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Les diagrammas suivants illustrant la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^^p To * % ''"^s LETTERS ON THE AMERICAN WAR^ ADDRESSED To the Right Worihipiul the Mayor and Corporation, TotheWorfliipfuI the Wardens and Corporation S of the Trinjty-Houfe, AND To the Worthy Burgeffes O F T H E Town of KlNGSTON-UPON-Hl^L^ ^y DAVID HARTLJ# MEMBER of PARLIAMENT FortheTown of KINGSTON-UPON-HULL, THE EIGHTH EDITION* li^ O N D O N: ^^"i^^S >N, PICCADILLY; K8ARSLY; FLSKT-STRSIT | DIILY, 1 CR0rTWILL,BATH5 AND ascKST, »»«T01.. MOCCLXZIX. m- ..ii&j^Viia^ INTRO DUCrO Rr ADDRESS. Gentlemen^ cc C( cc JPERHAPS you may remember ^ that in my Letter of •^ thanks to my worthy friends and conjlituents^ upon the occafion of their having conferred the honour of their choice upon me to ferve them in the prefent parliament, I made ufe of the following words, " Permit me to ajfure you, that it •' is my determined purpfffe, to cultivate your confidence and " efieem io the utmofl of my power, by fuch a mutual inter- courfe withycu as may convince you that I intend to keep up that conneEiion, which, in the very idea of reprefenta- tion, ought tofuhfifi between the ele^iors and the elelled.** Thefe words were not cafual or curfory. Iforefaw, at that time, that a train of events, moji important to the future greatnefs and welfare of this country, was thenjufi treading upon our heels. In this opinion of the then depending courfe of events, I did, at that time, referve in my own mind the intention of laying before my confiituents, any fuch future fiate and con- dition of the national concerns, as might appear to be of greatermagnitude and importance )han the ordinary courfe of public conjiderations which are committed to the judgment of a reprefintative ajfembly, without requiring any fpecial attention on the part of their confiituents. I now think that period of time is come, in which it is fit that our confii- tuents Jhould be apprized of the very alarming fiate ofnati- onal affairs. Conjidering it, therefore, as apart of my pub- lic duty to put you fpecially upon your guard, in any cafe of extraordinary importance, and being defirous at the fame time to explain to you, as to my much refpeSled confiituents, the motives of my own conduSi in parliament, I have taken the liberty to addrefs to you fame Letters upon the American war. Tou ' i C « ] Tou will receive them in print foon aftet the receipt of this, I hope and truft in the favourable opinion of my conftituents to believe me, when I ajfure them, that it always has been-t and ever will be, my fincere intention to execute the trujf which they have repofed in me, according, to the beft of my abilities, with induftry, vigilance, and fidelity, I am. With the greateft refpeSt and confideration. Gentlemen, Tour much obliged jind faithful humble fervant, JD. HARtlET. ' London^ Dec, 9, 1778. T» the Right Wer/hipful the Maj»r and Corporation, To the Worflupful the Wardens and Corporation of theTrinity-Hou/e, and To the Worjhipful Burgefes O/the Town of Kingston-upon-Hull. LETTER L Gentlemen, IN the prcfent alarming fltuation of national affairs, I connder it as a debt of public duty which I owe to you, to endeavour to lay before you fome ftate of the public concerns, in which, as one of the mod important and refpeflable boroughs in this kingdom, you have a moil material ftake depending. 1 am more- over perfonally folicitous, to take an opportunity of giving, to thofe friends who have honored me with a parliamentary trull, an early and explicit account of my own condufl during the laft four years ; a period which has produced fuch unexpe£led and momentous events. In this fliort period of four years, by much the greateft and moft encreafing parts of the Britifh dominions are loft ; the lives of many thoufands of our fellow-fubje£ls have been facrificed; thirty or forty millions of national property have been thrown away ; an hundred fhips of war, and near an hun- dred thoufand men by fea and land, are cut oiF from the force of this country, at a time when a war with the Houfe of Bourbon is brought upon us. We are come to a full and experimental con- vi6lion, of the folly and impra£licability of the American war. That chapter therefore is finally clofed, by the total lofs of Ame- rica.. Here it is then, that I wifh to make an appeal to my con- ftituents, and to explain to them, that ! have in no degree been inftrumental, or concurring, in the meafures which have produ- ced thefe misfortunes. It is faid that fhort accounts make long friends, for which reafon it is, that I wifli to difcharge my mind to you now, with refpcA to what is pail ; and at the fame time to advertife you of the alarming profpe£l of your aflfairs, as being juft upon the opening of a war with the Houfe of Bourbon joined to America. The inflexible obftinacy of an Adminiftration, who would hear no reafo?^, and who have fecreted every information from Parlia- B mcnt C ^ ] mcnt and the Public, till the event too fatally proclaims iifelf, has wafled your men and millions; has alienated your Colonies, and driven them into the arms of France ; has not only brought you into a ftatc unprepared for war, againfl the natural ene- mies and rivals of tl.is country, but has confumed your bell re- fources, previous to the outfet. If a miniftcr of the Houfe of Bourbon had di£lated every meafure which has been purfued for the lad four years, he could not have devifed a more fyftematical plan . for renewing, with advantage to our rivals, the antient con- left between us, of national greatnefs and power. What various events may await us, in the renewal of this contcft, no man can forefee ; but fome confequences are too plain not to be forefeen. The millions which we have thrown away, and the taxes with which we have loaded ourfelves and our pofterity, mull be dou- bled by other millions, and other taxes, added to accumulated public debts, and declining credit. The deflruilion of thofe men by fea and land, «vho have been facriBced to death and captivity, together with thoufands more, lyho are at this moment cut off from our domeilic ftreng • h, mufl be fupplied at home, by the bell blood of this country, who may perhaps be called upon, in tlieir own perfons, to defend their native (hores. Whatever fu- ture events of this kind may be prepared for ys, will all ovrt, their origin, and will all be chargeable, to the account of the ad«i vifers, and conduftors, of this fatal American war. The money and men already confumed might have ferved as a bqJwark «nd defence againft any foreign wars; and what ftill adds to the mis- fortune is, that it is the folly of having confumed our refourccs beforehand, and of having quarrelled with thofe who might havq been our beft friends, which has brought foreign wars upon us* I know when the farther demands of enornious taxes and fup^ plies, with the continued load of perfonal fervico, and with all Qther burdens, and calamities of war, come upon us, that the deteilation and refentipent of the nation ml] purfue the authors of the public diftrpfs ; and therefore I deijre, for one, to ftand clear in'the judgment of my country, and particularly ^n the ppi- nion of my Conilituents, as not having boen «Gcefli|iy x»r cw feinting to any of the qieiifures whieh have fev€rfd Amvm fronj us; and which, having cut off fc great a proportion of our rc- jfources^ C 3 ] fourccs, In men and money, by a civil war with thofe who once were our fellow fubje^s, has at length plunged us into the gene- ral confufion and chance* of foreign wars, in which no man can give any prefumplive or definite calciilation of the coft, or of the duration, and lead of all of the event. 1 hope that I need not make any apology for fpeaking thus peifonallyof mylelf, bccaufe I am writing an addrefs to my Con- ilituents, whofe favour and good opinion is every thing tome; I wifh to be underftood, as not confidering my perfonal vote or condu£l to be an obje6l calling for a public difcuiTion, but that having formed my own judgment upon the cafe with a free and unbiafled mind, and having been fupported and Hrengthened in that judgment by the opinions and public arguments of many perfons of the higheft chara£ler, for abilities, integrity, and ex- perience, who have imiformly oppofed the principles and conti- nuation of the American war. T have a£ied with them ; and therefore, it is upon the arguments of their jullification to the pub- lic, that I wifh to rell my claim to the confidence and good will of my Conftituents. Having premifed thus much, I fhall enter into the general arguments, in the cafe before us, becaufe, although the vindication of a private individual may be a trivial confideration to the public, yet it is not fo with great bodies, and . parties of men, a£ling in the public eye, and claiming the firft rank and importance in their country. The public ought to know, . who thofe m^n are, who have driven their country to the brink of ruin, who have difdained all temperate counfd, who havf vi- lified every prudent fuggefUon, and the authors of them : Thpy Qught alfo to know the principles upon whiph other raen have advifed meafures of difcretion and fafety- Th^ difference may> perhaps, be nothing lefs thai) t^e y^xy ^^(iii^nce QV d^ftr^^ii^n of the State. That America was ours at the 9penit^g qf th^ firft feflion of the prefent p^rliamerit is as un^QVibtedly tr^, ^^ it is now trvie, th^t it is no longer fo. The Awpr^cj^o difp^teSi dpwbtjrfs, had iheir foundation a long tinie antecedent tQ that pprip^. J^t this 19 nothing to the prefent queft^on, by wl^pfe >dYicev and l?y wh^' intafuresi America has been fevered frQm v^ ? (q^ ai( the be|r;n- x)lng o^ the prefect parUament, Ainer^ca not only was qurs, but fi a mi^ht 4 1 C 4 ] might have been retained in unity and affeflion to us, if mea- fures, the reverfe of thofe which have taken place, had been followed. Since that time, two petitions from America, offering to remain attached to this country upon the terms which exifted between us in the year 1763, have both been rejefted. There- fore conciliatory terms, and a return to the (late of 1763, might ilill have retained them ours ; but war with America, and not conciliation, was predetermined before the ele£lion of this prefent parliament ; and indeed it has been avowed, that the diflblution of the late parliament, and the election of a new one, a twelve* month before the expe£led term, was a preparatory ilep to coer- cive meafures with America. Here it is that the two roads divide. Whatever deceptions may have been ufed, or whatever pretexts may have been held out, coercion, and not conciliaton, was, from the very firft, the fecret and adopted plan, and has been fyfiema- tically and inflexibly purfued ever fince. I will now ftate to you, in order, the proceedings of the fe- veral feflions of this prefent parliament; and flialli)egin with that fyftem of fallacies and pretexts, which were artfully held out to the public, in the firft feflion, to lead them infenfibly into the adoption of coercive meafures,- and thereby to lay the foundation of the American war. The firft fefiion of this parliament began on the 29th of No- vember 1774, and ended on the 26th of May 1775. The higheft authority of government was made ufe of, to in- culcate opinions, which, when put to the teft, have proved totally unfounded ; we were told that the difturbances in America were only the tumults of a deluded mob, mifled by a few defigning perfons ; .that the appearance of a flight military force, to fuftain the civil power, would foon quell all difturbance ; and that as foon as the King's ftandard was fet up in America the whole country would flock to it, in fupport of the meafures of Admi- liiftration^ and of their avowed principles of government. How- ever improbable it was in itfelf, to fuppofe that thirteen provin- ces fliould rife like one man, and join a military force, in fup- port of the minifterial claims, of taxing without reprefentation, of blocking up harbours, and confifcating charters unheard, of garbling juries^ and penfioiiing judges during pleaiure, with a long [ 5 1 long llfl of other complaints, Ailed by MInifters pretended grie- vances ; yet all this was confidently alFerted, in the declarations of Minifters in Parliament, who were in poflenion of the moll authentic correfpondencies with the feveral provinces in Ame- rica. Parliament and the public gave credit to their authority and aflertions, and afted upon the prefumption of their proving true. We were told, that the Americans were totally unarmed, and unprepared, and (with the mod infulent contempt of their courage,) that five hundred men with whips would drive all America before them. The expcnce likewife of the undertaking was treated as trifling, or next to nothing. If you were to give credit to the firft refolutions of Parliament, upon this head, the expence was to be lefs than nothing ; the number of feamen was reduced to a lower eflablifhment than they had been at for (he four preceding years; a vote for a three-fliilling land-tax was pafled before Chriflmas in the firft feflion, though the bill was not brought in till after the holidays ; this proceeding can admit but of one conftru6lion, viz. to foothe the landed gentlemen, in an early and unfufpefled ftate of the bufinefs, into a confidential adoption of the minifterial fyftem, by throwing out fallacious af- furances beforehand, that no additional expence (hould fall upon them. To carry on the deception out of doors, a million of the national debt was paid off, out of the fupplies of the firft feflion; though in the fame breath, we pafleJ. a vote of credit to the King, upon which a debt of double that fum was incurred, in the very fame year. Ofiicial aflurances have been thrown out, from time to time, of the good faith and Torbearance of foreign courts, which have been calculated, likewife, to lead us into 2he fnare, as they came from perfons who had every means of infor- niation, and who ought not to have been credulous. However, a Parliament, always compliant with the fenfe of the Minifter, and a deceived public, have, unfortunately for us, been over- reached into the adoption of the war, under thefe fallacies. The contrary to all thefe fallacies was reprefented, and urged in argument,by the oppofers of the American war. The fatal eSefis of a civil war with our colonies, upon our trade, manufa£lures, finan- p^)!. public credit, external ftrength, and internal profperity, were A .-jd over and over. When the three- fliillingland>tax was voted, tjie *■ ( 6 ) illl and '* announcing farther interruption of all exports from the faid Colonies to " Great-Britain, Ireland, and the Britifh iilands in America, Now, for the *• prevention of thofe ruinous mifchicfs, and in order t, h- equitable, ho- *' noui-able, and lafting fettte^ient of claims not fuificiently afcertained and <* ciicum- t 7 3 la C( i. y (( re tt id u e- << n. C( le <( IP CI W J (< d, « in «( Qf (( id <( or « in « i'** p « tt- Ig « of (( Bd (( )r- c< e- «( to ({ « it it it las n of it nts it ion it ittd it irfc *t na- (( ind (( to <( the (( Ko- tnd (( m- circumfcribed ; May it pleafe your mod excellent Majefty, that it may be declared, and be it declared, by the King's moft excellent Majefty, by and with the confent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Com- mons in this prefcnt Parliament aflcmbled, and by the authority of the fame, that the Colonies of America have been, are, and of right ought to be, dependent upon the imperial Crown of Great Britain^ and fubor- dinate unto the Biitifh Parliament; and that the King's moft excellent Majefty, by and with the advice and confent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament aflembled, had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and ftatutes of fufiicient force and validity to bind the people of the Britilh Colonies in America, in all matters touching the general wtal of the whole domi- nion of the imperial Crown of Great-Britain, and beyond the compe- tency of the local reprefentative of a dillinft colony; and moft efpecially an indubitable and indifpenfible right to make and ordain laws, for regu*" lating navigation and trade throughout the complicated fyftem of Britilh commerce; the deep policy of fuch prudent aAs upholding the guardian navy of the whole Britifli empire : And that all Aibjefls in the Colonies are bound in duty and allegiance duly to recognize and obey (and they are hereby required fo to do) the fupreme legiftative authority and fuper- intending power of the Parliament of Great-Britain, an aforefaid. ** And whereas, in a petition from America to his Majefty, it has beeh reprefented, that the keeping a ftanding army within any of the Colonies, in time of peace, without confent of the refpe£iive provincial aflembly there, it againft law : Be it declared by the King's moft excellent Majefty, by and with the advice and confent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal^ and Commons, in this prefent Parliament aftembled, that the declaratieti of right, at the ever.gloiious revolution, namely, " that the raifing and keeping a ftanding army within the kingdom, in time of peace, unlefs it bt by confent of Parlipment, is againft law,'' having reference only to th* confent of the Parliament of Great-Britain ; the legal, conftitutional, and hitherto unqueftioned prerogative of the Crown, to fend any part of fuch army, fo lawfully kept, to any part of the Britifli dominions and poft'ef- fions, whether in America or elfewhere, as his Majefty, in the due care of his fubjefts, may judge i^ceflary for the fecurity and protection c the fante, cannot be rendered dependent upon the confent of a provincial af- fembly in the Colonies, without a moft dangerous innovation and dsruga^ tion from the dignity of the imperial Crown of Great-Britain. Nevcrthe- lefS) in order to quiet and difpel jealoufies and fears, be it hereby de- clared> that no military force, however raifed and kept according to law^ c»n ever be lawfuUy employed to violate .and deftroy the juft rights of the people. *« Moreover, in order to remove, for ever, all caufes of pernicious dif»- coixis, and in due contemplation of the vaft increafe of poflefllons and ** population I c 8 :i " population in the Colonies; and having at heart to render the condition o^ *' fo great a body of induftrious rubje6ls theie, more and more happy» by ** the facrednefs of property, and of perfonal liberty; and of more extenfive ** and lading utility to the parent kingdom, by indilToluble ties of mutual ** affeflion^ confidence, trade and reciprocal benefits ; be it declared and ** enabled by the King'^s moft excellent Majefty, by and with the advice ** and confent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this *' this prefent Parliament afll-mbled ; and it is hereby declared and enabled, " by the authority of the fame, that no tallage, tax, or other charge for " his Ma)efty*s revenue, fhall be commanded or levied from Britifh free- ** men in America, without common confent, by uSi of pravincial affembly ** there, duly convened for that purpofe. «* And it is hereby fmther declared and enabled, by the King's moft •* excellent Majefty, by and with the advice and confent of the Lords Spi- •( ritual and Temporal, and Commons in this prefent Parliament affem- ** bled, and by the authority of the fame, that it fhall and may be lawful (* for delegates from the refpe£live provinces, lately affenibled at Philadel- ** phia, to meet in general Congrefs at the faid Philadelphia, on tho « ninth day of May next enfuing, in order then and there to take into con- <* fideration the making due recognition of the fupreme legiflative authority •* and fuperintending power of Parliament over the Colonies, as aforefaid; •• and moreover, may it pleafe your mofl excellent Majefly, that the faid '* delegates, to be in Congrefs affembled in manner aforefaid, may be re- •< quired, and the fame are hereby required, by the King's Majefty fitting ** in his Parliament, to take into confideration, (over and above the ufual « charge for fupport of civil government in the refpe£Uve Colonies) the Ma)tfty from Anierica, to have been found grievous, ** in whole or in part, to the fubje£ls of the Colonies, be it hereby enabled, ** by. the King's moft excellent Majefty, by and with the advice and confent ** of the Lords, fpiritual and temporal, and Commons in this prefent par- ** liament afTembled, and by the authority of the fame, that the powers of ** admiralty and vice-admiralty courts in America fhall be reftrained within *' 'their ^ntient limits, and. the trial by jury, in all civil cafes, where theiame ". m^y, h^ve ^n f^bolifhed, reftorfd j ^nd that no fubjeA in Aincrica ihall. In, ipi^ita^ cafes,, be. liable to be indited and tried fpr the fame, in any place out of the nrovince, wherein fuch offence fhall be alledged to have 1* ' I ,■ ' • . -i- '^1 -lilt '. . 1 , 'ill ,i , " ■■•..> '^ ■ • •; *' been committed ; nor be deprived of a. trial by his peers of fhe vicinage} " nor fhall it be lawful to fend perfons indiAed for murder, in any pro- *' vince of America, to another colony, or to Great-Britain, for trial. And '( it is hereby declared and ena^ed, by the SiUthority aforefaid, that all and ** every .th« fAroe ajSls, or fo much .thereof as are reprefentcd to have been £p^nd,gi-ievous, namely, th^ feyeral ^fls of 4 Geo. III. ch. 15, and ch. |4*.S Qi^o* in*.ch., 25, 6 Geo. III. ch. 51, 7 Geo. III. ch. 41, and ch. *< 46, 8 Gfo.) III. ch. ax, xi Geo, III. ch. 14, with the three a£ls, for ftop- *' ping the port and blocking up the harbour of Bofton, for altering the " charter and government of Maffachufets-Bay, and that entitled * An a£l '* for the better adminiftrationof jyftice, &c.}* alfo, the a£l for regulating << -the gQTemment of Quebec; and the a£l, pafled in the fame feflion, rela- " .tiog.tOithcLqMSMIterspf foldicrs;, fhall be, ai|d are, hereby fufpended, and " 1^0^ t9ihave, cfl^ or execution, from the date x>f this a^. And be it .** ^oji^epyjnr fcfifcl>y declared and ena£ked^ hy.^^c authority aforefaid, that all '< ,and every die btfor^>recIted aAs> or the pacts thereof complained of, fhall ' C ' ' " • «» be. M t€ has *» thercforfc particulariy taken hito Ws coYifideratwn tlie necdlity of keeping «« up a tcfiieiaabJc ma*rine effebWflntteiit, a« Well fbt the aftuai ptoT;e£lion of ** the co/mrrtercial intei-db of Grtat^Bi'ttaih ahd Attieviea, a$ tb maintain " undhnihiftted the power and prc^emihenre xtf the royal flag of Great- ** Britain, and to prtftrve that riaVy which has, in the lime of war, carried " us rriuiiiphant'over all. otir enertili^, froiti fkllthg into ii'egU^ or ina^ion " in the timie of peace. The naval power 'of Grearrts, of the Britifli and American united « arms ; in the profecution of which, his Majefty has repeatedly had experi- *' ence, that his faithful and loyal fubjefls of America, have contributed ** n»ore than their proportion. His Majefty is therefore well pleafed, that " his American fubjefts (hould reap, upon the fortunate termination of that " war, the advantages of fecurity moft peculiarly beneficial to their fituation. *' He confiders this fecurity as no more than a juft and adequate recompence " for their liberality and zeal, and the courage of their exertions, in the con- ** queft of all thofe hoftile provinces, and in the extirpation of all thofe fo- ** reign Etiropean interefts, which had for many years been hovering, with. " an evil afpe£(, over the Britiih American colonies, and circuoifcribine «' Aeir early growth. '* His Majefty confiders, that the eftablifiiment and confirmation of his *' newly-acquired dominions, for the peace, fafety, and tranquility of his *< ancient and loyal colonies, requires the fame union of mind and meafures, « between all his fubjejls on each fide of the Atlantic Ocean, by which they '* were acquired } and that fuitable and proportionate provifions fliould be ** made by the refpeAive parts of his Majefty^s dominions, according to ** the intereft or advantages to each refpeftively refulting ; the fovereignty,. *< property, and pofTefiion of the faid conquered dominions, being ceded to ** Great-Britain, on the one fide; and a permanent and peaceable fecurity " from all foreign enemies or foreign forces, being the beneficial advantage ** acquired, and from the time of their conqueft enjoyed, by the American ** Colonies, on the other. His Majefty, therefore, on this fubjeft confiders, ** that in reafon by much the greater part of the expences of the eftabliCh- *< ment of the conquered provinces fiiould fall where the foverdgqty, pro- perty, and poflelfion are vefted. " With M ( 15 ) ** With refpcA to the military defence of his Majeft]r*s ancient £olonie<, *< the fame plan may be adopted, which hat obtained in former times of peace, *< as no gi-eater (landing force need be added to the militias of each province, *< than was found necefliury before the expulfion of all foreign interefts from <* North America. Upon confideration of each of thefe branches requiring <* fome military eftabli(hment, his Majefty thinks it neceflaiy, \rith the con- *' fent of parliament, to keep up fome (landing forces in America, as well for <* the fecurity of his newly acquired dominions, as to be in readioefs, in cafe ** any of his antient colonies (hould be attacked, to a£l in conjun£lion with ** the militia of any fuch colony, for the required defence. His Majefty ** therefore, upon confideration of the premifes, both with refpeA to the ne* « ceffiry naval and military eftabli(hments, thinks it not unreafonable, to or- *' der requifitions to be made, to the feveral a(remblie8 of his loyal colonies ** in North America, for a fuitable and voluntary provifton, for the purpoics ** of defending, protecting, and fecuring the faid colonies. " And to make the execution of this matter as convenient, and as fatisfac- " tory as polfible, to his fubjeds in America, his Majefty recommends the *< mode to the option of the colonies; as it will be equally fatisfaftory to him, ** if the colonies themfelves will undertake the performance of the (ervices, " under his M^efty's orders, by equipping, arming, and maintaining, afuit- ** able number of velTels, with the proper.complement of men, to be under « the command of fuch naval officers as his Majefty (hall from time to time « appoint; and in like manner to levy, cloath, pay, and provide for, fuch " proportion of forces upon the military eftabli(hment of America as (hall be .« equitable upon the circumftance of the cafe, and upon confideration of the ** refpe£Uve abilities of each province ; fuch forces to a£l either feparately, or ** in conjunAion with any other of his Majefty's forces, and to^ be undex the " fupreme command of all fuch officers as his Majefty (hall think proper to (( appoint. His Majefty will order an account to be laid befoi'f the feveral " alfemblies, of the naval and military cftabliftiments, which his Majefty ** hereby requires them to fumi(h. ** His Majefty is not unmindful of the many reftraintsand prohibitions •* which the colonies are under, in refpeCl to their commerce and manufac- " tures; and that many of the regulations eftablKhed by the authority of the " Britifli parliament operate to the fame effis£l (though indire£lly) as taxe$. " This is the accepted condition of their emigration, to continue fubordinate " to the Briti(h commerce, and inftrumental to the fupport and extenfionof « Britifli manufa£lures, while they are left at liberty themfelves, to Qtread '* into the continent of ^orth- America. But as many of thefe regulations , <* and reftraintit were formed in old times, when the principles of commerce « were perhaps ill underftood, and as it may be found that many of them are ** nugatory, or vexatious to the American Colonies, without being beneficial " to Great- Britain, his Majefty hopes, that an amicable compliance with the ** above- i: f6 2 •4iient{<»n«t! rMfonable requidtions, and an ofbnflble contribution on ** the part of the colonic*, to the general parlbnientary fupply, will pave the **-way for-many relaxations in the articles of commerce. And his Maji^fly ^^gires the-ftrongeft afluranccsto his colonlfts, that he will, at all times, re* **>commenBritain{ that they (hall always retain the moft grateful fenfe "of the afliftanceand prote£lion, which they have received ; that their livet " and fortunes are entirely devoted to his Majefty's fetvice, to which, on his «« royal requifitions, they have ever been ready to contribute, to the utmofl of "their ability/ < Therefore his Majefty has the fulleft dependence,* < That " «(rheneverthe exigencies of the fbte may require it, they will, as they have " heretofore done, chealfuUy contribute their full proportion 6f men arid ** money/ *' His Majefty entertains the moft confidenthope,' from the upright " intentions of both parties, that upon a cool rC'Confiderationof the original " matters in difpute, which his Majefty has endeavoured to fhite upon tht " grounds of reafon, Dvith faimefs and impartiality, all unhappy animofities " and civil dlftra^ons will be compofed upon the folid foundations of ** equity add jtifUce; and that all things will be reftored to that happy ibtt " of harmony and mutual affe£lion, which fubfifbd at the termination of the *< late glorious war } and that every hoftile and vindiftive a£l: or declaration, " which has paired from the commencement of thefeunfoitunate ttpublcs, <« will beburifcd in everlafting oblivion. ** It would C '7 ] « It would be a grlevoxis affli^lion to hit Majefty, to fee the courage of his (( faithful fubjc6ls averted to civil diflcntions, and the luilre of the national *< aitns lluined with civil blood; to fee the general peace and tranquility bro- *' ken, and invitations thereby thrown out to his enemies, to difturb the glp- ** lies of his reign } to fee the unhappy divifions of this kingdom againft it- '< felf, giving courage to their I'ccret refentments, and tempting them, in an '< evil hour, to re-aiTumc thofc hodile purpofes againft his Majefty's domini- " ons, which the united and compacted powers of the whole Houfe of Bour- " bon were unable, in tlie late glorious war, to accomplilh againft the then " united and compaf^ed arms of Great-Britain and America. HisMajefty't " moft carneft and moft anxious wifties are, to fee unanimity reftored amongft << all his fubjcfls, that they may long enjoy in peace the fruits of thofe com- " mon vi£lories which have heretofore cemented them in one general caufe} << that living in harmony and brotherly kindnefs, one towards another, and '< in one common obedience to the fuprcme legiflature, they may join all *' hands with one heart, to fupport the dignity of his crown, the juft authority *' of parliament, the true and combined interefts of Great-Britain and Ame- *< rica; and thus tranfmit to pofterity, with everlafting honour, the united *' empire of tbefe kingdoms," I think I may venture to fay, that if this propofition had been accepted, It might have laid the foundation of peace, becaufe thofe very terms were drawn up by the Congrefs, in their petition to the King, and addrefs to the people of England a few months after, and were propofed by themfelves as the terms of pacificationr You will obferve, that in all thcfe cautious propofltions, there was nothing novel or hazardous, nothing derogatory to the honour of this countr) , no mean conceffions of any conftitutional rights of this country ; but only corapromifing fpeculative and difputed points, by recurring to the old-accullomed and fafe way, in which both countries had been united in profperily and peace. Our friend Sir George Savile took up another propofition, which was charafteriftically fuited to his well-known uprightnefs and love of juftice. The American Congrefs had prefented a pe- tition to the throne, dating their grievances, and lapplying for re- drefs. His Majefty had referred this petition to the confideratioh of parliament. Sir George Savile on this occafion, viz. on the 26th of January 1775, prefented a petition to the Houfe from the American Agents, concluding with thefe words : " Your pe- >' titioners do, with intent to promote a reftoration of the cordial D union. I il!;^ C i8 ] " union, that To long and happily fubfiflcd between Grcat'Biitaiii *' and the Colonies, mod humbly pray that they may be heard at *' the bar of this honourable Houfc, in fupport of the faid petition, •• when it (hall come under confiJcraiion." Could there poflibly be a propofition more conformable to natural jullice and equity, than to have heard thofe who were at that time your Icilow-fub- je5ls, before you devoted them and their courtry to fire and fword ? Could there have been devifed a more probable way to have re- ilored a rational and lading peace, than to have difcufTcd the ar- ticle's of their petition with equity and candour, inftcad of giving a flat negative to this, and to every other motion of a fimilar kind, and then infulting that very petition which they would not hear or difcufs, as containing nothing but />'i7-f//ri'<'^ grievances? When one ccrues to refle£l a little upon things that are pad, and not at prefent the obje6l of contention, it is altnolt incredible to con- ceive, how a parliament could be brought to rcjeft a petition from three millions of their fellow-fubjcfts, to decide the moft impor- tant points without enquiry, and to condemn whole provinces to fire and fword unheard. Thefe, which I have explained to you, were the propofitions offered by the oppofers of the American war in the very beginning of this conteft, forcfcclng too truly the unfortunate and defperate flate of things, which a civil war muft infallibly bring on. But pailiament was deaf to every propofition which did not come within miderial recommendation-. Lord North did indeed, in this firfl fefTion, make what has been called his conciliatory propofition, which however cannot well be looked upon in any other light, than as a mere pretext calculated to amufe the public, with the name of having made an offer to America ; and a very fhallow pretext I think it was. This pro- pofition was conceived in the followi^ig terms, viz. ** That when *• the Governor, Council, or AfTembly, or general court, of any of " his Majelly's provinces or colonies in America, fhall propofe to •' make provifion according to the condition, circumftances, and " fituation of fuch province or colony, for contributing their pro- " portion to the common defence (fuch proportion to be raifed " under the authority of the general-court, or general-affembly, " of fuch province, or colony, and difpofable by parliament) and " khall engage to make provifion alfo for the fupport of civil go- vernment, C «9 ] ■«• vcrnment, and the adminiftration of juflice in fuch province or " colony, it will be proper, if fuch propofal fhall be approved by *• his Majefty and the two Houfes of Parliament, and for fo long *' as fuch provifion (hall be made accordingly, to forbear, in rc- ** fpeft of fuch province or colony, to levy any duty, tax, or af- *' felTment, or to impofe any farther duty, tax, or afrelTmenf, ex* " cept fuch duties as it may be expedient to continue to levy or " impofe, for the regulation of commerce, the nett produce of the '* duties la(l mentioned to be carried to the account of fuch pro- ** vince or colony refpeftively." This refolution was moved by Lord North in a committee, on the 2otli of February 1775, and agreed to by the Houfe on the 27th of February 1775. This pro- pofition feems to prefume, that there was no other matter in con- ted but the right of taxation. It paflcs by the recital of all the grievances reprefented in that petition to the King, which parlia- ment refufed to conflder or to hear; fuch as, blocking up their ports, and confifcating their charters unheard ; the peniioning judges; the garbling juries; and many others; and with refpe£l to that only grievance, to which Lord North's propofition does pretend in any degree to apply, viz. taxation without reprefenta- tion, it is a mockery to expefl people to be contented with a mere fufpenfion of the exercife of that right, juft as long and no longer than they give as much as the miniiler in parliament thinks proper to be fatisfied with. They were not to judge of the occafion, ncr to determine th^ amount of the fum ; they were to have no right of appropriating their gifts, nor any title to enquire into the application; no confideration in balance for the then fub- fiding monopoly of the American trade was even hinted at in that propofition. The abfolute right of unlimited taxation, with- out any other meafure than the moderation of a minifter's de- mands, was expe£led to be given up by America, (which was the whole of the difpute refpefting taxation) while the exercife of this tremendous claim was to be held over their heads like a fword fufpended by a thread, and, upon any difcontent or demur, to have been carried into execution by military force. The infin- cerity of this propofition ftands confefled, not only by the infidi- ous nature of the terms in which it was drawn up, but by the firft a£l of hollility in ihedding civil blood, which was executed on D 2 the l> t ' » If'. is^l' IS ( 20 ) the 19th of April 1775. before this propofition could poflibty have been referred to the conlideration of America. This is therefore a full and irrefiftable proof of its infineerity, and that wai-. not peacej was the determined purpofe from the very fii 11. 1 he Americans, you may be fure, refufed this as an infiuibus offer, and as being merely the pretext of minifterial infineerity. But they did at the fame time repeat their declaration, of their willingnefs to contribute upon free requifitions, as they had done before the year 1763. They addrefled the King with thefe words, " Your Majefty will find your fubjefts on this continent ready " and wilUng, at all times, as they have ever been, with their lives ** and fortunes, to affert and maintain the rights and interefts of " our mother country." Thus you fee, if the ways of peace had been followed, if any one of the plans offered by the oppofers of this fatal war had been accepted as a ground of treaty, we might at this moment have been united in affe6lions, and in a perpetual intercourfe of common interefl with this great and growing people. My objefl:, in endeavouring to (late thefe things to you, is, to draw out this clear truth, as the vindication of that fet of men with whom I have a£led, and of myfelf » — that the oppofers ot this mad war, have been the real friends to their country ; and that thofe who have advifed the war, and have fo inflexibly perfifted in it, have led their country to ruin; and are therefore refponfi- ble to their country, for all the difgraces which we have fuftained, in the deftruSion of fives, the wafting of our money, the exhauft- ing our refources, the decline of our commerce and navigation, the weakening of public credit, the ^iccumulation of our national debt, the fevering of our dominions, and the alienation of the hearts, affeflions, and fupport of three millions of people, who once were our's. Thus much for what is pall : For your present ftate and profpeft of things, hear the laft words of friendly cau- tion from the American Congrefs to the people of England three years ago, viz. on the 8th of July 1775: " Should you prove un- ** fuccefsfu), fliould that connexion which we wilh mofl ardently •• to maintain be diffolved, fhould your minifters exhauft your ** treafures, and wafte the blood of your countrymen in vain at- •* tempts on our liberty, — do they not deliver you weak and de- ** fencelefs to your natural enemies ?" Thefe M'ere prophetic words I Words; and thofe mlnifters have much to aiifwer for, who hav€ brought you int) this fituation. I have now Hated to you fhortly the proceedings of this firft feflion of the prefent parliament> which more immediately laid the foundation of the war with America^ by refufing every fea- fonable ground of treaty with them. It was a fefTion of pretexts, to feel the pulfe of the nation, and to lead them infenfibly imo the fnare, till they were too far gone to recede ; which in the next felTion of parliament was ftampt with the argument of a very no- ted phrafe, viz. " That we had pafled the Rubicon, and could " not retreat." Suppofe that, before we had pafled the Rubicon, the miniiter had with candour, v\rifdomt and forefight, laid before parliament the real Aate of things, and the probable expeflation of confequences, this country would have owed him inellimable obligations. Speaking as I do now, after the event, it cannot nowever be thought unreafonable to fuppofe, that a wife and well-difpofed miniiler, might have forefeen thofe events, which u. iny prudent perfons forefaw and foretold at the time, and which have fince proved true. He might have reprefented to us, that upon the right of refiilance to taxation without reprefentation, America had for many years been unanimous ; that the parlia- mentary claim of confifcating their charters, had doubled all their alarms, and cemented their unanimity to refill, by making the caufe of Maffachufets-Bay, to be the common caufe of the whole continent. He might have reprefented to us, that three millions of people, at the diRance of three thoufand miles, carrying on a defenfive war in their own country againft invaders, could not promife an cafy conqueft. He r'^ight have reprefented to us, that the Americans were like other men, and that their courage would rife as occafion and times of trial might call it out; that although they might have been unprepared, as not having had any premeditated refiftance in their thoughts, yet that a few fhip-loads of arms and ammunition would be fuflicient to enable three millions of people to refift, with certainty of fuccefs. He might have reprefented to us, that the trade of a defolated and ruined country (even in the cafe of our fuccefs) mull be of no value ; and that a poffible pittance of revenue, thus to be extorted, could not pay the expence of a military coUeflion. He might have repre- >,•"! 'v*^ I* ■ir H If-'™ 41 i i: C ^-2 ] reprefented to us, that the expence of the firfi three or four years of the war, would probably amount to 30 or 40 millions. He did indeed, in the year 1776, condefcend to tell us, that the expence would be enormous; but httle thanks were due for fuch a piece of information, when it ftood as a notorious fa£l, upon the journals of the Houfe ; and when we had pafled the Rubicon. When he was fo fludious to throw out to the public the vote for the three fhil- ling land-tax, before Chriftmas 1774, and before we had pafled the Rubicon; did he then declare to the landed gentlemen, that, fo far from ever expefting to fee a three fhilling land-tax again, the expence of an American war would prove enormous ? When the loweft peace eftablifliment for navy and army were voted be- fore Chriftmas 1774, did he then forewarn us, that if an Ameri- can war (hould take place, it would require 60,000 feamen, and as many land-forces, and that the expence and dettruftion of lives \vould be in the fame enormous proportion ? When, in the firft f sflion of this parliament, he amufed the public with paying off a million of the national debt ; did he then throw out a fuggeftion, that if we went into a v;ar with America, many and many more millions would be accumulated to the debt in its place ? Did he then reprefent it as a poflible expeflation, that 29,000 men might be loft to this country, by death, defertion, and captivitv, in Ame- rica, before the end of the third campaign ? Yet this is a fa£i: which has been fully afcertained by the Duke of Richmond in the Houfe of Lords. Did he then reprefent it to us as a poflible event, that in a fourth campaign in the year 1778, the remainder of our baffled force in America would think themfelves well off, if they could efcape from Philadelphia to New- York, between an American army on one fide, and a French fquadron on the other ? Did he forew^arn us, that it could poffibly enter into the hearts of minifters, inflexibly to perfift in every vindi6live and ruinous meafnre, till the connexion between Great-Britain and America fhoiikl be totally diffolved; that the fame minifters would exhaujl your Ireafures, and wajle the blood of your countrymen i vain, and then deliver yoU weak and dtftncelefs to your natural enemies? Had he reprefented thefe things to us, fliould we not have paufed at leaft before we paffed the Rubicon? When private men, by the name of minifters, are fet at the hc«td of kingdoms, they are refponfibie [ 23 ] rcfponfible to lead their country to fafety, not to ruin. That all thefe events were to be confidered from the beginning as poflibie, or even probable, is no unreafonable degree of refponfible difcern- ment to require of minifters. They were foretold by prudent men ; minifters were fufficiently advertifed, and in. time. But they would obftinately perfift at all hazards. We were in polTef- fion of peace, union, and profperity with our colonies, which jointly with our domeftic faculties, had carried the united empire of thefe kingdoms to the highell pinnacle of human glory. The united fyftem has ftood for many years upon the firmeft grounds, and had given to this little idand the afcendant throughout the world. The paths of profperity and deftru£lion lay open to our choice, but the fatal and uncontroulable influence of minifters has driven this country headlong to perdition. I have fiothing farther to fay with refpe6l to this firft feflion of parliament, in which the foundation of this war wa slaid, but that I hope I have explained to you, that neither myfelf, nor any of the friends with whom I have a£led, were acceflary to it, and that we did every thing in our power to forewarn the publiq of the confequences, and to have prevented them in time. The jour- nals of parliament will bear us witnefs of this, by all the negatives that were put upon every motion that we made. And I run no hazard in faying, that if any of thefe motions had been taken by parliament as a foundation for treaty, America would at this mo- ment have bce;i our's. They were all founded on the policy cx- ifting before 1763, to which the colonies had repeatedly, in the moft explicit terms, declared their concurrence. I now come to the next ftate of the proceedings of this parlia- ment, which was open and profefled war. War, not for any fpc- cific terms or conditions with America, but for general and un- conditional fubmidion. The fecond feflion of this parliament began on the 26th of 0£lober 1775, and ended on the 23d of May 1776. A more avowed fyftem of open war was now held out in the adminiftration of meafures. A new American minifter was ap- pointed, and every thing put on the face of the moft determined and unrelenting perfeverance. With refpeft to this new fyftem, Lord North's conciliatory propofition of the preceding feflion had mi I C 24 ] had a capital blot, as it betrayed the very fundamentals of it. The new American miniflier profeffedly undertook his office, upon the ground of holding no treaty whatfoever with fubjefts in arms; whereas Lord North's propofitions did certainly profefs the very contrary, and his conduft had upon many occafions betrayed fen- timents not confonant to the new fyftem. If this noble Lord did indeed at that time feel any fccret mifgivings, or difpofition to relent in this fatal bufmefs, happy had it been for this country, if he had taken a manly part, and had flood boldly out, an advocate for the peace of the united dominions ; it was in his powef at one time to have done this fervice to his country ; that time is now part, and I fear is never to be regained. In the fummer of the year 1775, the laft petition from the American Congrefs to the King was brought over by Governor Penn, together with their declarations and laft addvefs to the peo- ple of England. Pofterity will hardly believe that there fliould be found a minifter To hardy, as by one fingle felf-diftated aft, to difmember the dominions of his country for ever ; by giving it as his advice, that no anfwer fhoqld be given to the humble, duti- ful, affetlionate, and conciliatory propofitions contained in that, petition from the American Congrefs to the Crown. Who that minifter was, who gave that advice, I do not know ; but it was that a£i, and the fyftem which followed it, that decided the Ame- ricans in their declaration of Independence. The refufal of an anfwer to this petition was, in point of time, before the acceffion ot the new American Secretary ; it was upon the eve of his ac- ccflTion to that office. I hope it will fome day be an objeft of parliamentary enquiry, to know who did advile his Majefty, that no anfwer fhould be given. What had the Americans to look to after that, but to feek for ftielter in their own ftrength and in independence? They were, by that fingle aft, cut off from all poffible communication with their Sovereign and their mother- country; and, leaft this fhould not be futHcient to effeft their alienation, the firfl afts of this fecond feffion were, to caft them abfolutely out of all national and parliamentary proteftion; to fend 20,000 German mercenaries againft them ; to incite an lafurrection of negroes upon their mailers ; and to let loofe the Indian favages upon the innocent and unarmed back-fettlers, and upon C 45 ] upon defencelefs women and children. The whole of the land-^ force deftined againft America for the year 1776, was not lefs than 50,000 men. What refuge was there left for America but in independence and foreign alliances ? They had petitioned and addrefled in the fummer of the year 1775 ; they had moft ex- plicitly offered to return to the ftate of 1763; they had difclaimed every idea of independence ; and, as a proof, they claim fome merit in not having called to their ajjijlanct the rivals of your grandeur. In return for which, the new fyftem of adminiftra- tion fends an army againft them of 30^006 men. This could not fail to drive them to independence, although at that time it was certainly a premature and a hazardous ftep. They had made no preparation for it ; they were unprovided with arms, or ammuni- tion, or allies, or any forces by land or fea ; which were all pledges to this country, of the fincerity of their offers in the year 1775, of returning to their antient conilitutional (late of connexion and dependence. All the world forefaw, that a continuation of war muft fooneror later drive them to- independence, unlefs they had been fubdued, but the new fyftem brought the point to an imme- diate iflue; no time was given for them to deliberate, and to make preparations ; but while they were waiting for an anfwer to their petition, and to their propofitions for peace and dependence, an army of 50,000 men was raifed againft them, together with an hundred fhips of force to block up all their ports. All thefe in- exorable minifters of vengeance and death were let loofe upon them, where they were thought to be the moft vulnerable, and the leaft prepared, viz. in New- York, Carolina, and by the way of Canada. The Americans were taken very much by furprize, and in confequence of it, without any farther time given for premedi- tation, they were driven to an immediate declaration of indepen- dence, and to the feeking of foreign afTiftance and allies ; as the counterpart to the proceedings of our adminiftration here, who had refufed to receive their petitions, or to have any treaty what, foever with them ; and who had at the fame time called in the aflTiftance of 20,000 foreign mercenaries. When the Americans heard that all Germ'any had been ran- facked to procure foreign mercenaries againft them, they imme- diately applied to foreign powers, and difpatched Mr. Deane to E Paris, m^ 5 If- I'-; iv I m •^ iii' III m [ 26 ] Paris. With refpefl therefore to the queftions of the indepen- dence of America, and of their entering into foreign alliances, the matter ftands plainly and Ihortly thus : The new minifter of the American department, at the opening of the fecond felTion of this parliament, was in pofreflion of the mod explicit and authen- tic offers from America, for entering into a treaty of peace, upon the old conAitutional ground between the two countries ; and this not only from the Congrefs, but individually from the aflemblies of the feveral colonies. I fay this with refpeft to the aflemblies of the feveral colonies, becaufe I did myfelf in the Houfe produce the proofs, from the Houfes of Aflembly of New- York, New- Jerfey, Pennfylvania, and Virginia, though the authentic docu- ments were fupprefled from parliament. With thefe grounds of a certain conflitutional reconciliation and re-union with America in bis hands, the new American Secretary threw them all afide, and declared inexorable relentlefs war, calling in foreign afliftance at the fame time. He did not lay a fingle iota of evidence be- fore parliament, refpefting the tranfaftions in America during the fummer of the year 1775, which .was the period of the laft peti- tion, nor of the difpofitions of the feveral colonies, or of the peo- » at large, nor any of the many propofltions, which were indeed univerfal in that year, for a return to the old fyflem. Parliament therefore, in this ftate of ignorance, was induced to concur with every fanguinary meafure propofed. By the aft called the Pro- hibitory Aft, which was one of the firft afts of this fecond fellion, they cut off all intercourfe with America, they call them out of the national proteftion, they gave up their property to military plun- der, and adopted the meafure of employing foreign forces to fubdue them to unconditional fubmiflion. Thefe caufes operated (as they could not fail to do) to produce the declaration of independence, and the application to foreign conrf-s for affiAance, upon the prin- ciple "^ felf-defence. It was a cafe of compulfion upon America. Tht '.ad no choice left, but felf-defence, or unconditional fub- mifliu : Thus the minifter of this feflion took upon himfelf, by a felf-dlftatcd refolutlon, to throw away a certain foundation for a conftitiuional peace with Ame^^-ica, and without condefcending to communicate to parliament any one document, or a fingle fcrap of information from America, (cither then or ever fince) to plunge his »«l [ *7 ] his country headlong into this ruinous, deftrudive, ancl fatal \var> We had now paflied the Rubicon indeed, and liad cui oft (rom the Americans all retreat but by the road of refiftance ^n arms, as an out-lawed people, driven to the neceflity of hazarding tiie ella- blifliment of a fuddei. and premature independence for theiii' felves, and thus, in their infant Itate, comptitlled to take rehige in foreign courts for their proteftion. Having dated to you the temper and fyftem of thofe violent and unrelenting meafures, which, refufing proffered peace, drove America to defpair, by every vindiHive and faijguinary aft; I will give you fome account of the ftruggles that were made in this fecond ftage of this bufinefs, by the friends of peace and re- conciliation, to foften animoruies, to re-unite the two countries in bonds of affeftion, and particularly to prevent that fatal fepara- tion and difmemberment, which was then foretold muft drive the Americans, by inevitable neceffity, into independence and foreign alliances. The prohibitory aft, as it was called, was moil particu- larly oppofed, upon the confideration, that its inevitable tendency was to make every thing defperate, and to drive the Americans into independence. I ihall quote to you a few words out of the proteil of the Honfe of Lords, upon the occafion of this prohibi- tory aft, (viz. on the 15th of Dec. 1775) to fhew you that it was not for want of advice, but from the utmoft degree of obftinacy, that the miniiler would perfift in driving America to defpair and independence. " Dijftntitnt. Becaufe this bill, by confidering the " colonies in America as a foreign nation, and declaring war on " them in that charafter, has a direft tendency to effeft an entire, " and we fear permanent feparation, between the two capital parts " of this empire : We are, by this aft, preparing their minds fof " that independence which we charge them with effefting, whilft " we drive them to the neceflity of it, by repeated injuries." Thus much to ftiew you, that the oppofers of the fyftem of Ame- rican meafures did every thing in their power, to forewarn their country in time againft thefe proceedings, which have driven the Americans to independence. I fhall now cite a few words from another proteft, upon a debate relating to foreign troops, (viz. on the 5th of March 1776) "We have moreover juft reafon to ap- *' prehend, that when the colonies come to underftand, that Great- £ 2 Britain \k hi p 11 X 4« ] " Britain is forming alliances, and hiring foreign troops for their " deftruflion, they may think they are well juftified, by the ex- *' ample, in endeavouring to avail themfelves oF the like afTif* " tance; and that France, Spain, PrufTia, or other powers of £u- " rope, may think they have as good a right, as Hefle, Brunf- *' wick, and Hanau, to interfere in our domeftic quarrels ; and if ** the flames of war, from thefe proceedings, (hould be kindled in " Europe, which we fear is too probable, we reflcfl with horror " upon the condition of this country, under circumflances in " which flie may be called upon, to refill the formidable attack of '* our powerful enemies, which may require the exertion of our " whole force, at a time when the ftrength and flower of the na- *' tion are employed in fruitlefs expeditions on the other fide the " world." I have drawn thefe two objefis into a clofe point of view, from the mofl authentic records, viz. Protefls in parliament, to Ihew you, that there were not wanting prudent and difcerning men in parliament, who have difcharged their duty to their coun- try, having flood guard, and refifled ruinous meafures, to the ut-^ mofl of their power. The hoflile ind pendence of America, and their being driven inio the arms of the houfe of Bourbon, were the great evils that they then forefaw and feared ; thefe events are unfortunately come upon us ; our country mufl require an ac- count of them from other hands. The fpecific propofitions, which were made on our fide in par- liament for peace, were fuch as could not fail to lay the fureft foundation of perpetual re^union with the colonies ; becaufe we knew beforehand of their confent, from the terms of the petition of the Congrefs to the King, and of their addrefs to the people of England, which accompanied ihat petition. In the Houfe of Lords, the Duke of Richmond moved, on the loth of November *775* " That the petition from the Continental Congrefs to the •• King, was a ground for the conciliation of the unhappy dlffe- f* rences at prefent fubfifling between Great-Britain and America." It was not to be wondered at, that fuch a motion as this fhould be rejefled in the Houfe of Lords, when the original petition had been fpurned from the throne with difdain. Irj the Houfe of Commons, Mr. Burke moved, on the i6th of November tjys, " That leave begivento bring in a bill for com- •' pofing [ 29 ] *' pofing the prefent troubles, and for quieting the minds of hit ** Majefty's fubje£h in America." The fubftance of this bill was likewife to renew peace with America upon the antient conftitu- tional ground, giving fatisfa£lion to the colonies upon the article of taxation, and a general redrefs of their grievances ; confulting 'in every point the freedom of America, the dignity of Parlia^ ment, and the rights of Great-Britain. The following is a Copy of the Bill : " Whereas, by the bleflfing of Almighty God, and the induftry, enter- ** prixe, and courage of feveral of the people of this realm, extenfive and va- " luable territories have been acquired in America to the crown of Great- " Britain, which are now inhabited by great multitudes of his Majefty's fub- " je£ls, who have cultivated and improved the fame, for the moft part at their ** own charges, to the great increafe of the commerce and naval ftrength of " this kingdom; and have alfo, of their own free gift, made provilion for the *< fupport of the civil government within their faid plantations ; have main- ** tained many expenfive wars againft the Indian nations, and have at fun- *< dry times granted large fums of money, and other very conflderable aids, *< to his Majefty, and his royal predeceflbrs, to fupport them againft the ene- ** mies of this kingdom, netwithftanding which, the inhabitants of the faid " colonies have been made liable to feveral taxes given and granted in parlia<> " ment, for the purpofe of raifing a revenue, whei^ they have had no knights " or burgefles, or others of their own chufing, to reprefent them in parlia- ** ment ; and from the great diftance of the faid colonies from this land, and M other impediments, are not able conveniently to fend reprefentatives to *< the faid parliament ; whereby the faid inhabitants of the Britifh Colonies '* have conceived themfelves to be much aggrieve4, and thereby great trou- <*'bles have arifen and are likely to continue, if a fitting remedy be not pro* " vided } Wherefore, we pray your Majefty, that it may be enabled and de- ** clared, and it is hereby enabled and declared, by, &c. ice. ** That no aid, fubfidy, tax, duty, loan, benevolence, or any other burthen *< or impolition whatfoever, ihall be granted, laid, aftefFed, levied, or collec- f* ted, upon the inhabitants of any colony or plantation in America, by the ** authority, or in virtue of any a£l of parliament, or in any other manner, or ** by any other authority, than the voluntary grant of the general aflembly, *( or general court of each colony or plantation, and which (hall be aflented *< to by his Majefty's Governor, and otherwife confirmed according to the *« ufage of each province refpeftively, any law, ftatute, cuftom, right, prero- ** gative, or any other matter whatfoever, to the contrary notwithftanding. ' * Saving to his Majefty, his heirs and fucceffors, his right of referving and ^^ cplle^ing quit-rents, and other bis antient dues and revenues, and all " other rl C 30 ] *f ptlier 4utiei and taxes by this a£l not lepe^ed { and faving 9nd referving ** tp fll proprietories and charter-companies, their antient rights, privileges, ** and pofleflinns. " Provided always, that nothing in this a£l fhall extend, or be conftrucd " to extend, to reftrain the future impofition and levy of duty and taxes for " the regulation of trade and commerce in all the dominions, to the imperial «« crown of this realm belonging. *' And in order to remove all doubt and uneadnefs from the minds of his " Majefty's fubjefls in the colonies, it is hereby further enafted, that if any " a£l of parliament ihall be hereafter made for the purpofe of fuch regulation «* of trade, the produce of the duties thereby laid (hall be held by the col- " le£lors or receivers of his Majefty's cuftoms, for the difpofal of the general *' aflemblies, as if the fame had been levied by the authority of the feveral *' general aflemblies in the faid colonies. *' And whereas, during thefe troubles, the alTemblies, or inhabitants of ** the faid colonies, have formed a general meeting, which faid meeting was « not authorized by law to make any order or refolution, or to do any oil :r *' aA of force, to bind his Majefty's rubje£ls : And whereas it may be ne- ** ceflary, that the faid colonies fhould have authority to do certain a£ls by ** common confent, which fliould include the whole body of the faid colo- ** nies. Be it therefore enabled, that it ftiall apd may be lawful for his Maje- ** fty, his heirs and fucceftbrs, to give authority to his governors in Ame- ^< rica, to require the faid aflemblies to fend deputies to a general meeting, ** with full powers to bind their feveral provinces, to all a£ls doqe by a ma- ** jority of voices in the faid general meeting, which meeting, and the pow- " ers thereof, fliall ceafe and determine on if not further ** continued by parliament. " And whereas, in confequcnce of the late troubles, feveral a£ls of parlia- << ment have been made, for the purpofe of coercing and reftraining the colo- ** nies, of which an advantage has been taken to reprefent the fame, as if a (' defign had been formed to deprive the people of the faid colonies, e>f feveral «* rights, bencilts, and advantages of nature, Jtnd of the Britiih conftitution, ** which hath greatly increafed the dlfcontents of the colonies, and fonfiented *< the troubles in America ; in order therefore, to quiet the minds of his Ma- *« jetty's fubjefts in America, and to reclaim the difobedient by that lenity, *' which ought to have the ftrongeft operation on the minds of free fubjefts, " Be it enabled, &c. [Here follow the titles of four a^s of parliament as propofed to be repealed, commonly called the Tea Aft, the Bofton Port Aft, the Aft for regulating trials of perfons queftioned in the execution of the law in cafe of riots, &c. and the Maflachuletts Charter Aft,] be hereby fe- ** verally and refpeftively repealed." [The remaining daufes of this Conciliatory Bill are, to declare a general pardon, indemnity, and oblivion, "provided that all arms, not taken up by <* his Majefty's authority, ^all be laid down."] X did [ 3« ] I did likewifc myfelf. on the 7th of December, 1775, in the number of the moft earneft well-wifliers for peace, make a mo- tion for the ccflation of hoftilities in America, which was fe-* conded by Sir George Savile ; I took my ground from a recital of feveral of the paflages in the petition of the Congrefs to the King, profefling their duty, affcflion, and attachment to their So- vereign and to their mother-country ; to reprefent to his Majeily, •* That however well-difpofed his Majefty's fubje£ls in America " may be, according to their raoft earneft profeflions, to return to ** their former obedience and conftitutional dependence, yet, that " the horrors of war and bloodfhed, raging in their country, mufl *' drive them to deftru£lion and defpair ; and farther to beg leave *' to reprefent to his Maisfty's parental confiderat.ion, that a re- " turn to their duty, of their own free mind and voluntary compli- *' ance, would enfure a mere cordial and permanent reconcilia- *' tion, than any relu6lant fubmiflion, which through much blood- *' (hed. '" his Majefty's fubjefls, could be enforced by the fword ; " Therefore, moft humbly to befeech his Majefty, that he will be *• gracioufly pleafed, to give orders for putting a ftop to the fur- *• ther profecution of hoftilitics in America, thereby to prevent " the further deftru6lion jf the lives of his Majefty's fubjefts, and " to affbtd the wilhed-for opportunity to his Colonifts, of evincing *• the fincerity of their profeflionss by every teftimony ot devo- ** tion, becoming the moft dutiful fubje6ls and the moft afre£lion- ** ate colonifts." The Duke of Richmond in the Houfe of Lords moved, on the 5th of March 1776, " That an humble addrefs be prefented to his " Majefty, praying that he would be gracioufly pleafed to coun- ** termand the march of the troops of Hede, Hanau, and Brunf- " wick, and likewife give dire£lions for an immediate fufpenfion " of hoftilities in America, in order to lay a foundation for a " happy and permanent reconciliation between the contending ^' parts of this diftrafted empire." The Duke of Grafton moved, on the 14th of March, 1776, " That an humble addrefs be prefented to his Majefty, befeech- " ing him, that in order to prevent the farther effufion of blood, " and to manifeft how defirous the King of Great-Britain and his " parliament are, to reftore peace to all parts of the dominigns of C 3O •* his Majefty's crown, and how earneftly they wifti to redrefs anjr ** real grievances of his Majefty's fubjefls, his Majefty would be ** gracioufly pleafcd to iflue a proclamation, declaring, That if the ** Colonies, within a reafonablc time before or after the arrival of " the troops deftincd for America, fhall prcfent a petition to the " commander in chief, or to the commiflioners to be appointed •* under the aft for preventing all trade and intercourfe with the " feveral Colonics ; fctting forth in fuch petition, which is to be *' tranfmitted to his Majefty, what they confider to be their juft •• rights, and real grievances ; that in fuch cafe, his Majefty will *' confent to a fufpenflon of arms, and that his Majefty has autho< •• rity from his Parliament to afTure them, that fuch their petition " fhall be received, confidercd, and anfwered." Lord Camden prefented a petition from the city of London to the Houfe of Lords, •• In the moft rerpe£lful manner to apply to •• this Right Honourable Houfc, that it will be pleafed to adopt " fuch meafures for the healing of the prefent unhappy difputes " between the Mother-Country and the Colonies, as may be fpec- •* dy, permanent, and honourable." A fimilar petition was pre- fented, by the fame important and refpeftable body, to the Houfe of Commons, but no farther notice was taken of either. Having mentioned the petitions of the city of London to par- lament, I will give you the prayer of another petition from them to the King, upon the fame fubjeft, in March 1776, juft at the tinrie when thofe formidable preparations of inexorable war, which have fatally diflblved the union between the two countries for ever, were upon the point of being put into aftiou pgalnft our then fellow-fubjefts : " We humbly and earneftly befcech your •• Majefty, that the moft folemn, clear, diftinft, and unambiguous " fpecification, of thofe juft and honourable terms, which your " Majefty, with both Houfes of parliament, mean to grant to the *♦ Colonies, may precede the dreadful operations of your arma- " ments. Every colour and fufpicion of injuftice and oppreflion ** will then be reipoved, from the proceedings of the mother-coun- " try, and if thofe juft and honourable terms are not fubmitted " to, your Majefty will undoubtedly be able to meet, what will •• then be Rebellion, with the zealous hearts and hands of a de- " termined, loyal, and united people." I think if any one faft can [ 33 ] can more unequivocally bring to tcft, the vindiflive, rclentlcfs, and inexorable fpirit, which dictated ihe fanguinary mcafurcii of adminiftration againd America, it is the non-conipiiancc with a propofition fo equitable as this was. The refuffil was the cleared declaration for unconditional fubmiflion or no peace. It is that vindi6live fpirit which condemns without trial, coiififcates their public charters and private property unheard, rejcfch their peti- tions and remonflrances, conteinns their ofleis of peace and conllitutional dependence, fends an army of jo,ooo men to cut their throats, with negroes and favages to aflaflinate and murder them : It is that vindiftive fpirit, which, devoid of every human feeling due to the fellow-creatures as well as to fubje6}s, will not even deign to tell them, what fubmiflion it is that is required of them. I have mentioned to you the aft called the Prohibitory A£l, which was one of the firil a£ls pafled in this fecond feflion. Every claufe in this a£l, except one, is fraught with vengeance and deftru6lion to people of the colonies, and to their pro- perty. They were cut off from all iniercourfe with their mo- ther-country, they were totally call out from its protecdon, and their property given up to military plunder. All this was obvi- oufly calculated to inflame their minds, and to .".ake ih?m defpe- rate. But there was one claufe at the end of this aft, enabling the King to appoint commiflioners. The very name of commifllon- ers pretends at leaft to imply fome purpofe of treating for the redrefs of grievances, and for peace; but it was nothing lefs, it was merely a fallacious pretext, for it only gave a power to the commiflioners to grant pardons upon unconditional fubniillion, without any offer of redrefs of grievances. A propofed grant of pardon implies fome crime. What crimes then had the Amei i- cans been guilty of? They had been condemned unheard, all their civil rights had been fubverted, their judges had been pen- fioned during pleafure, their juries had been garbled, the free de- bates of their aflismblies had been controuled, their charters had been confifcated, and their property had been taken by violence from them. They hadpreiiiimed to reprefent thefe grievances, and to crave redrefs of them, by petitions, addrefl*e$, memorials, and remonflrances, to the three branches of the legifl^ture. When F all I I !:^ C 34 3 &11 their petitions were rejefted unheard, and tlicy were attacked by force of arms, they did likewife pnfume, according to the firft law of nature, to refift In their own defence. The prohibitory aft offers no remedy to all the fiifferings of America ; it only of-" fers a grant of pardon upon unconditional fubmiflion ; and with- out Any the lead affurance, or even prefumption, that the grie- T'lnces, oi which they had complained, (hould not be repeated and aggravated. I ftiould not have called the appointment of commiffioners upon this occafion a mere pretext, if the aft had enabled them to offer redrefs of grievances ; but their hands were exp^er^iy tied, from every thing but granting pardon upon uncon- ditional fubmiflion. The conftruftion tl erefjre of this claufe decides upon itfelf as being a mere pretext. But even granting for a moment that it were not a prett.^l, and allowing to the mini- ftry all the pretenfions of peace which they would claim from thla claufe; the cohfideration which puts their fincerity out of difpute is, that, although the aft paffed the two Houfes, and received the royal affent before Chriftmas 1775, yet the commiflion was not fealed till ^lay 1776. The departure of the commiffioners was delayed for live months, with every aft of mercilefs vengeance intervening, on the part of thofe minifters who pretended to feek for peace. Immenfe armaments at land and fea were fent againft the Americans, with 20,000 foreign mercenaries, which could not fail to drive them to defpair, and, in their own defence, to in- dependence and foreign alliances. If the commiffioners had been appointed, and had been ready to fail five months fooner, although the terms of their commiffion under this aft might not have be -n fufficient finally to fettle peace, yet the very offer of any thing pretending to treaty, might have brought forward fome negocia- tion which might have led to peace. What can that minifter fay to his country, who was intruded by parliament, with a com- miffion under this aft, containing every power which he had ap. plied for, as neceffary to Vcllore the peace of the empire; for ha- ving delayed and fuppreffed, for five months, every flep and pro- ceeding under that commiffion ? I call this the hJgheft breach of truft to his country. If that commiffion had been fealed and fent out with all due and convenient fpeed, inftead of having been been delayed for five months, it muft have arrived in America fome months L 35 1 montlis before their declaration of independence, and their ncgo- ciation with foreign powers, iA which cafe an offer of treaty might have been of fome avail. But War with America, and not Peace, has been at the bottom of every meafure from the firfl to the laft. If the proceedings of the minifter had been mafked with any ambiguous moderation, fuch decifive and defperate events, as in- dependence and foreign alliances, would at leaft have given fome gradual notice of their approach ; every rub and delay would have been fo much in favour of reconciliation. There are at leaft Ihades and gradations between humble petitions, and an hoAiie declaration of irrevocable independence, with foreign alliances. The colonies had been for ages bound to this country, by every tie of common intereft, and by all the natural habits of affeftion ; they were, at this very period, \/aiting with anxiety for the event of their l^ft petitio i, and for a parental affurance of proteftion, in return for their proffered allegiance ; they were unprepared ei- ther with men, arms, ammunition, or allies, for fuch a defperate Hep, as a final revolt and declaration of independence. They muft have entertained, at that time, great doubts of their fuccefs, in an undertaking premature and unconcerted, but defperate in its confequences. But they were driven, by every :iccuraulated a6l of terror and deftru£lion, to madnefs and deljpair. They were compe'i^^d to take their inftant choice, of unconditional fubjec- tion, or independence. Nothing elfe was left to them. An head- ilrong minifter had refolvc i, fword in hand, to pafs the Rubicon, and to throw away the fcabbard. I am now come to the third feffion of thi? parliament, which commenced Oft. 31, 1776, and ended June 6, 1777. All poffibility of reconciliation having been made defperate, by the meafures of the adminiftration in the preceding year ; and, in iti? place, an unconditional reduftion of America having been de- termined upon, and undertaken by force of arms ; the King's fpeech at the opening of this third feflion told us, that we mu^ at all events prepar*? for another campaign. The minifterial demand, of unconditional fubmiflion by force of arms, on the one fide, had produced the declaration of independence on the other ; and the fword alone could decide the conteft. The friends of peace and re-union, who had forewarned their coun- f « try , i': I- 4 > ; 1 t " t 36 3 try of this fatal alternative, faw with regret their melanchol/ forebodings realized in thefe events. They had been unwearied in their endeavours, to prevent things from coming to this defpe- rate ftat2 ; but in vain. Yet even in this ftate, if the fainteft ray of hope did but dawn upon them, they were ever upon the watch, not to let flip even the moft diftant poflibility of bringing the par- ties to an accommodation. I have told you, that the new Ame- rican iTiinifter had never communicated any fingle document of information to parliament. The reprefentatives of the nation were left to the chance of picking up information, when the fate of the empire was at flake, from news-papers or vulgar reports. A very important proclamation, figned by Lord Howe and Gene- ral Howe, had been publiflied in America on the 19th of Sep- tember 1776, declaring on the part of his Majefty, that he was willing to concur in the revifal qfall his aBs^ by which hisfubjeBs in America might think themftlves aggrieved. This propofition firfl made its appearance in England in a common daily news- paper, having been copied from fome American prints. Lord John Cavendifh, into whofe hands one of thefe news-papers had fallen, being evei watchful for the peace and profperity of his country, feized the occafion without delay ; and moved in the Houfe of Commons, (on the 6th of Jlovember 1776) conformably to the terms of the proclamation, " That this Houfe will refolve " itfdf into a committee, to cct^fider of the revifal of ihe a£ls of " parliament by which his Majefty's fubjefts in America think " themfelves aggrieved." A miniflerial negative was put upon this motion, by a large majority. I call it a miniflerial negative, becaufe the minifters themfelves, who advifed the proclamation in America, fpoke in this debate againil the motion of Lord John Cavendifli, for complying with the terms promifed to America in that very proclamation. It is worth while to dwell a little upon this tranfaftion in its fe- veral parts, and to confider the effeft which it mull naturally have upon the minds of the Americans; becaufe their conviftion of the duplicity and infmcerity of adminiftration, has had greater cfFeft in deciding the alienation of America, than all other mea- fures put together. A motion had been made by the Duke of Grafton r 37 ] Grafton in theHcufe of Lords, (on the 14th of March 1776) to addrefs the King, " That he would be gracioufly pleafed to ilfue " a proclamation in America, promifing, that if the Americans " would, by petition to the commander in chief, (to be tranfmit- " ted to his Majefty) Hate what they confider to be their juft " rights, and real grievances, that his Majefty hath authority from " his par'iament, to alTure them, that fuch their petition fhall be " received, confidered, and anfwered." A negative was however put upon this motion. But upon the 19th of September of the fame year, (1776) a proclamation was iffued in America, promi- fing the very thing which had been negatived in parliament. What is an American to think of this ? Would he not fay to his countrymen, Truft not ; here is treachery ! This proclaraatioa can be confidered in no other light but as infidious, and calculated to amufc lis into fallacious expe6lations ; had the miniftry been fince r '*t ' :; intentions declared in this proclamation, they would not have put a negative upon this very propofition when offered in parliament. To confirm thefe fufpicions, and to put their duplicity and infincerity out of doubt, the miniftry again refufe, when brought to the teft, to adhere to the promifes of their own proclamation. It is to this combined fyftem of relent- lefs violence, and vindifclive duplicity, that the difmemberment and independence of America are owing. In vain did the friends of peace deprecate the fury of an headftrong miniftry ; in vain did they propofe any lerms of conciliation ; they ftrove to the laft, but they were cru^io-i in every attempt. The declaration of in- dependence had i) ':. i; taken place; but if there was any mea- fure above all On.i "j, vhich could have been devifed, to add rage to defpair, and to luake the aft of independence irrevoca- ble, it was a refufal of this motion ; it was a convi6led aft of mi- nifterial duplicity ; it put an end to all cuiiiidcnce, and left no arbitration but the fword. The King had told us at the opening of this tlurd feffion, that ^ve mu/f at al! vents prepaie for another campaign; parliament accordingly v < e ' above an hundred thoufand men for this pur- pofe by fca and iand, with an enormous bill of expences attend- ing them. Many millions have already bccrv incurred and paid, and many more are at this moment outftanding and unpaid, which you C 38 ] you will hear of and feel but too foon. Having mylelf been for ibme years converfant in matters of fupplies and grants, 1 have iiever failed, in each feffion, to give as accurate an eflimate in tl>at branch, as I could draw out. Thofe <;(limates have never proved fillacious. I only mention this, in a tranflent manner, upon the fubje6l, that my conftituents may know, that I have not been inattentive or filent upon that important article. With refpeft to the American independence, thofe who had 9 foreboding that the force of this country would be baffled in America, when put to the trial, might very confiftently, for the honour of their country, have been difpofed to give way upon that head, as forefeeing that if it were not done with good will, neceiHty would at laft compel us to compliance. This I confefs to you from the very firft was my firm convifti. "therefore, to refcue the honour of my country from being bro* to difgrace, by the at- tempt of impoflibilities, I did at this period, (viz. in May I'Jjy) venture to give it as ray advice, in point of opinion, to make a gift of independence to America, while you might fay that you had any thing in your power to give. I would not prefume to prefs a point of fuch magnitude and importance, upon my fingle opinion, to a public queftion in parliament, aye or no ; but I drew up the arguments, upon which in point of opinion I would have advlfed the meafure, in the fhape of an addrefs to the King, and read it in my place in parliament. I have never been the pro- pofer or the abetter of innovations ; all that I have wifbed has been, that we might ftill go on in peace and profperity, according to the antient and conftitutional fyftem of connexion between the two countries. I leave to others, by felf-diftated opinions, to Ihake ellabllfhed fundamentals, and to plunge their country into all the confequences of the difme«nberment of our American co- lonies, terminating in their hoflile independence. The princi- ples of a federal alliance, in which the dignity and interefts of thi« country might both have been preferved, appeared to me to be the only fafe plan. The following is a copy cf the propofed addrefs : " To the King: Your faithful Commons have taken into their " mod ferious confideration, the very alarming ftate of thisnation» ** from the prcfent unhaj^py difputes with the American colonies, ' . " an4 * «< M t* 4( 4« «( 4( 4< 4< 4C 4< <* '. U <« U t 39 ] •• and are moft heartily deflrous, according to the example of •* their anceftors, to encourage, fupport, and maintain, the true ** principles of liberty, and through them to eftablifli peace and •* profperity throughout every part of your Majefty*s dominions. *• We cannot but exprefs our fears, that in the prefent unhappy ** difputes, your Majefty has been much mifinfbrmed, as to the " true flate of America, by ignorant, and, pcrliaps, ill-intentioned ** informers, who have reprefented to your Majefly, that the dif- ** turbances there were excited by a few individuals only, but that ** the general fenfe of the continent of America was totally averfe " to them, and ready to fubmit, if but a lew troops, with forae dc- ** gree of countenance from this country, were to be fent over. •* Your faithful Commons tlierefore iindinir, from the fubfequeat ** events, fuch informations to have been groundlefs and delufivc, ** are led to fufpefl, that the caufes likewife of the difturbances ** may have more ferious and deep foundations than have been ** reprefented* They are, moreover, led upon this occaflon to ** conlider, that all good government is eftablifhed for the fafetf ** and content of the people, as exprefTed by the general voice, ■" and common confent, of the members of any community; and ** that, whatever fwperintending power or controul a parent flate f* may be intttled to, in the infancy of any colony, as for the com- ** mon good of any fuch colony in its infancy ; yet that the ul*. ** timate end of all colonization is, and ought to be, to eflabUfla ** kindred and derivative communities into perfeft focieties, in *• the fullnefs of population, fettlement, profperity, and power. Thefe principles are not only founded in the nature of man- kind, but are peculiarly applicable to our own colonifts, who ** carried out with them, into their foreign fettlements, the feed* *' of the Britifli conftitution, which we flatter ourfelves to be the " happieil and moll fr«e in the world. Thefe colonies, under the aufpicious and friendly eye of the parent-ftate, have at length out-grown the imbecilities of their infant ftate, and ap- proach to the maturity of iettlemem and population, and all the arts of life, and thereby are become capable of that glorious in* ** heritance of perfeft freedom, which their parent-ftate has in " former times refcued out of the hands of tyrants, with a view to ** ailTert it for the common good and ufe of mankind, and partis ^ ** cularly I »t *t 4( 4* 4« 4t C 40 1 €* «( .i'i',1 m'-' •* cularly to tranfmlt it entire to their own defcenddnts. As n(f •* country can arrive at its full pertodion, while it is confined in •* its powers of a free kgillation ; and as ihe tranfition of colonies ** from the controul of a diftant parent- ftaie, to the abfolute pof- feflipn in full right of all their legiflative powers, muft inevi- tably (at a certain period of connexion between the parent-ftate and its colonies) dilliirb, or at lead lor a time fuipend, the har- mony of affefclion and mutual correfpondence of interefts ; and *• asthecourfe of the prefent difputes between Great-Britain and •* her Colonies, hasi led to that dangerous point of contention, •• which being originally inherent in ihe relation of parent-flate ** and colony, now (hews itfclf fo ferious in its afpeft, as perhaps •* to threaten, if not amicably adjulled, the ruin of one or both ** countries : Your Commons, therefore, think it wife and pru- •* dent, to follow the apparently natural and unavoidable courfe ** of things, and to bellow upon the Colonies an entire freedom of •* their legiflative powers, hoping thereby to lay a foundation for ** a perpetual ai2d indiiroluble bond of affeftion and alliance, in ** every refpeft as beneficial to both countries, as the co'^ ?tion ** which has hitherto fubfi'.led between them, in the mut. ,1 rela- •* tion of parent-date and colony; and with this additional hope •* of permanence, that according to all human prudence, fuch con- '' neflions, in which there is no latent principle of future difcord, ** may be trufled and relied upon, for ihe cordial reftoration of •• ;-,eace, and for all the bleflings of reconciliation between this ** country and the offspring of its own liberty, formed in the per- ** feft refemblance of its own conftiiution, and tranfplanted into ** the new world of America. Your faithful Commons, there- ** fore, humbly befeech your Majefly, to order an immediate fuf- " penfion of hoflilities in America, for the fake of preventing *• any farther effufion of blood, and to concur with your parlia- ** ment, upon the ground-work of the foregoing principles and •* confiderations, in laying the foundation for reconcilement and ** perpetual peace between this country and America." The unfortunate events which have happened fincc I firfl fug- gefted the foregoing propofition, which was in May 1777, make ire regret that fomething of this kind was not then accepted. I think that thofe perfons confult the beft for the honour of their country, who, in an inevitable cafe.forefee it in time, and accom- modate ■' •!!■ [ 41 3 modate themfelves to it with the befl grace ; and who do not hang back with an ungenerous and relu6iant delay, until they are compelled by defeat and with difgrace to comply. I have long lorefeen this to be the cafe with refpeft to the independence oi America. I call it an inevitable cafe, becaufe it is generally con- fidered as an event which would be detrimental and diftionour- able to this country. My own opinion is far otherwife. 1 think the friendfhip of America, which is now the rifing the world, and which will in a few years be multiplied an hundred fold, would be an infini*" recompence, in exchange for an irkfome dominion, onerous to them, and barren to us ; and as for the difhonour, 1 fear that we are running headlong to create it for ourfelves, by our haughty and fupercilious conduft, which will only bring upon us defeat and difgrace. If, inllead of a fufpicious and felfifh fyf- tem of adminiftration towards our i:olonies, we had from the fnft taken them by the hand, to lead them with parental affeftion to national greatnefs and independence at the time of their maturity; we fhould have fixed the heart of America to ourfelves for ever. What havie we now before us, but the profpeft of defeat in our attempt to fix an irkfome dominion perpetually upon them; with the lofs of their afFeftions, and of all thofe peculiar advan- tages, which this country alone, of all European ftates, has de- rived from free and flouriftiing colonies ; and which would have been daily growing in magnitude and importance, in proportion to their boundlefs increafe in the new world ? Towards the end of this feffion, viz. on the 30th of May 1777, Lord Chatham, who had been in a very ill flate of health for fome months, came to the Houfe of Lords, to give his voice againft the farther continuance of this mad and imprafticable war. He urged that there might ftill perhaps be a moment left, to arrell the dangers that furrounded us, before France fhould join in an explicit treaty with America. He moved, " That an " humble addrefs be prefented to his Majefty, mod dutifully " reprefenting to his royal wifdom, that this Houfe is deeply " penetrated with the vie\/ of impending ruin to the 'kiiig- " dom, from the continuation of an unnatural war againfl the " Britifh Colonics in America, and moll humbly to advife his " Majefty, to take the moft fpeedy and effefclual meafures, for " putting a ftop to fuch fatal hoftilities, upon the only juft and " folid foundation, namely, the removal of accumulated grievan* ** ces; and to affure his Majefty, that this Houfe will enter upon [ 4* ] «< this great and neceflary work with chearfulnefs and difpatchir *• in order to open to his J tajefty the only means of regaining " the afFeftions of the Briiir Colonies, and of fecuring to Great- " Britain the commciciat . antages of thefe valuable pofTefTions; " fully perfuac ;d . at to n-.a! and to redrefs, will be more conge. *' niz to the goodnefs and magnanimity of his MajeAy, and more *• prevalent over the hearts of generous and free-born fuh'sfts; " than the rigours of chaftifement, and the horrors of civil war, ^* which hitherto have only ferved to fharpen refentroents, and ** confolidate union, and, if continued, mud end in finally diiToK *' ving all ties between Great-Britain and her Colonies." This warning, though coming from fo great and refpe6lable a charac- ter, was fet at nought. The miniftry had got all that they wanted from parliament, that is to fay, 100,000 men, and ten millions of money. They were confident in their own conceit, and in the fuccefs of their meafures, and would attend to no remonflrances of reafon. Thus the die was irrevocably caft. The honour and interefts of this country, without any alternative by treaty, were fet at Ilake, upon the decifion of the fword, upon the felf-di6lated confidence of a miniftry, who had uniformly wifh-hcld every do^ cument of information from parliament; but whofe refponfibility can aflfbrd no adequate compenfation to their country, for the dc- ilru6lion and difgrace into which they have plunged it. In the account which I have given you of the propofitions and arguments which have been offered on our fide for peace, I have confined rayfelf to fuch as ftand either in the fhape of motions or protefts in parliament. But many others have been offered by the friends of their country, in the courfe of parliamentary de- bates, of which minifters might have availed themfelves, if they had been difpofed to liften to wife and temperate counfels. Lord Shelburne, at a very early period in thefe troubles, advifed. To meet the Colonies upon the ground of their laft petition to the King, as being the fureft as well as themoft dignified mode *' for this country; to fufpend all hoftilitles; to repeal \the afts " immediately di^.reffmg to America ; and to refer others to a tem- *• perate revifal ; but, above all things, to confider the prlnciplc-i *• of the aft of navigation as the palladium of this country."— — Again ; That moft beautiful metaphor of Lord Camden, " that " every blade of grafs is reprefented in Great-Britain/' compre- hends, in one word, all that could be faid in a thoufand volumes upon the fubjedl; of American taxation. Another emphaticai 41 «i t 43 J phrafe of his, " Peace with Amerca, and then, come war with " all the world ! " breathed the true fpirit for Britifk counfels. Thefe will be remembered. Numberlefs other fplendid and pa- thetic fpeakers in their country's caufe have likewife pleaded in vain. AH thefe Pearls have been thrown away. I have now ftated to you the fubllance of the minifterial and parliamentary proceedings, during the three firft fefTions of this parliament, which were the decifive periods ; the firft which laid the foundation of the war, the other two which threw away the pearl of peace, when it was in their hands, and drove America to the irrevocable extremities of independence and foreign alli- ances. I muft once more remind you, of my motive for being fo folicitous to explain thefe matters to you, and to (hew to you, that neither myfelf nor any of the friends with whom 1 have afted, have either been confenting or concurring with thofe headllrong meafures which have brought fuch enormous expences, fuch fatal deftru6lion of the lives of our fel]ow.fubje£ls, fo much national difgrace, and perhaps the profpe£l of national ruin. It is, becaufe I value and elleem the conBdence of my conftituents, and becaufe I wifh the continuance of it; for which reafon, I defire to lay my heart open to them, and to explain every motive of my condu6l. Thefe difputes with America, however (lightly they may have been treated by fome perfons, in the beginning, did (as you know) appear to me, in the earlieft dawn of them, to carry the moft fei rious and fatal afpett. When a great majority of parliament has taken its bent, to adopt with a blindfold confidence the meafures of an adminiftration, you cannot conceive the difadvantages which a fmall minority, or a few individuals, meet with, in ftrug- gling and buffeting againt the torrent. The miniftry give what garbled evidence they pleafe; they fupprefs evidence likewife at their difcretion; if any documents are moved for, which might be explanatory, of the views, tempers, forces, conne6lions, public pro- ceedings, number and difpofition of the perfons difcontented and in arms ; any fuch motion is fure of meeting with a negative. If a hint is dropt, that the Americans are cowards ; that they are wretched and helplefs; that they are difcontented with the tyranny of their leaders ; that two or three re«Tinients would fubdue the whole continent ; that the King's ftandard being once -et up, the whplp body of the people would flock to it ; or any other of the many fallacies which have led us into difappointments and dif- doubts. The grace majority wU any C 44 ] omnipotence of parliament is not to be queftioned, till it is de- feated, and the national honour laid in the diifl. No fuggeflion of prudence is tolerated, till it is found by fatal experience, fo far from two or three regiments over-running all America, that 50 or 60,000 men have been baffled for two years together ; one entire army taken prifoners, the remainder retreating and be- (ieged. Then we regret, in vain, the hcadftrong folly of mini- flers, who have betrayed the unfufpefting confidence of parlia- ment, by their ignorance, arrogance, and mifreprefentations. The experiment has coft us the lofs of America, with 30 or 40,000 men deftroyed, and thirty or forty millions of money wafted, which, even if it had procured fucccfs, would have been little bet- ter than ruin ; but the final defeat, after all, has brought the na- tion into difgrace, and has delivered us ftript of our men and mo- ney, and of our beft friends and refources, in almoft a defencelefs ilate, to the antient rivals of our profperity and honour. Thefe fentiraents have made a deep impreflion upon my mind, and con- duft. Zealoufly attached to the honour of my country, 1 have lamented to fee it fall a facrifice to the gratification of an ill-judged pride. Moderation and Jufticethe are trueft guardians of national honour. I am. With the greateft refpeft and Confideration* Gentlemen, Your much obliged, and faithful humble Servant, D. HARTLEY. SODBURY, Sept. 13, 1778. To the Right Worfliipful the Mayor and Corporation^ To the Worjhipful the War. km and Corporation of the Trinity Hou/et AND To the Worthy Burgejfes, Of the TVwffO/^KlNGSTON-UPON-HuLL, LETTER [ 45 J LETTER II. Gentlemen, Y HAVE now traced the minifterial and parliamentary procced- ■*" inon thU point, that the Houfc ol Bourhon \/as upon the eve of brea'.mg with us; that f hey had abetted the caufe of America; that tlicy liad done a great deal in an underhand way, but not fo much as the Americans viflied; that if this moment were fei;'„(i, wh'ie America was in iri-hnmour with the backwardnefs o! ihw: Houfe of liourbon, they might be detached from that cciir.ri:tion, if reafonable terms were held out to them ; that this opportunity, if once loft, would never be recoverable again. I did likcwife myfelf, in the Houfe of Commons, throw out the fame arguments .1 confcquence of in- formation which had dropped into my hands. I Hated, that I thought there was one ray of hope ftill left, if we had wifdom to feize the opportunity, of opening a treaty with the Americans, while they were difcontented with the cool and dilatory proceed- ings of the court of France. My words were. Do it before you Jleep ; but they flept and did it not. I will now reqite to you the laft: motion made by the Earl of Chatham in the Houfe of Lords, (viz. on the 20th of November 1777,) that the advice therein contained may fpeak for him, in contraft to thofe ruinous mea- fures, which he oppofed to his laft breath, " That this Houfe ** does moft humbly advife and fupplicate his Mijefty, to be •* pleafed to caufe the moft fpeedy and efFeftual meafures to be *• taken, for reftoring peace in America ; and that no time may " be loft in propofing a ceflaiion of hoftilities there, in order to " the opening a treaty, for the final fettlement of the tranquility " of thofc invaluable provinces, by a removal of the unhappy •• caiifes of this ruinous civil war, and by a juft and adequate fecu- " r)t\' againft a reiurn of the like calamities in times to come. " And this Houfe dcfires to offer the moft dutiful aflurance to his " Miijclh', that thev will, indue time, co-operate with the magna- " nimiiv of his Majefty, for the prefervation of his people, by " fuch explicit and moft folemn declarations, and provifions of ♦' folemn, fundamental, and irrevocable laws, as may be judged " neceffary for afcerlaihing and fixing, for ever, the refpeftive *' rights of Great-Britain and her colonies." Thefc vi; CO be ot ^m C 47 ] Thcfc are the lafl words of falutary counfcl from that great man, who, to the irreparable lufs of his coutttr)', is now no more. This counfcl was oflcied in vain ; inAead of fcizing the oppor- tunity of negotiating with America, while tiiey were unengaged from France, the pailiament, alter having fat about twenty days to vote the ways and means of carrying on the war, was adjourned for (ix weeks. Within the period of this fatal adjournment, the treaty between France and Ainerica was negociated. The mini- ftry could not poflibly be ignorar.t of wliat was tranfafling at Pa- ris, for they had at that time a miniller at the court of France : and befides this, common report could not fail to inform them. All the letters and correfpondencics from Paris aimounced the approaching event ; every ftock-jobber was upon the watch ; none were afleep but the minillry ; they would not ftir a flop : As if the adjournment of fix weeks was not a fullicient allowance of time for compleating the treaty between France and America, the conciliatory propofitions, which had been promifed before Chrift- mas, "'ere ftill farther delayed for four weeks more, after t' c n»ee of parliament in January 1778; and it was not till alter certdui mformation was come, that the treaty was compleated and a61:ually iigned, that the conciliatory bills were brought into par- liament. The dates of thefe fatts (land in order thus : The inten- tion of making fome conciliatory propofitions to America was announced by the miniller early in this fourth fefiion, before the adjournment for the Chriilmas holidays. Without any farther notice taken of thefc intended propofitions, parliament was ad- journed from the 10th of December, 1777, ^° ^^^ "^'^^ ^^ J**" nuary^ 1778. The preliminaries of a treaty between France and America were delivered, by Monfieur Gerard, to the American Commiflioners at Paris, on the i6th of December, 1777. The parliament met on the 20th of January, 1778, after the Chriilmas recefs. The treaty of Paris, between America and France, was figned on the 6th of February ; and the conciliatory bills were prefented to parliament eleven days after the treaty was figned, viz. on the -17th of February, 1778. Thefe are the fa6ls; what conflruftion can be put upon them ? What meafures could have been calculated more eflfeftually to throw America into the arms Qt France than thefe ? They feem as if they had been ftudioufly con- C 48 ] '4 concerted, feveral'y and conne^ledly, to produce fucli an event. The menacing language of the King's fj:*;ech, declaring the necef- fuy of preparing /(?/' /in /i further operations of war ^ as the ohjli- nacy of the rebels might rend ir expedient^ together '.vith the fatis- faftion exprefTed by tlic addrcfTes of the two Houfes, in concui- ring with fuch meafures ; the orders given out immediately after the adjournment, to raife ten regiments in the Highlands of Scot- land, together with the Liverpool and Manchefter volunteers ; the private fubfcriptions which were fet on foot, and earneftly fupportcd by the minifterial party, to raife men for the American war; were all calculated, by Ihewing the cortinuance of a vindic- tive fpirit againfl the Americans, to irritate and to urge them into a treaty with France, The throwing out hints, that the minifter had it in his intention to make fome offers of conciliation to America, was calculated to operate upon the court of France, to enlarge their offers, and to accelerate their pace in driving the treaty with America to a conclufion. The delay of laying thefe conciliatory propofitions before the Houfe for three months, viii. from the 20th of November, 1777, to the 17th of February fol- lowing, gave the fulleft time for the negociation, and final fettle- ment of the treaty; and more particularly, what I am juftified to call the diltinguifhed and pofitive aft of with-holding thefe propofiti- ons, for one month -Jter the meeting of parliament, in January 1778, when the treaty between Ameiica and France was known to be far advanced, and to be upon the point of conclufion ; can admit of no rational interpretation, but upon fome fijppofed pre- determination to delay the conciliatory offers in parliament, tiiJ the treaty between France and America fhould be figned and fcdled. If any other rational interpretation can be given to fuch condu6l, it is very fit that the perfons con jerned fliould give that fatiafaftion to the public. There was nothing complex in the offers when they appeared. They might have been reduced into * the proper forms, and all neceffary provifions might have been con- certed, in three days as well as three months. If the minifters of the cabinet had been fincere and unanimous to enter into a treaty of peace, the bills might have paffed through both houfes, and might have received the royal affent, before even the preliminaries be- trveen France and America had been fet on foot. If there were any C 49 ] any of the efficient miiifters of his Majefty^s cabinet, who oppofcd or delayed the introdudlon Oa'' the conciliatory propofitions, know- ing what they muft have known, with r«»fpe£l to the negociationf? then on foot at P^ris, it is fit that fuch perfons (hould be declared to the public, and that they (hould give in public the reafonsfof their conduft. If no oihf^r rational explanation of thefe mea- fures can be hated, the cdnviftcd inference will" be obvious to all the world, that, whatever occafional appearances there may have been of relenting, or whatever pretexts may have been thrown out, yet, that at the bottom, the fundamental principle has always been one and the fame, viz. either to conquer Anierica by force of arms, or to cut k off from the Britilh empire and conneftion ; but at all hazards, to prevent the dangerous retrofpeft into the condu£ib of minifters, which reconciliation with America muil lay before the public. Confider how ftadioafly every propofition for peace on the part of America has been evaded ; coni^der that the cleareft and moft explicit offers from then^ of dependence have been rejefted imh'^ard, while the moft effeftu?! meafures have been taken by minifters, at the fame time, to drive them inevitably to indepen- dence ; confider the refufal of the propofition of the city of Lon- don, in their petition to the King, in March 1776, which was calculated to put the teft of fincerity, by a diftin6l, clear, and un- ambiguous fpecificationof juft and honourable terms, to be offered on our part to America, which might have laid the foundations of peace ; confider the uniform rejeftion of every propofition of peace made in parliament for three years ♦ogether; confider, upon a fimilar occafion, about two years before, when an a6l had been paffed before Chriftmas, 1775, appointing cOmmifTioners to treat with America, that the r-iiparture of thofe commifTioners vas delayed for five months, viz. till the month of May, 1776 ; and that, in confequence of that delay, no offers were even made to America under that commifTion, till after the declaration of inde- pendence; confider the fame uniformity of «:onduft in the earli- eft period of thefe troubles, viz. in the fprin^ of the year 1775, at the time of what was called Lord North's conciliatory propofition. No civil blood had then been ihed ; but, under the infidious mafk Qh^it propofition, the firil civil blood was (bed before that propo- I fition ma C 50 3 fition (fuch as it was) could poflibly be offered, either tc the Gene- ral Congrefs of America, or to the confideration of any aflembly upon the continent. Compare all thcfe things together, and then apply the refulting inference to tht final confideration of this laft a^ of with*holding the conciliatory bills for three months, not* withllanding the fulleft parliamentary warning given of the confe- quences, and the certain knowledge of a treaty a6kually in nego- tiation between Fraoce and America. Confider all thefe things, and then let any man judge whether the fufpicion of a fecret defig^n to fruArate every poflibility of peace, be an unfupported charge. I Hate it as a matter of prefumption, not its proof pofi- tive. B. ' there would be an end of all the fafety of human life, if every fup«-ficial pretext were to be fuffered to pafs unqueftion- ed, and to have its full fcope and operation, till it could be con* fronted by convifting proof. The juft alarms upon violent pre- fumption are the guards of lifci. If men uniformly |>erfift in re- fufing every a£i which plain and funple fincerity would diflate, and in affe£ling every pretext which duplicity and infincerity would fimulate, the difculpation, and the proof of motives, is to lie upon them. There is a long and heavy account out-Handing and due to the public, for which minifters are refponfible. Parliament has been kept in profound ignorance, not only of the condu£l of the war; of rll intelligence transmitted by the commanders of the Britilh forces, as to the ftate of the country, the unanimity and general diipofition of the people; of all demands which hav0 been made by the commanders themfelves for Aiccours and reinforcements ; of fuoh opinions and advice as they may have fent to their em- ployers at home, as to the pra£licability of the war ; the probable duration of it ; whether there was any profpefl of conquering the country, or any rational plan of -^^tntaining fuch fuppofed con* quell if it could have been ma:'., ^c. Sec. Informations upon thefe and other heads might poflibly have guided the counlels of parliament to the adoption of other meafures. In an uniform fyflem of failure and difappointment, in every pretetided expeic-> tation, year after year, it is not poflible to conceive, but that tho miniflry muft have had fome waviiinggtven to them, by the ioom-i manders, and other |HSrfoiis ^ployed i>y ^em upon the fpot ; and M it •( [ 51 ] anel here it is that the fufpefled principle recurss again and again ; ** If we cannot conquer or deftroy, we may at leaft produce an ** irrecondiieable breach between the two countries, and perhaps " an implacable hatred, which may prevent all future inter-com- *' munication, and the chance of any hazardous difcoveries." Every Britifti fubjeft, at the outfet of this war, had an intereft in the American colonies, not only as a part of the Britifli domi- nions and dependencies, but Itkewife in the commerce, in the fliipping, in the produftions of the country, in the afFeftions of the people, in the common ties of intereft and confanguinjlty. What then is to be the conduft of any member in parliament, iis a reprefentative of the people, who have fo many complicated and combined interefts in America, as well as the dominion ? Is he to ftand by, the mere Aupid and credulous dupe of pretexts, w^ilc minifters, in the rage of pride and difappointment for the lols of their only obje£l, Dominion, and perhaps to hide the fecret deeds of darknefs, are fuffered, with impunity, to overwhelm every other national intereft and concern in one common ruin ? — No. The friends of their country have not been fo dupedj nor will they be filant. Believe me. Sirs, for one, if I could even be divefted of every other fentiment of my heart and private feeling, I would not difgrace the truft which ybii have repofed in me, by fiieh ^ ftupid and treacherous a()athy to the neareft arid deareft intP'-''ft$ of my country. . .i ' It is hardly worth while to ftate to you the terms, if they can be called fO) of the conciliatory bills ; they amounted to but Kttye better than a furrender, at difcretion, of all the principles and matters which had been for many years in contention ; and this; when we were evidently difgraced and defeated into a relu6faint compliance. Terms, adequate to the honour and to the utnloft rights of this country, had been propofed, over and over, by the friends of juftice and peace ; and as conftantly refufed to the very laft hour, diat it was poffible even for the weakeil men to drearti of unconditional conqueft ; and I beg of you to remark, that, by the teftiraony of thefe a£ls of parliament themfelves, we who fat on the other fide of the Houfe, and have been the conftant ad- vocates for peace, ftand moft fully juftified to the public, as ha- ving never propofed any terms of mean fubmiflion, derogatory to I A the [ 52 ] 4he honour, or deftruftive of the conftitutional rights,; of thU country. The fubftance of all our propofuions had flood upon much higher ground than that taken by the conciliatory bills ; which enable the commiflioners to treat of all regulations^ pro- vi/ions, f/iailerSf ditd tkingSy which evidently meant the furrender of the a£l of navigation, and of all the commercial advantages of this country. Dominion was the obje£l of miniderial purfuit. As for the beneficial and commercial rights of this country, a flight '^^count was made of them, in comparifon with the obje£l of ac« iring an influential patronage and dominion. The a£l of navi- , J^on, which I take to be the chief intereft that my conflituents ; rl in America, was hardly worth a tranfient thought ; but the . <^flit of appointing Governors was provided for by the longeft . ^jife in the bill. The whole was wafte paper and wafte words. ; , h^lf the terms had been offered to America in due time, which were furrendered in thefe bills, an honourable, beneficial, and per- manent peace might have been «ilabliflied. But thefe bills ha- ving been delayed till after the treaty between Fr|incei;ahd Ame- rica was figned| it became fruitlefs to offer any terms fhprt of in- dependence ; for America could have no other obje£l in their treaty with France, but to ellablifli that independence.. Had rea- fona^ble terms been offered to the Americans, before their treaty wjthJFrance was figned, and had fuch terms been fupported by tokens of good faith and fair dealing, it isby.no means impoflible tbpt they might have compromifed the article of independience, by fome honorary conceffion, perhaps fome titular dependence, as they had always prof^ffed to feek no reconciliation inconfiftent with the dignity and welfare of Great-Britain. But a reconcilia^ tion they always had fought, though the minifters of this country fcep:^ to have had no other view, but to prevent that reconcilia- tion, after the profpe£l: of conqueft became defperate. The Duke of Richmond, however, was not to be turned off from his inflexible perfeverance in the caufe of reconciliation. He propofed a bill to enable the commiflioners to enter into the queftion of independence in the way of treaty, and at lead out of that ground to negociate a foederal alliance with America. The following is a copy o!/ the propofed bill: A BILL D.:. I II If nn C 53 3 A BILL to explain^ amende and render more tffeBual, an AH pa/fed in the prefent SeJJion of Parliament ^ intituled i " An aft *• to enable his Majefty to appoint Commiflioners, with fuC A- " ent powers to treat, confult, and agree upon the means of ** quieting the diforders now fubfifting in certain of the Colo- " nies, Plantations, and Provinces of North-America. *« WHEREAS, by an aft pafled in this pif;fcnt fefllon of parliament, in- " tituled, * An A61 to enable his Majefty to appoint CommiflTioncrs, writh * fufficient powers to treat, confult, and agree upon the means of quieting the * diforders now fubfifting in certain of the Colonies, Plantations, and Pio- « vinces of North-America,' it is enaikd, * That it ihall and may be lawfui * for his Majefty, from time to time, by letters patent under the Great Seal of ' Great-Britain, to authorize and impower five able and fufficient perfons, or * any three of thera, to treat, confult, and agree with any bodyor bodies poli- * tic and corporate, or with any aflembly or affemblies of men, or with any * perfon or perfons whatfoever, of and concerning any grieyanccs, or com- * plaints of grievances, exifting, or fuppofed to exift, in the government of * any of the faid colonies, provinces, or plantations refpeflively, or in the * laws and ftatutes of this realm refpeding the fame. ** And whereas the faid colonies have, on the 4.th of July, 1776, declared " that the faid colonies were free and independent ftates, and that they were <* abfolved from all allegiance from the Britidi Crown, and that all political " conne£lion bttween them and the ftate of Great-Britain was^ and ought to " be, totally diflblved : *• And whei^as doubts may arife, whether the faid Commiflioners, by vir- " tue of the powers given them by the faid Acl: of Parliament, are enabled to «* treat, confult, and agree with any body or bodies politic and corporate, or " with any alTembly or afiemblies of men, or with any perfon or perfons what- ** foever, of and concerning the power and authority of the King and P'-..- " liament of Great-Britain over the faid Colonies, or any of them, or of and " concerning the independency of the faid Colonies on the King and Parlia> " ment of Great-Britain, as the cafe may require : . ** And whereas the want of fuch powers in the faid Commiflioners may rcn- ^ der the faid A£l of Parliament ineffectual for quieting and extinguifhing the *f jealoufies and apprehenfions of danger to their liberties and rights, which " have alannedmany of his Majefty 's fubjefts in the faid colonies, provinces, *< or plantations, and for reftoriiig peace between Great-Britain and the *« faid colonies : ** And whereas any dependance of diftant colonies on a fref country, can *' have no juft foundation, or any permanent continuance, but in the confent " and good- will of fuch colonies : ** Be it enafted, by the King's moft excellent Majefty, by and with the *\ Advice and confent of the Lords fpiritual and temporal, and Commons, in <* thi» [ 54 ] VM: *' this prcrrtitrarliament aflTembled, and by the authority of the faiiM) That " it fiiali and may be lawful for the faid five Commiifionen, from time to *' timr, authorized and impowered by his Majefty^ by letters patent under the ** Great Seal of Great- Britain, or any three of them, to treat, coiifult, and ** agree with any body or bodies politic and corporate, or with any aflTembly ** or aflemblies of men, or with any perfon or perfons whatfoever, of and con« ** cerning the power and authority of the King and Parliament of Gicat- ♦* Britain over the laid colonics, and of and concerning tlic independency of " the faid colonies on the King and Parliament of Great-Britain, a» the cafe •* may require. '< And in cafe the faid colonies and plantations (hall adhere to their faid «' declaration of independency on the King and parliament of Great-Britain, «* the faid CommilTioners, or any three of them, arc hereby authorized and re-' - *• quired to admit the faid claim of independency, and in the name of the " King and Parliament of Great-Britain, to derlare the faid colonies to be *' free and independent ftates, and to be abfolved from all allegiance to the ♦* crown, and from all fubjeftion to the King and Parliament of Great- *' Britain. ** And it is hereby further declared and enabled, by the authority aforefaid, « That it ihall and may be lawful for his IVIajefty to inveii the faid Commifld- *' oners with plenipotentiary powers, in fuch cafe, tu negociate with the faid '* colonies as Independent States, or with peifons authorized by them for ** fuch purpofe, fuch treaty, or convention as to his Majefty fliall feem meet *' of alliance, offensive, defenfive, and commercial, between his Majefty and ** the faid colonies. (' But in cafe the faid colonies ihall be difpofed to return to, and acknow- *' ledge an authority in the King and Parliament of Great-Britain over the " faid colonies, as confiftent with the fecure enjoyment of their rights and *' liberties, Be it enabled, by the authority aforefaid, that the faid Commifll- *' oners, or any three of them, fliall be, and they are hereby, impowered to *< treat, confult, and agree with any body or bodies politic and corporate, or ** with Biiy aflembly or aflemblies of men, or with any perfon or perfons *< whatfoever, of and concerning the degree, extent, and limitations of the «* faid authority ; and of and concerning fuch alterations in the conftituiion, ** and in the forms of government in the faid colonies, as may beneceflary or " convenient for the honour of his Majefty and his Parlianent, and for tht ** common good of all hisfubjeAs. ** Provided, that no agreement of and concerning the degree, extent, or " limitation of the authority of the King and Parliament of Great -Britain, ** and of and concerning any alteration in the conftitution or forms of go- ** vemment in the faid colonics, or any of them, fliall have any obligation, " force, or ^fFe6l, until the fame ftall bare been ratified and confirmed by •• Parliament." All ■ I iiiiiii; f^ t 55 J All that I (hall fay of this bill is, that it combines thefe ihret ftindamental principles of fociety, and of the rights of mankind : I ft, That all government ought to be founded upon the confent and good-will of the people ; cdly. That all good government is eftablifhed, not as the property of the perfons in veiled with it, but as a truft repofed in them, to promote the general welfare of mankind ; and laftly, That reconciliation is preferable to domi- nion. Such principles as thefe have always been the influential motives of my condu£l, and of thofe with whom I have a6led, throughout the whole of this unfortunate difpute, which we have endeavoured, to the utmoft of our limited powers, to prevent from coming to extremities. Reconciliation with America is the laft flake that we have to contend for. I have now brought down this flcetch of parliamentary tranfac- tions to the ,end of the laft feflion, founded upon parliamentary documents, of inconteftible and recorded fa6ls, by which you may judge of the condufl of the two parties, \srho have taken oppofite Hdes in refpe£l to the American war; in which I plead formyfelf, and for thofe with whom I have a£led, that the plan and fyftem adopted on our parts would have fecured the antient and confti- tutional conne£lion between the two countries, with every bene- ficial advantage thence arifing, in[peace and profperity ; and that, if the meafures of conciliation had been followed, we fhould, at this moment, have faved many ^houfands of lives, many millions of the national revenue and refources, and that we (hould have been in the full enjoyment of the commerce, navigation, friend- fhip, and afIe£lion of the new and rifing world. With refpe£l to the condufl of the adminiftration, I have only ilated fafls. Let them fpeak. If any thing that I have hitherto faid can be conftrued into an arraignment of their condu6l, it is not I who arraign them, but their own aftions. However, I have not quite clone with this fubje£l. I will now examine into their motives. As any imputation of motives muft always be more problematical than a mere relation of recorded fafts, I give you this notice of the ground that I am going to take, that you may be upon your guard to watch this part of the inveftigation of mo- tives, and judge what degree of evidence and proof I adduce of thofe motives which I fhall impute. The motives which I impute to them, ^nd of which I think I can bring proof pofiilve, are, a defign to efiablifh an influential dominion, to be exercifed at the ple^fure of the crown, and to accjuire from America an indepen- dent C 56 1 dent revenue at the dirpofition of he crown, unconh-ouled, and not accountable for to parliament. I am fo confident that I can bring this to proof pofitivc, that I would fet the decifion of the whole charge, upon the recital of one fingle claufe in that Ame- rican revenue aft, (commonly called the Tea Aft, 7 Geo. III. cap. 46.) which is the ground-work of all the prefent conteftand trou- bles. And be it enaSfed^ by the authority aforej'aid^ that his Ma^ jeity andhisfuccejforsjhallbey and are hf.reby impowered,from time to time, by any warrant or warrants^ under his or their royal Jign manual^ or figns manual^ counter -figned by the High Treafurer^ or any three or more of theCommifJioners of the Treafuryfor the time beings to caufe fitch monies to be applie.d out of the produce of the duties granted by this aB^ as his Maje/ly or his fuccejfors fhall think proper or nece/fary, for the defraying the charges of the adminijlration of juflice^ and the fupport of the civil govern- ment y within all or any of the faid colonies or plantations. This claufe enables the crown, by fign manual, to eftablifh a general civil lift throughout every province in North- America, to any in- definite extent, with any falaries, penfions, or appointments, to any unlimited amount, even to the produce of the laft farthing of the American revenue ; and this without any controul or account to be given in parliament. Now you may know what we have been fighting for. It is this claufe, thus eftablifhing, at one ftroke by the fign manual, an univerfal dominion of the crown through- out the whole continent of North-America, through the means of an American revenue, furrendered at difcretion into the hands of the crown, viz. as his Majejly or his fuccejfors fhall think pro- per and nece/fary. This claufe has coft to the nation thirty or forty thoufand lives, thirty or forty millions of money, the lofs of the aft of navigation, and of the whole continent of America, ?ind is now plunging us into a war with the Houfe of Bourbon. The public have been amufed with the expeftation of deriving a revenue from America, as the objeft of this conteft. Then take the tea duty lor a fample of a minifter's attention to the par- liamentary revenue. Three parfs in four of this duty were repealed out of the old parliamentary duties, and the remaining fourth part was appropriated to the ufes of a royal fign manual, without any parliamentary account. I think the evidence of thefe documents, being from parliamentary record, amounts to proof ppfitive; and yet thprcis ntore. This ^ft of 7 Ged.^jl|r! cap,. 46, [ 57 ] is totally uncouformable to the preceding American revenue a£)s. Take the (lamp a£l for an example. If that a£l had been formed upon principles of conilitutional jufllce, towards the colonies, (which, as laying a tax by parliament upon perfons not reprefent- ed there, it could not be) it w.as not, however, liable to this objec tion of the fign manual. The duties to arife from that a£l were ap- propriatrd, in the firll inflance, and without any anticipation, by fign manual, or any provifion for the eftablifhment of an Ameri- can civil lift, to the difpofition of parliament. The words of the aft itfelf are my authority. And be it enaSed^ by thf authority aforefaid^ that all the monies which Jhall arife by the fever al rates and duties hereby granted, (except the necjfary charges ofraijing, colleBing, recovering, anfiveiing, paying, and accounting for the fame, and the necfjfary charges from time to time incurred in rela- tion to this aEl, and the execution thereof) fhall be paid into the receipt of his Majefty's Exchequer, and Ihall be entered feparate and apart from all other monies, and fhall be there referved, to be from time to time difpofed of by parliament towards farther de- fraying the necejfary expences of d fending, proteBing, andfecu- ring the faid colonies and plantations. Another aft impofing duties, commonly called the Sugar Aft, 4 Geo. III. cap. 15, was pafled the year before the Stamp Aft ; was the produce of tliat aft appropriated to the fign manual of the crown ? — No. This laft-mentioned aft was again modelled, with fome variations, in the adminiftration of the Marquis of Rockingham, in 1766 ; was the produce of it at that time appropriated to the ufe of a fign ma- nual ? — No. All thefe duties were referved fpecially under the controul of parliament, and not devoted to the fign manual for the fupport of an American civil lift. This claufe then for de. voting the American revenue to the fign manual, without ac- count or controul, and for eftabliftiing a fyftematical civil lift in America, through the means of that revenue, was firft introduced into that fatal American revenue aft, commonly called the Tea- Aft, which is at prefent the foundation of all our troubles. There has been much talk in the world of fome fuppofed fecrct influence, which, by hidden fprin^j and infcrutable motives, con- trouls the external afts of the oftenfible minifter for the time be- ing, whatever his private judgment and inclination may be. If there be any fuch exifting influence, the operations of it have K been h . ! Iff C 58 J l>cen eneemed capricious, comparing different llir;«s and occafions. The prefent noble Lord, at the head of the treafury, has expreflied his mott earneft wifhes over and over, to return to the ftate of 1763, which therefore inf»plies the taking this thorn out of his fide, viz. the Tea Tax. Manv and mafivv motions have been made in parliament during his miniftry, forilie repeal of this wretched caufe of fo much btoodlhed and deitru^ion, tlie Tea Tax. If then there does e>fi(l fome fecret irrefiftible iiittuence, we are to fuppofe, that when the noble Lord wifhes in his heart to f»y Aye, the fecret influence is inflexible, and di6lates No. Coft what it will, thoufands of lives, millions of money, tearing whole continents from your dominion, this inflexible fpirit ftill perfifts. No ! No ! And all this, for the poor wretched Tea Tax ! Now fct us go bick a little to the year 1766, when the Marquis of Rockingham was minifter, at the time of the repeal of the ftamp aft. That noble Lord was at leaft as earneft to arrange the fyf- tem of the American meafures to the ftate of 1763, as the prefent minifter can be. What ftood in his way ? — ^The Stamp Aft ; which, upon the mere calculation of revenue, was of ten times the magnitude of the Tea Tax. What faid this fuppofed fecret influence to the repeal of the Stamp Aft ? To judge by appear- ances, it feemed to go a little againft the grain ; but, after fome ftruggle, that noble Lord, who knew how to fet a true value upon the fubftantial interefts, and beneficial conneftion, becween Cnreat- Britain and America, was at laft permitted to remove the ftumb* ling-block, and to reftore his country to peace, and to the fyftem di 1763. Whether any fuch fecret influence, as that which has been much talked of, does exift or no, I will not take upon me to determine ; but thus much, I think, is clear, that the apparent caprice of its operation, in fubmitting, with very little ftruggle, to the repeal of the ftarnp aft, and wading through feas of blood in fupport of the Tea Tax, only requires this clue ta unravel it. Tht> duties impofed' by the Stamp Aft were under the immediate controul and difpofition of parliament, but the Tea Tiax i^s ap- propriated to the fign mamial; and if fbch a fecret fpifit does exift, its attachment is to a revenue under the fign rtranual, hxiHl not to a parliamentary fupply. It is a ilrange thing to conceive, how ttie public havcbeen made dupes to the expeftation of a parliarnvntsoy rev i>iriioj> of Quebec, a penlJon of — — *' To the Clucf Juftice of the Province, in addition to \\\% falary, «< To the Lieut€nant-Govcrnor, who ufed formeriy neither to aft »o " Lieutenant-Governor, nor to receive any pay as fuch, during *♦ the prefence of the Governor in Chief of the province, and *« who, in the abfence of the governor in CUief, ufed to receive *« half the Governor's falary, — . --- «— «* To the Attorney- General of the province, in addition to his ialary* " To three Judges or Confervators of the Peace, at Quebec, 500U a year each, makiii^ tQ^^etker •*• ««• ■■■■■■■ ^»oo too Britain." u It In the peaceable colony of Pennfyh/ania, they came to the foN lowing unanimous Refolutions: — " la AfTembly, Sept. SI, 176^. " Refolved, nefh. con. That it is the intereft, binh-ri^ht, and " indubitable privilege of every Britifh fubje6^, to be taxed only *' by his own confent, or that of his legal reprefentatives, in .CQn> " junflion with his Majefty or his fubftitutes. " Refolved, nem. con. That the only legal reprefentatives of ihe *' inhabitants of this province, are the perfons they annually ele£l to ferve as members of affembly. " Refolved, therefore, nem. con. That the taxation of the peo- ple of this province by any other perfons whatfoever, than fuch *' their reprefent.atives in aifembly, is unconftitutional, and Tub- " verfive of their moft valuable rights." The laft articles which I (hall produce upon this head, are two refolutions, among many others, declaratory of the rights of the colonies, by the General Congrefs of New-York, Oft. 19, 1765. •" That the only reprefentatives of the people of thefe colonies, ** are perfons chofen therein by themfelves ; and hat no taxes *' ever have been, or can be, conftitutionally impofed on them but " by their refpeftive legiilatures. ** That all fupplies t6 the crown being free gifts of the people, ** it is unreafonable, and inconfiftent with the principles and fpirit "of m it-- .x r 76 3 " of the Britifti conftitution, for the people of Great-Britain te •♦ grant to his Majefty th^^ property of the colonifts." I ha\ ■■■ dweh the longer upon this point, that I may bring it up to the fuilell proof pofitive, that the perfons who have oppofed the ruinous and deftruftive meafures of adminiftration, in the profe- cution of the American war, for many years together, have not been the oripnal exciters of the difturbances in America; for I have obferved, that great pains have been taken to difperfe fuch an opinion abroad. When times of public diftrefs come, and mi- nifters are called upon by their injured country to give an ac- count of the confequences of their mifconduft, the violence of party rage will feize any pretext whatfoevcr, without the leaft regard to truth or juftice ; for which reafon I take this prefent time, while things are tolerably cool, to lay before you the docu- ments of demonftration ; that the party, who have uniformly op- pofed this fatal American war, did not originally fuggeft to the Americans the principles which have led them to refiftance to this country. If the advice of that party of real friends to theii" coun- try had been followed, it would have been better for the honour, peace, and profperity of this nation, though minifters may wifh to have them confidered as wicked and defperate perfons. Having faid thus much as to the faft, give rae leave 10 fay one Word as to the juftice of the principles, independent of the quef- tion, whether they originated in this country or in America ; be- caufe, if the principles are juft and conformable to the Britifh conftitution, and to the rights of the colonies, I cannot fee that it would have been criminal, if we had pleaded the caufe of the Ame- ricans upon thefe grounds, as being our then fellow-fubjefts. 1 beg to explain for myfelf, that in the very beginning of thefe troubles, the great caufe which influenced my conduft, was the ponfideration of the injuftice of the foundations of the war on the part of this country, I did, and do ftill, and ever Ihall, conceive it C 77 J it to be unjuft, and contrary to the principles of the Britifh con- ftitution, to tax unreprefented colonies in a Britifh parliament, who are to fave the money of their conftituents and of them- felves, in proportion as they tax thofe who are unreprefented, and this moreover without any confideration of the then exifting mo- nopoly of the American trade, which flood in the place of taxa- tion, and was a full equivalent. I lay this, becaufe I would not have my denial ot the fa6l auended with a long feries of proofs, together with fome apparent induftry in the inveftigatlon, to im- ply on my part an admiflion of the criminality of the charge If it }iad been true. I now come to the fecondpart of the quefti jn, viz. " Whether '* any perfons have promoted and encouraged the aftual rcfiftance " of America, by any traiterous correfpoadencies, counfels, com- " fort, arms, ammunition, money, or iutelligence ?" This is much too ferious a charge for Infinuaticn, unlefs it can be proved, which it certainly cannot be, becaufe it is notoriouny not true. The very charge would imply the higheft degree jf culpablenefs in mini- ilers, if in a cafe which parliament has ftamped with the name of rebellion, and knowing of any fuch things, they have not brought them to proof, or fufpefling, have not made the moft fcrutlnizing enquiry. But, p^^rhaps, without charging the whole of this black catalogue, a party In this country may have encouraged the Ame- ricans ; to which I will very frankly fay, that I do verily believe it, and admit it. The Americans, who laid their firft foundations in thofe principles which 1 have juft enumerated, have known very well, that there were many pcrfons in this country, who thought thofe foundations to be juft, folld, and conftitutional. Then what encouragement did thefe perfons give to the Ameri- cans? They encouraged them to perfift by petitions, addrefles, and remonlirances, to the King, the Lords, and the Commons, to ftate their grievances, and claims of rights, and to pray for redrefs. In purfuance of this encouragement, they did accordingly pcrfift in petidons, memorials, and remonftrances, for many years, viz. froip the year 1764 to 1775. AH their petitions were uniformly rejeQed C 7« ] Te]eRed unheard ; and when the Aniericans were attacked with a great armament by fea and land, they then refitted by arms. Then which way did the encouragement which they received from their ,frii:nds in this country operate ? It operated to make them em- ploy their time in drawing petitions, iind waiting for a hearing, inA ad of providing themfelves with arms and ammunition, and all the means of refiftanco; and therefore, fo far from obftrufting under his Majelly's authority, recognize their conftruftion of that promife, and the pledge of the King's Royal word to the performance of it. « We « l( «( «( it (t (t «t ^^.;^ ^\^J PhotDgraphIc Sciences Corporation 23 WGST MAIN STRIIT WIBSTK,N.Y. I4SM ;-:U)t7a-4S03 '4^ 4r %■ ^ ^ [ 88 ] r;: ■ ■»5' f'': i'' fidtint in their own internal flrength and exertions; Which wouM have brought the termination of the conteft to the fame refult then as now. The minifter who prefided at the period of the repeal of the (lamp a6l, having his ear always open to found in- formation, and to wife counfel, faw at once the immenfity of the nndertaking, (over and above the juftice and preferable policy of conceflion) and that in a war of attack upon a country, at a dif- tance of 3,000 miles, conqueft could be hardly acquired, and would certainly not be maintainable by force of arms. He faw all the horrors of a civil war before him, the deftruftion of thou- fands of the lives of his fellow-fubjefts, the wafte of millions of their money, the lofs of the navigation, commerce, and aflfeflions of Amirica. He forefaw, from the nature of all wars between the divided parts of any empire, that whether America (hould be driven to the very point of furrendering at difcretion, or fliould be fuccefsful, in either cafe foreign powers would interfere. He forefaw all thefe things, and took meafures of wifdom accordingly. He led his country to fafety, not to ruin. Have thofe perfons who would not fee thefe things, led their country to an happier end ? It is they who have afforded the fatal proof, that the no- ble Lord who p/edded at the repeal of the Aamp aft, had formed a true eftimate of things. I do not fay, that the failure of the minifterial meafures of war, at the prefent period, is proof pofiU ilive, that any attempt to have enforced the ftamp aft in the year 1766, mull have failed, but I think it comes very near to. it. ' if' i ': ■ U: : . Confider who thofe perfons are, who are now fo confident that the ilamp aft could have been enforced in 1766. They are the very fame perfons who, four years ago, undertook the enforce- ment of the coercive afts of the year 1774, upon a three-fliilling land-tax, and upon the lowed peace edablilhment both for the army and navy; and, in the year 1778, when every plan, every proraife, and every prediftion, has failed, they come to parlia- ment, advifing us to tread back all our Heps, and to reverfe all our meafures; and having in the interim thrown away thirty or forty thoufand men, and thirty or forty millions of money, and thirteen Si )m t «9 3 lliirteen provinces, they tell us very gravely^ " We were a little *'. mifiaken in our calculations ; the force which has been em- ** ployed on the part of this country has been very great, but the ** refifitqice has been much greater than we expe£lecl." Whatever therefore may be the probabilities >r improbabilities attending this queftion in itfelf, which is now bui. a fpeculative problem, no arguments, at leaft on the fide of power to enforce the (lamp a£l in the year 1766, acquire any additional force by coming through the medium of perfons who have been fo grofsly igno- rant and erroneous in every conception or expeflation whicK they hav9 formed, and thrown out, relative to the condu£l or events of the prefent war, into which their headflrong meafures have plunged their country. .1 fliall not purfue this ^u6Aion any farther, becaufe it cannot be brought to pofitive decifion. But I will come to a fort of Compromife upon it ; and I will fuppofe, that the force which has £uled of fuccefs in the prefent war, would have fucceeded in eftablifhing the ftamp z&. in the year 1766 ; and this is, I think, a full and adequate conceflion of the Utmofl probability, that the queftion ftands intitled to, on that fide of the argument; for we are yet a great way from knowing what force of men and money would have been fuflicient in the prefent war to have made a conqueft of America, and ftill farther from having the lejfi i:om- prehenfion of the enonhous eftablifllments and expence which would have been neceflary for retaining it in fubje6lion, if it could have been conquered. If I could be juftified in abating Hill more of the argument, I would moft readily confent to it, that the true wifdom of the repeal of the ftamp a£l (even allowing the poffibility of carrying it through by force} might be weighed and juftified to the niceft fcruple. Taking then the queftion up on the footing of the compromife which I offer, I will con- cede, that the ftamp 9€t might have been enforced at the expence of thirty or forty millions of money, and with the tofs of thirty or forty thottflnd of our fellow-fubjc£b. Is there any man living P wh» I* I k' (I " w,lio will fay/ tliat W would have t'akeh'tihe ftamp ' alEk'^^BrillSiii bargain, knowine t*^is to have been ihe f^aft coft ii^MtA'^ind money by which it might have been obtained ? 1' afh '^6'tlSert can be no fuch perfon; and lead* of alt can'tbofe per¥^iii"A1&ky that they ought ferioufly and fedately 'to have cohfeSfted'tb^^Kie terms of the bargain as I have ftated it, 'wbb were cUccuili^kMkA into the adoption of this war in the ^r(^ feffion' olf thii'j^ajrUai^^tit, .by the lure of a three-ihiltihg land-tax^ and by the el^maies which were then brought into parliament iipoii' the fow^it pierce elb(. biithment, both (or the army and the navy. Thbli^ V<^ifeii Mhd recorded in parliament, as the fan^ions of that'df^mtint^whibh 1 am now meafuring out, as the price which pafliamea^* bidPfor a revenue from America at their difpofition, as itiey ittistl^iapplre- bended that it was to have been. This bargain, fo meafured out, is far enough from that which, by minifterial (light of band, has been fubflituted in its place, viz. a farewel to a tbree-fhilnng land- tax, by an everlafting mortgage of four fliillings in the pound for ever ; an expenditure of thirty or forty millions or, money in vain ; a defalcation of 25 per cent, .upon all proprr(i^ors in the public funds; the lofs of thirty or forty tboufand hien ; together with double this force by fea and land, and a hundred' fiilps of war betides, cut off from the national ftrength of Ibis country, cither for offence or defence againfl our antient andiiaturarene- inies. At this price, the minifter of the repeal, in the year ^7^6^ would not have purchafed the enforcement of the fiauinp' a6l, even if it had been in his power. But the pfefent muiilters have loaded their country with all ttiefe evils,' and all others which fhall come farther in confequence, without even any"na» tional obje£l in view to plead, but meirely in the puirfuit' oPan influential dominion, to be exercifed at the pjeafure of the ici'd^n, through the means of an independent Xmericaii Vevenue, atlhe difpofition of the crown, by fign manual, uhcbiitroule^^ and hot accountable for to parliament. 1>efe are the claims whicb'tlie)^^^^^ tonfidence* On the other hand, the minifters of the repeal!, like good

T I 91 1 Kood and faithful fervants to their country, may hold up their heads and fsy, ** We d^d not deceive you to your deflru£lion. '* We did not exhauft your treafures. We did not wafte the " blood of our countrymen in vain. We did not deliver you« " weak and defencelefs, into the hands of your enemies." I am, With the greateft RefpeCl and Confideration, GeNTLEM £ N, Your much obliged, and faithful humble Servant, D. HARTLEY. jodburyt 0£l, ii, 1778. '.;! the Right Worflupftdthe Mayor and Corporation^ To thi Worjhipful the Wardens, and Corporation of the TrinityHouje, and to the ' Worthy Burgejfes of The Tliwa ff/" K iNCSTON-upOM-HuLi.. LETTER I .uo C 93 1 LETTER IV. ii Gen XL E MfiN, TN the foregoing letters I have kept three leading points in view. In the firft place, I have endeavoured to give you a funnnary account of the proceedings in parliament during four felTions, as far as they relate to the many temperate and con- llitutional propofitions which have been made for the re(lo- ration of peace between Great-Britain and America, by the oppo' iers of the American \var on the one ftde, and, as far as they de- monftrate on the other fide, the inflexible obfiinacy of adminiftra- tion in driving on that war, at all rifques, and to ail extremities ; and likewife as far as this retrofpeflive view tends to explain all the artful deceptions and mifreprefentations, by which minifiers have over-reached parliament and their country, under falfe pre' tences, into the adoption and fupport of the war. In the feCond place, I have endeavoured to prove to you the real motives upon which the minifters of the crown have undertaken this war; viz. that they have had no national obje£l: in view, whatever they may have pretended, but that the real purpofe, which has a£luated their meafures, has been to eflablifh an influential dominion in the crown, through the means of an independent American revenue, at the di{pofition of a royal fign manual, uncontrouled by parlia- ment. Jn the third place, I have endeavoured to vindicate the chara6ler and condufl of a large party of perfons of the firll dif* tin&ion and importance in this country, on the fubje£l of fome groundlefs charges,and infidious infinuations, which have been very unjuflly thrown out againft theni, If I have not, in fome degree, fucceeded in thefe points, I (hall have thrown away much labour,. :an4 &ml4,|iayc given you the trouble of reading fome long letters to very lictlfs purpofe. |f I have made any impreflion by thefe prdinunariest, .1 O^ould then begin to flatter myfelf. that out of ,then^, 4bme road may yet be attempted^ towards a national recon- Q ciliaiion [ 94 ] eiliation between Great-Britain and America; for it is this great point of a national reconciliation, which I ever have, and ever (hall flrive for, as the only fundamental remedy to the prefent evils. I am confident, that this is ftill pra£licable upon grounds of reafon, honour, and juflice. Having, as I think, brought to demonilration the real motives which have a6lu2ted the adminiftration in this American war, I Qiall henceforward aflume thofe proofs as grounds of argument to proceed upon. The application of them is very fhort and di- Tc6k, His Majefty's minifters have devifed, advifed, and purfued the meafures of the American war, with the view, and to the intent, of eftablifliing an independent dominion and revenue for the crown in America, uncontrouled by parliament. The ac- compliihment of thefe obje£ls, if they could have been thus ac- compliflied, would have been equally deftru£live to the liberty and conllitution of Great-Britain, as to the liberty and confiitu- tion of America. Therefore, thofe minifters, from whom fuch meafures have proceeded, are the .ommon enemies of both coun- tries. The direflion of the blow was aimed through the fides of America, to the heart of the Britifh conftitution, and to the deep- eft roots of our domeftic fafety. The pretext of a national and parliamentary revenue from America, was infidioufly put on as the made to conceal the real obje£l, ti.e (ign manual. This pre- text was held out to ..he nation as the grand obje£l of the war, and was artfully urged upon their reprefentatives in parliament, to urge them into the adoption of the war, by the temptation of be- neficial views for their conftituents. America faw through all this minifterial juggle ; America advertifed you of it. Hear the words of America in the year 1774, to their Britifli brethren and friends : " Admit that the miniftry ihould be able to carry the ** point of taxation, and reduce us to a perfe£l ftate of humiliation " and flavery. Such an enterprize would doubtlefs make fome ** addition to your national debt, which already prefles down ** your liberties, and fills you wifh penfioners and placemenl-^ " Remember the taxes from America; the wealth, and we may " add, the men, and particularly the Roman Catholics, of* this vaft *' continent, will then be in the powbr of your enemies ; i!ior\irklI " you have any reafon to expe£l, that, aftermaldngflaT^ of us, *• jnanjp ■■ t s '.9 I 95 1 " many e from America, the line of di(lin£lion is marked between the people of Great-Britain and the miniftry. The war is ftiled the minifterial war, as in truth it is, and always has been ; the troops are ililed the miniflerial troops ; the l^oili- lity is between America and the Britifli miniftry. The national fentiment of this country towards America, is likewife ftill en- tangled in the bonds of antient affe6lion. Though great pains have been taken to excite difguft and animofities, yet the national mind is tardy and unfufccptible of refentment towards t^eir antient friends, and thofe of their own confariguinity. The remem- brance of former friendfliips is not yet obliterated from our minds, and I hope it never will be^ We have not yet forgot the woundr which they received fighting on our fide, for |Lhe ex- tenfion oi the Britifli empire, in the late glorious war.^ Prior to thataera, and before the new-fangled fyftem of adminiftering the. government of colonies by a royal fign manual, we- were content with drawing from them the wealth produced by their com- merce ; we reftrained their trade in every way that could con- duce to our emolument. We exercifed an unbounded foyef reignty over the fea. We named the ports and nations to which alone their merchandize fhould be carried, and with \^hom alone they fhould trade ; and though fome of thefe reftri6lions were grievous, they neverthelefs did not complain; they looked up to us as the parent ftate, to which they were bound by the ftronge^ ties» and were happy in being inftrumental to our profperity and grandeur. What benefits, or what proteftion, were they not in- titled to in return X or what benefits and prote£lion, did they or could they receive, to which thefe were not ample and .;grateful retributions? Did they not, in the laft war, add all the flrength of that vaft continent to the force which expelled the common enemy? Did they not leave their native fhore?, iind in^^t :dif- eafe and death, to promote the fuccefs oC Britjiih.arjvisjn; foreign climates i" Did we not return them the acknowledgeinent of parliament for their a£tive zeal and: %enuQuS elFortjSa ^iindj eyen reimburfe them^ large fums of money, jwhich^acfifvcdiiag ({)$iijF;$>^n ffthnates, they had advanced bej^dnd their proportion, and far beyond 1; Cf « «( M L 97 1 beyond their abilities ? Upon what arguments then can the falfe charges of ingratitude on the part of America, to Great-Britain, which have been fuggefted by an ill-deOgning miniftry, confill with fuch public parliamentary teftimonials to the contrary ? The innovations of taxing unreprefented colonies, for the purpofe of revenue in a Britifh parliament, and of the warrants by (ign ma- nual, were brought forth by Britifh miniiters. All that America defired was, to remain upon the terms exifting between the two countries in the year 1763; all that they petitioned for in the beginning of this war was, that they might be permitted to return to the condition of that happy period. If thefe petitions had been complied with, America had fiill been our's. When all thefe tranfafiions ihall come hereafter to be revifed in fome cooler hour, I am confident, that there will not be found a man with a Britifli heart who will not fay, that, in the fame cir- cumilances, he would not have a£led as the Americans have done. The fundamental rule of diltnbutive juilice throughout life is, not to do to others that which we would not have done to ourfelves. Following this rule, apply a cafe by fuppofition to any Britifli town or port, fimilar to the cafe of America. If every fliip be- longing to the port of Hull, trading to the Baltic, were obliged by law to offer their cargoes at the London market, both ingoing out and returning, would they not think themfelves intitled to fbme immunities from the other common burthens of the Aate ? Suppofe thai, that fuch a monopoly of trade had been for many years accepted, and acquiefced in by the refpe6live parties, as equi- valent to the ordinary proportion of contributory fupply ; if then, upon a fudden innovation, a Parliament of Londoners were to fay, " Tax the port of Hull, not in common with ourfelves and our con- " ftituents, but fingly and feparately by themfelves, for our relief;'* what would you fay to this ? Now hear the words of America upon this a£lual cafe, in a memorial to Great-Britain, in the year 1775,, which was unheard and unnoticed ; and then decide : " It " is alledged, that we contribute noihing to the common defence. ** To this we anfwer, that the advantages which Great-Britain ** receives from a monopoly of our trade, far exceeds our propor- " tion of the expence neceflary for that purpofe. But ihould *t thefe advantages be inadequate thereto, let the reilri^lions on R *»the [ 9» ] '* the trade be removed, and we will chearfuDy contrite fuck " proportion when conftitutionally required." What caufe of offence was there ia thefe words, that they (hould not be received, heaid, and canvafled ? Do they contain any violation of the principles of national juftice, generofity, or gratitude ? Certainly not. Then why were they not received and heard ? Plainly for this reafon, that any oftenfible parliamentary contributions from America, to the common national fupply, would not have been difpofable, by a furreptitious fign manual, to the fecret fervices of minifterial influence. This field of canvaiGng the merits of the American queflion generally would be boundlefs ; therefore X fhall not purfue it, that I may not over-charge or embarrafe the main obje6l which I have in the view of my piefent arguments. My obje6l is, to fcek out for fome foundation of nationiU recon- cilement between Great-Britain and America, by palliating ani* mofities, and by obviating the charges of injuftice and ii^ratitude^ which an invidious adminiftration have laboured to eftablilh againft America, in^ defpite of truth and recorded fa£b. The condufl of America -has been grievoufly mifreprefented. ^eir accufers are an Admini Oration, the tenor of whofe condu£l has been found to be no better than one uninterrupted fyftem of Emulation and deceit, and whofe obvious purpofe it is, to prevent a national reconciliation, which might in its confequences bring to light the fecret and unknown deeds of darknefs. The fuf- picions juftly attached to the chara6lers and condu£l of fuch ac- cufers, ought to weigh in the balance of favour towards the party accufed, more efpecially when the accufers have fecret and intie- reded views of their own, and when they arc well known to have fupprefled all evidence and intercourfe of communication, which might have elucidated the truth. Add to all this, that the fyftem of minifterial influence in that parliarment, wheite America, has had no reprefentatives, but every motive of intereft adverfis; to them, is acknowledged to be abfolutein its effect, and irreiifii- ble. The accufers, being imerefted parties themfelve^, have ufurped tlie place oi judges in their own caufe, and have con- demned AjTierica to fire and fwbrd, unheard; Thefe are irrefragable truths, and will, (boneror later^ fmdithdr way to the generous hearts- and judgments of AeBintifii naticn, who t 99 :i who haire hitherto been deceived ; America knows that they have been deceived. They have feen the ferpent inftilting poi- fon into the ears of their unfufpe^ling friends and brethren, for fecret purpofes. I firmly believe, that their hearts are flii) open to a national reconciliation. They do not impute their injuries to the people of England, but to the common enemy, who has entertained fecret defigns equally hoitile to both parties. — Re^ member the (ign manual. — Well might that great man, the Ear! of Chatham, who had penetration and fr^refight to dive into the deepeft recefles of minifterial fubtlety, fay on (his fubje6t, thir- teen years ago, " I rejoice that America has refided. Three ** millions of people, fo dead to all the feelings of liberty, us vo- '* luntarily to fubmit to be flaves, would have been fit inAruments •* to make flaves of the reft." Who does not now rejoice, es one gain at leaft amongft all our lofles, that minifters have been baffled in their Secret defigns of eftablifhing in America an unlimited dominion and revenue to the crown, independent of parliament? Thinking, as I have always thought, that the foundation and profecution of ihk war againft America has been unjuH. i and being confident in the integrity and generofity of my country, that they would not have given the leaft national countenance to unjuft meafures, believing them to be unjuft ; I have taken fome pains to lay open thofe infidious arts, and the motives of them, which minifters have pra£lifed, for the purpofes of deception, that I may contribute my feeble effort to vindicate my country at large from fo grievous a charge, as that of fupporting an unjuft catiTe, knowing it to be unjuft. I do it likewife with another view,, more immediately leading towards fome future, and, I hope, notdiBant national reconciliation with America ; fo;' as Idttgas Americii remains convinced, that all her injuries and pei fecutions are o#ing to A miniAry, poftefling an uncontroulable influence over parliament, and not to the body of the Britifh nation at large, fo long Will the door be open to national reconciliation. America, under all her fufierings, has adhered to the firm belief of tbefe truths ; neither have they, in the utmoft'bitternefs of their woes, accufisd their Britifh friends of having been accciffary at eonfenting, but in as much. as they have been deceive and intfled, or over«ruled by the moft cogent ind unconirouled miiiii* R a fteriai di'i [ 100 ] Aerial influence in parliament. This temperate forbearance of national reproaches, under fuch fevere trials, will not fail foon to meet with a jutt retribution, and recompence of a reciprocal na- tional affe£lion. The peop..: of England have already begun more than to furpe£l the concealments and deceptions which have been pra6lifed. Juftice will at length prevail, and, I hope, that Great-Britain and America will reap the triumph over the com- mon enemy, in a mutual national reconcilement. If there be any fenfe of juftice left amongft men, what fhall be faid of an adminiftration who have inflexibly perfifted in this American war, to the deftru£lion of fo many thoufands of lives, and to fuch univerfal mifery ^nd devaftation, knowing and being convinced in their minds and judgment all the while, that every real and pretended objefl of their purfuit, was UJs beneficial to their own country^ and lefsfafe to all parties^ than thofe offers from America which might have been fecured to this country without (bedding one drop of ,bIood, but which they, refufed, in* fulted, and rejefled with contempt. When I bring this charge, to the internal convi£lion of their own minds, agaipft the a£b which they recommended and enforced to parliament, I do not mean to (belter myfelf under the conftru£lion, that the arguments on our (ide of the queftion were fo cogent, that men of political experience, and verfed as they were in all the niceft intricacies of the difpute, and in all the true ftate of fa£ls, could not with- hold their convi6i;ion. I mean to adduce proof pofitive, public^ a/owed, and proclaimed under their own authority. The foundation of the prefent American war, as laid in the year 1774, refts fpecifically upon the refufal of adminiftration (and, thro' their means, of parliament) to comply with the terms of the fourth refolution of the Congrefs alfembled at Philadelphia in September 1774. The claims which they affert in diat refolution as their rights, and the offers which they made to this country ara ground Tor peace, are contained in the following words: They (ay, " That they are intitled to a free and excluiive power of legifla- ** tion in their feveral provincial legiflatures, where their right of ** reprefentation can alone be preferved in all cafes of taxation " and internal policy t fiibjeflonly to the negative of their fovereign ** in fuch a maqncr as has been heretofore yk u and accuftomed. But r [ 101 ] *• But from the neceflity of the cafe, and a regard to the mutual *• interefts of both countries, we chearfuUy confent to the cpera- •• Hon offuch Britijhads of parliament as are bona fide reftrained " to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpofc of .1* fecuring the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the •* mother-country, and the commercial benefits of its refpe£livc " members, excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, ** for raifing a revenue on the fubjeftsin America without their con- *• fent." This refolution is a breviate of all the oftenfible grounds and pretences for the war, viz. the controul of the provincial legiflatures, — parliamentary taxation, — and the reflriftions upon trade. I appeal to the memory of every member in parliament, and of every perfon who attended our debates, whether this re< folution was not invidioufly commented upon, and twilled about by minifters, to every pollible conflru6lion of jealoufy and of- fence ; — the claim of free provincial legiflation was inadmlfCble as a claim of independence, and as deftru£live of the fundamen- tals of the Britifli conflitution ; — the univerfal exercife of the right of parliamentary taxation ^as the very heart-ftring of the whole empire; — and the chearful confent to the operation of ■^Britifh aEls of parliament \i^^ a language of infolence, on the part of fubje£ls, intplers^le to a Britifh legiflature. — ^Thefe were the arguments ufed. The fupreme domination and omnipotence , of parliament (for that was the word) were to be maintained un« impaured and unimpeachcd at all events; and the chearful confent of fubje£ls under this omnipotent legiflalure was treated with the moil ineflPable contempt; but not indeed with more contempt than minifters were at that moment treating that very parliament, which -way their moft credulous and moft obedient organ of ora- nipotence. For you are not to fuppofe that minifters, that wife and deep politicians, were dupes to thefe gaudy and high-founding pretexts of their own fabrication. No; fuch toys were <•' ^11 enough to amufe a poor nation's credulous reprefentativcs. Theie men of wifdom, experience, and enlightened principles, looked dowt» with companion upon fuch narrow and pedantic fyftems. In the wide expanfe of their difcernment, it was intuition to them, that liberated trade and freedom of provincial legiflatures were vu>rc hnefcial, even to their own c&untry^ than the original plans if C 102 ] -r* effettUmenl conceived to reflrain the trade^ and to coiUrout the internal government of the colonies ; and that the c(^ious ftreaiti of voluntary gifts, flowing from free and expanded hearts, would bemorefafe to nil parties than any arrangements calcj4ajed to form a revenue in America at the difpofal of parliament. Need I n&n quote to you the documents of proof, or remind you that thefe are the public, avowed fentiments and principles of the miniflers f of the American war, thus proclaimed in America, and before : the face of all the world ? Has no man felt for the humiliation [ of his country, to fee it laid proftrate, by a proclamation to this import, at the leet of America, humbled in the duft, and its honour thibs furrendered as the hoflage of expiation k>r the pre- meditated and pre- concerted crimes of its minifters! Need I tell you, that thefe, which I have cited to you, are not only urfuit ! r-l! 'A J' ■/ t ,06 ] purfuit of their own clandeftine and illicit otjeCU. Thf ^uatifyv ing words which I allude to are thefe ; in the prtfent fituation of affairs ; that is to fay, the miniilry having failed in their fecret defigns, and being beaten. What has their being baffled and beaten, (which they fo delicately exprefs as the prefent fituation of affairs) to do with the juftice of the foundations of the war? Is freedom of provincial legiflation in all cafes of taxation and internal policy, morebtneficialtoourown countr y, and more fafe to allpartust than parliamentary interference and controul, becaufe the miniftry are beaten ? Are free requifitions preferable to any arrangements calculated to form a parliamentary revenue^ only becaufe the miniftry have been foiled in their attempt of efta-^ blifliing an independent revenue for the crown ? No I There is no coherence in the argument of fuch wretched pleas to qua* lify their guilt. The blood of thoufands of their fellow-creatures, wilfully and premeditatedly (bed in an unjuft caufe, will be re- quired at their hands, who thus proclaim to all mankind, that they have not«fcrupled to facrifice the beneficial interefts of their countiy. and the fafety of its dependencies, till they had taken their full ftretch of vengeance, in their attempts to deftroy, and to lay wafte, to the utmoft of their malignant power, the lives, liberty, property, and all the rights of mankind. — ^When men are once immerfed in wilful and premeditated crimes, the more they ftruggle, the deeper they plunge ; every word that proceeds from them betrays their confcious and unrepenting guilt. Thus it is with thefe fhallow, qualifying words, the prefent fituation of affair s^ which are but the flimfy palliatives of confcious guilt but too furely they betray the malignant nature of that abundant ftore from which they proceed, and that it is necefTity, and not re- morfe, which has extorted the conceflion. If the difgrace of minifters had been the whole of the matter, there would have been but little caufe of regret ; but unfortunately for us, the irretrievable difgrace of having waged a cruel war, for unjuflifiable and deftru£live ends, is fixed upon cur country, by a public avowal upon principle, that the terms offered by America in the year 1774, before the war, ought to have been accepted as foundations of peace, from th«ir own inllriniic equity and merit, as being more ieneficial to our omn ^«n^ry» and more '*''"'|lrl [ »07 ] fafe td all parties. Ten thoufand proclamations after this will never fet us, in the opinion of mankind, upon the ground of juf- tice in this conteft. The truth is plainly this ; when the miniftry had loft their obje6ls, dominion and the fign manual, they fet no value upon the pretexts. Their cloak then became troublefome, and they threw it away. C juld there poflibly be any doubt that the real obje£ls of the war have been dominion and the fign manual, this proclamation would clench convi£lion ; for had the oftenfible objefts of the war been the real ones in the view of minifters, the conceflions which are now made, as up6n the rea* fon and juflice of the cafe, might as eafily have been made at the time when thefe very terms were offered in the 4th refolution of the Congrefs of the year 1774. If indeed the (bedding a deluge of human blood be a matter of indifference \o minifters, they have but little to regret; for if they had been fuccefsful in the utmoft degree, even to reduce America under their feet, the ar- gument of the proclamation declares, that they would have vo- luntarily furrendered every oftenfible obje6l of the war ; which fcrews up the dilemma clearly to this alternative, either that this Mrar of unexampled barbarity and devaftation was carried on by the miniftry for no motives at all, or that the real motives were different from thofe which were held out oftenfibly. Dominion, and the fign manual, have been thofe motives, thus purfued in blood. What retribution (hall now be thought due to America, for all the blood of theirs which minifters have cruelly and wantonly (hed, and for all the devaftation which they have committed to the utmoft ftretch of malignant fury ? If the magnanimity and jufticeof the Britilh nation be not extingui(hed ; if the agonies of childlefs parents, the defolation of widows, and the tears of or- phans, can touch the feelings of their hearts ; if the bitter woeS of cruel and unmerited injuries, committed upon the defcendants of their own blood, can move them to vindicate the violated rights of humanity, againft the devices of wicked minifters, and evil counfel- lors ; if the ties of common intereft and confanguinity were ever dear to them; or if the renewal of friendfhip und fraternal affec- tion be flill grateful to their hearts ; hear the laft and juft appeal of Americsr. Sfi , "When ii: ^! ^i « perty of their own brethren and defcendantst after a full and acknowledged convi6lion. Be once more yourfelves again, and let juftice lay the foundation-ftone of peace.'* But who can give us afTurance that thefe are now the fenti-- menUt •( «( «i <« ~1 n C I" ] knentt of America ? I reply that you fliouW require that account at the hands of your minifters. THat thefe have been the fenti- menti of America, I have juft now given you the proofs ; and I am confident, from the general fentiments of my country, that the apprehenfion of their being no longer fo, is, on our part, not unattended with regret. If then our country does but entertain a fecret wifli, to be refcued from a part of thofe evils, into which their minifters have plunged them ; if they are prepared to receive tem- perate counfels, and to abandon the fuggeftions of falfe pride, and dark revenge, which their minifters are at this moment fecretly in- ftilling into their ears, the moft diftant chance which can be fuggefi- cd.for reftoring the ftate of national affairs, may be intitled to a dif- paflionate and calm difcuflion. I do not mean to fpeak in any degree as defponding of the reftoration of national affairs, under wifer counfels, but lamenting, that whatever change of fyftera may henceforward take place, or whatever revcrfal of paft mea- fures may now be decided upon, yet, that all future remedy muft come too late, to reftore the thoufands of lives, and the millions of property, which have been facrificed to the cruelty and pride of minifters ; or to efface the regret of my country, for having en- trufted the powers of the realm, to the moft deftru6live purpofes, into fuch ."alfe and faithlefs hands. That no confideration of national intereds has animated the miniltry in any part of their meafures, is no lefs evident in their conceflions to America, than in their condu£l of the war. The furrender of all the beneficial interefts of their country, under the a£l of navigation, appears to have been totally fpontaneous and voluntary on the part of the miniftry. There is not the leaft fha- dow of an attempt to bargain for any equivaltnt ccmcefTion. Un- der what claufe of the conciliatory a£l''can this condu£l be jufti- fied ? The furrender of parliamentary taxation is juftified fpeci> ally under an a£l for that purpofe. The offer of perfe6l freedom of legiflation, and internal government, is juftified by an a6l of parliament, evidently leading that way, by the repeal of the Maf- fachufets* charter-aft of the year 1774. But with refpeftto the aft of navigation, no inftruftions given by the miniftry to the commifHoners can be juftified, farther than to authorize them to treat and confult, ar.d after fuch treaty and confultation, to come to I C .12 ] to any compromife which may be necelTary in their judgment and difcretion. Unfortunately for us, this a6l of navigation was not a minifterial intereO, it was only a national one. Th miniAry faw very clear';', that no obje6h were furrendered by this their fid* den and voluntaiy conceflfion of the a£l of navigation, which were in any degree worthy of their attention ; only fuch trifles, as the navy of England, the honoui of the Britifli flag an'^ name, the commerce, manufa6lures, revenue, and land-rents of the country, our fiflieries, foreign pofTeflions, and domeftic fecurity ; obje^ls, which, according to their eftimation, are not to be held in cOmparifon with thp right of appointing governors in America, or the fign munual. I confcfs to you, that the lofs of this a6l of navigation is a gloomy topic with me, whenever I ftumble upon the recolleflion of it. I do not know whether I fliould fay too much, if I were ftill farther to confefs, that it is the only firitifli intereft in America, which I ever took to my heart ; but it is gone, irrecoverably gone, and hath not left its fellow behind, though minifters knew not the value of it. I give but little credit to the good will of rainifters,.for the pre« tended relaxation of their condu£l towards America ; but I flatter myfelf with the bed profpeBs of fome national reconcilement be- tween the two countries, from the ready and univerfal acquiefcence of all ranks of people in this kingdom to the fyftem of conceflion and accommodation, which has been lately profefled by the mini- flry, and which has been (Incerely patronized by the public. We arc fo far upon the road towards a national reconcilement, that this country has univcrfally declared in favourof an amicable negociation with America. But flill there is one rub, which however, in my opinion, appears by no means unfurmountable. I mean the alliance between America and France. I will endeavour to lay before you what I conceive to be the (late of the treaties between thofe two parties, and to dillinguilh fuch parts of thofe treaties as may re- main, confidently with a national reconcilement between Great- Britain and America, from fuch other parts of them as muft ne^ cefTarily be relinquiihed, before that reconciliation can take place. There are two treaties fubfi fling between them, which have been announced to the public, by the declaration of the French court, and by publication of the American Congre'fs, viz. a treaty of commerce, and a treaty of alliance. As to the former, the moft ftrenyous [ "3 ] fh-enuous advocate for the rights and intereils of this co\intry, is no longer intitled to make obie6)ion unlefs it fliould contain any excluflve articles. The coramiffioners under the conciliatory afts have made, on the loth of June 1778, a formal furrender of all the beneficial interefls of their country under the aft of naviga- tion, by the words, " To extend every freedom to trade which our " refpeftive interefts ean require." The condition exprelFed in the propofuion does not refer to any mutual, combined, or united intereft, but to the f/peBive intereft of each party, and therefore amounts to an abfolute conceiTion. Again, in the proclamation which I have commented upon in the former part of this letter, (bearing no date in any printed copy that I have feen, but appear- ing by the context to have been iffued in the latter end of June 1778) they confirm this furrender as more beneficial to our own country than " to reOrain the trade of the colonies." Here the words (land fimply and unqualified by any reference whatfoever. Again, on the 26th of Auguft 1778, the ^ mmiffioners reciting, in a declaration of that date, the extent ' ihe offers made by them« felves to the Congrefs, confirm this offer in the following words, viz. *' To extend every freedom to trade," generally, and without any words of conftru£lion or limitation. Therefore, the furren* der of the a£l of navigation is public, abfolute, and unconditional, through the hands of commiffioners, a£ling under an a£l of parlia- ment, and according to the inilruftions given to them from the adminiftration. This minifterial furrender of the a£l of naviga- tion, as executed in form, under the conciliatory afts, amounts to a national ratification of the commercial treaty between America and France. For this countrv cannot claim any right to refcind any open commercial treaty entered into by America, having divefted themfelves of all their right and title to oppofe any fuch treaty , by the general and unlimited conceflion to America of extending every freedom to trade. Your legal attornies have publicly and folemnly ratified that a£l, under national authority. Miniilers, in this un- conditional furrender of the zQ. of navigation, have cut off the right hand of their country, and we muft fubmit. There is no redrefs. As to the treaty of alliance between America and France, I conceive it to have been, on the pari of America, a relu6lant a£l T of [ "4 ] ,|i; Is." of felf-defence ; and on the part of France, I conceive it to have been an abfolute and dire£l violation of the laws of nations, with refpefl to Great-Britain. On this latter ground, I think my country has a right to demand, that this alliance be relinqui(hed on the part of France. And if I can fliew caufe to believe that, on the part of America, it was an a£l of relu£iant neceflity, I (hall hope that this concludon may be then juftified, — that the hearts and wiflies of America would readily concur in peace with Great- Britain, upon the terms of the relinquifhment of the treaty oi alliance, I mean on the part of France. For undoubtedly they themfelves will never make a idcrifice of their honour, by break- ing a treaty contra£led in their necefTity, how much foever they may regret that neceflity. This treaty, which is now become an alliance between America and France, appears, when it left Eu- rope, not to have been a treaty of alliance, but a treaty of evfntual aHiance. My proofs of this are, firft, from the declaration of the French ambaflador, Monf. de NoaiUes, on the i^t^ of March laft, in which he fays, that the plenipotentiaries of France and Ame- rica have figned a treaty of friendfliip and commerce, but. without ftipulating for any exclufive advantages for France ; and he adds, that the King of France has in confequence taken eventual mea- fures in concert with the United States of North- America. Again, Monfieur Gerard, who was appointed by the court of France to attend upon this treaty in its paflage to America, foon after his arrival, on the 6th of Auguft 1778, introduces it to the Congrefs with thefe words, " The hoflile defigns of ihe common enemy " have given, to engagements /;ur;/y eventual^ an immediate, pofi- " tive, permanent, and indiflbluble force." On the fame day the Congrefs return their anfwer in the following words : " We " ardently wifli to iheathe the fword, and to fpare the f9rther e£fu- ** (ion of blood ; but we are determined, by every means in out " power, to fulfil thofe eventual engagements^ &c." This eventual treaty was figned by the American commiflioners at Paris, juft in that period of time while they were kept in fufpence as to the nature, extent, intentions, or fincerity, of the fuppofed concilia- < tory propofitions, which had been announced by the minifter three months before. Thefe conciliatory propoGtions were ftudioufly with-held, while the minifiry were ufing their utmoft ende!avours to C "5 ] to ndfe 15,000 men from Scotland, Manchefter, &c. and to plunge the nat'an into the general adoption of the war, by entangling private individuals in fubfcriptions of money, to be put direflly into the hands of the crown, unconne£ledly with parliament, for the purpofe of fupporting the authority of Great-Britain over the rtbellious Colonies, Such were the terms and obje£ls held out for thefe fubfcriptions. But when the bills themfelves made their appiearance in parliament, which was not till after this eventual treaty was figned, their contents were found to be an abfolute fur- render of all the authority of the parliament of Great-Britain over the Colonies. What then is the charge againft this eventual treaty ? It is this ; that Ameriea, with an evil mind, engaged in, and confented to, a treaty of alliance with France, having the fuUeft reafon to be confident, that every poflible conceflion, ne- ceflary towards eftablifhing tf fafe and permanent peace, would be niade ? Upon what grounds were they to conclude this ? Did the minifler declare that he was preparing a bill for furrendering every claim of parliamentary fupremacy over the colonies, viz. parliamentary taxation, parliamentary controul, and the a£l of navigation ? No I — ^Were they to conclude that the miniftry vA the cabinet were meditating this univerfal furrender of all the authority of Great-Britain, from their public and well-known condu£l, in employing all their partizans abroad, with the utmoft fury, to engage in private fubfcriptions the Jriends to their King and country, in order tojtipport the authority q/Gr eat- Britain over her rebellious Colonies f Surely fuch condu£l on the part of the miniftry could nOtjuftify the conftru6lion of any fuppofed amica- ble and ptKific difpofitions f^wards America. The only authentic miinifeftation of the minifterial intentions was conveyed through the King's fpeech, at the opening of the preceding feffion of par- liament, on November 20th 1777, which declared the neceffity of ptt'fanng for /uch farther operations of war, as the objlinacy of the rebels mi^kt render expedient. The addrelfes of the tWo Houfes of parliament exprefled their full fatisfa£lion and concurrence v^ithfuch meafure^. Could it then be expe£ted that the Americans ihoold conftrue all thefe concurring teftimonies, of the continu- ance of hoftile meafureSi as fo many pledges that the miniflers intended to relin^ttilb hbftility, and to proceed by the road of F 2 conciliation m m If u h r ii6 ] conciliation and unlimited conceflion ? It is an infult upon the underftandings of mankind, to pretend, that an explicit declaia. tion of war from the throne is to be confidered as a fidion, prepa- ratory to the furrender of every parliamentary claim of legiflation and fupremacy, and of every beneficial intereft of this country. No one can expeft that the Americans fhould have refigned themfelves with implicit confidence, in the fmcerity and good faith of a miniflry, who, in every public aft of their own and of their partizans, difcovered the certain and unequivocal marks of duplicity. However, under all thefe juftifiahle caufes of fufpicion, they ftill did not run headlong into an a&ual treaty of alliance with France ; as long as the terms of the conciliatory propofitions were undivulged, and as long as the mode of the negociation carried any pretence of being condufted unconneftedly with force of arms, they refufed to bind their country to an aSual alliance ; but they tranfmitted to America a treaty purely eventual^ which was to receive pofitive and permanent force, upon the continua- tion of hoftile meafures and defigns, on the part of the Britiih mi- niflry towards Ameiica. It is therefore the Britifh miniftry again, who have given the ratification of force and efFeft to this rventual treaty of alliance, while the Americans feem, on the other hand, to have been reluftant, to the very lafl moment, to fhut the door to reconciliation. It is no fecret, that the court of France have afted a cold and unfriendly part towards the Americans, till they had, by their own exertions, eftablifhed their own caufe. There are three milli- ons of people in America as fully convinced of that propofition, as the commiflioners themfelves, who call the interpofition of France infidious. The fame three millions of people are equally convinced, that there is no other unfurmountable obflacle to a national reconciliation with Great-Britain, but the fatal inter- pofition of a Britifh miniflry, more infidious than the court of Prance : and, I am confident, that of all the millions of people throughout the French dominions, without exceptine the minifter himfelf who iigned the eventual treaty, there is no one who is unapprized or unconvinced of thefe truths. It is folly to fup» ppfe, that recent, reluftant, and felf-interefled obligations, on the part of France, fhould take full and ini(antaneou9 poifemoQ of the V hearts [ "7 J hearts and affeCUons of three iniillions of people in America, to the exclufion even of regret upon the lofs of ancient hereditary CQnne6lion8 and fraternal confanguinity. But there is no road left open for a pacific interview^ which might lead to reconcile- ment. There is a Britifli miniftry polTefling every avenue, and interpofing fire and fword. The catalogue of obligations from the court of France towards America is yet but recent, and little more than a blank. It is the Britifh miniftry who, by every thought, word, and a6l, are labouring to till up the blanks of that catalogue. It was the continuation of the war againft America, after the offer of the conciliatory bills, which firll gave force and effe£l to the eventual alliance with France ; and, therefore, it is the farther profecution of the fame hoflile and vindi6Uve mea- fures on the part of the minifters of this coumry, which alone can drive America ftill clofer into the arms of France, and cemeat that alliance for ever. In the whole condu£l of America, there is univerfally the mark of relufhint neceflity. If an alliance with France had been their original choice and preference, they need not have concluded an eventual treaty. Obferve another incident upon the arrival of this eventual treaty with America, which curforily may appear a trifle light as air ; yet, to my judgment, it bears the mark of deep impreflion — Monf. Gerard, who attended on the part of his own court, as the anxious candidate for this eventual alliance, in> troduces it in terms denoting his triun;iphant fatisfa6lion : " The ** conne6lions formed, by the King my mailer, with the United " States of America, is fo agreeable to him, that he could no '* longer delay fending me to refide among you, for the purpofe of ** cementing thofe eventual engagements which have acquired im- •* mediate^ pofitive, permanent, and indijfoluhh force." — The Con- grefs return their anfwer in terms of firmnefs and conftancy, but not of triumph — •' We lament that luft of domination which gave *' birth to the prefent war, and haih prolonged and extended the " miferies of mankind : we ardently wifh to Iheathe the fword, ** and fpare the farther effufion of bk>od ; but we are determined, *• by every means in our power, to fulfil thofe eventual engage-^ **inents which have acquired pofitive and permanent force.'* T'bey acknowledge that the eventual engagements arif become ofitivti [ 1.8 ] S*./ pojuive and permanent ^ but upon the terms immediate and indiffiif Uhle^ they are filent: they neither exult in the one, nor declare their affent to the other. If any one does not fee in thefe fea-^ tiires the fecret tokens of kindnefs and remaining regret, (veteris vepigia flamma) I think it mud be owing either to dullnefs of apprehenfion, or to unfeelingnefs of heart. I will now enumerate a few plain propofitions, of which I hope that I have given fufHcient proof: firft, that the people of Great- Britain and America are well difpofed towards each other, and towards a national reconcilement ; fecondly, that the condu£l of AiAerica, in the negpciation of the eventual alliance, carries evi- dent marks of relu6tance correfponding to that limited obliga- tion, which they acknowledge as due to France, for having aflifted them in the campaign fubfequent to the convention of Saratoga;, making abatement for the coldnefs and inefScacy of their pro- fellions, during the campaign of 1777, v«rhen their a&irs were at the feverell trial ; thirdly, that America is defirOus of peake, or, to ufe their own words in their anfwer to Monf, Gerard,* ardently wijh to Jheathe the/word^ and to /pare the farther effu' Jion of blood. In correfpondence with this wifh of America for peace, Monf. Gerard declares, on the part of his court, in his addrefs to the Congrefs, that the procuring peace to America is the objeEl of the alliance. Upon thefe grounds, I think, without any deep reBnement or refearch, one fimple propofition offers itfelf, which is, To withdraw the Britifh fleets and armies from America, and to make an offer of peace to America, upon thi^ condition. That the eventual tredity of alliance (hall be relinquiflied on the part of France. Who will make any obje£lion ? Not America ! For if independence and peace be their objects, it can be no gi ievance to them, to be emancipated from any depen- dence upon France, and to be releafed from that eventual treaty into which they have entered with fo much apparent relu£lance. Will France obje6) ? In their hearts I believe they will; but I think they will be at a lufs for fome fpecious pretext. Will they fay to their new allies, whom they treated with coldnefs and negleft till after the convention of Saratoga, " We know that you ardently wiJh io Jheathe the fword, and to jlop the farther effujion of bloody but we refufe the condition required on our *• part %t <• C "9 ] " part for the eftablifliment of your peace, although our minifter '* has declared in our name to Congrefs, that your repofe an4 " peace were the ohjeSis of thai alliance ; you have incurred the " penahy of the bond, and we will not relax. We are frefli for ** the conteft of war. You have endured much. Let the Bri- ** tifh miniiliy continue thair ravages of fire and fword through- ** out your country, if it be their option, as no doubt it will " be. Eventual engagements are become pojitiv ^and pen,.^ itnt, y and they (hall remain indi^oluble." If that fhould be the lan- guage from France to America, let it work. The very adhe- rence to the treaty, on the part of France, mufl be a breach of the fundamental principle of it ; viz. peace to America. There is no evafion from this dilemma. If the court of France relinquifh the treaty of alliance, the Gordian knot is united ; if they refufe, it is cut. So much for this treaty of eventual alliance. But we are not upon folid ground yet. Miniflers are groping and undermining ftill. The parliament ihall not confent. Taxation is gone ; le* giflation is gone; the a6l of navigation (to my bittereft regret) is furrendered. But miniflers have flill a pretext left. This pre- text has not yet received a name. It is fome equivocal creation between dependence and independence, which is obfcurely and vaguely hinted at, on the part of the commiffioners, in all their proclamations and negociations with the Congrefs, and fuppofed to be neceffary to foraething which they call an union of force. This ambiguous thing, when dragged out into day-light, will prove to be neither more norlefs than a fcheme to plunge the nation into three or four more campaigns, at the additional expence of thirty or forty millions, the farther lofs of thirty or forty thoufand of our tellow-fubjefts, the general devaflation of America to the utmofl ftretch of miniflerial rage, and the final objeft, fuppofed to be at- tainable by thefe meatis, is ftiled an union of force. The truth is, that this union of forces which is infinitely more delirable than the dependence of any one nation upon another, might be within our reach; if we would aft wifely and confiftenily. But our miniflers are flriving to lead us in this, as they have done in every thing elfe, to the total deftruftion of the very objeft which they pretend to purfue. An union of force with any nation, can only be fecured nl c 120 ] m m I! yt- fectired by obtaining the good will of that nation : and theref6re the principles of a fcederai alliance, founded upon mutual affec- tion, common interell, and common confent, muft be the only folid bafis for an union oj force. Mutual afie6lion and common interefls will bind two natiqns together, to every effeft of an union of force ^ whether they be independent of each other, or one of them dependent upon the other. Obferve the courfe of the rea- foning on the part of the commiflioners. They fay to America, in a lettei to Congrefs, dated July 13, 1778, "We are not inclined " to difpute with you about the meaning of words, but fo far as " you mean the entire privilege o\ the people of North-America *' to difpofe of their property, and to govern themfelves without " any reference to Great-Britain, beyond zvhat is nece/fary to pre' ^'' ferve that union offorce^ in which our mutual fafety and ad- " vantage confifts, we think fo far their independence is fully ac" ** knowled^ed in the terms of our letter of the tenth of June." The pafTage thus alluded to in the letter from the Commiflioners ta the Congrefs of the tenth of June, is their offer ** to eftablifli the ** power of the refpeftive legiflatures in each particular ftate, to ** fettle its revenue^ its civil and military eftabliihments, &c." The Commiflioners, after this, proceed to ftate argumentatively tbe grou'ids and principles upon \^ich this union of force is to be eftablifhed. " In the mean time, we afliire you, that no circum- *' ftance will give us more fatisfaflion, than to find that the extent " of our future conneSlior$, is to be determined on principles of ** mere rea/bn, and confiderations of mutual intere^, on which we " are likewife willing to reft the permanence of any arrangements " which we may form." If I can underftand any courfe of rea- foning, this amounts to a virtual abdication of American depen- dence, and reduces the whole point to the principles of a foederal alliance. The force of a nation is the command of its men and money. The Britifli Commiflioners have fully acknowledged he independence of America over their revenue and military dfta- blifliments, which are the only branches confpiring to any union of J< rce, therefore they have given up the article of independence, as far as relates to an union of force. By that.ceflion they have cut off all the claims of this country over the common force, ex- «ept what fliall arife from the common intereft and common . confent C 14' ] confent of the parties. There is therefore no way left to cfft'ft an union of force between the two countries, confiftent with the folemn furrender to America of the rights of the purfe and of the fword, but upon the principles of foederal alliance. If I could hdve had my choice of all ihe tirgumtfnts in the world, to fupport the proportion of giving an offer of peace to America, upon the condition of the eventual treaty of alliance between France and America being relinquifhed, I would have taken thofe very arguments, from the letter of the Commiflionersjuft now cited. The Commiffioners have, to every fubftantial effect, fully acknow- ledged the independence of America. The propofition, therefore, which I have dated, is only fupplemeiitary to this, viz. If America is to become fubdantially independent of Great-Bri- tain, let them be independent of France and of all the world. Agreed, fay the Commiffioners, if we can but fettle this point of the union of force ; and all that we require is, " that the extent of " our future connexion (hould be determined upon the principles "of mere rea/bn, and Tonfiderations oi mutual interelti on which " we are likewife willing to reft the perman-nce of any arrange- " ments we may form." The anfwer then is fhortly this : If America, as the condition of peace, can prevail with the court of France to relinquifli the eventual treaty of alliance, they will then be free to aft as the principles of inert reafon^ and as the confidera- tions o\ mutual interejl fliall guide them, which is all that the par- liamentary commiffioners require. The commiffioners have, in themoft argumentative and explicit manner, abdicated every other claim, and reft all the future connefiion with America, and the permanence of any fiich future conneciion^ upon the confiderations of mere reajon and mvtnal intertfl. What then have we left to fight for ? Every national in!ereft, and all parliamentary claims^ have been rclinquiffied by minifters long ago. Even that ftumbling-block of independence is now fwept away. Minifters do not contend, on the part of their coun- try, for any future claim of rights over America. The ut mo 11 txtent now propofed by them for any future onnetiion with Ame- rica, is to be determined upon principles of. mere reafon and con- fiderations of mutual interejl. If thefe are their real principles, why have they not, and why do they not proceed upon the broad U and f [ 122 ] dncl {Irait road to peace ? There muft h^ fome lurking motive which we have not yet fathomed. That lurking motive is ftill one of the fame which has guided their counfels and condufl in every thougiit, word, and deed. They are dill hankering, to the very lad expiring (lru|gle, after that unconquerable and everlafting at- tachment of their hearts, dominion under the royal name. A very few words to fupply the context will make the whole fydem perfe6Uy intelligible. Parliament, indeed, (hall make an abfolute furrender of the purfe and of the fword to America, faving and referving to the crown, the command over the money and men of America, as necelTary to an union of force. This fubllitution of the crown is no drain upon the conftru£lion ; it is always tacitly underflood, unlefs it is exprefsly relinquifhed. It emerges, of courfe, upon any queftion of executive or foederal powers. I will now quote to you the words of a proclamation of the Britifh commifTioners in America, in which (without even a tranfient thought of parliament) they plead very pathetically for the re-adniiflion of royal prerogatives into America. You may then judge, whether I have given an unfair or uncandid conflru^lion of it. It is another part of the fame proclamation of which I have fpoken fo much already : the words are as follow : " The *' Congrefs, the affemblies, and the people of America, will judge '•■ for themfelves, whether that union ofjorce^* (viz. under the crown) " which we, on our part, deem of fo much advantage to '• Great-Britain, may not be of equal advantage to them. And *' whether the internal peace of their own fyftem will not be " more fecure under the title and majefty of the King of, Great- " Britain, whofe prerogatives are exercifed within ftrift limita- " tions, and whofe authovlty will infure the regular execution of " every law, that may be provided by the reprefentatives of the "people, &,c." Thefc are new doftrines, to be held out in a proclamation by parliamentary commiiTioners. The nation has been immerfed in profound darknefs and errors for many years ; they have been inftrufted to believe, that they were fighting for fome national rights, or for parliamentary fupremacy ; but they have been gricvoufly deceived, and raided : DomiflioQ and Pre- rogative have been the Alpha and Omega. I believe we are now got to the very bottom o\ all bottoms. Parliameat may furrender its ■w [ "3 ] its fupremacy and legiflation, and taxation, and the a6l of naviga- tion, and all the beneficial interefts of the nation : but if mini. fters could prevail, to eftablifh the crown at the head of ail the executive and foederal powers of the whole continent of America, independent and uncontrouled by parliament, all would again be well for them. Thirty or forty millions of money at the nation's coft, and thirty or forty thoufand lives, are matters of very trivial confiderations in the purfuit of fuch obje6ls, for the purpofe of augmenting the power of the niinillers of the crown ; but cer- tainly for no purpofe beneficial to our own country. Thefe are the obje£b which minifters have invariably purfued, from the firft to the laft. Such propofitions as thefe being avowed and recited in a public proclamation, viz. to inveR the crown with all the executive and fcederal powers of the whole continent of North- America, independent of a Britifli parliament, and this after the furrender of every national intereil and parliamentary claim, brings up the charge to proof pofitive — and I will venture to fay, that they never will voluntarily relinquilh thofe objefts, till they (hall have attempted to wreck their vengeance upon Ame- rica, for their defeat, by a favage and univerfal devaftation of the whole continent ; or until they fhall have brought on fomc nati- onal convulfion at home, perhaps the deftruftion of their country. It is a matter of aftonifhment to me that miniilers, how little foever they may value the interefts of their country, ihould not at lead begin to entertain fome apprehenfions for themfelves. It is a hazardous refponfibility which no wife man would take upon himfelf, To lead a country to ruin. They have already involved us in a war with one branch of the Houfe of Bourbon, and Spain is under arms.* When the day of terror and confternation comes, will • The following Lift may be depended upon as authentic. Lifta de la Efquadra que efta al prefente armada, y frcparada para haccrfi a la Velay en CadiZt ^'^ ^^P^' ^77^' Naviost Canones. La SantifTima Trinidad - 122 ElFenix ..... go £1 Rayo 80 £1 San Fernando . - - 80 £1 San Luis . , . . 80 U % I^a rity are bed fuited to fuccefs and fair weather. If the florm be- gins to gather, the cables may be turned, and minifters themfelves may be bought and fold. Thus much for what is called the mi- niflcrial majority. However, things are not yet come to that pafs, that this minifterial majority is the whole body of parlia< ment. The country members, and country gentlemen, carry re- fpe6l and confidence wherever they go. They may be liable to deceptions as other men are, but it is not poflible to fuppofe that they Nofvhs, Canoftet. El S^n Francifco de Afis - 70 El Santo Domingo ■» - 70 El San Palqual Baylon - 70 El San Julian - - - - 70 El San Francifco de Paula 70 El San Raphael - - - 70 LaG:;licia ----- 70 ^aGallardo - - - - 70 El Diljgente - , - - 70 El San Pedro Apoflpl - - 79 El Guerrero - - . - - ^o El Poderofo - - - - y© El San Ifidro - - - - 70 El Viftoriofo - - - - yo El Angel de da Guarda - 70 El San Pablo - . - . 70 El Oricnte ----- yo Navios, ElVencedor - - ■ £1 San Miguel - • £1 San £ugenio £1 Santiago Efpana £1 Dragon - - • El Aftuto - - £1 San Ifidoro - La America £1 San Leandro Fragatas. La Liebre - - La Sunta Lucia - La Santa Rufina La Santa Cecilia El Camien - - Cauo/tM, 70 70 70 60 60 60 60 60 54 El Atlante El Velafco E( Gloiiofo El Terrible £l Monarca 70 70 70 70 70 La Santa Barbara - La Santa Monica La Efmeralda - - La Santa Clara - - £1 Chebequin Andaluz y 7 8 Unas, fif 40, cafiones. ■ . 36 . .. 36 - - 36 . - 36 ■ - 30 ■ - 30 ' - 30 ■ - 30 • - 30 - 30 30 j» 20 TJ [ "5 J they can have any intereft, adverfe to the good of their country. If their country falls, they mull fall too. They are the moll dif- interefled parliamentary guardians of their country, bccaufe tliey are moft interelled in its fafety and welfare. — Will miniilers take refuge in the crown for proteftion ? — They have but little merit to claim there ; they have made a facrifice of every true and permanent intereft of the crown, to procure for themfclves the influence of unlimited dominion under the royal name. Tiicy have ftript the crown of thirteen provinces, and of three millions of fubjefts. They have played a deep game, but they have left the crown to pay the forfeit; and 1 will venture to foretell, that there the end will be, of the fidelity of fuch fervants to the crown. Minifters after defeat will be as little attached to the ruins of power, a? in the fullnels of fuccefs, and in the meridian of that power, they could have been to the real interefts of their coun- try. There is no man now left to ftand their friend. Their own fituation is become as defperate as that to which they have reduced their country. They have neither brought that fuccefs which they fo confidently promifed, nor that peace which they fo infidioufly simulated. Until they (hall reftore their country to honour, fafety, and peace, they will have no title to fecurity againft its future refentments. I (hall now conclude this long chain of fa6ls and arguments, which I have endeavoured to arrange and difcufs, according to the beft of my abilities, in the order of their conne6lion and dependence upon each other. Arguments which are founded upon fafts of deep, and national importance, can never be unin- terefting in their refult. If I have in any degree been fuccefsful in arranging thefe fafts and arguments, towards any refult which may facilitate the reftoration of peace, and national reconcile- ment between Great-Britain and America, and to the eftablifli- ment of the honour and permanent intereft s of my country, it is the utmoft limit of my ambition. The fafts and arguments, which I have ftated to you, are of fuch interefting importance, as will, by their own weight, claim your moft ferious and confider^te at- tention. I have nothing therefore now left, but to intreat for myfeir your candid interpretation, and the continuation of thofc favourable [ 126 ] favourable fentiments, for which I am already fo deeply indebted to you. Believe me to be, a lover of my country, a friend to peace, and to the righu of mankind. I am, With the greateft Rerpe£l and Confideration, Gentlemen, Your much obliged, and faithful humble Servant, D. HARTLEY. Sodburyt 0£l. sp, 177S. tlSr Rijtht Worflupfulthe Mayor and Corporatieut To the Worjhipful the fVarJens, and Cerporetion of the Trimty-Hou/e, and to the Worthy Burgejfes of The Tmuvo^Kingstok-upon-Hull. imm dir The Binder will obferve, in folding the Signatures G, H ; M, N ; and P, Q, that they are printed as Half-Shee in Qua' in order that each Letter may be folded feparate. / .^ - "<;' a