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Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmis en commenqant par la premidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la derniAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols — ► signifie "A SUIVRE ", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmds A des taux de reduction diff^rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clich6, 11 est film6 d partir de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 I i I, 1> ■i> ..' 'I' PRINCE KUNG. CHINA. / HE FLOWERY KINGDOM ANL» The band of the /Vlilmperor, which has been shortened into Kaotsou. He named his dynasty the Han, after the small state in which he was born. Kaotsou began his reign by a public pro- clamation in favor of peace, and deploring the evils which follow in the train of war. He called upon his subjects to aid his efforts for their welfare by assisting in the execution of 80 many works of public utility, among which roads and bridges occupied the foremost place. He removed his capital from Loyang in Honan to Singanfoo in Shensi, and as Singan was difficult of access in those days, he constructed a great high road from the centre of China to this somewhat remote spot on the western frontier. The First Suspension Bridge. This road still exists, and has been described by several travellers in our time. It was constructed by the labor of i(X),OCX3 men through the most difficult country, crossing great mountain chains and broad rivers. The Chinese engineers employed on the making of this road, which has excited the admiration of all who have traversed it, first discovered and carried into execution the suspension bridge, which in other coun- tries is quite a modern invention. One of these "flying bridges," as the Chinese called them, is 1 50 yards across a valley 500 feet below, and is still in use. At regular intervals along this road Kaot- sou constructed rest-houses for travellers, and postal-stations for his couriers. No Chinese ruler has done anything more use- ful or remarkable than this admirable road from Loyang to Singanfoo. He embellished his new capital with many fine buildings among which was a large palace, the grand- eur of which was intended to correspond with the extent of his power. The reign of Kaotsou was, however, far from being one of unchequered prosperity. THE STORY OF THE HAN RULERS. 81 Among his own subjects his popularity was great because he promoted commerce and improved the administration of justice. He also encouraged literature, and was the first ruler to recognize the claims of Confucius, at whose tomb he performed an elaborate ceremony. He thus acquired a reputation which induced the King of Nanhai — a state composed of the southern provinces of China with its capital at or near the modern Canton — to tender his allegiance. Hut he was "cral Mayuen, enjoyed a peaceful reign of thirteen years, and died at an early age lamented by his sorrowing people. The Huns Conquered. After Changti came his son Hoti, who was only ten at the time of his accession, and who reigned for seventeen years. He was a virtuous and well-intentioned prince, who instituted many internal reforms, and during his reign a new writing-paper was invented, which is supposed to have been identical with the papyrus of P^gypt. But the reign of Hoti is rendered illus- trious by the remarkable military achieve- ments of Panchow. The success of that general in his operations with the Huns has already been referred to, and he at last formed a deliberate plan for driving them away from the Chinese frontier. Although he enjoyed the confidence of his successive sovereigns, the Imperial sanction was long withheld from this vast scheme, but during the life of Changti he began to put in opera- tion measures for the realization of thi.'^ pro- ject that were only matured under Hoti. He raised and trained a special army for frontier war. He enlisted tribes who had never served the F.mperor before, and who were specially qualified for desert warfare. He formed an alliance with the Sienpi tribes of Manchuria, who were probably the ancestors of the present Manchus, and thus arranged for a flank attack on the Huns. This systematic attack was crowned with success. The pressure brought against them compelled the Hiongnou to give way, and as they were ousted from their posses- sions, to seek fresh homes further west In this they were, no doubt, stimulated by the example of their old opponents, the Yuchi, but Panchow's energy supplied a still more convincing argument. He pursued them wherever they went, across the Gobi desert and beyond the Tian Shan range, taking up a strong position at modern Kuldja and Kashgar, sending his expeditions on to the Pamir, and preparing to complete his triumph by the invasion of the countries of the O-xus and Jaxartes. A Brilliant Campaign. When Hoti was still a youth, he com- pleted this programme by overrunning the region as far as the Caspian, which was prob- ably at that time connected with the Aral, and it may be supposed that Khiva marked the limit of the Chinese general's triumphant progress. It is affirmed with more or less show of truth that he came into contact with the Roman Flmpire or the great Thsin, as the Chinese called it, and that he wished to establish commercial relations with it. But, however uncertain this may be, there can be no doubt that he inflicted a most material injury on Rome, for before his legions fled the Huns, who, less than four centuries later, debased the majesty of the Imperial City, and whose leader, Attila, may have been a descendant of that Meha, at whose hands the Chinese suffered so severely. After this brilliant and memorable war, Panchow returned to China, where he died L... ced ith as to H ai O u < D H n ■< X ^ 42 CHINA: PAST AND PRKSKNT. at the great age of eighty. With him dis- appeared the good fortune of the Han dynasty, and misfortunes fell rapidly on the family that had governed China so long and so well. Hoti's infant son lived only a few months, and then his brother Ganti became Emperor. The real power rested in the hands of the widow of Hoti, who was ele- vated to the post of Regent. Ganti was succeeded in A. D. 1 24 by his .son Chunti, in whose time several rebellions occurred, threatening the extinction of the dynasty. Ambitious Schemes. Several children were then elevated to the throne, and at last an ambitious noble named Leangki, whose sister was one of the Em- presses, acquired the supreme direction of affairs. He gave a great deal of trouble, but at la.st, finding that his ambitious schemes did not prosper, he took poison, thus antici- pating a decree passed for his execution. Hwanti, the Emperor who had the courage to punish this powerful noble, was the last able ruler of the Hans. His reign was, on the whole, a brilliant one, and the Sienpi tribes, who had taken the place of the Hiognou, were, after one arduous campaign, defeated in a pitched battle. The Chinese were on the verge of defeat when their general, Twan Kang, rushed to the front, exclaiming : " Recall to your minds how often before you have beaten these same opponents, and teach them again to-day that in you they have their masters." After Hwanti's death the decline of the Hans was rapid. They produced no other ruler worthy of the throne. In the palace the eunuchs, always numerous at the Chi- nese Court, obtained the upper hand, and appointed their own creatures to the great governing posts. Fortunately this dissen- sion at the capital was not attended by weak- ness on the frontic!, and the Sienpi were again defeated. The battle is chiefly mem- orable because the Sienpi endeavored to frighten the Chinese general by t' '-^ning to kill his mother, who was a j. or in their hands, if he attacked. Not deterred by this menace, Chow Pow attacked the enemy, and gained a decisive victory, but at the cost of his mother's life, which so affected him that he died of griet shortly afterwards. After some time dissen- sions rose in the Han family, and two half brothers claimed the throne. Pienti became P2mperor by the skilful support of his uncle. General Hotsin, while his rival Hicnti en- joyed the support of the eunuchs. A deadly feud ensued between the two parties, which was aggravated by the murder of Hotsin, who rashly entered the palace ' it an escort. His soldiers avenged jath, carrying the palace by storm, and putting 10,000 eunuchs to the sword. End of a Famous Dynasty. After this the la.st Emperors possessed only the name of Emperor. The practical authority was disputed among several gen- erals, of whom Tsow Tsow was the most distinguished and successful; and he and his son Tsowpi founded a dynasty. In A. D. 220 Hienti, the la.st Han ruler, re- tired into private life as Prince of Chanyang, thus bringing to an end the famous Han dynasty, which had governed China for 475 years. Among the families that have reigned in China none have obtained as high a place in popular esteem as the Hans. They ren- dered excellent work in consolidating the Empire and in carrying out what may be called the Impeiial mission of China. Yun- nan and Leaoutung were made provinces for the first time. Cochin China became a vas- njwWMMMMMHMMHM hOm TUl' STORY OI- 11 IK 11 AN RULERS. 43 sal state. The writ of the Kinpcror ran as far as the Pamir. The wealth and trade of the country increased with the progress of its armies. Some of the greatest public works, in the shape of roads, bridges, canals, and aqueducts, were constructed during this period, and still remain to testify to the glory of the Hans. As has been seen, the Hans produced several great rulers. Their fame was not the creation of one man alone, and as a consequence the dynasty enjoyed a length- ened existence equalled by few of its prede- cessors or successors. No ruling family was ever more popular with the Chinese than this, and it managed to retain the throne when less favored rulers would have ex- piated their mi.stakes and .shortcomings by the loss of the Empire. With the strong support of the people, the Hans overcame innumerable difficulties, and even the natural process of decay ; and when they made their final exit from history it was in a graceful manner, and without the execration of the masses, which generally attends the fall of greatness and the loss of sovereign authority. That this feeling retains its force is shown in the pride with which the Chinese still pro- claim themselves to be the sons of Han and glory in their ancestry. IMAGE OF BUDDHA. CHAPTER III. THE MONGOL CONQUEST OF CHINA. THE ignominious failure of the usurper Wang Mang to found a dynasty was too recent to encourage any- one to take upon himself the heavy charge of administering the whole of the Han Empire, and so the state was split up into three principalities, and the period is known from this fact as the Sankoue. One prince, a member of the late ruling family, held possession of Szchuen, which was called the principality of Chow. The southern provinces were goverened by a general named Sunkiuen, and called Ou. The central and northern provinces, con- taining the greatest population and resources, formed the principality of Wei, subject to Tsowpi, the son of Tsow Tsow. A struggle for supremacy very soon began between these princes, and the balance of success gradually declared itself in favor of Wei. It would serve no useful purpose to enu- merate the battles which marked this struggle, yet one deed of heroism deserves mention, the defence of Sinching by Changte, an officer of the Prince of Wei. The strength of the place was insignificant, and, after a siege of ninety days, several breaches had been matlc in the walls. In this strait Changte sent a message to the besieging general that he would surrender on the hun- dredth day if a cessation of hostilities were granted, " as it was a law among the princes of Wei that the governor of a place which held out for a hundred days and then surren- deicd, with no prospect of relief visible, should not be considered as guilty." The 44 respite was short and it was granted. But the disapnr>mfment of the besieger, already counting on success, vas great when a few days later he saw that the breaches had been repaired, that fresh defences had been impro- vised, and that Sinching was in better condi- tion than ever to withstand a seige. On sending to inquire the meaning of these preparations, Changte, gave the fol- lowing reply : " I am preparing my tomb and to bury myself in the ruins of Sinching." Of such gallantry and resource the interne- cine strife of the Sankoue period presents few instances, but the progress of the struggle steadily pointed in the direction of the triumph of Wei. Period of United Government. A long period of dissension prevailed in China. Then came the powerful Tang dynasty, A. D. 617, which succeeded in largely restoring the unity of the nation. A termination was at last reached to the internal division and weakness that had lasted for more than 750 years. The student reaches at this point firmer ground in the history of China as an Empire, and his interest in the subject must assume a more definite form on coming to the begin- ning of that period of united government and settled authority which has been established for nearly 1 ,000 years, during which no more than four separate families have held posses- sion of the throne. After the rival dynasties of the Sungs and Kins rose to supremacy, the Chinese were '^vS I ii^i \v. ;fe. W ; ts Hi ii'Un W 01 ' mm44 ^r-^^. •■"" ■ i-^ --■"-' * '. , *.'. -'1' . k l-wvt.. iB^^lrf -^U^! PL, < 1-9 P5 O o o '' 40 CHINA: PAST AND PRI'SKNT. II rested satisfied with no secondary position, indicated the path on whicii the Mongols proceeded to the acquisition of supreme power and a paramount military influence whithersoever they carried their name and standards. Union of Warlike Races. The work begun by Kabul was well con- tinued by his son Kutula, or Kablai. He, too, was a great warrior, whose deeds of prowess aroused as much enthusiasm among the Mongols as those of Cceur-de-Lion evoked in the days of the Plantagenets. The struggle with Hie Kins was rendered more bitter by the execution of several Mongols of importance, who happened to fall into the hands of the Kins. When Kutula died the chiefship passed to his nephew, Yissugci, who greatly extended the influence aud power of his family among the tribes neighboring to the Mongol home. Many of these, and even some Chinese, joined the military organization of the domi- nant tribe, so that what was originally a small force of strictly limited numbers, became a vast and ever-increasing con- federacy of the most warlike and aggressive races of the Chinese northern frontier. Im- portant as Yissugei's work in the develop- ment of Mongol power undoubtedly was, his chief historical interest is derived from the fact that he was the father of Genghis Khan. There are several interesting fables in con- nection with the birth of Genghis, which event may be safely assigned to the year 1 162 A. 1). One of these reads as follows: — " One day Yissugei was hunting in com- pany with his brothers, and was following the tracks of a white hare in the snow. They .struck upon the track of a wagon, and fol- lowing it up came to a spot where a woman's yart was pitched. Then said Yissugci, ' This woman will bear a valiant son.' He discovered that she was the damsel Ogclen Eke {i. v., the mother of nations), and that she was the wife of Yeke Yilatu, chief of a Tartar tribe. Yissugei carried her off and made her his wife." Birth ot the "Valiant Son." Immediately after his overthrow of Temu- jin, chief of one of the principal Tartar tribes, Yissugei learned that the promised " valiant son " was about to be born, and in honor of his victory he gave him the name of Temujin, which was the proper name of tile great Genghis. The village or encamp- ment in which the future conqueror first saw the light of day still bears the old Mongol name, Dilun Boldak, on the banks of the Onon. When Yissugei died, Temujin, or Genghis, was only thirteen, and his clan of 40,000 families refused to recognize him as their leader. At a meeting of the tribe Genghis entreated them with tears in his eyes to stand by the son of their former chief, but the majority of them mocked at him, exclaiming, "The deepest wells are sometimes dry, and the hardest stone is sometimes broken, why should we cling to thee?" Genghis owed to the heroic attitude of his mother, who flung abroad the cow-tailed banner of his race, the acceptance of his authority by about half the warriors who had obeyed his father. The great advantage of this step was that it gave Genghis time to grow up to be a warrior as famous as any of his predecessors, and it certainly averted what might have easily become the irretriev- able disintegration of the Mongol alliance. The youth of Genghis was passed in one ceaseless struggle to regain the whole of his birthright. His most formidable enemy was "-^h o h 48 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. J. 1 i I Chamuka, chief of the Juriats, and for a long time he had all the worst of the struggle, being taken prisoner on one occasion, and under- going marked indignity. On making his escape he had rallied his remaining followers round him for a final effort, and on the advice of his mother Ogelen Eke, who was his principal adviser and staunchest sup- porter, he divided his forces into thirteen regiments of i,ooo men each, and confined his attention to the defence of his own terri- tory. Unexpected Victory. Chamuka, led away by what he deemed the weakness of his adversary, attacked him on the Onon with as he considered the over- whelming force of 30,000 men ; but the re- sult dispelled his hopes of conquest, for Genghis gained a decisive victory. Then was furnished a striking instance of the truth of the saying that " nothing succeeds like success." The despised Temiijin, who was thought to be unworthy of the post of ruling the Mongols, was lauded to the skies, and the tribes declared with one voice, " Temujin alone is generous and worthy of ruling a great people." At this time also he began to show the qualities of a statesman and diplomatist. He formed in 1 194 a tem- porary alliance with the Kin emperor, Mada- cou, and the richness of his reward seems to have excited his cupidity, while his expe- rience of the Kin army went to prove that they were not so formidable as had been imagined. The discomfiture of Chamuka has been referred to, but he had not abandoned the hope of success, and when he succeeded in detaching the Kerait chief Wang Khan from the Mongols, to whom he was bound by ties of gratitude, he fancied that he again held victory in his grasp. But the intrigue did not realize his expectations. Wang Khan deserted Genghis v.liile engaged in a joint campaign against the Naimans, but he was the principal suffererer by his treachery, for the enemy pursued his force, and inflicted a heavy defeat upon it. In fact, he was only rescued from destruction by the timely aid of the man he had betrayed. But far from inspiring gratitude, this inci- dent inflamed the resentment of Wang Khan, who, throwing off the cloak of simulated friendship, declared publicly that either the Kerait or the Mongol must be supreme on the great steppe, as there was not room for both. Such was the superiority in numbers of the Kerait, that in the first battle of this long and keenly-contested struggle, Wang Khan defeated Temujin near Ourga, where the mounds that cover the slain are still shown to the curious or skeptical visito»". After this serious, and in some degree unex- pected reverse, the fortunes of Genghis sank to the lowest ebb. He was reduced to ter- rible straits, and had to move his camp rapidly from one spot to another. Put Him to Death. A small section of his followers, mindful of his past success and prowess, still clung to him, and by a sudden and daring coup he changed the whole aspect of the contest. He surprised Wang Khan in his camp at night, and overwhelmed him and his forces. Wang Khan escaped to his old foes, the Nai- mans, who, disregarding the laws of hospi- tality, put him to death. The death of Wang Khan signified nothing less than the wholesale defection of the Kerait tribe, which joined Genghis to the last man. Then Geng- his turned westwards to settle the question of supremacy with the Naimans, who were both hostile and defiant. The Naiman chief shared the opinion of THE MONGOL CONQUEST OF CHINA. 49 Wang Khan, that there could not be two masters on the Tian Shan, and with that vigorous illustration which has never been wanting to these illiterate tribes, he wrote, "There cannot be two suns in the sky, two swords in one sheath, two eyes in one eyepit, or two kings in one empire." Both sides made strenuous efforts for the fray, and brought every fighting man they could into the field. The decisive battle of the war was fought in the heart of Jungaria, and the star of Genghis rose in the ascendant. The Naimans fought long and well, but they were borne down by the heavier armed Mongols, and their desperate resistance only added to their loss. Their chief died of his wounds, and the triumph of Genghis was rendered complete by the capture of his old enemy, Chamuka. Nine White Yak-Tails. As Genghis had sworn the oath of friend- ship with Chaniuka, he would not slay him, but he handed him over to a relative, who promptly exacted the rough revenge his past hostility and treachery seemed to call for. On his way back from this campaign the Mongol chief attacked the Prince of Hia, who reigned over Kansuh and Tangut, and thus began the third war he waged for the e.xtension of his power. Before this assumed serious proportions he summoned a Grand Council or Kuriltai, at his camp on the Onon, and then erect.d outside his tent the royal Mongol banner of the nine white yak- tails. It was on this occasion that Temujin took, and was proclaimed among the Mongol chiefs by, the highly exalted name of Genghis Khan, which means Very Mighty Khan. The Chinese character for the name signifies " Perfect Warrior," and the earlier European writers affirm that it is supposed to represent the sound of " the bird of heaven." At this assemblage, which was the first of a long succession of Mongol councils summoned at the same place on critical occasions, it was supposed and agreed that the war should be carried on with the richer and less warlike races of the south. Rewards and Decorations. Among soldiers it is necessary to pre- serve the spirit of pre-eminence and warlike zeal by granting rewards and decorations. Genghis realized the importance of this matter, and instituted the order of Baturu or Bahadur, meaning warrior. He also made his two leading generals Muhula and Porshu princes, one to sit on his right hand and the other on his left. He addressed them before council in the following words: — "It is to you that I owe my empire. You are and have been to me as the shafts of a carriage or the arms to a man's body." Seals of office were also granted to all the officials, so that their authority might be the more evi- dent and the more honored. In A. D. 1207 Genghis began his war with the state of Hia, which he had deter- mined to crush as the preliminary invasion of China. In that year he contented himself with the capture of Wuhlahai, one of the Lorder fortresses of that principality, and in the following year he established his control over the tribes of the desert more fully, thus gaining many Kirghiz and Naiman aux- iliaries. In 1209 he resumed the war with Hia in a determined spirit, and placed him- self in person at the head of all his forces. Although the Hia ruler prepared as well as he could for the struggle, he was really un- nerved by the magnitudv^ of the danger he had to face. His army was overthrown, his best generals were taken prisoners, and he himself had no resource left but to throw 60 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. himself on the consideration of Genghis. For good reasons the Mongol conqueror was lenient. He married one of the daugh- ters of the king, and he took him into sub- sidiary alliance with himself. Thus did Genghis absorb the Hia power, which was very considerable, and prepared to enrol it with all his own resources against the Kin empire. The Mongols owed their before the time of Genghis. War had be- come a science. But the Mongols carried the teaching of the past to a further point than any of the former or contemporary Chinese com- manders, indeed, than any in the whole world had done ; and the revolution which they effected in tactics was not less remark- able in itself, and did not leave a smaller im- A CHINESE BRIDGE. military success to their admirable discipline and to their close study of the art of war. Their military supremacy arose from their superiority in all essentials as a fighting power to their neighbors. Much of their knowledge was borrowed from China, where the art of disciplining a large army and manoeuvring it in the field had been brought to a high state of perfection man>- centuries pression upon the age, than the improve- ments made in military science by Frederick the Great and Napoleon did in their day. The Mongol played in a large way in Asia the part which the Normans on a smaller scale played in Europe. Although the land- marks of their triumph have almost wholly vanished, they were for two centuries the dominant caste in most of the states of Asia. THE MONGOL CONQUEST OF CHINA. 51 ind- olly the isia. Having thus prepared the way for a larger enterprise, it only remained to find a plaus- ible pretext for attacking the Kins, the other dynasty, ruling in southern China. With or without a pretext Genghis would no doubt have made war, but even the ruthless Mongol sometimes showed a regard for appearances. Many years before the Kins had sent as envoy to the Mongol encampment Conghei, a member of their ruling house, and his mis- sion had been not only unsuccessful, but had led to a personal antipathy between the two men. In the course of time Con-^hei suc- ceeded Madacou as emperor of the Kins, and when a Kin messenger brought intelli- gence of this event to Genghis, the Mongol ruler turned towards the south, spat upon the ground, and said, " I thought that your sovereigns were of the race of the gods, but do you suppose that I am going to do homage to such an imbecile as that ? " All the Tribes Rallied. The affront rankled in the mind of Chon- chei, and while Genghis was engaged with Hia, he sent troops to attack the Mongol out- posts. Chonghei thus placed himself in the wrong, and gave Genghis justification for de- claring that the Kins and not he began the war. The reputation of the Golden dynasty, al- though not as great as it once was, still stood sufficienty high to make the m.ost adventurous of desert chiefs wary in attack- ing it. Genghis had already secured the co-operation of the ruler of Hia in his enter- prise, and he next concluded an alliance with Yeliu Liuko, chief of the Khitans, who were again manifesting discontent with the Kins. Genghis finally circulated a proclamation among all the desert tribes, calling upon them to join him in his attack upon the common enemy. This appeal was iieartily and generally responded to, and it was at the head of an enormous force that Genghis set out in March, 121 1, to effect the con- quest of China. The Mongol army was led by Genghis in person, and under him his four sons and his most famous general, Chepe Noyan, held commands. Ravages of War. The plan of campaign of the Mongol ruler was as simple as it was bold. From his camp at Karakoram, on the Kerulon, he marched in a straight line through Kuku Khoten and the Ongut country to Taitong, securing an unopposed passage through the Great Wall, by the defection of the Ongut tribe. The Kins were unprepared for this sudden and vigorous assault directed on their weakest spot, and successfully executed be- fore their army could reach the scene. Dur- ing the two years that the forces of Genghis kept the field on this occasion, they devas- tated the greater portion of the three northern provinces of Shensi, Shansi, and Pechihli. But the border fortress of Taitong and the Kin capital, Tungking, successfully resisted all the assaults of the Mongols, and when Genghis received a serious wound at the former place, he reluctantly ordered the re- treat of his army, laden with an immense quantity of spoil, but still little advanced in its main task of conquering China. The success of Khitan Yeliu Liuko had not been less considerable, and he was proclaimed King of Leaou as a vassal of the Mongols, The planting of this ally on the very thresh- old of Chinese power facilitated the subse- quent enterprises of the Mongols against the Kins, and represented the most important result of this war. In 121 3 Genghis again invaded the Kin dominions, but his success was not very striking, and in several engagements of no 62 CHINA: I'AST AND PRlvSKNT, very great importance the Kin arms met with some success. Tiic most important events of the year were, liowcver, tlic depo- sition and murder of Ciionghci, the murder of a Kin general, Ilusliahu, wlio had won a battle against the Mongols, and the procla- mation of Utubu as Emperor. The change of sovereign brought no change of fortune to the unlucky Kins. Utubu was only able to find safety behind the walls of his capital, and he was delighted when Genghis wrote him the following letter: "Seeing your wretched condition and my exalted fortune, what may your opinion be now of the will of heaven with regard to myself? At this moment I am desirous to return to Tartary, but could you allow my soldiers to take their departure without appeasing their anger with presents ? " An Inhuman Massacre. In reply, Utubu sent Genghis a princess of a family as a wife, and also " 500 youths, the same number of girls, 3000 horses, and a vast quantity of precious articles." Then Genghis retired once more to Karakoram, but on his march he stained his reputation by massacring all his prisoners — the first gross act of inhumanity he committed during his Chinese wars. When Utubu saw the Mongols retreating, he thought to provide against the most seri- ous consequences of their return by removing his capital to a greater distance from the frontier, and with this object he transferred his residence t.> Kaifong. The majority of his advisers were against this change, as a retirement could not but shake public confi- dence. It hr.d another consequence, which they may not have contemplated, and that was its providing Genghis with an excuse for renewing his attack on China. The Mongol at once complained that the action of the Kin Emperor implied an unwarrantable sus- picion of his intentions, and he .sent his army across the frontier to recommence his humilia- tion. On this occasion a Kin general deserted to them, and thenceforward large bodies of the Chinese of the north attached themselves t;> the Mongols, who were steadily acquiring a unique reputation for power as well as mili- tary prowess. The great event of this war was the siege of Yenking — on the site of which now stands the capital Pekin — the defence of which had been entrusted to the Prince Imperial, but Utubu, more anxious for his son's safety than the interests of the state, ordered him to return to Kaifong. The governor of Yenking offered a stout resist- ance to the Mongols, and when he found that he could not hold out, he retired to the temple of the city and poisoned himself. Hi> last act was to write a letter to Utubu beg- ging him to listen no more to the pernicious advice of the man who had induced him to murder Hushahu. On to Central China. Tile capture of Yenking, where Genghis obtained a large supply of war materials, as well as vast booty, opened the road to Cen- tral China. The Mongols advanced as far as the celebrated Tunkwan pass, which con- nects Shensi and Honan, but when their gen- eral, Samuka, saw how formidable it was, and how strong were the Kin defences and garrison, lie declined to attack it, and, mak- ing a detour through very difficult country, he marched on Kaifong, where Utubu little expected him. The Mongols had to make their own road, and they crossed several ravines by improvised "bridges made of spears and the branches of trees bound together by strong chains." But the Mon- gol force was too small to accomplish any 54 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. great result, and the impetuosity of Samuka was nearly leading to his destruction. A prompt rctreat.and the fact that the Hoangho was frozen over, enabled him to extricate his army after much fatigue and reduced in nu.nbers, from its awkward position. Sudden Successes. The retreat of the Mongols inspired Utubu with sufficient confidence to induce him to attack Ycliu Liuko in Leaoutung, and the success of this enterprise imparted a gleam of sunshine and credit to the expiring cause of the Kins. Yclin Liuko was driven from his newly-created kingdom, but Geng- his hastened to the assistance of his ally by sending Muhula, the greatest of all his gen- erals, at the head of a large army to recover Leaoutung. His success was rapid and remarkable. The Kins were speedily over- thrown, Yeliu Liuko was restored to his authority, and the neighboring King of Corea, impressed by the magnitude of the Mongol success, hastened to acknowledge himself the vassal of Genghis. The most important result of this cam- paign was that Genghis entrusted to Muhula the control of all military arrangemeats for the conquest of China. He is reported to have said to his lieutenant: "North of the Taihing mountains I am supreme, but all the regions to the south I commend to the care of Muhula," and he "also presented him with a chariot and a banner with nine scalops. As he handed him this last emblem of authority, he spoke to his generals, saying, ' Let this banner be an embelm of sovereignty, and let the orders issued from under it be obeyed as my own.' " The principal reason forentrust- ing the conquest of China to a special force and commander, was that Genghis wished to devote the whole of his personal attention to the prosecution of his new war with the King of Khwaresm and the other great rulers of Western Asia. Muhula more than justified the selection and confidence of his sovereign. In the year 1 2 1 8-1 9 he invaded Ilonan, defeated the best of the Kin commanders, and not merely overran, but retained possession ofthe places he occupied in the Kin dominions. The dif- ficulties of Utubu were aggravated by an attack from Ningtsong the Sung Emperor, who refused any lon{,er to pay tribute to the Kins as they were evidently unable to enforce the claim, and the Kin armies were equally unfortunate against their southern opponents as their northern. Then Utubu endeavored to negotiate terms with Muhula for the retreat of his army, but the only conditions the Mongol general would accept were the surrender of the Kin ruler and his resigna- tion ofthe Imperial title in exchange for the principality of Honan. Had his Eye on India. Utubu, low as he had sunk, declined to abase himself further and to purchase life at the loss of his dignity. The sudden death of Muhula gained a bri f respite for the dis- tressed Chinese potentate, but the advantage was not of any permanent significance, first of all because the Kins were too exhausted by their long struggle, and, secondly, because Genghis hastened to place himself at the head of his army. The news of the death of Muhula reached him when he was encamped on the frontier of India and preparing to add the conquest of that country to his many other triumphs in Central and Western Asia. He at once came to the conclusion that he must return to set his house in order at home, and to prevent all the results of Muhula's remarkable triumphs being lost. What was a disadvantage for China proved a benefit for India, and possibly for THE MONGOL CONQUEST OF CHINA. 65 Europe, as there is no saying how much further the Mongol encroachment might have extended westward, if the direction of Gengliis had not been withdrawn. While Genghis was hastening from the Cabul river to the Kerulon, across the Hindoo Koosh and Tian Shang ranges, Utubu died, and Ninkiassu reigned in his stead. One of the first consequences of the death of Muhula was that the young King of Hia, believing that the fortunes of the Mongols would then wane, and that he might obtain a position of greater power and indepen- dence, threw off his allegiance, and adopted hostile measures against them. The prompt return of Genghis nipped this plan in the bud, but it was made quite evident that the conquest of Hia was essential to the success of any permanent annexation of Chinese ter- ritory, and as its prince could dispose of an army which he boasted numbered half-a-mil- lion of men, it is not surprising to find that he took a whole year in perfecting his arrangements for so grave a contest. Battle on Ice. The war began in 1225 and continued for two years. The success of the Mongol army was decisive and unqualified. The Hias were defeated in several battles, and in one of them fought upon the frozen waters of the Hoangho, when Genghis broke the ice by means of his engines, the Hia army was almost annihilated. The King Leseen was deposed, and Hia became a Mongol province. It was immediately after this successful war that Genghis was seized with his fatal illness. Signs had been seen in the heavens which the Mongol astrologers said indicated the near approach of his death. The five planets had appeared together in the south- west, and so much impressed was Genghis by this phenomenon that on his death-bed he expressed "the earnest desire that hence- forth the lives of our enemies shall not be unnecessarily sacrified. " The expression of this wish undoubtedly tended to mitigate the terrors of war as carried on by the Mongols. How He Died. The immediate successors of Genghis con- ducted their campaigns after a more humane fashion, and it was not until Timour revived the early Mongol massacres that their oppo- nents felt there was no chance in appealing to the humanity of the Mongols. Various accounts have been published of the cause of Genghis's death, some authorities ascrib- ing it to violence, either by an arrow, light- ning or drowning, and others to natural causes. The event seems to have unques- tionably happened in his camp on the bor- ders of Shansi on 27th August, 1227, when he was about 65 years of age, during more than fifty of which he had enjoyed supreme command of his own tribe. The area of the undertakings conducted under his eye was more vast and included a greater number of countries than was the case with any other conqueror. Not a coun- try from the Euxine to the China Sra escaped the tramp of the Mongol horse- men, and if we include the achievements of his immediate successors, the conquest of Russia, Poland and Hungary, the plundering of Bulgaria, Roumania and Bosnia, the final subjection of China and its southern tribut- aries must be added to complete the tale of Mongol triumph. The sphere of Mongol influence extended beyond this large portion of the earth's surface, just as the conse- quence of an explosion cannot be restricted to the immediate scene of the disaster. If we may include the remarkable achievements of his descendant Baber, and of that prince's 56 CHINA: PAST AND PRESKNT. I, !l l! Il ! decendant Akbar, in India three centuries later, not a country in Asia enjoyed immun- ity from the effect of their successes. I Perhaps the most important result of their great outpouring into Western Asia, which certainly was the arrest of the Mahomedan career in Central Asia, and the diversion of the current of the fanatical propagators of the Prophet's creed against Europe, is not yet as fully recognized as it should be. The doubt has been already expressed whether the Mongols would ever have risen to higher rank than that of a nomad tribe but for the appearance of Genghis. Leaving that sup- position in the category of other interesting but problematical conjectures, it may be asserted that Genghis represented in their highest forms all the qualities which entitled his riice to exercise governing authority. The Mongol Napoleon. He was, moreover, a military genius of the very firs^ order, and it may be ques- tioned whether either Ca;sar or Napoleon can as commanders be placed on a par with him. Even the Chinese said that he led his armies like a God. The manner in which he moved large bodies of men over vast dis- tances without an apparent effort, the judg- ment he showed in the conduct of several wars in countries far apart from each other, his rt-rategy in unknown regions, always on the alert, yet never allowing hesitation or over-caution to interfere with his enterprise, the sieges which he brought to a successful termination, his brilliant victories, a succes- sion of " suns of Austerlitz, " all combined make up the picture of a career to which Europe can offer nothing that will surpass, if, indeed, she has anything to bear compari- son with it. After the lapse of centuries, and in spite of the indifference with which the great figures of Asiatic history have been treated, the name of Genghis preserves its magic spell. It is still a name to conjure with when record- ing the great revolutions of a period which beheld the death of the old system in China, and the advent in that country of a newer and more vigorous government which, slowly acquiring shape in the hands of Kublai and a more national form under the Mings, has attaincc' the pinnacle of its utility and strength under the influence of the great Emperors of the Manclui dynasty. But great as is the reputation Genghis has acquired it is pro- bably short of his merits. He is remembered as a relentless and irresistible conquercr, a human scourge; but he was much more. He was one of the greatest instruments of destiny, one of the most remarkable moulders of the fate of nations to be met with in the history of the world. His name still over- shadows Asia with its fame and the tribute of our admiration cannot be denied. The Struggle Continues. The death of Genghis did not seriously retard the progress of the war against the Kins. He expressed the wish that war should be carried on in a more humane and less vindictive manner, but he did not advo- cate there being no war or the abandonment of any of his enterprises. His son and suc- cessor Ogotai was indeed specialK- r1i niTOfi to bring the conquest of Thinn and victorious conclusion I'li the Mongol confederal co: nected with the proclani n of a i Khan and the necessity of summoning t > a Grand Council all the princes and gen ils of the race, although it entailed the suspension and often the abandonment of great enterprises. The death of Genghis saved India but not China. Almost his last instructions were to draw up the plan for attacking and turning THE MONGOL CONQUEST OF CHINA. 57 the great fortress of Tunkwan, which had provided such an efficient defence for Honan on the north, and in 1230, Ogotai who had already partitioned the territory tal-4J. THE MONGOL CONQUEST OF CHINA. 61 )ro- tail the de- scendants of Genghis, that Kuyuk, the eldest son of Ogotai, was proclaimed Emperor. At the kuriltai held for this purpose, all the great Mongol leaders were present, including Batu, the conqueror of Hungary, and after the Mongol chiefs had agreed as to their chief, the captive kings, Yaroslaf of Russia, and David of Georgia, paid homage to their conqueror. We owe to the monk Carpino, who was sent by the Pope to convert the Mongol, a graphic account of one of the most brilliant ceremonies to be met with in the whole course of Mongol history. Pushing Forward the Conquest. The delay in selecting Kuyuk, whose prin- cipal act of sovereignty was to issue a seal having this inscription : " God in Heaven and Kuyuk on earth ; by the power of God the ruler of all men," had given the Sungs one respite, and his early death procured them another. Kuyuk died in 1248, and his cousin Mangu, the son of Tuli, was appointed his successor. By this time the Mongol chiefs of the family of Genghis in Western Asia were practically independent of the nominal Great Khan, and governed their states in complete sovereignty, and waged war without reference to Karakoram. This change left the Mongols in their original home on the Amour absolutely free to devote all their attention to the final overthrow of the Sungs, and Mangu declared that he would know no rest until he had finally sub- jected the last of the Chinese ruling families. In this resolution Mangu received the heatty support of his younger, but more able brother, Cublai, to whom was entrusted the direction n the field of the armies sent to complete the conquest of China. Kublai received this charge in 1251,30 that the Sungs had enjoyed, first through the pacific disposition of Ogotai, and, secondly. from the family disputes following his death, peace for more than fifteen years. The advantage of this tranquility was almost nul- lified by the death of Mongkong, a general whose reputation may have been easily gained, but who certainly enjoyed the confi- dence of his soldiers, and who was thought by his countrymen to be the best commander of his day. When the Chinese Emperor Litsong saw the storm again approaching his northern frontier, he found that he had lost the main support of his power, and that his military resources were inferior to those of his enemy. He had allowed himself to be lulled into a false sense of security by the long inaction of the Mongols, and although he seems to have been an amiable prince, and a typical Chinese ruler, honoring the descendants of Confucius with the hereditary title of Duke, which still remains in that family, and is the only title of its kind in China, and encouraging the literary classes of his country, he was a bad sovereign to be entrusted with the task of defending his realm and people against a bold and determined enemy. A Wise Policy. Kublai prtp-red the way for his campaigns in Southern China by following a very wise and moderate policy in Northern China similar to that bej^iin by Muhula, and carried out with greater effect by Yeliu Chutsai. He had enjoyed the advantage of a Chinese education, imparted by an able tutor named Yaochu, who became the prince's private secretary and mentor in all Chinese matters. At his instigation, or, at least, with his co-operation, Kublai took in hand the restor- ation of the southern portion of Honan, which had been devastated during the wars, and he succeeded in bringing back its popu lation and prosperity to that great province 62 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. of Central China and retrieving the misfor- tunes of pp.nt years. He thus secured a base for his operations close to the Sung frontier, while he attached to his person a large section of the Chinese nation. There never was any concealment that this patronage of Chinese officials and these measures for the amelioration of many millions of Chinese subjects, were the well calculated preliminaries to the invasion of Southern China, and the extinction of the Sung dynasty. A Bold Campaign. If Kublai had succeeded in obtaining a wise adviser in Yaochu, he was not less for- tunate in procuring a great general in the person of Uriangkadai, the son of Subutai, and his remarkable and unvarying successes were largely due to the efiforts of those two men in the cabinet and the field. The plan of campaign, drawn up with great care and forethought by the prince and his lieutenant, had the double merit of being both bold and original. Its main purpose was not one that the Sung generals would be likely to divine. It was determined to make a flank march round the Sung dominions, and to occupy what is now the province of Yunnan, and by placing an army in the rear of their kingdom, to attack them eventually from two sides. At this time Yunnan formed an independent state, and its ruler, from his position behind the Sung territory, must have fancied him- self secure against any attack by the l.i i\- gols. He was destined to a rude awakening. Kublai and Uriangkadai, marching across Szchuen and crossing the Kinchakiang, or "river of golden .sand," which forms the upper course of the Great River, on rafts, iiurst into Yunnan, speedily vanquished the frontier garrisons, and laid siege to the capital, Talifoo. That town did not holdout long, and soon Kublai was in a position to return to his own state, leaving Uriangkadai with a considerable garrison in charge of Yunnan. That general, believing that his position would be improved by his resorting to an active offensive, carried the standard of his race against the many turbulent tribes in his neighborhood, and invaded Burmah, whose king, after one campaign, was glad to recognize the supremacy of the Mongols. The success and the boldness, which may have been considered temerity, of this cam- paign, raised up enemies to Kublai at the court of Karakoram, and the mind of his brother Mangu was poisoned against him by many who declared that Kublai aspired to complete independence. These designs so far succeeded, that in 1257 Mangu finally deprived Kublai of all his commands, and ordered him to proceed to Karakoram. At this harsh and unmerited treatment Kublai showed himself inclined to rebel and dispute his brother's authority. If he had done this, although the provocation was great, he would have confirmed the charges of his accusers, and a war would have broken out among the Mongols, which would probably have rent their power in twain in Eastern Asia. Proved his Innocence. But fortunately Yaochu was at hand to give prudent advice, and, after much hesita* tion, Kublai yielded to the impressive exhor- tations of his experienced and sagacious minister. He is reported to have addressed Kublai in the following terms: — "Prince! You are the brother of the Emperor, but you are not the less his subject. You cannot, without committing a crime, question his decisions, and, moreover, if you were to do so, it would only result in placing you in a more dangerous predicament, out of which you could hardly succeed in extricating your* THE MONGOL CONQUEST OF CHINA. 63 rince! |nnot, his |o do in a |/hicli self, as you are so far distant from the capital where your enemies seek to injure you. My advice is that you should send your family to Mangu, and by this step you will justify yourself and remove any suspicions there may be." Kublai adopted this wise course, and pro- ceeded in person to Karakoram, where he succeeded in proving his innocence and in discomfiting his enemies. It is said that Mangu was so affected at the mere sight of his brother that he at once forgave him with- out waiting for an explanation and reinstated him in all his offices. To ratify this reconcilia- tion Mangu proclaimed that he would take the field in person, and that Kublai should hold joint command with himself When he formed this resolution to proceed to China in person, he appointed his next brother, Arik- buka, to act as his lieutenant in Mongolia. It is necessary to recollect this arrangement as Mangu died during the campaign, and it led to the separation of the Chinese empire and the Mongolian, which were divided after that event between Kublai and Arikbuka. Rapid Movements. Mangu did not come to his resolution to prosecute the war with the Sungs any too soon, for Uriangkadai was beginning to find his isolated position not free from danger. Large as the army of that general was, and skilfully as he had endeavored to improve his position by strengthening the fortresses and recruiting from the warlike tribes of Yunnan, Uriangkadai found himself threat- ened by the collected armies of the Sungs, who occupied Szchuen with a large garrison and menaced the daring Mongol general with the whole of their power. There seems every reason to believe that if the Sungs had acted with only ordinary prompti- tude they might have destroyed this Mongol army long before any aid could have reached it from the north. Once Mangu had formed his resolution the rapidity of his movements left the Sungs little or no chance of attack- ing Uriangkadai. A Council of War. This campaign began in the winter of 1257, when the troops were able to cross the frozen waters of the Hoangho, and the immense Mongol army was divided into three bodies, while Uriangkadai was ordered to march north and effect a junction with his old chief Kublai in Szchuen. The principal fighting of the first year occurred in this part of China, and Mengu hastened there with another of his armies. The Sung garrison was large, and showed great courage and fortitude. The difficulty of the country and the strength of several of their fortresses seconded their efforts, and after two years' fighting the Mongols felt so doubtful of suc- cess that they held a council of war to decide whether they should retreat or continue to prosecute the struggle. It has been said that councils of war do not come to bold resolutions, but this must have been an exception, as it decided not to retreat, and to make one more determined effort to overcome the Chinese. The cam- paign of 1259 began with the siege of Hochau, a strong fortress, held by a valiant garrison and commander, and to whose aid a Chinese army under Luwenti was hasten- ing. The governor, Wangkien, offered a stout resistance, and Luwenti succeeded in harassing the besiegers, but the fall of the fortress appeared assured, when a new and more formidable defender arrived in the form of dysentery. The Mongol camp was rav- aged by this foe, Mangu himself died of the disease, and those of the Mongols who es- caped beat a hasty and disorderly retreat " 64 CHINA: PAST AND PRKSENT. '! =i. ! back to the north. Once more the Sungs obtained a brief respite. The death of Mangu threatened fresh dis- putes and strife among the Mongol royal family. Kublai was his brother's lawful heir, but Arikbuka, the youngest of the brothers, was in possession of Karakoram, and supreme throughout Mongolia. He was hostile to Kublai, and disposed to assert all his rights and to make the most of his opportunities. A Generous Conqueror. No Great Khan could be proclaimed any- where save at Karakoram, and Arikbuka would not allow his brother to gain that place, the cradle of their race and dynasty, unless he could do so by force of arms. Kublai attempted to solve the difficulty by holding a grand council near his favorite city of Cambaluc, the modern Pekin, and he sent forth his proclamation to the Mon- gols as their Khan. But they refused to recognize one who was not elected in the orthodox fashion at Karakoram ; and Arik- buka not merely defied Kublai, but sum- moned his own kuriltai at Karakoram, where he was proclaimed Khakhan in the most formal manner and with all the accustomed ceremonies. Arikbuka was undoubtedly popular among the Mongols, while Kublai, who was regarded as half a Chinese on account of his education, had a far greater reputation south of the wall than north of it. Kublai could not tolerate the open defi- ance of his authority, and the contempt shown for what was his birthright, by Arik- buka; and in 1261 he advanced upon Kara- koram at the head of a large army. A single battle sufficed to dispose of Arik- buka's pretensions, and that prince was glad to find a place of refuge among the Kirghiz. Kublai proved himself a generous enemy. He sent Arikbuka his full pardon, he rein stated him in his rank of prince, and he left him virtually supreme amongst the Mongol tribes. He retraced his steps to Pekin, fully resolved to become Chinese Emperor in reality, but prepared to waive his rights us Mongol Khan. Mangu Khan was the last of the Mongol rulers whose authority was recognized in both the east and the west, and his successor, Kublai, seeing that its old significance had departed, was fain to estab- lish his on a new basis in the fertile, ancient, and wide-stretching dominions of China. Before Kublai composed the difficulty with Arikbuka he had resumed his operations against the Sungs, and even before Mangu 's death he had succeded in establishing some posts south of the Yangtsekiang, in the im- passability of which the Chinese fondly be- lieved. During the year of 1260 he laid siege to Wochow, the modern Wouchang, but he failed to make any impression on the fortress on this occasion, and he agreed to the truce which Litsong proposed. Terms of the Treaty. By the terms of this agreement Litsong acknowledged hinisclf a Mongol vassal, just as his ancestors had subjected themselves to to the Kins, paid a large, tribute, and forbade his generals anywhere to attack the Mongols. The last stipulation was partly broken by an attack on the rear of Uriangkadai's corps, but no serious results followed, for Kublai was well satisfied with the manner in which the campaign terminated, as there is no doubt that his advance across the Yangtse- kiang had been precipitate, and he may have thought himself lucky to escape with the appearance of success and the conclusion of a gratifying treaty. It was with the reputa- tion gained by his nominal success, and by having made the Sungs his tributaries, that of a- at i u U! Hi !S U (J (A M U H 65 ' 66 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. Kublai hastened northwards to settle his rivalry with Arikbuka. Having accomplished that object with complete success he decided to put an end to the Sung dynasty. The Chinese Em- peror, acting with strange fatuity, had given tresh cause of umbrage, and had provoked a war by many petty acts of discourtesy, cul- minating in the murder of the envoys of Kublia, sent to notify his proclamation as Great Khan of the Mongols. Probably the Sung ruler could not have averted war if he had shown the greatest forbearance and humility, but this cruel and inexcusable act precipitated the crisis and the extinction of his attenuated authority. If there was any delay in the movements of Kublai for the purpose of exacting reparation for this out- rage, it was due to his first having to arrange a difficulty that had arisen in his relations with the King of Corea. That potentate had long preserved the peace with his Mongol neighbors, and perhaps he would have re- mained a friend without any interruption, had not the Mongols done something which was construed as an infraction of Corean liberty. Uprising of the Coreans. The Corean love of independence took fire at the threatened diminution of their rights, they rose en masse in defence of their coun- try, and even the king, Wangtien, who had been well disposed to the Mongol rulers, declared that he could not continue the alli- ance, and placed himself at the head of his people. Seeing himself thus menaced with a costly war in a difficult country on the eve of a more necessary and hopeful contest, Kublai resorted to diplomacy. He addressed Wangtien in complimentary terms and dis- claimed all intention of injuring the Coreans with whom he wished to maintain friendly relations, but at the same time he pointed out the magnitude of his power and dilated on the e.\tent of the Mongol conquests. Half by flattery and half by menace Kublai brought the Corean court to reason, and Wangtien again entered into bonds of alli- ance with Cambaluc and renewed his old oaths of friendship. Change of Rulers. In 1 263 Kublai issued his proclamation of war, calling on his generals '"to assemble their troops, to sharpen their swords and their pikes, and to prepare their bows and arrows," for he intended to attack the Sungs by land and sea. The treason of a Chinese general in his service named Litan served to delay the opening of the campaign for a few weeks, but this incident was of no import- ance, as Litan was soon overthrown and executed. Brief as was the interval, it was marked by one striking and important event — the death of Litsong, who was succeeded by his nephew, Chowki, called the Emperor Toutsong. Litsong was not a wise ruler, but compared with many of his successors, he might be more accurately styled unfortu- nate than incompetent. Toutsong, and his weak and arrogant minister, Kiasseto, hastened to show that there were greater heights of folly than any to which he had attained. Acting on the advice of a renegade Sung general, well acquainted with the defences of Southern China, Kublai altered his proposed attack, and prepared for crossing the Yangtsekiang by first making himself supreme on its tribu- tary, the Han river. His earlier attack on Wouchang, and his compulsory retirement from that place had taught him the evil of making a premature at»:ack. His object remained the same, but instead of marching direct to it across the Yangtsekiang he took the advice of the Sung general, and attacked THE MONGOL CONQUEST OF CHINA. 67 I an any on the well )uthern attack, sekiang ;s tribu- ack on irement evil of object irching le took ttacked the fortress of Sianyang on the Han river, with the object of making himself supreme on that stream, and wresting from the Sungs the last first-class fortress they possessed in the northwest. By the time all these preliminaries were completed and the Mongol army had fairly taken the field it was 1268, and Kublai sent 60,000 of his best troops, with a large num- ber of auxiliaries, to lay siege to Sianyang, which was held by a large garrison and a resolute governor. The Mongol lines were drawn up round the town, and also its neigh- bor of Fanching, situated on the opposite bank of the river, with which communication was maintained by several bridges, and the V ingols built a large fleet of fifty war junks, ■with which they closed the Han river and effectually prevented any aid being sent up it from Hankow or Wouchang. A Long Siege. Liuvven Hoan, the commandant of Sian- yang, was a brave man, and he commanded a numerous garrison and possessed supplies, as he said, to stand a ten years' siege. He repulsed all the assaults of the enemy, and, undaunted by his isolation, replied to the threats of the Mongols to give him no quar- ter if he persisted in holding out, by boasting that he would hang their traitor general in chains before his sovereign. The threats and vaunts of the combatants did not bring the siege any nearer to an end. The utmost that the Mongols could achieve was to pre- vent any provisions or reinforcements being thrown into the town. But on the fortress itself they made no impression. Things had gone on like this for three years, and the interest in the siege had begun to languish, when Kublai determined to make a supreme effort to carry the place, and at the same moment the Sunir minister came to the con- clusion to relieve it at all hazards. It was evident that the crisis had arrived. The campaign of 1270 began with a heroic episode — the successful despatch of provisions into the besieged town, under the direction of two Chinese officers named Changkoua and Changchun, whose names deserve to be long remembered for their heroism. The flotilla was divided into two bodies, one composed of the fighting, the other of the storeships. The Mongols had made every preparation to blockade the river, but the suddenness and vigor of the Chinese attack surprised them, and, at first, the Chinese had the best of the day. But soon the Mongols recovered, and from their superior position threatened to overwhelnr the assailing Chinese squadron. In this perilous moment Changchun, devoting him- self to death in the interest of his country, collected all his war-junks, and making a desperate attack on the Mongols, succeeded in obtaining sufficient time to enable the storeships under Changkoua to pass safely up to Sianyang. The life of so great a hero as Changchun was, however, a heavy price to pay for the temporary relief of Sianyang, which was more closely besieged than ever after the arrival of Kublai in person. All Were Destroyed. The heroic deed of Changchun roused a spirit of worthy emulation in the bosom of his comrade, Changkoua, who having thrown the needed supplies into Sianyang was no longer wanted in that beleagured city. He determined to cut his way back with such forces as he could collect, and to take a part in the operations in progress for the relief of the town. At the head of the few remaining war-junks he succeeded in j breaking his way through the chains and 1 other barriers by which the Mongols sought 68 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. to close the river, and for a brief space it seemed na if he would evade or vanquish such of the Mongol ships as were on the alert. But the Mongols kept good watch, and as Changkoua refused to surrender he lamentations, and buried beside that of Changchun, whose corpse had been rescued from the river. After this affair the Mongols pushed the siege with greater vigor, and instead of con- A MOVABLE COOK-SHOP. and his small band were destroyed to the last man. After the brief struggle was ended the Mongols sent the body of Changkoua into Sianyang, where it was received with loud centrating their efforts on Sianyang they attacked both that fortress and Fanching from all sides. The Mongol commander, Alihaya, sent to Persia, where the Mongols were also supreme, for engineers trained in THE MONGOL CONQUEST OF CHINA. 69 ; that of en rescued lUshed the id of con- yang they Panelling mmander, Mongols trained in the working of mangonels or catapults, engines capable of throwing stones of i6o- Ibs. weight with precision for a considerable distance. By their aid the bridges across the river were first destroyed, and then the vvalls of Sianyang were so severely damaged ihat an assault appeared to be feasible. Letter from the Mongol Emperor. But Fanching had suffered still more from the Mongol bombardment, and Alhaya, therefore, attacked it first. The garrison offered a determined resistance, and the fight- ing was continued in the streets. Not a man of the garrison escaped, and when the slaughter was over the Mongols found that they had only acquired possession of a mass of ruins. But they had obtained the key to Sianyang, the weakest flank of which had been protected by Fanching, and the Chinese garrison was so discouraged that Liuwen Hoan, despairing of relief, agreed to accept the terms offered by Kublai. Those terms were expressed in the following noble letter from the Mongol Emperor : "The generous defence you have made during five years covers you with glory. It is the duty of every faithful subject to serve his prince at the expense of his life, but in the straits to which you are reduced, your strength exhausted, deprived of succor and without hope of receiving any, would it be reasonable to sacrifice the lives of so many brave men out of sheer obstinacy? Submit in good faith to us and no harm shall come to you. We promise you still more; and that is to provide each and all of you with honorable employment. You shall have no grounds of discontent, for that we pledge you our Imperial word." It will not excite surprise that Liuwen Hoan, who had been practically speaking deserted by his own sovereign, should have accepted the magnanimous terms of his con- queror, and become as loyal a lieutenant of Kublai as he had shown himself to be of the Sung Toutsong. The death of that ruler followed soon afterwards, but as the real power had been in the hands of the Minister Kiassetao, no change took place in the policy or fortunes of the Sung kingdom. At this moment Kublai succeeded in obtaining the services of Bayan, a Mongol general who had acquired a great reputa- tion under Khulagu in Persia. Bayan, whose name signifies the noble or the brave, and who was popuLarly known as Bayan of the Hundred Eyes, because he was supposed to see everything, was one of the greatest mili- tary leaders of his age and race. He was entrusted with the command of the main army, and under him served, it is interesting to state, Liuwen Hoan. Several towns were captured after more or less resistence, and Bayan bore down with all his force on the triple cities o( H.^.nkow, Wouchang and Hanyang. Bayan concentrated all his efforts on the capture of Hanyang, while the Mongol navy under Artchu compelled the Chinese fleet to take refuge under the walls of Wouchang. None of these towns offered a very stubborn resistance, and Bayan had the satisfaction of receiving their surrender one after another. Leaving Alihaya with 40,000 men to guard these places Bayan marched with the rest of his forces on the Sung capital, Lingan or Hangchow, the cele- brated Kincsay of mediaeval travellers. The National Defence. The retreating fleet and army of the Sungs carried with them fear of the Mongols, and the ever-increasing representation of their extraordinary power and irresistible arms. In this juncture public opinion compelled Kiassetao to take the lead, and he called 70 CHINA: PAST AND PRKSKNT. upon all the subjects of the Sung to contri- bute arms and money for the purpose of national defence. But his own incompe- tence in directing this national movement deprived it of half its force and of its natural clianccs of success. Bayan's ativancc was rapid. Many towns opened their gates in terror or admiration of his name, and Liu- wen I loan was frequently present to assure them that Kublai was the most generous of masters, and that there was no wiser course than to surrender to his generals. "A Little Too Late." The Mongol forces at last reached the neighborhood of the Sung capital where Kiassetao had succeeded in collecting an army of 130,000 men, but many of them were ill-trained, and the splendor of the camp provided a poor equivalent for the want of arms and discipline among the men. Kiassetao seems to have been ignorant of the danger of his position, for he sent an arrogant summons to the Mongols to retire, stating also that he would grant a peace based on the Yangtsekiang as a boundary. Bayan's simple reply to this notice was: "If you had really aimed at peace, you would have made this proposition before we crossed the Kiang. Now that we are the masters of it, it is a little too late. Still if you sin- cerely desire it, come and see me in person, and we will discuss the necessary condi- tions." Very few of the Sung lieutenants offered a protracted resistance, and even the isolated cases of devotion were confined to the official class who were more loyal than the mass of the people. Ciiao Maofa and his wife Yongchi put an end to their existence sooner than give up their ciiarge at Chichow, but the garrison accepted the terms of the Mongols without compunction and w'ithout thinking of their duty. Kiassetao attempted to resist the Mongol advance at Kien Kang, the modern Nankin, but after an engagement on land and water the Sungs were driven back, and their fleet only escaped destruction by retiring pre- cipitately to the sea. After this success Nankin surrendered without resistance, although its governor was a valiant and ap- parently a capable man. He conmiitted suicide sooner than surrender, and among his papers was found a plan of campaign, after perusing which Bayan exclaimed, " Is it possible that the Sungs possessed a man capable of giving such prudent counsel ? If they had paid heed to it should we (;ver have reached this spot?" After this success Bayan pressed on with increased rather than diminished nnerg/, and tlie Sung Emperor and his court fled fri.rn the capital. Kublai showed an inclination Ic temporize and to negotiate, but Bayan woult not brook any delay. "To relax your grip even for a moment on an enemy whom you have held by the throat for a hundred years would only be to give him time to reccvf r his breath, to restore hi> forces, and ir thf. end to cause us an infinity of tiouble." Repulsed with Heavy Loss. The Sung fortunes showed some slight symptoms of improving when Kiassetao wa'i disgraced, a»id a more competent gencal was found in the person of Chang Chikia. But t'ic. Mongols never abated the vigor of their attack or relaxed in their efforts to cut off aU possibility to succor from the Sung capital. When Chang Chikia hoped to im- prove the position of his side by resuming the offensive he was destined to rude disap- pointment. Making an attack on the strong position of the Mongols at Nankin he was repulsed with heavy loss. The Sung fleet was almost annihilated and 700 war-junks 71 72 CHINA: PASl AND PRESENT. were taken by the victors. After this the Chinese never dared to face the Mongols again on the water. The victory was due to the courage and capacity of Artchu. Bayan now returned from a campaign in Mongolia to resume the chief conduct of the war, and he signalized his return by the cap- ture of Changchow. At this town he is said to have sanctioned a inassasre of the Chi- nese troops, but the facts are veiled in uncer- tainty; and Marco Polo declares that this was only done after the Chinese had treach- erously cut up the Mongol garrison. Alarme'i by the fall of Changchow the '^ung ministers again sued for peace, sending an imploring V.tter to this effect : — " Our ruler is young ai.a cannot be held responsible for the differences that have arisen between the peoples. Kiassetao the guilty one has been punished; give us peace and we shall be better friends in the future." The Surrender. Bayan's reply was severe and uncompro- mising. " The age of your prince has nothing to do with the question between us. The war musi. 2^0 on to its legitimate end. Furthur argument is useless." The defences of the Sung capital were by this time re- moved, and the unfortunate upholders of that dynasty had no option save to come to terms with the Mongols. Marco Polo describes Kincsay as the most opulent city of the world, but it was in no position to stan(i a siege. The Empress-Regent acting for her son sent in her submission to Bayan, and agreed to proceed to the court of the conqueror. She abdicated for herself and family all the pretensions of their rank, and she accepted the favors of the Mongol with due humility, saying, " Tlie Son of Heaven (thus giving Kublai the correct Imperial .';tyle) grants you the favor of sparing your life ; it is just to thank him ibr it and to pay him homage." Bayan made a triumphal entry into the city, while the Emperor Kongtsong was sent off to Pekin. The majority of the Sung courtiers and soldiers came to terms with Bayan, but a few of the more desperate or faithful endeavored to uphold the Sung cause in Southern China under the general, Chang Chikia. Two of the Sung princes were sup- ported by this commander and one was pro- claimed by the empty title of emperor. Capricious fortune rallied to tlicir side for a brief space, and some of the Mongol detach- ments which had advanced too far or with undue precipitancy were cut up and de- stroyed. Capture of Cantcn. The Mongols seem to have thought that the war was c'cr, and the success of Chang Chikia's effort*" may have been due to their negligence rather than to his vigor. As soon as they realized that there remained a flickering flome of opposition among the supporters of the Sungs they sent tv/o armies, one into Kwantung and the other into Fuhkien, and their fleet against Chang Chikia. Desperate as was his position, that officer still exclaimed, " If heaven has not resolved to overthrow the Sungs, do you think that even now it cannot restore their ruined throne?" but his hopes were dashed to the ground by the capture of Canton, and the expulsion of all his forces from the main- land. One puppet emperor died and then Chang proclaimed another as Tiping. The last supporters of the cause took refuge on the island of Tai in the Canton estuary, where they hoped to maintain their position. The position was strong and the garrison was numerous ; but the Mongols were not to be frijjhtened by appearances. Their fleet ' 1; THE MONGOL CONQUEST OF CHINA. 73 bore down on the last Sung stronghold with absolute confidence, and, although the Chi- nese resisted for three days and showed great gallantry, they were overwhelmed by the superior engines as well as the numbers of the Mongols. Chang Chikia with a few ships succeeded rn escaping from the fray, but the emperor's vessel was less fortunate, and finding that escape was impossible, Lousionfoo, one of the last Sung ministers, seized the emperor in his arms and jumped overboard with him. Thus died Tiping, the last Chinese Emperor of the Sungs, and with him expired that ill- fated dynasty. Chang Chikia renewed the struggle with aid received from Tonquin, but when he was leading a forlorn hope against Canton he was caught in a typhoon and he and his ships were wrecked. His invocation to heaven, " I have done everything I could to sustain on the throne the Sung dynasty. When one prince died I caused another to be proclaimed emperor. He also has per- ished, and I still live I Oh, heaven, shall I be acting against thy desires if I sought to place a new prince of this family on the throne ?" sounded the dirge of the race he had served so well. Thus was the conquest of China by the Mongols completed. After half a century of warfare the kingdom of the Sungs shared the same fate as its old rival the Kin, and Kublai had the personal satisfaction of com- pleting the work begun by his grandfather Genghis seventy years before. Of all the Mongol triumphs it was the longest in being attained. The Chinese of the north and of the south resisted with extraordinary powers of endurance the whole force of the greatest conquering race Asia ever saw. They were not skilled in war and their generals were generally incompetent, but they held out with desperate courage and obstinacy long after other races would have given in. The student of history v/ill not fail to see in these facts striking testimony of the extra- ordinary resources of China, and of the capacity of resistance to even a vigcrous conqueror possessed by its inert masses. Even the Mongols did not conquer until t' "^y had obtained the aid of a large section oi the Chinese nation, or before Kublai had shown that he intended to prove himself a worthy Emperor of China and not merely a great Khan of the Mongol Hordes, a bar- barous conqueror and not a wise rule;. I ! [I , CHAPTER IV. THE FIRST MANCHU RULER. THE history of China from this time on presents a succession of wars and conquests, and rising and falling dynasties. The Mongol dynasty gave way to the Ming, and this in turn went into decline. In the first half of the 17th century the country was conquered by the Manchus who established the present reigning Tsin dynasty. How a small Tartar tribe succeeded after fifty years of war in imposing its yoke on the .skeptical, freedom-loving, and intensely national millions of China will always remain one of the enigmas of history. The military genius of Wou Sankwei, the widely prevalent dissensions among the people, and the effete- ness of the reigning house on the one hand, and the superior discipline, sagacity, and political knowledge of the Tartars on the other, are some of the principal causes of the Manchu success that at once suggest them- selves to the mind. But in no other case has a people, Iioldly resisting to the end and cheered by occasional flashes of victor)-, been subjected after more than a wKole generation of war, with a des- pised an truly insignificant cn^.'my in the tlurableform in wWch the Manchus trod the Chinese under their heel, and .secured for themselves all the perquisites and honor accruing to the governing class in one of the richevt and largest empirs.'^ under the sun. The Chinese were made to feel all the bitterness of subjection by the imposition of a hated badge of servitude, and tiiat they proved unable to succeed under this aggra- 74 vation of circumstances, greatly increases the wonder with which the Manchu conquest must ever be regarded. But the most signifi- cant featr.re of the Manchu conquest is that it provides a durable proof of the possibility of China being conquered by a small but determined body of men. Once Wou Sank- wei had opened the door to the foreigner, the end proved easy, and was never in doubt. The Chinese were subjugated with extraor- dinary ease, and the only testimony to their undiminished vitality has been the quiet and silent process by which the conquerors have been compelled to assimilate themselves to the conquered. Lives and Property Respected. While the Manchu generals and armies were establishing their power in southern China the young Emperor Chuntche, under the direction of his prudent uncle, the regent v\ma Wang, was setting up a ^ekin the central power of a ruling dynasty . In dcing so little or no opposition was experienced at the hands of the Chinese, who showed that they longed once more for a settled govern- ment; and this acquiescence on the part of the Chinese people in their authority no doubt induced the Manchu leaders to adopt a far more conciliatory ami lenient policy towards the Chinese than would otherwise have been the case. Ama Wang ga\e special orders that the lives and property of all who surrendered to his lieutenants should be .scrupulously respected. This moderation was only departed from THE FIRST MANCHU RULER. lin in the case of some rebels in Shensi, who, after accepting, repudiated the Manchu authority, and laid close siege to the chief town of Singan, which held a garrison of only 3,000 Mr.nchus. The commandant wished to make his position secure by mas- sacring the Chinese of the town, but he was deterred from taking this extreme step b_\' the representations of a Chinese officer, who, binding himself for the good faith of his countrymen, induced him to enrol them in the ranks of the garrison. They proved faithful and rendered excellent service in the siege; and when a relieving Manchu army came from Pekin the rebels were quickly scattered and pursued with unflagging bitter- ness to their remotest hiding places. A Bride Carried Off. In the adjoining province of Shansi another insurrection temporarily upset Man- chu authority, but it was brought about by an outrage of a Manchu prince. In 1649 Ama Wang sent an embassy to the principal khan of the Mongols, with whom it was the first object of the Manchus to maintain the closest friendly relations, in order to arrange a marriage between Chuntche and a Mongol princess. The mission was entrusted to a Manchu prince, who took up his residence at Taitong, in Shansi, a place still held by a Clnncse garrison under an officer named Kiangtsai. The Manchu prince and his attendants behaved in a most arrogant and overbearing manner, and at last their conduct culminated in an outrage which roused the indignation of the Chinese populace, and converted a loyal cit}- into a hostile centre. The daughter of one of the most influen- tial citizens of Taitong was being led through the streets in honor of her wedtling day when s'.'veral of the ambassador's associates broke into the procession and carried oiif the bride. The Chinese were shocked at this outrage, and clamored for the prompt punishment of its perpetrators. The governor, Kiangtsai, supported the demand of the citizens, but. unfortunately, the Manchu prince was indif- ferent to the Chinese indignation, and made light of his comrades' conduct. Then the Chinese resolved to enact a terrible ven- geance, and Kiangtsai organized a move- ment to massacre every Manchu in the place. He carried out his intention to the letter, and the Manchu prince was the only one to escape, thanks to the swiftness of his horse. Became a Rebel. The inevitable consequence of this act was that Kiangtsai passed from a loyal ser- vant into a rebel. Ama Wang might have condoned liis ofifence out of consideration for the provocation, but Kiangtsai, thinking of his own safety, decided that there was no course open to him save to pose as the enemy of the Manchu. He seems to have done everything that prudence suggested to strengthen his position, and he showed the grasp of a statesman when he turned to the Mongols and sought to obtain their alliance by begging them to restore the lunpire, and to assert their national superority over the Manchus. His policy at first promised to be signally successful, as the Mongol chief entered into his plans and promiscil to render him all the aitl in his power. But his hopes on this score proved short- lived, for Ama Wang, realizing the situation at a glance, nipped the alliance between Kiangtsai and the Mongols in the bud by sending a special embassy with exception ally costly gifts to the Mongol camp. The cupidity t>f the Mongols pre\aile(l, and they repudiated with scant ceremony the conven- tion they had just concluded with Kiangtsai. 76 CHINA: PAST AND PRESP:NT. i! Then the Manchus bore down from all sides on Kiangstai, who had assumed the title of Prince of Han. He had gathered round him such a considerable force that he did not hesitate to march out to meet the M,in- chus. and he trusted for victory to a skil- fully-devised artifice as much as tc superior numbers. He sent forward, under a small guard, a number of wagons containing can- isters of gun-powder. ' ud when the Tartar cavalry saw this baggage train approaching they at once concluded that it was a valu- able prize, and pounced down upon it. Tlic Chinese guard having fired the train took to flight, and the Manchus lost many men in the ensuing explosion, but the most serious consequence was that it threw the whole Manchu army into confusion, and thus enabled Kiangtsai to attack it at a disad- vantage, and to overthrow it with a loss of 15,000 men. In a second battle he con- firmed the verdict of the first, and it is almost unnecessary to add that the reputa- tion of Kiangtsai was raised to a high point, and that the Manchus trembled on the throne. If the Mongols had only joined him, it is impossible to say what might not have happened. Takes the Field in Person. So grave did the possible consequences of these defeats appear that Ama Wang decided to take the field in person, and to proceed against Kiangtsai with the very best troops lie could collect. Matters had reached such a pass that, if a general insur- rection were to be averted, the Taitong ris- ing would have to be put down without delay. Ama Wang resolved to strike promptly, yet he had the prudence to adopt Fabian tactics in front of an opponent w lio.se confidence had been raised by two successes in the field. The opposing armies each exceeded 100,000 men, and Kiangtsai was as eager to force on a battle as Ama Wang was to avoid it. During two months there was much man- oeuvring and counter-manteuvring, and at last Kiangtsai, apprehensive of losing Tai- tong and finding his supplies failing, retired into that place, flattering himself that an enemy who feared to attack him in the open would never venture to assail him in a fort- ress. But the object of Ama Wang was accomplished, and he proceeded to invest tilt place on all sides. Then Kiangtsai realized his error, and saw that he had no alternative between fighting at a disadvan- tage to cut his way out and remaining besieged until the want of supplies should compel him to surrender. He chose the more valiant course, and haranguing his men in the following words he led them out to assault the Manchua lines. " I will not lose a moment in exposing to you the dan- ger which threatens us, it must be evident to yourselves. Your valor alone can avail to secure safety for us all. Success is not impossible, but it will require a great effort of valor on your part. Whom have we to fight after all? Men already weakened and discouraged by two defeats, and whc so much feared a third battle that all our effori"^ to bring them to an engagement failed. The part which alone remains for us is not doubtful. If we must perish,, let it be with arms in our hands. Is it not better to sell our lives like brave men than to fall inglori- ously under the steel of the Tartars?" A Terrible Onslaught. Such was the impetuosity uf the Chinese onslaught that after four hours' fighting the Manchus were driven from their first entrenchments. The Chinese were as much elated as their adversaries were depressed by he ist ch by O in IS U o OS PL. c S5 Q Q U & M 12 is BB U 77 78 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. this initial success, and counted on victory. A single incident served to change the for- tune of the day. Kiangtsai placed himself at the head of his men to lead them to the attack of the remaining Manchu positions when he was struck in the head by an arrow. The death of their leader created a panic among the Chinese troopS; who, abandoning all they had won, fled in irre- trievable confusion back to Taitong, where they were more closely beleaguered than before by the Manchus. The discouraged and disorganized Chinese offered but a feeble resistai:ce, and in a very short time the Manchus were masters of Taitong; and the most formidable Chinese gathering which had, up to that time, threatened the new dynasty was broken up. The Taitong insur- gents acquired all their strength from the personal genius and ascendancy of Kiang- tsai, and with his death they collapsed. " King of the West." In the province of Szchuen a Chinese leader of ver} 'ifferent character and capa- city frmn Kiai:^^tsai set up an administra- tion. He disti' uished himself by his brut- ality, and although he proclaimed himself Si Wang, or King of the West, he was exe- crated by those who were nominally his sub- jects. Among the most heinous of his crimes was his invitation to literary men to come to his capital for employment, and when they had assembled to the number of 30,000, to order them to be massacrud. He dealt in a similar nianntM- with 3,000 of his courtiers, because one of them happened to omit a portion of his full titles. His excesses culminated in tlie massacre of Clu-ntu, when 600,000 innocjsnt persons are said to have perished. E\-en allowing for the eastern e-xaggera- tion of numbers, the crimes of this inhuman monster have rarely, if ever, been surpassed. His rage or appetite for destruction was not appeased by human sacrifices. He made equal war on the objects of nature and the works of man. He destroyed cities, levelled forests, and overthrew all the public monu- ments that embellished his province. In the midst of his excesses he was told that a Manchu army had crossed the Lontier, but he resolved to crown his inhuman career by a deed unparalleled in the records of his- tory, and what is more extraordinary, he suc- ceeded in inducing his followers to execute his commands. His project was to massacre all the women in attendance on his army, and his motives can only be described in his own words. Murder by the Wholesale. "The province of Szchuen is ni more than a mass of ruins and a vast de iert. 1 have wished to signalize my vengeance, and at the same time to detach you from the wealth which it offered, in order that your ardor for the conquest of the Empire, which I have sttU every hope of attaining, should not flag. The execution of my -Droject is easy, but one obstacle which t prevent or delay the conqiiest, I meditate, J'sturbs my mind. An effeminate heart is not 'e'.i suited to great enterprises ; the only passio. heroes should cherish is that glory. All of you have wives, and the greater number of you have several in your company. These women can only prove a source of embar- rassment in camp, and especially during marches or other expeditions demanding celerity of movement. Have you any appre- hension lest you should not find elsewhere wives as charming and as accomplished ? In a very short time I promise you others who will give us every reason to congratulate ourselves for havincr made the sacrifice which THE FIRST MANCHU RULER. 79 of of lese ar- ing bro- lere In Hio [ate lich I propose to you. Let us, therefore, get rid of the embarrassment which these women cause us. I feel that the only way for me to persuade you in this matter is by setting you an example. To-morrow, without further delay, I will lead my wives to the public parade. See that you are all present, and cause to be published, under most severe penalties, the order to all your soldiers to assemble there at the same time, each accom- panied by his wives. The treatment I accord to mine shall be the general law." Killed by an Arrow. When the assembly took place Si Wang sle\v his wives, and his followers, seized with an extreme frenzy, followed his example. It is said that as many as 400,000 women were slain that day, and Si Wang, intoxicated by his success in inducing his followers to exe- cute his inhuman behests, believed that he had nothing to fear at the hands of the Manchus. But he was soon undeceived, for in one of the earliest affairs at the outposts he was killed by an arrow. His power at once crumbled away, and Szchuen passed under the authority of the Manchus. The conquest of Szchuen paved the way for the recovery of the position that had been lost in Southern China, and close scige was laid to the city of Canton, where the Chinese leaders had collected all their forces. The Manchus adopted the astute course of giving the highest nominal commands to Chinese, and consequently many of their countrymen surrendered to them more readily than if they had been foreigners. One officer, named Kiuchessa, who is said to have been a Christian, remained f.iithful to the Ming prince of Southern China until his execution, and he refused to accept a pardon as the price of his apostac\'. Outside Canton the Manchus carried everything before them, and that city itself at last was captured, after what passed for a stubborn resistance. Canton was given over to pillage, and the sack continued for ten days. The Ming pretender fled to Yunnan, and afterwards into Burmah, where he en- joyed shelter for seven years. At this moment of success Ama Wang, the wise regent, died. His last years had been full of anxiety from the dangers that had arisen in the path of the Manchus, but he lived long enough to see it much allayed, and the most serious perils removed. He gave all his time and energy to improving his nephew in the work of government, and to looking after his interests. Towards the Chinese he assumed an attitude of modera- tion, and even of studied conciliation, which produced a beneficial effect on the public mind. To this attitude, as well as to the successful measures of his government, must be attributed the success he experienced in tranquillizing the country. He was not the first nor the last of the great rulers and statesmen which the present imperial family of China has produced in the last three cen- turies. Choosing an Emperor. Some of the elder princes of the Manchu family attempted to succeed to his position, but the principal ministers and courtiers com- bined together and insisted that the Emperor Chuntche was old enough to rule for him- self, and that they would not recognize any other master. This extreme step settled the question, and Chuntche assumed the reins of government. He at once devoted his atten- tion to administrative reforms. It is said that corruption had begun to sway the public examinations, and that Chuntche issued a special edict, enjoining the examiners to give fair awards and to maintain the purit)- of the 80 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. service. But several examiners had to be executed and others banished ueyond the Wall before matters were placed on a satis- factory basis. He also adopted the astro- nomical system in force in Europe, and he appointed the priest Adam Schaal head of the Mathematical Board at Pekin. But his most important work was the in- stitution of the Grand Council, which still exists, and which is the supreme power under the Emperor of the country. It is composed of only four members — two Manchus and two Chinese — who alone pos- sess the privilege of personal audience with the Emperor whenever they may demand it. They are far higher in rank than any member of the Six Tribunals or the Board of Censors, whose wide liberty of expression is limited to written memorials. As this act gave the Chinese an equal place with the Manchus in the highest body of the Empire it was exceedingly welcome, and explains, among other causes, the popu- larity and stability of the Manchu dynasty. When allotting Chuntche his place among the founders of Manchu greatness allowance must be made for this wise and far-reaching measure, the conseqjences of which cannot be accurately gauged. Embassies from Europe. Another interesting event in the reign of Chuntche, was the arrival at Pekin of more than one embassy from European States. The Dutch and the Russians can equally claim the honor of having had an envoy resident in the Chinese capital during the year 1656, but in neither case could the result be described as altogether satisfactory. After some delay and difficulty and on making the required concessions to the dignity of the Emperor — which means the performance of the Kotao, or making the prostration by beating the ground with the forehead — the Dutch merchants, who were sent as envoys, were admitted to audience, but although they bribed freely, the only favor they obtained was the right to present tribute at stated intervals, which was a doubtful gain. The Emperor restricted their visit to once in every eight years, and then they were not to exceed one hundred persons, of whom only twenty might pro- ceed to the capital. An OiBcial from Siberia. The most interesting circumstance in con- nection with this embassy is that it provided Nieuhoff, the secretary, to the envoys, with the material for a description of Pekin at a time when it had not recovered from the effects of the wars we have described. The conquest of Siberia by the Cossack Irmak had brought the Russians into immediate contact with the Chinese, and it was held desirable to establish some sort of diplomatic relations with them. An officer was accord- ingly sent from Siberia to Pekin, but as he persistently refused to perform the Kotao, he was denied audience, and returned without having accomplished anything. The com- mence^ment of diplomatic relations between Russia and China was therefore postponed to a later day. With Tibet, Chuntche succeeded in estab- lishing relations of a specially cordial nature, which preserve their force to the present time. In 1653 he received a visit from the Grand Lama of Lhasa, and he conferred upon him the title of Dalai, or Ocean Lama, because his knowledge was as deep and pro- found as the ocean. It says much for the influence of China, and the durability of the tie thus established, that the supreme Lama of Lhasa, has been generally known by this title ever since its being conferred on him. THE FIRST MANCHU RULKR. 81 to During the last years of the reign of Chuntche, the growth of the naval power of Koshinga, son of Ching Chelong, attracted considerable attention. When Canton fell, many Chinese escaped in their junks, and as the Manchus had no fleet they were unable to follow the fugitives, and the Chinese derived fresh confidence from this security at sea. The daring and activity of Koshinga became the solace and admiration of his countrymen. He first established his head- quarters on tlic island of Tsong-ming, at the mouth of til iver Yangtsekiang, and had he been content with operations along the sea- coast, he might have enjoyed immunity from attack, and an indefinite scope for plunder for many years. But his ambition led him to take an exaggerated view of his power, and, by attempting too much, he jeopardized all he had gained, and finally curtailed his sphere of enterprise. The Opportunity Lost. In 1656, he sailed up the river to attache Nankin, and his enterprise was so far well- timed that the Manchu garrison was then very weak, and the chances of a popular rising in liis favor were also at their highest point. But he seems to have relied for suc- ces mainly on the latter contingency, and in the desire to spare his men, he postponed his attack until the favorable opportunity had passed away, and the Manchu garrison being strongly reinforced, the townspeople were both afraid to revolt, and Koshinga to deliver his attack. When at last he nerved himself to assault the place, the Manchus anticipated his intention by delivering a night attack upon his camp, which was completely suc- cessful. Three thousand of his best men were slain, and Koshinga and the remainder were only too glad to seek shelter in their ships. The repulse at Nankin destroyed all Koshinga's dreams of posing as a national deliverer. After this episode he could only hope to be powerful as a rover of the sea, and the head of a piratical confederacy. In 166 1, the health of Chuntche became so bad that it was evident to his courtiers that his end was drawing near, although he was little more than thirty years of age. Authorities differ as to the precise cause of his death. Philirpc Couplet says that it was small-pox, but the more general version was that it was grief at the dea*h of his favorite wife and infant son. Probably his domestic affliction aggravated his malady, and nullified the efforts of his physicians. On his death- bed he selected as his successor the second of his sons, who afterwards became famous as the Emperor Kanghi, and the choice proved an exceedingly fortunate one. The reign of Chuntche was specially remarkable as witnessing the consolidation of Manchu authority, the introduction of the Chinese to a share in the administration, and the adoption of a policy of increased moder- ation towards the subject people. Engraved on Iron Tablets. When Kanghi was placed on the throne he was only eight years old, and the admin- istration was consequently entrusted to four of the chief and most experienced officials. These co-regents devoted themselves to their duty with energy and intelligence. Their first act was to impeach the principal eunuchs who had acquired power under Chuntche, and to issue a decree prohibiting the employment of any of that unfortunate class in the public service. This law was engraved on iron tablets weighing more than 1,000 pounds, and the Manchu rulers have ever since remained faithful to the pledge taken by these Manchu regents in the name of the young Emperor Kanghi 82 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. The very first year of Kanghi's reign wit- i to carry out this plan, Koshinga had to oust, nessed the zcnitli and the fall of the power of not tiie aboriginal tribes who held most of of Kosiiinga. After the failure (jf his attack the interior of the island, but the Dutch on Nankin, Koshinga fixed his designs on | traders who had seized most of the ports and SENDING PRAYERS TO HEAVEN BY BURNING THEM. the island of Formosa, which offered, as it ! had fortified them. Koshinga found willing seemed, the best vantage ground for a naval allies in the Chinese emigrants who had fled confederacy such .-'s he controlled. In order | from the mainl?nd to Formosa. They rose THE FIRST MANCHU RULER. 83 up against the Dutch, and before they were subdued the warlike aboriginal tribes had to be recruited against them. But the Dutch, wiio had been on the island for 35 years, flattered themselves that they could hold their own, and that it might not be impossible to live on friendly terms with Koshinga. They themselves had acquired their place in Formosa by the retire- ment of the Japanese from Taiwan, in 1624, when the Dutch, driven away by the Portu- guese from Macao, sought a fresh site for their proposed settlement in the Pescadore group, and eventually established themselves at Fort Zealand. The Dutch seem to have been lulled into a sense of false security by their success over the Chinese settlers, and to have believed that Koshinga was not as formidable as he was considered to be. End of a Remarkable Career. Koshinga did not strike until all his plans were completed, and then he laid siege to Fort Zealand. The Dutch fought well, but they were overpowdered, and lost their pos- sessions, which passed to the Chinese adven- turer. Koshinga assumed the style of King of Formosa, but he did not long survive this triumph. In the year after this conquest he died of a malady which was aggravated by resentment at the insubordination of his eldest son, and thus terminated his remarkable career when he was no more than thirty- eight. The Chinese province of Formosa endured for another twenty years, but its spirit and formidableness departed with Koshinga. In his relations with the English and Dutch merchants he showed all the pre- judice and narrow-mindedness of his country- men. One of the earliest incidents in the reign (^f Kanghi was an agitation got up by some of the most bigoted courtiers, and fanned bv popular ignorance and fanaticism, against the Christian priests, who had obtained various posts under the Chinese government. They had not not been very successful as the propagators of religion, but they h,id undoubtedly rendered tiie Chinese valuable service as mathematicians and men of science. The Emperor Chuntche had treated them with marked consideration, and there was little to cause surprise in this favor being resented by the Chinese officials, and in their intriguing to discredit and injure the foreigners whose knowledge was declared to be superior to their own. They formulated a charge against them of " propagating a false and monstrous religion," which was easily understood and difficult to refute. The Abbe Schaal was deposed from the President- ship of the Mathematical Board, and cast into prison. A Narrow Escape. The other Europeans were also incarcerated. They v/ere all tried on a common charge, and, the case being taken as proved, all condemned to a common death. The only respite granted between sentence and execution was for the purpose of discovering some specially cruel mode of execution that might be commensu- rate to the offence, not merely of being a Chris- tian, but of holding offices, that were the pre- scriptive right of the followers of Confucius. The delay thus obtained enabled one of the regents, named Sony, and a man of an enlightened and noble mind, to take steps to save these victims of ignorance. Supported by the mother of Kanghi, he succeeded in gaining his point, and in obtaining a reversal of the iniquitous sentence of ignorant jealously, Init the reprieve came too late to save the life of the Abbe Schaal, who escaped the public executioner, only to perish from the consequences of his sufferings in prison. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1 S IS iS. 1.25 1 1.4 III 1.6 ^ 6" ► V2 >^^ ';' Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) S72-4S03 '4^^^ '9,^ 84 CHINA: PAST AND I'RKSENT. i Unfortunately, Sony did not live long after this for his country to profit by his clemency, or to display it in other acts of the government. It was during these inci- dents that the young Emperor Kanghi gave the first indication of his capacity to judge important matters for liimself, by deciding after personal examination that the astro- nomical system of Europe was superior to that of China, and by appointing Father Verbiest to succeed the Abbe Schaal. The death of the regent Sony threatened not merely disorders within the supreme administration, but an interruption of the good work of the government itself. Kanghi, with, no doubt, the support of his mother, solved the difficulty by assuming the personal direction of affairs, although he was then only fourteen years of age. Such a bold step undoubtedly betokened no ordi- nary vigor on the part of a youth, and its complete success reflected still further credit upon him. He seems to have been specially impelled to take this step by his disapproval of the tryannical and overbearing conduct of another of his regents, Baturu Kong, who had only been kept in check by the equal influence of Sony, and who promised him- self on his rival's death a course of unbridled power. The Regency Dissolved. Baturu Kong had taken the most promi- nent part in the agitation against the Chris- tians, and the success of his schemes would have signified the undoing of much of the good work accomplished during the first twenty years of Manchu power. The vigi- lance and resolution of the young Emperor thwarted his plans. By an imperial decree the regency was dissolved, and Kong was indicted on twelve separate charges, each sufficient to receive the punishment of death. A verdict of guilty was returned, and he and his family suflered the supreme punishment for treason. This act of vigor inaugurated the reign of Kanghi, and the same resolu- tion and courage characterized it to the end. In this early asf-jrtion of sovereign power, as in much else, it will be seen that Kanghi bore a striking resemblance to his great con- temporary, Louis the Fourteenth of France Kwei Wang Taken Prisoner. The interest of the period now passes from the scenes at court to the camp of VVou Sankwei, who, twenty years earlier, had introduced the Manchus into China. During the Manchu campaign in Southern China he had kept peace on the western frontier, grad- ually extending his authority from Shensi into Szchuen and thcnceover Yunnan. When the Ming prince, Kwei Wang, who had fled into Burmah, returned with the support ol the King of that country to make another bid for the throne, he found himself con- fronted by all the power and resources of Wou Sankwei, who was still as loyal a servant of the Manchu Emperor as when he carri'xl his ensigns against Li Tseching. Kwei Wang does not appear to have ex- pected opposition from Wou Sankwei, and in ihc first encounter he was overthrown and taken prisoner. The conqueror, who was alreadj* under suspicion at the Manchu Court, and whom e\ cry Chinese rebel persisted in regarding as a natural ally, now hesitated as to how he siioultl treat these important prisoners. Kwe: Wang and his son — the last of the Mings — were eventually led forth to execution, although it should be stated that a less authentic report affirms they were allowed to strangle themselves. Having made use of Wou Sankwei, and obtained as they thought the full value of his services, the Manchus o 3q 4 5 D I ^ g o 1-4 V M g s HEADS OF CKIMINAI-S OlSPLAYED FOR A WAKNINO. 8S 86 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. sought to treat him with indifTerence and to throw him into the shade. But the splendor of his work was such that they had to con- fer on him the title of Prince, and to make him Viceroy of Yunnan and the adjacent territories. He exerted such an extraor- dinary influence over the Chinese subjects that they speedily settled down under his authority; revenue and trade increased, and the Manchu authority was maintained with- out a Tartar garrison, for Wou Sankwei's army was composed exclusively of Chinese, and its nucleus was formed by his old garri- son of Ningyuen and Shanhaikwan. A Cunning Plot. There is no certain reason for saying that Wou Sankwei nursed any scheme of per- sonal aggrandizement, but the measures he took and the reforms he instituted were cal- culated to make his authority to become gradually independent of Manchu control. For a time the Manchu Government sup- pressed its apprehensions on account of this powerful satrap, by the argument that in a few years his death in the course of nature must relieve it from this peril, but Wou Sankwei lived on and showed no signs of paying the common debt of humanity. Then it seemed to Kanghi that W^ou Sankwei was gradually establishing the solid foundation of a formidable and independent power. The Manchu generals and ministers had always been jealous of the greater fame of Wou Sankwei. When they saw that Kanghi wanted an excuse to fall foul of him, they carried every tale of alleged self-assertion on the part of the Chinese Viceroy to the Im- perial ears, and represented that his power dwarfed the dignity of the Manchu throne and threr.tened its stability. At last Kanghi resolved to take some de- cisive step to bring the question to a climax. and he accordingly sent Wou Sankwei an invitation to visit him at Pekin. This was in 1 67 1, when Kanghi had reached the age of eighteen. There was nothing unreason- able in this request, for Wou Sankwei had not visited Pekin since the accession of Kanghi, and any tender of allegiance had been made by deputy. It was the practice of the time that all the great governors should have a son or other near relative at the Manchu Court as a host- age for their good conduct, and a son of Wou Sankwei resided in this character at Pekin. He had been treated with special honor by the Manchu rulers, and was mar- ried to a half sister of the Emperor Kanghi. He received the title of a Royal Duke, and was admitted into the intimate life of the Palace. When he heard of the invitation to his father he sent off a message to him, warning him of the disfavor into which he had fallen, and advising him not to come to Pekin. The advice, although prompted by affection, was not good, but Wou Sankwei took it, and excused himself from going to court on the around that he was very old, and that his only wish was to end his days in peace. He also deputed his son to tender his allegiance to the Emperor and to per- form the Kotao in his name. The Old Man's Answer. But Kanghi was not to be put off in this way, and he sent two trusted officials to Wou Sankwei to represent that he must comply with the exact terms of his command, and to point out the grave consequences of his refusing. There is no doubt that they were also instructed to observe how far Wou Sankwei was borne down by age, and what was the extent of his military power. The envoys were received with every courtesy and befitting honor, but when they repeated THE FIRST MANCHU RULER. 8T in this I to Wou comply Lnd, i:nd Is of his ley were ir Wou id what The Kanghi's categorical demand to come to Pekin on penalty of being otherwise treated as a rebel, he broke loose from the restraint he had long placed upon himself, and there and then repudiated the Manchu authority in the most indignant and irrevocable terms, which, at least, exposed the hoUowness of his statement that he felt the weight of years and thought only of making a peaceful end. His rely to the envoys of Kanghi was as follows: — " Do they think at the Court that I am so blind as not to see the motive in this order of summons? I shall, indeed, present myself there if you continue to press me, but it will be at the head of twice forty thousand men. You may go on before, but I hope to follow you very shortly with such a force as will speedily remind those in power of the debt they owe me." Thus did the great Wou Sankwei cast off his allegiance to the Manchus, and enter upon a war which aimed at the subversion of their authority. A Daring Conspiracy. Such was the reputation of this great com- mander, to whose ability and military prowess the Manchus unquestionably were indebted for their conquest of the empire, that a large part of southern China at once admitted his authority, and from Szchuen to the warlike province of Hunan his lieutenants were able to collect all the fighting resources of the State, and to array the levies of those provinces in the field for the approaching contest with Kanghi. While Wou Sankwei was making these extensive preparations in the south, his son at Pekin had devised an ingenious and daring plot for the massacre of the Manchus and the destruction of the dynasty. He engaged in his scheme the large body of Chinese slaves who had been pl.iced in servitude under their Tartar conquerors, and these, incited by the hope of liberty, proved very ready tools to his designs. They bound themselves together by a solemn oath to be true to one another, and all the preparations were made to mas- sacre the Manchus on the occap.. FOLLOWING THE DEAD TO THE CEMETERY. 3ft 100 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. character and turned upon the Imperialists. A dreadful slaughter ensued. Of the seven thousand Honan braves and the Tartars from Shanghai, five thousand fell on the field. The consequences of this disaster were to undo most of the good accomplished by General Staveley and his force. The Im- perialists were for the moment dismayed, and the Taepings correspondingly encouraged. General Staveley's communications were threatened, one detachment /as cut ofl* and the general had to abandon his intended plan and retrace his steps to Shanghai. Discovered Just in Time. Chung Wang then laid regular siege to Sunkiang, where Ward was in person, and he very nearly succeeded in carrying the place by escalade. The attempt was fortu- nately discovered by an English sailor just in time, and repulsed with a loss to the rebels of one hundred men. The Taepings con- tinued to show great daring and activity before both Sunkiang and Tsingpu ; and although the latter place was bravely defended, it became clear that the wisest course would be to evacuate it. A body of troops was therefore sent from Shanghai to form a junction vith Ward at Sunkiang, and to effect the safe retreat of the Tsingpu gar- rison. The earlier proceedings were satisfactorily arranged, but the last act of all was grossly mismanaged and resulted in a catastrophe. Ward caused the place to be set on fire, when the Taepings, realizing what was being done, hastened into the town, and assailed the retiring garrison. A scene of great con- fusion followed ; many lives were lost, and the Commandant who had held it so cour- ageously was taken prisoner. Chung Wang could therefore appeal to some facts to sup- port his contention that he had got the better of the Europeans and the Imperialists in the province of Kiangsu. From the scene of his successes Chung Wang was once more called away by the timidity or peril of Tien Wang, who was barely able to maintain his position at Nankin, but when he ha.stened off to assist the chief of the Taepings he found that he was out of favor, and that the jealousy or fear of his colleagues brought about his temporary disgrace and loss of title. Shortly after Chung Wang's departure Ward was killed in action and Burgevine succeeded : i the command, but it soon became apparei.t that his relations with the Chinese authori- ties would not be smooth. General Ching was jealous of the Ever-Victorious Army and wished to have all the credit for himself. A Sharp Quarrel. Li Hung Chang who had been appointed Futui or Governor of Kiangsu entertained doubts of the loyalty of this adventurer, an J a feud broke out between them at an early stage of their relations. Burgevine was a man of high temper and strong passions, who was disposed to treat his Chinese col- leagues with lofty superciliousness, and who met the wiles of the Futai with peremptory demands to recognize the claims of himself and his band. Nor was this all. Burgevine had designs of his own. Although the pro- ject had not taken definite form in his mind — for an unsubdued enemy was still in pos- session of the greater part of the province — the inclination was strong within him to play the part of military dictator with the Chinese ; or failing that, to founa an inde- pendent authority on some convenient spot of Celestial territory. Burgevine's character was described at a later period as being that of "a man of large promises and few works." " His popularity CHINESE GORDON." 101 rialists in the was great among a certain class. He was extravagant in his generosity, and as long as he had anything would divide it with the so- called friends, but never was a man of any administrative or military talent ; and latterly, through the irritation caused by his unhealed wound and other causes, he was subject to violent paroxysms of anger, which rendered precarious the safety of any man who ten- dered to him advice that might be distasteful. He was extremely sensitive of his dignity, and held a higher position in Soochow than any foreigner did before." The Futai antici- pated, perhaps, more than divined his wishes. In Burgevine he saw, very shortly after their comi;v» into contact, not merely a man whom he cis'.iked and distrusted, but one who, if allowed to pursue his plans unchecked, would in the end form a greater danger to the Imperial authority than even the Tae- pinjs. It is not possible to deny Li's shrewd- ness in reading the character of the man with whom he had to deal. Patriotism of the Merchants. Although Burgevine had succeeded to Ward's command, he had not acquired the intimacy and confidence of the great Chinese merchant, Takee and his colleagues, at Shanghai, which had been the main cause of his predecessor's influence and position. In 'Vard they felt implicit faith ; Burgevine was comparatively unknown, and where known only regarded with suspicion. The patriot- ism of the Shanghai merchants consisted in protecting their own possessions. Having succeeded in this they began to consider whether it was necessary to expend any longer the large sums voluntarily raised for the support of the contingent. The Futai Li, in order to test his obedi- ence, proposed that Burgevine and his men should be sent round by sea to Nankin to take part in the siege of that city. The ships were actually prepared for their conveyance, and the Taotai Wou, who had first fitted out a fleet against the rebels, was in readiness to accompany Burgevine, when Li and his col- league, as suspicious of Burgevine's com- pliance as they would have been indignant at his refusal, changed their plans and counter- manded the expedition. Instead of carrying out this project, therefore, they laid a number of formal complaints before General Staveley as to Burgevine's conduct, and requested the English Government to remove him from his comniand, and to appoint an English officer in his place. An Unsafe Adventurer. The charges against Burgevine diJ not at this time amount to more than a certain laxness in regard to the expenditure of the force, a disregard for the wishes and predju- dices of the Chinnese Government, and the want of tact, or of the desire to conciliate, in his personal relations with the Futai. If Burgevine had resigned, all would have been well, but he regarded the position from the stand-point of the adventurer who believes that his own interests form a supreme law and are the highest good. As commander of the Ever-Victorious Army he was a per- sonage to be considered even by foreign governments. He would not voluntarily surrender the position which alone preserved him from obscurity. Having come to this decision it was clear that even the partial execution of his plans must draw him into many errors of judgment which could not but embitter the conflict. The reply c.f the English commander was to the effect that personally he could not interfere, but that he would refer the matter to London as well as to Mr. Bruce at Pekin. In consequence of the delay thus caused the 102 CHINA. I'ASl AND rRKSKNT. project of removing the force to Nankin was revived, and, the steamers having been char- tered, Burgcvinc was requested to bring down his force from Simkiang and to embark it at Shanghai. This he expressed his willingness to do on payment of his men wlio were two months in arrear, and on the settlement of all outstanding claims. Burgevinc was sup- ported by his troops. Whatever his dislike to the proposed move, theirs was immeasur- ably greater. They refused to move without the payment of all arrears ; and on the 2d of January they even went so far as to openly mutiny. Struck a Mandarin. Two days later Burgevine went to Shang- hai, and had an interview with Takce. The meeting was stormy. Burgevine used per- sonal violence towards the Shanghai mer- chant, whose attitude was at first overbearing, and he returned to his exasperated troops with the money, which he carried off by force. The Futai Li, on hearing of the assault on Takee, hastened to General Staveley to complain of Biirgevinc's gross insubordination in striking a mandarin, which by the law of China was punishable with death. Burgevine was dismissed from the Chinese serxicc, and the notice of this re- moval was forwarded by the iMiglish General, with a recommendation to him to give up his command without disturbance. This Burge- vine did, for the advice of the English general was equivalent to a command, and on the 6th of January, 1863, Burgevine was back at Shanghai. Captain Holland was then placed in tem- porary command, while the answer of the Home Government was awaited to General Staveley's proposition to entrust the force to the care of a young captain of engineers, named Charles Gordon. Chung Wang re- turned at this moment to Soochow, and m Kiangsu the cause of the Taepings again revived through his energy. In February a detachment of Holland's force attacked Fushan, but met with a check, when the news of a serious defeat at Taitsan, where the former Futai .Sieh had been defeated, compelled its speedy retreat to Sunkiang. Li had some reason to believe that Tait.san woukl surrender on the approach of the Imperialists, and he accordingly .sent a large army, including 2,500 of the contingent, to attack it. The affair was badly managed. The assaulting party was stopped by a wide ditch ; neither boats nor ladders arrived. The Taepings fired furiously on the exposed party, several officers were killed, and the men broke into confusion. The heavy guns stuck in the soft ground and had to be aban- doned ; and despite the good conduct of thp contingent the Taepings achieved a decisive success (13th February). Chung Wang was able to feel that his old luck had not deserted him, and the Taepings of Kiangsu recovered all their former confidence in themselves and their leader. This disaster inflicted a rude blow on the confidence of Li and his assistants ; and it was resolved that nothing .should be attempted until the Enf,]ish officer, at last appointed, had as- sumed the active command. Gordon in Command. Such was the position of affairs when on 24th of March, 1863, Major Gordon took command of the Ever-Victorious Army. At that moment it was not merely discouraged by its recent reverses, but it was discontented with its position, and when Major Gordon assumed the command at Sunkiang there was some fear of an immediate mutiny. The new commander succeeded in allaying Iieii on In took ly. At |uraged itented iordon there lutiny. Illaying X < as y. ■A CO O IB 104 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. their discontent, and believing that active employment was the best cure for insubor- dination resolved to relieve Chanzu without delay. The Taepings were pressing the siege hard and would probably have cap- tured the place before many days when Major Gordon attacked them in their stock- ades and drove them out with no inconsider- able loss. The Next Move. Having thus gained the confidence of his men and the approbation of the Chinese authorities Major Gordon returned to Sun- kiang where he employed himself in ener- getically restoring the discipline of his force, and in preparing for his next move which at the request of Li Hung Chang was to be the capture of Quinsan. On the 24th of April the force left Sunkiang to attack Quinsan, but it had not proceeded far when its course had to be altered to Taitsan, where, through an act of treachery, a force of 1,500 Imperialists had been annihilated. It became necessary to retrieve this disaster without delay, more especially as all hope of taking Quinsan had for the moment to be abandoned. Major Gordon at once altered the direc- tion of his march, and joining en route General Ching, who had, on the news, broken up his camp before Quinsan, hastened as rapidly as possible to Taitsan, where he arrived on the 29th of April. Bad weather obliged the attack to be deferred until the 1st of May, when two stockades on the west side were carried, and their defen- ders compelled to flee, not into the town as they would have wished, but away from it towards Chanzu. On the following day, the attack was resumed on the north side, while the armed boats proceeded to assault the place from the creek. The firing continued from nine in the morning until five in the evening, when a breach seemed to be practi- cable, and two regiments were ordered to the a.ssault. The rebels showed great courage and fortitude, swarming in the breach and pouring a heavy and well-directed fire upon the troops. The attack was momentarily checked; but while the stormers remained under such cover as they could find, the shells of two howitzers were playing over their heads and causing frightful havoc among the Taepings in the breach. But for these guns, Major Gordon did not think that the place would have been carried at all ; but after some minutes of this firing at such close quarters, the rebels began to show signs of wavering. A party of troops gained the wall, a fresh regiment advanced towards the breach, and the disappearance of the snake flag showed that the Taeping leaders had given up the fight. Taitsan was thus captured, and the three previous disasters before it retrieved. Gordon's Difficulties. On the 4th of May the victorious force appeared before Quinsan, a place of consider- able strength and possessing a formidable artillery directed by a European. The town was evidently too strong to be carried by an immediate attack, and Major Gordon's movements were further hampered by the conduct of his own men, who, upon their arrival at Quinsan, hurried ofl*in detachments to Sunkiang for the purpose of disposing of their spoil. Ammunition had also fallen short, and the commander was consequently obliged to return to refit and to rally his men. At Sunkiang worse confusion followed, for the men, or rather the officers, broke out into mutiny on the occasion of Major Gordon appointing an English officer with the rank of lieutenant-colonel to the control of the 'CHINESE GORDON." 105 commissariat, which had been completely neglected. The men who had served with Ward and Burgevine objected to this, and openly refused to obey orders. Fortunately the stores and ammunition were collected, and Major Gordon announced that he would march on the following morning, with or without the mutineers. Those who did not answer to their names at the end of the first half-march would be dismissed, and he spoke with the authority of one in complete accord with the Chinese authorities themselves. Anxioiis for the Fray. The soldiers obeyed him as a Chinese official, because he had been made a tsung- ping or brigadier-general, and the officers feared to disobey him as they would have liked on account of his commanding the source whence they were paid. The muti- neers fell in, and a force of ne irly 3,000 men, well-equipped and anxious for the fray, returned to Quinsan, where General Ching had, in the meanwhile, kept the rebels closely watched from a strong position defended by several stockades, and supported by the Hysan steamer. Immediately after his ar- rival, Major Gordon moved out his force to attack the stockades which the rebels had constructed on their right wing. These were strongly built; but as soon as the defenders perceived that the assailants had gained their flank they precipitately withdrew into Quinsan itself. General Ching wished the attack to be made on the Eastern Gate, opposite to which he had raised his own intrenchments, and by which he had announced his intention of forcing his way; but a brief inspection showed Major Gordon that that was the strongest point of the town, and that a direct attack upon it could only succeed, if at all, by a very considerable sacrifice of men Like a prudent commander Major Gordon determined to reconnoitre; and, after much grumbling on the part of General Ching, he decided that the most hopeful plan was to carry some stockades situated seven miles west of the town, and thence assail Quinsan on the Soochow side, which was weaker than the others. These stockades were at a village called Chumze. On the 30th of May the force detailed for his work proceeded to carry it out. The Hyson and fifty imperial gunboats conveyed the land force, which consisted of one regiment, some guns, and a large body of Imperialists. The rebels at Chumze offered hardly the least resistance; whether it was that they were dismayed at the sudden appearance of the enemy, or, as was stated at the time, because they considered themselves illtrc:ited by their comrades in Quinsan. The Hyson vigorously pursued those who fled towards Soochow, and completed the effect of this success by the capture of a very strong and well-built fort covering a bridge at Ta Edin. An Imperialist garrison was installed there, and the Hyson continued the pursuit to with- in a mile of Soochow itself. A lively Panic. The defenders of Quinsan itself were terribly alarmed at the cutting off of their communications. They saw themselves on the point of being surrounded, and they yielded to the uncontrollable impulse of panic. During the night, after having suf- fered severely from the Hyson fire, the garri- son evacuated the place, which might easily have held out; and General Ching had the personal satisfaction, on learning from some deserters of the flight of the garrison, of lead- ing his men over the eastern walls which he had wished to assault. The importance of Quinsan was realized on its capture. Major 106 CHINA: PAST AND PRP:SENT. > 'J / Gordon pronounced it to be the key of Soo- chow, and at once resolved to establish his headquarters there, partly because of its The change was not acceptable, however, to the force itself; and the artillery in parti- cular refused to obey orders, and threatened A CHINESE FESTIVAL. natural advantages, but also and not less on account of its enabling him to gradually des- troy the evil associations and vicious habits which the men had contracted at Sunkiang. to shoot their officers. Discipline was, how- ever, promptly reasserted by the energy of the commander, who ordered the principal ringleader to b" shot anH the Ever Victori- "CHINESE GORDON." 107 jwever, ti parti- satened IS, how- pergy of Irincipal iVictori- ous Army became gradually reconciled to its new position at Qiiinsan. After the cap- ture of Quinsan there was a cessation of active operations for nearly two months. It was the height of summer and the new troops had to be drilled. The difficulty with Ching, who took all the credit for the cap- ture of Quinsan to himself, was arranged through the mediation of Dr. Macartney, who had just left the English army to become Li's right-hand man. Removal of a Commander. Two other circumstances occurred to em- barrass the young commander. There were rumors of some meditated movement on the part of Burgevine, who had returned from Pekin with letters exculpating him and who endeavored to recover the command in spite of LI Hung Chang, and there was a further manifestation of insubordination in the force, which, as Gordon said, bore more resemblance to a rabble than the magnificent army it was popularly supposed to be. The artillery had been cowed by Major Gordon's vigor, but its efficiency remained more doubt- ful than could be satisfactory to the general responsible for its condition, and also relying upon it as the most potent arm of his force. He resolved to remove the old commander, and to appoint an English officer, Major Tapp, in his place. On carrying his determination into effect the officers sent in " a round robin," refusing to accept the new officer. This was on the 25th of July, and the expedition which had been decided upon against VVokong had con- sequently to set out the foUowmg morning without a single artillery officer. In face of the inflexible resolve of the leader, however, the officers repented, and appeared in a body at the camp begging to be taken back, and expressing their willingness to accept " Major Tapp or anyone else " as their colonel. They were promptly reinstated. With these troops, part of whom had only just returned to a proper sense of discipline, Gordon proceeded to attack Kahpoo, a place on the Grand Canal south of Soochow, where the rebels held two strongly-built stone forts. The force had been strengthened by the addi- tion of another steamer, the Firefly, a sister vessel to the Hyson. Major Gordon arrived before Kahpoo on the 27th of July; and the garrison, evidently taken by surprise, made scarcely the least resistance. The capture of Kahpoo placed Gordon's force between Soochow and Wokong, the next object of attack. At Wokong the rebels were equally unprepared. The Place Surrendered. The garrison at Kahpoo, thinking only of its own sai'ety, had fled to Soochow, leaving their comrades at Wokong unwarned and to their fate. So heedless were the Taepings at this place of all danger from the north, that they had even neglected to occupy a strong stone fort situated cibout i ,000 yards north of the Wc-.lls. The Taepings attempted too late to repair their error, and the loss of this fort caused them that of all their other stock- ades. Wokong itself was too weak to offer any effectual resistance ; and the garrison on the eve of the assault ordered for the 29lh of July sent out a request for quarter, which was granted, and the place surrendered with- out further fighting. Meanwhile an event of far greater importance had happened than even the capture of these towns, although they formed the necessary preliminary to the investment of Soochow. Burgevine had come to the decision to join the Taepings. Disappointed in his hope of receiving the command, Burgevine remained on at Shang- hai, employing his time in watching the vary- I 108 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. tng phases of a campaign in which he longed to take part, and of which he believed that it was only his due to have the direction, but still hesitating as to what decision it behoved him to take. His contempt for all Chinese officials became hatred of the bitterest kind of the Futai, by whom he had been not merely thwarted but overreached, and pre- disposed him to regard with no unfavorable eye the idea of joining his fortunes with those of the rebel Taepings. Jealous of Gordon. To him in this frame of mind came some of the dismissed officers and men of the Ward force appealing to his vanity by declar- ing that his soldiers remembered him with affection, and that he had only to hoist his flag for most of his old followers to rally round him. There was little to marvel at if he also was not free from some feeling of jealousy at the success and growing fame of Major Gordon, for whom he simulated a warm friendship. The combination of mo- tives proved altogether irresistible as soon as he found that several hundred European adventurers were ready to accompany him into the ranks of the Taepings, and to en- deavor to do for them what they failed to perform for the Imperialists. On the 1 5th of July, Dr. Macartney wrote to Major Gordon stating that he had positive information that Burgevine was enlisting men for some enterprise, that he had already col- lected about 300 Europeans, and that he had even gone so far as to choose a .special flag, a white diamond on a red ground, and con- taining a black star in the centre of the dia- mond. On the 2 1st of the same month Burgevine wrote to Major Gordon saying that there would be many rumors about him, but that he was not to believe any of them, and that he would come and see him shortly. This letter was written as a blind, and, unfortunately, Major Gordon attached greater value to Burgevine's word than he did to the precise information of Dr. Macartney. He was too much disposed tc think that, as the officer had to a certair extent superseded Burgevine in command, he was bound to take the most favorable view of all his actions, and to trust implicitly in his good faith. Major Gordon, trusting to his word, made himself personally respon- sible, to the Chinese authorities for his good faith, and thus Burgevine escaped arrest. Burgevine's plans had been deeply laid. He had been long in correspondence with the Taepings, and his terms had been ac- cepted. He proclaimed his hostility to the Government by seizing one of their new steamers. Immediate Danger. At this very moment Major Gordon came to the decision to resign, and he hastened back to Shanghai in order to place his with- drawal from the force in the hands of the Futai. He arrived there on the very day that Burgevine seized the Kajow steamer at Sunkiang, and on hearing the news he at once withdrew his resignation, which had been made partly from irritation at the irregular payment of his men, and also on account of the cruelty of General Ching. Not merely did he withdraw his resignation, but he hastened back to Quinsan, into which he rode on the night of the very same day that had witnessed his departure. The im- mediate and most pressing danger was from the possible defection of the lorce to its old leader, when, with the large stores of artil- lery and ammunition at Quinsan in their pos- session, not even Shanghai, with its very weak foreign garrison, could be considered safe from attack. 'TrTTin -;; ;t.w r.Ti tiJ* i "«/ o PU o Q g o o "CHINESE GORDON." 109 As a measure of precaution Major Gor- don sent some of his heavy guns and stores back to Taitsan, where the English com- mander, General Brown, consented to guard them, while he hastened off to Kahpoo, now threatened both by the Soochow force and by the foreign adventurers acting under Burgevine. He arrived at the most critical moment. The garrison was hard pressed. General Ching had gone back to Shanghai, and only the presence of the Hyson pre- vented the rebels, who were well armed and possessed an efficient artillery, from carrying the fort by a rush. The arrival of Major Gordon with 150 men on board his third steamer, the Cricket, restored the confidence of the defenders, but there was no doubt that Burgevine had lost a most favorable oppor- tunity, for if he had attacked this place in- stead of proceeding to Soochow it must have fallen. Moving on the Rebel Stronghold. General Ching, who was a man of almost extraordinary energy and restlessness, re- solved to signalize his return to the field by some striking act while Major Gordon was completing his preparations at Quinsan for a fresh effort. His headquarters were at the strong fort of Ta Edin, on the creek leading from Quinsan to Soochow, and having the Hyson with him, he determined to make a dash to some point nearer the great rebel stronghold. On the 30th of August he had seized the position of Waiquaidong, where, in three days, he threw up stockades, admir- ably constructed, and which could not have been carried save by a great effort on tiie part of the whole of the Soochow garrison. Towards the end of September, Major Gordon, fearing lest the rebels, who had now the supposed advantage of Burgevine's pres- ence and advice, might make some attempt to cut off General Ching 's lengthy communi- cations, moved forward to Waiquaidong to support him ; but when he arrived, he found that the impatient mandarin, encouraged either by the news of his approach or at the inaction of the Taepings in Soochow, had made a still further advance of two miles, so that he was only I.CXK) yards distant from the rebel stockades in front of the East Gate. Major Gordon had at this time been rein- forced by the Franco-Chinese corps, which had been well disciplined, under the com- mand of Captain Bonnefoy, while the neces- sity of leaving any strong garrison at Quin- san had been obviated by the loan of 200 Belooches from Geneial Brown's force. Effective Fire of the Gunboat. The rebel position heaving been carefully reconnoitred, both on the east and on the south. Major Gordon determined that the first step necessary for its proper beleaguerment was to seize and fortify the village of Pata- chiaou, about one mile south of the city wall. The village, although stockaded, was evacu- ated by the garrison after a feeble resist- ance, and an rttempt to recover it a few horrs later by Mow Wang in person resulted in a rude repulse chiefly on account of the effective fire of the Hyson. Burgevine, instead of fighting the battles of the failing cause he had adopted, was travelling about the country : at one moment in the capital interviewing Tien Wang and his ministers, at another going about in disguise even in the streets of Shanghai. But during the weeks when General Ching might have been taken at a disadvan- tage, and when it was quite possible to recover some of the places which had been lost, he was absent from the scene of military operations. After the capture of Patachiaou most of the troops and the steamers that had 110 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. taken it were sent back to Waiquaidong, but Major Gordon remained there with a select body of his men and three howitzers. The rebels had not resigned themselves to the loss of Patachiaou, and on the 1st of October they made a regular attempt to recover it. They brought the Kajoiv into action, and, as it had found a daring commander in a man named Jones, its assistance proved very con- siderable. They had also a 32-poundcr gun on board a junk, and this enabled them to overcome the fire of Gordon's howitzers and also of the Hyson, which arrived from Wai- quaidong during the engagement. But not- withstanding the superiority of their artillery, the rebels hesitated to come to close quarters, and when Major Gordon and Captain Bon- nefoy led a sortie against them at the end of the day they retired precipitately. Wishes to Surrender. At this stage Burgevine wrote to Major Gordon two letter.s — the first exalting the Taepings, and the second written two days later asking for an interview, whereupon he expressed his desire to surrender on the pro- vision of personal safety. He assigned the state of his health as the cause of this change, but there was never the least doubt that the true reason of this altered view was dissatis- faction with his treatment by the Taeping leaders and a conviction of the impossibility of success. Inside Soochow, and at Nankin, it was possible to see with clearer eyes than at Shanghai that the Taeping cause was one that could not be resuscitated. But although Burgevine soon and very ' ;ar!v^ 3aw the hopelessness of the Taeping kn> ivom, nt, he had by no means made up his n.i.id to go o\er to the Imperialists. With a ci li ■• jcrable number of European followers at his beck and call, and with a profound and ineradicable contempt for the whole Chinese official world, he was loth to lose or surrender the position which ga\e him a certain importance. He vacillated between a number of suggestions, and the last he came to was the most remarkable, at the same time that it revealed more clearly than any other the vain and meretricious charac- ter of the man. A Scheme of Treachery. In his second interview with Major Gor- don he proposed that ihat officer should join him, and combining the whole force of the Europeans and the disciplined Chinese, seize Soochow, and establish an independent authority of their own. It was the old fili- bustering idea, revived under the most unfavorable circumstances, of fighting for their own hand, dragging the European name in the dirt, and founding an indepen- dent authority of some vague, undefinable and transitory character. Major Gordon listened to the unfolding of this scheme of miserable treachery, and only his strong sense of the utter impossibility, and indeed the ridiculousness of the project, prevented his contempt and indignation finding forcible expression. Burgevine, the traitor to the Imperial cause, the man whose health would not allow him to do his duty to his new masters in Soochow, thus revealed his plan for defy- ing all parties, and for deciding the fate of the Dragon Throne. The only reply he received was the cold one that it would be better and wiser to confine his attention to the question of whether he intended to yield or not, instead of discussing idle schemes of " vaulting ambition." Meantime, Chung Wang had come down from Nankin to superintend the defence of Soochow; and in face of a more capable opponent he still did not despair of success, )erial not Isters iefy- Iteof he Id be m to neld ;s of lown [e of lable cess, 'j u M Pk d. O o H < o o (b u s H fa o ■J u u (3 112 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. or at the least of making a good fight of it. He formed the plan of assuming the offensive against Chanzu whilst General Ching was employed in erecting his stockades step by step nearer to the eastern wall of Soochow. In order to prevent the realization of this project Major Gordon made several demon- strations on the western side of Soochow, which had the effect of inducing Chung Wang to defer his departure. At this conjuncture serious news arrived from the south. A large rebel force, assem- bled from Chekiang and the silk districts south of the Taho lake, had moved up the Grand Canal and held the garrison of Wokong in close confinement. On the loth of October the Imperialists stationed there made a sortie, but were driven back with the loss of several hundred men killed and wounded. Hard Fought Battle. Their provisions were almost e.xhausted, and it was e^'ident that unless relieved they could not hold out many days longer. On the 1 2tii of October Major Gordon therefore hastened to their succor. The rebels held a position south of Wokong, and, as they felt sure of a safe retreat, they fought with great determination. The battle lasted three hours; the guns had to be brought up to within fifty yards of the stockade, and the whole affair is described as one of the hardest fought actions of the war. On the return of the contingent to Patachiaou, about thirty Europeans deserted the rebeis, but Burge- vine and one or two others were not with them. Chung Wang had seized the opportunity of Gordon's departure for the relief of Wokong to carry out his scheme against Chanzu. Taking the Kajow with him, and a considerable number of the foreign adven- turers, he reached Monding, where the Imperialists were strongly intrenched at the junction of the main creek from Chanzu with the canal. He attacked them, and a severely contested struggle ensued, in which at first the Taepings carried everything before them. But the fortune of the day .soon veered round. The Kajnv was sunk by a lucky shot, great havoc was wrought by the explosion of a powder-boat, and the Imperialists remained masters of a hard- fought field. Succeeded in Escaping. The defection of the Europeans paced Burgevine in serious peril, and only Major Gordon's urgent representations and acts of courtesy to the Mow Wang saved his life. The Taeping leader, struck by the gallantry and fair dealing of the English officer, set Burgevine free, and the American consul thanked Major Gordon for his great kindness to that misguided officer. Burgevine came out of the whole complication with a reputa- tion in every way tarnished. He had not even the most common courage which would have impelled him to stay in Soochow and take the chances of the party to which he had attached himself Whatever his natural talents might have been, his vanity and weakness obscured them all. With the in- clination to create an infinity of mischief, it must be considered fortunate that his ability was so small, for his opportunities were abundant. The conclusion of the Burgevine incident removed a weight from Major Gordon's mind. Established on the east and south of Soochow, he determined to secure a similar position on its western side, when he would be able to intercept the communication still held by the garrison across the Taho lake. In order to attain this object it was necessary. 'CHINESE GORDON." 113 in the first place, to carry the stockades at Wuliungchow, a \illagc two miles west of Patachiaou. The place was captured at the first attack and successfully held, notwith- standing a fierce attempt to recover it under the personal direction of Chung Wang, who returned for the express purpose. This success was followed by others. Another large body of rebels had come up from the south and assailed the garrison of VVokong. On the 26th of October one of Gordon's lieutenants, Major Kirkham, in- flicted a severe defeat upon them, and vigor- ously pursued them for several miles. The next operation undertaken was the capture of the village of Leeku, three miles north of Soochow, as the preliminary to investing the city on the north. Here Major Gordon re- sorted to his usual flanking tactics, and with conspicuous success. The rebels fought well; one officer was killed at Gordon's side, and the men in the stockade were cut down with the exception of about forty, who were made prisoners. The Force too Small. Soochow was then assailed on the northern as well as on the other sides, but Chung Wang's army still served to keep open com- munications by means of the Grand Canal. That army had its principal quarters at Wusich, where it was kept in check by a large Imperialist force under Santajin, Li's brother, who had advanced from Kongyin on the Yangtse. Major Gordon's main diffi- culty now arose from the insufficiency of his force to hold so wide an extent of country ; and in order to procure a reinforcement from Santajin, he agreed to assist that commander against his able opponent Chung Wang. With a view to accomplishing this the Taep- ing position at Wanti, two miles north of Leeku, was attacked and captured. 8 At this stage of the campaign there were I3,5 WUi:. as energetically as possible to expel the rebels from the small part of Kiani^su still remaining in their possession. On the i8th threat satisfaction at the return tu active cam- paigning. Wusieh had been evacuated on the fall of Soochow, and Chuni,^ Wang's 118 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. I i force retired to Changchow, while that chief himself returned to Nankin. A few weeks later General Ching had seized Pingwang, thus obtaining the command of another en- trance into the Taho Lake. Santajin estab- lished his force in a camp not far distant from Changchow, and engaged the rebels in almost daily skirmishes. This was the position of affairs when Major Gordon took the field towards the end of February, and he at once resolved to carry the war into a new country by crossing the Taho lake and attacking the town of Yesing on its western shores. By seizing this and the adjoining towns he hoped to cut the rebellion in two, and to be able to attack Changchow in the rear. The operations at V'jsing occupied two days ; but at last the rebel stockades were carried with tremend- ous loss, not only to the defenders but also to a relieving force sent from Liyang. Five thousand prisoners were also taken. Marching Onward. Liyang itself was the ne.\t place to be attacked ; but the intricacy of the country, which was intersected by creeks and canals, added to the fret that the whole region had been desolated by famine, and that the rebels had broken all the bridges, rendered this undertaking one of great difficulty and some risk. However, Major Gordon's fortitude vanquished all obstacles and when he ap- peared before Liyang he found that the rebel leaders in possession of the town had come to the decision to surrender. At this place Major Gordon came into communication with the general Paochiaou, who was cover- ing the siege operations against Nankin which Tseng Kwofan was pressing with ever-increasing vigor. The surrender of Liyang proved the more important, as the fortifications were found to be admirably constructed, and as it contained a garrison of fifteen thousand men and a plenti- ful supply of provisions. From Liyang, Major Gordon marched on Kintang, a town due north of Liyang, and about half-way between Changchow and Nankin. The capture of Kintang, by placing Gordon's force within striking distance of Changchow and its com- munications, would have compelled the rebels to suspend these operations and recall their forces. A Resolute Garrison. Unfortunately the attack on Kintang re- vealed unexpected difficulties. The garrison showed e.xtraordinary determination ; and although the wall was breached by the heavy fire, two attempts to assault were repulsed with heavy loss, the more serious inasmuch as Major Gordon was himself wounded below the knee, and compelled to retire to his boat. This was the second defeat Gordon had ex- perienced. In consequence of this reverse, which dashed the cup of success from Gordon's hands when he seemed on the point of bringing the campaign to a close in the most brilliant manner, the force had to retreat to Liyang, whence the commander hastened back with one thousand men to VVusieh. He reached Wusieh on the 25th of March, four days after the repulse at Kintang, and he there learnt that Fushan had been taken and that Chanzu was being closely attacked. The Imperialists had fared better in the south. General Ching had captured Kash- ingfoo, a strong place in Chekiang, and on the very same dr.y as the repulse at Kintang Tso Tsung Tang had recovered Hangchow. Major Gordon, although still incapacitated by his wound from taking his usual foremost place in the battle, directed all operations from his boat. He succeeded, after numer- CHINESE GOPDON." 119 contained d a plenti- ng, Major town due y between :apture of •ce within d its com- the rebels ecall their wintanLi re- lie garrison ition ; and y the heavy e repulsed i inasmuch nded below to his boat, jn had ex- rsc, m which Gordon's point of in the most retreat to hastened o Wusieh. of March, intang, and jeen taken y attacked, ter in the ured Kash- ig, and on at Kintang Hangchow. capacitated al foremost operations er numer- ous skirmishes, in compelling the Taepings to quit their position before Chanzu ; but they drew up in force at the village of Waisso, where they offered him battle. Most unfortunately Major Gordon had to entrust the conduct of the attack to his lieutenants. Colonels Howard and Rhodes, while he superintended the advance of the gunboats up the creek. Finding the banks were too high to admit of these being use- fully employed, and failing to establish com- munications with the infantry, he discreetly returned to his camp, where he found every- thing in the most dreadful confusion owing to a terrible disaster. Routed with Great Loss. The infantry in fact had been out-man- oeuvred and routed with tremendous loss. Seven officers and 265 men had been killed, and one officer and sixty-two men wounded. Such an overwhelming disaster would have crushed any ordinary commander, particu- larly when coming so soon after such a rude defeat as that at Kingtang. It only roused Major Gordon to increased activity. He at once took energetic measures to retrieve this disaster. He sent his wounded to Quinsan, collected fresh troops, and, having allowed his own wound to recover by a week's rest, resumed in person the attack on Waisso. On the loth of April Major Gordon pitched his camp within a mile of Waisso, and paid his men as the preliminary to the resumption of the offensive. The attack commenced on the following morning, and promised to prove of an ardu- ous nature; but by a skilful flank movement Major Gordon carried two stockades in per- son, and rendered the whole place no longer tenable. The rebels evacuated their position and retreated, closely pursued by the Imper- ialists. The villagers who had suffered from their exactions, rose upon them, and very few rebels escaped. The pursuit was con- tinued for a week, and the lately victorious army of Waisso was practically annihilated. The capture of Changchow was to be the next crowning success of the campaign. For this enterprise the whole of the Ever- Victorious Army was concentrated, including the ex-rebel contingent of Liyang. On the 23d of April Major Gordon carried the stockades near the west gate. In their cap- ture the Liyang men, although led only by Chinese, showed conspicuous gallantry, thus ju.stifying Major Gordon's belief that the Chinese would fight as well under their own countrymen as when led by foreigners. Batteries were then constructed for the bom- bardment of the town itself. Before these were completed the Imperialists assaulted, but were repulsed with loss. On the follow- ing day (April 27th) the batteries opened fire, and two pontoon bridges were thrown across, when Major Gordon led his men to the assault. A Bridge of Casks. The first attack was repulsed, and a second one, made in conjunction with the Imperial- ists, fared not less badly. The pontoons were lost, and the force suffered a greater loss than at any time during the war, with the exception of Waisso. The Taepings also lost heavily ; and their valor could not alter the inevitable result. Changchow had conse- quently to be approached .systematically by trenches, in tl'c construction of wliicii the Chinese showed themselves very skilful. The loss of the pontoons compelled the formation of a cask-bridge ; and, during the extensive preparations for renewing the attack, several hundred of the garrison came over, reporting that it was only the Cantonese who wished to fight to the bitter end. t'l i I 120 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. On the 1 1 til of May, the fourth anniver- sary of its capture by Chung Wang, Li requested Major Gordon to act in concert with him for carrying the place by storm. The attack was made in the middle of the day, to the intense surprise of the garrison, who made only a feeble resistance, and the town was at last carried with little loss. \ GENKRAL GOKDON. The commancl.;n , PL o Wang, was made prisoner and excculed. This pnned to be the last action of the P>cr Victorious Army, which then returned to Quinsan, and was quietly disbanded by his commander before the 1st of June. To su:n i:p the closing incidents of the Tacping war, Tayan was evacuated two days after the fall of Changchow, leading Nankin alone in their hands. Inside that city there was the greatest misery and suffer- ing. Tien Wang had refused to take any of the steps pressed on him by Chung Wang, and he heard the people were suffering fron ;-.t, all he said was, " Let them eat the . .-t dew." Tseng Kwofan drew up his lines on all sides of the city, and gradually drove the despairing rebels be- hind the walls. Chung Wang sent out the old women and children ; and let it be recorded to the credit of Tseng Kwot- siuen that he did not drive them buck, but charitably provided for their wants, and despatched them to a place of shelter. In June Major Gordon visited Tseng's camp, and he found his works covering twenty-four to thirty miles, and constructed in the most elaborate fashion. The Imperialists numbered eighty thousand men, but were badly armed. Although their pay was very much in arrear, they were well fed and had great confidence in their leader.Tseng Kwofan. On the 30th of June, Tien Wang, despairing of suc- cess, committed suicide by swal- lowing golden leaf. Thus died the Mungtsiuen who had erected the standard of revolt in Kwangsi thirteen years before. His son was proclaimed Tien Wang on his death becoming known, but his reiL^n was brief. The last act of all had now arrived. On the iQlh of July the Imperialists had run a gallery under the wall of Nankin, and charged it with forty thousand pounds of j powder. The explosion destroyed fift)- jards I of the walls, and the Imperialists, attacking "CHINESE GORDON." 121 le that suffer- ke any Wang, uffering lem eat V up his adually bels be- r Wang len and ccorded r Kwot- ive them arovided spatchcd Iter. )n visited bund bis ^-four to ructed in lion. The i eighty :re badly heir pay ear, they d great |er,Tseng of June, of sue- by swal- hus died erected iKwangsi claimed jown.but |ed. On Ihad run |ld plot before the arrival in Peki . ^n.i ■'■ .\ov only remaimd to carry it out. Not Given a Choice. On the day f>. '!'^*"<7i^; the <:• -.to the capital. Prince Kung ha: u.;cu :-> . ">i'. .", and, producing before the astor;: Jir d ixcgcuis an Imperial Edict ordering their dismissal, he asked them whether they obeyed the decree of their Sovereign, or whether he must call in his soldiers to compel them. Prince Tsai and his companions had no choice save to signify their acquiescence in what they could not prevent ; but, on leav- ing the chamber in which this scene took place, they hastened towards the Emperor's apartments in order to remonstrate against their dismissal, or to obtain from him some counteredict reinstating them in their posi- tions. Thc)' were prevenicd from carrying out their purpose, but this proof of contu- macy scaled their fate. They were promptly arrested, and a second decree was issued ordering their degradation from their official and hereditary rank. To Prince Kung and his allies was entrusted the charge of trying and punishing the offenders. The next step was the proclamation of a new Regency, composed of the two em- presses, Tsi An, principal widcnv of Hien- fung, and Tsi Thsi. motiicr of the young Emperor. Two precedents for the adminis- tration being entrusted to an empress were easily found by the Hanlin doctors during the Ming dynasty, when the Emperors Chit- song and Wanleh were minors. Special edicts were issued and arrangements made for the transaction of business during the con- tinuance of the Regency, and as neither of the empresses knew Manchu it was specially provided that papers and documents, which were always presented in that language, should be translated into Chinese. Concurrently with these measures for the settlement of the Regency happened the closing scenes in the drama of conspiracy which began so successfully at Jehol and ended so dramatically at Pekin. For com- plete success and security it was necessary that all the ringleaders should be captured, and some of them were still free. Arrested and Executed. The bravest, if not the ablest, of the late Board of Regency, Sushuen, remained at large. He had been charged with the high and honorable duty of escorting the remains of Hienfung to the capital. It was most important that he should be seized before he became aware of the fate that had befallen his colleagues. Prince Chun volunteered to capture the last, and in a sense the most for- midable, of the intriguers himself, and on the very day that the events described happened at Pekin he rode out of the capital at the head of a body of Tartar cavalrj'. On the following night Prince Chun reached the spot where he was encamped, and, breaking into the house, arrested him whilst in bed. Sushuen did not restrain his indignation, and betrayed the ulterior plans entertained by himself and his associates by declaring that Prince Chun had been only just in time to prevent a similar fate befalling PRINXK KUNG aND THE REGENCY. 125 himself. He was at once placed on his trial with the other prisoners, and on the loth of November the order was given in the Em- peror's name for their execution. Sushuen was executed on the public ground set apart for that purpose; but to the others, as a special favor from their connection with the Imperin! family, was sent the silken cord, with which they were permitted to put an tnd to their existence. Strange Stroke of Misfortune. The events of this introductory period may be appropriately concluded with the strange stroke of misfortune that befell Prince Kung in the spring of 1865, and which seemed to show that he had indulged some views of personal ambition. The affair had probably a secret history, but if so the truth is hardly likely to be ever known. The known facts were as follows : On the 2d of April, 1 865, there appeared an edict degrad- ing the Prince in the name of the two Regent- Empresses. The charge made against him was of having grown arrogant and assumed privileges to which he had no right. He was at first "diligent and circumspect," but he has now become disposed " to overrate his own importance." In consequence, he was deprived of all his appointments and dis- missed from the scene of public affairs. There was not much likelihood that a man who had taken so decisive a share in arrang- ing the accession of the ruling prince, and in the appointment of the Regents during his minority, would tamely acquiesce in being set on one side by the decree of two women. All his friends on the Imperial Council peti- tioned the Throne, representing in the plainest terms the great inconvenience that would be entailed by the withdrawal of Prince Kung from the control of public affairs. It was significantly ob.served in one of these memo- rials that " if the Imperial household be the first to begin misunderstandings " there was no telling where the excitement would not extend. These representations could not fail to produce their due effect. Five weeks after his fall Prince Kung was reinstated, on the 8th of May, in all his offices, with the exception of that of Presi- dent of the Council. This episode, which might have produced grave complications, closed with a return to almost the precise state of things previously existing. There was one important difference. The two em- presses had asserted their predominance. Prince Kung had hoped to be supreme, and to rule uncontrolled. From this time forth he was content to be their minister and ad- viser, on terms similar to those that would have applied to any other official. Trouble in Remote Quarters. The year 1865, which witnessed this very interesting event in the history of the Chinese Government, beheld before its close the de- parture of Sir Frederick Bruce from Pckin, and the appointment of Sir Rutherford Al- cock, who had been the first British minister to Japan during the critical periotl of the in- trodu'-f.ion of foreign intercourse with that country, to fill the post of Resident Min- ister at Pekin. While the events which have been set forth were happening in the heart of China, other misfortunes yet had befallen the exe- cutive in the more remote quarters > f the realm, but resulting nor.e the less in the loss and ruin of provinces, and in the subversion of the Emperor's authority. Two great uprisings of the people occurred in opposite directions, both commencing while the Taep- ing rebellion was in full force, and continu- ing to disturb the country for many years after its suppression. The one had for its II, 120 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. I'' scene the great south-western province of Yunnan ; the other the two provinces of the north-west, Shcnsi and Kansuh, and extend- ing thence westwards to the Pamir. They resembled each other in one point, and that was that they were instigated and sustained by the Mahomedan population alone. The Panthays and the Tungani were either indigenous tribes or foreign immi- The Panthay rising calls for description in the first place, because it began at an earlier period than the other, and also because the details have been preserved with greater fidelity. Mahomedanism is believed to have been introduced into Yunnan in or about the year 1275, and it made most progress among the so-called aboriginal tribes, the Lolos and the Mantzu. The officials were CHINESE PEDLER. grants who had adopted or imported the tenets of Islam. Their sympathies with the Pckin Government were probably never very great, but they were impelled in both cases to revolt more by local tyranny than by any distinct desire to cast off the authority of the Chinese ; but, of course, the obvious embarrassment of the central executive en- couraged by simplifying the task of rebellion. mostly Chinese or Tartars, and, left practi- cally free from control, they more often abused their power than sought to employ it for the benefit of the people they governed. In the very first year of Hienfung's reign (185 1) a petition reached the capital from a Mahomedan land proprietor in Yunnan named Ma Wenchu, accusing the Emperor's officials of the gravest crimes, and praying PRINCK KUNG AND THK RKGKNCY. 127 \h m that "a just and honest man" might be sent to redress the wrongs of an injured and long-suffering people. The petition was carefully read and favor- ably considered at the capital ; but beyond a gracious answer the Emperor was at the time powerless to apply a remedy to the evil. Four years passed away without any open manifestation of the deep discontent smoul- dering below the surface. But in 1855 the Chinese and the Mahomedan laborers quar- relled in one of the principal mines of the province, which is covered with mines of gold, iron, and copper. It seems that the greater success of the Mahomedans in the uncertain pursuit of mining had roused the displeasure of tlie Chinese. Disputes ensued, in which the Mussulmans added success in combat to success in mining ; and the official appointed to superintend the mines, instead of remaining with a view to the restoration of order, sought his personal safety by precipi- tate flight to the town of Yunnan. During his absence the Chinese population raised a levy cH masse, attacked the Mahomedans who had gained a momentary triumph, and compelled them by sheer weight of numbers to beat a hasty retreat to their own homes in a different part of the province. lU-Will Against the Mahomedans. This success was the signal for a general outcry against the Mahomedans, who had long been the object of the .secret ill-will of the other inhabitants. Massacres took place in .several parts of Yunnan, and the followers of the Prophet had to flee for their 'ives. Among those who were slain during these popular disorders was a young chief named Ma Sucheng ; and when the news of his murder reached his native village, his younger brother. Ma Sien, who had just received a small military command, declared his inten- tion to avenge him, and fled to join the Mahomedan fugitives in the mountains. In this secure retreat they rallied their forces, and, driven to desperation by the promptings of want, they left their fastnesses with the view of regaining what they had lost. In this they succeeded better than they could have lioped for. The Chinese population experienced in their turn tiie bitterness of defeat ; and the mandarins had the less difficulty in concluding a temporary under- standing between the exhaused combatants. Tranquillity was restored, and the miners resumed their occupations. Plot for a General Massacre. liut the peace was deceptive, and in a little time the struir'ile was renewed with increased furj'. In this emergency the idea occurred to some of the officials that an easy and efficacious remedy of the difficulty in wliich they found themselves would be provided bj' the massacre of the whole Mussulman popu- lation. In this plot the foremost part was taken b)' Hwang Chung, an official who bitterly hated the Mahomedans. He suc- ceeded in obtaining the acquiescence of all his colleagues with the exception of the Viceroy of the province, who exposed the iniquity of the design, but who, destitute of all support, was powerless to prevent its exe- cution. At the least he resolved to save his honor and reputation by committing suicide, and he and his wife were found one morning hanging up in the hall of the yamen. His death simplified the execution of the project which his refusal might possibly have pre- vented. The 19th of May, 1856, was the date fixed for the celebration of this Chinese St. Bartholomew. But the secret had not been well kept. The Mahomedans, whether warned or suspicious, distrusted the authori- i i ,1; Hi 1^ 128 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. ties and tlicir neighbors, and stood valiantly on their guard. At this time they looked chiclly to a higii priest named Ma Tcsing for guidance and instruction. But although on the alert they were, after all, taken to some extent by surprise, and many of them were massacred after a more or less unavailing resistance. But if many of the Mussulmans were slain, the survivors were inspired with a desperation which the mandarins had never contemplated. From one end of Yunnan to the other the Mahomedans, in face of great personal peril, rose by a common and spon- taneous impulse, and the Chinese population was compelled to take a hasty refuge in the towns. They HtlJ the City. At Talifoo, where the Mahomedans formed a considerable portion of the population, the most desperate fighting occurred, and after three days' carnage the Mussulmans, under Tu VVensiu, were left in possession of the city. Their success inspired them with the hope of retaining the freedom they had won, and, impressed with the conviction that noth- ing would atone for their acts of rebellion in the eyes of the government, they had no choice save to exert themselves for the reten- tion of their independence. The rebels did not remain without leaders, whom they will- ingly recognized and obeyed ; for the kwan- shihs, or chiefs, who had accepted titles of authority from the Chinese, cast off their allegiance and placed themselves at the head of the popular movement. The priest Ma Tesing was raised to the highest post of all as Dictator, but Tu Wensiu admitted no higher authority than his own within the walls of Talifoo. Ma Tesing had performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, he had resided at Constantinople for two years, and his repu- tation for knowledge and saintliness stood highest among his co-religionists. He was therefore a man in high repute. While Ma Tesing exercised the supremacy due to his age and attainments, the young chief Ma Sien led the rebels in the field. His energy was most conspicuous, and in the year 1858 he thought he was sufficiently strong to make an attack upon the city of Yunnan itself. His attack was baffled by the resolute defence of an officer named Lii* Tzuchin, who had shown great courage as a partisan leader against the insurgents befoie he was entrusted with the defence of the provincial capital. Ma Sien was compelled to beat a retreat, and to devote himself to the organization of the many thousand Ijen or Lolos recruits who signified their attachment to his cause. For the successful defence of Yunnan, Lin was made a Titu, and gradually- collected into his own hands such authority- as still remained to the Emperor's lieutenants. Suicide of a Mandarin. On both sides preparations were made for the renewal of the struggle, but before the year 1858 ended Ma Sien met with a second repulse at the town of Linan. The year 1859 was not marked by any event of signal importance, although the balance of success- inclined on the whole to the Mussulmans. But in the following year the Mahomedans drew up a large force, computed to exceed; 50,000 men, round Yunnanfoo, to which they laid vigorous siege. The Imperialists were taken at a disadvantage, and the large number of people who had fled for shelter into the town rendered the small store of provisions less sufficient for a protracted defence. Yunnanfoo was on the point of surrender when an event occurred which not merely relieved it from its predicament, but altered the whole complexion of the struggle. The garrison had made up its mind to PRINCE KUNG AND THK RKGKNCY. 120 lade for efore the second le year ■ signal success- ulmans. medans exceed ch they sts were large r shelter store of otracted point of hich not lent, but struggle, mind to yield. Even the brave Lin had accepted the inevitable, and begun to negotiate with the two rebel leaders, Ma Sien and the priest Ma Tesing. Those chiefs, with victory in their grasp, manifested an unexpected and surprising moderation. Instead of demand- ing from Lin a complete and unconditional surrender, they began to discuss with him what terms could be agreed upon for the cessation of the war and for the restoration of tranquillity to the province. At first it was thought that these propositions con- cealed some intended treachery, but their sincerity was placed beyond dispute by the suicide of the mandarin Hwang Chung, who had first instigated the people to massacre their Mahomedan brethren. Deserters to the Government. The terms of peace were promptly ar- ranged, and a request was forwarded to Pekin for the ratification of a convention concluded under the pressure of necessity with some of the rebel leaders. The better to conceal the fact that this arrangement had been made with the principal leader of the disaffected, Ma Sien changed his name to Ma Julung, and received the rank of general in the Chinese service; while the high priest ac- cepted as his share the not inconsiderable pension of $28, OCX) a month. It is impossible to divine the true reasons which actuated these instigators ot rebellion in their decision to go over to the side of the government. They probably thought that they had done sufficient to secure all practical advantages, and that any persistence in hostilities would only result in the increased misery and impoverishment of the province. They thought that their kinsmen and fol- lowers would obtain justice and security; and, as for themselves, no moment would be more opportune for securing the largest pos- sible personal advantage with the minimum of risk. But they were also influenced by other considerations. Powerful as they were, there were other Mahomedan leaders seeking to acquire the supreme position among their co-religionists ; and foremost among these was Tu VVensiu, who had reduced the whole of Western Yunnan to his sway, and reigned at Talifoo. The Mahomedan cause, important as it was, did not aflbrd scope for the ambitions of two such men as Ma Julung and Tu Wensiu. The former availed himself of the favorable opportunity to settle this difficulty in a prac- tical and, as he shrewdly anticipated, the most profitable manner for himself person- ally, by giving in his adhesion to the govern- ment. Every Man for Himself. This important defection did not bring in its train any certainty of tranquillity. Incited by the example of their leaders, every petty officer and chief thought himself deserving of the highest honors, and resolved to fight for his own hand. Ma Julung left Yunnan- foo for the purpose of seizing a neighboring town which had revolted, and during his absence one of his lieutenants seized the capital, murdered the Viceroy, and threat- ened to plunder the inhabitants. Ma Julung was summoned to return in hot haste, and as a temporary expedient the priest Ma Tesing was elected Viceroy. When Ma Julung returned with his army- he had to lay siege to Yunnanfoo, and although he promptly effected an entrance into the city, it took five days' hard fighting in the streets before the force in occupation was expelled. The insurgent officer was captured, exposed to the public gaze for one month in an iron cage, and then executed in a cruel manner. Ma Tesing was deposed Vf 130 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. from the elevated position which he had held for so short a time, and a new Chinese Vice- roy arrived from Kweichow. The year 1863 opened with the first active operations against Tu Wcnsui, who, during these years of dis- order in central Yunnan, had been governing the western districts with some prudence. It would have been better if they had not been undertaken, for they only resulted in the defeat of the detachments sent by Ma Julung to engage the despot of Talifoo. Rejected with Disdain. Force having failcil, they had recourse to diplomacj', and Ma Tesing was sent to sound Tu Wcnsiu as to whether he would not imi- tate their example and make his peace with the authorities. These overtures were re- jected with disdain, and Tu Wensiu pro- claimed his intention of holding out to the last, and refused to recognize the wisdom or the necessity of coming to terms with the government. The embarrassment of Ma Julung and the Yunnan officials, already sufficiently acute, was at this conjuncture further aggravated by an outbreak in their rear among the Miaotzc and some other mountain tribes in the province of Kwei- chow. To the difficult)' of coping with a strongly placed enemy in front was thus added that of maintaining communications through a hostile and difficult region. A third independent party had also come into existence in Yunnan, where an e.c-Chi- nese official named Liang Shihmei had set up his own authority at Linan, mainly, it was said, through jealousy of the Mahome- dans taken into the .service of the govern- rpent. The greatest difficulty of all was to reconcile the pretensions of the different commanders, for the Chinese officials, and the Futai Tsen Yuying in particular, re- garded Ma Julung with no friendly eye. With the year 1867, both sides having collected their strength, more active opera- tions were commenced, and Ma Julung pro- ceeded in person, at the head of the best troops he could collect, to enga -^ Tu Wensiu. The Red Flag. It was at this time that the Imperialists adopted the red flag as their standard in contradistinction to the white flag of the insurgents. A desultory campaign ensued, but although Ma Julung evinced both cour- age and capacity, the result was on the whole unfavorable to him; and he had to retreat to the capital, where events of some import- ance had occurred during his absence in the field. The Viceroy, who had been staunchly attached to Ma Julung, died sudden)" and under such circumstances as to si' t a suspicion of foul play; and Tsen ig had by virtue of his rank of Futai assuined the temporary discharge of his duties. The retreat of Ma Julung left the insurgents free to follow up their successes; and in the course of 1868, the authority of the Em- peror had disappeared from every other part of the province e.xcept the prefectural city of Yunnanfoo. This bad fortune led the Mussulmans who had fallowed the ad\ice and fortunes of Ma Julung to consiiler whether it would not be wise to rejoin their co-religionists, and to at once finish the contest by the destruction of the government. Had Ma Julung wavered in his fidelity for a moment they would have all joined the standard of Tu Wensiu, and the rule of the Sultan of Talifoo would have been established from one end of Yunnan to the other, but he stood firm and arrested the movement in a summary manner. Tu Wensiu, having established the security of his communications with Burmah, whence PRINCE KUNG AND THE REGENCY. 181 having opera- ig pro- lie best — Tu lerialists dard in of the ensued, th cour- le whole 3 retreat : import- ce in the taunchly cnl^' and V t a ig assuincd ies. The Tents free in the le Em- ler part ;ural city ans who :s of Ma d not be ind to at uction of wavered luld have nsiu, and uld have unnan to arrested r. security 1 , whence he obtained supplies of arms and munitions of war, devoted his efforts to the capture of Yunnanfoo, which he completely invested. The garrison was reduced to the lowest straits before Tsen Yuying resolved to come to the aid of his distressed colleague. The loss of the prefectural town would not merely entail serious consequences to the Imperialist cause, but he felt it would per- sonally compromise him as the Futai at Pekin. In the early part of 1869, there- fore, he threw himself into the town with three thousand men, and the forces of Tu Wensiu found themselves obliged to with- draw from the eastern side of the city. A long period of inaction followed, but during this time the most important events haj)- pened with regard to the ultimate result. No Hope of Success. Ma Julung employed all his artifice and arguments to show the rebel chiefs t e utter hopelessness of their succeeding against the whole power of the Chinese Empire, which, from the suppression of the Taeping rebel- lion, would soon be able to be employed against them. They felt the force of his representations, and they were also op- pressed by a sense of the slow progress they had made towards the capture of Yunnanfoo. Some months after Tsen Yu- ying's ai rival, those of the rebels who were encamped to the north of the city hoisted the red flag and gave in their adhesion to the government. Then Ma Julung resumed active opera- tions against the other rebels, and obtained several small successes. A wound received during one of the skirmishes put an end to his activity, and the campaign resumed its desultory character. But Ma Julung's ill- ness had other unfortunate consequences ; for during it Tsen Yuying broke faith with those of the rebel leaders who had come over, and put them all to a cruel death. The natural consequence of this foolish and ferocious act was that the Mahomedans again reverted to their desperate resolve to stand firmly by the side of Tu Wensiu. The war again passed into a more active phase. Ma Julung had recovered from his wounds. A new Viceroy, and a man of some energy, was sent from Pekin. Lin Yuchow had attracted the notice of Tseng Kwofan among those of his native province who had responded to his appeal to defend Hoonan against the Taepings si.xteen years before ; and shortly before the death of the last Viceroy of Yunnan, he had been made Governor of Kweichow. To the same pa- tron at Pekin he now owed his elevation to the Viceroyalty. It is said that he lost the energ}' which once characterized him ; but he brought with him several thousand 1 loonan braves, whose courage and military experience made them invaluable auxiliaries to the embarra'' jd authorities in Yunnan. Many Towns Recovered. The details of the campaiijn that followed would fail to be instructive, and the mention of names that are not merely uncouth but unpronounceable would only repel the reader. The result is the principal, or, in- deed, the single fact worthy of our consid- eration. In the course of the year 1870 most of the towns in the south and the north of Yunnan were recovered, and com- munications were re-opencd with Szchucn. As soon as the inhabitants perceived that the government had recovered its strength, they hastened to express their joy at the change by repudiating the white flag which Tu Wensiu had compelled them to adopt. The imperialists even to the last increased the difficulty of their work of pacification by I. i i ifll 1! 132 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. exhibiting a relentless cruelty ; and while the inhabitants thought to secure their safety by a speedy surrender, the Mussulmans were rendered more desperate in their re- solve to resist. The chances of a Mahomedan s' -cess were steadily diminishing when Yang Yuko, a mandarin of some military capacity, who had begun his career in the most approved manner as a rebel, succeeded in capturing the whole of the salt-producing district which had been the main source of their strength. In the year 1872 all the prelimi- nary arrangements were made for attacking Talifoo itself A supply of rifles had been received from Canton or Shanghai, and a few piccL's of artillery had also arrived. With these improved weapons the troops of Ma Julung and Tsen Yuying enjoyed a distinct advantage over the rebels of Talifoo. A Terrible Plague. The horrors of war were at this point in- creased by those of pestilence; for the plague broke out at Puerh on the southern frontier, and, before it disappeared, devastated the whole of the province, completing the effect of the civil war, and ruining the few districts which had escaped from its ravages. The direct command of the siege operations at Talifoo was entrusted to Yang Yuko, a hunchback general, who had obtained a re- putation for invincibility ; and when Tsen Yuying had completed his own operations he also proceeded to the camp before the Mahomedan capital for the purpose of tak- ing part in the crowning operation of the war. Tu Wensiu and the garrison of Talifoo, although driven to desperation, could not discover any issue from their difficulties. They were reduced to the last stage of desti- tution, and starvation stared them in the face. In this extremity Tu Wensiu, although there was every reason to believe that the Im- perialists would not fulfil their pledges, and that surrender simply meant yielding to a cruel death, resolved to open negotiations with Yang Yuko for giving up the town. The Emperor's generals signified their desire for the speedy termination of the siege, at the same fhne expi\,?sing acquiescence in the general proposition of the garrison being admitted to terms. Although the Futai and Yang Yuko had promptly come to the mutual understanding to celebrate the fall of Talifoo by a wholesome massacre, they ex- pressed their intention to spare the other rebels on the surrender of Tu Wensiu for execution and on the payment of an inden>- nity. The terms were accepted, although the more experienced of the rebels warned their comrades that they would not be complied with. On the 15th of January, 1873, Tu Wensiu, the original of the mythical Sultan Suliman, the fame of whose power filled the world, and who had been an object of the solicitude of the Indian government, accepted the decision of his craven followers as express- ing the will of Heavv^n, and gave himself up for execution. Rode in State to His Death. He attired himself in his best and choicest garments, and seated himself in the yellow palanquin which he had adopted as one of the few marks of royal state that his oppor- tunities allowed him to secure. Accom- panied by the men who had negotiated the surrender, he drove through the streets re- ceiving for the last time the homage of his people, and out beyond the gates to Yang Yuko's camp. Those who saw the cortege marvelled at the calm indifference of the fallen despot. He seemed to have as little ;h there he lin- es, and ng to a jtiations ,n. The isire for ;, at the : in the n being ' utai and to the he fall of they ex- he other ensiu for n inden>- ough the rned their complied 1873. Tu al Sultan filled the ct of the , accepted s express- imsclf up kth. choicest le yellow las one of lis oppor- Accom- kiated the streets re- |age of his to Yang |ie cortege ice of the le as little O w < m CO o W 1^ o o if m PAGODA AT SHANGHAI CHINA PRINCE RUNG AND THE REGENCY. 133 fear of his fate as consciousness of his sur- roundings. The truth soon became evi- dent. He had baffled his enemies by taking slow poison. Before he reached the presence of the Futai, who had wished to gloat over the possession of his prisoner, the opium had done its work, and Tu Wensiu was no more. It seemed but an inadequate triumph to sever the head from the dead body, and to send it preserved in honey as the proof of victory to Pekin. A Frightful Slaughter. Four days after Tu Wensiu 's death, the Imperialists were in complete possession of the town, and a week later they had taken all their measures for the execution of the fell plan upon which they had decided. A great feast was given for the celebration of the convention, and the most important of the Mahomedan commanders, including those who had negotiated the truce, were present. At a given signal they were attacked and murdered by soldiers concealed in the gal- lery for the purpose, while six cannon shots announced to the soldiery that the hour had arrived for them to break loose on the de- fenceless townspeople. The scenes that fol- lowed are stated to have surpassed descrip- tion. It was computed that 30,000 men alone perished after the fall of the old Pathay capital, and the Futai sent to Yun- naiifoo twenty-four large baskets full of human ears, as well as the heads of the seventeen chiefs. With the capture of Talifoo the great Mahomedan rebellion in the south-west, to which the Burmese gave the name of Panthay, closed, after a desultory struggle of nearly eighteen years. The war was con- ducted with exceptional ferocity on both sides, and witnessed more than the usual amount of falseness and breach of faith common to Oriental struggles. Nobody benefited by the contest, and the prosperity of Yunnan, which at one time had been far from inconsiderable, sank to the lowest pos- sible point. A new class of officials came to the front during this period of disorder, and fidelity was a sufficient passport to a certain rank. Ma Julung, the Marshal Ma of European travellers, gained a still higher station ; and notwithstanding the jealousy of his col- leagues, acquired practical supremacy in the province. The high priest. Ma Tesing, who may be considered as the prime instigator of the movement, was executed or poisoned in 1 874 at the instigation of some of the Chinese officials. Yang Yuko, the most successful of all the generals, only enjoyed a brief tenure of power. It was said that he was dissatisfied with his position as commander- in-chief, and aspired to a higher rank. He also was summoned to Pekin, but never got further than Shanghai, where he died, or was removed. But, although quiet gradually descended upon this part of China, it was long before prosperity followed in its train. Wide-Spread Discontent. About six years after the fust mutterings of discontent among the Mahomedans in the south-west, disturbances occurred in the north-west provinces of Shensi and Kansuh, where there had been many thousand fol- lowers of Islam since an early period of Chinese history. They were generally obedient subjects and sedulous cultivators of the soil ; but they were always liable to sudden ebullitions of fanaticism or turbul- ence, and it was said that during the later years of his reign Keen Lung had meditated a wholesale execution of the male popula- tion above the age of fifteen. The threat, if ever made, was never carried out, but the !?i 'HI 134 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. i ■T report suffices to show the extent to which danger was apprehended from the Tungan population. The true origin of the great outbreak in 1 862 in Shensi seems to have been a quarrel between the Chinese and the Mahomedan militia as to their share of the spoil derived from th« defeat and overthrow of a brigand leader. After some bloodshed, two Impe- rial Commissioners were sent from Pekin to restore order. The principal Mahomedan leader formed a plot to murder the commis- sioners, and on their arrival he rushed into their presence and slew one of them with his own hand. His co-religionist deplored the rash act, and voluntarily seized and sur- rendered him for the purpose of undergoing a cruel death. But, although he was torn to pieces, that fact did not satisfy the out- raged dignity of the Emperor. The Hated Mahomedan. A command was issued in Tungche's name to the effect that all those who per- sisted in following the creed of Islam should perish by the sword. From Shensi the out- break spread into the adjoining province of Kansuh ; and the local garrisons were van- quished in a pitched battle at Tara Ussu, beyond the regular frontier. The insurgents did not succeed, however, in taking any of the larger towns of Shensi, and after threat- ening with capture the once famous city of Singan, they were gradually expelled from that province. The Mahomedan rebellion within the limits of China proper would not, therefore, have possessed more than local importance, but for the fact that it encour- aged a similar outbreak in the country further west, and that it resulted in the sever- ance of the Central Asian provinces from China for a period of many years. The uprising of the Mahomedans in the frontier provinces appealed to the secret fears as well as to the longings of the Tungan settlers and soldiers in all the towns and military stations between Souchow and Kash- gar. The sense of a common peril, more perhaps than the desire to attain the same object, led to revolts at Hami, Barkul, Urumtsi, and Turfan, towns which formed a group of industrious communities half-way between the prosperous districts of Kansuh on the one side, and Kashgar on the other. Another Insurrection. The Tungani at these towns revolted under the leading of their priests, and imi- tated the example of their co-religionists within the settled borders of China by mur- dering all who did not accept their creed. After a brief interval, which we may attribute to the greatness of the distance, to the vigi- lance of the Chinese garrison, or to the apathy of the population, the movement spread to the three towns immediately west of Turfan, Karashar, Kucha, and Aksu, where it came into contact with, and was stopped by, another insurrection under Mahomedan, but totally distinct, auspices. West of Aksu the Tungan rebellion never extended south of the Tian Shan range. The defection of the Tungani, who had formed a large proportion, if not the majority, of the Chinese garrisons, paralyzed the strength of the Celestials in Central Asia. Both in the districts dependent on Hi, and in those ruled from Kashgar and Yarkand, the Chinese were beset by many great and per- manent difficulties. They were with united strength a minority, and now that they were divided among themselves almost a hopeless minority. The peoples they governed were fanatical, false, and fickle. The ruler of Khokand and the refugees living on his bounty were always PRINCE KUNG AND THE REGENCY. 135 on the alert to take most advantage of the least slip or act of weakness on the part of the governing classes. Their machinations had been hitherto baffled, but never before had so favorable an opportunity presented itself for attaining their wishes as when it became known that the whole Mahomedan population was up in arms against the Emperor, and that communications were severed between Kashgar and Pekin. The attempts made at earlier periods on the part of the members of the old ruling family in Kashgar to regain their own by expelling the Chinese are a part of history. Fled from the Country. In 1857 Wali Khan, one of the sons of Jehangir, had succeeded in gaining temporary possession of the city of Kashgar, and seemed for a moment to be likely to capture Yark- and also. He fell by his vices. The people soon detested the presence of the man to whom they had accorded a too hasty wel- come. After a rule of four months he fled the country, vanquished in the field by the Chinese garrison, and followed by the exe- crations of the population he had come to deliver. The invasion of Wali Khan further embit- terei' the relations between the Chinese and their subjects ; and a succession of governors bore heavily on the Mahomedans. Popular dissatisfaction and the apprehension in the minds of the governing officials that their lives might be forfeited at any moment to a popular outbreak added to the dangers of the situation in Kashgar itself, when the news arrived of the Tungan revolt, and of the many other complications which ham- pered the action of the Pekin ruler. The news of the Mahomedan outbreak in China warned the Tungani in Hi that their opportunity had come. But although there were disturbances as early as January, 1863, these were suppressed, and the vigilance of the authorities sufficed to keep things quiet for another year. Their subsequent inca- pacity, or hesitation'^to strike a prompt blow, enabled the Mahomedans to luisband their resources and to complete their plans. A temporary alliance was concluded between the Tungani and the Tarantchis and they hastened to attack the Chinese troops and officials. The year 1865 was marked by the pro- gress of a sanguinary struggle, during which the Chinese lost their principal towns, and some of their garrisons were ruthlessly slaughtered after surrender. The usual scenes of civil war followed. When the Chinese were completely vanquished and their garrisons exterminated, the victors quar- relled among themselves. The Tungani and the Tarantchis met in mortal encounter, and the former were vanquished and their chief slain. When they renewed the contest, some months later, they were, after another sanguinary struggle, again overthrown. Horrors of Civil War. The Tarantchis then ruled the state by themselves, but the e.xample they set of native rule was, to say the least, not en- couraging. One chief after another was deposed and murdered. The same year wit- nessed no fewer than five leaders in the supreme place of power ; and when Abul Oghlan assumed the title of Sultan the cup of their iniquities was already full. In the year 1871 an end was at last put to these enormities by the occupation of the province by a Russian force, and the installation of a Russian governor. Although it is probable that they were only induced to take this stop by the fear that if they did not do so Yakoob Beg would, the fact remains that the Russian ^ n 136 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. ' I government did a good thing in the cause of order by interfering for the restoration of tranquillity in the valley of the Hi. The Mahomcdan outbreaks in southwest- ern and northwestern China resulted, there- fore, in the gradual suppression of the Panthay rebellion, which was completed in ithe twelfth year of Tungche's reign, while the Tungan rising, so far as the Central Asian territories were concerned, remained unquelled for a longer period. The latter led to the establishment of an independent Tungan confederacy beyond Kansuh, and also of the kingdom of Kashgaria ruled by Yakoob Beg. The revolt in Hi, after several alternations of fortune resulted in the brief independence of the Tarantchis, who were in turn displaced by the Russians under a pledge of restoring the province to the Chinese whenever they should return. Only a Question of Time. Judged by the extent of the territory involved, the Mahomedan i\,L»ellion might be said to be not less important than the Taeping ; but the comparison on that ground alone would be really delusive, as the numeri- cal inferiority of the Mahomedans rendered it always a question only of time for the cen- tral power to be restored. The young Emperor Tungche, therefore, grew up amidst continual difficulties, although the successes of his principal lieutenants affor- ded good reason to believe that, so far as they arose from rebels, it was only a question of time before they would be finally removed. The foreign intercourse still gave cause for much anxiety, although there was no appre- hension of war. It would have been un- reasonable to suppose that the relations between the foreign merchants and residents and the Chinese could become, after the sus- picion and dangers of generations, absolutely cordial. The commercial and missionary bodies, into which the foreign community was naturally divided, had objects of trade or religion to advance, which rendered them apt to take an unfavorable view of the pro- gress made by the Chinese government in the paths of civilization, and to be ever skep- tical even of its good faith. Trying to Obtain Justice. The main object with the foreign diplo- matic representatives became not more to obtain justice for their countrymen than to restrain their eagerness, and to confine their pretensions to the rights conceded by the treaties. A clear distinction had to be drawn between undue coercion of the Chi- nese government on the one hand, and the effectual compulsion of the people to evince respect towards foreigners and to comply with the obligations of the treaty on the other. Instances repeatedly occurred in reference to the latter matter, when it would have been foolish to have shown weakness, especially as there was not the least room to suppose that the government possessed at that time the power and the cajDacity to secure reparation for, or to prevent the repetition of attacks on foreigners. Under this category came the riot at Yangchow in the year 1868, when some missionaries had their houses burnt down, and were otherwise maltreated. A similar outrage was perpetrated in Formosa ; but the fullest redress was always tendered as soon as the Executive realized that the European representatives attached import- ance to the occurrence. The recurrence of these local dangers and disputes served to bring more clearly than ever before the minds of the Chinese Ministers the advisa- bility of taking some step on their own part towards an understanding with European PRINCE KUNG AND THE REGENCY. 137 governments and peoples. The proposal to depute a Chinese ambassador to the West could hardly be said to be new, seeing that it had been projected after the Treaty of Nankin, and that the minister Keying had manifested some desire to be the first man- darin to -serve in that novel capacity. The American Minister. The favorable opportunity of doing so pre- sented itself when Mr. Burlingame retired from his post as Minister of the United States at Pekin. In the winter of 1867-68 Mr. Burlingame accepted an appointment accredited representative of the Chinese gov- ernment to eleven of the principal countries of the world, and two Chinese mandarins and a certain number of Chinese students were appointed to accompany him on his tour. The importance of the Burlingame Mission was certainly exaggerated at the time, and the speculations to which it gave rise as to the part China was about to take in the movement of the world were no doubt based on erroneous data ; but still it would be a mistake to say that it failed to produce any of the beneficial effect which had been expected. It was something for the outer world to learn in those days that the Chinese represented a great power. Mr. Burlingame was sanguine as to the future development of China and the inten- tion of her Executive, and the expectations of his audiences both in America and in Europe over leapt all difficulties and spanned at a step the growth of years ; but only shallow minded observers will deny that Mr. Burlingame's widest stretches of fancy were supported by an amount of truth which events are making clearer every year. Of course those who only looked on the surface, who saw the difficulties under which China staggered, and the dogged pride with which she refused the remedy forced upon her by foreigners, who had at least as much their own interests as hers in view, declared that Mr. Burlingame's statements were " enthu- siastic fictions." The Chinese themselves did not attach as much importance as they might have done to his efforts, and Mr. Burlingame's Mission will be remembered more as an educational process for foreigners than as signifying any decided change in Chinese policy. His death at St. Petersburg, in March, 1870, put a sudden and unexpected close to his tour, but it cannot be said that he could have done more towards the elucidation of Chinese questions than he had already accomplished, while his bold and optimistic statements, after awakening public attention, had already begun to produce the inevitable reaction. Great Popular Outbreak. In 1869 Sir Rutherford Alcock retired, and was succeeded in the difficult post of English representative in China by Mr. Thomas Wade. In the very first year of his holding the post an event occurred which cast all the minor aggressive acts that had preceded it into the shade. It may perhaps be surmised that this was the Tient- sin massacre — an event which threatened to reopen the whole of the China question, and which brought France and China to the verge of war. It was in June, 1870, on the eve of the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war, that the foreign settlements were startled by the report of a great popular outbreak against foreigners in the important town of Tientsin. At that city there was a large and ener- getic colony of Roman Catholic priests, and their success in the task of conversion, small as it might be held, was still sufficient to excite the ire and fears of the literary and I it ail ^ 138 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. official classes. The origin of mob violence is ever difficult to discover, for a trifle suf- were spread about as to the cruelties and evil practices of those devoted to the service of THE FAMOUS PORCELAIN TOWER. fices to set it in motion. But at Tientsin specific charges of the most horrible and, it need not be said, the most baseless character religion. These rumors were diligently cir- culated, and it need not cause wonder if, when the mere cry of "Fanquai" — Foreign ij PRINCE RUNG AND THE REGENCY. 139 Devil — suflficied to raise a disturbance, these allegations resulted in a vigorous agitation against the missionaries, who were already the mark of popular execration. It was well known beforehand that an attack on the missionaries would take place unless the authorities adopted very efficient measures of protection. The foreign resi- dents and the consulates were warned of the coming outburst, and a very heavy responsi- bility will always rest on those who might, by the display of greater vigor, have pre- vented the unfortunate occurrences that ensued. At the same time, allowing for the prejudices of the Chinese, it must be allowed that not only must the efforts of all foreign missionaries be attended with the gravest peril, but that the acts of the French priests and nuns at Tientsin were, if not indiscreet, at least peculiarly calculated to arouse the anger and offend the superstitious predilec- tions of the Chinese. Might Have Been Prevented. Had the officials in the town acted with promptitude and instituted an official inquiry, it is probable that the outbreak might have been averted. Such a course had proved availing on equally critical occasions in some of the towns along the Yangtse; and the responsibility of not taking it rested in equal proportions between the Chinese officials and the French Consul. At that time Chung How, the Superintendent of Trade for the three Northern Ports, was the principal offi- cial in Tientsin ; but although som.e represen- tations, not as forcible however as the occasion demanded, were made to him by M. Fontanier, the French Consul, on the 1 8th of June, three days before the massacre, no reply was given, and no precautions were taken. On the 2 1st a large crowd assembled out- side the Mission House. They very soon assumed an attitude of hostility, and it was clear that at any moment the attack might begin. M. Fontanier hastened off in person to Chung How, but his threats seem to have been as unavailing as his arguments. On his return he found the attack on the point of commencing. He made use of menaces, and he fired a shot from his revolver, whether in self-defence or in the heat of indignation at some official treachery will never be known. The mob turned upon him, and he was murdered. The Chinese then hastened to complete the work they had begun. Chung How, like Surajah Dowlah, was not to be disturbed, and the attack on the Mis- sion House and Consulate proceeded, while the officials responsible for order remained inactive. Twenty-one foreigners in all were brutally murdered under circumstances of the greatest barbarity, while the number of native converts who fell at the same time can never be ascertained. Feeling of Great Alarm. This event naturally produced the greatest feeling of alarm, and for the moment it was feared that the rioters would proceed to attack the rest of the foreign settlement. The mandarins still refrained from interven- tion, and as there happened to be no gun- boat at Tientsin, the foreign residents were for the moment placed in an extremely dan- gerous predicament. They, of course, took all the measures they could to defend them- selves, but it was said at the time that if the mob had only attacked at once they would probably have overcome such resistance as the Europeans could then have offered. They did not do so, however, chiefly because they distrusted or failed to realize their strength; and the massacre of Tientsin did not assume the larger proportions that were !' i ' 1| ; II 140 CHINA: PAST AND PRKSENT. at one moment feared. The turbulent ele- ments were partially quieted. The Tientsin massacre was followed by a wave of anti-foreign feeling over the whole country; but although an official brought out a work — entitled "Death-blow to Cor- rupt Doctrine " — whicii obtained more than a passing notoriety, and notwithstanding that some members of the Imperial Family, and notably, as it was stated. Prince Chun, regarded the movement with favor, the argu- ments of Prince Kung and the more moderate ministers carried the day, and it was resolved to make every concession in the power of the government for the pacific settlement of the dispute that had arisen with France. Compensation was offered and accepted, and the unfortunate affair was settled. Marriage of the Emperor. It had been known for sometime that the young ruler had fixed his affections on Ahluta, a Manclui lady of good family, daughter of Duke Chung, and that the Empresses had decided that she was worthy of the high rank to which she was to be raised. The marriage ceremony was deferred on more than one plea until after the Emperor had reached his sixteenth birthday, but in October, 1872, there was thought to be no longer any excuse for postponement, and it was celebrated with great splendor on the 1 6th of that month. The arrangements were made in strict accordance with the precedent of the Emperor Kanghi's marriage in 1674, that ruler having also married when in occupa- tion of the throne, and before he had attained his majority. It was stated the ceremonial was imposing, that the incidental expenses were enormous, and that the people were very favorably impressed by the demeanor of their young sovereign. Four months after the celebration of his marriage the formal act of conferring upon Tungsche the per- sonal control of his dominions was performed. In a special decree issued from the Board of Rites the Emperor said that he received "the commands of their Majesties the two ICmpres.ses to assume the superintendence of business." This edict was directed to the Foreign Ministers, who in return presented a col- lective request to be received in audience. Prince Kung was requested "to take his Imperial Majesty's orders with reference to their reception." The question being thus brought to a crucial point, it was not unnatural that the Chinese Ministers should make the most vigorous resistance they could to those details which seemed to and did enroach upon the prerogative of the Emperor as he had been accustomed to exercise it. For, in the first place, thcj- were no longer free agents, and Tungche had himself to be considered in any arrangement for the recep- tion of foreign envoys. A Spirited Controversy. The discussion of the question assumed a controversial character, in which stress was laid on the one side upon tlie necessity of the kotow (touching the head to the ground), even in a modified form, while on the other it was pointeu out that the least concession was objectionable as the greatest, and that China would benefit by the complete settle- ment of the question. It says a great deal for the fairness and moderation of Prince Kung and the ministers with him that, although they knew that the Foreign govern- ments were not prepared to make the Audi- ence Question one of war, or even of the suspension of diplomatic relations, they determined to settle the matter in the way most distasteful to themselves and most a las of lOSt < ^ tu g GIRLS PiCiKINa TEA. PRINCE KUNG AND THl-, RKG1:NC\ 14 1 agreeable to foreigners, thus showing a con- ciliatory disposition. On the 29th of June, 1873, Tiingche re- ceived in audience the ministers of the principal Powers at Pekin, and thus gave completeness to the many rights and concessions obtained from his father and grandfather by the treaties of Tientsin and Nankin. The privilege thus secured caused lively gratification in the minds of all foreign residents, to whom it signified the great surrender of the inherent right to superiority claimed by the Chinese Emperors, and we have recently seen that it has been accepted as a precedent. • The Illustrious Dead. The sudden death of Tseng Kwofan in the summer of 1872 removed unquestionably the foremost public man in China. After the fall of Nankin he had occupied the highest posts in tlie Empire, both at that city and in the metropolis. He was not merely powerful from his own position, but from his having placed his friends and depen- dents in many of the principal offices throughout the Empire. At first prejudiced against foreigners, he had gradually brought himself to recognize that some advantage might be derived from their knowledge. But the change came at too late a period to admit of his conferring any distinct benefit on his country from the more liberal policy he felt disposed to pursue with regard to the training of Chinese youths in the science and learning of the West. It was said that had he been personally ambitious he might have succeeded in displacing the Tartar regime. But such a thought never assumed any prac- tical shape in his mind, and to the end of his d-\ys Tseng Kwofan was satisfied to remain the steadfast supporter and adherent of the Manchus. In this respect he has been closely imitated by his most distinguished lieutenant, Li Hung Chang, who succeeded to some of his dignities and much of his power. Anothci of Tseng's proteges, Tso Tsung Tang, had been raised from the Vice-royalty of Chekiang and Enhkien to that of Shcnsi and Kansuh. The promotion was of the more doubtful value, seeing that both those provinces were in the actual possession of the rebels ; but Tso threw himself into the task of reconquering them with remarkable energy, and within two years of his arrival he was able to report that he had cleared the province of Shensi of all insurgents. He then devoted his attention to the pacification of Kansuh ; and after many desultory engage- ments proceeded to lay siege to the town of Souchow, where the Mahomedans had massed their .strength. A Signal Victory. At the end of the year 1872 the Imperial army was drawn up in front of this place, but Tso does not seem to have considered him- self strong enough to deliver an attack, and confined his operations to preventing the in- troduction of supplies and fresh troops into the town. Even in this he was only partially successful, as a considerable body of men made their way in in January, 1873. In the following month he succeeded in capturing, by a night attack, a temple outside the walls, upon which the Mahomedans placed con- siderable value. The siege continued during the whole summer, and it was not until the month of October that the garrison was reduced to such extremities as to surrender. The chiefs were hacked to pieces, and about four thousand men perished by the sword. The women, children, and old men were spared, and the spoil of the place was handed over to the soldiery. It was Tso's distinctive merit that, far 142 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. from being carried away by these successes, he neglected no miUtary precaution, and devoted his main efforts to the reorganiza- tion of the province. In that operation he may be left employed for the brief remainder of Tungche's reign ; but it may be said that in 1874 the campaign against Kashgariahad been fully decided upon. A thousand Man- chu cavalry were sent to Souchow. Sheep- Chinese predominance, at the same time their insular position has left them safe from the attack of the Pekin govern.Tient. The attempt made by the Mongol, Kublai Khan, to subdue these islanders had been too disas- trous to invite repetition. In Corea the pre- tensions of the ruler of Yeddo had been repelled, if not crushed; but wherever the sea intervened the advantage rested more or CHINESE skins, horses, and ammunition in large quantities were also despatched to the far west, and General Kinshun, the Manchu general, was critriisted with the command of the army in the field The year I874 witnessed an event that claims notice. Thc-rc never has been much good-will between China and her neighbors in Japan. T!.e latter are too Independent in their bearing to please the advocates of conni.EFwer of the ex-Regents over the sovereign. Startling Rumors. Not long after this disturbance in the interior of the palace, of wliich only the ripple reacheil the surface of publicity, there were rumors that the Emperor's healtli was in a precarious state, and in the month of December it became known that Tungche was seriously ill with an attack of small-pox. The disease seemed to be making satisfactory progress, for the doctors were rewarded ; but on tile iSth of December an edict appeared ordering or requesting the Em- presses Dowager to assume the personal charge of the administration. Six days later another edict appeared which strengthened the impression that the Emperor was making good progress towards recovery. But ap- pciranccs were deceptive, for, after several weeks' uncertainty, it became known that the Emperor's death was inevitable. On the I2th of January, 1875, Tungche " ascended upon the Dragon, to be a guest on high," I 144 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. I without leaving any offspring to succeed him. ' There were rumors that his illness was only a plausible excuse and that he was really the victim of foul play ; but it is not likely that the truth on that point will ever be revealed. Whether he was the victim of an intrigue similar to that which had marked his accession to power, or whether he only died from the neglect or incompetence of his medical attendants, the consequences were equally favorable to the personal views of the two Empresses and Prince Kung. They resumed the exercise of that supreme author- ity which they had resigned little more than twelve months before. The most suspicious circumstance in connection with this event was the treatment of the young Empress Ahluta, who, it was well known, was preg- nant at the time of her husband's death. The Queen's Mysterious Death. Instead of waiting to decide as to the suc- cession until it was known whether Tungche's posthumous child would prove to be a son or a daughter, the Empress Dowager hast- ened to make another selection and to place the young widow of the deceased sovereign in a state of honorable confinement. Their motive was plain. Had Ahluta's child hap- pened to be a son, he would have been the legal Emperor, as well as the heir by direct descent, and she herself could not have been excluded from a prominent share in the gov- ernment. To the Empress Dowagers one child on the throne mattered no more than another ; but it was a question of the first importance that Ahluta should be set on one side. In such an atmosphere there is often grievous peril to the lives of inconvenient personages. Ahluta sickened and died. Her child was never born. The charitable gave her credit for having refused food through grief for her husband, Tungche. The .skeptical list- ened to the details of her illness with scorn for the vain efforts to obscure the dark deeds of ambition. In their extreme an.xiety to realize their own designs and at the same time not to injure the constitution, the two Empresses had been obliged to resort to a plan that could only have been suggested by desperation. For the first time since the Manchu dynasty occupied the throne, it was necessary to depart from the due line of suc- cession, and to make the election of the sovereign a matter of individual fancy or favor instead of one of inheritance. Choice of a New Emperor. The range of choice was limited ; for the son of Prince Kung himself, who seemed to enjoy the prior right to the throne, was a young man of sufficient age to govern for himself; and, moreover, his promotion would mean the compulsory retirement from public life of Prince Kung, for it was not possible in China for a father to serve under his son, until Prince Chun, the father of the present reigning P^mperor, established quite recently a precedent to the contrary. The name of Prince Kung's son, if mentioned at ail, was only mentioned to be dismissed. The choice of the Empresses fell upon Tsai Tien, the son of Prince Chun or the Seventh Prince, who on the 13th of January was proclaimed Emperor. As he was of too tender an age to rule for himself, his nom- ination served the purposes of the two Em- presses and their ally Prince Kung, who thus entered upon a second lease of undis- puted power. They ruled in reality, the boy Emperor only in name. CHAPTER VII. THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR KWANQSU. THUS after a very brief interval the governing power again passed into the hands of the Regents who had ruled the state so well for the twelve years following the death of Hien- fung. The nominal Emperor was a child of little more than three years of age, to whom was given the style of " Kwangsu," or " il- lustrious succession," and the Empresses could look forward to many years of author- ity in the name of so youncr a sovereign. The only opposition to their return to power seems to have come from the Palace eunuchs, who had asserted themselves dur- ing the brief reign of Tungche and hoped to gain predominance in the Imperial councils. But they found a determined mistress in the person of Tse An, the Eastern Empress, as she was also called, who took vigorous action against them, punishing their leaders with death and cffbctually nipping in the bud all their projects for making themselves su- preme. The return of the Empresses to power was followed by a great catastrophe in the relations between England and China. For the moment it threw every other matter into the shade, and seemed to render the out- break of war between the two countries almost inevitable. In the year 1874 the government of India, repenting of its brief infatuation for the Panthay cause, yet still reluctant to lose the advantages it had prom- ised itself from the opening of Yunnan to trade, resolved upon sending a formal mis- sion of exploration under Colonel Horace 10 Browne, an officer of distinction, through Burmah to that province. The difficulties in the way of the under- taking seemed comparatively few, as the King of Burmah was friendly and appeared disposed at that time to accept his natural position as the dependent of Calcutta. The Pekin authorities also were outwardly not opposed to the journey ; and the only oppo- sition to be apprehended was from the Yun- nan officials and people. Long Journey Across China. It was thought desirable, with the view of preparing the way for the appearance of this foreign mission, that a representative of the English embassy at Pekin, having a knowl- edge of the language and of the ceremonial etiquette of the country, should be deputed to proceed across China and meet Colonel Browne on the Burmese frontier. Tlie officer selected for this delicate and difficult mission was Mr. Raymond ..Augustus Margary, who to the singular aptitude he had displayed in the study of Chinese added a buoyant spirit and a vigorous frame that peculiarly fitted him for the long and lonely journey he had undertaken across China. His reception throughout was encouraging. Mr. Margary performed his journey in safety; and, on the 26th of January, 1875, only one fortnight after Kwangsu's accession, he joined Colonel Browne at Bhamo. A delay of more than three weeks ensued at Bhamo, which was certainly unfortunate. Time was given for the circulation of rumors as to the approach 145 146 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. ■i| of a foreign invader along a disturbed fron- tier held by tribes almost independent, and whose predatory instincts were excited by the prospect of rich plunder at the same time that their leaders urged them to oppose a change which threatened to destroy their hold on the caravan route between Bhamo and Talifoo. When on the 17th of February Colonel Browne and his companions approached the limits of Burmese territory, they found them- selves in face of a totally different state of affairs from what had existed when Mr. Mar- gary passed safely through three weeks before. The preparation for opposing the English had been made under the direct en- couragement, and probably the personal direction, of Lisitai, a man who had been a brigand and then a rebel, but who at this time held a military command on the fron- tier. Last News Received. As Colonel Browne advanced he was met with luiiiors of the opposition that awaited him. At first these were discredited, but on the renewed statements that a large Chinese force had been collected to bar his way, Mr. Margary rode forward to ascertain what truth there was in these rumors. The first town on this route within the Chinese border is Monicin, which, under the name of Tengyue, was once a military station of importance, and some distance east of it again is another town, called Manwein. Mr, Margary se out on the 19th of February, and it was arranged that only in the event of his find- ing everything satisfactory at Momein was he to proceed to Manwein ; and on the first suspicious occurrence he was to retreat at once to the main body. Mr. Margary reached Momein in safety, and reported in a letter to Colonel Browne that all was quiet at that place, and that there were no signs of any resistance. That letter was the last news ever received from Mr. Margary. On the 19th of February he started from Momein, and the information subsequently obtained left no doubt that he was treacherously murdered on that or the following day at Manwein. An ominous silence followed, and Colonel Browne's party delayed its advance until some definite news should arrive as to what had occurred in front, although the silence was sufficient to justify the worst apprehensions. A Brave Little Band. Three days later the rumor spread that Mr. Margary and his attendants had been murdered. It was also stated that an army was advancing to attack the English expedi- tion; and on the 22nd of February a large Chinese force did make its appearance on the neighboring heights. There was no longer any room to doubt that the worst had hap- pened, and it only remained to secure the safety of the expedition. These Chinese numbered several thousand men under Lisitai in person, while to oppose them there were only four Europeans and fifteen Sikhs. Yet superior weapons and steadfastness carried the day against greater numbers. The Sikhs fought as they retired, and the Chinese, unable to make any im- pression on them, abandoned an attack which was both perilous and useless. The news of this outrage did not reach Pekin until a month later, when Mr. Wade at once took the most energetic measures to obtain the amplest reparation in the power of the Pekin government to concede. The first and most necessary point in order to ensure not merely the punishment of the guilty, but also that the people of China should not have cause to suppose that their rulers THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR KWANGSU. 147 secretly sympathized with the authors of the attack, was that no punitive measures should be undertaken, or, if undertaken, recognized, until a special Commission of Inquiry had been appointed to investigate the circum- stances on the spot. Mr. Margary was an officer of the English government traveling under special permission and protection. Mysterious Delay. The Chinese government could not expect to receive consideration if it failed to enforce respect for its own commands, and the English government had an obligation which it could not shirk in exacting reparation for the murder of its representative. The treacherous killing of Mr. Margary was evi- dently not an occurrence for which it could be considered a sufficient atonement that some miserable criminals under sentence of death, or some desperate individuals anxious to secure the worldly prosperity of their families, should undergo painful torture and public execution in order to shield official falseness and infamy. Although no one ever suspected the Pekin government of having directly instigated the outrage, the delay in instituting an impartial and search- ing inquiry into the affair strengthened an impression that it felt reluctant to inflict pun- ishment on those who had committed the act of violence. Nearly three months elapsed before any step was taken towards appointing a Chinese official to proceed to the scene of the out- rage in company with the officers named by the English minister; but on the 19th of June an edict appeared in the Pckin Gazette (iidering Li Han Chang, Governor-General of Houkwang, to temporarily vacate his ]3ost, and " repair with all speed to Yunnan to investigate and deal with certain matters." Even then the matter dragged along but slowly. It was not till the end of the year that the Commission to ascertain the fate of Mr. Margary began its active work on the .spot. The result was unexpectedly disappoint- ing. The mandarins supported one another. The responsibility was thrown on several minor officials, and on the border-tribes or savages. Several of the latter were seized, and their lives were offered as atonement fbr an offence they had not committed. The furthest act of concession which the Chinese Commissioner gave was to temporarily sus- pend Tsen Yuhing the Futai for remissness ; but even this measure was never enforced with rigor. The English officers soon found that it was impossible to obtain any proper reparation on the spot. Strong Demand for Reparation. Sir Thomas Wade, who was knighted during the negotiations, refused to accept the lives of the men offered, whose compli- city in the offence was known to be none at all, while its real instigators escaped without any punishment. When the new year, 1876, opened, the question was still unsettled, and it was clear that no solution could be dis- covered on the .spot. Sir Thomas Wade again called upon the Chinese in the most emphatic language allowed by diplomacy to conform with the spirit and letter of their en- gagements, and he informed the government that unless they proffered full redress for Mr. Margary's murder it would be impossi- ble to continue diplomatic relations. To show that this was no meaningless expres- sion, Sir Thomas Wade loft Pckin, while a strong reinforcement to the English fleet demonstrated that the government was re- solved to support its representatixe. In consequence of these steps, Li Hung Chang was, in August, 1 876, or more than 148 CHINA: PAST AND PRp:SENT. eighteen months after the outrage, entrusted with full powers for the arrangement of the difficulty; and the small seaport of Chefoo was fixed upon as the scene for the forth- coming negotiations. Even then the Chinese sought to secure a sentimental advantage by requesting that Sir Thomas Wade would change the scene of discussion to Tientsin, or at least that he would consent to pay Li Hung Chang a visit there. This final effort Ambassador, whose dispatch had been de- cided upon in the previous year. When the secret history of this transaction is revealed it will be seen how sincere were Li Hung Chang's wishes for a pacific result, and how much his advice contributed to this end. The most important passage in the Chefoc Convention was unquestionably that com- manding the different viceroys and gov- ernors to respect, and afford every protec- CHINESE RESTAURANT. to conceal the fact that the English demanded redress as an equal and not as a suppliant having been baffled, there was no further attempt at delay. The Chefoo Convention was signed in that town, to which the Viceroy proceeded from Tientsin. Li Hung Chang entertained the Foreign Ministers at a great banquet ; and the final arrangements were hurried forward for the departure to Europe of the Chinese tion to, all foreigners provided with the necessary passport, and warning them that they would be held responsible in the event of any such travellers meeting with injury or maltreatment. The ne.xt most important passage was that arranging for the despatch of an Embassy to London bearing a letter of regret for the murder of the English official. The official selected for this duty was Kwo Sungtao, a mandarin of high rank and unex- i the that event injury ortant spate h tter of fficial. Kwo unex- THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR KVVANGSU. 149 ceptionable character. It was a delicate mission with which he was entrusted. The letter was submitted to Sir Thomas Wade in order that its terms should be exactly in accordance with Chinese etiquette, and that no phrase should be used showing that the Chinese government attached less importance to the mission than the occasion demanded. The Embassy proceeded to Europe, and, whatever may be thought of its immediate effect, it must be allowed that it established a precedent of friendly inter- course with that country, which proved an additional guarantee of peace. A curious incident arising from the pas- sion of gambling which is so prevalent in China, and bearing incidentally upon the national character, may be briefly referred to. The attention of the Pekin government was attracted to this subject by a novel form of gambling, which not merely attained enor- mous dimensions, but which threatened to bring the system of public examination into disrepute. This latter fact created a pro- found impression at Pekin, and roused the mandarins to take unusually prompt meas- ures. Lottery on a Large Scale. Canton was the headquarters of the gam- bling confederacy which established the lot- teries known as the VVeising, but its ramifica- tions e.vtended throughout the whole of the province of Kwantung. The Weising, or examination sweepstakes, were based on the principle of drawing the names of the suc- cessful candidates at the official examinations. They appealed, therefore, to every poor vil- lager, and every father of a family, as well as to the aspirants themselves. The subscribers to the Weising lists were numbered by hun- dreds of thousands. It became a matter of almost as much importance to draw a suc- cessful number or name in the lottery as to take the degree. The practice could not have been allowed to go on without intro- ducing serious abuses into the system of public examination. The {irofits of the owners of the lottery were so enormous that they were able to pay not less than eight hundred thousand dollars as hush-money to the Viceroy and the other high officials of Canton. In order to shield his own participation in the profits, the Vice- roy declared that he devoted this new source of revenue to the completion of the river de- fences of Canton. Severe Penalties Threatened. In 1874 the whole system was declared illegal, and severe penalties were passed against those aiding, or participating in any way in, the Weising Company. The local officers did not, however, enforce with any stringency these new laws, and the Weising fraternity enjoyed a further but brief period of increased activity under a different name. The fraud was soon detected, and in an Edict of August 1 1, 1875, it was very rightly laid down that " the maintenance of the purity of government demands that it be not allowed under any pretext to be re-established," and for their apathy in the matter the Viceroy Yinghan and several of the highest officials in Canton were disgraced and stripped of their'official rank. In China natural calamities on a colossal scale have often aggravated political troubles. The year 1 876 witnessed the commencement of a drouth in the two great provinces of Honan and Shansi which has probably never been surpassed as the cause of a vast amcunt of human suffering. Although the provinces named suffered the most from the prevalent drought, the suffering was general o\er the whole of Northern China, from Shantung •11 I f a' 150 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. and Pechihli to Honan and the course of the Yellow River. At first the government, if not apathetic, was disposed to say that the evil would be met by the grant of the usual allowance made by the Provincial Governors in the event of distress ; but when one province after another was absorbed within the famine era, it became no longer possible to treat the matter as one of such limited importance, and the high ministers felt obliged to bestir them- selves in face of so grave a danger. Li Hung Chang in particular was most energetic, not merely in collecting and forwarding supplies of rice and grain, but also in inviting con- tributions of money from all those parts of the Empire which had not been affected by famine. Efforts to Relieve the Famine. Allowing for the general sluggishness of popular opinion in China, and for the absence of any large amount of currency, it must be allowed that these appeals met with a large and liberal response. The foreign residents also contributed their share, and even the charity of London found a vent in sending some thousands of pounds to the scene of the famine in Northern China. This evidence of foreign sympathy in the cause of a common humanity made more than a passing impres- sion on the minds of the Chinese people. While the origin of the famine may be attributed to either drought or civil war, there is no doubt that its extension and the apparent inability of the authorities to grapple with it may be traced to the want of means of communication, which rendered it almost impossible to convey the needful succor into the famine districts. The evil being so ob- vious, it was hoped that the Chinese would be disposed to take a step forward on their own initiative in the great and needed work of the introduction of railways and other mechanical appliances. The Viceroy of the Two Kiang gave his assent to the construc- tion of a short line between Shanghai and the port of Woosung. The great difficulty had always been to make a start; and now that a satisfactory commencement had been made the foreigners were disposed in their eagerness to overlook all obstacles, and to imagine the Flowery Land traversed in all directions by railways. But these expectations were soon shown to be premature. Half of the railway was open for use in the summer of 1 876, and during some weeks the excitement among the Chi- nese themselves was as marked as among the Europeans. The hopes based upon this satisfactory event were destined to be soon dispelled by the animosity of the officials. They announced their intention to resort to every meai.s in their power to prevent the completion of the undertaking. The situa- tion revealed such dangers of mob violence that Sir Thomas Wade felt compelled to request the Company to discontinue its operations, and after some discussion it was arranged that the Chinese should buy the line. Opposition to the Railway. After a stipulated period the line was placed under Chinese management, when, instead of devoting themselves to the interests of the railway, and to the extension of its power of utility, they wifuUy and persistently neglected it, with the express design of de- stroying it. At this conjuncture the Viceroy allowed the Governor of Fuhkien to remove the rails and plant to Formosa. The fate of the Woosung railway destroyed the hopes created by its construction, and postponed to a later day the great event of the introduc- tion of railways into China. Notwithstand- THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR KVVANGSU. 151 ing such disappointments as this, and the ever present difficulty of conducting relations with an unsympathetic people controlled by suspicious officials, there was yet observable c\ marked improvement in the relations of the different nations with the Chinese. Opening New Ports. Increased facilities of trade, such as the opening of new ports, far from extending the area of danger, served to promote a mutual good-will. In 1876 Kiungchow, in the island of Hainan, was made a treaty port, or rather the fact of its having been included in the treaty of Tientsin was practically accepted and recognized. In the following year four new ports were added to the list. One, Pakhoi, was intended to increase trade intercourse with Southern China. Two of tne three others, Ichang and Wuhu, were selected as being favorably situated for com- merce on the Yangtse and its affluents, while Wenchow was chosen for the benefit of the trade on the coast. The close of the great work successfully accomplished during the two periods of the Regency was followed within a few weeks by the disappearance of the most important of the personages who had carried on the government throughout these twenty years of constant war and diplomatic excitement. Before the Pekin world knew of her illness, it heard of the death of the Empress Dowager Tsi An, who as Hienfung's princi- pal widow had enjoyed the premier place in the government, although she had never possessed a son to occupy the throne in person. In a proclamation issued in her name and possibly at her request, Tsi An described the course of her malady, the soli- citude of the Emperor, and urged upon him the duty of his high place to put restraint upon his grief. Her death occurred on i8th April, from heart disease when she was only forty-five, and her subsequent obsequies were as splendid as her services demanded. For herself she had always been a woman of frugal habits, and the successful course of recent Chinese history was largely due to her firmness and resolution. Her associate in the Regency, Tsi Thsi, who was always more or less of an invalid, survived her. The difficulty with Russia had not long been composed, when, on two opposite sides of her extensive dominion, China was called upon to face a serious condition of affairs. In Corea, "the forbidden land" of the Far East, events were forced by the eagerness and competition of European states to con- clude treaties of commeace with that primi- tive kingdom, and perhaps also by their fear that if they delayed Russia would appropriate some port on the Corean coast. Corea a Source of Trouble. To all who had official knowledge of Russia's desire and plan for seizing Port Lazareff, this apprehension was far from chimerical, and there was reason to believe that Russia's enroachment might compel other countries to make annexations in or round Corea by way of precaution. Practi- cal evidence of this was furnished by the English occupation of Port Hamilton, and by its subsequent evacuation when the neces- sity passed away, but should the occasion again arise the key of the situation will probably be found in the possession not of Port Hamilton or Quelpart, but of the Island of Tsiusima. Recourse was had to dip- lomacy to avert what threatened to be a grave international danger; and although the result was long doubtful, and the situation sometimes full of peril, a gratifying success was achieved in the end. In 1881 a draft commercial treaty was 162 CHINA: PAST AND PRESKNT. drawn up, approved by the Chirese author- ites and the representatives of the principal powers at Pekin, and carried to the Court of Seoul for acceptance and signature by the American naval officer, Commodore Schu- feldt. The Corean king made no objection to the arrangement, and it was signed with the express stipulation that the ratifications of the treaty were to be exchanged in the following year. Thus was it harmoniously aroused the jealousy of Japan, which has long asserted the right to have an equal voice with China in the control of Corean affairs ; and the government of Tokio, on hearing of the Schufeldt treaty, at once took steps not merely to obtain all the rights to be conferred by that document, to which no one would have objected, but also to assert its claim to control equally with China the policy of the Corean Court. With that ob- CI11NK.-E our arranged at Pekin that Corca was to issue from her hermit's cell, and open her ports to trading countries under the guidance and encouragement of China. There can be no doubt that if this arrangement had been carried out, the influence and the position of China in Coiea would ha\e been very greatly increased and strengthened. But, unfortunately, the policy of Li Hung Chung — for, if he did not originate, he took the most important part in directing it — FOR AS AIRING. ject, a Japanese fleet and army were sent to the Seoul river, and when the diplomatists returned for the ratification of the treaty, they found the Japanese in a strong position close to the Corean capital. The Chinese were not to be set on one side in so open a manner, and a powerful fleet of gunboats, with 5,000 troops, sent to the Seoul river to uphold their rights. Under other circumstances, more especially as the Chinese expedition was believed to be the THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR KWANGSU. 153 superior, a hostile collision must have en- sued, and the war which has so often seemed near between tiie Chinese and Japanese would have become an accomplished fact; but fortunately the presence of the foreign diplomatists moderated the ardor of both sides, and a rupture was averted. By a stroke of judgment the Chinese seized Tai Wang Kun, the father of the young king, and the leader of the anti-foreign party, and carried him off to Pckin, where he was kept in imprisonment for some time, until matters had settled down in his own country. Rivalry Between China and Japan. The opening of Corea to the Treaty Powers did not put an end to the old rivalry of China and Japan in that country, of which history contains so many examples ; and the attack on the Japanese Legion in 1 884 was a striking revelation of popular antipathy or of an elaborate anti-Japanese plot headed by the released Chinese prisoner, Tai Wang Kun. At the opposite point of the frontier China was brought face to face with a danger which threatened to develop into a peril of the first magnitude, and in meeting which she was undoubtedly hampered by her treaties with the general body of foreign Powers and her own peculiar place in the fa iiily of nations. It is the special misfor- tune of China that she cannot engage in any, even a defensive, war with a maritime power without incurring the grave risk, or, indeed, the practical certainty that, if such a war be continued for any length of time, she must find herself involved with every other foreign country through the impossibility of confining the hostility of her own subjects to one race of foreigners in particular. In considering the last war with a Euro- pean country in which China was engaged, due allowance must be made for these facts, and also for the anomalous character of that contest when active hostilities were carried on without any formal declaration of war — a state of things which gave the French many advantages. Towards the end of the year 1882, the French Government came to the decision to establish a "definite protectorate" over Tonquin. Events had for some time been shaping themselves in this direction, and the colonial ambition of France had long fixed on Indo-China as a field in which it might aggrandize itself with comparatively little risk and a wide margin of atlvantage. The weakness of the kingdom of Annam was a strong enough temptation in itself to assert the protectorate over it which France had, more or less, claimed for forty years ; but when the reports of several French ex- plorers came to promote the conviction that France might acquire the control of a con- venient and, perhaps, the best route into some of the richest provinces of interior China without much difficulty, the tempta- tion became irresistible. France is Quick to Act. French activity in Indo-China was height- ened by the declaration of Gamier, Rocher and others that the Songcoi, or Red River, furnished the best means of communicating with Yunnan, and tapping the wealth of the richest mineral province in China. The apathy of England in her relations with Burmah, which presented, under its arrogant and obstructive rulers, what may have seemed an insuperable obstacle to trade in- tercourse between India and Ch>na, afforded additional inducement to the French to act quickly ; and, as they felt confident of their ability and power to coerce the Court of Hue, the initial difficulties of their undertak- ing did not seem very formidable. t u m ' ir,4 CHINA: PAST AND TRRSKNT. That undertaking was, in the first place, defined to be a protectorate of Cliina, and, as the first step in the enterprise, the town of Hanoi, in the delta of the Red River, and the nominal capital of Toncjuin, was cap- tured before the end of the year 1882. Tonquin stood in very mucli the same re- lationship to China as Corca ; and, although the enforcement of the suzerain tie was lax, there was no doubt that at Pekin the opin- ion was held very strongly that the action of France was an encroachment on the rights of China. But, if such was the secret opin- ion of the Chinese authorities, they took no immediate steps to arrest the development of French policy in Tonquin by proclaiming it a Chinese dependency, and also their inten- tion to defend it. While Li Hung Chang and the other members of the Chinese Gov- ernment were deliberating as to the course they should pursue, the French were acting with great vigor in Tonquin, and committing their military reputation to a task from which they could not in honor draw back. Movements of the "Black Flags." During the whole of the year 1883 they were engaged in military operations with the Black Flag irregulars, a force half piratical and half patriotic, who represented the national army of the country. It was be- lieved at the time, but quite erreoneously, that the Black Flags were paid and incited by the Chinese. Subsequent evidence showed that the Chinese authorities did not take even an indirect part in the contest until a much later period. After the capture of Hanoi, the French were constantly engaged with the Black Flags, from whom they cap- tured the important town of Sontay, which was reported to be held by Imperial Chinese troops, but on its capture this statement was found to be untrue. The French were in the full belief that the conquest of Tonquin would be easily effected, when a st;rious reverse obliged them to realize the gravity of their task. A considerable detachment, under the command of Captain Henri Riviere, who was one of the pioneers of French enterprise on the Songcoi, was surprised and defeated near Hanoi. Riviere was killed, and it became necessary to make a great effort to recover the ground that had been lost. Fresh troops weie sent from Europe, but before they arrived the French received another check at Phukai, which the Black Flags claimed as a victory because the French were obliged to retreat. Extreme Measures by the French. Before this happened the French had taken exteme measures against the King of Annam, of which state Tonquin is the northern pro- vince. The King of that country, by name Tuduc, who had become submissive to the French, died in July, 1883, and after his death the Annamese, perhaps encouraged by the difficulties of the French in Tonquin, became so hostile that it was determined to read them a severe lesson. Hue was at- tacked and occupied a month after the death of Tuduc, and a treaty was extracted from the new king which made him the depend- ent of France. When the cold season began in Tonquin, the French forces largely in- creased, and, commanded by Admiral Cour- bet, renewed operations, and on the nth of December attacked the main body of the Black Flags at Sontay, which they had reoccupied and strengthened. They offered a desperate and well sustained resistance, and it was only with heavy loss that the French succeeded in carrying the town. The victors were somewhat recom- pensed for their hardships and loss by the magnitude of the spoil, which included a THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR KWANGSU. 155 M large sum of money. Desultory fighting continued without intermission ; Admiral Courbet was superseded by General Millet, who determined to signalize his assumption of the command by attacking Bacninh, which the Black Flags made their headquarters after the loss of Sontay, On the 8th of March, he attacked this place at the head of 12,000 men, but su formidable were its defences that he would not risk an attack in front, and by a circuitous march of four days he gained the flank of the position, and thus taken at a disadvantage, the Black Flags abandoned their formidable lines, and retreated without much loss, leaving their artillery, including some Krupp guns, in the hands of the victors. A Treaty of Peace. At this stage of the question diplomacy intervened, and on the i ith of May a treaty of peace was signed by Commander Fournier, during the ministry of M. Jules Ferry, with the Chinese government. One of the prin- cipal stipulations of this treaty was that the French should be allowed to occupy Lang- son and other places in Tonquin. When the French commander in Tonquin sent a force under Colonel Dugenne to occupy Langson it was opposed in the Bade defile and repulsed with some loss. The Chinese ex- onerated themselves from all responsibility by declaring that the French advance was premature, because no date was fixed by the Fournier cunvcntion, and because there had not been time to transmit the necessary orders. On the other hand, M. Fournier declared on his honor that the dates in his draft were named in the original convention. The French government at once demanded an apology, and an indemnity fixed by M. Jules Ferry, in a moment of mental excitement, at the ridiculous figure of $50,000,000. An apology was offcrcil, but such an indemnity was refused, and eventually France obtained one of only $800,000. After the Bade affair hostilities were at once resumed, and for the first time the French carried them on not only against the Black Flags, but against the Chinese. M. Jules Ferry did not, however, make any formal declaration of war against China, and he thus gained an advantage of position for his attack on the Chinese which it was not creditable to French chivalry to have asserted. The most striking instance of this occured at Foochow, where the French fleet, as repre- senting a friendly power, was at anchor above the formidable defences of the Min river. In accordance with instructions telegraphed to him, the French admiral attacked those places in reverse and destroyed the forts on the Min without much difficulty or loss, thanks exclusively to his having been allowed past them as a friend. Upholding the Laws of Neutrality. The French also endeavored to derive all possible advantage from there being no for- mal declaration of war, and to make use of Hongkong as a base for their fleet against China. But this unfairness could not be tolerated, and the British minister at Pekin, where Sir Harry Parkes had in the autumn of 1883 succeeded Sir Thomas Wade, issued a proclamation that the hostilities between France and China were tantamount to a state of war, and that the laws of neutrality must be strictly observed. The French resented this step, and showed some inclination to retaliate by instituting a right to search for rice, but fortunately this pretension was not pushed to extremities, and the war was closed before it could produce any serious consequences. 156 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. The French devoted much of their atten- tion to an attack on the Chinese possessions in Formosa, and the occupation of Kelung; a fort in the northern part of that island was captured, but the subsequent success of the French was small. The Chinese displayed great energy and resource in forming de- fences against any advance inland from Kelung or Tamsui, and tl)e French govern- may be gathered from the fact that tlie com- pulsory retreat, in March, 1885, of the French from before Langson, where some of the Chinese regular troops were drawn up with a large force of Black and Yellow Flags — the latter of whom were in Chinese pay — did not imperil the negotiations which were then far advanced towards completion. On the 9th of June of the same year a treaty of VIEW Oi-' TIENTSIN, CHINA. me.it was brought to face the fact that there peace 'vas signed by M. Patenotre and Li was nothing to be gained by carrying on Hung Chang which gave F'rance nothing these desultory operations, and that unless more than the Fournier convention. they were prepared to send a large expedi- The military lessons of this war must be tion, it was computed of not less than 50,000 pronounced inconclusive, for the new forces men, to attack Pckin, there was no alternative which China had organized since the Pekin to co,;:;iig to terms with China. . campaign were never fully engaged, and the How strong this conviction had become ' struggle ended before the regular regiment THE REIGN OF IHE EMPEROR KWANGSU. 157 sent to Langson had any opportunity of showing their quality. But the impression conveyed by the fighting in Formosa and the northern districts of Tonquin was that China had made considerable progress in the military art, and that she possessed the nucleus of an army that might become for- midable. But while the soldiers had made no inconsiderable improvement, as much could not be said of the officers, and among the commanders there seemed no grasp of the situation, and a complete inability to con- duct a campaign. Incapable Commandt i^. Probably these deficiencies will long remain the really weak .spot in the Chinese war organization, and although they have men who will fight well, the only capacity their commanders showed in Tonquin and For- mosa was in selecting strong positions and in fortifying them with consummate art. But as the strongest position can be turned and avoided, and as the Chinese, like all Asiatics, become demoralized when their r 'ar is threatened, it cannot be denied that, considerable progress as the Chinese have made in the military art, they have not yet mastered some of its rudiments. Ail that can be said is that the war between France and China was calculated to tcacli tlie advisability of caution in fi.xing a quarrel upon China. Under some special difficulties from tlio char- acter of the war and with divided councils at Pekin, the Chinese still gave a very good account of themselves against one of the greatest Powers of Europe. During the progress of this struggle a coup di'tat wai, effected at Pekin of which at the time it was impossible to measure the whole significance. In July, 1884, the Chinese world was startled by the sudden fall and disgrace of Prince Kuny, who had been the most powerful man in China since the Treaty of Pekin. A decree of the Empress Regent appeared dismissing him from all his posts and consigning him to an obscurity from which after many years he had not succeeded in emerging. The causes of his fall are not clear, but they were pro- bably of several distinct kinds. While he was thv,' leader of the peace party and the advocate of a prompt arrangement with France, he was also an opponent of Prince Chun's desire to have a share in the practical administration of the state, or, at least, an obstacle in the way of its realization. Prince Chun, who was a man of an imperious will, and who, on the death of the Eastern Empress, became the most important personage in the palace and supreme Council of the Empire, was undoubtedly the leader of the attack on Prince Kung, and the immediate cause of his downfall. Prince Kung, who was an amiable and well inten- tioned man rather than an able statesman, yielded without resistance, and indeed he had no Iternative, for he had no following at Pekin, and his influence was very slight except among Europeans. Sudden Death of Prince Chun. Prince Chun then came to the front, tak- ing an active and prominent part in the government, making himself President of a new Board of National Defence and taking up the command of the Pekin Fiekl Force, a specially trained body of troops for the defence of the capital. He retained posses- sion of these posts after his son assumed the government in person, notwithstanding the law forbidding a father .serving under his son, which has already been cited, and he remained the real controller of Chinese policy until his sudden and unexpected death in the first days of 1891. 158 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. Some months earlier in April, 1890, China had suffered a great loss in the Marquis Tseng, whose diplomatic experience and knowledge of Europe might have rendered his country infinite service in the future. He was the chosen colleague of Prince Chun, and he is said to have gained the ear of his young sovereign. While willing to admit t..c superioritj' of European inventions, he was also an implicit believer in China's destiny and in her firmly holding her place among the greatest Powers of the world. In December, 1890, also died Tseng Kwo Tsiuen, uncle of the Marquis, and a man who had taken a prominent and honorable part in the suppression of the Taeping rebellion. Tax on Opium. In 1885 an important and delicate negotia- tion between England and China was brought to a successful issue by the joint efforts of Lord Salisbury and the Marquis Tsen". The lew uf the lekin or barrier tax on opium had led to many cxacticns in tlie interior which was injurious to the foreign trade and also to the Chinese government, which obtained only the customs duty raisetl in the port. y\fter the subject had been thorough!}- discussed in all its bearings a convention was signed in London, on 19th July, 1885, by which the lekin was fixed at eighty taels a chest, in addition to the cus- tom? due of thirty taels, and also that the whole of this sum should be paid in the treaty port before the opium was taken out of bond. This arrangement was greatly to the advantage of the Chinese ^;:<'>vernment, which came into possession of a large revenue that had previously been frittered away in the provinci's, and much of which had gone into the pockets of the Mandarine. The Kmperor issued an edict in 1890 formally legalizing the cultivation of opium, which, although practically carried on, was nominally illegal. An immediate consequence of this step was a great increase in the area under cultivation, particularly in Manchuria, and so great is the production of native opium now becoming that that of India may yet be driven from the field as a practical revenge for the loss inflicted on China by the competition of Indian tea. But at all events these measures debar China from ever again posing as an injured party in the matter of the opium traffic. During these years the young Emperor Kwangsu was growing up. In February, 1887, in which month falls the Chinese New Year, it was announced his marriage was postponed in consequence of his delicate health, and it was not until the new year of 1 889, when Kwangsu was well advanced in his eighteenth year, that he was married to Yeh-ho-na-la, daughter of a M<...chu general named Knei Hsiang, who had been specially selected for this great honor out of many hundred candidates. Magnificent Marriage Ceremonies. The marriage was celebrated with the usual state, and more than $$,( - ,000 is said to have been expended on the attendant ceremonies. At the same time the Empress Regent issued her farewell edict and passed into retirement, but there is reason to believe that she continued to e.xercise no inconsider- able influence over the young Emperor. The marriage and assumption of govern- ing power by the Emperor Kwangsu brought to the front the very important question of the right of audience by the foreign ministers resident at Pekin. This privilege had been conceded by China at the time of the Tient- sin massacre, and it had been put into force THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR KWANGSU. 159 as a result of that concession. The Em- perors of China do not appear al any time to have taken up the position that their own person was so supremely sacred as to render audience with a foreigner an indignity. On the contrary, in olden days, when the Im- perial state and prestige were immeasurably greater than they now are, audience was freely granted, and the person of the Sover- eign was less hermetically concealed than is now the fashion. The Two Great Questions. Two questions, however, have successively been made uppermost in the settlement of the matter, namely, the character of obeis- ance made by the foreigner admitted to the interview, and the nature and locality of the building in which it took place. As regards the former the favored individual was ex- pected to comply with the Chinese usage by performing the kowtmv, that is, kneeling thrice and knocking his forehead nine times upon the ground. The theory of Chinese sovereignty being that the Emperor is the de jure monarch of the whole earth, of which China is the Mid- dle Kingdom, all other nations, therefore, must be either his tributaries or his subjects; whence the exaction of this mark of defer- ence from their envoys. As regards the site of audience, the practice of emphasizing the lowliness of the stranger in presence of the Son of Heaven by fixing the audience in a building that carries widi it some implication of inferiority, appears to have been the growth only of the last fifty years, if not more recently. In the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- turies both the Jesuit Fathers who were in the service of the Emperor and the envoys of European Courts or Companies, who came to Pekin for complimentary purjioses or to secure facilities for trade, performed the kowtow without apparent compunction. One Russian official, however, who arrived at Pekin in the reign of the first Manchu Emperor Shun Chih (1644-1661) was re- fused an audience because he declined to kowtow. In those days the audience commonly took place in one or other of the great Ceremonial Halls of the Imperial Palace in the heart of the Forbidden City, where no European is now permitted to enter. Here stands the Tai Ho Tien, or Hall of Supreme Harmony, a magnificent structure, no feet in height, erected upon a terrace of marble 20 feet high, with projecting wings, ascended from the outer court by flights of steps. Seated on a Raised Throne. The Great Audience Hall on the summit of the platform is a vast pavilion, in design not unlike the Memorial Temple of Yung Lo at the Ming Tombs, 200 feet in length by 90 feet in depth, sustained by 72 immense columns of painted teak. In this Hall the Emperor held and still holds the splendid annual Levees at the Winter Solstice, at the New Year, and on his own birthday. Here in the Tai Ho Tien the Emperor takes his seat upon a raised throne in the centre. A few Manchus of exalted rank alone are admitted to the building. Outside and below the marble balustrades arc ran^^cd tlie no- bility and officials in eighteen double rows, the civil officers on the cast side, and the military officers on the west, their respective ranks and positions being marked by low columns. The utmost care is observed in appointing places for the officials according to their respective ranks and titles. The privilege of audience, as wc see, had been conceded, and it had been put into force ■■■ 't li ? .•i'l I 160 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. f ' P on one occasion during the brief reign of Tungche. The time had again arrived for giving it effect, and, after long discussions as to the place of audience and the forms to be observed, Kwangsu issued in December, 1890, an edict appointing a day soon after the commencement of the Chinese New Year, for the audience, and also arranging that it should be repeated annually on the same date. In March, 1891, Kwangsu gave his first ians' made on him the idea which they carried away of the Emperor Kwangsu was pleasing and almost pathetic. His air is one of exceeding intelligence and gentleness, somewhat frightened and melancholy look- ing. His foce is pale, and though it is dis- tinguished by refinement and quiet dignity it has none of the force of his martial ancestors, nothing commanding or imperial, but is alto- gether mild, delicate, sad and kind. " He is essentially !Manchu in features, his OI'lUM -SMDKKKS. reception to the foreign ministers, but after it was over some criticism and dissatisfaction were aroused by the fact that the ceremony had been held in the Tse Kung Ko, or Hall of Tributary Nations. As this was the first occasion on which Europeans saw the young Emperor, the fact that he made a favorable impression on them is not without interest, and the following personal description of the master of so many millions may well be quoted : "Whatever the impression 'the Barbar- skin is strangely pallid in hue, whicii is, no doubt, accounted for by the confinement of his life inside these forbidding walls and the absence of the ordinary pleasures and pur- suits of youth, with the constant discharge of onerous, complicated am! difficult duties of state which, it must x remomhercd, are, according to Imperial Chinese etiquette, mostly transacted between the hours of two and six in the morning. His face is oval shai)cil with a very long narrow chin and a sensitive mouth with thin nervous lips ; his •i n THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR KWANGSU. 161 tics ire, tte, ;\vo ival da his nose is well shaped and straight, his eye- brows regular and very arched, while the eyes are unusally large and sorrowful in ex- pression. The forehead is well shaped and broad, and the head is large beyond the average." Owing to the dissatisfaction felt at the place of audience, which seemed to put the Treaty Powers on the same footing as tribu- tary states, the foreign ministers have en- deavored to force from the government the formal admission that a more appropriate part of the Imperial city should be assigned for the ceremony, but as the Powers them- selves were not disposed to lay too much stress on this point, no tlefinite concession WP.5 yet made, and the Chinese ministers held out against the pressure of some of the foreign representatives. But, althongh no concise alteration was made in the place of audience, the question was practically settled by a courteous concession to the new English mir'ster, Mr. O'Conor, who succeeded Sir John Walsham, and it is gratifying to feel that this advantage was gained more by tact than by coercion. When Mr. O'Cc^nor wished to present his credentials to the Emperor, it was arranged that the Emperor should receive him in the Cheng Kuan Tien Palace, which is f)art of the Imperial residence of Peace and Plenty witliin the Forbidden City. The British representative, accompanied by his secre- taries and suite in accordance with arrange- ment, proceeded to this palace on the 13th I of December, 1892, and was received in a specially honorable way at the principal or Imperial entrance by the officials of the Court. Such a mark of distinction was con- sidered quite unique in the annals of foreign diplomacy in China, and has since been a standing grievance with the other ministers at Pekin. It was noticed by those present that the Emperor took a much greater interest in the ceremony than on previous occasions. This audience, which lasted a considerable time, was certainly the most satisfactory and en couraging yet held with the Emperor Kwangsu by any foreign envoy, and it also afforded opportunity of confirming the favor- able impression which the intelligence and dignified demeanor of the Emperor Kwangsu made on all who have had the honor of coming into his presence. One incident in the progress of the audience question de- serves notice, and that was the Emperor's refusal, in 1891, tu receive Mr. Blair, the United States Minister, in consequence of the hostile legislation of our country against China. The anti-foreign outbreak along the Yangtsekiang, in the summer of 1891, was ;'.n unpleasant incident, from which at one time it looked as if serious consequences might follow ; but the ebullition fortunately passed away without an international crisis, and it may be hoped that the improved means of exercising diplomatic pressure at Pekin will render these attacks less frequent, and their settlement and redress more rajwd. U I \i I. i CHAPTER VIII. THE EMPEROR OF CHINA AND HIS COURT. THE foregoing concise and graphic history from the able pen of the well-iple. He is the "Son of Heaven," he is the 'Supreme Ruler," the "August Lofty One," the "Celestial Ruler," the "Solitary Man," the " Buddha of the present day," the "Lord;" and, in adulatory addresses, he is often entitled the " Lord of Ten Thousand Years." As the Son of Heaven, he rules b)- the express command of the celestial powers, and is sustained on the throne by the same supreme authorities, so long as he rules in accordance with their dictates. He alone is entitled to worship the azure heaven, and at the winter solstice he performs this rite after careful preparation, and with solemn ritual, a desciiption of which cannot fail to be of interest to the reader. The Temple of Heaven, where this august ceremony is performed, stands in the southern portion of the city of Pekin, and consists of a triple circular terrace, two hundred and ten feet wide at the base, and ninety feet at the top. The marble stones forming the pave- ment of the highest terrace are laid in nine concentric circles. On the centre stone, "which is a perfect circle, the Emperor kneels, facing the north, and "acknowledges in prayer and by his position that he is inferior to Heaven, and to Heaven alone. Round him on the pavement are the nine circles of as many heavens, consisting of nine stones, then eighteen, then twenty-seven, and so on, in successive multiples of nine until the square of nine, the favorite number of Chinese phil- osophy, is reached in the outermost circle of eighty-one .stones." The Burnt Sacrifice. On the evening before the winter solstice the Emperor is borne in a carriage drawn by elephants to the mystic precincts of the temple, whence, after offering incense to Shangti, "the Supreme Ruler," and to his ancestors, he proceeds to the hall of pene- tential fasting. There he remains until 5.45 A.M., when, dressed in his sacrificial robes, he ascends to the second terrace. This is the signal for .setting fire to the whole burnt sacrifice, which consists of a bullock two years old and without blemish. The Su- jireme Ruler having been thus invoked, the Emperor goes up to the highest terrace, and offers incense before the sacred shrine, and that of his ancestors. At the same time, after having knelt thrice and prostrated himself nine times, he offers bundles of silk, jade cups, and other gifts in lowly sacrifice. A prayer is then 11 I 164 THE EMPEROR AND HIS COURT. 165 read by an attendant minister, while the Emperor kneels in adoration, to an accom- paniment of music and dancing. One solemn rite has still to be performed before the sacri- ficial service is complete. While the Em- peror remains on his knees, officers appointed for the purpose present to him " the flesh of happiness," and the "cup of happiness." Thrice he prostrates himself before the sacred emblems, and then receives them with solemn reverence. It is curious to find these marked resemblances to Jewish and Christian wor- ship in the C nese ritual. Claims Divine Authority. By this solemn sacrifice the Emperor assumes the office of Vice-regent of Heaven, and by common consent is acknowledged to be the co-ordinate of Heaven and earth, and the representative of man in the trinity of which those two powers form the other per- sons. As possessor of the Divine authority, he holds himself superior to all who are called gods, and takes upon himself to grant titles of honor to deities, and to promote them in the sacred hierarchy. On one occasion a memorial was pre- sented to the throne by the Lieutenant- Governor of Kiangtsu, asking the Emperor to confer higher honors on the Queen of Heaven, the God of the Wind , the God of the Sea, and the God of the city of Shanghai, in consideration of their having brought the tribute rice safely on its way to Tientsin, and for having favored the vessels bearing it with gentle zephyrs and a placid s^a. To this rc- (|uest the Emperor was pleased to accede, and the gods and goddesses reaped the re- ward of his benignity by the issue of patents which were held to vouch for their promo- tion on the heights of Olympus. One other instance of this form of super- stition may be mentioned, which is remark- able as having for its advocate the redoubt- able Tseng Kwofan, the father of the Mar- quis Tseng, and the foremost man of the day in the empire. To him, more than to any other mandarin, is due the suppression of the Taeping rebellion. He was the inti mate adviser of the throne, and was held in the highest esteem as a learned and enlight- ened man. This viceroy, in conjunction with the Viceroy of Fuhkien, "petitioned the throne to deify two female genii who had worked a great number of miracles for the good of the people." In the district of Chiangtu, write the viceroys, "there is a place called Hsien-nii-chen, which has long had a temple to the two genii, Tu and Kang. This temple was once upon a time the scene of a benefi- cent miracle, which is duly recorded in the liistory of the district. Moreover, in the eighth year of Hiengfung (1858), when the Taeping rebels were attempting to cross on rafts at Fuchiao, on the east side of Yang- chow, a frightful storm of thunder and rain burst over the place and drowned countless numbers of them. Lamps and Fairy Godesses. "The refugees from the city all stated that, on the night in question, when the rebels were attempting to cross, they saw the opposite bank lined, as far as the eye could reach, with bright azure-colored lamps, and in the midst of the lamps were seen the fairy goddesses. Scared by this apparition the rebels abandoned the attempt, and the town and neighborhood were saved from fall- ing into their hands." " Some time ago," the memorialists add, "Tseng Kwofan petitioned the throne to deify the two female genii, Tu and Kang ; but the Board of Rites replied that the local histories only mention Kang, and asked what authority there was for L I ,i 166 CHINA: PAST AND PRKSKNT. ranking Tu among the genii. There appeared to be no doubt in respect to Kang. "The memoralists have, therefore, re-in- vestigated the whole case, and find that Kang was a priestess in Tu's temple, and that she ascended from the town in question on a white dragon up to fairyland, and that in consequence of this the iniiabitants placed her on a par with Tu and worshipped them together. The names of the fairies, Tu and Kang, are to be found in the official registers, and they have long been objects of worship. Such are the representations of the local gentry and elders, and the memoralists would earnestly repeat their request that his majesty would be graciously pleased to deify tiie two genii, Tu and Kang, in ac- knowledgment of the many deliverances they have wrought, an i in compliance with the earnest wish of the people." In the pages of the Pckin Gazette, such memorials, presented by the highest officials in the empire, are constantly to be met with, and are treated with all seriousness both by the suppliants and the Son of Heaven. His Subjects Adore Him. In harmony with these lofty attributes his subjects, when admitted into his presence, prostrate themselves in adoration on the ground before him, and on a certain day in the year he is worshipped in every city in the empire. At daylight on the day in question the local mandarins assemble in the city temple, where, in the central hall, a throne is raised on which is placed the imperial tablet. At a given signal the as- sembl" 1 officials kneel thrice before the throne, and ni: , times strike their heads on the ground as though in the presence of the Supreme Ruler. In speaking of this title, the Supreme Ruler, it is interesting to go a step beyond the English rendering of the term, and to look at the native characters which repre- sent it. They form the word Hivangti, and are of considerable interest both as imlicating the very lofty idea entertained by the inven- tors of the first character of what an emperor should be; and, in the case of the second, as confirming a theory which is now commonly accepted, that the Chinese borrowed a num- ber of their written symbols from the cunei- form writing of Babylonia. The character Hwang was formerly made up of two parts, meaning "ruler" and "one's self," and thus conveys the very laudable notion, in har- mony with the doctrines taught by Confu- cius, that an emperor, before attempting to rule the empire, should have learnt to be the master of his own actions. Supreme White Ruler. In the same .spirit Mencius, about two hundred years later, said, " The greatest charge is the charge of one's self " An idea which appears in the mouth of Polonius, where he says — "This above all : to thine own self be true, And it must follow, as the night the day. Thou canst not then be false to any man." By a clerical error the character is now written with the omission of a stroke in the symbol for one's self, and, so altered, the compound reads, " the white ruler." The second character means " the supreme." The Emperor is also the Buddha of the present day. This is a title which has little meaning among the skeptical Chinese, who agree wi'^h Confucius in preferring to leave the question of a future existence unex- plored. But in the weary wastes of ]\Ion- golia and Tibet, the ignorant natives give an interest to their dreary existences by blindly following the superstitious teaching of their priests. In Tibet, more especially, Budd- THK EMPKROR AND HIS COURT. 107 hism has gained complete possession of tlie people, and the priestly profession is crowded with men who seek for power, ami who find it easier to make a living out of the supersti- tious fears of the people than from the barren soil at their feet. Not content with managing the spiritual concerns of their followers, these men have made themselves masters of the political situation, and in the hand of their chief, the Grand Lama, rests the government of the country. To these people the title of the " Buddha of the present day " is full of mean- ing, and a command from the potentate at Pekin is readily obeyed as coming from the suzerain of the land, and the spiritual head of their religion. The Grand Lama is sur- rounded by several dignitaries, and on the death of any one of these ecclesiastics the re-embodiment of his spiritual essence is re- ferred to Pelcin, and is not considered valid until the sanction of the Emperor has been received. On occasions the Emperor actu- ally forbids the transmigration of the soul of any dignitary who may be under his ban, which thus remains in a state of suspended animation during his good pleasure. A Strange Decree. The Pckin Gazette tells us, that one such, a llut'ukht'u, was once impeached for desert- ing his post, and carrying off his seal of office, in consequence of a disturbance which arose through a distribution of alms. For this dereliction of duty his title and seal were cancelled, and it was at the same time decreed by the Emperor that his soul should not be allowed to transmigrate at his decease. On receiving this extinguishing sentence the offender came to Pekin for the purpose of appealing, and soon afterwards his death produced the crisis in his spiritual state which the sentence contemplated. The sympathy produced by his condition prompted the despatch of petitions to Pckin to plead for his soul, and such success attended them that an edict was shortly afterwards issued in the following terms: " We decree that as is besought of us, search may be made to discover the child in whose body the soul of the decased Hut'ukht'u has been re-born, and that he be allowed to resume the government of his proper lama- sery, or dominion." Compelled to Fall on Their Faces. The title of "the solitary man" is emi- nently applicable to a potentate who thus not only claims temporal dominion, but who assumes the position of high priest over the household of the gods. It is a common complaint with emperors and kings that they have no fellows; but here is one of their number whose cherished attributes place him beyond the reach of mortals. With the exception of those immediately about his person, his subjects are not allowed to gaze upon his face. When he goes abroad the people are compelled to fall on their faces to the ground until his cavalcade has passed on, and on all occasions he is to them a mystery. A sovereign so exalted and so worshipped would naturally expect to receive from foreigners entering his presence, homage equal to that to which he is accustomed from the pliant knees of his subjects, antl at first, no doubt, the refusul of British repre- sentatives to kotcnv, or prostrate themselves before him, came as a surprise. From the time of Lord Macartney's mission, in 1792, down to a few years back, the question of the kotow was a burning one, and was as consistently resisted by foreign ministers as it was urgently pressed by the Chinese. At the present time, on two or three occasions on which the European ministers have been ^^1^ III' P' % it IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ■-1^ |2.5 :r us 1110 1.25 1.4 |||.6 ^ 6" ► ^'4^'^ '/ Photographic Sciences Corporation °;^^^^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. MSSO (716) 873-4503 I '%^p i 168 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. granted audiences, they have paid the Empercr the same reverence, and no more, that they pay to their own sovereigns. Gazette, and to the plays and novels of the people, for sketches of his monotonous and dreary existence. The palace, as befitting TVI'ES <»r CHINi:.SE WO.MK.N. Being so entirely withdraw n from the pub- lic gaze, very little can possibly be known of the Emperor's private life, and we arc driven to that very candid periodical, the Pikhi the abode of so exalted a personage, is so placed as effectual ly to cut off its occupants from the rest of the empire. Situated in the " Forbidden City," it is surrounded with a THE KMPKROR AND HIS COURT. 169 triple barrier of walls. Beyond the inner and secret enclosure is the Imperial city, which is enclosed by a high wall topped with tiles of the Imperial yellow color; and outside that at;ain is the Tartar city, which forms the northern part of the capital. Strict guard is kept day and night at the gates of the Forbidden City, and severe pen- alties are inflicted on all unauthorized persons who may dare to enter its portals. One of the highest distinctions which can be con- ferred on officials whom the Kmperor delights to honor, is the right to ride on horseback within these sacred precincts. Only on rare occasions, and those almost exclusively occa- sions of ceremony, does the Emperor pass out of the palace grounds. These no doubt present a miniature of the empire. There are lakes, mountains, parks, and gardens in which the Imperial prisoner can amuse him- self, with the boats which ply on the artificial lakes, or by joining mimic hunts in miniature forests ; but it is probable that there is not one of the millions of China who has not a more practical knowledge of the empire than he who rules it. Stirring Before Daylight. Theoretically he is supposed to spend his •days and nijjhts in the affairs of state. The t;atcs of the I'orbiddcn City are opened at midnight, and the halls of audience at 2 A. M. Ik-fore daylight his cabinet ministers arrive and are received at veritable levees, and all the state sacrifices and functions are over by lo o'clock. Even the court amusements are held before the dew is off the grass. The following prugramme, taken from the Pckin Gazette, describes a morning's work at Court : "To-morrow, after business, about 6 o'clock A.M., the Emperor will pass through the Hwa-Yuen and Shinwu gates to the Takaoticn temple to offer sacrifice. After- wards His Majesty will pass through the Yung-suy-tsiang gate, and, entering the King-shansi gate, will proceed to the Show • hwang temple to worship. His Majesty will then pass through the Pehshang gate from the Sishan road, and, entering the Shinwu gate, will return to the palace to breakfast. His Majesty will then hold an audience, and at 7 o'clock will ascend to the Kientsing Palace to receive congratulations on his birthday. At 8 o'clock he will take his seat to witness the theatrical performance." Putting On the Purple. And if wrestlers and conjurers are sum- moned into the Imperial presence, they must be ready at an equally uncongenial hour to show their skill. But such relaxations are the glints of sunlight which brighten the sombre life of the solitary man. The sov- ereign announced his assumption of the Im- perial purple in 1875, when he was quite an infant, in the following edict : " Whereas, on the fifth day of the moon " (January 12, 1875), "at the yeo hour" (5-7 P.M.), "His Majesty the Emperor departed this life, ascending upon the Dragon to be a guest on high, the benign mandate of the Empress Dowager and Empress Mother was by us reverently received, commanding us to enter upon the inheritance of the great suc- cession. Prostrate upon the eartii we be- wailed our grief to Heaven, vainly .stretching out our hands in lamentation. For thirteen years, as we Iiunibly reflected, His Majesty now departed reigned under the canopy of Heaven. In reverent observance of the an- cestral precepts, he made the counsels prompted by maternal love his guiile, apply- ing himself with awestruck zeal to the toil- some performance of his duty. The welfare of the people and the policy of the State were ever present in his utmost thoughts. 170 CHINA: PAST AND I'RKSKNT. Not in words can \vc give expression to tlie sadness which pierces our heart and shows itself in tears and blood." The Pckin Gazette bears testiinoii)- lo tiie desire which was felt by the ICmpcror's tutors to rear the tender thought aright. And in that journal the following memorial on this subject was published with approval. " His Majesty, being .still of tentler age, it is beyond question expedient that effectual training in the right path be studied. All those who surround His Majesty, and are in near employment about his person, should be without exception of tried capacity and solid character. No youthful and thought- less person should be suffered to be in at- tendance." A Wife for the Emfwror. From time to time the outer world was informed of the progress which this tenderly guarded youth was making in his studies. At last the time came — in 1889 — for him to assume the reins of power hitherto helil by the dowager empresses, and to take to him- .self a consort. The question of choosing a wife for the Imperial rcckisc was a more serious matter to arrange than the transfer of power. It was necessar)' that the lad\' should be of the .same nationality as himself — a Manclui — and that she should satisfy the requirements of the Dowager Empresses as to looks and ap|)earance. Levees of aspirants to the honor were hekl by the Dowagers, and a lady iiaving been chosen, the personage most interested in the event was made aware of the sc!ectit)n. According to custo.n, and possibly to jiro- vide against any disappointment which the appearance of the bride might produce in the imperial breast, two young ladies were also chosen to accompany the Empress as second- ary wives. This trio forms the nucleus of the royal household, in which secondary wives are coimted by tens and fifties. .'\s is natural in the case of .my matter affecting so exalted a personage as the .Son of Heaven, the ceremonies connected with his m.iniage are marked by all tlie dignity and .splendor which are peculiar to Oriental -States. Unlike his subjects, even of the highest rank, who are bound as a preliminary to pay court to the parents of their future brides, the I'.mperor finds it sufficient to issue an edict announcing his intention to marry the lady on whom his choice may have fallen, and she, trembling with the weight of the honor, bUishingly obeys the command. Unlike his subjects, also, the E.iiperor is by law entitled to wives of three ranks. The first consists of the Empress, who is alone in her dignity except when, as has happened, on some rare occassi(5ns, two Princesses have shared the imperial throne. The second rank is unlimited as to number; and it is from these ladies that, in case of the death of the Empress, the Emperor com- monly chooses her successor. The third rank is fillctl up as the taste of the Emperor may direct, and it is rarely that the ladies of this graile e\er succeetl to the loft_\* dignity of the throne. Imposing Ceremonies. To the weilding of the lunpress alone are reserved the courtly ceremonials which grace [ the imperial marriage. These ceremonies are ten in number. First comes an edict .iniionncing the intended marriage. Ihe Hoard of Ceremonies next proclaims tin f,nt throughout the empire, and having ciinsiilteii ' the Imperial astronomers as to the choice ot a fortunate day for sentling the customarj' presents to the bride-elect, prepares for the occasion ten iiorses with accoutrements, ten cuirasses, a hundred pieces of .silk an 1 two ■A 3 u U( 3 •J X 'J \A ■A D a. S H i :« O •A "^ a A 3i 171 172 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. hundred pieces of nanking. To the Board of Rites belongs the duty of preparing a golden tablet and a golden seal on which the scholars of the Hanlin College inscribe the necessary decrees relating to the marriage. Armed with these imperial pledges a President of the Board invites the imperial order for the presentation of the gifts. When this has been received, the officials, at early dawn on the day appointed, place a table in the hall of "Great Harmony" for the recep- tion of the imperial seal, while others set out a pavilion ornamented with dragons, in which the cuirasses, the silks and the cloths are reverently deposited. The Imperial Mandate. When the assembly is complete, the master of ceremonies orders every one to his al- lotted place, and exhorts all to assume a grave and decorous attitude. In the hear- ing of this attentive gathering a commis- sioner, after bowing the knee, reads aloud the Imperial mandate, which runs as follows : " The august ruler has, in accordance with the wishes of the revered Dowager P^m- prcss, promised to take Miss of the as his consort, and orders the min- isters to take the seal of the empire with the nuptial presents, in accordance with the sacred rites." So soon as the herald has ceased speaking a Secretary of State takes the seal from the table and hands it to an Imperial messenger who, in company with officials carrying the pavilion and other gifts, and preceded and followed by the Imperial guards, goes to the house of tlie future Empress. Everything there has been prepared for his reception. A table has been placed in the centre of the hall between two others, draped with ap- propriate hangings. On the arrival of the messenger the father of the lady salutes him on the threshold, and kneels while he carries the Imperial gifts to the tables in the great hall. On the centre table the envoy places the Imperial seal, and on the others the vari- ous portable presents, while the horses are arranged on the right and left of the court- yard. When all are disposed in order, the father of the lady receives the gifts kneeling, and prostrates himself nine times as a token of his gratitude for the Imperial favor. The departure of the messenger, who carries the Imperial seal away with him, is surrounded with the same ceremonies as those which greeted his arrival. Two banquets form the second part of the ceremony. The mother of the bride is, by order of the Emperor, entertained by the Imperial princesses in the apartments of the Dowager Empress, while the Imperial cham- berlains and high officials olTer the same hospitality to her father. The Nuptial Presents. On the wedding-day officers appointed for the purpot present to the bride two hun- dred ounces of gold, ten thousand ounces of silver, one gold and two silver tiaras, a thou- sand pieces of silk, twenty caparisoned horses, and twenty others with equipments. To her father and mother are, in like man- ner, offered gold, silver and precious orna- ments ; pieces of silk, bows and arrows, and countless robes. The declaration of the marriage follows. An ambassador is sent with an Imperial letter to the father of the future empress. On his knees, this much genuflecting man listens to the words of his future son-in-law, and makes nine prostrations in the direction of the Imperial seal, which again stands on his table. On this occasion his wife and two ladies of his household take part in the cere- THE KMPKROR AND HIS COURT. 178 mony. Six times they bow low, thrice they bend the knee, and twice as often tiiey pros- trate themselves before the seal. This done, tliey receive from the envoy the tablet of gold, on which is inscribed the declaration of marriage, and retire with this evidence of the fulfilment of their hopes to the apartments of the bride. On the eve of the eventful day ministers are sent to announce the auspicious event to Heaven, and Earth, and to the deities of the Imperial temple. On the following morning, so soon as the august procession is formed, the Emperor enters his sedan-chair, and is borne to the Tzuning palace, where the dowager Empress awaits him seated on a throne of state. With dutiful regard he kneels, and thrice, and again nine times bows low at the feet of his mother. The Great Seal. Having thus manifested his respect, he proceeds to the " Hall of Great Harmony," accompanied by bands discoursing music from an infinite variety of instruments. There, at a signal given, the members of the Board of Rites kneel and prostrate them- selves before their august sovereign. This done, a herald advances and reads aloud the Imperial decree, which runs as follows: " The Emperor, in obedience t.) the desire of the Empress his mother, agrees that the princess shall be his consort. In this propitious month, and under this favorable constellation, he has prepared the customary gifts and the usual contract, and now com- mands his ministers to escort the chosen bride to his palace." In harmony with this last clause, the Imperial envoy, followed by chamberlains and officers of the guard, and accompanied with music, takes the great seal and starts on his mission. Following in his train come officers carrying the tablet and seal of gold, and bearers with the sedan-ciiair destined (or the bride. In strange contrast to the ordi- narj' .state of the streets, the thoroughfares on this occasion are swept, garnished, and made straight. On arriving, over these unwontedly smooth ways, at the dwelling of the bride, the envoy is received with every mark of honor and reverence, not only by the father of the bride, but by the elder ladies of the hou.se- hold, dressed in their most brilliant costumes. In the grand hall the father kneels before the envoy, who hands the .seal to a latly in wait- ing, while his lieutenant delivers the tablet and the Imperial letter to the lad'es appointed to receive them. As those things are borne to the private ap.artments of the bride, her mother and ladies kneel in token of rever- ence, and then, following in their wake, listen with devout respect to the terms of the letter addressed to the bride. The Bride Escorted to the Palace. When this ceremony is concluded, the bride, with lier mother and ladies in attend- ance, advances to the " Phcwii-x Chair," in which, preceded by ministers bearing the Imperial .seal, and followed by musici;ins and guards of honor, she proceeds to the palace. On arriving at the gate, the officers and attendants dismount from their horses, while porters bearing aloft nine umbrellas orna- mented with plci;ni.\es lead the procession to the Kientsin^.' gate. Heyond this the attendants and officials are forbidden to go, and the britle proceeds alone to meet her affianced husband. One more ceremony has to be performed to complete the marriage. A banquet is spread for the august pair, at which they pledge each other's troth in cups of wine, and thus tie the knot which death alone un- 174 CHINA: PAST AND I'KKSKNT. ravels. This, liowcvcr, iIol's not ciuitc coii- cliidc the laborious ceiemoiiial which falls to the" lot of liic jjiiile. On the morning after !he weiUlin^ it beeoines her duty to testify !ier respect to the dowaijer luupiess by ')rinj;ing her water in which to wash her iiands, and by spiculin.,' viands bef ire her, in return for which courtesies the dowajjer entertains her dauLMiter-in-law at a feast of welcome. Meanwhile the Ivnpcror receives the following valedictorj- manifesto was put in his mouth : "It was owin^f to the exalted love of Our late Imperial father, Our canopy and support, that the Divine Vessel (that is, the throne) was bestowed upon Our keeping;. Having set foot in Our childhood on the throne, We from that moment ha a long reign, but the more common course of events is tliat a short and inglorious rule is brought to a premature close by the effects of debauchery and inanition. In so complicated an administrative ma- chine as that of China it is difficult to say what part the Emperor really takes in the government of the country. We know that some have been powerful for good and many more for evil. Over the Imperial princes and nobles the Emperor holds complete sway. He regulates their marriages, and in cases of failure of issue he chooses sons for their adoption. He appoints their retinues, and orders all their goings with curious minute- ness. Over them as over all his other sub- jects, his will is, theoretically, law. No Indian Rajah, no Shah of Persia, ever possessed more autocratic power. We have some knowledge of the debasing effect of eastern palace life from the histories of the better known countries of Asia, and we may safely draw the deduction that, since the same conditions produce the same effects, the records of the Forbidden City would, if written at length, reflect the normal condi- tion of society in the old palace of Delhi or that at Teheran. Rewarded for Bravery. As has already been said, the hereditary aristocrats of rank and importance form but a small and unimportant body, while the lower grades are well supplied with men who have earned distinction in the battle-field and in other arenas of honor. For example, the man who was first to mount the wall of Nanking when it was recaptured from the rebels was rewarded by a title of the fourth rank. To all such distinguished persons annual allowances are made, and though in- dividually small in amount, the total sum becomes a serious burden on the provincial exchequers, when by Imperial favor the number of those holding patents of nobility is multiplied. On one occasion the governor of Kiangsi complained that he had to pro- vide 50,000 taels a year for the income i of the four hundred ami eighty-three hereditary nobles residing within his jurisdiction. This number he considered to be quite large enough, and he begged his Imperial master to abstain from throwing any more nobles on the provincial funds. In Hunan the number, he alleged, was confined to four hundred, in Nanking to *hree hundred and forty-eight, in Soochow to a hundred and fifty, and in Anhui to a hundred and seventy- six. Beyond these areas his investigations had not travelled. The Chinese Nobility. The hereditary nobility of China may be divided into the Imperial and National. Of the former there are twelve denominations which, with certain subdivisions, extend over eighteen classes of persons ennobled because of their descent. These are, of course, under the present dynasty, exclusively Manchus. The members of the National nobility may be Manchus or Chinese elevated for their merits to one of nine degrees. The five su- perior of these, viz.: Kung, Hou, Pih, Tzu, Nan, t';e ICnglish in general describe by duke, marquis, earl, viscount, and baron; the re- maining four, for convenience sake, they call orders of knighthood. The highest of these and the fi\c above sepecified are each divided into first, second, and third classes, making in all twenty-six degrees. Unless the title given be conferred h. perpetuity it loses one degree of nobility with each step of descent. Thus the Kung, duke, of the first class will reach the lowest round in twenty-six generations ; the first class Tzu, viscount, in fourteen. ■ CHAPT^ER IX. THE PUNISHMENT OF CRIMINALS. IT has often been said that the laws of a nation furnish the best and truest description of the manners and cus- toms of the people. In all respects the Chinese Code is an exceptionally good instance of the truth of this maxim. Unlike many of the legal systems of the east and west, it avoids all useless redundancies, and represents in a concise form, the laws which are intended to govern the courts of justice. Further, following the bent of the national mind, it does not concern itself only with the duties of men as citizens, but follows them into their homes and provides legislation for their social conduct, their relations in the family, and even for the clothes which they should wear. Regarded as a whole it is obvious that its provisions are mainly directed to keeping the people quiet and loyal. The Emperor is surrounded with enactments which are in- tended to ensure that such divinity shall hedge him in " that treason can but peep to what it would," and every disturbing motive and exciting cause is studiously suppressed among his subjects. The code begins by enumerating the pun- ishments to be inflicted for offences, and defines them as (i) flogging with a straight polished piece of bamboo, the branches cut away and reduced to five Chinese feet five inches in length, varying in breadth from one to two inches, and in weight from one and a half to two Chinese pounds, and when used to be held by the smaller end ; (2) the canque, consisting of " a square frame of dry wood, 180 three feet long, two feet nine inches broad, and weighing in ordinary cases twenty-five pounds," which is carried on the shoulders; (3) the capital punishment, which is inflicted either by strangulation or by the execu- tioner's sword. Most punishments for the less serious crimes are redeemable by fines, and even capital sentences, in such cases as are not legally excluded from the benefits of general acts of grace and pardon, are commutable for sums of money varying in amount with the heinousness of the crime and with the wealth of the criminal. A man sentenced to a hundred blows with the bamboo can save his skin by the payment of five ounces of silver, and an officer above the fourth rank who is sentenced to be strangled may avoid the cord by paying twelve thousand ounces into the coffers of the state. Pardon Often Granted. But besides these pecuniary modifications, there are certain conditions which are held to justify the mitigation of sentences. In the case of an offender surrendering himself to justice, he shall, in some circumstances, be entitled to a reduction of two degrees of punishment, and in others he absolves himself from all consequences by giving himself up. If, again, "an offender under sentence of death for an offence not excluded from the contingent benefit of an act of grace, shall have parents or grandparents who are sick, infirm or aged above seventy years, and who have no other son or rmnd- THE PUNISHMENT OF CRIMINALS. 181 dec! t of ents enty and- son above the age of sixteen to support them, this circumstance shall be submitted to the consideration of His Imperial Ma- jesty." lu any case offenders under fifteen years of age, or over seventy, are allowed to re- deem themselves from any punishment less than capital. Even when the crime is capital, if the offender is less than ten or more than eighty, his case, unless he be charged with treason, is to be recommended to the con- sideration of the Emperor; antl no punish- ment, except for treason and rebellion, shall be visited on those who are less than seven or more than ninety. Flogging and Imprisonment. Especial regulations lighten punishments to be inflicted on four classes of the popula- tion. Astronomers sentenced to banish- ment may submit to one hundred blows with the bamboo instead, and redeem them- selves from further punishment, unless they have been guilty of "poisoning, murdering, wounding, robbing, stealing, killing by magic, or of any such offences as may subject the party to the punishment of being branded." Artificers and musicians who have incurred sentences of banishment may be flogged, and, instead of being sent to Central yVsia, may be kept in the magistrate's yanuui aiul employed in the service of government; while women who are sentenced to banish- ment can always redeem themselves by pay- ing a fine. In cases where women are convicted of offences punishable by flogging, it is pro- \ided that they shall be allowed to wear their upper garment unless the crime should be adultery, when that privilege is withdrawn. Such are some of the main provisions which condition the laws laid down in the code. These appl>' with strange minuteness to all sorts and conditions of men, from the Emperor in his palace down to actors who are regarded as the meanest of his subjects. In every kingdom and lilmpire the life and repose of the sovereign is jealously guarded by all the precautions which the law can provide, and in eastern countries, where the dagger and poison are the constant terror of potentates, the preventive measures are always carefully devised. No doubt many of the observances prac- ticed at the Chinese Court, such, for instance, as standing with the hands joined as in sup- plication, and kneeling when addressing the sovereign, were instituted as safeguards from harbored weapons or from violence. In the code, pains and penalties of every intensity are laid down as the portion of those who directly or indirectly raise any suspicion of evil design against the throne. Barbarous Punishments. Any one passing without jjroper authoriz- ation through any of the gates of the Fur- bidden City incurs a hundred blows of the bamboo. This law is invariably enforced, and quite lately the Pckin Gazette announced the infliction of the penalty on a trespasser, and the degradati(jn of the ofiicer of the guard at the gate through which he had en- tered. Death by strangulation is the punish- ment due to any stranger found in any of the Emperor's apartments ; and with that curious introspection which Chinese laws profess, any one passing the jialace gate with the intention of going in, although he does not tlo so, is to lia\e a definite number of blows with tile bamboo. E\ery workman engaged within the palace has a pass given to him, on which is a detailed description of his figure and appearance, and which he is bouiul to give up to the officer of the identical gate I?: I! ^11! 182 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. through which he was admitted. To carry drugs or weapons into the Forbidden City is to court a flogging in addition to perpetual banishment, and any one " who shall shoot arrows or bullets, or fling bricks or stones towards the Imperial temple, or towards any Imperial palace, shall suffer death by being strangled at the usual period." No convicted person or relative of a con- thereon while the Emperor's retinue is pass- ing is to be strangled. If the Emperor ar- rives unexpectedly at a place, "it shall be sufficient for those who are unable to retire in time, to prostrate themselves humbly on the roadside." But there are other and more insidious dangers than these to be guarded against. Doctors and cooks have it readily within CHLNKSK MODKS OF TURTUKK. victed person is to be employed about the Imperial city, and any one found disputing \ or quarrelling within the precincts of the palace is to be punished with fifty blows. If the quarrelling leads to a personal encounter the penalty is doubled. Even the roads along which the Emperor travels and the j bridges which he crosses are not to be pro- I faned by vulgar use, and any one intruding their power to do all the evil that the da jLjcr or club can accomplish, and it is, theref -ve, enacted that if a physician inadvertenly mixes medicines for the Emperor in any manner that is not sanctioned by established practice, or if a cook unwittingly introduces any prohibited ingredients into the dishes prepared for his Imperial master, they shall each receive a hundred blows. The same THE PUNISHMENT OF CRIMINALS. 183 ref lie, jrtenly n any )lishccl jtluccs dishes shall same punishment is due to the cook, if he puts any unusual drug into an article of food, and, in addition, he is compelled to swallow the compound. Marriage is regarded as an incentive to political peace and quiet. It is con.sidered, and rightly considered, that a householder is less likely to disturb the peace of the realm than a waif and stray, and the Government therefore considers marriage a subject worthy of careful legislation. In Chinese parlance the State is the father and mother of the people, and it is part of its office to see that parents do not neglect their duty in this respect towards their offspring. Shall Receive Fifty Blows. When a marriage contract is in contem- plation it shall be made plain to both of the families interested that neither the bride nor bridegroom are " diseased, infirm, aged, or under age." If, no objection having been raised on any of these .scores, the preliminary contract be made and the lady aftenvards wish to decline to execute it, the person who had authority to give her away shall receive fifty blows, and the marriage shall be at once completed. If a son, when at a distance from his family, enters into a marriage con- tract in ignorance of an engagement which his father may have made on his behalf at home, he shall give up his own choice and shall fulfil the contract made for him by his parent. Rigamy is punished with ninety blows, and the same fate awaits any man who, dur- ing the lifetime of his wife, raises a concubine to the rank which she enjoys. The times and seasons proper for marriages are, in western lands, left to individual taste and judgment; but in China, where etiquette is a matter of State policy, it is necessary to lay down rules for the guidance of the people in such mat- ters. The same authority which makes it incumbent on a son on the death of his father or mother to go unshaved for a hun- dred days, and if he is in office to retire into private life for twenty-seven months, forbids him to marry while in mourning for a parent, under a penalty of a hundred blows for dis- obedience. The same punishment is to be inflicted on any misguided widow who embraces a second husband before her weeds should be legally dispensed with ; while the frisky widow, who, having been ennobled by the Emperor during the lifetime of her first husband, should dare to marry again, is ordered to be bambooed, to lose her rank, and to be separated from her second venture. Strict Matrimonial Laws. Marriage is strictly forbidden within cer- tain recognized degrees of relationship, and even persons of the same surname who in- termarry are liable to separation, and to for- feit the wedding presents to Government. Indeed, the matrimonial prohibitions au; both numerous and far-reaching. A man may not marry an absconded female criminal — a law, one would imaj^ine, which it cannnt often be necessary to enforce. A mandarin may not marry the dauujhter of any one living under his rule, nor may he make eitiicr a female mu.sician or comedian his wife. A priest of Buddha or of T pounds, and is one of five of the same weight and size which were cast by order of the Emperor Yunglo (1403- 1 42 5). Like all Chinese bells, it is struck from outside with a mallet, and its tones resound through the city to announce the changes of the watch. Jacks of All Trades. A feature in the workaday life of China is the number of itinerant craftsmen who earn their livelihood on the streets. Every domestic want, from the riveting of a bro- ken saucer to shaving a man's head, is supplied by these useful peripatetics. If a man's jacket wants mending, or his shoes re- pairing, he summons a passing tailor and cobbler, and possibly, while waiting for his mended clothes, employs the services of a travelling barber to phiit his queue, or it may be to clean his ears from accumulated wax. Even blacksmiths carry about with them the very simple instruments of their trade, and the bellows which blow the flame are commonly so constructed as to serve when required as a box for the tools and for a seat to rest the owner when weary. It is characteristic of Chinese topsy-turvy- dom that that class of society which has done most to promote the material prosperity of the nation, should, in theory at least, be placed on the lowest round of the social ladder. The principle, "that those who think must govern those who toil," is justly upheld in China, but why the men who have made her the rich country which she is, and who have carried the fame of her wealth and power into every market in Asia, should be subordinate in the social scale to laborers and mechanics it is difficult to understand. The merchants and traders of China have gained the respect and won the admiration of all those who have been brought into con- tact with them. For honesty and integrity they have earned universal praise, and on this point a Shanghai bank manager, in acknowl- edging a valedictory address, presented to him on his leaving the country, bore the following testimony: "I have," he said, " referred to the high commercial standing of the foreign community. The Chinese are in no way behind us in that respect ; in fact, I know of no people in the world I would sooner trust than the Chinese merchant and banker. I may mention that for the last twenty-five years the bank has been doing a very large business with Chinese at Shanghai, amounting, I should say, to hundreds of millions of taels, and we have never yet met with a defaulting Chinaman." Chinese Merchant Princes. It was such men as these that built up the commerce which excited the wonder and ad- miration of Marco Polo and other early European travellers ; and it is to their labors and to those of their descendants that the existence of the crowded markets, the teem- ing wharfs and the richly laden vessels of the present day are due. However much in theory the Chinese may despise their mer- chant princes, their intelligence gains them a position of respect, and their riches assure them consideration at the hands of the man- darins, who are never backward in drawing on their overflowing coffers. It is noticeable that while novelists are never tired of satirizing the cupidity of the mandarins, the assumption of the literati, and the viciousness of the priesthood, they refrain from reflections on a class which at CUINKSE MECHANICS AND MKRCIIANTS. 1U3 least Ijonestly toils and only asks to be allowed to reap the rewards of its own im- tirin^j industry. As for everything else in China, a vast aiitiiiuity is claimed for the beyiiininy of commerce. In the earliest n.itive works extant men- tion occurs of the eflbrts made to barter the products of one district for those of another, and to dispose of the super- fluous goods of China by exchange with the merchandise of the neighboring countries. The subject was not consid- ered beneath the notice of the earliest philosophers, and Confucius on several occasions gave utterance to his views on the matter. Wise as many of his sayings were, it is a fact tl'at his dicta on practical affairs were for the most part either plati- tudes or fallicies. It is not difficult to determine in which class his best quoted pronouncement on trade should be placed. " Let the pro- ducers," said the .sage, " be many and / the consumers few. Let there be activity in the production and economy in the expenditure. Then the wealth will al- ways be ample." It might have occurred even to Con- fucius that, if the producers of a certain commodity were in the majority, and the consumers in the minority, the only people who could possibly benefit would be the few, more especially if they further reduced the demand for the product by following the philosopher's advice and practising economy in the use of it. Fortunately, the merchants of China have not found it necessary to accept Confucius as an infallible guide in mer- cantile concerns ; and they, in common with the rest of their countrymen, have benefited by the disenthralment from the bondage which still binds the literary 13 classes to the chariot-wheels of the sage. The same problems which were at an early PAGODA AND VASES. date worded out in the commercial centres of Europe have been presented for solution to the frequenters of the marts in the Flowery Mi 1!»1 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. Land, and occasion as much controversy as they did long ago. Long before the establishment by Lom- bard Jews of banks in Italy (A. D. 808), the money-changers of China were affording their customers all the help and convenience which belong to the banking system ; and three hundred years before the establish- ment at Stockholm of the first bank which issued notes in Europe, paper currency was passing freely through all the provinces of the Empire. A later development of trade has been the adoption of guilds, whose Imlls are often among the handsomest build- ings to be nicl with in the busy centres of trade. For Mutual Protection. The idea first took shape inacurious way. Provincial mandarins on visiting the capital found that they were quite unable to cope singly with the exactions of the officials and the insults which their local pronunciations and provincial attires drew upon them from the people. They determined, therefore, to combine for niutual protection, and to estab- lish guilds as common centres for protection ill case of need, and for the more congenial purpose of social intercourse. Strange as it may seem to those who only hear of the opposition shown by Chinamen to foreigners, it is yet a fact that a like host- ility, though in a mitigated form, is com- monly displayed towards natives of other provinces and districts. Like the provincial mandarins at Pekin, travelling merchants found the advantage of being of being able to show a united front to the annoyances -which they suffered from the natives of " outside provinces," and, following the ex- ample set in the capital, they founded pro- vincial guilds in all parts of the country where trade or pleasure made their presence either necessary or convenient. Natives of Canton visiting Chehkiang or Hunan are now no longer subjected to the insults to which they were accustomed at the native inns. In their provincial guilds they may count on security and comfort, and, if merchants, they are sure to find among the frequenters of the clubs, either customers for their goods or vendors of the products which they may wish to buy. The more strictly mercantile guilds serve invalu- able purposes in the promotion of trade. Each is presided over by a president, who is helped in the administration by a specially elected committee and a permanent secretary. This last is generally a graduate, and thus in virtue both of his literary rank and of his connection with the guild has ready access to the mandarins of the district. Through his instrumentality disputes are arranged, litigation is often prevented, and the Lekin taxes due from the members of the guild for the passage of their goods into the interior of the country are compounded for by lump sums. Where Revenue Comes From. The revenue of the guilds is derived from a payment of one-tenth of one per cent, on all sales effected by members. At first sight this percentage appears insignificant, but so great is the volume of internal trade, that the amount realized not only covers every requirement, but furnishes a surplus for lux- urious feasts. In one guild at Ningpo the reserve fund was lately stated to be 700,000 dollars, to which must be added the amount realized by the deposit exacted from each new member of 3,000 dollars. A Japan leads one to hope that the day is not far dis- tant when the slow-moving Chineman will be induced to follow in the footsteps of their more advanced neighbor. Until quite re- cently the position of women in the Land of the Rising Sun was every whit as unworthy as that now occupied by their Chinese sisters. Happily the experience gained in western lands has taught the Japanese that the un- trammelled society of educated and pure- minded women exercises a wholesome and elevating effect on a nation. With the intuitive perception which they possess for what is best and wisest in foreign systems, they have, by a course of sound education, begun to prepare the women of the country for the new position which it is intended that they should occupy, and already an example is being set by the em- press and other leaders of fashion, of the better part they are expected to play. This change cannot be without its influence on China, and though we know that the sur- face of small pools is more easily agitated than the face of larger waters, yet it cannot but be that the spirit of reform which is now abroad will influence even the sluggish tem- perament of the Chinese nation, and will eventually stir to the depths the minds of this hitherto changeless people. CHAPT^ER XII. VARIETIES OF CHINESE LIFE. IT may be asked in surprise why no mention has been made of the profes- sional classes — the doctors, the law- yers and others ; and the answer may be returned in the words of the celebrated chapter on the snakes in Iceland, " There are none." That is to say, there are none in the sense to which we are accustomed. There are plenty of doctors, but they can only be described as belonging; to a profes- sional class in the sense in which itinerant quacks, who profess to cure all the ills which flesh is heir to by bread pills, can lay claim to that distinction. They are the merest empirics, and, having no fear of medical colleges or examination tests before their eyes, prey on the folly and ignorance of the people without let or hindrance. The physicians who are privileged to pre- scribe for the Emperor are the only mem- bers of the profession to whom failure means disgrace. When the late Empcior was at- tacked by small-pox, an improvement in his symptoms with which the doctor's skill was credited, brought a shower of distinctions on the fortunate physicians. Unhappily for them, however, the disease took a fatal turn, and when his Imperial Majesty " ascended on a dragon to be a guest on high," the lately- promoted doctors were degraded from their high estate, and were stripped of every title to honor. Such of the drugs in common use as have any curative properties are derived from herbs, while the rest are probably useless when not absolutely harmful. No Harvey has yet risen to teach the Chinese laws of the circulation of the blood, nor has the study of anatomy disclosed to them the secrets of the human frame. Amputation is never resorted to, it being a part the creed of the people that any mutilation of the body is an act of disrepect to the parents from whom it was received ; and cases have constantly occurred where mandarins, who have met with violent acci- dents, and who have been assured by foreign doctors that amputation alone could save their lives, have deliberately chosen to go to their graves rather than lose a limb. On the same principle, a criminal condemned to die considers himself fortunate if he is allowed to make his exit by strangulation or the hang- man's cord rather than by decapitation. Doctors Poorly Paid. Between the ignorance of the doctors and the fees they receive, there is a just ratio. No physician, in his wildest moments of ambition, expects t(j receive more than a dollar for a visit, and many are not paid more than a fifth of that sum. But, what- ever the amount may be, due care is taken to wrap the silver in ornamental paper bearing the inscription " golden thanks." On entering the presence of his patient the doctor's first act is to feel the pulses on both wrists. Not only are they entirely ignorant of the difference between arteries and veins, but they believe that the pulses of the wrists communicate with, and indicate the condition of, the different organs of the body. By the 213 I 214 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. ' make patent the disorder c patient is suffering, recourse beating of the pulse of the left arm they pro- fess to read the state of the heart, while that on the right represents the health of the lungs and liver. If these guides are deemed insufficient t under viiii... is had to the tongue, which is supposed to yield a sure augury of the nature of the malady. Si'itu'ar Notions. Their g ^at ob:c.:t is, as they say, "to strengthen the i)r .' i , .i: down the phlegm, equalize and warm xhf b^ood, repress the bun' .s, pi' S"" the livt., oovc- noxious matter^, imp.o. c th apnei: tii.iulate the gate of life, and restore havMou . . dual system of heat and cold pervades, they be- lieve, the human frame, and it is when one of these constituents is in excess that illness supervenes. The Chinese delight in numeri- cal categories, and they profess to find in the five elements of which they believe a man's body to be composed, an intimate relation to the five planets, the five tastes, the five colors, and the five metals. " The heart," they say, " is the husband, and the lungs are the wife." and if these two main organs cannot be brought to act in har- mony, evil at once arises. In the native pharmacopoeia there are enumerated four hundred and forty -two principal medicines as being in common use. Of these three hun- dred and fourteen are derived from vegeta- ble products, fifty from minerals, and seventy- eight from animal substances. Among the monstrous tonics prescribed by the Galens of China, are asbestos, stalac- tite, fresh tops of stag-horns, dried red spotted lizard-skins, dog-flesh, human milk, tortoise-shell, bones and teeth of dragons, shavings of rhinoceros-horns, and other pos- sible and impossible nostrums. Two thou- sand years B. C. the Emperor Hwangti wrote, it is said, a work on the healing art. In the centuries which have elapsed since that time little advance has been made in the science, the principal exceptions being a knowledge of acupuncture and of vaccination. It is uncertain when acupuncture was first practiced in China, but the faith of the people in its efficacy for all cases of rheumatic affec- tions and for dyspepsia is unbounded. So soon as the physician has made up his mind that a particular bone or muscle is in a state of inflammation, he thrusts a substantial steel needle into the part affected, and stirs it ruthlessly about. Happily for the patients, their race is heir to a lymphatic temperament which preserves it from many of the evils which would certainly arise from such treat- ment among a more inflammatory people. Thrusting in a Needle. The treatment for dyspepsia is even more calculated to produce danger and disorders than that applied to the joints and bones. A Chinese doctor does not hesitate to thrust the needle into the patient's stomach or liver, and the system of blistering wounds thus caused adds considerably to the danger sur- rounding the operation. For many years the Chinese have em- ployed inoculation as a preventive against small-pox, but it was not till the arrival at Canton of Dr. Pearson, in 1820, that the knowledge of vaccination was introduce d into the Empire. A pamphlet on the sub- ject, translated into Chinese by Sir George Staunton, spread the knowledge of the art far and wide, and though by no means uni- versally used, it still allays to some degree the terrible scourge of small-pox which is ever present in China. It is seldom that a child escapes from an attack of the disease, and the percentage of deaths is always con- VARIETIES OF CHINESE LIFE. 215 siderable, enough to create a panic among people better informed. In the north of the country, it has been observed that the disease becomes epidemic every winter. The reason for this regular recurrence of the malady is probably to be found in the fact that the infection clings to the fur clothes worn by the people, which are, as a rule, sent to the pawnshops on the return of every spring, and are only brought out again on the approach of winter. Throughout all the central and southern provinces leprosy is endemic. In the pro- vince of Canton it is reckoned that there are ten thousand people afflicted with this terri- ble malady. Though it is not regarded as infectious, contagion is avoided ; and outside most of the large cities there are leper vil- lages, where the victims to the disease are supposed to segregate. The Horrible Leprosy. The law on this subject is not, however, strictly enforced, and in the .streets of such cities as Canton, for example, beggars suf- fering from the disease appeal for alms to the passers-by by exposing their swollen and decaying limbs to their gaze. Many are the strange remedies resorted to for cures in the first stages of the malady, but so soon as the disease is fully developed, the wretched sufferers resign themselves to their fate. It is recognized among the natives, as has been found to be the case elsewhere, that it is only by constant association with a leper that there is danger of infection, and that cleanliness is as potent a protection against the disease as damp climates and unhealthy food are promoters of it. Epidemics of cholera and diphtheria sweep periodically over the land, and the people are powerless to allay their progress or to diminish their intensity. Though they have succeeded in reaching that stage in which disease is recognized as a departure from the usual and harmonious working of the organism, they have yet never learnt, in the words of Harvey, "to search and study out the secrets of nature by way of experi- ment." Charms for Cholera. In the presence of cholera, instead of tak- ing any medical precautions, they have re- course to charms, to the worship of their gods, and, as a religious exercise, to the practice of vegetarianism. Being deprived, therefore, of every rational weapon with which to combat the malady, one would be inclined to expect that the disease would be endemic, instead of only epidemic. If the theory of infection is without qualification true, and, if no precautions whatever are taken to prevent the spread of the disease, it would be only natural to suppose that the areas of infection would increase and mul- tiply. No care is taken to isolate the patients ; no such safeguard is invoked as the destruc- tion of the clothes of the victims, whose dead bodies are frequently allowed to remain encoflfined in the dwellings of the survivors. And yet the outbreak disappears almost as suddenly as it came, leaving no trace behind it except in the sad memories of tho.se who mourn the loss of relatives and friends. The natives believe that the outbreaks are the re- sults of atmospheric conditions, and they assert that they have seen the evil approach in the shape of clouds, which have swept over provinces, leaving disease and death in their train. Some color is given to this theory by the fact, as already stated, that the disease comes and goes without any ap- parent cause, and certainly not as a result of any unusual sanitary or unsanitary conditions. 21C CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. Much the same may be said of the out- breaks of diphtheria, which constantly prove so fatal in the north of the country. In a recent epidemic in Pekin, it was stated by a resident linglish doctor that in a l.ouschold of twenty-si.x persons, twenty-four were car- ried off by this fatal disease. Indeed, the whole history of epidemics in China seems to siifjgcst that we have not yet arrived at the true solution cither of the origin of the out- breaks or of the cause of their cessation. As in most Eastern countries, the cities Tin: GKliAT W.M.L Ol' CHINA. and villages of Cliina swarm with mangy and half-starved curs of all degrees. Ill fed, uncared for, these scavengers range through the streets and lanes, picking up a precarious livelihood from the refuse which is thrown out as unfit for the food of either man or beast. If we add to these conditions that the climate over the greater part of the lunpire is almost tropical in its heat, and that the water available to slake the thirst of the dogs is none of the purest, it will be admitted that no surrounding is wanting to promote and encourage outbreaks of hydrophobia. It is a remarkable fact, however, that, though the disease e.vists, it is not more pre- valent than it is. Chinese doctors recognize it, and their medical works treat of it, de- scribing both the .symptoms and the remedies for its cure. One well-known authority gives the following prescription as a sure and un- failing treatment for the victims of the malady ; " Take the curd of the black pea dried and pulverized, mi.x it with liemp oil, and form it into a large ball ; roll this over the wound for some time, then break it open and the inside will present a hair- like appearance. :-% " Continue the rolling until, on /^. breaking it open, it is found to have lost the hair-like aspect. The pa- tient must avoid eating dog-flesh or silkworms, and he must not drink wine or inhale the fragrance from hemp for a hundred days. Neither may he eat with safety diseased meat or anything in a state of decomposition. He must daily partake of plum kernels. When the poison of the dog has entered the heart of the victim, and has produced feelings of misery and wretchedness, the stomach swells, and there is an abundant secretion of saliva ; it is then proper to try the effect of the skull, teeth, and toes of a tiger ground up, and given in wine in doses of one fifth of an ounce. If a speedy cure does not follow, the person becomes mad, and barks like a dog. The eyes become white and glaring, and death quickly ensues." These remedies are of a kind that are used in many of the other diseases which afflict Chinese humanity,and are equally efficacious. Tumors are very common amongst the Chi»'"^e, and as the use of the knife is prac- : a VARIETIES OF CHINESE LIFE. 217 tically forbidden, the sufierers fail to get that relief which a knowledge of practical surgery would, in a great majority of cases, readily procure for chem. With a knowledge so imperfect, and a profound ignorance of physical science, it is not surprising that the Chinese should be firm believers in the magical arts. Second sight, miraculous interpositions, and super- natural appearances are common-places in their systems of belief Not only in the novels and story-books which delight the people, but in the more serious works of philosophers and students, we find constant references to these occult phenomena. Messages from the land of spirits are de- livered by means of the planchctte, which is skilfully manipulated and interpeted by the cunning professors of the art ; and the fig- ures and features of individuals whom the gazers desire to see are produced in mirrors by the exercise of that ready imagination which belongs to the credulous. Fortune- telling by means of astrology is regarded as a genuine science, and the law protects those who practice it from the punishment which is prescribed for those charlatans who follow less established methods. That Famous Stone. From all time the philosopher's stone has been regarded as a verity, and it is confi- dently asserted that tiie Taoist philosophers of antiquity were able by its means to achieve the conversion of dross into the precious metals. History tells us of Emperors and statesmen who have exhausted their lives and treasures in attempting to discover this priceless stone, and the elixir of longevity. The inevitable failures in which the efforts of these men have ended, has doubtless con- vinced the more educated classes of the futility of the search. But, like all popular superstitions, this one dies hard among the ignorant population, and there are at the present daj- many thousands in China who confidently believe in the possibility of manufacturing gold, and of prolonging life indefinitely. A less base- less superstition is the faith of the people in the plant known as ginseng. The properties of this plant are said to be invigorating and life-giving. To the debauchee it gives strength, and to the old man it gives vitality and power. So precious are these qualities that the best plants are in theory reserved entirely for the Emperor's use. How Revenue is Raised. A large proportion of the revenue of Corea is derived from the export duty levied on this plant, and one of the principal streets of Pekin is devoted to the sale of it. The plant grows from twelve to eighteen inches in height, with five long leaves on each stalk like a horse-chestnut. In spring it bears a cluster of purple flowers on the top of the stem, replaced in summer-time by bright red berries, which the searchers for the root look out for. Only Emperors and millionaires can afford the genuine article, for a root four or five inches long realizes perhaps fiftj' dollars. Extravagant as this figure may seem, it is a moderate computa- tion, and not infrequently a thousand taels of silver are paid for a pound's weight of the root. The plant is grown in Manchuria as well as in Corea, and the returns for 1890 state that the export duty from Manchuria into China realized in that year four hundred and fifty thousand taels. This sum does not, however, by any means represent the amount of the plant exported. Its rare value, the small compass in which it can be carried, the greed of the peasants, and 218 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. the corruption rife amongst the customs of- ficials, all tend to encouraj^e smuggling. That an illicit trade in the root is com- monly carried on is fully recognized by the Government, who have enacted that any one found attempting to smuggle more than ten taels weight of the medicine is to be for- warded to the Board of Punishments at Pekin, and that, in case of a less amount being in question, the case may be dealt with by local authorities. Quack Lawyers. In legal affairs the people are even worse off than in the matter of medical advice. They have no one to give them, for love or money, even as much help as is to be got for the body at the apothecaries' stalls. The only legal advisers are those clerks and secretaries who guide the mandarins by the light of the penal code to a right judgment in all matters entailing a knowledge of law. Like magistrates' clerks among ourselves, they are carefully trained in legal practice, and were they but free from the itching palm which distinguishes the official classes, they would be a most useful section of the com- munity. Having a tabulated code to which they are bound by law to conform, less knowledge and ingenuity are required to equip them for their profession than is the case with our lawyers. The absence of public opinion, also, shelters them from criti- cism, and leaves them practically a free hand, mitigated only by the fear of a pos- sibly inquisitive censor, to work their will either for good or ill among the people. The strange continuity of the Chinese Empire is, in the opinion of some, to be at- tributed to the respect with which the fifth commandment of the Decalogue is observed, and as this observance of filial piety is re- garded as the fundamental virtue of social life, it is worthy of our careful attention, and withal of our imitation. Being held in this supreme estimation, it is needless to say that Confucius laid great stress upon it. He deplored that he was not able to serve his father, being dead, as he ex- pected his son to serve him, and he defined the virtue as consisting in not being disobedi- ent, in serving the parent when alive accord- ing to propriety, when dead in burying him according to propriety, and in sacrificing to him according to propriety. The manner of performing this duty, like other Confuciaa instructions, is laid down with curious minute- ness. Duties to Parents. At cock-crow it is the duty of the son or daughter, who should first be dressed with scrupulous care, to go to their parents' apart- ments to inquire after their welfare, and to attend to their wants, and he or she, more commonly she, must so continue at their beck and call until the night again closes upon them. Those duties must not be per- formed in a perfunctory way, but everything must be done with the expression of cheer- fulness, and filial respect and love. "When his parents are in error," says the- Book of Rites, " the son, with a humble spirit, pleasing countenance, and gentle tone, must point it out to them. If they do not receive his reproof he must strive more and more to be dutiful and respectful towards them until they are pleased, and then he must again point out their error. And if the parents, irritated and displeased, chastise their son until the blood flows from him, even then he must not dare to harbor the least resentment; but, on the contrary, should treat them with increased respect and dutifulness." This kind of devotion to parents seems so VARIETIES OF CHINESE LIFE. 21& strained and artificial that one would be i tempted at first sight to imagine that it rep- resents merely an ideal, were it not that the records of the past and the experiences of the present reveal the existence of a precisely similar practice. For many centuries the youth of both sexes — for though daughters do not partake of the privileges of sons, they share in all their duties — have had held up to them twenty-four instances of filial piety for their guidance and imitation. Stories of Filial Piety. They are told, for instance, of a man named Lai, who, in order to make his parents forget their great age, being himself an elderly person, used to dress himself in parti- colored embroidered garments like a child, and disport himself before them for their amusement. They are told of a lad whose parents were too poor to provide themselves with mosquito curtains, and who used to lie naked near their bed that the insects might attack hi.n unrestrainedly, and thus cease to annoy his parents. They are told of a poor man who, finding it impossible to support both his mother and his child, proposed to his wife that they should bury the child alive, for, said he, " another child may be born to us, but a mother, once gone, will never return." His wife having consented, the man dug a hole of the depth of three cubits, when lo! he came upon a pot of gold, bearing the fol- lowing inscription : " Heaven bestows this treasure on a dutiful son ; the magistrate may not sieze it, nor shall the neighbors take it from him." In this story we have an instance of Chinese filial piety, and an illustration of the effect of the Confucian warning against a selfish attachment to wife and children. It is a commonplace of Chinese morality that one or all of these should readily be sacrificed in the interests of parents, and it is interesting to find that this man, who is said to have been saved by a miracle from com- mitting murder, has been handed down through more than twenty centuries as a model of virtue. It is unnecessary to quote any more of the twenty-four instances, but it is instructive to glance at the state of things existing at the present day, as depicted in the Pckin Gazette, where cases may be met with which are scarcely less singular than those already referred to. It is not long since that the great Viceroy- Li Hung Chang besought the Emperor that a memorial arch might be erected in honor of a man within his jurisdiction. This person had been, we are told, from his youth up a devoted student of the ancient odes from a knowledge of which he early imbibed the- principles of filial piety. With devotion he waited upon his widowed mother during her life-time, and when she died he was pros- trated with grief and misery. Guarding a Tomb Eight Years. In his loving devotion he was quite unable to tear himself away from her tomb, by the side of which he took up his abode day and night for eight years, being protected from the sun by day and the dews by night by a shed which his neighbors erected over him as he lay on the ground. Since that time he has devoted himself to distributing medicine among the sick, and to reading the book of "Filial Piety " to his neighbors. Such filial piety should not, the viceroy thought, be left unnoticed, and he therefore suggested the erection of a memorial arch, which was graciously accorded. But the strangest development of this virtue is the practice favored by dutiful sons and daughters of cutting off pieces of their own flesh to make soup for their aged or in- «l 220 CHINA: PAST AND I'RKSKNT. disposed parents. A notable example of this was reported to the throne some time ago by the same viceroy, who seems fortu- nate in the number of filial sons and daughters within his jurisdiction. This particular in.stance refers to a young lady, a Miss Wang, who from her earliest years "exhibited a decorous propriety of conduct coupled with a love of study. She LI-HUNG CHANG, VICEROY OF CHINA was a diligent reader of Liu Hiang's " Lives of Virtuous Women," and the poems of Muh Lan. At the age of thirteen, when her parents' desire to betroth her reached her ears, she retired to her room, and, with a pointed weapon, drew blood from her arm, with which she wrote a sentence announcing her intention to remain single in order that she might devote herself to the care of her par- ents. At the age of eighteen she again refu.scd a proposed matrimonial alliance; and when the remains of her fathe ' her second brother, who had perish ■. the capture of Wuchang by the rebels, were brought back to Kaoyeo, she exclaimed, with tears, that since she could not leave her mother to follow her father to the grave, she would at least varnish his coffin with her blood Thereupon she gashed her arm with a knife, ; Ilow- ing a stream of blood to mingle with the lacquer of the coffin. She had reached the age of twenty-six when her father's obseq' s were completed, and i her mother and elc. ^thcr urged her to marry, but she steadfastly declined, and devoted herself to waiting upon licr mother, with whom she shortly after- wards removed to Choh Chow, on her brother re- ceiving an appointment at Pekin as a reward for his father's services. She allowed no hands but her own to wait upon her mother, and when, in 1862, her mother was at- tacked with a dangerous illness, she cut a piece of flesh from her left thigh to be admin- istered as a remedy. In less than a year, a fresh attack of illness supervened, when she cut a piece of flesh from her right thigh, recovery ensuing as before. On subsequent occasions, when her parent was suffering from slight ailments, she ap- plied burning incense sticks to her arms and h, VARIETIES OF CUINKSH LlFlv •21 used the calcined flesh to mingle with the remedies prescribed, and always with suc- cessful results. After her mother's death, in 1872, she re- fused all sustenance during a period of three days, and was afterwards with difficulty per- suaded to taste food. Her brother shortly afterwards died, whereupon she escorted his remains to the ancestral home at Kaoyeo, and afterwards returning thence performed the same journey once more in attendance on her mother's coffin. "The devotion and energy she had dis- played," adds the viceroy, "exceed what might be expected from one of the opposite sex, and it is solicited, in view of th< wide repute which has been gained by her \ irtues at Choh Chow, that a monument may be erected in her honor undc i" imperial sanc- tion." Position of Women. The surprise expressed by the viceroy that a woman should be capable of ardent filial piety affords some indication of the esteem in which women are held in China. From their cradles to their graves they stand at a distinct disa Jvantage as compared with men. In the ancient t)ook of odes mention is made of the custom of giving tiles to female infants for playthings, and sceptres to boys ; and in the same way throughout their careers \vomen are regarded as "moulded out of faults," and as being al- together unworthy of equal fellowship with men. Following in the footsteps of their ancient philosophers. Chinamen have learnt to re- gard women with disdain and, in ignorance of the good that is in them, to credit them with much that is evil. Some of the char- acters in which the language is written afford an apt illustration of this perverted idea. The ciiaracter used to represent a woman is a corruption <»f an Accadian heiroglyphic meaning the same thing. When we have two women together the comjjound is in- tended to convey the meaning of "to wrangle." The addition of a third woman makes a .symbol for " intrigue," and in con- firmation of the idea conveyed by these characters, wc find the compound composed of "women" and "together" means "to suspect," " to dislike," " to loathe. ' An Old Saying. It was a saying reverenced among the Chinese that a woman should never be heard of outside of her home, an idea which is still preserved in the symbol for "rest," "quiet," which is a woman under lier domestic roof. This ideograph is singularly appropriate in a country where women are in much the same untutored state as that enjoyed by Turkish ladies when Byron wrote — " No chc .stry for them unfolds its j;;ases , Xo 11- .aphysics are let loose in lectures ; No circulating library niiiasses Religious novels, moral tales, and strictures Upon the living manners r.3 they pass us ; No exhibition glares '.itli annual jMctures ; They stare not on the stars froiii out their attics. Nor deal (thank God for that !) in niutheniatics. " Nu husband or male relative ever appears outside his own portal in company with his wife or female belongings, and social inter- course is thus entirely robbed of the soften- ing influences and elevating tendencies which are everj'wherc due to the presence of women. It is a mistake, however, to sup- pose that women do not in many respects hold their own, even in the oppressive atmos- phere of China ; for there, as elsewhere, as Rosalind says in the play, " Make the doors upon a woman's wit, and it will out at the casement ; shut that, and 'twill out at the ■Jf ^22 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. keyhole ; stop that, 'twill fly with the smoke out at the chimney." But their sphere of influence is confined to their own homes. If they have friends and acquaintances elsewhere, they .ire among the ladies in other households, to whom they pay visits in closed sedan-chairs — of course, this has references to the wealthy classes — and to whose dwellings they are ad- mitted by the side doors. In the .'^ame half furtive manner they receive the return visits and entertain their friends in the "fragrant apartments," from which even the head of the household is rigidly excluded. What we call society is therefore confined to the men, who pay visits, give dinners, and enjoy picnics and excursions like people of all countries. Long Dinners. The only dinner-parties, therefore, of which the outside world has any knowledge are those which lose to us half their attractions by being robbed of the presence of ladies, and which are rendered abnormally tedious by their great length. " 'Tis merrj- in hall Where beards wag all," says the old ballad, and Chinamen seem to be of the same opinion. Before the guests are seated a long and protracted struggle ensues to induce the punctiliously modest guests to take the places assigned to them. When this formality is satisfactorily ar- ranged, innumerable courses are served, with long intervals of waiting, which would be excessively wearying were they not en- livened either by theatricals or some game such as the Italian Morra, in which he who makes a mistake in the number of fingers shown pays forfeit by drinking three or more glasses of wine. If at the conclusion of the feast the guests are sober, which they very frequently are not, and if they are scholars the probability is that they settle down to writing quatrains of poetry on given sub- jects, when again the punishment for failure is the consumption of a certain quantity of wine. bb:>utiful Scenery. Like the Japanese, Chinamen are ardent lovers of beautiful scenery, and delight in picnicing in favored spots to admire the prodigality of Nature. Wherever mountains, lakes, or streams contrive to form attractive landscapes, tliere in the spring and summei seasons parties congregate and exchange ideas on everything under heaven except Im- perial politics. The etiquette observed at these gatherings is all laid down with scrupulous exactitude, and is rigidly adhered to. Even a morning call is surrounded with an amount of cere- mony which to an American suggests infinite boredom. It is not considered proper for the visitor to walk to his friend's house, and unless he be a military mandarin, when he commonly rides, he sallies out in hi.'-, sedan- chair, followed by one or more servants, and armed with red visiting-cards about eight inches long and three wide, on which is in- scribed his name, with sometimes the addi- tion of the words, " Your stupid younger brother bows his head in salutation." On approaching his friend's house, a ser- vant goes ahead with one of these cards and presents it at the door. If the host be out, the porter tells the servant " to stay the gen- tlemen's approach," but if he should be at home the front doors are thrown open and the visitor is carried in his sedan into the courtyard, where the host attired in his robes of ceremony, greets him with many bows. Thence he is conducted to the central ger ser- and out, jen- e at and the ibcs s. itral VARIETIES OF CHINESE LIFE. 223 hall, where, after much friendly contention as to the seats they shall occupy, the guest finally and invariably is induced to take the place of honor on his host's left hand. The practice universally followed of the speaker applying adulatory terms towards his interlocutor and depreciatory ones towards himself, adds to the stilted formalities on such occasions. Everything connected with the person spoken to — his age, his neighbor- hood, his name, his relations, etc. — are " hon- orable," "respected," "lofty," and "distin- guished," while the speaker's are "con- temptible" and "rude." His friend's house is a "palace," his is "a reed hut." "Is the Chariot Well?" But perhaps the strangest of these set phrases are the indirect terms by which one man addresses another. On receiving a visitor, a common expression is, "Is the honorable chariot well?" meaning, of course, the man who drives in the chariot, or "you." In the same way, the term "beneath the council-chamber," and "at the feet," are similarly used, implying a wish that those addressed may become Ministers of State, " the feet," of course, being those of the Son of Heaven. But, however much acquaint- ances may discuss subjects relating to them- selves, no mention is ever made of their wives or daughters, who arc as completely tabooed, except between very intimate friends, as though they did not exist. This estrangement between the sexes is carried out in deed as well as in word. It is laid down on authority that in no case may a woman and a man touch each other in giving and receiving, and so literally was this command accepted, that it was held by many that it was even improper for a man to save a woman from drowning. A hypothetical case was put to Mencius on the subject: "If one's sister-in-law is drowning, ought she to be drawn out with the hand?" To which Mencius replied, "It is wolfish not to draw out a drowning sister- in-law." And probably most people will agree with the philosopher. Even brothers and sisters, so soon as they have ceased to be children, are entirely separated, and are allowed intercourse only on formal condi- tions. Outside the family circle young men do occasionally, like Romeo, "with love's light wings o'er-perch the walls" of etiquette which surround the objects of their admira- tion, and we have abundance of evidence in native novels that communications are kept up between young ladies and stranger youths, but always with a most circumspect regard to the conventionalities. Punishment for Eloping. Prenuptial elopements occur but rarely, and the penalty which awaits the hasty pair in case of capture is imprisonment, which lasts as long as the vindictiveness of the parents determines. Commonly a maidser- vant acts as the Mercury between the lovers, and in one well-known novel the heroine nurses the hero in this vicarious way through a long illness, and eventually marries him out of regard for the scrupulous way in which he had confined himself to orthodox behavior. In another romance the heroine, who, like most heroines in Chinese novels, was a Phciini.x of learning and possessed of an exquisite poetic talent, tests the hero's capa- bilities by setting him themes on which he is expected to write pieces of poetry, but she declines to write the themes, on the ground that things written in the women's apartments should not be handed about to be seen of men. In such an artificial state of society dangers nii'«^ =»rise, and the appre- il f.| 224 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. hension of it prompts mothers to desire to marr}' their daughters at as early an age as possible. It not unfrequcntly happens that, as in India, mere infants arc betrothed, and noth- ing but the death of cither is considered suf- ficient to annul the bond. Even this event is not always accepted by the survivor, when the survivor is a girl, as a cancelling of the PAVILION NEAR THE MENCIUS TEMPLE. engagement. The Pckin Gazette bears testi- mony to the occurrence of such cases, though it must be acknowledged that the flourish of trumpets with which they are announced to the throne suggests the idea that they form the exceptions rather than the rule. Per- sonal feeling cannot enter into the considera- tion which prompts this action, for the probability is that the couple have never seen one another, and it can therefore only be out of regard for the letter of the law, which custom decides must be observed. A few years since a young lady was held up to admiration in a memorial to the throne for having starved herself to death on hearing of the decease of her betrothed, and cases are often officially reported in which the surviving young lady refuses positively to listen to any other marriage proposals. One maiden lately earned distinction by clasping her betrothed 's memorial tablet to her arms and going through the marriage ceremony with it. It is quite possible, how- ever, that the edge of these ; ^ng ladies' adherence to the rules of propriety may be sharpened by an appreciation of the more than usually precarious lottery which mar- riage is in China. It is true that young men occasionally pay the same honor to the memory of their deceased lovers, and are content to wed the shades of their mistresses ; but the same constancy is not e.vpected of them, nor if it existed would be approved of by the censors of Chinese morals. Funeral Customs. Having spoken of marriage, we now turn to Chinese customs observed in the burial of the dead. "I venture to ask about death," said Chi Lu to Confucius. " While you do not know about life, how can you know about death ? " was the unsatisfying reply. And though this is the orthodo.x Confu- cian view of the momentous question, the people at large have bettered the instruction of the sage and have developed a full faith in an after life, in which those who have done good pass to the blissful regions of the west, where, surrounded with peace and happiness, they live an eternal round of joy ; and those that have done evil are relegated to the in- fernal regions, where executioners even more I VARIETIES OF CHINESE LIFE. 225 cruel than those to which they are accus- tomed on earth, torture with merciless bru- tality. Authors of works of a religious nature delight in describing in detail the horrors that await the spirits of evil-doers. They are sawn asunder, they are devoured by wild beasts, they are thrown into caldrons of boiling oil, they are committed to the flames, and if there are any other shameful and \io- lent deaths, they form a treasured part of the punishments of the condemned. Dressed for Death. These beliefs find expression in the elabo- rate ceremonial which surrounds the burial of the dead. On the approach of death the invalid is borne into the central hall, where, on a bed of boards, he is gently laid with his feet towards the door. In preparation for the decease his robes and hat of office, if he be a mandarin, and, if a commoner, his best attire, are placed beside him, and when the last supreme moment arrives he is dressed in state, and so meets his fate in full canonicals. After death a priest is summoned, who, after having saved the soul from perdition by the use of incantations, calls upon one of the three spirits which are said to inhabit every man, to hasten to the enjoyment of bliss in the empyrean regions of the west. Of the two other spirits, one is supposed eventually to remain with the corpse in the grave, and the other to be attached to the ancestral tablet which ultimately finds its place in tiie family hall. When this ceremony is completed, the chief mourner, in the company of friends and supporters — for grief is supposed to have so broken him down as to have ren- dered him unable to walk without the help of a friendly arm and of a sustaining staff" — goes to the nearest river or stream "to buy 16 water" to lave the features of the dead. Having thrown some copper cash into the water, accompanied sometimes by a small fish, which is supposed to announce the transaction to the river god, he fills a bowl from the current and returns to perform his sacred office. The coffin is a massive structure, made of four boards, from three to four inches in thickness, of a hard and durable wood. In this the body is laid on a bed of quicklime and charcoal, and the cover is hermetically sealed with cement. This is necessary for the sake of the survivors, since custom pro- vides that the coffin should rrmain above ground for seven times seven days, and it sometimes happens that the inability of the astrologers to discover a lucky day for the interment, entails a stilllonger pre-sepulchral period. A Tragic Incident. Much virtue exists in the style and nature of the coffin, and most men as they advance in years provide themselves with their future narrow beds, if, indeed, their sons have not been sufficiently filially minded to make them presents of them. A tragic incident, in which an old man's coffin formed a leading feature, was lately described in the Pckin Gazette. A certain Mr. Chia had a son who was as dissolute as he was disrepcctful, and who, in a moment of financial pressure, sold the coffin which his father, witii prudent fore- sight, had prepared for his final rcsling-jilace. On the theft being discovered, Chia at once charged his son with the crime, and in his anger swore that if the coffin were not returned he would, so soon as he recovered from an illness from whicii he was suffering, bring him before the authorities and cause him to be put to death. This threat so enraged the young man that, in a moment \i\ 226 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. of drunken fury, he strangled his father. For such a crime there could be only one sentence, and the wretched criminal was con- demned to the slow and lingering process of being sliced to death. Before closing the coffin it is customary to put in the mouth of the deceased five prec- ious substances, which vary in value with the wealth of the family. The Chinese do not offer any explanation of this practice, not even the very reasonable Roman explanation, that the money so placed serves as the wage due to Charon for the passage over the Styx. Valuables Buried. In some parts of the country, also, it is usual to deposit by the side of the body any object or objects, such as books, pipes, etc., which may have been especially valued by the deceased. The coffin is closed in the presence of the family, who prostrate them- selves before the bier. When the day chosen by the soothsayers for the interment arrives, offerings of cooked provisions are placed beside the coffin, and the mourners, dressed in coarse white sackcloth, perform endless prostrations before it. Should the deceased have been a man of consideration, a vast concourse assembles to follow him to the grave. A curious super- stition attaches to the first raising of the coffin. At the moment that the bearers lift the sarcophagus, the relatives all fly from the room, it being believed that should any mis- adventure occur, the spirit of the deceased would avenge itself on all those who were present at the moment of the removal. The number of bearers is regulated by the posi- tion of the family, and varies from sixty-four to four. When the procession is formed, a man carrying a long streamer of white cloth, known as the " soul-cloth," marches in front, followed by two men bearing banners, on which are inscribed sentences implying a hope that the deceased may be enjoying himself in the company of the blessed. After these comes a man holding up a white cock, which is supposed to summon the soul to accompany the body, and behind him follow two sedan-chairs, in the first of which is carried the ancestral tablet of the dead man, and in the second his portrait. Supporting themselves by the shafts of these sedan-chairs, two of the principal mourners drag themselves along. The eldest son, if there be one, immediately precedes the coffin, and affects complete inability to walk without the help of the staff of wood, or of bamboo, according to whether he is mourning for his father or his mother, which he carries in his hand. Scattering Paper Money. Behind the coffin follow the female rela- tives and friends. Even on this solemn occasion the frivolous rules for the separation of the sexes are rigorously observed, and a white cord, held at the ends by two men, is sometimes used to separate the male from the female mourners. As the procession advances, paper money is scattered on all sides to appease the hunger of any destitute ghosts which may be haunting the road. With the coffin a pot of rice is lowered into the grave, and grains and tea are scattered over it. In some parts of the south it is customary to bury effigies of cows in the grave as correctives against evil influences. As the grave-diggers shovel in earth to earth, the priest takes the white cock, and, standing at the foot of the tomb, makes the bird bow thrice towards the coffin. This strange rite is repeated by the chief mourners, and the " soul-cloth " is then burned to ashes. After a short exhortation from one of the , VARIETIES OF CHINESE LIFE. 227 his deceased, the procession re-forms, and returns to the house in the same order in which it set out. On crossing the threshold of their home, it is sometimes customary for the mourners to purify themselves by stepping over a fire made of straw, after which their first dutj' is to carry the deceased's tablet, with every token of respect, to the principal room, where it remains for a hundred days. The mourners then proceed to celebrate " the feast of the dead," and with that the funeral cere- mony may be said to be brought to a close. For thirty days the nearest relatives of the deceased abstain from shaving their heads or changing their clothes, and for twenty-seven months sons are expected to wear all the panoply of woe. Brief Period of Mourning. Married daughters, having passed out of the family circle, are not always invited to the obsequies ; but when they are, they are not expected to mourn for more than seven days. At the end of that time they adorn themselves once again in jewelry and colors, and so return to their homes, it being considered contrary to etiquette for tliciii to carry the signs of lamentation into their hus- bands' presence. Many of the ceremonials surrounding fun- erals vary in different parts of the country as much as the shapes given to the tombs. In some parts it is the practice for the mourn- ers to put on mourning only on the third day after the death has taken place, it being con- sidered that it is within the bounds of possi- bility that a trance, and not death, may hold the patient senseless. For a considerable period those who are husbands are bound to be as strangers to their wives, and all are for- bidden to seek recreation at the theatres or concert-rooms. For seven days a widow mourning the loss of her husband is supposed to show her grief by sitting on the ground instead of on chairs, and by sleeping upon a mat instead of upon her bed. On the seventh day it is custo- mary for friends to send presents of cakes and banners, the first of which are presented as offerings to the dead man, while the ban- ners are hung ronnd the hall in which the coffin reposes. By this time all hope of his return to life has disappeared, and the letters which accompany the gifts of friends are burnt in the sacred fire and are so transmitted to the manes of the dead in the blessed regions of the West. On the same day priests offer up prayers for the flight of the soul to its new abode, and construct a bridge by an arrangement of tables and stools over which the effigy of the deceased is carried, thus emblematizing the removal of the soul from Hell to Heaven. Fear of Ghosts. In many of the ceremonies we see traces of the old-world fear that the ghostly pres- ence of the dead may possibly haunt the survivors. The priest at the grave commonly adjures the spirit to remain with the body ; and, as a rule, a sufficiently weighty super- incumbent mass of earth, stone or masonry is placed over the tomb to prevent the pos- sibility of a resurrection. In the hilly south the graves are dug on the sides of hills, and the tomb is shaped like a horseshoe. In the north, where the country is for the most part flat, conically sliaped mounds sur- rounded by a bank and ditch form the ordi- nary graves. Wealthy families generally have grave-yards of their own, surrounded by a belt of cypress trees, which are sup- posed to offer complete protection from a huge monster who, ghoul-like, delights in devouring the dead. The tombs of nobles 228 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. !i ■ i ■a are often approached by an avenue of stone figures, representing ministers of state, war- riors, horses, camels, sheep, tigers, etc., and the same kinds of statues ornament the Im- perial tombs ; the figures are, as a rule, more than life-size, and in many cases are executed with considerable taste and skill. The body of a member of a family who dies away from home is invariably brought back to the ancestral hall with one exception. If his home should be within the walls of a city, nc ceremonial punctilios and no senti- mental feelings avail to counterbalance the law which forbids the introduction of a dead body within the walls of a city. Honors to Mandarins. Occasionally some mandarin who has died in his country's service, after having gained honors and distinctions, is allowed by the special edict of the Emperor to be borne through the streets of his native city, but even the body of such a one is not allowed to rest within the walls. This rule may possibly show that the Chinese are not en- tirely blind to the laws of .sanitation, and the regulation which forbids all intramural burial seems also to point in the same direction. No such ceremonies as those described above attend the funerals of infants, un- married children, concubines or slaves, and it is no uncommon sight to see in the north of China the bodies of these unfortunates thrown out upon the plains and on the hills to be devoured by beasts of prey. Crema- tion is never practiced in China except in the case of Buddhist priests, and the only con- tingency in which the practice is sanctioned by the penal code is when relatives " happen to die in a distant country and the children or grandchildren are unable to bring the corpse to be interred in the native district of the deceased." In all other circumstances, the penalty ot a hundred blows is to be awarded to any one " who consumes a corpse with fire or commits it to the waters." In bygone days it was the practice, on the death of an Em- peror, to immolate the favorite wives at the tomb of the deceased potentate, and at the grave of Shunchi, the first Emperor of the present dynasty, thirty persons were buried beside him. His son Kanghk'si (1661- 1 721), however, put an end to the practice by commanding that the four wives who had paid him the compliment of wishing to accompany him into Hades should be for- bidden to sacrifice their lives for so useless a purpose. Other curious Chinese customs relate to the Emperor and his Court. The Son of Heaven admits no equality on the part of any other sovereign in the world, and this refusal his occasioned a vast amount of con- troversy. No one can have an audience with him as an equal. Audiences With the Emperor. The audience question has occupied a prominent place in recent negotiations with China, and probably many people are sur- prised that so ordinary a matter should have been so constantly a subject of debate. But Chinese ways are not our ways, and a cere- mony which among civilized nations is regarded as a common act of courtesy between sovereigns, has in China become complicated by the absurd pretensions of the Government to a superiority over all the world. Like a spoilt heir who has been brought up in secluded surroundings, the Chinese have long been surfeited with dominion and glory in the midst of neighboring tribes, who stand on a lower level of civilization than that which they occupy. In the long history of VARIETIES OF CHINESE LIFE. 22!) the Empire such an event as an ambassador being received as representing a sovereign on terms of equahty with tiie Emperor, has never been known ; and this pretension to supre- macy, which materially contributes to the maintenance of the power which the Empire possesses, enters into the life of the nation and is, to a great extent, a matter of life and death in its present unregenerate state. Court of the " Son of Heaven." The proposal, therefore, that the foreign ministers resident in Pekin she Id be re- ceived in the manner common in civilized countries, has deen persistently combated by the mandarins. It must be confessed that precedent has been in their favor. The Portuguese and Dutch ambassadors, who visited Pekin in the seventeenth and eigh- teenth centuries, all submitted to the degra- dation of appearing as envoys of tributaries at the court of the Son of Heaven. From an account given of the mission of Alexander Metello de Sousa Menezes, in 1727, we learn that at the audience granted to him by the Emperor Yungcheng, " his excellency entered the western gates [of the reception hall], ascended the steps of the throne, and, kneeling, presented his creden- tials ; he then rose, went out by the same way, and in front of the middle door that was open the ambassador and retinue performed the usual act of obedience, that is, knelt and struck their heads on the ground nine times. About a century earlier a Dutch embassy was treated with even greater contempt. The ambassador and his staff met " with a vile reception and degrading treatment. They were required to humiliat° themselves at least thirty different times ; at each of which they were obliged, on their knees, to laiock their heads ni..., times against the ipound, which," adds Barrow, in his "Travels in China," " Mr. Van Braams, in his journal, very coolly calls performing the salute of honor." Lord Macartney, in 1793, had the honor of being the first who refused to submit to this degrading ceremony. Happily at this time a sovereign was on the throne who had sufificient independence to sanction a depar- ture from the ordinary routine, and who had sufficient good sense to do honor to the self- respect of the ambassador. On arriving at Pekin Lord Macartney found that the Empe- ror Kienlung wps at his hunting-palace at Jehol (whither, in i860, the Emperor Hien- feng fled before the allied forces of England and France). By Kienlung's invitation. Lord Macartney proceeded to Jehol, and was there received by him in a magnificent tent in the palace garden. His Majesty Appears. In accordance with Eastern custom, the audience was granted at sunrise, and further, in accordance with practice, the ambassador was required to be in attendance some hours before the arrival of the Emperor. This delay was sufficiently discourteous, but it was an improvement on the treatment to which the Dutch ambas.sador had been subjected in the preceding century, when the unfortunate envoy was left sitting "all night in the open air, and upon the blue stones till morning." Soon after daylight the sound of music announced the Emperor's approach, and without further delay his majesty took his seat upon a throne set up in the tent. On all sides he was surrounded by princes of the blood and the highest officers of state, some of whom conducted the ambassador from the tent in which he had awaited the Emperor's arrival to the Imperial presence. " The ambassador, pursuant to instructions, received from the president of ceremonies, held 'll 230 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. 1 ' a large magnificent square gold box, embel- lished with jewels, containing his majesty's letter to the Emperor, between both hands, raised above his head, and mounting the steps which lead to the throne, and bending upon one knee, presented the box with a suitable laconic address, to his Imperial Majesty, who received it graciously with his own hands, put it by his side and represented the satisfaction he felt at the testimony which his Britannic Majesty gave to him of his esteem and good will in sending him an em- bassy, with a letter, and rare presents ; that he, on his part, entertained sentiments of the same kind towards the sovereign of Great Britain, and hoped that harmony would always be maintained among their respective subjects." Ceremonies Set Aside. At a feast which was subsequently given to Lord Macartney and the chief Tartar tributaries, the Emperor marked his regard for the English ambassador by sending him several dishes from his own table, and by presenting to him and his staff cups of wine with his own hand. The reception thus accorded to Lord Macartney showed a marked advance towards the customs of civilized nations. The kotow was not insisted .upon, and though the am- bassador bent one knee in presenting his cre- dentials, the audience, taken as a whole, was as satisfactory as could have been expected. To the Emperor Kienlung succeeded Kia King, who was as bigoted and narrow-minded as his father had been liberal and enlightened. To him Lord Amherst was accredited in 1816, and from the first opening of negotia- tions it became at once obvious that the new Emperor was determined to return from the position taken up by his predecessor to the preposterous pretensions of former times. Even before Lord Amherst's arrival at Pekin he was met by the asseverations of the com- missioners deputed to meet him that he could only be admitted into the Imperial presence by consenting to perform what Van Braams described as " the salute of honor." This he positively declined to do, and the commissioners, who had distinct orders to arrange an audience, were at their wits' end how to reconcile the Imperial commands with the ambassador's attitude. The symbol used to express on paper the word " deceit " is made up, as has been said, of parts signi- fying a " woman's weapon." Way Out of a Difficulty. In China " a man's weapon " would be equally applicable, and, in this particular in- stance, the commissioners determined to use this well-worn arm to rid themselves of the difficulty. In later communications with Lord Amherst they agreed to waive the point, and assured him that all that would be demanded of him would be such a genu- flection as had been performed by Lord Macartney. To the Emperor, however, they reported that the ambassador was ready to obey his commands, and they even drew up a docu- ment in which the whole ceremony was min- ntely described, and in which the ambas- sador and suite were made to perform the kotow on several occasions. In pursuance of his arrangement with these double-faced gentlemen, Lord Amherst went to Yuen- Ming-Yuen, where the Emperor was then residing. It was, however, plainly impossible for the commissioners to admit him into the Im- perial presence, since they knew that it would be beyond their power to make him perform the kotow, and were equally aware that the absence of the act would bring '; VARIETIES OF CHINESE LIFE. 231 down the wrath of tlic Emperor upon them. The manceuvre wliich they adopted in this difficulty is interesting. They per- suaded the Emperor to order the ambas- sador into his presence the instant he ar- rived at the palace. As the journey had been long and tedious, and the ambassador was way-worn and weary, he excused him- self from obeying this very discourteous command, as the commissioners expected he would do, on the ground of fatigue. They then prompted the Emperor to dismiss him from the court, and the luckless ambassador was obliged to return with his mission un- fulfilled. An Opportunity Lost. In accordance with civilized usage, the re- sidence of the foreign ministers at Pekin would naturally entail their being received in audience by the Emperor ; and, if Lord Elgin, when in command of Pekin, had in- sisted upon the fugitive Emperor Hienfeng returning to the capital to receive him in audience, no further difficulties on the sub- ject would have arisen. But the opportun- ity was allowed to lapse, and a true solution of the difficulty has still to be arrived at. The death of Hienfeng, in 1861, and the long minority of his successor Tungchi, postponed any further consideration of the matter until 1873. In that year the Em- peror, having attained his majority, and hav- ing signalized the event by taking to himself three wives, accepted the reins of power from the Dowager Empresses, who had gov- erned the Empire during the past twelve years. The time had thus arrived when the audience question had again to be consid- ered ; and, after much negotiation with the ruling powers, it was arranged that the foreign ministers should be collectively granted a reception at such time and place as the Emperor might determine. This was the best that could be done. The Chinese authorities, recognizing that the kotoiv was no longer in question, directed all their efforts towards persuading the min- isters to bow the knee after the precedent set by Lord Macartney. But against this pro- position the ministers showed a determined front, and the Chinese, being compelled to give way on this point also, turned their at- tention to obtaining some advantages in re- turn for the concessions accorded. The Dutch and Portuguese ministers, who A HIGH-CASTE MANDARIN. had bowed to the ground in the presence of the Son of Heaven, had been received in the Imperial audience-chamber within the pal- ace ; and Lord Macartney, who had bent the knee, had been allowed to place his creden- tials in the hands of the Emperor. As the present generation of ministers had refused either to kotow or genuflect, it became neces- sary to emphasize the superiority of the Em- peror over the sovereigns whom they rep- resented, by refusing them admittance within the gates of the palace. A pavilion, known as the Tzu-Kuang Ko, was, therefore, chosen for the ceremony. \ 'k '232 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. According to the best autluritics, this build- ing is that in which the Mongol princes and Corean ambassadors are feasted at the New- Year. It is here, also, that Manchu military exercises are performed, and wrestling matches are held for the amusement of the Emperor. The edifice was, therefore, not one in which ministers of sovereigns on an etjuality with the Emperor would naturally have been received. The native guide-books describe it as the place where " New Year receptions arc granted to the outer tribes," and the choice of it was doubtless intended by the mandarins to be a set-off against the conces- sions they had made. But it was also part of the arrangement that the ministers should not give their credentials into the hands of the Emperor, but should deposit them on a table set in the hall for the purpose ; and that they should then be presented by Prince Kung to the Emperor. Costumes for the Occasion. On the day appointed (June 29) the min- isters were early astir, as the Emperor had fi.\cd the audience at the very inconvenient hour of between si.K and seven in the morn- ing. The place of audience being close to thj Roman Catholic cathedral and mission house, the five representatives of Western powers — England, France, America, Russia and the Netherlands — met there to attire themselves in costumes befitting the august occasion. Thence they were escorted to the Shih-ying Kung, where confectionery, tea and Chinese wine from the Emperor's but- tery were offered them. Mere they were kept waiting for more than an hour, and were then led to a tent pitched on the west side of the pavilion of audience. They might have reasonably hoped that this move meant the immediate arrival of the Emperor. But, if this was their expectation, they were di.sappointed, and it was only after a further delay of at least an hour and a half that the representa- tive of Japan, who, being an ambassador, was introduced separately, was summoned to the Imperial presence. The five European representatives were next introduced, and were led by a door on the west side of the pavilion into the central aisle of the hall. As they faced the north- ern end, where the Emperor was seated on his throne, they bowed in concert. They then " advanced a few paces and bowed again, then advanced a few paces further, bowing again, and halted before a long yellow table about halfway up the hall." How they were Seated. The Emperor, who was surrounded by his advisers and courtiers, was, it was ob- served, seated cross-legged according to the Manchu custom. When all had taken up their appointed positions, the minister of Russia, as doyen of the corps, read aloud an address in French, which was made intelligible to the Emperor by an interpreter, who delivered a version in Chinese for his benefit. Says Sir Thomas Wade : " As soon as the adJ'ess was delivered we laid our letters of credence upon the table. The Emperor made a slight bow of acknowledgment, and the Prince of Kung, falling upon both knees at the foot of the throne, his majesty appeared to speak to him — I say appeared, because no sound reached my ears. We had been told, however, that the Emperor would speak in Manchu, and that the prince would interpret. Accordingly, as soon as his highness rose, he descended the steps, and informed us that his majesty declared that the letters of cre- dence had been received. il .... lis VARIKTIKS OV CHINKSK LIFE. 203 "Tlicn, returning to his place, he again fell upon his knees, and the ICmpcror, ha\ing again spt)ken tij him in a low tone, he again descended the steps, and, coming up to us, informed us that his majesty trusted that our respective rulers were in good healtli, and expressed a hope that foreign affairs might all be satisfactorily arranged between the foreign ministers and the Emperor. This closed the audience, which may have lasted a little more than five minutes. We than all withdrew in the usual fashion, moving back- ward and bowing." Departure From Precedent. Sir Thomas Wade, and probably the other ministers, recognized that this reception con- .stituted a marked departure from precedent, although they were fully alive to the short- comings it manifested. To begin with, the Imperial decree granting the audience was worded in a dictatorial tone, which was, to say the least, discourteous. " The Tsungli Yamun " (answering nearly to our Cabinet at Washington), so runs this document, " hav- ing presented a memorial to the effect that the foreign ministers residing in Pekin have implored us to grant an audience that they may deliver letters from their Governments, we command that the foreign ministers resi- ding in Pekin, who have brought letters from tlicir Governments, be accorded audience. Respect this." The long periods of waiting in the Shih- ying Kung, and afterwards in the tent, were doubtless intended to mark the condescension of the Emperor in granting the audience, and, together with the very perfunctory cere- mony in the hall, were indications which forbade the cherishing of any high hopes as to the effects likely to be produced by the reception. With a self-complacency which almost amounted to an impertinence, a Chinese statesman informed one of the foreign ministers after the audience that the princes who waited on the luiiperor had been surprised and plcasetl at the demeanor of himself and his colk-agues. Such a remark illustrates the supercilious contempt with which the Chine se tlignitaries regard foreigners generally, and emphasizes an ignorance which would be remarkable considering that the foreign legations had then been established in Pekin for twelve years, if we did not know how entirely the courtiers hold themselves aloof from the for- eign ministers. It had been proposed that an annual reception should be given to the foreign plenipotentiaries, but the sudden death of the Emperor from small-pox put an end to this scheme. Another long minority suc- ceeded, and it was not until the assumption of the ruling power, by the present Emperor, in 1 89 1, that a reception was again held. The decree published in the Peiifi Gazette announcing this event was laconic, but at least had the advantage over that published on the previous occasion, in that the deroga- tory expressions therein used were omitted. Request for an Audience. The decree was dated March 4, and ran thus: "At 11.30 to-morrow the Emperor will receive in audience at the Tzu-Kuang Ko all the nations." The ceremony on this occasion was almost identical with that which took place in 1873. The intervening eigh- teen years had not taught the Chinese any- thing as regards foreigners, and their attitude then and now was and is as ante-foreign as ever it has been. On his arrival at Pekin in 1893, Mr. O'Conor requested an audience, which was granted him with a change of venue. Instead of the Tzu-Kuang Ko, the Chcr'^-Kuang ir 234 CHINA: PAST AND PRKSKNT. Tien, a temple which stands outside the palace enclosure, was chosen for the cere- mony. Here again the same forms were followed, and the event was as barren of results as were those of 1873 and 1891. So matters stand at present, and the ques- tion suggests itself, " Of what use have these audiences been ? " In civilized countries the reception of a minister by the sovereign to whose court he is accredited is a testimony of the friendship of that monarch towards his royal master. It also facilitates negotia- tions between the two countries. It serves, therefore, a substantially useful purpose. In China, however, neither of these ends can possibly be attained by such receptions as those accorded to the foreign ministers. The Emperor, so far as it is possible to judge, is in the hands of his advisers, who, as Sir Thomas Wade told us some years ago, are as bitterly anti-foreign as ever, and in whose word, the foreign ministers solemnly declared, in 1 891, that "no faith could be put." As to facilitating negotiations between China and foreign countries, the wildest en- thusiasts could not hope for any such result. It may be said that this is but the beginning of things, and that we have no right to ex- pect any great and rapid change in the atti- tude of the Chinese court towards us. This would be plausible if in the thirty years dur- ing which the legations have been established in Pekin there has been shown any advance of friendliness. On no occasion could any such change be better manifested than at an Imperial rccep-^ tion, but time has made no change in the manner in which our ministers are received; for it is impossible to see any sign of a pro- gressive movement in the exchange of the Cheng-Kuang Tien for the Tzu-Kuang Ko as an audience-chamber. The fact is that other nations are too much inclined to pursue here, as in other dealings with China, the cap-in-hand attitude. They have humbly implored, to use the Emperor's own words, to be admitted into the Imperial presence, and have reaped reward. They have been suppliants and have been treated as such. CHAPTER XIII. FOOD, DRESS AND AMUSEMENTS OF THE CHINESE. IT is probable that in tlie congested dis- tricts of Southern China the population is more dense than in any other coun- try, and the struggle for existence is proportionately severe. If it were not for the small wants and meagre diet of China- men, such swarms of human beings as are to be seen in Canton, for example, where, the land being unable to contain the inhabitants, the streets may be said to have been carried on to the surface of the river, could not exist. Two bowls of rice with scraps of vegetables or pieces of fish added, suffice for the daily food of countless thousands of the people. With all classes rice and vegetables form the staple food, as we find illustrated by the fact that the native equivalents of these words are used to express food generally. In his invi- tation to partake of the most sumptuous viands the host will ask his guest " to eat rice," and a servant announcing a feast will proclaim that "the vegetables are served." To the production of grain and vegetables every available scrap of land and all the energies of the people are devoted. There is probably not an acre of meadow land in China. Flocks of sheep and herds of cattle are, therefore, unknown ; and the beasts which arc reared on the sides of the hills, and with artificial food, are so few in number that the flesh is obtainable only by the wealthiest of those who are freed from the Buddhistic belief in the transmigration of souls. Pigs, fowls, ducks, and fish are more cheaply obtained, and it is probable that pork forms quite half the meat which is eaten. Ducks Jire reared in enormous quantities, the eggs as well as those of fowls being for the most part hatched by artificial heat. There being no ownership in rivers, the fishing industry is carried on without let or hindrance. By net, by line, by the clever use of light to attract, and of noise to frighten, the fish are captured from the streams and supply a cheap and most useful article of food. Every kind of living creature which moves in the waters is eaten, and even water snakes form a common article of food. These, with eels, carp, and tench, are, when caught, commonly kept in tanks, where they are carefully fed, and are sold as required. Most of the fishing-boats have tanks in which the captured fish are kept alive, and though the flesh suffers from the artificial food and surroundings, the prudent economy of the system recommends it to the frugal minds of the natives. Disgusting Articles of Food These, then, with rice at their head, are the staples of life. But the same poverty which induces Chinese parents to murder their female infants prompts them occasion- ally to take advantage of less savory viands to satisfy their hunger. It is an undoubted fact that rats, dogs, and horseflesh are sold in Canton and elsewhere. The passing trav- eller may see dried ra'.s hung up in poulterers' shops, and a little investigation will prove indisputably to him that horseflesh, even when the animal has met its death in another way than at the butcher's shambles, is greed- 235 m I ' i fl 2'M\ CHINA: PAST AND PRlvSENT. ily devoured. Necessity sometimes supplies St. .'.nye articles of diet. It is an unquestionable fact that China- men will eat, and apparently without any ill effects, meat which would poison English- men and Americans. The flesh of horses which have died of glanders, and of other animals which liave succumbed to diseases of all sorts, are eaten by the beggars and other poverty-stricken people, who infest the streets of all large c.ties. A superstition also attaches to the flesh of dogs and cats, especially black ones. It is considered emi- nently nutritious, and is recommended by the doctors as a wholesome and invigorating diet in the summer season, as well as a gen- eral preventative against disease. Strange Remedy for Baldness. The same high authorities prescribe a course of rat's flesh for people inclined to baldness. The late Archdeacon Gray, who probably knew Canton better than any living foreigner, in speaking, in his work on China, of a cat and dog restaurant, says: "The flesh is cut into small pieces and fried with water chestnuts and garlic in oil. In the Avindow of tl j restaurant dogs' carcases are suspended for the purpose, I suppose, of at- tracting the attention of passers by. Pla- cards are sometimes placed above the door, setting forth that the flesh of black dogs and cats can be served up at a moment's notice ; " and then he proceeds to give a translation of a bill of fare such as hangs on the walls of the dininir-moms. The supposed medicinal properties of these horrible articles of food no doubt prompt many people to partake of them. In the northern cities of the Empire it is usual in the autunm to see men selling locusts fried in oil at the corners of streets, much as peo- ple offer roasted chestnuts for sale in our own thoroughfares. The locusts so dealt with are regartled as a luxury, and are con- sidered to be more nutritive and better fla- vored if they are thrown into the boiling oil alive. But whatever the food may be, other than grain, it is cut up into small pieces to suit the requirements of the chopsticks, which are invariably used to transfer the food from the plate to the mouth. Onions and Garlic. Knives and forks are unknown for this purpose, and the two sticks, which to for- eigners are such stumbling-blocks at native dinners, furnish all that a Chinaman wants with which to supply himself with even the most oleaginous food. The presence of ex- cessive quantities of oil and fat in Chinese cooking is to Europeans its great offence, lid the large admixture of onions and garlic adds another obnoxious feature to ordinary viands ; but, apart from these peculiarities, the food is always well cooked, and authori- ties affirm that it is eminently digestible. The following Chinese dishes, taken from the mi'HU of the dinner which was given by the Chinese of Hong Kong to the Duke of Connaught, give a good idea of the sort of fare which a Chinese host presents to his guests on state occasions : "Birds'-nest soup. Stewed shell-fish. Cassia mushrooms. Crab and sharks' fins. ' Promotion ' (boiled quail, etc ). Fried ma- rine delicacies. Fish gills, Sliced teal. Pekin mushrooms. Beches-de-mer. Sliced pigeon. Macaroni." The mention of some of these dishes is enough to explain why it is that foreigners come away hungry from a Chinese diimer- party; nor are their appetites encouraged by the fact that the feasters, in the enjoyment of the good things provided, generally fmd it necessary to discard some of their clothing FOOD, DRESS AND AMUSEMENTS. '237 to adjust their heightened temperatures. Their system of dress is admirably adapted for this kind of emergency. Lii ,,-y/Z','ii,'. 'm'Ms^. "/'//:" IS Ml] !1 |:':*1 ■KJ SH^^B^fi MERCHANTS CLUB AT SHANGHAI. the tassel at the centre of the crown. The changes of uniform at the summer and win- ter seasons are carefully regulated by law, and, in obedience to Imperial edicts, pub- lished as the periods approach, every man- darin, from the great wall on the north to the boundaries on Tonquin on the south, makes his official change of attire on the days exactly specified by the Emperor, quite the right arm. A pair of trousers drawn in at the ankle completes tiie attire on ordinary occasions, but on high days and holidays an embroidered petticoat, which hangs .square both before and behind, is worn by ladies. The hair is ahva)-s carefully dressed and gayly adorned, but in ways and fashions which differ in every part of the Empire. Flowers, both natural and artificial, are in ary an arc FOOD, DRESS AND AMUSEMENTS. 239 largely used as ornaments to the head, and richly chased and jewelled hairpins are added to give taste to the coiffure. These last are often of considerable value, and are com- monly presents cither from parents or hus- bands. They not unfrequently form the principal part of the property belonging to the owners, and in cases of emergency they are the first things resorted to for the pur- pose of raising money. They are sometimes given also by their fair owners to friends as tokens of regard, and in many plays and novels their disappearance from the heads of wives is made to arouse the same suspicions in the minds of the ladies' husbands as the loss of Desdemona's handkerchief did in the poisoned brain of Othello. Diminutive Feet. The striking feature, however, in the women's appearance and gait is their mis- shapen feet. In most lands the desire is to give freedom of movement, but an absurd fashion, backed by the weight of centuries, has crippled and disabled countless genera- tions of the women ir China. No sufficient explanation has ever been gi\'en of the origin of this very unnatural custom, which is all the more objectionable as Chinawomen, speaking generally, are gifted with finely shaped hands and feet. The saying of a French lad)' that one must suffer to be beautiful is certainly true — accepting the Chinese estimate of the fashion — in the case of the poor ladies of China. The size and shape of the foot which fashion requires are only to be attained by a disloca- tion which causes great pain in the first instance, and often permanent suffering. At an early age, generally when the child is about four or five, the process begins by the feet being bound tightly round in the re- quired shape. The four smaller toes are bent under the foot, the big toe is some- times brought backwards on the top of the foot, and the instep is forced upwards and backwards. In this way the foot is clubbed and is forced into a shoe from about three to four inches long. A Fashion that Inilicts Pain. The little victims of this cruel fashion unquestionably suffer great pain in the early stages, but as a rule the skin, which at first is dreadfully abrased, becomes gradually hardened, and as those whose feet are .squeezed into shoes of the size mentioned are ladies who are not required to move about much, their feet probably answer all the purposes expected of them. This is not saying much. A lady scarcely walks at all. If she goes out she is either carried in a sedan-chair, or, in the north of the countrj', in a carriage. Within doors she either hobbles about, leaning on a stick or on the shoulder of a waiting-maid, or is carried on the back of a servant. It is obvious that this extreme compression would render women of the poorer classes quite unfitted to fulfil tiieir necessary avocations, and with them therefore the feet are allowed greater sco^;" The custom is entirely confined to the Chinese ; the Manclui conquerors having never submitted their own women to the tor- ture and discomfort of the practice, neither, also, have the boat populations thought it necessary to deform themselves for the sake of fishion. It is even said that in the neigh- borhood of Ningi)o a movement is on foot among the Christian population to abolish this fetish of fashion, but it is doubtful whether its promotion by converts from the national religion will do much to advance even so rational an object. In their desire to make beautiful what is it!. I ! t y • i • !, ' ■' ! iM 240 CHINA: PAST AND PRKSKNT. naturally so u;^!y, the women delight to adorn the shoes with licli and bright embroidery ; and fortunately for them the swaying gait whicli the fashion compels them to assume in walking has come to be re- garded as a winsome beauty. Poets are never tired of describing in verse the leaf- shaped eyebrows, the willow waists, and the swaying movements of Chinese ladies, which they liken to boughs gently waving in the wind. It is well that it is possible to find some- thing to say in favor of the cruel custom of crippling the feet of the women, and cynic- ally minded Chinamen add to their approval of the grace which it imparts to the step, their appreciation of the fact that it prevents ladies from gadding about. This it certainly does, and even the exercise which they arc tempted to take in their gardens is confined ,^ very limited excursions. Beautiful Flowers and Gardens. The love of flowers seems to be inherent in the people of the extreme East, and their gardens are to both the men and women of China a never-failing delight. With much taste they lay out the ground and dispose the flowers to the best possible advantage. As landscape gardeners they are unsurpassed, and succeed by skilful arrangement in giving an impression of e.xtent and beauty to even paltry and naturally uninteresting pieces of ground. By clever groupings of r'^ck-work, by raising artificial hills, and by ■ rowing high bridges over ponds and streams, they produce a panorama which is full of fresh points of \iew and of constant surprises. As De Guignes wrote, in describing Chinese gardens, the object of the owner is to imitate " the beauties and to produce the inequalities of nature. Instead of alleys planted .symmetrically or uniform grounds, there are winding footpaths, trees here and there as if by chance, woody or sterile hill- ocks, and deep gullies with narrow passages, whose sides are steep or rough with rocks, and presenting only a few n.iserable shrubs. They like to bring together in gardening, in the same view, cultivated grounds and arid plains ; to make the field uneven and cover it, with artificial rock-work ; to dig caverns in mountains, on whose tops are arbors half overthrown and around which tortuous foot- paths run and return into themselves, pro- longing, as it were, the extent of the grounds and increasing the pleasure of the walk." Profusion of Blossoms. In the more purely floral parterres, the plants are arranged so as to secure brilliancy of bloom with harmony of color. Over the greater part of China the land is favored with so fertile a soil and so congenial a climate that flowers grow and blossom with prodigal profusion. Ro.ses, hydrangeas, peo- nies, azaleas and a host of other plants beautify the ground, while creepers of everj' hue and clinging growth hang from the boughs of the trees and from the eaves of the summer-houses and pavilions which are scattered over the grounds. With the instinctive love of flowers which belongs to Chinamen, the appearance of the blooms on the more conspicuous flowering shrubs is eagerly watched for. Floral calen- dars are found in every house above the poorest, and expeditions are constantly made into the country districts to enjoy the sight of the first bursting into blossom of fa- vorite flowers. The presence of ponds gives a sense of coolness to the pleasure-grounds, and the white and pink water-lilies which adorn their surface furnish excuses to revel- lers for holding endless wine-feasts on their margins. FOOD. DRESS AND AMUSEMENIS. 241 In the literature frequent references are made to such entertainments, and numerous \oUimes have been carefully compiled of the more highly esteemed poems made on such occasions in praise of the camellia, apricot, peach, chrysanthemum, hibiscus and an endless array of other flowers by the minor poets of the country. The manner and convenience of travel supply a faithful index of the stage of civil- ization to which the people of a country h.ive arrived, and in the conveyances in vogue in China we see repeated the strange contradictions which have met us as we have glanced at each feature of Chinese society. In every case there is much to be admired ; but in every case what is good and excellent is marred by some defacing or neutralizing quality. Discomforts of Travelling. Just as the outward appearance of their furniture is spoiled by the exquisite discom- fort of their chairs and divans ; and their stately ceremonies, by dirt and squalor ; so their means of travelling, which in some ways are luxurious, are discredited by the discomfort of the carts, the mud and ruts of llie roads, and the miserable condition of t!ie inns. With us the question of pace enters largely into our ideas of travelling, but in the leisurely East, where hurry is unknown, the speed with which a journey can be made is not of the slightest consequence. We have an excellent illustration of this on the waters of the Yang-tsze Kiang. Steamers go up the river to Ichang, a dis- tance of fifteen hundred miles from the mouth. For four hundred miles above that point there are a succession of rapids, to ascend which, in a native boat at certain seasons of the year, occupies six or se^ on weeks, or just about the length of time 16 it takes a fast stciimcr to make its way from Ichang to London. It has been shown to the Chinese how it would be possible to remove the greater part of the obstacles which make the voyage so difficult, and how, when this is done, steamers might readily continue their way up the river. But nothing will induce the Government, the local officials, or the merchants inter- ested, to support the scheme, and all delib- erately prefer to put up with the delay, dan- gers and frequent losses incurred under the present .system to encouraging an enterprise which would save four-fifths of the time em- ployed, and would reduce the peril and loss to a minimum. The particular kinds of conveyance used in China vary with the nature of the coun- try. In the north, where the huge delta plain and immense table-lands from the sur- face, carts are commonly used, and these again furnish an instance of the mixed nature of Chinese civilization. They are made on two wheels, without springs and without seats. Chinese Carts. As has been said, the Chinese have no idea of comfort as we understand the word, ami these vehicles are a complete justifica- tion of the statement. To an American they are the acme of misery. The occupant seats himself on the floor of the cart, and is thrown hither and thither as the ruts may determine and the skill of the driver may permit. The novice, when going to sea, is commonly advised to attempt to avoid the inevitable fate which awaits him by allowing his body to sway with the movements of the vessel, and in the same way those who drive in Chinese carts arc recommended to yield their persons to the strange bumps and rockings of the springless vehicles, but, so i ■ I - t ,1 242 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. far as the experience of the present writer goes, no better result follows in this than in the other case. It is remarkable that, though carts have been in use for thirty or more centuries, the Chinese have made no attempt to improve their very rough construction. Springs are unknown and the only method occasionally adopted to mitigate the horrors of driving is that of placing the axles and wheels behind the body of the cart, and at the rear ex- tremity of the beams of wood which consti- tute the support of the vehicle, and when produced in front form the shafts. No Provision for the Driver. In this way the cart is swung between the animal drawing it and the axle. No seat is provided for the driver, who commonly takes possession of the off shaft, and seriously in- terferes with the ventilation available for the passenger by almost entirely blocking up the only opening which serves both as door and window. Carts of the ordinary kind stand for hire in the streets of Pekin and of other northern cities, and are constantly employed as far south as the banks of the Yang-tsze- Kiang. For carrying purposes large wagons are used which are commonly drawn by seven animals, a pony being in the shafts and the rest being arranged three abreast in front. Such conveyances when loaded travel from fifty to eighty Chinese miles a day, or from about si.xtecn to twenty-six English miles. In the neighborhood of Newchwang an im- mense traffic is carried on by means of these vehicles, and during the busiest two months of the year it is reckoned that upwards of thirty thousand carts, drawn by more than two hundred thousand animals, pass between the inland districts and the port, bringing the native products to the wharves of New- chwang, and carrying back the cotton cloths and hardware which are brought from the despised lands of the "barbarians." Sedan-chairs and horseback are also usual means of travelling, and in the southern half of the Empire these modes of locomotion are alone employed on terra firma, the roads being too narrow to allow of the passage of anything on wheels. But in this part, as all over the Empire, the many rivers and canals which fertilize the land and add beauty to its features, are the favorite highways of travel and com- merce. The better class of passenger vessels are large and commodious, and contain all the conveniences to which Chinamen are accustomed in their own homes. They are commonly from sixty to eighty feet long, and are divided into three rooms. Sails and Oars. The principal apartment, which occupies about half the boat, is approached in front through a vestibule, and is connected with the bedroom which separates it from the stern. The fore part of the boat is decked over with movable planks, and affords dark and airless cabin accommodation for the crew. The vessels are supplied with masts on which, when the wind is favorable, sails are hoisted. Under less fortunate conditions oars and tack- ing are used to propel them. From this kind of vessel to the merest sampan, the waters of China furnish every variety of boats. There is one other means of locomotion which remains to be mentioned, and that is one which has attracted more attention than perhaps it deserves. We refer to the wheel- barrow, of which Milton wrote : " Sericana, where Chinese drive, With sail and wind their cany wagons light." The Chinese are intensely poor, and as the possession of a horse and cart is far be- I FOOD, DRESS AND AMUSEMENTS. 243 yond the means of the vast majority, wheel- barrows are very commonly used to carry goods and passengers. To lighten the task of the porter the wheels are placed in the centre of the barrow, and thus directly bear the weight of the burden. But this arrangement naturally reduces the space available for use, since the load, whether living or dead, has to be placed on the two sides of the wheel, from which it is protected by a casing. On the northern plains, if the wind should be aft, a sail is very commonly hoisted, in which case consid- etable distances can be traversed in the day. Wretched Chinese Inns. In Western lands the prospect of his inn at the end of a journey cheers the traveller. No such consolation is afforded to wayfarers, or at least to foreign wayfarers, in China. The exchange from horseback, or from the racking of a native cart, to an inn is not much to the advantage of the last. No com- fort is provided, no privacy is secured, and no quiet is obtained. The rooms are mean and infinitely dirty, and, in the north, sur- round the courtyard, which serves as the stables for the mules, ponies, and donkeys of the travellers. It is not uncommon to see as many as fifty donkeys in one inn yard, and the pandemonium which they occasion at night can be but faintly imagined. The poetical description of a room at an inn in Szechuan, which a traveller found scratched on the wall of this apartment, aptly supplements the above. The original, which was in Chinese verse, is rendered as follows : " Within this room you'll find the rats, At least a goodly store, Three catties each they are bound to weigh, Or e'en a little more ; At night you'll find a myriad bugs. That sting and crawl and bite ; If doubtful of the truth of this, Get up, and strike a light." So much has been said of the dark side of Chinese life, that it is a pleasure to turn to those amusements which break the dreary monotony of existence. The great body oi the people are hard workers, and, being so, find, like all other laboriously employed people, that amusements are necessary to life and health. From another motive the idle classes — that is, the literati, as they are called, or the unemployed graduates, and the ladies — find that to kill time they must seek excitement in some form of diversion. For these reasons the theatres are gener- ally well filled by all sorts and conditions of men, and no opportunity is missed of engag- ing a company for the entertainment of the neighborhood. As such opportunities are prompted by many and different motives, actors are in constant request. Not un- frequently the excuse is a desire to do honor to the local deities. Offerings to the Snake God. Either a fall of rain afler a prolonged drought makes a Thespian display an appro- priate token of gratitude to the snake god, or the elfin fox deity is held to regard a like festivity as a due acknowledgment for his clemency in dispersing an epidemic ; but, whatever the religious objects may be, arrangements are commonly made to hold the performance in the courtyard of one of tlic temples. For the expenses the whole village or town is responsible, and so soon as the required sum, from twenty to a hun- dred dollars a day, is raised — a matter which generally gives rise to countless bickerings — a troupe of actors is engaged, and th2 ves- tibule of a local temple is made to ur Jergo the metamorphosis necessary to th' occa- sion. t ! 2U CHINA: PAST AND PRKSKNT. I 4 The very simple requirements of tlie Chinese staye make this a matter of easy arrangement. There is prac.ically no scen- ery in a ri>inese theatre. A few coarsely painted views hunj^ at tlie back of tiie stage are all that is necessary to furnish it. The actors make their exits and entrances by a door at the side of these paintings, and the whole series of plays — for the performances go (Ml fung lady of the nature of a heroine, a young man oi ;wo, a sprink- ling of statesmen and courtiers in case the play is historical, with servants and attend- ants. For the most part the plots are quite straightforward, and no mystery is ever pre- sented to tax the intelligence of the audience. With t"-r . Chinese minuteness the mo- tives, desires, and actions of the characters are fully explained, and the only people who FOOD. DRKSS AND AMUSEMENTS. 45 arc supposed to be mystified arc citlicr the personaL;es in tiie play ulio are wronged, or the mandarins who are callcti upon to ad- judicate on tlic crimes committed by the vil- lains of the dramas. In all cases the action is direct, and is unhampered with any of those issues which add so much to the inter- est of Western performances. Contemptible Characters. In a vast majority of cases the object of the play is to elevate virtue, and to hold up tjranny and wrong to just execration. The means adopted to these ends are not always such as to commend them in our eyes. The dialogue is often coarse, and the virtuous characters are commonly contemptible crea- tures. It is a peculiarity which runs through the whole of Chinese society that the utter- ances of high-sounding moral sayings and extremely virtuous platitudes are held to be quite sufficient to atone for heinous moral delinquencies and personal pusillanimity. Just as in real life Imperial edicts and offi- cial proclamations abound with lofty senti- ments and righteous phrases, while every word is falsified by the degraded and iniqui- tous actions of the writers, so an Emperor on the stage yields to a barbarous foe with- out striking a blow for his country, but ac- companies the action with so many fine words and lofty sentiments that he covers himself with all the glory of a Black Prince at Crecy or a Henry V. on the field of Agin- court. In the same way a man breaks every com- mandment in the decalogue, but if he takes care at the same time to sprinkle his dis- course with well-seasoned exhortations to the practice of filial piety, and the exercise of profound reverence for Confucius, he re- tires from the boards purged of all his of- fences, if not in the full odor of sanctity. This Pharisaical sanctimoniousness to some extent runs through the farces and lighter pieces in which the people delight. Some of them are very comical, and might well be adapted for first pieces at our own theatres. In some we find incidents with which we are all familiar. For example, Desdemona's handkerchief reappears in a Pekin farce, in which a jealous waterman finds fault with his wife for asso- ciating too constantly with a Buddhist priest — the disturbers of households are generally represented as priests. The lady suspects a friend of her husband of having instilled jealously into her good man's mind, and in- duces him to quarrel with his associate. The friend being determined to pro.e the justice of his suspicions, watches for the priest, and catches him in the act of p lying a clandes- tine visit to the lady. A Mixed Play. In the struggle which ensues the priest drops a handkerchief which had been given him by his inamorata. His opponent seizes the token and presents it to the husband, who recognizes it as one which he had given to his faithless consort. With a more dis- cerning poetic justice than that which befell Desdemona, the priest and the lady in this case suffer an equally dire fate with that which overtook that unfortunate heroine. As seen, however, on the Chinese stage, the native dramas have drawbacks other than those mentioned above. All the female parts are played by young men or boys, and the dialogue is constantly interrupted by lines of poetry which are sung, as are all Chinese songs, in a shrill falsetto. The musicians, also, are seated on the stage, and keep up so continuous an accom- paniment as to make much of what the actors say inaudible. Not only do they ac- i'*'J M w 1 W ■Mi 246 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. company the songs, but on the expression of any lofty sentiment they come down with a crash of their instruments to add emphasis to the utterance. It has been said that these performances are given from a desire to do honor to the gods : but other excuses are very commonly found for indulgence in the pastime. On high days and festivals — at New Year's time, often on the first and fifteenth of the month, and on other holi- days — subscriptions are raised for the pur- pose of engaging troupes of actors who are always ready at hand. Popular Dramas. As a rule, the theatres are of the Thes- pian kind, and, if enclosed at all, are pro- vided only with temporary coverings of mat, which are erected in a night, and can be de- molished in a night. In surveying the gen- eral tendency of Chinese plays it cannot be said that it is elevating in character, and this is so far recognized that, though the drama is universally popular, and is patronized by the Court and by the leaders of the people, the actors are frowned upon and are officially regarded as pariahs of society. Neither they nor their sons are allowed to present themselves at the competitive exam- inations, and the doors of official life are thus closed to them. Not long since a memorial was presented to the throne protesting against a certain man — the son of an actor — who had passed his examina- tion being allowed a degree. No personal charge was brought against the man himself beyond that of having concealed his origin before the examiners, but his descent was fatal to him ; his certificates were cancelled, and he was relegated to the outcast class from which he had sprung. As a substitute for regular plays marion- ettes are very common, and arc so manipu- lated as to express action with great clever- ness. Figures of a smaller kind are simil- arly exhibited in peep-shows, which are fre- quently to be met with at street corners, and on the open spaces in front of the temples. As conjurers and acrobats the Chinese are very proficient, and often manage to intro- duce an amount of acting into their tricks which adds greatly to the effect produced. On one occasion the present writer wit- nessed the performance of a conjurer, who, with the help of a little boy, was showing off his skill in the Consular compound at Tientsin. The man made a cabbage to grow from a seed which he planted in the presence of his audience, he swallowed a sword, and, after doing a number of similar tricks, he inquired whether he should cut off his assistant's head. The answer being in the affirmative, the man turned to seize his victim, who, however, had fled on hearing the inhuman assent to his decapitation. "The Blood Spurted." After a keen and long pursuit he was, however, caught, and was led, struggling and weeping, to the block, to which he was pin- ioned. The conjurer then handed round his weapon that the keenness of the edge might be tested, and having taken up his position dealt what seemed to be a fierce blow on the bare neck of the boy, at which, what ap- peared to be blood spurted out in all direc- tions, and at the same instant that he drew a cloth over the quivering form he held aloft a dummy head, which bore just sufficient re- semblance to the features of the lad to favor the illusion that he had, indeed, been but- chered to make a holiday. In the more occult arts of necromancy and enchantment Taoist priests are the ac- knowledged masters. From time immemo- rial these followers of Laotzu have, in popu- FOOD. DRESS AND AMUSKMKNTS. 247 lar belief, possessed the power of controlling the elements, of annihilating space and of making themselves invisible. In one well- known historical battle a Taoist priest in- voked such a storm of rain and hail in the face of the opposing forces that they fell easy victims to the swords of their adver- saries. Story of Empty Oranges. On another accepted occasion it is said that as a troop of coolies were carrying oranges to the capital, they were overtaken by a lame Taoist priest, who offered to ease them of their burdens, and who carried the whole quantity with the greatest ease for the rest of the journey. On arrival at the palace, however, the fruit were found to be hollow, and the coolies were only saved from con- dign punishment by the appearance of the priest, at whose word the oranges were again converted into rich and luscious fruit. Another well-known instance of super- natural power is that attributed to Tieh Kwai, who possessed the power of projecting himself wheresoever he would. On one occasion the magician sent forth his inner self to the mountain of the gods. Before starting on his spiritual journey he left a disciple to watch over his body, promising to return in seven days. Unfortunately, when six days had expired the watcher was called away to the death-bed of his mother, and being thus placed in a dilemma between his duties as a son, and his obligation to his friend, determined to carry the body of his master to his mother's home. Being there detained, he was unable to keep his tryst at the appointed time, and the disembodied spirit, finding that its earthly habitation had disappeared, was compelled, rather than suffer extinction, to enter the carcase of a beggar which lay by the road- side, and ill this guise Tieh Kwai passed the remainder of his existence. Clairvoyance is largely practiced, and on the principle that accumulatctl evidence proves the truth of a theory, it is difficult not to accept many of" the facts " stated by native eye-witnesses. Like our own pro- fessors of the art Chinese clairvoyants read the secret thoughts of their audiences, de- scribe absent persons with minute accuracy, and by "crystal-gazing," and other means, are often said to be instrumental in detecting criminals, and in discovering the whereabouts of lost persons and things. The use of the planchette is very common, and though the Chinese, from their phlegmatic nature, are not easily subjected to magnetic influences, the effects produced are certainly remarkable. Expert Gymnasts. As gymnasts they are in no way inferior to the best performers among ourselves, and it is not nece;:snry to believe the wonderful stories told by early European travellers in China of the proficiency of native acrobats to credit them with noteworthy skill and agility. Even women possess unwonted power of strength and balance. But, above and beyond all the other amusements of the Chinese, gambling holds a conspicuous place. Although it is strictly forbidden by law, it is winked at, and even encouraged by the authorities. It not un- frequently happens that magistrates even convert the outer rooms of their yamuns into gambling-houses, and share in the profits derived from the business. In every city these dens of corruption abound, and, as a rule, consist of two apartments. In the outer one the stakes are laid in copper cash, and in the inner room silver only is risked. Not content with the ordinary games of chance, such as those afforded by card^ "H m 1 ' ?' i 248 CHINA: FAST AND I'RIvSENT. roulette iiiul other tables, the iiij;eiuiity of the people is exercised in inveiitinjj new means of K)sin^ their money. When there are no cx;'.n:inatii;ns to be decide I and waj^ered on, the propiielor of a yanibIinL;-housc will some- times take a sheet < f paper on Avhich are inscribed ei;^dity cliaracters, and havinjj marked twenty, will deposit it in a box. ACTOR OF COCHIN-CHINA. Copies of the sheet bearing the same eighty characters are distributed among gamblers whose supieme object is to mark the same twenty characters as those on the sheet in the box. When all the papers have been received, the box which contains the overseer's paper, and which stands conspicuously on the table. IS unlocked. If a gambler has marked only four of the characters selected by the over- seer, he receives nothing. If he has marked five of them, he receives .seven cash ; if .six, .seventy cash ; if eight, seven dollars ; and if ten, fifteen dollars. In the streets the same spirit of specu- lation flourislies, and every itinerant vendor of eatables, whether of fried locusts, sweets, or the more satisfying rice with fish or vegetables, keeps a set of dice for the use of those customers who prefer to run the risk of winning their meals for nothing, or of losing both their money and their food, to paying the ordinary price for their viands. In dwelling-houses cards are everywhere played, and to the ladies they supply an inexhaustible source of amusement. The cards are smaller and more numerous than in our packs, and lend themselves to an endless variety of games. Only One Coin. The coinage of China, like every other institution of the Flowery Land, has two aspects — the one that which it pro- fesses to be, and the other that which it really is. Strange as it may seem, the Chinese have only one coin, which is known to them as chicn, and to us as cash. In value a cash professes to be about one-tenth of a half-penny, but as a matter of fact it varies in almost every district, and it is even not at all uncommon to find two kinds of cash current in one neighborhood. In some parts of the country people go to market with two entirely distinct sets of cash, one of which is the ordinary mixture of good and bad, and the other is composed exclusively of counterfeit pieces. Certain articles are paid for with the spuri- FOOD. I)Ri:SS AND aml'si;mh\ts. •_'l!t ouscash only. Rut in rc^'ard ti other com- modities this is a matter of special liargain, and accordingly there is lor these articles a double market price. Independently, again, of the confusion arising from the use of genuine and counterfeit coins side by side, is added the uncertainty due to the .system of counting. A hundred cash means varying numbers, other than a hundred, which are determined by the usage of each locality. A stranger, therefore, is liable to suffer loss at the hands of tradespeople, who still further complicate matters by almost invaria- bly naming a higher price for cacli article than that which they are prepared to accept. The weight of any considerable sum in cash is an additional objection to these most in- convenient coin.s. A dollar's worth of cash weighs about eight pounds, and the transpor- tation of any large sum in specie is, there- fore, a serious matter. For the purpose of carriage the cash arc made with square holes in the centre, by means of which they arc .strung in nominal hundreds and thousands. Lumps of Silver. It is obvious, of course, that for the pur- chase of anything commanding more than a very low value some other currency must be employed, and this is supplied by lumps of silver, the values of which are in every case tested by the scales. In common parlance the price of goods is reckoned at so many taeis wclgiit, a tael being, roughly speaking, the equivalent of an ounce, and for the sake of general convenience silver is cast into "shoes," as they are called from their shape, weighing a specified number of taels or ounces. For smaller amounts than are contained in a "shoe," broken pieces of silver are used, but in every case the value is reckoned, not by the piece, but by the weight. In .strict accuracy c\xii the cash is muleserving the name of c lin, since instead of being moulded it is roughl)' cist, :nul both in dosi^;n and manufacture doe-i litt'c credit to a nation which is unquestionaijly [: s-.es:cd of a large share of artistic taste. Of l.itc tlie Governor- general of Canton has established a mint at that city, at which he coins both gold and silver tokens. The Oldest Bank Note. The.se, lujwever, pass current only in the locality, and so far the Imperial (iovernment has shown no inclination to follow the excel- lent example set by this .satrap. l''or many centuries bank bills and notes ha\e lieen issued at the well-established b.mks in the principal centres of commerce, and during the Mongol dynasty the central Government introduced the practice of issuing Imperi.i.! notes to the people. A note which wis passed into currency during the reign of an emperor of the succeeding Ming dynasty, who reigned from i 368 to I 399, is exhibited in a show-case in the King's Library in the British Museum, and is a specimen of the oldest note which is known to exist. Its date carries us back long before the general adoption of bank-notes in luirope, and three hundred years before the establish- ment of the Stockholm bank, which was the first bank in Europe to issue notes. At the present time notes are largely used at Pckin, but the very uncertain .state of the currency renders a large depreciation inevitable, and makes tradespeople sometimes unwilling to accept them. Imperfect and undeveloped though it is, the coinage of China has a very long ances- try, antl can trace its descent from about 2000 B. C. One of the earliest shapes which the coins took was ihat of a knife, no doubt in imitation of the real weapon, which was l^ t ■ ^ I '.iil / r : 250 CIIINyV: PAST ANM) I'RICSiCXT. early used as a medium of exchange. These knife coins originally consisted of the blade and handle, the last of which was teniiinatcd in a round end which was pierced in iniita tion of the article which they were intended to represent, liy degrees the blade became shortened, imtil it entirely disappeared. The handle next suffered diminution, and eventu- ally the round end with a hole in the centre was all tha^ was left, and it is that which is perpetuated at the present day in the modern cash. The prominence which the artists v'. Japan have of late acquired, and the very inferi(jr specimens of Chinese work which now coni- mon'v reach our shores, have blinded people to the real merits of the pictorial art of China. Wc are not now .speaking of the common brightly colored paintings (ju rice-paper which arc brought from Canton by travellers, but of the works of men who paint, and have l)aintcd, for the love of the art, and not only lor the taels they can earn by their brushes. Superb Paintings. A few years ago a magnificent collection of Japanese paintings was exhicited at the British Museum, and was arranged in such a manner as to show that tlie art of China and Japan is one. Vov this jiurpose the paintings were arranged chronologically, be- ginning with some early specimens of Chi- nese ait, and leading up to the time when the Japanese learned the use of the brush from their more cultivated neighbors. A coMipcuison of the pictures thus dis- played was enough to pro\'e to demonstra- tion that the artistii: flame which i\-'.: Ijurned s.) brightl)- in Japan was lit b)- the genius of Ciiinese masters. The same marked and arts ( power pec of ll :uliar fcatiu'es eharacteri/( ll le two countries. In botii tl leprihcnling with fidelity bird- fishcs, and flowers is remarkable, and an excpiisite skill in harmonizing colors, and of gi\'ing life and vigor to forms, distinguishes the works of arti.sts on both shores of the Yellow Sea. In like manner the same faults are observ- able in both schools. Perspective is com- monly defective, the anatomy of the human f(jrm is entirely misunderstood, and the larger animals, such as horses and cattle, suffer disiortion at the han''., of the artists. One noticeable feature in the technicalities of the art is the absence of shadow, the effect of which is produced by such skilful drawing tha, the omission is scarcely ob- served. Ideal Landscapes. As in the case of every fine art in China, the most precise rules are laid down to guide t le painter, and the effect is observable in a ce'tain uniformity in pictures of land- scape.'' and in the groupings of figures. The ideal landscape of the guide-books consists of a cloud-capped mountain, in tlie bosom of which a temple nestles surrounded by- trees, one of which must be a weeping wil- low. On a rocky eminence should stand a gaimt and bowed pine-tree. Near this must be a waterfall crossed by a rustic bridge, forming a link in a winding path which leads up to the temple, while in the far distance should be seen .sailing-boats wending their wa)'S on the much-winding river whiili (lows round the foot of the mountain. 'I'lie addi- tion of a couple of aged chess-players sealed under a willow tri'e (Hi a proiiiimnt jilateau on thi; side of the hill is recommended as being likely to give life to the scene. Ill tui iiranches of their art Chinese le (.iiMuglitsmcn ni;i)' hr said especially to e.xie d. II the cert:iint\' with wlii h ll lev diaw their illiiie-- liii'V are jjrobably unmatched, ex- Is :t' jir ail as ;sc ..■1. ■ir X- ii:- ,■1 i': m m ■ M ■;!, • 1 s '■ -^i ^ ^ '- J'OKCELAIN VASES OF NORTHERN CHINA. H 2.".2 CHINA: PAST AND PRKSKNT. i^ ccpt b}- the Japanese, and in tlie be.iuty of their miniature paintinj^ they have lew equals. The skilful use of his brush which every schoolbL_^ has to ^ain in copying the heir- oglyphic characters of the language accus- toms him to sketch forms with accuracy, and gives him an assured confidence in the draw- ing of his outlines. Skillful Draughtsmen. As, in addition, he is habituated to the use of Indian ink instead of lead pencils, he is aware that a false line must always remain against him as evidence of his want of skill. The mastery thus acquired gives him that wonderful power of unfalteringly expressing on paj)er the scenes he wishes to delineate which so often excites the astonishment f)f foreign draughtsmen. This ]iractice with the brush stands the miniature painter in equally good stead, and enables liijii to lay on his colors with such certainty, and with so unfailing a steadiness of li.md and eye, that he is able to represent with clearness, and often with exquisite beauty, j)atterns of microscopic minuteness. No better .specimen of this last phase of the art can be instanced than the best examples of painting on porcelain. For delicacy of tf)uch and richness of coloring these are often masterpieces, and possess a beauty whirh must charm every tutored eye. According to tradition the first beginnings of art in China are to be traced back many centuries before Christ, and were devoted, as in all ])rimitive societies, to the adornment of the palaces of kings and the houses of the great nobles If historians are to be trusted, the rude efforts of these early artists bore traces of the characteristics vihich have marked so distinctly the later developments of the art. The introduction of Buddhism, with its religious mysteries, its .sacred biographies and its miraculous legends, supplied a fresh motive to the artists of China, who at once caught the inspiration, although they treated the subjects after the marked national man- ner. In the troublous period which suc- ceeded the fall of the Han dynasty (A. D. 220), art, like all the other accomplishments which flourish best in time of peace, fell into decay, and it was not until the establishment of the Tang dyna.sty (A. D. 618) — the golden age of literature and culture — that art occupied again its true prominence in the estimation of the people. Scenes in Nature. It is at this period that we find the objects of nature represented with the fidelity and skill with which we are familiar in Chinese work. Throwing aside the martial notions of the earliest masters and the religious ideas imported from It na, the native artists .sought their subjects in the fields and woods, on the mountain side and by the river's bank. They transferred to their canvasses the land- scapes which met their eyes, the fiowers which grew around them, the birds as they flew or perched, and the fishes as they darted and swam in the clear w; of the streams. These tlu;y depicted with the minuteness common to their craft, and rivalled in life- like rendering the work of the celebrated Tsao (A. D. 240), of whom it is said that, " having painted a .screen for his sovereign, he carelessly added the representation of a fly to the picture, and that so perfect was the illusion that on receiving the .screen Sun Kuan raised his hand to brush the insect awa}'." As time advanced the lamp of art again grew dim, and it requireil the fresh impetus of a new dynasty to revive its brilliancy. The Sung dynasty (A. D. 960-1278) ',■ is FOOD, DRKSS AND AMUSEMENTS. 253 rich ill philosophers, poets, and painters, and while Chu Hi wrote metaphysical treatises, and the brothers Su sung of wine and the beauties of natuic. Ma Yuen, Muh Ki, Li Lungyen, and a host of others painted birds and flowers, landscapes and figures, dragons and monkeys, together with all kinds of other beasts which walk on the face of the earth, or are supposed to do so. With the rise to power of the Mongol dynasty in the 13th century the taste for the religious art of India revived, but did not erlipse the expression on canvas of that love of nature for which both the Chinese and Japanese are so conspicuous. But still paint- j ing did not rcitch the high level to which it liad attained in tii-^ earlier periods, and as of ^ every other institution of China, we are i obliged to .say of the pictorial art, "the old is better." During the last dynasty, however, there were artists whose power of coloring was as great or even greater than that of any of their predecessors, so far as we arc | able to judge. With infinite skill and minute realism they painted figures in a way which commands just admiration. In the British Museum there are exhibited some specimens of this branch of the art which undoubtedly display great power of composition and infi- nite .skill in the art of coloring. As a rule however, the c'stem, therefore, began with the cul- tivation of the individual, and this was to be perfected by a strict observance of the min- utest tictails of conduct. In his own person he set an illu.strious example of how a great and good man should demean himself. He cultivated dignity of manner and scrupulous respect to those to whom respect was due. When he entered the palace of his sovereign he walked with a bent head and humble mien, and towards parents he inculcated through- out his career the duty of paying minute obedience and the most affectionate atten- tion to their every wish ami command. In the manner in which he took his food, in the way in which he dressed, even in the attitude in which he lay in bed, he set him- self up as an example for all men to follow. People, he believed, were as grass i^efore the wind, and that, if they were bent by the in- fluence of a superior in a ciM'tain liirection, they would naturally follow that inclination. That the example of the sovereign was as the wind, and that he had but to allow his virtue to shine forth to ensure the reforma- tion of the whole state. Such a man "would plant tile peojile, anil forthwith they would be established ; he would leail them on, and forthwith they would follov,- him ; he would make them happy, and forthwith multitudes would resort o his dominions ; he would .stimulate them, and forthwith they would be harmonious. While he lived, he would be glorious. W'hen he died, he would be bit- terly lamented." Incapable Rulers. Such a sovereign need but to exi.st and an age of peace and prosperity would settle on the land. When, therefore, a .state was dis- turbed and rebellious, the main fault was not to be attributed to the people, but to the sovereign who ruled them ; anil hence it fol- lowed that the duties of ruler and people were reciprocal, and that while the people owed respect and obedience to virtuous sov- ereigns, they were exempt from the duty of loyalty to rulers who had departed from the paths of virtue. According to his theory; it was an easy matter for a sovereign to rule his people righteously. "Self-adjustment and purifica- \ I 'U-,) Jiit', It*. .1! '•■.• hi mm m ■nm wrmi- !' 1 ii! I 'hI \i 'i ■ % 258 CHINA: PAST AND PRKSKNT. •• tion, witli careful regulation of his dress and the not making a move., .i.t contrary to the rules of propriety — this is tlic way for the ruler to cultivate his person." Having cul- ti\atcd his own person, he is able to rule the Empire, and Confucius could find no e.Kcu.se, therefore, for a sovereign who failed to fulfil these very easy conditions. Skeptical Views. In such a system there is no room for a personal Deity, and Confucius withheld all sanction to the idea of the existence of such a Being. He refused to lift his eyes above the earth or to trouble himself about the future beyond the grave. "When we know so little about life, was his reply to an inqui- .siti\e disciple, "how can we know anything about death?" and the best advice he could give his followers with regard to spiritual be- ings was to keep them at a distance. But while ignoring all direct supernatural interference in the concerns of man, he ad- vocated the highest morality among his fol- lowers. Truth and Sincerit)-, Rigliteousncss and Virtue were the main Jiemes of his dis- courses, and though he himself failed on many occasions to observe the truth, he yet pro- fessed and felt the greatest respect and re- gard for that \ irtue. He was a plain, un- imaginative man, but used the mundane weapons at his command with mighty and far-reaching effect. Once only he reached to the high level of perfect Christianity, and in the enunciation of the command "to do unto others as you would they .should do unto you," he sur- passed himself. From his limited stand- point he had no future bliss to offer to his followers as a reward for virtue, nor any pun- ishments after death with which to awe those who were inclined to depart from the paths of rectitude. His teaching was of the earth, earthy, and as such was exactly suited to the conmionplace, matter-of-fact tone of the Chi- nese mind. And thus it has come about that, though, during his lifetime, his influence was confined to a small knot of faithful disci- ples, his .system has since been accepted as the guiding star of the national policy and conduct. Confucius was not the only teacher of note who appeared about this time to warn the people of the probable consequences of the violence and misrule which was spread- ing over the Empire like a flood. For many centuries men calling themselves Taoists, who were plainly imbued with the philoso- phical mysticism of Brahminical India, had preached the vanity of attempting to stem the tide of disorder, and had, like the Mani- chaeans, withdrawn as far as possible from the crowd of men into selfish retirement. Disagreed With Confucius. The views of these men ^ ere vague and shadowy, and it was not until the appearance of Laotzu, who was a contemporary of but senior to Confucius, that their aspirations found expression in a formulated system. In almost every respect Laotzu, or the old philosopher, was poles asunder from Con- fucius. Of his childhood and youth we know nothing, and, unlike Confucius, whose every act of daily life is faithfully recorded, we are left in complete ignorance of his per- sanal history until we meet him as an old man, holding the office of keeper of the records at the Court of Chow. We are told that his surname was Li, and that his personal name was Urh, which is, being interpreted, "an ear" — a sobri-juct which is said to have been given him on ac- count of the unusually large size of those organs. His birth, we are told, took place in the THK RELIGIONS OF CHINA. 259 In old Con- we lose lIccI, pcr- old the ;uid 1 is, juct ■i ac- those the year 604 K. C, at tlic village of Chiijen, or "Oppressed Benevolence," in the parish of Li, or "Cruelty," in the district of Ku, or •" Bitterness," and in the state of Tsu, or "Suffering." If the.se places were as myLliical as John Bunyan's " City of De- struction " and "Vanity Fair," their names could not have been more appropriately chcsen to designate the birthplace of a sage who was driven from office and from friends by the disorders of the time. It is remark- able that the description of his large ears and gi ueral appearance tallies accurately with those of the non-Chinese tribes on the western frontiers of the Empire. Indian Philosophy. His surname, Li, also reminds one of the large and important tribe of that name which was dispossessed by the invading Chinese, and was driven to seek refuge in what is now Southwestern China. But, however, that may be, it is impossible to overlook the fact that he imported into his teachings a decided flavor of Indian philosophy. His main object was to explain to his fol- lowers the relations between the universe and that which he called Tao. The first mean- ing of this word is, "The way," but in the teachings of Laotzu it was much more than that. " It was the way and the waygocr. It was an eternal road ; along it all beings and all things wal'ed, but no being made it, for it is being itself; it was everything and noth- ing, and the cause and effect of all. All things originated from Tao, conformed to Tao, and to Tao they at last returned." Like Confucius, Laotzu held that the nature of man was originally good, but from that point their systems diverged. In place of the formalities and ceremonies which were the corner-stones of the Confucian cult, Laotzu desired tc bring his followers back to the state of simplicity before the absence of th»' virtues which Confucius lauded had forced on the minds of men the conscious- ness of their existence. He would have them revert to a halcyon period when filial piety, virtue and righteousness belonged to the nature of the people, and before the re- cognition of their opposites made it neces- sary to designate them. Instead of asserting themselves, he urged his disciples to strive after self-emptiness. His favorite illustration was that of water, which seeks the lowliest spots, but which at the same time permeates everything, and by its constant dropping pierces even the hard- est substances. By practising modesty, humility and gentleness, men may, he taught, hope to walk safely on the path which leads to Tao, and protected by those virtues they need fear no evil. The Mother of All Things. To such men it requires no more effort to keep themselves pure and uncontaminated than it does to the pigeon to preserve un- tarnished the whiteness of its feathers, or to the crow to maintain the sable hue of its pinions. Tao was the negation of effort. It was inactive, and yet left nothing undone. It was formless, and yet the cause of form. It was still and void. It changed not, and yet it circulated everywhere. It was impalpable and invisible. It was the origin of heaven and earth, and it was the mother of all things. To such a prophet as Laotzu war was hateful, and he inculcated the duty of turning the other cheek to the smitcr, and of retreating before all forms of violence. Unlike Confucius, he advocated the duty of recompensing evil with good, and injury with kindness ; but he joined hands with that sage in ignoring the existence of a personal il 1 !:■ ■ iH. .:IIP i m i I li 260 CHINA: PAST AND I'RI-SKNT. Dcit}'. Tluis, in sonic particulars, tlicy held every evil. It did not strive \vu!i man, but let common views. j each one who strayed from its paths fiml out Tao was all and in all. It was uncon- ' for himself the evil consequences of his acts. ditioned being, which, as an abstraction too | As a political system Taoism was plainly TEMPLK AT NANKIN'. subtle for words, is the origin of heaven a.ul earth, including God Him.ielf; and, when capable of being expressed by name, is the mother of all things. It was a mighty pro- tector who guarded its faithful sons against impracticable. If the Chinese state and the surrounding nations could have been con- verted bodily to it, an ideal such as Laotzu sketched out may have found a place in existence. But in camps and amid the clash THE ri:ligions ok china. 261 of arms its adoption was plainly incompatible with the existence of a nation, and Laotzu, finding that his preaching fell on deaf ears, resigned his missionary effort, and, leaving China behind him, started in a westerly direc- tion — whither wc know not. No record has come down to us of his iast uay^, h(jr nave we any more knowledge of where death overtook him than we have of his origin. As a meteor he flashed across the meridian of China, and then disappeared into darkness. A comparison of the doctrines advocated by Laotzu with the Brahminic philosophy, proves to demonstration that he drew his inspiration from India. The Tao of Laotzu as expounded in the Taoteching, a work which is popularly attributed to him, was the Brahma of the Brahmins, from which everything emanates and to which every- thing returns ; " which is both the fountain from which the stream of life breaks forth and the ocean into which it hastens to lose itself" A Crop of Heresies. The whole conception of the system was foreign to the Chinese mind, and his personal influence was no sooner withdrawn from his disciples than heresies cropped up and de- based views took the place of the singular!}' pure and subtle metaphysical thoughts of the teacher. The doctrine that life and death were mere phases in the existence of man encouraged the growth of an epicurean longing to enjoy the good things of life in oblivion of the hereafter. This tendency led to an inordinate desire to prolong life, and there were not wanting among the followers of Laotzu those who professed to have gained the secret of immortality. Several of the reigning sovereigns, at- tracted by these heterodox views, professed themselves Taoists ; and even Chi Hwangti, the builder of the Great Wall, fell a victim to the prevailing superstition. More than once lie sent expeditions to the Eastern Isles to procure the plant of immortality, which was .said to flourish in those favored spots. Death and poverty have always been states abhorrent to common humanity, and to the eli.xir of immortality, Taoist priests, in the interests of the cause, added a further con- quest over nature, and professed to have fathomed the secret of being able to trans- mute common metals into gold. Believers in Magic. These are superstitions which die hard, and even at the present day alchemists are to be found poring over crucibles in the vain hope of being able to secure to themselves boundless wealth ; and seekers after magic herbs, though hesitating to promise by their use an endless life, yet attribute to them the virtue of prolonging youth and of delaying the approach of the time when " the strong men shall bow themselves, and the grinders cea-se because they are few, and those that look out of the windows be darkened." Coupled with these corruptions came a desire for visible objects of worship, and, fol- lowing the example of the Buddhists, the Taoists deified Laotzu, and associated two other gods with him to form a trinity. The establishment of these deities gave rise to a demand for new gods to personify the various personal wants and wishes of the people. At the present day a Taoist temple is a veritable Pantheon, and it is scarcely pos- sible to imagine a craving on the part of either man or woman for which there is not a particular god or godtiess whose province it is to listen to their cries. Thus the whole tonticnc\- of modern Taoism has been towards ihc practice of magic and the most debased 1 IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) £ 1.0 I.I i;i|28 If 1^ nil 2.0 1^ IIIIIM III 1.8 1.25 1.4 III 1 A < 6" ► V] 7. 7 Hiotographic Sdences Ccrporation m ds fV c\ \ ^ ^ 6^ «' '^J^ 33 WIST MAIN STRUT WIBSTER.N.Y. MS80 (716) S72-4S03 ■^ ^\7 ^ f 262 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. superstitions and it has found multitudes cf willing adherents. If a man desires that his horoscope should be cast, or that the demon of disease should be expelled from the body of his wife or child, or that a spirit should be called from the other world, or that the perpetrator of a theft or murder should be discovered, a Taoist priest is invariably sent for, who, by the exercise of his arts, succeeds in so far mystifying the inquirer as to satisfy his demands. These preyers on the follies of their fdlow-men reap so rich a harvest from the practice of their rites and incantation, that the calling is one that is eagerly sought after. A Pompous High Priest. Being thus largely supported, the Taoist hierarchy has grown into a large and power- ful body, and is presided over by a high pnest, who is chosen for the office by divine selection from a certain family bearing the name of Chang, among whom the spiritual afflatus is supposed to rest. This ecclesiastic lives surrounded by wealth and dignity, and at stated intervals presents himself at Pekin to offer his allegiance to the Emperor. As agreeable supplements to their monas- teries, the Taoist priests encourage the estab- lishment of nunneries, into which young girls retreat, either at the bidding of their parents or of their own free choice as a means of escape from the uncertainties of marriage or from the miseries of their homes. Such retreats are not always the abodes of purity and peace, and, as occasionally has hap- pened, the occurence of disorders and impro- prieties has compelled the law to interfere for their suppression. The descent from the lofty aspirations of Laotzu to the magic, jugglery, and supersti- tion of the modem-day Taoists is probably as great a fall as has ever been recorded in the history of religions. Laotzu attempted to lead his disciples beyond the attractions of self and the seductions of the world. Mis so-called followers devote their energies to encouraging the debased superstitions of their fellow-men, and so fatten on theic follies. Cravings of Human Nature. But there are instinctive longings in the minds of men, even in those of Chinamen, which neither Confucianism, nor Taoism in its earlier phase, could supply. Deep down in the hearts of civilized ar.d uncivilized peoples is a desire to peer into the future,. and seek for verities beyond the limited circl^^ of pains and miseries which bounds the pres- ent life. To Chinamen this want was supplied by Buddhism, which was introduced into the Flowery Land by native missionaries from India. So early as 219 B. C. the first fore- runners of the faith of Sakyamuni reached the Chinese capital of Loyang. But the time was not ripe for their venture. The stoical followers of Confucius and Laotzu presented a determined and successful oppo- sition to them, and, after a chequered experi- ence of Chinese prisons and courts, they disappeared from the scene, leaving no traces of their faith behind them. In A. D. 61 a second mission arrived in China, whose members met with a far more favorable reception. A settled government had followed the time of disorder which had previously prevailed, and, though the Con- fucianists raged and persecuted, the mission- aries held their own, and succeeded in la>- ing the solid foundation of a faith which was destined in later ages, to overspread the whole Empire. Even at this early period a schism had rent the Church in India, where the Hinai* THE RELIGIONS OF CHINA. 263 yana and Mahayana schools had already divided the allegiance of the followers of Buddha. The Hinayana school, which held more closely to the moral asceticism and self-denying, self-sacrificing charity which were preached by the founder of the faith, established iiself more especially among tiic natives of Southern India and of Ceylon. The Mahayana school, on the other hand, whicii may be described as a philosophical system, which found expression in an elab- orate ritual, an idolatrous symbolism, and in ecstatic meditation, gained its main support- ers among the more hardy races of North- em India, Nepal, and Tibet. Gained Many Converts. It was this last form of the faith which found acceptance in China. It supplied ex- actly that which Confucianism and Taoism lacked, and, notwithstanding the opposition of the stalwarts of the Confucian doctrine, it spread rapidly and gained the ready adhe- sion of the people. And though the mis- sionaries sanctioned the deification of Huddha and the worship of gods, they still main- tained the main features of the faith. The doctrine of Metempsychosis, the necessity of gaining perfect emancipation from all passions, all mental phenomena, and, greatest of all, from self, were preached in season and out of season, and gained a firm hold among their proselytes. It is the fate of all religions to degenerate in course of ages from the purity of their origins, and Buddhism in China affords an illustrious ex- ample of this phenomenon. Not content with the liberal share of superstition which was santioned by the Mahayana system, the people turned aside to the later Tantra school in search of a sanction for still more fanatical practices. Like the Taoists, the Buddhist monks pro- fessed to be adepts in the arts of magic, and claimed to themselves the power of being able to banish famine, remove pestilence, and drive away evil spirits, by their incanta- tions. They posed as astrologers and exor- cists, and made dupes of the people from the highest to the lowest. Governed by the Senses. With the choice before them of a holy life, from which desire and self are wholly eradicated, and a religious profession which ministers to the senses and to the ordinary intelligence, the modern Chinese have had no hesitation in throwing in their lot with the more mundane school. With the five com- mandments of Buddha, "thou shalt not kill; thou shalt not steal ; thou shalt not commit any unchaste act ; thou shalt not lie ; thou shalt not drink any intoxicating liquor," the ordinary Chinese Buddhist does not much , concern himself. He clings, however, to the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, and though he not uncommonly lapses into the sin of eating meat and fish, yet his diet for the most part is, to his credit it must be said, confined to the Lenten fare of vegetables and grain. In all religious works this dogma is strenuously insisted on, and even in popular literature authors not infrequently picture the position of men who, by the mercy of Buddha, have narrowly escaped from the sin of devouring their best friends in the guise of a carp or a ragout. The plain ami un- disguised adoption of idolatry by the Chinese made the existence of temples a first neces- sity, and at the present time these sacred edifices are to be found wherever men meet and congregate whether in the streets of cities or in village lanes. Among the countless idols which adorn their halls the first places are invariably 264 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. given to the trinity of Buddhas — the past Buddha, the present Buddha and the Buddha which is to come. These three figures dominate the principal hall of every temple. In rear of this is commonly a dagoba in which is concealed a relic of Buddha — it may be the paring of a nail, a tear-drop or a lock of hair — and at the back of that again are the deities which are supposed to preside over all the ills that flesh is heir to. As is the case everywhere, women are the most constant devotees, and on the pedestals of the favorite deities are commonly to be seen scores of votive offerings expressing the gratitude of these worshippers for mercies vouchsafed to them. But there is a reverse side to the shield from the gods' point of view. It not unfrequently happens that deities who, either from forgetfulness or malevolence, have turned a deaf ear to the prayers of suppliants, are violently assaulted and defaced. Rebellion Against an Idol. At Foochow, where a long drought had wrought havoc among the neighboring farms, the people rose against the god of sickness, who was supposed to be the cause of the plague, and having made a paper junk bearing a paper effigy of the offending deity, they launched him on the river at the same moment that they set fire to the vessel. This emblematized banishment was supposed to do away with the evil influences which had prevailed, and the showers which subse- quently fell were held fully to justify the ex- emplary rite. Strictly speaking, the term " priest " does not apply to Buddhists. They offer no sacri- fice to the gods, but are merely monks who perform services and pronounce incantations for the benefit of their followers. The prac- tice of contemplative meditation, which is one of the features of the Mahayana school, has multiplied these social drones by directly encouraging the establishment of monasteries and their allied nunneries. Each monastery is governed by an abbot, who has the power of inflicting punishment on offending brothers, and the discipline commonly preserved is in direct ratio to the vigilance and conscientiousness of that func- tionary. If the popular belief is to be accepted, neither the discipline nor the morality of the monasteries is above sus- picion, and in popular farces and tales the character who appears in the most compro- mising positions, and is discovered in the perpetration of the most disgraceful acts, is commonly a Buddhist priest. How Vacanies are Filled. Outwardly, however, an air of peace and decorum is preser\ed, and there is jcldom a lack of aspirants for the sacred office when vacancies occur. Commonly the neophytes join as mere boys, having been devoted to the service of Buddha by their parents. At other times a less innocent cause supplies candidates for the cowl. Like sanctuary of old, Buddhist monasteries are held to be places of refuge for malefactors, and of this very raw and unpromising material a large proportion of the monks are made. But from whatever motive he may join, the neophyte, on entering, having discarded his secular garments, and donned the gown and cowl of the monkhood, marks his sepa- ration from the world by submitting to the loss of his queue and to the shaving of his head. The duties of the monks are not labrious, and they enjoy in the refectory good though plain food. In the nunneries, which are almost as numerous as monas- teries, much the same routine is followed as is practiced by the monks. The evil of the THE RKLIGIONS OF CHINA. 266 system is, however, more apparent in the sisterhoods than in the monasteries, and a bad reputation for all kinds of improprieties clings to them. It must not, however, be supposed that there is no such thing as religious zeal among Buddhist monks. Mendicant friars often endure hardships, practice au.sterities, and undergo self-inflicted tortures in the cause of their religion. Others banish them- selves to mountain caves, or condemn them- selves to perpetual silence to acquire that virtue which ensures to them an eternal life in the blissful regions of the west. But such cases are the exceptions, and to the majority of both monks and nuns the old saying applies, " The nearer the church the further from God." Superstitious Observances. Such is, stated briefly, the position of the three principal religions in China. Both Mahommedanism and Christianity have their foUowings ; but the numbers of their adher- ents are so comparatively small that, at present, they cannot be said to influence in any way the life of the nation. Mean- while, the people, disregarding the distinc- tive features of the three creeds — Confu- cianism, Taoism, and Buddhism — take from each such tenets and rites as suit their immediate views and necessities, and super- adding numerous superstitious observances which have existed from before the time when Confucius and Laotzu were, have established a religious medley which, hap- pily, satisfies all the needs of which they are conscious. Many of the forms employed to coii- nieniorate the annual festivals have in them that touch of nature-worship which makes the whole primitive world kin. In the seventh month, for example, a festival in honor of a star-goddess, famous for her skill in embroider)', is held, at which young girls display specimens of needlework, and offer up supplications before the altar of the god- dess, praying that a share of her skill may be bestowed upon them. At the same time, to show that they are worthy disciples of the deity, they attempt on their knees to thread their needles, held above their heads, to the accompaniment of music discoursed by blind musicians. The moon is worshipped in the eighth month, and moon-cakes, especially prepared for the occasion, are offered by the light of her beams in adoiation <-!f the goddess. The sun also comes in for his share of adoration. To these and similar celebrations Buddhism lends its countenance, and on the eighth of the fourth month the saint himself submits to be bathed in efiigy for the edification of the faithful, who testify their zeal by pouring handfuls of cash on his brazen forehead. Religious Edifices. Incidentally, we have brought to our atten- tion in this connection the construction of religious edifices or temples, and Chinese dwelling-houses. We are all familiar with drawings of the quaint roofs with their up- turned corners, which characterize the archi- tecture of the country. The form at once suggests thiit, as is probably the case, this dominant .style of building is a survival of the tent-dwellings of the Tartar peoples. It is said that when Jen'jhiz Khan, the founder of the Mongol dynasty, invaded China, in the thirteenth century, his followers, on i)os- sessing themselves of a city, reduced the houses to a still more exact counterpart of their origins by pulling down the walls, and leaving the roofs supported by the wooden pillars which conmionly bear the entire weight of those burdens. . U 260 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. I '■'' J > i i What at once strikes the eye in the appearance of a Chinese city, even of the capital itself, is the invariable sameness in the style of building. Palaces and temples, public offices and dwelling-houses, are built on one constant model. No spire, no dome, no tower, rises to relieve the monotony of INTERIOR OF A CHINESE TE.NU'Lli, SHOWING the scene, which is varied only, so far as the buildings, are concerned, by the different colored tiles — green, yellow, and brown — which indicate roughly the various uses which the buildings they cover are designed to serve, and by occasional pagodas, remind- ing us of the faith of the people. In his " History of Indian and Eastern Architecture," the late Mr. Fergusson sug- gested, as a reason for this absence of variety the fact that " the Chinese never had either a dominant priesthood or an hereditary no- bility. The absence of the former class is important, because it is to sacred art that architecture has owed its highest inspiration, and sacred art is never so strongly developed as under the influence of a powerful and splendid hierarchy. In the same manner the want of an hereditary nobility is equally unfavorable to do- mestic architecture of a dura- ble description. Private feuds and private wars were till lately unknown, and hence there are no fortalices, or fortified mansions, which by their mass and solidity give such a marked character to a certain class of domestic edifices in the West." There are, however, other factors which have operated eveti more powerfully than these two in producing this monotonous conformity to one model, and that is the sterility of the imaginative powers of the Chinese people, and the steadfast conservatism of the race. THEIR IIX)I>. j^jgj jj^ j|,g ^,.jj. .j„^j y^i_ ! ences, which in the dim past they accjuired from more cultured races in Western Asia, have remained crystallized in the stage in which they received them, and just as their written language has not, like that of Ancient Egypt and Assyria, advanced beyond a primi- tive phonetic stage, so their knowledge of architecture has been perpetuated without THE RELIGIONS OF CHINA. 207 the smallest symptom of development or the least spark of genius. Even when they have an e.xample of better things before them, they deliberately avert their eyes, and go on repeating the same type of mean and paltry buildings. Filthy Streets. • At all the treaty ports, and notably at Shanghai, there have been reared on the foreign settlement houses in every kind of western architecture, bordering wide and well-made roads, and provided with every sanitary improvement, and yet, in the ad- joining native cities, houses are daily built on exactly the original model, the streets are left as narrow and filthy as ever, and no ef- fort is made to improve the healthiness of the areas. It might be supposed that in a nation where there exists such a profound veneration for everything that is old, the people would have striven to perpetuate the glories of past ages in great and noble monuments that Emperors would have raised palaces to themselves at records of their greatness, and that the magnates of the land would have built houses which should en- dure as homes; for generations of descend- ants. But it would seem as though their no- madic origin haunted them in this also, and that, as in shape so in durability, " the re- collection of their old tcnt-liouses, which were pitched to-day and struck to-morrow, still dominates their ideas of what palaces and houses should be." Throughout the length and breadth of China there is not a single building, except it may be some few pagodas, which by any stretch of the imagin- ation can be called old. A few generations suffice to see the state- liest of their palaces crumble into decay, and a few centuries are enough to obliterate all traces even of royal cities. The Mongol conqueror, Kublai Khan, whose wealth, magnificence and splendor are recorded with admiration by travellers, built for himself a capital near the city o*" Pckin. If any his- torian should wish to trace out for himself the features of that Imperial city, he would be compelled to seek amid the earth-covered mounds which alone mark the spot where the conqueror held his court, for any relics which may perchance survive. Above ground the city, with all its bar- baric splendors, has vanished as a dream .^ For this ephemeralness the style and nature of the buildings are responsible. A Chinese architect invites damp, and all the destruc- tive consequences which follow from it, by building his house on the surface of the soil; he ensures instability by basing it on the shal- lowest of foundations, and he makes certain of its overthrow by using materials which most readily decay. The Roof Built First. The structure consists of a roof supported by wooden pillars, with the intervals filled in with badly baked bricks. It is strictly in ac- cordance with the topsy-turvy Chinese methods that the framework of the roof should be constructed first, before even the pillars which are to support it arc placed in position. But, like most of the other con- tradict iry practices of the people, this one is- capable of rational explanation. Strange as it may seem, the pillars are not sunk into the ground, but merely stand upon stone foundations. The weight of the roof is, therefore, necessary for their sup- port, and to its massive proportions is alone attributable the temporary substantialness of the building. To prevent an overthrow the summits of the pillars are bound together by beams, and much ingenuity and taste i» II 468 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. shown in the adornment of the ends of these supports and cross-pieces, which ap- pear beneath the eaves of the upturned roof. For the most part the pillars are plain, and either square or round, and at the '.base are slightly cut in, after the manner of :the pillars in the temples of ancient Egypt. Dragons and Serpents. Occasionally, when especial honor, either •due to religious respect or ofBcial grandeur, attaches to a building, the pillars are carved into representations of dragons, serpents, or grinding foliage, as the taste of the designer ■may determine. But in a vast majority of ^buildings the roof is the only ornamented part, and a great amount of pains and skill is devoted to add beauty to this part of the structure. A favorite method of giving an appear- ance of lightness to the covering of a house or temple which would otherwise look too heavy to be symmetrical, is to make a double roof, so as to break the long line necessitated by a single structure. The eflect produced by looking down on a city studded with temples and the palaces of nobles is, so far as color is concerned, brilliant and pictur- esque, and reminds the traveller of the view from the Kremlin over the glittering gilt- •domed churches of Moscow. The damp from the soil which is so detri- mental to the stability of the building is made equally injurious to the inhabitants by the fact that all dwellings consist of the ground floor only. With very rare e.\ccp- tions such a thing as an upper story is unknown in China, one reason, no doubt, being that neither the foundations nor the n'.nterials are sufficiently trustworthy to sup- port anything higher than the ground floor. The common symbol for a house indicates tlie ground plan on which dwellings of the better kind are designed. It is one which is compounded of parts meaning a square within a doorway. On entering the front door the visitor passes into a courtyard, on either side of which arc dwelling-rooms, and at the end of which is a hall, with probably rooms at both extremities. " Doors at the back of this hall communicate with another courtyard, and in cases of wealthy families, a third courtyard succeeds, which is devoted to the ladies of the household. Beyond this is the garden, and, in the case of country houses, a park. The whole enclosure is surrounded with a blank wall, which is pierced only by the necessary doors. All the windows face inwards. Monotony of Architecture. To the wayfarer, therefore, the appearance of houses of the better sort is monotonous and drear, and suggests a want of life which is far from the actual fact, and a desire for privacy which, so far as the apartments devoted to the male inmates are concerned, is equally wide of the mark. In accordance with Chinese custom, the front courtyard may be considered to be open to any who may choose to wander in, and a desire to ex- clude all strangers would be held to argue that there was something wrong going on which the owner wished to conceal. The courtyards are decorated with flowers and vases according to the taste of the in- habitants, and occasionally a forest tree arises in their midst, which gives a grateful shade from the heat of the day. The rooms, when well-furnished, are rather artistically pretty than comfortable. To begin with, the floors are either of pounded clay or of badly made bricks. No carpet, except in the north of the country, protects the feet from the damp foundation, and if it were not for the THK RKLIGIONS OF CHINA. 269' thick wadded soles c.i the sljocs worn, and ' the prevailing liabit of reclininij on divans, and of sitting cross-legged, the result to the health of the people would be \ery serious. In the south, these divans are of wood, and in the north they take the shape of Kang, or stove bed-places. These last a;e com- monly built of brick, and occupy one side of the room. They are niatlc liollow, for the insertion of burning brushwood or coal, which affords warmth to the room generally, and especial!)' to the occupants of the Kang. A Pillow of Wood. Mats placed on the brickwork form the resting-place of the waddcil bcdclotiies, which supply all the furniture for the night whicli a Chinaman recpiircs, except the pillow. To us the idea of a pillow is some- thing soft and yielding, which gives rest, and an elastic support to the whole head. To a Chinaman it conveys quite a different notion. A hard, rounded cylinder of wood or lacquer-ware has, to him, a charm which lulls to sleep in an attitutle which would be intolerable to us. It supports only the neck, and leaves the head without anything on which to recline. In some parts of the country, where women, by the use of bandoline, dress their hair in protrusive shapes, this kind of pillow has, at least, one advantage. After the longest night's rest they are able to rise without the slightest derangement of their coiffures, which thus remain for days, and sometimes for weeks, without renewal. Unlike their Asiatic neighbors, the Chi- nese have been accustomed to the use of chairs for centuries. A record of the time when they were habituated to the common Oriental custom of sitting on the ground, is preserved in the word for "a feast," the pri- mary meaning of which is " a mat," suggest- ing the usual Kastern practice of .spreading food on a mat or rug on the floor. Hut,, though they have ailvanced so far, they have by no means arrived at the knowledge of an easy chair. Angular in shape, .stiff and un- yielding in its materials, a Chinese chair is only welcome when rest is not an object. Its very uncomfortable .structure and ma- terial suggest.s a foreign origin for it, and even at the present time, the use of chairs i.s not universal throughout the Kmiiire. When the Emperor lately received the foreign min- isters, he did so seated cross-legged on a cushion ; and on all native .state occasions in the north of the country this mode of sitting is commonly in vogue. Choice Furniture. In wealthy housciiolds the woods used for furniture are those brought from the Straits Settlements and Borneo, such as camagon, ebony, puru, redwood and rosewood; while less opulent people are content to use chairs, bedsteads, and tables made of bamboo and stained woods. But, whatever the material, considerable labor and artistic skill are used to give grace and beauty to the various arti- cles. As in the case of the roofs already spoken of, the ornaments in tables are chiefly centered in the space beneath the overlap- ping tops. Ornamental work, bearing a strong resem-- blancc to Greek patterns, is commonly em- ployed with admirable effect, and though the general appearance of a well-furnished Chi- nese room is somewhat disfigured by the angular shape of the furniture, the skill with which the different articles are arranged makes up to a great extent for the want of rounded forms and soft materials. Just as the Chinese show a genius for artistic landscape gardening, so in their rooms they display a taste- in decoration and< 270 CHINA: PAST AND I'RKSENT. harmoniziiiti colors which imparts an air of comfort and clcyancc t > their dwellings. Car\od stands, on which arc placed diverse shaped vases containing flowering plants or siirubs, dwarfed into quaint and attractive forms, are varied and mingled with rockwork groups in miniature, while on the tables are dispensed strangely bound books, and orna- ments of every shape and kind. ricli men is the wood-carving which adorns the cornices of tiie rooms and the borders of the doorwajs. With that richness of ornament which be- longs to the Kast, fruits, flowers, creeping plants, and birds are represented by the artists in an endless variety of beauty, and through tills frctte'l embroidery a cool stream of air circulates in the apartments. In any RF.I.ir.IOUS CEREMONY IN The walls are commonly hung with scrolls, bearing drawings of landscapes by celebrated masters, in which mountain scenery, falling water, and pavilions shaded by queerly shaped trees, form conspicuous elements. On others are inscribed the choice words of wisdom which fell from the lips of the sages of ancient China, written in black, cursive characters on red or white grounds. But one of the chief glories of the houses of A JOSS-HOUSE. but a hot climate the absence of carpets, tablecloths, and cushions would give an ap- pearance of discomfort, but with the ther- mometer standing at the height which the neighborhood of the tropics gives to it, the aspect of a Chinese room suggests a grate- ful and refreshing coolness. The studies of scholars have furniture peculiar to them. The table is supplied with the four requisites for writing, viz.; THE RELIGIONS OK CHiNA. 271 paper, pencil-bruslies, ink, and ink-stone, while against the walls stand shelves on which, by a curious survival of the practice common in the libraries of Babylonia, the books are arranged on their side.,, their lower edj;cs, on which arc inscribed the titles of the works they contain, being alone apparent. The following is a description of one of the I'oos, or ducal residences, in Pekin. "A Foo has in front of it two large stone lions, with a house for musicians and for gatekeepers. Through a lofty gateway, on which are hung tablets inscribed with the owner's titles, the visitor enters a large square court with a paved terrace in the centre, which fronts the principal hall. Mere, on days of ceremony, the slaves and depend- ants may be ranged in reverential posture before the owner, who sits as the master of the household, in the hall. Behind the principal hall are two other halls, both facing, like it, the south. Internal Arrangements. " These buildings all have five or .seven compartments, divided b)- pillars which sup- port the roof, and the three or five in the centre are left open to form one large hall, while the sides are partitioned off to make rooms. Beyond the gable there is usually an extension called the Urfang, literally, the ear-house, from its resemblance in position to that organ. On each side of the large courts fronting the halls are side houses of one or two stories. The garden of a Foo is on the west side, and is usually arranged as an ornamental park, with a lake, wooded mounds, fantastic arbors, small Buddhist temples, covered passages, and a large open hall for drinking tea and entertaining guests, which is called Hwating. " Garden and house art kept private, and effectually guarded from intru.sion of strangers by a high wall, and at the doors by a numer- ous staff of messengers. The stables are usually on the east side, and contain stout Mongol ponies, large Hi horses, and a good supply of sleek, well-kept mules, such as North China furnishes in abundance. A prince or jjHncess has a retinue of about twenty, mounted on ponies or mules." Facing Southward. By something more than a sumptuary law, all houses of any pretension face south- ward, and their sites, far from being left to the mere choice of tiie proprietors, are deter- mined for them by the rules and regulations of Feng Shui. This Feng Shui is that which places a preliminary stumbling-block in the way of every Western improvement. If a railway is proposed, the objection is at once raised that it would destroy the I'eng Shui of the neighborhood by disturbing the .sepulchres of the dead. If a line of tele- graph is suggested, the promoters are promptly toKI tliat the shadows thrown by the wires on the houses they pass would out- rage the I'eng Shui of the neighborhood and bring disaster and death in their train. In the minds of the people Feng Shui has a very positive existence, but with the mandarians, who are not all so grossly ignorant, it has been found that when state necessities require it, or when a sufficient sum of money is likely to be their reward, the terrors of Feng Shui disappear like the morning mists before the sun. The two words Feng Shui mean " Wind " and "Water," and are admittedly not very de- scriptive of the superstitution which they represent. So far as it is possible to unravel the in- tricacies of subtle Oriental idea, Feng Shui appears to be a faint inkling of natural 372 CHINA: PAST AND I'RKSKNT. science overlaid and infinitely disfigured by supcrstitution. As it is n»\v interpreted, its professors explain that what astrolojjy is to the star-tjazer, I'entj Shui is to the observer of the surface of our planet. The features of the globe are, we are told, but the reflex of the starry heaven, ami just as the con- junction of certain planets presage misfor- tune ti) mankind, so the juxtaposition of cer- tain physical features of the earth are fraught with like ciil consctjuenccs to those under their influence. The Dragon and Tiger. But, in addition to this, it is believed that through the surface of the earth there run two currents representing tlie male and female principles of Nature, the one known as the "Azure Dragon," and the other as the "White Tiger." The undulations of the earth's surface arc held to supply to the professors of Feng Sluii, aided as they always are by magnetic compasses, the whereabout of these occult forces. To obtain a fortunate site these two cur- rents should be in conjunction, forming as it were a bent arm with their juncture at the elbow. Within the angle formed by this combination is the site which is calculated to bring wealth and happiness to those who are fortunate enough to secure it cither for build- ing purposes or for a graveyard. As it is obvious that it is often impossible to secure such a conjunction, the necessary formation has to be supplied by artificial means. A semicircle of trees planted to cover the back of a house answers all the purposes of the " Azure Dragon " and " White Tiger," while in a level country, a bank of earth of the same shape, surrounding a tomb, is equally effective. Through the mist antl folly of this superstition there appears a small particle of reason, and it is beyond question that the sites chosen by these professors are such as avoid many of the ill effects of the climate. Many years ago, when we first settled at Hong Kong, the mortality among the soldiers who occupied the Murray ])arracks was ter- rible. By the advice of the colonial surgeon, a grove of bamboos was planted at the back of the buildings. The effect of this arrange- ment was largely tn diminish the sickness among the troops, and it was so .strictly in accordance with the rules of Feng Shui that the natives at once assumed that the surgeon was a past-master in the science. Again, when we formed the new foreign settlement on the Shamien site at Canton, the Chinese prophesied that evil would befall the dwellings, and " when it was discovered that every house built on Shamien was overrun as soon as built with white ants, boldly defying coal-tar, carbolic acid, and all other foreign appliances ; when it was noticed that the English consul, though having a special residence built for him there, would rather live two miles cff under the protecting shadow of a pagoda, it was a clear triumph Feng Shui and of Chinese statesmanship." Barring Out Evil. In front of every house which is protected at the rear by the approved genial influences, there should be a pond, and the approach to the door should be winding, for tue double purpose of denying a direct mode of egress to the fortunate breath of nature secured by the conditions of the site, and of preventing the easy ingress of malign influences. For the same reason a movable screen is commonly placed in the open doorway of a house, which, while standing in the way of the admission of supernatural evil, effectually wards off the very actual discomfort of a draught. With equal advantage a pair of stone THK RELIGIONS OF CHINA. 273 lions placed at the doorway of u house which is unfortunate enough to be faced by a straight lane or street are said to overcome the noxious currents which niiglit be tempted by the direct access to attack the dwelling. Temple architecture differs little from that of the houses, and varies in the same way from splendor to squalor, from gorgeous shrines built with the costly woods of Borneo and roofed in with resplendent glazed tiles to lath-and-plaster sheds covered in with mud roofing. In country districts, and more especially in hilly regions, Buddhists show a marked predilection for the most sheltered and beautiful spots provided by nature, and there rear monasteries which might well tempt men of less ascetic mould than that they profess to be made of to assume the cowl. Sumptuous Temples of Budd>'.a. The contemplative life which they arc in theory supposed to lead is held to tempt them to retire from the busy haunts of men and to seek in the deep ravines and sheltered valleys the repose and quiet which in more public positions would be denied them. It says much for the charity of the people that out of their poverty such sumptuous edifices can be raised to the glory of Buddha. Many owe their existence to the benefi- cence of Emperors, and others to the super- stition of notables who, in the performance of vows, have reared stately temples to the beneficent avatars of Buddha \ ;j have listened to their prayers. The majority, however, are built from the doles secured by the priests from the wretched resources of the people. With indefatigable labor these religious beggars draw into their nets fisli great and small, and prey on the superstition of the people for the glorification of their faith. \.i Sometimes, however, the self-denial is not confined to the donors. Devout priests arouse the zeal of their congregations by placing themselves in penitential positions until the builtling money is collecteil, and thus add to their claims on the people by appealing to their pity. Not long ago, a begging priest, zealous for the faith, erected f(3r himself a wooden case like a sentry-box in one of the public thoroughfares of I'ekin. Long and sharp nails were driven into the case on all sides from without, leaving their points projecting inwards. A Sl./ewd Beggar. In this case the priest took his stand, and declared his intention of remaining there until the sum required for building the temple for which he pleaded had been col- lected. The construction of the case made it impossible that he could either sit down or lean in any position which would secure him against the points of the nails. For two years he stood, or professed tO' have stood, in this impossible position, whicli was mitigated as time went on by the with- drawal of the nails, one by one, as the sum of money which each was held to represent was collected from the passers-by. For the most part the bridges of China are high wooden structures, such as those with which the willow-pattern plates have made us familiar, but occasionally, and espe- cially on the highways to the capital, sub- stantial stone bridges stretching in a series of arches across the streams are met with, care- fully wrought and adorned with all kinds of fantastic devices. A noticeable instance of a bridge of this kind is one which crosses the river Hwen on the west of Pekin. Though upwards of six hundred years old, its neighborhood to the capital has secured its preservation. ■HI CHAPXER XV. COUNTRY LIFE IN CHINA. OF the four classes into which the people of China are traditionally divided, the first is that of lit- erati or scholars. These are those, who, having graduated at the Exami- nation Halls, are waiting in the often forlorn hope of obtaining official appointments. They have certain privileges attaching to their order, and are generally recognized by the mandarins as brevet members of their own rank. They have, under certain condi- tions, the right of entrii' into the presence of the local officials, and the law forbids that they should be punished or tortured until they have been stripped of their degrees by an Imperial edict. As it would be beneath the dignity of a graduate to take to trade, and as there are many thousands more of them than there are places for them to fill, the country is burdened with an idle population who are too proud to work, but who are not ashamed to live the life of hangers-on to the skirts of those who are better off than themselves. As a rule they are poor men, and the temptation to enrich themselves by means of illegal exactions is often too strong for the resistance of their feeble virtue. The glamour which surrounds their names as graduates, and the influence which they pos- sess with the mandarins, incline the people, who by long usage are accustomed to yield, to bow their necks unresistingly to their ex- actions. To the mandarins they are a con- stant source of annoyance. They arrogate to themselves the powers which belong by 274 right to the official class and absorb some of the illegal gains which, but for them, would naturally find their way into the exchequers of the yamuns. Being, however, no wiser than the rest of their race, they, though pos- sessed of all the learning and knowledge within their reach, show the same remarka- ble tendency towards superstitious follies as is observable in the most ignorant of their countrymen. It is difficult to read without a smile such memorials as one which was presented to the throne, at the instigation of some local scholars, with regard to the mi- raculous interpositions of the god of war in favor of the town of Kiehyang in Kwang- tung. The Bandits Frightened. "In 1844," runs this strange statement, "when the city was threatened with capture by the leader of a secret association, the banditti were affrighted and dispersed by means of a visible manifestation of the spirit of this deity ; and the efforts of the govern- ment troops in coping with the insurgents again in 1853, were similarly aided by the appearance of supernatural phenomena." As depositories of the wisdom of the sages of antiquity, the literati pose as the protectors of the national life. In his sacred edict, Kanghsi (1662- 1723) warned the people against giving heed to strange doc- trines, and thus gave new expression to a celebrated dictum of Confucius, which has guided the conduct of his followers in all matters relating to foreign religions and cus- COUNTRY LIFE IN CHINA. 275 toms. "The study of strange doctrines is injurious, indeed," said the sage ; and in the spirit of this saying the literati have at dif- ferent periods persecuted the religions of Buddha and Laotsze with the same acri- mony which is now characterizing their ac- tion towards Christianity. To foreigners and all their ways they are implacable foes. The outrages on the Yang- tse-Kiang in 1891 were entirely their handi- work. Once only in the history of the Em- pire have they in their turn suffered persecu- tion. The same Emperor who built the .great wall, and established for himself an Empire, sought to confirm his power by de- :Stroying the national literature, and by be- heading all those scholars who still clung to the traditions of their fathers. It is said that persecution strengthens the character and improves the moral fibre of its victims. A Race of Bigots. This persecution in the third century B. C. may for a time have had such salutary ef- fects ; but, if so, all traces of these virtues have long been swept away, and China has 'become possessed of a race of scholars who for ignorance, bigotry, violence and corrup- tion are probably unsurpassed by educated men in any country calling itself civilized. Under happier circumstances, the existence •of this large body of scholars might be of infinite advantage to the literature of the country. With time to work ond oppor- tunities for research they might add lustre to the writings of their countrymen and en- large the borders of their national knowl- edge. But the system of looking backwards fi>r models of excellence, rather than for- wards, has so contracted the field of their labors, that those who write only add com- mentary to commentary on works already annotated beyond recognition. Instead of striking out for themselves new grounds of investigation, they have deliber- ately chosen the futile task of perpetually fixing their eyes on a particular object in a particular way, with the natural result that their vision has become contracted and their minds moulded on narrow and peJantic lines. The mental activity of these men, not having, therefore, any power to operate in a beneficent way, exerts itself with unpre- cedented \'igor and hardihood in local affairs. Infamous Placards. No dispute aiises, but one or more of these social pests thrusts himself forward be- tween the contending parties, and no fraud in the revenue or wholesale extortion is free from their sinister influence. The case of Chow Han, who instigated the anti-Christian crusade in Hunan, furnishes an instance of the overwhelming power which these men are occasionally able to exert. To him are due the infamous placards which were used to stimulate the outbreaks against foreigners at Wusueh and other places ; and when the crime was brought home to him, and the Chinese Cabinet, at the instance of the foreign ministers, ordered his arrest, not only did the viceroy of the province fail to comply with the command, but he actiiall\- released, at the bidding of the offender, a man charged with active participation in the riots. It is true that a fiitile commission was sent into Hunan to investigate the charges against him, but instead of bringing him to justice, the commissioners pronounced him mad, and reconmiended that he should be left un- trammelled, (.xcept by a mild system of supervision. In common estimation the workers of the soil stand next to the literati. From the e.irlie^t d,iwn of legendary history, agricul- 'I 276 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. ture has been regarded as a high and en- nobling calling. To Shennung, the divine 2727 years B. C, is ascribed the invention of the plough and the first introduction of the A CHINESE PAGODA. husbandman, one of the legenaary emperors of ancient China, who is said to have lived art of husbandry. The connection thus established between the throne and the COUNTRY LIFE IN CHINA. 277 plough has been kept up through all suc- ceeding ages, and at the present time the Emperor, in the early spring of each year, turns a furrow to inaugurate the beginning of the farming season ; an example which is followed in every province by the viceroy or governor, who follows suit in strict imitation of his Imperial master. With the same desire to set an example to her sex, the l*3mprcss, so soon as the mul- berry -trees break into foliage, follows the gentler craft of pick- ing the leaves to sup- ply food for the palace 'silkworms. "Give chief place," wrote tlie Emperor K a n g h s i , " to husbandry and the cultivation of the mulberry tree, in order to procure adequate supplies of food and raiment ; " to which excellent advice his son added, "Suffer not a barren spot to remain in the wilds, or a lazy person to abide in the cities ; then a farmer will not lay aside his plough and hoe ; nor the house-wife put away her silkworms or her weaving." These commands have sunk deep into the national character, and the greatest devotion to their calling, sharpened, it is true, by a keen sense of self-interest, is everj'where shown by Chinese farmers. From these men it is impossible to withhold the highest praise for their untiring industry. With endless labor and inexhaustible resource they wrest from the soil the very utmost that it is capa- ble of producing. Unhappily to them, as to other classes of the community, the law as it is administered is oppressivelj" unjust. It makes them poor and keeps them poor. The principal imperial tax is derived from the land, and by the law of succession it is generally necessarj', on the decease of the head of the family, to subdivide his posses- sions, which thus become a diminishing quantity to each generation of successors to his wealth. Low grinding poverty is the re- ff\ A CHINESE CURIOSITV SHOP. suit, and it is remarkable, though not sur- prising, to observe the large number of crimes which arc attributable to disputes arising out of feuds in connection with the inheritance of the land and its products. Probably there is no potentate on the earth who can say as truly as the Emperor of China can "The Empire is mine." Not only the lives and property of his subjects are at his disposal, but the land which they till is part of the heritage which belongs to him. 278 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. . <« Just as he alone sacrifices to Heaven, and as he alone is the one Emperor over all the earth — in accordance with the dictum of an ancient sage, " There is one sun in the sky and one Emperor over the earth " — so he is the universal landlord of the soil of China. Although the Empire as a whole is thickly populated, there are always some districts which remain uncultivated. CHINESE BABY IN ITS WINTER CRADLE. To find a parallel to the agricultural con- dition of the country, we must look to colonial empires, where settlers apply for un- inhabited lands, and receive the rights over them in exchange for small annual payments. This is the principle on which lands have been appropriated in times past, and still are leased out to farmers. As a rule, the land so let is taken up by a clan, the members of which cultivate it. Ten families constitute, as a rule, a village holding, each family farm- ing about ten acres. To such a community is allotted a common village plot, which is cultivated by each family in turn, and from which the tribute grain is collected and paid. The surplus, if any, is divided between the families. Towards the end of the year a meeting is held, at which a division of the profits is made on one condition. Any farmer who is unable to produce the receipt for the income tax on his farm ceases to be entitled to any benefit arising from the village plot. The land is classified ac- cording to its position and productist— ness, and pays taxes in proportieMi to the advantages which it enjoys. Two dollars and a half per acre is an average rental for the best land. It was once complained, in a memorial to the throne, that by faulty administration the tax frequently amounted to six times its nominal assessment. Five Harvests Free. By way of a set-off against that exac- tion, a merciful provision in the law lays it down that a farmer who reclaims lands from a state of nature shall be allowed to reap five harvests before being visited by the tax-collector. It often happens that an unjust gov- ernment, by timely concessions, gains for itself credit for wisdom and lenity when it is entitled to approval only for having had the wit to see exactly how far the people will en- dure the weight of its exactions. Such popularity is gained as easily as a spend- thrift acquires a reputation for generosity, and is enjoyed by the Chinese government by virtue of certain exemptions from the land-tax, which are granted when the country COUNTRY LIFE IN CHINA. 279 labors under aggravated circumstances of distress. When the Emperor passes through a dis- trict, it may be on a visit to the Imperial tombs, the people are required to contribute their labor, and the magnates their money, towards makinij smooth the way before him. The presence if llie -potentate disarran[.;es the course of f.\istciicc antl the prosecution of industries in the neighborhood. Fields are left unpioughcd and crops unsown until the tyranny is overpassed, and for the bene- fit of the sufferers the land-tax for the year is forgiven them. The Grain Tax. The same indulgence is granted to farmers in provinces which arc visited with long droughts, excessive floods, or plagues of locusts. The probability is that the govern- ment, recognizing that the attempt to enforce the tax in such districts would be futile, has the wisdom to make a virtue of necessity. The grain-tax is also levied from the lands classified as "good," and this, with the land- tax, the .salt-tax, and customs dues, form the main bulk of the revenue of the Empire. According to a recent calculation, these .sources of revenue produce $99,375,000. In a country such as China, which is sub- ject to every variety of temperature, from tropical heat to almost arctic cold, the pro- ducts are necessarily as various as the .sys- tems of agriculture are different. In the southern provinces, where rice is the staple crop of the farmer, irrigation is an absolute necessity. The rice plants are put out in fields inundated with water, and the crops are gathered in when the ground is in the same condition. This need makes it impera- tive that the fields should be banked in, and that a constant supply of water should be obtainable. For this last purpose the farmers exercise that particular ingenuity with which they are especially endowed. Wherever it is possible, streams from the hills are carried by aque- ducts to the different farms, and the water is distributed by minute channels in such a way as to carry the fertilizing current to the various fields and crops. When such sup- plies are wanting, water is raised from canals, rivers, and wells in several ways. By a sys- tem of buckets fastened to an endless chain, and passing over an axle, which is turned cither by the feet of men or by a connecting- wheel worked by oxen, the water is raised from the river or canal to the level of the fields, where it is discharged into troughs at the rate sometimes of three hundred tons a day. This is the stthj'c/i of the Egyptians ; and should any traveller from the banks of the Nile visit the plains of China, he might recognize in the method adopted for raising water from wells the shaduf of the land of the Pharaohs. Irrigating Rice Fields. A long horizontal pole, at one end of which is a bucket, and on the other end a certain weight, is fixed on an upright in such a position that on raising the loaded end the bucket descends into the well, and with the help of the counterbalancing weight can be raised full of water with ease and rapidity. If the level of the river or canal be only triflingly lower than the field to be irrigated, two men standing on the bank and holding a bucket between them by ropes draw water with great rapidity by dipping the bucket into the stream and by swinging it up to the bank, where its contents are emptied into the trough prepared to receive them. In the north of the country wheat, millet and other grains are largely grown, the rain supply furnishing all the moisture needed. CHAPTTER XVI. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS AND EXPORTS. WHETHKR in the north or in the south, the "greatest care and ingenuity are used in providing manure for the land. Nothing is wasted. The usual ani- mal and vegetable manures arc carcfullj- j collected and spread over the fields, while scraps of all kinds which contain any ferti- lizing matter, and which in most countries arc disregarded, are turned to account h\ these most frugal tillers of the soil. Accus- tomed as we are to large farms and ex- tended systems of agriculture, Chinese firms appear to partake more of the nature of mar- ket gardens than of agricultural holdings. The implements used are primitive in the extreme, and are such as, we learn from the sculptures, were used in ancient Assyria. Two only may be said to be generally used, the plow and the hoe. The first of these is little more than a spade fastened to a single handle by bamboo bands. As a rule, it is drawn by a buffalo or bufifaloes, and some travellers even claim to have seen women harnessed in the same yoke with these beasts of burden. I'rom the shape of the share the Chinese plow does little more than disturb the sur- face of the soil, and rarely penetrates more than four or five inches. In the compound •character which is used to express it on paper, the use of oxen as beasts of draught, .and the results which it is instrumental in Ibringing about, find expression in the three ■component parts — oxen, sickle and grain. The spade is seldom used, and the hoe is 280 made to take its place. Rakes and bill- hooks complete the farmer's stock-in-trade. The bamboo, which is made to serve almost every purpose, forms the material of each part of the rake; while the bill- hook has a treble debt to pay, serving as a pruning-knife in the spring, a scythe in the summer, and a sickle when the grain is ripe to harvest. An Ancient Calendar. One of the earliest works existing in the language is an agricultural calendar, which describes the various processes of nature and the industries of the agriculturist throughout the year. It warns the farmer when to look for the first movements of spring, and de- scribes for his benefit the signs of the differ- ent seasons. It tells him when to sow his seed, and when he may expect to reap his harvest; and it follows with the love of a naturalist the movements and habits of the beasts of the field and the fowls of the air. This work was penned in about the eigh- teenth century B. C, and since that time the dignity which attaches by tradition to agri- culture has led to the publication, from time to time, of large and numerous works on the subject. Probably two of the best known of these books illustrate the two leading branches of the farmer's art, the cultivation of rice and the growth of the mulberry for the food of silkworms. Every process in both industries is minutely de- scribed and illustrated. The glimpses which these pictures give us AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS AND EXPORTS. 281 of country life in China suggest a domes- preferred to the silken products of the looms ticity and brightness which form a strong j of China. contrast to the fate of the poorer classes | For four hundred years the industrj- was whose lots are cast in the crowded lanes i neglected, and continued to exist only in the and streets of the cities. Madame de Stael said in one of iier books that she had travelled all over Europe and had met with nothing but men and women. We may extend tl.o range to China, and may see in the pictures drawn in the above-mentioned work, of the f.irmyards, the dwellings, the kitch- ens, and the store-rooms of the silk producers of China, pleasing parallels to the brighter aspects of English agricultural life. The employment of women in arranging and managing the silkworm industry, gives an inter- est to their lives, and is a sure preventive against that languor which so often overtakes the un- employed women of the cities. The cultivation of silk can be traced back almost as far as the beginning of agri- culture, and up to the advent of the Mongol dynasty, in the thir- teenth century, it flour- ished exceedingly. With the arrival, how- A NATIVE CHINESE MISSIONARY. provinces of S/.echuan, Honan, Kwangtung ever, of the hordes of Jenghis Khan came and Chehkiang, where just enough stuff was the introduction of Indian cotton, which, manufactured to supp]\' the wants of the from its cheapness and utility, was speedily government and the local consumers. With 1^ i I 282 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. the establishment of the present Manchii dynasty and the arrival of foreigners, the demand for the material which had given its name to China all over the ancient workl — serica — led to a revival of the industr)-, and at the present time silk is produced in A MANDARIN RECEIVING A VISITOR. every province in the Empire. In those northern districts where the cold forbids the growth of the mulberry tree the worms are fed on a kind of oak, while all over the central anrl southern firovinces the mulberry orchards bear evidence of the universality of the industry. At Ning-po alone a hundred thousand bales of silken goods are turned out every year, and in most of the districts of Central China the people are as dependent for their livelihood on the trade as the peo- ple of England are on the production of coal and iron. The prefect of Soo- chow, desiring to take advan- tage of this widespread calling, proposed to levy a small tax on every loom. The result, however, proved that his power was not commensurate with his will. The people re- fused as one man to pay the assessment, and threatened to- stop their looms if the tax were insisted upon. The matter was referred to Pekin, and with the cautious wisdom which characterizes the action of the government towards the people, the proposal was left unenforced. A crop as general, or even more general than silk, is opium. In every province the poppy is grown in ever-increasing quantities, and in Yun-nan, one of the principal producing regions, the late Mr. Baber estimated, as a result of his personal experience, the poppy-fields constituted a third of the whole cultivation of the prov- ince. It is difficult to deter- mine when the poppy was first grown in China, but the references to it which are met with in the literature of the eleventh and twelfth centuries confirm the fact that it was then cultivated, and that the same kind of cakes were made from the seeds of the plant as are now commonly AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS AND KXIORT.S. 288 eaten in the province of Szechuan. The habit of smoking opium is of a far later date, and gave rise to a marked opposition to the drug by the government of the coun- try. But, Uke most Chinese enactments, the one forbidding the habit was only partially enforced, and it is certain that the practice of smoking opium had become confirmed among the people before the Indian drug was first imported. From that time until within the last few years the government showed a pronounced hostility to the trade, but stultified its professions by never effec- tually carrying out its own prohibitions against the growth of the poppy. Lovers of Opium. Several motives conduced to these results. The growth of the poppy not only brought large profits to the farmers, but filled the pockets of the mandarins, who, while pro- testing against the cultivation, accepted bribes to ignore the evidence of their eyes. Repeated Imperial edicts became dead let- ters in face of these opposing interests, and year by year the white patches widened and multiplied throughout the Empire. In a country like China, where the value of sta- tistics is unknown, it is difficult to arrive at any accurate idea as to the number of opium smokers in the country. In Szechuan it is reckoned that seven- tenths of the adult male population smoke opium. On the shores of the rivers and canals the practice is universal, and affords the people the same relief from malarial fevers that the peasants in the fens of Lin- colnshire derive from eating morphia. By all such people the native opium is the only form obtainable, and at Tiensin it is esti- mated that nine chests of native opium are consumed to one chest of the foreign prepa- ration. Since the legalizatinn of the opium trade (i860) even the nominal restrictions placed upon native growers h.ive been withdrawn, and the government has the advantage of deriving a large revenue from the crops. From the province of Kansuh, which is one of the poorest in the Empire, the tax on opium amounts to at least twenty thousand dollars a year, and this in face of the con- stant complaints published in the Pckin Gii' zcttc of the smuggling which prevails in that and other districts. The small compass into which opium can be packed encourages illicit traffic in it. Candiiiates for examination going to their provincial cities, merchants travelling from province to province, and sailors trading between the coast ports, find it easy to' smuggle enough to supply their wants; while envoys from tributary states whose baggage by international courtesy is left unexamined, make full use of their oppor- tunities by importing as much of the drug as they can carry free of duty. Wholesale Smuggling. Some years ago, when an Imperial Com- missioner was entering the port of Canton, the custom-house authorities had notice given them that the commissioner's fol- lowers were bringing a large venture dis- guised as personal effects in their luggage. The question arose what was to be done^ and, with the timidity common to subordi- nate officials, the provincial authorities de- termined to ignore the information they had received rather than offend so potent a mag- nate as the commissioner. By this derelic- tion of duty the customs were the poorer by some twenty thousand taels. So portable is the drug in its prepared state that in the provinces, where silver is not always obtainable, it is used as currency. 281 CHINA: PAST AND I'RKSKNT. and travellers are commonly in the habit of paying their hotel bills with pieces of oj)ium of the value demanded by the landlord. This is not the place to discuss at length the effect of opium smoking on the people. The whole subject, however, is so sur- rounded with .'•entimental enthusiasm that a fact, however small, bearing on the ques- tion is worth recording. It is commonly said by the opponents of the trade that so lieve their sufferings. By deprivation they are cured for the time being of the hab"*, and in no instance have fatal consequences resulted from this Spartan method. Unmindful of the lesson thus taught, mis- sionaries are not unfrequently in the habit of attempting to cure opium smokers by ad- ministering morjjhia pills. That they effect cures by this means is very certain, but the doubt arises whether the remedy is not worse A MOUNTED MILITAKV liOW pernicious a hold does the habit of smoking acquire over those who indulge in it that only by the use of palliatives can a con- firmed smoker be weaned from the habit without endangering his life. One fact dis- poses of this assertion. In Hong Kong jail, where opium smokers of every degree of habituation are constantly imprisoned, no notice is taken of their craving for the drug, and no remedies are found necessary to re- 'MAN OF ANCIENT TIMES. than the disease. The processes through which the opium has to go before it reaches the lungs of the smoker unquestionably de- prive it of some of its deleterious ingredients. When, however, opium is eaten in the shape of morphia, the safeguards provided by the pipe are absent, and the man who gives up his pipe for the pill finds that his last state is worse than his first. Next to silk, however, the product which AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS AND l.X PORTS. •J.S5 we most nearly associate with China is tea, which proclaims its nationality by the two names tea and ch'a, by which it is known all over the world. The Enjjlish who took their first cargoes from the neighborhood of Amoy, know it by the name, or rather our i grandmothers knew it by the name, by which ! it is known in that part of China. Te is the Amoy pronunciation of the word which is called ch'a in the central, western and north- ern provinces of the Empire. The Russians, therefore, who have al- ways drawn their supplies through Siberia, call the leaf <://'rt, while the French and ourselves know it by its southern name. There is rea- son to believe that the plant has been known and valued in China for some thousands of years, and in one of the Confucian classics mention is made of the habit of smoking a leaf which is popularly believed to have been that of the tea plant. But however this may be, it is certain that for many cen- turies the plant has been cultivated over a large part of Central and Southern China. At the present time the provinces of Hunan, Fuh- kien, Kwangtung and Ganhwuy produce the best varieties. From them we get our Souchong, Flow- ery Pekoe, Oolong, Orange Pekoe and green teas ; and it is in those provinces that the competition of the teas of India and Ceylon is most severely felt. No doubt the farmers have themselves principally to blame in this matter. The long monopoly which they enjoyed tempted them to palm off on their customers teas of an inferior kind. Trees which had long passed the normal period of bearing were robbed of their leaves to fill the chests sent to London ami Paris; pruning Wiis neg- lected, and weeds were left to grow apace. The inevitable nemesis followed, and now, when too late, the farmers are becoming conscious of the fully of their neglect. In ordinary times great care is taken in selecting the seed, and when after careful tending the seetllings have reached a height of four or five inches, they are planted out in the plantations in rows, two or three feet A CHINESK MERCH.ANT OK CANTON. apart. For two years the plant is allowed to grow untouched, and it is only at the end of the third year that it is called upon to yield its first crop of leaves. After this the plant is subjected to three harvests : namely, in the third, fifth and eighth months. The leaves when plucked are first dried in the sun, and the remaining moisture is then extracted from them by the action of nude- footed men and women, who trample on i !! ■''1 ■W 28G CHINA: PAST AND PRKSKNT. them, as Spanish peasants trcud out the juice of the vine. They are then allowed to heat for some hours, and after liaving been rolled in the hand, are spread out in the sun, or, if the weather be cloudy, are slowly baked over charcoal fires. Among the wealthier natives the infusion is not generally made as with us, in tea-pots, but each drinker puts a pinch of tea into his cup, and, having added boiling water, drinks the mixture as soon as tho full flavor of the COURTYAKD OF A CHINESE HOSTELRY. tea has been extracted, and before the tannin has been boiled out of the leaves. By high and low, rich and poor, the beverage is drunk, and the absence of nervous affections among the people is strong evidence of the innoxious effect of the infusion in this respect. Not only is it drunk in every household in the Empire, but tea-houses abound in the cit- ies, in the market-places and by the highways. Like the London coffee-shops in the time of the places of meeting between mercliants for the transaction of business and between friends, who congregate to discuss local affairs and the latest official scandals. Women only are, by social regulations, excluded from these hospi- tableplacesofentertainment, which commonly occupy prominent positions in the principal streets of towns. But where such sites are not easily attainable, Buddhist priests, with a fine disregardof the holiness of their temples, very commonly let off a portion of the precincts to enterprising tea-men. The form in which tea is exported for general European and American use is not that which is suited for land trans- port. In carrying goods by road cubic space is a matter of vital importance. For centuries the Chinese have sup- plied the Tibetans with tea in so com- pressed a form as to be readily portable by carts, on beasts of burden, or on men's shoulders. In these ways it has long been customaiy to carry bricks of tea across the mountain ranges which mark the western frontier of China; and when a demand for tea sprang up in Russia, like circumstances suggested a like method. The principal place for preparing the brick tea is Hankow, where si.\ or more factories are constantly engaged in the manufacture of it. Something has to be sacrificed to expediency, and it is incontestable that the the Stuarts, the tea-houses i;i the cities form i Russians and other consumers of brick tea AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS AND KX PORTS. •2S7 lose in flavor wliat they ^;iin by the sniallcr compass. The dust of tea, ami therefore a poor kind of tea, is best suited for forming bricks, and even the inferiority thus entailed is increased by the process employed to weld the masses together. This is done by a method of steaming, which encourages an evaporation of both flavor and freshness, and when it has cffectctl its purpose by moistening the dust, the mi.\- ture is put into wooden molds and pressed into the shape of bricks. It is left to stand in the molds for a week, and the bricks are then wrapped up separately in paper and packed in bamboo baskets, sixty- four filling a basket. As a rule, tea-growers are rich and well-to- do men, whereas the ordinary agriculturist is raised above the rank of a peasant, and has little to congratulate himself upon be- yond the fact that his calling is held up to general approbation, and that it inherits a record which is as old as that of the race itself. One of the largest products is straw braid from Northern China. This most useful class of goods found a place in the market after the opening of the port of Tientsin (i860), and rapidly commended itself to the foreign merchant. But just as in tea, so in this braid, the Chinese producers have grown careless of the quality which they present to their customers. The inevitable result of this course has followed, and at the pres- ent time the elasticity which characterized the earlier movements of the trade has ceased to be observable. Wool from the plains of Mongolia and the table-lands of Thibet, and tobacco from tlie southern provinces of the Empire, form considerable items in the list of exports, together amounting in value to 2,620,164 taels. Arsenic also is produced in consid- erable (|uantities in the country. ;inil al- though the home consumjjtion is larger than might be expected, there is jet a surplus left for the benefit of foreigners. The native farmers use it with a freedom which suggests the possibility of ilanger, in protecting growing plants, and especially rice plants, from the insects which infest them. As an ingredient in the pastille which is used to smoke out mosquitoes, and in the CHINESE .STUDENTS. manufacture of the tobacco which is smoked in hubble-bubble pipes, it is largely employed. To the tobacco it is said to impart a pungent flavor and an invigorating tonic. Its prop- erty as a strengthening medicine is highly valued by doctors, who prescribe it largely for their patients. The absence of all legis- lation regulating the sale of drugs makes it easy for evil-minded persons to possess themselves of this and other poisons; and the gross ignorance of the Chinese, even the most highly educated, in all matters related to diagnoses secures a practical im- miuiitv to poisoners. 288 CHINA: PAST AND PRESENT. It is true that occasionally cases of poi- soning by arsenic are reported in the Pckin Gazette, but almost invariably it is found that the murder is discovered, not by the recognition of the symptoms produced by the poison, but by the confession of the murder or his accomplices. When" the un- ravelling of a crime depends on these coin- cidences, it is fair to assume that, in a great majority of cases, the offence is never dis- covered at all. The Luxuriant Bamboo. Like silk, the bamboo is a universal prod- uct in China, and the multitude of uses to which the shrub is turned justifies '"ts eleva- tion to an equal rank of usefulness, so far as the natives are concerned, with that article of merchandise. Its use is incomparably more general than that of silk, and enters into the life of every being in the Empire, from the Son of Heaven to the scavenger in the streets. It f rows over the greater part of the country in great profusion and in a .1 .imber of varieties, and from the moment •t first shows itself above the ground it is forced into the service of man. The shoots come out of the ground nearly full-sized, four to six inches in diameter, and are cut like asparagus for the table. Sedentary Buddhist priests raise this Lenten fare for themselves or for sale, and extract the taba- sheer from the joints of the old culms, to sell as a precious medicine for almost any- thing that ails one. The roots are carved into fantastic and ingenious images and stands, cr divided into egg-shape divining- blocks to ascertain the will of the gods, or trimmed into lantern handles, canes and umbrella sticks. The tapering culms are used for all pur- poses that poles can be applied to in carrying, propelling, supporting, and measuring, for which their light, elastic, tubular structure, guarded by a coating of siliceous skin, and strengthened by a thick septum at each jointj most admirably fits them. The pillars and props of houses, the framework of awnings, the ribs of mat sails, and the handles of rakes are each furnished by these culms. So, also, are fences and all kinds of frames, coops, and cages, the wattles of abatis, and the ribs of umbrellas and fans. The leaves- are sewn into rain-cloaks for farmers and sailors, and into thatches for covering their huts and boats ; they are pinned into linings for tea-boxes, plaited into immense umbrellas to screen the huckster and his stall from the sun and rain, or into coverings for theatres and sheds. The wood, cut into splints of proper sizes and forms, is woven into baskets- of every shape and fancy, sewn into win- dow-curtains and door-screens, plaited into awnings and coverings for tea-chests or sugar-cones, and twisted into cables. Universally Used. The shavings and curled shreds aid softer things in stuffing pillows ; while other parts supply the bed for sleeping, the chopsticks for eating, the pipe for smoking, and the broom for sweeping. The mattress to lie upon, the chair to sit upon, the table to eat on, the food to eat, and the fuel to cook it with, are also derivable from bamboo. The master makes his ferule from it, the carpen ter his foot measure, the farmer his water- pipes and straw-rakes, the grocer his gill and pint cups, and the mandarin his dreaded instrument of punishment. When such are the uses to which the bamboo is put in the land of its growth, it is surprising that there should be any surplus for exportation. But the demand for it for ornamental and useful purposes in Europe is constant. BOOK II. Japan and the Japarpei^e. CHAPTER XVII. EARLY HISTORY OF JAPAN. r HIE history of Japan commences with the conqueror who came from the isles of the south. According to the annals of the Empire, he was a native prince and lord of a small territory at the southern extremity of the island of Kiousiou. Obscure tradition attributes to him a distant origin : the birthplace of his ancestors, ii" not his own, is said to have been the little archipelago of the Liou-Kiou Islands, which forms the link between P""or- mosa, southern China, and Japan. Si>f centuries before his time, an expedi- tion from Formosa and the Asiatic continent, headed by a certain Prince Ta'ipe orTaifak, had reached the shores of Kiousiou, having proceeded from island to island ; but it was in the year 660 B. C. that the first historical personage, Sannoo, whose memory is cele- brated under the name of Zinmou, makes his appearance. Although he was the youngest of four sons, his father had named him his successor from his fifteenth year. He ascended the throne at the age of forty- five years, without any opposition on the part of his brothers. An old retainer, whose adventurous life had led him to the distant isles behind which the sun rises, loved to describe to him the 10 beauty of their shores, on which the gods themselves formerly .sought refuge. "Now," said he, " they are inhabited by barbarous tribes, always at war with one another. If the prince desires to profit by their di .'isions, their men of arms, however skilful they may be in the management of the lance, the bow, and the sword, being dressed only in coarse fabrics, or the skins of savage beasts, cannot resist a diciplined army protected by helmets and iron cuirasses." A Fleet of War-Junks. Zinmou lent a willing car to the sugges- tions of the old retainer ; collcctctl all his disposable forces, placed them under the orders of his elder brothers and his sons, embarked them upon a flotilla of war-junks perfectly equip[)cd, and, assuming command of the expedition, set .sail, after taking leave of his home, which neither he nor his broth- ers were e\cr to see again. After he had doubled the southeast point of Kiousiou, he sailed along the eastern side of the island, keeping close t(j the shore after the fashion of the ancient Normans, making occasional descents, giving battle when he was resisted, and forming alliances when he found the nob'es or chiefs of clans 289 ! 290 JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE. disposed to assist him in his enterprise, thus showing a friendly spirit. It was evident that all this coast had been the theatre of former invasions. The popu- lation was composed of the ruling class, and serfs attached to the land. In some of the chapels of the national Kamis, stone arms are exhited, which were used by the primi- tive populations at the epoch when, under certain unknown circumstances, they came in contact with a superior civilization. Armed With Bows and Arrows. When Zinmou made his appearance, walls and palisades protected the families of the soldiers and the masters of the country. The latter were armed with bows and long arrows ; a great sword with a carved hilt and a naked blade, worn in the folds of the girdle, completed their equipment. Their richest adornments consisted of a chain of niagatamas, or cut gems, which they wore hanging on the side above the right hip. Among .these stones were rock crystal, ser- pentine, jasper, agates, amethysts, and to- pazes. Some were in the form of a ball or an egg, others cylindrical ; one a crescent, another a broken ring. The women had necklaces of a similar kind. It is said that the use of the magatamas has still some con- nection with certain religious solemnities in the islands of Liou-Kiou, and at Yeso, in the north of Japan ; and it is concluded thence that it must have been common to all the populations of the long chains of islands extending from Formosa to Kamtschatka. If this custom has disappeared from the central region of the Japanese archipelago, the cause of the phenomenon must be sought in the superior culture which characterizes the inhabitants of these countries, and which has led them to renounce the display of the family wealth on their persons. After a difficult voyage of ten months, interrui^ted by occasional brilliant feats of arms and by profitable negotiations, Zinmou reached the northeastern extremity of the island of Kiousiou. He was at a loss how to get further, when he discovered a fisher- man who was floating upon the waves, squatting upon the shell of a huge turtle. He hailed him immediately, and employed him as a pilot. Thus Zinmou succeeded :n crossing the strait which separates Kiousiou from the land of Niphon, and coasted along in the direction of the cast, operating with prudent caution, and leaving behind him no important point without having secured its possession. Nevertheless, as the native tribes continu- ally opposed him at sea as well as on land, he disembarked and fortified himself upon the peninsula of Takasima, where he devoted three years to the construction and equip- ment of an auxiliary fleet. Remarkable Conquests. Then he set out again, and achieved the conquest of the coast and archipelago of the Inland Sea ; after which he disembarked the greater part of his army, and penetrating into Niphon, he established his rule over the rich countries, intersected by fertile valleys and wooded mountains, which extend from Osaka to the borders of the Gulf of Yeddo. From that time all the cultivated countries and all the civilized peoples in ancient Japan were under the power of Zinmou. The conqueror inaugurated and established the preponr" . ance of the south over the des- tinies of the Japanese people. Whether the race which ruled before him over the native inhabitants had been of Turanian origin or not, it also submitted in its turn to this last and decisive invasion, to which the Empire of the Mikados owe its ancient glory and its I! EMPEROR OK JAPAN. 291 fifl 292 JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE. actual existence. It was the same old story of the strong subduing the weaker. It does not follow, however, that Japanese civilization was a simple importation. Zin- mou appears to have been in certain respects, especially that of religion, a tributary of the people whom he had conquered. The diverse elements with which he had to deal — the native clans and the Tartar emigrants, with the invaders who had come from the islands of the south, the ancient nobles lately con- quered, and their new sovereign, who was won over to their favorite customs — were thus fused into one national body. The tribes which remained aloof from the pacific constitution of the Empire were the Ainos, who had been driven further and fur- ther towards the north, and the Yebis, dispersed during the strife of the invasion, and who lived in the forests on the products of huntin.g and rapine. Mixture of Races. But it would be vain to attempt an analysis ot" the various elements which have con- tributed to the formation of the national character of the Japanese. The civilization of the country appears to be the result of a combination of the indigenous and the foreign elements. There has been a mixture of races without an absorption of native qualities, among the islanders of the extreme east, and, as was the case among the islanders of Great Britain, the alliance has produced a new and original type. When the divine warrior Zinmou had accomplished his ambitious aims, seven years had elapsed since his departure from Kiou- siou, — seven years, accompanied with how much fatigue, suffering and trouble of every kind I His three brothers had perished under his eyes : the first pierced with an arrow =*t the siege of a fortress ; the two others victims of their own devotion to him, for they had thrown themselves into the sea in order to appease a tempest which threat- ened the junk of the conqueror. The sun had always shown itself favorable to his enterprises. To its divine protection it was due that he had not been lost in the dangerous defiles of Yamato. A raven, sent to him by the divinity at a critical moment; had guided him into safety. Thus he had added to his ancestral arms the image of the glittering goddess, such as she appeared to him each day when she arose above the horizon, and had it painted upon his banner, his cuirass, and his war fan. Feast of Thanksgiving. In the fourth year of his reign, when he had attained possession of uncontested power, he instituted a solemn feast of thanksgiving in honor of Ten-sjoo-dai-zin. The national Kamis had also their share in his homage. He ordained sacrifices in honor of the eight immortal spirits, protectors of countries and families, in order to celebrate the inaugura- tion of his royal residence, and to surround his throne with the prestige of that religion which was so dear to the peoples whom he had conquered. These things happened in the country of Yamato, which occupies the centre of the great peninsula in the southeast of Niphon, whose coasts border the Inland Sea and the ocean. There Zinmou constructed a vast fortress on a great hill. He called this castle his " Miako," or the chief palace of his States, and there he installed his Court, or Dairi. These two names have ever since been re- tained by the sovereigns of the Japanese Empire to distinguish it from their other residences. The sovereigns themselves bear the honor- giving title of "Mikados," or "august" and EARLY HISTORY OF JAPAN. 293 "venerable," without prejudice to the glorious surnames under which they figure in the annals of the nation after death. The na- tive historians frequently employ the word " Miako " instead of the proper name of the city in which the Emperor resides, and that of " Dairi " in place of the title of Mikado. They say, for example, such and such a thing has been done "by order of the Dairi," instead of "by order of the Mikado." This custom is, however, common to the language of all Courts. The Emperor's Successor. As Zinmou had been raised to the throne by the free choice of his father, it was enacted that for the future the reigning Mikado should designate one among his sons to succeed him, or, if he had no sons, one among the other princes of the blood, according to his own choice, and without regard to the order of primogeniture. If the throne became vacant during the minority of the elect prince, the widow of the Mikado was to assume the regency of the Empir" ^nd to exercise sov- ereign rights during the interregnum. Zinmou terminated his glorious career in the sixty -seventh year of his age, 585 years before the birth of Christ. He has been placed among the number of the Kamis. His chapel, known in Japan by the name of Simoyasiro, is situated upon Mount Kamo, near Kioto, and he is still worshipped there as the founder and the first chief of the Em- pire. The hereditary right to the crown has subsisted in his family for more than two thousand five hundred years, and is still maintained. The ancient race of the Mikados was strong and long-lived. Zinmou Hved one hundred and twenty years ; the fifth Mikado lived one hundred and fourteen years ; the sixth, one hundred and thirty-seven years; the seventh, one hundred and twenty-eight years ; the eighth, one hundred and six years; the ninth, one hundred and eleven years ; the eleventh and twelfth, each one hundred and forty years ; the sixteenth, one hundred and eleven years ; and the seven- teenth, who died in the 388th year of our era, attained the age of three hundred and eight years, or three hundred and thirty years according to the version of some his- torians. Seimou, the thirteenth Mikado, was ten feet high. The wives of the Mikados, who governed the Empire in the capacity of Regent, were equal in point of character to thf.ir venpiablo husbands. One of them, Zingou, A. D. 201, equipped a fleet, and, embarking at the head of a select army, crossed the Sea of Japan and conquered the Corea, from whence she returned just in time to give birth to a future Mikado. Internal Improvements. The progress of civilization kept pace with the aggrandizement of the Empire. From Corea came the camel, the ass, and the horse ; the latter animal is the only one which has been naturalized in Japan. The establishment of tanks and canals for the irrigation of the rice-fields dates back to thirty-six years B.C. The tea-shrub was in- troduced from China. Tatsima Nori brought the orange from " the country of eternity." The culture of the mulberry and the fabri- cation of silk date from the fifth century of our era. Two centuries later the Japanese learned to distinguish " the earth which re- places oil and wood for burning," and to extract silver from the mines of Tsousima. Several important inventions date from the third century : for example, the institu- tion of a horse post ; making beer from rice, known under the name of saki; and the art Sir: A'i'w ?.'■« ^^^i 294 JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE. of sewing clothes, which was taught to the Japanese housewives by needlewomen who came from the kingdom of Petsi, in Corea. The Mikado, enchanted with the first attempt, and wishing to go to the fountain-head, sent an embassy to the chief of the Celestial Em- pire to ask him for needlewomen. In the fourth century the Dairi built, in various parts of Japan, rice stores, intended to prevent the recurrence of the famines which had more than once ravaged the population. In 543, the Court of Petsi sent a precious instrument to the Mikado — it was "the wheel which indicates the south." The introduction of hydraulic clocks took place in 660, and ten years later that of wheels worked by water-power. At the end of the eighth century a system of writing, proper to Japan, was invented, but from the third century the use of Chinese signs had been introduced at Court. Barbarous Customs. The obscurity in which ancient national literature is enveloped does not permit us to estimate its influence on civilization. It is all the more interesting to trace the bene- ficent action which the fine arts exercised upon the people. Human victims were im- molated at the funerals of the Mikado or of his wife, the Kisaki, and these victims were usually servants of the Court. In the year 3 B. C, Nomino Soukoune, a native sculptor, being informed of the death of the Kisaki, had the generous courage to present himself before his sovereign with clay images, which he proposed to him should be thrown into the tomb of his royal wife in place of the servants destined to the sacrifice. The Mikado accepted the offer of the humble modeller, and testified his satis- faction by changing his family name to that of Fasi, or "artist." The laws remained as they still are, more barbarous and cruel than the customs. For example, the punishment of crucifixion was inflicted on noble women guilty of adultery. A whole series of measures admirably adapted for the rapid development of the genius of the nation, and for imbuing it with a true sense of its .strength and individuality, is due to the political administration. In the year 86 B. C, the sovereign had census tables of the population made, and ship- building yards established. In the second century of our era he divided his States into eight administrative circles, and these circles into sixty-eight provinces. Names of Families and Titles. In the fifth century he sent an official into each province, charged with the collection and registration of the popular customs and traditions of every district. Thus the proper names of each family, and the titles and sur- names of the provincial dynasties, were fixed. An Imperial road was made between the principal cities, five in number, and the Mikado transported his Court successively into each. The most important, in the seventh century, was the city of Osako, on the eastern coast of the Inland Sea. In order to confer political union, and also unity of language, letters and general civilization, upon the country, a capital was indispensable, and this great want was sup- plied in the eighth century by the founda- tion of Kioto, which became the favorite city of the Mikado, and was his permanent resi dence until the twelfth century. The city of Hiogo, whose secure and spacious harbor has been for years the centre of the maritime commerce of the Japanese Empire, is built on the coast of the basin of Idsoumi, opposite to the northeastern point of the island of Awadsi. At Hiogo the EMPRESS OF JAPAN. 295 296 JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE. junks from Simonasaki discharge their cargoes from China, the Liou-Kiou Islands, from Nagasaki, and from the western coast of Niphon, and even of Corea and Yeso, for the supply of the interior and the east of Japan. From these, thousands of other junks transport the agricultural produce and objects of art and industry of the southern provinces of Niphon to the islands of the Inland Sea. The Venice of Japan. The great and ancient city of Osaka is only eight hours' journey from Hiogo. It is the Venice of Japan. The palaces of the nobility occupy the quays which stretch along the principal arm of the river. All the rest of the town is composed of houses and shops belonging to the trading classes. Only a few old temples, more or less dilapi- dated, are to be seen. One of them, at the far end of the eastern suburb, has been placed by the Government of the Tycoon at the disposal of the foreign Embassies. A citadel, a mile in circumference, overlooks the northeastern portion of the city, and commands the Imperial high road to Kioto. From the year 744 to the year 1185 of our era the city of Osaka was the residence of the Mikados. They were well pleased to dwell amid its energetic, laborious and en- terprising population, to whom the empire chiefly owed the development of its com- merce and prosperity. But this was no longer the heroic epoch, when the Mikado, like the Doge of the Venetian Republic, em- barked upon his war-junk, and fulfilled in person the functions of High Admiral. He was no longer to be seen inspecting his troops, borne upon a litter upon the shoulders of four brave heralds, or com- manding the manoeuvres from the summit of a hill, sitting upon a stool, and holding in his right hand his iron fan. Such had been the representation of him in former times. At Osaka, the Mikado, who had reached the height of riches, power, and security, built a palace in the midst of a spacious park, which shut him out from the tumult of the city. His courtiers persuaded him that it was requisite for the dignity of the descend- ant of the sun that he should be invisible to the great body of his subjects, and should leave to princes and favorites the cares of government and the command of the army and the fleet. The Sovereign Secluded. The life of the Dairi was subject to cere- monial laws which regulated its smallest details OTd its least movements, and the sovereign dwelt within a circle inviolable by all except his courtiers. Imperial pomp henceforth rarely became visible to the people ; who, deceived in their dearest hopes, weary of the arbitrary rule of favorites, ven- tured at length to raise their voices, and their murmurs reached the ears of their sovereign. He did not convoke an assembly of notables, but he instituted certain bureaus, where the complaints of the people were registered. The courtiers, convinced that the dynasty of the descendants of the sun was in danger, carried away themselves and their Emperor to Kioto, a small town in the interior, on the north of Osaka. They succeeded in making this the permanent residence of the Mikados, and the capital, or miako, of the Empire. In abandoning the populous city, the great centre of commerce, of industry, and of in- tellectual activity, independent of the Dairi, they obtained the double advantage of cutting off all communications between the people and the sovereign and of moulding the new capital to their tastes, and for the convenience of their passions. EARLY HISTORY OF JAPAN. 0( 1>7 Kioto is situated in a fertile plain, open to the south, and bounded to the northeast by a chain of green hills, behind which there is a great lake, called indifferently the lake of Oitz, or Oumi, the name of the two principal cities on its shores. It is said to offer some of the mostbeauliful views in Japan. The waters of a dozen rive/s flow into it, and give rise *o the Yodo-gawa, which runs to the south of Kioto, and into the Inland Sea below Osaka. Canals in the Streets. Two affluents of the Yodo-gawa rise on the north of the capital, and flow beneath its walls, one to the east and the other to the west. Thus Kioto is completely surrounded by a network of running water, which is utilized in irrigating the rice-fields, in the for- mation of canals in the streets of the city, and also in the tanks in the Imperial parks. In the neighborhood of Kioto, rice, sar- rasin, wheat, tea, the mulberry-tree, the cotton-plant, and an immense variety of fruit- trees and vegetables are cultivated. Groves of bamboos and laurels, chestnuts, pines, and cypress crown the hills. Springs are abund- ant. Thousands of birds — the falcon, the pheasant, the peewit, ducks, geese, and hawks of all kinds — abound in the country. Kioto is famed for the salubrity of its climate. It is one of those portions of the Empire least exposed to hurricanes and earthquakes. The successors of Zinmou could not have found a more propitious retreat in which to enjoy the fruits of the labors of their ances- tors ; to raise themselves to the rank of divinities upon the pedestal of the ancient traditions of their race, and to lose sight of the realities of human life. All these things they did so completely as to allow one of the greatest sceptres in the world to escape from their enervated hands. The descendant of the Kamis of Japan naturally became the chief of the national religion, which had no clergy. The Mikados created a hierarchy of functionaries, endowed with the sacerdotal character, and charged to preside over all the details of public worship. All the high dignitaries were chosen from the immediate and collateral members of the Imperial family. The same order of proceeding was ob- served generally in all that concerned the service of the palace and the important functionaries of the Dairi. The chiefs of the civil and military administrations were gradually more and more alienated from the Court properly so called, and the latter took an exclusively clerical stamp. Rivalry in Building Temples. So the capital of the Empire ended by presenting a strange spectacle. Nothing was to be seen there which had reference to the army, the navy, or the government of the country. All these were abandoned to the care of the functionaries employed in the various services, and scattered about in the provinces. On the other hand, all the sects which recognized the supremacy of the Mikado assembled their own dignitaries within his city of residence, and all vied with each other in building temples for their respective religions. Thus, when Buddhism, imported by monks from China, had made sure of the protection of the Mikado by paying him homage under the title of spiritual chief of the Empire, it speedily surpassed all that had been done in the capital to the honor and glory of the Kami worship. The Japanese Buddhists endowed Kioto with the largest bell in the world, and with a temple no less unique of its kind. It is called the Temple of the Thirty-three Thousand 298 JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE. Three Hundred and Thirty-three, which is exactly the number of the idols which it ones, placed upon the!** heads and knees and upon the palms of their hands. VIEW OF KIOTO, JAPAN. contains. In order to make such a prodigy intelligible, it must be explained that the great statues support a multitude of small The temples or chapels of Kioto which belong to the ancient national religion still preserve to a certain extent the simplicity EARLY HISTORY OF JAPAN. 299 which distinguishes them in the provinces. Some are consecrated to the seven celestial dynasties of the native mythology, others to the spirits of the earth, and others to the divinity of the Sun, Ten-sjoo-dai-zin, or to her descendants, the first Mikados. The Kami worship towards the end of the seventeenth century had two thousand one hundred and twenty-seven mias in Kioto and its suburbs; but the Buddhist religion, in its different sects or ramifications, had no less than three thousand eight hundred and ninety-three temples, pagodas or chapels. There are no other monuments worthy of notice in this singular capital. Palaces of the Mikados. The palaces of the Da'iri are numbered among the sacred edifices, both by reason of the style of their architecture and their purpose. They are enclosed within a circuit of walls occupying the northeastern portion of the city. Long lines of trees, of great height, which show aoove the distant roofs, give a vague idea of the extent and tran- quillity of the parks, in whose recesses the Imperial dwellings hide themselves from profane eyes and the noise of the city. As it frequently happens that the Mikado abdicates in favor of the hereditary prince, in order to end his days in absolute seclu- sion, a special palace is reserved for him, under such circumstances, in a solitary en- closure on the southeastern side of the Da'iri. In the centre of the city there is a strong fort, whose ramparts are surmounted at inter- vals by square towers two or three stories high, intended to serve as a refuge for the Mikado in troublous times. The headquar- ters of the garrison of the Tycoon was established there in later days. The high dignitaries and functionaries, and the persons employed in the various residences of the Emperor and of his numerous family, may be counted by thou- sands. The number can never be exactly known, because the Court has the privilege of escaping the annual census. At all times the Japanese Government ha; occupied itself carefully with national statis- tics. In the holy city of the Empire, every individual is officially classed in the .sect to which he declares himself to belong. In 1693 Kiu-mpfer reports that the permanent population of Kioto, exclusive of the Court, comprised 52,169 ecclesiastics, and 477,557 lay persons; both one and the other were divided into twenty recognized sects, the most numerous of which included 159,113 adherents, and the least numerous, which was a sort of Buddhist confraternit)', 289 members only. A Continuous Carnival. It must not be imagined that this enorm- ous development of sacerdotal life in the capital of Japan renders the city gloomy, or makes the public morals austere. Ex- actly the contrary is the case; the stories and pictures which exist in Kioto, and record what it was in the days of its prosperity, produce the impression of a never-ending carnival. Let us suppose that we are reaching the holy city at sundown. Our ears will be assailed by a concert of instruments. On all the hills, which are covered with sacred groves, temples and convents, the bonzes and the monks are celebrating the evening office to the sound of drums and tambou- rines, copper gongs and brass bells. The faubourgs are illuminated with bright col- ored paper lanterns of all dimensions: the largest of cylindrical form, are suspended from the columns of the temples; the smaller, like globes, hang from the doors 300 JAPAN AXD Tin: JAPANKSK. of the inns and the galleries of the Iiouscs. The sacred edifices and profane establish- ments, which participate in this illumination, arc HO considerable in number, and so close together, that the whole quarter seems to be the scene of a Venetian /?/<•. In the heart of the city a compact crowtl of both sexes throngs the streets, which extend from the GREAT BELL OF KIOTO. north to the south, in the vicinity of the Dairi. The priest.-, are there in great num- bers. Those of the Kami worship wear a little hat of black lacquered cardboard, sur- mounted with a sort of crest of the same color, and a small white cross. This curious head-dress lias an appendage of very stiff ribbon which is tied behind the head and hangs down the back of the neck. It is the ancient national liead-dress, which does not belong exclusively to the i)riests, but may be worn, with certain modifications prescribed by the sumptuary laws, by the nineteen officially titled classes of the popu- lation of Kioto. A wide simar, big trousers and great sword, which is probably only an ornamental weapon, completes the costume of the priests of the Kami temples. AH the members of the Huddhist clergy, regular as .veil as secular, have the head shav'en and completely bare, with the ex- ception of certain orders who wear wide- btimmed hats. The habit is generally grey, but there arc some black, brown, yellcnv and red, occasionally diversified by a scarf and breastplate or a surplice. A Curious Rock. Kioto boasts of certain hermits, saints who have made choice of the capital to retire from the world. The grateful citizens transform the cells of these monks into little storehouses of abundance. The most mys- terious of them is cut out of the front of a rock, and inhabited no one knows by whom or how ; but baskets of provisions are lifted up by an ingenious pulley over a great tank, which separates the rock from the public road. The annual /(Vii" instituted in honor of the principal Kamis of Japan ha\e no other sacred rites than, the ceremonies of puritici- tion, and were introduced about the end of the eighth century. On the day before the great solemnity the priests go in procession with lights to the temple, where the arms and other objects which belongs to the divine hero are kept in a precious reliquaiy called "Mikosi." According to clerical fiction, the Mikosi represents the terrestrial dwelling of the Kami — a kind of throne still preserved to o o CD f 1 !l4 ;!■■: I::! I, I if 302 JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE. him in hi., earthly country — and each year it undergoes a radical purification. The reliquary is emptied and brought to the river: while a certain nrmber of priests carefully wash it, others light great fires in order to keep away all evil genii ; and the Kagoura, or sacred choir, play softly in order to appease the spirit of the Kami, who is momentarily deprived of his earthly dwelling; nevertheless, they make no delay in restoring it to him, which is done by solemnly reinstating the relics in the reli- quary. As, however, the temple itself equally re- quires purification, the Mikosi does not re- enter it until this operation has been per- formed ; and during the entire/iie, which is prolonged during several days, it is sheltered in a receptacle specially constructed for the purpose, and duly protected against evil spirits. Showers of Hot Water. Should those dread things endeavor to pass through the ropes of rice-straw which bound the sacred enclosure, they would ex- pose themselves to showers of boiling holy water, with which from time to time the dwelling of the Kami is sprinkled ; and woe to the evil spirits who should flutter in the air within reach of the Kami's guard of honor, for the priests who compose it are skilful horsemen and accomplished archers. The people applaud their evolutions, and fol- low with admiring eyes the arrows that they shoot into the clouds, and which fall within the enclosure of the holy place. Such are the ceremonies which lend a de- votional character to the festival. The in- fluence which Kami worship has had upon the development of the dramatic taste of the nation has not been produced, I need hardly say, by these puerile juggleries. The annual festivals have another and worthier side, and one educational in its character. The historical cortege, a great procession of masked and costumed priests, represents various scenes taken from the lives of their heroes. These theatrical representations in the open air were accompanied by music, songs and pantomimic dances. Thus the fine arts and poetry are made interpreters of national traditions, and the people flock to receive the patriotic instruction with avidity. Annual Festivals. Sometimes an exhibition of trophies of arms, or groups of figures in clay, reproduc- ing the features and wearing the traditional costume of the principal Kamis, was added to the entertainment. They were placed on cars or on platforms of pyramidal form, rep- resenting the building, the bridge, the junk, or sacred place illustrated by the heroes whose memory was celebrated. Originally these annual festivals, which were called Matsouris, were limited to a small number of the most ancient cities in the Empire. Eight provinces only had the honor of pos- sessing Kamis. But, from the tenth century, every province, every district, every place of any importance wished to have its hero or its celestial patron. Finally, the number of Kamis reached three thousand one hundred and thirty-two, among whom a great difference was made in favor of the most ancient. Four hundred and ninety-two were distinguished under the title of "great Kamis," and the others received the name of "inferior Kamis." Thenceforth, Matsouris were held in all important places in Japan, and from one end to the other of the Empire a taste for heroic recitals and artistic enjoyments, allied to the love of country and manly qualities, was dif- fused. CHAPTER XVIII. THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE. A COMPLETE and graphic description of Japan and the Japanese is fur- nished by M. Aime Humbert, Min- ister Plenipotentiary to Japan from the Swiss Republic. M. Humbert had pecu- liar advantages for studying the land of the Mikado and its people, and he records his facts and observations in a manner that at once interests and captivates the reader. Speaking of the country and its surround- ings, he says : The Inland Sea of Japan is bounded by the southern coasts of Niphon, and the northern coasts of Kiousiou, and Sikoff It is, however, more like a canal than a real mediterranean sea, being a communication established, at the height of the thirty-fourth degree of north latitude, between the Chinese Sea, or, more strictly, of the strait of Corca, on the western coast of Japan, and the great ocean which washes the southern and eastern shores of the same archipelago. The whole of the Japanese Mediterranean is sometimes known as the Sea of Souwo. Each of the provinces by which it is sur- rounded contains one or several "lordships," belonging to the feudal princes, who enjoy considerable independence, and generally derive large revenues from their estates. The Japanese Mediterranean, like the European sea so called, is divided into sev- eral basins. They are five in number, and are named from the most important of the provinces which overlook them, so that the Inland Sea bears five different names through- out its longitudinal course from west to east. In the midst of the natural wealth which surrounds them, the large, industrious, and intelligent population of the country parts of Japan have for their entire possessions only a humble shed, a few working implements, some pieces of cotton cloth, a few mats, a cloak of straw, a little store of tea, oil, rice, and salt ; for furniture, nothing but two or three cooking utensils ; in a word, only the strict necessaries of existence. All the remaining product of their labor belongs to the owners of the soil, the feudal lords. Temples Everywhere. The absence of a middle class gives a miserable aspect to the Japanese villages. Liberal civilization would have covered the borders of the Inland Sea with pretty ham- lets and elegant villas. The uniformity of the rustic dwellings is broken by temples, but they are to be distinguished at a distance only by the vast dimensions of their roofs, and by the imposing effect of the ancient trees which are almost always to be found in their vicinity. Buddhist pagodas, which are lofty towers with pointed roofs, adorned with galleries on each floor, are much less com- mon in Japan than in China. On entering the basin of Hiago, we came in sight of a town of some importance, on the coast of Sikoff; it is called Imabari. A vast sandy beach, which is rarely to be found in Japan, stretched back to a kind of suburb, in which we could discern a busy concourse of people, apparently carrying on market busi- ness. Above the strand were fertile plains, 303 804 JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE. whose undulating lines were lost in the mist at the foot of a chain of mountains bathed in sunshine. The principal peaks of this ch^'m are from 3,000 to 4,800 feet in height Fortifications, or rather mounds of ch, behind which shone several banners, pro- tected the batteries posted in front of the port. Some soldiers, standing in a group on the shore, followed our corvette with their eyes. There was nothing remarkable in the aspect of the town, except the sacred palaces, adorned by gigantic trees. A Famous Prince. Some time afterwards we passed, within rifle-range, a large Japanese steamer, which our pilot, whom we consulted, and who judged from the colors of the flag, informed us was the property of the Prince of Tosa. His estates are situated in the southern por- tion of the island of Sikoff, and they bring him in a very large annual revenue. Most probably he was returning from a conference of the feudal party held in the city of Kioto, at the court of the Hereditary Emperor of Jiipan, and had embarked at Hiogo, in order to regain his own province by the Boungo canal. What were his sentiments on be- holding a strange corvette cleaving the waters of the Inland Sea? Docs he flatter himself that he can repel the civilization of the West by the arms which it places at his disposal ? Docs he know whither steam will lead him ? A little before sunset we saw, on the coast of Sikoff, a feudal castle, remarkable for its picturesque site upon the summit and the sides of a wooded hill, at whose feet a rustic hamlet seemed to shelter itself under the pro- tection of the ancient lordly towers. It is the Castle of Marougama, the residence of Prince Kiogoko Sanoke, whose revenues are valued at ;?!200,ooo. The castles of the Daimios are generally at a distance from the town and villages. They are composed, in most instances, of a vast quadrangular enclosure, within thick and lofty walls, surrounded by a moat, and flanked at the corners, or surmounted at intervals throughout their extent by small square towers with slightly sloping roofs. In the interior are the park, the gardens, and the actual residence of the Da'imio, com- prising a main dwelling and numerous de- pendencies. Sometimes a solitary tower, of a shape similar to the other buildings, rises in the middle of the feudal domain, and rears itself three or four stories higher than the external wall. Imposing Edifices. As in the case of the Chinese pagodas, each story is surrounded by a roof, which, however, but seldom supports a gallery. All the masonry is rough, and joined by cement; the woodwork is painted red and black, and picked out with copper orna- ments, which are sometimes polished, but sometimes laden with verdigris. The tiles of the roof are slate color. In general, richness of detail is less aimed at than the general effect resulting from the grandeur and harmony of the proportions of the buildings. In this respect, some of the seignorial residences of Japan deserve to figure among the remarkable architectural monuments of the peoples of Ivistern Asia. We anchored in a bay of the island of Souyousima, at the southern point of the province of Bitsiou, and at the entrance of the basin of Arima. We were surrounded by mountains, at whose feet twinkled many lights shining in from houses. The stillness was unbroken, save by the distant barking of dogs. Next morning, very early, we were ploughing the peaceful waters of the Ari- manado. This basin is completely closed THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE. 305 on the east by a single island, which divides it from the Idsouminada by a length of thirty miles. It is in the form of a triangle, whose apex, turned towards the north, faces the province of Arima, on the island of Niphon. This is the beautiful island of Awadsi, which was the dwelling-place of the gods, and the cradle of the national mythology of the Japanese. The low lands at its southern extremity are covered with a luxuriant vege- tation, and the soil rises gently into culti- vated or wooded hills until they touch the boundaries of a chain of mountains from 300 to 700 yards in height. Awadsi belongs to the Prince of Awa, whose annual revenue amounts to $800,000. It is separated from the island of Sikoff on the west, by the passage of Naruto, and the island of Niphon on the east, by the Strait of Linschoten. Dangerous Channel. The greater number of the steamers which cross the Japanese Mediterranean from west to east, pass from the basin of Arima into that of Idsoumi, where they generally touch at the important commercial town of Hiogo ; and from thence they enter the great ocean by the Strait of Linschoten. That passage of Naruto which leads directly from the basin of Arima into the great ocean is shorter than the former ; it is, however, much less frequented, because it is consid- ered a dangerous channel for high-decked vessels. We saw the coasts drawing nearer and nearer to us, as we descended, towards the south-west corner of this triangular piece of land. At the same time a promontory of the island of Sikoff rose above the horizon on our right, and seemed to stretch continu- ously onward in the direction of Awadsi. 20 Very soon we found ourselves m a passage from whence we could distinctly see the beautiful vegetation of the coast of Sikoff and the coast of Awadsi. At length we saw the gates of the Strait : on the left, rocks surmounted by pines, forming the front of the island of Awadsi ; on the right, a solitary rock, or islet, also bearing a few pines, forming the front of the island of Sikoff. Between them the sea, like a bar of breakers, though the weather was calm: afar, the undulating ocean, with- out a speck of foam ; the tossing of the waves in the passage being solely the result of the violence of the current. Myriads of Birds. All around us, on the waves and at the foot of the rocks, were thousands of sea- birds, screaming, fluttering and diving for the prey which the sea, stirred to its depths by the current, was perpetually tossing up to them. Several fishing-boats were out, not on the canal — that would have been impossible — but behind the rocks, in the creeks of the little solitary islet and of Sikoff. Below Awadsi, the united waters of the two straits of Naruto and Linschoten form the canal of Kino, which washes the shores of the province of Awa, on Sikoff, and of the province of Kisou, on Niphon. We sailed for some time yet in sight of the latter ; then the land disappeared from our eyes, and we soon perceived, by the wide-rolling motion of the waves, that we were on the outer sea, in the immense domain of the great ocean. I occupied myself, during the whole eve- ning, in recalling the recollections of my journey; and I could find nothing out of Switzerland to compare with the effect of the beautiful Japanese scenery. Since then, several Japanese, travelling in Switzerland, have told me that no other country awakened 306 JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE. so vividly the remembrance of their own. Still more frequently I transported myself in fancy to one or other of the archipelagoes of the Souwonadii, earnestly desiring the advent of that hour when the breath of liberty will give them, in the I^r East, the ini[)ortance which formerly belonged, in pAirope, to the Archipelago of the Mediter- ranean. They cannot be blended into a general impression. Nothing is less uniform than the scenery of the shores of the Inland Sea. It is a series of pictures which vary infinitely, according to the greater or less proximity of the coasts, or to the aspect of the islands on the horizon. There are grand marine scenes, where the lines of the sea blend with sandy beaches sleeping under the golden rays of the sun; while in the distance, the misty mountains form a dim background. Japanese Scenery. There are little landscapes, very clear, trim and modest: a village at the back of a peaceful bay, surrounded by green fields, over which towers a forest of pines; just as one may see by a lake in the Jura on a fine morning in June. Sometimes, when the basins contracted, and the islands in front seemed to shut us in, I remembered the Rhine above Hoppart. The Japanese scenery is, however, more calm and bright than the romantic land- scapes t(j which I allude. The abrupt slopes, the great masses of shade, the shift- ing lilies, are replaced by horizontal levels; by a beach, a port and terraces; in the dis- tance are rounded islands, sloping hills, conical mountains. These pictures have their charms: the imagination, no less than the eye, rests in the contemplation of them; but it would seek in vain that melancholy attraction wliich, according to the notions of liuropean taste, seems inseparable from the enjoyment. Laying aside the question of the pictu- resque, which is not the essential element of our relations with the Far East, I hope that, sooner or later, a chain of Western colonies will be formed at Japan, peacefully developing the natural and commercial re- sources of that admirable country, along a line marked by Yokohama, Iliogo, Simono- saki and Nagasaki. It might liave a regular service of steamers. Fine Summer Resorts. The trading steamers of America, as well as tho.se of China, might maintain the rela- tions of the two worlds with the King of the Archipelagoes of the Great Ocean. Euro- peans, weary of the tropical climate or the burthen of business in China, might seek pure and strengthening air, and pass some weeks of repose on the shores of the Japa- nese Mediterranean. How many families settled in China, how many wives and chil- dren of luu'opeans, would be delighted to profit, during the trying summer months, by this refuge, as beautiful and .salubrious as Italy, and yet near their actual home! But while imagination, forestallin'r the march of time and the triumphs of civiliza- tion, evokes the charms of a ICuropean society from the bosom of the isles of the Souwonada, I mu.st acknowledge that I privately congratulated myself on having seen the J ipanese Mediterranean in its primitive condition, while one may .still "discover" .something, and has to ask the pilots the names of the islands, the moun- tains and the villages, and to cast anchor for the night in some creek called "fair port" by the natives. Having doubled the southern point of the great island of Niphon, that is, the pronion- le n- ^ n o < « O CO ill I m rf'i t';t jEll '■'- f; ij^ji 1 1 1 308 JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE. tory of Idsoumo, situated at the southern extremity of the principality of Kisou, we sailed, during a whole day with the current which the Japanese call Kouro-Siwo, which Tom southwest to northeast, at the rate of from thirty-five to forty miles a day. A Pleasant Sail. The weather was fine, and the sea a shin- irsT emr. : J.J-green. I passed many hours o:\ J e p .;), n stillness and vague contem- platio ,. ,' " *he first time I enjoyed the pleasu.-e oi . ailiiig. The silence which reit nod on boa; ■ (I