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Lorsquo le documem eet trop grend pour Atre roproduit en un soul clichA, il eet filmA A partir do Tangle supAriour geucho, do geucho A droite, et do haut en baa, en pronant le nombro d'Imegoe nAcooeelro. Lee diegrammes suivents illuetront le mAthode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 BtlN'S STANDARD LIBRARTi XUBOAKTLT PBINTBD, AHD BOUKD IH CLOTH, AT 3s. 6D. PBB TOL. I. THE MISCELLANEOUS WORKS AND REMAINS OF THE REV. ROBERT HALL, witb Memoir by Dr.Gbkookt, an EsMjr on hii chancter by Joaii FotTki. 248. ROSCOE'S UFE AND PONTIFICATE OF LEO X. EDITED BY HIS SON, with the Copjrrigtt Notca, Appendices, «nd Historical Docuiueiita, the Epiaode oa Lacrelia Borgia, an Index, ana 3 Hue Portmitt, complete in 3 vols. 4 8CHLE0ELS LECTURES ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY, TRANS* latcd from the German, with a Memoir of the Author, by J. B. KoBntaon, £aq. 6 ft 0. MSMONDI'S HISTORY OF THE UTERATURE OF THE SOUTH OF EUBOP£, translated by Roscoe. Complete in 3 vols. PortniU. 7. ROSCOE'S UFE OF LORENZO DE MEDICI, CALLED THE MAQNIFICENT, including the Copyright Notes and lUuitnitions, new Memoir by his Stm. S. SCHLEQEL'S LECTURES ON DRAMATIC LITERATURE, TRANSLATED BY Ma. Black, of the Monung Chronirlo. New Kdition, cureftilly revised from the last German Edition by A. J. w. Moaaisoi*. With Memoir and Portrmt, 9. BECKMANNS HISTORY OF INVENTIONS, DISCOVERIES, AND ORIGINS. Fourth Kdition, carefully revixcd and ciilur^ed by Has. 1'kancis and GurriTii. With Memoir and Portrait. Complete in 2 Vols. 'Vul. I. to. SCHILLER S HISTORY OF THE THIRTY YEARS WAR AND REVOLT OF THE NKTIIEKLANUS, translated by A.J. W.Moaaisoif. Portrait. II. BECKM ANN'S HISTORY OF INVENTIONS. VOL. 2. Portrut o/Jamet Watt. 12. SCHILLER'S WORKS, VOL. 2, CONTAINING, CONTINUATION OF "THE Revolt of the Netherlands:" " WoUenstein's Camp;" "The Piceolomini:" "The Death of Wallenstein ;" and " Wiihelm Tell." Witk PortraU of Waltttuttbi. 18. MEMOIRS OF THE UFE OF COLONEL HUTCHINSON. BY HIS WIDOW LuoT( to whkb is bow first added an "Accouat of the i>ieg«rof Lathom Hoose." 14. MEMOIRS OF BENVENUTO CELLINI, WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. NOW first collated with the new Text of Guiseppe Molini, and enlarged. By Roscok. IB. COKE'S HISTORY OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA, FROM THE FOUNDA* tion of^the Monarchy bjr Rodoi^h of Uapsburgh, to tiie Death of Leopold II, 1318—1793. complete in S vols. Vol. I. ! oftkt Em^mtr MtuimiUim. 10. LANZIB HISTORY OF PAINTING. A REVISED TRANSLATIOM 9Y Thohas Roscok, complete in 3 vol*. Vol. I. I^itk fine PortraU ^Raputl, , . 17, IS AND vruk OCKLEY'S HISTORY OF THE SARACENS, REVISED, ENLARGED, oumpletad. Portrait. COKE'S HISTORY OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. VOL 8. Portrait qf the Emperor Eodolpk. ^ IS. LANZI'S HISTORY OF PAINTING. VOL 2. Portrait t^ TWmt. 80. SOHILLERS WORKS, VOL 3, CONTAINING "DON CARLOS," "MARY Stuart," "Maid of Ulleans," and "Bride of Messina." ProiUitpUee. 81. LAMARTINE'S HISTORY OF THE GIRONDISTS, OR PERSONAL MEMOIRS of the Patriots of the French Revolution, mm mafuk^ktd «o«rc«l. COMphAe in S vols. Vol. I. Portrait of Hobttpitrrt. 88. COXES HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. VOL 8. Fortndt nfMarU Tktrm. ^• 88. LANZrt HISTORY OF PAINTING. VOL 8. Portndt dfComffiof 84. MACHIAVE|.Uf HISTORY OF FLORENCE, PRINCE, AND OTHER Works. Wit* Portrait, 8«. LAMARTINE'S OIRONOISTS. VOLS. PortrM tf Maimu Malmi. 87. RANKE'S HISTORY OF. THE POPES. TRANSLATED BY L FOBTER. Complete in S voU. Vol. L Portrait qfMi'- H, V*^ ^^' 85. COKE'S lj&|MOIRS OF THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH, (U> IbmlfolL) •«• Ai ATLAS, or M Bm Istb* Maps and Plans of Matlbom«h's Ctrnptlgmt, »•>■« aU MMsa paMtabid IB Ui* ortgtaal sdKloa at AU Us. ma$ new be had, lB«BevolvaMbM«^m>as.M. mm mm >i>: MA Ivv'Tfli \''J' VOL. 8. With a Uerooir 20. SHERIDAN'S DRAMATIC WORKS AND LIFE, t^trmt. 80. COKE'S MEMOIRS OF MARLBOROUGH. VOL 2. PorlnU r- "/:-) ^mi 4- 'I #^ V^, ' f^,- -#' # % k\ t -w O^. w^. ^^A^i' fro; m au ta-ii^u: U . Ulluif il.f ixits*") sioitift M^rriil) 7^ it 5 Am VOTAGES ^*^^0.«Mlf. ^OtooH: laio. ^^Wtoyinggl^^ \ \ iriim aji (inf'.iiuu ! irtiirc ir uip ^i' ''f'nll THE LIFE AND VOYAGES or CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS; TOOBTHER WITH THE VOYAGES OF HIS COMPANIONS. BY WASfflNGTON ^^X'Vi \ Yeiuait uiius Saeute Miii, qoibiu, OeMwu '^^nenlL Ngrnm luet, et ingeni Pfet«at teUiu, Typhiniie novos Betcgvt Orbet, uec nt tenia AUTHOR'S BEVISED BDITION, COMPLETE IN TWO VOLUMES. vm AN APnNDix ur histobical oocumsmts, and a obhsbai. iNDmx. VOL. I. LONDON: HENRY O. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 1850. londck: pbimtid bt habbuon amd bok, ST. If abtin's LANB. w tiSP I: ACCOUNT OF THE PORTRAIT, The portrait of Columbus prefixed to the present Tolume is from a beautiful picture painted by Sir Anthony More for Mai|;aret, Governess of the Netherlands. It was brought to this country about the year 1590, and has been in the possession of one family, until very recently, when it was purchased by Mr. Cribb of King Street, Covent Garden. The characteristics of the mind and features of Columbus are so forcibly depicted in this picture, that no doubt can remain but that it is a true and perfect resemblance of the great Navigator. Diego Columbus, in his " Hist, del Almirante Don Christ. Colon,'* c. 3, says ** The Admiral was a* man well formed and above the middle height, his head was large, his cheek bones rather high, his cheeks neither fieit nor lean, aquiline nose ; his eyes small, light blue or grey, with the white parts rather inflamed." Mr. Prescott says, " He had a majestic presence, with much dignity, and at the same time affability of manner." The description in this work at page 15, fully bears out the above translation, and leaves no doubt as to its identity. B Iron Vmi pres offtl ofdi were Mr. of tl )ecu vavi] a£lef Trhilt So its a 1 unkc w , r PREFACE. BmtSQ ftfc Bordeaux, in the winter of 1825^ I reeeified a kMer firacn Mr. Alexander Everett, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid, informii^ me of a work then in the press, edited by Don Martin Femandea de Navarrete, Secretary of the Royal Academy of History, d^c, Jec^ containing a collectioa of docaments relative to the voTages ci Columbus, among which were many of a highly important nature, recently discorered. Mr. Everett, at the same time, expressed anoinnion that a version of the work into English, by one of our own country, would be peculiarly desirable. I concurred with him in the opiniou ; and, having for some time intended a visit to Madrid, I shortly aflMTwards set off for that capital, with an idea of undertaking; while there, the translation of the work. Soon alter my arrival, the publication of M. Navarrete made its appearance. I found it to contain many documents, hitherto unknown^ which threw additional lights on the discovery of the New World ; and which reflected the greatest credit on the in- dustry and activity of the kamed editor. Still the whole pre- sented rather a mass of rich materials for history, than a history itself. And invaluable as such stores may be to the laborious inquirer, the sight of disconnected papers and official documonta is apt to be repulsive to the general reader, who seeks for clear and continued narrative. These circumstances made me hesitate in my proposed undertaking ; yet the subject was of so intereslf- ing aad national a kind, th&t I could not willingly abandon it. On considering the matter more maturely, I perceived that, although there were man^ books, in various languages, relative to Oolumbos, they all contained limited and incomfrfete accounts of his life and voja^ i while numerous valuable tracts on the sub- ject existed oi^y m manuscript or in the fmrm of letters, journals^ and pnblio muniments. It appeared to nw that a hirtory, fiuth- fttUjr digested firom these various materials, was a desideratum in literature, and would be a more satisfiaotory occupation to my- Bskiy and a more acceptable work to my country, imsk the traaahip tion I had contemplated. I was encouraged to undertake such a work, by the greet faci- lities which I found within my reach at Mi\drid. I was resident under the roof the American consul, O.Rich, Esq., one of the most indefiatigable bibliographers in Europe, whe, for aeveral Y«ars, had made particular researches after every document re- lative to the early history of America. In his extensive and ea* riotts lifarury, I found one of the best collections extant of Spanish oelenial history, coutainitig many documents for whiK,h I mighl search elsewhoe in vain. This he put at my absolute oommmd, wMk a firanknesi and nnreserve seldom to be met wilh anM»og the iT rilEFACE. possessors of such rare and valuable works ; and his library has been my main resource throughout the whole of my labours. I found also the Royal Library of Madrid, and the library of the Jesuits' College of San Isidro, two noble and extensive collections, open to access, and conducted with great order and liberality. From Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, who communicated various valuable and curious pieces of information, discovered in the course of his researches, I received the most obliging assist- ance ; nor can I refrain from testifying my admiration of the self- sustained zeal of that estimable man, one of the last veterans of Spanish literature, who is almost alone, yet indefatigable in his labours, in a country where, at present, literary exertion meets with but little excitement or reward. I must acknowledge, also, the liberality of the Duke of Vera- guas, the descendant and representative of Columbus, who sub- mitted the archives of his family to my inspection, and took a personal interest in exhibiting the treasures they contained. Nor, lastly, must I omit my deep obligations to my excellent friend Don Antonio dc Uguina, treasurer of the Prince Francisco, a Sentleman of talents and erudition, and particularly versed in the istory of his country and its dependencies. To his unwearied investigations, and silent and unavowed contributions, the world is indebted for much of the accurate information, recentlv im- parted, on points of early colonial history. In the possession of this gentleman are most of the papers of his deceased friend, the late historian Mufios, who was cut off in the midst of his valuable labours. These, and various other documents, have been imparted to me by Don Antonio, with a kindness and urbanity which greatly increased, yet lightened the obligation. With these, and other aids incidentally afforded me b^ my local situation, I have endeavoured, to the t)est of my abilities^ and making the most of the time wnich I could allow m;\ielf during a sojourn in a foreign country, to construct this aistory. I have diligently collated all the works that I could finr relative to my subject, in print and manuscript ; comparing taem, as far as in my power, with original documents, those sure lights of historic research ; endeavouring to ascertain the truth amid those contra- dictions which will inevitably occur, where several persons have recorded the same facts, viewing them from different points, and under the influence of aifferent interests and feelings. In the execution of this work I have avoided indulging in mere speculations or general reflections, excepting such as rose naturally out of the subject, preferring to give a minute and circumstantial narrative, omitting no particular that appeared characteristic of the persons, the events, or thu times ; ana endeavouring to place every fact in such a point of vicw^ that the reader might perceive its merits, and draw his own maxims and conclusions. As many points of the history required explanations, drawn PREFACE. iUClSCO, a from contemporary events and the literature of the times, I have preferred, instesd of incumbering the narrative, to give detached illustrations at the end of the work. This also enabled me to indulge in greater latitude of detail, where the subject was of a curious or interesting nature, and the sources of information such as not to be within the common course of reading. After all, the work is presented to the public with extreme diffidence. All that I can safely claim is, an earnest desire to state the truth, an absence from prejudices respecting the nations mentioned in my history, a strong interest in my subject, and a zeal to make up by assiduity for many deticiencies of which I am conscious. Madrid, 1827. WASHiNOTOir Irving. P. S. I have been surprised at finding myself accused by some American writer of not giving sufficient credit to Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete for the aid I had derived from his collec- tion of documents. I had thought I had sufficiently shown, in the preceding preface, which appeared with my first edition, that his collection first prompted my work and subsequentlv furnished its principal materials ; and that I had illustratea this by citations at tne foot of almost every page. In preparing this revised edision, I have carefully and conscientiously examined into the matter, but find nothing to add to the acknowledgments already made. To show the feelings and opinions of M. Navarrete himself with respect to my work and myself, I subjoin an extract from a letter received from that excellent man ; and a passage from the intro- duction to the third volume of his collection. Nothing but the desire to vindicate myself on this head would induce me to publish extracts so laudatonr. From a letter dated Madrid, April 1st, 1831. I congratulate myself that the documents and notices which I Eublish^ in my collection about the first occurrences in the istory of America, have fallen into hands so able to appreciate their authenticity, to examine them critically, and to circulate them in all directions ; establishing fundamental truths which hitherto have l)een adulterated by partial or systematic writers. Yo me complazeo en que los docuinentos v noticias que publico en mi coleccion sobre los primeros acontacimientos de la nistoria de America, hayan recaido en inanos tan habiles para apreciar su autenticidad, para examinar las con critica y propagarlas por todos partes echando los fundamentos de la verdad que hasta ahora nd sido tan adulterada par los escritores parciales 6 siste- matioos. In the introduction to the third volume of his Collection of Spanish Voyages, M. Navarrete cites various testimonials he has received since the publication of his two first volumes, of the utility of his work to the republic of letters. ''A signal proof of this,'* he continues, "is just given us by ▼1 PBEFACE. Mr. WashiDgioB Irving in the History of the Life «nd ToyafW of Christopher Columbus, which he has published with a sue' cess as general as it is well merited. We said in our intruductiea that we did not propose to write the history of the admiral, bsfc to publish notes and materials that it might be written with verft* city ; and, it is fortunate that the first person to profit by them should be a literary man, judicious and erudite, already known in his own country and in Europe by other works of merit. Ren« dent in Madrid, exempt from the rivalries which have influenced some European natives with respect to Columbus and his dis- coveries ; having an opportunity to examine excellent books and precious manuscripts ; to converse with persons instructed in these matters, and having always at hand the authentic docu- ments which we have just published, he has been enabled to give to his history that fulness, impartiality and exactness, which teake it much superior to those of the writers who preceded him. To this he adds his regular method, and convenient distribution ; hit style animated, pure, and elegant ; the notice of various p«r- soBi^s who mingled in the eonoems of Columbus ; and the ex- MRination of various questions, in which always shine sound criticism, erudition, and good taste.'* Ineigne prueba de esto mismo acaba de damos el Senor Wash- ington Irving en la Historia de la Vida y de los Viages de Chriff- tdbal Colon que ha publicado con una aceptacion tan general como bien mereeida. Digimos en nuestra introduecion (1 | 66 pag. Ixxxii.) que no nos proponiamos e«;eribir la historia de aqual almirante, sino publiear noticias y materiales para que se escribiese con veraeidad, y es una fortuna que el primero que se haya aprovechado de ellas sea un literato juicioso y erudito, o(K nocido ya en su patria y en Europa por otras obras apreciables. Oolocado en Madrid, exento de las rivalidades que han dominado entre algunas naciones Europeas sobre Colon y sus desoubri- mientos ; con la proporeion de e:;aminar exeelentes libros y preciosos manuscritos, de tratar 4 personas instruidas en estaa materias, y teniendo siempre & la mano los auteuticos doou- mcntos que acabamos de publiear, ha logrado da a su historic aquella extension, imparcialidad y exactitud que la haceu muy superior & las de los escritores que le precedieron. Agregate k esto su metodico, arreglo, y cunveniente distribuoion ; su estilo animado puro, y elegante ; la noticia de varies personages que intervenieron en los sucesos de Colon, y el examen de variae cucstiones en que luce siempre la mas sane critics, la erudieioB, j bueu gusto, — Frologo to Zrd, volume. CONTENTS. FaiFACB iii BOOK I. — Imtrodcction I Chap. I. — Birth, Parentage, and Early Life of Columbus 2 Chap. II. — Early Voyages of Columbus 6 Chap. III. — Progress of Discovery under Prince Henry of Por- tugal 10 Chap. IV. — Residence of Columbus at Lisbon. — Ideas concern- ing Islands in the Ocean 15 Chap. V. — Grounds on which Columbus founded his Belief of the existence of Undiscovered Lands in the West 20 Chap. VI. — Correspondence of ColumbuH with Paulo Toscsnelli. — Events in Portugal relative to Discoveries. — Proposition of Columbus to the Portuguese Court. — Departure from Portugal 26 BOOK II. — Chap. I. — Proceedings of Columbus after leaving Portugal. — His Applications in Spain. — Characters of Ferdi- naud and Isabella 35 Chap. II. — Columbus at the Court of Spain 41 Chap. III. — Columbus before the Council at Salamanca 44 Chap. IV. — Further Applications at the Court of Castile. — Columbus follows the Court in its Campaigns 50 Chap. V. — Columbus at the Convent of La Rubida 56 Chap. VI. — Application to the Court at the time of the Surren- der of Granada 59 Chap. VII. — Arrangement with the Spanish Sovereigns. — Pre- parations for the Expedition at the Port of Palos 64 Chap. VIII. — Columbus at the Port of Palos. — Preparations for the Voyage of Discovery 68 BOOK III. — Chap. I. — Departure of Columbua on his First Voyage 72 Chap. II.— Continuation of the Voyage. — First Notice of the Variation of the Needle 76 Chap. III.— Continuatioa of the Voyage. — Various Terrors of the Seamen 79 Chap. IV. — Continuation of the Voyage. — Discovery of Land... 84 BOOK TV. — Chap. I.— First Landing of Columbus in the New World 92 Chap. II.— Cruise among the Bahama Islands 99 Crap. III. — Discovery and Coasting of Cuba 104 Chap. IV. — Further Coasting of Cuba Ill Chap. V.— Search after the supposed Island of Babeque. — Deser- tion of the Pinta 110 Chap. VI. — Discovery of Hispaniola 119 k Chap. VII. — Coasting of Hispaniola 124 Chap. VIII.— Shipwreck 128 Chap. IX. — Transactions with the Native* 130 Chap. X. — Building of the Fortress of La Navidad 135 CuAf. XI.— Regulation of the Fortress of La Navidad. — Depar- ture of Columbua for Spain „ 138 VUl C0NTSMT8. BOOK V. — Crap. I. — Coasting towards the Eastern End of His* paniola. — Meeting with Pinzon. — Affair with the Natives of the Gulf of Samana 142 Chap. II. — Return Voyage. — Violent Storms. — Arrival at the Azores 148 Chap. III. — Transactions at the Island of St. Mary's 153 Chap. IV. — Arrival at Portugal. — Visit to the Court 156 Chap. V. — Reception of Columbus at Palos 162 Chap. VI. — Reception of Columbus by the Spanish Court at Barcelona 166 Chap. Til. — Sojourn of Columbus at Barcelona. — Attentions paid him by tlie Sovereigns and Courtiers 170 Chap. VIII. — Papal Bull of Partition. — Preparations for a Second Voyage of Columbus 174 Chap. IX. — Diplomatic Negotiations between the Courts of Spain and Portugal with respect to the New Discoveries 181 Chap. X.— Further preparations for the Second Voyage. — Cha- racter of Alonso de Ojeda. — Difference of Columbus with Soria and Fonseca 185 BOOK VI. — Chap. I.— Departure of Columbus on his Second Voyage. — Discovery of the Caribbee Islands 190 Chap. II.— Transactions at the Island of Guadaloupe 194 Chap. III. — Cruise among the Caribbee Islands 198 CuAP. IV. — Arrival at the Harbour of La Navidad. — Disaster of the Fortress 203 Chap. V.— Transactions with the Natives. — Suspicious conduct of Guacanagari 210 Chap. VI. — Founding of the City of Isabella. — Maladies of the Spaniards 214 Chap. VII. — Expedition of Alonso de Ojeda to explore the Interior of the Island.^Dispatch of the Ships to Spain 218 Chap. VIII. — Discontents at Isabella. — Mutiny of Bernal Diaz de Pisa 223 Chap. IX. — Expedition of Columbus to the Mountains of Cibao 226 Chap. X. — Excursion of Juan de Luxan among the Mountains. — Customs and Characteristics of the Natives. — Columbus returns to Isabella 233 Chap. XI. — Arrival of Columbus at Isabella. — Sickness of the Colony 243 Chap. XII. — Distribution of the Spanish Forces in the Interior. Preparations for a Voyiige to Cuba 247 BOOK VII.— Chap. I.— Voyage to the East End of Cuba 250 Chap. II. — Discovery of Jamaica 255 Chap. III. — Return to Cuba.— Navigation among the Islands called the Queen's Gardens 258 Chap. IV.— Coasting of the Southern Side of Cuba 262 Chap. V. — Return of Columbus along the Southern Coast of Cuba 269 Chap. VI. — Coasting Voyage along the South Side of Jamaica... 274 Chap. VII. — Voynire along the South Side of Hispaniola, and Return to Isabella 277 BOOK VIIL—Chap. I.— Arrird of the Adiainl at Iwbdk.^ Character uf Barthoboieir Colamboi ^ 281 Chap. II. — Miacondact of Don Ptodro Margarite, aad hia Dapar* tare frooi the Island ~ 285 Chap. HI.— Tnmblea with the Nathrea.— Aloaao da Ojcda be- aieged by Caonabo „ 289 Cbap. IY. — Meannrea of Cohnnboa to mtore the Qniet of the laliind. — Expedition of 0;ieda to aarpriw Caonabo 294 Chap. V. — Arrival of Antonio de Torres with foor Shipa from Spain.— His Return with Indian Skves 300 Chap. VI.- Expedition of Ct^ombna agaiaat the Indiana j/ the Vega.— Battle 305 Chap. VII.— Subjogation of the NatiTes.— Imposition of Tribute 307 Chap. VIII. — Intrigaes against Colnmbos in the Coart of Spain. — Aguado sent to investigate the affairs of Hispaniola 312 Chap. IX. — Arrival of Agaado at Isabella. — His arrogant Con- duct.- Tempest in the Harbonr 31 7 Chap. X. — Discovery of the Miara of Hafna.......^..^.................. 322 BOOK iX.— Chap. I.— Return of Cohunhna to Spain with Agnado 325 Chap. II.— Decline of the Popnlarity of Cohmibus in Spain. — His Reception by the Sovereigns at Bargos. — He proposes a Third Voyage 330 Chap. III. — Preparations for a Third Voyage. — Disappoint- ments and Delays 336 BOOK X. — Chap. I. — Depar tu re of Coinmbus from Spain on his Third Voyage. — Discovery of Trinidad 344 Chap. II.— Voyage through the Gulf of Pluria 349 Chap. HI. — Continuation of the Voyage through the Gulf of Faria. — Return to Hispaniola 856 Chap. IV. — Specubtions of Columbus coneeruing the Coast of Paria. 862 BOOK XL— Chap. I.— Administration of the Adelantado.— Ex. pedition to the Province of Xaragua 368 Chap. II.— Establishment of a Chain of Military Posts. — Insur- rection of Guarionex, the Cacique of the Vega 375 Chap. III.— The Adelantado repairs to Xaragua to receive Tribute. „ 380 Chap. IV.— Conspiracy of Roldan 384 Chap. V.— The Adelantado repairs to the Vega in relief of iWt Conception.— Hia Interview with Roldan 389 Chap. \ 1. — Second Inaurrection of Guarionex^ and his Flight to the Mountains of Ciguay 393 Chap. VII.— Campaign of the Adelantado in the Mountains of Ciguay 396 BOOK XII.— Chap. T.— ConAision in the Island.— Frooeedingi of the Rebels at Xaragua 401 Chap. II.— Negotiation of the Admiral with the Rabak.— Db- parture of 81:^ for Spain «...« 405 Chap. III. — Arrangement with the Rebels 410 Chap. IV.— Another Mutiny of the Rebels ; and Second Ar. rangement with them 419 Chap. V. — Grants made to Roldan and bis followers. — Departure of several of the Rebels for Spain 423 Chap. YI. — Arrival of Ojeda with a Squadron at the Western part of the Island. — Roldan sent to meet him 427 Chap. YII.— Manoeuvres of Roldan and Ojeda. 430 BOOK XIII. — Chap. I. — Representations at Court against Co- lumbus — Bobadilla empowered to examine into his Conduct 436 Chap. II. — Arrival of Bobadilla at San Domingo. — His violent Assumption of the Command 443 Chap. III. — Columbus summoned to appear before Bobadilla .... 448 Chap. IV. — Columbus and his Brothers arrested and sent to Spain in Chains 450 BOOK XIV. — Chap. I. — Sensation in Spain on the Arrival of Columbus in Irons. — His Appearance at Court 457 Chap. II.— Contemporary Voyages of Discovery 460 Chap. III. — Nicholas de Ovando appointed to supersede Boba- dilla 4fi4 Chap. IV. — Proposition of Columbus relative to the Recovery of the Holy Sepulchre 472 Chap. V. — Preparations of Columbus for a Fourth Voyage of Discovery 476 BOOK XV. — Chap. I. — Departure of Columbus on his Fourth Voyage. — Refused Admission to the Harbour of San Domingo. — £xposed to a Violent Tempest 481 Chap. II. — Voyage along the Coast of Honduras 487 Chap. III. — Voyage along the Mosquito Coast, and transactions at Cariari 492 Chap. IV. — Voyage along Costa Rica. — Speculations concerning the Isthmus at Veragua 497 Chap. V. — Discovery of Puerto Bello and El Retrete. — Colum- bus abandons the search after the Strait 500 Chap. VI. — Return to Veragua.— The Adelantado explores the Country 501 Chap. VII. — Commencement of a Settlement on the river Belen. —Conspiracy of the Natives. — Expedition of the Adelantado to turprise Quibian 511 Chap. VIII.— Disasters of the Settlement 517 Chap. IX. — Distress of the Admiral on board of his Ship. — Ultimate Relief of the Settlement 621 Chap. X.— Departure from the Coast of Veragna. — Arrival at Jamaica. — Stranding of the Ships 526 BOOK XVI. — Chap. I.— Arrangement of Diego Mendez with the Caciques for Supplies of Provisions. — Sent to San Domingo by Columbus in quest of Relief 529 Chap. 11.— Mutiny of Pornu 536 coirrsKTS. 410 419 423 427 430 43G 443 Ua .... 448 450 457 460 464 472 476 481 487 492 497 500 501 511 517 521 526 529 536 Chap. Ill.—Scarcitjr of Provisioiiii. — Stratagem of Colombva to obtain Sopplies from the Natives 542 Chap. IV. — Mission of Diego de Escobar to the Admiral 54^ Chap. V. — Voyage of Diego Meodei and Bartholomew Fiesco in a Canoe to Hispaniola 548^ Chap. VI. — Overtures of Colarobos to the Mutineers. — Battle of the Adelantado with Porras and his Followers 553- BOOK XVII. — Chap. I. — Administration of Ovando in Hispa- niola. — Oppression of the Natives 559 Chap. II. — Massacre at Xaragaa. — Pate of Anacaona 564 Chap. III.— War with the Natives of Higuer 569 Chap. IV. — Close of the War with Higuey. — Fate of Cotabanama 574 BOOK XVIII.— Chap. I.— Departure of Columbus for San Do- mingo. — His Retum^o Spain 579^ Chap. II. — Illness of Colambns at Seville. — Application to the Crown for a Restitution of his Honours. — De;ith of Isabella 584 Chap. III. — Columbus arrives at Court. — Fruitless Application to the King for Redress 589 Chap. IV.— Death of Columbus 595 Chap. v. — Observations on the Character of Columbus 600 i v\ ^ 4 THE '<<^ LIFE AND VOYAGES 0# iCi^tJMBUS J BOOK I. Whether in old tunes, beyond the reach of history or tradition, and in some remote period of civilization, when, as some imagine, the arts may have flourished to a degree un- known to those whom we term the Ancients, there existed an intercourse between the opposite shores of the Atlantic ; whether the Egyptian legend, narrated by Plato, respecting the island of Atolantis was indeed no &ble, but the obscure tradition of some vast country, ingulfed by one of those mighty convulsions of our globe, whidi have left traces of l^e ocean on the summits of lofty mountains, must ever remain matters of vague and visionary specidation. As fiu: as authenticated history extends, nothing was known of terra firms, and the islancb of the western hemisphere, until their discovery towards the close of the fifteenth century. A wandering bark may occasionally have lost sight of the land- marks of the old continents, and been driven by tempests across the wilderness of waters long before the iavention of the compass, but never returned to reveal the secrets of the ocean. And though, fi:om time to time, some document has floated to the shores of the old world, giving to its wondering inhabitants evidences of land far beyond their watery horizon, yet no one ventured to spread a sail, and seek that land enveloped in mystery and peril. Or if the legends of the Scandinavian voyagers be correct, and their mysterious Yin- land was the coast of Labrador, or the shore of Newfound- land, they had but transient glimpses of the new world, lead- ing to no certain or permanent knowledge, and in alitde time lost i^ain to mankind.* Certain it is that at the begin- ning of the fifteenth century, when the most intelligent mmds were seeking in every direction for the scattered lights of geographic^ knowledge, a profound ignorance prevailed among the learned as to the western regions of the Atlantic ; * See lUostratiions at the end of this work, article '* Scandinavian DiRcoreries." 4 3 LIFE AND YOTAOES OT OOLXTlfBUI. its vast waters were regarded with awe and wonder, seeming to bound the world as with a duos, into which conjectore could not penetrate, and enterprise feared to adyenture. We need no greater pr9o& of this than the deioiftion giftn of the Atlantic by Xerif al Edrisi, sumamed the Nubian, an eminent Arabian writer, whose countrjrmen were .the boldest navigators of the middle ages, and possessed all that was then known of geography. ** The ocean," he observe*, ** eiuanle* the ultimate boonds of the inhabited earth, and all beyond it is unknowB. No one has been able to reriiy ainrthing concermnp it, meanour. His visage was long, and neither full nor meagre; his complexion fair and freckled, and inclined to ruddy ; his nose aquiline; his cheek bones were rather high, his eyes light gray, and apt to «akindle; his whole countenance had an air of authority. His hair, in his youthful days, was of a light colour; but care and trouble, according to Las Casas, soon turned it gray, and at thirty years of age it was quite white. He was moderate and simple in diet and apparel, eloquent in discourse, engaging and affiible with strangers, and his amiableness and suavity in domestic life strongly attached his household to his person. His temper was na- turally irritable ;| but he subdued it by the magnanimity of his spirit, comporting himself with a courteous and gentle gravity, and never indulging in any intemperance of language. Throughout his life he was noted for strict attention to the offices of religion, observing rigorously the fasts and cere- monies of the church; naa: did his {nety consist in mere forms, but partook of that lofty and solemn enthusiasm with which his whole character was strongly tinctured. While at losbon, he was accustomed to attend religious service at the chapel of the convent of All Saints. In this convent were certain ladies of rank, either resident as boarders, • Herrera, decad. i. lib. i. t Hist del Almirante, cap. 3. Las Casas, Hist. Ind. lib. i osp. 2, i Ukseas, Hist Poatifieal, Ub. vi. 16 LIFE AND T0TA0E8 OF COLUMBUS. or in some religious capacity. With one of these, Columbus became acquainted. She was Doua Felipa, daughter of Bar- tolomeo Monis de Perestrello, an Italian cavalier, lately de- ceased, who had been one of the most distinguished navigators under Prince Henry, and had colonized and governed the island of Porto Santo. The acquaintance soon ripened into attachment, and ended in marriage. It appears to have been a match of mere a£fection, as the lady was destitute of fortune. The newly-married couple resided with the mother of the bride. The latter, perceiving the interest which Columbus took in all matters concerning the sea, related to him all she knew of the voyages and expeditions of her late husband, and broi^ht him all his papers, charts, journals, and memo- randums.* In this way he became acquainted with the routes of the Portuguese, their plans and conceptions; and having, by his marriage and residence, become naturalized in Portugal, he sailed occasionally in the expeditions to the coast of Ghiinea. When on shore, he supported his family by making maps and charts. His narrow circumstances obliged him to observe a strict economy; yet we are told that he appropriated a part of his scanty means to the succour of his i^ed fJEither at Genoa,f and to the education of his younger brothers.^ The construction of a correct map or chart, in those days, required a degree of knowledge and experience sufficient to entitle the possessor to distinction. Geography was but just €mei^;ing from the darkness which had enveloped it for ages. Ptolemy was still a standard authori^^. The maps of the fifteenth century display a mixture of truth and error, in which facts handed down from antiquity, and others revealed by recent discoveries, are confused with popular fables and extravagant conjectures. At such a period, when the passion for maritime discovery was seeking every aid to facilitate its enterprises, the knowledge and skiU of an able cosmographer, like Columbus, would be properly appreciated, and the su- perior correctness of his maps and charts would give him notoriety among men of science. § We accordingly find him, * Ovicdo, Cronica de las Indias, lib. ii. cap. 2. t Ibid. t Mufloz, Hist, del N. Mundo, lib. ii. § The importance which began to be attached to coamographical BESIDENCE IN POBTO 8AKT0. 17 at an early period of his residence in Lisbon, in correspond- ence with Paulo Toscanelli, of Florence, one of the most scientific men of the day, whose cotomunications had great influence in inspiriting him to his subsequent undertakings. While his geographical labours thus elevated him to a communion with the learned, they were peculiarly calcu- lated to foster a train of thoughts fiivourable to nautical enter- prise. From constantly comparing maps and charts, and noting the progress and direction of discovery, he was led to perceive how much of the world remained unknown, and to meditate on the means of exploring it. His domestic con- cerns, and the connexions he had formed by marriage, were all in unison with this vein of speculation. He resided for some time at the recently discovered island of Porto Santo, 'where his wife had inherited some property, and during liis residence there she bore him a son, whom he named Die^. This residence brought him, as it were, on the very frontier of discovery. His wife's sister was married to Pedro Correo, a navigator of note, who had at one time been governor of Porto Santo. Being frequently together in the fiuoqiliar inter- course of domestic life, their conversation naturally turned upon the discoveries prosecuting in their vicinity fuong the African coasts; upon the long sought for route to ladia; and upon the possibility of some unknown lands existing in the west. In their island residence, too, they must have been fre- quently visited by the voyagers going to and from Guinea. Living thus, surroimded by the stir and bustle of discovery, communing with persons who had risen by it to fortune and knowledge is evident from the distinction which Manro,iui Italian friar, obtained from having projected an universal map, esteemed the most accurate of the time. A ft&c-simile of this map, upon the same scaleaa the original, is now deposited in the British Museum, and it has been published, with a geographical commentary, by the learned Zurla. The Venetians struck a medal in honour of lUm, on which they demomi- nated him Cosmographus incomparabilis (Colline del Buasol. Nant. p. 2. c. 5). Yet Bamusio, who Imd seen this map in the monastery of San Michele de Hurano, considers it merely an improved copy of a map brought from Cathay by Marco Polo (Ramusio, t. ii. p. 17. Ed. Yenet. 1606). We are told that Americus Yespucius paid one hundred and thirty ducats (equivalent to five hundred and fifty-five dollars in our time) for a map of sea and land, made at Mallorca, in 1439, by Gabriel de Yalseca (Barros, D. 1. i. c. 15. Derroto por Tofino, Introd. p. 26). 4: LIFE AN I. VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. !l honour, and voyaging in the very tracks of '♦s recent triumphs, the ardent mind of Columbus kindled up to enthusiasm in the cause. It was a period of general excitement to all who were connected with maritime life, or who resided in the vicinity of the ocean. The recent discoveries had inflamed their imaginations, and had filled them with visions of other islands, of greater wealth and beauty, yet to be discovered in the b'e8, that the ocean surrounds the earth, bathing on the east the shores of India, on the west, the coasts of Spain and Mauritania ; so that it is easy to navigate from one to the other on the same parallel.* In corroboration of the idea that Asia, or, as ho always terms it, India, stretched far to the east, so as to occupy the greater part of the unexplored space, the narratives are cited of Marco Polo and John Mandeville. These travellers had visited, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the remote parts of Asia, fiu: beyond the regions laid down by Ptolemy ; and their accounts of the extent of that continent to Uie east- ward, had a great effjot in convincing Columbus that a voyage to the west, of no long duration, would bring him to its shores, or to the extensive and wealthy islands which lie adjacent. The information conccming Marco Polo is pro- bably derived from Paulo Toscanelli, a celebrated doctor of • Strab. Cos. lib. i. it 22 LIFE AMD YOTAGES OF COLUMBUS. Florence, already mentioned, with whom Columbus corres- ponded in 1474, and who transmitted to him a copy of a letter which he had previously written to Fernando Martinez, a learned canon of Lisbon. This letter maintains the facility of arriving at India by a western course, asserting the dis- tance to be but four thousand miles, in a direct line from Lisbon to the province of Mangi, near Cathay, since deter- mined to be the northern coast of China. Of this country he gives a magnificent description, drawn from the work of Marco Polo. He adds, that in the route lay the islands of Antilla andCipango, distant from each other only two hun- dred and twenty-five leagues, abounding in riches, and offer- ing convenient places for ships to touch at, and obtain supplies on the voyage. Under the third head, are enumerated various indications of land in the west, which had floated to the shores of the known world. It is curious to observe, how, when once the mind of Columbus had become heated in the inquiry, it attracted to it every corroborating circumstance, however vague and trivial, lie appears to have been particularly attentive to the gleams of information derived from veteran mariners, who had been emploved in the recent voyages to the African coasts ; and also n*om the inhabitants of lately discovered islands, placed, in a manner, on the frontier posts of geographical knowledge. All these are carefully noted down among his memorandums, to be collocated with the facts and opinions already stored up in his mind. Such, for instance, is the circumstance related to him by Martin Vicenti, a pilot in the service of the king of Portugal ; t^at, after sailing four hundred and fifty leagues to the west of Cape St. Vincent, he had taken from the water a piece of carved wood, which evidently had not been laboured with an iron instrument. As the winds had drifted it from the west, it might have come from some unknown land in that direction. Pedro Corrca, brother-in-law of Columbus, is likewise cite*' In the year 1477, in February, I navigated one hundred leagues beyond Thule, the southern part of which is seventy-three degrees distant frt)m the equator, and not sixty- three, as some pretend : neither is it situated within the line which includes the west of Ptolemy, but is much more westerly. The English, principally those of Bristol, go with * A more particular accotmt of Marco Polo and his writinga is given among the Illuatratioiui, LIFE AND VOTAOES OF COLUMBUS. their merchandise to this island, which is as lai^e as England. When I was there, the sea was not frozen, and the tides were 80 great as to rise and fall twenty-six fathom." * The island thus mentioned is generally supposed to have been Iceland, which is far to the west of the Ultima Thule of the ancients, as laid down in the map of Ptolemy. Several more years elapsed, without any decided efforts on the part of Columbus to carry his design into execution. He was too poor to fit out the armament necessary for so im- portant an expedition. Indeed it was an enterprise only to be undertaken in the employ of some sovereign state, which could assume dominion over the territories he might discover, and rewar4 him with dignities and privileges commensurate to his services. It is asserted that he at one time endeavoured to engage his native country, Genoa, in the undertaking, but without success. No record remains of such an attempt, though it is generally believed, and has strong probability in its favour. His residence in Portugal placed him at hand to solicit the patronage of that power, but Alphonso, who was then on the throne, was too much engrossed in the latter part of his reign with a war with Spain, for the succession of the Princess Juana to the crown of Castile, to engage in peaceful enterprises of an expensive nature ; the public mind, also, was not prepared for so perilous an imdertaking. Notwith- standing the many recent voyages to the coast of Africa and the adjacent islands, and the introduction of the compass into more general use, navigation was still shackled with impedi- ments, and the mariner rarely ventured &r out of sight of land. Discovery advanced slowly along the coasts of Africa, and the mariners feared to cruise far into the southern hemisphere, -with the stars of which they were totally imacquainted. To such men, the project of a voyage directly westward, into the midst of that boundless waste, to seek some visionary land, appeared as extravagant as it would be at the present day to launch forth in a balloon into the regions of space, in quest of some distant star. 'llie time, however, was at hand, that was to extend the sphere of navigation. The era was propitious to the quick advancement of knowledge. The recent invention of the art of printing enabled men to communicate rapidly and exten- isively their ideas and discoveries. It drew forth learning * Hist, del Almiraute, cap. 4. cap. 6« ACCESSION OF JOHN II. OF FOBTUOAI.. 29 't ■'■ from libraries and convents, and brought it familiarly to tho reading desk of the student. Volimies of information, which before had existed only in costly manuscripts, carefully trea- sured up, and kept out of the reach of the indigent scholar and obscure artist, were now in every hand. There was, henceforth, to be no retrogression in knowledge, nor any pause in its career. Every step in advance was immediately, and simultaneously, and widely promidgated, recorded in a thou- sand forms, and fixed for ever. There could never again be a dark age ; nations might shut their eyes to the light, and sit in wilful darkness, but they could not trample it out ; it would still shine on, dispensed to happier parts of the world, by tho diffusive powers of the press. At this juncture, in 1481, a monarch ascended the throne of Portugal, of different ambition from Alphonso. John II., then in tiie twenty-fifth year of his age, had imbibed the passion for discovery from his grand-uncle. Prince Henry, and with his reign all its activity revived. His first care was to build a fort at St. George de la Mina, on the coast of Ouinea, to protect the trade earned on in that neighbourhood for gold- dust, ivory, and slaves. The African discoveries had conferred great glory upon Portugal, but as yet they had been expensive rather than profitable. The accomplishment of the route to India, how- ever, it was expected would repay all cost and toil, and open a source of incalculable wealth to the nation. The project of Prince Henry, which had now been tardily prosecuted for half a century, had excited a curiosity about the remote parts of Asia, and revived all the accounts, true and fabulous, of travellers. Beside the work of Marco Polo, already mentioned, there was the narrative of Rabbi Benjamin ben Jonah, of Tudela, a Spanish Jew, who set out from Saragossa in 1173, to visit the scattered remnants of the Hebrew tribes. Wandering with unwearied zeal on this pious errand, over most parts of the known world, he penetrated China, and passed thence to the southern islands of Asia.* There were also the narratives of Carpini and Ascelin, two friars, dispatched, the one in 1246, * Bergeron, Yoyages en Asie, torn. i. The work of Bei\}amin of Tudela, originally written in Hebrew, was so much in repute, that the translation went through sixteen editions. Andres, Hist B. Let. ii., cap. 6. 30 LIVE AVD TOT AGES OF COLXTlfBUS. the other in 1247, by Pope Innocent IV., as apostolic ambas- sadors, for the purpose of converting the Grand Khan of Tartary ; and the journal of William Rubruquis (or liujs- broek) a celebrated Cordelier, sent on a similar errand in 1253, by Louis IX. of France, then on his unfortunate crusade into Palestine. These pious but chimerical missions had proTed abortive ; but the narratives of them being revived in the fifteenth century, served to inflame the public curiosity respecting the remote parts of Asia. In these narratives we first find mention made of the re- nowned Prester John, a Christian king, said to hold sway in a remote part of the East, who was long an object of curiosity and research, but whose kingdom seemed to shift its situ- ation in the tale of every traveller, and to vanish from the search as effectually as the unsubstantial island of St. Brandan. All the specidations concerning this potentate and his oriental realm were again put in circulation. It was fancied that traces of his empire were discovered in the interior of Africa, to the east of Benin, where there was a powerful prince, who used a cross amoi^ the insignia of royalty. John II. partook largely of the popular excitement produced by these narrations. In the early part of his reign he actu- aUy sent missions in quest of Prester John, to visit whose dominions became the romantic desire of many a religious enthusiast.* The magnificent idea he had formed of the remote parts of the East, made him extremely anxious that the splendid project of Prince Henry should be realized, and the Portuguese flag penetrate to the Indian seas. Impatient of the slowness with which his discoveries advanced along the coast of Africa, and of the impediments which every cape and promontory presented to nautical ent^rise, he called in the aid of science to devise some means by which greater scope and certainty might be given to navigation. His two phy- sicians, Roderigo and Joseph, the latter a Jew, the most able astronomers and cosmographers of his kingdom, together with the celebrated Martin Behem, entered into a learned consultation on the subject. The result of their conferences and labours was the application of the astrolabe to navigation, enabling the seaman, by the altitude of the sun, to ascertain his distance from the equator.f This instrumoit has since * See lUustrationa, article " Prester John." t Barros, decad. 1, lib, iv. cap. 2. Maffei, lib. vi. p. 6 and 7. PIS AUDIENCE WITH THE XllfO. mbas- lan of llujrs- ind in rusade ls had ved in riodty he re- way in iriosity ■jB situ- 1 from of St. ate and It was interior owerfiil royalty, 'oduced e actu- ; whose eligious of the )n8 that edy and Qpatient Long the ;ape and 1 in the er scope wo phy- K>st able together learned iferences vig^tion, ascertain las since nd7. been improved and modified into the modem quadrant, of which, even at its first introduction, it possessed all the essen- tial advantages. It is impossible to describe the effect produced upon navi- gation by this invention. It cast it loose at once from its long bondage to the land, and set it free to rove the deep. The mariner now, instead of coasting the shores like the an- cient navigators, and, if driven from the land, groping his way back in doubt and apprehension by the uncertain guidance 'of the stars, might adventure boldly into unknown seas, confident of being able to trace his course by means of the compass and the astrolabe. It was shortly after this event, which had prepared guides for discovery across the trackless ocean, that Columbus made the first attempt, of which we have any clear and indisputable record, to procure royal patronage for his enterprise. The court of Portugal had shown extraordinary liberality in re- warding nautical discovery. Most of those who had succeeded in her service had been appointed to the government of the islands and coimtries they had discovered, although many of them were foreigners by birth. Encouraged by this liberality, and by the anxiety evinced by King John II. to acc<»nplish a passage by sea to India, Columbus obtained an audience of that monarch, and proposed, in case the king would furnish him with ships and men, to undertake a shorter and more direct route than that along the coast of Africa. His plan was to strike directly to ihe west, across the Atlantic. He then unfolded his hypothesis with respect to the extent of Asia, describing also the immense riches of the island of Cipaago, the first land at which he expected to arrive. Of this audience we have two accounts, written in somewhat of an opposite spirit ; one by his son Fernando, the other by Joam de Barros, the Portuguese histwiographer. It is curious to notice the different views taken of the same transaction by the enthusi- astic son, and by the cool, p^haps prejudiced, historian. The king, according to Fernando, listened to his father with great attention, but was discouraged from engaging in any new scheme pf the kind, by the cost and trouble alreadv sustained in exploring the route by the African coast, whid^ as yet remained unaccomplished. His father, however, sup- ported his proposition bv such excellent reasons, that the king was induced to give his consent. The only difficulty that 32 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. remained was the terms ; for Columbus, being a man of lofty and noble sentiments, demanded high and honourable titles and rewards, to the end, says Fernando, that he might leave behind him a name and iGunily worthy of his deeds and merits.* Barros, on the other hand, attributes the seeming acqui- escence of the king, merely to the importunities of Columbus. He considered him, says the historian, a vain-glorious man, fond of displaying his abilities, and given to fantastic fancies, such as that respecting the island of Cipango.f But in fact, this idea of Columbus being vain, was taken up by the Portu- guese writers in after years ; and as to the island of Cipango, it was far from being considered chimerical by the king, who, as has been shown, by his mission in search of Prester John, was a ready believer in these travellers* tales concerning the East. The reasoning of Columbus must have product an e£Pect on the mind of the monarch, since it is certain that he referred the proposition to a learned junto, charged with all matters relating to maritime discovery. This junto was composed of two able cosmographers, masters Roderigo and Joseph, and the king's confessor, Diego Ortiz de Cazadilla, bishop of Ceuta, a man greatly reputed for his learning, a Castilian by birth, and generally called Cazadilla, from the name of his native place. This scientific body treated the project as extravagant and visionary. Still the kin^ does not Bppcar to have been satisfied. According to his historian Vasconcelos,^ he convoked his council, composed of prelates and persons of the greatest learning in me kingdom, and asked their advice, whether to adopt ud» new route of discovery, or to pursue that which they had already opened. It may not be deemed superfluous to notice briefly the dis- cussion of the coimcil on this great question. Vasconcelos reports a speech of the Bishop of Ceuta, in which he not only objected to the proposed enterprise, as destitute of reason, but even discountenanced any further prosecution of the African discoveries. " They tended,'' he said, ** to dis- tract the attentidn, drain the resources, and divide the power * HUt. del Almirante, cap. 10. t Parroi, Asia, decad. 1, lib. iii. cap. 2. i Vasconcelos, Yida del Key Don Juan II. lib. ir. were niS PBOTECT DISCUSSED. ^ of the nation, already too much weakened by recent war and pestilence. While their forces were thus scattered abroad on remote and unprofitable expeditions, they exposed themselves tc* attack from their active enemy the King of Castile. The greatness of monarchs," he continued, " did not arise so much from the extent of their dominions, as from the wisdom and ability with which they governed. In the Portuguese nation it would be madness to launch into enterprises without first considering them in connexion with its means. The king had already sufficient imdertakings in hand of certain advantage, without engaging in others of a wild, chimerical nature. If he wished emplovment for the active valour of the nation, the war in which he was engaged against the Moors of Barbary was sufficient, wherein his triumphs were of solid advantage, tending to cripple and enfeeble those neighbouring foes, who had proved themselves so dangerous when possessed of power." This cool and cautious speech of the Bishop of Ccuta •directed against enterprises which were the glory of the Portuguese, touched the national pride of Don Pedro dc Meneses, count of Villa Real, and drew from him a lofty and patriotic reply. It has been said b^ an historian that this reply was m support of the proposition of Columbus ; but that docs not clearly appear. He may have treated the pro- posal with respect, but his eloquence was employed for those enterprises in which the Portuguese were already engag?d. " Portugal," he observed, " was not in its infancy, nor were its princes so poor as to lack means to engage in dis- coveries. Even granting that those proposed by Columbus were conjectural, why should they abandon those commenced by their late Prince Henry, on such solid foundations, and prosecuted with such happy prospects? Crowns," he ob- served, " enriched themselves by commerce, fortified them- selves by alliance, and acquired empires by conquest. The views of a nation could not always be the same; they extended with its op'ilence and prosperity. Portugal wnn at peace with all the princes of Europe. It had nothing to fear irom engaging in an extensive enterprise. It would be tho greatest glory for Portuguese valour to penetrate into the secrets and horrors of the Ocean sea, so formidable to the other nations of the world. Thus occupied, it would escape tho idleness engendered in a long inter^'al of peace— idleness, that pi u LIFE AND YOTAOES OF COLITMBUS. li lource of vice, that silent file, which, little bj little, wore away the strength and valour of a nation. It was an affiront," he added, *'to the Portuguese name to menace it with imaginary perils, when it had proved itself so intrepid in encountering those which were most certain and tremendous. Great souls were formed for great enterprises. He «irondered much, that a prelate, so religious as the Bishop of Ceuta, ohould oppose this imdertaking ; the ultimate object of which was to augment the Catholic fkith, and spread it from pole to pole ; reflecting glory on the Portuguese nation, and yielding empire and lasting fame to its princes." He concluded by declaring that, " although a soldier, he dared to prognosticate, with a voice and spirit as if from heaven, to whatever prince should achieve this enterprise, more happy success and durable renown, than had ever been obtained by sovereign the most valorous and fortimate."* The warm and generous eloquence of the count overpowered the cold-spirited reason- ings of the bishop as far as the pioject of circumnavigating Africa was concerned, which was prosecuted with new ardour- and triumphant success : the proposition of Columbus, how- ever, was generally condemned by the council. Seeing that King John still manifested an inclination for the enterprise, it M'as suggested to him by the Bishop of Ceuta, that Columbus might be kept in suspense while a vc&sel, secretly dispatched in the direction he should point out, might ascertain whether there were any foundation for his theory. By this means all its advantages might be secured, without committing the dignity of the crown by formal nogociatious about what might prove a mere chimera. King John, in an evil hour, had the weakness to permit a strntagein no inconsistent M'ith his usual justice and magna- nimity. Columbus was required to furnish, for the con- sideration of the council, a detailed plan of his proposed voyage, with the charts and documents according to which he intinded to sliape his course. These being procured, a caravel was dispatched with the ostensible design of carrying pro- visions to the Cupe do Verde islands ; but witli private instructions to pursue the designated route. Departing from those islands, the caravel stood westward for several days, until the weather become stormy ; when the pilots, seeing nothing but on immeasurable waste of wild tumbling waves * VMeoncclos, lib. iv. La Cledc, Hist. Portugal, lib. xUl. torn. ill. LBATX8 rOBTUOAL. still extending before them, lost all courage, and pot back, ridiculing the project of Columbna at extravagant and irrational.* This unworthy attempt to defiraud him of his enterprise, roused the indignation of Columbus, and he declined all offers of King John to renew the negociation. The death of his wife, which had occurred some time previously, had dissolved the domestic tie which bound him to Portugal ; he deter- mined, therefore, to abandon a country where he had been treated with so little faith, and to look elsewhere for patron- age. Before his departure, he engaged his brother Bartho- lomew to carry proposals to the King of England, though he does not appear to have entertained great hope from that quarter; England by no means possessing at the time the spirit of nautical enterprise which has since distinguished her. The great reliance of Columbus was on his own personal exei'ti'^r'E. It vTi. < Tards the end of 1484 that he left Lisbon, taking with A n i son Diego. His departure had to be conducted with Bco.ecy, lest, as some assert, it should be prevented by King John ; but lest, as others surmise, it should be pre- vented by his creditors.f Like many other great projectors, while engaged upon schemes of vast benefit to mankind, he had suffered his own a£Siirs to go to ruin, and was reduced to struggle hard with poverty ; nor is it one of the least interest- ing circumstances in his eventful life, that he had, in a manner, to beg his way from court to court, to offer to princes the discovery of a world. BOOK II. CHAPTER L— [1485.J The immediate movements of Columbus on leaving Por- tugal are involved in uncertainty. It is said that about this time he made a proposition of his enterprise, in person, as he had formerly done by letter, to the government of Genoa. * Hist del Almirante, cap. 8. Hernnrm, decsd. i. lib. i. osp. 7. t TbU BkirmiHO is rounded on a letter from King John to ColamboiL written hoidc years afterwards, inviting him to return to Portugal, and ixnaring bitn against arrest on account of any process, civil or criminal; which might be peodinf agalnai him. See Navvrete, Ck>U«e. torn. W. doe. 8. d2 36 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLXTMBUS. w The republic, however, was in a languishing decline, and embarrassed by a foreign war. CafPa, her great deposit in the Crimea, had fallen into the hands of the Turks, and her flag r-as on the.point of being driven from the Archipelago. Her spirit was broken with her fortunes ; for with nations, as with individuals, enterprise is the child of prosperity, and is apt to languish in evil days, when there is most need of its exertion. Thus Genoa, disheartened by her reverses, shut her ears to the proposition of Columbus, which might have elevated her to tenfold splendour, and perpetuated within her grasp the golden wand of commerce. While at Genoa, Columbus is said to have made arrangements, out of his scanty means, for the comfort of his aged father. It is also affirmed, that about this time he carried his proposal to Venice, where it was declined on accoimt of the critical state of national afl&irs. This, however, is merely traditional, and \msupported by documentary evidence. The first firm and indisputable trace we have of Columbus after leaving Por- tugal, is in the south of Spain, in 1485, where we find him seeking his fortune among the Spanish nobles, several of whom had vast possessions, and exercised almost independent sovereignty in tneir domains. Foremost among these were the Dukes of Medina Sidonia and Medina Celi, who had estates like principalities lying along the sea-coast, with ports and shipping and hosts of retainers at their command. They served the crown in its Moorish wars more as allied princes than as vassals, bringing armies into the field led by themselves, or by captains of their own appointment. Their domestic establishments were on almost a regal scale ; their palaces were filled with persons of merit, and young cavaliers of noble birth, to be reared under their auspices, in the exercise of arts and arms. Columbus had many interviews with the Duke of Medina Sidonia, who was tempted, for a time, by the splendid pros- pects held out ; but their very splendour threw a colouring of improbability over the enterprise, and he finally rejected it as the dream of an Itab'an visionair. The Duke of Medina Celi was likewise favourable at the outset. He entertained Columbus for some time in his house, and was actually on the point of panting him three or four oaravels which lay roadv for sea m his harbour of Port St. idoxy, opp(wite Cadiz, when he suddenly cluuiged his miud, HIS Af PLICATIONS IN SPAIN. 37 i( deterred by the consideration that the enterprise, if successful, would involve discoveries too important to be grasped by any but a sovereign power, and that the Spanish government might be displeased at his undertaking it on his own account. Finding, however, that Columbus intended to make his next application to the King of France, and loth that an enterprise of such importance should be lost to Spain, the duke wrote to Queen Isabella, recommending it strongly to her attention. The queen made a favourable reply, and requested that Columbus might be sent to her. He accordingly set out for the Spanish court, then at Cordova, bearing a letter to the queen from the duke, soliciting that, in case the expedition should be carried into effect, he might have a share in it, and the fitting out of the armament from his port of St. Mary, as a recompense for having waived the enterprise in favour of the crown.* The time when Colimibus thus sought his fortunes at the court of Spain coincided with one of the most brilliant periods of the Spanish monarchy. The union of the kingdoms of Arragon and Castile, by the marriage of Ferdinand and, Isabella, had consolidated the Christian power in the Penin- sula, and put an end to those internal feuds, which had so long distracted the country, and insured the domination of the Moslems. The whole force of united Spain was now ex- erted in the chivalrous enterprise of the Moorish conquest. The Moors, who had once spread over the whole country like an inundation, were now pent up within the mountain bound- aries of the kingdom of Granada. The victorious armies of Ferdinand and Isabella were continually advancing, and pressing this fierce people within narrower limits. Under these sovereigns, the various petty kingdoms of Spain began to feci and act as one nation, and to nse to eminence in arts ns well as arms. Ferdinand and Isabella, it has been re- *• Letter of the Dnke of Medina Cell to the Grand Cardinal. ' Narar- rete, Collect, vol. il. p. 20. N.B. — In the previous editions of this work, the first trace we have of Columbus in Spain is at the gate of the convent of La Rabida, in Anda- lusia. Subsequent investigations have induced me to conform to the opinion of the indefatigable and accurate NavarreU), given in his third volume of documents, that the first trace of Columbus in Spain was his application to tho Dukes of Medina Sldonia and Medina Cell, and that his visit to the convent of La Rabidt was some few years sub* sequent. ill oo L'FE AND VOYAOE8 OF COLUMBUS. marked, lived together not like man and wife, whose estates are common, under the orders of the husband, but like two monarchs strictly allied.* They had separate claims to so- vereignty, in virtue of their respective kingdoms ; they had separate councils, and were often distant from each other in different parts of their empire, each exercising the royal authority. Yet they were so happily united by common views, common interests, and a great deference for each other, that this double administration never prevented a unity of purpose and of action. All acts of sovereignty were executed m both their names ; all public writings were subscribed with both their signatures ; their likenesses were stamped together on the public coin ; and the royal seal displayed the \mited arms of Castile and Arragon. Ferdinand was of the middle stature, well proportioned, and hardy and active from athletic exercise. His carriage was free, erect, and majestic. He had a clear serene fore- head, which appeared more lofty from his head being partly bald. His eyebrows were laige and parted, and, like his hair, of a bright chestnut ; his eyes were clear and animated ; his complexion was somewhat ruddy, and scorched by the toils of war ; his mouth moderate, well formed, and gracious in its expression ; his teeth white, though small and irregular ; his voice sharp ; his speech quick and fluent. His genius was dear and comprehensive ; his judgment grave and certain. He was simple in dress and diet, equable in his temper, devout in his religion, and so indefatigable in business, that it was said he seemed to repose himself by working. He was a great observer and judge of men, and unparalleled in the science of the cabinet. Such is the picture given of him by the Spanish historians of his time. It has been added, how- ever, that he had more of bigotry than religion; that his ambition was craving rather than magnanimous ; that he made war less like a paladin than a prince, less for glorv than for mere dominion ; and that his policy was cold, selfish, and artful. He was called the wise and prudent in Spain ; in Italy, the pious ; in France and England, the ambitious and perfidious.f He certainy was one of the most subtle states- men, but one of the most thorough egotists, that ever sat upon a throne. * YolUhre, Bnai sarles Mwam, Ac. t Voltaire, Esaai lur lea Mocun, cli. 14. ITEBDIKAND AKD ISABELLA. 39 While giving his picture, it may not be deemed impertinent to sketch the fortimes of a monarch whose policy had such an effect upon the history of Columbus and the destinies of the New World. Success attended all his measiires. Though a younger son, he had ascended the throne of Arragon by in- heritance ; Castile he obtained by marriage ; Granada and Naples by conquest ; and he seized upon Navarre as apper- taining to any one who could take possession of it, when Pope Julius 11. excommunicated its sovereigns, Juan and Catalina, and gave their throne to the first occupant.* He sent hin forces into Africa, and subjugated, or reduced to vassalage, Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers, and most of the Barbary powers. A new world was also given to him, without cost, by the discoveries of Columbus, for the expense of the enterprise was borne excliisively by his consort Isabella. He had three objects at heart from the commencement of his reign, which he pursued with bigoted and persecuting zeal ; the conquest of the Moors, the expulsion of the Jews, and the establishment of the Inquisition in his dominions. He accomplished them all, and was rewarded by Pope Innocent VIII. with the appel- lation of Most Catholic Majesty — a title which his successors have tenaciously retained. Contemporary writers have been enthusiastic in their de- scriptions of Isabella, but time has sanctioned their eulogies. She is one of the purest and most beautiful characters in the pages of history. She was well formed, of the middle size, with great dignity and gracefulness of deportment, and a mingled gravity and sweetness of demeanor. Her complexion was Mr ; her hair auburn, inclining to red ; her eyes were of a clear blue, with a benign expression, and there was a singular modesty in her countenance, gracing, as it did, a wonderfid firmness of purpose, and earnestness of spirit. Though strongly attached to her husband, and studious of his &me, yet she always maintained her distinct rights as an allied prince. She exceeded him in beauty, in personal diir- nity, in acuteness of genius, and in grandeur of soul.f Combining the active and resolute qualities of man with the softer charities ci woman, ishe mingled in the warlike councils * Pedro Salar di Mendoa, Monarq. de Eip. lib. iii. cap. 6. (Madrid, 1770, torn. i. p. 402.)— Gonialo de IIU -^- -- • §8. I, Hist Pontif. lib. ri. cap. 23, t Qaribay, Hist, de Sspafla, torn, ii lib. xriiL «q>. 1. 40 LIFE AND TOYAOES OF COLUMBUS. I of her husband, engaged personally in his enterprises,* and in some instances surpassed him in the firmness and intrepidity of her measures ; while, being inspired with a truer idea of glory, she infused a more lofty and generous temper into his subtle and calculating policy. It is in the civil history of their reign, however, that the character of Isabella shines most illustrious. Her fostering and maternal care was continually directed to reform the laws, and heal the ills engendered by a long course of internal wars. She loved her people, and while diligently seeking their good, she mitigated, as much as possible, the harsh measures of her husband, directed tu the same end, but in- flamed by a mistaken zeal. Thus, though almost bigoted in her piety, and perhaps too much under the influence of ghostly advisers, still she was hostile to every measure calculated to advance religion at the expense of humanity. She stren- V uously opposed the expulsion of the Jews, and the establish- ment of the Inquisition, though, unfortunately for Spain, her repugnance was slowly vanquished by her confessors. She was always an advocate for clemency to the Moors, although she was the soul of the war against Granada. She considered that war essential to protecj: the Christian faith, and to relieve her subjects from fierce and formidable enemies. While all her public thoughts and acts were princely and august, her private habits were simple, frugal, and unostenta- tious. In the intervals of state-business, she assembled round her the ablest men in literature and science, and directed herself by their counsels, in promoting letters and arts. Through her patronage, Salamanca rose to that height which it assumed among the learned institutions of the age. She promoted the distribution of honours and rewards for the pro- mulgation of knowledge ; she fostered the art of printing recently invented, and encouraged the establishment of presses in every part of the kingdom ; books were admitted free of all duty, and more, we are told, were printed in Spain, at that early period of the art, than in the present literary age.f It is wonderful how much the destinies of countries depend at times upon the virtues of individuals, and how it is given * Several suits of armour cap-dpii, worn by Isabella, and still pre* served in the royal arsenal at Madrid, show that she was exposed to personal danger in her campaigns. t Elogio de la Beina Catholica, por Diego Clemenoin. Madrid, 1821 COLUMBUS AT THE COUBT OF SFAIK. 4t to great spirits, by combining, exciting, and directing the latent powers of a nation, to stamp it, as it were, with their own greatness. Such beings realize the idea of guardian angels, appointed by Heaven to watch over the destinies of empires. Such had been Prince Henry for the kingdom of Portugal ; and such was now for Spain the illustrious Isabella. CHAPTER II. When Columbus arrived at Cordova, he was given in charge to Alonzo de Quintanilla, comptroller of the treasury of Castile, but was disappointed in his expectation of receiv- ing immediate audience from the queen. He found the city in aU the bustle of military preparation. It was a critical juncture of the war. The rival kings of Granada, Muley Boabdil the uncle, and Mohammed Boabdil the nephew, had just formed a coalition, and their league called for prompt and vigorous measures. All the chivalry of Spain had been summoned to the field ; the streets of Cordova echoed to the tramp of steed and sound of trumpet, as day by day the nobles arrived with their re- t^era, vicing with each other in the number of their troops and the splendour of their appointments. The court was like a military camp ; the king and queen were surroimded by the flower of Spanish chivalry ; by those veteran cavaliers who had distinguished themselves in so many hardy conflicts with the Moors ; and by the prelates and friars who mingled in martial council, and took deep interest and agency in this war of the Faith. This was an unpropitious moment to urge a suit like that of Columbus. In fact the sovereigns had not a moment of leisure throughout this eventful year. Early in the spring, the king marched ofi* to lay siege to the Moorish city of Loxa ; and though the queen remained at Cordova, she was con- tinually employed in forwarding troops and supplies to the army, and, at the same time, attending to the multiplied exigencies of civil government. On the 12th of June, she repaired to the camp, then engaged in the siege of Moclin, and both sovereigns remained for some time in the Vega of Granada, prosecuting the war with unremitting vigour. They had barely returned to Cordova to celebrate their victories l^ public rejoicings, when they were obliged to set out for 42 LIFE AND T07AOES OF COLITICBUS. i i Gallicia, to suppress a rebellion of the Count of Lcmos. Thence they repaired to Salamanca for the winter. During the summer and autumn of this year, Columbus remained at Cordova, a guest in the house of Alonzo de Quin- tanilla, who proved a warm advocate of his theory. Through his means he became acquainted with Antonio Geraldini, the pope's nuncio, and his brother, Alexander Geraldini, pre- ceptor to the younger children of Ferdinand and Isabella ; both valuable friends about court. Wherever he obtained a candid hearing ^om intelligent auditors, the dignity of his manners, his earnest sincerity, the elevation of his views^ and the practical shrewdness of his demonstrations, com- manded respect even where they £iiled to produce conviction. While thus lingering in idle suspense in Cordova, he became attached to a lady of ^e city, Beatrix Euriquez by name, of . a noble family, though in reduced circumstances. Their con- \ nexion was not sanctioned by marriage; yet he cherished sentiments of respect and tenderness for her to his dying day. She was the mother of his seeond son, Fernando, bom in the following year (1487), whom he always treated on terms of perfect equality with his legitimate son Diego, and who after luB death, became his historian. In the winter, Columbus followed the court to Salamanca, Here his zealous friend, Alonza de Quintanilla, exerted his influence to obtain for him the countenance of the celebrated Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, archbishop of Toledo and grand cardinal of Spain. This was the most important personage about the court ; and was facetiously called by Peter Martyr, the "third king of Spain.'' The king and queen had him always by their side, in peace and war. He accompanied them in their campaigns, and they never took any measures of consequence without considting him. He was a man of soimd judgment and quick intellect, eloquent in conversation, and able in the dispatch of business. His appearance was lofty and venerable ; he was simple yet curiously nice in his apparel, and of gracious and gentle deportment. Though an elegant scholar, ^et, like many learned men of his day, he was but little skdled in cosmc^rapfay. When the theory of Columbus was first mentioned to him, it struck him as involving heterodox opinions, incompatible witih the ftsm of the earUi as described in the Sacred Scriptures. Farther explanations had their force with a man of bis quudc aippre- 1 HIS PIBST AUDIXKGE AT COXJBT. 48 % hcnsion and sound sense. He perceived at any rate there could be nothing irreligious in attempting to extend the bounds of human knowledge, and to ascertain the works of creation : his scruples once removed, he permitted Columbus to be introduced to him, and gave him a courteous reception. The latter knew the importance of his auditor, and that a conference with the grand cardinal was almost equivalent to a communication widi the throne ; he exerted himself to the utmost, therefore, to explain and demonstrate his proposition. The clear-headed cardinal listened with profound attention. He was pleased with the noble and earnest manner of Colum- bus, which showed him to be no common schemer ; he felt the grandeur, and, at the same time, the simplicity of his theory, and the force of many of the arguments by which it was supported. He determined that it was a matter highly worthy of the consideration of the sovereigns, and through his representations Columbus at length obtained admission to the royal presence.* We have but scanty particulars of this audience, nor can we ascertain whether Queen Isabella was present on the occasion ; the contrary seems to be most probably the case. Columbus appeared in the royal presence with modesty, yet self-possession, neither dazzled nor daunted by the splendour of the court or the awful majesty of the throne. He unfolded his plan with eloquence and zeal, for he felt himself, as he afterwards declared, kindled as with a fire from on high, and considered himself the agent chosen by heaven to accomplish its grand designs.f Ferdinand was too keen a judge of men not to appreciate the character of Columbus. He perceived that, however soaring might be his imagination, and vast and visionary his views, his scheme had scientific and practical foimdation. His ambition was excited by the possibility of discoveries far more important than those which had shed sil«h glory upon Portugal ; and perhaps it was not the least recommendation of the enterprise to this subtle and grasping monarch, that, if successfid, it would enable him to forestall that rival natioa in the fruits of their long and arduous struggle, and by open- ing a direct course to India across the ocean, to bear off from them the monopoly of oriental commerce. * Oyiedo, lib. 11. cap. 4. Salazar, Cron. 0. Cardinal, Ub. i. cap. 62. f'^tter to the Bovereigna in 1501. 44 LIFE AND T0YAG£8 OF COLUMBUS. I Still, as usual, Ferdinand was cool and wary, and would not trust his own judgment in a matter that involved so many principles and science. He determined to take the opinion of the most learned men in the kingdom, and to be guided by their decision. Fernando de Talavera, prior of the monastery of Prado and confessor of the queen, one of the most erudite men of Spain, and high in the royal confidence, was com- manded to assemble the most learned astronomers and cos- mographers for the purpose of holding a conference with Columbus, and examining him as to the grounds on which he founded his proposition. After they had informed themselves fully on the subject, they were to consult together, and make a report to the sovereign of their collective opinion.* CHAPTER HI.— [I486.] The interesting conference relative to the proposition of Columbus took place in Salamanca, the great seat of learning in Spain. It was held in the Dominican convent of St. Stephen, in which he was lodged and entertained with great hospitality during the course of the examination.! Religion and science were at that time, and more especially in that country, closely associated. The treasures of learning were immured in monasteries, and the professors' chairs were exclusively filled fiom the cloister. The domination of the clergy extended over the state as well as the church, and posts of honour and influence at court, with the exception of here- ditary nobles, were almost entirely confined to ecclesiastics. It was even common to find cardinals and bishops in helm and corslet at the head of armies ; for the crozier had been occasionally thrown by for the lance, during the holy war against the Moors. The era was distinguished for the revival of learning, but still more for the prevalence of religious zeal, and Spain surpassed all other countries of Christendom in the fervour of her devotion. The Inquisition had just been established in that kingdom, and every opinion that sa- voured of heresy, made its owner obnoxious to odium and persecution. Such was the period when a council of clerical sages was convened in the collegiate convent of St. Stephen, to investi- gate the new theory of Columbus. It was composed of * Hist del Almirante, cap. xi. t Hist, de Chiapa por Bemesal, lib. ii. cap. 27. \ !rHE COUNCIL OF SALAMANCA. a:» professors of astronomy, geography, mathematics, and other branches of science, together with various dignitaries of the church, and learned friars. Before this erudite assembly, Columbus presented himself to propound and defend his con- clusions. He had been scoffed at as a visionary by tho vulgar and the ignorant ; but he was convinced that he only required a body of enlightened men to listen dispassionately to his reasonings, to insure triimiphant conviction. The greater part of this learned jtmto, it is very probable, came prepossessed against him, as men in place ana diLTiiity are apt to be against poor applicants. There ii> always o proneness to consider a man under examination us a kiiid of delinquent, or impostor, whose faults and errors are Ic, be detected and exposed. Columbus, too, appeared in a root^t unfavourable light before a scholastic body : an obficure mi.vi- gator, a member of no learned institution, def^tilute of nil the trappings and circumstances which sometimes give oraculrr authority to dulness, and depending upon the me:e force of natural genius. Some of the junto entertained the popiilai' notion that he vfaa an adventurer, or at best a visionary , and others had that morbid impatience of any innovation upous age and nation, and closely investing that important city. The siege was protracted for several months, but the vigorous defence of the Moors, their numerous stratagems, and fierce and frequent sallies, allowed but little leisure in the camp. In the course of this siege, the application of Columbus to the sovereigns was nearly brought to a violent close ; a fanatic Moor having attempted to assassinate Ferdinand and Isabella. Mistaking one of the gorgeous pavilions of the nobility for the royal tent, he attacked Don Alvaro de Portugal, and Dona Beatrix de Bobadilla, Marchioness of Moya, instead of the king and queen. After wounding Don Alvnro dangerously, he was foiled in a blow aimed at the marchioness, and imme- diately cut to pieces by the attendants.* llie ladr here men- tionea was of extraordinary merit and force of character. She eventually took a great interest in the suit of Columbus, and had much influence in recommending it to tho queen, with whom she was * particular faTOurite.f • Pulgsr, Cronica, ip. 87. P. Martyr, t B«tnU> del Buen YamUo, lib. li. oap. 16. s 2 i5"1 iill i i \ \ ll 52 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP COLUMBUS. Malaga surrendered on the 18th of August, 1487. There appears to have been no time during its stormy siege to attend to the question of Colimibus, though Fernando de Talavera, the Bishop of Avila, was present, as appears by his entering the captured city in solemn and religious triumph. The campaign being ended, the court returned to Cordova, but was almost immediately driven from that city by the pestilence. For upwards of a year the court was in a state of continual migration ; part of the time in Saragossa, part of the time invading tibe Moorish territories by the way of Murcia, and part of the time in Valladolid and Medina del Campo. Co- lumbus attended it in some of its movements, but it was vain to seek a quiet and attentive hearing from a court smTounded by the din of arms, and continually on the march. Wearied and discouraged by these delays, he began to think of apply- ing elsewhere for patronage, and appears to have commenced negociatious with King John II. for a return to Portugal. He wrote to that monarch on the subject, and received a letter in reply dated 20th of March, 1488, inviting him to return to his court, and assuring him of protection from any suits of either a civil or criminal nature, that might be pending against him. He received, also, a letter from Henry VII. of England, inviting him to that country, and holding out pro- mises of encouragement. There must have been strong hopes, authorized about this time by the conduct of the Spanish sovereigns, to induce Columbus to neglect these invitations ; and we find ground for such a supposition in a memorandum of a simi of money paid to him by the treasurer Gonzalez, to enable him to com- ply with a simimons to attend the Castilian court. By the date of this memorandum, the payment must have been made immediately after Colimibus had received the letter of the King of Portugal. It would seem to have been the aim of King Ferdinand to prevent his carrying his proposition to another and a rival monarch, and to keep the matter in sus- pense, until he should have leisure to examine it, and, if ad- visable, to carry it into operation. In the spring of 1489, the long-adjourned investigation appeared to be on the eve of taking place. Columbus was summoned to attend a conference of learned men, to be held in the city of Seville ; a royal order v. as issued for lodgings to be provided for him there j and the magistrates of dl cities SERVES WITH THE BOYAL ABMY. 53 There » attend ilavera, ntering . The va, but itilence. mtinual he time 3ia, and o. Co- vas vain rounded Wearied >f apply- imenced Portugal, i a letter return to suits of pending r VII. of out pro- )out this induce ground money to com- By the G>n made r of the e aim of sition to r in BUS- |d, if ad- stigation bus was be held Igings to all cities and towns through which he might pass, on his way, were commanded to furnish accommodations gratis, for himself and his attendants. A provision of the kind was necessary in those days, when even the present wretched establishments, called posadas, for the reception of travellers, were scarcely known. The city of Seville complied with the royal command, but as usual the appointed conference was postponed, being in- terrupted by the opening of a campaign, " in which," says an old chronicler of the place, '* the same Columbus was found fighting, giving proofs of the distinguished valour which ac- companied his wisdom and his lofty desires."* The campaign in which Columbus is here said to have borne so honourable a part, was one of the most glorious of the war of Granada. Queen Isabella attended with all her court, in- cluding as usual a stately train of prelates and friars, among whom is particularly mentioned the procrastinating arbiter of the pretensions of Columbus, Fernando de Talavcra. Much of the success of the campaign is ascribed to the presence and counsel of Isabella. The city of Baza, which was closely besieged and had resisted valiantly for upwards of six months, surrendered soon after her arrival ; and on the 22nd of Dec, Columbus beheld Muley Boabdil, the elder of the two rival kings of (htinada, surrender in person all his remaining pos- sessions, and his right to the crown, to the Spanish sovereigns. During this siege a circumstance took place which appears to have made a deep impression on the devout and enthusias- tic spirit of Columbus. Two reverend friars arrived one day at the Spanish camp, and requested admission to the sove- reigns on business of great moment. They were two of the brethren of the convent established at the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem. They brought a message from the Grand Soldan of Egypt, threatening to put to death all the Christians in his dominions, to lay waste their convents and churches, and to destroy the sepulchre, if the sovereigns did not desist from the war against Granada. The menace had no effect in alter- ing the purpose of the sovereigns, but Isabella granted a yearly and perpetual sum of one thousand ducats in gold*, for the support of the monks who had charge of the sepulchre ; * Diego Ortiz de Zuftigo. Ann. de. Serilla, lib. xii., anno 143^, p. 404. t Or 1423 dollars, equlTalent to 4269 dollars in our time. { 54 LIFE AND YOTA.GXS OF COLUMBUS. and sent a veil, embroidered with her own hands, to be hung up at its shrine.* The representations of these friars of the sufferings and in- dignities to which Christians were subjected in the Holy Land, together with the arrogant threat of the Soldan, roused the pious indignation of the Spanish cavaliers, and many burned with ardent zeal once more to revive the contests of the faith on the sacred plains of Palestine. It was probably from conversation with these friars, and from the pious and chivalrous zeal thus awakened in the warrior throng around him, that Columbus first conceived an enthusiastic idea, or rather made a kind of mental vow, which remained more or less present to his mind until the very day of his death. He determined that, should his projected enterprise be successful, he would devote the profits arising from his anticipated, discoveries, to a crusade for the rescue of the holy sepulchre from the power of the Infidels. If the bustle and turmoil of this campaign prevented the intended conference, the concerns of Columbus fared no better during the subsequent rejoicings. Ferdinand and Isabella en- tered Seville in February, 1490, with great pomp and triumph. There were then preparations made for the marriage of their eldest daughter, the Princess Isabella, with the Prince Don Alonzo, heir apparent of Portugal. The nuptials were cele- brated in the month of April, with extraordinary splendour. Throughout the whole winter and spring the court was in a continual tumult of parade and pleasure, and nothing was to be seen at Seville but feasts, tournaments, and torch-light processions. What chance had Columbus of being heard amid these alternate uproars of war and festivity ? During this long course of solicitation he supported him- self, in part, by making maps and charts, and was occasionally assisted by the purse df the worthy friar Diego de Deza. It is due to the sovereigns to say, also, that whenever he was summoned to follow the movements of the court, or to attend any appointed consultation, he wajs attached to the royal suite, and lodgings were provided for him and sums issued to defray his expenses. Memorandums of several of theso sums still exist in the book of accounts of the royal treasurer, Francisco Gonzalez, of Seville, which has lately been found in the archives of Simaneas ; and it is from these minutes that we * Oaribuy, Compend. Hist. lib. xviii. cap. 36. . THE JUNTO SE70BX AOAIITST HIS PROJECT. 55 have been enabled, in some degree, to follow the movements of Columbus during his attenduacc upon this rambling and warlike court. During all this time he was exposed to continual scofT) and indignities, being ridiculed by Uie light and ignorant as a mere dreamer, and stigmatized by the illiberal ap an ad- venturer. The very children, it is said, pointed to their fore- heads as he passed, being taught to regard him as a kind of madman. The summer of 1490 pacsed away, but still Columbus was kept in tantalizing and tormenting suspense. The subsequent winter was not more propitious. He was lingering at Cor- dova in a state of irritating anxiety, when he learnt that the sovereigns were preparing to depart on a campaign in the Vega of Granada, with a determination never to raise their camp from before that city, until their victorious banners shoiild float upon its towers. Columbus was aware that when cmce the campaign was opened and the sovereigns were in the field, it would be in vain to expect any attention to his suit. He was wearied, if not incensed, at the repeated postponements he had experi- enced, by which several years had been consumed. He now pressed for a decisive reply with an earnestness that would not admit of evasion. Fernando de Talavera, therefore, was called upon by the sovereigns to hold a definitive conference with the scientific men to whom the project had been referred, and to make a report of their decision. The bishop tardily complied, and at length reported to their majesties, as the general opinion of the Junto, that the proposed scheme was vain and impossible, and that it did not become such great princes to engage in an enterprise of the kind on such weak grounds as had been advanced."*^ Notwithstanding this unfavourable report, the sovereigns were unwilling to close the door upon a project which might be productive of such important advantages. Many of the learned members of the Junto also were in its favour, particu- larly Fray Diego de Deza, tutor to Prince Juan, who from his situation and clerical character had access to the royal ear, and exerted himself strenuously in counteracting the decision of the board. A degree of consideration, also, had gradually grown up at court for the enterprise, and many men, * Hist, del Almirante op. 2. 11 I I III 56 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. distinguished for rank and merit, had become its advocates. Fernando de Talavera, therefore, was commanded to inform Columbus, who was still at Cordova, that the great cares and expenses of the wars rendered it impossible for the sovereigns to engage in any new enterprise ; but that when the war was concluded they would have both time and inclination to treat with him about what he proposed.* This was but a starved reply to receive after so many days of weary attendance, anxious expectation, and deferred hope ; Colimibus was unwilling to receive it at second hand, and re- paired to the court at Seville to learn his fate from the lips of the sovereigns. Their reply was virtually the same, declining to engage in the enterprise for the present, but holding out hopes of patronage when relieved from the cares and expenses ; of the war. Columbus looked upon this indefinite postponement as a mere courtly mode of evading his importunity, and supposed that the favourable dispositions of the sovereigns had been counteracted by the objections of the ignorant and bigoted. Eenouncing all further confidence, therefore, in vague pro- mises, which had so often led to disappointment, and giving up all hopes of countenance from the throne, he turned his back upon Seville, indignant at the thoughts of having been beguiled out of so many precious years of waning existence. CHAPTER V. About half a le^ue from the little sea-port of Palos de Moguer in Andalusia there stood, and continues to stand at the present day, an ancient convent of Franciscan friars, de- dicated to Santa Maria de Kabida. One da^ a stranger on foot, in humble guise, but of a distinguished air, accompanied by a small boy, stopped at the gate of the convent, and asked of the porter a little bread and water for his child. While receiving this humble refreshment, the prior of the convent, Juan Perez de Marchena, happening to pass by, was struck with the appearance of the stranger, and observing from his air and accent that he was a foreigner, entered into conversa- tion with him, and soon learned the particulars of his story. That stranger was Columbus.f He was on his way to the * Hist, del Almirante, cap. 2. t "Lo dicho Almirante Colon veniendo & la Babida, que es un monasterio de frailes en csta yilla, el qual demand6 & la porteria que le THE FBIOB OF LA BA.BIDA. 57 neighbouring town of Huelva, to seek his brother-in-law, who had married a sister of his deceased wife,* The prior was a man of extensive information. His atten- tion had been turned in some measure to geographical and nautical science, probably from his vicinity to Palos, the inha- bitants of which were among the most enterprising na^ngators of Spain, and made frequent voyages to the recently disco- vered islands and countries on the African coast. He was greatly interested by the conversation of Columbus, and struck \vith the grandeur of his views. It was a remarkable occur- rence in the monotonous life of the cloister, to have a man of such singular character, intent on so extraordinary an enter- prise, applying for bread and water at the gate of his convent. When he found, however, that the vovager was on the point of abandoning Spain to seek patronage m the court of France, and that so important an enterprise was about to be lost for ever to the country, the patriotism of the good friar took the alarm. He detained Columbus as his guest, and, diffident of his own judgment, sent for a scientific friend to converse with him. That friend was Garcia Fernandez, a physician, resi- dent in Palos, the same who frunishes this interesting testi- mony. Fernandez was equally struck with the appearance and conversation of the stranger ; several conferences took place at the convent, at which several of the veteran mariners of Palos were present. Among these was Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the head of a family of wealthy and experienced navi- gators of the place, celebrated for their adventurous expedi- tions. Facts were related by some of these navigators in support of the theory of Columbus. In a word, his project was treated with a deference in the quiet cloisters of La Rabida, and among the seafaring men of Palos, which had been sought in vain among the sages and philosophers of the court. Martin Alonzo Pinzon, especially, was so convinced of its feasibility that he offered to engage in it with purse and diesen para aquel nifiico, qae era nifio, pan i agua que bebiese." The testimony of Garcia Fernandez exists in manuscript among the multi- farious writings of the Pleito or lawsuit, which are preserved at Seville. I have made use of an authenticated extract, copied for the late his- torian, Juan Baut. Mufloz. * Probably Pedro Correa, already mentioned, from whom he had received information of signs of land iu the west, observed near Puerto Santo. i 58 LIFE AXO T0TA0E8 OV COLUKBVS. person, and to bear the expenses of Columbus in a renewed application to the court. Friar Juan Perez was confirmed in his faith by the concur- rence of those learned and practical counciUors. He had once been confessor to the queen, and knew that she was always accessible to persons of his sacred calling. He proposed to write to her immediately on the subject, and entreated Columbus to delay his journey until nn answer could be re- cci%'ed. The latter was easily persuaded, for he felt as if, in leaving Spain, he was again abandonii^ his home. He was also reluctant to renew, in another court, the vexations and disappointments experienced in Spain and P<»tugal. The little council at the convent of La Babida now cast round their eyes for an ambassador to depart upon this mo- mentous mission. They chose one Sebastian Kodriguez, a pilot of Lepe, one of the most shrewd an important person- ages in this maritime neighbourhood. The queen was, at this time, at Santa Fe, the military city which had been built in the Vega before Granada, alter the conflagration of the royal camp. The hcmesi pilot acquitted himself faithfully, expeditiously, and successiully, in his embassy. He found access to the benignant princess, and delivered the epistle of the friar. Isabella had always be«i favourably disposed to the proposition of Columbus. She wrote in reply to Juan Perez, thanking him for his timely services, and requesting that he would repair immediately to the court, leaving Chris- topher Columbus in confident hope until he shomd bear further from her. This royal letter was brought back by the pilot at the end of fourteen days, and spread great joy in the little junto at the convent. No sooner did the warm-hearted friar receive it, than he saddled his mide, and departed pri- vately, before midnight, for the court. He journeyed through the conquered countries of the Moors, and rode into the newly-erected city of Santa F^, where the sovereigns were superintending the close investment of the capital of Granada. The sacred office of Juan Perez gained him a ready entrance in a court distinguished for religious zeal ; and, once admitted to the presence of the queen, his former relation, as father confessor, gave him great freedom of counsel. He pleaded the cause of Columbus with characteristic enthusiasm, speak- ing, from actual knowledge, of his honourable motives, his professional knowledge and experience, and his perfect ' HE IS BECAXLSD ZO COVBT. 59 jeA capacity to fulfil the undertaking ; he xepreeented the solid principles upon which the ^aterprise was founded, the advan- tage that must attend its success, and the glory it must shed upon the Spanish crown. It is probable that Isabella had never heard the proposition urged with such honest zeal and impressive eloquence. Being naturally mot*o sanguine and susceptible than the king, and more open to warm and gene- rous impulses, she was moved by the representations of Juan Perez, which were warmly sectrnded by her favourite, the Marchioness of Moya, who entered into the afiair with & woman's disinterested enthusiasm.* The queen requested that Columbus might be again sent to her, and, with the kind considerateness which characterized her, bethinking herself of his poverty, and his humUe plight, ordered that twenty thousand maravedies f in florins should be forwarded to him, to bear his travelling expenses, to provide him vrith a mule for his journey, and to furnish him with decent raiment, that he might make a respectable appearance at the court. The worthy friax lost no time in communicating the result of his mission ; he transmitted the money, and a letter, by the hands of an inhabitant of Palos, to the physician Garcia Fernandez, who delivered, them to Columbus. The latter complied with the instructions conveyed in the epistle. He excl^nged his threadbare garb for oaie more suited to the sphere of a court, and, purchasing a mule, set out once more reanimated by hopes, for the camp before Oranada.| CHAPTER VI.--[1492.] When Columbus arrived at the court, he experienced a favourable reception, and was given in hospitable charge to his steady friend Alonzo de Quintanilla, the accountant-gene- ral. The moment, however, was too eventful for his busi- ness to receive immediate attention. He arrived in time to witness the memorable surrender of Granada to the Spanish , arms. He beheld Boabdil, the last of the Moorish kings, sally forth from the Alhambra, and yield up the keys of that * Retrato del Buen Yassallo, lib. ii. cap. 16. t Or 72 dollars, and equivalent to 216 dollan of the present day. i Most of the particulars of this visit of Columbus to the convent of La Rabida are from the testimony rendered by Qarcia Fernandez in the lawsuit between Dieg<^ the son of Columbus> and the crown. 60 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. "!! fiivouritc scat of Moorish power ; while the king aud queen, with all the chivalry, and rank, and magnificence of Spain, moved forward in proud and solemn procession, to receive this token of submission. It was one of the most brilliant triumphs in Spanish history. After near eight hundred years of pain- ful stniggle, the crescent was completely cast down, the cross exalted in its place, and the standard of Spain was seen floating en the highest tower of the Alhambra. The whole court and army were abandoned to jubilee. The air resounded with shouts of joy, with songs of triumph, and hymns of thanksgiving. On every side were beheld military rejoicings aud religious oblations ; for it was considered a triumph, not merely of arms, but of Christianity. The king and queen moved in the midst, in more than common magnificence, while every eye regarded them as more than mortal ; as if sent by Heaven for the salvation and building up of Spain.* The court was thronged by the most illustrious of that warlike country, and stirring era ; by the flower of its nobility, by the most dignified of its prelacy, by bards and minstrels, and «U the xetinue of a romantic and picturesque age. There was nothing but the glittering of arms, the rustling of robes, the sound of music and festivity. Do we want a picture of our narigator during this brilliant and triumphant scene ? It is furnished by a Spanish writer. *• A man obscure and but little known followed at this time the court. Confounded in the crowd of importunate appli- cants, feeding his imagination in the comers of antechambers with the pompous project of discovering a world, melancholy and dejected in the midst of the general rejoicing, he beheld with indifierence, rnd almost with contempt, the conclusion of a conquest which swelled all bosoms with jubilee, and seemed to have reached the utmost bounds of desire. That man was Christopher Columbus." f The moment had now arrived, however, when the monarchs stood pledged to attend to his proposals. The war with the Moors was at an end, Spain was delivered from its intruders, and its sovereigns might securely turn their views to foreign enterprise. They kept their word with Columbus. Persons of confidence were appointed to negociate with him, among whom was Fernando de Talavera, who, by the recent con- * Marinna, Hist do Espafla lib xxv. cap. 18. t Clcmcucin, Elogio dc la Iloina Catollca, p, 20. THE NEGOCIATION BKOKEN OFF. 61 quest, had risen to be Archbishop of Granada. At the Tcry outset of their negociation, however, unexpected difficulties arose. So fidly imbued was Columbus with the grandeiu: of his enterprise, that he would listen to none but princely cmi- ditions. His principal stipulation was, that he should be in- vested with the titles and privileges of admiral and viceroy over the countries he shotdd discover, with one-tenth of all gains, either by trade or conquest. The courtiers who treated with him were indignant at such a demand. Their pride was shocked to see one, whom they had considered as a needy adventurer, aspiring to rank and dignities superior to their own. One observed with a sneer that it was a shrewd ar- rangement which he proposed, whereby he was secure, at all events, of the honoiu: of a command, and had nothing to lose in case of failure. To this Columbus promptly replied, by offering to furnish one- eighth of the cost, on condition of enjoying an eighth of the profits. To do this, he no doubt calculated on the proffered assistance of Martin Alonzo Pin- zon, the wealthy navigator of Palos. His terms, however, were pronounced inadmissible. Fer- nando de Talavera had always considered Columbus a dream- ing speculator, or a needy applicant for bread ; but to see this man, who had for years been an indigent and threadbare solicitor in his antechamber, assuming so lofty a tone, and claiming an office that approached to the awful dignity of the throne, excited the astoiiishmcnt as well as the indignation of the prelate. He represented to Isabella, that it would be degrading to the dignity of so illustrious a crown to lavish such distinguished honours upon a namelesL stranger. Such terms, he observed, even in case of success, would be exorbitant, but in case of failure, would be cited with ridicule, as cvideuco of the gross credulity of the Spanish monarch^. Isabella was always attentive to the opinions of her ghostly advisers, and the archbishop, being her confessor, had pe- culiar influence. His suggestions checked her dawning favour. She thought the proposed advantages might he purchased at too great a price. More moderate condttions were offered to Columbus, and such as appeared highly honourable and advontageous. It was all in vain ; he would not cede one point of his demands, and the negociation was broken off. It is impossible not to admire the great constancy of purpose * tl LIFE AND TOYJLOES OF COLUUBUS. aiid loftiness of spirit displayed by Columbus, ever since he had conceived the sublime idea of his discovery. More than eighteen years had elapsed since his correspondence with Paulo Toscanelli of Florence, wherein he had announced his design. The greatest pjirt of that time had been consumed in applications at various courts. During that period, what poverty, neglect, ridicule, contumely, and disappointment had he not su£Percd ! Nothing, however, could shake^ his perseverance, nor make him descend to terms which he con- sidered beneath the dignity of his enterprise. In all his negoci- ations he forgot his present obscurity, he forgot his pivsont indigence ; his ardent imagination realized the magnitude of his contemplated discoveries, and he felt himself negoci- ating about empire. Though so large a portion of his life had worn away in fruitless solicitings ; though there was no certainty that the same weary career was not to be entered upon at any other court ; yet so indignant was he at the repeated disappoint- ments he had experienced in Spain, that he determined to abandon it for ever, rather than compromise his demands. Taking leave of his friends, therefore, he mounted his mule, and sallied forth from Santa Fe in the beginning of February, 1492, on his way to Cordova, whence he intended to depart immediately for France. When the few friends who were zealous believers in the theory of Columbus saw him really on the point of abandon- ing the country, they were filled with distress, considering his departure an irreparable loss to the nation. Among the number was Luis de St Angel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues in Arragon. Determined if possible to avert the evil, he obtained an immediate audience of the queen, ac- companied by Alonzo de Quintanilla. The exigency of the moment gave him courage and eloquence. He did not con- fine himself to entreaties, but almost mingled reproaches, expressing astonishment that a queen who had evinced the spirit to undertake so many great and perilous enterprises, should hesitate at one where the loss could be so trifling, wliile the gain might be incalculable. He reminded her how much might be done for the glory of God, the exaltation of the church, and the extension of her own power and dominion. What caupc of regret to herself, of triumph to her enemies, of sorrow to htir friondi, thould this •ntwrpriiw, thus rejected QUEEN ISABELLA BECALLS HIIC. 63 by her, be accomplished by some other power ! He reminded her what fame and dominion other princes had acquired by their discoveries ; here wa.s nn opportunity to surpass them all. He entreated her majesty not to be misled by the asser- tions of learned men, that the project was the dream of u visionary. He vindicated the judgment of Columbus, and the soundness and practicability of his plans. Neither Avould even his failure reflect disgrace upon the crown. It was worth the trouble and expense to clear up even a doubt upon a matter of such importance, for it belonged to enlightened and magnanimous princes to invcfttigate questions of the kind, and to explore the wonders and secrets of the universe. He stated the liberal offer of Columbus to bear an eighth of the expense, and informed her that all the requisites for this great enterprise consisted but of two vessels, and about three thousand crowns. These and many more arguments were urged with that per- suasive power which honest zeal imparts, and it is said the Marchioness of Moya, who was present, exerted her elo- quence to persuade the queen. The generous spirit of Isa- bella was enkindled. It seems as if, for the first time, the subject broke upon her mind in its real grandeur, and she declared her resolution to undertake the enterprise. There was still a moment's hesitation. The kiiig looked coldly on tne affair, and the royal finances were absolutely drained by me war Some time must be given to replenish them. How could she draw on an orhausted treasury for a measure to which the king was a^lvrise ! St. Angel watched this 8u.<«pen8e with trembling anxiety. The next moment reassured him. With an enthusiasm worthy of herself, and of the cause, Isabella exclaimed, " I undertake the enterprise for my own crown of Castile, and will pledge my jewels to raise the necessary funds.** This was the pioiidcst moment in the life of Isabella: it st i)ed her renown for ever as the potrouess of the discovery of the New World. St. Angel, eager to secure this noble impulfo, assured her majesty that there woidd bo no need of pledging her jewels, as ne was ready to advance the necessary funds. His offer was gladly accepted ; the funds really came from the coffers of Arragon ; seventeen thousand florins were advanced by the accountant of St. Angel out of the treasury of King Ferdi- I 1 1 ." 64 XI F£ AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. /n f i 1 1 nand. That prudent monarch, however, took care to have his kingdom indemnified some few years afterwards : for in remuneration of this loan, a part of the first gold brought by Columbus firom the New World was employed in gilding the vaults and ceilings of the royal saloon in the grand palace of Saragoza, in Arragon, anciently the Aljaferia, or abode of the Moorish kings.* Columbus had pursued his lonely journey across the Vega and reached the bridge of Pinos, about two leagues from Granada, at the foot of the moimtain of Elvira ; a pass famous in the Moorish wars for many a desperate encoimter between the Christians and Infidels. Here he was overtaken by a courier from the queen, spurring in aU speed, who summoned him to return to Santa Fe. He hesitated for a moment, being loth to subject himself again to the delays and equivo- cations of the court ; when informed, however, of the sudden zeal for the enterprise excited in the mind of the queen, and the positive promise she had given so undertake it, he no longer felt a doubt, but, tm-ning the reins of his mule, hastened back, with joyful alacrity to Santa Fe, confiding in the noble probity of that princess. CHAPTER Vn.— [1492.] Ox arriving at Santa F^, Colimibus had an immediate audience of the queen, and the benignity with which she received him atoned for all past neglect. Through deference to the zeal she thus suddenly displayed, the king yielded his tardy concurrence, but Isabella was the soul of this grand enterprise. She was prompted by lofty and generous enthu- siasm, while the king proved cola and calculating in this as in all his other undertakings. A perfect understanding being thus effected with the sovereigns, articles of agreement were ordered to be drawn out by Juan de Coloma, the royal secretaiy. They were to the following effect :~ 1 . That Columbus should have, for himself dmiug his life, and his heirs and successors for ever, the office of admiral in all the lands and continents which ho might discover or acquire in the ocean, with similar honours and prerogatives to those enjoyed by the high-admiral ol' Castile in his district. 2. That he should be viceroy and governor- general over all * Argcnsoia; Anake do Arragon, lib. i. cap. 10. # since All the ABBAXOEMEXT WITH THE SOTEREIGNS. 65 ivc iu by the I of the 7'ega Erom UOUB ween by a loned ment, ^tiivo- iidden 1, and he no mule, ing in lediate ch she 'erence ed his grand enthu- this as tth the drawn revG to ais Ufe, airal in bver or Ltives to Ltrict. lover all the said lands and continents ; with the privilege of nomi- nating three candidates for the government of each island or province, one of whom should be selected by the sovereigns. 3. That he should be entitled to reserve for himself one- tenth of all pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other articles and merchandises, in whatever manner fomid, bought, bartered, or gained wiliiin this admiralty, the costs being firat deducted. 4. That he, or his lieutenant, shoidd be the sole judge in all causes and disputes arising out of traffic between those countries and Spain, provided the high-admiral of Castile had similar jurisdiction in his district. 5. That he might then, and at all after times, contribute an eighth part of the expense in fitting out vessels to sail on this enterprise, and receive an eighth part of the profits. The last stipulation, which sudmits Columbus to bear an eighth of the enterprise, was made in consequence of his indignant proffer, on being reproached with demanding ample emoluments while incurring no portion of the charge. He fulfilled this engagement, tl^ough the assistance of the Pinzons of Palos, and added a third vessel to the armament. Thus one-eighth of the expense attendant on this grand expedition, undertaken by a powerful nation, was actually borne hy the individual who conceived ft, and who likewise risked his life on its success. The capitulations were signed by Ferdinand and Isabella, at the city of Santa F6, in l£e Vega or plain of Granada, on the 17th of April, 1492. A letter of privilege, or commission to Columbus, of similar purport, was drawn out in form, and issued by the sovereigns in the city of Granada, on the thirtieth of the same month. In this, the dignities and pre- rogatives of viceroy and governor were made hereditary in his family ; and he and his heirs were authorized to prefix the title of Don to their names ; a distinction accorded in those days only to persons of rank and estate, though it has since lost all value, firom being laiiversally used in Spain. All the royal documents issued on this occasion bore equally the signatures of Ferdinand and Isabella, but her separate crown of Castile defrayed all the expense ; and, during her life, few persons except Castilians, were permitted to establish themselves in the new territorif'it.* * Charlevoix, HUt. St. Doialngo, lib. i. p. 79. » LIFE AKD VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. I i' The port of Polos de Moguer was fixed upon as the place where the armament was to be fitted out, Columbus calcu- lating, no doubt, on the co-operation of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, resident there, and on the assistance of his zealous friend the prior of the convent of La Babida. Before going into the business details of this great enterprise, it is due to the character of the illustriout' man who conceived and conducted it, most especially to notice the elevated, even though visionary spirit by Nvhich he was actuated. One of his principal objects was undoubtedly the propagation of the Christian faith. He expected to arrive at the extremity of Asia, and to open a direct and easy communication with the vast and magnificent empire of the Grand Khan. The conversion of that heathen potentate had, in former times, been a favourite aim of various pontiffs and pious sovereigns, and various missions had been sent to the remote regions of the East for that piirpose. Columbus now considered himself about to effect this great work ; to spread the light of revelation to the very ends of the earth, and thus to be the instrument of accomplishing one of the sublime predictions of Holy Writ. Ferdinand listened with complacency to these enthusiastic anticipations. With him, however, religion was subservient to interest: and he had found, in the recent conquest of Qranada, that extending the sway of the church might be made a laudable means of extending his own dominions. According to the doctrines of the diay, every nation that refused to acknowledge the truths of Christianity, was fair spoil for a Christian invader ; and it is probable that Ferdi- nand was more stimulated by the accounts given of the wealth of Mangi, Cathay, and other provinces belonging to the Grand Khan, than by any anxiety for the conversion of him and his semi-barbarous subjects. Isabella had nobler inducements; she was filled i 1th a pious zeal at the idea of effecting such a great work of salva- tion. From different motives, therefore, both of the sovereigns accorded with the views of Columbus in this particular, and when he afterwards departed on his voyage, letters were actually given him for the Grand Khan of Tartary. The ardent enthusiasm of Columbus did not stop here. Anticipating boundless wealth from his discoveries, he sug- gcsted that the treasures thus acquired should be consecrated to the pious purpose of rescuing the holy sepulchre of Jerusa- HIS DBPABTtTBE FOR PAL08. 67 place mJcu- nzon, d the ;o the to the lucted ionary ncipal ristian a, and st and lion of vourite irarious ast for 3out to 1 to the ment of Y Writ. lusiastic srvient luest of fight be inions. tn that as fair Ferdi- wealth Grand and his >,Uh a if saiva- jereigns , and were here. le 8Ug- icrated IJerusa- lem from the power of the infidels. The sovereigns smiled at this sally of the imagination, but expressed themselves well pleased with it, and assured him that even without the funds he anticipated, they should be well disposed to that holy undertaking.* What the king and queen, however, may have considered a mere sally of momentary excitement, was a deep and cherished design of Columbus. It is a ciuious and characteristic fact, which has never been particularly noticed, that the recovery of the holy sepulchre was one of the great objects of his ambition, mcditnterl throughout the remainder of his life, and solemnly provided for in his will. In fact, he subsequently considered it the main work for which he was chosen by Heaven as an agent, and that his great discovery was but a preparatory dispensation of I'liivhlcnne to furnish means for its accomplishment. A home-felt mark of favoTir, characteristic of the kind and considerate heart of Isabella, was accorded to Columbus before his departure from the court. An albala, or letter- patent, was issued by the queen on the 8th of May, appoint- ing his son Diego page to Prince Juan, the heir apparent, with an allowance for his support ; an honour granted only to the sons of persons of distinguished rank.f Thus gratified in his dearest wishes, after a course of delays and disappointments sufficient to have reduced any ordinary man to despair, Columbus took leave of the court on the 12th of May, and set out jojrfuUy for Palos. Let those who are disposed to faint under difficulties, in the prosecution of any great and worthy undertaking, remember that eighteen years elapsed after the time that Columbus conceived his enter- prise, before he was enabled to carry it into efiect ; that the greater part of that time was pa&.st>d in almost hopeless solici- tation, amidst poverty, neglect, and taunting ridicule ; that the prime of his life had wasted away in the struggle, and that when his perseverance was finally crowned with success, he was about his fifty-sixth year. His example should encoiuTige the enterprising never to despair. * Protestd a vueitras Altezas que ioda la ganancia dcata mi empresa se gastase en la conqtiista de Jerusalem, y vuestras Altozaa c rieron, y dgoroD quo Iob placia, y que sin cste tcnian aquclla ganu. Primer Viagc do Colon, Navarrete, torn. i. p. 117. t Navarrcie, Colcc. de Yuges, torn. ii. doc. H. f2 » LIFE AND Y0TA0E8 OF C0LT7MBUS. ill ill CHAPTER VIII. On amTing at Palos, Columbus repaired immediately to' the neighbourmg convent of La Rabida, where he was received with open arms by the worthy prior, Fray Juan Perez, and again became his guest.* The port of Palos, for some misde- meanour, had been condemned by the royal council to serve the crown for one year with two armed caravels ; and these were destined to form part of the armament of Columbus, who was Aimished with the necessary papers and vouchers to enforce obedience in all matters necessary for his expedition. On the foUowing monung. the 257of May, clmbus, accompanied by Fray Juan Perez, whose character and station gave him great importance in the neighbourhood, proceeded to the church of St. Oeoi^e, in Palos, where the alcalde, the regidors, and many of the inhabitants of the place had been notified to attend. Here, in presence of them all, in the porch of the church, a royal order was read by a notary public, commanding the authorities of Palos to have two caravels ready for sea within ten days after this notice, and to place them and their crews at the disposal of Columbus. The latter was likewise empowered to procure and fit out a third vessel. The crews of all three were to receive the ordinary wages of seamen employed in armed vessels, and to be paid four months in advance. They were to sail in isuch direction as Columbus, tmder the royal authority, should command, and were to obey him in all things, with merely one stipulation, that neither he nor they were to go to St. Ueorge la Mina, on the coast of Guinea, nor any other of the lately discovered possessions of Portugal. A certificate of their good conduct, signed by Columbus, was to be the discharge of their obligation to the crown.f Orders were likewise read, addressed to the public author- ities, and the people of all ranks and conditions, in the maritime borders of Andalusia, commanding them to furnish supplies and assistance of all kinds, at reasonable prices, for the fitting out of the vessels ; and penalties were den'^imced on such as shoidd cause any impediment. Ni laties were to be exacted for any articles furnished to the vessels ; and all criminal processes against the person or property of any indi- * Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias, lib. ii. cap. v. t Navarrete, Colec. de Yiagcs, torn. 11. doc. 6. DIFFICULTIES AT FALOS. vidnal engaged in the expedition was to be suspended during his absence, and for two months after his return.* With these orders the authorities promised implicit com- pliance ; but, when ihe nature of the intended expedition came to be known, astonishment and dismay fell upon Uie little community. The ships and crews demanded for such a desperate service were regarded in the light of sacrifices. The owners of vessels refused to furnish them; the boldest seamen shrank from such a wild and chimerical cruise into the wilder- ness of the ocean. All kinds of frightful tales and fistbles were conjured up concerning the unknown regions of the deep ; and nothing can be a stronger evidence of the boldness of this imdertaking, than the extreme dread of it in a community composed of some of the most adventurous navigators of the age. Weeks elapsed without a vessel being procured, or any- thing else 'being done in fulfilment of the royal orders. Fur- ther mandates were therefore issued by the sovereigns, order- ing the magistrates of the coast of Andalusia to press into the service any vessels they might think proper, belonging to Spanish subjects, and to oblige the masters and crews to sail with Columbus in whatever direction he should be sent by royal command. Juan de Pefialosa, an officer of the royal household, was sent to see that this order was properly com- Elied with, receiving two hunted maravedies a day as long as e was occupied in the business, which sum, together with other penalties expressed in the mandate, was to be exacted from such as should be disobedient and delinquent. This letter was acted upon by Columbus in Palos and the neigh- bouring town of Moguer, but apparently with as little success as the preceding. The communities of those places were thrown into complete confusion; tumults took place; but nothing of consequence was efiected. At length Martin Alonzo Pinzon stepped forward, with his brother Vicente Yanez Pinzon ; both navigators of great courage and ability, owners of vessels, and havmg seamen in their employ. They were related, also, to many of the seafaring inhabitants of Palos and Moguer, and had great influence throughout the neighbourhood. They engaged to sail on the expedition, and furnished one of the vessels required. Others, with their owners and crews, were pressed into the service by the ma-^ * Navarrote, Colec. de Yiages, torn, ii doc 8, 9. i til' W LIFE AND TOTAOES OF COLUMBUS. gistratcs under the arbitrary mandate of the sovereigns ; and it is a striking instance of the despotic authority exercised over commerce in those times, that respectable indTviduals should thus be compelled to ;ingage, with persons and ships, in what appeared to them a mad and desperate enterprise. During the equipment of the vessels, troubles and diffi- culties arose among the seamen who had been compelled to embark. These were fomented and kept up by Gomez Rascon and Christoval Quintero, owners of the Pinta, one of the ships pressed into the service. All kinds of obstacles were thrown in the way, by these people and their friends, to retard or defeat the voyage. The caulkers employed upon the vessels did their work in a careless and imperfect manner, and on being commanded to do it over again absconded.* Some of the seamen who had enlisted willingly repented of their hardihood, or were disuaded by their relatives, and sought to retract; others deserted and concealed themselves. Every- thing had to be effected by the most harsh and arbitrary measures, and in defiance of popular prejudice and opposition. The influence and example of the Pinzons had a great effect in allaying this opposition, and inducing many of their friends and relatives to embark. It is supposed that they had furnished Columbus with funds to pay the eighth part of the expense which he was bound to advance. It is also said that Martin Alonzo Pinzon was to divide with him his share of the profits. As no immediate profit, however, resulted from tlus expedition, no claim of the kind was ever brought forward. It is certain, however, that the assistance of the Pinzons was all-important, if not indispensable, in fitting out and laimching the expedition.f After the great difficulties made by various courts in patronizing this enterprize, it is surprising how inconsiderable an armament was required. It is evident that Columbus had reduced his requisitions to the narrowest limits, lest any great expense should cause impediment. Three small vessels were apparently all that he had requested. Two of them were light barks, called caravels, not superior to river and coasting craft of more modem days. Representations of this class of ■" Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 77, MS. t These facts concerning the Pinzons are mostly taken from the. testimony given, many years aftenrards, in a suit between Don Diego, the son of Columbus, and the crown. I HIS VESSELS AKI) IHEIB CBEWS. 71 vessels exist in old prints and paintings.* They are deline- ated as open, and without deck in the centre, but built up high at the prow and stem, with forecastles and cabins for the accommodation of the crew. Peter Martyr, the learned contemporary of Columbus, says that only one of the three vessels was decked. The smallness of the vessels was con- sidered an advantage by Columbus, in a voyage of discovery, enabling him to run close to the shores, and to enter shallow rivers and harbours. In his third voyage, when coasting the Gulf of Paria, he complained of the size of his ship, being nearly a hundred tons burthen. But that such long and perilous expeditions, into unknown seas, should be undertaken in vessels withovit decks, and that they should live through the violent tempests by which they were frequently assailed, remain among the singular circumstances of these daring voyages. At length, by the beginning of August, every difficulty was vanquished and the vessels were ready for sea. The lai^est, which had been prepared expressly for the voyage, and was decked, was called the Santa Maria : on board of this ship Columbus hoisted his flag. The second, called the Pinta, was commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, accompanied by his brother Francisco Martin, as pilot. The third, called the Nifia, had latine sails, and was commanded by the third of the brothers, Vicente Yanez Pinzon. There were three other pilots, Sancho Ruiz, Pedro Alonzo Nifio, and Bar- tolomeo Roldan. Roderigo Sanchez, of Segovia, was inspector- general of the armament, and Diego de Arana, a native of Cordova, chief alguazil. Roderigo de Escobar went as royal notary, an officer always sent in the armaments of the crown, to take official notes of all transactions. There were also a physician and a surgeon, together with various private adventurers, sevei-al servants, and ninety mariners ; making, in all, one hundred and twenty persons.f The squadron being ready to put to sea, Columbus, im- pressed with the solemnity of his undertaking, confessed him- self to the friar Juan Perez, and partook of the sacrament of the communion. His example was followed by his officers and crew, and they entered upon their enterprise fidl of awe, * See Illustrations, article " Ships of Columbus." t Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, lib. L Mofloz, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, lib. ii. i *^.^' ^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ItilM 125 ■tt 1^ |Z2 lifi 12.0 US m u IE IL25 i 1.4 1.6 Photographic Sdmces Corporation v^ IS WMT MAIN STRUT WltSTIR.N.Y. 14SI0 (/U)I73*4»03 k .^ k 72 LIFE AND YOTAGES OF COLUMBUS. * and with the most devout and affecting ceremonials, com- mitting themselves to the especial guidance and protection of Heaven. A deep gloom was spread over the whole com- munity of Palos at their departure, for almost every one had some relative or friend on board of the squadron. Ihe spirits of the seamen, already depressed by their own fears, were still more cast down at the affliction of those they left behind, who took leave of them with tears and lamentations, and dis- mal forebodings, as of men they were never to behold again. BOOK m. CHAPTER I.— [1492.] When Ck>lumbu8 set sail on this memorable voyage, he commenced a regular journal, intended for the inspection of the Spanish sovereigns. Like all his other transactions, it evinces how deeply ne was impressed with the grandeur and solemnity of his enterprise. He proposed to keep it, as he afterwards observed, in the manner of the Commentaries of GsBsar. It opened vrith a stately prologue, wherein, in the following wonls, were set forth the motives and views which led to hu expedition. "In nomine D. N. Jesu Christi. Whereas most Christian, most high, most excellent and most powerful princes, king and queen of the Spains, and of the islands of the sea, our sovereigns, in the present year of 1492, after your highnesses had put an end to the war with the Moors who ruled in Europe, and had concluded that warfare in the great city of Chranada, where, on the second of January, of this present year, I saw the royal banners of your highnesses placed by force of arms on the towers of the Alhambra, which is the fortress of that city, and beheld the Moorish king sally forth from the gates of the city, and kiss the ro3ral hfmds of your highnesses and of my lord the prince ; and immediately in that same month, in consequence of the information which I had given to your highnesses of the lands of India, and of a prince who is called the Grand Khan, which is to say in our language, king of kings ; how that many times he and his predecessors had sent to Pome to entreat for doctors of our noly faith, to instruct him in the same ; and that the ^loly Father had never provided him with them» and thus lo many DEPASTS ON HIS PIBAT TOTAOI. the / people were lost, l>elieying in idolatries, and imbibing doctrines of perdition ; therefore your highnesses, as Catholic Christians and princes, lovers and promoters of the holy Christian fidth, and enemies of the sect of Mahomet, and of all idolatries and heresies, determined to send me, Christopher Columbus, to the said parts of India, to see the said princes, and the people and lands, and discover the nature and disposition of them all, and the means to be taken for the conversion of them to our holy Bedth ; and ordered that I should not go by land to the east, by which it is the custom to go, but by a vovage to the west, by which course, unto the present time, we do not know for certain that any one hath pamed. Your highnesses, there- fore, after having expelled all the Jews firom your kingdoms and territories, commanded me, in the same month of January, to proceed with a sufficient armament io the said parts of India ; and for this purpose bestowed peat favours upon me, ennobling me, that thenceforward I might style myself Don, appointing me high admiral of the Oc^n sea, and perpetual viceroy and eovemor of all the islands and continents I would discover and gain, and which henceforward may be discovered and gained in the Ocean sea ; and that my eldest son should succeed me, and so on from generation to generation for ever. I departed, therefore, from we city of Oruiada, on Saturday, the 12th of May, of the same year 1492, to Palos, a seaport, where I armed three ships, well calculated for such service, and sailed from that port well furnished with provisions and with many seamen, on Friday, the 3rd of August, of the same year, half an hour before sunrise, and todc the route for the Canary Islands of your highnesses, to steer my course thence, and navigate untu I should arrive at the Indues, and deliver the embasi^ of your highnesses to those princes, and accomplish that wnich you had commanded. For this pur- pose I intend to write during this voyage, very punctually from day to day, all that I may do, and see, and experience, as will hereafter be seen. Also, my soverei^ princes, beside describing each night all that has occurred in the day, and in the da^ ue navigation of the night, I propose to make a chart, m which I will set down me waters and lands of the Ocean sea in their proper situations under their bearings; and fVirther, to compose a book, and illustrate the whole in picture by latitude fh)m the equinoctial, and longitude fW)m the west; and upon the whole it will be essential that I r4 LirS XKD YOTAGKS 09 COLVMBUI. shoiild forget sleep and attend closely to the navigation to accomplish these things, which will be a great labour."* Thus are formally and expresdy stated by Columbus the objects of this extraordinary voyage. The material fbcts still extant of his journal will be found incorporated in the present work.f It was on Friday, the 3rd of August, 1492, early in the morning, that Columbus set sail from the bar of Saltes, a small iuand formed by the arms of the Odiel, in front of tiie town of Huelva, steeni^ in a southwesterly direction for the Canary Islands, whence it was his intentKm to strike due west. As a guide by which to sail, be had prepared a map or chart, improved upon that sent him by Paulo ToscaneUi. Neither of tiiose now exist, but the globe or planisphere &uahed by Martin fiehem in this year of the admiral's first ¥V)rase is still extant, and furnishes an idea of what the chart of Columbus must have been. It exhibits the coasts of Europe and Africa from the south of Ireland to the end of Guinea, and opposite to them, on the other side of the Atlantic, the extremity of Asia, or, as it was termed, India. Between them is placed the island of Cipango, or Japan, which, ac- cording to Marco Polo, lay fifteen hundred miles distant from the Asiatic coast. In his computations Columbus advanced this island about a thousand leagues too much to the east, supposing it to be about tbe situation of Florida ;| and at this island he hoped first to arrive. The exultation of Columbus at finding imself, after so * Navarrete, Colee. de Yiagei^ torn. i. p. 1. t An abgtract of this jooimd, made by Las Caaai, has recently been diMoyered,and ia published in the first volome of the oollection of Sefior Kavarrete. Many passages of this abstract had been prerioasly inserted by Las Oasas in his Hiitoiy of the Indies, and the same joomal luwi been eofdonsly used by Fernando Colnmbus in the histoiy of liis father. In tha present account of this voyage, the author hu made use of the JoDinal contained in the work of Sefior Navarrete, the manuscript history of Las Casas, the Histoiy of the Indies by Uerrera, the Life of ttn Admiral by his son, the Chronicle of the Indies by Oviedo, the maaoseript history of Ferdinand and IsabelU by Andres Bemaidea, aomta of Los Palacios, and the Letters and Decades of the Ocean Sea^ by Peter Martyr ; all of whom, with the ezoeption of Herrera, wen oontemporaries and aoquaintanoea of Columbus. These are the prin- oipal authorities which have been consulted, though scattered lidhts have oeeasionally been obtained flrom other sources. 4. Midte-Bron« Gkograph. Universelle, torn, it p. 288. SSTXKTIOK AT THB CAKASIZ8. maay years of baffled hope, fairly launched on his grand -(mterprise, was cheeked by his want of confidence in the resolution and perseverance of his crews. As long as he re- mained within reach of Europe, there waa no security that, in a moment of repentance and alarm, they might not renounce the prosecution of the voyage, and insist on a return. Symptoms soon appeared to warrant his apprehensions. On the third day, the Pinta made signal of distress ; her rudder was discovered to be broken and unhung. This Columbus surmised to be done through the contrivance of the owners of the caravel, Gomez Rascon and Christoval Quintero, to disable their vessel, and cause her to be left behind. As has already been observed, they had been pressed into the service greatly against their will, and their caravel seized upon for tile expedition, in conformity to the royal orders. Columbus was mudi disturbed at this ooourrenee. It gave him a foretaste of further difficulties to be apprehended from crews partly enlisted on compulsion, and all full of doubt and fiwebooing. Trivial obstacles might, in the present critical fltate of his voyage, spread panic and mutiny through his idiips, and entirely defeat the expedition. The 'V^ind was blowing strongly at the time, so that he could not render assistance without endangering his own vessel. Fortunately Martin Alonzo Pinzon commanded the Pinta, and being an adroit and able seaman, succeeded in securing the rudder with, cords, so as touring the vessel into management. This, however, was but a temporary and inad- Muate enwdioit; the festenings gave way again on the following aay, and the other ships were obliged to shorten •ail until the rudder could be secured. This damaged state of the Pinta, as well as her being in a leaky condition, determined the admiral to touch at the Canary idands, and seek a vessel to replace her. lie considered himself not far from those islands, though a different opinion was entertained by the pilots of the squadron. The event proved his superiority in taking observations and keeping reckonings, for they came in sight of the Canaries on the morning of the 9th. They were detained upwards of three weeks among these islands, seeking in vain another vessel. They were obliged, thorefore, to oooke a new rudder for the Pinta, and repair her for the voyage. The latiue sails of the Nina wiere aieo' 76 LIFE AKD TOTAOES OF COLUMBUS. altered into square sails, that she might work more steadily and securely, and be able to keep company with the other vessels. While sailing among these islands, the crew were terrified at beholding the lofty peak of Teneriffe sending forth volumes of flame and smoke, being ready to take alarm at any extra- ordinary phenomenon, and to construe it into a disastrous por- tent. Columbus took great pains to dispel their apjyrehen- fiions, explaining the natural causes of those volcanic fires, and verifying ms explanations by citing Mount Etna, and other well-known volcanoes. While taking in wood and water and provisions in the island of Qomera, a vessel arrived firom Ferro, which reported that three Portuguese caravels had been seen hovering off that island, with the intention, it was said, of capturing Columbus. The admiral suspected some hostile stratagem on the part of die king of Portugal, in revenge for his having embarked m the service of Spain; he therefore lost no time in putting to sea, anxious to get fiur firom those islands, and out of the track of navigation, trembling lest something might occur to defeat his expedition, commenced under sudi inauspicious circumstances. CHAPTER ;i.— [1492.] Eablt in the morning of the 6th of September, Columbus set sail firom the iAmd of Gomera, and now might be said first to strike into the region of discovenr ; taking leave of these firontier islands of the old world, and steering westward for the unknown parts of the Atlantic. For tburee days, how- ever, a profound calm kept the vessels loitering with flagging sails, within a short distance of the land. This was a tanta* lizdng delay to Columbus, who was impatient to find himsell fiur out of sight of either land or sail; which, in the pure atmospheres of these latitudes, may be descried at an im- mense distance. On the following Sunday, the 9th of Sep- tember, at daybreak, he beheld Ferro, the last of the Canary islands, about nine leagues distant. This was the idand whence the Portuguese caravels had been seen; he was there- fore in the very neighbourhood of danger. Fortunately a breeze sprang up with the sim, their sails were once more filled, and in the course of the day the heights of Ferro gra- dually fitded firom the horizon. STBATAOEX TO DECEIVE HIS CBEW. 77 adily other rified umes iztra- ipor- enen- fires, , and n the x>rted ^that mbus. Murtof Murked utting of the occur )iciou8 umhua )e said ave of itward how- anta- imsell pure n im- Sep- lanary island there- tely a more rogra- On losing sight of this last trace of land, the hearts of the crews fiuled them. They seemed literally to have taken leave of the world. Behind them was everything dear to the heart of man; country, family, friends, life itsielf: before them ever3rthing was chaos, mystery, and peril. In the perturba- tion of me moment, they despaired of ever more seeing their homes. Many of the ru^ed seamen shed tears, and some broke into loud lamentations. The admiral tried in every way to soothe their distress, and to inspire them with his own glorious anticipations. He described to them the magnificent countries to which he was about to conduct them: the islands of the Indian seas teeming with gold and precious stones: the regions of Mangi and Cathay, with their cities of unrivalled wealth and splendour. He promised them land and riches, and everything that could arouse their cupidi^, or inflame their imaginations, nor were these promises made for purposes of mere deception; he certainly believed that he should realize them all. He now issued orders to the commanders of the other vessels, that, in the event of separation by any accident, tiiey should continue directly westward; but tlutt after sailing seven hundred leagues, they should lay by from midnight until day- light, as at about that distance he confidently expected to find hmd. In the meantime, as he thoi^ht it possible he might not discover land within the distance thus assigned, and as he foresaw that the vague terrors already awakened among the seamen would increase with the space which intervened between them and their homes, he commenced a stratagem which he continued throughout the voyage. He kept two reckonings ; one correct, in which the true way of the ship was noted, and which was retained in secret for his own government; in the other, which was open to general in- flpectiou, a number of leagues was daily subtracted from tho sailing of the ship, so that the crews were kept in ignorance of the real distance they had advanced.* * * It has been erroneoudy stated that Colnmbus kept two jours&l<< ''t was merely in the reckoning, or log-book, that he deceived the crew. His jounud was entirely private, and intended for his own use and the peniaal of the sovereigns. In a letter written from Qranada, in 1503, to rope Alexander YII., he says that he had kept an account of his voyages, in the style of the Commentaries of Ceesar, which he intended to submit to his holiness. 78 XIFE AND YOTAOES OF OOLVMBUS. On the 11th of September, vrhem about one hundred and fifty leagues west of Ferro. they fell in with part of a mast, which firom its size appeared to have belonged to a vessel of about a hundred and twenty tons burthen, and which had evidently been a long time in the water. The crews, tremb- lingly (dive to everything that could excite their hopes or fears, looked with rueful eye upon this wreck of some unfor- tunate voyager, drifting ominously at the entrance of those unknown seas. On the 13th of September, in the evening, being about tvro hundred leagues from the island of Ferro, Columbus for the first time noticed the variation of the needle; a phenomencm which had never before been remarked. He perceived about nightfiedl that the needle, instead of pointing to the north star, varied about half a point, or between five and six de- grees, to the north-west, and still more on the following morning. Struck with this circumstance, he observed it attentively for three days, and found that the variation in- creased as he advanced. He at first made no mention of this phenomenon, knowing how ready his people were to take alarm, but it soon attracted the attention of the pilots, and filled them with consternation. It seemed as if the very laws of nature were changing as they advanced, and that they were entering another world, subject to unknown influences.* They apprehended that the compass was about lose its mys- terious virtues, and without this guide, what was to become of them in a vast and trackless ocean? Columbus tasked his science and ingenuity for reasons with which to allay their terror. He observed that the direction of the needle was not to the polar star, but to some fixed and invisible point. The variation, therefore, was not caused hy any fallacy in the compass, but by the movement of the north star itself, which, like the other heavenly bodies, had its changes and revolutions, and every day described a circle round the pole. The high opinion which the pilots enter- tained of Columbus as a profound astronomer gave weight to this theory, and their alarm subsided. As yet the solar system of Copernicus was unknown : the explanation of Co- lumbus, therefore, was highly plausible ana ingenious, and it shows the vivacity of his mind, ever ready to meet the emergency of the moment. The theory may at first have * Las Cans, Hiet. Ind., lib. i. oap. 8. wmc west de£ the] that I petuj weaf ing LAND-BXBDS BEEN. 19 , and mast, Bel of i had remb- tes or mfor- those it two or the nenon about - north six de- lowing rved it Ion in- of this to take ts, and ry laws Bit they ,ence8.* te mys- become ins with ireotion xed and kused hv le norUL hod its a circle a entcff- reight to le solar of Co- ouB, and neet the rst have been advanced merely to satisfy the minds of others, bnt Columbus appears subsequently to have remained satisfied with it himself. The phenomenon has now become familiar to us, but we still continue ignorant of its cause. It is one of those mysteries of nature, open to daily observation and experiment, and apparently simple from their familiarity, but which on investigation make the human miikd conscious of its limits; baffling the experience of the practical, and humbling the pride of science. CHAPTER III.— [U92.'l On the 14th of September, the voyagers wexe rejoiced by the sight of what they considered harbingers of land. A heron and a tropical bird called the Babo de Junco,''^ neither of which are supposed to venture far to sea, hovered about the ships. On the following night they were struck with awe at beholding a meteor, or, as Columbus calls it in his journal, a great flame of fire, which seemed to fall from the sky into the sea, about four or five leagues distant. These meteors, common in warm climate, and especially under the tropics, are always seen in the serene azure sky of those latitudes, falling as it were firom the heavens, but never beneath a cloud. In the transparent atmosphere of one of those beautiM nights, where every star shines with the purest lustre, they often leave a luminous train behind them which lasts for twelve or fifteen seconds, and may well be compared to a flame. The wind had hitherto been favourable, with occasional though transient clouds and showers. They had made great progress each day, though Columbus, according to !,ir^ secret plan, contrived to suppress several leagues in the daily , eokon- mg left open to the crew. They hisid now arrived within the influence of the trade- wind, which, following the sun, blows steadily from east to west between the tropics, and sweeps over a few adjoining degrees of ocean. With this propitious breese directly aft, they were wafted gently but speedily over a tranquil sea, so that for many days they did not shin a sail. Columbus per- petually recurs to the bland and temperate serenity of the weather, which in this tract of the ocean is soft and refresh- ing without being cool. In his artless and expressive lan- guage, he compares the pure and balmy mornings to those of * The water-wagtail. ■«•• 80 LIFE AND T0TAOE8 07 COLUICBVS. April in Andalusia, and observes that thej wanted but the song of the nightingale to complete the illusion. ** He had reason to say so/' obsenres the venerable Las Casas ; " for it IS marvellous the suavity which we experience when half way towards these Indias ; and the more the ships approach the lands, so much more do they perceive the temperance and softness of the air, the clearness of the sky, and the amenitv and fragrance sent forth from the groves and forests; much more certainly than in April in Andalusia."* They now began to see large patches of herbs and weeds drifting fit)m the west, and increasing in quantity as they ad- vanced. Some of these weeds were such as grow about rocks, others such as are produced in rivers ; some were yellow and withered, others so green as to have apparently been recently washed firom land. On one of these patches was a live crab, which Columbus careftilly preserved. They saw also a white tropical bird, of a kind which never sleeps upon the sea. Tunmr-fish also played about the ships, one of which was killed by the crew of the Nina. Columbus now called to mind the account given by Aristotle of certain ships of Cadiz, which, coasting the shores outside of the straits of Gibraltar, were driven westward by an impetuous east wind, until they reached a part of the ocean covered with vast fields of weeds, resembling sunken islands, among which they beheld many tunny-fish. He supposed himself arrived in this weedy sea, as it had been called, from which the ancient mariners had turned back in dismay, but which he regarded with animated hope, as indicating the vicinity of land. Not that he had yet any idea of reaching the olnect of his search, the eastern end of Asia; for, according to his computation, he had come but three hundred and sixty leagues f since leaving the Canary Islands, and he placed the main land of India much farther on. On the 18th of September the same weather continued: a soft steady breeze from the east filled every sail, while, to use the words of Columbus, the sea was as calm as the Guadalquivir at Seville. He fimcied that the water of the eea grew frebher as he advanced, and noticed this as a proof of the superior sweetness and purity of the air4 * Las Caaas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 36, MS. t Of twenty to the degree of latitude, the unit of distance through^ out this work. t Las Casas, Hist Ind., lib. I cap. 86. SECEPTITB APPXA.BAX0B8 OF LAKD. 81 t the ehad for it f way h the B and aenity mucD. weeds ley ad- ; rocks, ow and ecently 'e crab, a white he sea. Lch was ailed to f Cadiz, ibraltar, itil they f weeds, Ld many jedy sea, lers had mimated ; he had e eastern lad come Ying the liamucli ;inued: a while, to as the er of the a proof tn 31S •e through- The crews were all in high spirits; each ship stroye to get in the advance, and eveiy seaman was eagerly on the look- out ; for the sovereigns had promised a pension of ten thousand maravedies to him who should first discover land. Martin Alonzo Finzon crowded all canvas, and, as the Pinta was a fast sailer, he generally kept the lead. In the afternoon he hailed the adimral and informed him, that from the flight of a great number of birds, and from the appearance of the northern horizon, he thought there was icmd in that direction. There was in fact a cloudiness in the north, such as often hangs over land; and at sunset it assumed such shapes and masses that many fancied they beheld islands. There was a imiversal wish, therefore, to steer for that quarter. Columbus, however, was persuaded that they were mere illusions. Every one who has made a sea voyage must have witnessed the deceptions caused by clouds resting upon the horizon, espe- cially about sunset and sunrise; wmch the eye, assisted by the miagination and desire, eadlv converts into the wished- for land. This is particukurly the case within the tropics, where the clouds at sunset assume the most singular ap- pearances. On the following dav there were drizzling showers, unac- companied by vnnd, which Columbus considered figivourable signs; two boobies aJso flew on board the ships, birds which, he observed, seldom fly twenly leagues from land. He sounded, therefore, with a line of two hundred fitthoms, but found no bottom. He supposed he might be passu^ between islands, lying to the nordi and south; but was unwilling to waste the present fiivouring breeze by goii^ in search of them; beside, he had confidently affirmed that land was to be found by keeping stead&stly to the west; his whole ex- pedition had been founded on such a presumption; he should, therefore, risk all credit and authon^ with his people were he to appear to doubt and waver, and to go groping blindly from point to point of the compass. He resolved, therefore, to keep one bold course always westward, until he should' reach me coast of India; and afterwards, if advisable, to seek these islands on his retmn.* Notwithstanding his precaution to keep the people ignorant * Hist, del Alminmte, cap. 20. Eztraets from Joonal of Colomb. Kavarrete, torn. i. p. 16. 82 ZJFE AMD TOTAOXt OF COLUMBUS. of the distanoe they had tailed, they were now growing extremely uneasy at the length of the Toyage. They had advanced much fiuther west than ever man had sailed before, and though already beyond the reach of succour, still they continued daily leaving vast tracts of ocean behind them, and pressing onward and onward into that apparently bound- less abyss. It is true they had been flattered by various indications of land, and stUl others were occurring; but all mocdced them with vain hopes: after being hailed with a transient joy, they passed away, one after another, and the same interminable expanse of sea and sky continued to extend before them. Even the bland and gentle breeze, uniformly aft, was now conjured by their ingenious fears into a cause of ahmn; for they b^an to imagine that the wind, in these seas, might always prevail from the east, and if so, woidd never permit their return to Spain. Columbus endeavoured to dis^l these gloomy prestos, sometimes by argument and expostulation, sometimes by awakening £resh hopes, and pointii^ out new signs of land. On the 20th of September the wind veered, with light breezes from the south-west. These, though adverse to their pro- gress, had a cheering effect upon the people, as they proved that the wind did not always prevail from the east''^ Several birds also visited the ships; three, of a small kind, which keep about groves and orchards, came singing in the morning, and flew away again in the evening. Their song cheered the hearts of the dinnayed mariners, who hailed it as the voice of land. The larger fowl, th^ observed, were strong of wing, and might venture &r to sea; but such small birds were too feeble to fly far, and their singing showed that they were not exhausted by their flight. On the following day there was either a profound calm, or light winds from, ^e south-west. The sea, as far as the eye could reac^ was covered with weeds; a phenomenon, often observed in this part of the ocean, which has sometimes the appearance of a vast inundated meadow. This has been attributed to immense quantities of submarine plants, which grow at the bottom of the sea until ripe, when they are * Mucho me fue necessario este viento contrario, porqne mi gente andaban muy estimulados, qae penssban que no ventaban estos mares vientoB para volver 6 Eqpate Primer Yii^e de Colon. Navarrete, torn. i. p. 12. THE SEA 07 WEEDS. 83 »wing r had efore, they them, ound- ariooB lut all nth a ad the extend fonnly rase of L these would esageSy aes by »f land, breezes jir pro- proved Several which Loming, red the le voice rong of birds at they islm, or the eye often mes the been which hey are mi gente OB mares Avarrete, IS detached by the motion of the waves and emrents, and rise to the sur&oe.* These fields of weeds were at first regarded with great satisfaction, but at length they became, in many places, so dense and matted, as in some degree to impede the sailing of the ships, which must have been under very little headway. The crews now called to mind some tale about the firozen ocean, where ships were said to be sometimes fixed immovable. They endeavoured, therefore, to avoid, as much as possible, these floating masses, lest some disaster of the kind might happen to themselves.f Others considered these weeds as proof that the sea was growing shallower, and began to talk of lurking rocks, and shoals, and treacherous quicksands; and of the danger of running aground, as it were, in the midst of the ocean, where their vessels might rot and fall to pieces, fax out of the track of human aid, and without any shore where the crews might take refuge. They had evidently some confused notion of the ancient story of the sunken island of Atalantis, and feared that they were arriving at that part of the ocean where navigation was said to be obstructed by drowned lands, and the ruins of an ingulfed countnr. To dispel these fears, the admiral had frequent recourse to the lead; but though he sounded with a deep-sea line, he still found no bottom. The minds of the orews, however, had gradually beoome diseased. They were full of vague terrors and superstitious fimcies; they construed everything into a cause of alarm, and harassed their commander l^ incessant murmurs. For three days there was a continuance of light summer airs from the southward and westward, and the sea was as smooth as a mirror. A whale was seen heaving up its huge form at a distance, which Columbus immediately pointed out as a fiivourable indication, affirming that these fish were generally in the neighbourhood of land. The orews, how- ever, became uneasy at the calmness of the weather. They observed that the contrary winds which they experienced were transient and unsteady, and so light as not to ruffle the surface of the sea, which maintained a riiu;gisli calm like a lake of dead water. Everything difGered, they said, in these strange regions from the world to wldch they had been * Humboldt, PenoDsl NamUvs, book L mp» i. t Hist del Almirante, cap. 18. o2 84 LIPE A.VD TOTAOE8 OF COLUXBVS. accustomed. The only winds which preyailed with any con- stancy and force, were from the east, and they had not power to disturb the torpid stillnoss of the ocean; diere Mras a risk, therefore, either of perishing amidst stagnant and shoreless waters, or of being prevents, by contraxy winds, from ever returning to their native country. Columbus continued with admirable patience to reason with these fancies; observing that the calmness of the sea must imdoubtedly be caused by the vicinity of land in the quarter whence the wind blew, which, theref(»«, had not space sufficient to act upon the surfiuse, and heave up large waves. Terror, however, midtiplies and varies the forms of ideal danger, a thousand times fester than the most active wisdom can dispel them. The more Columbus argued, the more boisterous became the murmurs of his crew, until, on Sunday, the 25th of September, there came on a heavy swell of the sea, unaccompamed by wind. This phenomenon often occurs on the broad ocean; being either the expiring undu- lations of some past gale, or the movement given to the sea by some distant current of wind; it was, nevertheless, re- ^rded with astonishment by the mariners, and dispelled the imaginaiT terrors occasioned by the calm. Columbus, who as usual considered himself under the im- mediate e^e and yiardianship of Heaven in this solemn enter- prise, intmiates m his journal that this swelling of the sea seemed providentially ordered to allay the rising clamours of his crew; comparing it to that which so miraculously aided Moses when conducting the children of Israel out of the captivity of Egypt.* CHAPTER IV.— [1492.] The situation of Columbus was daily becoming more and more critical. In proportion as he approached the regions where he expected to find land, the impatience of his crews augmented. The fitvourable signs whioi increased his con- * "Como Is nuur estoTiese nuum y llsns mnnnnnbs k genie dioiendo que, mam pw sill no haU» mar gnnde qae nnnes rentaria pan ToWer & wpalia ; pero deapnes alxfiae mnoho la mar y ain riento, qne los aaombraba ; por lo onal dioe aqui el Almirante ; an que muy neeuario me Jfki la mar aUa, que no pareeio, ealvo el tiempo de lot Judioe euamao ealieron de Egipto eotUra Mofftee que lo» taeaba de capd'Mno."— Journal of Columb. Kavanete, torn. L p. 12. c ^ V t V n ei w \ oi tu cc Wl hfl ly con- power a risk, loreless imever reason the sea in the lad not ip large rorms of t active led, the untU, on vy swell on often kg undu- » the sea less, re- plied the the im- inenter- the sea lours of Ly aided It of the lore and regions crews I his con- la g«nte iTentaria Tiento, quemuif ipo de lo* ^ de BISCOICTSNT 07 THE XABINEBS. 85 -fidence, were derided by them as delusive; and there was danger of their rebelling, and obliging him to turn back, when on the point of realizing the object of all his labours. They beheld themselves with dismay still wafted onward, over the boundless wastes of what appeared to them a mere watery desert, surrounding the habitable world. What was to become of them should their provisions fail? Their ships were too weak and defective even for the great voyage they had already made, but if they were still to press forward, adding at every moment to the immense expanse behind them, how should they ever be able to return, having no intervening port where they might victual and refit. In this way they fed each other's discontents, gathering t<^ther in httle Imots, and fomenting a spirit of mutinous opposition: and when we consider the natural fire of the Spanish temperament and its impatience of control; and that a great part of these men were sailing on compidsion; we cannot wonder that there was imminent danger of their breaking forth into open rebellion and compelling Columbus to turn back. In their secret conferences they exclaimed i^ainst him as a desperado, bent, in a mad phantasy, upon doing something extravagant to render himself notorious. What were their sufferings and dangers to one evidently content to sacrifice his own life for the chance of distinotionf What obligations bound them to continue on with him; or when were the terms of their agreement to be considered as fulfilled? They had already penetrated unknown seas, un- traversed by a sail, fiur beyond where man had ever before ventured. They had done enough to gain themselves a cha- racter for courage and hardihrnid in undertaking such an enterprise and persisting in it so fiur. How much farther were they to go in quest of a merely conjectured land? Were they to nil on until they perished, or until all return became impossible? In such case they would be the authors of their own destruction. On the other hand, should they consult their safety, and turn back before too late, who would blame them? Any complaints made b^ Columbus would be of no weight; he was a foreigner, without friends or influence; his schemes had been condemned by the learned, and discountenanced by people of all ranks. He had no party to uphold him, and a host of opponents whose pride of opinion woiUd be gratified LIFE AND TOTAOES OF COLTTMBUS. by his fiulure. Or, as an effectual means of preyenting his complaints, they might throw him into the sea, and give out that he had fallen overboard while busy with his instruments contemplating the stars; a report which no one would hav^ either the inclination or the means to controvert.* Colimibus was not ignorant of the mutinous disposition of his crew, but he still maintained a serene and steady coun- tenance ; soothing some with gentle words, endeavouring to stimulate the pride or avarice of others, and openly menacii^ the refractory with signal punishment, should they do anything to impede the voyage. On the 25th of September the wind again became fieivourable, and they were able to resume their course directly to the west. The airs being light, and the sea calm, the vessels sailed near to each other, and Columbus had mudi conversation with Martin Alonzo Pinzon on the subject of a chart, which the former had sent three days before on board of the Pinta. Pinzon thought that, according to the indica- tions of the map, they ought to be in the neighbourhood of Cipango, and the other islands which the admiral had therein delineated. Columbus partly entertained the same idea, but thought it possible that the ships mi^t have been borne out of their track by the prevalent currents, or that they had not come so far as the pilots had rackoned. He desired that the chart might be returned, and Pinzon, tring it to the end of a cord, flimg it on board to him. While (>>lumbus, his pilot, and several of his experienced mariners were studying the map, and endeavouring to make out from it their actual po8i« tion, they heard a shout from the Pinta, and looking up, beheld Martin Alonzo Pinzon mounted on the stem of hia vessel, crying '* Land ! land ! Sefior ; I claim my reward !" He pointed at the same time to the south-west, where there was indeed an appearance of land at about twenty-five leagues* distance. Upon this Columbus threw himself on his knees and returned thanks to God ; and Martin Alonzo repeated the Gloria in excelait, in which he was joined by his own crew and that of the admiral.f The seamen now mounted to the mast-head or climbed about the rigging, straining their eyes in the direction pointed * Hilt, del Alminnte, cap. 19. Herrers, Hiit. Ind., deoad. i. lih. L sap. 10. t Jonmal of Colomb., Primer Visge, KsTsrrete, iom. i. ting his ^ve oat rumentB Id hkVt sition of y coun* uring to lenacii^ mytliiiig became direetly Rim, tlie id mwk. ject of A on board e indica- irhood of 1 therein idea, but >ome out r had not that the end of a bis pilot, ying the ual poti- king up, m of ma eward!" >re there leagues* lis knees eatedthe wn crew climbed I pointed Li.Ub.L 7AL8X AULSMS. 87 out. The eotmction became so general of land in that quarter, and the joy of the people so ungoyemable, that Columbus fimnd it necessary to vary from his usual course, and stand all night to the south-west. The morning light, howerer, put an end to all their hopes, as to a dream. The fancied land proved to be nothing but an evening cloud, and had vanished in the night. With dejected hearts they once more resumed their western course, from which Columbus would never have varied, but in compliance with their clamorous wishes. For several days they continued on with the same pro- pitious breeze, tranquil sea, and mild, dclighM weather. The water was so calm that the sailors amiised themselves with swimming about the vessel. Dcdphins began to abound, and flying fish, dartii^ into the air, fiellupuld thenceforth forfeit all claim to the reword. On the evening of the 6th of October, Martin Alonzo Pinzon began to lose confidence in their present ooursei and * NsTsrrete, torn. i. p. 16. n LIFE AND TOTAOES OF COLUXCBUS. li proposed that they should stand more to the southward. Columbus, however, still persisted in steering directly west.* Observing this difference of opinion in a person so important in his squadron as Pinzon, ana fearing that chance or des^^ might scatter the ships, he ordered that, should either of the caravels be separated from him, it should stand to the west, and endeavour, as soon as possible, to join company again : he directed, also, that the vessels should keep near to hun at sunrise and sunset, as at these times the state of the atmo- sphere is most favourable to the discovery of distant land. On the morning of the 7th of October, at sunrise, several of the admiral's crew thought they beheld land in the west, but so indistinctly that no one ventured to proclaim it, lest he should be mistaken, and forfeit all chance of the rewuxl : the Nina, however, being a good sailer, pressed forward to ascer- tain the hct. In a little while a fla^ was hoisted at her mast-head, and a gun dischai^ied, bemg the preconcerted signals for land. New joy was awakened throughout the little squadron, and every e^e was turned to the west. As they advanced, however, their cloud-built hopes fitded away, and before evening the fiEmcied land had again melted intoair.f The crews now sank into a degree of dejection proportioned to their recent excitement ; but new circumstances occurred toarousethem. Columbus, having observed great flightsof small field-birds going towards the south-west, concluded they must be secure of some neighbouring land, where they would find food and a resting-place. He knew the importance which the Portuguese voyagers attached to the flight of birds, by following which they had discovered most of their islands. He had now come seven hundred and fifty leagues, the dis- tance at which he had computed to find the island of Cipango ; as there was no appearance of it, he might have missed it through some mistake in the latitude. He determined, there- fore, on the evening of the 7th of October, to alter his course to the west south-west, the direction in which the birds gene- rally flew, and continue that direction for at least two days. After all, it was no great deviation from his main course, and * Joam. of Oolambni, Nsvurete, torn. L p. 17. t Hist dd Almiimnte, cap. 20. Jouro. of Colambni, Nsrarrete, torn. L CULKOVBS or THE CBEW8. ktarreie, would meet the wishes of the Finzons, as well as be inspiriting to his followers genemlly. For three days they stood in this direction, and the further they went the more frequent and encouraging were the signs of land. Flights of small birds of various colours, some of them such as sing in the fields, came flying about the ships, and then continued towards the south-west, and others were heard also flying by in the night. Tunny fish played about the flmooth sea, and a heron, a pelican, and a duclc, were seen, all bound in the same direction. The herbage which floated by was fresh and green, as if recently from land, and the air, Columbus observes, was sweet and fragrant as April breezes in Seville. All these, however, were regarded by the crews as so many delusions beguiling them on to destruction; and when, on the evening of the third day, they beheld the sun go down upon a shoreless horizon, they broke forth into turbulent clamour. The^f exclaimed against this obstinacy in tempting fate by continuing on into a boundless sea. They msisted upon turning home, and abandoning the voyage as hopeless. Columbus endeavoured to paci^ them by gentle words and promises of lai^ rewards; but finding that th^ only increaeed in clamour, he assumed a decided tone. He told them it was useless to murmur, the expedition had been sent l^ the sovereigns to seek the Indies, and, happen what might, he was determined to persevere, until, by ue blessing of God, he should accomplish the enterprise.* * Hiat. del Alminnte, cap. 20. Lm Csni, lib. i. Joamsl of Colomb., NsTarrete, Colec. torn., i. p. 19. It has been aaeerted by yarioos hittorisiis, that Oolnmbna, a day or two previooa to coming in light of the New World, capitulated with his mntinons crew, prondiing, if he did not diiooyer land wlUiln Uiree daySf to abandon the voyage. There is no authority for such an aaier* tion, either In the History of hla aon Fernando, or that of the Bishop Las Caaaa. each of whom had the Admiral's papen before him. There is no mention of each a drcnmstance in the extracts made (h>m Uie Jonmal by Laa Caaaa, which have recently been bronsht to light ; nor is it aaMrted by either Peter Martyr or the Corate of Los Pahtdos, both «ontemporarie8 and acqoalntaneea of Colambna, and who could icaroely have fikiled to mention so striking a fact, If true. It rests merely upon the authority of Oriedo, who la of Inferior credit to eltiier of the authom shore dted, and waa groaly misled as to many of the partlcnhuv of this woyage by a pilot of the name of Heman Peres Matheo, who wu hostile to Columbus. In the manuscript process of the memorable lawsuit be< r:>| LIFX AND YOTAGES OT OOUJUBVS. Ck>lumbus was now at open defiance with his crew, and his situation became desperate. Fortunately the manifestations of the vicinity of land were such on the following day as no loneer to admit a doubt Beside a quantity of fresh weeds, such as grow in riyers, they saw a green fish of a kind which keeps about rocks ; then a branch of thorn with berries on it, and recently separated from the tree, floated by them ; then they picked up a reed, a small board, and, above all, a staff artificially carved. All gloom and mutiny now gave way to sanguine expectation ; and throughoiit the day each one was eagerly on the watch, in hopes of being toe first to dis- cover the long-sought-for land. In the evening, when, according to invariable custom on board of the admiral's ship, the mariners had simg the Salve regina^ or vesper hymn to the Virgin, he made an impressive address to his crew. He pointed out the goodness of God in thus conducting them by soft and favouring breezes vjfsrcm a tranquil ocean, cheering their hopes continually with fresh signs, increasing as their fears augmented, and thus leading and guiding them to a promised land. He now reminded them of we orders he had given on leaving the Canaries, that, after sailing tween Don Diego, son of the admiral, and the fiscal of the crown, is the evidence of one Pedro de Bilbao, who testifies tliat be beard maiqr times that some of the pilots and mariners wished to tnm back, bnt that the admiral promised them presents, and entreated them to ynit two or three days, before which time he diould discoyer land. (" Pedro de Bilbao oyo muchas voces que algunos pilotos y marineros qaerian volverse sino fuera por el Almirante que les prometio donos, les rog6 esperasen dos o tres dias i que antes del termino descnbriera tieira.") This, if true, implies no capitulation to relinquish the enterprise. On the other liand, it was asserted by some of the witnesses in the above-mentioned suit, that Columbus, after having proceeded some few hundred leagues without finding land, lost confidence and wished tc turn back; but was persuaded and even piqued to continue by Htk Pinzons. This assertion carries falsehood on ite very fiiee. It is in total contradiction to tliat persevering constancy and undaunted resola- tion displayed by Columbus, not merely in the present voyage, bat from first to last of his difilcult and dangerous career. This testimony was given by some of the mutinous men, anxious to exaggerate the merits of the Pinzons, and to depreciate that ot Columbus. Fortunately, the extracts from the journal of the latter, written from day to day witii guileless simplicity, and all the air of trath, disprove these fsbles, and show that on the very day previous to his discovery, he exprcsiwd a peremptory determination to persevere, in defiance of all dangers and diifieulties. ' DISCOYEBY OF XHE LAND-WAXB. 91 and bis stations ly as no . weeds, i which es on it, n; then I, a staff i way to one was to dis- istom on he Salve ipressiye P God in acroisa Lth freih ding and I them of er sailing )wn, isthe ard maiqr back, bat to wait "Pedio DB qnerian lea rog6 tierm") |ue. in the aome few wiahed te le by itk It lain «dreaola- bttifiram ionj WM he merits ately, the day with tblea, and preand a igeis and I westward seven hundredleagues, they should not make sail after midnight. Present appearances authorized such a precaution. He thought it probahle they would make land that very night; he ordered, therefore, a vigilant look-out to be kept from the forecastle, promising to whomsoever should make the disco- very, a doublet of velvet, in addition to the pension to be given by the sovereigns.* The breeze had been fresh all day, with more sea than usual, and they had made great pn^press. At sunset they had stood again to the west, and were ploughing the waves at a rapid rate, the Pinta keeping the tead irom her superior sailing. The greatest animation prevailed throughout the ships; not an eye was closed that night. As the evening darkened, Columbus took his station on the top of the castle or cabin on the high poop of his vessel, ranging his eye along the dusky horizon, and maintaining an intense and unre- mitting watch. About ten o'clock he thought he beheld a light glimmering at a great distance. Peaxing his eager hopes m^ht deceive him, he called to Pwbo Chitierrez, gear Ueman of the king's bed-chamber, and inquired whether he saw such a light; the latter repUed in the affirmative. Doubtful whether it might not yet be some delusion of the £uicy, Columbus called Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, and made the same inquiry. By the time the latter had ascended the round-house, the ught had disappeared. They saw it once or twice afterwards in sudden and passing gleams, as if it were a torch in the bark of a fisherman, rising and sinking with the waves, or in the hand of some person on shore, borne up and down as he walked from house to house. So transient and uncertain were these gleams, that few attached any importance to them : Columbus, however, considered them as certain signs of land, and, moreov^, that the land was inhabited. They continued their course until two in the morning, when a gun from the Pinta gave the joytai signal of land. It was first descried by a mariner named Rodrigo de Triana ; but the reward was afterwards adjudged to the admiral, for having previously perceived the light. The land was now clearly seen about two leagues distant, whereupon they took in sail, and laid to, waiting impatiently for the dawn. * Hist del Almirante, eap. 21. 1 « 1 i I 92 LIFE AXO YOYAOES OF COLUMBUS. lin The thoughts and feelings of Columbus in this little space of time must have been tumultuous and intense. At length, in spite of every difficulty and danger, he had accomplished his object. The great mystery of the ocean was revealed ; his Uieory, which lud been the scoff of sages, was triumphantly established ; he had secured to himself a glcny durable as the world itself. It is difficult to conceive the feelings of such a man, at such a moment, or the conjectures which must have thronged upon his mind, as to the land before him, covered with dark- ness. That it was fruitiful, was evident from the vegetables which floated from its shores. He thought, too, that he per- ceived the fragnoice of aromatic groves. The moving hght he had beheld proved it the residence of man. But what were its inhabitants ? Were they like those of the other parts of the globe, or were they some strange and monstrous race, such as the imagination was prone in those times to give to all remote and unknown r^ons ? Had he come upon «ome wild island far in the Indian Sea, or was this the &med Oipango itself, the olnect of his golden fancies ? A thousand Bpeculations of the kind must have swarmed upon him, as, with his anxious crews, he waited for the night to pass away; wondering whether the morning light would rev^ a savage wilderness, or dawn upon spicy groves, and glitterii^ &nes, and gilded cities, and all the splendour of oriental civiBzation. BOOK IV. CHAPTER I. It was on Friday morning, the 12th of October, that Co- lumbus first beheld the New World. As the day dawned he saw before him a level island, several leagues in extent, and covered with trees like a continual orchard. Though appa- Tently uncultivated, it was populous, for the inhabitants were «een issuing from all parts of the woods and running to the ishore. They were perfectly naked, and, as they stood gazing at the ships, appeared by their attitudes and gestures to be lost in astonishment. Columbus made signal for the ships to cast anchor, and the boats to be mannra and armed. He entered his own boat, richly attired in scarlet, and holding the royal standard; whilst lifartiaAlonzo Pinzon, and Vincent ile space b length, nplished evealed; iphantly lie 08 the k man, at thronged ithdiu>k- ;getables t he per- ing Ught But what he other lonstrous times to ime upon he&med thousand L him, as, «8 away; a savage m faaea, iBzation. that Co* iwnedhe ent, and ghappa- nts were iff to the >d gazing jres tobe I ships to ed. He holding Vincent HIS LANDING IN THE NEW WOBLD. Yanez his brother, put off in company in their boats, each with a banner of the enterprise emblazoned with a pircen cross, haying on either side the letters F. and Y., the imtials of the Castihan monarchs Fernando and Ysabel, surmounted by crowns. As he approached the shore, Columbus, who was disposed for all kinds of agreeable impressions, was delighted with the purity and suavity of the atmosphere, the crystal transparency of the sea, and the extraordinary beautv of the vegetation. He beheld, also, fruits of an unknown Idnd upon tiie trees which overhung the shores. On landing he ^rew himself on his knees, kissed the earth, and returned thanks to God with tears of joy. His example was followed by the rest, whose hearts indeed overflowed with the same feelings of gratitude. Columbus then rising drew his sword, displayed tiie royal standard, and assembling round him the two cap- tains, with Rodrigo de Escobedo^ notary of the armament, Bodrigo Sanchez, and the rest who had landed, he took solemn possession in the name of the Castilian sovereigns, giving the island the name of San Salvador. Having complied with the requisite forms and ceremonies, he called u^mn all present to take the oath of obedience to him, as adimral and viceroy, representing the persons of the sovereigns.* The feelings of the crew now burst forth in the most extra- vagant transports. They had recently considered themselves devoted men, hurrying forward to destruction; they now looked upon themselves as favourites of fortune, and gave themselves up to the most unbounded joy. They ihron^;ed around the admiral with overflowing zeal, some embracmg him, others kissing his hands. Those who had been most mutinous and turbulent during the voyage, were now most devoted and enthusiastic. Some begged favours of him, as if he had already wealth and honours m his gift. Many abject spirits, who had outraged him by their insolence, now crouched * In the Tablas Chronologicas of Padre Clandio Clemente, is con' served a form of prayer, said to have heen used by Columbus on this occasion, and which, by order of the Castilian sovereigns, was afterwards used by Balboa, Cortez, and Pizarro in their diacoveiies. " Domine Deus nteme et omnipotens, sacro tuo verbo coelnm, et temim, et mare creasti ; benedicatur et glorificetur nomen tnum, laudetur tua m^jestaa, qun dignita est per humilem servum tnum, ut ejus sacrum nomen agnoscatur, et pnedicetur in hac altera mundi parte." Tab. Chron. de los Descttb., decad. i. Valencia, 1689. 94 LIFE AND TOYAOES OF COIUICBUS. at his feet, beting pardon for all the trouble they had caused him, and promising the blindest obedience for the future.* The natiTCS of the island, when, at the dawn of day, they had beheld the ships hovering on their coast, had supposed them, monsters which had vlsued from the deep during the nig;ht. They had crowded to the beach, and watched their movements with awfiil anxiety. Their veering about, appa- rently without effort, and the shifting and furling of their sails, resembling huge wings, filled them with astonishment. When they beheld their boats approach the shore, and a number of strange beings clad in glittering steel, or raiment of various colours, landing upon the beach, they fled in afifright to the woods. Finding, however, that there was no attempt to pursue nor molest them, they gradually recovered from their terror, and approached the Spaniards with great awe; frequently prostrating themselves on the earth, and making signs of aaoration. During the ceremonies of taking possession, they remained gazing in timid admiration of the complexion, the beards, the shining armour, and splendid dress of the Spaniards. The admim particularly attracted their attention, from his commanding height, his air of autho- rity, his dress of scarlet, and the deference which was paid him by his companions; all which pointed him out to be the commander.f When they had still further recovered from their fears, they approached the Spaniards, touched their beards, and examined their hands and faces, admiring their whiteness. C!olumbus was pleased with their gentleness and confiding simplicity, and suffered their scrutiny with perfect acquiescence, winning them by his benignity. They now supposed that the ships had sailed out of the crystal firma- ment which bounded their horizon, or had descended from above on their ample wings, and that these marvellous beings were inhabitants of the skies.^ The natives of the island were no less objects of curiosity to the Spaniards, differing, as they did, from any race of men * Oviedo, lib. i. cap. 6. Las Caaaa, Hist Ind., lib. i. cap. 4G. -f Las Casas, ubi sup. t The idea that the white men came from heaven was univerBallj entertiUned by ^e inhabitants earaace gave no promise of either wealth or civilization« for they were entirely naked, and painted with a variety of colours. With some it was con- fined merely to a part of the fiioe, the nose, or around the eyes; with others it extended to the whole body, and gave them a wild and fimtastic appearance. Their complexion was of a tawny or copper hue, and they were entirely destitute of beards. Their hair was not crisped, like the recently-dis- covered tribes of the African coast, under the same latitude, Aut straight and coarse, partly cut short above the ears, but some locks were left long behind and falling upon their shoid- ders. Their features, though obscured and disfigured by paint, were agreeable ; they had lofty foreheads and remark- ably fine eyes. They were of moderate stature and well- shaped; most of them appeared to be imder thirty years of age: there was but one female with them, quite young, naked lOije her companions, and beautifrilly formed. As Columbus supposed himself to have landed on an island at the extremity of India, he called the natives by the general appellation oi Indians, which was universally adopted before the true nature of his ^scovery was known, and has since been extended to all the aboriginals of the New World. The islanders were friendly and gentle. Their only arms w&ce lanoea, hardened at the end by fire, or pointed with a flint, at the teeth or bone of a fish. There was no iron to be seen, nor did they appear acquainted with its properties; for when a drawn sword was presented to them, they ux^uardedly took it by the edge. Columbus dis^buted among them coloured caps, glass beads, hawks' bells, and other trifles, sudi as the Portuguese were aocustCMued to trade with among the nations of the gold coast of Africa. They received them eagerly, hung the beads round their nedcs, and were wonderfully pleased with their finery, and with the sound of the bells. The Spaniards re- mained all day on shore refreshing themselves after their anxious voyage amidst the beautiful groves of the island; and returned on board late in the evening, delighted with all they had seen. On the following morning, at break of day, the shore was thronged with the natives-; some swam off to the ships, others 6ame m light barks which they called canoes, formed of a single tree, hollowed, and capable of holding from one man 96 IIFB AND T0TAGZ8 OF COLUMBUS. to the number of forty or fifty. These they managed dez' terously with paddles, and, if overtunied, swam about in the water with penect unconcern, as if in their natural element, ri^htins their canoes with great fiicility, and baling them with cidabashes.* They were eager to procure more toys and trinkets, not, apparently, from any idm of their intrinsic value, but because eveiylhin^ from the hands of the strangers possessed a super- natural virtue in their eyes, as having been brought from heaven; they even picked up fragments of glass and earthen- ware as valuable prizes. They had but few objects to oflTer in return, except parrots, of which great numbers were domes- ticated among them, and cotton yam, of which they had abundance, and would exchange la^ balls of five and twenty pounds' weight for the merest trifle. They brought also cakes of a kind of bread called cassava, which constituted a prino cipal part of their food, and was afterwards an important article of provisions with the Spaniards. It was formed from a great root colled yuca, which they cultivated in fields. This th^ cut into smiul morsels, which they grated or scraped, and stramed in a press, making a broad tmn cake, which was afterwards dried hard, and would keep for a loi^ time, being steeped in water when eaten. It was insipid, but nourishing, though the water strained from it in the preparation was a deadly poison. There was another kind of yuca destitute of this poisonous quality, which was eaten in the root, either boiled or roasted.f The avarice of the discoverers was quickly excited by the sight of small ornaments of gold, worn hy some of the natives in their noses. These the latter gladly exchanged for ehtss beads and hawks* bells; and both parties exulted in the oar- gain, no doubt admiring each other's simplicity. As gold, however, was an object of royal monopoly in all enterprises of discovery, Columbus forbade any traffic in it without his express sanction; and he put the same prohibition on the traffic for cotton, reserving to the crown aU trade for it, wher- ever it should be found in any quantity. He inquired of the natives where this gold was procured. * The calabashes of the Indiani^ wbieh served the purposes of glaa» and earthenware, supplying them with all sorts of domestic utensils, were produced on stately trees of the size of elms. t Acosta, Hist Ind., lib. iv. cap. 17. THE I8LAKD OF OUANAHANE. 97 lofglasB iiteiu)il0» They answered him by signs, pointing to the south, where, he understood them, dwelt a kins of such wealth that he was served in vessels of wrought gold. He understood, also, that there was land to the south, the south-west, and the north- west; and that the people from the last-mentioned quarter frequently proceeded to the south-west in quest of gold and precious stones, making in their way descents upon the islands, and carrying off the inhabitants. Several of the natives showed him scars of wounds received in battles with these invaders. It is evident that a great part of this fancied intel- ligence was self-delusion on the part of Columbus ; for he was under a spell of the imagination, which gave its own shapes and colours to every object. He was persuaded that he had arrived among the islands described by Marco Polo, as lying opposite Cathay, in the Chinese sea, and he construed every- thing to accord with the account given of those opulent regions. Thus the enemies which the natives spoke of as coming from the north-west, he concluded to be the people of the mainland of Asia, the subjects of the great Khan of Tar- tary, who were represented by the Venetian traveller as accustomed to make war upon the islands, and to enslave their inhabitants. The country to the south, abounding in gold, could be no other than the famous island of Cipango; and the king who was served out of vessels of gold, must be the monarch whose magnificent city and gorgeous palace, covered with plates of gold, had been extolled in such splendid terms by Marco Polo. The island where Columbus had thus, for the first time, set his foot upon the New World, was called by the natives GuanahanS. It still retains the name of San Salvador, which he gave to it, though called by the English, Cat Island"*^. The light which he had seen the evening previous to his making land, may have been on Watling's Island, which lies a few let^ues to the east. San Salvador is one of the great cluster of the Lucayos, or Bahama Islands, which stretch south-east and north-west, from the coast of Florida to Hispaniola, cover- ing the northern coast of Cuba. On the morning of the 14th of October, the admiral set off * Some dispute having recently arisen as to the island on which Columbus first landed, the reader is referred for a discusBion of this question to the Illustrations of this work, article " First l Anting of Columbus." LIFE AND TOTAGES 07 COLUMBUS. at daybreak with the boats of the ships to reconnoitre the island, directing his course to the norlh-east. The coast was surrounded by a reef of rocks, within which there was depth of water and sufficient harbour to receive all the ships in Christendom. The entrance was very narrow; within there were several sand-banks, but the water was as still as in a pool.* The island appeared throughout to be well wooded, with streams of water, and a large lake in the centre. As the boats proceeded, they passed two or three villages, the inha- bitants of which, men as well as women, ran to the shores, throwing themselves on the ground, lifting up their hands and eyes, either giving thanks to Heaven, or worshipping the Spaniards as supernatural beings. They ran along parallel to the boats, calling after the Spaniards, and inviting them by signs to land. oiTering them various fru'.ts and vessels of water. Finding, however, that the boats continued on their course, many threw themselves into the sea and swam after them, and otliers iollowed in crinocs. The admiral received them all with kindness, giving them glass beads and other trifles, which were receivod with transport as celestial presents, for the invariable idea of the savages was, that the white men had come from the skies. In this way they pursued their course, until they came to a fmall peninsula, which with two or three days' labour might be separated from the main land and surrounded with water, and was therefore specified by Columbus as an excellent situa- tion fur a fortiess. On tliis were six Indian cabins, sur- rounded by groves and gardens as beautiful as those of Castile. The siiilors being wearied with rowing, and the islaoMl not appearing to the ndnnrad of sufficient, importance to induce coloui/ation, ho returned to tlie ships, taking seven of the natives with him, that they might acquire the Spanish lan- guage and serve as interpretei*s. Having taken in a supply of wood and water, they left the island of San Salvador the same evening, the admiral being imi)ntiont to arrive at the wealthy countiy to the south, which lie iiattered himself would prove the famouf iidand of Cipango. ' FAmet Yiage de Colon. NaTnrreta^ ttm. L 0BUI8E AMONO THE BAHAMAS. itre tbe tast was 18 depth ihip8 in in there as in a ed, with As the ;he inha- e shores, ands and »ping the >arallel to them by of water. ;ir course, them, and m all with es, which p, for the men had came to a )ur might •ith water, llent situa- Ibins, sur- lof Castile. liKhmd not to induce rcn of the inish lan- ?y left the ^iral being south, )ui island CHAPTER II.— [1492.] On leaving San Salvador, Columbus was at a loss which way to direct his course. A great number of islands, green and level and fertile, invited him in difierent directions. The Indians on board of his vessel intimated by signs that they were innimierable, well peopled, and at war with one another. They mentioned the names of above a hundred. Columbus now had no louder a doubt that he was among the islands described by Marco Polo as studding the vast sea of Chin, or China, and lying at a great distance iiom the main- land. These, according to the Venetian, amounted to be- tween seven and eight thousand, and abounded with drugs and spices and odoriferous trees ; together with gold and silver and many other precious objects of commerce.* Animated by the idea of exploring this opulent archipelago, lie selected the largest island in sight for his next visit ; it appeared to be about five leagues' distance, and he understood from his Indians, that the natives were richer than those of San Salvador, wearing bracelets and anklets, and other orna- ments of massive gold. The night coining on, Columbiis ordered that the ships should lie to, as the navigation was difficult and dangerous among t^'esc unknown islands, and he feared to venture upon a strange const in the dark. In the morning they ngain made sail, but meeting with counter-cm'rents. it was not until sun- set that they anchored at the island. The next morning (IGth) they went on shore, and Columbus took solemn posses- sion, giving the island the name of Santa Maria de la Con- cepcion. 'Ilie same scene occurred with the inhabitants as with those of San Salvador. Tliey manifested the same as- tonishment and awe ; the same gentleness ami simplicity, and the same nakedness and absence of all wealth. Colum- bus looked in vain for bracelets and anklets of gold, or for any other precious articles : they had been either tiotiona of his Indian guides, or his own misinterpretations. Keturning on board, he prepared to make sail, when one of the Indians of San Salvadw. who was on board of the Nina, plunged into the sen, and swam to a large canoe tilled witk natives. 'I1it> boat of the caravel put off in pursxbt, but Urn Indians managed in their liglrt bai'k with too much vtdocitytD * Marco Poloy book iii. dwp. 4 ; Ibff. tmuUtioa fagr W. Maralsa. II 2 100 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. be overtaken, and, reaching the island, fled to the woods. The sailors took the canoe as a prize, and returned on board the caravel. Shortly afterwards a small canoe approached one of the ships, from a different part of the island, with a single Indian on board, who came to offer a ball of cotton in exchange for hawks' bells. As he paused when close to the vessel, and feared to enter, several sailors threw themselves into the sea and took him prisoner. Columbus having seen all that passed from his station on the high poop .of the vessel, ordered the captive to be brought to him ; he came trembling with fear, and humbly offered his ball of cotton as a gift. The admiral received him with the utmost benignity, and declining his offering, put a coloured cap upon his head, strings of green beads around his arms, and hawks' bells in his ears, then ordering him and his ball of cotton to be replaced in the canoe, dismissed him, astonished and overjoyed. He ordered that the canoe, also, which had been seized and was fastened to the Nina, should be cast loose, to be regained by its proprietors. When the Indian reached the shore, his countrymen thronged round him, exa- mining and admiring his finery, and listening to his accoimt of the kind treatment he experienced. Such were the gentle and sage precautions continually taken by Columbus to impress the natives favourably. Another instance of the kind occurred after leaving the island of Conception, when the caravels stood for the larger island, several leagues to the west. Midway between the two islands, they overtook a single Indian in a canoe. He had a mere morsel of cassava bread and a calabash of water for sea stores, and a little red paint, like dragon's blood, for personal decoration when he should land. A string of glass beads, such as had been given to the natives of San Salvador, showed that he had come thence, and was probably passing from island to island, to give notice of the ships. Columbus ad- mired the hardihood of this simple navigator, making such an extensive voyoge in so frail a bark. As the island was still distant, he ordered that both the Indian and his canoe should be taken on board ; where he treated him with the greatest kindness, giving him bread and honey to eat, and wine to drink. The weather being very calm, they did not reach the island until too dark to anchor, through fear of cutting their cables with rocks. The sea about these islands was so trans- ' F LANDING AT EXUMA. 101 ! woods, n board roached , with a otton in se to the emselves ation on I brought Sered his with the coloured his arms, Kis ball of Lstonished irhieh had d be cast he Indian him, exa- is account parent, that in the day-time they could see the bottom and choose their groimd ; and so deep, that at two gun-shot dis- tance there was no anchorage. Hoisting out the canoe of their Indian voyager, therefore, and restoring to him all his effects, they sent him joyfully ashore, to prepare the natives for their arrival, while the ships lay-to until morning. This kindness had the desired effect. The natives sur- rounded the ships in their canoes during the night, bringing fruits and roots, and the pure water of their springs. Colum- bus distributed trifling presents among them, and to those who came on board he gave sugar and honey. Landing the next morning, he gave to this island the name of Femandina, in honour of the king ; it is the same at pre- sent called Exuma. The inhabitants were similar in every respect to those of the preceding islands, excepting that they appeared more ingenious and intelligent. Some of the women wore mantles and aprons of cotton, but for the most part they were entirely naked. Their habitations were constructed in the form of a pavilion or high circiilar tent, of branches of trees, of reeds and palm leaves. They were kept very clean and neat, and sheltered under spreading trees. For beds they had nets of cotton extended from two posts, which they called hamacs, a name since in universal use among seamen. In endeavouring to circumnavigate the island, Columbus found, within two leagues of the north-west cape, a noble harbour, sufficient to hold a himdred ships, with two entrances formed by an island which lay in the mouth of it. Here, while the men landed with the casks in search of water, he reposed under the shade of the groves, which he says were more beautiful than any he had ever beheld ; *" the country was as fresh and green as in the month of May in Andalusia ; the trees, the fruits, the herbs, the flowers, the very stones for the most part, as different from those of Spain as night from day."* The inhabitants gave the same proofs as the other islanders, of being totally unaccustomed to the sight of civi- lized man. Thty regarded the Spaniards with awe and ad- mii-ation, approached them with propitiatory offerings of whatever their poverty, or rather their simple and natural mode of life, afforded ; the fruits of their fleids and groves, the cotton, which was their article of greatest value, and their domesticated parrots, 'i'hey took those who were in search of * Primer Yiage de Colon. Navarrete, lib. 1. LIFE AND VOYAOJaS OF COLUMBUS water to the coolest springs, the sweetest and freshest runs, filling their casks, and rolling them to the boats ; thus seek- ing in every way to gratify their celestial visitors. However pleasing this state of primeval poverty might be to the imagination of a poet, it was a source of continual disap- pointment to the Spaniards, whose avarice had been whetted to the quick by scanty specimens of gold, and by the infor- mation of golden islands continually givtm by the Indians. Leaving Fernandina, on tlie 1 9th of October, they steered to the south-east in quest of an island called Saoraeto, where Co- lumbus understood, from the signs of the guides, there was a mine of gold, and a king, the sovereign of all the surrounding islands, who dwelt in a large city and possessed great trea- sures, wearing rich clothing and jewels of gold. They found the island, but neither the monarch nor the mine ; either Co- lumbus had misunderstood the natives, or they, measuring things by their own poverty, had exaggerated the paltry state and trivial ornaments of some savage chieftain. Delightfid as the other islands hod appeared, Columbus declared that this surpassed them all. Like those it was covered with trees and shrubs and herbs of unknown kind. The climate had the some soft temperature ; the air was delicate and balmy ; the land was higher, with a fine verdant hill ; the coast of a fine sand, gently laved by transparent billows. At the south-west end of the island he found fine lakes of fresh water, overhung with groves, and surrounded by banks covered with herbage. Here he ordered all the casks of the ships to be filled. " Here are large lakes," says he in his jour- nal, ** and the groves about them are marvellous, and here and in all the island everything is green, as in April in Andalusia. The singing of the birds is such, that it seems as if one would never desire to depart hence. There are flocks of parrots which obscure the sim, and other birds, large and small, of so many kinds all different from ours, that it is wonderful ; and beside, there are trees of a thousand species, each having its particular fruit and all of marvellous flavour, so that I am in the greatest trouble in the world not to know them, for I am very certain that they are each of great value. I shall bring home some of them as specimens, and also some of the herbs." To this beautiful island he gave the name of his royal patroness, Isabella ; it is the same at present called Isla Larga and Exu- mcta. Columbus waa intent on discovering the di-ugs and ^ PIBST KBW8 OF CUBA. 103 5t runs, s seek- itbe to I (lisnp- vhetted ; infor- ans. eeiecl to lere Co- i %vn8 a ounding sat trea- they designated a province situated in the centre of Cuba ; nacan, in their language, signifying the midst. Pinzon, how- ever, had studied intently the map of Toscanelli, and had imbibed from Columbus all his ideas respecting the coast of Asia. He concluded, therefore, that the Indians were talking of Cublai Khan, the Tartar sovereign, and of certain parts of his dominions described by Marco Polo.f He imderstood. * Now called Savannah la Her. t Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 44, MS. COASTINO OF CUBA. 109 'i I were from them that Cuba was not an island, but terra firma, ex- tending a vast distance to the north, and that the king who reigned in this vicinity was at war with the Great Khan. This tissue of eiTors and misconceptions, he immediately communicated to Columbus. It put an end to the delusion in which the admiral had hitherto indulged, that this was the island of Cipango ; but it substituted another no less agreeable, He concluded that he must have reached the mainland ot Asia, or as he termed it, India, and if so, he could not be at any great distance from Mangi and Cathay, the ultimate destination of his voyage. The prince in question, who reigned over this neighbouring country, must be some oriental potentate of consequence ; he resolved, therefore, to seek the river beyond the Cape of Palms, and dispatch a present to the monarch, with one of the letters of recommendation from the Castilian sovereigns; and after visiting his dominions, he would proceed to the capital of Cathay, the residence of the Grand Khan. Every attempt to reach the river in question, however, proved ineffectual. Cape stretched beyond cape ; there was no good anchorage ; the wind became contrary, and the appearance of the heavens threatening rough weather, he put back to the Rio de los Mares. On the 1st of November, at sunrise, he sent the boats on shore to visit several houses, but the inhabitants fled to the woods. He supposed that they must mistake his armament for one of the scouring expeditions sent by the Grand Khan to make prisoners and slaves. He sent the boat on shore again in the afternoon, with an Indian interpreter, who was instructed to assure the people of the peaceable and beneficent intentions of the Spaniards, and that they had no connexion with the Grand Khan. After the Indian had proclaimed this from the boat to the savages upon the beach, part of it, no doubt, to their great perplexity, he threw himself into the water and swam to shore. He was well received by the natives, and succeeded so effectually in calming their fears, that before evening there more than sixteen canoes about the ships, bringing cotton yam and other simple articles of traffic. Columbus forbade all trading for anything but gold, that the natives might be tempted to produce the real riches of their country. They had none to offer ; all were destitute of orna- ments of the precious metals, excepting one, who wore in his no LIFE AND T0TA0S8 OF COLUMBUS. i \ 1! nose a piece of wrought . silver. Colambns understood this man to eny that the king lived ahout the distance of four days' journey in the interior ; that many messengers had been dispatched to give him tidings of the arrival of the strangers upon the coast ; and that in less than three days' time messengers might be expected from him in return, and many merchants from the interior, to trade with the ships. It is curious to observe how ingeniou^sly the imagination of Columbus deceived him at every step, and how he wore every- thing into an uniform web of false conr-lusions. Poring over the map of Toscanelli, referring to the reckonings of his voyage, and musing on the misinterpreted words of the Indians, he imagined that he must be on the boi'ders of Cathay, and about one hundred leagues from the capital of the Grand Khan. Anxious to arrive there, and to delay as little as possible in the territories of an inferior prince, be determined not to await the arrival of messengers and mer- chants, but to dispatch two envoys to seek the neighbouring monarch at his residence. For this mission he choose two Spaniards, Rodrigo de Jerez and Luis de Torres ; the latter a converted Jew, who knew Hebrew and Chaldoic, and even something of Arabic, one or other of which Columbus supposed might be known to this oriental prince. Two Indians were sent with them as guides, one a native of Guanahan^, and the other an inhabitant of the hamlet on the bank of the river, 'llie ambassadors were fmmished with strings of beads and other trinkets for travel- ing expenses. Instructions were given them to inform the king that Columbus had been sent by the Castilian sovereigns, a bearer of letters and a present, which he was to deliver personally, for the pur{)ose of establishing an amicable inter- course between the powers. They were likewise to inform themselves accurately about the situation and distances of certain provinces, ports, and rivers, which the admiral specified by name from the descriptions which he had of the coast of Asia. Tliey were moreover provided with specimens of spices and drugs, for the purpose of ascertaining whether any articles of the kind abcninded in the country. With these provisions and instructions the ambassadors departed, six days being allowed them to go and return. Many, at the present day, will smile at this embassy to a naked savage chieftain in the interior of Cuba, in mistake for an Asiatic monarch ; but FUBTHEB C0A8TIKO OF CUBA. Ill saxih was the singular nature of this voyage, a continual scries of golden dreams, and all interpreted by the deluding volume of Marco Polo. CHAPTER IV. While awaiting the return of his ambassadors, the admiral ordered the ships to be careened and repaired ; and employed himself in collecting information concerning the country. On the day after their departure, he ascended the river in boats for the distance of two leagues, until he came to fresh water. Here landing, he climl)eda hill to obtain a view of the interior. His view, however, was shut in by thick and lofty forests, of wild but beautiful luxuriance. Among the trees were some which he considered linaloes; many were odoriferous, and he doubted not possessed valuable aromatic qualities. I'here was a general eagerness among the voyagers to find the pre- cious articles of commerce which grow in the favoured olimes of the East ; and their imaginations were continually deceived by their hopes. For two or three days the admiral was excited by reports of cinnamon-trees, and nutmegs, and rhubarb ; but on ex- amination, they all proved fallacious. He showed the natives specimens of those and various other spices and drugs, and understood from them that those articles abounded to the south-east. He showed them gold and pearls also, and several old Indians spoke of a country where the natives wore orna- ments of them round their necks, aims, and ankles. They repeatedly mentioned the word Bohio, which Columbus sup- posed to be the name of the place in question, and that it was some rich district or island. They mingled, however, great extravagancies with their imperfect accounts, describing nations at a distance who had but one eye ; others who had the heads of dogs, and who were cannihals — cutting the throats of their prisoners and sucking their blood.* All these reports of gold, and pearls, and spices, many of which were probably fabrications to please the admiral, tended to keep up the persuasion, that he was among the valuable coasts and islands of the East. On making a fire to heat the tar for careening the ships, the seamen found that the wood they burnt sent forth a powerful odour, and, on examining it^ declared that it was mastic. The wood abounded in the * Primer Yiage de Cdon. Navarrete, Ixxi p. 48. 112 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. |)' neighboiiring forests, insomuch that vJolumbus flattered him- self a thousand quintals of this precious gum might be collected every year ; and a more abundant supply procured than that furnished by Scios, and other islands of the Archi- pelago. In the course of their researches in the vegetable kingdom, in quest of the luxuries of commerce, they met with the potato, a humble root, little valued at the time, but a more precious acquisition to man than all the spices of the East. On the 6th of November, the two ambassadors returned, and every one crowded to hear tidings of the interior of the coimtry, and of the prince to whose capital they had been fient. After penetrating twelve leagues, they had come to a village of fifty houses, built similarly to those of the coast, but larger ; Uie whole village containing at least a thousand inhabitants. The natives received them with great solemnity, conducted them to the best house, and placed them in what appeared to be intended for chairs of state, being wrought out of single pieces of wood, into the forms of quadrupeds. They then offered them fruits and vegetables. Having com- plied with the laws of savage courtesy and hospitality, they fieated themselves on the ground around their visitors, and waited to hear what they had to communicate. The Israelite, Luis de Torres, found his Hebrew, Chaldaic, and Arabic, of no avail, and the Lucayan interpreter had to be the orator. He made a regular speech, after the Indian manner, in which he extolled the power, the wealth, and mu- nificence of the white men. When he had finished, the Indians crowded roimd these wonderful beings, whom, as usual, they considered more than human. Some touched them, examining their skin and raiment, others kissed their hands and feet, in token of submission or adoration. In a little while the men withdi'ew, and were succeeded by the women, and the same ceremonies w^' j repeated. Some of the women had a slight covering of netted cotton round tho middle, but in general both sexes were entirely naked. There seemed to be ranks and orders of society among them, and a chieftain of some authority ; whereas among all the natives they had previously met with, a complete equality seemed to prevail. There was no appearance of gold, or other precious articles, and when they showed specimens of cinnamon, pepper, and TOBACCO. 113 Ihim- ;bt be ociired Archi- getable et with , but a of the »turned, r of the ad been yme to a ic coast, thousand jlemnity, V in what vrrought adrupeds. iring com- lity, they itors, and Choldaic, jr had to le Indian L and mu- ished, the Ivrhoni, as le touched [issed their ion. In a led by the Some of round the ;d. There them, and [the natives seemed to >U8 articlci, epper, and other spices, the inhabitants told them they were not to be found m that neighbourhood, but far off to the south-west. The envoys determined, therefore, to return to the ships. The natives would fain have induced them to remain for several days; but seeing them bent on departing, a great number were anxious to accompany them, imagining they were about to return to the skies. They took with them, however, only one of the principal men with his son, who were attended by a domestic. On their way back, they for the first time witnessed the use of a weed, which the ingenious caprice of man has since converted into an universal luxury, in defiance of the oppo- sition of the senses. They beheld several of the natives going about with fire-brands in their hands, and certain dried herbs which they rolled up in a leaf, and lighting one end, put the other in their mouths, and continued exhaling and puffing out the smoke. A roll of this kind they called a tobacco, a name since transferred to the plant of which the rolls were made. The Spaniards, although prepared to meet with wonders, were struck with astonishment at this singular and apparently nauseous indulgence.* On their return to the ships, they gave favourable accoimts of the beauty and fertility of the country. They had met with many hamlets of four or five houses, well peopled, em- bowered among trees, laden with unknown fruits of tempting hue and delightful flavoiir. Around them were fields, culti- vated with the agi or sweet pepper, potatoes, maize or Indian com, a species of lupin or pulse, and yuca, whereof they made their cassava bread. These, with the fruits of the groves, formed their principal food, lliere were vast quan- tities of cotton, some just sown, some in full growth. There was great store of it also in their houses, some wrought into * Primer Viage de Colon. Navarrctc, torn. i. p. 61. " Uallaron por cl camino mucha gente que atravesaban a sua paeblos mugeroB y hombrcs : aiempre loa hombrca con un tiaon en laa manos y ciortos ycrbas para tomar sua aahumcrios, quo son unas yerbas seeas mctidas en una cierta hoja aeca tambien & mancra do mosquete hecho dc papcl de los que bacon lo« muchachoa la Paacua del Espiritu Santo, y oQcondido por una parte de el, por la otra chupan 6 sorban 6 reciben cou el resuello por adcntro aquel humo; con el qual ae adormeoen laa camea y cuaai emborracho, y aai diz que no aienten ol caaaancio. Batoa xnoHquctos, 6 como loa llam&remas, llamcn oUoa tabacos." — Las CaoM, Uisu Qen. Ind., lib. i. cap. 46. 111 iV 114 LIFE AND VOTA.OE8 OP COLUMBUS. yarn, or into nets, of which they made their hammocks. They had seen many birds of rare plunmge, but unknown species ; many ducks ; several small partridges ; and they heard the tsong of a bird which they had mistaken for the nightingale. All that they had seen, howevei, betokened a primitive and simple state of society. The wonder with which they had been regarded, showed clearly that the people were strangers to civilized man, nor could they hear of any inland city superior to the one they had visited. The report of the envoys put an end to many splendid fancies of Columbus, about the barbaric prince and his capital. He was cruising, however, in a region of enchant- ment, in which pleasin^j; chimeras started up at every step, exercising by turns a power over his imagination. During the absence of the emissaries, the Indians had informed him, by cigns, of a place to the eastward, where the people col- lected gold along the river banks by torchlijiht, and after- wards wrought it into 'bars with hammers. In speaking of this place they again used the words Babeque and Bohio, which he, as umial, supposed to be the proper names of islands or countries. The true meaning of these words lias been variously explained. It is said that they were applied by the Indians to the coast of terra firma. called also by them CWitaba.* It is also said that Bohio means a house, and was often used by the Indians to signify the populousness of an island. Hence it was frequently applied to Hispaniola, us well as the more general name of Hayti, which means high land, and occasionally Quisqueya (t. e. tlie whole), on account of its extent. The misapprehension of these, and other words, was a source of perpetual error to Columbus. Sometimes he sup- posed Bafoeque and Bohio to signify the same island ; some- times to be diif<-iiMit places or islands ; and Quisqueya he supposed to mean Quisai or Quinsai, (i. «. the celestial city) mentioned 1^ Marco Polo. His great object was to arrive ot some opulent and civilized country of the East, with which he might estahlish commer- cial relations, and whence he might carry home a quantity of oriental merchandize as a rich trophy of his discovery. The .season was advancing ; the coul nights gave hints of approackuig winter ; he resolved, therefore, not to proceed * MiiAoz, UUt. N. Mundo, t .p. 8. \ dcj GENTLi: NATUEE OF THE WATITES. 115 furfher to the north, nor to ling^er about uncivih'zed places, which, at present, he had not the means of colonizing, but to return to the east-south-cast, in quest of Babeque, whidi he trusted might prove some rich and civilized island on the coast of Asia. Before leaving the river, to which he had given the name of Ilio de Mares, he took several of the "natives to carrv with him to Spain, for the purpose of teaching them the language, that, in future voyages, they might serve as interpreters. He took them of both sexes, having learned from the Portu- guese discoverers, that the men wore always more contented on the voyage, and serviceable on their return, when accom- panied by females. With the religious feeling of the day, he anticipated great trinmphs to Ae faith and glory to the crown, from the conversion of these savage nations, through the means of the natives thus instructed. He imagined that the Indians had no i^stem of religion, but a di^ the guana,, and a variety of birds. This, to beings of their frugal and temperate habits, was great abundance, and what * Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 53, MS. TSIBNOLINESS OF THB IITDIANS. 125 led the Dg and rofound d race, ilands.* leans of ded by her in »iu8e in d been jen be- houses, iruits of bmesti- ey pos- ley was mnanos, : air was me were imed as opposite voice of (cember, in this red with even the ained of natives. ou the manners Ue men. usted in sh some iable on a know- jced the (ir rivers the utia^ of their md what natiurtt< furnished thus spontaneously, they willingly shared with all the Avorld Hospitality, we are told, was with them a law of nature universally observed ; there was no need of being, known to receive its succours; every house was as open to the stranger as his own."^ Columbus, too, in a letter to Luis de St. Angel, observes, "True it is that after they felt confidence, and lost their fear of us, they were so liberal with what they possessed, that it would not be believed by those who had not seen it. If anything was asked of them, they nerev said no, but rather gave it cheei-fully, and showed as much amity a» if they gave their very hearts ; and whether the thing were of value, or of little price, they were content with whatever was given in return. ♦ * * In all these i^nds it appears to me that the men are all content with one wife, but they give twenty to their chieftain or king. The women seem to work more than Uie men ; and I have not been, able to understand whether they possess individual pro- peity ; but rather think that whatever one has all the rest share, especially in all articles of provisions."! One of the most pleasing descriptions of the inhabitants of this island is given by old Peter Martyr, who gathered it, as he saysv from the conversations of the admiral himself. *' It is certain,"^ says he, '* that the land among these people is as common as the sun and water ; and that * mine and thine,' the seeds oS a]^ mischief, have no place with them. They are content with so little, that in so large a country they have rather superfluity than scarceness ; so that they seem to live in the golden woiid, without toil, living in open gardens ; not intrenched with dykes, divided with hedges, or defended with walls> They deal truly one with another, without laws, with- out books, and without judges. They take him for an evil and mischievous man, who taketh pleasure in doing hurt to another ; and albeit they delight not in superfluities, yet they make provision for the increase of such roots whereof they made their bread, contented with such simple diet, whereby health is preserved and disease avoided. "| Much of this picture may be overcoloured by the imagina- tion, but it is generally confirmed by contemporary historians; * Charleveix. Hist St. Doming., lib. i, i Letter of. Columbus to Luis de St. Angel. Navarretc, torn. L p. 167. t Peter Martyr^ decad. i. lib^ ill. ; Traosl. of Richard Eden, 1555. i 1 1] 134 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. They all concur in representing the life of these islanders as approaching to the golden state of poetical felicity ; liWng under the absolute but patriarchal and easy rule of their caciques, free from pride, with few wants, an abundant countr}', a happily-tempered climate, and a natural disposition to care- less and indolent enjoyment. CHAPTER VII.— [1492.] Whew the weather became favourable, Columbus made nnother attempt, on the 14th of December, to find the island of Babeque, but was again baffled by adverse winds. In the course of this attempt, he visited an island lying opposite to the harbour of Conception, to which, from its abounding in tiulle, he gave the name of Tortugas.* The natives had fled to the rocks and forests, and alarm fires blazed along the heights. The country was so beautiful, that be gave to one of the valleys the name of Valle de Paraiso, or the Vale of Paradise, and called a fine stream the Guadalquivir, after that renowned river which flows through some of the fairest provinces of Spain.f Setting sail on the 16th of December at midnight, Colum- bus steered again for Hispaniola. When half-way across the gulf which separates the islands, he perceived a canoe navi- gated by a single Indian, and, as on a former occasion, was astonished at his hardihood in venturing so far from land in «o frail a bark, and at his adroitness in keeping it above water, as the wind was fresh, and there was some sea running. He ordered both him and his canoe to be taken on board ; and liaving anchored near a village on the coast of Hispaniola, at present known as Puerto de Paz, he sent him on shore well regaled and enriched with various presents. In the early intercourse with these people, kindness never seems to have failed in its effect. The favourable accounts ^ven by this Indian, and by those with whom the Spaniards had communicated in their previous landings, dispelled the fears of the islanders. A friendly intercourse soon took place, and the ships were visited by a cacique of the neigh- bourhood. From this chieftain and his counsellors, Columbus had further information of the island of Babeque, which was * This island in after times became the head-quarters of the fiEunoiiB fiuccaniers. t Journal of Columbus. Navarrete, Colec., torn. i. p. 91. VISIT PBOM A YOUNG CACIQUE. 125 Icrs as Imng ' their >untn', carc- I made J island In the osite to iding in bad fled ang the ; to one \ale of ir, after ,e fairest Colum- jross the oe navi- ion, was 1 land in it above running, ard ; and iniola, at lore well ess never accounts paniards elled the oon took le neigh- olumbus hich was he fomous described as lying at no great distance. No mention is aftcr- vrords made of this island, nor does it appear that he made any further attempt to seek it. No such island exists in the ancient charts, and it is probable that this was one of the numerous misinterpretations of Indian words, which led the first discoverers into so many fruitless researches. The people of Hisponiola appeared handsomer to Columbus than any he had yet met with, and of a gentle and peaceable disposition. Some of them had ornaments of gold, which they readily gave away or exchanged for any trifle. The country was finely diversified with lofty mountains and green vaUeys, which stretched away inland as far as the eye could reach. The mountains were of such easy ascent, that the highest of them might be ploughed with oxen, and the luxuriant growth of the forests manifested the fertility of the soil. The valleys were watered by numerous clear and beautiful streams ; they ap- peared to be cultivated in many places, and to be fitted for grain, for orchards, and pasturage. While detained at this harbour by contrary winds, Colum- bus was visited by a young cacique, who came borne by four men on a sort of litter, and attended by two hundred of his- subjects. The admiral being at dinner when he aiTived, the young chieftain ordered his followers to remain without, and entering the cabin, took his seat beside Columbus, not per- mitting him to rise or use any ceremony. Only two old men entered with him, who appeared to be his coimsellors, and who seated themselves at his feet. If anything were given him to eat or drink, he merely tasted it, and sent it to hi» followers, maintaining an air of great gravity and dignity. He spoke but little, his two counsellors watching his lips, and catching and communicating his ideas. After dinner he pre- sented the admiral with a belt curiously wrought, and two pieces of gold. Columbus gave him a piece of cloth, several amber beads, coloured shoes, and a flask of orange-flower water ; he showed him a Spanish coin, on which were the likenesses of the king and queen, and endeavoured to explain to him the power and grandeur of those sovereigns ; he dis- played, also, the royal banners and the standard of the cross ; but it was all in vain to attempt to convey any clear idea by these symbols ; the cacique could not be made to believe that there was a region on the earth which produced these won- derful people and wonderful things ; he joined in the commoa I ' ■ 126 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. t (' idea that the Spaniards were more than mortal, and that the country and sovereigns they talked of must exist somewhere in the skies. In the evening;, the cacique was sent on shore in the boat v.ith great ceremony, and a salute fired in honour of him. He departed in the state in which he had come, carried on a litter, accompanied by a great concourse of his subjects ; not fur behind him was his son, borne and escorted in like manner, and his brother on foot, supported by two attendants. The presents which he had received from the admiral were carried triumphantly before him. They procured but little gold in this place, though what- ever ornaments the natives possessed they readily gave away. The region of promise lay still further on, and one of the old counsellors of the cacique told Columbus that he would soon arrive at islands rich in the precious ore. Before leaving this place, the admiral caused a large cross to be erected in the centre of the village, and from the readiness with which the Indians assisted, and their implicit imitation of the Spaniards in their acts of devotion, he inferred that it would be an easy matter to convert them all to Christianity. On the 19th of December they made sail before daylight, but with an unfavourable wind, and on the evening of the 20th they anchored in a fine harbour, to which Columbus gave the name of St. Thomas, supposed to be what at present is called the bay of Aciil. It was surrounded by a beautiful and well -peopled country. The inhabitants came off, some in canoes, some swimming, bringing fruits of various unknown kinds, of great fragrance and flavour. ITiese they gave freely with whatever else they possessed, especially their gulden ornaments, which they saw were particularly coveted by tlte strangers. There was a remai'kable frankness and generosity about these ])eople ; they had no idea of traffic, but gave away everything with Kpontaneous liberality. Colum- bus would not permit his people, however, to take advantage of this free disposition, but ordei'ed that something should always be given in exchange. Several of the neighbouring caciques visited the ships, bringing presents, and inviting the Spaniaixls to their villages, where, on going to laud, they were most hospitably entertained. On the 22na of December, a large canoe filled with natr^'es came on a mission from a grand cacique named Quficani^Bri, THE CACIQUE O17A.CAKA0ABI. 127 that fhe lewhere ;hc boat of him. ied on a cts ; not manner, ;s. The 2 carried rh what- ve away, if the old )uld soon iving this ed in the K'hich the Spaniards e an easy daylight, ng of the Columbus at present beautiful off, some unknown ley gave ally their y coveted cness and of traffic, Colum- advantage ng should ghbouriiig iviting the they were ith nati^'es iftcanngBri, y who commanded nil tbat part of the island. A principal ser- vant of the cliieftain came in the canoe, bringinji^ tlie admiral a present of a broad belt, wrought ingeniously w ith coloured beads and bones, and a wooden mask, the eyes, nose, and tongue of which were of gold. He delivered also a message from the cacique, begging that the ships might come opposite to his residence, which was on a part of the coast a little further to the eastward. The wind preventing on immediate compliance with this invitation, the admiral sent the notaiy of the squadron, with several of the crew, to >-isit the cacique. He resided in a town, situated on a river, at what they called Punta Sunta, at pi-osent Grande Riviere, It was the largest and best built town they had yet seen. The cacique received them in a kind of public square, which had heea swept and prepared for the occasion, and treated them with great honour, giving to each a dress of cotton. The inhabitants crowded round them, bringing provisions and refreshments of various kinds. The seamen were received into their houses as distin- guished guests ; they gave them garments of cotton, and whatever else appeared to have value in tlieir eyes, asking nothing in return, but if anything were given, a]}pcaring to treasure it uj) as a sacred relic. The cacique >\ ould have detained them all night, but their orders obliged them to i*eturn. On j)arting with them, he gave them presents of parrots and pieces of gold for tlie ad- miral, and they were attended to their boats by n crowd of the natives, caiTying the presents for them, and vieinj; with each other in rendering them service. During their absence, the admiral had been visited by a great number of cnnoes and several inferior caciques : all ftssured him that the island abounded with wealth ; tliey talked especially of Cibao, a region in the interior, further to the cast, the cacique of which, as far as they could be under- stood, had banners of wrought gold. •Columbus, deoei^'ing himself as usual, fancied that this name Cibao must be a cor- ruption of Cipango. and that this chieftain with golden bannem must be identical with the magnificent prince v admiral and her men took refuge on board the caravel, biego de Arana, chief judge of the armament, and Pedro Gutierrez, the king's butler, were immediately sent on shore as envoys to the cacique Guacanagari, to inform him of the intended visit of the admiral, and of his disastrous shipwreck. In the meantime, as a light wind had sprimg up from shore, and the admiral was ignorant of his situation, and of the rocks and banks that might be lurking around him, he lay to tmtil daylight. The habitation of the cacique was about a league and a hdlf from the wreck. When he heard of the misfortune of his guest, he manifested the utmost affliction, and even shed tears. He immediately sent all his people, with all the canoGS, large and small, that could be mustered; and so active were they in their assistance, that in a little while the vessel was unloaded. The cacique himse^, and his brothers and relatives, rendered all the aid in their power, both on sea and land ; keeping vigilant guard that everything should be conducted with order, and the property secured firom injury or theft. From time to time, he sent some one of hifl family, or some principal person of his attendants, to Ui l80 LIFE AND YOTAOE8 OF COLUMBUS. and che«r the admiral, afworingf him that every thing he possessed should be at his disposal. Never, in a civiliaed country, were the vaunted rites of hospitality more scrupulously observed, than by this «»- cultivated savage. All the eflects landed fit)m the ship9 were deposited near his dwelling ; and an armed guai'd smr> rounded them all night, until houses could be prepared in which to store them. There seemed, however, even among the common peo|de, no disposition to take advantage of the misfortune of the stranger. Although they beheld what must in their eyes have been inestimable treasures, cast, as it were, upon their shores, and open to depredation, yet there was not the least attempt to pilfer, nor, in transporting the effects fi'om the ships, had they appropriated the most trifling article. On the contrary, a general sympathy was visible in tiieir countenanees and actions ; and to have witnessed their concern, one would have supposed the misfortune to have hi4)pened to themselves.* " So loving, so tractable, so peaceable are these people/* says C(^umbus in his journal, '* that I swear to yoiu: Majes- ties, there is not in the world a better nation, nor a better land. They love their neighlnturs as themselves ; and their discourse is ever sweet and gentle, and accompanied with a sm^e ; and though it is true that they are naked, yet their manners are decorous and praiseworthy." CHAPTER IX.— [1492.] Ox the 26th of December, Guncanagari come on board of the canivel Nina, to visit the admiral, and observing him to be very much dejected, wav Xm (Catholic sovereigns. In case of his death, Pedro G'jtierrcK was to command, and, he dying, Rodrigo de l!'>ii«enb<>do. T'^.e ix«at cf the wreck was left with them, to be used in turiiiiitg ; a vorJerr of seeds to sow, and a large quantity of ai ticks for ' mffir, that they might procure as much gold a:s po^aible fuf^tu'j'^t tho admiral's return.* As the time drew nigh for his departure, Columl ua M' sembled those who were to remain in the sslaud, aad made them on earnest address, chai'ging them, in the ua^ue of the sovereigns, to be obedient to the officer left i:x eoBuaftnd ; to maintain the utmost respect and rever*;ace for tto cac'x^ue Guacanagari and his chieftains, recollecting how f^eeply they were indebted to his goodness, and how ianpoitoat d fioatbiu- ance of it was to their welfare. To be circumspect ir Ibeii- intercourse with the nativep, avoiding disputes, and treatirxg .them always with gentleness and justice; ;i:nd, above all, being discreet in their conduct towardis tl>o India:! wcmen, misconduct in this respect being t^e riet]|«e,at f:aiiree of troubles and disasters in the interoou^i^e ^vtlix ri vagt- nations. He warned them, moreover, not to scatter themhtivt^h r^sunder, but to keep together, for mutual «»f ;i>v ; and not to stray be- yond the £ieudly territory of OiUicaiiagari. He enjoined it upon Arana, and the others \\l c^')mmavid, to acquire a know- leidge of the productions aud mines of the island, to ^oouxe j^ld and spices, and u> seek along the coast a better situa- tion for a settlement, the present harbour being inoonvenient * Pruner Yiage de Colon. Navarrete, torn. i. Hist del Ahni- nute, cap. 33. I ! f i m 140 LIPE ANB VOYAGES OP COLUMBUS. and dangerous, from the rocks and shoals which beset its entrance. On the 2nd of January, 1493, Coli^mbus landed to take a farewell of the generous cacique and his chieftains, intending the next day to set 8ail. He gave them a parting feast at the house devoted to his use, and commended to their kindness the men who were to remain, especially Dieso de Arana, Pedro Gutierrez, and Rodrigo de Escobedo, his lieutenants, assuring the cacique that, when he returned from Castile, he would bring abundance of jewels more precious than any he or his people had yet seen. The worthy Guacanagari showed great concern at the idea of his departure, and assured him that, an to those who remained, he should furnish them with provisions, and render them every service in his power. Once more, to impress the Indians with an idea of the warlike prowess of the white men, Columbus caused the crews to perform skirmishes and mock-fights, with swords, bucklers, lances, cross-bows, arquebuses, and cannon. The Indians were astonished at the keenness of the swords, and at the deadly power of the cross-bows and arquebuses ; but they were struck with awe when the heavy Lombards were dis- charged from the fortress, wrapping it in vrreaths of smoke, shaking the forests with their report, and shivering the trees with the balls of stone used in aiiillery in those times. As these tremendous powers, however, were all to be employed for their protection, they rejoiced while they trembled, since no Carib would now dare to invade their island.* The festivities of the day being over, Columbus embraced the cacique and his principal chieftains, and took a final leave of them. Guacanagari shed tears ; for while he had been awed by the dignified demeanour of the admiral, and the idea of his superhuman nature, he had been completely won by the benignity of his manners. Inaced, the parting scene was sorrowful on all sides, llie arrival of the ships had been an event of wonder and excitement to the islanders,. who had as yet known nothing but the good qualities of their guests, and had been enriched by their celestial gifts; while the rude seamen had been flattered by the blind deference paid them, and captivated by the kindness and imlimited indulgence with which they had been treated. TJio sorest parting was between the Spaniards who cm- ♦ Primer Viago dc Colon. Navarrcte, torn. p. 121. HIS DEPASTUBE FOB SPAIN. 141: barked and those who remained behind, from the strong s}'mpathy caused by companionship in perils and adventures. The little garrison, however, evinced a stout heart, looking forward to the return of the Admiral from Spain with lai^ reinforcements, when they promised to give him a good ac- count of all things in the island. The caravel was detained a day longer by the absence of some of the Indians whom they were to take to Spain. At length the signal-gun was fired ; the crew gave a parting cheer to the handful of com- rades thus left in the wilderness of an unknown world, who echoed their cheerirg as they gazed wistfully after them from the beach, but who were destined never to M'elcome their return. \ 4 )racecl . leave been ie idea ^onby le was ?en an ladas 3, and rude I them, with NoTK about tlie localities in the preceding chapter, extracted from the letter of T. 8. Henehen, Esq. Quacanagari's capital town was called Ouarico. From the best in- formation 1 can gather, it was situated a short distance from the beach, where the village of Petit Anse now stands ; which ia about two miles south-east of Cape Haytien. Oviedo says that Columbus took in water for bis homeward voyage from a small stream to the north-west of the anchorage ; and prcRumiug him to have been at anchor off Petit Anse, this etream presents itself falling from the Picolct mountain, crossing the present town of Cape H^ien, and emptying into the bay near the Arsenal. The stream which supplied Columbus with water was dnmmcd up at the foot of the mountain by the French when in possession of the country, and its water now feeds a number of public fountains. Punta Santa could be no other than the present Point Picolut. Beating up from St. Nicholas Mole along an almost precipitous and iron-bound coast, a prospect of unrivalled splendour breaks upon the view on turning this point ; the spacious bay, the extensive plains, and the distant cordilleras of the Cibao mountains, impose upon the mind an impression of vastness, fertility, and beauty. The fort of La Navidad must have been erected near Haut du Cap, as it could be approached in boats by rowing up the river, and there is no other river in the vicinity that admits a passage for boats. The locality of the town of Quacanagarl has always been known by the name of Ouarico. The French first settled at Petit Anse ; subse- quently they removed to the opposite side of the bay and founded the town of Cape Francois, now Cape Haytien ; but the old Indian name Ouarico continues in use among all the Spanish inhabitants of the vicinity. Id cm- I n ^ • ••■ •- 143: LIFE AVD YOTAGES OT COLTJUBUfi. BOOK V. CHAPTER I.— [1493.] It vroR on the 4th of January that Columbus set sail fix>m La Navidad on his return to Spain. The wind being light, it was necessary to tow the caravel out of the harbour, and clear of the reefs. They then stood eastward, towards a lofty pro- montory destitute of trees, but covered with grass, and shaped like a tent, having at a distance the appearance of a towering island, being connected with Hispaniola by a low neck of land. To this promontory Columbus gave the name of Monte Christi, by which it is still known. The country in the im- mediate neighbourhood was level, but further inland rose a high range of moimtains, well wooded, with broad, fruitful valleys between them, watered by abundant streams. The wind being contrary, they were detained for two darn in a large bay to the west of the promontory. On the 6th, they again made sail with a land breeze, and, weathering the cape, advanced ten leagues, when the wind again turned to blow freshly from the east. At this time a sailor, stationed at the mast-head to look out for rocks, cried out tint he beheld the Pinta at a distance. The certainty of the fact gladdened the heart of the admiral, and had an animating effect throughout the ship ; for it was a joyful event to the mariners once mora to meet with their comrades, and to have a companion bark in their voyage through these lonely seas. The Pinta came sweeping towards them, directly befbre tiie wind. The admiral was desirous of having a conversation with Martin Alonao Pinzon, and seeing that all attempt was fruitless from tlic obstinacy of the adverse wind, and that there was no safe anchorage in the neighbourhood, he put back to the bay a little west of Monte Christi, whither he was followed by the Pinta. On their first interview, Pinzon endeavoured to excuse his desertion, alleging that he had been compelled to part company by stress of weather, and had ever since beea ■eeking to rejom the admiral. Columbus listened passively Ihit dubiously to his apologies; and the suspicions he had con* ceivcd a];pcarcd to be warranted by subsequent information. He was told that Pinzon had been excited by accounts given him by one of the Indians on board of his vessel of a region U^. the eastward, abounding in gold. Taking advantagei there* ceivc adheri it, th< it is a\ In also cJevatJ observj He adj had thehui MEETINO WITH FINZOK. 143 fore, of the guperior sailing of his vessel, he had worked to windward, when the other ships had been obliged to put baek, and had sought to be the fir/ist to discover and enjoy this golden re<;ion. After separating iVtn his companions he had been entangled for several days among a cluster of smaU islands, supposed to have been the Caicos, but had at length been guided by the Indians to Hispaniola. Here he remained three weeks, trading with the natives, in the river already mentioned, and collected a considerable quantity of gold, one half of which he retained as captain, the rest he divided among his men to secure their fidelity and secrecy. Such were the particulars privately related to Columbus ; who, however, repressed his indignation at this flagrant breach of duty, being unwilling to disturb the remainder of his voyage with any altercations with Pinaon, who had a powerful party of relatives and townsmen in the armament. To such a degree, however, was his confidence in his confederates im- paired, that he determined to return forthwith to Spain^ though, undei other circumstances, he woiUd hav3 been tempted to explore the coast in hopes of freighting his ships with treasure.* The boats were accordingly dispatched to a lai^ river, in the neighbourhood, to procure a supply of wood and water for the voyage. This river, called by the natives the Yaqui, flows from the mountains of the interior and throws itself into the bay; receiving in its course the contributions of various minor streams. Many particles of gold were per- ceived among the sands at its mouth, and others were found adhering to the hoops of the water casks.f Columbus gav» it, therefore, the name of Rio del Oro, or the Golden River: it is ut present called the Santmgo. In this neighbourhood were turtles of great sise. Columbui also mentions in his journal that he saw three mermaids which elevated themselves above the surface of the sea, and he observes that he had before seen sucli on the coasts of Africa. He odds that they were by no means the beautifrd beings they hod been rcpresenteii, although they possessed some traces of the human countenance. It is supposed that these must have * Hist, del Alminnto, ctp. 34. t Lm Csmm Migg«Rta that those may have been particles of mareaaite, which abouiidH in this river, and in the other streams which fUl from the mountains of Cibao. Las Caaas. Hiat. Ind., lib. i. cap. 79. u N 144 Liri: AND VOYAGES OF COLTJMBUS. been manati or sea- calves, seen indistinctly and at a distance; and that the imagination of Columbus, disposed to give a wonderful character to everything in this New World, had idcntiiied these misshapen animak with the sirens of ancient story. On the evening of the 9th January they again made sail, and on the following day anrived at the river where Pinzon had been trading, to whicli Columbus gave the name of Rio de Gracia ; but it took the appellation of its original dis- coverer, and long continued to be kno^nti as the river of Martin Alonzo.* The natives of this place complained that Pinzon, on his previous visit, had violently carried off fom* men and two girls. The admiral, finding they were retained on board of the Pinta to be caiTied to Spain and sold as slaves, ordered them to be immediately restored to their homes, with many presents, and well clothed, to atone for the wrong they had experienced. This restitution was made with great un- willingness, and many high words, on the part of Pinzon. The wind being favourable, for in these regions the trade wi^d is often alternated during autunm and winter by north- westerly breezes, they continued coasting the island, until they came to a high and beautiful headland, to which they gave the name of Capo del Enamorado, or the Lovers' Cape, but which at present is known as Cape Cabron. A little beyond this, tliey anchored in a bay, or rather gulf, three leagues in breadth, and extending so far inland, that Columbus at first supposed it an arm of the sea, separating Hispaniola from some other land. On landing they found the natives quite different from the gentle and pacific people hitherto met with on this island. They were of a ferocious aspect, and hideously painted. Their hair was long, tied behind, and decorated with the feathers of pan-ots and other birds of gaudy plumage. Some were armed with war-clubs ; others had bows of the length of those used by the English archers, with arrows of slender reeds, pointed with hard wood, or tipped with bone or the tooth of a fish. Their swords were of palm wood, as hard and heavy as iron ; not sharp, but broad, nearly of the thickness of two fingers, and capable, with one blow, of cleaving through a helmet to the very brains.f * It is now called Porto Caballo, but the surrounding plain is called t)ie Saranna of Martin Alonxo.— T. S. Hbnekkk. t Lm Cm*, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 77, MS. f i THE CIGUAYAN8. 145 mce; ive a , had icicnt e sail. *inzon )f Rio il dis- ver of d that ff four stained slaves, s, with ig they eat un- ion. le trade r north- 1, until Bh they j' Cape, A little f, three (lumbus (paniola natives rto met ict, and |nd, and ►irds of others archers, ood, or ds were larp, but |bie, with brains-t In iB called Though thus prepared for combat, they made no attempt to molest the Spaniards ; on the contrary, they sold them two of their bows and several of their arrows, and one of them was prevailed upon to go on board of the admiral's ship. Columbus was persuaded, from the ferocioiis looks and hardy undaimted manner of this wild warrior, that he and his companions were of the nation of Caribs, so much dreaded throughout these seas, and that the gulf in which he was anchored must be a strait separating their island from Hispaniola. On inquiring of the Indian, however, he stUl pointed to the east, as the quarter where lay the Caribbean islands. He spoke also of an island, called Mantinino, which Columbus fancied him to say was peopled merely by women, who received the Caribs among them once a year, for the sake of continuing the population of their island. All the male progeny residting from such visits were delivered to the fathers, the female remained with the mothers. This Amazonian island is repeatedly mentioned in the course of the voyages of Columbus, and is another of his self- delusions, to be explained by the work of Marco Polo. That traveller described two islands near the coast of Asia, one inhabited solely by women, the other by men, between which a similar intercourse subsisted;* and Columbus, supposing himself in that vicinity, easily interpreted the signs of the Indians to coincide with the descriptions of the Venetian. Having regaled the warrior, and made him various pre- sents, the admiral sent him on shore, in hopes, through his mediation, of opening a trade for gold with his companions. As the boat approached the land, upwards of fifty savages armed with bows and arrows, war-clubs, and javelins, were seen lurking among the trees. On a word from the Indian who was. in the boat, they laid by their arms and came forth to meet the Spaniards. The latter, according to directions from the admiral, endeavoured to purchase several of their weapons, to take as curiosities to Spain. They parted with two of their bows ; but, suddenly conceiving some distrust, or thinking to overpower this nandful of strangers, they rushed to the place where they had left their weapons, snatched them up, and returned with cords, as if to bina the Spaniards. The latter immediately attacked them, wounded two, put the rest to flight, and would have pursued them, * Marco Polo, book iii. chap. 84 ; Eng. edit of Manden. ' -1 ^ii6 LIFE AND YOYAOES OF COLUMBUS. but were restrained by the pilot who commanded ihe boat. •This was the first contest with the Indians, and the first time "•tkit native blood was shed by the white mtfa in the N^ World. Columbus was- grieved to see all his exertions to nuan- '^^'tain an amicable intercourse vam : he consoled hsHiself tnth • tiieMea, faowevei*, tbat if these were Caribs, «r trohtier In- • •dians of warlike dmracter, they would be inspired wi^ a •dread of the force of weapons of the white men, 'and be de- terred from molesting the little garrison of Fort Nativity. The fact was, that these were of a baid and hfu*dy raoc, infaabitiug a mountainous district called Ciguay, ^extending five and twenty leagues along the coast, and several leagues into- the interior. They differed in language, look, and man- mere from the other natives of the island, and had tile ' rude, but independent and ^'igorons cluiracter of mountaineers. Their fra»ktic8s the boat, ttime e W«w f tnth ier In- wi^ a be de- fttivity. y race, bending leagues d man- e ' Tttde, iftertbe the ^d- ,he boat. ly as if LH)«ghotlt 1 fear or ibdumg string of part of ken and the full edge of toin fol- ly three A bfrate >lumbU6 ; ooHfttiAn d honey, er fiihow- and his 'fttifled. thatke trdvhe of th«lo mention lUfss the ■€' TBIEISTDLT INTEBCOFRSE. 147 same who, a few years aftenvards, appears in the histoiy of the island under the nameof Mayonabex, cacique of the Ciguayans, and will be found acquitting himself with valour, franlmess, and magnanimity, under the most trying circumstances. Columbus remained a day or two longer in the bay, during nrhich time the most friendly intercourse prevailed with the natives, who brought cotton, and various fruits dnd vege- ^bles, but still maintained their warrior character, being always armed with bows and arrows. Four young Indians gave such interesting accounts of the islands Situated to the cJftst. that C0ltmib\i8 detertttined to touch thete on his way to Spain, and prevailed on them to accompany him as guides. Taking adTatatftge of a favouraWe^nd, therefore, he sstiled before daylight on t*ie 16th of JdnOary from this bay, to ♦^vhieh, in cOnsequettce of the skihnish *^th'the natives, he igjave the niime of Gblfo delas Flechas, br the Gulf of Arrows, •Rut Which is now known by ifte name of the Gulf of Samana. On leaving the bay, Cblunibtts at first sterogres8. g of the ; it could ind plea- liey were iter, and ^, one of ave them >n began tread and from the bout the it of the lYourable I. From lame per- ig them- !olumbu8, observer , and the Lnown re- ise obser- cipbering common e present ng weeds ^ng from the same n his out- and sixty , Vicente ,Ind.,Ub.L Yanez Pinzon, and the pilots Ruiz and Bartolomco Roldan, who were on board of the admirars ship, examined the charts and compared their reckonings to determine their situation, but could not come to any agreement. They all supposed themselves at least one I ondred and fifty leagues nearer Sjmin than what Columbus holieved to be the true reckoning, and in the latitude of Madeira, whereas he knew them to be nearlr in a direction for the Azores. He suffered them, however, to remain in their error, and even added to their perplexity, that they might retain but a couftised idea of the .oyage, and he alone possess a clear knowledge of the route to the newly- discovered countries.* On the 12th of February, as they were flattering themselves with soon coming in sight of land, the wind came on to blow violently, with a'heavy sea ; they still kept their course to the east, but with great labour and peril. On the following day, afiter sunset, the wind and swell increased ; there were three flashes of lightning in the north-north-east, considered by Columbus as signals of an approaching tempest. It soon burst upon them with frightful violence: their small and crazy vessels, open and without decks, were little fitted for the wild storms of the Atlantic ; aU night they were obliged to scud under bare poles. As the morning dawned of the 14th, there was a transient pause, and they made a little sail; but the wind rose again from the south with redoubled vehe- mence, raging throughout the day, and increasing in fury in the night : while the vessels laboured terribly in a cross sea, the broken waves of wl^ich threatened at each moment to overwhelm them, or dash them to pieces. For three hours, they lay to, with just sail enough to keep them above the waves ; but the tempest still augmenting, they were obliged again to scud before the wind. The Pinta was soon lost sight of in the darkness of the night. The admiral kept as much as possible to the north-east, to approach the coast of Spain, and made signal lights at the mast-head for the Pinta to do the same, and to keep in company. The latter, howev*>r, from the weakness of her foremast, could not hold the wiiid, and was obliged to scud before it, directly north. For some time fihe replied to the signals of the admiral, but her lights gleamed more and more distant, until they ceased entirely, and nothing more was seen of her. * Las Caaa^ Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 70. 150 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. Columbus continued to scud all night, full of forcbodiogs^f the fate of his own vessel, and of fearft for the safety of tlia|^ of Pinzon. As the day dawned, the sea presented a frigbtr fill waste of wild broken waves, lashed into fury by th. of. penitence, and thanksgiving at hi^ myo^iritc shrine. The heavens, hoyr- ever, seemed deaf to their vows; the storm grew stjll mora wi^d aqd .frightfiil, and each man gave himself up for lost.,.;;^ The danger of the ship was augmented by the want ot baUasC^ the consumption of the water and provisions having lightened her so much, that she rolled and ,to$sed about at the n^ercy of the waves. To remedy this, and to render her more 8teaa3% the admiral ordered that all the empty casks should be Med with sea-water, whioh in some measure gave relief. VIOLENT STORMS. 151 some J DmriAg this long and awful conflict of the elements; the inui4 of ColumbuA was a (»«y to the most distressing anzie^* He feaced that the Pinta hud foundered in the storm, ik such case the whole history of liis discovery, the secret of the New World* depended upon hie own feeUe bark, and one sui^of the ocean might bury it for evert in obUvionv The tumult of hi3 thought* may be judged from his own letter to the. sovereigns. ** I could, have su|^)orted this evil fortune with less grief," said he, '"had my person aldne been itt • jeopardyv since I am a debtor for my li£» to the supreme CreatfWf fmd have at other times been within a step o^ deatli.r BvA it was a cause of infinite sorrow and trouble, to think that, after having been illuminated from on high with fyil^v and. certainty to undertake this enterjMnse, after having vie*- tovioufily actueved. it, and when on tho point of convineing < my opponents, and securing to yous hi^nessee- great gkny ai>d vast iacreaeie (^ domiaions,; . it : should please the divine Mi^esty toi defeat aU by my , death. It would have been move" siq)pprtebl0» ako^ had I not beea accompanied by- othriBre^' who had been; dmwnr.on by my persuasions^ and who, intlMif' di^tresst cursed, not only the hour; of- their- coming, but 'tkw - fear inspired byvmy words which prevented theu? turning*' baek, 04 they had at r various times determined. Above- a)^ Toar- grief glory of his achievement might survive t» hi^name, and its advantages be secured to his sovereigns. He> wrote on^ parehment a brief account of his voyage and- dveoveryv and«of his having taken possession of the newly- foimdliuads in the>tM>r^ of their Gathelio majesties. This he setlad :and directed to the king and queen; superscribing a * Hist, del Alminmtfr, cap. 36. I 132 LIFK AND VOYAOE8 OF COLUMBUS. i promise of a thousand ducats to whomsoever should deliver the packet unopened. He then wrapped it in a waxed cloth, which he placed in the centre of a cake of wax, and inclos- ing the whole in a large barrel, threw it into the sea, giving his men to suppose he was performing some religious vow. Lest this memorial should never reach the land, he inclosed a copy in a similar manner, and placed it upon the poop, so that, should the caravel be swallowed up by the waves, the barrel might float off and survive. These precautions in some measure mitigated his anxiety, and he was still more relieved when, after heavy showers, there appeared at sunset a streak of clear sky in the west, giving hopes that the wind was about to shift to that quarter. These hopes were confirmed ; a favourable breeze succeeded, but the sea still ran so high and tumultuously, that little sail could be carried during the night. On the morning of the 1 5th, at day-break, the cry of land was given by Rm Grarcia, a mariner in the main-top. The transports of the crew, at once more gaining sight of the Old World, were almost equal to those experienced on first beholding the New. The land bore east-north-east, directly over the prow of the caravel; and the usual diversity of opinion concerning it arose among the pilots. One thought it the island of Madeira; another the rock of Ciutra, near Lisbon ; the most part deceived by their ardent wishes, placed it near Spain. Columbus, however, from his private reckonings and observations, concluded it to be one of the Azores. A nearer approach proved it to be an island: it was but five leagues distant, and the voyagers were congratulating themselves upon the assurance of speedily being in port, when the wind veered again to the east-north-east, blowing directly firom the land, while a heavy sea kept rolling from the west. For two days they hovered in sight of the island, vainly striving to reach it, or to anive at another island of which they caught glimpses occasionally through the mist and rack of me tempest. On the evening of the 1 7th they approached so near the first island as to cast anchor, but parting their cable, had to put to sea again, where they remained beating about until the following morning, when they anchored imder shelter of its northern side. For several days, Columbus had been in such a state of agitation and anxiety, as scarcely to take food or repose. Although suffering greatly from a gouty affection to which he was subject, yet he had maintained hu ARRIVAL AX THE AZORES. 153 watchful post on deck, exposed to wintry cold, to the pelting of the storm, and the drenching surges of the w a. It was not until the night of the 17th, that he got a little sleep, more from the esd^austion of nature than from nny tranquillity of mind. Such were the difficulties and perils which attended his return to Europe : had one-tenth part of them beset his outward voyage, his timid and factious crew would have risen in arms against the enterprise, and he never would have dis- covered the New World. CHAPTER III.— [U93.] On sending the boat to land, Columbus ascertained the island to be St. Mary's, the most southern of the Azores, and a possession of the crown of Portugal. The inhabitants, when they beheld the light caravel riding at anchor, were astonished that it had been able to live through the gale which had raged for fifteen days with unexampled fury; but when they heard from the boat's crew that this tempest-tossed vessel brought tidings of a strange country beyond the ocean, they were filled with wonder and curiosity. To the inquiries about a place where the caravel might anchor securely, they replied by pointing out a harbour in the vicinity; but prevailed on three of the mariners to remain on shore, and gratify them with further particulars of this unparalleled voyage. In the evening, three men of the island hailed the caravel, and a boat being sent for them, they brought on board fowls, bread, and various refreshments, from Juan de Cas- taiieda, governor of the island, who claimed an acquaintance with Columbus, and sent him many compliments and con- gratulations. He apologized for not coming in person, owing to the lateness of the hour, and the distance of his resi- dence, but promised to visit the caravel the next morning, bringing further refreshments, and the three men, whom he still kept with him to satisfy his extreme curiosity respecting the voyage. As there were no houses on the neighbouring shore, the messengers remained on board all night. On the following morning, Columbus reminded his people of their vow to perform a pious procession at the first place where they shoidd land. On the neighbouring shore, at no great' distance from the sea, was a small hermitage or chapel dedicated to the Yiigin, and he made immediate arrange- ments for the performance of the rite. The three messengers* 'I. i i 154 LIFE AKD VOTAOES OF COLV1CBU8. OAf, returning to the Tillage, sent a praest to perform maM^ oaA, oi)«-half of the crew.las^g, waUwd in prooessitm, borefooted^i' apd in their shirta, to thj& chopel; while the. admiral awaked; their return, to perform the same cereraoay with the remainder. An ungenerous reception, hoiwever, awaited the poor tem aim themselves* but to keep, out of sight, ready either' to defend the vessel or siurprise; the boat. The latter, howeveryH approached in a >paoififi< manner; the- governor of the island*^ w^ on board, and: coming .wil^in> hail, demanded aaaunuio^c. of personal safe^ in case, he should enter 'the caravel. Thit't the admiral xeadiiy gave, but the Portuguese still continued! at a wary distance. The indignation of Columbus now broke forth; he reproached the. governor with Jhis perfidy, and with'' ih» wrong he did, not merely to the. Spanish monarchs, but* to. his own sovereign^ by such a dishonourable outrage. H*. in£»rmed him. of his own rank and dignity; displayed hia»v letters patent, sealed with the n^tal seal, oi Oastue, aaA^ threatened him with the vengeance- o£ this gpvcmment. Qi»> tafteda replied in a vein of contempt and defiance, declanUg^ that all he had done wat in oonfonnity ta the conunanda^' the king his sovereign. Alter an unprofitable altercation, the boat returned * tor»i ' shore, leaving Columbus much perplexed by this unezpeoted I HOSTILITY OF THE POSTT70U£8£ GOYfiRWOR. 1$^, hostility, and fearful that a \i'ar might have broken out between Spain and Portugal during his absence. The next day the weather bQcame so tempestuous that they were driven from their anchorage, and obliged to staod to sea toward thj^. island of St. ^j^ich^l. For two days the ship^ contjinued,. beating about in great pexil, half of her cr^w being detained on shore, and the greater part of those on boajcd being lands- men and Indians, almost equally useless in -difficult navigation^ Fortunately, althougk the waves ran high, there were non^ . of those cross seas which had, recently prevailed, otherwise, being so feebly manned, the caravel could scarcely have Uyed through, the storm. On the evening of the 22nd, the weather having moderated^ Columbus returned to his anchorage at St. jVIary's. Shortly afiipr. his arrival, a boat capie off, bringing two priests and a. notary. After a cajn^ious parley and an assurance of safety, they came on board, and requested a sight of the papers o£, Columbus, on the pai t of Castaiieda, assuring him that it was the disposition of th^ governor to render him every service in., his power, provided he really sailed in service of the Spanish, sovereigns. Columbus supposed it a manoHivre of Castanedf^:, to cover a retreat fri^^n the hostile posiljion he had assumed;, restrainipg his indignation, however, ai^ expressing his thanks for the friendly disposition of the governor, he showed hi^ letters of commission, which satisfied the priests and th^ noti^. On the following morning, the boat and mariners WQce lijl^rated. The latter, during their detention, had coU lected information from the inhabitants which eluqidftted th^.. conduct of Costancda. The king of Portugal, jealous lest the expedition, of Co- liU^bus might interfere with his own discoveries, had sent., onJLers to his commanders of islands and distant ports to mim ax^d detain him wherever he should be met with.* In com- E%nQe with these orders, Cnstaucda had, in the first inst^CQ, qped to surprise Columbus in the.chu^l, and, failing in th^;^ at|»mpt, had intended to, get him. in his power by stratagem, , b^t was deterred by finding him on his guard. Such was the - first reception of the adntiral on his return to the Old World,, an. earnest of the crosses and troubles with which he was to bo requited throughout life, for ono of the greatest benefits, that ever man conferred upon his fellow-beings. * HUt. del Alminmte, csp. 89. Las Cnias, UikU Ind., lib. i. cap. 72. r\k hi 156 LIFE AND TOTAGES OF COLUMBUS. Ti I lii CHAPTER IV.~[1493.J Columbus remained two days longer at the island of St. Mary's, endeavouring to take in wood and ballast, but was prevented by the heavy surf which broke upon the shore. The wind veering to the south, and being dangerous for vessels at anchor off the island, but favourable for the voyage to Spain, he set sail on the 24th of February, and had pleasant weather until the 27th, when, being within one hundred and twenty-five leagues of Cape St. Vincent, he again encountered contrary gales and a boisterous sea. His fortitude was scarcely pioof against these perils and delays, which appeared to increase the nearer he approached his home, and he could not help uttering a complaint at thus being repulsed, as it were, " from the very door of the house." He contrasted the rude storms which raged about the coasts of the Old World, ■with the genial airs, the tranquil seas, and balmy weather which he supposed perpetually to prevail about the countries be had discovered. " Well," says he, " may the sacred theo- logians and sage philosophers declare that the terrestrial paradise is in the uttermost extremity of the East, for it is the most temperate of regions." After experiencing several days of stormy and adverse wea- ther, about midnight on Saturday, the 2nd of March, the oaravel was struck by a squall of wind, which rent all her sails, and, continuing to blow with resistless violence, obliged her to scud under bare poles, threatening her each moment with destruction. In this hour of darkness and peril, the crew again called upon the aid of Heaven. A lot was cast for the performance of a barefooted pilgrimage to the shrine of Santa Maria de la Cueva in Huelva, and, as usual, the lot fell upon Columbus. There was something singular in the recurrence of this circumstance. Las Casas devoutly considers it as an intimation from the Deity to the admiral that ^Lese storms were all on his account, to humble his pride, and pre- vent his arrogating to himself the glory of a discovery which was the work of Qod, and for which he had merely been chosen as an instrument.* Various signs appeared of the vicinity of land, which they supposed must be the coast of Portugal : the tempest, how- over, increased to such a degree, that they doubted whether * Los Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 73. ABBIVAL IX POBTUOAL. 15? any of them would survive to reach a port. The whole crew made a vow, in case their lives were spared, to fast upon bread and water the following Saturday. The turbulence of the elements was still greater in the course of the following night. The sea was broken, wild, and mountainous ; at one moment the light caravel was tossed high in the air, and the next mo- ment seemed sinking in a yawning abyss. The rain at times fell in torrents, — and the lightning flashed and thunder pealed from various parts of the heavens. In the first watch of this fearful night, the seamen gave the usually welcome cry of land, but it now only increased the general alarm. They knew not where they were, nor wheio to look for a habour ; they d;eaded being driven on shore, or dashed upon rocks; and thus the very land they had so earnestly desired was a terror to them. Taking in sail, there- fore, they kept to sea as much as possible, and waited anxiously for the mommg light. At daybreak on the 4th of March, they foxmd themselves off the rock of Cintra, at the mouth of the Tagus. Though entertaining a strong distrust of the goodwill of Portugal, ti^e still prevailing tempest left Columbus no alternative but to run in for shelter ; he accordingly anchored about three o'clock, opposite to Rastello, to the great joy of the crew, who returned thanks to God for their escape from so many perils. The inhabitants came off from various parts of the shore, congratulating them upon what they considered a miraculous preservation. They had been watching the vessel the whole morning ^»'ith grc at anxiety, and putting up prayers for her safety. The oldest mariners of the place assured Columbus they had never known ao tempestuous a winter ; many vessels had remained for months in port, weather-bomid, and there had been numerous shipwrecks. Immediately on his arrival, Columbus dispatched a courier to the king and queen of Spain, with tidings of his discovery, lie wrote also to the king of Portugal, then at Valparaiso, re- questing pennission to go with b's ves? ' to Lisbon ; for a report haa gone abroad thaw his canivel was laden with gold, and he felt insecure in the mouth of the Tagus, in the neigh- bourhood of a place like Rastello, scantily peopled by needy and adventurous inhabitants. To prevent any misunder- standing as to the natiire of his voyage, he assured the king that he had not been on the coast of Guinea, nor to any other if i. 158 XIFF. AWD T0YA0E8 OF COLUMBUS. of the Portuguese colonies, but hnd come firom Cipanj^o atid ^tiie extremity of bidi&, which he had discovered by sailing to the west. On the following day, Don Alonzo de Acufia, the captain of a large Portuguese mAn-of-'wer, stationed at Kastello, sum- mon^ Columbus on board his ship, to give an account of him- self and his vessel, llie latter asserted his rights and dignities ' ss admiral of the CfeMtilian sovermgns, ttAd refused to leave his ^ vessel, or to send any one in his place. No sooner, however, ' did the commander learn his rank, and the extraordinary nature of his voyage, than he came to the caravel with great sound of drams, fifes, and trumpets, manifesting the courtesy of ft brave and generous spirit, and making the ftdlest oflfer of his services. When the tidings reached Lisbon of this wonderftil bark, Anchored in the Tagus, fieighted with the people and pro- ductions of a newly discovered world, the effect may be more ensily conceived than described. Lisbon, for nearly a century, hadaerived its chief glory from its maritime discoveries, but h^rc was an achievement that eclipsed them all. Curiosity ' Couid scftfcely Irtive been more excited had the vessel come freighted with the Wonders of another planet. For several, days the Tagus presented a gay and moving picture, covered with bai^s and boats of every kind, swarming round the caravel. From morning till night the vessel was thronged ^with visitors, 4imong whom were cavaliers of high distinction, ' lied that he had never seen those capitulations, nor knew anything of their nature : his orders had been not to go to La Mi£ki, nor the coast of Guinea, which orders he had oarefoliy observed. The king made a gracious reply, ^pref^King himoelf satisfied that he had acted correctly, and persuaded that these matters would bo readily adjusted 'between the two po-ners without the need of umpires. On dismissing Columbus for the night, he gave him in chaise as guest to the prior of Crato, the principal personage present, by whom ho was honmtrubiy nnd hospitably entertiune TOTAOX8 OF COLUMBUS. H< I CHAPTER VI. Tiu letter of Cdumbiw to the Spuiish mo—Tche had pro- duced the srefttest senaatum at court. The erent he announced waa con«i£red the most extraorduMury of their jMroapesow icigB, and following ao dose upon the conquest off Chranada, was pronouneed a signal mark of diyine fiitour fSor that triumph achieved in the cause of the true fiutk, The soire- leigns themseWes were for a time daaded bj thia sudden and easy acquisition of a new empire, of indefinite extent, and apparently boundless wealth; and their first idea waa ta secure it beyond the reach of dispute. I^iortly after his anriTal in Seville, Columbus received a letter from them expressing their great del^t, and requesting him to repair immediately to eourt, to concert pkma for a second and more extensiYe expedition. As the summer, the time favourable for a voyage, was approaching, they desked him to make any airanf^ments at Seville, or elsewhnre, that mi|^t hasten the expediticni, and to inform them, by the return of the coaier» what was to be done on their part. This letter was addressed to him by the title of **D(m Christopher Columbus, oar admiral « the Ocean sea, and vieeroy and governor of the islands discovered in the Indies ;" at the same time he was promised still further rewards. Columbus lost no time ia complying with the commands of the sovereigns. He sent a men^orandum of the ships, men, and munitiims requisite, and ' The Ptnzoni at present reside principally in the Utile dty of Mogner, about a league from Palos, and possess Tineyarda and estates about the neighbourhood. Thty are in ea^y, if not iJineat circnmstaaces, and lahabit the beat houses in Moguer. Here they httve ooniinuad, from fmemtion to generation, since the time of th* fiacwrsiy, filling places sf public trust and diguity, e^|«yiag the good opinion and good-wiB cf their feUow-citiiena, and floorialwig in nearly the same stata in i^ch they were found by Columbus, on his first visit to Paloa. It is mre, indeed, to find a flumly, in this fluctuating worid, ao Uttle ohsngsd ^ die revolutions of nearlSy three centuries and a half. Whaterer Paloa may have been In the time of Colualms^ It ia now a Mltiy viUage of about Umx hundred inhabitania, who sohafat chiefy by bboarlng in the fielda and vineyarda The contunt of La BaUda attft SsistiH bat is inhabited merely bv two firian, with a aovidate sad a lur brothsr. It is situated on a hflU snrronnded bv a scattered fHwat « fins trsaa» and overlooks the low mndy eonntiy of the seaeeast, and ths viadiaci ef tha dver bf whidt Colnnriwie siUiad &rtk upon the j 1 x a I B tl P tl k at n w hi SI at n tk ai w to m m hi w< th de wi po to an th loi cai P« COl HI» A&BXTAL AT EABCKLOMA. 167 having made snch dispositiona at Seville at circumttances per- mitted, set out for Barcekmav taking with him the six Indians •Bfd the variout curiotitBea and productions brought from the Nev World. The fiune of his disGovery had resoimded throughout the ■ati(m, and as his route lay through several of the finest and Bioet populous provineea of Spain, his journey appeared like thepr(^es» of a soverogn. Wherever he passed, tiie coontry pouvied Ibrtk its inhabitants, who lined the road uid thronged the vilh^es. The streets, windows, and balconies of the tCMms were fitted with eager spectators, who rent the air with aedamatJJHMk His purney waa continually in^wded by the multitude pressing to gain a sif^ oi him and of the Indiane» who were regarded with as much astonishment as if they had been natives of another planet. It was impossible to satisfy the craving curiosity which assailed him and hia atteadanta at every stage with innumerable questions ; popular nunonr, ae usual,, had exaggerated the tmdi, and had filled the newly-found, country witk all kind» of wcmders. About the middle of April Columbua arrived at Borcekaa, wdwre cvcary preparation had. been made to give him. a solemn and magaineeni reception. The beauty and serenity of the weather in that genial season and fieivoured climate contributed to give sjdendour to thia meawcable ceremoBy. As he drew near the place, many of the youthfiil courtien and hidalgos together with a vast cimcourse of the pc^ulace, came forth to meet and welcome him. His entrance into thia noble city hat been con^Mured to one of those triumphs whidi the Eomans were accustomed to decree to conquerors. First were paraded the Indians, painted according to their savage foshion, and decorated with their national £ the iimbu* tev ancl U was ithsra dfiorth nrexbca! (t ideas 6oE and ontem- inteiest casual tuft tbs » far tters^ Ktbs «£ JOT OCCASIOXXD BT BIS niSCOTBST. 171 IT ham of «ke lory o^ bsvuig giyen birth to iht discoterer. The tidings were soqb cnried to Engbuid, iHiick as yet was Init & maritiBBe po w en ti inferior importaDce. They caused, however, nmch wander m London, ukL great talk and admifatisn in the court of Heniy VII., where the discoTery was pramanced ** a thing sore divine than human." We have tiiis on the anthoEi^ of Sebastian Cabot himself, the future discoverer of tkie nforthem continrat of America, who was in Lcmdon at the trn^ and was inspired by the .event with a gem^roos spiiit of Bvery ssember of civilixed society, in ihet, rejoiced in tiM o ccwm ence, as (me in which he was more or less interested. To some it opened a new and mibounded field of inquiry; to others of en t erp r ise ; and every one awaited with intense d^mess the further devdopment of tkis unknown world, still covered with mystery, the partial ^impses c^ which were so fidl of wonder. We have a brief testimony of the emotioiw of the learned in a letter, written at the time, hf Peter Martjrr to his friend Pomponius Lsetos. ^ Toa t^U me, mj amiable Pomponius," he writes, ** that you leaped for joy, and that your delight was mingled with tears, when you read my epistle, certifying to you the hitherto hidden world of the antipodes. You have felt and acted as became a man eminent for learning, for I can conceive no aliment more Aeliekms than such tidings to a cidtivated and ingenuous mind. I feel a wonderful exultation of spirits whm I con* terse with intelligent men who have returned from these unions. It is like an accession of wealth to a miser. Ovr mmds, soiled and debased hy the common eimcems of life and the vices of sode^, become elevated and amdiorated hj contemplating such glorious events."^ Notwithstanding this muversal enthusiasm, however, na one was aware of the real impcnrtance of the diseovery. Na one had an idea that this was a totally distinct portion d tha globe, separated by ooeans from the ancient world. The opi- nion of Columbus was universally adcqpted, that Cuba was ue cad of the Asiatic continent, and that the acyaeent islands were in the Indian seas. This agreed with the opinions f^ th^ ancients, heret<^bre cited, about the moderate distaiKse from Spain to the extremity of India, sailing westwardly. Tha * Hackluyt, Collect. Voyages, vol. UL p. 7. t Lsitsnef P. Msityr, tei. IM. NJ t ■'■>. a 172 LIFE AKD TOTAOES OF COLUMBUS. i I EAiTots were also thought to resemble those described by rliny, as abounding in the remote parts of Asia. The lands, therefore, which Columbus had visited were called the West Indies; and as he seemed to have entered upon a vast region of unexplored countries, existing in a state of nature, the whole received the comprehensive appellation of " The New World." During the whole of his sojourn at Barcelona, the sove- reigns took every occasion to bestow on Columbus personal marks of their high consideration. He was admitted at all times to the royal presence, and the queen delighted to con- verse with him on the subject of his enterprises. The king, too, appeared occasionally on horseback, with Prince Juan on one side, and Columbus on the other. To perpetuate in his fitmily ^e glory of his achievement, a coat of arms was assigned him, in which the royal arms, the castle and lion, were quartered with his proper bearings, which were a group of islands surrounded by waves. To these arms was after- wards annexed the motto: A Castilla y fi Leon, Nuevo mundo dio Colon. (To Caatile and Leon Columbus gave a new vorld.) The pension which had been decreed by the sovereigns to bim who in the first voyi^e should discover land, was ad- jured to Columbus, for having first seen the light on the shore. It is said that the seaman who first descried the land, was so incensed at being disappointed of what he conceived his merited reward, that he renounced his country and his fiuth, and going into Africa turned Mussulman ; an anecdote which rests merely on the authority of Oviedo,* who is ex- tremely incorrect in his narration of this voyage, and inserts mimy &lsehoods told him by the enemies of the admiral. It may, at first sight, appear but little accordant with the acknowledged magnanimity of Columbus, to have borne away tiie prize from this poor sailor, but this was a subject in which bis whole ambition was involved, and he was doubtless proud of the honour of being personally the discoverer of tiie land OS well as projector of the enterprise. * Oviedo, Cronica de lu Indias, lib. iL cap. 2. THE ANECDOTE OF THE EOO. US Next to the countenance shown him by the king and queen^ may be mentioned that of Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, the grand cardinal of Spain, and first subject of the realm; a man whose elevated chi^acter for piety, learning, and high prince* like qualities, gave signal value to his fieivours. He invited Columbus to a banquet, where he assigned him the most honourable place at table, and had him served with the cere- monials wmch in those punctilious times were observed towards sovereigns. At this repast is said to have occurred the well-known anecdote of the egg. A shallow courtier present, impatient of the honours paid to Columbus, and meanly jealous of him as a foreigner, abruptly asked him whether he thought that, in case he had not discovered the Indies, there were not other men in Spain, who would have been capable of the enterprise? To this Columbus made no immediate reply, but, taking an egg, invited the company to make it stand on one end. Every one attempted it, but in vain ; whereupon he struck it upon the table so as to break the end, and left it standing on the broken part; illustrating in this simple manner, that when he had once shown the way to the New World, nothing was easier than to follow it.* The favour shown Columbus by the sovereigns, insured him for a time the caresses of the nobility, for in a court every one vies with his neighbour in lavishing attentions upon the man ** whom the king delighteth to honour." Columbus bore all these caresses and distinctions with becoming modesty, though he must have felt a proud satisfaction in the idea that they had been wrested, as it were, from tbe nation by his courage and perseverance. One can hardly ••n^iogtazib in the individual thus made the companion of prin- 3s, and the theme of general wonder and admiration, the same obscure stranger who but a short time before had been a coi»< mon scoff and jest in this very court, derided by some as an adventurer, and pointed at by others as a madman. Those who had treated him with contumely during his long course of solicitation, now sought to efface the remembrance of it by adulations. Every one who had given him a little cold * Thia anecdote rests on the authority of the Italian historian Benzoni (lib. i. p. 12, ed. Yenetia, 1572). It has been condemned as trivial^ but the simplicity of the reproof constitutes its severity, and was cha- racteristic of the practical sagacity of Coliunbus. The uniTersal popu* larity of the anecdote is a proof of its merit. V -'fl 17« LirS AVS TOTAOXS OW COXUMBUS. 1 ^ oomtnaaifce, or m, few oourtlj imileB, now «rronted to him- •df Ait credit of having been a patnm, and of having pto- noted -tibe diaooivery of the New World. Scarce « n^eat man tdnnit the court, but has been enzoUed by hia historian or biogmpher among the bene&ctoiB of Colttmbus; Ihoug^ had one-tenth part of this boasted patronage be«n really exerted, he would never have had to unger jseven yean soli- citing ^ an armament of three caravels. Columbus knew wdi the weaknns of the patronage that had been given him. The only friends mentioned by him with gratitude, in his after iettera, as having beoi reaUy zealous and effective, were Unee two vrorlhy ftisurs, Diego de Deza, afterwards bidiop of Palenda and Seville, wail Juan Feres, the prior of the con- sent oi La Rabida. Thus honoured by the sovereigns, courted by the great, idoliaed by the people, Columbus, for a time, drank the honeyed draught of popularity, b^bie enmity and detracticm had time to cfug xt wim bitterness. '^His discovery burst with audi sudden s^endour iq>on the world, as to dazzle en^ itself, and to call forth the g^ieral acclamations of Well would it be for the honour of human nature, could history, lil» rcmance, dose witii the consummation of the hero's wishes; we should then leave Cdumbus in the fuH fruition of great and well-moited pro^mty. But his histoiy is destined to ftimish another proof, if proof be wanting, of the inconstancy of public fkvour, even when won by distin- guished services. No greatness was ever acquired by more incontestable, unalloyed, and exalted benefits rendered to mankind, yet none ever drew on its possessor more unremitting jealousy and de&mation, or involved him in more unmerited distress and difliculty. Thus it is with illustrious merit : its Tery efti^noe draws forth the rancorous passions of low and grovelling minds, which too often have a tenporary influence in obscuring it to the world; as the sun emerging with ftdl splendour into the heavens, calls up, by the very fervour of its rays, the rank and noxious vapours which, for a time, becloud its glory. CHAPTER Vm.— [1493.] "^ tir the midst of their rejoicings, the Spanish sovereigns lost no dme in taking every measure necessary to secure their new acquisitions. Althougli it was supposed that the countries s 1 JLFPLlCiLTfeV «0 VKE POPE. 17S him- pco- fi;teat oriBiL »u^ really ifloli*' kaew ibim. in his wen of ftoon- gwat, Lk the raction. stwitii ooiild of the he fun history ;ing, of dMtin- y more ered to mitting merited (tit: its owaxid ifluenoe ith fiill vour of a time, igns lost leir new ountries jnflt diwoTered were pHtt of the taritoriet of the Great Khan, and of other onental priaoea, oonsidenihiy advanced in eiviliia- tioB, yet there does not appear to ha!«e heea the kast doubt of the right «f their Oatholie migeatiM te take poasunon of ftem. Daring the eroaadea, a doctrine had been eatabltshed among CliriatiaB prinees eaitreaaely ftcroonifala to their nmbi* tionsdesigBB. Aeooiding to this, they had the ririit to invade, rayage, and seise tqxm Ihe traritoriea of all inaddi nations, under the ptea of defeating the enraues of Obriat, and extend- ing the sway of his efanich on earth. In conformity to the same doctrine, the pope, from his supreme authority oter all temporal Ihii^, was considered as empowered.to di^ose of all heathen lands to such potentates &« would engi^ to reduce tiiem to the doounion ai the cfaurdi, and to propagate the true fidth nmong their benigfated inhabitants. It was in Tirtue of this power, that Pope Martin V. and his successors had conceded to the crown of Portugal all the lands it mig}U discover from Cbpe Bqjador to the Indies ; and the Catiiolio 80Vj 176 LIFE AND T0TA0E8 OF C0LX7XBVS. h discovery did not in the least interfere with the possessions ceded by the holy chair to Portugal, all which had been sedulously avoided. Ferdinand, who was at least as politic as he was pious, insinuated a hint at the same time, by which the pope might perceive that he was determined, at aU events^ to maintain his important acquisitions. His ambassadors were instructed to state that, in the opinion of many learned men, these newly-discovered lands having been taken posses- sion ofby the Catholic sovereigns, their title to the same didnot require the papal sanction ; still, as pious princes, obedient to the holy chair, they supplicated his Holiness to issue a bull, making a concession of mem, and of such others as might be discovered, to the crown of Castile. The tidings of the discovery were received, in fact, with great astonishment and no less exultation by the court of Home. The Spanish sovereigns had already elevated them- selves to high consequence in the eyes of the church, by their war against the Moors in Spain, which had been considered in the light of a pious crusade ; and though richly repaid by the acquisition of the kingdom of Granada, it was thought to entitle them to the gratitude of all Christendom. The present discovery was a still greater achievement ; it was the fulfil- ment of one of the sublime promises tc the church ; it was giving to it " the heathen for an inheritance, and the utter- most parts of the earth for a possession." No difficulty, therefore, was made in granting what was considered but a modest request for so important a service ; though it is pro- bable that the acquiescence of the worldly-minded pontiff was quickened by the insinuations of the poUtic monarch. A bull was accordingly issued, dated May 2nd, 1493, ceding to the Spanish sovereigns the same rights, privileges, and indulgences, in respect to the newly-discovered regions, as had been accorded to the Portuguese with regard, to their African discoveries, under the same condition of planting and propagating the Catholic faith. To prevent any conflict- ing claims, however, between the two powers in the wide range of their discoveries, another bull was issued on the following day, containing the famous line of demarcation by which their territories were thought to be clearly and perma- nently defined. This was an ideal line drawn from the north to the south pole, a hundred leagues to the west of the Azores, and the Cape de Verd islands. All land discovered by the PEBTIDT OF F0N8ECA. 177 sions been oUtic rhich rents* adora omed osses- lidnot entto a bull, gbtbe ■^ "with aurt of tbem- )ytbeir fiidered paid by )Ugllt to present lefulfil- 1 it was e utter- fficulty, >d but a t is pro- ntiffwaa 1. J, ceding ges, and gions, as to their planting 7 conflict- tbe wide d on the cation by idperma- the north le Azores, ed by the Spanish navigators to the west of this line, and which had not been taken possession of by any Christian power before the preceding Christmas, was to belong to the . Spanish crown ; all land discovered in the contrary direction, was to belong to Portugal. It seems never to have occurred to the pontiff, that, by pushing their opposite careers of discovery, they might some day or other come again in collision, and renew the question of territorial right at the antipodes. In the meantime, without waiting for the sanction of th^ court of Home, the utmost exertions were made by the sovereigns to fit out a second expedition. To insure regularity and dispatch in the affairs relative to the New World, they were placed under the superintendence of Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, archdeacon of Seville, who was successively pro- moted to the sees of Bajadoz, Falencia, and Burgos, and finally appointed patriarch of the Indies. He was a man of family and influence ; his brothers Alonzo and Antonio were seniors, or lords, of Coca and Alaejos, and the latter was comptroller-general of Castile. Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca is represented by Las Casas as a worldly man, more calculated for temporal than spiritual concerns, and well adapted to the bustling occupation of fitting out and manning armadas. Not- withstanding the high ecclesiastical dignities to which he rose, his worldly employments seem never to have been con- sidered incompatible with his sacred functions. Enjoying the perpetual, though unmerited, favour of the sovereigns, he maintained the control of Indian affairs for about thirty years. He must undoubtedly have possessed talents for business, to insure him such a perpetuity of office ; but he was malignant and vindictive ; and in the gratification of his private resentments, not only heaped wrongs and sorrows upon the most illustrious of the early discoverers, but fre- quently impeded the progress of their enterprises, to the great detriment of the crown. This he was enabled to do privately and securely by his official situation. His perfidious conduct is repeatedly alluded to, but in guarded terms, by contempo- rary writers of weight and credit, such as the curate of LO0 Pahusios, and the bishop Las Casas ; but* they evidently were fearful of expressing the fulness of their feelings. Subsequent Spanish historians, always more or less controlled by eccle- siastical supervision, have likewise dealt too fiivourably with this base-minded man. He deserves to be held up as a N t1 . n 178 LIFE AMD V0TA6E8 OF COI.UMBUS. [ i wamine example of those perfidious beings in office, who too often he Kke won»« at the root of honourable enterprise, blighting, by their unseen influence, the firuits of glorious iction, and disappointing the hopes of nations. To assist Fonseca in his duties, Francisco Pinelo was asso* eiated with him as treasurer, and Juan de Sorio as contador, or comptroller. Their office, for the transaction of Indian affairs, was fixed at Seville ; extending its vigilance at the ■ame time to the port of Cadiz, where a custom-house was established for this new branch of navigation. Such was the germ of the Royal India House, which afterwards rose to •uch great power and importance. A. correspondent office was ordered to be instituted in Hispani(^ imder the direction of the admiral. These offices were to interchange registry of the cargoes, crews, and munition of each ship, by account- ants who sailed with it. All persons thus employed were dependants upon the two comptrollers-general, superior ministers of the royal revenue ; since the crown was to be at all the expenses of the colony, and to receive all the emolu- ments. The most minute and rigorous account was to be exacted of all expenses and proceeds ; and the most vigilant caution observed as to the persons employed in the concerns of the newly-discovered lands. No one was permitted to go there either to trade or to form an establishment, without express license ftx>m the sovereigns, firom Columbus, or from Fonseca^ under the heaviest penaities. The ignorance of the age as to enlarged principles of commerce, and the example of the Portuguese in refect to their African possessions, have been cited in excuse of the narrow and jealous spirit here mani- fested ; but it always more or less influenced the policy of Spain in her colonial regulations. Another instance of the despotic sway maintain^ by the erown over commMve, is manifested in a royal order, that all ■bins in the ports of Andalusia, with their captains, pilots, and orews, should be held in readiness to serve in this expedi- tion. Columbus and Fonseca were authdby the >, that all IS, pilots, s expcdi- ifcight or oper, and had been conceive loriccd to , from any place or vessel in which they might be found, paying a £ur price to the owners; and they might compel, not merely mariners, but any officer holding any itmk or station whatever, whom they should deem necessary to the service, to embark in the fleet on a reasonable pay and salary. The civil authorities, and all persons of rank and standing, were called upon to render all requisite aid in expediting the arnuunent, and warned i^ainst creating any impediment, under penalty of privation of office and confiscation of estate. To provide for the expenses of the expedition, the royal revenue arising from two-thirds of the church-tithes was placed at the disposition of Pinelo; and other funds were drawn from a disgraceful source, from the jewels aid other valuables, the sequestrated property of the unfortunfite Jews, banished from the kingdom, according to a bigoted edict of the preceding year. As these resources were still inadequate, Pinelo was authorised to supply the deficiency by a loan. Requisitions were likewise made for provisions of all kinds, as well as for artillery, powder, muskets, lances, corselets, and cross-bows. This latter weapon, notwithstanding the intro- duction of fire-arms, was still preferred by many to the arquebuse, and considered more formidable and destructive ; the other having to be used with a match-lock, and being so heavy as to require an iron rest. The military stores which had accumulated during the war with the Moors of Granada, furnished a great part of these supplies. Almost all the preceding orders were issued by the 23rd of May, while Columbus was yet at Barcelona. Rarely has there been wit- nessed such a scene of activity in the dilatory offices of Spain. As the conversion of the heathens wrj professed to be the grand object of these discoveries, twelve lealous and able ecclesiastics were chosen for the purpose, to accompany the expedition. Among these was Bernardo Buyl or Boyle, • Benedictine monk^ of talent and reputed sanctity, but one of those subtle politicians of the cloister, who in those days glided into all temporal concerns. He had acquitted himself with success in recent negociationi^ith France, relative to the restitution of Rousillon. Bdbre ttie saiUng of the fleet, he was appointed by the Pope his apostolical vicai tor the New World, and placed as superiw over his ecclesiastical brethren. This pious mission was provided with all things necessary for the dignified perfonnanoe of its functions ; the k2 »., ■J; *1: il 180 LIFE AND TOTAOES OF COLUMBUS. queen supplying from her own chapel the ornaments and vestments to be used on all solemn occasions. Isabella, from the first, took the most warm and compassionate interest in the welfare of the Indians. Won by the accounts given by Columbus of their gentleness and simplicity, and lool^g upon them as committed by Heaven to her especial care, her heart was filled with concern at their destitute and ignorant condi- tion. She ordered that great care should be taken of their religious instruction ; that they should be treated with the utmost kindness ; and enjoined Columbus to inflict signal punishment on all Spaniards who should be guilty of outrage or injustice towards them. By way, it is said, of ofiering to Heaven the first-fruits of these pagan nations, the six Indians whom Columbus had brought to Barcelona were baptized with great state and ceremony; the king, the queen, and Prince Juan officiating as sponsors. Great hopes were entertained that, on their return to their native country, they would &cilitate the introduction of Christianity among their countrpnen. One of them, at the request of Prince Juan, remained in his household, but died not long afterwards: a Spanish historian remarked that, according to what ought to be our pious belief, he was the first of his nation that entered heaven.* Before the departure of Columbus from Barcelona, the the provisional agreement made at Santa F6 was confirmed, granting him the titles, emoluments, and prerogatives of admiral, viceroy, and governor of all the countries he had discovered, or might discover. He was intrusted also with the royal seal, with authority to use the name of their majesties in granting letters patent and commissions within the bounds of his jurisdiction; with the right also, in case of absence, to appoint a person in his place, and to invest him, for the time, with the same powers. It had been premised in the agreement, that for all vacant offices in the government of the islands and mainland, he should nominate three candidates, out of which number the sofvereign should make a choice; but now, to save time and to ihow their confidence in Columbus, they empowered him to appoint at once such persons as he thought proper, who were to hold their offices during the royal pleasure. He had Ifltewis* the title and command of captain-general of the • Herren, Hist Ind. deoad. L lib. U. cap. 5. c « ] t c f a 8 ] NEOOCIATIONS WITH POBTUOAL. 181 armament about to sail, with unqualified powers as to the goyemment of the crews, the establishments to be formed in ihe New World, and the ulterior discoTeriesto be undertaken. This was the honeymoon of royal favour, during which Columbus enjoyed the unbounded and well-merited con- fidence of his sovereigns, before envious minds had dared to insinuate a doubt of his integrity. After receiving every mark of public honour and private regard, he took leave of the sovereigns on the 28th of May. The whole court accom- panied him firom the palace to his dwelling, and attended also to pay him farewell honours on his departure irom Barcelona for Seville. CHAPTER IX.— [1493.] The anxiety of the Spanish monarchy for the speedy departure of the expedition was heightened by the proceed- ings of the court of Portugal. John II. had unfortunately among his councillors certain politicians of that short-sighted class, who mistake craft for wisdom. By adopting their per* fidious policy, he had lost the New World when it was an object of honourable enterprise; in compliance with their advice, he now sought to retrieve it by stratagem. He had accordingly prepared a large armament, the avowed object of which was an expedition to Africa, but its real destination to seize upon the newly-discovered countries. To lidl suspicion, Don Buy de Sande was sent ambassador to the Spanish court, requesting permission to procure certain prohibited article! firom Spain for this African voyage. He required also, that the Spanish sovereigns should forbid their subjects to fish beyond Cape Bojador, until the possessions of the two nations should be properly defined. The discovery of Columbus, the real object of solicitude, was treated as an incidental affair. The manner of his arrival and reception in Portugal was mentioned; the congratulations of Kmg John on the happy result of his voyage; his satisfaction at finding that tlie admiral had been instructed to steer westward from the Canary Islands, and his hope that the Castilian sovereign! would continue to enjoin a similar track on their navigators, —all to the south of those islands being granted by papal bull to the crown of Portugal. He concluded by intimatmg the entire confidence of King John, that should any of the tiewly-discovered islands appertain by right to Portugal, the 'li Si 182 LIFE AND T0TA6ES OF COLTTMBUS. matter would be adjusted in that spirit of amity which existed between the two crowns. Ferdinand was too wary a politician to be easily deceived. He had received early intelligence of the real designs of King John, and before the arrival of his ambassador had himseu dispatched Don Lope de Herrera to the Portuguese court, iuniished with double instructions, and with two letters of widely opposite tenour. The first was couched in aflfectionate terms, acknowledging the hospitality and kindness shown to Columbus, and communicatii^ the nature of his discoveries; requesting at the same time that the Portuguese navigators might be prohibited from visiting those newly-discovered lands, in the same manner that the Spanish sovereigns had prohibited their subjects from interfering with the African possessions of Portugal. In case, however, the ambassador should find that King John had either sent, or was about to send, vessels to the New World, he was to withhold the amicable letter, and present the other, couched in stem and peremptory terms, and for- bidding any enterprise of the kind.* A keen diplomatic game ensued between toe two sovereigns, perplexing to any spec- tator not acquainted with the secret of their play. Resende, in his history of King John II., informs us, that the Portu- guese monarch, by laive presents, or rather bribes, held certain of the confidentifd members of the Castilian cabinet in his interest, who informed him of the most secret councils of iheir court. The roads were thronged with couriers; scarce was an intention expressed by Ferdinand to his ministers, but it was conveyed to his rival monarch. The result was, that the Spanish sovereign seemed as if under the influence of some enchantment. King John anticipated all their move- ments, and ^)peared to dive into their very thoughts. Their ambassadors were crossed on the road by Portuguese ambas- sadors, empowered to settle the very points about which they ihey were going to make remonstrances. Frequently, when Ferdinand proposed a sudden and perplexing question to the envoys at his court, which apparently would require fresh instructions from the sovereigns, he would be astonished by a prompt and positive reply; most of the questions which were likely to occmr having, through secret information, been * Henwra, Hlit lad., deosd. i. lib. il Zurita, Anales de Angon, fib. L Mp. 25. yiOOCIAZIONS WITH FOBTUOAL. 188 they finreseen and provided for. As a nurmise of treachery in tha cabinet might naturally anfle. King John, while he rewarded his i^nts in secret, endeavoured to divert auapicifmt from them upon others, making rich presents of jewels to the Duke del Inmntado and other Spanish grandees of incorruptibls integrity.* Such is the intriguing diplomatic craft which too oftoi passes for refined policy, and is extolled as the wisdom of the cabinet; but all corrupt and disingenuous measures are uiu worthy of an enlightened politician and a magnanimous prince. The grand principles of right and wrong operate in the same way between nations as between individuals; fiur and open conduct and inviolable feiith, however they may appear adverse to present purposes, are the only kind of policy that will insure ultimate and honourable success. King John, having received intelligence, in the ftuiive ■lanner that has been mentiired with a passion fer hardy achievements by the romantic wars of Granada, pressed into the expeditimi, some in the royal ■ervice, others at their own cost. To ihcm it vma the com- mencement of a new series of orusades, surpassing in exlrat and splendour the chivalrous enterprises to tiie Holy Land* They pictured to themselves vast and beautiM ishuBda of the ooean to be overrun and subdued ; their internal wonders to be ei^ored, and the banner of the cross to be planted on the walls of the cities they were supposed to contain. Theaoe they wwe to nuike their way to the shores of India, or rather Ana, penetrate into Mangi and Cathay, convert, or, what was 'die same thing, conquer, the Grand Khan, and thus open m glorious career of arms among the i^lendid countries and semi-barbarous nations of the East. Thus, no one had any definite idea of the object or nature of the service on iHiich he was embarking, or the situation and character of the region to which he was bound. Indeed, diuing this fever of the inu^ination, had sober fects and cold realities been pre- sented, tii^ would have heea. rejected vrith disdain ; for there 2S pothing of which the pididic is more impatient than of being disturbed in the indvdgence of any of its golden dreams. Among the noted personages who engaged in the expedi- tion, was a young cavalier of the name of Don Alonso de Ojeda, celebrated for his extraordinary personal endowments mod his daring spirit ; and who distingudied himself among ihe early discoverers by many pmloos expeditions and sio- gnkr exploits. He was of a good femily, eousin-gernan to iSae venerable Father Alonso de Ojeda, Inquisitor of Spain ; bad been brought up under the patnmage oi the Duke of Medina Celi, and had served in the wars i^;ainst the Moors. Ha was of small stature, but vigorous make, well pro- ! ▲LONSO D£ OJSOA. 187 portioned, daric complezioned, of handsome, animated ooun- tenanoe, and incredible strength and agility. Expert at all kinds of weapons, aocomplicdied in all manly and warlike exercises, an admirable hors^nan, and a partisan txAiSdet of the hi^est order ; bold of heart, free of spirit, <^n of hand ; fierce in fight, quick in brawl, but ready to forgire and prone to foi^t an injury ; he was for a lon^ time the idtoA. of the rash and roving youth who engaged m the early expediti vessel, priBcipally wied in coasting trade), of one hundred tons burden, and that two of the caravels were much larger than die rest, and more capable of bearing decks from the size of their masts.— Decad. L lib. i. t Hist, del Almirante, cap. 44. 192 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP COLUMBUS. to stock the island of Hispaniola ; and eight hogs, from which, according to Las Casas, the infinite number of swine was pro- pagated, with which the Spanish settlements in the New World subsequently abounded. A nimiber of domestic fowls trere likewise purchased, which were the origin of the species in the New World ; and the same might be said of the seeds of oranges, lemons, bergamots, melons, and various orchard fruits,* which were thus first introduced into the islands of the west, from the Hesperides or Fortunate Islands of the Old World.t On the 7th, when about to sail, Columbus gave to the com- mander of each vessel a sealed letter of instructions, in which was specified his route to the harbour of Nativity, the resi- dence of the cacique Guacanagari. This was only to be opened in case of being separated by accident, as he wished to make a mystery, as long as possible, of the exact route to the newly-discovered country, lest adventurers of other na- tions, and particularly the Portuguese, should follow in his track, and interfere with his cnterprises4 After making sail from Gomera, they were becalmed for a few days among the Canaries, until, on the 13th of October, a fair breeze sprang up from the east, which soon carried them out of sight of the island of Ferro. Colimibus held his course to the south-west, intending to keep considerably more to the southward than in his first voyage, in hopes of falling in with' the islands of the Caribs, of which he had received such vague and wonderful accounts from the Indians. § Being in the region of the trade-winds, the breeze continued fair and steady, with a quiet sea and pleasant weather, and by the 24th they had made four hundred and fifty leagues west of Gomera, without seeing any of those fields of sea- weeds en-, countered within a much less distance on their first voyage. At that time their appearance was important, and almost pro- vidential, inspiring continual hope, and enticing them forward in their dubious enterprise. Now they needed no such sig- * Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 83. t Humboldt is of opinion that there were wild oranges, small and bitter, as well as wild lemons, in the New World, prior to the discovery. Caldcleugh also mentions that the Brazilians consider the small bitter wild orange of native origin.— Humboldt, Essaij Politique sur I'lile de Cuba, tom. i. p. 68. t Las Casas, ubi sup. I Letter of Dr. Chanca. * » UISCOVEBY OF THE CABIBEE ISLA.NDS. 193 LCh, )ro- few •wis cies ^eds lard the Old Bom- rhich resi- be Lshed ite to 1 r na- \ n his for a iber, a them, course ;o the with' vague the and )y the est of ds en-, ayage. It pro- rward ih sig- lalland icovery. 1 bitter Iile do n nals, being full of confidence and lively anticipation, and on seeing a swallow circling about the ships, and being visited occasionally by sudden showers, they began to look out cheerily for land. Towards the latter part of October they had in the night a gust of hca^'y rain, accompanied by the severe thunder and lightning of the tropics. It lasted for four hours, and they considered themselves in much peril, until they beheld several of those lambent flames playing about the tops of the masts, and gliding along the rigging, which have always been objects of superstitious fancies among sailors. Fernando Columbus makes remarks on them strongly characteristic of the age in which he lived. '* On the same Saturday, in the night, was seen St. Elmo, with seven lighted tapers, at the topmast: there was much rain and great thunder ; I mean to say, that those lights were seen, which mariners affirm to be the body of St. Elmo, on beholding which they chant litanies and orisons, holding it for certain, that in the tempest in which he appears, no one is in danger. Be that as it may, I leave the matter to them ; but if we may believe Pliny, similar lights have sometimes appeared to the Roman mariners during tem- {)ests at sea, which they said were Castor and Pollux, of which ikewise Seneca makes mention."* On the evening of Saturday, the 2nd of November, Co- lumbus was COL vinced from the colour of the sea, the nature of the waves, and the variable winds and frequent showers, that they must be near to land ; he gave orders, therefore, to take in sail, and to maintain a vigilant watch throughout the night. He had judged with his usual sagacity. In the morning a lofty island was descried to the west, at the sight of which there were shouts of joy throughout the fleet. Co- lumbus gave to the island the name of Dominica, from having discovei'ed it on Sunday. As the ships moved gently onward, other islands rose to sight, covered with forests, while flights of parrots, and other tropical birds, passed from one to the other. * Hist, del Almirante, cap. 45. A similar mention is made of this nautical superstition in the voyage of Magellan. " During these great storms, they said that St. Elmo appeared at the topmast with a lighted candle, and sometimes with two, upon which the people shed tears of joy, receiving great consolation, and nluted him according to the custom of mariners. He remained visible for a quarter of an hour, and then disappeared, with a great flash of lightning, which blinded the people.** — Herrer decad. ii. lib. iv. cap. 10. j i 1 , r VA ! Tl 194 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. The crews were now assembled on the decks of the sereral' ships, to return thanks to God for their prosperous royaee, ana their happy discovery of land, chanting the Salve Regtna and other anthems. Such was the solemn manner in which Columbus celebrated all his discoveries, and which, in fact, was generally observed by the Spanish and Portuguese voyagers. CHAPTER II.— [1493.] The islands *amon^ which Columbus had arrived, wcto a part of that beautiful cluster called by some the Antilles, which sweep almost in a semicircle from the eastern end of Porto Rico to the coast of Paria on the southern continent, forming a kind of barrier between the main ocean and the Caribbean sea. During the first day that he entered this archipelago, Co- lumbus saw no less than six islands of different magnitude. They were clothed in tropical vegetation, and the breezes fix>m them were sweetened by the fragrance of theic forests. After seeking in vain for good anchorage at Dominica, he stood for another of the group, to which he gave the name of his ship, Mangalante. Here he landed, displayed the royal banner, and took possession of the arehipelngo in the name of his sovereigns. The island appeared to be uninhabited; a rich and dense forest overspread it ; some of the trees were in blossom, others laden with unknown fruits, others possess- ing spicy odours — among which was one with the leaf of the laurel and the fr£^;rance of the clove. Hence they made sail for an island of lai^r size, with a remarkable mountain ; one peak, which proved afterwards to be the crater of a volcano, rose to a great height, with streams of water gushing from it. As they approached within three leagues, they beheld a cataract of such height, that, to use tho words of the narrator, it seemed to be falling from the sky. As it broke into foam in its descent, many at first believed it to be merely a stratum of white rock.* To this island, which tMSi called by tho. Indians Turuqueira,! the admiral gave the name of GUadaloupe, having promised the monks of oiu: Lady of Guadtiloupe in Estremadura, to call some newly-disoovered pUce aftor their convent Landing here on the 4tb, they visiiod. ai viUagc near tho ** Letter of Dr. Chanoa. f Letter of Dr. Qhanea. Ollli it Caraoueiny or Quersquiera, decad. L lib. ii. Peter Jtariyr 'cral fgttuc hich fact, juese rare a tilles, nd of inent, d the 0, Co- litude. isfirom ca» lie ime of ; royal ame of ted; a 8 were ossess- of the I with a irds to jtreams three J use tho (he 8k)r. ievcd it ■which lave the Lady jovered lear tho Ir.MMiyr EUROPEAN BELICS AT OtlADALOITPS. 195 shore, the inhabitants of which fled, some even leaving their children behind in their terror and confusion, lliese the Spaniards soothed with caresses, binding hawks' bells and other trinkets round their arms. This village, like most of those of the island, consisted of twenty or thirty houses, built round a public place or square. The houses were constructed of trunks of trees interwoven with reeds and branches, and thatched with palm-leaves. They were square, not circular like those of the other islands,* and each had its portico or shelter from the sun. One of the porticoes was decorated with images of serpents tolerably carved in wood. For furniture they had hammocks of cotton net, and utensils formed of ca* labashes or earthenware, equal to the best of those of llispan- iola. There were large quantities of cotton ; some in the wool, some in yam, and some wrought into cloth of very to- lerable texture ; and many bows and aiTows, the latter tipped with sharp bones. Provisions seemed to abound. There were many domesticated geese like those of Europe, and par- rot§ as large as household fowls, with blue, greeny white,, and scarlet plumage, being the splendid species called gaacama|^oai Here also the Spaniards iirst met with the anaua, urpuM* apple, the flavour and fn^^'aucc of which OBtonidbed aad delighted them. In one of the houses they were-surprited-to find a pan or other utensil of iron, not having eiper met with that metal in the New World. Feniando Golbn supposes that it was formed of a certain kind of heo-ry stone found among those islands, which, when burnt, has the appearance of shining iron ; or it might have been some-utensil brought by the Indians from Hispaniola. Certain it is, thai no native iron was ever found among the people of these ialandtt In another house was the stem-post of a vessel. How had it reached these shores, which appeared never to have been visited by the ships of civiUzod man ? Was it the wreck of some vessel from tho more enlightened countries of Asia^ which they supj)osed to Ho somewhere in this direction ? Or a part of the caravel which Columbus had lost at the island of Hispnniola during his first voyage ? Or a fragment of some Kuroi)ean ship which had driitcd across tho Atlantic ? The latter was most probably the case. The oonstant current which sets over from tho coast of Africa, produoed by the steady prevalence of tlie trade- winds, must occasionally bring wrecks from the Old World to the New ; and long before the ■*■ Hist, del Almiiaats, cap. 02. o 2 :IIH 196 LIFE AND TOTAOES OF COLUMBXTS. discovery of Columbus, the savages of the islands and the coasts may have gazed with wonder at fragments of European barks which have floated to their shores. What struck the Spaniards with horror was the sight of human bones, vestiges, as they supposed, of unnatural repasts ; and skulls, apparently used as vases and other household uten- sils. These dismal objects convinced them that they were now in the abodes of the Cannibals, or Caribs, whose preda- toiy expeditions and ruthless character rendered them the terror of these seas. The boat having returned on board, Columbus proceeded upwards of two leagues, until he anchored, late in the even- ing, in a convenient port. The island on this side extended for the distance of five and twenty leagues, diversified with lofty mountains and broad plains. Along the coast were small villages and hamlets, the inhabitants of which fled in affright. On the following day the boats landed, and succeeded in taking and bringing off a boy and several women. The in- formation gathered from them confirmed Columbus in his idea that this was one of the islands of the Caribs. He learnt that the inhabitants were in league with two neighbouring islandB, but made war upon all the rest. They even went on predatory enterprises, in canoes made from the hollowed trunks of trees, to the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues. Their arms were bows and arrows pointed with the bones of fishes, or shells of tortoises, and poisoned with the juic^of a certain herb. They made descents upon the islands, ravaged the villages, carried off the youngest and handsomest of the women, whom they retained as servants or companions, and made prisoners of the men, to be killed and eaten. After hearing such accounts of the natives of this island, Columbus was extremely uneasy at finding, in the evening, that Diego Marque, the captain of one of the caravels, and eight men, were missing. They had landed early in the morning without leave, and straying into the woods, had not since been seen or heard of. The night passed away without their return. On the following day parties were sent in various directions in quest of them, each with a trumpeter to sound calls and signals. Ouns were fired from the ships, and arquebuses on shore, but all to no purpose, and the parties returned in the evening, wearied with a fruitless search. In several hamlets, they had met with proofs of the cannibal propensities of the natives. Human limbs were suspended I ▲ PARTY LOST IN THE FOBESTS. 197 to the beams of the houses, as if curing for provisions ; the head of a young man recently killed, was yet bleeding ; sonic parts of his body were roasting before the fire, others boiling with the flesh of geese and parrots.* Several of the natives, in the course of the day, had been seen on the shore, gazing with wonder at the ships, but when the boats approached, they fled to the woods and mountains. Several women came off to the Spaniards for refuge, behig captives from other islands. Columbus ordered that they should be decorated with hawks' bells, and strings of beads and bugles, and sent on shore, in hopes of. enticing off some of the men. They soon returned to the boats stripped of their ornaments, and imploring to be taken on board the ships. The admiral learnt from them that most of the men of the island were absent, the king having sailed some time before with ten ( anoes and three hundred warriors, on a cruise in quest of prisoners and booty. "When the men went forth on these expeditions, the women remained to defend their shores from invasion. The^ were expert archers, partaking of the warrior spirit of their husbands, and almost equalling them in force and intrepidity, f The continued absence of the wanderers perplexed Colum- bus extremely. He was impatient to arrive at Hispaniola, but unwilling to sail while there was a possibility of their being alive and being recovered. In this emergency Alonzo de Ojeda, the same young cavalier whose exploit on the tower of the cathedral at Seville has been mentioned, volunteered to scour the island with forty men in quest of them. He departed accordingly, and during his absence the ships took in wood and water, and part of the crews were permitted to land, wash their clothes and recreate themselves. Ojeda and his followers pushed far into the interior: firing off arquebuses and sounding trumpets in the valleys and from the summits of cliffy and precipices, but were onlv answered by their own echoes. The tropical luxuriance ana density of the forests rendered them almost impenetrable ; and it wa» necessary to wade a great many rivers, or probably the wind- ings and doublings of the same stream. The island appeared to be naturally fertile in the extreme. The forests abounded with aromatic trees and shrubs, among which Ojeda fancied he perceived the odour of precious gums and spices, 'lliere * P. Martyr, Letter 147, to Pomponio Laeto. Idem, dectd. 1. lib. ii. t P«ter Martyr, decad. Ui. lib. ix. I ■ii 198 I.IFE AND TOYA.OES OF COLUMBUS. was honey in hollow trees and in the clefts of rocks ; abund- anee of fruit also; for, according to Peter Martyr, the Caribs, in their predatory cruisings, were accustomed to bring home the seeds and roots of all kinds of plants from the distant islands and countries which they overran. Ojcda returned without any tidings of the stra^lers. Seve- ral days had now elapsed since their disappearance. They were given up for lost, and the fleet was about sailing, when, to the universal joy, a signal was made by them from the shore. When they came on board, their haggard and ex- hausted looks bespoke what they had suffered. For several days they had been perplexed in trackless forests, so dense as almost to exclude the light of day. They had clambered rocks, waded rivers, and struggled through briars and thickets. Some who were experienced seamen, climbed the trees, to get a sight of the stars, by which to govern their course ; but the spreading branches and thick foliage shut out all view of the heavens. They were harassed with the fear, that the admiral, thinking them dead, might set sail and leave them in this wilderness, cut off for ever from their homes and the abodes of civilized man. At length, when almost reduced to despair, they had arrived at the sea-shore, and following it for some time, beheld, to their great joy, the fleet riding quietly at anchor. They brought with tiiem several Indian women and boys ; but in all their wanderings they had not met with any man ; the greater part of the warriors, as has been said, being fortunately absent on an expedition. Notwithstanding the hardships they had endured, and his joy at their return, Columbus put the captain under arrest, and stopped part of the rations of the men, for having strayed away without permission, for in a service of such a critical nature it was necessary to punish every breach of discipline.* CHAPTER III.~[1493.] Weioiiiko anchor on the 10th of November, Columbus steered toward the north-west, along this beautiful archipelago ; giving names to the islands as they rose to view ; such as Montserrat, Santa Maria la Redonda, Santa Maria la Antigu". and San Martin. Various other islands lofty and well wooc'fd appeared to the north, south-west and south-east ; but he for- bore to visit them. The weather proving boisterous he an- chored on the 14 th at an island called Ayay by the Indians, * Dr. Chanoa's Letter. Hiat. del Almirtnte, cap. 46. . I' I 8KIBMISH WITH THE CABIB8. 199 \. but to 'which he gave the name of Santa Cruz. A boat well manned was Bent on shore to get water and procure informa- tion. They found a village, deserted by the men; but secured a few women and boys, most of them captives from other islands. They soon had an instance of Carib courage and ferocity. While at the village they beheld a canoe from a distant part of the island come round a point of land and arrive in view of the ships. The Indians in the canoe, two of whom were females, remained gazing in mute amazement at the ships, and were so entranced that the boat stole close upon them before they perceived it. Seizing their paddles they attempted to escape, but the boat being between them and the land, cut off their retreat. They now caught up their bows and arrows and plied them with amazii^ vigour. and rapidity. The Spaniards covered themselves with their buck- lers, but two of them were quickly wounded. The women fought as fiercely as the men, and one of them sent an arrow witi^ such force that it passed through and through a buckler. The Spaniards now ran their Imt against the oanoe, and overturned it; some of the savages got upon sunken rocks, others discharged their arrows while swimming, as dextrousfy as though they had been upon firm land. It was with the utmost difficulty they could be overcome and taken : one of them who had been transfixed with ». lance died €M>on after being brought aboard the ships. One of the women, from the obedience and deference paid to her, appeared to be their . queen. She was accompanied by her son, a young man strongly made, with a frowning brow and lion's &ce. He had been wounded in the conflict. The hair of these sarages was long and coarse, their eyes were encircled with paint, so as to give them a hideous expression ; and bauds of cotton were bound firmly above and below the muscular parts of the arms and legs, so as to cause them to swell to a disproportioned size ; a custom prevalent among various tribes of the New World. Though captives in chains, and in the power of their enemies, they still retained a frowning brow and an air of defiance. Peter Martyr, who often went to see them in Spain, declares, from his own experience, and that of others who accompanied him, that it was impossible to look at them without u sensation of horror ; so menacing and terrible was their aspect. The sensation was doubtless caused in a great measure by the idea of their being cannibals. In this skirmish, according to the same writer, tin Indians used 200 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. I poisoned arrows ; and one of the Spaniards died within a few days, of a wound received from one of the females.* Pursuing his voyage, Columbus soon came in sight of a great cluster of islands, some verdant and covered with forests, but the greater part naked and sterile, rising into craggy mountains ; with rocks of a bright azure colour, and some of a glistering white. These, with his usual vivacity of imagination, he supposed to contain mines of rich metals and precious stones. The islands lying close together, with the sea beating roughly in the narrow channels which divided them, rendered it dangerous to enter among them with the large ships. Columbus sent in a small caravel with latteen sails, to reconnoitre, which returned with the report that there were upwards of fifty islands, apparently inhabited. To the largest of this group he gave the name of Santa Ursula, and called the others the Eleven Thousand Yirgins.f Continuing his course, he arrived one evening in sight of a great island covered with beautiful forests, and indented with fine hf!vens. It was called by the natives Boriquen, but he gave it the name of San Juan Bautista ; it is the same since known by the name of Porto Rice. This was the native island of most of the captives who had fled to the ships for refuge from the Caribs. According to their accounts it wa» fertile and populous, and under the dominion of a single cacique. Its inhabitants were not given to rove, and possessed but few canoes. They were i^ubject to frequent invasions from the Caribs, who were their implacable enemies. They had become warriors, therefore, in their own defence, using the bow and arrow and the war-club ; and in their contests with their cannibal foes, they retorted upon them their own atrocU ties, devouring their prisoners in revenge. After running for a whole day along the beautiful coast of this island, they anchored in a bay at the west end, abounding in fish. On landing, they found an Indian village, constructed as usual round a common square, like a market- {)lace, with one large and well-built house. A spacious road ed thence to the sea-side, having fences on each side, of in- terwoven reeds, inclosing fruitful gardens. At the end of the road was a kind of terrace, or look-out, constructed of reeds, and overhanging the water. The whole place had an * P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 47. La» Casao, Hist. Ind., cap. 86, MS. Letter of Dr. Chanca. t P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii. Letter of Dr. Chanca. .^ CANNIBALISM AMONG THE CABIBS. 201 air of neatness and ingenuity, superior to the ordinary resi- dences of the natives, and appeared to be the abode of some important chieftain. All, however, was silent and deserted. Not a human being was to be seen, during the time they re- mained at the place. The natives had concealed themselves at the sight of the squadron. After remaining here two days, Columbus made sail, and stood for the island of Hispaniola. Thus ended his cruise among the Caribbee islands, the account of whose fierce and savage people was received with eager curiosity by the learned of Europe, and considered as settling one dark and doubtful question to the disadvantage of human nature. Peter Martyr, in his letter to Pomponius Lrotus, announces the fact with fearful solemnity. ** The stories of the Lestrigonians and of Polyphemus, who fed on human flesh, are no longer doubtful ! Attend, but beware, lest thy hair bristle with horror ! " That many of the pictures given us of this extraordinary race of people have been coloured by the fears of the Indians, and the prejudices of the Spaniards, is highly probable. They were constantly the terror of the former, and the brave and obstinate opponents of the latter. The evidences adduced of their cannibal propensities must be received with large allowances for the careless and inaccurate observations of sea- faring men, and the preconceived belief of the fact, which existed in the minds of the Spaniards. It was a custom among the natives of many of the islands, and of other parts of the New World, to preserve the remains of their deceased relatives and friends ; sometimes the entire body ; sometimes only the head, or some of the limbs, dried at the fire ; some- times the mere bones. These, when found in the dwellings of the natives of Hispaniola, against whom no prejudice of the kind existed, were correctly regarded as relics of the deceased, preserved through afiection or reverence ; but any remains of the kind found among the Caribs, were looked upon with horror as proofs of cannibalism. The warlike and unyielding character of these people, so dififerent from that of the pusillanimous nations around them, and the wide scope of their enterprises and wanderings, like those of the nomade tribes of the Old World, entitle them to distinguished attention. They were trained to war from their infancy. As soon as they could walk, their intrepid mothers put in their hands the bow and arrow, and prepared them to jfike an early part in the hardy enterprises of their fathers. i i: m t f: 202 LIFE AND TOTAOES OF COLUMBUS. I Their distant roamings by sea made them obserrant and in- telligent. The nativep of the other islands only knew how to divide time by day and night, by the sun and moon ; whereas these had acquired some knowledge .of the stars, l^ which to calculate the times and seasons.* The traditional accounts of their origin, though of course extremely vague, are yet capable of being verified to a great degree by get^aphical facts, and open one of the rich veins of curious inquiry and speculation which abound in the New World. They are said to have migrated from the remote valleys embosomed in the Apalachian moimtains. The earliest accounts we have of them represent them with weapons in their hands, continually engaged in wars, winning their way and shifting their abode, until, in the course of time, they ' found themselves at the extremity of Florida. Here, aban- doning the northern continent, they passed over to the Lucayos, and thence gradually, in the process of years, from island to island of that vast and verdant chain, which links, Od it were, theend of 'Florida to the coast of Paria, on the southern continent. T^e archipelago extending from Porto Rico to Tobago was t^eir strong-hold, and the island of Guadaloupe in a manner their citadel. Henee they made their expeditions, and spread the terror of their name through all ^Jhe. surround- ing conntries. Swarms of them landed upon tiie southern continent, and overran some parte of terra firma. Traces of them have been discovered far in the interior of that vast country through which flows the Oroondco. The Dutch found .colonies of them on the banks of the Ikouteka, which empties itself into the Surinam ; along theEsquibi, the Maroni, and other rivers of Guayana ; and in the country watered by the wind- ings of the Cayenne ; and it would appear that they extended . their wanderings to the shores of the southern ocean, where, among the abor^inals of Brazil, were some who called them- selves Coribs, distinguished from the surrounding Indians by , their superior hardihood, subtlety, and enterprise.! To trace the footsteps of this rovii^ >tribe throughout its wide migrations from the Apalachkin mountains of tiie northern continent, along the clusters of islands which stud the Gulf of .^Mexicoand the Caribbean Seatto the shores of Paria, and so across the vast-regions of Guayana and Amaconia to the re- .mote coast of Brazil, would be one of the most curious * Hist, del Almintnie, cap. 62. t Bochefoct, Hist. Nat. des lies Aniillea; Boitenkm, il9ii6. ABBITAL AT HAYTI. 208 researches in aboriginal history, and throw much light upon the mysterious question of the population of the New World. CHAPTER rV.— [1493.] On the 22nd of November, the fleet arrived off what was soon ascertained to be the eastern extremity of Hayti, or, as the admiral had named it, Hispaniola. The greatest excite> ment prevailed throughout the armada, at the thoughts of SQon arriving at the end of their voyage. Those who had been here in the preceding voyage, remembered the pleasant days they had passed among the groves of Hayti ; and the reat looked forward with eagerness to scenes painted to them with the captivating illusions of the golden age. As the fleet swept with easy soil along the green shore, a boat was sent to land to bury a Biscayan sailor, who had died of the wound of an arrow received in the late skirmish. Two light caravels hovered near the shore to guard the boat's crew, while the funeral ceremony was performed on the beach, under the trees. Several natives came off to the ship, with a message to the admiral from the cacique of the neighbourhood, inviting him to land, and promising great quantities of gold ; anxious, however, to arrive at La Navidad, Columbus dis- missed them with presents and continued his course. Arriv- ing at the gulf of Las Flechas, or, as it is now called, the gulf of Semana, the place where, in his preceding voy^e, a skirmish had occurred with tiie natives, he set on shore one of the young Indians of the place, who had accompanied him to Spain, and had been converted to Christianity. He dis- missed him finely apparelled and loaded with triidcets, antici- pating favourable effects from his accounts to his coimtrymen of the wonders he had seen, and the kind treatment he had cxperienecd. The young Indian made many fidr promises, but either forgot them all, on regaining his liberty and his native mountains, or fell a victim to envy caused by Lis wealth and finery. Nothing was seen or heard of him more.* Only one Indian of those who had been to Spain now remained in the fleet ; a young Lucayan, native of the island of Guana- hane, who had been baptized at Barcelona, and had been named after the ndmirars brother, Diego Colon. He continued always faithful and devoted to the Spaniards. On the 25th, Columbus anchored in the harbour of Monte Christi; auvxious to fix upon a place for a settlement in the * Herrera, Hilt lad., decad. i.lib.ii. cap. 9. ( < i I I I i : I .11 Mil 204 LIFE AKD YOYAOES OF COLUMBUa. neighbourhood of the stream to which, in his first Yoyagc, he had given the name of the Rio del Oro, or the Golden Kiver. As several of the mariners were ranging the coast, they found, on the gi'een and moist banks of a rivulet, the bodies of a man and boy ; the former with a cord of Spanish grass about his neck, and his arms extended and tied by the wrists to a stake in the form of a cross. The bodies were in such a state of decay, that it was impossible to ascertain whether they were Indians or Europeans. Sinister doubts, however, were enter- tained, which were confirmed on the following day ; for on revisiting the shore, they found, at some distance from the former, two other bodies, one of which, having a beard, was evidently the corpse of a white man. The pleasant anticipations of Columbus on his approach to La Navidad were now overcast with gloomy forebodings. The experience recently had of the ferocity of some of the inhabitants of these islands, made him doubtful of the amity of others, and he began to fear that some misfortune might have befallen Arana and his garrison. The frank and fearless manner, however, in which a number of the natives came off to the ships, and their unembarrassed demeanour, in some measure allayed his suspicions ; for it did not appear probable that they would venture thus confi- dently among the white men, with the consciousness of having recently shed the blood of their companions. On tne evening of the 27th, he arrived opposite the harbour of La Navidad, and cast anchor about a league from the land, not daring to enter in the dark, on account of the dangerous reefs. It was too late to distinguish objects. Impatient to satisfy his doubts, therefore, he ordered two cannon to be fired. The report echoed along the shore, but there was no reply from the fort. Every eye was now directed to catch the gleam of some signal light ; every ear listened to hear some friendly shout ; but there was neither light nor shout, nor any other signs of life : all was darkness and deathlike silence.''^ Several hours were passed in dismal suspense, and every one longed for the morning light to put an end to his uncer- tainty. About midnight a canoe approached the fleet ; when within a certain distance, it paused, and the Indians who were in it, hailing one of the vessels, asked for the admiral. When directed to his ship they drew near, but would not venture on board until they saw Columbus. He showed him- * Letter of Dr. Chanca. Navarrete, Colec. de Yiage, torn. i. K£WS OF THE DESTRUCTION OF LA. NATIDAD. 205 some self at the side of hU Tcssel, and a light being held up, his countenance and commanding person >vere not to be mistaken. They now entered the ship without hesitation. One of them was a cousin of the cacique Guacanagari, and brought a pre- sent from him of tw ? masks ornamented with gold. Colum- bus inquired about the Spaniards who had remained on the island. The information which the native gave was some- what confused, or perhaps was imperfectly understood, as the only Indian interpreter on board was the young Lucayau, Diego Colon, whose native language was different from that of Hayti. He told Columbus that several of the Spaniards had died of sickness ; others had fallen in a quarrel among them- selves, and others had removed to a different part of the island, where they had taken to themselves Indian wives. That Guacanagari had been assailed by Caonabo, the fierce cacique of the golden mountains of Cibao, who had wounded him in battle, and burnt his village ; and that he remained ill of his wound in a neighbouring hamlet, or he would have hai^tened in person to welcome the admiral.* Melancholy as were these tidings, they relieved Columbus from a dark and dismal surmise. Whatever disasters had overwhelmed his garrison, it had not fallen a sacrifice to the perfidy of the natives : his good opinion of the gentleness and kindness of these people had not been misplaced ; nor had their cacique forfeited the admiration inspired by his benevo- lent hospitality. Thus the most corroding care was dismissed from his mind ; for, to a generous spirit, there is nothing so disheartening as to discover treachery where it has reposed confidence and friendship. It would seem also that some of the garrison were yet alive, though scattered about the island ; they would doubtless soon hear of his arrival, and would hasten to rejoin him, well qualified to give information of the interior. Satisfied of the friendly disposition of the natives, the cheerfulness of the crews was in a great measure restored. The Indians who had come on board were well entertained, and departed in the night gratified with various presents, promising to return in the morning with the cacique Guacana- gari. The mariners now awaited the dawn of day with reassured spirits, expecting that the cordial intercourse and pleasant scenes of the first voyage would be renewed. * Dr. Chanca's Letter, Hist, del Almirante, cap 48. Herrera, Hist, lad., decad. i. lib. i. cap. 9. ' ?f 206 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP COLUMBUS. The morning dawned and passed away, au •'. the day ad- vanced and began to decline, without the promised visit from the cacique. Some apprehensions were now entertained that the Indians who had visited them the preceding night might be drowned, as they had partaken freely of wine, and their small canoe was easy to be overset. ITiere was a silence and an air of desertion about the whole neighbourhood ex- tremely suspicious. On their preceding visit the harbour had been a scene of continual animation ; canoes gliding over the clear waters, Indians in groups on the shores, or under the trees, or swimming off to the caravel. Now, not a canoe was to be seen, not an Indian hailed them from the land ; nor was there any smoke rising from among the groves, to give a sign of habitation. After waiting for a long time in vain, Columbus sent a boat to the shore to reconnoitre. On landing, the crew hastened and sought the fortress. It was a ruin ; the palisadoes were beaten down, and the whole presented the appearance of hav- ing been sacked, burnt, and destroyed. Here and ^here were broken chests, spoiled provisions, and the ragged remains of European garments. Not an Indian approached them. ITiey caught sight of two or three lurking at a distance among the trees, and apparently watching them ; but they vanislicd into the woods on finding themselves observed. Meeting no one to explain the melancholy scene before them, they returned with dejected hearts to the ships, and related to the admiral what they had seen. Columbus was greatly troubled in mind at this intelligence, and the fleet having now anchored in the harbour, he went himself to shore on die following morning. Repairing to the ruins of the fortress, he found everything as nad been de- scribed, and searched in vain for the remains of dead bodies. No traces of the garrison were to be seen, but br-^ken uten- sils, and torn vestments, scattered here and there among the grass. There were many surmises and conjectures. If the fbrtress luid been sacked, some of the gan'ison might yet sur- vive, and might cither have fled from the neighbourhood, or been carritil into captivity. Cannon and arquebuses were discharged, in hopes, if any of the survivors were hid among rocks and thickets, they might hear them and come fehirh ; but no one nmdo his appearance. A moumfld and lifeless silence reigned over the place. The suspicion of treachery on the part of Ciiincnnngari was again revived, batCohimbus VISIT TO THE HUINED FOKTBESS. 207 was unwilling to indulge it. On looking further, the village of that cacique was found a mere heap of burnt ruins, which showed that he had been involved in the disaster of the garrison. Columbus had left orders with Arana and the other officei« to bury all the treasure they might procure, or in case of sudden danger, to throw it into the well of the fortress. He ordered excavations to be made, therefore, among the ruins, and the well to be cleared out. While this search was mak- ing, he proceeded with the boats to explore the neighbour- hood, partly in hopes of gaining intelligence of any scattered survivors of the garrison, and partly to look out for a better situation for a fortress. After proceeding about a league he came to a hamlet, the inhabitants of which had fled, taking whatever they could with them, and hiding the rest in the grass. In the houses were European articles, which evidently had not been procured by barter, such as stockings, pieces of cloth, an anchor of the caravel which had been wrecked, and a beautiftil Moorish robe, folded in the form in which it had been brought from Spain.* Having passed some time in contemplating these scattered documents of a disastrous story, Columbus returned to the ruins of the fortress. The excavations and search in the well had proved fruitless ; no treasure was to be found. Not far from the fort, however, they had discovered the bodies of eleven men, buried in different places, and which were known, by their clothing, to be Europeans. They had evi- dently been for some time in the groimd, the grass having grown upon their graves. In the course of the day a number of the Indians made their appearance, hovering timidly at a distance. Their ap- prehensions were gradually dispelled until they became per- fectlv communicative. Some of them could speak a few words of Spanish, and knew the names of all the men who had remained with Arana. By this means, and by the aid of the interpreter, the story of the garrison was in some measure ascertained. It is curious to note this first foot-print of civiltsition in the New World. Those whom Columbus had left behind, says Oviedo, with the exception of the commander, Don Diego Arana, and one or two others, were but little calculated to follow the precepts of so prudent a person, or to discharge the * Letter of Dr. Chanca. Cun de lot PsUcioe, cap. 120. 208 LIF£ AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. critical duties enjoined upon them. They were principally men of the lowest order, or mariners who knew not how to conduct themselves with restraint or sobriety on shore.* No sooner had the admiral departed, than all his counsels and commands died away from their minds. Though a mere handful of men, surrounded by savage tribes and tie- pendent upon their own prudence and good conduct, and upon the good will of the natives, for very existence, yet they soon began to indulge in the most wanton abuses. Some were prompted by rapacious avarice, and sought to possess themselves, by all kmds of wrongful means, of the golden ornaments and other valuable property of the natives. Others were grossly sensual, and not content with two or three wives idlowed to each by Guacanagari, seduced the wives and daughters of the Indians. Fierce brawls ensued among them about their ill-gotten spoils and the favours of the Indian women ; and the natives beheld with astonishment the beings whom they had wor- shipped, as descended from the skies, abandoned to the grossest of earthly passions, and raging against each other with worse than brutal ferocity. Still these dissensions might not have been very dangeroiis, had they observed one of the injunctions of Columbus, and kept together in the fortress, maintaining military vigilance ; but all precaution of the kind was soon forgotten. In vain did Don Diego de Arana interpose his authority: in vain did every inducement present itself which could bind man and man together in a foreign land. All order, all subordina- tion nil unanimity was at an end. Many abandoned the fortress, and lived carelessly and at random about the neigh- dourhood; every one for himself, or associated with some little knot of confederates to injure and despoil the rest. Thus factions broke out among them, until ambition arose to com- plete the destruction of their mimic empire. Pedro Gutier- rez and Kodrigo de Escobedo, whom Columbus had left as lieutenants to the commander, to succeed him in case of accident, took advantage of these disorders, and aspired to an equal share in the authority, if not to the supreme control.f Violent affrays succeeded, in which a Spaniard named Jacomo vrns killed. Having failed in their object, Guticirez and Escobedo withdrew from the fortress with nine of their ad- licrcnls, and a number of their women; and tu .ted their * Oviedo, Hiat. lod., lib. ii. cap. 12. f Idem. m tl wei tho befoil nnd of tl fled THE I'OETKESS DESTUOYED BY CAONABO. 209 to So els . a Eind yet ses. t to the ivcs. or L the otten itives wor- ossest worse ;erou8, 8, and lance ; n vain lin did m and iidina- d the neigh- some Thus to com- lOutier- Icftas lease of id to an [ontrol.t lOacomo rez and their ad- their thoi^hts on distant enterprise. Having heard marvellous accounts of the mines of Cibao, and the golden sands of its mountain rivers, they set off for that district, flushed with the thoughts of amassing immense treasure. Thus they disre- garded another strong injunction ^of Columbus, which was to keep within the friendly territories of Guacanagai-i. The region to which they repaired was in the interior of the island, within the province of Maguana, ruled by the famous Caonabo, called by the Spaniards the Lord of the Golden House. This renowned chieftain was a Carib by bii*th, and possessed the fierceness and enterprise of his nation. He had come an adventurer to Hispaniola, and by his courage and address, and his warlike exploits, had made himself the most potent of its caciques. The inhabitants universally stood in awe of him from his Carib origin, and he was the hero of the island, when the ships of tihe white men sud- denly appeared upon its shores. The wonderful accounts of their power and prowess had reached him among his moun- tains, and he had the shrewdness to perceive tliat his conse- quence must decline before such formidable intruders. The departui'e of Columbus gave him hopes that their intiusion would be but temporary. The discords and excesses of those who remained, while they moved his detestation, inspired him with increasing confidence. No sooner did Gutierrez and Escobedo, with their companions, take refuge in his dominions, than he put them to death. He then formed a league with the cacique of Marien, whoso territories ad- joined those of Guacanagari on the west, and concerted a sudden attack upon the fortress. Emerging with his warriors from among the mountains, and traversing great tracts of forest with profoimd secrecy, he arrived in the vicinity of the village without being discovered. The Spaniards, con- fiding in the gentle and pacific nature of the Indians, had neglected all military precautions. But ten men remained in the fortress with Arana, and these do not appear to have maintained any guard. The rest were quartered in houses in the neighbourhood. In the dead of the night, when all were wrapped in sleep, Caonabo and his warriors burst upon the place with frightfid yells, got possession of the fortress before its inmates could put themselves upon their defence, and surrounded nnd set fire to the houses in which the rest of the white men were sleeping. Eight of the Spaniards fled to the sea-side pursued by the savages, and, rushing into 210 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP COLUMBUS. the waves, were drowned ; the rest were massacred. Gua- canagari and his subjects fought faithfully in defence of their guests, but not being of a warlike character, were easily routed ; the cacique was wounded by the hand of Caonabo, and his village was burnt to the ground.* Such was the history of the first European establishment in the New World. It presents in a diminutive comjiass an epitome of the gross vices which degrade civilization, and the grand political errors which sometimes subvert the mightiest empires. All law and order being relaxed by cor- ruption and licentiousness, public good was sacrificed to private interest and passion, the community was convulsed by divers factions and dissensions, until the whole was shaken asunder by two aspiring demagogues, ambitious of the com- mand of a petty fortress in a wilderness, and the supreme control of eight-and-thirty men. CHAPTER v.— [1493.] The tragical story of the fortress, as gathered from the Indians at the harbour, received confirmation from another quarter. One of the captains, Melchor Maldonado, coasting to the cast with his caravel in search of some more favour- able situation for a settlement, was boarded by a canoe in which were two Indians. One of them was the brother of Guacanagari, and entreated him, in the name of the cacique, to visit him at the village where he lay ill of his wound. Mal- donado immediately went to shore with two or three of his companions. They found Guacanagari confined by lameness to his hammock, surrounded by seven of his wives. The caci.ue expressed great regret at not being able to visit the admiral. He related various particulars concerning the dis- asters of the garrison, and the part which he and his sub- jects had taken in its defence, showing his wounded leg Dound up. His story agreed with that already related. After treating the Spaniards with his accustomea hospitality, he presented to each of them at parting a golden ornament. On the following moitoing, Columbus repaired in person to ▼iiit the cacique. To impress him with an idea of his present power and importance, he nppcnred with a numerous train of officers, all richly dressed or in glittering armour. They * H«rrera, Hist. Ind., dccad. i. lib. ii. cap. 9. Letter of Dr. Chancn. VeUr Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii. Hist, del Almirantc, cap. 49. Cura do IciPdMios, cap. 120, 21^. Muilo/, Hist, do Nucvo MimdO; lib. iv. th^ TlJ fet the mi wel To HIS VISIT TO THE CACIQUE Gl;ACA^■AGAIiI. 211 Gna- their easily »nabo, liment ass an I, and rt the )y cor- ced to Lvulsed shaken B com- iipreme •om the another coasting favour- anoe in other of jique, to . Mal- ec of his ameness js. The visit the the dis- his sub- ided leg i. After ality, he ent. )erson to present ous train r. They )r. Chancft. Cura de lib. iv. H found Guacanagari reeHning in a hammock of cotton net. He exhibited great emotion on beholding the admiral, and im- mediately adverted to the death of the Spaniards. As lie related the disasters of the gai'rison he shed many tears, but dwelt particularly on the part he had taken in the defence of his guests, pointing out several of his subjects present who had received wounds in the battle. It was evident fi-om the scars that the wounds had been received from Indian weapons. Columbus was readily satisfied of the good faith of Guaca- ni^ari. When he reflected on the many proofs of an open and generous nature, which he had given at the time of his shipwreck, he could not believe him capable of so dark an act of perfidy. An exchange of presents now took place. The cacique gave him eight hundred beads of a certain stone called ciba, which they considered highly precious, and one hundred of gold, a golden coronet, and three small cala- bashes filled with gold dust, and thought himself outdone in munificence when presented with a number of glass beads, hawks' bells, knives, pins, needles, small mirrors, and orna- ments of copper, which metal he seemed to prefer to gold.* Guacanagari's leg had been violently bruised by a stone. At the request of Columbus, he permitted it to be examined by a surgeon who was present. On removing the bandagb no signs of a wound were to be seen, although he shrunk with pain whenever the limb was haadkd.f As some time had elapsed since the battle, the external bruise might have disappeared, while a tenderness remained in the part. StfTeral present, however, who had not been in the fir^t voyage, and had witnessed nothing of the generous conduct of the cacique, looked upon his lameness as feigned, and the whole story of the battle a fabrication, to conceal his real perfidy. Father Boyle especially, who was of a vindictive spirit, advised the admiral to make an immediate example of the chieftain. Columbus, however, viewed the matter in a different light. Whatever prepossessions he might have were in favour of the cacique ; his heai't refused to believe in his criminality. Though conscious of innocence, Guacanagari might have feared the suspicions of the white men, and have exaggerated the effecta of his wound; but the wounds of his subjects made by Indian weapons, and the destruction of his village, were s rong proofs to Columbus of the truth of his story. To satify his more suspicious followers, and to pacify the * Letter of Dr. Chanca. NavarrotO; Col. i. t Can de Iob Palacioe, c. 120. P 2 212 LIFE AND VOYAGES OP COLUMBUS. friar, without gratifying his love for persecution, he observed that true policy dictated amicable conduct towards Guacana- gari, at least, until his giiilt was fully ascertained. They had too great a force at present to apprehend anything from his hostility, but violent measures in this early stage of their in- tercourse with the natives might spread a general panic, and impede all their operations on the island. Most of his officers concurred in this opinion; so it was determined, notwith- standing the inquisitorial suggestions of the friar, to take the story of the Indians for current truth, and to continue to treat them with friendship. At the invitation jof Columbus, fie cacique, though still apparently in pain from his womKi/ accompanied him to the ships that very evening. He had wondered at the power and grandeur of the white men when they first visited his shores with two small caravels ; his wonder was infinitely increased on beholding a fleet riding at anchor in the harbour, and on going on board of the admiral's ship, which was a vessel of heavy burden. Here he beheld the Carib prisoners. So great was the dread of them among the timid inhabitants of Hayti, that they contemplated them with fear and shuddering, even though in chains.f That the admiral had dared to in- vade these terrible beings in their very island, and had dragged them as it were from their strong-holds, was, per- haps, one of the greatest proofs to the Indians of the irre- sistible prowess of the white men. Columbus took the cacique through the ship. The various works of art ; the plants and fruits of the Old World ; domestic fowls of different kinds, cattle, sheep, swine, and other animals, brought to stock the island, all were wonders to him ; but what most struck him with amazement, was the horses. He had never seen any but the most diminutive quadrupeds, and was astonished at their size, their great strength, terrific appearance, yet perfect docility.| He looked upon all these extraordinary objects as so many wonders brought from heaven, which he still believed to be the native home of the white men. On board of the ship were ten of the women delivered from Carib captivity. They were chiefly natives of the island of Boriquen, or Porto Rico. These soon attracted the notice of the cacique, who is represented to have been of an amorous • Hist, del Almirantc. cap. 89. + Peter Martyr, Letter 153 to Pom- ponius L«ctus. :{: Hbt. del Almiraute, ubi sup. Letter of Dr. Chanea. be son as col acci to ecu the 8001 MUTUAL SUSPICIONS. 213 per- irre- complexion. He entered into conversation with them; for though the islanders spoke different languages, or, rather, as is more probable, different dialects of the same language, they were able, in general, to understand each other. Among these women was one distinguished above her companions by a certain loftiness of air and maimer ; she had been much noticed and admired by the Spaniards, who had given her the name of Catalina. The cacique spoke to her repeatedly with great gentleness of tone and manner, pity in all probability being mingled with his admiration ; for though rescued from the bands of the Caribs, she and her companions were in a maimer captives on board of the ship. A collation was now spread before the chieftain, and Colum- bus endeavoured in every way to revive their former cordial intercourse. He treated his guest with every manifestation of perfect confidence, and talked of coming to live with him in his present residence, and of building houses in the vici- nity. The cacique expressed much satisfaction at the idea, but observed that the situation of the place was unhealthy, which was indeed the case. Notwithstanding every demon- stration of friendship, however, the cacique was evidently ill at ease. The charm of mutual confidence was broken. It was evident that the gross licentiousness of the garrison had greatly impaired the veneration of the Indians for their heaven-bom visitors. Even the reverence for the symbols of the Christian faith, which Columbus endeavoured to inculcate, was frustrated by the profligacy of its votaries. Though fond of ornaments, it was with the greatest difficulty the cacique could be prevailed upon by the admiral to suspend an image of the Virgin about his neck, when he understood it to be an object of Christian adoration.* The suspicions of the chieftain's guilt gained ground with many of the Spaniards. Father Boyle, in particular, re- garded him with an evil eye, and privately advised the admiral, now that he had him on board, to detain him pri- soner ; but Columbus rejected the counsel of the crafty mar, as contrary to sound policy and honourable faith. It is diffi. cult, however, to conceal lurking ill-will. The cacique, accustomed, in his former intercourse with the Spaniards, to meet with faces beaming with gratitude and friendship, could not but perceive their altered looks. Notwithstanding the frank and cordial hospitality of the admiral, therefore, he 80on begged permission to return to land.f • . * Hilt, del Almiraute, op. 49. t Peter Martyr, decad. L lib. IL 'I 214 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. The next morning there was a mysterious movement among the natives on shore, A messenger from the cacique inquired of the admiral how long he intended to remain at the harbour, and was informed that he should sail on the following day. In the evening the brother of Ouacanagari came on board, under pretext of bartering a quantity of gold ; he was ob- served to converse in private with the Indian women, and particularly with Catalina, the one whose distinguished ap- pearance had attracted the attention of Guacanagari. After remaining some time on board, he returned to the shore. It would seem, from subsequent events, that the cacique had been touched by the situation of this Indian beauty, or captivated by her charms ; and had undertaken to deliver her from bondage. At midnight, when the crew were buried in their first sleep, Catalina awakened her companions. The ship was anchored full three miles from the shore, and the sea was rough ; but they let themselves down from the side of the vessel, and swam bravely for the shore. With all their pre- cautions, they were overheard by the watch, and the alarm was given. The boats were hastily manned, and gave chase in the direction of a light blazing on the shore, an evident beacon for the fugitives. Such was the vigour of these sea- nymphs, that they reached the land in safety ; four were re- taken on the beach ; but the heroic Catalina with the rest of her companions made good their escape into the forest. When the day dawned, Columbus sent to Guacanagaii to demand the fugitives ; or if they were not in his possession, that he would have search made for them. The residence of '^he cacique, however, was silent and deserted ; not an Indian was to be seen. Either conscious of the suspicions of the Spaniards, and apprehensive of their hostility, or de- sirous to enjoy his prixe unmolested, the cacique had removed with all his effects, his household, and his followers, and had tak^n refuge with his island beauty in the interior. This 'sudden and mysterious desertion gave redoubled force to the doubts heretofore entertained, and Guacanagari was generally stigmatized as a traitor to the white men, and the perfidious destroyer of the garrison.* CHAPTER VI.— [1493.] The misfortunes of the Spaniards both by sea and land, in * Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. il. Letter 6f Dr. Chanca. Cora de los PalaciM, oap. 120, MS. ] i \ I I i ] I < 1 i I ( € ( C C I SEARCH FOa SITE FOll A SETTLEMENT. 215 the vicinity of this hai-bour, threw a gloom round the neigh- bourhood. The ruins of the fortress, and the graves of tbeir murdered countrymen, were continually before their eyes, and the forests no longer looked beautiful while there was an idea that treachery' might be lurking in their shades. The silence and dreariness, also, caused by the desertion of the natives, gave a sinister appearance to the place. It began to be considered by the credulous mariners, as under some bane- ful influence or malignant star. These were sufficient objec- tions to discourage the founding of a settlement, but there were others of a more solid nature. The land in the vicinity was low, moist, and unhealthy, and there was no stone for building ; Columbus determined, therefore, to aband. n the place altogether, and found his projected colony in some more favourable situation. No time was to be lost ; the animals on board the ships were suffering from long confine- ment ; and the multitude of persons, unaccustomed to the sea, and pent up in the fleet, languished for the refreshment of the land. The lighter caravels, therefore, scoured the coast in each direction, entering the rivers and harbours, in search of an advantageous site. They were instructed also to make inquiries after Guacanagari, of whom Columbus, notwith- standiog every suspicious appearance, still retained a favour- able opinion. The expeditions returned after ranging a con- siderable extent of coast without success. There were fine rivers and secure ports, but the coast was low and marshy, and deficient in stone. The country was generally deserted, or if any natives were seen, they fled immediately to the woods. Melchor Maldonado had proceeded to the eastward, imtil he cume to the dominions of a cacique, who at first issued forth at the head of his warriors, with menacing aspect, but was readily oonciliated. From him he learnt thut Gua- canagari had retired to the mountains. Another party dis- covered an Indian concealed near a hamlet, having been disabled by a wound received from a lance when fighting {gainst Gaonabo. His account of the destruction of the fortress agreed with that of the Indians at the harbour, and concurred to vindicate the cacique fiom the charge of trea- chery. Thus tiie Spaniards continued uncertain as to the real perpetratcnrs of this dark and dismal tragedy. Being convinced that there was no place in this part of the island lavourable for a settlement, Columbus weighed anchor (ML the 7th of December, with the intention of seeking the 216 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. port of La Plata. In consequence of adverse weather, how- ever, he was obliged to put into a harbour about ten leagues east of Monte Christi ; and on considering the place, was struck with its advantages. The harbour was spacious, and commanded by a point of land protected on one side by a natural rampart of rocks, and on another by an impervious forest, presenting a strong posi- tion for a fortress. There were two rivers, one large and the other small, watering a green and beautiful plain, and offering advantageous situations for mills. About a bow-shot from the sea, on the banks of one of the rivers, was an Indian village. The soil appeared to be fertile, the waters to abound in excellent fish, and the climate to be temperate and genial ; for the trees were in leaf, the shrubs in flower, and the birds in song, though it was the middle of December. They had not yet become familiarized with the temperature of this favoured island, where the rigours of winter are unknown, where there is a perpetual succession, and even intermixture of fruit and flower, and where smiling verdure reigns through- out the year. Another grand inducement to form their settlement in this place, was the information received from the Indians of the adjacent village, that the mountains of Cibao, where the gold mines were situated, lay at no great distance, and almost parallel to the harbom*. It was determined, therefore, that there could not be a situation more favourable for their colony. An animated scene now commenced. The troops and various persons belonging to the land-service, and the various labourers and artificers to be employed in building, were dis- embarked. The provisions, articles of traffic, guns and ammunition for defence, and implements of every kind, were brought to shore, as were also the cattle and live stock, which had suffered excessively fr^m long restraint, especially the horses. There was a general joy at escaping from the irk- some confinement of the ships, and once more treading the firm earth, and breathing the sweetness of the fields. An encampment was formed on the margin of the plain, around a basin or sheet of water, and in a little while the whole place was in activity. Thus was founded the first Christian city of the New World, to which Columbus gave the name of Isabella, in honour of his royal patroness. A plan was formed, and streets and squares projected. The I SICKNESS AMONG THE SETTLERS. 217 was greatest diligence was then exerted in erecting a church, a public storehouse, and a residence for the admiral. These were built of stone, the private houses were constructed of wood, plaster, reeds, or such materials as the exigency of the case permitted, and for a short time every one exerted him- self with the utmost zeal. Maladies, however, soon broke out. Many, unaccustomed to the sea, had suffered greatly from confinement and sea- sickness, and from subsisting for a length of time on salt pro- visions much damaged, and mouldy biscuit. They su£Pered great exposure on the land also, before houses could be built for their reception ; for the exhalations of a hot and moist climate, and a new, rank soil, the humid vapours from rivers, and the stagnant air of close forests, render the wilderness a place of severe trial to constitutions accustomed to old and highly-cultivated countries. The labour also of building houses, clearing fields, setting out orchards, and planting gardens, having all to be done with great haste, bore hard ujjon men, who, after tossing so long upon the ocean, stood in need of relaxation and repose. The maladies of the mmd mingled with those of the body. Many, as has been shown, had embarked in the expedition with visionary and romantic expectations. Some had antici- pated the golden regions of Cipango and Cathay, where they were to amass wealth without toil or trouble ; others a region of Asiatic luxury, abounding with delights; and others a , splendid and open career for gallant adventures and chivalrous enterprises. What then was their disappointment to find themselves confined to the margin of an island ; surrounded by impracticable forests ; doomed to struggle with the rude- ness of a wilderness ; to toil painfully for mere subsistence, and to attain every comfort by the severest exertion. As to gold, it was brought to them from various quarters, but in small quantities, and it was evidently to be procured only by patient and persevering labour. All these disappointments sank deep into their hearts; their spirits flagged as their golden dreams melted away, and the gloom of despondency idded the ravages of disease. . Columbtks hunself did not escape the prevalent maladies. The arduous nature of his enterprise, the responsibility under which he found himself, not merely to his followers and his sovereigns, but to the world at large, had kept his mind in continual agitation. The cares of so large a squadron; the 218 LIFE AND VOYAGES 01 COLUMBUS. incessant vigilance required, not only against the lurking dangers of these unknown seas, but against the passions and follies of his followers ; the distress he had suffered from the fate of his murdered garrison, and his uncertainty as to the conduct of the barbarous tribes by which he was surrounded ; all these had harassed his mind and broken his rest while on board the ship : since landing, new cares and toils had crowded upon him, which, added to the exposures incident to his situation in this new climate, completely overpowered his strength. Still, though confined for several weeks to his bed by severe illness, his energetic mind rose superior to the Bufferings of the body, and he continued to give directions about the building of the city, and to superintend tiie gesieral concerns of the expedition.* CHAPTER VII— [1493.] The ships having discharged their cargoes, it was necessary to send the greater part of them back to Spain. Here new anxieties pressed upon the mind of Columbus. He had hoped to find treasures of gold and precious merchandise accu- mulated by the men left behind on the first voyage ; or at least the sources of wealthy traffic ascertained, % which speedily to freight his vessels. The destruction of the garri- son had defeated all those hopes. He was aware of the extravagant expectations entertained by the sovereigns and the nation. What would be their disappointment when the returning ships brought nothing but a tale of disaster ! Something must be done, before the vessels sailed, to keep up the fame of his discoveries, and justify his own magnificent representations. As yet he knew nothing of the interior of the island. If it were really the island of Cipango, it must contain populous cities, existing probably in some more cultivated region, beyond the lofty mountains with which it was intersected. All the Indians concurred in mentioning Cibao as the fxaet of country whence they derived their gold. The very name of its cacique, Caonabo, signifying ** The Lord of the Golden House," seemed to indicate the wealth of Ms domini(ms. The tracts where the mines w^re said to abound, lay at a dis- tance of but three or four days' journey, directly in ^e interior; Columbus determined, therefore, to send an expedi- * Hist, del Almimnte, cap. 50. Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. iL, cap. 10. Peter Martyr, d«ciul. i. lib. iL Ijetter of Dr. Chanca, &c OJEDA 8 EXPEDITION TO THE INTEBIOR. 219 tion to explore it, previous to the sailing of the ships. If the result should confirm his hopes, he would then be able to send home the fleet with confidence, bearing tidings of the discovery of the golden mountains of Cibao.* The person he chose for this enterprise was Alonso de Ojeda, the same cavalier who has been already noticed for his daring spirit and great bodily force and agility. Delight- ing in all service of a hazardous and adventurous nature, Ojeda was the more stimulated to this expedition from the formidable character of the mountain cacique, Caonabo, wliose dominions he was to penetrate. He set out from the harbour early in January, 1494, accompanied by a small force of well-armed and determined men, several of them young and spirited cavaliers like himself. He struck directly southward into the interior. For the two first days, the march was toilsome and difficult, through a country abandoned by its inhabitants ; for terror of the Spaniards extended along the sea-coast. On the second evening they came to a lofty range of mountains, which they ascended by an Indian path, wind- ing up a steep and narrow defile, and they slept for the night at the summit. Hence, the next morning, they beheld the sun rise with great glory over a vast and delicious plain, covered with noble forests, studded with villages and hamlets, and enlivened by the shining waters of the Yagui. Descending into this plain, Ojeda and his companions boldly entered the Indian vill^es. The inhabitants, far from being hostile, overwhelmed them with hospitality, and, in fisict, impeded their journey by their kindness. They had also to ford many rivers in traversing this plain, so that they were five or six days in reaching the chain of mountains which locked up, as it were, the golden region of Cibao. They penetrated into this district, without meeting with any other obstacles than those presented by the rude nature of the country. Caonabo, so redoubtable for his courage and ferocity, must have been in some distant part of his domi- nions, for he never appeared to dispute their progress. The natives received them with kindness; they were naked and uncivilized, like the other inhabitants of the island, nor were there any traces of the impwtant cities which liieir imagi- nations had once pictured forth. They saw, however, ample signs of natural wealth. The sands of the mountain-streams guttered with particles of gold; these the natives would * Herrera, Hist Ind., dee. i. lib. ii. cap. 10. 220 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. skilfully separate and give to the Spaniards, without expect- ing a recompense. In some places they picked up large specimens of virgin ore from the beds of the torrents, and stones streaked and richly impregnated with it. Peter Martyr affirms that he saw a mass of rude gold weighing nine ounces, which Ojeda himself had found in one of the brooks.* . All these were considered as mere superficial washings of the soil, betraying the hidden treasures lurking in the deep reins and rocky bosoms of the mountains, and only requiring the hand of labour to bring them to light. As the object of his expedition was merely to ascertain the nature of the country, Ojeda led back his little band to the harbour, full of enthusiastic accounts of the golden promise of these moun- tains. A young cavalier of the name of Gorvalan, who had been dispatched at the same time on a similar expedition, and who had explored a different tract of country, returned with similar reports. These flattering accounts served for a time to reanimate the drooping and desponding colonists, and induced Columbus to believe that it was only necessary to explore the mines of Cibao, to open inexhaustible sources of ricnes. He determined, os soon as his health would permit, to repair in person to the mountains, and seek a favourable site for a mining establishment.! The season was now propitious for the return of the fleet, and Columbus lost no time in dispatching twelve of the ships under the command of Antonio de Torres, retaining only five for the service of the colony. By this opportunity he sent home specimens of the gold found among the mountains and rivers of Cibao, and all such fruits and plants as were curious, or appeared to be valuable. He wrote in the most sanguine terms of the expeditions of Ojeda and Gorvalan, the last of whom returned to Spain in the fleet. He repeated his confident anticipations of soon being able to make abundant shipments of gold, of precious drugs, and spices; the search for them being delayed for the present by the sickness of himself and people, and the cares and labours required in building the infant city. He de- scribed the beauty and fertility of the island; its range of noble mountains; its wide, abundant plains, watered by beautiful rivers ; the quick fecundity of the soil, evinced in the luxuriant growth of the sugar cane, and of various grains and vegetables brotight from Europe. * Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. IL f Hiit. del Alminnte, cap. 60. r BETUBK OF PAST OF THE FLEET TO SPAIN. 221 gold As it would take some time, however, to obtain provisions from their fields and gardens, and the produce of their live stock, adeqiiate to the subsistence of the colony, which con- sisted of about a thousand souls ; and as they could not ac- custom themselves to the food of the natives, Columbus re- quested present supplies from Spain. Their provisions were already growing scanty. Much of their wine had been lost, from the badness of the casks; and the colonists, in their infirm state of health, suffered greatly from the want of their accustomed diet. There was an immediate necessity of me- dicines, clothing, and arms. Horses were required, likewise, for the public works, and for military service; being found of great effect in awing the natives, who had the utmost dread of those animals. He requested also an additional number of workmen and mechanics, and men skilled in mining and in smelting and purifying ore. He recommended various per- sons to the notice and favour of the sovereigns, among whom was Pedro Margerite, an Arragonian cavalier of the order of St. Jago, who had a wife and children to be provided for, and who, for his good services, Columbus begged might be ap- pointed to a command in the order to M'hich he belonged. In like manner he entreated patronage for Juan Aguado, who was about to return in the fleet, making particular mention of his merits. From both of these men he was destined to experience the most signal ingratitude. In these ships he sent also the men, women, and children taken in the Caribbce Islands, recommending that they should be carefully instructed in the Spanish language and the Christian faith. From the roving and adventurous nature of these people, and their general acquaintance with the various languages of this great archipelago, he thought that, when the precepts of religion and the usages of civilization had reformed their savage manners and cannibal propensities, they might be rendered eminently serviceable as interpreters, and as means of propagating the doctrines of Christianity. Among the mpny sound and salutary suggestions in this letter, there is one of a most pernicious tendency, written in that mistaken view of natural rights prevalent at the day, but fruitful of much wrong and misery in the world. Con- sidering that tliu greater the number of these cannibal paganv transferred to the Catholic soil of Spain, the greater would be the numl)er of souls put in the way of salvation, he proposed to establish an exchange of them a^ slaves, against live stock. 11 222 LI7£ AND YOYAOES OF COLUMBUS. to be furnished by merchants to the colony. The ships to bring such stock were to land nowhere but at the island of Isabella, where the Carib captives would be ready for delivery. A duty was to be levied on each slave for the benefit of the royal revenue. In this way the colony would be furnished with all kinds of live stock free of expense; the peaceful islanders would be freed from warlike and inhuman neigh- bours; the royal treasury would be greatly enriched; and a vast, number of souls would be snatched from perdition, and carried, as it were, by main force to heaven. Such is the strange sophistry by which upright men may sometimes de- ceive themselves. Columbus feared the disappointment of the sovereigns in respect to the product of his enterprises, and was anxious to devise some mode of lightening their expenses until he could open some ample source of profit. The conversion of infidels, by fair means or foul, by per- suasion or force, was one of the popular tenets of the day; and in recommending the enslaving of the Caribs, Columbus thought that he was obeying the dictates of his conscience, when he was in reality listening to the incitements of his interest. It is but just to add, that the sovereigns did not accord with his ideas, but ordered that the Caribs should be converted like the rest of the islanders ; a command which emanated from the merciful heart of Isabella, who ever showed herself the benign protectress of the Indians. The fleet put to sea on the 2nd of February, 1494. Though it brought back no wealth to Spain, yet expectation was kept alive by the sanguine letter of Columbus, and the specimens of gold which he transmitted; his favourable accounts were corroborated by letters from Friar Boyle, Doctor Chanca, and other persons of credibility, and by the personal reports of Gorvalan. The sordid calculations of petty spirits were as yet overruled by the enthusiasm of generous minds, capti- vated by the lofty nature of these enterprises. There was something wonderfully grand in the idea of thus introducing new races of animals and plants, of building cities, extending colonics, and sowing the seeds of civilization and of enlight- ened empire in this beautiful but savage world. It struck the minds of learned and classical men with admiration, filling them with pleasant dreams and reveries,' and seeming to realize the poetical pictures of the olden time. *' Co- Ivkubus," says old Petor Martyr, **ha8 begun to build a city, as he has lately written to me, and to sow our seeds and BUILDING OF ISABELLA. 223 ever propagate our animals ! Who of us shall now speak with wonder of Saturn, Ceres, and Triptolemus, travelling about the earth to spread new inventions among mankind ? Or of the Phoenicians, who built Tyre or Sidon, or of the Tyrians them- selves, whose roving desires led 'them to migrate into foreign lands, to build new cities, and establish new communities?"'*^ Such, were the comments of enlightened and benevolent men, who hailed with enthusiasm the discovery of the New World, not for the wealth it would bring to Europe, but for the field it would open for glorious and benevolent enterprise, and the blessings and improvements of civilized life, which it would widely dispense through barbarous and uncultivated regions. NOTE. Isabella at the present day is quite overgrown with forest, in the midst of which are slill to be seen partly standing, tL*? pillars of the church, some remains of the king's storehouses, and part of the residence of Columbus, all built of hewn stone. The small fortress is also a pro- minent -'i ; and a little north of it is a circular pillar about ten feet high and nuch in diameter, of solid masonry, nearly entire ; which appear i a had a wooden gallery or battlement round the top for the conN w..ce of room, and in the centre of which was planted the flag-staff. Having discovered the remains of an iron clamp imbedded in the stone, which served to secure the flag-staff itself, I tore it out, and now consign to you this carious relic of the first foothold of civilization in the New World, after it has been exposed to the elements nearly three hundred and fifty years. — From the Letter qf T. S. Henneken, Esq. CHAPTER VIII.— [1494.] The embryo city of Isabella was rapidly assuming a form. A dry stone wall surrounded it, to protect it from any sudden attack of the natives, although the most friendly disposition WiiB evinced by the Indians of the vicinity, who brought supplies of their simple articles of food, and gave them in exchange for European trifles. On the day of the Epiphany, the 6th of February, the church being sufficiently completed, high mass was celebrated with great pomp and ceremony by Frinr Boyle and the twelve eccleHiastics. The affairs of the settlement being thus apparently in a regular train, Columbus, though still confined by indisposition, began to make arrangements for his contemplated expedition to the mountains of Cibao, when an unexptK^ted disturbance in his little communitv for a time end expedition with Bemal Diaz. He pertinaciously insisted that there was no gold in the island, or, at least, that it was found in such inconsiderable quantities as not to repay the search. He declared that the large grains of virgin ore brought by the natives had been melted ; that they had been the slow accu^ mulation of many years, having remained a long time in the families of the Indians, and handed down from generation to generation, which, in many instances, was probably the case. Other specimens of a large size he pronounced of a very inferior quality, and debased with brass by the natives. The words of this man outweighed the evidence of facts, and many joined him in the belief that the island was really des- titute of gold. It was not until some time afterwards that the real character of Fermin Cedo was ascertained, and the discovery made that his ignorance was at least equal to his obstinacy and presumption, qualities apt to enter largely into the compound of a meddlesome and mischievous man.* Encouraged by such substantial co-operation, a number of turbulent spirits concerted to take immediate possession of the ships and make sail for Europe. The influence of Bemal l)iaz de Piza at court would obtain for them a favourable hearing, and they trusted to their unanimous representations to prejudice Columbus in the opinion of the public, ever fickle in its smiles, and most ready to turn suddenly and capriciously from the favourite it has most idolized. Fortunately this mutiny was discovered before it proceeded to action. Columbus immediately ordered the ringleaders to be arrested. On making investigations, a memoiial or in- formation against himself, full of slanders and misrepresenta- tions, was found concealed in the buoy of one of the ships. It was in the handwriting of Bemal Diaz. The admiral conducted himself with great moderation. Out of respect to the rank and station of Diaz, he forbore to inflict any punishment, but confined him on board one of the ships, to be sent to Spain for trial, together with the process or investigation of his offence, and the seditious memorial which had been disco- vered. Several of the inferior mutineers were punished according to the degree of their culpability, but not with the- severity which their offence deserved. To guard against any recurrence of a similar attempt, Columbus ordered that all the gims and naval munitions should be tuken out of four oC the vessels, and put into the principal ship, which was given * Curs de loi PsUcio% cap. 120, 122, MS. n ■ 226 LIFJB AXB TOYAOES OF COLUMBUS. achai^ to perr ms in whom he eould jdaee implicit con- fidenee.* This WW the £i«t time Columbus exercised <&e right of puBishizig delinquents in bis new government, and it imme- distoly awaken^ the most violent animadversions. His measures, tiiough necessary for the gen^til safety, and cha- ractertased by the greatest lenity, were censured as arbitnuy and vindictive. Already the disadvantage of being a Ibreigner among the pe<^le he was to govern was cleaiiy manifested. He had national prejudices to encounter, of all others the most general and illiberal. He had no natural friends to rally round him ; whereas the mutineers had connexions in Spain, friends in the colony, and met with sympathy in every discQiitented mind. An early hostility was thus engendered against Columbus, which continued to increase throughout hm U&, and the seeds were sown of a series of factions and nmliiUiQS which afterwards distracted the island. CHAPTER IX.— {1494.] Hating at length recovered from his long illness, and the nnitiny at the settlement being effectually checked, Columbus prepared for his immediate departure for Cibao. He intrusted the oommand of the city and the ships, during his absence, to his brother, Don Diego, appointing able persons to counsel and assist him. Don Diego is represented l^ Las Casas, who knew htm personally, as a man of great merit and discretion, of a gentle and paeific disposition, and more characterized by simplicity than shrewdness. He was sober in his attire, wearing almost the dress of an ecclesiastic, and Las Casas Hkinks he had secret hopes of preferment in the church ;f indeed, Columbus intimates as much ^en he mentions him Mi his will. As the admital intended to build a fortress m the moun- tefaiit, and to form an establishment for working the mines, he took with him the necessary artificers, wonraen, miners, vnmtions, and implements. He was also about to enter the knilsries of the redoubtable Caonabo : it was important, HMrdfbrcto take with him a force that should not only secure hiK tf^nft any warlike opposition, but should spread through tha country a formidable idea of the power of the white men, and deter the Indians from any future violence, either towards * Herrera, Hist Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 11. Hist, del Almirante, «tf. 60. t I'M C'lM^ Hist. Ind., ttb. i. e»p. 8t, MB. HIS EXFXDITION TO CIBAO. 227 oommunities or wandering indiTiduals. Every healthy person, Hierefore, who could be spared from the settlement, was put in requisition, together with all the caralry that could be mustered; and every arrangement was made to strike the savages with the display of military splendour. On the 12th of March, Columbus set out at the head of about four hundred men well armed and equipped, with tsUning helmets and corslets, with arquebuses, lances, swords, and crossbows, and followed by a multitude of the neighbour- ing Indians. They sallied from the city in martial array, with banners flying, and sound of drum and trumpet. Their march for the first day was across the plain between the sea and the mountains, fording two rivers, and passing through a fair and verdant country. They encamped in the evening, in the midst of pleasant fields, at the foot of a wild and rocky pass of the mountains. The ascent of this rugged defile presented fonmdable diffi- culties to the little army, encumbered as it was with various implements and munitions. There was nothing but an Indian footpath, winding among rocks and precipices, or through brakes and thickets, entangled by the rich vegetati(Hi «f a tropical forest. A number of h^h-spiritod young oavalten volmiteered to open a route for the army. They had pro- bably learnt this kind of service in the Moorish wars, when it was often necessary on a sudden to open roads for the march of troops and the conveyance of MrtUlery across the mountains of Granada. Throwing themselves in advAnot with labourers and pioneers, whom they stimalated by tbair example, as well as by promises of liberal reward, they soon constructed the first road formed in the New World ; and which was called El Puerto de los Hidalgos, or the Gen- tlemen's Pass, in honour of the gallant oavali^v wha eflbcted it.« On the following day, the army toiled ixp this steep defiW, and arrived where the gorge of the mountain opened into the interior. Here a land of promise suddenly burst iwon th<>ir view. It was the same glorious prospect wnich had delighted Ojeda and his companions. Below h^y a vast aad delicious plain, painted and enamelled, as it were, with all the ridh variety of trojneal vegetation. The magnificent forests pre- * Hist, del Ataalnnto. «9. 00. Hidalgo, i.e., R\jo d« Algo, Rtih filly " a son of timebody," In esalradtoUttctton to an otiscun and k>v bom man, a son of nobody. 02 m i 228 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. : I , sented that mingled beauty and majesty of vegetable fornfits known only to these generous climates. Palms of prodigious height, and spreading mahogany trees, towered from amid a wilderness of variegated foliage. Freshness and verdure were maintained by numerous streams, which meandered gleaming through the deep bosom of the woodland; while various villages and hamlets, peeping from among the trees, and the smoke of others rising out of the midst of the forests, gave signs of a numerous population. The luxuriant landscape extended as far as the eye could reach, until it appeared to melt away and mingle with the horizon, llie Spaniards gazed with rapture upon this soft voluptuous country, which seemed to realize their ideas of a terrestrial paradise; and Columbus, struck with its vast extent, gave it the name of the Vega Real, or Royal Plain.* Having descended the rugged pass, the army issued upon the plain in martial style, with great clangour of warlike instruments. When the Indians beheld this shining band of warriors, glittering in ste<^l, emerging from the mountains * Las Caeas, Hist. Ind., lib. 1. cap. 20, MS. Extract of a Letter from T. S. Heneken, Esq., dated Santiago (St. Domingo), 20th September, 1847. —The route over which Columboa traced his course from Isabella to the mountains of Cibao exists in all its primitive rudeness. The Puerto de los Hidalgos is still the narrow rugged footpath winding among rocks and precipices, leading through the only practicable defile which traverses the Monte Christi range of mountains in this vicinity, at present called the pass of Mamey ; and it is somewhat purprisingthat, of this first and remarkable footprint of the white man in the New World, there does not at the present day exist the least tradition of its former name or importance. The spring of cool and delightful water met with in tho gorge, in a deep dark glen overshadowed by palm and mahogany trees, near the outlet where the magnificent Vega breaks upon the view, still continues to quench the thirst of the weary traveller. When I drank from this lonely little fountain, I could hardly realize the fact that Columbus must likewise have partaken of its sparkling waters, when at the height of his glory, surrounded by cavaliers attired in the gorgeous costumes of the age, and warriors recently from the Moorish wars. Judging by the distance stated to have been travelled over the plain, Columbus must have crossed the Yagui near or at Ponton ; which very likely received its name from the rafts or pontoons employed to cross the river. Abundance of reeds grow along its banks, and the remains of an Indian village are still very distinctly to be traced in the vicinity. By this route he avoided two large rivers, the Amina and the Mar, which .discharge their waters into the Yagui opposite Esperanza. The road from Ponton to the river Hanique passes through (he defiles of La Cuesta and Nicayagua. HOSFITALIIT OF TM£ NATIVES. 229 igh th« with prancing steeds and flaunting banners, and heard, for the first time, their rocks and forests echoing to the din of drum and trumpet, they might well have taken such a wonderful pageant for a supernatural vision. In this way Columbus disposed of his forces whenever he approached a populous village, placing the cavalry in front, for the horses inspired a mingled terror and admiration among the natives. Las Casas observes, that at first they supposed the rider and his horse to be one animal, and nothing could exceed their astonishment at seeing the horsemen dismount ; a circumstance which shews that the alleged origin of the ancient fable of the Centaurs is at least founded in nature. On the approach of the army, the Indians generally fled with terror,, and took refuge in their houses. Sueh was their simplicity, that they merely put up a slight barrier of reeds at the portal, and seemed to consider themselves perfectly secure. Columbus, pleased to meet with such artlessness, ordered that these frail barriers should be scrupulously respected, and the inhabitants allowed to remain in their fancied security.* By degrees their fears were allayed through the meduttion of interpreters, and the distribution of trifling presents. Their kindness and gratitude could not then be exceeded, and the march of the army was continually retarded by the hospitality of the numerous villages through which it passed. Such was the frank communion among these people, that the Indians who accompanied the army entered without ceremony into the houses, helping themselves to anything of which they stood in need, without exciting surprise or anger in the inhabitants: the latter ofiered to do the same with respect to the Spsmiards, and seemed astonished when they met a repulse. This, it is probable, was the case merely with respect to articles of food; for we are told that the Indians were not careless in their notions of property, and the crime of theft was one of the few which were punished among them with great severity. Food, however, is generally open to free participation in savage life, and is rarely made an object of barter, until habits of trade have been introduced by the white men. The untutored savage in almost every pa^it of the world, scorns to make a traffic of hospitality. . . After a march of five leagues across the plain, they arrived at the banks of a large and beautiful stream, called by the natives Yagui, but to which the admiral gave the name of the * Las Casas, lib. sup. IL cap. 90. !' -:! 230 LIFE AND YOYAOZS OF COLUMBUS. Blver of Reeds. He was not aware that it was the same stream, which, after winding through the Vega, falls into the sea near Monte Chnsti, and which, in his first voyage, he had named the River of Gold. On its green banks the army encamped for the night, animated and delighted with the beautiful scenes through which they had passed. They bathed and sported in the waters of the i agui, enjoying the amenity of the surrounding landsci4)e, and the delight hreezea which prevail in that genial season. " For thoi^h there is but Utile difflbrence," ob^rves Las Casas, *^from one month to another in all the year in this island, and in moat parts of these Indias, yet in the period from September to May, it is like living in paradise."* On tile following morning they crossed this stream by the tad of canoes and rafts, swimming the horses over. For two days they continued their march through the same kind of ri<^ level country, diversified by noble forests, and watered by abundant streams, several of which descended from the mountains of Cibao, and were said to bring down gold dust mingled with their sands. To one of these, tibie limpid waters of which rwi over a bed of smooth round pebbles, Columbus gave the name (^ Rio Verde, or Ghreen River, from the verdure and freshness of its banks. Its Indian name was Nicayagua, which it still retains.! In the course of this march tiiey passed through numerous villages, where they cxp^ienced generally the same reception. The inhabitants fled at their approach, putting up their slight barricadoes of reeds, but, as before, they were easily won to fieimiliarity, and tasked their limited means to entertain the strangers. Thus penetrating into the midst of this great island,, where Cfery scene presented the wild luxuriance of beautiful but uncivilized nature, they arrived on the evening of the second day at a chain of lofty and m^ed mountains^ forming a kind cf barrier to the Vega. These Columbus was t(dd were the goldiXL mountains of Cibao, whose region commenced at their rocky summitSr The country now beginning to> grow rou^ and difficult, and the people being way-worn, they encamped for the night at the foot of a steep defile, which led up into the mountains, and pioneon wese sent in advance to open a * LsB Casas^ Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 90, MS. f The name of Rio T^rde was afterwards given to a small stream which crones the road from Santiago- to^ La Testy • Braaoik