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-Tf 
 
 
 5^^ - 
 
 
 >.'7 
 
 NEMO NEMiNIS, r-^- 
 
 e^ 
 
 I 
 
 t 
 
 HIS SPEECH TOUCHING CANADA. 
 
 {Reprinted from the Hodielaga Post.) 
 
 ./. 
 
 V, 
 
 
 I 
 
 Mr. Nejio Neminis was the next speaker. He said the 
 character of this meeting, for numbers and influence, was 
 worthy of the grave occasion which called them together and 
 creditable to the spirit and intelligence of the Canadian people. 
 The resolution committed to his care, presented the case 
 which they had to consider, and he prayed their attention 
 while he should read it : — 
 
 '■ Rrsohcd, — That the recent C- cussions in both branches of 
 the Imperial Legislature on the 'Defences of Canada, disclose 
 a state of opinion and feeling on the part of British i^tates- 
 men whicli demands the prompt and serious consideration of 
 the people of thib province." 
 
 Had the resolution been more specific, (he continued,) it 
 might have pleased mc better, but I am not disposed to quarrel 
 with its general terms, since I tind myself just now in such a 
 ready position to rectify its defects by a reference tc particu- 
 lars. It i< very evident from these discussions in the P/ritish 
 Parliament, that we have. not met the ex[)ectations of British 
 statesmen in the provision which we have made for our de- 
 fence in case of invasion. They treat our quota of militia, 
 provided by the hite act, as nothing, and think that we should 
 multiply it ten-fold. But they do not seem to consider what 
 such a mult i plication would involve. Nor do they vive us any 
 reasonable assurance, for they cannot, that even a twenty-fold 
 multiplication would be adeijuate for its inteiulcd purpose, if 
 the <lrendf'il emergency of - ur should come. Such differences 
 of opinion between the Imperial and Provincial Ltgislatures 
 can hardly be avoided when local legislation is reviewed by 
 
M 
 
 2 
 
 persons at a distance. All the speakers felt that the relation 
 of Canada to the mother country was a peculiar one, and 
 none seemed satisfied with the present working of that rela- 
 tion. All felt that Canada was to all intents and purposes 
 independent so far as the management of her internal affairs 
 was concerned, and yet not independent if any strain of war 
 should come. British statesmen seemed to teel that in such a 
 relation the mother country had the heavy end of the lever to 
 work, involving immense sacrifices of hard labor and hard 
 cash, without any corresponding tangible advantage. Earl 
 Grey, on the spur of the moment, in what he felt to be the 
 pressing perplexity of the case, and forgetful for the time of 
 the constitutional system of Canada, would have a mandate 
 issued from the Colonial Office in London, requiring the Gov- 
 ernor General to summon the Canadian Parliament and obtain, 
 if possible, more satisfactory legislation. And if their Lord- 
 ships' views were not met, then the Imperial troops were to be 
 withdrawn from Canada. This course would have a signifi- 
 cance which would be patent to every one, and the significance 
 of the fact that it was suggested by a statesman of Lord 
 Grey's standing, ought to be no less patent to all discerning 
 persons. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, with the sagacity of an 
 old diplomatist, saw in such a discussion of Colonial relations 
 only a hastening of " the period when the mother country 
 would have to separate from her colonies." In the House of 
 Commons 'e people and parliament of Canada were well 
 rated by souie members, while others kindly extenuated their 
 shortcomings and benevolently apologised for them. One 
 member characterised the relations between Canada and Britain 
 as rotten and mutually deceptive. Another wanted the British 
 Government to make the people of Canada understand the fact 
 the English people did not care a farthing for the Colonial 
 adherence of Canada. Another, and a cabinet minister, said 
 that he looked forward without apprehension and without re- 
 gret to the separation of Canada from England. 
 
 Now this is plain speech, and though spoken in the British 
 Parliament, it was intended for use in Canada. Many of us 
 
'' 
 
 have been surprised at the utterance of such sentiments, but 
 let us consider whether we ought to be so much surprised. 
 The motto of " Ships, Colonies and Commerce," no longer 
 stands where it formely did in England's policy or practice. 
 It is the great distinction of England as a nation, that she 
 can march with the ages, and can accommodate herself to the 
 progressive development of humanity. Apparently hard to 
 move by the cautious conservatism of her nature, she has yet 
 -cherished in her bosom active and patient thinkers,— men of 
 large discourse and fruitful brain,— who could look before and 
 after,— and though she has stubbornly opposed their theories 
 when first propounded, and for a long series of yeors, she has 
 ended by accepting them, and acting upon them,— thus show- 
 ing her practical wis Jom, and securing her stability as a nation, 
 while other nations were convulsed and overturned by revolu- 
 tion. Hence we have seen in our own time a radical change 
 in her commercial policy after a prolonged conflict of opinion. 
 And this chang<^ in her commercial policy involved a change in 
 her Colonial policy, the results of which the people of Canada 
 have already had a large experience, But the full measure of 
 this change in its logical completion has not yet reached us. 
 Nor is there any satisfactorv evidence that we see it as clearly, 
 or are ready to meet it as manfuHy, as we ought. The recent 
 discussions in the British Parliament distinctly foreshadow, 
 with respect to Canada, the logical completion of the estab- 
 lished policy of the mother country. They distinctly point to 
 separation and independence. 
 
 This, however, is no new thought with British statesmen. 
 More than thirty years ago it was mooted among them. As 
 far back as 1828, Air. Huskisson, then Colonial Minister, 
 thought that the time liad come ibr the separation of Canada 
 from the mother country, and her assumption of the position 
 of an independent state. In 1854, the Earl of Ellenborouirh 
 in the House of Lords, adduced Mr. Huskisson's testimony 
 in support of the views of separation which he then urged. 
 Lord Ellenborough referred to the change which had taken 
 place in the relations of Canada and Great Britain, arising out 
 
^' 
 
 of the changed commercial policy of the mother country. I 
 hold in my hand a report of the noble Earl's speech, from 
 which, if you desire it, I will read an extract. [Cries of readj 
 read.] '• What was the use," asked his Lordship, " what the 
 practical advantage of continuing our connection with the 
 Colonies ? The connection might be of some s^mall use in 
 time of peace ; but on the other hand consider the danger 
 arising from it in matters relating to war. There could be no 
 doubt that the chances of collision between this country and 
 the United States were greatly increased by our connection 
 with the North American Colonies. It Was eqi?ally certain 
 that in the event of tvar occurring between this covtntry and 
 the United States on grounds totally unconnected with the 
 Colonies, they must, from their connexion with usj be drawn 
 into the war, and their whole frontier would be exposed to the 
 greatest calamities Under these circumstances it was a matter 
 worthy of serious consideration whether we should not endea- 
 vor, in the most friendly manner, to divest ourselves of a con- 
 nexion which must prove equally onerous to both parties The 
 ve'-y idea of war with the United States was horrible. The 
 event would be one of the greatest of evils, — one of the direst 
 of human affiictioas. Cannected as we were in all the details 
 of commerce, it would be more like tearlns; asunder the limbs 
 of one liuni.an body, than the collision of two separate bodies* 
 Why needlessly increase the chances of war ? Our brethren 
 on the other side of the Atlantic were very ambitious and 
 very sensitive on the point of honor. So were we ; and we 
 were also extremely sensitive on the poiut of justice. Not 
 only would we not endure injustice to ourselves, but we could 
 not tolerate the perpetration of injustice to another. These 
 considerations should lead us to regard a rupture with the 
 United States as an event which might happen at some period. 
 Under these circumstances he hoped that, at an early period, 
 the Government Would communicate with the k "ding persons 
 in the Legislative Assemblies of the North A nerican Colonies 
 with the view of ascertaining thei-' opinion on the subject of a 
 separation. We should consult with them in the most friendly 
 
^' 
 
 5 
 
 sj.irit, r,s if tbey were members of one and the same ffimlly, in 
 which we felt a deep concern." These were Lord Ellen- 
 borongh's views, expressed more than eight years ago. The 
 Duke of Newcastle then expressed his astonishment at them, 
 and spoke strongly against them. [A voice, — would he do so 
 now ?] I think he would not speak so strongly now, if we 
 might judge from his more recent utterauces. Lord Brougham 
 followed the Duke and declared himself of those who desired 
 a separation of Canada, as a Colony, from the mother country. 
 He would not throw the Colonists over, nor abandon them. 
 The idea of separation he said " was by no means novel." I 
 quote his own words : " It had been entertained and expressed 
 by many eminent men. It was an opinion shared in by Lord 
 A shburtou ^and Lord St. Yincent; and those who held the 
 doctrine of separation did so, not because they were disposed 
 to undervalue the importance of Canada, but rather because 
 they highly estimated the importance of that country. They 
 believed that after a certain period of time, — after what was 
 called ' passing the youth of nations,' that of a Colonial life, — 
 the best thing that could happen to a country in Colonial con- 
 iniexion with an older state was, that icithoiit any quarrel, 
 without any coldness or alienation of any sort, but with per- 
 fect amity and good will, and on purely voluntary grounds, 
 there should succeed to that connexion, a connexion between 
 two free and independent states.'^ 
 
 This, gentlemen, is the way in which the most eminent 
 JBritish statesmen speak in the highest council of the nation. 
 Their speech directly concerns us,— comes close home to our 
 business and bosoms, — and what have we to say of it ? How 
 do we regard it ? Have we considered its significance and 
 reflected on its bearing, as becometh our self respect as a free 
 and prosperous people ? Evidently, as our Governor General 
 told us from a Montreal dinner tabic, a short time since, the 
 present state of things cannot last n)uch longer. But with 
 our present relation, what state of things can we inaugurate 
 which will be permanent and satisfactory to all parties ? Shall 
 we place the flower of our able bodied population under arms 
 
for Imperial purposes, in view of possible wars of the empire ^^ 
 This ,8 impossible. Our fields must be tilled and our branches 
 of industry sustained. [A yoice,-But if we should be in. 
 vaded ?] If we should be invaded we would defend ourselves 
 by all the resources we could conimand, as we showed ourselves 
 ready to do when the imminent peril of last winter was upon 
 us. I wJl admit the possibility of invasion, but I have no 
 present apprehension of it. Our neighbors on the other side 
 of the hne have as much fiohting on their hands at present as 
 hey oan well attend to, and every day of its continuance puts 
 them under additional bonds to keep the peace toward us, and 
 an the world. W hat then shall we do ? [A voioe,~Sti. up 
 the mihtia ] Yes, infuse new life aud activity into our militia 
 I his we should do as a clear matter of prudence. But ^ho 
 are to be the judges of what is prudent and sufiftcient in the 
 premises ? The Lords and Commons of England, or the 
 people and Parliament of Canada ? We must insist, and in- 
 si«t to the last, that we are the most competent judges of this 
 m:itter. And here we see the anomaly of the existing re, 
 lations between Canada and Britain. Our mother country 
 does not wish to wrong or injure us. No Colonial child oouia 
 have a mother more generous than she ; but the sphere of her 
 affiiirs IS very widely extended and diversified, and as a mattey 
 of prudence tc wards some branches of her interest or service 
 she may be compelled to oriti^ise our legislation and attempt a, 
 pressure on our legislative decisions. The recent discussions 
 \n the Lords and Commons on the defences of Canada is an 
 instance of what may take place. Then, again, there is the 
 Bnghsh press, to the criticisms of which, under the oircum- 
 stances, we are legitimately exposed. We may feel that tho 
 parliament and press of JJngland speak under panic, or out of 
 imperfect information, and though their taunts may provoke 
 us, we cannot deny their right to speak. A reatior. which 
 involves this, is perilous to mutual peace and a permanent good 
 understanding. When the member for Sheffield tells the 
 House of Commons and the world, that ha never will vote to 
 tax the poor artizans of Sheffield to defend the rich inhabitantsi 
 
i 
 
 of Canada, can we deny the inherent justice of the ground he 
 takes ? Does our tariff list show any favor to the Sheffield 
 cutler ? When the London Times calls Canada a dead weight 
 on England, can we point to any tangible benefit to the mother 
 country resulting from the connexion? Let us not deceive 
 ourselv. j by vague declamation about the glory and prestige of 
 Colonial Empire, There was once a substantial meaning in 
 these words, but that meaning departed from them when the 
 former orJer of Colonial policy passed away. What tbon are 
 we to do ? Looking at the matter, not as grown up children, 
 but as manly men, what are we to do ? My answer is,~ 
 Prepare for an Independent National Position. [A voice'— 
 We are loyal] Oh my friend, nobody doubts your loyalty ' or 
 the loyalty of Sir Cornwall Lewis and Lord EUenborouc^h. 
 -The grave question which meets us here is not a question°of 
 loyalty or disloyalty, but a question as to how we can best 
 strengthen the posiiion and permanently serve the interests of 
 that, great nation,-mother of nation«,-whioh we 'call our 
 mother country. Is Canada a source of weakness to En-lanc^ 
 or of strength ? We aye a weakness *o -*^-^ngK-,d _a most 
 vulnerable point as any competent - will testify, 
 
 Why should we,— a community of and a half 
 
 prosperous people, with an ample" doma, JpHed re- 
 
 gource.«,~why should wo occupy a positio.: to compli- 
 
 cate her foreign policy and become a serious draui .a her ways 
 and means ? Is such a position worthy of us in view of our 
 origin and ancestry, the leading races of Europe ? Is it wor- 
 thy of a self.respecting people to occupy a position which 
 exposes them to such criticism as we have recently heard from 
 the parliament and pre^ of England ? Loyalty, indeed » 
 [Many voices,-We are all loyal.] Certainly, we are all loyal," 
 Here let mo tell you the story of one of the leading literary 
 men of Enguind, who wrote the lectures on the Gec-es 
 When he came to the United States to repeat those lectures' 
 which he had delivered in London, bo was asked if he wa.s 
 going to let the Canadians hear them. He said no, he feared 
 the Canadians would sus^K'ct Jus loi/alt</. if hgyua his IcQtiu^s 
 
8 
 
 io thcui. Certainly we are al' loyal, I say once m^re ; but 
 ihoso voices I recognize as those of some of my friend, who 
 are determined protectionists. [Yes, we must have protection 
 for our manufactures.] Just so, and your votes are always 
 cast against any candidate whom you suspect of favoring frcjc- 
 dom of trade. You are always ready to tax English goods. 
 [We must protect our manufactures.] Juet so, I. say again, 
 your loyalty to England does not prevent you from taking 
 i?are of number one, in the first place. And this patent fact 
 gives point to the worst taunts of the statesmen and public 
 writers in the mother country. It is said that wo hang on 
 England, as a child hangs on the mother, for the sake of what 
 we can get from her. They have called it lip loyalty, before 
 long they will call it lollipop loyalty, and neKt-r-[clamor of 
 voices, — wo don't wan robe annexed.] Gentlemen, friends, I 
 did not say a word about being annexed, I only said and next, 
 — here let me tell yop another story • Last month, it is said, 
 that a plump, well-to-do looking gentleman was observed ^n 
 the building of the Great Exhibition in London, taking 
 lengthened and careful observations with a telescope, pointed 
 to one of the annexes. It was soon discovered that he was a 
 loyal Canadian who would not enter the annexe of the build- 
 ing. He did not like the name, he said, and would not com- 
 promise his loyalty by going into such a place. This gentle^ 
 inan, I think, was over scrupulous. I agree with you, gentle^ 
 men, we do not want annexation. The whole position of 
 aiiidrs with respect to the United States, the mother country, 
 and ourselves, forbids il. The change which we should pre- 
 pare for, is that of*an independent national position. 
 
 I see that you look thoughtful as I say this. And you 
 ought to look thoughtful, for nationality. like nianhocd, in- 
 volves great responsibilities. But consider, if we have not 
 self reliance, we cannot have solf respect, and if we have not 
 self respect, wo are noth. .g,- we invite taunts and contempt 
 from ail the world. Vf ith our present growth and promise we 
 have no right to liang on to the mother country an hour longer 
 tJiau the connexion is a trjutually acknowledged advantage, ff 
 
IL. 
 
 If 
 
 9 
 
 it is a growing opinion of Britisli statesmen that we imvo 
 passed '' tlie youth of nations," and reached ip.uturity , it is 
 not for us to deny it, consistently wit.i our self respect. I 
 know what grave questions and weighty dutie.« the assumption 
 of national responsibilities involves. But is there not .xiUii- 
 hood enough in our population of two millions an^". a half to 
 meet them ? Does it become us to insist on pe petuating a 
 Connexion in which we are publicly told the advmtagu is all 
 on our side. Does it become us as true friends oi the mother 
 country to insist on a connexion which can only be a weak- 
 ness to her if an obvious contingency should arise, and which 
 is so liable to comr^licate her foreign policy with respect to thh 
 continent ? Is it wise co maintain a relation which exposes 
 Us to such criticism as we have lately heard from the British 
 Parliament and Press, and which ii reiterated can only stir u\> 
 ill feeling on all sides ? Would it not be more wise, more selt- 
 respecting on our part, more satisfactory to all parties con- 
 cerned, to prepare for the event indicated by Lord Brouji >>;i5, 
 when he said that " without any quarrel, without any coldness 
 or alienation of any sort, but with perfect amity and good will, 
 and on purely voluntary grounds, there should succeed to the 
 Colonial connexion, a connexion betw m two free and inde- 
 pendent states." 
 
 Our present position favors a preparation for this event, and 
 recent circumstances remind us how needful it is to bear it in 
 mind. Our mother country is not going to cast us off before 
 we are properly able to take care of ourselves ; but we should 
 be unworthy of our parentage if we were to hang back after 
 that time had come. The foundation of oar political institu- 
 tiont is laid. We have transplanted as much from England 
 as can be transplanted. We could have not better model than 
 we have taken. We must use what we have, and work out 
 our own course. The popular element must predominate in 
 our affairs. [A voice, - Democracy is a failure ] If demo- 
 cracy is a failure, so much the worse for Canada, lor Canada 
 is inevitably committed to democracy. JSor is this our doino-. 
 Whether i'lr good or ill, it has come to us in the natural and 
 
10 
 
 inevitable order of events. What is the meaning of demo> 
 cracy ? A government by the people. Now a government by 
 the people we must have in Canada, for we have no other 
 order of persons among us. We have no order of society 
 ai-ong us born to hereditary privileges like the British aristo- 
 cracy. Nor can we have any such class. It is made positively 
 impossible by the ordering of Providence. If t^ome among us 
 think democracy a failure, let me ask those persons one ques- 
 tion. V\-ouldyou surrender your right to vote at the next 
 e'ection, or consent to have your vote overruled, if a born peer 
 of the realm should demand that the management of your 
 affairs should be left in his hands, or in the liands of a com- 
 mittee of his order? [We will never give up our rights.] 
 No, you will not give up your rights. You, as part of the 
 people of Canada, insist on keeping your political affairs in 
 your own hands. You are born to the right, and you are re- 
 solved to retain it. Do not say, then, that dentocracy is a fail- 
 ure,— do not say that the people cannot bu safely trusted to 
 rule, for thereby you slander yourselves. History shows us 
 the failure at one time or another of every form of government, 
 —democratic, aristocratic, and monarchic. And history will 
 continue to show us such failures when the true ends of gov- 
 ernment are forgotten in a base and selfish scramble for place, 
 power, and pelf We are committed to democracy,— that is,' 
 ( anada is committed to political institutions wherein the pop- 
 ular voice is, and must be, predomin. nt. And it is the part of 
 wisdom to use in good faith and with honest purpose the in- 
 stitutions we possess, and seek to improve tlieni as we use 
 them. In this way we shall secure for ourselve.^ and our pos- 
 terity a hopeful and progressive civilization. We are all liable 
 to excitement, and we should take good care to impose a 
 wholesome check on this, as by a judicious composition of our 
 upper le-islative chamber. This is simply a recognition by the 
 people of their own failings, and a wise provision against pos- 
 sible mischief arising therefrom. We cannot, if we would, 
 abolish the controlling influence of the people in our form of 
 govcrnmont. But we can, and we ought, strive to impress nH 
 
ii 
 
 minds with a sense of the dignity and responsibility attached 
 to popular privileges. We cannot, if we would, take the power 
 from the people, but we can and we ought to train the people 
 to an intelligent and just use of that power. 
 
 Fortunately for us, our present position to which we have 
 been gradually brought, is one from which we can advance to 
 national independence without any organic strain on existing 
 institutions. Our Governor, nominated by the Crown, is the 
 last link of colonial dependence. This one link, however, is as 
 potent as a thousand, for all purposes of embarrassment to the 
 empire. So long as this exists we must become involved in the 
 possible wars of the empire on this continent— a source of 
 weakness to the mother country and of weakuess only. She 
 cannot give us any controlling voice in such purely imperi il 
 questions as those of peace and war, and this imposes on her the 
 burden of defending a thousand miles, and more, of exposed 
 frontier. In the event of invasion we should do what we 
 could, but of the measure of this we must always be the judges 
 the burden and responsibility of defence must needs rest with the 
 mother country. Let the next step of our political progress, then 
 be to an elective governor. I would approach the change in 
 this way,— first, there must be, of course, the imperial act to 
 authorise the change, — the authorisation should be absolute,— 
 to permit Canada to elect the Governor. The last link would 
 thus be unloosed And this accomplished, I would have the elec- 
 tion made in this way. Let it be our rule that, by joint resolution 
 of both branches of our legislyture, the Foreign Minister— not 
 the Colonial Minister— of Great Britain, be requested to furnisli 
 the names, say of three men, who by their recognised character, 
 ability, and experience of the British constitutional system^ 
 would be tit for the post of Governor of Canada, taking pre- 
 cisely the same place in our Canadian constitutional system 
 that the t<ovcrcign docs in the British system. Then let these 
 three names be prt)posed to our Legislative Council, and the 
 election made by plunility of votes there, providing that tlie 
 plurality shull include a miijority of that body, and arran-- 
 ing the mode of election accordingly. Let the term be 
 
12 
 
 mude, say Jive years, elioible for ro-dection a second term. 
 By this arranrromciit we should obtain the services of a class 
 of men not niaterialljr different from those we have been ac- 
 customed to. Men like Lord Elgin, Sir Edmund Head and 
 Lord Monck, instet.d of being nominated by Imperial author- 
 ity, and being here as officials of the empire, would be nomi- 
 nated by request of Canada, and subject to Canadian election 
 and approval. They would then be cfficials of ttiis country, 
 bound only by the constitution of Canada. A step like this 
 would -adically change the relation in vvhich we stand to the 
 mother country, and relieve her of all embarrassment on our 
 nccount. Until we could raise a con)petent force of our own, 
 we might retain the services of one or two British regiments 
 to man our more important garrisons, and pay for their ser- 
 vice as some of the minor German States do with Prussian 
 and Austrian troops. If the mother country Is ready for any 
 arrangement like this, surely we ought to be ready for it. The 
 proper calling of Canada is the development of tier resources 
 and the pursuit of peaceful industry. We liave an am-!e do- 
 main, and have got as fair a start as country ever had* We 
 can have no .juarrel with a mother who has been so generous 
 towards us, an<l we ought to have no quarrel with neighbors 
 and brethren s; rung from the same stock as ourselves. '^Witli 
 both we are linked by the strong ties of blood and commerce. 
 We ought not w illingly remain a possible embarrassment to 
 Great Britain, but prepare for a new position wherein we 
 should stand on our own responsibility among and before the 
 nations of tlie earth. And this " without any <iuarrel," as 
 Lord Brougham says, '• without any coldness or alienation (.f 
 any sort, but with perfect amity and good will " towards our 
 mother country and all the world.