IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

:/,

1.0

I.I

1.25

2.5

Li^|2B
ui UK

^1^

■

CM £<X jitS.

""%

'm
'■'f/

PhotDgraphic

Sciraices
Corporation

33 Wnt MAIN STRUT

WliSTM.NY )4StO

(716)173-4503

^"C^

CIHM/ICMH

Microfiche

Series.

CIHM/ICMH
Collection de
microfiches.

Canadian Institute for Historical Mlcroraproductlonji / Institut Canadian da microreproductlons historiquos

Technical and Bibliographic Notoa/Notes tachniquaa at bibliographiquaa

The Institute has attempted to obtain the beat
original copy available for filming. Features of this
copy which may be bibliographically unique,
which may altar any of the images in tha
reproduction, or v^hich may significantly change
the usual method of filming, are checked below.

□ Coloured covers/
Couverture d« coulour

|~n Covers damaged/

D
D

Couverture endommagie

Covers restored and/or laminated/
Couverture restaur^ et/ou pellicula

f~~] Cover title missing/

Le titre de couverture manque

Coloured mapa/

Cartea giographiques en couleur

Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/
Encre de couleur (i.e. autr* que bleue ou noire)

I I Coloured platea and/or iiluatrations/

PlanchiM et/ou illuatrationa en couleur

Bound with other material/
ReliA avec d'autres documents

Tight binding may cause shadows or diatortion
along interior margin/

La r« liure serrie peut causer de i'ombre ou de la
distoralc.i l« long d« la marge int4ri«ure

Blank leaves added during restoration may
appear within the text. Whenever possible, these
have been omitted from filming/
II se peut que certainas pagee blanches ajouties
lorn d'une reatauration apparaiMent dana le texte,
maia, lorsque cela Atait possible, ces pages n'ont
pas itA film4es.

Additional comments:/
Commentaires tupplAmentaires:

L'Institut a micnifilm* le meilleur axemplaire
qu'il lui a iti possible de se procurer. Les details
de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-4tre uniques du
puint de vua bibllographiqua, qui peuvent modifier
une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une
modification dans la mAthode normsle de filmage
sont indiqute ci-dessous.

The c
to the

r~n Coloured pag js/

Psg«s de couleur

Pages damaqed/
Pages endommageos

Pages restored and/oi

Pages restaur^es et/ou peiliculAes

Pages discoloured, stained or foxec
Pages dicolor^n, tachet^es ou piquies

□ Pages damaqed/
I

r*~l Pages restored and/or laminated/
r~~| Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/

□ Pages detached/
Pages ditach^s

SSh
T:(

Showthrough/
ransparance

j I Quality of print varies/

Qualitii inAgale de I'lmpression

Includes supplementary material/
Comprend du matiriel suppUmentaire

Only edition available/
Seule Edition disponible

Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata
slips, tissues, etc.. have been ref limed to
ensurs th» best possible image/
Les pages totalement ou partiellement
obscurcies par un feuillet d'srrata. une pelure.
etc., ont iti fiimies A nouvasu de fapon A
obtenir la meilleure image possible.

Theii
posall
off the
fllmir

Orlgii
begin
the la
slon,
other
first I
■ion,
or ilii;

Theli
•hail
TiNU
whici

iMnpi

differ

entiri

begir

right

requi

meth

This item is filmed at the reduction rati* necked below/

Ce document est filmi au taux de reduction indiquA c>-dessous.

22X

10X

18X

12X

IfX

aox

28X

»x

24X

28X

32X

The copy fiiiTisd here hes been reproduced thanke
to the generosity of:

National Library of Canada

L'exemplaire filmA fut reproduit grAce h la
g^nArotitA do:

Bibllothique nationale du Canada

The images appearing here are the best quality
possible considering the condition and legibility
of the origlnwil copy end in iceeping with the
filming contract specifications.

Les images suivantes ont it6 reprodultes avec ie
plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition at
de la nettet6 de l'exemplaire film6, et en
conformity avec les conditions du contrat de
filmage.

Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed
beginning with the front cover and ending on
the last pfcge with a printed or iliustreted impres-
sion, or the back cover when eppropiHte. All
other original copies are filmed beginning on the
first page with a printed or illustrated impres-
sion, and ending on the last page with a printed
or Illustrated Impression.

Lee exemplairee origlnaux dont la couverture en
papier est imprimte sont fllmte en commenpant
par Ie premier plat et en terminant soit par la
dernlAre pege qui comporte une empreinte
d'impression ou d'illustration. soit par Ie second
plat, selon Ie cas. Tous les autres exempleires
origlnaux sont fiimAs en commenpant par la
premiira page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par
la dernlAre page qui comporte une telle
emnretnte.

The last recorded frame on each mlc ^fiche
shall contain the symbol -^> (meaning "CON-
TINUED"), or the symbol y (meaning "END"),
whichever applies. ^

Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at
different reduction ratios. Those too large to be
entirely included in one exposure are filmed
beginning in the upper left hend corner, left to
right and top to bottom, as many trames as
required. The following diagrams illustrate the
method:

Un dee symboles suivpnts apparattra sur ia
dernlAre image de cheque microfiche, selon Ie
cas: Ie symbols -•> signifie "A SUiVRE", Ie
symbols ▼ signifie "FiN".

Les c&rtes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre
filmAs A des taux de reduction diffArents.
Lorsque Ie document est trop grand pour Atre
reproduit en un seul clichA, 11 est filmA A psrtir
de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite,
et de haut en hes, en prenent Ie nombre
d'images nAcesssire. Les diagramm m suivants
illustrent Ie mAthode.

-Tf

5^^ -

>.'7

NEMO NEMiNIS, r-^-

HIS SPEECH TOUCHING CANADA.

{Reprinted from the Hodielaga Post.)

./.

Mr. Nejio Neminis was the next speaker. He said the
character of this meeting, for numbers and influence, was
worthy of the grave occasion which called them together and
creditable to the spirit and intelligence of the Canadian people.
The resolution committed to his care, presented the case
which they had to consider, and he prayed their attention
while he should read it : —

'■ Rrsohcd, — That the recent C- cussions in both branches of
the Imperial Legislature on the 'Defences of Canada, disclose
a state of opinion and feeling on the part of British i^tates-
men whicli demands the prompt and serious consideration of
the people of thib province."

Had the resolution been more specific, (he continued,) it
might have pleased mc better, but I am not disposed to quarrel
with its general terms, since I tind myself just now in such a
ready position to rectify its defects by a reference tc particu-
lars. It i< very evident from these discussions in the P/ritish
Parliament, that we have. not met the ex[)ectations of British
statesmen in the provision which we have made for our de-
fence in case of invasion. They treat our quota of militia,
provided by the hite act, as nothing, and think that we should
multiply it ten-fold. But they do not seem to consider what
such a mult i plication would involve. Nor do they vive us any
reasonable assurance, for they cannot, that even a twenty-fold
multiplication would be adeijuate for its inteiulcd purpose, if
the <lrendf'il emergency of - ur should come. Such differences
of opinion between the Imperial and Provincial Ltgislatures
can hardly be avoided when local legislation is reviewed by

persons at a distance. All the speakers felt that the relation
of Canada to the mother country was a peculiar one, and
none seemed satisfied with the present working of that rela-
tion. All felt that Canada was to all intents and purposes
independent so far as the management of her internal affairs
was concerned, and yet not independent if any strain of war
should come. British statesmen seemed to teel that in such a
relation the mother country had the heavy end of the lever to
work, involving immense sacrifices of hard labor and hard
cash, without any corresponding tangible advantage. Earl
Grey, on the spur of the moment, in what he felt to be the
pressing perplexity of the case, and forgetful for the time of
the constitutional system of Canada, would have a mandate
issued from the Colonial Office in London, requiring the Gov-
ernor General to summon the Canadian Parliament and obtain,
if possible, more satisfactory legislation. And if their Lord-
ships' views were not met, then the Imperial troops were to be
withdrawn from Canada. This course would have a signifi-
cance which would be patent to every one, and the significance
of the fact that it was suggested by a statesman of Lord
Grey's standing, ought to be no less patent to all discerning
persons. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, with the sagacity of an
old diplomatist, saw in such a discussion of Colonial relations
only a hastening of " the period when the mother country
would have to separate from her colonies." In the House of
Commons 'e people and parliament of Canada were well
rated by souie members, while others kindly extenuated their
shortcomings and benevolently apologised for them. One
member characterised the relations between Canada and Britain
as rotten and mutually deceptive. Another wanted the British
Government to make the people of Canada understand the fact
the English people did not care a farthing for the Colonial
adherence of Canada. Another, and a cabinet minister, said
that he looked forward without apprehension and without re-
gret to the separation of Canada from England.

Now this is plain speech, and though spoken in the British
Parliament, it was intended for use in Canada. Many of us

have been surprised at the utterance of such sentiments, but
let us consider whether we ought to be so much surprised.
The motto of " Ships, Colonies and Commerce," no longer
stands where it formely did in England's policy or practice.
It is the great distinction of England as a nation, that she
can march with the ages, and can accommodate herself to the
progressive development of humanity. Apparently hard to
move by the cautious conservatism of her nature, she has yet
-cherished in her bosom active and patient thinkers,— men of
large discourse and fruitful brain,— who could look before and
after,— and though she has stubbornly opposed their theories
when first propounded, and for a long series of yeors, she has
ended by accepting them, and acting upon them,— thus show-
ing her practical wis Jom, and securing her stability as a nation,
while other nations were convulsed and overturned by revolu-
tion. Hence we have seen in our own time a radical change
in her commercial policy after a prolonged conflict of opinion.
And this chang<^ in her commercial policy involved a change in
her Colonial policy, the results of which the people of Canada
have already had a large experience, But the full measure of
this change in its logical completion has not yet reached us.
Nor is there any satisfactorv evidence that we see it as clearly,
or are ready to meet it as manfuHy, as we ought. The recent
discussions in the British Parliament distinctly foreshadow,
with respect to Canada, the logical completion of the estab-
lished policy of the mother country. They distinctly point to
separation and independence.

This, however, is no new thought with British statesmen.
More than thirty years ago it was mooted among them. As
far back as 1828, Air. Huskisson, then Colonial Minister,
thought that the time liad come ibr the separation of Canada
from the mother country, and her assumption of the position
of an independent state. In 1854, the Earl of Ellenborouirh
in the House of Lords, adduced Mr. Huskisson's testimony
in support of the views of separation which he then urged.
Lord Ellenborough referred to the change which had taken
place in the relations of Canada and Great Britain, arising out

of the changed commercial policy of the mother country. I
hold in my hand a report of the noble Earl's speech, from
which, if you desire it, I will read an extract. [Cries of readj
read.] '• What was the use," asked his Lordship, " what the
practical advantage of continuing our connection with the
Colonies ? The connection might be of some s^mall use in
time of peace ; but on the other hand consider the danger
arising from it in matters relating to war. There could be no
doubt that the chances of collision between this country and
the United States were greatly increased by our connection
with the North American Colonies. It Was eqi?ally certain
that in the event of tvar occurring between this covtntry and
the United States on grounds totally unconnected with the
Colonies, they must, from their connexion with usj be drawn
into the war, and their whole frontier would be exposed to the
greatest calamities Under these circumstances it was a matter
worthy of serious consideration whether we should not endea-
vor, in the most friendly manner, to divest ourselves of a con-
nexion which must prove equally onerous to both parties The
ve'-y idea of war with the United States was horrible. The
event would be one of the greatest of evils, — one of the direst
of human affiictioas. Cannected as we were in all the details
of commerce, it would be more like tearlns; asunder the limbs
of one liuni.an body, than the collision of two separate bodies*
Why needlessly increase the chances of war ? Our brethren
on the other side of the Atlantic were very ambitious and
very sensitive on the point of honor. So were we ; and we
were also extremely sensitive on the poiut of justice. Not
only would we not endure injustice to ourselves, but we could
not tolerate the perpetration of injustice to another. These
considerations should lead us to regard a rupture with the
United States as an event which might happen at some period.
Under these circumstances he hoped that, at an early period,
the Government Would communicate with the k "ding persons
in the Legislative Assemblies of the North A nerican Colonies
with the view of ascertaining thei-' opinion on the subject of a
separation. We should consult with them in the most friendly

sj.irit, r,s if tbey were members of one and the same ffimlly, in
which we felt a deep concern." These were Lord Ellen-
borongh's views, expressed more than eight years ago. The
Duke of Newcastle then expressed his astonishment at them,
and spoke strongly against them. [A voice, — would he do so
now ?] I think he would not speak so strongly now, if we
might judge from his more recent utterauces. Lord Brougham
followed the Duke and declared himself of those who desired
a separation of Canada, as a Colony, from the mother country.
He would not throw the Colonists over, nor abandon them.
The idea of separation he said " was by no means novel." I
quote his own words : " It had been entertained and expressed
by many eminent men. It was an opinion shared in by Lord
A shburtou ^and Lord St. Yincent; and those who held the
doctrine of separation did so, not because they were disposed
to undervalue the importance of Canada, but rather because
they highly estimated the importance of that country. They
believed that after a certain period of time, — after what was
called ' passing the youth of nations,' that of a Colonial life, —
the best thing that could happen to a country in Colonial con-
iniexion with an older state was, that icithoiit any quarrel,
without any coldness or alienation of any sort, but with per-
fect amity and good will, and on purely voluntary grounds,
there should succeed to that connexion, a connexion between
two free and independent states.'^

This, gentlemen, is the way in which the most eminent
JBritish statesmen speak in the highest council of the nation.
Their speech directly concerns us,— comes close home to our
business and bosoms, — and what have we to say of it ? How
do we regard it ? Have we considered its significance and
reflected on its bearing, as becometh our self respect as a free
and prosperous people ? Evidently, as our Governor General
told us from a Montreal dinner tabic, a short time since, the
present state of things cannot last n)uch longer. But with
our present relation, what state of things can we inaugurate
which will be permanent and satisfactory to all parties ? Shall
we place the flower of our able bodied population under arms

for Imperial purposes, in view of possible wars of the empire ^^
This ,8 impossible. Our fields must be tilled and our branches
of industry sustained. [A yoice,-But if we should be in.
vaded ?] If we should be invaded we would defend ourselves
by all the resources we could conimand, as we showed ourselves
ready to do when the imminent peril of last winter was upon
us. I wJl admit the possibility of invasion, but I have no
present apprehension of it. Our neighbors on the other side
of the hne have as much fiohting on their hands at present as
hey oan well attend to, and every day of its continuance puts
them under additional bonds to keep the peace toward us, and
an the world. W hat then shall we do ? [A voioe,~Sti. up
the mihtia ] Yes, infuse new life aud activity into our militia
I his we should do as a clear matter of prudence. But ^ho
are to be the judges of what is prudent and sufiftcient in the
premises ? The Lords and Commons of England, or the
people and Parliament of Canada ? We must insist, and in-
si«t to the last, that we are the most competent judges of this
m:itter. And here we see the anomaly of the existing re,
lations between Canada and Britain. Our mother country
does not wish to wrong or injure us. No Colonial child oouia
have a mother more generous than she ; but the sphere of her
affiiirs IS very widely extended and diversified, and as a mattey
of prudence tc wards some branches of her interest or service
she may be compelled to oriti^ise our legislation and attempt a,
pressure on our legislative decisions. The recent discussions
\n the Lords and Commons on the defences of Canada is an
instance of what may take place. Then, again, there is the
Bnghsh press, to the criticisms of which, under the oircum-
stances, we are legitimately exposed. We may feel that tho
parliament and press of JJngland speak under panic, or out of
imperfect information, and though their taunts may provoke
us, we cannot deny their right to speak. A reatior. which
involves this, is perilous to mutual peace and a permanent good
understanding. When the member for Sheffield tells the
House of Commons and the world, that ha never will vote to
tax the poor artizans of Sheffield to defend the rich inhabitantsi

of Canada, can we deny the inherent justice of the ground he
takes ? Does our tariff list show any favor to the Sheffield
cutler ? When the London Times calls Canada a dead weight
on England, can we point to any tangible benefit to the mother
country resulting from the connexion? Let us not deceive
ourselv. j by vague declamation about the glory and prestige of
Colonial Empire, There was once a substantial meaning in
these words, but that meaning departed from them when the
former orJer of Colonial policy passed away. What tbon are
we to do ? Looking at the matter, not as grown up children,
but as manly men, what are we to do ? My answer is,~
Prepare for an Independent National Position. [A voice'—
We are loyal] Oh my friend, nobody doubts your loyalty ' or
the loyalty of Sir Cornwall Lewis and Lord EUenborouc^h.
-The grave question which meets us here is not a question°of
loyalty or disloyalty, but a question as to how we can best
strengthen the posiiion and permanently serve the interests of
that, great nation,-mother of nation«,-whioh we 'call our
mother country. Is Canada a source of weakness to En-lanc^
or of strength ? We aye a weakness *o -*^-^ngK-,d _a most
vulnerable point as any competent - will testify,

Why should we,— a community of and a half

prosperous people, with an ample" doma, JpHed re-

gource.«,~why should wo occupy a positio.: to compli-

cate her foreign policy and become a serious draui .a her ways
and means ? Is such a position worthy of us in view of our
origin and ancestry, the leading races of Europe ? Is it wor-
thy of a self.respecting people to occupy a position which
exposes them to such criticism as we have recently heard from
the parliament and pre^ of England ? Loyalty, indeed »
[Many voices,-We are all loyal.] Certainly, we are all loyal,"
Here let mo tell you the story of one of the leading literary
men of Enguind, who wrote the lectures on the Gec-es
When he came to the United States to repeat those lectures'
which he had delivered in London, bo was asked if he wa.s
going to let the Canadians hear them. He said no, he feared
the Canadians would sus^K'ct Jus loi/alt</. if hgyua his IcQtiu^s

io thcui. Certainly we are al' loyal, I say once m^re ; but
ihoso voices I recognize as those of some of my friend, who
are determined protectionists. [Yes, we must have protection
for our manufactures.] Just so, and your votes are always
cast against any candidate whom you suspect of favoring frcjc-
dom of trade. You are always ready to tax English goods.
[We must protect our manufactures.] Juet so, I. say again,
your loyalty to England does not prevent you from taking
i?are of number one, in the first place. And this patent fact
gives point to the worst taunts of the statesmen and public
writers in the mother country. It is said that wo hang on
England, as a child hangs on the mother, for the sake of what
we can get from her. They have called it lip loyalty, before
long they will call it lollipop loyalty, and neKt-r-[clamor of
voices, — wo don't wan robe annexed.] Gentlemen, friends, I
did not say a word about being annexed, I only said and next,
— here let me tell yop another story • Last month, it is said,
that a plump, well-to-do looking gentleman was observed ^n
the building of the Great Exhibition in London, taking
lengthened and careful observations with a telescope, pointed
to one of the annexes. It was soon discovered that he was a
loyal Canadian who would not enter the annexe of the build-
ing. He did not like the name, he said, and would not com-
promise his loyalty by going into such a place. This gentle^
inan, I think, was over scrupulous. I agree with you, gentle^
men, we do not want annexation. The whole position of
aiiidrs with respect to the United States, the mother country,
and ourselves, forbids il. The change which we should pre-
pare for, is that of*an independent national position.

I see that you look thoughtful as I say this. And you
ought to look thoughtful, for nationality. like nianhocd, in-
volves great responsibilities. But consider, if we have not
self reliance, we cannot have solf respect, and if we have not
self respect, wo are noth. .g,- we invite taunts and contempt
from ail the world. Vf ith our present growth and promise we
have no right to liang on to the mother country an hour longer
tJiau the connexion is a trjutually acknowledged advantage, ff

IL.

it is a growing opinion of Britisli statesmen that we imvo
passed '' tlie youth of nations," and reached ip.uturity , it is
not for us to deny it, consistently wit.i our self respect. I
know what grave questions and weighty dutie.« the assumption
of national responsibilities involves. But is there not .xiUii-
hood enough in our population of two millions an^". a half to
meet them ? Does it become us to insist on pe petuating a
Connexion in which we are publicly told the advmtagu is all
on our side. Does it become us as true friends oi the mother
country to insist on a connexion which can only be a weak-
ness to her if an obvious contingency should arise, and which
is so liable to comr^licate her foreign policy with respect to thh
continent ? Is it wise co maintain a relation which exposes
Us to such criticism as we have lately heard from the British
Parliament and Press, and which ii reiterated can only stir u\>
ill feeling on all sides ? Would it not be more wise, more selt-
respecting on our part, more satisfactory to all parties con-
cerned, to prepare for the event indicated by Lord Brouji >>;i5,
when he said that " without any quarrel, without any coldness
or alienation of any sort, but with perfect amity and good will,
and on purely voluntary grounds, there should succeed to the
Colonial connexion, a connexion betw m two free and inde-
pendent states."

Our present position favors a preparation for this event, and
recent circumstances remind us how needful it is to bear it in
mind. Our mother country is not going to cast us off before
we are properly able to take care of ourselves ; but we should
be unworthy of our parentage if we were to hang back after
that time had come. The foundation of oar political institu-
tiont is laid. We have transplanted as much from England
as can be transplanted. We could have not better model than
we have taken. We must use what we have, and work out
our own course. The popular element must predominate in
our affairs. [A voice, - Democracy is a failure ] If demo-
cracy is a failure, so much the worse for Canada, lor Canada
is inevitably committed to democracy. JSor is this our doino-.
Whether i'lr good or ill, it has come to us in the natural and

inevitable order of events. What is the meaning of demo>
cracy ? A government by the people. Now a government by
the people we must have in Canada, for we have no other
order of persons among us. We have no order of society
ai-ong us born to hereditary privileges like the British aristo-
cracy. Nor can we have any such class. It is made positively
impossible by the ordering of Providence. If t^ome among us
think democracy a failure, let me ask those persons one ques-
tion. V\-ouldyou surrender your right to vote at the next
e'ection, or consent to have your vote overruled, if a born peer
of the realm should demand that the management of your
affairs should be left in his hands, or in the liands of a com-
mittee of his order? [We will never give up our rights.]
No, you will not give up your rights. You, as part of the
people of Canada, insist on keeping your political affairs in
your own hands. You are born to the right, and you are re-
solved to retain it. Do not say, then, that dentocracy is a fail-
ure,— do not say that the people cannot bu safely trusted to
rule, for thereby you slander yourselves. History shows us
the failure at one time or another of every form of government,
—democratic, aristocratic, and monarchic. And history will
continue to show us such failures when the true ends of gov-
ernment are forgotten in a base and selfish scramble for place,
power, and pelf We are committed to democracy,— that is,'
( anada is committed to political institutions wherein the pop-
ular voice is, and must be, predomin. nt. And it is the part of
wisdom to use in good faith and with honest purpose the in-
stitutions we possess, and seek to improve tlieni as we use
them. In this way we shall secure for ourselve.^ and our pos-
terity a hopeful and progressive civilization. We are all liable
to excitement, and we should take good care to impose a
wholesome check on this, as by a judicious composition of our
upper le-islative chamber. This is simply a recognition by the
people of their own failings, and a wise provision against pos-
sible mischief arising therefrom. We cannot, if we would,
abolish the controlling influence of the people in our form of
govcrnmont. But we can, and we ought, strive to impress nH

minds with a sense of the dignity and responsibility attached
to popular privileges. We cannot, if we would, take the power
from the people, but we can and we ought to train the people
to an intelligent and just use of that power.

Fortunately for us, our present position to which we have
been gradually brought, is one from which we can advance to
national independence without any organic strain on existing
institutions. Our Governor, nominated by the Crown, is the
last link of colonial dependence. This one link, however, is as
potent as a thousand, for all purposes of embarrassment to the
empire. So long as this exists we must become involved in the
possible wars of the empire on this continent— a source of
weakness to the mother country and of weakuess only. She
cannot give us any controlling voice in such purely imperi il
questions as those of peace and war, and this imposes on her the
burden of defending a thousand miles, and more, of exposed
frontier. In the event of invasion we should do what we
could, but of the measure of this we must always be the judges
the burden and responsibility of defence must needs rest with the
mother country. Let the next step of our political progress, then
be to an elective governor. I would approach the change in
this way,— first, there must be, of course, the imperial act to
authorise the change, — the authorisation should be absolute,—
to permit Canada to elect the Governor. The last link would
thus be unloosed And this accomplished, I would have the elec-
tion made in this way. Let it be our rule that, by joint resolution
of both branches of our legislyture, the Foreign Minister— not
the Colonial Minister— of Great Britain, be requested to furnisli
the names, say of three men, who by their recognised character,
ability, and experience of the British constitutional system^
would be tit for the post of Governor of Canada, taking pre-
cisely the same place in our Canadian constitutional system
that the t<ovcrcign docs in the British system. Then let these
three names be prt)posed to our Legislative Council, and the
election made by plunility of votes there, providing that tlie
plurality shull include a miijority of that body, and arran--
ing the mode of election accordingly. Let the term be

mude, say Jive years, elioible for ro-dection a second term.
By this arranrromciit we should obtain the services of a class
of men not niaterialljr different from those we have been ac-
customed to. Men like Lord Elgin, Sir Edmund Head and
Lord Monck, instet.d of being nominated by Imperial author-
ity, and being here as officials of the empire, would be nomi-
nated by request of Canada, and subject to Canadian election
and approval. They would then be cfficials of ttiis country,
bound only by the constitution of Canada. A step like this
would -adically change the relation in vvhich we stand to the
mother country, and relieve her of all embarrassment on our
nccount. Until we could raise a con)petent force of our own,
we might retain the services of one or two British regiments
to man our more important garrisons, and pay for their ser-
vice as some of the minor German States do with Prussian
and Austrian troops. If the mother country Is ready for any
arrangement like this, surely we ought to be ready for it. The
proper calling of Canada is the development of tier resources
and the pursuit of peaceful industry. We liave an am-!e do-
main, and have got as fair a start as country ever had* We
can have no .juarrel with a mother who has been so generous
towards us, an<l we ought to have no quarrel with neighbors
and brethren s; rung from the same stock as ourselves. '^Witli
both we are linked by the strong ties of blood and commerce.
We ought not w illingly remain a possible embarrassment to
Great Britain, but prepare for a new position wherein we
should stand on our own responsibility among and before the
nations of tlie earth. And this " without any <iuarrel," as
Lord Brougham says, '• without any coldness or alienation (.f
any sort, but with perfect amity and good will " towards our
mother country and all the world.