTURAL GiRDENS, Monday Evening, Sept. iqth, 1892. A^ % THE BLAKE DEMONSTEATION AT THE PAVILIOJf, HORTICULTURAL GARDENS, Monday Evening September 19th, 1895. FULL REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS. The Blake Demonstration, held in the Pavilion, Horticultural Gard'-ns, on Monday evening, Septeuilit-r 19th, was one of the largest and moat re- spectable that was ever witnef-SHcl with- in the walls of that epacious building ; andwhen the chairman, Senator Frank Smith, took his plane on the platform, having on his right and left the member for South Longford and his Grace the Archbishop of Toronto, jVJosc Rev. John Walsh, the very rafters shook with cheers, repeated again and again for several minutes. On the stage, besides these distinguish- ed f^entlemen, were : Hon. John Oostigan, Senator Sulli- van (Kingston), Hon. Peter Mitchell, Rev. Dr. Burns (Hamilton), Monsignor Rooney, James McMullen, M. P., Father O'Reilly, Patrick Boyle, J. D. Edgar, M.P., Hon. R. Harcourt, Hon. A. S. Hardy, James Innes, M.P., D. Guthrie, M. P. T. ; Sheriff INIcKim, Guelph ; J. K. Kerr, Q.C., Rev. Dr. Dewart, Robert Jaffray ; Capt. Larkin, St. (.'atoarinea ; A. V. Jury, Senator O'Donohof^, Rev. Ohas. DufF, Rov. James Grant, Oorneliu3 Flannigan, Major Manley, Aid. Leslie, C. A. Burns, Dr. Parnell, Ottawa; T. .Mul- cahey, Urillia ; John Mai Ion, Dean Oassidy, N. G. Bigelow, M.P.I'., Hon. xViigUn, Dr. Chamberlain, E. T. Ma- lone ; Dean Harris, St. Catharines ; Rev. A. F. Finan, Rev. J. Kilcullen ; Edward O'Connor, Guelph ; Col. Hig. ginbotham, Guelph ; J. W. Fitzgerald, Pt-.terborough ; John Cronin, B. B. Hughes ; Senator R. W. Scott, Ottawa ; John McKeown, county attorney, Lincoln; W. J. Holland, Lawrence Cosgrave ; Rev. A. J. Kreidt, Niagara Falls; R'^v. J. F. Mc Bride, D. A. Oarey, Bryan Lynch, Daniel Kt^lly ; V\ m. Morrison, S.otland ; Hugh Miller, J.K ; Dr. T. J. Hirchard, Brantford ; iM. Teefy, J.P., Richmond Hill: ex- A'd. James O'Brien, Henry Arland, Hamilton ; C. J. McCabe, P. M. Knn- nedy, John Falvey, Father Egan, J. J. 0o8gra>e, J. J., F..y, Q C, M. J. Ryan, James Kyan, John Ilanrahan, P'Falvey; F. Fairen, Aid. Thomas Cahill, Peterborough ; Father F. Ryan, Vicar-General McCann, Father M. J. Gearin, T. W. Banton, Father Mine- ban; George R. PattuUo, regi-^trar, Woodstock : Father James Walsh, J. P. Murray ; Aid. James Ruddin, Liverool, England ; Father Brennan, C. T. Long, Dr. Bergin, M.P., J. L. Lee, Frank Lee, Thomas ileffernan, C. Burns, J.P. Among those noticed in the audience were ; Jas. Mays, Dennis Coffee, Wm. Cat roll, G. W. Field, F. Armstrong, Lynch Gladstone, Aid. Burns, F. G. Inwood, Aid. Govvan'Ock, A. G. Gowanlock, John Hoskin, Q.C., W. T. R. FrestoD, John Burns, W. R. Doane, T. Thomson, James Stewart, Dr. Avison, Mrs. Frank Smith and party, Robert MaeLean, W. L. Hnddart, George Cloulier, D. E. Cameron, ex-Ald. Steirier, J. S. Willi- son, Archibald Blue, ex Aid. Pape, M. Walsh, H. Denton, Julm M orison, P. Jamieson, J. J. Ryan, ex AD. Hewitt, Jas. O'Hearn, W. B. Hamilton, J. N. Blake, John Miller. J. J. Al worth, Richard Lewis, Triomas Higijins, Frank Pedley, Wm. Houbton, Thos. Reid, C. VV. Kerr. The building was hung with green and white bunting, and at every nook and cranny back of the big platforrr were strun;]; monater Union J asks. Behind the oiiiirraan and above the heada of the distinguidbed gathering on t4ie platform were two large ban- ners. On the topmost one of these was printed in bright L.'tters the words, " Welcome to the member for South Longford." THE CHAIRMAN'S VVELCOMK. The chairman, on rising, was re- ceived with a loud burst of applause. After it subsided he said : Lauie8 and Gentlemen — I am some- what embarrassed to-uight to be placed in this proud position as chairman of this noble gathfring. While embarras- sed, however, I feel proud to have been chosen to welcome a gentleman from Ireland who U ft Canada to assist and do justice to the cause of Ireland. (Prolonged applause.) Mr. Blake went over to Ireland, gave his time and ability in the cause of that great people, and was honored by being elected aa member of the British House of Parliameut for South Long- ford. His election I hope will bring peace and happiness to Ireland and unity and strength to the empire. (Renewed cheers.) The hon. gentle- man at my side feels as I feel, and as every true Irish son feels, that we belong to the empire called Great Britain and Ireland. (Great cheer- ing.) I stand here to-night as a son of the empire and not to ask separa- tion in any shape or form. 1 stand here to coiKlemn the man who does hope for s,ep oration. (Applause.) I stand here to ask for the rights and liberties for Ireland such as all British subjects should enjov. A local parlia- ment for the Eiiierald Isle somewhat similar to our Oiuadian Parliiment is what we would all hail with joy. It may not be possible to get everything on the same lines, but let us have it as nearly as possible. (Cheers.) Since the year 1837, when we had lamented troubles h;jre, since England saw fit to grant us a responsible government, we have worked for the union of the empire, and none of my fellow- countrymen during those troubles wanted a separation from the empire. I had Odgoode Hall for my barracks during those trying times, and have ever since been prepared, like 95 per cent of my fellow countrymen, to shoulder arms in defence of the flag we love (Cheers.) In Ireland we are coming daily to a more satisfactory state of affairs, and I predict that in a very few years prosperity and- happi- ness will reign supreme in that country from the extreme north to the extreme south. I remember the time when her Majesty was crowned, and since she ascended the throne Irishmen could lonk back and say that she had not done anything to molest that little isle, (A.ppUuse.) I am here to-night to ask for local legislation and welcome any follow countryman on that line. Tne sons of Ireland are entitled to it. The English people are slow to act, but the hrst instalment has been given by the last general election. The clock has struck one in England for Home Rule and that dock will not go back. (Great applause.) We may see on placards : " The Empire's in danger," but I would ask any seusible person, is Mr. Gladstone the one to put the Empire in danger? (No 1 no I and applause.) The sons ot Ireland have never betrayed their country and their Queen. And as Wellington said at Waterloo, •' These sons of Ireland will bring lustre to the British Crown." (Cheors.) Hon. Edward Blake, 1 be- lieve, is asgood a son of Ireland as any man living. ( Tremendous cheering ) And further, he is as good a British sub- ject as can be found within our great Empire. (Prolonged applause.) If he were not he would have few to support him here to-night. We a^l believe that union with EnglanH is our future, and therefore we ask Eigland to give us local self government. In conclusion the chairman expressed his drm belief that Home Rale was almost an accom- plished fact. lion my o( the fellow- ige troubles the empire. my barracks BS, and have od, like 95 untrymen, to 3f tbe flag we land we are satisfactory diet that in a y and- happi- 1 that country the extreme B time when id, and since rishraen could she bad not hat little isle, ) to-ni^ht to and welcotne on that line, entitled to it. low to act, but )een given by a. The clock nd for Home 1 not go back, may see on 's in danger," iisible person, ne to put the 'Ho\ no ! and Ireland have ntry and their igton said at >f Ireland will itish Grown." Blake, 1 be- [reland as any ous cheering ) I a British sub- hin our great jiame.) If he few to support a 1 believe that ur future, and nd to give us III conclusion his firm belief nost an accom- REV. DR. BURNS' SPEECH. Rev. Dr. Burns, of Hamilton, one of the most prominent of I'rotestant Home Rulers in Canada, to whom had been entrusted the pleasant task of reading the address of welcome to Mr. Blake, stepped forward amid tumultu- ous applause aud roused the enthu- siasm of his hearers in a few prelimi- nary words. He complitorntod Toronto on the honor she had done herself in thus hoDoring one of her sons. The man who thought otherwise was out of place and had lost both latitude and longitude. Not the hoi poli but the very cream of the people of Toronto of all shades of politics had assembled not only to do honor to a man ninety- nine and nine-ninths of whom all resppcted, but to show their opinion on the great question of self-goverr.- ment (Cneers ) AH must feel, as he felt, the wish to live under a system of self-government. All must feel the desire for self-government tingling through their veins and going clean throu'jh their being, and the feeling too, *' I will award to every son of Adam, to every daughter of Eve, that which I desire for myself." (Cheers.) It was part of the eternal titness of things that Toronto should honor Blake. It had been said that Irishmen were constantly grumbling. That was nothing to object to. The most ter- rible thing said of the slave in the Southern States was that he was as happy in slavery as if he were free. God help human nature that could become so degraded as not to feel the foot upon its neck. All honor to the Irish people for saying, " Not yet ; don't rank us yet as slaves, for we are not." (Applause.) Turr>ing to the land laws of Ireland Dr. Burns said one heard continually that they were the best in the world. But these laws were niade for tenants. Were the yeoinanry of Ireland to remain forever tenants ? Seventy-seven per cent, were tenants at will, 20 per cent, held by fixed tenure, while little over 3 per cent, of the people owned the land they tilled. tJntil the time came when the people of Ireland should own the land they tilled he would not rest cof\rent. In Jielgium not less than 1,069 000 of the people lived upon their own land, and as owners were naturally loyal. To press home the lesson of the necessity for reuniting Ireland in bonds of peace to Great Britian, the speaker quoted the case of Russia during the Crimean war, when during the worst period of the strife with the allies she had to maintain 200,000 of the flower of her army watching a Poland goaled to desperation. With a clear, clarion tone the speaker, amid tremendous cheering, cried, "I do not wish Ireland to be gaoled in that way. They speak of the Empire being in danger. There are a thousand men within sound of my voice who would spring to the defence of the Empire were it in dan- ger. Oh, bring peace to ray native land ! bring peace ! and you may withdraw your police ; you may take away your 35 000 bayonets, and she will send you a regiment more from every county to fight for the Empire l" (Cheers.) After speaking of the splendid effect that he anticipa'ed fr( m the broad spirit of catholicity shown by Mr. TJiake, Dr. P'irris read the following "To the TTon. t (ward Blako, TX.D.. AFP ' ^",y ^.^^^^^ Longford iu the British House oi Coiiimoiis : deli«lit Ihut yvo peot yon this .Heninland rrleiidt* and udmu-ors sciutwod evoi-vwhere tlu-ongl, thelent'th aud bieadth^f o^^ broad Dominion. -We are not here to-iiiX attracted throu-h such more cm-iosity as to I^nw.f ^^""Suishcd .stranger, a ctlobrated tiuvc'lior. oji' even a new (iovernor-Gencral A higher attraction has brought u,-) togelhcr It Is to greet an old. familiar friend, wliose n.'une is amongst us u household word whose youth was passed amid our own Can- adian colUge haunts, whose comi)rehensive Bcnolarsliip and commanding olonnence ciial- lenge admiration ever,\ wlu re. and wliose unswerving Integrity and allegiance to truth h.T.ve made him at once a model aud an In- spiration to the youtli of om- land. ■ " llut, sir, none of these, nor all of them would suffice to explain this evening's meet- lug. The fountain of this meeting s feelings Is a genuine patriotism that invariably gen- aratcs and honors au uoquestioujug heroism. I ■i Hart wp 1)i!cn nsltofl a felv moMlis uko ^vliat could aikl to the reputation of Kdwurd Bliiku, wo iiilKlit well huvo puiwf'd for a reply. But win 11 tLo nowH <'aiiu' that you had boen .■iHkod to outer the lirltlsli Parliament un(l >.'lve tJ>u wt'iKJit o' jour Inllut'uct; and vour lt'!.'alc!"l<'»t (o the entnlillslinicnt of Jooal Hi'lf-KovorunitMit In Ireland, we In.sllnetlvtiy felt that your BiaudeHt hour had^conio— that the oceaaloii was worfliy of the nnin and the man was eijUiil to tlie occasion. W« ll«- toned anxiously for your respouMc, not thai your fiiendH or the friends of Irchind had any doubt as to what thai response wouhl b«.' — the cull was so clear, the ne<;eMslty so urgent, and V'^ fitness so apparent. Indeed, had Erin In her extrendty asked this Do- minion tlnit contains so many of her sons to send tlie ablest to her relief, the coun- try would have turned Instinctively to VA- ward IJlake. And, sir, when wo read your I)r()uii(t and hearty i-oaponso to the call of I he (iear old land, our respect and adiulra- tJon do(>pened Into a love tlnit bordered t)n d«nolion. A thousiind thousand lu^irts went with you from your native Canada, and every heart breathed a pra.ver for your personal safety and the triumph of the cause you had so uoldy espoused. " Tliat cause is, we believe, the cause of peace. Home rule is tlie precursor of na- tional harmony. The 44 States of the Amerl- can Union Illustrate the marvellous adapta- tion of the principle to the most hetero- genous people ; and the various I'rovnuce.'j of our Dominion pres^erve a loyalty to a common tlas tliat would be utterly linpo^- sllile but for local sf If-Kovernmout. Thor- on;;hly satisfied that It would be the har- binger of peace to Ireland and of harmony and Iricrensed ftrenclh to the empire, wo advocate its application to our native laud. •' And here we would repudiate with nil the ei;)T)liasls that we can comnnvnd the ab- surd Idea tliat home rule aims at and would tend to tlie separation of Irelan(l from (ticat Britain. A sclieme so senseless and chimerical could not be entertained by any rational ndud for a moment, and we know of no representative Irishman or Iiorae nder in any part of the emi)ire that would couu- tonauce, much less encourage or aid, a pro- ject mat suouid t)e ueuouuced as preposter- ous as it is disloyal. Ireland uucds Eng- land even more than Enylaud needs Ire- land, in the words of the immortal Grat- tiin, as he introduced his bill iu llnO, ' Great iiiitaiu and Ireland arc inseparably united umicr one sovereign.' Sucli we know are your scaiinients, sir, and such are the seu- tlmcnis of this meotinij— a meetiui; which will .\ iild to no party at home or abroad iu loyally to our riijutl'ui Bovereijju, (Jueeu Vic- toiia. •• And wo equally abhor an' r'^nudlato tile ihouglit that home rule would mean the .-lightest inierteicuce with the rights of tile I'roiestaiit luiiiurity and the estaljlish- nient and sniiport by the Btatcrof the church of tlie majority. Such h;is \iot been the teiuh iicy ot home rule In the United States. Ecclesiastical Dia.jorities do not oppress minoriiies in Canada, liut if American and Canadian safeguards are uot sufiicieut for Ireland, as home rulers, Protestant aud Cuihoiic, wo suggest, uay, more, w-e de- uiaiiil rjiiit other-s lie Introduced. Poor Ire- land has had enough of State churchisni. Her religious dissensions have wrttleu her darkest histoiy, and we would devoutly pray iluit ilie Irish bill may be so framed as to render a recurrence of religious strife im- POii^Ue> 'Xhii Catliolio. souUi iiecds the Trp- refnaot noilh. tTiifl tlie Profe.stirut north needs tlie Catholic south, and to u unileil Ireland there would come a new heavtui and a new earth ii the WotherhiK)d and co-oper- ation of htr sous. •• As a representative and chamiiloii of these thoughts we greet joii to-iilgiil. "And wi! cuiigratulale you, sir, on llie wai'in and gi'iierous receidUui .iwanled you 111 whit iidght Weil be called your triuiii- ph.il procession. We watched closely your evt'iy movement. Wc read eageriy every seiiti'iice connected Willi your iiiiuie. 'I'he great lieari ot Knglind, In Its Indiiiciniriit lircss, sounded your pralNc, and respectalilc oppoiieiiis vied with eaeii otlur iu appre- ciation of your liileuts. Of courses .yuical mediocrity on boili sides of tlie Allan lie siiaj>i)ed and snarled us per iustructhm, nor could you stoop lo notice. ••Of the nltlniale triumph of your cause, sir, we have not tlie sllgliiest doubt. lOvcry day of delay Is a U)ss lo England, .Scotland and Wales as much as to Ireland. Vou, sir, win sec its trlumidml j)assage. l>'or, when next presented to th(! Urltlsh Commons by Mr. Gladstone and supiuuted by the bril- liant gala\y of which he is the cciitvc. tiie « message of peace will be iiresenied to Ire- laud by a majority transcemllnii that of mere party. •• We assure you, sir, that In greeting you to-night we feel individually honored, iou have brought back to us a reputation as unsullied as that you ctu-ried away, and a fame widened by every draft made upon vour taK'Uts. 'ihe cause you liave espoused is dear to every lover of lllierty. Vour ines- saye is one of peace, uot of hate, lou curry tl/ rolive branch, not the torcli nor t)ie s\M>rd, and In your patriotic aud peace- ful n)lssh)u we bid you Godspeed in ceinenl- iii" lic.irts tlmt si'ouli) never liave been alienated, and so harmonising elements tliai have been too long db.coraaiit, that we shall lie aide to sav with a sigiiilicam^e and em- ijliasis liitlierto inappropriate ' Tlie Cnited Kingdom of Groat Jiritaln aiid Ireland. •• Oil bel.alf of the home rulers ot Canada, *' t'R.ANK iSMlTlI, " President of Blake Ueceptioii. "A. BUKNS, " First Vice-President. "B. Lynch, "Sico.id Vice-President. " John L. Lee, " Secretary. •• PATKicii Boyle, "Treasurer, •' Toronto, September 19lh, 1892." Upon rising lo reply Mr. Tilake was received with a magnificent and pro- longed ovation. In every part >£ the hall, in the remotest galleries, n» well as the platform, ladies and gentlemen rose in their seals, waved their hand- kerchiefs, their hats, their parasols, anything that was suitable, and cheered, while Mr. Blake stood silent, smiling behind his Bpectacles. mtiruf north to u uulU'd { hfiivon uud unci cu-oi)er- ihainpl^x of hir, oil llie ii\vanli'i' 1 lU'l>|n-IHIi lit iiir ill ayidt'- iiii'sc, ••yuKiil tilt" All.llllll! stiuctlou, nor r your en use. ilou'ol. l-V(,Ty aiul, Scolhiuil mil. Voii, sir, f. For, >vlii'ii (..'ominoiiM l>y liy tlic bfil- lll' CLlllVO. tlio ' st'Ulwl to Ire- luliutf tUut of 1 };rL'Otin« you hoiKiri'il. "iou rcpiifatltui as away, ui»ou!5ed tv. Vour nu's- olf luite. \ou till' torch nor )tlc auil pcacf- eeil In conicnl- or Inive hi-ou eiemoius that , that wo shall caniu! and mn- • Tlu" riiiU'd id Ireland.' ers of Canada, BlaUe Ueception. Vice-Prcsidtnt. Vice-President. " Secretary. LE, "Treasurer, r. lilake was ent and pro- y part •£ the fries, fi» well nd "entlenien d their hand- le.ir parasols, , and cbfered, ileut, smiling Mr. Blake's Speech. Mu. OilAlKMAN, LaDUCS AND (jrEN- TLiiMiiN — I feel that I must, even on this occasion, postpone for a moment the language of thanka to give utter- ance to tbo language of regret. I cannot but remember that on the last evening, not so very long ago, when I stood upon this platform to address an audience, I dare say numbering many of those whom I have the pleasure of meeting to-night, we were gathered together to hear one of Ireland's gifted sons speak to us upon the subject of oratory; and that the lamented Daniel Dougherty has but a few days since passed away from the country which he adorned and enlightened for so many years (Applause) Having said so much, which was due to him, I must ask you to forget for the rest of the evening that occasion, the lessons we then learned, and the man who enforced them, because I feel that my part, difficult enough at any rate, would become impossible if you were ungenerous enough to contrast my poor efforts with the eloquence which then enlightened aud instructed us. I have to thank you, and I shall only say I thank you, for any attempt in more elaborate words to express my feelings would be an utter failure; I have to thank you for the great cor- diality of this reception, and for the language, altogether beyond my merits, in which you have been pleased to conch your very kindly feelings. However fiatteiing that reception and those words must be, 1 yet should have felt a difficulty in accepting a demonstration, even so maguiticent as this, had it been in any sente limited or exclusive in. point of race or cflreed or political local affiliation, ( Applause.) For it has been my condtant etlbrt to make this question rather a common meeting ground for Canadians of what- ever race or creed or of whatever local party politics. (Applause.) I have believed that fourtifths and more of our people, from Halifax to Vancouver, favored Home Rule for Ireland — (pro- longed cheering) — and that if we took care to avoid einbarrassirjg the expres- sion of public opinion by the introduc- tion of any such questions as those of race, of creed, or of local politics, Canada as a whole could upon this subjf'ct speak with an entirely com- manding and an all but absolutely unanimous voice. I have believed that such a voice would be potent towards the success of the struggle ; and so believing, I have felt it a sacred duty to preserve all the elements which might make that voice as strong, as clear, as harmonious as possible. I recognize thai there are in Canada a few opponents of Home Kule, mainly, I think, members of one association II! that I won't name to-night; some within and Bomo without its ranks being oppr nents through honest fear and misitpprehension, and others through long-oontinued prejudice and aversion. But, making all allowances, we are as a people favorable to Home Rule for Ireland. (Cheers.) 1 think it important, ladies and gentlemen, at the very opening of my remarks, important under any circum- stance.^, but specially important in view of the tone and attitude taken in certain quarters in this city in reference to this event, to recall to your recollec- tion the course of proceedings on the subject of Home Rule in your national Assembly, in the (Canadian House of Commons. In that Assembly three dittVrent Parliaments, elected upon three several occasions, have at different times during the past ten years spoken upon this (juestion. The Pariiamentelected in 1878 spoke in 1882, upon an address moved by Mr. Cofftiyin, now present, supported by Sir .lohu Macdonald, then the hmder of the (jovernment and of the Conservative party, and also supported by myself, at that time leader of the Liberal party, (Applause.) That address was carried with substantial unanimity. A couple of the members of the association to which I have referred did, indeed, dissent in speech ; some more may, perhaps, have dissented in spirit ; none dissented by vote, (Applause.) What was that utterance? I wish you to mark its words. You will find them important in dealing with this question to-day. It declared to the Queen that the Commons of Canada had observed with feelings of profound regret and concern the distress and discontent which had for some time prevailed in Ireland ; that the Irishmen of Canada were amougst the most loyal and most prosperous and most contented of her Majesty's subjects ; that the Dominion, which offered the greatest advantages and attractions for fellow-subjects, did not receive its fair proportion of immigrants from Ireland, and that this was largely due to feelings of estrange- ment towards the Imperial (iovern- raent, and was undesirable in the interests of the Dominion and of the empire ; that Canada and Canadians had prospered exceedingly under the Federal system allowing to each Pro- vince of the Dominion considerable powers of self gnvernmunt ; and it expressed the hope that, if consistent with the integrity and well being of the Empire, and if the lights and status of the minority were fully pro- tected and secured, some m ans might be found of meeting the expressed desire of so many Irish subjiicts in that regard ; so that Irishmen might be- come a source of strength to the Empire, and that Irishmen at home and abroad mi;^ht feel the same pride in the greatuews of the Empire, the same veneration for the justice of the Queen's rule, the same devotion to and art'ection for the common flag as are now felt by all classes in the Dominion. It also asked for clemency for the political prisoners then lodged as sus- pects at Kilmainham. I do not pretend that the language of that address altogether pleased me. Then, as on all substquent occasions, I would have preferred a more decided tone. But I state that now historically only, not controversially ; because I am well aware that there were difhcul- ties in the way of Mr. Oostigan and his friends, of which they were better judges than I could be. Such as the address was I supporte-l it with all my might. I felt that it was a great help to the cause, and I assisted in its passage. Mr. Gladstone did not think the quoution was at that time one of practical politics; but I believe that our action was one of the many forces that were bringing it into the realm of practical politics — (hear, hear, and applause) — and I believe, that at any rate, it was well for Canada that she should show, as she did show, a deep interest in this Imperial con- cern, which so closely touched the in- terests and the honor of the Empire, g and the welfare of Canada herself. (Cheers.) Time passed ; the Irish rnnsses ob- taln»d popular reprosontation, aud as a result four tifths of the Irish seats were taken by Nationalist represonta- tivps. (Applausp.) Mr. Gladstone act- ed, and in 188G, in a Purliameut not elected on the question, and in a con dition of public opinion not ripened for action upon it, he brought in the Bill of that year. I could not give my assent to somu of the provisions of that bill, notably to tliat which excluded the Irish from the Westminster Parlia- ment — (hear, hear, and applause) — and many British Liberals were of the sam'e opinion. But Mr. Gladstone's otler, as to the terms upon which he asked that the second reading should « be acceded to by the supporters of Homo Rule, was substantially that it should be tuken as a simple agreement to the general principle of an efficient measure of local government for Ire- land, reserving all details, including that very important detail of the representation at Westminster. The question, notwithstanding, hung in the balance. The decision of those who later became, as they called themselves. Liberal Unionists, but aa I believe, disunionists and separatists — (hear, hear, and applause)— was at that tif? still uncertain. I thou<};ht the occasion critical and our help morally important. A new Canadian Parliament had in the mean- time been chosen. I moved accord- ingly ; and my friend, Mr. Costigan, who had since the former occasion succeeded to Ministerial honors, carried an amendment — not, I once again con- fess, in my opinion, an improvement. I dare say I was a little partial to the child of my own brains ; but he carried what he called an amendment. That having been carried, I voted for the proposition as so amended, in concert with the whole recorded vote of the House save only six members. One of them voted against the resolution, not because he was not a friend of Home Rule, but because he thought the amended resolution was not strong enough. That was my friend Mr. Mitchell, who is on the platform here. (Laughter and applause.) The other hve I am afraid did nut vot') for that reason, mid I fancy the greater part of them belonged to the association to which I have referred— (laughter) — though, on the other hand, I am glad to say that many prominent mem- bers of that association voted with the majority on that occasion. (Cheers.) Ihus, by a practically unanimous resolution in the year 188G we re-stated and re-affirmed our resolution of 1882, and thus a second Canadian lloum) of Commons spoke iu the same sense, with all the advantage given by four years' consideration, by a fresh election, by the advance thai the question had made throughout the world meantime, and by the circumstance that an Imperial Bill was on the carpet. Dur- ing that debate I took occasion to state my principle of action on this question, and I quote it to you now so that you may see how early it was stated and how sedulously it has been guarded since. I said this : •' VVhat is required is the assurance not of one, but of all classes ; not of a section, but of the people ; not of a Minister of th Crown, but of the Commons of Canada ; not of the Irish Catholic members, but of the French and English, Scotch, Irish and German, of all creeds and of all nationalities. * '•' * I therefore speak, but not as a Rpformer or as a party leader ; I speak as a Canadian and a citizen of the empire to brother Canadians and fellow citizens of the Empire. This is not a Protestant or Catholic question ; they are enemies of their country who would make it so. It should not be, in Canada at all events, a Conservative or Reform measure. I regard those as enemies of their country who would try to make it so. I hope that we may, by our own action this day, show ourselves united in the redress of 10 ll.'<. (j wrongs and in the advancement of the cause of liberty." So, substantially, we did act, though with less decision than I, for one, could have wished. But Mr. Gladstone was beaten by 30 votes. The English Parliament was dissolved, and the Home Rule Government was beaten, by a small popular, but a great parlia- mentary majority. The times looked dark indeed. Our Parliament about the same time was also dissolved. A new House fresh from the people met in each country ; and in England the deplorable Crimes Bill was intro- duced. Seeing its introduction, Mr. Ourran, a Canadian Conservative, moved in the Canadian House of Com- mons a resolution looking to the re- affirmaune by the new House of the views already twice expressed as to local government for Ireland, but mainly directed against the Crimes or Coercion Bill then pending. There was a division of opinion as to the propriety of moving against the Crimes Bill. Mr. McNeill proposed an amendment, -vhich declined to deal with the Crimes Bill and re-affirmed the expressions of the former House as to Home Rule. Mr. McCarthy pro- posed an amendment, which, without any such re-affirmance, declined to express an opinion on the Crimes Bill. These amendments were defeated by overwhelming majorities. Then Mr. Davin moved an amendment, express- ing the regret of the House at learning that it was considered necessary to pass a coercive measure for Ireland ; and re-allirming the conviction, as ex- pressed in the resolutions of 1882 and 1886, that a plan of local government for Ireland, which would leave unim- paired the links connecting Ireland with the British Empire and guard the rights of the minority, would bo con- ducive to the prosperity of Ireland and the stability of the Empire. To this amendment Sir John Macdonald lent his powerful support. It mustered, however, only 59 votps, while against it were no less than 128, I had pointed out early in the debate some improvements which I thought might be made in Mr. Curran's resolu- tion. These he adopted, and his resolu- tionwas adopted byl35to47. But mark this : While that mojority is imposing, it did not show the full extent of the feeling of the House in favor of Home Rule ; for the adverse minority was opposed only to dealing with the Crimes Bill. But of the 47 who voted in that minority, no less than 44 were present and voted for Mr. Davin'a ampudment, which was in favor of Home Rule, and thus proclaimed their continued adhesion to Home Rule for Ireland ; so that once again there was practical unanimity in the last of the three Canadian Houses in favor of Home Rule. Now, what was this last expression, so far a8 it relates to the only presently material question. Home Rule 1 After referring to the former resolutions it says : "The House agaiVi expresses the hope that there may speedily be granted to Ireland a substantial meas- ure of Home Rule which, while satisfy- ing the national aspirations of the people of Ireland for self-government, shall also be consistent with the in- tegrity of the Empire as a whole. That the granting of Home Rule to Ireland will fittingly crown the already glorious reign of her INIost Gracious Majesty as a constitutional sovereign, will come with special appropriateness in this her jubilee year, and, if possible, render her Majesty more dear to the hearts of her already devoted and loyal subjects." These sanguine hopes were not realised. The jubilee year was not so crowned. The odious Crimes Bill was passed. The effort of Lord Salisbury to deal with Ireland on anti-Home Rule lines lasted for six weary years. The Irish people on the whole, though with exceptions, showed during that time great patience and moderation. (Applause.) Feelings born of a ne^^ emotion, that of hope in a great Eng- 11 lish party, of hope in the British de- mocracy, of hope ia the moral force of the opinion of the world, restrained them. (Oheers.) The blessed work of healing and reconciliation went on. The belief that Britain would ulti- mately be just and generous, the knowledge that British statesmen and the British masses were looking at Ireland for themselves, and were de- termined to heal the aore if possible, soothed and sustained the Irish people. The great work of popular education went on in Britain ; its progress be- catue manifest ; everything pointed to a decisive victory. Then came the dis- covery of Mr. Parnell's fault, and his lamentable fall, with all the unhappy episodes and divisions that accoiu- panied it. Thus for a time all energies seemed paralysed, all hopes blighted. The prospects of the election were seri- ously affected ; and no doubt, to antici- pate events for one moment, but *or this and certain other minor divisions, the majority actually obtained in the end wc .Aid have been greatly increased. It was as that election approached, under those difficult circumstances, that I received the call, my acceptance of which is the occasion of this demon- stration. (Prolonged applause.) The objection has been taken to my course, that every man owes a tirst duty to his own land, and that I should, instead of going to England, have taken j)art in public life in Canada. I wholly agree as to the first duty of every citizen of a country to his own land, and I hope that in earlier years and more fortunate circumstances I have shown myself not wholly neglectful of that duty to my fellow countrymen. (Cheers.) In pursuance of that view I have on all former occasions always discounten- anced and rejected the flattering sug- gestions which have occasionally been made of my removal to what was thought a wider sphere. My own country was and is good enough for me — (tremendous cheers) — and I clung to her service while I could. But cir- cumstances, which it is needless now to detail, had divorced me from that service, and after full consideration I had come to the conclusion that it must be left to time either to settle or to eliminate the difference of opinion which subsisted between me and those with whom I had acted, and with whom upon all other than one question I was still desirous to act in Canadian public life. (Cheers.) Thus it had happened that when this invitation reached me I had turned to those other spheres of usefulness which remained open to me, those of our University, not far from this spot, and of the Provincial Law Society, of which I was the head, and was giving to them the time which I had formerly devoted to politics. I had also been engaged for a year or so in the pleasing task of making the acquaintance of my own family, which your service had prevented my accomplishing for 25 years before (laughter), and of re- suming some slight connection with the profession from which your service had also detached me for a very long period. There were ties enough, then, of relationship and friendship, of busi- ness and affairs, of minor, but still very important duties, to make me feel in every nerve and fibre the loss involved in acceptance. But I deny, for the reasons I have already given, that there existed that prior tie of political duty which has been invented by my cfitics ; and I did not hesitate. Why l Because I thought that next to that supreme duty came my public duty to the country of my origin, and to tho Empire of which I was a humble citizen. (Cheers.) I believed that the election was a critical one, in which even the slightest impulse might per- haps assist. I saw the Irish cause in serious peril through unhappy divisions. I respected the judgment of the Irish leaders who called me. I did not choose upon my own unaided judgment to overrule their view. And 1 will add that I did believe that in some as- pect, at any rate, my knowledge and experience in the practical working of 113 Home Rule might enable me to give some help iu couatructing and ex- pounding a scheme of Home Rule. I felt a deep love and sympathy for the Irish race and an honest pride in the Empire to vrhich I belong, and I believed from my soul that Home Rule was essential to the well-being of both. (Continued applause,) Some have professed to read my mind, and have attributed to me as motives expectations of a lead in the Irish party, of a place in Mr. Gladstone's Grovernuient, of a judgeship, or of some titular honor. I might, I think, pretty safely appeal to my public career amongst you as the best evidence that I have never wished either lead, or office or honors. (Loud and continued cheering.) I have refused them as often as I could ; I have accepted them as seldom as I could ; and I have resigned them as soon as I could. (Laughter and applause.) But the idea of stepping into the Irish lead over the heads of able and devoted men, familiar with the ground, who had fought the battle, had suffered the loss, and had all but won the victory, is too preposterous for serious discussion. The idea of political office is even more absurd. The very foundation of that Irish party which I was asked to join was absolute independence, until Home Rule were won, of all English political parties, and refusal of all political office. (Hear, hear.) Judicial office was equally absurd, for I was not even a member of the Bar. As to honors, you know by voice and action my views on these. None of these things were attainable by me in England if I deaired them ; nor, had they been attainable, were they desired. It was too late for me to begin a new career in such a sphere. I might indeed easily lose, I was certainly risking an acquired reputation of which I thought I had some right to be proud. But I could not hope, at my time of life, and under these new circumstances, to gain a fresh one. And had all these things been otherwise with me, my ties to home and country were too numerous and too strong for me to dream of severance. I have enlisted, indeed, for a campaign, but its most joyful day for me will be that which releases me to return to my own fireside. (Oheers.) But there was, I will admit, another feeling animating me, which I have not yet stated. I make no profession, God forbid that I should, to be in any sense the delegate or representative of any Canadian interest or party, even of any single man, still less of this great country, I claim no title to speak in your name or iu your behalf abroad. But I did think and hope that I* was going to further a cause dear to the hearts of the great body of the Canadian people — a cause which had stirred their noblest feelings, and which it would be pleasing -to them that one of their own sons should, how- ever slightly, promote. (Cheers. ) And now, forsooth, because you have been good enough to greet me on my return amongst you for a few weeks, and to express your favor for Home Rule, I am told that I have done wrong in accepting this kindness at your hands, and that I am responsi- ble for bringing strife and division among you. I am told that Canada has nothing to do with Home Rule; that Canada does not, in truth, favor Home Rule ; that I am connected with a disgraced and falling cause; and that some counter demonstration must be held at once to wipe out the stain of this receplion, and to signify to Britain the true opinion of Toronto and of Canada as to Home Rule, Sir, I think we may afford to treat this action with great good humor. (Applause,) We may differ indeed as to its taste, but apart from the question of taste it is not of very much import. I know, as I have told you, that Canada is not literally unanimous for Home Rule. I know that in this great city, where certain elements are so strong, it is the easiest thing in the world to gather a meeting against it. 13 00 numerous to dream of 3ted, indeed, most joyful hich releases iV7n fireside. Imit, another hich I have 10 profession, to be in any Bsentative of party, even less of this no title to your behalf k and hope her a cause »reat body of cause which feelings, and ing -to them should, how- heers.) Decause you greet me on . for a few ur favor for that I have his kindness am responsi- and division that Canada Some Rule; truth, favor n connected Uing cause ; smonstration ipo out the d to signify 1 of Toronto ^ Rule. :brd to treat food humor. !er indeed as the question Quch import. 1 you, that animous for hat in this jlements are thing in the y against it. I know that many members of the association to which I have referred, and some others, are opposed to Heme Rule. But this I know, that the Liberal party is practically unanimous in favor of Home Rule — (applause) — that of the Conservative party a large majority are in its favor ; that in all four out of every five Canadians, as I said before, are in favor of Home Rule. (Cheers.) Now, I have not the least objection in the world to the meeting together of the small minority against us ; I ha^^e not the least objection in the world to their passing their resolutions and expressing their views. Bat I respectfully decline to accept their verdict. (Cheers.) Why this disin- clination to ventilate this question here ; why this crying out about strife and division 1 You know it is because the objectors know that they are but an insignificant fraction of our whole Canadian people, and they don't want the decision of the Canadian people freely given. Sir, I appeal unto Caesar. I invite friends of Home Rule of whatever creed or race or party to see that at the next session of the Canadian Parliament, in the fourth House elected since the question became a burning one, that House shall, like its predecessors, give an expression of the opinion of the Canadian people upon this question. (Cheers.) I appeal from the murmurs of the Auditorium to the voice of the nation. (Renewed cheers.) I invite all friends to take care that the cause suffers no damage from any insinuation that our zeal has grown slack or our opinions have changed. The battle is not yet won. Our cause, though not disgraced or failing, is yet in a critical condition. It has enormously advanced, but it must move further yet. We have much to cheer us. We have converted an anti- Home Rule House into a Home Rule House — (applause). We have taken on an exhaustive poll a popular major- ity in Great Britain and Ireland three or four times as great as that of Lord Salisbury in the last House. We have installed, by that vote of the members of the new House of which I was permitted to be one, a Home Rule Government, on an occasion which will be hereafter regarded as historic, when, out of 668 men who could have voted, 665 were present in their places and participated in the division. We have killed the Coercion Act — (cheers) — and next February I hope to assist at those funeral ceremoniee, by which it shall be consigned to a dishonorable grave. We expect with confidence a Home Rule bill to be presented to that Parliament, such as for ten years the Canadian Commons has asked. We hope to pass that Bill through the English Commons. But we have to meeo great difficul- ties of detail in its construction. We have to deal with divisions in the Irish ranks. We have to repress extremists who may, for faction's sake, put all in peril; to hearten timid men; to enlight- en uninformed men ; to combat the desperate forces of religious prejudice and class ascendancy, and to grapple with a great load of other questions ; and all ♦^.his with a Commons majority of only 40 and a hostile House of Lords. We need your help in Canada. (A voice — You have got it.) And I claim with confidence from you (hat great moral support which you can extend by renewed expressions of sympathy from the Canadian people through their representatives, address- ed to the situation as it stands to-day. L^t not the whispers or intrigues of a baffled and beaten minority be potent to check or hush the voice of the nation ; but speak your mind with freedom ! I appeal to my old political friends to co operate, as under my lead they were used on this question to co- operate with my old political oppon- ents, and to see that Canada speaks again with a united and determined voice, as she spoke in the days gone by. (Hear, hear.) These are the d«y8 of public opinion end of moral force. Do not then u ■ \i\ nd errate your power; do not neglect your solemn duty. So much I have said to my fellow- countrymen, to all creeds and races. To my fellow-countrymen of the Irish race, I have to make a further appeal. VVhiln they and I ask for the sympathy and moral support of all, we do not choose to l)pg of those of other races that material aid which we may freely claim from onr own people. And you who are my fellow-countrymen in the sense in which I speak, you of the Irish race, to which 1 also belong, will readily see that the consequences of the suliism, including the detention of the largo Paris fund, and its injurious ell'ects at home and abroad, have greatly impaired the resources of the National Federation. The demands on it for evicted tenants, pending inquiry into their cases, and that legislative action which we expect next session ; the demands upon it for elections and protests, for organization and main- tenance of the political movement are heavy and urgent. I fear that the prospects for the Irish crops are not so favorable or promising as they were a few weeks ago, while the prices of cattle and sheep are desper- ately low. This will afftrct the capacity of Ireland herself to help, as she has helped according to her power in the past. Othtr sources of supply formerly available are not available now, I ask not only those in this gathering, but all those to whom my words may go through the press, the Irish race through Canada, to recognise this emergency, to remember that our struggle may still be protracted for two or three years, and to aid the cause. I am giving to that cause those two or three years of my life ; and I may fairly ask you to give what you can. (Cheers.) Now I should but ill discharge the duty which your kindness has imposed upon me if I did not say a few words as to some of the objects and charac- teristics of the great measure we advocate. It is emphatically not a measure of separation, or distintegra- tion or decay, but a measure healins; and restorative, creating for the first time a union worthy of the name. (Hear, hear.) It is a measure which will invigorate the Empire, and will enable the Imperial Parliament to discharge all those important Imperial and general duties now utterly beyond its power to overtake. That Par- liament is choked to-day with Irish and also with every sort of parish business. The measure will also confer great local advantages on Ireland. It will give speed, econo- my and efficiency in carrying into effect the popular will through the local Government of that country. And it will, I tirmly believe, amongst its blessings, pave- the way for a demand for somewhat siiuilar advantages, though mayhap in some other form, by Scotland and Wales, and ultimately by England herself. Now, Mr. Chairman, it is no wonder I think that North America, enjoying the benetit throughout its wide extent of tihe great political invention of federalism, of union for common con- cerns, of local government for local affairs, should be very emphatically in favor of the application of Home Rule to Ireland. We know its advantages. Here in Canada, as also in the States, we see local afiairs managed by local legislatures, justice administered, property and civil rights disposed of, local and municipal insti- tutions created and supervised, all local matters handled locally ; while trade, commerce and navigation, customs and excise, militia and defence and other common concerns are dealt with by a central legislature and executive. We realise the efficiency thus obtained in each sphere, and we can see no insuperable difficulty in applying the principle to the case in hand. We here would not consent to legislation for us at Ottawa with- out representation there ; and thus we were opposed to the abandoned suggestion of Westminster legislation or distintegra- easure healini; I for the first of the uauie. measure which ipire, and will Parliament to rtant Imperial utterly beyond That Par- to-day with every sort The measure ^al advantages 3 speed, econo- carrying into rough the local lutry. And it amongst its for a demand r advantages, other form, by ultimately by t is no wonder 3rica, enjoying ts wide extent invention of common con- ent for local uphatically in 3n of Home e know its anada, as also local afi'airs itureg, justice ad civil riyhts unicipal insti- Lipervised, all ocally ; while navigation, a and defence rns are dealt [islature and bhe efficiency jhere, and we difficulty in > the case in not consent Dttawa with- i ; and thus abandoned 3r legislation 15 for an unrepresented Ireland, Wb here see that practical and effective control by a province of its own affairs ^can be reconciled with an effective reserved power elsewhere, to be used in improbable, but still possible emergencies. We here find no difficulty in the enforcement of the law or restraints of the constitu- tion. We know that the machinery provided is fully adtquate ; that the stipulations of the organic law are ob- served ; and that any attempt, whether inadvertent or intended, to violate them fails of effect. We here see that stipulations in favor of minori- ties, as interpreted by the law, are obeyed. More ; we hear the very men who with us most loudly cry out about the danger to minorities in Ireland complaining most loudly of pandering and undue favoritism to minorities here ; complaining in effect that the Ontario majority does not get justice and equal rights, because the Ontario minority is too strong for it. Now as to the apprehension of oppression in matters of religion, including education, even those who do not share this apprehension agree that it should be relieved by express provision. That principle was con- tained in Mr. Gladstone's bill of 1886, and will doubtless reapprar Some talk with dread of the eatabjish- ment and endowment of the Roman Catholic Church, the church of the m»jority in Ireland They are the very people who most loudly bewail the disestablishment and disemiow- ment of the English Church, the church of part of the minority in Ire- land. (ITpar, hear, and laughter.) But Irish Roman Catholics are ready to secure for Ireland the true lihoral principle that religion shall bn between the conscipnce of the individual and his Maker— (hear, hear) — to agree to the abstraction of all power to endow and establish any church ; to agree to secure to them the advantages now possessed by existing religious and charitable corporations; and to agree f^ provisions protecting the conscientious scruples of the minority in education. Let me quote the identical clauses inserted in the bill of 1886, which met hearty assent in Ireland then and meet that hearty assent to-day. This is the fourth clause of that bill : "The Irish Legislature shall not make any laws (1) respecting the establishment or endowment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or " (2) Imposing any disability, or conferring any privilege, on account of religious belief, or *' (3) Abrogating or derogating from the right to establish or maintain any place of denominational education or any denominational institution or charity, or " (4) Prejudicially affecting the right of any child to attend a school receiving public money without attending the religious instruction at that school, or "(o) Impairing, without either the leave of her Mftjisty in Council first obtained on an address presented by the legislative body of Ireland, or the consent of the corporation interested, the rights, property or privileges of any existing corporation incorporated by royal charter or local and general act of Parliament." (Applause.) Now, these provisions may be argued to be inadequate. Let us discuss the objections when they are taken, and make them adequate if they appear inade(i'!ate. (Hear, hear.) At any rate, they show the principle which is agrf ed to. Again, the Irish people have agreed, and the bill provides tlint they shall have no power to deul locally with trade, commerce or navigation, with customs or excise, with army, navy or militia, with peace, war, or foreign relations, with the colonies or India, or with any other general and Imperial concerns. For all these, which are the true elements of union between Great Britain and Ireland, 16 1 ! ! the union continues, and a common parliament and executive will still act. (Hear, hear.) All the Irish people claim is the local management of their local atFdirs. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Doubt- less, Mr. Chairman, these ali'Airs will be managed on pnpuUr principles. Doubtless the present centralized and autocratic system, under which impor- tant county business is done by Castle authorities aud by shetifl's and grand juries, chosen not by the people, will be modified — (hear, hear) — doubtless the people will gain control of their own affairs. D mbtlesa there will be, but doubtless also thereoughttobe some change in this direction ; and this, though naturally not agreeable to the present ruling minority in these concerns, seems just to us. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We would not tolerate in Canada for 24 hours the condition that obtains in this regard in Ireland. (Loud cheers.) They say tnere will be oppression. How 1 By whom 1 In what 1 There have been oppression and ascendancy in times past ; and those who now express these fears were the supporters of that system. (Hoar, hear, and applause.) But I have shown you that in the points dreaded precautions are taken, and I ask that we should be shown any tangible, reasonable gr und of apprehension, and I for one am prt^pared to make the effort to meet it. But the bottom of it all is this, and it is not unnatural — it is the lower side of human nature, but it is human nature still — the bottom of it all is the iiiiiiorii:y to allow the (Hear, hear, and '\ dividfid Ireland in 1 am against that, relu>jtancH of the niajorny to ru cheers.) 1 am not fo»' local concerns, more, if I am to make a distinction at all, in the interest of the Protestants than of the Roman Catholics. I am against it in the common interest. I am convinced that the true interests of Ireland, and of each of the classes, creeds — races so to speuk — which there exist, will best be served by the com- moQ local concerns of that country being managed under a common I'arlia- mout and a common executive. ^( Hear, hear.) In truth I am bound to say that although northeast Ulster speaks loud and strong, although she expresses her apprehensions with great freedom and force, she does not ask for separa- tion from the rest of Ireland. That would be a cowardly thing to ask ; be- cause if there were reality in the local apprehensions, if Ulster were likely really to suffer, if strong northeast Ulster, with its popular power, with its intellectual power, with its materik^ power, were likely to suffer, what would become of the scattered and small minorities of Protestants through the rest of Ireland 1 (Hear, hear.) For shame's sake they could not, if they would, ask to be separated. But they say : — " We who are so strong, who can manage our own affairs as we please, who control Belfast and the neighboring municipalities — and who manage them according to the well- understood principles of Protestant ascendancy — we are so afraid that we may be treated pretty much as we used to treat the others — (cheers and laughter) — that there must be no Home Rule for Ireland at all." Now, I maintain that these appre- hensions are wholly imaginary. ( Hear, hear.) But I hold it to be important under any circumstances, and most important having regard to these alle- gations, that we should give, as your address suggests we should give, all the guarantees, securities and restraints againt injustice that can be reasonably devised. But removing, as we can do, as the Bill proposes that we shall do, the question of religion from the political arena, I want to know what it is in respect of which oppression is to come in. I want to know what it is in respect of which injustice is to be done. I want to know how Pro- testant as distinguished from Catholic is to be injured. And I want to know whether it is reasonable that the men 17 who declare, though with some exag- geration, that they today constitute two fifths of the people, and that they have the wealth and intelligence and education and material power of the country in their hands, should be so very much afraid because what they allege to be so very small a numerical majority of inferior persons happen to be of another creed in tbe constituency which is to elect the proposed common Parliament 1 That is tbe whole of it. I want to know whether our history and the history of other countries, with our notions of such matters, in these modern days, gives any reasonable color of truth to these apprehen- sions 1 INIy own opinion, which I have expressed in Ireland and in England, is that if they will but corao in — I re- peat the phrase which has b(\en com- mented on — instead of being the oppressed, the Prott^stants will be the spoiled children of Ireland. (Loud cheers.) I shall not to night enter into any contrast, into which I might enter, as to the tolerance and liberality exhibited by the adherents of tae two creeds in Ireland, in those matters in which they have had power to act, whether political or municipal. My own principles of action are well known to you. I have stated them in this country often, and I have repeated them in the other land, for I do not change my opinions with the country to which I go. (Applause.) I will re- peat them to-night. I will restate them from public spepches which I have made in Canada, and I ask you to consider whether they do not answer the emergency. This ia what I said in 188G: *' I have been in puVilic life for a good many years. The Irish popula- tion of my Province is, of course, composed of the Irish Protest ant popu- lation and the Irish Catholic popula- tion. 1 have endeavored to do my duty and to act upon what I believe were sound Liberal principles towards all classes of the population. I have found myself oppornd hy a solid body, by the great majoriiv ')y the vast bulk of the Irish Protestant.^ of Ontario. Tht-y are my strongest, und sterne-t, and fiercest political opponents to-day. I have found myself opposed by the great bulk of the Irish Catholics of Ontario. They also, with some noble exceptions, were amongst ray opponents when I was defeated in South Bruce during ray absence frora the country through ill health. It Mas the Irish Catholics of that riding who rejected me, who deprived me of my seat in Parliament and obliged me to stand for another constituency at a subsequent date. I have endeavored, notwithstanding all that, to do my duty and to act, accord- ing to my lights, honestly, justly and fairly towards the Irish Catholics and towards the Irish Protestants — towards all classes. I make no distinction whatever in congequence of class or creed, and I extend no bid for the support of any class or creed. The position of the Irish Catholics and the Irish Protestants is this : They know that from the Liberal party they will obtain all they can justly claim, whether they give or refuse their support to that party. They know that the Liberal party will always act on the principle of justice, freedom and fqual rights, because that is the plank upon which we stand. They know they have nothing to gain by supporting us, because they will not gain one jot or little beyond what these principles of justice, freedom and equal rights require. They know they have nothi' g to lose by opposing us, because they know, however strenuous their opposition may be, it will not make us one whit less earnest or bss active in the promotion of their inter- ests and of the common interests, according to the same principles of justice, liberty and equal rights. And therefore there is no need for them to turn their votes one way or the other in order that they may obtain from the Liberal party their meed of justice and liberty." 18 :!;«! And a Httle later, speaking during an unhappy temporary agitation upon religious questions, I said this : " I hold those men false to the principles of religiom freedom who would sow discord between Protestants and llotnm Catholics on this (the educational) 8ul>iect. 1 freely render to my lioman Catholic fellow country- men, first, relijjious freedom and next their stipulated rights, but more, I say that, being strong we ought to be what the strong should always be — generous to the weak. Measure full, heaped up and running over is the measure to be given by the strong to the weak, and by so acting we will exemplify true chris- tian principles ; we will exemplify true Liberal i)rinciple8 ; we will do our best for the promotion of true Cliristianity and for the spread of the Gospel." 1 rejoice to .say that when I repeated these sentences amongst the Roman Catholics of Ireland, while seeking their support in my own county and in other c )untifcs, my words met with as enthusiastic a support, as applicable to their demeanor and their course of action respircting the Protestant minority, as the most earnest and strenuous of Protestants, amongst whom I count myself, could possibly demand. Now, jMr. Chairman, besides the national aspirations of Ireland for local government ; apart from the evils inflicted on her in various ways by the existing system of government, there has always been present the great question of the land. It is impossible and it is needless to enter into details on that question to-night. You know, this audience, largely composed of Irishmen, knows, that a system of tenancies at-will, or for short periods, under which the tenants effected all the impiovements while the landlords were absentees ; that such a system, combined with the dearth of other employments, with the increase of the po|)ulation and the relations of supply and demand as to the land, had pro- duced absolutely intolerable conditions, under which there was no real freedotui of contract. You know that the! tenants were largely rack rented on] their own improvements, and that the! landlords took all but the barest! possible subsistence; they even took] more, the remittances from relations in | America, and the earnings of the unhappy tenant in England, Wales and Scotland. You know that the | earlier efforts, however well intended, at remedial legislation were towards j the recognition legally of the moral and equitable ownership subsisting from this condition as to the making of improvements, and towards the provision of a kind of dual ownership. You know that,partly owing to serious defects in the measures themselves, partly to the falling value of products, and partly to a complication of circum- stances, those plans failed of satisfac- tory results, and that it has been for some time generally recognised that the true solution is to convert the tenant, at any rate the small occupier, into the owner of the soil which he occupies. (Hear, hear.) You know that already something has been done to this end. But the Ashbourne Act and all other prior and subsequent acts are inade- quate to complete thn work. This plan demands, in my opinion, the creation of public authorities, with power, if necessary, to sanction compulsory pur- chase, and to use the public credit to accomplish the operation. « And still more is needed in those unhappj congested districts where there are small holdings in which it is not A question of rent at all, in which, if the occupant had the plot rent free he yet could not live — where many holdings must be enlarged, and where, on account of the necessary displacements of the existing popula- tion, arrangements must be made for the transfer of a portion of them to other adjicent lands. Here, again, compulsory power by a public au- thority and the use of the public credit is required. 19 Now, it is probable that the exiat> 3uce of these coiupulsory powers will, 13 in the case of the recent legislation xa to laborers' allotments in England, render their use needless in almost all leases, and that the operation will pro- loeed simply by the fact of the exiat- jence, without the use, of the power. It is clear to my mind to a demon- Istration that these general lines must Ibe followed, and that their pursuit is lin the interest of landlords and tenants [alike ; and that thus only can we hope Ito make Ireland a permanently con- jtented and prosperous coimtry. Now, [how is this to be treated in connection with Home Rulel There may be other possible alternatives, i do not dogmatise; but three occur to me; [one immediate action by the Imperial Parliament ; another, the immediate transfer of power on proper conditions to a local legislature ; the third, a re- servation of the question for a limited time, on the expiration of which, if still unsettled by the Imperial Legis- lature, it should go to the Local Legis- lature. I have a decided preference with reference to these alternatives ; but it would be premature to discuss that now, or to disclose opinions which may be modified by further reflection and review of the situation. On these, as on other questions, a reasonable, practical man must see what is pro- posed, and endeavor to reach the best |attainaV)le adjustment. The difficulties are great ; but they are not iusuper- aV)le. The complexity is so serious as may, indeed, prevent the framing of a fully detailed plan now. Yet I beUeve it to be not at all impossible to lay down now principles which shall safe- guard the interests of the landlords as weU as the interests of the tenants. There are many other details in connection with this measure — includ- ing some of the most important char acter. To their solution able men have been and are now bending their minds and energies. I believe they will be solved, and that we will see I soon a good Home Rule Bill introduced into the Imperial Parliament. (Loud cheers.) Ciod ^pe»d the day ! (Re- newed cheers.) And take care that you help in your measure, for to us, under God's providence, is allotted a share in moulding this atfair. Take care that you hulp in your meaRure to the speeding of that day, and to the success of the bill when it does come forward. (Applaune.) Mr. Obairman, I shall not longer detain you. There are many speakers whom it is important to the cause that you should hear, and I shall now close. I will add this only, that it would be ungrateful in the extreme for me to sit down without saying that, both in Ireland and in England alike, your fellow-countryman has been received and treated with a kindness and a con- sideration beyond all expectation, and which have touched his heart more deeply than could anything, save the affection and kindness of his friends at home. (Loud and long continued cheering, during which the speaker resumed his seat.) ARCHBISHOP WALSH. After Mr. Blake's speech had been delivered and so soon as the cheering which followed it had subsided, the tall, commanding figure of Arch- bishop Walsh, who had been sitting at the left of the chairman, was present- ed to the audience. His address was short but every word told, and the sentences were punctuated with pro- longed applause. He began by saying that it was not his custom to stand upon public platforms to discuss purely secular matters. This was not merely a matter of politics, it was the question of a nation struggling to regain rights wrung from it by fraud, violence and corruption. In this gathering of free Canadians there was sympathy for those engaged in the struggle. It was a wonder indeed that any honest Canadian could be found adverse to the principle of Home Rule. In such a country as ours with its evidence of prosperity, with government of the people, for the people and by the people, it was meet and proper that Oanadiana should take interest in the Irish ques- tion, in the otforts to bring about a real union in pUce of the paper union between the kingdoms, a union signal- ized on one side by the strong arm of force keeping down the people, and on the other side by uubappine^s and discontent. What, in brinf, were th« fruits of that paper union which bound Ireland to England 1 As far as Ireland is concerned, the ruin of Irish industries and trade^ the oppression of the tenant by the landlord, pauperism, misery, degradation, famine and its attendaiit horrors, the enforced ?xile of millions of ber children, discontent, unhappiiifss, hatred and revolt. These have been the fruits of the legislative unio i between the sister isiles as far as Ireland is concerned ; and surely, if a tree is known by its fruits, it is time to lay the axe at the root of the upas tree of the so called union, and to ctit it down, root and branch. (Applausp.) To an English gpntleman who lately in bis presence had declared himself a Uuionist, he replied that Home Rulers were the true unionists — men who desired a union of hearts. When in that union the Irish people stood side by side with the British nation, as they stood at Waterloo, in- vincible before the greatest military nation of Europe, so in the future might they stand against confederated Europe. (Applause.) lie was glad to stand up to do honor to one who, with more than knightly chivalry, had left his country and his home to do justice to an unhappy land. The Hon. Mr. Blake's love of justice and fiir play for the weak as against the strong, for a struggling minority as against a powerful majority, whs not a new- born sentiment with him. It was he who, some years ago, gave eloquent expression to the noble sentiment that the Protestant majority of Ontario should treat the Caiholic niinoiity not only with justice, but with generosity} — (cheers) — to do honor to Mr. Blakel and to wish triumphant success to thei great cause to which he has devoted! bis time, his energies and unrivalledS talents. (Applause.) May God hastenl the advent of the day of Ireland'Hl freedom — the day of its peace and prosperity — the day towards which] our fathers strained their weary eyes,, about whose glories our poiUn sang inl immortal verse, and our orators spokej with more than human eloquence — a| day of peace and happiness for Ire- laud and of blessed reconciliation and] hearty union with our English brothers. < (F'rolonged applause.) REV. DR. DEVVART'S SPEECH. Rev. Dr. Dewart, who spoke next, expressed the utmost sympathy with the action and words of Mr. Blake. Years ago he (Dr. Dewart) had regard- ed it as reasonable, proper and just to give the Irish people the management of their own aifairs. There were two obiections urwd ajiaitist Homo Rule ; the tirst that it >xoiild result in the dismemberment of the Empire. Could it be possible that the distinguished statesman to whom the destiny of Great Britain was entrusted would seek to dismember the Empire 1 (A voicfl — No, no.) As one whose father was born on the Longford borders he felt glad when Mr. Blake decided to go to Ireland, glad, too, that, after speaking for the Union as he had spoken this night, he was elected by a great majortiy, proving that the men of Lonyford favored the maintenance of the Union, The second objection to Home Rule was that it meant the fa\e of the Roman Catholic Church. Though a Protestant of the Protestants, he did not believe this. The attitude of the anti Home Rulers meant : " I would like to have Home Rubi if the rasj^rity were Protestant, but because it is Roman Catholic I would deny the right that I would demand for myself." That was a wrong, a dangerous posi- HONj The Re veil u a Toro llatterin pleasure the com told hov vitation was com when th went to service t he rt fl('( and bho their ow Com m or certain s assembia the Em] be hurle who mac in all pa se|)arati( United severed Great Bi advocate that the be mail separate it would be imag: Costigan gress of ISS-l am House, a before it in suppo the senti the Pari reverse occasioni \ \ if i .1*. \ 91 nth fl;nnero8ity| r to Mr. Blakc| it BuccHsa to th( d has devoted! And unrivalledi ilay God hasteni iy of lreland'ii| its peace and] towards which] eir weary eyeg,i T pontH sang inl r orators spolcul n eloquence — ai ipineHH for Ire-j conciliation andl Inglish brothers. < :VS SPEECH. ho spoke next, sympathy with of Mr. Blake. art) had regard- •per and juBt to lie management rhere were two st Homo Rule ; i result in the Empire. Could e distinguished ;he destiny of trusted would 3 Empire? (A le whose fatter 'ord borders he like decided to oo, that, after on as he bad as elected by a that the men e maintenance to Home Rule e iCule of the h. Ttiongh a stants, he did ittitudo of the nt : "I wo\ild if the rafijority because it is lid deny the d for mygelf." iiDgeroua posi- tion. There bad been enough of rcst- leasness, sutFi-ring and discontent ; in the naui') of humanity, let something I eUe i)(3 tried. He hoped to live to see the day when peace and unity would take the place of the strife and animos- ity that had been the curse of the past. (A(iplaU8e.) HON. MR COSTIGAN'S SPEECH. The hon. the Minister of Inland Revenue is a comparative stranger to a Toronto audience, but secured a llattering reception. He expressed pleaHure at meeting; Mr, Blake upnn the common ground of Home Rule, told how he hnd known before the in- vitation was sent to Mr. Blake that it was coming, and the pleasure he felt when that gentleman accepted it and went to Ireland. Not only did he do service to the cause by this action, but he nUected credit upon his country and bhowed that Canadians can hold their own even in the British House of Commons. It had been insinuated in certatn sections of the press that this assemblage was cilculated to endanger the Empire. Ttie charge might well be hurled back in the leeth of those who made it. There were extremists in all parties, and some had spoken of separation. But to day even in the United States, where Irishmen had severed every link binding them to Great Britain, even there they did not advocate separation, holding rather that the integrity of the Empire must be maintained. Were Ireland to separate from the Empire to morrow it would be the greateHt evil that could be imagined. (L')ud applause ) Mr. Costigan, continuing, sketched the pro- gress of the Home Rule resolutions of 1882 and 1886 through the Dominion House, and, amid cheers, declared that before it could be said that Mr. Blake in supporting, Home Rule did notvoice the sentiments of the people of Canada the Parliament of the Dominion must reverse the votes given upon those occasions. A few figures were given to ihow that rrome Rule does not mean Rome rule. In Catholic Cork hfteen Protestant mayors have been elected Hinoe IHi^O, and of the annual salary bill of the corporation, amount- ing to .*!1,80(), $'2,m() went to Pro- testant othcials. The popular lenders in all great Irish movemeniH had been Protestants and still were. HON. MR. HARDVS SPEECH. Hon. A. S. Hardy said that it would not be right for him to speak long in presence of kucIi apostles of Home Rule as Dr. Bergin and Hon. Peter Mitchell. The gathering was a htting adjunct to the great meetings addressed by Mr. Blake in Irelai d and England, and he trusted the t^oice would be heard across the Atlantic &% repre-aenting the true sentini'nts of the people of this great Province. (Cheers.) . He was glad that his frieni, Mr. Blake, to the cry, " ( ome over and help us ! " had answered, *' I come," and after the battle was over had been thought so much of by the people of England as to be asked to give his views not only before the Eighty Club, but to be placed before the whole people of England. He (thd speaker) awaited the time when Mr. Blake might measure swords with the best of the anti-Home Rulers. (Cheers.) It was not well to depend too much on one man and one arm, but what one man and one arm could do Mr. Blake would do. Then in a pleasant way Mr. Hardy told how a gentleman, a Conservative down to the ground, had in conversa- tion said he had often heard Blake so clearly explain matters in the Houses as to bring him over to his own way of thinking ; and " this for Mr. Costigan," said Mr. Hardy, "I have often won- dered why he did not induce Ministers to change their minds also." (Laugh- ter.) " One man in the crowd/' con- tinued the .Minister of Crown Linda, *' remarked that they would make Mr. Blake a knight. And another said, 22 • Oh, no, it will bo a peer op an earl probably.' For my part I hope thoy will make him tieitbur, for I an ono of his friendi would feel great ditUdence in approaching bim either aa Lord Blako or Earl of , Longford." (Laugh- ter.) In cloiing, Mr. Hardy strongly expresRL'd hin belief that the dawn appears, that daybreak is almoR^ ^><>re, and that we Hh!«ll ail live to sen the lioiDH Rule day in the full splendor of its meridian. Dr. Hergin, M.P., npoke briefly, but with mucli vigor. He said that in a pwper supposed to be the organ of the Oonsorvalive party, to which he lie- longed — a paper published in this city — be had seen a dastardly article on Hon. Edward filake, and, despite sore domestic afHIction, had felt it bis duty not only as a member of the Conserva- tive party, but as a citizpfi, to come and enter an emphatic protest against such language. (Loud cheers.) In doing so he only echoed the sentiments of every honest Conservative and of every public man who valued the endorsation of his own conscience. Senator Sullivan, speaking on behalf of the friends of Home Rule in ICingston, th«* Drrry of Canada, joined in the words of welcome. HOX. PETER MITCHELL'S SPEECH. Hon. Ptiier .\iitL'!iell, in response to repe if.nd cills. cam'^ ftrward aud in a few i.ejit phrusea expreHsed his pleasure in being present und hearing one of Canada's greatest orators so lucidly explain the provisions of the Home Rule program me. As a Home Ruler from away back he had, as Mr. Elake said, been forced to oppose Home Rule resolutions in the Dominion House because ttiey did not go far enough. As one of tlie eight living fathers of Ouat'i deration be thought lie might si>eak of the benefits of Home Rule with some authority. In the old days Lord John Russell expressed the opinion that it would be of advantage should Canada break loose. Times were changed since then, and now no English itateiiman would express suoh sentiments about the greatest colony. As Canadians, who had been mo advan- taged by the Home Rule given by Confederation, we should bn prepared to stand up for a similar measure to Ireland- (Cheers.) Mr. C Devlin, M P., who rose alter 11.30, held bis audience while he declared his loyalty to be as great despite the cruel wrongs and years of oppression meted out to Ireland as any of those who will flaunt their loyalty to-morrow evening. Mr. Joseph Tait, M.P P., said that having received an invitation to speak at another meeting called to save the Empire, lie had dropped in accom- panied by G. H. Smith to see if the Empire really was in danger. In a few humorous sentences he expressed the opinion that it was ift)t. With a vote of thanks to the chair- man, proposed by Mr. 1'. Boyle, and seconded by Mr. 13. Lynch, the demon- stration was brought to a close, and a quarter before midnight the vast audience dispersed after singing God Save the Queen, and cheering for Mr. Hlake. AN APPEAL FOR HET-P. TO TllK FHIKNDS OP I'm; IRISH HOMK UULK MOVKMKXT, With hope and confidence that in- crease daily Ireland enters upon her last struggle for st,lf-government, and looks to her children and friends every- where for practical sympathy in this her crucial hour. The present Parlia- ment of England has already acknow- lec'god the reasonableness of iier chims, and will most certainly grant her just demands. But it is still a combat against prejudice that stoops not to consult either reason or history — a con- test of the weak against the strong — of the poor and helpless against the rich and powerful. In this most h and yet moat trying emergency L appeals to hor children in lands bluHaed with atilf government, whero enjoying the V)leiiBinKH of f reedoto, tb^y have taken their placoH among the progrtssfive uud wealthy, and ahe auks tor their yr-aer- ouH and active oo-operation Nohiy have they responded in the p«wt, nor will they he lacking now for qb the hope was never greater, the moment of HUcueHS nearer, ho the needu were n^ver more urgent than now. LateHt aucountH from the old land tell of extn^rao agricultural drproHHion, white landlord exaction and cruelty towarda the teuantH are rifer than ever. Seeing tho approaching triumph of the peoplu'b cause and their own iu'vitublo defeat, they lire using their laHt momt-nts of power to haraHB the tenantry and fuHtrate the expressed iutuutiun of Mr. Gladstone's (Jovernmont, At the sug gestion of the Hon. Edward IWake Canada is culled on to aid the political movement of the Irish rarliamcntary Party and to assist the evicted and 3ullt;ring tenants.thus strengthening the bands of all engaged in the cause. Al- readyseveral very liberal responses have been made to Ireland'a appeal ; but individual ellbrt, however generous, is not equal to the needs. Let there, then, be united action, and Ireland will be prepared for any emergency ; and let no friend of the cause withhold his ottering because he cannot contri- bute as his heart would suggest. Canada gives to Ireland in her present struggle one of her most dis- tinguished sons. He takes with him her moral strength, repeatedly mani- fested in public opinion and parlia- mentary action ; nor has Canada been wanting heretofore in material aid to Ireland ; bub in this hour of Ireland's sorest trial Canada will unite all her strength in a supreme eifort to assure the dnal triumph. To facilitate this united action an Executive ('ommittee Uhh been formed in Toronto. Whilethis Kxecutive is willing to co-operate in the general movement, complete auccesH will depend on the formation and action of local organi/ntiona. It is hoped, therefore, that those in sympa- thy with the cause will form themtielvetf into local 'ommittees, taking such action towards the general object as may seem to them most udvinable. OollectionH should be at once begun, and should include the most humble oflerings as well as the most generous gifts. Local organizUions may commu- nicate with the Executive Committee in Toronto and forward their remittances as soon as colb'cted. Senator Frank Smith and the Hon. S. H. lilake, Q 0., both gentlemen enjoying the conti- dence of Canadians universally, have consented to act aa joint Treasurers of the Fund, aiiU will receive and transmit to the Honourable Kdward BlaUii all donations Kent for the above purpose. Contributions sent to these gentlemen will be promptly acknowledged, and the names of all contributors published in the public press. It only remains for us to call atten- tion to the gravity of Ireland's present situation, and to impress upon all the urgent necessity of immediate and united action. Let us all take part to the best of our means in this grand and noble work, so that when Ireland has regained her long lost legislative rights, each may share in the glory of a risen nation. On behalf of the Executive Com- mittee. Senatok Frank Smith, Chairman.