V] (meaning "CON- TINUED "I, or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Un des symboles suivants apparaftra sur ia derni*re image de cheque microfiche, selon Ie cas: Ie symbols — »> signifie "A SUIVRE ", Ie symbols V signifie "FIN". Meps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right end top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent *tre film*s * des taux de r*duction diff*rent8. Lorsque Ie document est trop grand pour *tre reproduit en un seul clich*, il est film* * partir de i'angle sup*rieur gauche, de gauche * droite, et de haut an baa, en prenant Ie nombre d'images n*ce88aire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrant la m*thode. irrata to pelure, n* n 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 S 6 DI \. . ON THE DISCO\?ERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI, AND ON THE SOUTH-WESTERN, OEEGON, AND NOETH-WESTERN BOUNDAEY or THE UNITED STATES. WITH A TRANSLATION FROM THE ORIGINAL MS. OF MEMOIRS, ETC. RELATING TO THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI, BY ROBERT CAVELIER DE LA SALLE AN?) THE CHEVALItR HENRY DE TONTY. By THOMAS FALCONER, Of the Honourable Society of Zincoln't Inn, LONDON : SAMUEL CLARKE. 13 TALLMALL EAST. 1844. 2-1 1 I, O \ I) O .V : VlUSTl 1> BV UkVNELL and ^VI;K.HT, tini,!. I'ULTtSEV STREET. vi tij" - .^. u (ii Jtk .^ Jm X,» J^ Jk' .. .' ^ /u A i^ 1 ^^vUU<>. f.'' 'aWwi.*' '"'"//.., /■ ii„//„.. >^ '^.'=^ "^-•■•'•H'^r''" ,^s.. v\. ^ IS ,, . , '•'^... 3: 1 •\l\mii1nilf J.li'aryj ^^"^ lyfiVtUuioU Hot /*v>. 'tS t-ki •lTv^«-^""t 7 \ '^"■"" ,,--"" X X-^'""' '' '■•"" ;5'' ./>"<■:■■■/ i^ .''■•'""•""\,„.>»r 1^' >*"■>.■ ■^"\- o -fl^^% \ 'i ■,.,." e 111 . )'•"' , iiii" ..H-V'l «:«.•».■* *»»«(•»■' \ -^"^ fni„,,.,.,i\ -Itt. ^E=1 m i / r ^' 5 Y^ - "^Vtr-iJi,. 5^ V^W '•v.,-^ / -^ u. ■'A *»'.. r •'•(.. '1*., '"',, "A,., ?v, y^> '■'"'"•' .«•.«./,., «•] Swum /*■] .« li.-i."'""' „.'•' = x fuhli.ihfl 1111,1,1 ilu- Siipi-rintiiulm,;- ni't/if Srxii'/i ri'r thr l>ilVuHii>ii ti Iseful hniiHlt-ilp' iiiiMiiiiiiMiii V'' II 1;,I'IiaI„\I Ai f,a*.-*:;4i-A?-' A\ 'iJi 'W^f ^ijr^ ■■'bi. Jiiniiii Hrt.i./.. )^i: ->'•' ...>*' \V IIPI -"cr.; >'i^'^. U'«i-" ■''• /"iKmuiJ V liili.Uiuil ' 1,,. >■'"■'" i*, i.-^-Jd.,-..,./. >.."'""•'•' ,. \' f ■4^, C, V !■ '■• " '■ M ^-^ ^ 1 r " '"'"!««•., •*«. '"/;, M.Ti U^n ''""'v,^. I 't- i;^l.v ,iM fe-O s>r .>»^' ^\ 1 ^^'^ ,// 'W"'*>i««n»\T':/v •iir. -■^ii^ „-^' '""/,. ■ ,.V^' ■ • k- \ n K-**- *»" ..'.* Q. Cm"' w"""" .'■■*■ '/> ■■•.•ii/ij/ir^{irf 7W..' '<•■"'■■ ,."" .yr..-'" V- i.><" ,....' '' JlliUUii !f iiui!i)iipi«i j, LLlliiLliilLliiliUl uiiimiilliulli en"" .. ,.n' ULiJ, .v,.c^'' ./.•'•''^ ilillLL ■ijiffj; unTtl Vi ifiiif>iii,ui A Hull .:if Mniti,! /'ill' inai cov kirn mci tail: the Sal] Mai wor doci will lang jour V PREFACE. When at Paris, in 1843, I collected some materials to serve for an Account of the Dis- coveries of La SaUe, and a friend was kind enough to give me copies of the docu- ments I have translated, which had been ob- tained from the Archives of the Marine. In the course of the present year a * Life of La Salle,' written by Mr Sparks, of Cambridge, Massachusetts, has been published ; and this work renders any similar one needless. The documents I have translated — which I hope will hereafter be published in their original language — rendered an abstract of La Salle's journeys necessary, in crder to explain their 42182 mm iv PREFACE. value ; but as those journeys Imve been the ibundation of contested chihns to extensive territories in North America, I enlurjred my first slietch, and have traced their conseciuences ill the negotiations that have occurred respect- iiv the western boundary of the United States. T. F. October 25th, 1844, 1 U \ ne side and by Spain ou the other."* — (History of the Federal Govprtunetit, by Alden Bradford, Boston, 1840, p. 130.) j point was mentioned where the line in the chain of moun- tains was to commence, nor where the tract of land lay, forming a portion of Louisiana, lying hcV- lie territory claimed by Spain and Great Britain. France had nothing to sell but what constituted Louisiana after the cession made to Great Britain in 1763. * Mr Greenliow in his elaborate work on the Oregon question, has omitted all notice of this very important passage. 38 There was, nevertheless, inserted in this treaty of sale a reference to a perfectly undefined line to the Pacific, having no defined point of commencement, and referring to territory having no definable boundary either on the north, or the south, or on the east. The above is an abstract of the events connected with the discovery, occupation, and settlement of Louisiana, and of its transfer to the United States. It is now proposed to give an outline of the discus- sions which have occurred respecting the measures taken by the United States to define the limits of its purchase ; first, noticing those with Spain wliich ter- minated in the settlement of the Mexican or south- western boundary ; secondly, those still pending respecting the Oregon or western boundary ; and lastly, those afftcting the north-western boundary. ht The treaty for the purchase of Louisiana was not completed when President Jefferson, in a letter, dated August 12, 1803, wrote thus to Mr Brecken- ridge : — " The boundary which I deem not admitting question are the higii lands on the western side of the Mississippi, inclosing all its waters — the Missouri, of course — and terminating in the line drawn from the north-western point, from the Lake of the Woods to the nearest source ol the Mississippi, as lately settled between Great Britain and the United States. VVe have some claims to extend on the sea-coast west- 39 wardly to the Rio None or Bravo — and better to go eastwardly to the Rio Perdido between Mobile and Pensacola, the ancient boundary of Louisiana." It is evident, therefore, that at this time it was not con ten) plated to demand any line running beyond the mountains on the west. The claim to the whole of Texas, which the line proposed to be drawn along the Rio del Norte would have included, was founded on the discoveries of La Salle. It is an opinion then and still entertained in America, that Louisiana in- cluded this country, as the following passages from Mr Bancroft's * History of the United States' prove: — " Such were the events (La Salle's expedition, &c.) which gave to France not only New France and Acadia, Hudson's Bay, and Newfoundland, but a claim to a moiety of Maine, of Vermont, and to more than a moiety of New York, to the whole valley of the Mississippi, and to Texas, even as far as the Rio Bravo del Norte." — (Vol.iii, c. xxi, p. 175.) '• Louis- iana, on the side of Spain, at the west and south, was held to extend to the River del Norte ; and on the map published by the French Academy, the line pas- sing from that river to the river that divides it from Red River, followed that ridge to the Rocky Moun- tains, and then descended to seek its termination in the Gulf of California. On the Gulf of Mexico, it is certain that France claimed to the Del Norte." — (Vol. iii, p. 343.) " During the period of hostility (1720), La Harpe in a letter to the nearest Spanish governor. 40 had claimed * Texas to the Del Norte as part of Louis- iana.' France was too feeble to stretch its colonies far to the west, but its rights were esteemed so clear that in time of peace the attempt to occupy the country was renewed. This second attempt of Ber- nard de la Harpe to plant a colony near the Bay of Matagorda, had no other result than to incense the natives against the French, and to stimulate the Spaniards to the occupation of the country by a fort. Yet the French ever regarded the mouth of Del Norte as the western limit of Louisiana, on the Gulf of Mexico, and English geography (Pople's Map) re- cognised the claim." — (Vol. ii', p. 353; also pp. 171, 175.) The fiequent repetition of this opinion, which is very generally prevalent in the United Statr.'S. by so able an historian as Mr Bancroft, could only have arisen from a very strong impression of what he be- lieved to have been the former limits of Louisiana. In adopting it he has fallen into an error, which an accurate notice of the facts would have prevented. In 1804 a negotiation took place between the go- vernment of the United States and Spain, to deter- mine the southern-western boundary of Louisiana ; but the claims of the former were regarded to be in- admissible, and the pretensions of the one country and the demands of the other wcie so o[)p()ped, that the discussions were broken off. In 1819, Don Louis de Onis was comriissioncd, on 41 the part of Spain, to renew the negotiation. (* Official Correspondence between Don Louis deOnis, Minister for Spain to the United States, and of John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, in relation to the Florida?, and the Boundary of Louisiana.' London, 1818). On the part of America it was contended that Texas was part of Louisiana. The evidence in support of the claim was the discovery of the Mississippi, through- out its whole length in 1682 ; the landing of La Salle in Matagorda Bay, in 1685; a grant made by Louis XIV to Crozat ; a memoir said to have been written by Vergennes in ihe reign of Louis XVI ; a chart of Louisiana, by Lopez, published in 1762; a map of De Lisle of the Academy of Sciences at Paris, re- vised and republished in 1782 ; a map published at Nuremberg in 1712 ; an " Atlas Geographicus " pub- lished in London in 1717 ; what is called an official British map, published in 1755 ; the narratives of Hennepin, Tonty, and Joutel ; a letter of La Harpe, dated July 8, 1719; aa order from Bienville to La Harpe, dated August 12, 1721, and a geographical work of Don Antonio i^e Alcedo, published in Spain. The far greater part of this evidence was utterly irrelevant. All the maps mentioned are unofficial, A British map, official or non-official, could have no authority in determining rights dependent on the claims of France or Spain. Themap makers of Lon- don, and the map-maker of Nuremberg, must be 42 put out of court. They knew nothinrr of the subject in dispute, and were unable to decide upon the politi- cal consequences of La Salle's discoveries. The map of the Academy is equally objectionable. It bears a date twenty years after the year in which France ceded Louisiana to Spain, and the opinion of the Academy upon it is of no more importance than that of Mr Pople, the English map-maker. If such authorities are in any case to be of any avail, the boun- daries of the new republic of Texas could not admit of dispute. Every late map published either in America or in England, extend them so as to include New Mexico, though that part of the country never formed a portion of the department of Texas when under the government of Mexico — though the people of New Mexico have never recognised the govern- ment of Texas, and notwithstanding the fact, that the government of the United States has always nego- tiated with that of Mexico, and not with the govern- ment of Texas, respecting its trade with Santa Fe, even since its recognition of the independence of Texas. The Spanish map, having no official authority, must be rejected with the rest. The only authorities produced on the part of the United States, of the slightest value, were the work of Joutel, the letter of La Harpe, and the order of Bienville. Whatever claim was asserted could only be inferred from the facts contained in them, and the 43 extent of" any inference to be drawn from tliem will be shown presently. On the part of Spain the argument was grossly misconducted. De Onis neithor knew the case he was commissioned to support, nor was competent to use the few facts with which he was acquainted. He consequently sacrificed the interests entrusted to him,* The object of La Salle's expedition to the Missis- sippi was to facilitate an aggression on the Spanish colonies. Ilia landing in Texas was purely acciden- tal ; but as soon as it was known, the few persons left by La Salle were captured by the Spaniards. Charlevoix, a French authority, recorded their fate : some of them were sent to the mines, and there * Mr Greenhow states (p. 317) that De Onis published a de- fence of his negotiation, on his return to Spain in 1820, and that " he clearly shows that he was by no means convinced, that the territory in dispute, beyond the Sabine, did not pro- perly form part of Louisiana ;" and that he expressly declares, that " his principal object in the long correspondence which he kept up on tlie subject was to gain time." If this is so, De Onis was as faithless to the I'ights of Spain, as he proved him- self to be ignorant and incompetent in the protection of '.hpvr,. The book of Mr Greenhow, to which frequent reference will be made in the following pages, is entitled " The History of Oregon and California, and tlie other Territories on the North- west coast of North America. Boston, 1844." It is the exten- sion of a memoir published by him in 1840, by the direction of the Senate of the United States, and therefore has an official character. 44 is no evidence that the French government ever de- manded their release, or that any remonstrance was made respecting their treatment. An expedition, formed at Coahuila, under the command of Alonzo, de Leon, was directed to scour the country, and to hunt out the French, if there were any still r. maijiing. He arrived on the 22nd of Aj)ril, 1689, at a place where La Salle had huilt Fort St Louis, and on the 24th, at the entrance of the bay, where he found the remains of a French vessel that had been wrecked. On the 22nd of May of the same year, he wrote to the Viceroy to inform him that there were neither French nor any other foreigners in the whole country. (* Correspondence,' p. 32.) The measures of France, which were intended to be hostile, were treated as hostile by Spain the moment they were known. The Spaniards had a perfect right thus to regard them. Before La Salle arrived they had discovered and settled on the Rio Grande. They had explored its southern course, and they had even made a settlement on its most northern banks in New Mexico. In the Archives of Sante Fe is a memorial of Don Juan de Onate, a citizen of Zacateeas, dated September 21, 1595, asking permis- sion to establish a colony on the Rio del Norte, and it appears by it, that even a previous settlement had been made in New Mexico by Don Francisco de Leyva Bonillo. The settlement then made does not appear to have been discontinued, and the journal of 4o Don AtitOMo (le Otermaii, who was governor and commandant there in 1680, was lately existing in the Archives of Sante Fe. — (Ciregg's * Commerce of the Prairies,' vol. i, p. 117 — 122, ) TIow then can it be contended, in opposition to the fact of these settle- ments, which gave actual possession to Spain of the country on both banks of tiiis great river, an hundred years before La Salle had even discovered the Mississippi, that his landing in Texas entitled France to territory extending to that river ? The government of Spain, however, not satisfied with its measures to scour the country of Frenc^ in- truders, instantly took active steps to establish a military occupation of it. In 1698 the Presidio of San Antonio de Bexar was built, and in 1716 that of Espiritu Santo, subsequently called Goliad. To the territory watered by the Guadaloupe, and to all west of it, Spain thus obtained an undisputed right, both by occupation and discovery, for La Salle never went west of the Colorado river. To the territory cast of the Colorado, to which alone, on account of La Salle's discoveries, could any French claim be possibly set up, it made its title perfect by the destruction in the first instance of La Salle's fort on the Vaches, built only for a temporary purpose, by the establishment of the Presidio of St Miguel de los Adeas, existing in 1718, and by the establisliment of the town of Nacog- doches in 1732. Tt had thus complete and entire possession of the country. 46 I In the month of July, 1719, a disiptitt! took place between La Hurpe, a French officer, and Ahirconne, a Spaniard, respecting the post of Nassonnite, on thw eastern frontier of Texas; and on Angnst 10, 1721, La Ilarpe was directed by Bienville, the Governor of Louisiana, to proceed with twenty soldiers, under the command of M. de la Belisle, to take possession of the Bay of San Bernard. — (* Correspondence,' Ap- pendix.) But the acts of La Harpe and of Bienville do not appear to have received support from the French government. Spain, therefore, was in actuai ])ossesHion of Texas from the jear 1786 at least, and it continued its possession when it acquired Louisiaiui in 1762. Previous to this acquisition it was a Spanish possesssion, and, therefore, as a Spanish posses-iion un- disturbed by any French title, it remained to the year 1819, when the negotiation with the United States took place. A title running over nearly 140 years existed, not shaken by any war, not disturbed by hostile incursions, and not the subject of official re- monstrance with the imperial government of France, though for an instant questioned by colonial agents. There is not a single document of the French govern- ment to sustain the pretended authority of mere map- makers. Against such facts as these, even if La Salle had made an actual settlement — if for years it had been successful, and Spain had subsequently ejected the settlers and occupied the country for above a century — its right to the country against France would have been 47 established by every known and admitted principle upon which territorial claims are determined. The negotiations between S|)ain and the United States were terminated by the treaty, called the Florida Treaty, sifjned at Washington on the22nd of February, 1819. The claims of the United States to Texas were abandoned, but the Floridas were resigned to it by Spain. The Chevalier de Onis is said to have claimed " the praise of his nation for having; exchanr/ed the small and comparatively unimportant province of Florida for the rich and productive territory of Texas." — (Greenhow, p. 317, note-) But a more gross case of mismanaged and ignorant diplomacy was never exhibited, and it is not surprising that the ratification of the treaty was withheld by the Spanish government for nearly two years. The south-western boundary of Louisiana previous to this treaty was the Arroyo, midway between Nachitoches and the Adeas, this having been the dividing line before the cession of Louisiana to Spain in 176*2. By the Florida treaty the boundary we^t was fixed to be the river Sabine to the thirty-second degree of latitude, thence due north to the Rio Roxo or the Red River of Nachitoches, thence westward along this river to the degree longitude 100 west from London (qvare, Greenwich) and 23 from Washing- ton ; thence due north to the river Arkansas ; thence to its source in 42° latitude, or if the source is north or south of latitude 42°, along a line due north or [I 1 li 1'^ m I'll 48 south until it mpets tlie parallel of latitude 42*; and thoncc iiioTig this parallel to the Pacific. Thus was tlie undefined line (ante p. 37) from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific inserted in the treaty with France converted into a defined line. A s^veeping clause was included in the treaty by which the United States ceded to Spain and '* re- nounced for cer" all rights, claims, and pretensions to terr'cories lying west and south of the described boundary, and S|:ain ceded to the United States all rights, claims, and pretensions to territories east and T'.urth ( f this boundary. This clause is the founda- tion of the claim of the United States to the Oreiion territory, and will be noticed again hereafter. The reason for abandoning the claims to Texas made by the United States was the acquisition of the Floridas. " For territory ceded by Spain, other territory of great value (Texas), to which our claim was believed to be well founded, was ceded by the United States, and in a quarter more interesting to her." — (' Message of President Munroe,' December 7, 1919. j Upon the establishment, however, of the independence of Mexico, proposals were made to change the limits fixed by the treaty. In 1825, during the presidency of Mr Adams, who had nego- tiated the Florida treaty, Mr Clay directed Mr Poin eett, the American minister in Mexico, to endeavour to negotiate a new boundaiy, '• the line of tlie Sabine iipproacliiiig nearer to the western coast than could 49 oin avour abine could be wished, and adding that the Mexican government might not be unwilling to adopt thct of the Rio Bra- zos del Dios, or the Rio Colorado, or the Snow Mountains, or the Rio del Norte." In March 15, 1827, Mr Clay, finding probably that there was no willingness on the part of Mexico to make a donation of the desired acquisition, informed Mr Poinsett that the boundary to be preferred would be a line ascend- ing the Rio del Norte to the Puerco, and thence along the Puerco to its source, and thence to the parallel 42®, and along this parallel to the sea ; or if this could not be obtained, a line ascending the Rio Colorado. For the first, Avhich included the whole of Texas, Mr Poinsett was authorised to offer one million of dollars, and for the second 500,000 dollars. Mr Clay left office without having been able to obtain the concession he asked for. On the 25th of August, 1829, Mr Van Buren in- structed Mr Poinsett to endeavour to obtain a boun- dary line beginning at the G ulf c f Mexico, in the centre of the desert, or grand prairie, west of the Nueces, and running north to the mountains, between the waters of the Rio Grande find the waters on the east, until it reached the 42" lat., or if this was not obtainable, any of the following, the one furthest west being preferred — namely, secondly, a line from the mouth of the De la Baca, in Matagorda Bay, to its most westerly point, thence due north to the Colorado river, and thence by a line including the head waters 50 of the Arkansas and Red River, to the 42nd degree ; or thirdly, a line running up the Colorado, and from its head waters to the 42nd degree ; or lastly, a line running up the Rio Brazos del Dios, to the head waters of its most westerly branch to the point before indicated. " The President (General Jackson), it was added, did not desire the proposed cession without ren- dering a just and fair equivalv.nt for it. He, therefore, authorises the offer to the Mexican government, for the cession of the first-mentioned boundarj', of a sum not exceeding four millions of dollars, but so strong were his convictions of its great value to the United States, that he would not object, if it should be indis- pensably necessary, to go as high as five millions ; but the interests of the United States were to be con- sulted by obtaining the cession upon terms as favour- able, and for a price as low as possible." Subsequently it was thought that a more extended boundary was desirable, and Mr Butler was informed by Mr Forsyth, that the President had been informed " that the Port of San Francisco, on the western coast, woulii be a most desirable place of resort for American vessels, and had directed an addition to be made to the instruction, relative to the negotiation for Texr.ri, the main object of which should be to secure the whole Bay of San Francisco." The line to be proposed was to run up the Rio Brazos, north, to the 37th parallel of latitude, and thence along this parallel to the sea. 51 All these offers were, however, disposed of by the conduct of the Mexican Chamber of Deputies, in 1828, who appear to have distrusted their own govern- ment. They resolved that they would not take into consideration the treaty of commerce made with the United States, until an article should be inserted i;. it recognising the validity of the treaty made between Spain and the United States, in 1819. Mr Poinsett, in announcing this fact to his government, stated that, ir. reply to his proposals to alter the limits, it was in- sisted that Mexico had a right to consider this treaty binding on the United States, as being invested with all the rights of Spain, and bound by all the obliga- tions of the mother country, and, he added, that the cession had been mentioned, made by Spain to Great Britain, of certain rights in the Bay of Honduras, which, however inconvenient to the Mexican govern- ment, it had nevertheless felt itself bound to ratify. The United States, therefore, solemnly renounced all title to Texas by its treaty with Spain ; it accepted the Floridas on account of this renunciation; it offered a million of dollars to Mexico for the purchase of it, and it subsequently increased its offer to six millions. After this, it was not without surprise that the announcement of President Tyler, made to the Senate of the United States, on April 22, 1844, was heard : — That he had negotiated with Texas a treaty for the annexation of the country to the United States, and 52 that if it should meet with the approval of the Senate, *' the government will have succeeded in reclaiming a territory which formerly constituted a portion, as is (confidently believed, of its domain, under the treaty of cession of 1803 by France to the United States." This reason at least ought to have been suppressed. It was one that in the heat of a debate would scarcely have been excusable, and it was not creditable to a person occupying the highest position in the country, and charged with the duty of sustaining its public en- gagements. It is not, however, surprising, that in the United States a strong feeling should prevail to protect Texas in its present contest with Mexico. The independence of Texas was not the resnii: of fraud, or a policy in- stigated by the governmen,'; of the United States. Those of American origin, who first entered the country as colonists, between the years 1821 and 1835, did so under the guarantee of the Mexican govern- ment. They accepted a constitution, which made Texas, in conjunction with Coahuila, an independent State, and part of the Mexican confederation. They lived under Mexican laws, and certainly did not violate their engagements. But revolution after revo- lution took place in the city of Mexico, in which tlie^ had no share, and in which they did not even indirect!; concur. Their laws were subverted, their political in- stitutions set aside, and illegal demands wer^^ made upon them- They were fornod to revolt for their own 53 protection, and after having contended against a bar- barous and sanguinary war, at last established their independence in the battle of San Jacintho, on the 21st ot April, 1836. From this time until the present, the population of Texas has greatly increased ; courts of law have been established throughout the country, and not the slightest wish has existed to disturb the new government. Four elections of Presidents have taken place without any disorder, and three Presidents liave served their full term of office. Perfect security exists in every settlement, and the only danger appre- hended by travellers is an occasional incursion of hos- tile Indians. If the government of Texas has not always acted wisely, and has mismanaged its finances, its history since its independence most certainly presents a very favourable contrast to that of the government of Mexico. Where beyond the Rio Grande are the roads safe to travellers ? Who that has visited the city of Mexico has failed to see murdered men almost daily exposed in the Acordada ? And who will allege that the law has any influence in the country ? On every side there is nothing but decay ; the mineral and agricultural resources of the country neglected, and its foreign trade and commerce vexed by mischievous exactions. There are men in the country of great intelligence and ability, and the ele- ments to sustain a good government exist, but a mighty military establishment overrides all, and exists 54 only to gratify the ambition of military chieftains. Each revolution has been the result of a military, and not of a popular, conspiracy. One President alone, General Victoria, who was elected on the removal of the Emperor Iturbe, has served the legal term of office. In 1828 Pedraza was elected President, but Guerrero was proclaimed by Santa i^nna. In 1828 Pedraza retired, and in 1829 Guerrero became Pre- sident. In 1831 Guerrero was shot, ajd Bustamente was made President. In 1833 Pedraza was restored, and on the same year Santa Anna became President. In April, 1836, Santa Anna was taken prisoner by the Texans, and Bustamente was again placed at the head of the Republic. The revolution of 1841 drove Bustamente from the country, and Santa Anna assumed the office he had lost by his imprison- ment. The resistance of the Texans to such a system of change is perfectly justifiable, and their chief justifica- tion is the peace they have enjoyed, while Mexico has been convulsed by its civil dissensions. The law has infinitively more respect paid to it by the English population of America than is assumed in this country, and each man is too intent upon the promotion of his own interests, and under- stands them too well to entertain any desire to overthrow the government. But the evils of the changes made in Mexico were felt by the friends and relatives of the settlers throughout the Union, and the do government of the United States would have seriously experienced their injurious consequences, if they had not been checked by the establishment of the independence of Texas. The conquest of Texas by Mexico cannot be accom- plished. What would be the object of the attempt ? If Mexico occupied the country, under what law would the people live ? Under which of the many constitutions promulgated in Mexico ? If they were to be deprived of the right of voting for public offices, and of the privileges of self-government, the scenes in Mexico itself would be re-enacted in Texas, and revolutions and civil contests would take place most injurious to the neighbouring States of America. If the conquest of the country means, what Santa Anna means it to be, namely, that every settler in it shall be driven out, then it should be remembered that they, nearly all of them, hold their lands under Mexican titles, and would contend to the last for their possession, and that such a conquest must, professedly, be a war of extermination. Are the people of Ame- rica expected to witness this and not to interfere? And if, again, a Mexican army so far succeeded as to sweep over the whole country, yet Mexico could not continue its occupation. It has not the pecuniary means to maintain such an army, and above an hun- dred miles of desert lies between the Rio Grande and San Antonio. If posts were to be established, they would most certainly be captured in detail, 66 To prevent, then, an unnecessary war, which could not but disturb its own peace, and would fail in its object, the interference of the United States would be perfectly excusable.* But the President Munroe (Message, December 2, 1823) claimed a right to interfere in similar cases on another ground, — " with * When the annexation of Texas was first proposed in the United States, General Santa Anna, after his return to Mexico, addressed a letter to General Houston, the President of Texas, dated November 5, 1836, expressing this opinion : — "The con- vention agreed upon on the 14th of May had for its funda- mental principle that Texas should form an independent nation, and that it should enjoy a legal existence through the recogni- tion of Mexico. This has been changed by the declaration ■which the people of Texas have made to unite themselves to the United States of the north — a fact which will reduce the ques- tion to a simple point (^sencilla). The moment this pretension is admitted it will become necessary for the Cabinet of Wash- ington to direct the negotiation, in which Mexico will not refuse to enter into the necessary e\planations, and into such a defini- tive convention as may be desired. To avoid loss of time, and with a view to attain so important an object, and in order to conciliate, at the same time, all interests, is the object of my proposed conference with the Cabinet of Washington. Con- vinced as I am that Texas will not again re-unite itself with Mexico, I wish my country to derive all the advantages it can obtain, and to avoid the sacrifices it may incur in rashly en- deavouring to re-conquer a country through which it has been more injured than benefited. It is thus that the Texan ques- tion can be reduced to the simple point of a settlement of the boundaries between the United States and Mexico which has been pending many years, and which may be fixed either at the River Nueces, or the Rio Bravo del Norte, or by some other line." 57 the governments which have declared their indepen- dence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on just principles, acknowledged, we cannot view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any manner their destiny [by any European power — namely, Spain] in any other light than the manifestation of an unfriendly disposi- tion towards the United States." But how infinitely more important is the principle of declaring that warfare shall not be a mere amuse- ment — to be hopelessly carried on, when the peace of neighbouring states is affected by it. If Mexico can- not understand the interests of Texas or establish a just government in a colony, it cannot condemn an interfe- rence to sustain the independence which such colony has obtained when other countries have recognised it for the protection of their own interests. But the govern- ment of the United States has not on this occasion claimed to interfere on this ground, nor on that set forth by President Munroe. A certain party in office has sought for the annexation of Texas, and at the same time has declared that Mexico has a right to attempt to conquer it. The meaning of which seems to be, that the circumstances which might compel the government of the United States to interfere for the purpose of keeping its own frontier in subjection, shall be converted into reasons to excuse the permanent occupation of the country. At present the annexation of Texas would not be assented to by the necessary majority of American States. As long as its independence is secure, such a vote will not be given. But the character of Mexican warfare is such that the present state of opinion is not to be relied on. In Texas, also, the wish of the people is cert" inly to continue independent. What- ever vote indicating the contrary has been or may be given, will be occasioned by the necessity of its ob- taining external aid. Great Britain most properly refrained from re- cognising the independence of the country until there had been a long intermission of active hostilities on the part of Mexico. When it did recognise it, inde- pendent treaties had been made between it and the United States and France. The time had arrived when the measure could not be delayed. Since then, whatever may be the assertions of the American press to the contrary, it has acted in good faith ; it has neither instigated attacks on it, nor can the open and publicly declared wish that the institution of slavery should be modified under its laws be a just cause of complaint. It has not the social and political reasons of the United States to justify an active interference in the pending hostilities, though its commercial interests may render the interposition of its authority pru- dent. But whether Texas remains independent or is annexed to the United States — and one of these two events is certain — it requirea no spirit of prophecy to 59 foretel that the Rio Grande north of Paso del Norte will not permanently be its north-western boundary. II. On the Western or Oregon Boundary of the United States. The first notice of the western boundary of Lou- isiana of any autliority is in the grant of Septem- ber 17, 1712, made by Louis XIV to Crozat. This grant empowered him " to carry on exclusively the trade in all our territories by us possessed and bounded by New Mexico, and by those o^ the English in Carolina; all the establishments, ports, harbours, rivers, and especially the port and harbour of Dauphin island, formerly called Massacre Island ; the river St Louis, formerly called the Mississippi, from the sea-shore to the Illinois ; together with the river St Philip, formerly called the Missouri rive , and the St Jerome, formerly called the Wabash (the Ohio), with all the countries, territories, lakes inland, and the rivers emptying directly or indirectly into that part of the river St Louis. All the said territories, countries, streams, and islands, we will to be and remain comprised under the name of ' The Govern- ment OF Louisiana,' which sJtall be dependent on the general govet'nment of New France, and remain sub- ordinate to it ; and we will, moreover, that all the territories which we possess on this side of the Illinois be united, as far as need be, to the general government of New France, and form a part thereof, reserving to ourselves to increase, if we think proper, GO the extent of the government of tlic said country of Louisiana." Tills document defined with tolerable precision the province of Louisiana. It was partly bounded on the Avest by New Mexico ; it wus to reach the Illinois to the north, and it did not extend beyond the Rocky Moim- tains. It was also declared that the government should be dependent on the general government of New France — that was, subject to the superior authority of the govemor of Canada. Some years subsequently the Illinois was added to Louisiana. On the west the province did not extend beyond the mountains. New Mexico bounded it, at least as high as 41 degrees, or above the source of the Rio del Norte. There was no strip of land to the west belonging to France, as mentioned in the treaty of 1803, " lying between the territory claimed by Great Britain on the one side and Spain on the other ;" and Mr Greerdiow admits " that we are forced to regard the boundaries indicated by nature — namely, the highlands separating the waters of the Mississippi from those flowing into the Pacific or the Californian Gulf — as the true western bounda- ries of Louisiana, ceded to the United States by France in 1803."— (Greenhow, p. 283). The consequence, therefore, is, that the purchase of Louisiana included bo much territory as was bounded on the north by a line running from the source of the Mississippi due west to the mountains, as will be shown presently ; on the west by the mountains ; on 01 tlie east by the river Mississippi, aiul on the south 1)}' tiic Gulf of Mexico. A still more important consequence is, that tlie title to the territory claimed by the United States, west of the mountains, dates from the year 1819, and is derivable from the Florida treaty made with Spain, and not from the treaty for the purchase of Louisiana made with France. The treaty with France in 1803, professed to give "a line" across some comiiry lying between the territory claimed by Spain and Great Britain. The Florida treaty, / iiich was made be- tween Spain and the United Stnteis in order to carry into execution that made between France and the United States, defined the northern boundary of Mexico to be a line running along tlie fort;'-second parallel of latitude, from the mountains to the Pacific, and accompanied it with a cession of Spanish right'3 to the north. On the conclusion of this treaty, it was contended, on the part of the United States, that Great Britain had no title to any territory north of that parallel, on the ground that no other country but Spain had a right to such territory. It is, conse- quently, material to ascertain what were the English claims to the Oregon Territory prior to the year 1819. The government of Spain during its possession of Mexico never made any settlement on the western coast north of Cape Mendocino (lat. 40° 29' N). It was a vacant territory, subject to tlie same rules of settlement that had governed the settlement of other portions of North America. " Having touched only 62 here and there upon a coast," said Queen Elizabeth to the Spanish Ambassador, " and given names to a few rivers c capes, were such insignificant tilings as could in no ways entitle them (the Spaniards) to a propriety farther than in the parts where they actu- ally settled and continued to inhabit." And tlie prin- ciple embodied in this speech has been the rule acted on by nearly every European nation. The first voyage along the western coast of America, which it is necessary to notice, is that made by Juan Perez in 1774. The last voyage previously made by the Spaniards on this coast occurred as far back as the year 1603. No official account of the expedition of Jur.n Perez has been published, but it has been iiifer^ed that he discovered JVoo^Ara *S'o?/ntZ, though it is admitted, at the same time, that the discovery of this important harbour is by genet al consent assigned to Captain Cook ; and that the government of Spain " has deprived itself of the means of establishing be- yond question the claim of Perez to the discovery/' — (Greenhow, p. 117.) On the return of Perez another expedition was sent to the North Seas by the Spanish government. It consisted of two vessels, ihe * Santiago,' commanded by Don Bruno Heceta ; and the * Sonora,' com- manded by Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, who succeeded Ayala aft^^r the vessel sailed, and who b.ad with him Maurelle as pilot. Soon after leaving the Isle dc Dolores, nrrth of the Columbia, the vessels parted company. Bodega proceeded north 63^ beyond the fifty-six li- degree of latitude, and exa- mined the coast now belonging to and possessed by Russia. The ' Santiago ' returned, and on the 15th of August, 1775, Heceta observed an opening in the coast in lat. 40" 17', from which rushed a current so strong as to prevent his entering. This fact con- vinced him of the existence of a river, and he placed it on his chart, under the name of the Rio St Roc. — (Greenhow, p. 120). This is the first notice of the Columbia river. In the year 1778 Captain Cook visited the west coast of North America, to which Drake had given the name of New Albion. On the 7th of March he reache:! the coast in 44° of north latitude. He con- tinued his exploration north, but passed the Columbia river without observing it. He discovered Nootka Sound among other places, and having reached the land at the foot of Mount Elias (lat. G0° 18'), cc?- tinued his course round the coast to the Aleutian islands. This was the first vin'age in wIikjIi any survey of the coast that can be relied on, <^r that oven deserves the name, was made. In 1779 Spain became involvci -: a war with Great Britain, and its flag did not again apyfnr on the coast north of Cape Mendocino until 17oi5. — (Greenhow, p. 120.) In 1789 the seizure was made of the * Iphigenia,' the * Argonaut,' the * North-West Amciica,' and the * Princess,* at Nootka, by the Spanish captain, Mar- tinez. Meares, the Englishman chiefly concerned in 64 the adventure and trade in which they were engaged, may, and certainly seems to have misrepresented several facts connected with it ; and he may have demanded and obtained, as always happens in demands for indemnification, more than was actually lost ; but Martinez certainly exceeded his authority, for he was specially instructed 'jy the Viceroy of Mexico not to capture any British vessels on the north-west coast. The personal facts of the case are not of the slightest importance ; the only question dependent on it is, whether or not the English or any other foreign nation had a right to trade on the coast, or to make settlements upon it ? Now it is a clear and admitted fact that Spain never made any settlement north of Cape Mendocino. The whole coast for upwards of twenty-five degrees north of tliis cape was waste, unsettled, and unoccupied. Throughout the whole distance there was no person authorized to execute authority on the part of Spain, or any other power, at any single point. The right of making settlements under such cir- cumstances as these has been argued by Mr Green- how, and his argument is too important, upon account of its admissions, to omit. He says : — " It should be observed with regard to the right of the Spanish government to take possession of Nootka, that before the 6th of May, 1789, when Martinez entered the sound witli tliat object, no settlement, factory, or otiicr establisiunent whatsoever, had been founded or attempted ; nor had any jurisdiction been exercised by the authorities or subjects of a civilized nation in any part of America bordering upon the (35 Pacific, between Port San Francisco, near the thirty-ei,t;iit]i degree of north latitude, and Prince William's Sonnd, near t!ie sixtieth. The Spanisli, ihe Britisli, tlie Russians, and the French had, indeed, landed at many places on these coasts, where they had displayed Hags, performed ceremonies, and erected monuments, by way of ' taking possession,' as it is termed, of the adjacent territories for their respective Sove- reigns ; but such acts are, and wrr . then, i/enerally considered as emptij pai/ennts, securing no real rights to those by whom or in whose names they were performed. Nor does it appear that any portion of the above-mentioned territories had become the property of a foreigner, eitlier by purcliase, occupation, or any other title which can l>t regarded as valid. " The right of exclusive sovereignty over those extensive regions was claimed by Spain in virtue of the papal concesssion in 1493 of the first discovery of tb? coast by Spanish subjects, and of the contiguity of the territories to the settled dominion of Spain. Of the validity of the title derived from the papal concession, it is needless in the present day to speak. Tb.at the Spaniards were the first discoverers of the west coasts of America, as far north as the fiftieth parallel of latitude, has been shown ; and the fact is, and ever has been, since the pub- lication of Maurelle's ' Journal ' in 1781, as indisputable as that the Portuguese discovered the south coasts of Africa. The extent of the rights derived from distuvcry are, however, by no means clearly defined by writers on public law ; and the practice of nations has been so difTeretit in (liilercnt cases, that it seems impossible to deduce any general rule from it. That a nation whose subjects or citizens bad ascertained the exist- ence of a coimtry previously unknown, should have a better right than any other to make settlements in that country ; and, after such settlement, to own if, ;uiil to exercise sove- reignty over it, is in every respcjt conformable with nature suid justice; but this principle is liable to innumerable ditfi- culties in its application to particular cases. It is seldom easy to decide how far a discovery may have been such, in all re- spects, as should give this strongest right to settle, or to what 66 extent of country a title of sovereignty may have been ac- quired by a particular settlement. And even when the novelty, or priority, or sufficiency of the discovery are admitted, the right of prioi jccupation cannot surely be regarded as subsist- ing for ever, to the exclusion of all other nations ; and the daims of states occupying contiguous territories are always to be taken into consideration.' — * The exclusive right [claim] of occupation must be distinguished from an exclusive right [claim] to sovereignty [ryuare, from an alleged prior title to occupy], as no nation could be justified by virtue of the former right Iquare, the latter pretension], and without occupation or the performance of acts indicating an intCwon to occupy, in depriving others of the trade of extensive vacant sea coasts, unless upon the ground that the exercise ui such trade would be injurious to its actual interests in those countries." Notwithstanding the alleged difficulty of deter- mining when a country which has no title to occupy a vacant territory by reason of discovery may occupy it as abandoned, the practice in such cases has been tolerably uniform. Discovery alone, and an alleged intention to occupy, certainly do not give a perfect title, unless an actual occupation takes place. Nor does the discovery of part of a great territory entitle th« first settlers to take the whole. For instance, the continent oi North America was first discovered by the English under Cabot ; but the right, nevertheless, of the French to settle on it was never questioned. The southern part of the same continent was occu- pied by Spain, but the Frcncli, nevertheless, made the contigcuous settlement of Louisiana. Where there is clear evidence of abandonment — where the discovery 67 is not follow ed by preparations to occupy, a settle- ment may be made in opposition to a title of disco- very. Where, also, the territory can be separated by any natural and distinct boundary — whether that of distance from prior settlements, or the physical facts of mountains or deserts — a settlement can be made in opposition to any previously made. But " a settlement " must be understood to mean the establishment of the laws or government of tlie persons making the settlement, with the consent and authority of the nation to which they belong. With- out such an authority they are mere outcasts and vagabonds on a desert ; they have no right to form a government of themselves. A colony of the mother country — that is, a body of settlers among whom the law of their country can be administered — can only be formed by the consent of their own govern- ment. Discoveries actually accompanied by occupa- tion, without such consent, do not entitle the settlers to any of the rights of their own govenmcnt, or to exercise any power even of the most inferior descrip- tion, under the pretence of being a colony. A settler can only have the authority that is delegated to him, and without such a delegation he has no power. The settlement he may make may be subsequently recog- nized by his own government, but unless it is so re- cognized it does not become a dependency of the nation of the settler. ^ At the time the English were at Nootka, the coast 08 was perfectly abandoned by Spain; there was no Spanish settlement on it. It was open to any nation to make a settlement, or to recognize any that liad been made by its subjects without authority. When the news arrived in England of the seizure of the vessels by Martinez, the British government claimed the right of having indemnification made to their owners ; it determined to recognize any settle- ment that had been made ; and it expressed its in- tention to make settlements. On the 5th of May, 1790, a message of the Crown was delivered to Par- liament, complaining " that no satisfaction was made or oifered for the acts of seizure, and that a direct claim was asserted by the Court of Spain to the ex- chisive rights of sovereignty, navigation, and com- merce in the territories, coasts, and seas in that part of the world." Tlie message was received by Parlia- ment with much approbation, and the necessary sup- plies were very liberally granted to enforce the claims made. In the declaration of Spain, dated Aranjuez, June 4, 1790, signed by the Conde de Florida Blanca, it is said '.hat, *' although Spain may ?iot have establishments or colonics planted upon the coasts or in the ports in dispute, it does not follow that such coast or port does not belong to her." The British government alleged "that English subjects had an indisputable right to the enjoyment of a free and uninterrupted navigation, commerce, and fishery, and to the posses- 69 sion of such establishments as they should form with the consent of the natives of the country, not previ- ously occupied by any European nation." On the part of Spain there was no declaration of an intention to occupy ; and on the other side, there was no assertion of a right to occupy in case occu- pation was taken by an European power. The dispute was terminated by the convention be- tween Great Britain and Spain, signed at the Escu- rial, October 28, 1790. By the third article it was agreed that the respective subjects of the contracting parties should not be molested in navigating or carry- ing on their fisheries in the Pocific Ocean or in the South Seas, or in landing on the coasts of those seas, in places not already occupied, for the purpose of carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country, or of making settlements there." But this article was subject to the restriction that the govern- ment of Great Britain sliould prevent an illicit trade \Mth the Spanish settlements, and that the British tijiould not navigate or fish within ten leagues of the coast already occupied by S{)ain. And it was by the fifth article agreed, that as well in the places restored as " in all other parts of the north-western coasts of North America, or of the islands adjacent, situated to the north of the parts of the said coast already occu- pied by Spain, wherever the subjects of either of the two powers shall have made settlements since the month of April, 1789, or shall hereafter make any, the subjects of the other shall have free access," 70 This convention was an admission of the right of the British government to make settlements, and the riffht insisted on is not to be distinguished from that of Russia to its settlements on the north-west coast. The admission of this right was not granted as a licence, liable to be revoked or lost by a war — it was not made as a favor or concession. It is one of those agreements respecting territory, such, for instance, as the treaty of 1783 made between Great Britain and the United States, which a war does not revoke. The admission contained in the convention is of a principle to which the States of America, the colony of Canada, and the State of Louisiana owe their existence. No new doctrine was set up. Aii old-established rule was recognized, and a war would have been the result if it had continued to be contested. Mr Adams, whose long and distinguished career in the highest oflBces of his country had made him fa- miliar with these questions, was compelled to treat it as a definitive settlement of a general principle of na- tional law (Greenhow, p. 341, n.). And the Presi- dent Munroe, in his message of December 2, 1823, admitted that no new principle had been asserted in the claims of Russia, and of Great Britain, to settle on the coast, but that the occasion had been found proper for asserting that " henceforth the American eon- tinents were not to be considered as subjects for Euro- pean colonization." A declaration against which the Courts both of Russia and of Great Britain pro- tested. 71 The convention did not exclude Spain from mak- ing settlements if it should think lit, but on the part of Spain the right of Great Britain to make them A\a3 acknowledged, and the intention and right of making one at Nootka Sound was especially declared and allowed. When the convention was communicated to Parlia- ment, it became the subject of party discussion, as every communication to a popular assembly will be. The just and wisely arranged treaty lately made between Great Britain and the United States respect- ing the north-eastern boundary of the United States — a treaty which ought, beyond all others, to have been accepted with unanimous approval, being a most honourable and fair settlement of a most complex question, did not escape the bitter though fortunately impotent criticism of a party opposition. Such attacks, when, great interests are at stake — when una- nimity might bo instructive and no principle is compromised — may be regretted, but the language of them is not to be adopted in the interpre- tation of the policy of those whose acts are con- demned. Mr Fox, Lord Grey, and the Marquis of Lansdowne contended that by the convention of the Escurial, nothing had been gained and much sur- rendered. " If the English," said Lord Grey, "form a settlement on one hill, the Spaniards may erect a fort on another." The English ministers did not enter into an explanation. They had not demanded the supplies, which enabled them to put afloat a great 72 armamoiit, in order to effect so absurd an arrancfcmcnt as that described by the opposition. Mr Pitt was too sagacious to have committed tlie blunders imputed to him. The instructions given to Captain Vancouver, who was commissioned to sail to the north-west coast of America, find to take j)ossession of Nootka Sound, and to ascertain what parts of the coast were un- settled, contained his interpretation of the convention, and they certainly appear to have been drawn up in con- formity with an agreement with the Spanish govern- ment. On the 4th of June, 1792, after the survey of a considerable extent of coast. Captain Vancouver, at Possession Sound, took possession, ** with the usual formalities, of all that |;art of New Albion from the latitude 39=* 20' south, and long. 236° 26' E. to the entrance of the inlet of the sea said to be the supposed Strait of Juan de Fuca, as also of all the coasts, islands, &c., within the said strait and both its shores." On the 23rd of June Captain Vancouver met the Spanish schooners, the ' Sutil' and the ' Mexicana,' under the command of Galiano and Valdes. The communications between the commanders were of the most friendly character. At Nootka, Vancouver met the ' Dedalus,' with instructions from the Bri- tish government, and he was referred to a letter brought by the same ship from the Count de Florida Blanca, addressed to the commandant of the fort of San Lorenzo at Nootka, ordering that officer, in conformity with the first article of the convention, to 73 ])ut his Britnniiio ^Nliijosty's (;oii»missioncrs in ])Osscs- sioii of the hiiildiiij^s and districts, or piircels ot" Iwnd which liad been occupied hy tlic English in April, 17H0, ns Avell in tlie jiort of Nootka as in Port Cox, situated about sixteen leagues further soutlnvard The correspondence between Vancouver and the Spanish connnandunt, Quadra, differed respecting the extent of cession to be made, and they agreed to submit the matter to their respective governments. This expedition of tlie ' Sutil ' and the * Mexi- ^ana,' was the last made by the Spanish government M'ith the object of discovery in the North Sea. After this the Spaniards abandoned the coast in dispute, and never attempted to form an establishment upon it. — (Greenhow, p. 2o7.) The order for the abandon- ment of Nootka was not merely sent by the ' Dedal us,' but was communicated to that most eminent Viceroy of Mexico, the Count de Revillagigedo, — a name over to be honoured. — (Greenhow, p. •2*27, n.) After having taken possession of Nootka, Vancou- ver proceeded on the survey of the coast. Having met w ith the American vessel the * Columbia,' commanded by Gray, he was informed of the river noticed by Hernia, into which Gray had entered and named after Ids vessel. Broughton was sent to examine the river, urid passed the bar. Ilis survey extended inland for upwards of one hundred miles fi'om where ho anchored his ship. " Previously to his departure he formally took possession of the river and the country in its u ^> IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 7 A f/> 1.0 I.I y;|2^ |2.5 ■50 "^" H^H *- I. Illll 1.8 11.25 il.4 Illll 1.6 <^ n % V .'^ o /,. ^ jA v' / % ^ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 1° . W !/. ^ \\ ^ y 74 vicinity in his Britannic Majesty's name, having every reason to believe that the subjects of no other civilized nation or state had ever entered the river before. In this opinion he vras confirmed by Mr Gray's sketch, in which it does not appear that Mr Gray either saw or was ever within five leagues of its entrance." * * The very bitter tone in which Mr Greenhow speaks of Cap- tain Vancouver, and his complaint that Captain V. endearoured to deprive Gray of the honour of having seen the Columbia river, is not justified by the facts. It appears by the log-book of the ' Columbia,' that Gray crossed the bar of the river on the 11th of May, 1792. At one o'clock he anchored. At noon of the 1 4th he weighed anchor — at four o'clock he had sailed upwards of 12 or 13 miles, and at half past four o'clock the ship took ground, when she was backed off and again anchored. On the 15th Gray dropped down the river, and the subsequent move- ments were to get the vessel out. On the 20th lie got clear of the bar. The river he named the Columbia, and called one point of the entrance Adam's point, and the other Hancock's point. Captain Vancouver states (vol. ii, p. 53), that Broughton had with him a chart made by Gray — that he got to an inlet which he supposed the chart to represent, and passed Adam's point. After a minute description of it he says, " This bay terminated the researches of Mr Gray, and to commemorate his discovery, it was named ' Gray's Bay.' " This certainly proves that there was no wish to avoid acknowledging Gray's merits. The inlet from the sea to the river runs about east and west, and in the chart of Vancouver " Gray's Bay " is placed east of Adam's point, and far inland. On tlie 24th of October (1792) Brough- ton loft the 'Chatham' In lat. 46'^ 17', having brought it as far within the bay as he thought safe, and as far as he had rea- son to suppose the ' Columbia' bad been brought. — (Vancouver, 75 Recognizing the merit of Gray, and admitting the claim that he is the first person who noticed the river after Heceta, who placed it on his chart within one mile of its true position, — still no claim can be set up upon this account by the United States. The dis- covery of a river, after the coast adjoining it has been discovered, has no peculiar virtue to exclude rights connected with the discovery of the adjoining coast. Before Gray entered the river, the entire coast had been traced. The possession of a river may be fol- lowed with important inland rights ; but Gray neither vol. ii, p. 56.) He then proceeded to survey in a boat, taking with him a week's provisions. lie proceeded up the river until the 30th, and calculated the distance he went, and which he particularly describes, " from what he considered to be the en- trance of the river, to be 84, and from the * Chatham ' 100 miles." That is, that the entrance of the river was 16 miles (upwards of five leagues) abovo where he left the ' Chatham,' and conse- quently above where Gray anchored. He therefore came to the conclusion that Gray did not see what he called and explained to be " the entrance," and this conclusion is sustained by the distance mentioned in Gray's own log-book. Thus the statement of Broughton and that of Gray are per- fectly consistent, and there is nothing in Vancouver's relation of the facts of th • case to justify tlie charge " that he possessed good temper and 'ood feelings, except with regard to citizens of the United States, against whom and their country he cherished the most bitter animosity." So far from this being so, he makes the fullest acknowledgment of Gray's services — he re- tained the name of *' Adam's point " on his chart, and he adopted that of Gray's ship, the ' Columbia,' as the name of the river. The error that Sir Greenhow has made has arisen from his takiug a single sentence without the context. The inlet may 76 discovered it for the first time, nor had authority to take possession of it. In the discovery he had heen anticipated by Hcccta; lie had no power to take possession, for he was in a private ship, pursuing his private affairs ; and the private acts of an Ameri- can citizen in such matters are not more important than similar private acts of English subjects. The "taking possession" of new countries by authorized official persons is not the idle ceremony Mr Greenhow represents it to be. By the law of Eng- land, the Crown possesses absolute authority to extend its sovereignty; it can send its diplomatist to treat for, its soldier to conquer, its sailor to settle new countries. This it can do independently of Parlia- ment : no act of the ordinary legislature is needed to establish English law and authority in such countries. be considered as part of the river, but Broughton was justified ii thinking it to be an arm of the sea. lie concealed nothing, and gave his reasons for distinguishing the entrance of the river from tlie entrance to the inlet, for wliich he had the practice and authority of navigators. So far from misrepresenting the facts, the very evidence of Gray's log-book, which is produced to contradict him, verifies his statement. The veracity of Van- couver can never be disputed. He was incapable of what Mr Greenliow assumes that he did. He exhibited even an anxious care to recognize the previous discovery of Gray, and no Americar who shall read the whole account — though he may say that tiie entrance to the river is the entrance to the inlet — can come to the conclusion that any fact has been misrepre- sented, or that there was any attempt to do injustice to Gray. If Broughton had not explained what he meant, there would have been reason to complain. 77 A power of legislation is absolutely vested in the Crown for these purposes, which it can execute through the ofiicers it may name. It can, also, as is well known to all Americans, legislate for such settle- ments independently of Parliament, or it may dele- gate its own power of legislation. The charter of Rhode Island grunted by Charles II, and under which that State was governed until 1842, is an illus- tration of such legislation, and of the delegation of such authority. The Crown in that case, by its own legislative act, established English laws in that colony, and delegated its power of legislation to a very popu- lar local legislature. The " taking possession," therefore, of a new country by persons officially authorized — and no private person can assume the authority — is the exer- cise of a sovereign power, a distinct act of legislation, by which the new territory becomes annexed to the dominions of the Crown. These principles were lately insisM on by the government against British subjects : — " Neither individuals," said Governor Sir Georg. Gipps, in a most luminous and admii ble argument (New Zealand pax>er8, May 11, 1841, No. 311, p. 64), "nor bodies of men belonging to any nation, can form colonies except with the consent and under the direction and control of their own government ; and from any settlement which they may form without the consent of their government they may be ousted. This is simply to say, that as far as Englishmen are concerned, colonies cannot be formed without the consent of the Crown." — " I thought a declaration of the nature of that which stands in the preamble 78 necessary, upon the same grounds that it was thought neces- sary by the Committee of the House c!* Commons in 1837, and I think it is the more necessary now when I see the gross igno- . ranee which prevails upon this subject, even among persons otherwise well informed, — when I hear persons, and even law- yers, contend that Englishmen may set up a government for themselves whenever they like, and regardless alike of the Queen's authority and their own allegiance. Why, Captain Cook had as much right to purchase New Zealand for himself when he discovered it, or I had as much right to purchase the island of Tongatoboo from the chief of that country, who came to visit me the other day, as Mr Wentworth had to purchase the Middle Island of New Zealand from the savages who ivere in Sydney in February last. When I cast my eye over the vast Pacific, and the innumerable islands with which it is studded, and consider that one man may seize an island here and another an island there, and that by dint of making themselves trouble- some they may in the end render the interference of the government necessary, it is time to let people know that the law of England does not admit of such practices." The constitution of other countries vests a similar sovereign authority in the Crown to that existing in Great Britain ; but under the American constitution the President has no authority of the kind; he cannot annex territories to existing States, nor by his own act enlarge the boundaries of American dominions. The constitution has, in its first article, vested " all legis- lative power" in Congress. Before, therefore, the sovereignty of the United States can be established in a new territory, there must be an equivalent act of legislation by Congress to that necessary to be per- formed by the English Crown. How otherwise is it to be known to what country the territory belongs ? 79 After a country has had a new territory formally an- nexed to it, there doubtless remain other acts to be per- formed to complete the title, such as actual settlement, &c. ; or otherwise, the inference of other countries is that the intention to occupy is abandoned. But the prior right to settle continues, even if there is a ground to imagine an intention to abandon, until some other country shall actually, and according to the forms which its laws sanction, establish its own laws and authority in the country. In 1805 Louis and Clarke, who had been commis- sioned in the previous year, by President Jefferson, to explore the country west of the Rocky Mountains, reached the Columbia river, and returned to the United States in 180G. But this act of exploration, not resting on an original right of discovery, nor ac- companied by any act of American legislation respect- ing the country, nor by any attempt to occupy, clearly does not establish a title to the territory west of the mountains. Nor is such a title set up. " Politically, the expedition was an announcement to the world of the intention of the American government to occupy and settle the countries explored." — (Greenhow, p. 288.) But such intention had already been an- nounced to the world by the English government in a far more public, authentic, and legal manner, and its sovereignty over the country declared. In 1810 Captain Smith, from Boston, built a house and garden on the south bank of the Columbia, but 80 abandoned it before tlie close of the year. This was the act of a private person, and no political inference can be drawn from it. In the same year Jacob Astor, of New York, formed the " Pacific Fur Company." He commu- nicated his intention to the British North-West Company, and offered to it one-third of the interest of the scheme. The proposal was not accepted, and it is asked " if Mr Astor, a citizen of the United States, was justifiable in thus offering to an associa- tion of British subjects, noted for its enmity to his adopted country, a share of the advantages to be ob- tained under the flag of the United States, from ter- ritories exclusively belonging to the United States, and of which the exclusive possession by the United States was evidently essential to the advantage and welfare of the republic ? " — (Greenhow, p. 294.) An English subject would have been free to make such an offer. Exclusive possession of the countiy by the United Spates certainly did not exist, for it had not taken any step either to claim, to possess it, or to annex it. When the company was formed, "the majority not only of the inferior servants, but also of the partners, were British subjects." — (Greenhow, p. 295.) They made an establishment on the Colum- bia river, but in consequence of difficulties, Mac- dougall and Mackenzie announced their determina- tion, on the 1st of July, 1812, to dissolve the com- pany, and Mr Hunt, another of the partners, in 81 August, 1813, acceded to it. On the 16tli of Octo- ber, 1813, an agreement was made between Messrs Mactavish and Alexander Stuart, on the part ot the British North- West Com])any, and Messrs Mac- dougall, Mackenzie, and Clarke, on the other part, by which all the establishments, furs, stock in hand, of the Pacific Company, in the country of Columbia, were sold to the North-West Company for about 68, GOO dollars. The difficulties which caused this dissolution might, it is said, have been overcome, '* if the directing partners on the Columbia had been Americans instead of being, as the greater part were, men unconnected with the United States by birth, or citizenship, or previous residence, or family ties." — (Greenhow, p. 305.) It was, therefore, a settlement made by a majority of English, and the sovereignty of the English government having been declared over the country, they were amenable to English laws. Mr Astor could not annex the territory to the United States, and his sole object was to obtain furs. Shortly after the sale was made, a British sloop of war, the * Racoon,' reached the Columbia, and the name of Fort George was given to the establishment. Supposing, however, that the war between Great Britain and the United States had not broken out about this time, and that the ' Racoon ' had brought to Columbia, a judge, or a commission to any of the partners, to act as judge in the civil and criminal affairs of the colony, could the United States, or any other country, have insisted that he could not have ex- 82 ercieed jurisdiction ? Could any persons wlio were there have exempted themselves from the jurisdiction of such a court? But, on the other hand, let it be supposed that the President of the United States had sent a commission to any person to administer the law there ; would that commission have been opera- tive? Would the Supreme Court of the United States have held, that in countries over '/vhich the legislature of the United States has not established its law, — which had not been annexed to or possessed by its government, that the President could deal with men's lives, with their fortunes, and property, or govern beyond the jurisdiction of American law? The United States had not subjected the Oregon or the Columbia to its authority. It formed no part of any existing State j it was not a portion of a ter- ritory over which it had legislated, or even claimed to legislate. The British government, on the contrary, had de- clared its intention to establish its law there, and it had attached it to its dominions in a formal and authentic manner. When the North-West Company took possession of the establishment in 1813, an authorized colony of British subjects from that moment was formed, subject to and governed by English laws — an actual occupation of the country was made, and a settlement on the river has continued until the present day. A more perfect title could not be proved. 83 At the termination of the war between Great Bri- tain and America, a demand was made for the restora- tion of the post sold by Mr Astor's partners, ns a portion of the territory of the United States taken during the war. The answer wa^, that it had not been eaptured ; that the Americans had retired from it under an agreement of sale ; that the North-West Company had purchased it ; that the territory had early been taken possession of in his Majesty's name, as it had been by Broughton in Vancouver's expedi- tion , and that it had been since considered to form a part of his Majesty's dominions. — (Greenhow, p. 307.) It was, however, agreed that the post should be restored, and "that the question of the title to the territory should be discussed in the negotiation as to limits and other matters, which was soon to be com- menced."* In 1819 Spain ceded to the United States its rights north of the parallel of latitude. The British government, in its negotiation rospect- ♦ I cite this statement in the words of Mr Greenhow (p. 308), because in subsequent pages, which he heads * British Views of National Faith' (310, 312), he declares that Fort George was delivered up without any reservation or exception, and expresses his disbelief that Sir Charles Bagot, the British minister, com- municated to the American government, in pursuance of Lord Castlereagh's direction of the 4th of February, 1818, the fact that Great Britain claimed the territory, and insisted that tlie American settlement was an encroachment. The delivery was clearly the execution of the condition <>^ agreement mentioned in the text. 84 injj the Oregon boundary, has offered to the United State** to fix the limits of part of their respective pos- sessions by a line drawn down the Columbia River to the sea, and not to insist on the exclusive possession of it. It is, therefore, needless to inquire what might have been the extent of English claims, though in the n^^utiation of 1819 Mr J. Q. Adams informed the Chevalier De Onis that the following principles, which are applicable to this case, were asserted by the American government. — (* Corre- spondence,' p. 89.) : — •' First, that when any European nation takes possession of any extent of sea coatt, that possession is understood as extend- ing into the interior country to the sources of the rivers empty- ing within that coast— to all their branches, and the countries they cover ; and to give it a right in exclusion of all other nations to the same. "Secondly, that whenever one European nation makes a discovery, and takes possession of any portion of this conti- nent, and another afterwards docs the same at any distance from it, where the boundary is not determined by the principles above mentioned, that the middle distance becomes such course. " Thirdly, that whenever any European nation has thus ac- quired a right to any portion of territory on this continent, that right can never be diminished or affected by any power by virtue of purchases made by grants or conquests of the natives within the limits thereof." It will he most convenient to notice the limits tem- porarily agreed on affecting the Oregon territory, when noticing the north-western boundary. But from the facts mentioned, it may be concluded 85 that Spniii never occupied, but abandoned the west coast of North America ; that tlie British govern- nil Tit announced itf> intention to occupy, and formally declared the annexation of parts of the coast to its own territory, acting in this \ rx ct as the govern- ment of Russia has done ; and tDu the British settle- ment on the Columbia was the iirst of a national and legal character recogniz'bls as such by foreign nations. III. On the North and North- western Boundary of the United States. ** Louisiana, it is said, stretched from the Gulf of Mexico to the northward, and north-westward to an undefined extent." — (Grcenhow, p. 276.) It can be most distinctly demonstrated that there is not the slightest foundation for this statement. Before the settlers who accompanied La Salle sailed to establish the colony of Louisiana, Beaujeau promised to act under the orders of the Governor and Intendant of Canada — (Ante p. 16). In the grant made by Louis XIV to Crozat, it is distinctly mentioned that Louisiana was to be sub- ordinate to the general government of New France (Canada). The extent of the province north was to be to the Illinois (ante p. 59) — but the Illinois was subsequently added to it. So much as was not carved out of and added to Louisiana remained the province of Canada. The government of Canada had the control of the whole, 86 and the juriBdiction of the subordinate could only be over the territory defined as the province of Louisiana. This province did not extend in 1712 further to the north than the Illinois, and the subsequent addition of the Illinois extended the province no further than the Illinois. All to the north remained part of Canada. When France ceded Canada to England in 1762, it *' ceded and guaranteed to Great Britain, in full right, Canada, with all its dependencies" — " and in general everything that depends on the said coun- tries, lands, islands, and coasts, with the sovereignty, property, possession, and all rights acquired by treaty or othenvise, which the most Christian King and the Crown of France have had till now over the said countries, islands, place;), coasts, and their inha- bitants." This concession was made with the distinct and defined purpose of including the whole district to the north and north-west of the source of the Mississippi. During the first negotiations, in 1761, for the cession of Canada, the limits between Louisiana and Canada were a subject of controversy. The desire of the English government was to extend the boundary of Canada over the Illinois, so as to reach the Missis- sippi through that country. This, also, was very early the expressed wish of those to whom the sur- render of Canada was made ; for the Marquis de Vandreuil, who signed the surrender, declared that 87 ten days after it, he was asked for his maps, which he complained had boen improperly taken from him, and that on being shown one by an officer, he pointed out errors : — '* I told him the limits marked on it were not just, and yerbally mentioned others extend- ing Louisiana on the one side to the carrying place of the Miamis, and on the other to the head of the Illinois."— (' Annual Register,' 176, p. 267.) The highest point of Louisiana at the time of the sur- render of Canada was the head waters of the Illinois. But the question of the boundary between Canada and Louisiana was far too important to be left un- settled, and the English government would not assent to any qualified propositions respecting it. M. Bussy, on the part of France, endeavoured to make large exceptions in the cession of Canada, but Mr Pitt would not listen to them, as they included vast coun- tries which Vandreuil had yielded under the descrip- tion of Canada. Exceptions were then attempted to be made respecting the savage nations, but the English government insistP'^ on the full and com- plete cession of the provmce. These negotiations failed ; but in the following year not merely was an unconditional cession of Canada made in the words cited, but the Illinois was ceded, which was admittedly part of Louisiana. First, then, as a subordinate province, partly formed out of Canada, Louisiana extended no further than the distinct boundaries of it could be shown ; secondly, $8 it never extended further north than the Illinois river ; thirdly, the question of the extent of Louisiana was argued at the peace of 1762; fourthly, Canada in its full extent was ceded to Great Britain ; and lastly, the official map used by France in its negotia- tions with Great Britain, incontestably proves that the country north and north-west of the Mississippi was ceded as the province of Canada. No better authority for the above statement can be cited, than that M. Duflot de Mofras, a gentleman attached to the French legation at Mexico, and the author of a work on CaIirornia,published by the order of the French government. To avoid the possibility of misinterpretation, his own words are cited : — *' Le traite de reconnaissance de I'indepen dance des Etats-Unis, sign6 par I'Angleterre en 1782, ceux des 20 Janvier et 30 8eptembre 1783, ainsi que les traitesde 1794 et 1 795 entre I'Angleterre et les Etats- Unis, ne font pas mention, a I'article, frontieres, des territoires situes ^ I'ouest des Montagues- Rocheuses. Le dernier seulement stipule que les possessions de la Compagnie d' Hudson ne seront pas accessibles aux citoyens des Etats-Unis. Or si les limites entre la Nouvelle-France et cette Compagnie n'ont pas ete nettement determinees, m^me apr^s le traite d'Utrecht en 1713 et celui de la cession du Canada en 1763, il est incontestable que, ou la Nouvelle-France, ou les territoires de la Compagnie d' Hudson s'eteudaient jusqu'^ lamer Pacifique, et que si les Espagnols ont 89 reconim les premiers la cote nord-ouesi de I'Arae- rique, les Fran^ais, les premiers, ont decouvert I'in- terieur du continent en allant de Test k Touest. Toutes les anciennes cartes, en efFet, d'accord avac les auteurs les plus averes, n'arr^tent qu'&, la la mer du Sud la limite des possessions franqaises du Canada. L'Escarbot, qui ecrivait en 1617, entre autres, dit textuellement : ' Ainsi nostre Nouvelle-France a pour limites du c6te d'ouest les terres jusqu'^ la mer dite Pacifique en de^k du tropique du cancer; au mid', les isles de la mer Atlantique, du c6te de Cube et ae I'isle Hespagnole; au Levant, la mer du Nord qui baigne la Nouvelle-France, et au septentrion, cette terre qui est dite inconnue, vers la mer glacee jusqu'au p61e arctique.* **Enfin, dans une carte gravee en 1757, et annexee aux Memoires des commissaires des Rois de France et d'Angleterre en Amerique, on peut constater que la Nouvelle-France s'etendait jusqu'k la mer Paci- fique, et Ton y trouve, d la cote ouest de I'Amd- rique, sous le 46'', une grande riviere tracee dans une direction exactemeni conforme k celle du Rio-Co- lombia. Cette particularite n'a d'ailleurs rien qui doive surprendre, puisqu'^ partir de 1711 jusqu'en 1754, les capitaines-genferaux de la Nouvelle-France dirig^rent de nombreuses expeditions au couchant du Canada, et qu'apr^s trente annees d'incessantes ex- plorations sous le gouvernement eclaire du Marquis de Beauharnais, un officier, M. de la Verendrye, 90 acquit une connaissance parfaite du fleuve et de la mer de I'Ouest, qui n'etaient autres que I'Ocean Pacifique et la Colombie."* By the 7th article of this cession, the line drawn from the source of the river Mississippi to the south, gave to Great Britain all the lands on the east bank of the river, and secured to France and through it to Spain, the territory west of the same line. But the territory of Canada, north of the source of the river (47° 10' N. lat.), and north of a line running west of the source of the river, was left as part of Canada, of which it most indisputably formed a portion. • On the general question, M. Duflot de Mofras, -whose work on California exhibits no partiality towards the English, comes to the conclusion that the claims made by the Americans are without foundation : — " Pour la limite du sud, le Mexique et I'Espagne ont agi de la m£me mani^re: ils ont concede aux Etats-Unis lours droits Bur les contr^es situees au nord du 42" parallele ; mais il est de toute Evidence qu le traite des Florides ne saurait porter atteinte a la validitu de la convention de 1790, il ne copstitue qu'une simple renonciation, et les Etats-Unis en y adherant, s'^tant substitues a I'Espagne pour le territoire k I'eganl duquel cette puissance r^signait ses pretentions, doivent respecter tous les droits qu'un trait6 anterieur au leur avait rcconnii aux Anglais. Si nous avions maintenant a emettre une opinion sur cette question importante, nous ne pourrions, malgre nos sym- pathies pour les Etats-Unis et notre aversion contre le syst^me d'envahissement de I'Angleterre, nous erapScherde reconnaitre que la raison et le droit sont cette fois de son cdt^. H est mi^me permis de s'etonner que, r^pudiant sa t^nacite habituelle, elle ait fait, aux Am^ricains, dans le cours des n^gociations, de si larges sacrifice." 91 Tn the treaty made between Great Britain and the United States, nothing west of a line running north from the source of the Mississippi, to the line running due west of the farthermost point of the Lake of the Woods was granted to the United States (ante p. 36). All, therefore, north of a line running west, from the source of the Mississippi, that is, the country north of a parallel of latitude of about 47 degrees, was English territory, and a part of Canada, imconceded by any treaty, until the late convention of 1818. The great lakes to the west and to the north-west of the source of the Mississi')pi had been discovered by the French, and formed paii of Canada long pre- vious to the cession of the province. Under the British government the exploration inland has con- tinued, and in Mackenzie's expedition he crossed the continent and reached the sea. In different parts of this district, British forts, or posts, have been esta- blished, and, for its better government, the British Act of Parliament, of the 43 Geo. III. (a. d. 1803), gave additional powers to the Governor-General of Canada to facilitate the punishment of oifences. The extreme north-western part of the coast of North America forms a portion of Russian terri- tory. The title to it is partly that of discovery, and partly that only of occupation. The chief establish- ments, if not the only ones, formed on it, were made subsequently to the year 1798, when the coast from the 65th degree of north latitude, northwards, was 92 conceded to the Russian American Company. The Company Avas authorized to explore and bring under subjection to the Imperial Crown any other territo- ries in America, not previously attached to the do- minions of soma civilized nation. — (Greenhow, p. 269). So that the Russian government, six years after the dispute respecting Nootka Sound, between Spain and Great Britain, acted on the principle admitted in the convention of the Escurial, and directed establish- ments to be formed on vacant and unsettled parts of the coasts. In 1824, a convention was signed between the go- vernment of the United States and Russia, by the 3rd article of which it was agreed that the citizens of the United States should not form settlements to the north of 54" 40' of north latitude, and that the sub- jects of Russia should not form establishments to the south of that parallel. The principle upon which this convention proceeded cannot be distinguished from that on which the claim of the British to part of the coast is founded. But if the government of the United States anticipated the squeezing out of British claims by this union with Russia, it was checked by the convention ma'iin 1825 between Great Britain and Russia, by which the boundaries of the Russian . territory are very distinctly defined — and the intended effect of the convention with the United States, as far as the United States was interested in it — was checked. 08 In the assertion, then, of a strict right, the northern- western boundary should be a line commencing at the source of the Mississippi, and running west ; and agreeably to the principles laid down by the American government (ante p. 84), it should include both banks of the Columbia. But in a treaty sijined between the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain and the United States, in April, 1807, it was agreed that ** a line drawn north or south (as the case might re- quire) from the most north-western point of the Lake of Woods, until it shall intersect the 49th parallel of latitude, and from the point of such intersection due west, along and with the said parallel shall be the di- viding line between his Majesty's territories and those of the United States, to the westward of the said lake, as far as their respective territories extend in that quarter — provided that nothing in the present article shall extend to the north-west coast of America, or to the territorit. ■ belonging to or claimed by either party on the continent of America to the westward of the Stony Mountains." Unlooked-for events prevented the ratification of the treaty, and the subject was not ajiain di!^cussed until 1814.* * The argument of Mr Greenhow (p. 281), that the reason for adopting the 49 th parallel of latitude, namely, the treaty of Utrecht, and the acts of the commissioners, is founded ou so manifest an error respecting tiie extent of Canada, that it does not merit discussion. The adoption of the 49th parallel was a just arrangement, to both Great Britain and the United States, 94 In 1818 a convention was ratified between Great Britain and America, after a long negotiation, in which the facts already related formed the basis, by which the rights of both countries were subjected to a temporary compromise. It was agreed that a lino should be the northern boundary along the 49th paral- lel of latitude from the Lake of the Woods to the Rocky Mountains, and that the country westward of the Rocky Mountains should be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the convention to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of both powers, without prejudice to the claims of either country. At the end of ten years the negotiations on this subject were again renewed. It was proposed by Mr Canning and Mr Huskisson that the boundary beyond the Rocky Mountains should pass from those mountains westward along the 49th parallel of lati- tude to the north-eaoternmost branch of the Columbia river, and thence down the middle of the stream to the Pacific. This was not agreed to, and the nego- tiation terminated for a time. On the 6th of August, 1827, a convention was signed, renewing the provisions of the former one of October 20, 1818, and extending it for an indefinite though it gave less than the former had a title to insist on. Air Jefferson was perfectly satisfied with it — but feared that the allusion to any claim extending to the coast would be offensive to Spain.— (Greenhow, p. 282). This was in 1807, after the puxcbase of Louisiana. 95 periol, until either party should annul it, on giving a year's notice. An argument was advanced in favour of the claim of the United States, on the ground of contiguity. But it is one of even more force, if it has any, in fa- vour of Great Britain, than of the United States. It means, if anything, that part of the territory claimed is essential to the perfect enjoyment of the contiguous territory. Now the western trade of North America is chiefly that of peltries obtained by the English, and exported from Fort Vancouver, on the Columbia, and an access to the river is important tr its continuance. In the state above-mentioned, the question at this time remains. It is understood that negotiations are about to be or have been renewed for its settlement. They have been confided to Mr Pakenham, the British minister, who will not be directed to propose, nor would he ask, or demand, anything inconsistent with a just or a proper respect for American as well as British claims. Hitherto, notwithstanding the remarks which have been made by American writers, the British govern- ment has acted with great temper and moderation. It has not placed its case on extreme right, and it has been actuated by a very sincere desire to maintain friendly relations wliii the United States. The errors of fact which have been committed in the course of the negotiations, have been upon very immaterial 90 \\ It points, not in the slightest degree affecting the main question. It is greatly to be lamented, however, that in Ame- rica it should have been the interest of dishonest and violent politicians to have adopted a tone of discus- sion upon the subject opposed to its fair settlement. It is not honourable, while the title to the territory is undetermined between the respective governments, to urge measures toj)o;)u/a/e it with American citizens, in order to give facilities for its occupation at a future period. Such recommendations do not indicate a conviction of the validity of the claim insisted on. America, as well as Great Britain, has an interest in the establishment of a settled government in that part of the world — in marking out the limits of legal pos- session — and in rearing a population which, however they may differ respecting the system of government which they may prefer, shall look to the future, as bringing the fruits of a peaceful, generous, and civilized intercourse. ACCOUNT Of the Route fhom the Illinois, by the Riveb Mississippi, to the Gulf of Mexico. Sib, As the map accompanying this has been made in haste, without proper calculations and measure- ments, you may probably desire to make one ; and for this purpose I will state of the Mississippi that though it winds much, we reckon from the Falls of St Anthony to the sea eight hundred leagues, and you perceive from the note that its direction is north and south. The distance of the villages, reckoning from the mouth of the river Illinois to the sea, or ascend- ing from the sea as far as the river Quiouentagoet (on the banks of which is a village containing eighty Illinois cabins), is calculated at sixty leagues, and from thence to the Miamis thirty leagues. The Touraxouslins and Kikapous are fifteen leagues in the interior, from the banks of the river ; two hun- dred leagues from the junction of the river Illinois ; and from thence two hundred leagues to the Falls of St Anthony. The rivert, of the Missouri come from B 98 the west, and after traversing three hundred lenpucp, arrives at a hike, which I believe to be that of the Apaches. The villages of the Missounta, Otenta, and Osage are near one another, and are situated in the prairies, one hundred and fifty leagues from the mouth of tlie Missouri. I should have stated before that the river of the Illinois is two Imndred leai;ues in length. The Fort St Louis, with two hundred cabins, is seventy leagues from its mouth. The little river on which are the Machigama, Chipoussa, and Miehibousa, is forty leagues from the Tamazoa. These tribes are situated about ten leagues from its mouth. The mouth of the river of the Kasquinanipo is ten leagues from the mouth of the Ouabache. The village is situated seventy leagues upwards, on the bank of the river. The Maon, a numerous nation, and at peace with no one, is at the source of the said river, one hundred leagues from the Kasquinanipo. The Ozotoues are six leagues from the mouth of the river Arkansas. The lonica, Yazou, Coroa, and Chonque, are, one with the other, about ten leagues from the Mississippi, on the river of the Yazou ; the Sioux fifteen leagues above. All these villages are situated in prairies, but it is remarkable that the country about, the soil of which is the best in the world, and is intersected by streams, has been aban- doned. The Yazou are masters of the soil. The Mauton are seventy leagues from the Ossoztoues, and forty 09 loaguefl from the Cadodoquis. The Coroa arc thcl»* neighbours, though thirteen leagues ofT. With respect to the other nations, I liave sufficiently described at what distance they are from one another, from the nations on the Mississippi, and from those on the Red River, excepting the Nadouc, who are twelve leagues from the banks. In case the court wishes this discovery to be continued, I will ndd a note. In that I have stated it will be requisite to build a ship of fifty tons, to get to France from the Arkansas. Two pilots, &c. ; particulars of every thing necessary, and more numerous than set forth in M. Dc la Salle's Note. I undertake, with God's assistance, to descend the river, to take solar observations, to account for the expenses, and to sail to France with the said vessel built in the Arkansas. This is the place best adapted for the purpose, for we should not be interrupted by enemies ; and wood, and everything necessary for sub- sistence, is there abundant. Henry de Tonty. Additional Statement of what will be re- quired FOR Building the Vessel. The former statement related to the expenses of the voyage, and presents for the savages. In case his Majesty grants the above request, I entreat Monseig- 100 neur de Pontchartrain to be kind enough to send orders to M. the Intendant at Rochefort to send the things to Messrs the Count de Frontenac and Cham- pigny, and the latter to provide twenty large canoes and forty good men to manage them. Henry de Tonty. " me:\[oir of m. cavelier de la salle on AX ENTERPRISE WHICH HE HAS PRO. POSED TO MONSEIGNEUR THE MARQUIS OF SEIGNELAY RESPECTING ONE OF THE PROVINCES OF MEXICO." MEMOIR, ETC. The principal result which the Sieur de la Salle expected from the great perils and labours which he underwent in the discovery of the Mississippi, was to satisfy the wish expressed to him by the late Mon- SEiGNEUH Colbert, of finding a port where the French miglit establish themselves and harass the Sjjaniards in those regions from whence they derive all their wealth. The place which he proposes to foi-tify lies 60 leagues above the mouth of the River Colbert, (Mississippi) in the Gulf of Mexico, and possesses all tlie advantages for such a purpose which can be wished for, both upon account of its excellent position and the favourable disposition of the savages who live in that part of the country. The right of the King to this territory is the com- mon right of all nations to lands which they have discovered — a right which cannot be disputed after the possession already taken in the name of his Majesty, by the Sieur de la Salle, with the consent of the greater number of its inhabitants. A colony can easily be founded there as the land ir very fertile and j>''oduces all articles of life — as the climate is very mild — as a port or two would make us masters of the whole of 1 his continent — as the posts there are good, secure, and afford the means of attacking an enemy or of retreating in case of necessity — and also since all things are found there requisite for refitting. Its dis- tance inland will prevent foreigners from sending fleets to attack it, since thoy would be exposed to de- struction by fire which they could only avoid with difiiculty in a narrow river, for if fire ships were sent down they would not fail to fall a-boari them under the favour of night and of the current. The coast and the banks being ovortiowed for more than 20 leagues above the mouth, make it inaccessible by land, and the friendship of the savages towards the French, and the hatred which they bear toward the Spaniards, will serve also as a strong barrier. These Indians, irritated by the tyranny of the Spaniards, carry on a cruel war against them, with- out even the aid of fire arms, which they have not yet had. On the other hand, tliey have been so con- ciliated by the gentleness of the Sieur la Salle, that they have made peace with him and off'ered to accom- pany him anywhere, and he has no doubt that they would favour his enterprise as much as they would oppose themselves to those of the enemies of France. This, any person may judge of by the offerings which were made at the posts on which tiie arms of France were attached, and by the assembly of more than 18,000 Indians of v^arions nations, some of whom had come from a distance of more than 2,000 leagues, who met together in a single camp (^village) — and who, forgetting their own old disputes, thi-ew them- selves into his arms and made him master of their different interests — and also from the deputations sent to him by the Cica^-as and. the Kansas, and other nations offering to follow wherever he might be pleased to lead them. By the union of these forces it would be possible to form an army of more than 15,000 savages, who, finding themselves supported by the French and. by the Abenaki followers of the Sieur de la Salle, with the aid of the arms which he has given them, would not find any resistance in the province which he intends to attack, where there are not more than 400 native Spaniards, in a country* more than 150 leagues in length and 50 in breadth, all of whom are officers or artisans better able to explore the mines than to oppose themselves vigor- ously to an expedition which would moreover be favoured by Mulattoes, Indians, and by Negroes if their liberty were promised to them. Upon account of these considerations the Sieur de la Salle proposes, with the approbation of Monseig- neur, to undertake this enterprise, and if peace should * This proves that the Spaniards were in the occupation of this part of the country at this time— a fact which has been denied. 6 prevent the execution of it, he offers to estahlish a very advantageous station for commercial purposes, very easy to be maintained, and from whence, at the commencement of hostilities, it would he possible to take from the Spaniards a good part of their mines. New Biscay is the most northern province of Mexico, and is situated between 25° and 27° 30' of north latitude. It is bounded to the north by vast forests frequented by the people called Terliquiquimeki, whom the Spanish only know by the name of *' Ind'tos Bravos y de guerra," never having been able to subdue them, or to compel them to live in peace. From this province they extend themselves as far as the River Seignelai, which is distant from it in some parts 40 and in some 50 leagues. On the east it is bounded by the same forest, by the River Panuco, from which it is separated by a chain of mountains, which also form its limits to the south, from the province of Zacatecas to the west, from that of Culiacan to the north-west, where it separates the latter province from the new kingdom of Leon, not leaving more than two or three passages by which succours could be ex- pected. The distance from Mexico, which is more than 150 leagues, increases these difficulties, without speaking of the necessity which the viceroys would have of dividing their forces in order to defend the maritime districts, and the small number of native Spaniards to be met with in this vast extent of country, from whence no succours are to be obtained but witli great loss of time and trouble — the heigiit, also, of the mountains which tliey must pass for this purpose are too rough for a people enervated by long inactivity to be able to surmount without great means of conveyance and train. Even if succours could arrive more quickly than is presumed, the proximity of the woods and of the river would aid as much to secure a retreat and preserve any booty as it is favourable to an irruption of which the enemy would have no information before we should be in the middle of his territory. As they do not think themselves to be in danger of being attacked, except by savages, they have no one place capable of sustaining an attack, though the country is very rich in silver mines, more than 30 having been already discovered. These would be much more profitable to the French on account of the proximity of the river, which would serve for the transport of the metals ; whereas the Spaniards, from ignorance, from fear of the savages, and on account of the personal interest of the viceroys, transport the silver at a great expense as needless to us as it is to them inevitable at so great a distance. Assuming, then, these facts, the Sieur de la Salle offers, if the war continues, to leave France with 200 men ; 50 more will join him who are in the country, and 50 buccaneers (Jlibiisiiers) can be taken in pass- ing St Domingo. The savages who are at Fort St Louis, to the number of more than 4,000 warriors, 8 iii! iili together with many others who will join, can be directed to descend the river. This army he will divide in three divisions, to maintain it more easily. In order to compel the Spaniards to divide their forces, two of these divisions shall each be com- posed of 50 French, 50 Abenakis, and 200 savages. They will receive orders to attack at the same time the two extremities of the province, and on the same day the centre of the country will be entered with the other division, and it is certain that we shall be seconded by all the unhappy in the country who groan in slavery. The English colony of Boston, although it is more powerful than all those of Spain, has been desolated by 600 savages. Chili has been ruined by the Araucanians, and the evil which tlie Iroquois, although without discipline or gene- ralship, have done in Canada, are instances from which we may infer how disastrous is this mode of warfare to those who are not experienced in it, and also what may be expected from the aid of savages led by experienced Frenchmen having much know- ledge of the country. This province being taken, its approaches may be protected by Indians and mulattoes, who may be required to occupy the narrowest passes of the moun- tains, by which alone it can be entered, and fire arms may be given to them to defend it with greater efficiency. This undertaking is certain of success if it is executed in this manner, since the Spaniards 9 if cannot be prepared to defend passes of which they have no knowledge ; whereas, if attacked by the River Panuco, or by sea, in open warfare, before the mari- time places are conquered, or the River Panuco is ascended, which is populated from its mouth by their settlements, they would have leisure to occupy passes, with which they are well acquainted, and to make the result doubtful, or at least more difficult. It is true that, in order to make a diversion, the buccaneers (^flibustiers) might be of service if they were previously to make an attack and made descents on the coast, for then they would attract the Spanish troops to that side, who would thus leave the distant provinces without assistance. The French of St Domingo would be more suited for these expeditions than for those which can be made with the assistance of savages, who would not fail to be offended from neglect of the civility which is necessary in order to obtain their goodwill, and from neglect of the reserve which ought to be maintained towards their wives, of whom thoy are very jealous ; — which causes of offence would render useless the greatest chances of success which the French might possess in this enterprise. It is certain that France would draw from these mines greater benefits than Spain, from the facility of transport, although Spain obtains more than six millions (of ccms?) a year. We might also, per- haps, open a passage to the South Sea, which is not more distant than the breadth of the province of A 2 10 Culiacan, not to mention the possibility of mocting with some rivers near to the Scignelai, which may discharge themselves on that side. The Sieur de la Salle would not think this affair so easy, if, in addition to his knowledge of their lan- guage, he was not familiar with the manners of the savages, through which he may obtain as much con- fidence by a behaviour in accordance with their practices, as he has impi-ossed on them a feeling of respect in consequence of all that he has yet done in passing with a small number of followers through so many nations, and punishing those who broke their word with him. After this he has no doubt that in a short time they will become good French siibjects, so that, without drawing any considerable number of men from Europe, they will form a powerful colony, and will have troops sufficient to act in any emergency, and for the execution of the greatest enterprises. The missionaries of Paraguay and the English of Boston have succeeded so well, that equal success may be expected by the adoption of measures similar to theirs. Even if the peace of Europe should make it neces- sary to postpone the execution of this design as respects the conquests proposed, it would always be important to place ourselves in a position to aucceed in them when the state of affairs shall change, taking immediate possession of this country in order not to be anticipated by other nations, who will not fail to take advantage of the information which they certainly 11 le have, since the Dutch published a statement of the discovery of this country in one of their newspapers more than a year ago. If, also, the Spaniards should delay satisfying the King at the conclusion of a peace, an expedition at this point will oblige them to htusten its conclusion, and to give to his Majesty important places in Europe in exchange for those which they may lose in a country of the possession of which they are ex- tremely jealous. In order, also, to hasten them, some of their maritime places may be insulted en passant, the pillage of which may well repay the expenses of the expedition. There never was an enterprise of such great im- portance proposed at so little risk and expense, since the Sieur de la Salle asks only for its execution a vessel of about 30 guns, the power of raising in France 200 men whom he shall think proper for his pur- pose, and, exclusive of the fitting out of the ship, pro- visions for six months, some cannon to mount at a fort, the necessary arms and supplies, and wherewith to pay the men for the period of a year. These expenses would be repaid in a short time by the duties which his Majesty might have levied on the articles which would enter into the commerce that would be carried on there, and respecting which a separate memoir has been delivered. It would not require much time to bring this expe- dition to an end, since it is nearly certain that the 13 savages can be aescmbled next winter, and compli'te this conquest in the sprin;^, in sufficient time to report the news of it by the time the first vessel returns to France. Tlie Sieur de la Salle docs not ask for reJ 14 undertakings (^choses). It may be feared that we may, at a future time, make an unavailing search for that which we might now abandon to strangers. The in- jury which the colonies of Hudson Bay and of New England, which were formerly disregarded, do to New France, ought to serve as a warning on this subject. The third objection respecting the insults which the Spaniards might inflict on the settlement, has ah-eady been answered in describing th,'^ position which makes it inaccessible by land, and almost equally safe from an attack by water, in consequence of ilie dangei- a hostile fleet would incur if it should attempt to advance so far up a very narrow river. Fourthly, those who do not know the policy of the savages and the knowledge which they have of their true interests, will, perhaps, think it to be dangerous to arm them. But besides the experience which we have of the contrary, not one of the French allies having yet abused the favour {condescendance) shown to them for these eighty years, it is < ertain that those nations which we call savsf^ . know too well the importance to them of having arms for their own defence and for the conquest of their enemies, to make use of thorn against those who supply them. Fifthly, it .nay be said, that should so small a force succeed in driving the Spaniards from this province, it would not b(3 adequate to resist all the forces of Mexico, which they would unite to revenge this , 15 affront. The answer to this is, tliat these forces are not so considerable as is supposed — that they cannot leave unprotected other places — that it will require much time to assemble them ; the diversion which the buccaneers may cause compelling them to provide for the most urgent want, — and that, finally, the Indians, Mulattoes, and Negroes armed and freed by this first success from tiie terror which they have of the Spaniards, would be able to dispute the advance of the largest army which could be raised in Mexico. Besides which, they would stake all, in order not to be again reduced to a state of slavery. Sixthly, it is not believed that the expense will be an objection, since it is too inconsiderable ir. proportion to the great advantages to be hoped for, even if peace should delay their enjoyment. These advantages are of such importance as to make it profitable to incur it for some years rather than to hazard iheir loss. The enterpnse ought not to be delayed to a period when we should no longer have the masfpry of it. It is also to be believed that the Spaniards, feeling them- selves pushed so closely on that side, would assent to conditions of peace most advantageous to France, and, as has been already stated, the duties whicb his Majesty could levy on the merchandise, which would be obtained from thence, would repay with usury the expenses incurred. Seventhly, the Sieur de la Salle would oblige him- self, in case the peace should continue for three years 16 and tlms prevent him from executing the proposed design, to repay to his Majesty all that may be ad- vanced, or to forfeit the property and government which he shall have created — which he hopes his Majesty will be willing to confirm to him. NOTE OF WHAT IS BEQUISITE FOR THh KX "EDITION. A vessel of 30 guns, armed and provided with every thing necessary, and the crew paid and supported during the voyage ; twelve other pieces of cannon for the two forts of five or six pounds to the ball, and eight cannon of ten or twelve, with the gun carriages and train : two hundred balls for each cannon, and powder in proportion. A hundred picked men, levied at the expense of his Majesty, but selected by the Sieur de la Salle. Their pay for one year to be 120 (?) a man, and a .< flu money would be of no avail to them in the colon % it shall be converted at the place of embarcation iin>> goods (dfrirees) proper for th^m. The pay, during six montlis, of 100 (?) for the other men, enlisted by the Sieur de la Sall'^ !o IiQ paid by his Majesty during the time they shall be eu. ployed in the proposed conquest. Victuals for all during six months ; 600 musquets for arming 400 savages, in addition to 1,600 v» ; > are already armed, and the others for the 200 Frei,;' r en. A hundred pair of pistols proper to be wora in the girdle ; 150 swords and as many sabres, 25 pikes 17 (pertukanes), 25 halberds, 20,000 lbs. of gunpowder, four to five (?) of wliich to be given to each savage, and the remainder left in the forts, and for the use of the French during the expedition. Musquet balls of the proper calibre in proportion ; gun-worms, powder-horns, rifle-flints, 300 to 400 grenades, six petards of the smallest and lightest kind, pincers, pickaxes, hoes, hones, shovels, axes, hatchets, and cramp-irons for the fortifications and buildinrs ; 5,000 to 6,000 lbs. of iron and 400 lbs. of steel of all sorts. A forge with its appurtenances, besides the tools necessary for armourers, joiners, coopers, wheel- wrights, carpenters, and masons. Two boxes of surgery provided with mediciae and instruments. Two chapels and the ornaments for the almoners. A barge of 40 tons in pieces (en fagots)^ or built with its appurtenances. Refreshments for the sick. 18 LETTERS PATENT Granted by the Kino of France to the Sieur DE LA Salle, on the 12th of May, 1678. TRANSLATION. Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and of Navarre. To our dear and well-beloved Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle, greeting. We have leceived with favor the very humble petition, which has been presented to us in your name, to permit you to endeavour to discover the western part of New France ; and we have consented to this proposal the more willingly, because there is nothing we have more at heart than the discovery of this country, through which it is probable a road may be found to penetrate to Mexico (^daiis laqud il y a apparence que Von trouvera un chemin pour pcnetrer jnsqu'au Mexique ;) and because your diligence in clearing the lands which we granted to you by the de- cree of our council of the 13th of May, 1675, and, by Letters Patent of the same date, to form habitations upon the said lands, and to put Fort Frontenac in a good state of defence, the seigniory and government whereof we likewise granted to you, affords us every reason to hope that you will succeed to our 19 satisfaction, and to the advantage of our subjects of the said countiy. For these reasons, and others thereunto moving us, we have permitted, and do hereby permit you, by these presents, signed by our hand, to endeavour to discover the western part of New France, and, for the execution of this enterprise, to construct forts where- evcr you shall deem it necessary ; which it is our will that you shall hold on the same terms and con- ditions as Fort Frontenac, agreeably and conformably to our said Letters Patent of the 13th of March, 1675, which we have confirmed, as far as is needful, and hereby confirm by these presents. And it is our pleasure that they be executed according to their form and tenor. To accomplish this, and everything above men- tioned, we give you full powers ; on condition, how- ever, that you shall finish this enterprise within five years, in default of which these presents shall be void and of none effect; that you carry on no trade what- ever with the savages called Outaouacs, and others who bring their beaver skins and other peltries to Montreal ; and that the whole shall be done at your expense, and that of your company, to which we have granted the privilege of the trade in buffalo skins. And we command the Sieurde Frontenac, our Governor and Lieutenant-General, and the Sieur Di chesne Intendant, and the other officers who com- posie the supreme council of the said country, to affix 20 their signatures to these presents; for such is our pleasure. Given at St Germain en Laye, this 12th -day of May, 1678, and of our reign the thirty-fifth. (Signed) LOUIS. And lower down. By the King, Colbert. And sealed with the great seal with yellow wax. The act of the Governor, attached to these presents, is dated the 5th of November, 1678.* ♦ I have a M.S. copy of the original in French, and have corrected the translation which was published by Mr Sparks 1.1 1844. " Memoir of the Sieur de la Salle report- ing TO MONSIEONEUR DE SeIGXELAY THE DISCOVERIES MADE BY IIIM UNDER THE ORDER OF HIS Majesty. MoNSEiQNEUR CoLDERT was of Opinion, with re- gard to the various propositions which were made in 1G78, tliat it was important for the glory and service of the King to discover a port for his vessels in the Gulf of ^Lxico. The Sieur de la Salle offered to undertake the dis- covery, at his own expense, if it should please his Majesty to grant to him the Seignory of the govern- ment of the forts which he should erect on his route, together witli certain privileges as an indemnification for the great outlay which the expedition would im- pose on him. Such gi-ant was made to him by letters patent of the 12th of May, 1G78. In order to execute this commission, he abandoned all his own pursuits which did not relate to it. He did not omit anything necessary for success, notwith- standing dangerous sickness, considerable losses, and other misfortunes which he suffered, which would have discouraged any other person not possessed of the same zeal with himself, and the same industry in the performance of the undertaking. He has made 22 five voyages under extraordinary hardsliips, extending over more than 5,000 leagues, most commonly on foot, through snow and water, almost without rest, during five years. Hu has traversed more than (KX) leagues of unknown country, among many barbarous and cannibal nations (antropophages), against whom he was obliged to fight almost daily, although he was accompanied by only 36 men, having no other conso- lation before him than a hope of bringing to an end an enterprise which he believed would be agreeable to his Majesty. After liaving happily executed this design, he hopes Monseigneur will be pleased to continue him in the title (prupriett) and government of the fort which he has had erected in the country of his discovery, where he has placed several French settlers — and has brought together many savage nations, amounting to more than 18,000 in number, who have built houses there and sown much ground — to commence a powerful colony. This is the only fruit of an expenditure of 150,000 e^us — the only means of satisfying his creditors who advanced to him the aid which he required after very considerable losses. He believes that he has sufficiently established the truth of his discovery by the official instrument signed* • See this Proces verbal, of the existence of which I was not aware when I printed this passage in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society. The document was first printed by Mr Jared Sparks, of Boston, and I have reprinted it with these Memoirs. thi OM Ml lil 23 was thfc nted with hy all his companions, which was placed last year in the hands of Monseigneur Colhert by the Count de Frontcnac: — as also by a report drawn up by the Reverend Father Zenoble, Missionary, who accom- panied him during this voyage, and who is at this time Guardian of Bapaume : — by the testimony of three per- sons who accompanied liim, and whom he has brought with him to France, and who are now in Paris: — and by tlie testimony of many other persons who came this year from Canada, and who have seen one Vital, sent by M. de la Barre to collect information respecting him, on the spot, and who has confirmed the truth of the discovery. All these proofs are sufficient to contradict whatever may have been written to the contrary, by persons who have no knowledge of the country where the discovery was made — never having been there. But he hopes to remove all these prejudices, by carrying into execu- tion tlie design which he entertains, under the favour of Monseigneur, of returning to the country of his discovery by the mouth of the river in the Gulf of Mexico, since he must have lost his sense, if, without being certain of the means of arriving where he pro- poses, he exposed not only his own fortune and that of his friends to manifest destruction, but his own honour and reputation to the unavoidable dis- grace of having imposed on the confidence of his Majesty and of his ministers. Of this there is less like- lihood, because he has no interest to disguise the 34 truih, since, if Monsoigneur does not think it conve- nient to undertake any enterprise in that direction he will not ask anything more from his Majesty, until his return from the Gulf of Mexico confirms the truth of what he has alleged. With reference to the assertion, that his voyage would produce no profit to France, he replies, that if he proposed it as a thing to he done, and on that account sought for assistance to undertake the enterprise, or reward after having succeeded in it, its usefulness would deserve consideration ; but being here only in order to render an account of the orders he received, he does not think himself to be responsible for anything but tlv ir execu- tion, it not being his duty to examine the int< .tions of Monseigneur Colbert. Having, however, observed great advantages which both France and Canada may derive from his discovery, he believes that lie owes this detail to the glory of the King, the welfare of the kingdom — to the honour of the Ministry of Mon- siegneur, and to the memory of him who employed him upon this expedition. He does this the more willingly, as his requests will not expose him to a suspicion of self-interest ; and as the influence which he has acquired over the people of that continent places him in a position to execute what he proposes, the things which he states will find greater credit in the minds of those who shall investigate them. Firstly, the service of God may be established there by the preaching of the Gospel to numerous docile 25 and settled (sedentaires) nations, who will be found more willing to receive it than those of other parts of America, upon account of their greater civili- zation. They have already temples and a form of worship. Secondly, we can eflTcCt there for the glory of our King very important conquests, both by land and by sea; or if peace should oblige us to delay the exe- cution of them, we might, without giving any cause of complaint, make preparations to render us certain of success whenever it shall please the King to com- mand it. The provinces which may be seized are very rich in silver mines — they adjoin the River Colbert (the Mississippi) — they are far removed from succour — they are open everywhere on the side on which we should attack them and are defended only by a small number of persons, so sunk in effeminancy and indolence as to be incapable of enduring the fatigue of wars of this description. The Sieur de la Salle binds himself to have this en- terprise ripe for success witliin one year after his arri- val on the spot, and asks only for this pa. pose one vessel, some arms, and munitions, the transport, main- tenance, and pay of 200 men during one year. After- wards he will maintain them from the produce of the country and supply their other wants through the credit and confidence which he has obtained among those nations, and the experience which he has had of B r 26 those regions. lie M'ill give n more detailed account of this {)ropo9al when it shall please Monseigneur to direct him. Thirdly, the river is navigable for more than a Imndred leagues for ships, and for barks for more than 500 leagues to the north, and for more than 800 from east to west. Its three mouths are as many harbours, capable of receiving every description of sliips ; where those of his Majesty will alvnys find a secure retreat, and all that may be necef to refit, and re-victual — which would be a great ..lOmy to his Majesty, who would no longer find it necessary to send the things needed from France at a great expense, the country producing the greater part of them. We could even build there as many ships as we should desire, the materials for building and rig- ging them being in abundance, with the exception of iron, which may perhaps be discovered. In the first place we should obtain there everything wliich has enriched New England and Virginia, and which constitute the foundation of their commerce and of their great wealth — timber of every kind — salted meat, tallow, corn, sugar, tobacco, honey, wax, resin, and other gums ; immense pasturages, hemp, and other articles with which more than 200 vessels are every year freighted in New England to carry else- wliere. The newly-discovered country has, besides its other advantages, tliat of the soil, which, being only partly 27 covered witli wood, forms a campaign of great fer- tility and extent, scarcely requiring any clearing. The mildness of the climate is favourable to the rear- ing of a large number of cattle, which cause great expense wliere the winter is severe. There is also a prodigious number (plus tin nomhre prodi//ieux) of buffaloes, stags, hinds, roes, bears, otters, lynxes. Hides and furs are to be had there almost for nothing (H vil prix), the savages not yet knowing the value of our commodities. There are cotton, cochineal, nuts, turnsols — entire forests of mulberry-trees — salt, slate, coal, vines, apple-trees ; so that it would be easy to make wine, cyder, oil of nuts, of turnsols, and of olives also, if olive-trees were planted there, silk, and dye-woods. It will not be necessary to import from Europe horses, oxen, swine, fowls, or turkies, M-hich are to be found in different parts of the country, nor to import provisions for the colonists, who would quickly find subsistence. Whilst other colonies are open and exposed to the descents of foreigners by as many points as their coasts are washed by the sea, whereby they are placed under a necessity of having many persons to watch these points of access ; one single post, established towards the lower part of the river, will be sufficient to protect a territory extending more than 800 leagues from north to south, and still farther from east to west, because its banks are only accessible from the sea through the mouth of the river, the remainder of the 28 coast being impenetrable inland for more than 20 leagues, in consequence of woods, bogs, reeds, and marsl-es (terrcs tremhlantes), through which it is im- possible to march ; and this may be the reason why the exploration of that river has been neglected by the Spaniards, if they have had any knowledge of it. This country is equally well defended in the interior against the irruptions of neighbouring Europeans, by great ohnins of mountains stretching from east to west, from which branches of the river take their source. It is true that the country is more open towards the south-west, where it borders on Mexico, where the very navigable river thj Seignelay, which is one of the branches of the Colbert (the Mississippi) is only sepa- rated by a forest of three to four days' journey in depth. But besides that the Spaniards there are feeble and far removed from the assistance of Mexico, and from that which they could expect by sea, this place is protected from their insults by a great number of warlike savages, who close this passage to them, and who, constantly engaged with them in cruel wars, would certainly inflict greater evil when sustained by some French, whose more mild and more humane mode of govern- ing will prove a great means for the preservation of the peace made between them and the Sieur de la Salle. To maintain this establishment, which is the only one required in order to obtain all the advantages men- tioned, 200 men only are needed, who would also con- i 29 struct the fortifications and buildings, and effect the clearings necessary for the sustenance of the colony ; after which there would be no further expenditure. The goodness of the country will induce the settlers (Jiahitans) to remain there willingly. The ease in which they will live will make them attend to the cultivation of the soil, and to the production of articles of commerce, and will remove all desire to imitate the inhabitants of New France, who are obliged to seek subsistence in the woods under great fatigues, ir hunt- ing for peltries which are their principal resource. These vagrant courses, common in New France, will be easily prevented in the new country, because, as its rivers are all navigable, there will be a great facility for the savages to come to our settlements and for us to go to them in boats which can ascend all the branches of the river. If foreigners anticipate us, they will deprive France of all the advantages to be expected from the success of the enterprise. They will complete the ruin of New France, which they ni'^iiady hem in through Virguiia, Pennsylvania, Nevr England, and the Hud- son's Bay. They will not fail to ascend the river as high as possible, and to establish colonies in the places nearest to the savages who now bring their furs to Montreal — they will make constant inroads into the countries of the latter, which could not be re- pressed by ordinances of his Majesty. They have already made several attempts to discover this pas- 30 sage, and they will not neglect it now that the whole world knows that it is discovered, since the Dutch have published it in their newspapers upwards of a year ago. Nothing more is required than to maintain the possession taken by the Sieur de la Salle, in order to deprive them of such a desire, and to place our- selves in a position to undertake enterprises against them glorious to the arms of his Majesty, who will probably derive the greatest benefits from the duties he will lew there, as in our other colonies. Even if this affair should prove hurtful to New France, it will contribute to its security, and render our commerce in furs more considerable. There will be nothing to fear from the Iroquois when the nations of the south, strengthened through theii" intercourse with the French, shall stop their con- quests, and prevent their being powerful, by carrying off a great number of their women and children, which they can easily do from the inferiority of the weapons of their enemies. As respects commerce, that post will probably increase our traffic still more than has been done by the establishment of Fort Frontenac, which was built with success for that purpose, for if the Illinois and their allies were to catch the beaverH, which the Iroquois now kill in their neighbourhood in order to carry to the English, the latter, not being any longer able to get them from their own colonies, would be obliged to buy them from us, to the great benefit of those who have the privilege of this traffic. 31 These were the views which the Sieur de la Salle had in placing the settlement where it is. The colony has already felt its effects, as all our allies, who had fled after the departure of M. de Frontenac, have returaed to their ancient dwellings, in conse- quence of the confidence caused by the fort, near which they have defeated a party of Iroquois, and have built fou** other forts to protect themselves from hostile incursions. The Governor, M. de la Barre, and the Intendant, M. de MeuUes, have told the Sieur de la Salle that they would write to Mon- seigneur to inform him of the importance of that fort in order to keep the Iroquois in check, and that M. de Lagny had proposed its ostablishmeni in 1678. Monseigneur Colbert j litted Sieur de la Salle to build it, and granted it t lii"i as a property.* In order to prove to Monseigneur llir sincerity of his intentions still more, and that he had • o other motive in selecting this site than the protection of the men be has left there, and whom he did not think rijirht to place in such small number, within the rea' ii of tlie Spaniards, and without cannon and munition, or to leave in so distant a country, where in case of sickness they could expect no assistance, t io return home from thence without danger — Ik otFers again to descend the river a hundred leagues lower • The fort of St Louis on the Illinois? 32 down, and nearer the sea, and to establish there another fort, demolishing the first, in the expectation, however, that Monseigneur would coTiSider the ex- penses incurred in its establishment. It may be said, firstly, that this colony might injure the commerce of Quebec, and cause the deser- tion of its inhabitants ; but the answer is, that by descending lower down, no beavers will be found. Thus the first difficulty will be removed, which again would not have any foundation, even if Fort St Louis were to remain. The Illinois will only kill the boaver, which, after their departure, would fall to the share of the Iroquois only, as no other nation dares to approach those districts. There is also no likeli- hood that deserters would choose a long and difficult route, at the end of which they would be still subject to be apprehended and punished, whilst they have another much shorter and easier one to New England, where they are quite secure, and which many take every year. A second objection would be, that the goodness of the country would attract so many people as to diminish the population of France, as it is said Mexico and Peru have depopulated Spain ; but, besides that France is more peopled than Spain has ever been, and that the expulsion of 1,800,000 Moors, added to the great wstrs she has had to sustain, is the real cause of its diminished population. It is certain that the number of the few Spaniards in those 33 kingdoms, who are not above 40,000, is not a number of emigrants sufficient to make any perceptible change in France, which ah-eady counts more than 100,000 settlers in foreign countries. It would be even desi- rable that instead of peopling other foreign kingdoms, the riches of the country newly discovered should attract them to it. Moreover, this objection has already been answered, when it was said that the country can be defended by one or two forts, for the protection of which only from 400 to 500 men are required, a number comprising only one half of tlic crew of a large vessel. Whatever has been imagined respecting the mud and breakers which are supposed to stop the mouth of the river, is easily disproved by the experience of those who have been there, and who found the en- trances fine, deep, and capable of admitting the largest vessels. It would appear that the land or levees de terre are covered in many parts with wood growing along the channel of the river very far into the sea ; and where the sea is deep they would not be sus- pected, because even the creeks of the sea are tole- rably deep at that distance, and besides, there i& every appearance that the current of the river h:vs formed these kind of dikes, by shoving on both sides the mud with which the winds fill the neiglibcurliig creeks, because those causeways are to the right and left of the river, forming for it a bed, as it were, by their separation. Nor can it be believed that tliese b2 34 levies* will ever change their position, since they consist of a hard soil, covered with pretty large trees following regularly the banks of the river, which form the bed of it for more than six leagues into the sea. In the memoir respecting New Biscay, the diffi- culty has been dealt with respecting the inconstancy of the savages. They know too well how important it is to them to live on good terms with us, to fail in their fidelity, in which they have never been known to fail in New France. Such an event is still less to be apprehended from those who are obedient and submissive to their caziques, whose good-will it is sufficient to gain, in order to keep the rest in obedience. • This word is in local use at New Orleans, to describe both the great artificial embankment of tlie river aiid any natural embankment. 35 "PROCES VERBAL. " Of the taking Possession of Louisiana, at the Mouth of the Mississippi, by the Sieur de LA Salle, on the 9th of April, 1G82.* " Jaques de la Metaipie, Notary of Fort Froii- tenac in New France, commissioned to exercise the said function of Notary during the voyage to Louis- iana, in North America, by M. de la Salle, Governor of Fort Frontenac for the King, and commandant of the said Discovery by the commission of his Majesty given at St Germain, on the 12th of May, 1678. " To all those to whom these presents shall come, greeting ; — Know, that having been requested by the said Sieur de la Salle to deliver to him an act, signed by us and by the witnesses therein named, of posses- sion by him taken of the country of Louisiana, near tiie three mouths of the R vert Colbert, in the Gulf of Mexico, on the 9th of A pril, 1682. " In the name of the mo? ': high, mighty, invincible, * " Tliis curious and important historical document has never been printed. The translation here given is made from the original, contained in the archives of the Marine Department at Paris. Tlie proper names remain precisely as they are found in the manuscript, although the orthography of several of them is (lifTerent from that which was afterwards adopted. "—Note by Mr Sparks on its publication at Boston in 1844. 36 and victorious Prince, Louis the Great, by the Grace of God, King of France and of Navarre, Fourteenth of that name, and of his heirs, and the successor of his crown, we, the aforesaid Notary, have delivered the said act to the said Sicur de la Salle, the tenor whereof follows. " On the 27th of December, 1681, M. de la Salle departed on foot to join M. de Tonty, who had pre- ceded him with his followers and all his equipage 40 leagues into the Miamis country, where the ice on the River Chekagou, in the country of the Mas- coutens, had arrested his progress, and where, when the ice became stronger, they used sledges to drag the baggage, the canoes, and a wounded Frenchman, through the whole length of this river, and on the Illinois, a distance of 70 leagues. " At length, all the French being together, on the 25th of January, 1C82, we came to Pimiteoui. From that place, the river being frozon only in some parts, we continued our route to the River Colbert, 60 leagues, or thereabouts, from Pimiteoui, and 90 leagues, or thereabouts, from the village of the Illi- nois. We reached the banks of the River Colbert on the 6th of January, and remained there until the 13th, waiting for the savages, whose progress had been impeded by the ice. On the 13th, all having assem- bled, we renewed our voyage, being 22 French, car- rying arms, accompanied by the Reverend Father Zenobe Mcmbre, one of the Recollet Missionaries, 37 and followed by 18 New England savages, and seve- ral women, Ilgonquines, Otchipoises, and Huronnes. " On the 14th, we arrived at the village of Maroa, consisting of a hundred cabins, without inhabitants. Proceeding about a hundred leagues down the River Colbert, we went ashore to hunt on the 2Gth of Feb- ruary. A Frenchman was lost in the woods, and it was reported to M. de la Salle, that a large number of savages had been seen in the vicinity^ Thinking that they might have seized the Frenchman, and in order to observe these savages, he marched through the woods during two days, but without finding them, because they had all been frightened by the guns which they had heard, and had fled. " Returning to camp, he sent in every direction French and savages on the search, with orders, if they fell in with savages, to take them alive without injury, that he might gain from them intelligence of this Frenchman. Gabriel Barbie, with two savages, having met five of the Chikacha nation, captured two of them. They were received with all possible kindness, and, after he had explained to them that he was anxious about a Frenchman who had been lost, and that he only detained them that he might rescue him from their hands, if he was really among them, and after- wards make with them an advantageous peace (the French doing good to everybody), they assured him that they had not seen the man whom we sought, but that peace would be received with the greatest satis- 38 faction. Presents were tlicn given to them, and, as they had signified tliat one of their villagea was not more than half a day's journey distant, M. de la Salle set out the next day to go thither ; but, after travelling till night, and having remarked that they often con- tradicted themselves in their discourse, he declined going farther, without more provisions. Having pressed them to tell the truth, they confessed that it was yet four days' journey to their villages ; and, per- ceiving that M. de la Salle was angiy at having been deceived, they proposed that one of them should re- main with him, while the other carried the news to the village, whence the elders would come and join them four days' journey below that place. The said Sieur de la Salle returned to the camp with one of these Chikachas ; and the Frenchman, whom we sought, having been found, he continued his voyage, and passed the river of the Chepontias, and the village of the Metsigameas. The fog, which was very thick, prevented his finding the passage which led to the rendezvous proposed by the Chikachas. " On the 12th of March, we arrived at the Kapaha village of Akansa. Having established a peace there, and taken possession, we passed, on the 15th, another of their villages, situate on the border of their river, and also two others, farther off" in the depth of the forest, and arrived at that of Imaha, the largest village in this nation, where peace was confirmed, and where the chief acknowledged that the village belonged to 39 his Majesty. Two Akansas embarked with M. de la Salle to co:idiict liim to the Talusas, their allies, about •)0 leagues distant, who inliabit eight villages upon the borders of a little lake. On the 19th, we passed the villages of Tourika, Jason, and Kouera ; but, as they did not border on the river, and were hostile to the Akansas and Taensas, we did not stop there. " On the 20th, we ai-rivcd at the Taensas, by whom we were exceedingly well received, and supplied with a large quantity of provisions. M. de Tonty passed a night at one of their villages, where there were about 700 men carrying arms, assembled in the place. Here again a peace was concluded. A peace was ..Iso made with the Koroas, Avhose chief came there from the principal village of the Koroas, two leagues distant from that of the Natches. The two chiefs accom- panied M. de la Salle to the banks of the river. Here the Koroa chief cml)arked with him, to conduct him to his village, where peace was again concluded with this nation, which, besides the five other villages of which it is composed, is allied to nearly 40 others. On the 31st, we passed the village of the Oumas with- out knowing it, on account of the fog, and its distance from the river. " On the 3rd of April, at about 10 o'clock in the morning, we saw among the canes 13 or 14 canoes. M. de la Salle landed, with several of his people. Footprints were seen, and also savages, a little lower down, who were fishing, and who fled precipitately 40 as soon as they discovered uh. Others of our party then went asliore on the borders of n marsh formed by the inundation of tlio river. M. do hi Salle sent two Frenchmen, and then two savages, to reconnoitre, who reported that there was a village not far off, but that the whole of this marsh, covered with canes, must be crossed to reach it ; that they had been assailed with a shower of arrows by the inhabitants of the town, who had not dared to engage with them in the marsh, but who had then withdrawn, although neither the French nor the savages with them had fired, on ac- count of the orders they had received not to act unleni in pressing danger. Presently we heard a drum beat in the village, and the cries and bowlings with which these barbarians are accustomed to make attacks. We waited three or four hours, and, as we could not encamp in this marsh, and seeing no one, and no longer hearing anything, we embarked. " An hour afterwards, we came to the village of Maheouala, lately destroyed, and containing dead bodies and marks of blood. Two leagues below this place •we encamped. We continued our voyage till the Gth, when we discovered three channels by which the River Colbert discharges itself into the sea. We landed on the bank of the most western channel, about three leagues from its mouth. On the 7th, M. do la Salle went to reconnoitre the shores of the neighbour- ing sea, and M. de Tonty likewise examined the great middle channel. They found these two outlets beau- 41 tiful, large, and deep. On the 8th, we rcascended the river, a little ahovo its confluence with the sea, to find a dry place, beyond the reach of inundations. Tlie elcration of the North Pole was here about 27°. Here we prepared a column and a cross, and to the said column were affixed the arms of France, with this inscription : LOUIS LE GRAND, ROI DE FRANCE ET DE NA- VARRE, R^GNE; LE NEUVlfiME AVRIL, 1682. The whole party, under arms, chanted the Te Dexim, the Exaudiat, the Domine salvum fac Regem ; and then, after a salute of fire arm: - ad cries of Vive le Hoi, the column was erected by M. de la Salle, who, standing near it, said, with a loud voice, in French : — * In the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and victorious Prince, Louis the Great, by the Grace of God King of France and of Navarre, Fourteenth of that name, this ninth day of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two, I, in virtue of the commission of his Majesty which I hold in my hand, and wliich may be seen by all whom it may concern, have taken, and do now take, in tl.o name of his Majesty and of his successors to the crown, possession of this country of Louisiana, the seas, harbours, ports, bays, adjacent straits ; and all the nations, people, provinces, cities, towns, villages, mines, minerals, fisheries, streams, and rivers, comprised in the extent of the said Louisiana, from the mouth of the t;rout river St Louis, on the 42 eastern side, otlienvise called Ohio, Alighin, Sipore, or Chukagona, and this with the consent of the Chaouf^no'iis, Chikachas, and other people dwelling therein, with whom we have made alliance ; as also along the River Colbert, or Mississippi, and rivers which discharge themselves therein, from its source beyond the country of the Kious or Nadouessious, and this with their consent, and with the consent of the Motantees, Ilinois, Mesigameas, Natches, Koroas, which ave the most considerable nations dwelling therein, with whom also we have made alliance, either by ourselves or by others in our behalf;* as far as its mo'ith a\ the sea, or Gulf of Mexico, about the 27th degree of the elevation of the North Pole, and also to the mouth of River of Palms; upon the assurance which we have received from all these nations, that we are the first Europeans who have descended or ascended the said River Colbert; hereby protesting against all tiiose who may in future undertake to in- vade any or all of these countries, people, or lands, above described, to the prejudice of the right of liis Majesty, acquired by the consent of the nations herein named. Of which, and of all that can be needed, I • " There is an obscurity in this enumeration of places .ind Indian nations, which may be ascribed to an ignorance of the gcograpliy of tlie country ; but it seems to bo the design of the Sieur de la Salle to take possession of the whole territory watered by the Mississippi from its mouth to its source, and by the streams flowing into it on both sides." — Note by Mr Sparks. 43 hereby take to witness those who hear me, and demand an act of the Notary, as required by law.' " To wliich the whole assembly responded with shouts of Vive le Roi, and with salutes of fire arms. Moreover, the said Sieur de la Salle caused to be buried at the foot of the tree, to which the cross was attached, a leaden plate, on one side of which were engraved the arms of France, and the following Latin inscription : — LVDOVICVS MAGNVS REG NAT. NONO APRILIS CIO IOC LXXXII. EOBERTVS CAVELIER, CVM DOMINO DE TONTY, LEGATO, R. r. ZENOBIO MEMBRfi, RECOLLECTO, ET VIGINTI GALLIS, PRIMVS HOC FLYMEN, INDE AB ILINEORVM PAGO, ENAVIGAVIT, EJVSQVE OSTIVM FECIT PEliVIVM, NONO APRILIS ANNI CIO IOC LXXXIL After wliich tiio Sienr de la Salle said, that his Ma- jesty, as eldest son of tlie Church, v ould annex no country to his crown, without making it his chief care to establish the Christian religion therein, and that its symbol must now be planted ; which was accordingly done at once by erecting a cross, before which the Vexilla and the Domine salvumfac Rcfjem were sung. Whereupon the ceremony was c;oncludcd with cries of Vive le Itoi. " Of all and every of the above, the said Sieur de la Salle having required of us an instrument, we have delivered to him the same, signed by us, and by the 44 undersigned witnesses, this ninth day of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two. " La Metairie, " Notary. " De la Salle. " P. Zenobe, Recollet Missionary. " Henry de Tonty. " Franqois de Boisrondet. " Jean Bourdon. " SiEUR d'Autray. " Jaques Cauchois. " Pierre You. " GiLLES Meucret. " Jean Michel, Surgeon. "Jean Mas. " Jean Dulignon. " Nicolas de la Salle." *^* The above is reprinted from Mr Sparks's ' Life of La Salle,' published at Boston, Massachusetts, in 1844. The original document, in French, has not been published. 45 WILL OF THE SIEUR DE LA SALLE. Robert Cavelier,* Esquire, Sieur de la SalL-, Seigneur and Governor of the Fort Frontenac in New France, considering the great dangers and continual perils in which the voyages I undertake engage me, and wishing to acknowledge, as much as I am able, the great obligations which I owe t^ M. Francois Plet, my cousin, for the signal services which he has rendered to me in my most pressing necessities* and because it is through his assistance that I have preserved to this time Fort Frontenac against the efforts which were made to deprive me of it, I have given, granted, and transferred, and give, grant, and transfer, by these presents, to the said M. Plet, in case of my death, the seigniory and property of the ground and limits of the said Fort Frontenac and its depending lands, and all my rights in the country of the Miamis, Illinois, and others to the south, together with the establishment which is in the country of the Miamis, • The value of this document before the publication of the Proces Verbal by Mr Sparks, was, that in connexion with the letters of La Salle, written in 1683, it determined the year in which the discovery of the mouth of the Mississippi was made. I used it for this purpose in an article written for the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society , before Mr Sparks's work was published. mmm 46 in the condition which it shall be at the time of my death, that of Niagara, and all the others which I may have founded there, together with all barges, boats, great boats, moveables, and immoveables, rights, privileges, rents, lands, buildings, and other things belonging to me which shall be found there ; willilig th.-t these presents be, and serve for my testa- ment and .leclaration in the manner in which I ought to make it, such being my last will as above written by my hand, and signed by my hand, after having read it and again read it {lu et vein). Made at Montreal, the 11th of August, 1G81. (Signed) Cavelier de la Salle. '' ^^^EMOIR SENT IN 1003, ON THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI AND THE NEIGH- BOURING NATIONS BY M. DE LA SALLE FROM THE YEAR 1G78 TO THE TIME OF niS DEATH, AND BY THE SIEUR DE TONTY TO THE YEAR mi." A] by in to Ca int( dis( cou Kii the seig him me lon^ We and folk aftei cend (Kir of t MEMOIR, ETC. After having been eight years in the French service, by land and by sea, and having had a hand shot off in Sicily by a grenade, I resolved to return to France to solicit employment. At that time the late M. Cavelier de la Salle came to Court, a man of great intelligence and merit who sought to obtain leave to discover the Gulf of Mexico by crossing the southern countries of North America. Having obtained of the King the permission he desired through the favour of the late M. Colbert and M. de Seignelai, the late Mon- seigneur the Prince Conty, who was acquainted with him and who honoured me with his favour, directed me to him to be allowed to accompany him in his long journeys, which he very willingly assented to. We sailed from Rochelle on the 14th of July, 1678, and arrived at Quebec on the 15th of September following. We recruited there for some days, and after having taken leave of M. de Frontenac, as- cended the St Lawrence as far as Fort Frontenac (Kingston), 120 leagues from Quebec on the banks of the Lake Frontenac (Lake Ontario,) which is c 50 about 300 leagues round. After staying there four days, we embarked in a boat of 40 tons burthen to cross the lake, and on Christmas day we were opposite a village called Isonnoutouan to which M. de la Salle sent some canoes to procure Indian corn for our subsistence. From thence we sailed towards Niagara, intending to look for a place above the Falls where a boat might be built. The winds were so contrary that we could not approach it nearer than nine leagues, which obliged us to go by land. We found there some cabins of the Iroquois, who received us well. We slept there, and the next day we went three leagues further up to look for a good place to build a boat, and there encamped. The boat we came in was lost through the obstinacy of the pilot, wliom M. de la Salle had ordered to bring it ashore. The crew and the things in it were saved. M. de la Salle determined to return to Fort Frontenac over the ice, and I remained in comnrand at Niagara with a Father RecoUet and 30 men. The boat was com- pleted in the spring. M. de la Salle joined us with two other boats and several men to assist us to work the boat up the Rapids, which I was not able to ascend on account of the weakness of my crew. He directed me to proceed and wait for him at the ex- tremity of Lake Erie, at a place called Detroit, 120 leagues from Niagara, to join some Frenchmen whom he had sent off the last autumn. I em- barked in a canoe of bark, and when we were near 51 Detroit the boat came up. We got into it, and continued our voyage as far as Michilimakinac, where we arrived at the end of August, having crossed two lakes larger than that of Frontenac (Ontario). We remained there some days to rest ourselves, and as M. de la Salle intended to go to the Illinois, he sent me to the Falls of St Mary, which is situated where Lake Superior discharges itself into Lake Huron, to look for some men who had deserted, and he in the meantime sailed for the Lake Illinois. Having arrived at Poutouatamis, an Illinois village, the calumet was sung, during which ceremony pre- sents are given and received. There is a post placed in the midst of the assembly, where those who wish to make known their great deeds in war, striking the post, declaim on the deeds they have done. This ceremony takes place in presence of those with whom they wish to make friendship, the calumet being the symbol of peace. M. de la Salle sent his boat back to Niagara to fetch the things he wanted, and, embarking in a canoe, continued his voyage to the Miarais River, and there commenced building a house. In the meantime I came up with the deserters, and brought them back to within 30 leagues of the Miamis River, where I was obliged to leave my men, in order to hunt, our provisions failing us. I then went on to join M. de la Salle. When I arrived he told me he wished that all the men had come with me iu order that he might proceed to the 59 Illinois. I therefore retraced my M-ay to find them, but the violence of the wind forced me to land and our canoe was upset by the violence of the waves. It was, liowever, saved, but everything that was in it was lost, and for want of provisions we lived for three days on acorns. I sent word of what had happened to M. de la Salle and he directed me to join him. I went back in my little canoe and as soon as I arrived we ascended 25 leagues, as far as the portage, where the men whom I had left behind joined us. We made the portage which extends aI)out two leagues and came to the source of the Illinois River. We embarked there and descend- ing the river for 100 leagues arrived at a village of the savages. They were absent hunting and as we had no provisions we opened some caches* of Indian corn. During this journey some of our Frenchmen were so fatigued that they determined to leave us, but the night they intended to go was so cold that their plan was broken up. We continued our route, in order to join the savages and found them 30 leagues * " The terra cache, meaning a place of concealment, was origi- nally used by the French Canadian trappers and traders. It is made by digging a hole in the ground, somewhat in the shape of a jug, which is lined with dry sticks, grass, or anything else that will protect its contents from the dampness of the earth. In this place the goods to be concealed are carefully stowed away." — Greyy's Commerce of the Prairies, vol. i, p. 68. 53 above the village. When they saw us they thought we were Iroquois, and put themselves on the defen- sive and made their women run into the woods ; but when they recognised us the women were called back with their children and the calumet was danced to M. dc la Salle and me, in order to mark their desire to live in peace with us. We gave them some merchandise for the corn which he had taken in their village. This was on the 3rd of January, 1G79. As it was necessary to fortify ourselves during the winter we made a fort which ^xas called Creveccevr. Part of our people deserted and they had even put poi- son into our kettle. M. de la Sallo was poisoned but he was saved by some antidote a friend had given to him in France. The desertion of these men gave us less annoyance than the eff<'ct which it had oa the minds of the savages. The enemies of M. de :a Salle had spread a report among the Illinois that we were friends of the Iroquois, who are their greatest enemies. The effect this produced will be seen hereafter. M. de la Salle commenced building a boat to descend the river. He sent a Father RecoUet, with the Sieur Dean, to discover the nation of the Sioux, 400 leagues from the Illinois on the Mississippi River southwards, a river that runs not less than 800 leagues to the sea without rapids. He determined to go himself by land to Fort Frontenac because he had heard nothing of the boat which he had sent to Niagara. He gave me the command of this place and left us on 54 the 22nd of Marcli with five men. On his road ho met with two men, whom he had sent in the autumn to Mi- chilimakinac to obtain news of his boat. Thoy assured him that it had not conie down and lie therefore deter- mined to continue his journey. The two men were sent to me with orders to go to the old village to visit a high rock and to build a strong fort upon it. Whilst I was proceeding thither all my men deserted and took away everything that was most valuable. They left me with two RecoUets and three men, newly arrived from France, stripped of everything and at the mercy of the savaj^cs. All that I could do was to send an authentic account of the affair to M. de la Salle. He laid wait for them on Lake Frontenac, took some of them and killed others, after which he returned to the Illinois. As for his boat, it was never heard of. During the time this happened the Illinois were greatly alarmed at seeing a party of GOO Iroquois. It was then near the month of September. The de- sertion of our men, and the journey of M. de la Salle to Fort Frontenac, made the savages suspect that we intended to betray them. They severely reproached me on the arrival of their enemies. As I was so re- cently come from France and was not then acquainted with their mannerb, I was embarrassed at this event and determined to go to the enemy with necklaces, and to tell them that I vas surprised they should come to make war with a nttion dependent on the government of New France, and which M. de la Salle, whom they 1 55 estcenieil, governed. An lUino'" accompanied nie, and we separated ourselves from the body of tl«e Illi- nois, who, to the number of 400 only, were fighting with the enemy. When I Avas within gun-shot the Iroquois shot at us, 8ei>:ed me, took the lecklace from my hand, and one of them plunged a knife into my breast wounding a rib near the heart. However having recognised me, they carried me into the midst of the camp and asked me what I came for. I gave them to understand that the Illinois were under the protection of the King of France and of the Governor of the country and that I was surprised that they wished to break with the French, and not to continue at peace. All this time skirmishing was going on on both sides, and a warrior came to give no*ice that their left wing was giving way, and that they had recog- nised some Frenchmen among the Illinois, who shot at them. On this they were greatly irritated against me and held a council on what they should do with me. There was a man behind me with a knife in his hand, who every now and then lifted up my hair. They were divided in opinion, Tegantouki, chief of the Isonoutouan, desired to have me burnt. Agoasto, chief of the Onnoutagues, wished to have me set at liberty, as a friend of M. de la Salle, and he carried his point. They agreed that, in order to deceive the Illinois, they should give me a necklace of porcelain beads to prove that they also were children of the Governor, and ought to unite and make a good peace. 56 They sent me to deliver this message to the Illinois, I had much difficulty in reaching them, on account of the blood I had lost, both from my wound and from my mouth. On my way I met the Fathers Gabriel de la Ribourde and Zenoble Menibre who were coming to look after me. They expressed great joy that these barbarians had not put me to death. We went together to the Illinois, to whom I reported the sentiments of the Iroquois, adding, however, that they must not altogether trust them. They retired within their village but seeing the Iroquois present themselves every day in battle array they went to re- join their wives and children, three leagues off. When they went I was left with the two Ilecollets and Jiree Frenchmen. The Iroquois made a fort in their vil- lage, ard left us in a c xbin at some distance from their fort. Two days after the Illinois appearing on the neiwh jouring hills, the Iroquois tho^'ght that we had some communication with them ; chis obliged them to take us within their fort. They pressed me to re- turn to the Illinois and indu.ie them to make a treaty of peace. They gave me one of their own nation as a hostage and I went with Father Zenoble. The Iroquois remained with tiie Illinois and one of the latter came with me. Whon we got to the fort, in- stead of mending matters^ he spoilt them entirely by owning that they had in all only 400 men and that the rest of their young men were gone to war, and that if the Iroquois really wished for peace 67 they were ready to give them the beseer skins and some slaves which l-.oy had. The Iroquois called me to them and loaded me with reproaches; they told me that I was a liar to have said that the Illinois had 1,200 warriors, besides the allies who had given them assistance. Where were the 60 Frenchmen whom I had told them had been left at the village ? I had much difficulty in getting out of the scrape. The same evening they sent back the Illinois to tell his nation to come the next day to within half a league of the fort, and that they would there conclude the peace, which in fact they did at noon. The Iroquois gave them presents of necklaces and merchandise. The first necklace signified that theGo/ernor of New France was angry at their having come to molest their brothers ; the second was addressed to M. de la Salle with the same meaning; and the third, ac- companied with merchandise, bound them as by oath to a strict alliance that hereafter they should live as brotherf'. They then separated and tlu Illinois believed, after these presents, in thr ti\w.erhy of the peace, which induced thviu (o conio .fcveral times into tiie fort of Iroquois, wIk re -some Illi- nois chiefs having asked me what I thought, I told them they had everything to fear, »hat their enemies had no good faith, that I knew that the; were making canoes of elm-bark, and that consecjucntly it was intended to pursue them ; and that they should take c2 58 advantageof any delay to retire to some distant nation for that they would most assuredly be betrayed. The eighth day after their arrival, on the 10th of September, the Iroquois called me and the Father Zenoble to council, and having made me sit down, they placed six packets of beaver skins before us and addressing me, they said, that the two fii-st packets were to inform M. de Frontenac that they would not eat his children and that he should not be ang'jr at what they had done; the third, a plaster for my wound ', the fourth, some oil to rub on my own and Father Zenoble's limbs, on account of the long jour- neys we had taken ; the tifth, that the sun was bright;* the sixth, that we should profit by it and depart the next day for the French settlements. I asked them when they would go away themselves. Murmurs arose, and some of them said that they would cat some of the Illinois before they went away ; upon which I kicked away their presents, saying, that I would have none of them, since they desired to eat the children of the Governor. An Abenakis who was with them, who spoke French, told me that I irritated them, and tht chiefs rising drove me from the coun- cil. We went to our cabin where we passed the * The published relation states: — " Par le cuiqueme lis nous exhortaient a adorer le solcir'(p. 122). The original is sim- ply : — " Le 5e quel e soleil etait beau.'" 59 night on our guard resolved to kill some of them before they should kill us, for we thought that we should not live out the night. However, at daybreak they directed us to depart, which we did. After five hours' sailing we landed to dry our peltries which were wet while we repaired our canoe. The Father Gabriel told me he was gfing aside to pray. I advised him not to go away, because we were surrounded by enemies. He went about 1,000 paces off and was taken by 40 savages, of a nation called Kikapous, who carri.nl him away and broke his head. Finding that he did not return, I went to look for him with one of the men. Having disco- vered his trail, 1 found it cut by several others, which joined and ended at last in one. I brought back this sad news to the Father Zenoble, who was greatly grieved at it. Towards evening we made a great fire, hoping that perhaps he might return ; and wo went over to the other side of the river where we kept a good look out. Towards midnight we saw a man at a distance and then many others. The next day we crossed over the river to look for our crew and after waiting till noon we embarked and reached the Lake Illinois by short journeys, alvays hoping to meet with the good father. After having sailed on the lake as far as La Touissant we were wrecked, 20 leagues from the village of Poutouatamis. Our pro- visions failing us, I left a man to take care of our things and went off" by land ; but as I had a fever niQ 60 constantly on me and my It^s were swollen, we did not arrive at this village till bl Martin's day (Novem- ber 11). During this journey we lived on wild «i,arlick, which we Avere obliged to grub up from under the snow. V'hen we arrived we found no savages: they were gone to their winter quarters. We were obliged to go to the places they had left, where we ob- tained hardly as much as two handful of Indian corn a-day and some frozen gourds which we piled up in a cabin at the water's side. Whilst we were gleaning a Frenchman whom we hfl left at the cache, came to the cabin where we hat left our little store of provisions. He thought we had put them there for him, and therefore did not spare them. We were very much surprised as we were goltig off to Michilimakinac to find him in the cabin where he had arrived three days before. We had much plea- sure in seeing him again, but little to see our pro, '.- sions partly consumed. We did not delay to embark, and after two hours' sail, the wind in the offing obliged us to land when I saw a fresh trail and di- rected that it should be followed. It led to the Pou- touatamis village, who had made a purtage to the bjy -"'^tlitj Puans. The next duy, weak as we were, we carried our canoe and all our things into this bay, to which there was a league of portage. We em- barked in Sturgeon Creek, and turned to the right at hazard, not knowing where to go. After sailing for a league we found a number of cabins, which led us 61 to expect soon to find the savages. Five leagues from this place we were stopped by the wind for eight days, which compclk'd us to consume the few provisions we had collected together, and at last we were without anything. We held council, and despairing of being able to come up with the savages, every one asked to return to the village, where at least there was wood so that we might die waim. The wind lulling we set off', and on entering Sturgeon's Creek we saw a fire made by sav- ages who had just gone away. We thought they were gone to their village and determined to go there; but the creek having frozen in the night we could not proceed in our canoe. We made shoes of the late Father Gabriel's cloak, having no leather. We were to have started in the morning, but one of my men being very ill from having eaten some parre-fleclte in the evening delayed us. As I was urging our starting two Ottawas savages came up, who led us to where the Poutouatamis were. We found some Frenchmen with them, who kindly re- ceived us. I sj)ent the winter with them, and the Father Zenoble left us to pass the winter with the Jesuits at the end of the bay. I left this p'ace in the spring for Michilimakinac, hardly recovered from the effects of which w.i had suffered from hunger and cold during 34 days. We arrived at Michilimakinac about the fete Dieu in October. M. de la Salle arrived with M. Forest some days afterwards, on his 62 way to seek us at the Illinoig. He was very glad to see us again, and notwithstanding the many past reverses made new preparations to continue the discovery which he had undertaken. I tlierefore em- barked with him for Fo-.i, Frontenac, to fetch things that we should want for the expedition. The Father Zenoble accompanied us. When we came to Lake Frontenac M. de la Salle went forward, and I waited for his boat at the village of Tezagon. When it arrived there I embarked for Illinois. At the Miamis River I assembled some Frenchmen and savages for the voyage of discovery, and M. de la Salle joined us in October. We went in canoes to the River Chi- cagou, where there is a portage which joins that of the Illinois. The rivers being frozen, we made sledges and dragged our baggage 30 leagues below the village of Illinois, where, finding the navigation open, we arrived at the end of January at the great River Mis- sissippi. The distance from Chicagou was estimated at 140 leagues. We descended the river, and found, six leagues below, on the right, a great river,* which comes from tb^ west, on which there are numerous natii>»is. We slept at its mouth. The next day we went on to the village of Tamarous, six leagues off on the left. There was no one there, all the people being at their winter quarters in the woods. We made marks to inform the savages that we had passed, * Missouri. f"^ 63 and continued our route as far as tlie River Ouabaclic,* which is 80 leajrues from that of Illinois. It comes from the east, and is more tlian 500 leagues in length. It i"^ by this river that tlie Irocjuois advance to make war against the nations of the south. Continuinj; our voyage about GO leagues, we came to a place which was named Fort Prudhomme, because one of our men lost himself there when out hunting, and was nine days without food. As they were looking for him they fell in with two Chikasas savages, whose village was three days' journey inland. They have 2,000 warriors, the greatest number of whom have flat heads, which is considered a beauty among them, the women taking pains to flatten the heads of their children, by means of a cusiiion which they put on the forehead and bind with a band, which they also fasten to the cradle, and thus make their heads take this form. When they grow up their faces are as big as a large soup plate. AH the nations on the sea-coast have the same custom. M. de la Salle sent back one of them with presents to his village, so that, if they had taken Prudhomme, they might send him back, but we found him on the tenth day, and as the Chikasas did not return, we continued, our route as far as the village of Cappa, 50 leagues off. We arrived there in foggy weather, and as we heard the sound of the tambour we • Ohio. 64 crossed over to the other side of the river, where, in less than half an hour, we made a fort. The savages having been informed that wo were coming down the river, came in their canoes to look for us. We made them land, and sent two Frenchmen as hostages to their village ; the chief visited us with the calumet, and we went to the savages. They regaled us with the best they had, and after having danced the calumet to M. de la Salle, they con- ducted us to their village of Toyengan, eight leagues from Cappa. They received us there in the same manner, and from thence they went with us to Toriman, two leagues further on, where we met with the same reception. It must be here remarked that these villages, the first of which is Osotonoy, are six leagues to the right descending the river, and are commonly called Akancas (Arkansas). The three first villages are situated on the great river (Mississippi). M. de la Salle erected the arms of the King there ; they have cabins made with the bark of cedar ; they have no other worship than the adoration of all sorts of animals. Their country is very beautiful, having abundance of peach, plum and apple trees, and vines flourish there ; bufFaloe?, deer, stags, bears, turkeys, are very numerous. They have even domestic fowls. They have very little snow during the winter, and the ice is not thicker than a dollar. They gave us guides to conduct us to their allies, the Taencas, six leagues distant. 65 The first day \vc began to see and to kill alliga- tors, which are numerous and from 15 to 20 feet long. When we arrived opposite to the village of the Taencas, M. de la Salle desired me to po to it and inform the chief of his arrival. I went with our guides, and we had to carry a bark canoe for ten arpens, and to launch it on a small lake in which their village was placed. I was surprised to find their cabins made of mud and covered with cane mats. The cabin of the chief was 40 feet square, the wall 10 feet high, a foot thick, and the roof, which was of a dome shaped, about 15 feet high. I was not less surprised when, on entering, I saw the chief seated on a camp bed, with three of his wives at his side, surrounded by more than 60 old men, clothed in large white cloaks, which are made by the women out of the bark of the mulberry tree and are tolerably well worked. The women were clothed in the same manner ; and every time the chief spoke to them, before answering him, they howled and cried out several times — " O-o-o-o-o-o !" to show their respect for him, for their chiefs are held in as much consideration as our kings. No one drinks out of the chief's cup, nor eats out of his plate, and no one passes before him ; when he walks they clean the path before him. When he dies they sacrifice his youngest wife, his house-steward (maitre cVhotel), and a hundred men, to accompany him info the otlier world. They have a form of worshij), and adore the sun. There is a 66 temple opposite the house of the chief, and simihir to it, except that three eagles are placed on this temple who look towards) the rising' sun. The temple is surrounded with strong mud walls, in which are fixed spikes on which they place the heads of their enemies whom they sacrifice to the sun. At the door of the temple is a block of wood, on which is a great shell (vignot), and jjlaited round with the hair of their enemies in a plait as thick as an arm and Jibout 20 fathoms (toifcs) long. The inside of the temple is naked ; there is an allar in the middle, and at the foot of the altar three logs of wood are placed an end, and a fire is kept up day and ri^at by two old priests (jongleurs), who are the directors {inaitres) of their worship. These old men showed me a small cabinet within the wall, made of mats of cane. Desiring to see what was inside, the old men pre- vented me giving me to understand that their God was there. But I have since learnt that it is the place where they keep their treasure, such as fine pearls which they fish up in the neighbourhood, and European merchandise. At the last quarter of the moon all the cabins make an offering of a dish of the best food they have which is placed at the door of the temple. The old men take care to carry it away and to make a good feast of it with their families. Every spring ihey make a clearing, which they name " the field of the spirit," when all the men work to the sound of the tambour. In the autumn the Indian corn is harvested with much 67 ceremony and stored in magazines until tlic moon of June in the following year, when all the vil- lage assemhlc, and invite their neighbours to eat it. They do not leave the ground until they have eaten it all, making great rejoicings the whole time. This is all I learnt of this nation. The three villages below have the same customs. Let us return to the chief. When I was in his cabin he told me with a smiling countenance the pleasure he felt at the arrival of the French. I saw that one of his wives wore a pearl necklace. I presented her with ten yards of blue glass beads in exchange for it. She made some difficulty, hut the chief having told her to let me have it, she did so. I carried it to M. de la Salle, giving him an account of all tliat I had seen and told liim that the chief intended to visit him the next day — which he did. He would not have done this for savages but the hope of obtaining some merchandise induced him to act thus. He came the next day with wooden canoes to the sound of the tambour and the music of the women. The savages of the river use no other boats than these. M. de la Salle received him with much politeness, and gave him fome presents ; they govc us, in return, plenty of ■>rovisions and some of their robes. The chiefs returned well satisfied. We stayed during the day, whicli was the 22nd of March, An observation gave 31° of latitude. We left on the 22nd, and slept in iin island ten leagues off. The next day we saw a IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 1.25 ItiKt 12.5 ■ 50 *^^ MI^^E 1^ 1^ 112.2 11= U 11.6 V] (^ /i cM «={?» J^*^ %^,^*> > ^;j '^> y /^ Phuiogiaphic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 s c 68 canoe, and M. de la Salle ordered me to chase it, which I did, and as I was just on the point of taking it, more than 100 men appeared on the banks of the river to defend their people. M. de la Salle shouted out to me to come back, which I did. We went on and encamped opposite them. Afterwards, M. de la Salle expressing a wish to meet them peacefully, I offered to carry to them the calumet, and embarking, went to them. At first they joined their hands, as a sign that they wished to be friends; I, who had but one hand, told our men to do the same thing. I made the chief men among them cross over lo M. de la Salle, who accompanied them to thcii' village, three leagues inland and passed the night there with some of his men. The next day he returned with the chief of the village where he had slept who was a brother of the great chief of the Natches ; he conducted us to his brother's village, situated on the hill side, near the river, at six leagues distance. We were very well received there. This nation counts more than 300 warriors. Here the men cultivate the ground, hunt and fish, aa well as the Taencas, and their manners are the same. We departed thence on Good Friday, and after a voyage of 20 leagues, encamped at the mouth of a large river, which runs from the west. We continued our journey, and crossed a great canal, which went towards the sea on the right. Thirty leagues further on we saw some fishermen on the bank of the river, 1 eg and sent to reconnoitre them. It was the village of the Quinipissas, who let fly their arrows upon our men, who retired in consequence. As M. de la Salle would not fight against any nation, he made us embark. Twelve leagues from this village, on the left, is that of the Tangibaos. Scarcely eight days before this village had been totally destroyed. Dead bodies were lying one on another and the cabins were burnt. We proceeded on our course, and after sailing 40 leagues, arrived at the sea on the 7th of April. M. de la Salle sent canoes to inspect the channels, gome of them went to the channel on the right hand, some to the left, and M. de la Salle chose the centre. In the evening each made his report, that is to say, that the channels were very fine, wide, and deep. We encamped on the right bank, we erected the arms of the King, and returned several times to inspect the channels. The same report was made. This river is 800 letgues long, without rapids, 400 from the country of the Scioux, and 400 from the mouth of the Illinois River to the sea. The banks are almost uninhabitable, on account of the spring floods.* The woods are all those of a boggy district, the * Tlic statement of De Tonty is thus altered in the published narrative : — " The next day, the 27th of March, 1683, we encamped at the mouth of a great river coming from the west, and named 70 country one of canes and briars and of trees torn tip by the roots ; but a league or two from the river, the most beautiful country in the world, prairies, woods of mulberry trees, vines, and fruits that we were not acquainted with. The savages gather the Indian corn twice in the year. In the lower part of the river, which might be settled, the river makes a bend N. and S., and in many places every now and then is joined by streams on the right and left. The river is only navigable [for large vessels ?] as far as the village of the Natches, for above that place the river winds too much ; but this does not prevent the navigation of the river from the confluence of the Ouabache and the Mississippi as far as the sea. There are but few beavers, but to make amends, there is a large number of buffaloes, bears, large wolves— stags and hinds in abundance — and some lead mines, which yield two-thirds of ore to one of refuse. As these savages are stationary [sedentaires], and have some habits of La Sablonniere. Ten leagues from hence, continuing our route, we found that the river divides itself into three channels. I took the one to the right, M. dc la Foret that to the left, and jvl. de Salle the middle one. We each followed our course for about ten leagues, and found ourselves again in company at the junction of these branches of the river." The voyage h then represented to have continued until the 7th of April, when the party is stated to have arrived at the sea, and " to have found the river entering the Gulf of Mexico by a channel two leagues broad, deep, and very navigable." — Dermire's Dicouvertes dans CAmerique Septentrionale de la Salle, pp. 188—193. Paris, 1697. 71 subordination, they might be obliged to make silk in order to procure necessaries for themselves; bringing to them from France the eggs of silkworms, for the forests are full of mulberiy trees. This would be a valuable trade. As for the country of Illinois, the river runs 100 leagues from the Fort St Louis, to where it falls into the Mississippi. Thus it may be said to contain some of the finest lands ever seen. The climate is the same as that of Paris, though in the 40° of latitude. The savages there are active and brave, but extremely lazy, except in war, M'hen they think nothing of seeking their enemies at a distance of 500 or 600 leagues from their own country. This constantly occurs in the country of ihs Iroquois, whom, at my instigation, they continually harass. Not a year passes in which they do not take a number of pri- soners and scalps. A few pieces of pure copper, whose origin we have not sought, tic: tcund in the river of the Illinois country. Polygamy prevails in this nation, and is one of the great hind'anjes to the introdizction of Chris ianity, as well as the fact of their having no form of worship of their own. The nations lower down would be more easily converted, because they adore the sun, which is their divinity. This is all that I am able to relate >f those parts. Let us return to the sea coast, where, provisions failing, we were obliged to leave it sooner than we wisihed, in order to obtain provisions in the neigh- 72 bouring villages. We did not know liow to get anything from the village of the Qiiinipissas, who had 80 ill received us as we went down the river. We lived on potatoes until six leagues from their village, when we saw smoke. M. de la Salle sent to reconnoitre at night. Our people reported that they had seen some women. We went on at day- break and taking four of the women, encamped on the opposite bank. One of the women was then sent with merchandise to prove that we had no evil design and wished for their alliance and for provisions. She made her report. Some of them came immediately and invited us to encamp on the other bank, which we did. We sent back the three other women, keeping, however, constant guard. They brought us some pro- visions in the evening and the next morning, at day- break, the scoundrels attacked us. We vigorously repulsed them, and by ten o'clock burnt their canoes, and, but for the fear of our ammu- nition failing, we should have attacked their village. We left in the evening in order to reach Natches where we had left a quantity of grain on passing down. W hen we arrived there the chief came out to meet us. M. de la Salle made them a present of the scalps we had taken from the Quinipissas. They had already heard the news, for they had resolved to betray and kill us. We went up to their village and as we saw no women there, we had no doubt of their having some evil design. In a moment we were surrounded 73 by 1,500 men. They brought us sometliing to eat, and we eat with our guns in our hands. As they were afraid of fire-arms, they did not dare to attack us. The chief begged M. de la Salle to go away, as his young men had not much sense, which we veiy willingly did — the game not being equal, we having only 50 men, French and savages. We then went on to the Taencas, and then to the Arkansas, where we were very well rec<'ived. From thence we came to Fort Prudhomme, where M. de la Salle fell dan- gerously ill, which obliged him to send me for- ward, on the Gth of May, to arrange his affairs at Missilimakinac. In passing near the Ouabache, I found four Iroquois, who told us that there were 100 men of their nation coming on after them. This gave us some alarm. There is no pleasure in meeting warriors on one's road, especially when they have been unsuccessful. I left them and at about 20 leagues from Tamaraas we saw smoke. I ordered our people to prepare their arms, and we resolved to advance, expecting to meet the Iroquois. When we were near the smoke, we saw some canoes, which made us think that they could only be Illinois or Tamaraas. They were in fact the latter. As soon as they saw us, they came out of the wood in great numbers to attack us, taking us for Iroquois. I presented the calumet to them — they put down their arms and conducted us to their village without doing us any harm. The chiefs held a council, and, taking us for Iroquois, resolved D 74 to burn us ; and, but for some Illinois among us, we should have fared ill. They let us proceed. We arrived aboutthe end of June, 1083 (1682), at the River Chicaou, and, by the middle of July, at Michili- makinac. M. de la Salle, having recovered, joined us in September. Resolving to go to France, he ordered mo to collect together the French who were on the River Miamis to construct the Fort of St Louis in the Illinois. I left with this design, and when I arrived at the place, M. de la Salle, having changed his mind, joined me. They set to work at the fort, and it was finished in March, 1083.* During the winter I gave all the nations notice of what we had done to defend them from the Iroquois, through whom they had lost 700 people in previous years. They approved of our good intentions, and established themselves, to the number of 300 cabins, near the Fort Illinois, as well Miamis as Chawanons. M. de la Salle departed for France in the month of Septemi)er, leaving me to command the fort. He met on his way the Chevalier de Bogis, whom M. de la Barre had sent with letters, ordering M. de la Salle to Quebec, who had no trouble in making the journey, as he was mci with on the road. M. de la Salle wrote to me to receive M. de Bogis well, which I did. The winter passed, and on the 20th of March, 1684, being * This date is no doubt correct, for there is a letter of La Sillu's in existence, dated at Fort St Louis, April 2, 1683. 75 informed that the Iroquois were about to attack us we prepared to receive them, and dispatclied a canoe to M. de la Durantaye, Governor of Missilimakinac, for assistance, in case the enemy s]iould hold out against us a long time. The savages appeared on the 21st, and we repulsed them with loss. After six days' siege they retired with some slaves which they had made in the neighbourhood, who afterwards escaped and came back to the fort. M. de la Durantaye, with Father Daloy, a Jesuit, arrived at the Fort with about GO Frenchmen, whom they brought to our assistance, and to inform me of the orders of M. de la Barre, to leave the place. They stated that M. de Bogis was in possession of a place belonging to M. de la Foret, who had accompanied M. de la Salle to France, and had returned by order of M. de la Salle with a lettre de cachet. M. de la Barre was directed to de- liver up to M. de la For^t the lands belonging to the Sieur de la Salle, and which were occupied by others to his prejudice. He brought me news *hat M. de la Salle was sailing by way of the islands to find the mouth of the Mississippi, and had at court obtained a company for me. He Bent me order^» to command at Fort St Louis, as Captain of Foot and Governor. We took measures together, and formed a company of 20 men to main- tain the Fort. M. de la Foret went away in the 76 autumn, for Fort Frontennc, and I began my journey to Illinois. Being stopped by the ice, I was obliged to halt at Montreal, where I passed the winter. When M. de la Foret arrived there in the spring, we took new measures — he returned to Frontenac, and I went on to the Illinois, where I arrived in June (1G85). M. le Chevalier de Bogis retired from his command according to the orders that I brought him from M. de la Barre. The Miamis having seriously defeated the Illinois, it cost us 1,000 dollars to reconcile these two nations, which I did not accomplish without great trouble. In tlie autumn I embarked for Missilimakinac, in order to obtain news of M. de la Salle. I heard there that Monseigneur de Denonville had succeeded M. de la Barre ; and by a letter which he did me the honour to write to me, he expressed his wish to see me, that we might take measures for a war against the Iroquois, and informed me that M. de la Salle was engaged in seeking the mouth of the Mississippi in the Gulf of Mexico. Upon hearing this I resolved to go in search of him with a number of Canadians, and as soon as I should have found him, to return back to execute the orders of M. de Denonville. I embarked, therefore, for the Illinois, on St Andrew's Day (30th of October, 1685) ; but being stopped I»y the ice, I was obliged to leave my canoe and to pro- ceed on by land. After going 120 leagues I arrived 77 at the Fort of Chicaou, where M. de la Durantaye commanded; and from thence I came to Fort St Louis, where I arrived in the middle of January, 1685 ( 168(j). I departed thence on the 16th February, with 30 Frenchmen and five Illinois and Chavvanons, for the sea, which I reached in Holy Week. After having passed the above-named nations, I was very well received. I sent out two canoes, one towards the coast of Mexico, and the other towards Carolina, to see if they could discover anything. They each sailed about 30 leagues, but proceeded no farther for want of fresh water. They reported that where they had been the land began to rise. They brought me a porpoise and some oysters. As it would take us five months to reach the French settlements, I proposed to my men, that if they would trust to me to follow the coast as far as Manatte, that by this means we should arrive shortly at Montreal, that we should not lose our time, because we might discover some fine country and might even take some booty on our way. Part of ray men were willing to adopt my plan ; but as the rest were opposed to it, I decided to return the way I came. The tide does not rise more than two feet perpen- dicularly on the sea coast, and the land is very low at the entrance of the river. We encamped in the place where M. de la Salle had erected the arms of the King. As they had beek. <'i'own down by the Hoods, I took them five leagues further up, and placed 78 tlicm in a higher situation. I put a silver ecu in the hollow of a tree to serve as a mark of time and place. We left this place on Easter Monday. When we came opposite the Quinipissas Village, the chiefs brought me the calumet and declared the sorrow they felt at the ti acltcry they had perpetrated against me on our first voyage. I made an alliance with them. Forty leagues higher up, on the right, we discovered a village inland, with the inhabitants of which we also made an alliance. These are the Oumas, the bravesi savages of the river. When we were at Arkansas, ten of the Frenchmen who accompanied me asked for a settlement on the River Arkansas on a seignory that M. de la Salle had given me on our first voyage. I granted the request to some of them. They remained there to build a house surrounded with stakes. The rest accompanied me to Illinois, in order to get what they wanted. I arrived there on St John's Day (24th of June). I made two chiefs of the Illinois embark with me in my canoe, to go and receive the orders of M. de Denonville, and we arrived at Mon- treal by the end of July. I left that place at the beginning of October to return to the Illinois. I came there on the 10th of October, and I directly sent some Frenchmen to our savage allies to declare war against the Iroquois, inviting them to assemble at the Fort of Bonhomme, which they did in the month of April, 1686 (1687). The Sieur de la Foret was already gone in a canoe with 30 79 Frenchmen, and he was to wait for mo at Detroit till the end of May. I gave our aavayjcs u dog leatst (Jcitin de chien) ; and after having declared to tli( la the will of the King and of the Governor, I left with 16 Frenchmen and a guide of ill > Miami nation. We encamped half a league from the J ort, to wait for the savages who might wish to loUow us. I lefl 20 Frenchmen at the Fort an^' tlie Sieur de BcUefontaino to command there during my absei;ce. Fifty Chag- anons, four Loups, and seven Miumis came to join me at night; and the next day more than 300 Illinois came, but they went back again, with the exception of 149. This did not prevent my continuing my route; and after 200 leagues of journey by land, we came, on the 19th of May, to Fort Detroit. We made some canoes of elm, and I sent one of them to Fort St Joseph on the high ground above Detroit, 30 leagues from where we were, to give the Sieur Dulud, the Com- mander of this Fort, information of my arrival. The Sieur Beauvais de Tilly joined me, and afterwards the Sieur de la Foret ; then the Sieurs de la Durantaye and Dulud. I made the French and the savages coast along the bay. After Le Sieur Durantaye had saluted us, we returned the salute. They had with them 30 English, whom they had taken on the Lake Huron, at the place at which they had reached it. We made canoes on our journey, and coasted along Lake Erie to Niagara, where we made a fort below the portage to wait there for news. On our way we took 30 more 80 EiipfHshraen, who were going to Missilimakinac, com- maiuled by Major Gregory, who was bringing back some Huron and Outawas slaves, taken by the Iroquois. Had it not been for these two moves of good luck our affairs would have turned out badly, as we were at war with the Iroquois. The English, from the great quantity of brandy which they had with them, would liave gained over our allies, and thus we should have had all the savages and the English upon us at once. I sent the Sieur de la Foret forward to inform M. de Denonville of everything. He was at the Fort of Frontenac, and he joined us at Fort Les Sables. The large boat arrived, and brought us provisions. M. le Monseigneur sent us word by it that he expected to aiTive by the 10th of July at the Marsh, which is seven leagues from Sonnontouans. The Poutouatarais, Hourons, and Ottawas joined us there, and built some canoes. There was an Iroquois slave among them whom I proposed to have put to death for the insolent manner in which he spoke of the French. They paid no attention to my proposal. Five leagues on our march he ran away and gave in- formation of our approach, and of the marks which •our savages bore to recognise each other, which did us great harm in the ambuscade, as will be seen. On the 10th we arrived at the Marsh of Fort Les Sables and the army from below arrived at the same time. I received orders to take possession of a certain 81 position, which I did with my company and savages. We then set about building a fort. On the 11th I went with 50 men to reconnoitre the road, three miles from the camp. On the 12th the Fort was finished, and we set off for the village. On the 13th, half a league from the prairie (deserts), we found an ambus- cade, and my company, who were the advance guard, forced it. We lost seven men, of whom my lieutenant was one, and two of my own people. We were occu- pied for seven days in cutting the corn of the four villages. We returned to Fort Les Sables, and left it to build a fort at Niagara. From thence I returned to Fort St Louis with my cousin, the Sieur Dulud, who returned tj his post with 18 soldiers and some savages. Having made half the portage, which is two leagues in length, some Hourons who followed us perceived some Iroquois, and ran to give us warning. There were only 40 of us, and as we thought the enemy strong, we agreed to fall back with our ammu- nition towards the Fort and get a reinforcement. We marched all night, and as the Sieur Dulud could not leave his detatchment, ' oegged me to go to tiie MarquiS; while he lay in ambush in a very good position. I embarked, and when I came to the Fort, the Marquis was unwilling to give me any men, the more so as the militia was gone away and he luid only some infantry remaining to escort him ; however, he sent Captain Vaiiennes and 50 men to support us, who stayed at the portage whilst we crossed it. We u2 82 embarked, and when clear of the land we perceived the Iroquois on the banks of the lake. We passed over, and I left the Sieur Dulud at his post at Detroit. I went on in company with the Reverend Father Crevier as far as Missilimakinac, and afterwards to Fort St Louis. There I found M. Cavelier, a priest, his nephew, and the Father Anastatius, a Recollet, and two men. They concealed from me the assassination of M. de la Salle ; and upon their assuring me that he was on the Gulf of Mexico in good health, I received them as if they had been M. de la Salle himself, and lent them more than 700 francs (28^.) M. Cavelier departed in the spring, 1G87 (168e), to give an account of his voyage at court. M. de la Foret came here in the autumn, and went away in the following spring. On the 7th of April, one named Coutoure brought to me two Akansas, who danced the calumet. They informed me of the death of M. de la Salle, with all the circumstances which they had heard from the lips of M. Cavelier, who had fortunately discovered the house 1 had had built at Arkansas, where the said Coutoure stayed with three Frenchmen. He told me that the fear of not obtaining from me what he desired had made him conceal the death of his brother, but that he had told them of it. M. Cavelier told me that the Cadadoquis had pro> posed to accompany him if he would go and fight against the Spaniards. He had objected, on account 83 of there being only 14 Frenchmen. They replied that their nation was numerous, that thoy only wanted a few musqueteers, and that the Spaniards had much money, which they (the French) should take ; and as for themselves, they only wished to keep the women and children as slaves. Coutoure told me that a young man whom M. Cavelier had left at Arkansas had assured him that this was very true. I would not undertake anything without the consent of the Go- vernor of Canada. I sent the said Coutoure to the French remaining in Nicondiche, to ge. all the information he could. He set oft", and at 100 leagues from the Fort was wrecked, and having lost everything returned. In the interval M. de Denonville directed me to let the savages do as they liked, and to do nothing against the Iroquois. He at the same time informed me that war was declared against Spain. Upon this I came to the resolution of going to Naodiche, to execute what M. Chevalier had ventured to undertake, and to bring back M. de la Salle's men, who were on the sea coast not knowing of the misfortune that had be- fallen him. I set off on the 3rd of October, and joined my cousin, who was gone on before, and who was to accompany me as he expected that M. de la Foret would come and take the command in my absence j but as he did not come^ I sent my cousin back to command the Fort. I bought a boat larger than my own. We em- 84 barked five Frenchmen, one Chaganon, and two slaves. We arrived on the 17th at an Illinois village at the mouth of their river. They had just come from lighting the Osages, and had lost 13 men, but brought back 130 prisoners. We reached the village of the Kappas on the 16th of January, where we were received with demonstrations of joy, and for four days there was nothing but dancing, feasting, and masquerading afler their manner. They danced the calumet for me, which confirmed the last alliance. On the 20th of January we came to Tongenga, and they wished to entertain us as the Kappatt had done ; but being in haste I deferred it until another time. I did the same with the Torremans, on my arrival on the 22nd. Leaving my crew I set off the next day for Assotoue, where my commercial house is. These savages had not yet seen me, as they lived on a branch of the river coming from the west. They did their best, giving me two women of the Cadadoquis nation, to whom I was going. I returned to Torremans on the 26th, and bought there two boats. We went away on the 27th. On the 20th, finding one of our men asleep when on duty as sentinel, I reprimanded him, and he left me. I sent two of my people to Coroa, to spare myself the fatigue of drag- ging on with our crew six leagues inland. The Frenchman, with whom I had quarrelled, made with them a third. We slept opposite the rivers of the Taencas, which run from Arkansas. Thty came there 85 on the 2nd, this being the place of meeting. My Chaganon went out hunting on the other side of the river, where he was attacked by three Chacoumas. He killed one of them, and was slightly wounded by an arrow on the left breast. On the 4th the rest of the party arrived. On the 5th, being opposite Taencas, the men whom I had sent to Coroa not having brought any news of the two Frenchmen whom I was anxious about, I sent them to Natches. They found that this nation had killed the two men. They retired as well as they could, making the savages believe that we were numerous. They arrived on the 8th of February. We set off on the 12th with 12 Taencas, and after a voyage of 12 leagues to the N.W. we left our boat and made 20 leagues portage, and on the 17th of February, 1690, came to Nachitoches. They made us stay at the place which -is in the midst of the three villages called Nachitoches, Ouasita, and Capiche. The chiefs of the three nations assembled, and before they began to speak, the 30 Taencas who were with me got up, and leaving their arms went to the temple, to show how sincerely they wished to make a solid peace. After having taken their God to wit- ness they asked for friendship. I made them some presents in the name of the Taencas. They remained some days in the village to traffic with salt, which these nations got from a salt lake in the neighbour- hood. After their departure they gave me guides to Yataches j and after ascending the river always to- 86 wards the N. W. about 30 leagues, we found 15 cabins of Natches, who received us pretty well. We arrived on the 16th of March at Yataches, about 40 leagues from thence. The three villages of Yataches, Nadas, and Clioye are together. As they knew of our arrival they came three leagues to meet us with refreshments, and on joining us we went together to their villages. The chief made many feasts for us. I gave presents to them, and asked for guides to the Cadadoquis. They were very unwilling to give us any, as they had murdered three ambassadors about four days before, who came to their nation to make peace. However, by dint of entreaties, and as- suring them that no harm would happen to their people, they granted me five men, and we got to Cadadoquis on the 28th. At the place where we were encamped we discovered the trail of men and horses. The next day some horsemen came to re- connoitre us, and after speaking to the wife of the chief whom I brought back with me, carried back the news. The next day a woman, who governed this nation, came to visit me with the principal persons of the village. She wept over me, demanding re- venge for the death of her husband, and of the hus- band of the woman whoLti I was bringing back, both of whom had been killed by the Usages. To take advantage of everything I promised that their dead should be avenged. We went together to their temple, and after the priests had invoked their God 87 for a quarter of an hour they conducted me to the cabin of their chief. Before entering they washed my face with water, which is a ceremony among them. During the time I was there I learnt from them that 80 leagues off were the seven Frenchmen whom M. Cavelier had left. I hoped to finish my troubles by rejoining them, but the Frenchmen who accompanied me, tired of the voyage, would go no further. They were unmanageable persons over whom I could exercise no authority in this distant country. I was obliged to give way. All that I could do was to engage one of them, with a savage, to accom- pany me to the village of Naovediche, where I hoped to find the seven Frenchmen. I told those who abandoned me, that to prevent the savages knowing this, it was best to say that I had sent them away to carry back the news of my arrival, sotliat the savages should not suspect our disunion. The Cadadoquis are united with two other villages called .N'atchitoches and Nasoui, situated on the Red Jlwer. All the nations of this tribe speak the same language. Their cabins are covered with straw, and they are not united in villages, but their huts are distant one from the other. Their fields are beautiful. They fish and hunt. There is plenty of game, but few cattle (bwiifs). They wage cruel war with each other — hence their villages are but thinly populated. I never found that they did any work except making very fine bows, d8 which tliey make a trafBc with distant nations. The Cadadoquis possess about 30 horses, which they call " cavali " (sp : caballo, a horse). The men and women are tattooed in the face, and all over the body. Thoy call this river the Med River, because, in fact, ii deposits a sand which makes the water as red as blood. I am not acquainted with their manners, having only seen them in passing. I left this place on the 6th of April, directing our route southwards, with a Frenchman, a Chaganon, a little slave of mine, and five of their savages, whom they gave me as guides to Naouadiche. When I went away, I left in the hands of the wife jf the chief a small box, in which I had put some ammunition. On our road we found some Naouadiches savages hunting, who assured me that the Frenchmen were staying with them. This gave me great pleasure, hoping to succeed in my object of finding them. On the 19th the Frenchman with me lost himself. I sent the savages who were with me to look for him. He came back on the 21st, and told me that, having lost our trail, he was near drowning himself in crossing a little river on a piece of timber. His bag slipped off, and thus all our powder was lost, which very much annoyed me as we were reduced to 60 pounds of am- munition. On the 23rd we slept half a league from the village and the chiefs came to visit us at night. I asked them about the Frenchmen. They told me that they had accompanied their chiefs to fight against i 80 the Spaniards seven days' journey off; that the Spaniards had surrounded them with their cavalry, and that their chief having spoken in their favour the Spaniards had given them horses and arms. Some of the others told me that the Quanouatins had killed three of them, and that the four others were gone in search of iron arrow heads : I did not doubt but they had murdered them. I told (hem that they had killed the Frenchmen. Directly all the women began to cry, and thus I saw that what I had said was true. I would not, therefore, accept the calumet. I told the chief I wanted four horses for my return, and having given him seven hatchets and a string of large glass beads, I received the next day four Spanish horses, two of which were marked on the haunche with an R and a crown (couronne ferrnce), and another with an N. Horses are very common among them. There is not a cabin which has not four or five. As this nation is sometimes at peace and sometimes at war with the neighbouring Spaniards, they take ad- vantage of a war to carry off the horses. We har- nessed ours as well as we could, and departed on the 29th, greatly vexed that we could not continue our route as far as M. de la Salle's camp. We were unable to obtain guides from this nation to take us there, though not more than :jO leagues off, besides being without ammunition, owing to the accident which I related before. It was at the distance of three days' journey from 90 hence that M. de la Salle >vas murdered. I will say a few words of what I have heard of this misfortune. M. de la Salle having landed beyond the Mitjsissippi, on the side of Mexico, about 80 leagues from the mouth of the river, and losing his vessels on the coast, saved a part of the cargo, and began to march along the sea-shore, in search of the Mississippi. Meeting with many obstacles on account of the bad roads, he resolved to go to Illinois by land, and loaded several horses with his baggago. The Father Anastatlus, M. Cavelier, a priest, his brother ; M. Cavelier, his nephew ; M. Moranget, a relative ; MM. Duhault and Lanctot, and several Frenchmen accompanied him, with a Chaganon savage. When three days' journey from the Naoudiche, and short of provisions, he sent Moranget, his servant, and the Chaganon, to hunt in a small wood with orders to return in the evening. When they had killed some buffaloes, they stopped to dry the meat. M. de la Salle was uneasy, and asked the Frenchmen who among them would go and look for them. Duhault and Lanctot had for a long time determined to kill M. de la Salle, because, during the journey along the sea-coast, he had compelled the brother of Lanctot, who was unable to keep up, to r.'tum to the camp : and who, when returning alone, was massacred by the savages. Lanctot vowed to God that he would never forgive his brother's death. As in long journeys there are always discontented persons, 91 he easily found partisjans. He offurefl, therefore, with them, to search for M. Moranget, in order to have an opportunity to execute their design. Having found the men, he told them that M. de la Salle was uneasy about them ; but the others showing that they could not set off till the next day, it was agreed to sleep there. After supper they arranged the order of the watch. It was to begin withM.de Moranget; after him was to follow the servant of M. de la Salle, and then the Chaganon. After they had kept their watch and were asleep, they were massacred, as persons attached to M. de la Salle. At daybreak they heard the reports of pistols, which were fired as signals by M. de la Salle, Avho was coming with the Father Recollet in search of them. The wretches laid wait for him, placing M. Duhault's servant in front. When M. de la Salle came near, he asked where M. Moranget was. The servant, keeping on his hat, answered, that he was behind. As M. de la Salle advanced to remind him of his duty, he received three balls in his head, and fell down dead. The Father Recollet was frightened, and, thinking that he also was to be killed, threw himself on his knees, and begged for a quarter of an hour to prepare his soul. They replied that they were willing to save his life. They went on together to where M. Cavelier was, and, as they advanced, shouted, " Down with your arms." M. de Cavelier, on hearing the noise, came forward, and when told of the death of his brother, threw himself on his knees, making 92 the same request that had been made by the Father Recollet. They granted him his life. He asked to go and bury the body of his brother, which was refused. Such was the end of one of the greatest men of the age. He was a man of wonderful ability, and capable of undertaking any discovery. His death much grieved the three Naoudich^s whom M. dc la Salle had found hunting, and who accompanied him to the village. After the murderers had com- mitted this crime, they seized all the baggage of the deceased, and continued their journey to the village of Naoudich6s, where they found two Frenchmen who hud deserted from M. de la Salle two years before, and had taken up their abode with these savages. After staying some days in this village, the savages proposed to them tb go to war against the Quanoo- uatinos, to which the Frenchmen agreed, lest the savages should ill-treat thein. As they were ready to set off, an Englii^h buccaneer, whom M. de la Salle had always I'ked, begged of the murderers that, as they were going to war with the savages, the y would give him and his comrades some shirts. They flatly refused, which offended him, and he could not help expressing this to his comrades. They agreed together to make a second demand, and, if refused, to revenge the death of M. de la Salle. This they did some days afterwards. The Englishman, taking two pistols in his belt, accompanied by a Frenchman with his gun, 93 went doliberntcly to the cabin of the murderers, whom thev found wore out shootinjj with bowg and arrows Lanctot met them and wisihed them good day, and asked how they were. They answered, *• Pretty well, and that it was not necessary to ask how they did, as they were always eating turkeys and good venison." Then the Englishman asked for some am- munition and shirts, as they were provided with everything. They replied that M. de la Salle was their debtor, and that what they had taken was theirp. " You will not, then ?" said the Englishman. " No," replied they. On which the Englishman said to one of them, " You arc a wretch ; you murdered my master," and firing his pistol killed him on the spot. Duhauit tried to get into his cabin, but the French- man shot him also with a pistol in the loins, which threw him on the ground. M. Cavelier and Father Anastatius ran to his assistance. Duhauit had hardly time to confess himself, for the father had but just given him absolution when he was finished by another pistol shot at the requc'^t of the savages, who could not endure that he should live after having killed their chief. The Englishman took posses.^ion of everything. He gave a share to M. Cavelier, who having found my abode in Arkansas, went from thence to Illinois. The Englishman remained at Naoudiches. We reached Cadadoquis on the 10th of May. We stayed there to rest our horses, and went away on ■ 94 the 17th, with a guide who was to take us to the village of Coroas. After four days* journey he left us, in consequence of an accident v/hich hap- pened in crossing a marsh. As we were leading our horses by the bridle, he fancied he was pursued by an alligator, and tried to climb a tree. In his hurry he entangled the halter of my horse, which was drowned. This induced him to leave us without saying anything, lest we should punish him for the loss of the horse. We were thus left in great diflSculty respecting the road which we were to take. I forgot to say that the savages who have horses use them both for war antl for hunting. They make pointed saddles, wooden stirrups, and body- coverings of several skins, one over the other, as a I»rotection from arrows. They arm the breast of their horses with the same material, a proof that they are not very far from the Spaniards. When our guide was gone I told the Chaganon to take the lead; all he said in answer was, that that was my business ; and as I was unable to influence him, I was obliged to act as guide. I directed our course to the south- east, and after about 40 leagues' march, cross- ing seven rivers, we found the River Coroas. We made a raft to explore the other side of the river, but found there no dry land. We rcisolved to abandon our horses, as it was impossible to take them on upon account of the great inundation. In the evening, as we were preparing to depart, we saw some savages. We called to them in vain — they ran away, and we 95 were unable to come up with them. Two of their dogs came to us, which, with two of our own, we embarked the next day on our raft, and left our horses. We crossed 50 leagues of flooded country. The water, where it was least deep, reached halfway up the legs ; and in all this tract we found only one little island of dry land, where we killed a bear and .dried its flesh. It would be difficult to give an idea of the trouble we had to get out of this miserable country, where it rained night and day. We were obliged to sleep on the trunks of two great trees placed together, and to make our fire on the trees, to eat our dogs, and to carry our baggage across large ti-acts covered with reeds ; in short, I never suffered so much in my life as in this journey to the Mississippi, which we reached on the 11th of July. Finding where we were, and that we were only [VO leagues from Coroas, we resolved to go there, although we had never set foot in that village. We arrived there on the evening of the 14th. We had not eaten for three days, as we could find no animal, on account of the great flood. I found two of ihe Frenchmen who had abandoned me at this village. The savages received me very well, and sympathised with us in the sufferings we had undergone. During three days they did not cease feasting us, sending men out hunting every dsiy, and not sparing their turkeys. I left them on the 20th, and reached Arkansas on the 31st, where I 96 caught the fever, which obliged mc to stay there till the 1 1 th of August, when I left. The fever lasted until we got to the Illinois, in September. I cannot describe the beauty of all the countries I have mentioned. If I had had a better knowledge of them, I should be better able to say what special ad- vantages might be derived from them. As for the Mississippi, it could produce every year 20,000 ecu's worth of peltries, an abundance of lead, and wood for ship-building. A silk trade might be established there, and a port fcr the protection of vessels and the maintenance of a communication with the Gulf of Mexico. Pearls might be found there. If wheat will not grow at .le lower part of the river, the upper country would furnish it; and the islands might be supplied with everything they need, such as planks, vegetables, grain, and salt beef. If I had not been hurried in making this narrative, I should have stated many circumstances which would have gratified the reader, but the loss of my notes during my travels is the reason why this relation is not such as I could have wished. Henry de Tonty. PETITION Op the Chevalier de Tonty to the Count de PONTCHARTRAIN, MINISTER OF MaRINE. MoNSEIONEUR, Henry de Tonty humbly represents to your Highness that he entered the army as a cadet, and was employed in that capacity in the years 1668 and 1669 ; and that he afterwards served as a garde ma' rine four years, at Marseilles and Toulon, and made seven campaigns, that is, four on board ships of war, and three in the galleys. While at Messina, he was made captain-lieutenant to the maitre de camp of 20,000. When the enemy attacked the post of Libisso his right hand was shot away by a grenade^ and he was taken prisoner, and conducted to Metasse, where he was detained six months, and then ex- changed for the son of the governor of that place. He then went to France, to obtain some favour from his Majesty, and the King granted him three hundred livres. He returned to the service in Sicily, made the campaign as a volunteer in the galleys, and, when the troops were discharged, being unable to obtain employment he solicited at court, but being unsuc- li rvf^m ^sm 98 cessful, on account of the general peace, he decided, in 16.'8, to join the late Monsieur de la Salle, in order to accompany him the discoveries of Mexico, during wh.'ch, until 1682, he was the only officer who did not abaiidon him. These discoveries being finished, he remained, in 1683, commandant of Fort St Louis of the Illinois ; ard, in 1684, he was there attacked by two hundred Iroquois, whom he repulsed, with great loss on their side. During the same year he repaired to Quebec, at the command of M. de la Barre. In 1685 he re- turned to the Illinois, according to the orders which he received from the court, and from M. de la Salle, as a captain of foot in a Marine Detachment, and governor of Fort St Louis. In 1686 he went, with forty men in canoes, at his own expense, as far as the Guif of Mexico, to seek for M. de la Salle. Not being able to find him there, he returned to Montreal, and put himself under the orders of Monsieur Denon- ville, to engage in the war with the Iroquois. On his return to the Illinois, he marched two hundred leagues by land, and as far in canoes, and joined the army, when, being at the head of a company of Ca- nadians, he forced the ambuscade of the Tsonnon- thouans. The campaign being over, he returned to the Illi- nois, whence he departed, in 1689, to go in search of the remains of M. de la Salle's people ; but, being de- serted by his men, and unable to execute his design. 09 he was compelled to relinquisli it, when he had arrived within seven days' march of the Spaniards. Ten months M'ere spent in going and returning. As he now finds himself without employment, he prays that, in consideration of his voyages, and heavy expenses, and considering also, that, during his service of seven years as captain, he haa not received any pay, your Highness will be pleased to obtain for him, from his Majesty, a company, that he may continue his services in this country, where he has not ceased to harass the Iroquois, by enlisting the Illinois against them in his Majesty's cause. And he will continue his prayers for the health of your Highness. Henry dk Tonty. Nothing can be more true than the account given by the Sieur de Tonty in this petition ; and should his Majesty reinstate the seven companies, which have been disbanded in this country, there will be justice in granting one of them to him, or some other recompense for the services which he has rendered, and which he is now returning to render, at Fort St Louis in the Illinois. Frontenac. REYNELL AND WEIGHT, LITTLE PULTENEY STREET. qsvaHapipiPBViPi #■ ERRATA. ON THE MISSISSIPPI. Page 19, line 11, for " May," read «' March." „ 87, „ 8, for "176," read "1761." IN DE TONTY's narrative. Page 45, line 20, after « river," add (ante pp. 20, 21 ). „ 50, „ 21, after "spring," add (1679). 9, after " 1679," add (1680). 3, after " Nov. 11," add (1680). 61, „ 25, after « spring," add (1681). 61, „ 28, after " October," add (June). 11, after « April," add (1682). / 53, „ 60, „ 69, „ f| r