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[^rlccOwBSBifcU«G and Sixpence. 1 4J^ • Si-"- \% **"" '^' ^•' fl 1 . t II J ' ifi ■11 \ 1 ? ft ' » vj •f ' A •V .fi \.. -s. .-V ' 5^ ' >^ ^- if^-• / ,;: - *. t.JV. "^^ v^n '.v^ O i:VV ..|..,-. .$ .r.-X .^ o a v^ I *. !< ^ "^*v. -»-. -(?»W'?i?Wfeai»3«B,M«w«»,^rf,K.,i.,_, ^»1^-: ^i^ II «■ «— «— ^- AMERICANS , '.. i ..^' vAuV,A., AGAINST L I B E R T r. ;t. Siiu NO Terra, in the Compafs of Lan- guage, is more liable to Pervcrfion, or indeed has been more violently pcrverlcd, than the Word Liberty. ' It conveys the Idea of a moft valuable Bleffing, rightly underftood, and rightly applied. But the Misfortune is, that, amidft all the Clamor refpeding the Name, the Thing itfelf is frequently forgotten; and perhaps, in few Cafes, has it been more entirely for- gotten, than in the prefent Uproar of the Americans, :^r 'S^'- :-t^:- ««'-*.6j, *.,«(}* %. I ( 6 ) When we inveftigate the Foundations of civil Government, we muft at firft Sight per- ceive, that, in every focial Compadt, what is ufually ftyled the natural Liberty of Man, or that Liberty of Action which is bounded folely by his own Will, is neceflarily reftrain- ed by particular Obligations, common to every one included in the fame Compadt. To the Extent of this Obligation, condituted and intended for the general Benefit of the Society, every individual Member is a Bondfman. This Compact is the Conjiitution of the Society to which he belongs; this Conftitution fixes a Boundary to his natural Liberty \ and he is amenable to his Society for every Tranfgref«» iion of the common Boundary. Natural Liberty is fo vague a Term, that it is ufed to imply, fometimes unlimited Meafures of Freedom, and iometimcs almofl: none at all. The Difficulty rcfts upon the Word Nature, and then upon the Combina- tion of that Term j how it may be fo ufed as to exprefs, with tolerable Definition, the Conception, which the Mind has obtained^ of the Liberty of Nature, '- • ' < ' i' ^ The Nature of Man (which is the prefent Subjedl of Inquiry) is to be confidercd, in rc*^ ference to human Polity, chiefly in its moral Capacity. Government refpedts moral AdlionSi and was ordained to dired; them, or the Tranfgreffion, punifh If 1 4' ■ ''m -ia i mi m iMufc ' ii i ' n , ». ^ *..._,-, I H t«»«»|l.<^ ■»■! ■:.-ii'''\ •n'«,i *■ Vk'k. ' / I ( 8 ) . hJmfclf ; he muft fi'rft declare Waragainft his inbred unruly inclinations, and 6inci them down in Subjedtion and Servitude. He gives up a Part of his natural Liberty to the Domi** nion of another Part, which innpofes that Rule of Reftraint, and which is certainly better than a wild difcurlive Freedom. So neceflary there- fore is Government, in the firft Inflance and in a Cafe which will naturally be conlidercd ^ith every Indulgence, that not a {ingle In- dividual can live happy without it. The fame .Rule holds in all well governed Communities; The worfe fubmits to the better in all things; and ;ve never think, that Reflraint and Pun- iihment, on account of Immoralities, are the lead Incroachments upon the Freedom of So- ciety. By the Omiflion of moral Evil, when we talk of our Nature, and our natural Liberties, applying both of them to Politics, many have been the Mif^akes of the Multitude, and, by keeping it out of Sight, as many have been the Subterfuges of the Sophifter. Hence arifes the Succefs, which the latter has at all times obtained over the former; and hence too have fprung up, .with a fungous and luxuriant Growth, that Series of inflammatory Libels and nefarious Publications, which have wafled the Manufacture of Paper and trouble4 ihc Pe^ce of the World, ... ,....,-.:....,......,. ,..',^: '■■;■■ Theft t L. 4. .j^^)&bM^~ 9 ) Thefe PrinCWHJ of Rcdtltudc, or this Conlbioufnefs QlShc Worth of Virtue, ftill inherent in the N»|urc of Man, juftify this Force, which is put upon his Liberty at large, or when it is directed to the Purfuit of* Evil, It is a general Rule i applicable to the Con- du(Sl oi Individuals, with refpedt to thenifelvcs and the Community to which they belong ; and applicable alfo to Societies^ with rcfpedl to their internal Government, and to other So- cietieb about them. No Man is, or ought to be, in that abfolute kind of Freedom, both for his own Welfare and the Welfare of other Men, which hath not the Rule and Dominion of Virtue. For as ** abfolute ** Power (over others) purifies not Mtn's •• Blood, nor corrcdls the Bafenefs of human ** Nature ;" fo neither does abfolute Freedom within a Man's Self. The great Mr. Locke, of whofe wide Notions of Liberty nobody has any Doubt.- defining ** the State of per- '* fedt Freedom," tells us, that 'tis circum- fcribed within *• the Bounds of the Law of '* Nature." -f* Now, if he means, by this Term, a perfeSi, pure and upright Nature, there is certainly no Difficulty or RemifHon in the Propofition. But, if taking this word Nature, in a comprehenfive Senfe, for all that we find in Nature; we mufi include :#• t See his Second Book on Civil Government for this an4 other Quoutioni which follow. B Evil 4t ■ Ei ( 10 ) Evil as well as Good, for the original Boundaries of which we muft look farthct than the Wifdom or Power of Man, It feems, therefore* fcarce corredl to talk of a Law of Nature which muft be altogether fajjive-i without adverting to fome primary i/igent^ who formed that Nature, and impo- led a Law upon it. There is a greater Fal- lacy in this than perhaps may appear at firft View J for when JMen fpeak of a Law of KaturCj they would have us to underftand the Law of a ^^'r/r67 Nature j but when we come to examine this Nature, for our In- ftiuflion, we find it extremely erroneous^ de^ traved and imperjcdU according to the lowed and mofl lax Conceptions of Morality and Virtue, Such a Nature can never exhibitthat perfedt Rule we require. — But if it be faid, that the Nature of Man is not here intended, but the Naiura prima, or Nature of God ; I afk, where is this to be found ? The Nature of God, according to the Ideas given us of him» is a peifecl Affemblage of perfect At- tributes. This cannot be under any Law- cognizable by UG, unlefs finite beings can comprehend what is infinite. — If it be further fai'j» that by the Law of Nature is to be lin erllood //'^ Law, which God has given fo Naturo I this alfo will require fomc Ex- planation. We muft here divide Nature Into its two conftituent Parts, inert Mittter ^ # '#»-^?A:-%i,f ( 11 ) and a(ftive Spirit j the one engaged by the? Objedts of our Senfatiorit and the other what applies itfelf more particularly to our Intel-' le£fion. Of thefe two laft [viz. Senfation an4 IntelfeSiion] the former more immediate- ly relates to our external Suhfiftence as Animals ; the latter didinguiChes us as Men. The Law which God hath glver> to both thefe Properties of pur Nature, for their Formation and Support, cannot be here meant j for that is a Prefcription or Line of his own Will, on which we have either no Faculties or no Right to determine | And, therefore, if there be any Law, pe- figned for our CofTiprehenfion by him, it muft be a Law, delivered from Himfelf to us, and equal to the Capacities of our IVTinds, It muft be a Law, reduced to the Level of our Apprehenfions, by which we are to condudl ourfelves, or diredt others. We could havQ no certain Ideas of Redlitude pr Deyiafiori but by his Communication : And, hence, it is no wonder that fame ingeriious People; have difputed the very Exiftence of Evil^ and rejcded all Morality and Revelation to- gether. We comprehend this Law, call if of Nature or of God (fo it be not under- ftood in a feparate View fron> Hin)) only by this Revelation; and byit alone are inform?* cd of the Pleafure, which God himfelf has in Virnie and Uprightnefs. The great Philo- fcipher abovemcntioncd fccms o have im- B z plis4 t ! \ { 12 ) plied this ftridtly, where, fpeaking of this of jfently refei th( Nature, written Law of GOD, and particularly cites this Claufc in it againft Murder , Whojo jhed" deth Man's Bloody by Man fiall his Blood be Jhed. This Sort of Reafoning, though it may feem at firfl: Sight more analogous to Theo- logy then Politics, will not he found im- pertinent to our Subjedt, if we can eftablifti this Principle, as one great Pillar of all civil Government, That human Laws are to be arranged and enaded, agreeable to the Law, revealed and divine-f*. We fliall find, purfuing our Inquiries upon this Ground, that the true Freedom, allotted to Man, is a Freedom within Bounds, and that thefe Bounds are marked and prefcribed f Of this Opinion was the judicious Hooker, cited by Locke : ** Human Laws are Meafures in refpedt of Men, whofe Ac- " tions they muft diredl ; howbeit fuch Meafures they are, as *' have alfo their higher Rules to bemeafured by, which Rules *' are two, the Law of GOD and the Law of Nature ; fo that * ' Laws human muft be made according to the general Laws " of Nature, and without Contradidlion to any pofitive Law *' of Scripture, otherwife they are ill made." I infiil fo much upon ine Rule given in the divine Law ; becaufe many of the American Leaders have attempted to fandlify their Revolt by a fpecious Appearance of Religion. My /Attempt has been to argue throughout adbominemi and it will remain for the in- telligent Reader to judge, how far the Americans are to be juftified upon any folid Principles, civil or religious ; and how much they really diiFer from fome refpedable Perfons, who, miftaking their Defign, have in the Excefs of Candor fup- purced their Caufe, by i 'j-f. 1 M: ( 13 ) by his great Creator. Confequently, his natural Liberty, or the Liberty of following the Depravities of his Nature, is curtailed by a politive Injun(Sion ; the Difobedience of which is a Rebellion againft his Maker. This Power, which God has over all Men, he has delegated, for focial good, to fomc Men over others, ^he Powers that be (fays the Law of which we are treating) are or» dained by him', and indeed it muft be fo, unlefs any Power that /;, could have been formed either without or againft his Provi- dence. Nor is there fo much Toryifm in this Principle, as at firft Sight may appear. It meddles not with the Queftion, whether Power originate from the King or the Peo- ple : It fimply fays, the Powers, that be or exift, have that Exiftence (be the Mode whatever it may) by divine Ordination, And all Power, to whom foever it be com- mitted, is entrufted for the Welfare and Security, and I may add for the Puniftiment and Rcftraint, of thofe, over whom it is eftabliflied. It would lead me too wide from my Sub- ject in Hand, Ihould I attempt an ample Invcftigation of that difputed Topic, the Origin and Right of civil Government. I cannot, however, help obferving by the way, that moft of the Syftems or Theories, which have fallen under my View, have paid too driattUiH I) ( H ) too little Attention to thefe capital Points—* The Providence of God, and the Depravity of Man. For want of Attention to thefe, their Pofltdata have been crude, complex, or contradidory; and the P'^du^ions from them, many Times wild or pernicious, and often impradlicable. They lofe Sight of tht5 Author of Nature, and even Nature itfelf. They forget the one, and mifrcprefent the other. They pourtray human Nature like a " faultlefs Monfler," which the World can- not fee : and, in (hort, reprefcnt her as unfit for Law, becaufe, in their explanation, (be cannot need it. The Law of God was revealed, and the Law of Ma^, in Agreement with thatfuperior Law, was inftituted, for the Difcountcnance and Suppreffion of one Part of Man's natural Li- berty. So far as he obferves thefe Laws, he cannot, he muft not, do RviL He is bound ; he is obliged ; he is a Servant, or^ Subjedt^ to the Determination of other men, for a contrary Condudt, Is there, then, no Freedom P If a Reftraint be put upon the Adions, and even Words, of every Man in a State, left thofe Words and Actions occafion the unjuft Detriment of others, however they may profit himfelf ; if he dare not gratify the corrupt Inclinations pf his own Mind ; and if he cannot live by a Rule or Liberty of his own ; has he no .-k I* r-i i (i ( t5 ) Liberty, no Freedom, at all 7 Does he, by becoming a Member of Society, become ipjo JaBo a Slave ? — Yes } in the Senfe we have ftated, he has not the leaft Liberty allowed him J but is compelled to obferve and adhere to the Didtates of other Men — to Men, who perhaps exifted Ages before him, and in whofe Deliberations he could have no Voice —to Men, who contrived for themfelves, and adapted the {landing Modes and Maxims of Polity, all right perhaps, but all agreea- ble to their own Ideas. In this Senfe, even Britons are Slaves, were born Slaves, and niuft, unlefs they will commence Savages, Jive and die Slaves. But there is a Freedom, which no Con- ilitution, no Law, no Society of Men in the World, would. or can abridge— a Free- dom which conftitutes the Elfence of the beft Polity, and, without a Meafure of which, not even the worll can fubfift. I mean the belter Part of Man's Liberty — ^the Liberty of fpeaking and doing what is truly beneficial to a Man's Perfon and Property, which is always compatible with the good of Society as being a Part of it ', or, in other Words, the Liberty of doing what is /imply and morally right. This moral Reditude of Condud: is againftnoLaw, infringes nopublick or private Property, robs neither the Weak nor the Or- phan, aims not to diflTolve the Bonds of So- ciety il' J II IT a i 1 .• .' " ■1'";"|fj ( "6 ) cicty by hollow Pretences or mean and infi- dious Arts, ftrives to cultivate the genera! Peace and Profperity, and is peaceable, eafy and happy. "Tis plain^ that whatever Re- ilraints may be laid, whatever Rules impofed, or Arrangements framed j this Ibrt of Free- dom cannot be the Obje(ft, but mull be conceived as out of the Queftion. There arefev/ Men of a vicious or reillefs Tendency, who care to difpute for this kind of Freedom. Indeed, true Liberty, like a modeft Virgin, fhuns Difpute and brutal Contention, chu- fing rather to dwell with thofe, who, without loud Pretenfions either to Patriotilm or Vir- tue, have ufually therefore the moftof both. The Delign, then, of all Law, in one Viev/ of it, muft be to confine and fupprcls Evil; or the Law would be of no Ulc to Society : And if the Intent of Law be the Demolition of Mifchief; what Man, who deferves to live in Society, can but wifli to fee it in force ? It is plain, therefore, that the Liberty of a Society, or that Liberty by which the In- dividuals of a Society are fecure and profper- ous, is Liberty founded in Law, Liberty regulated by Goodncfs, Liberty purged from Evil. But all Law implies Government j as Go- vernment itfelf, at leaft good Government, is a Reciprocation of Law, So that our Pro- •1 ( 17 ) Pfopofition IS ftill the fame, when we fay. That Liberty refts upon a Government by Law J a Government proceeding upon com- mon, deternnnate, and well-known Princi- ples; a Government able alfo to enforce them. For a Government without Power is as poor a Defence for Liberty ; as a Go- vernment without Law is a Security for Property. Law, Government, and Power, however paradoxical it may feem when the Terms are feparately confidered, are all, ia the prcfent Cafe, the Companions, the Guards, and the Supporters of Liberty. Thus, as it is a Truth, that if Man were not depraved, there need be no Government to curtail his natural Liberty ; fo is it equally a Truth, that, being depraved, he could not enjoy his right Liberty, in common with otners, wi.thout Government. In iht former Cafe, the Reafon of Individuals, to fay no- thing of the other Faculties, would heperfeJ^ Reafon, and, as fuch, uniform and univerjal Reafon j and, confequently, there could be no Difagreement in their Ideas, or in the Pradice of every human and fecial Virtue i becaufc Difference in a Faculty implies Im- perfedlion. In the Liter Situation, ^there are fo many Evils and Infirmities, fo many Differences of Opinion and Pradlice, that, unlefs there were fome Rule of Right cftab- liihed and fome Authority for the Supprcflion C of i. i ) \! f W \ \ ■ t t << €t t€ 4€ ( 18 ) of Wrong ', Virtue would have but very little Room and Exercife in the World. The Liberty of Goodnefs would foon be dcftroyed; at leaA, it could not exifl in Society. In this View we muft all agree with Mr . Locke^ that *' Law is not fo much the Limitation, as the Dircdion, of a [politically] free and intelligent Agei to his proper Intereft, and prefcribes ho further than for the general Good of thofe under that Law : ** Could they be happier without it, the Law, ** as an ufelefs thing, would of itfelf vani(h i ** and that ill deferves the Name of Con* ** finement, which hedges us in only from ** Bogs and Precipices. So that, however it ** may be miflaken, the End of Law is not ** to abolifh or reflrain, but to preferve and ** enlarge Freedom. For in all the States of ** created Beings capable of Laws; where " there is no Law, there is no Freedom,*' But here, probably, will arife the Quef- tion i Who {hall delineate this Road of focial Liberty, and have Authority to prefcribe Boundaries to the wild Excurfions of private Will? ^0 teneam *uultus mutantem Protea nodof It may be anfwered, that where a Set of People are left at large, without the Exiilence of any particular Form of Government among them,Tind where they concur, in confequence, to eilabliih a civil Polity, without which in- deed m i <^W.«ha. I :-^ ( 19 ) deed no Multitude could Aibfifl together, without Inconvenience, for three Days ; it feems reafonablc, that the Majority of that People (hould determine the Form for the refl. And whatever Form be then eftablifhed, whofe Obje6t, refembling the moral Govern- ment of an higher Agent, is the general Welfare, if Mr. Locke's Opinion may be taken, «* the Power that every Individual gave *' the Society when he entered into it, can ** never revert to the Individuals again, as '« long as the Society lafts ; hat will always ** remain in the Community ; becaufe, with- ** out this, there can be no Community, no •' Commonwealth." But if a Form be already edabliihed in a Country, either by the prior Confent of An- ceilors, as is now the Cafe with our own and moft other Countries in the World j or by the pofitive Inditution of God, as in the theo- cratic State of the Jews ; no Individual, no Minority of Individuals, no one Branch itfelf (if there be more Branches than one) of their Legiflature, has any Right to introduce the lead Alteration or Innovadon, in the one Cafe ; and, in the other, not the whole State together. The former indeed may propofc and recommend the Correction of Abufes, if any arife : But the latter, having no Flaws in their Inftitution, would find it their Happi- neis to obferve it ; as we may learn by the C 2 Jews, V, Ir U ( 20 ) Jews, who had this peculiar Appointment, and only gained Sorrow by the Change. When we talk of States and Communities, the Notion of Indhiduals is abforbed : Their Rights and Privileges are not merely their own, but the Rights and Privileges of the State to which they belong. There is nothing fo a Man's own, in an enlarged political View, as to be abllraded and independent of his Community. His Lands and Property be- long to him and arc fccured to him, not upon the Foundation of what Ibme miltake lor na- tural Liberty, nor upon Confiderations of mere Humanitv and Benevolence, but as a Member of a Community, endowed, by fome Conftitution, wiih thele Advantages. Our Nation would not think it proper to com- mence a War for a fufFering Frenchman, or for a Perfon unronnedtcd with us or any Society, (if fuch a Peribn could be found) however hard and affeding their Cafes might be ; but, if an Engliiliman I'utFcr Outrage, he claims the Benefit of his Community's Power, and he has a Right to find it. His Lands and i^oiiefiions, in the above Scnfe, arc a Part of the Riches and Pofieiiions of the State. Un- der the State he holds them, and by its Laws, 1-Ie cannot enjoy them but by the Law 5 he cannot transfer them but by or according to Law; he caunot increafs them but by Law. The Law prcllribes his peculiar Right and Pro- / 'if ( ^I ) Propriety, and takes that Right away upon his Difobedience or Rebellion. The Law is the Gu.^rdian of his Property, and the Rule of the whole Community : It binds between the State and Individuals as a common Con- dition ; and fj binds, that legal PoflelTions are not to be forfeited to the Public, or to the Cff wn as its Head, but by illegal Anions an4 Offences againft the Public, or the Crown. ]f we extend this Reafoniiig to fubordinate Bodies, which are necelTarily appointed in all States, fuch as Provinces, Counties, Towns, &c. they in like manner have nothing theic own, feparately confidered from the State at large. They may have local Advantages, and local Laws ; but as there can be but one Conditution, any more than one Soul in qne individual Body, in a well-ordered Empire ; there muft be one general pervading Authori- ty, which includes all Individuals and all Property, fo far as it extends. Their Lands and Territories belong not to them, in a dif- tindt and feparate View, but to the Empire itfelf. Elfe, why does the Empire interefl: itfelf in their Prefervation ? Why does it re- train every invading Foe, or colle(fl its united Force to puniOi thofe who intrude? Not furely for the fole Benefit of a Town or a Province as fuch, or becaufe Injuftice only may have been committed ; but becaufe the Empire confiders it as much a Part of itfelf, as it ■A v^s.J. ( « ) as a Man efteems a ContuHon in his Foot of feme Confcqnencc to th- Health and Wel- fare of his whole Body, and will hy no means difmember it, unlefs its Rottcnnefs or Mor- tification endanger his Frame. The whole State is concerned for each individual Mem- ber ; and, as it proteds each, has a Right to demand the Means of Protection from each. To carry on our Figure ; when a Man at- tacks or defends himfelf from an Enemy; his whole Force is colledled; every Nerve lends its Vigor ; and not the minuted: Part v/ith-holds its Proportion of Affiftance. 'Tis the fame in all States or great Bodies politic ; or they either do not or cannot long dcferve the Name. <* But may not Individuals didike the ge- neral Government ; and have they no Re- medy ?" If a Man remain in a Country, governed by any Sort of Laws, his Continuance there is a tacit Confent to the Dominion of that Country ; and he is, therefore, obliged to conform to its Laws. An EngUQiman in Spain has no Right, from Nature or Rea- fon, to infult the Government of that Coun- try, merely bccaufc it is more arbitrary thaa his own. Let him difpofc of his Property and quit the Soil ; but 'tis not his Bulinels to difturb the Peace of the Society. He may roam all over the Earth i but, if he feat hii^fclf ( *3 5 himfelf upon a civilized Spot, he ought to conform to its Inftitutions, till he can pre- vail by fair Means upon thofe, who have a Right to change them, to make an Altera- tion to his Mind. " But what is to be done, in cafe of the Innovation of arbitrary Power in a free and mixed Government ?" People ought to be very clear from per- fonal or particular Prejudices, when they mean to decide upon fuch a Cafe. It is an Evil of fuch alarming Magnitude, that the wifeft, the richeft, and the mod able Men in a Nation are the mod concerned to prevent it ; and, without Doubt, would be the quickeft to perceive it. Such will not conlider the ignorant Clamors of the Multitude, nor be deluded by the artful Infmuations of the Se- ditious. Fads, and Fadts alone, will deter- mine their Judgement. They will exa- mine, where this arbitrary Power rcfides, upon whom it operates, and what Evils are among its EfFedls. They will both hear, ivho complain, and of what they complain : And, when their Minds are convinced, will adopt no hafty, no illegal, no oppreHive, or unconftitutional Mcafures. When Men of this Caft, in pny State, are determined ; it is upon fuch certain Grounds, that almod the whole State will join them. This was re- markably the Cafe at the Time of the Revo- lution. w !!i / ( 24 ) lution. The firfl: Men in the Nation, who had moft at Stake, were mod alarmed ; and the great Body of the People foon followed them. In our Conftitutlon, this arbitrary Power muft manifeft itfelf either in the King, the Lords, or the Commons; and the two laft are mofl: deeply concerned to oppofe it. If the Kin^ attempt to ftretch his Influence in the State, it muft be at the Expence of the two Houfes, and to the Diminution of their Au- thority. This would hardly be borne by thofe» who havelo much Influence to reduce it : And it never can be their Intereft to fuftain the Innovation, v/hile a Sentiment of He or, or a Thought of Security to Perfon and For- tune, are worth a Moment's Entertainmer^ On the other Hand, it is hardly poflible, that cither or both of the Houfes fliould efl^e<5l an undue Stride of Influence, while the whole ex- ecutive Power (to fay nothing of its negative Voice) refides in the Crown. If arbitrary Power be charged upon the three Branches in Conjunction; it fliould be recolleftcd, that thefe Branches compofe our Conftitution, which in itfelf is and muft be abfolute to the Bounds of its Dominion ; though, fo far from being arbitrary, it muft annihilate its own Foundations to become fo. In fuch an Adventure, it would commit a Felo de fe upon itfelf; to fay nothing ri the immenfe Hazard, ^:. ■«T II! Hazard, to which the feveral Members of the Legiflatiire niuft be tTipckd, in fo vile an Undertaking. They would moft probably meet with, as wcl) ais deldrvc, the Rfefent- iiient of the People. Arbitrary Power U a gaudy delicate Plant, which thrives belt in the warmed Climates : We havfe too many Thorns and Nestles to admit the Cuhiv&tioni of fuch an Exotic in the Regibn^ of Britain; Our Rcprcferitaiives miift be eriflaved thenifelves, ere they can enflave os. And Can it be the Objedt of Men of Forturfe (and fuch are the far greater Majority of both HouifesJ, for the fake of a little dirty Blribe; if it even were propofed, to facrifice their Honor, their Freedoiii, the Freedom of their Pofterity, the Secufity of tHeif Fortuned and all this at the Peril of their Lives ? Is there lip Virtue, no Senfc, bftt in fome declaiming I^atriots, who are kftown to have neither' Fortune nor Credit? — Creiiaf JUdcdus Apelltii Non €go» If we. arfc aggrieved by any Law^ uftad- ^iiedly made t iivf^ are opprcfled ^y any Re- gulations of a p^rnicioas Tendency ; it is the Iiiterclt of no Men in the Community to re- lieve us more than thpfei who compofe our Conftitution. They ftand upon the general Bottom i and, if they dcftroy that^ they de- D ,. .•: ,.-, «ro,^ \ w M I ■W. ( 2& ) ftroy themfeves. They owe all their In- fluence and Dignity to the Profperity of the Empire ; and, above all things, muik be zealoys for its Prefer vation. Befides» the Conditution is lodged in too many Hands for the Power of a few to deftroy it. The Throne would be convulfed as well as the Country : and hath always fuffered ia its Influence by the raifmg a general Storm, This is the Language of Keafon and common Senfe j and, I fhould fuppofc, it may be un-*^ derftood a little in Wedminfter, and poiUbl/ too by that ever-opprobrious Race of Men,, who manage the Helm of Affairs. The King, Lords, and Commons,, as I faid before, compofe the Conftitutlon, and fu« preme Legi^ature, of the BritiHi Empire. There cannot be, in a proper Arrangement of Polity, two or more diuindt Legiuaturea of equal Authority. It will not anfw.er in mere Speculation. Nor is there in our own. Our Cohftitution never knew any thing of Legiflation equal to or independent of itfelf within its I>ominion ; our Law-Books have no Terms exprelTive of a diflind Authprky^ and, could any thing of that fdrt be admitlted, our Conilitution, fo long the Admiration of the World, would fall ihto Ruin&i abr^ iii the Event, could our Kingdom dond* Every Member of our Empire is born under thii Controul, mud live fobjedt to it while he is a Member^ N» ( 27 ) Member, and is protedled by it as fiicb ; whether he rcfide \n Europe, Afia, Africa^ or America, Britiih Freedom then is a Freedom of Law, a conftitutional Freedom, a Freedom of acting and fpeaking what is right; a Free- dom founded in Rea^n, Happinefa, and Security. All Ucenttous Freedom, called by whatever fpecious Namci is a favage Princi-r pie of fpeaking and doing what a depraved Individual thinks fit, without Regard to the. Convenience of others, or the Welfare of the' World. The former is undeniably a ^bdantial Good : The latter is indifputably the greatcil Curfe, that could be cflabli(hed for Mankind. Wc may now aflc^ For which of theft two is the prefent Contefl: and Contempla- tion of the Americans f It cannot be for rhtjirji ; for they have enjoyed, ever iince they could be called a' People, all the Advantages and Immunities of Britons, Not the neareft Subjedbs to the Throne in England, nor the remoteft Mem- bers of the State in Afia, have had a ^^ider Field of Freedom to range in, than the cnce happy Sons of highly-favored and indulged America, Can it be then for the laji of thefe ? Is it polTible ? The great Majority of the Empire, as well as the Government D 2 and I. ■■H -Mil y.' I !^ ■t ( 28 ) ftnd Conflltution of it, are againfl thetn |i| this Claim, and againft them for their own, as well as the general, Welfare. It is not their Intereft to poflcfs fuch a Freedoni : It }^ our Duty to prevent it.' '• ' The Matter ^hen (as we (hall find) will pome to thi§ Iffue ; that the ReheUJimeri* fa/is, iti the wildeft Delution and by the worft of Means, are avowing themfelves THE OPEN Enemies to the public ani> GENERAL LlBERTY OF THE BRITISH EM- PIRE. This may appear a ftrong Propofitibn ] but a little further Confideration may evince it true. I give tbcm, or rather the uninform- ed Bulk of them, Credit, that they mean not at prefent to carfy Mattery to this enor-r mous Length j but, while I am happy it) making every Conceffion in their Favor, Con- iiftent with Truth, I muft add, that they have been fcduced, impofed upon, and bc^ grayed.'- - They have been /educed by diiiioneft and dcfigning Men. Some, withing to cancel their Debts to Britain, have imagined that^ by the Confufion of Affairs, all Claims upon them may be buried in the Ruins. Others* having little to lofe and much to hope for, are for conimcncing political Architects, and would upon thefe faid Ruins ercCt a Fabric ^f their own. Thus between Roguery and) Ambition ^ Vll , I. .-■ ^ '• ( ^9 ) Ambition, poor 'lohn Bull is to be turnjd ,out of his Houfe ! They have been impofed upon by inflamma- tory Publications, both at Home and Abroad, while the Truth, and cfpecially of late, is denied an Accefs, and ex parte Hiftories alone have received a briik Circulation, Mifmformed and miftaken Men have fug^ gefted their Prejudices, and operated upon an irritable and pafTionate Temper, to a fur- prizing Degree of Romance and Enthuiiafm. Fadlious and Republican Incendiaries have alfo, with a malignant Indudry, circulated a thoufand Scurrilities and Falfehoods, while the Head has been too hot to examine, and the Judgement too biafled to compare. They are betrayed into a civil War, upon very unequal Terms, with a State, which wiihes them no Evil, and whofe very Interefb it is to do them none ; — with a State, which would receive them vvith open Arms, upon the Ground of Honor, Law^ and reciprocal Communication. Thus the Enemies to British and conftitu- tional Liberty, by Diflionefty, Falfliood, and Ambition, have engaged the great Bulk of the Americans to adopt their own Views, and, by a Series of Artificial Stratagems, to fupport Interefts, which will deftroy them, pould they fucceed in their Violence, it were faly to point out the Path of their Ruin both ( 30 ) both from themfelves and from others ; but if tbey (hould not, as indeed they cannot, how can theyexpe^ in future that complaifant Indulgence to their Interefts from Great Bri- tain, which (he has often given in Preference to her own? I am, however, more directly to (hew, bow the Americans (the greater Part, as I faid before, through much Ignorance and Simplicity), in their prefent hoftile Aims, are mHltating againji the public Liber- ties OF THE British Empire. Their Condud falls under this Defcription» as it refpedls $ 1. Their Refufal of Subje: And the ftronger and more diflfufive ths Influence of the Conflitution^ the more fe- cure and flouri/hing are the Liberties it de- fends. To fay, that the Britifh Conflitution may become the Patroneft of Tyranny, is tci afferti what not only is contrary to all Fadt and Experience^ but what is diredly oppolits to Common Senie^ The King, Lords and Commons of Great Britain^ cannot adopt what truly deferves the Name of Tyranny^ without every Hazard and Inconvenience to' themfelves. The King mud be made the Dupe and Drudge of His Parliament, expo- fed, as the great Executor of the Law^ to dn' the difhonorable and dirty Work of abufing his People; and muftbe given up to the Dan- gers of a difputed Authority and a tottering Throne. The Lords muil not only forget all Dignity of Character but Intereft of For- tune, whenever they combine in the Proje<^ of univerfal Slavery. Their Pofterity and' Property (no inconfiderable Stake for their Gondua I) \i '^•iiiidi . ( 33 ) Condud!) would, on the one hand, become cxpofed to a fordid Dependence on an abfoluie Monarch ; or, on the other, be reduced in the Privileges of Rank, and fink into the common Sewer of a Democracy. Nor would the Commons be at all advantaged by a Con- currence in an arbitrary Sway, which, with refped to their own Perfons, muft be tempo- rary and precarious at the beft. They too have Fortunes, Charadter, and Families to enjoy* All may be loft, none would be fecure, by a Defpotifm of any kind. The Sufferings of each Member may be great and total : His infecure Dominion of a Day would at moft be divided, and therefore fmall and partial. They cannot enflave without being enflaved themfelves j even though we fhould give no Credit to their Honor and Generofity. ** Butcanthey not cn^^iVtAmericaV lan- fwer; Slavery is no Part of our Conflitution. We have no Idea of it in our Law. It is not to be found in our Country. Negroes here, wherever they have been Slaves before, are emancipated in a Moment by fetting Foot upon our liberatingShores. We, as aCommu- nity, exercife no Cruelties; nor is any Indi- vidual fuffered to exercife them. We hang even Americans themfelves if they murder thofe, whom they make Slaves, when E brought I' ■ ) , si' ' *v ( 34 ) brought to the Determination of our Laws. -ft The Britifli Government never toleratcci OpprcHion; but has interpofed its Power, ia numberlefs Inflances, for helplefs Foreigners to refcue even them from Oppreffion. It never tyrannized over Britain : It always chc- riflied and fuppofted jimerica, ** But is not Taxation, without Confent, Tyranny ?"— The Propofitions of the Houfe of Commons in February laft have abfoluteiy annihilated that Controvcrfy. *Tis true. Great Britain cannot give up her Right of demand- ing, from every Part of the Empire, the pro- portionate Service and Burden of each for the common Defence ; yet the Offer, held out to America, of adjufting the Mode of rajfing that Share, gives an entire new Turn to the Qucftion. So that it is no longer, whether the King and Parliament by the Officers of the Crown fliall raife a Revenue in the Co* lonies -, but, whether the Colonies are not bound, upon every Principle of Reafon, Ju- Aice, and Duty, to contribute to the Support of the "eneral Burden in common with the Subj,c6ls of Britain, who have heretofore been taxed Million upon Million for them. Nor are they expedled to pay it into the Royal Coffers as a Civil Lift Subfcription s but into f Witnefs Captain Fergu/on of Virginia, who now hangs in chains near Blackwall, for the Murder of his Negro Boy iipon the High Seas. > g publ}9 ( 3- ) & public Stock, fubjcdt to parliagientaryCon- iroul, for their own Defence. But they have rcjefted this peaceful Plan, and noto- fioufly upon a Syftcm, inimical to the Su- premacy of Great Britain, their beft and their only Protedlor. 'Tis true, before their Projeft was ripe enough to be owned, fomi of them, and the Penfyhanians in particular, did talk of •• fettling a Revenue, from a Senfe •' of Duty to their Sovereign, and of Eflecm *« for their Mother-Country :"•!• But 'tis c- qually true, that they never have taken one Sfcp to put this Senle of Duty intoExercife. They reprobated the Propolition of Britain { but nave never exhibited another in its ftead. Their laft Addrefs to the Throne does not fo much as glance at any fuch thing j but talks of their Rights and Expectations, as though the Mot her "Country had none. Admitting however for a Moment, that fuch Expedtations of debilitating the great Authority of the Conflitution (houldfucceed; what would be the Confequence ? Thefe Members, I mean the legiflative Members or Branches, diilind: and independent of the original Body, would grow, perhaps luxu- riantly for a while 5 but, in the End, would be unwieldy in themfevcs, inl'upportable to each other, and ungovernable by the Head. t Penjjlvanian JnJirnSliom in DickinfonV EJfay% P. 19. E 2 Havintr 4» 1, 1 1 ( 36 ) Having no general Controul, they would be a vail: Aflcmblage of petty States, ever quar- relling amongft themfelvcs, weak to refift, and always expofed to a foreign Invafion;}:. That this is no Conjedurc, pail Experience has flicwn. It was fcarce two Years ago, when the Virginians and Penfylvanians were upon the Point of drawing the Sword upon each other in a Difpute of their refpediive Boundaries. And, perhaps, but for theQuar- rel exciied againft the Mother-Country, the New Yorkifts, the Penfylvanians, and People of Connedlicut, would all have been thus engaged, at this very Time, upon the fame Account. They arc confefledly as jealous. Province by Province throughout the Con- tinent, of the Advantages and Commerce of their feveral Neighbours, as the Dutch can be of the Englifh, or of any other commer- cial Power. Exclufive of all other Confide- rations but tbefe, it would be their Wifdom, as it id their Interefl, to maintain the Supre- <( C( 4( <( €t «,i..- '* **^. '^'^"^^-^ *-.-^':«- yj^^ ( 37 ) macy of Great Britain, whofc Power alone can protcdt them from the Depredations of a foreign State, and Twhat is of equal Confe- quence) prefcrve them from Anarchy and Bloodshed among themfelves. Thus it appears to be their Advantage, as well as Duty, their Happincfs as well as their Freedom, to prefcrve the Conftitution of Britain inviolate, fuprcme, and abfolute, o- ver all her Dominions. I would not mean by abfolute Authority an arbitrary Power, for thefc are widely different; but that unli- mited Ability of providing for the Welfare of the whole Empire, which is not to be impeded by the Frowardnefs or Obftinacy of any of its Parts. This Authority is veftcd in her for the Good of the whole j and thofe, who diredt the Helm, are refponfible to the whole for the Exercife of that Authority. As Tyranny, or the Abufc of this public Au- thority for private End^ which oppofe the general Cjood, would be oppofitc to the Law of God and Nature : So the uncontrouied Li- berty of depraved and licentious Individuals is equally fo. 1 am warranted in this Rea- foning by a very great Man, Mr. Locke, whom the Americans have appointed their political Apoftle, and who afleits, that ** Free- •• dom of Men under Government, is to have a Handing Rule to live by, common to EVERY ONE of th;it Socicty (^meaning a ** Common- « I I ' if V 1^1 «|: i < m I ' i ■? I It ( 38 ) " Commonwealth, Empire, or Communityt ** and made by the legijJative Power (v^hicli ** he fays, in another place, is thzfitpreme ** Power) eredted in it." And he f'arther tells us, that, ** when any Number of Men *« have confented to make one Community of <* Government (which Confent, he fiys, is " implied when any one holds Poffejfiom or ^* hath Enjoyment of any Part of the Domi* ** nions of any Government) they are thereby <* incorporated and make one 'Qqd'^ politic, *« wherein the Majority have a Right to <« ACT and conclude the reft :" For, were It otherwife, as he prefcntly obferves, «« the ** Variety of Opinions , and Contrariety of In^ *• terejl^ which unavoidably happen in all ** Colledions of Men 3 would render the ** coming into Society upon fuch Terms ** only like Cdto*s coming into the Theatre, •« only to go out again. — Where the Majo- ** rity cannot conclude the reft, there the^ ** cannot aB as one Body, ^nd con/eqitentfy *• will be immediately dillclved." Now it is not to be doubted, but that the Majority of Subje,d:s in the Britifti Empire are wholly againft the independent Legiflation and abfo- lute Claims of the Americf^ns; for this has been proved, in the only fair Way a Contio- verfy of the kind can be proved, by the col- lected Wifdom and Scnle of the Nation in their Reprcientatives* Many of the grcateft Traders in ( 39 ) Traders themfelves, who are moft intereftcd of any Men to preferve Peace and Quietnefs, are fo convinced of the abfolute Ne':effity of flopping this licentious Claim of America, that they have declared a Refohjtion of ven- turing no more Goods in£o that Country upon the Render Security of provincial Honor, and that they had rather fuffer by a temporary Suf- penfion of Commerce, than commit their Property to Perfons, who are and would be put of the Reach oi the Britifli Laws. Peo- ple may fophifticate as they pleafe, but no- thing can be more obvious than this fimple Truth; that where there is not a Rule or Law equally binding upon every Member of a State, fuch State can neither adt with Effi- cacy, nor remain in Security, It muft be full of Difcord in itfelf, and, of courfe, will be an eafy Conqueft to others. 2. BUT the Americans feem at prefent fo extremely prejudiced againft every thing that bears the Kefemblance of the Britilh Conflitution, that they have fwept away thofc Analogies or Epitomes of it among them in their Colony Legillatures, and fo cancelled their Obedience to (what they nc\^r yet had the Jioldnefs to deny to be) the conftitutional Au- thority of their own Provinces. Governor Council and AiTembly^ the fubordinate Guar- dians of their conftitutional Liberty, are now no more. Their Plot is fancied ripe enough jtQ enable them to throw off the Malk, While it f » I i s I i I ■i ■I ( 40 ) it was in Embryo, the founding Name of a provincial Parliament was a convenient Fal- lacy. It flattered the natural Vanity of an American, otherwife well-difpofed, without offending his Loyalty ; and It was a favorable Step to thofe, who had further Views, but had not yet the Confidence to fpeak them out. Thus urged, though by many different Motives, the Provincials could be fatisfied with nothing but a Parity of Power with the Parent- State, talked high of their own Impoitince and Dignity, and fancied, at length, that the very Opulence and Ccmmerce of Britain was en- tirely fupported by themfelves. Some inge- nious Folks at Home have contributed to fwell this American Bladder. Hence they have been called in thehigheft Style of Bom- baft, ** the fole Bafis of our Empire ;" and it has been faid, that her Oppofition will give Great Britain " a Wound, which no Time «* can heal," and that the laft Refource of the Mother Country will be, ** to have a *« philofophical Senl'e of Dignity ftep in un- «« der the Shape of Confolation." Alas, poor Britain ! Well ; they have accompliftied one Pur- pofe, and have made one very confidcrablc Advance in fupport of their favorite Idea. They have now nothing co7iJiitLtional (landing in their Way in America; fo that, thus far at Icaft, they have weakened the general Bul- wark, and the true Liberty annexed to it, the whole ( 4« ) whole Empire. They may triumph over the venerable Ruin, and, with a fanatic Ardor, exult 5 Babylon the Great is Jallen, is fallen. They have expunged, as far as poflible, every Appearance of Britifli Liberty from among them: Britons are no longer fafe in thefe revolted Regions 5 and their Properties, con- fided to provincial Honor, have been en- truftcd, it appears, upon a troubled Sea, which cafteth up Mire and Dirt. Mire and Dirt — in the one, the Worth of Britifli Manufactures . is ftuck faft and proba- bly funk 5 with the other, the Proprietors, and even their own beft Friends at Home, are befpattered and abufed. The Noble Peer, whofe minifterial Ta- lents were attended with fo much Applaufe and Succefs in the Condudt of the laft War, and who has been ever ready to patronize the Csufe of the Colonies, fo far as is confident with their Subordination to Britain, did not, and could not, patronize what is now become " the good old Caufe** fufficiently for their independent Views and Inclinations. They have embraced his Afliflance as flir as it went; and when hia Lordfliip would ftep no farther, ujcy left him behind, with fucli Marks of VKjgratcful Refeiitment, as would offend a Mind, lefs fufceptiblc of the Mortifications of Contempt and Delertion, than his Lord{hip's is conceived to be. The Noble Lord was \- F too 1^ «fi "it* 1 I- 1 f '- '^ ■ '■ \ I ' ! ' - «< «C it 4t €t { 44 ) too tnuch a Friend to the Navigation A&. and the other Aifts which rjpport it, to be the Friend of a Commerce, which would rival Britain in many Indanccs, and advantage her in none* His Lordihip confidered it as " the legal, ccnftitutional, and hitherto unque- ftioned Prerogative of the Crown, to fend any Part of the Britifh Army to any of the Briti(h Dominions and Po^eflions, whether in America, or elfewhere, as His Majefty, in tlie due Care; of his Subjeds, may think neceflar for the Security and Prote&ion of the famt , '.nd ** that this Prerogative cannot be ladered dependent upon the Confent of a provincial AfTembly in the Colonies, without a moft dangerous In* NOVATION and Derogation from the Dig- nity of tlie imperial Crown of Great Bri- tain." This did npt fquare with their Kotion of permitting or not permitting thefe Britirh Troops to appear in Territarieis, which they call their own ; the Arrival of whom» without their Ccnfent, firH: had and obtained, they termed, and long before their Com- mencement of open War, ** an hoftile and *< unjuftifiable Invafion." This is their Re- folution, the Refolution of the combined Wit and Wifdom of America, *' That the keeping a ftanding Army in the Colonies, in Times of Peace, ivithout the Confent of the Legijlature of that Cohrfy in which fuch • 1^ . ' !* Army it «c <( it u (f (C it €t €€ ( « ) ** Army is kept, is againft Law:" 1. e, againfl: the'tr Law ; for no Law of the Confti* tution, common or ftatute, fays any fjch Thing. His Lordfhip alfb conceivevd, that they would give a jost and free Aid in fuch honorable Proportion, as mr.y feem meet and becoming from great and flou- rifhing Colonies towards a Parent-Country, laboring under the heavieft Burdens, «* which in no inconfiderable Fart have beea *• willingly taken upon ourfelves and Pofte- " rity, for the Defence, ExTENsroN'and «« PROSPERITY of the Colonics." No, faid the Colonies, when this Propofition «* made its way to the remoteft Wilds of «' America j" no Power on Earth has a Right to take our Money from us without our Confent : We do notconfent to this Pro- pofition, but think it more infidious than that of the Parliament r Ergo, yoM have no Right to expe(a any fuch matter from us. Thus a gracious CEconomy furniflies them with any Argument, and every Argument, for leaving their Parent Country, laboring under the heavieft Burdens, taken upon her, and her Children, and her Children's Children, for American Defence, Extenfion and Prof- pcrity. — And tiius the Americans have de- fcrted his LordOiip, and, according to his Idea, the Conititution together, F 2 Condujfl : '1 ! J. I I "•P^^pf-'«8I*W*N*— ■^ , •ni [rM J. r 'ii' i 'M ;i ( 48 ) 3. That no fubordinate Power, whether foreign ordomeftic, can rclcafe any Members of the Society from this indefeafable Obliga- tion. Applying thefe Propofitions to the Cafe before us, we may obferve, that the King and Parliament is the one fupreme Power of the Britifh Empire -, unicfs the Empire be thrown into the political Confufion of imperium in imperio, and can admit the Misfortune, as well as the Error, of different and clafhing Authorities : That this Power of King and Parliament, being the only fupreme Power known to the BritiHi Conflitution, is the legiflative Power, which hath a Right to bind the whole and every Part of the BritiQi Em- pire, for the general Welfare : And that no provincial or municipal Power, much lefs extra- provincial and congreflional Powers, unknown and repugnant to all Law and Or- der, can acquit any Subjed;6 from their Loy- alty and Duty, or fandify any A when they declare, that ** Great Britain, and *• her Dominions excepted, there is fcarce a •* Spot on the Globe inhabited by civilized •* Nations, where the Veftiges of Freedom ** are to beobferved."'|- BUT" the Americans have promiied that, upon the Requifition of the Crown, they would grant their voluntary Subfidies ?" Admitting, that we could forget their Condud in the Beginning of the laft War, when they would fcarce advance any thing to fave themfelves, and when (if the Marquis de Montcalm, the French Governor oi Canada, may be credited) half of the moft powerful Colonies might have been engaged by Ffa:| ' Hi 1 1,» i *"■■ ■ llh U II i ( JO ) ** great and flourifhing Colonies '* to their Prince J could the Policy of the moft flagi- tious and fubilc Minifter more fatally expofe the Liberties of the whole Empire to DiiTo- lutlon, than fuch a Conduct as this ? A fmall Share of Addrcfs in managing lo many dif- cordant Interefts, fo many different Legifla- tureSy and fo many unaccountable Sublidies> might fet one Part againft another, and finally fcibjugatd the v/hf^h. An Enemy might prc- fcribe the Rule, JiviJe G? impera ; but none, furely, but Madmen, could propofe it for themfelves. For, as a very mgenious Fo- reigner hath obferved, and lays it down as an incontrovertible Maxim in Politics, ** A So- •* vereign, who depends, with regard to Sup- <* plies, on^^rtf/ AfTemblies, in fad depends •* upon none."— —"Nothing therefore (adds " he) could be more fatal to Enelifh Liberty, ** and to American Liberty in theliTue, than « the Adoption of the Idea, cherifhed by the " Americans, of having independent AflTem- " blies of their own, who (hould treat im- ** mediately with the King, and grant him " Subiidies, to the utter Annihilation of the '* Power of thoKe antient, and hitherto fuc- " cefsful, AJTertors of General Liberty, the «* Britifh Parliamcnt/'f So much is it the In- tereft of the whole Empire, that the Money, voted to the Crown, fliould pafs through the t Pi J^OLUB'f Conftitatton of England, P, 52. Hands ( s« ) Hands and be iubj'-'fl to the Controul of the Britifh Commons, that, as the fame judicious Writer obferves elegantly in another Place, ** the fined: Government upon Earth was in ** Danger of total DefVrudtion, when Bartho^ «• lomew Columbus was on his Paffage to Eng~ «* land, to teach Henry the Seventh the Way •* to Mexico and Peru^X 3. THE Americans, then, have demo- lished the Government, delegated to them from their Parent-State, and have renounced the Operation of the one and Superiority of the other, in order to fet up, what v/as the tiji'rJ Charge againft them, an independent, arbitrary, democratical Government of their own ; which, fo far as it hath pro( ceded, hath deftroyed all Britilh conflitutional Li- berty, and aims to deftroy (which God for« bid) the whole. I need not defcend to particular Fads, which muft be as frefh upon every Man's Memory here, as they are indelible from the Memories of thofe who have fudfered abroad* to prove the Tyranny of that violent and re* publlcan Spirit, which now prevails in the Colonies. It will be fufficient if, omitting the Detail of this melancholy Buiinefs which will merit a different Invefligation, 1 take the Sum «f ^hat has already occurred to the Ibid. p. 433. G 2 Con- Pi :i i ■" f i 1 1 ^ ' •' 1 1' . 1 ' ^ A ■ ^ M |r;:t: l.ii' !■ -^ f. '■ f ■ , i' fton deputed to New York a few Years fince, pleafed with tUe Progrefs of his Countrymen towards the State of Indepenucncy. ven'ed the Effuiions of his Patriotifm in this rhapfodical Apoftrophe : •* Courage, Americans !— The " Finger of Qod points out a mighty Empire to your Sons !— •• W« QcCw not be difcwu:aged— The angry Cloud will foon ** be difpcrled-*-Thc ftay du-wm, in whicn ihe Foundation of •* this mighty Kmpire is to be laid, hy tht Efiablijhment of et *' rt^nUur ^Unirica^, Cenflitutia*. AU that has hitherto been *♦ done» * f ! \l i 1] ( i- |i ) I ! 'i. K.i 1} J MM I ' ; ( 56 ) Of the Liberty to be enjoyed under tht^Cd rebellious Demagogues, wc have ah admirable Sample before us: And I would ailc any dif- paflionate Man, who loves the Reality more than the mere name of Liberty, whether any thing of this Sort is to be apprehended under our mild aufpicious Syftem, either here or in America ? A Syftcm, in the Management of which, as Foreigners with Amazement and Admiration are compelled to own, that, " if they look at theCondudt of all public Ofii- cers in England, from the Minifter of State, or the Judge, down to the loweft Officers of Jufticc J they find a Spirit of Forbearance and Lenity prevailing in England among all Perfons in Power, which cannot (th.y fay) but create the greatcft Surprize in thofe, who have viiited other Countries. "-(• " done, feems to be little befide /ht ColUaion of Mater ial$ ** for the Conftitution of this glorious Fabric. 'Tis Time to put '- them together. The Transfer of the European Part of the ** Family is fo vail, and our Growth fo fwitt, that, before fe- " ven Tears roJl o «• Territories op that Govprnment." And further : '* It would be a direft Contra* H « dii^iod (< «( <• <« «« v-f i !4:i .7. • Ml ^!'l ^m !i: -I ( 1 iifl :l^ i ! i i,v, ; I ii ' ' r <( <( tt 11 t€ tt tt tt ( j8 ) didllon for any one to enter into Society with others, for the ibcuring and reeulating of Property, and yet to foppofe his Landt ** ivhofe Property is to be regulated by the Laws of the Society, (hould be exempt from the yurifdiSfion of that Government, to which be himfelf the Proprietor of the Land, is a . Subje£i : By the fame Aft, therefore, whereby any one united his Perfon, which *« wafe before free, to any Commonweahh [or ** Community], by the fame he unites bis ** Pfiffkfflons, which were before free, to it '* alfo ; and they become, both of them^ Per- ^ SON and Possession, fubjedt to the Go- '* vernment and Dominion of that Common** '* wealth, as long as it hath a Being." Thus much for the Meafure of Rule : Now for the Right to refift. Vhe fame Gentleman, fpeak- ing of the Refinance of the People againft their Governors, when they thfnk. theimelves ag« grieved, advifes ; « Let not any think, this [Right of Refiftance] lays a perpetual Foundation for Diforder; for this [Right] operates not, till the Inconvenience is £0 great, that the Majority [raetniiig of ** the whole State or Empire] feel it, and ** are weary of it, and find a Nec^^ tc» « have it amended." But this is fo far from being the Cafe, that the great Body of the Empire cannot perceive, that the Americans^ v^hich art but an inferior Part^ kave ielt any other «< cc ti 4 11 T ( S9 ) Other (nconveniencies, than what their o^n - Fortvardnefs in impofing Rules of Commercct and their own Haughcinefs in abufing the common Government, have brought upon them* Let them name the Tax, or the Im* pofitii:>n, whofe Burden they cannot bear. So far from having been diftrefled, 'tis the Pro- fperjty of the Americans, which has occa- iioned this intolerable Elation of Mind, and brought Ruin and all the Horrors of a civil War to their very Doors^ And fo remote is it from the DeHre of Britons to opprefs, that let them but throw down the Implements of War, and acknowledge their Error } let them propofe, in the Language of their Noble Friend, '* a ** juft and free Aid in fuch honorable PrOpor- ** tion, as may feem meet and becoming from ** great and flourifhing Colonies towards the ** Parent Country," labouring under Burdens taken up and fuAained greatly on their Ac- count; they would be received with Gladnefs ; they would be treated with every Cordiality of Brethren, and admitted to their ufual Rank and Confideration in the Empire. Let them not be deceived however in fuppofing^ that this is a War carried on again (I Admini- Jiratiott (as fome of their curious Correfpon- dents here, who wait the Reward of their Crimes, have aimed to perfuade them) : JFor every Man, who loves his Country, and fee» but a little into the Confequences of difmeai- H ?. bering \. ^ ' ;- ( If . 1 i ^- .■'^9»*>^»MBeataC;^jii^%Ji5*-.. •■^cn^II!!!!:2'-X'Fdi»si^-^ .^^.^^ ttrnt^Oy^^^ '.. tm 'J 'n.f |! ii M I ( 60 ) bcring and dividing its Legiflatufe, will per- ceive that they fall under that Definition of Rebellion, which the worthy Author above referred to (often abufed to the Purpofes of Sedition) has clearly given them in his Trea- tife upon Civil Government. ** Rebellion* •« fays he, being an Oppofition, not to Pbr- •* SONS but Author I •»'Y, which is founded ** only in the Conftitutions and Laws of the ** Government J thofc, whoever they be, •* who by Force break through, and by Force «* juftify their Violation of them, are truly «« and properly Rebels." Had it been pof- fiblc for Mr. Locke to have feen the prefent Temper and Condudb of the Americans, he could not have marked them with greater Prccifion, than in the Extradt before us. It appears then, upon the whole, that thofe of the Americans^ now in Rebellion, are aiming to reduce the Strength and Conilitu- tion of Great Britain, by impeding her Com- merce, denying herSupremacy,and aboli(hin|> hcrCivilOfficesof Government among them: And alio that they are endeavoring, with thfe bafeft Ingratitude to a Parent from whom they derive all their Confequence, to ftrip h'^r by force of Arms of a conftderable Part of her Dominions, for which (he facrificed her Blood and Treafure in a War, principally undertaken for their Proiedtion and Security. It further appears, that all this is maintained againfj ■"*«*■■ «■=**" ( 6i ) ^gaiud the cleared Dictates of Equity, Daty ^Qd Reafon* which, wi^h one Confent, de» livered by the Pen of their favorite Reafoner, afferc, that** as Government cannot be, fup- ** ported without great Charge, 'tis fit that ."EVERY ONE, who enjoys a Share of the " Protection, (hould pay,outofhi8£ftatey ** HIS Proportion for the Maintenance of " it." But this Proportion is more than they are defired to pay. Leave has been givon .them, with the utmofl Liberality of Senti- ment, to fpecify their own Sums among themfelves $ and Government, rather than bear the Imputation of HarHmefs upon its younger Children, would accept any reafon- able Acknowledgement of their Duty, either by a Ratio edablifhed on the Taxes of Britain or other wife as may fuit them better, and fHll impofe the Weight of the Load upon thofe elder Shoulders, who have borne it lb ]ong (and without Refiilance too) for the general Good. At all Events, we Britons know for what we contend.; but the Americans (excepting their republican Demagogues) knownot. We Aand up only for our Conflitution, and to , keep it from being fplit into Parts for an cify Deftru(5tion by a malicious Foe. In doing this, we ftrive for the only Security which our Liberties can find upon Earth: Aiid it will be feen that, in this Contention and ;■ I'i \ J I s f ■ i -■**.»- — ^TiOkmauUtttmitk miM%\^& A. '^ IH M !;• % \ 11 4 If if ' I' m [ rl^r ; .\ 1. '. ( 6a ) and in fuch a Caufe, firitohs are firitoifg /till I tnd that» as Amerca ha^ been the hrA to take up Arms, Great Britain will be the lad to lay them down. The Rebels, on the other hand, are difputing either for an £f- tabli&ment of Anarchy, or for the Eredion of weak disjointed States, which, if the Ob- jtik could be obtained, muft be one of ihe greateft Curfes that could befall them. 1 nie^in ndt, that the Americans in general haVe this detefted Scheme in view ; but, 'tis now conceived, wlfo among them have. Hiingry Adventurers, broken Merchants, ahd ambitious Leaders, are always fufpiclous Di(J)Utants for Liberty j efpecially, as fuch Peof^le (lick at no Means to accompli(h their ieMdi and defperate Ends. The conflant Wiffi of fuch Men rcfembles the Petition of the old Highland Chieftains, whofe ufual fervent Grace was, «* Lord! turn the •* World upjide down, that Cbriflians may make ** Bread out it r The plain Englifli (fays my Author) of this pious Requeft is, That the World might become, for their Benefit, a Scene of Rapine and Confufion*. 1 kno)V, the " Pulpit, and Drum fecdefiaftic," have alfo refounded the infamous Alarm; and have ftriking "Proof how a Set of Men, who * Plknamt's Voje^t to tlihAhiii^i* pxetcnjd l^^i '■*«i.i ( 63 ) pretend to inculcate the Religion of Peace^ h tvc _ ,,, «« Laid out their fpiritual Gifts to further, ** Their great Defigns of Rage and Murther; ** And fancy that they have a Miffion •• To preach the Faith with Ammunition." But. the Shipwrights are quieted. Foreigners are deaf, and the Tranfmiilion of Falfehoods can deceive no more. There are fome« who will thoroughly comprehend thefo Hints : It will he happy for them, if fuch Proof be not accumulated, as to preclude all Neceflity of Amendment. Conflant Ad- ditions cannot fail of filling up the Meafure of Iniquity. In the mean Time, every true Patriot, not the noify reftlefs Animal ufually mifcall* ed by that Name, will join Hand and Heart, fo far as his Influence extends, that neither the Rebels themfelves, nor their Inftigatorft here, may triumph over the conflitutional Supremacy of his King and Country. No- thing could more evince the Patriotifm and Magnanimity of Adminiftration, than their voluntary Expofure of themfelves iO the Cen- fure of th4 mifguided and mifmformed Mul- titude, to the Trouble of carrying on this dif- agreeable Contefl, and to the Anxiety which mult naturally arife in the Diredion of all coercive Meafures ; when, by giving up the Fortrefs of our happy Conftitutipn to the Clamor ^. "'»»»^i"mfw "Tw^^WBP"*! i] 4 - ..\' ■'i^ . , V- ■^flllf.- ■■*■ II* i' 1 m\ ,.>V-i*.' p ^ m 11 ^^i*i * ! r:'>^ .11 I Clamor of the Igmsr^ or'^edidciDs, tfteyl might have pafTed on with a^ much Eafe at^il^ ^ TrapquilJity i^ji|,the Profp^^ <](f;4fi j<»cf vat^d . Dominion artfiji finkii^g Lofld! c^l^ havo. afforded thjsm. Their Conduct ioili^ P^ufe • $: . hitherto* dcfcrVffi the Thanks of their Coofi- . r •' try: A timid and conceding Behaviour would . i^.'.^. have merited, in the Sum bfthingSy Its fcvereft '" ^ "%^. Indignation, ^t" S^. i , ^. ..^ .; *,^ '':tf;#^^ ■■ • "^-ri^-V^*^"'^-^''^'^ ■■■^• ■ --JltJuUt.* ^-^i;;/:'* !*.aiij)^<^k ;.U;_.».';-T ^hun ;>t;> iya ".,,' -4 i„-.A «><■-' Mr •^1 « j^ ■ * -• 'r^ :;-:r3S^ff3 c[ii 5Jttr^'^■ v^^r:?!!^/ ^.^s^itfiij^jM avhii>o^;.,.. yi'i^^ ''iu... ... f". ^!* '^,* -•K/>f ,.^.-^-Ai