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In the following pagea the question of Confederation is discussed on its meritSj in a spirit divested of all partizanship^ and free from those feelings of personal antagonism and strong party bias that have so deeply tinged much that has appeared in the newspaper press, on both sides of the question. To the writer of this pamphlet it is less important that this or that political faction should be triumphant, than that the truth should be told, and that the mass of the peo^^le should have in their hands the data by which they may be able to judge fairly of the merits of this great question, and so be able to give an intelligent vote at the General Election now near approaching. For it must be remembered, that although the Act of Confederation has passed the British Parliament, it is still a duty incumbent upon the people of Nova Scotia to give their decision upon it. This duty they owe to the government and Parliament of England, who have been kept in ignorance of their interests and wishes with respect to this subject — to the government of Canada and New Brunswick, that have been parties t'> the unfair treatment Nova Scotia has received — and to themselves, in vindication of their right to exercise those constitutional privileges v/hich have been in this most important crisis withheld from them. rick, •rtf 1 AN El^QUIKY, &C. INTRODUCTORY. When we find proverbs, catchwords and pa,rty cries, Bubstituted ior reason and argument, the tendency ia to excite distrust of the cause in behalf of which they are used ; or at the least, thinking men are prompted to enquire into their merits and meaning, if they nave any, and to ascertain how fg,r they may be fairly made to do duty in the service into which they are pressed. . The old aphorism that " union is strength, " a trite saying, true in itself, yet far from being of universal application, has for two years been used as the most convincing argument, in one of the greatest questions that has agitated British interests in America for the last eighty years. In point of fact " Union " is not always strength. 3 A^union between persons of incompatible temper, can never be prosperous or happy — a. partnership between men of diverse business views, is not likely to be lasting or profitable; and a political connection between States of antagonistic interests, whose people are not homogeneous, whose statesmen are animated by dilBFerent political instincts, and whose geographical position prompts to a diflferent commercial policy, can never be productive of lasting advantage to the people so united. Such a anion may perhaps be " strong" in the sense that it may endure for a time ; but this can only be by the domination of one party and the humiliation of the other — by the complete absorption on the part of the stronger, of all the power which should have been shared equally with the weaker party to the con- tract. And it lias always been found, in the world's history, that the enforced union of two or more States of nearly equal power, and of antagonistic interests, has been of short dura- tion, with too often a disastrous ending. Nothing is more common with a certain set of theorists, than to mistake the principal of co-operation, for union. No man lives for himself alono, but every man influences and is influenced by all others with whom he comes in contact. If we wish to carry out any important project, or to overcome any difficulty that obstructs our path, we naturally lock around CONFEDERATION. T US for means to augment our power, and we strengthen our position by every co-operative aid within our reach. Lj the pursuit of wealth, for instance, the more extensive the trade operations within the natural laws that form the groundwork of all commercial transactions, the greater are the profits derived. And where the wealth or administrative ability of an individual is insufficient for the accomplishment of a great enterprise, ihe principal of co-operation is tried, and partner- ships and joint stock companies, by a combination of effort, perform what would be impossible to any of the partners in the association, working separately. But this principle of co-operation extends only to the immediate purpose for which the association is formed, leaving the parties to it in every respect free and independent; and it is as far as possible removed from that idea of a union, that involves the surren- der of all independence in its several members, and subor- dinates the will and the interests of the individual in everything to that of the body corporate. The sameprinciple holds good as regards communities and Nations. What one State is unable to accomplish by herself, she may accomplish with the union or co-operation of her neighbors and allies. A few years ago, England sought to extend her commercial intercourse with France, and with aid of the latter, the commercial barriers existing between the two countries were to a large extent removed, to the mutual benefit of both. A few years ago France and England combined to check the power of Russia in the East, and succeeded. Such historical facts as these, proving the value of united national efibrt, not only illustrate the truth that " union is strength, " but they also serve to show the only kind of union that nations of diverse interest and temperament ever can safely adopt. To effect these grand objects, it was only necessary that these two nations should unite in a common effort for those especial purposes, and not that either or both should surrender their perfect autonomy, and fuse their governmental institutions into a single set of legislative and administrative machinery holding sway at London or Paris. This latter, is the kind of union that has unfortunately been thrust upon the British American Provinces ; but it is such a union as the statesmen of France and England would never dream of effecting between those two countries, and would be certain to lead to the downfall and destruction of both, if attempted. In this sense Venice was united to Austria, and Poland to the more pov;erful nations around her ; but no body ever heard that the happiness and prosperity of the Poles and Venetians were CONFEDERATION. 5 much enhanced by the change. Belgium, too, played the part of a subordinate in a series of unions, extending over a period of three hundred years with Austria, and wi th Spain, and finally with her nearer neighbor,Holland ; and it is only within the last thirty five years, when she has been free from encumbering and enslaving political unions which are not strength — when she haa been a free, self-governing State, regulating her own con\merce, disburs- ing her own revenues and concentrating the energies of her .people in developing her manufacturing capabilities and mineral resources, that her people have begu.a to make any real progress in material prosperity. In proceeding to discuss this question of union as applicable to Nova Scotia in connection with the other British American Provinces, it is not necessary to revert to the motives or consistency of individuals who have taken a leading part on either side of the controversy. Personal allusions, and argumevitw V. ised upon the opinions or policy of politicians, must have a, tendency rather to distract the attention from the main features of the subject, than to aid in their eluci- dation. A careful consideration of the position of Nova Scotia, of her resources, and what is necessary for their development, is all that is required to show whether she is likely to be most benefitted or injured by being" confedera- ted" with Canada, and whether the majority in the Provincial Parliament acted wisely, or the reverse, in forcing by violence and in defiance of popular rights, so great a change upon the people of this Province. THE POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF NOVA SCOTIA. Few countries in the world are more favorably situated "whether as regards political freedom, geographical position or the extent and variety of their natural resources, than Nova Scotia. Forming that portion of the American continent nearest to Europe, and being almost an island and possessing numerous magnificent harbors, she is in a position to partici- pate largely in the trade and commerce of both hemispheres. A bracing climate gives vigor and health to an enterprising population. Throughout a great part of the country, a fenerous soil yields a fruitful return to the labors of the usbandman. Extensive forests afford material for building ships, and supplying them afterwards with cargoes of a valuable export. Mines of Coal, Iron and Gold, give em- 6 CONFEDERATION. ployment to thousands of operatives. Her streams and the waters around her shores teem with almost exhaustless quantities of fish, which form aprofitable article of exchange with other countries. Being a British Province, she has all the advantages that such a connection with the most powerful empire in the world can give her — the blessing of British laws, access to the trade of every country tlip.t has commer- cial intercourse with Great Britain, and the protection of the British flag for her merchant ships in every sea on the face of the globe. Those advantages have been so fpr improved of late years as to place the inhabitants of M ova Scotia among the most prosperous people on the earth. In the ten years between 1851 and 1861, the population increased in number twenty per cent, and in the last six years it is believed that the ratio of increase has been still greater. Living at peace with all countries. Nova Scotia has been quietly but indus- triously and vigorously following her own pursuits, cultivating the soil, causing the wilderness to give place to waving fields of grain, catching fish which have been sold at a profit to our neighbors, building ships which go abroad for sale, or go to earn rich freights in the carrying trade of the world, building railroads, opening mines of Coal or gold, and in all these avocations realizing a rapidly increasing wealth. Manu- factures, too, have begun to start into existence, as capital accumulated, and many useful articles arc now being pro- duced within the Province, which formerly were obtained entirely from abroad. So prosperous has the country been, that the increase of wealth has been much greater than the increase of population, as is clearly shown from the returns of trade and revenue. Under a tariff so light that its operation has not been felt by the people, the revenue of the Province from all sources, has grown from $691,015 in 1856, to $1,708,655 in 1866, an increase of 250 per cent, under the perfect system of self government which the Province has possessed for the last twenty years, and the great value of which the people were but beginning to realize and appreciate when'it is rudely snatched from them. These revenues have been in the main wisely applied in developing the resources of the country, and in such a way as to still further augment this progressive prosperity. Railways have been opened up, east and west, to grasp the trade of the St. Lawrence and of the Bay of Funday. Light Houses have been built, Rivers bridged, new lines of roads penetrate the country in every direction, Post Offices have been established in every village and settlement, Education has been libeially provided for, largo COICFEDERATION. -"■.' grants have been given to Steamboats and Packets connecting with the neighboring Provinces, and all this under a taxation the lightest in existence in any country possessed of represen- tative institutions. Such is the Province, and such its present position — a position that, if unchanged, gives the certain promise of still greater prosperity in the future; and yet it is when Nova Scotia is in this prosperous position, the object at once of the envy and admiration of her neighbors, that the system of self government which has produced all this prosperity, and prepared the way for still more rapid strides in material advancement, is to be thrown aside, and the doubtful experi- ment thrust upon her of a political union with other Provinces in which her power of self governraefit will be destroyed, and she must submit to the rule of a larger and it is to be feared not too kindly population. What is there in this condition of things to demand such a change in the political condition of Nova Scotia, or what advantage is this Province to receive in exchange for the surrender of her political freedom, involved in the policy of Confederation? The advocates of that measure will reply, — we shall have a larger country, we shall have free trade with three and a half miliona of people, a uniform postal system and currency, consolidation of the strength of the Provinces for purposes of defence, the Inter- colonial Railway, with other benefits of a somewhat undefina- ble and mythical character. If extent of territory were indispensible to national greatness, there might be some force in some of these suggestions. But the history of the world gives so many proofe to the contrary of this, that it would be idle to reason at any length upon it. Greece and Rome afford notable examples of the greatness to which States possessed of but small territory may attain, and also of the danger and weakness that may lie in attempting to govern widely extended regions of country. Our father land is a sufficient illustration, if there were no other in existence, that extent of territory is not necessary to national greatness — that wealth, and power, and the most potent influence in the family of naibns, does not depend upon the number of acres ^2, country possesses, but on the enterprise, fortitude and patriotism of her people. Let an unprejudiced, clear sighted political economist, carefully consider those proposed gains, — lei/ him consider the hope' -issness of any attempt to " consolidate " the population of Nova Scotia for military or any other purposes, with the population of a Province a thousand miles away, when the most direct line of communi- 8 COWFEPEIUTION. cation between them is intersected by a fav more numerous population, belonging to a foreign country, and thor aay if these hoped for advantages are likely to form an equivalent for the revenues and the blessings of self government that Nova Scotia is compelled to surrender in exchange for them. But it must be remembered, that however great the advantages of free trade and all the other promised blessings may be, they are such as might all be obtained by that kind of co-cperative effort already referred to, and without the sacrifice of her political institutions Nova Scotia must make under Confederation. There has been free trade between the Provinces for twelve years, in all the natural productions of the field, the forest, the mine, and the sea. The same generous spirit of liberal legislation that produced this con- cession from the old exclusive system of trade, if allowed to have sway, could easily extend the free list to cover certain manufactures as well as natural productions, if such extension were deemed advisable, and without any one Province being called on to sacrifice her right of self government in exchange for it. Under these circumatances, then, may it not with truth be said that confederation is at best a doubtful and hazardous experiment for Nova Scotia/ Precedents and illustrations of the advantages of union have been eagerly sought after in the pages of history, by those who have desired to unite this Province to Canada. Gases closely parallel are not e?3y to find, and the nearer they approach the conditions of the British North American Provinces, the less ground do they give Nova Scotians to hope for prosperity under the union. Perhaps • THE CASE OF BELGIUM Furnishes the best illustration of the evils of such a political condition as that on which Nova Scotia is now entering, that can be found. The cases are nearly parallel, although reversed as to the order ox the changes that took place in their constitution. Nova Scotia leaves behind her a career of almost uneixampled prosperity enjoyed under her own free go^ rnment, to try her chance as a fractional part of a great coniederacy, whose principal member's history gives but little reason to hope for any great degree of happiness or business success in the partnership. Belgium, on the contrary, emerged thirty years ago from tne bonds of a confederacy, to enter upon a career of activity and enterprise, to which sh^ had (X)NFEJ)ERATIOR. 9 not been able to attain in the three hundred years that she formed n. part of one or another great European nation. The two countries are nearly equal iu extent; Belgium beiilg somewhat the larger and the more populous of the two. Like Nova Scotia, Belgium posHeases fair agricultural capabilities, vast mineral wealth in iron and coal, with valuable forests ia the mountainous parte. From the fifteenth century, she formed successively part of the dominions of Austria and Spain, who controlled her laws, levied her taxes and expended her revenues, down to 1795, when she fell under tno power of Franco. In 1815 she was annexed to Holland, and continued to be confederated with that country down to 1830. In that year she gained her independence after a brief and almost bloodless revolution, and established a constitutional monarchy, under which she has ever since been most happily governed. We have here, therefore, in the case of this country, very little larger than Nova Scotia, and possessed of the same description of natural resources, an experieRce of over three hundred years, under a confeder- acy, ae a fractional part of one or another "great nation," and thirty-six years of what some people sneer at as isolation, but what has been in truth die only thirty-six years in which she ever enjoyed the blessings of responsible self government, with the power of disbursing her own revenues for the .development of her own commercial and internal resources. The result ought to startle those people in Nova Scotia who have been captivated by the solemn nonsense so industriously circulated about the advantage that must result to a small country from being united to a larger one. All Belgium's great natural wealth was of but little uso to hp'* while she was without the power to control and direct its dv v^elopment. In 1830, whan she freed herself from the shackles of a confederacy, whose blighting influence she had in one shapo or another felt for over three centuries, she had scarcely a mile of railroad, her manufactures were of limited extent, her foreign commerce languished, and her agriculture was not prosecuted with vigor. As soon as her freedom was established she commenced a system of internal improvement by means of government disbursements, similar to that practised in Nova Scotia for the last fifteen years. Bail roads were built at government expense, connecting her manji- facturing and commercial citties, with the cities of the surrounding nations; manulactures where cherished, agri- culture was fostered, and schools established. The result nas been a degree of material progress such as perhaps no 10 ear 3 ^ twelvths of the sura. This arrangement, Canada afterwards refused to carry out; and now, when the rate is 4 per cent, and the sinking fund to commence at once, we nave no surety but that she will again violate her engagement. But let us turn our attention to the benefits we may be supposed to reap from the intercolonial if ever built. We are told in the pamphlet, that we shall have across New Brunswick, and into Canada, connection with the United States railways. Whatever commercial advantages we are to receive from the extension of the Main Trunk railway, will rosuU fujiu the counection with the U. S. railways; but surely this is a round about way. We have only to build a few miles beyond Amherst, to have that connection. Companies are now at v;ork, connecting Bangor with St. John, and buiMing from Moncton to the N. S. Border; and, but for Confederation we should now be busy at work building the seotion from Truro to the border on some of the routes surveyed. But suppose the intercolonial is even commenced under confederation, Canada only desires connection with the Atlantic, and being the ruling power, will first build down from River du Loup, to St. Johns. Fleming in his report ot the survey made in 1864, places this in the clearest possible light. On page 62 of his report in sessional papers, Vol, 25 he says, " A distinction must necessarily be drawn between through freight, and through passenger traffic. " The Ports of Montreal, and Quebec, when open to sea going vessels, are undoubtedly the most convenient for the shipment of heavy freight from Canada to Europe, but these are periodically closed during the winter season. By the pro- jected lines for the intercolonial railway, St. Andx'ews, and St. Johns, on the Bay of Fundy, are the nearest open winter Ports to Canada, within British Territory, and they would therefore, be the most available outlets for Canadian produce, whils other nearer ports remain closed. At the present time, Canadian produce may be shipped during winter, without restrictions at United States Ports. The nearest United States port t« Toronto, is New York ; the nearest to Montreal is Pqrtland ; and the shortest CONFEDEBATION. 17 be lates few rtest ft it tt If distances between the several porta referred to are as follows. •'From Toronto to New York direct..' .540,mile8, „ „ St. Andrews by river du Loup 889 „ „ St. Johns, by Kiver du Loup 913 From Montreal to Portland direct, 297 . „ to St. Andrews by River du Loup 669 „ „ St. John by River du Loup 583 , ( x> Halifax would bo 266 miles further. ) It is evident, therefore, from the favorable position of New York and Portland, that they will continue to be the most convenient winter outlets for Canadian freight, so long as the Government of the United States, abstains from placing restrictions on Canadian commerce. Of this we may rest satisfied, if the construction of the Intercolonial Railway, by opening out an independant outlet to the ocean, prove instrumental in keeping down the barriers to Canadian trade which our neighbors have the power to erect, it might in this respect alone, bo considered of the highest commercial advantage to Canada. And in this view, the contemplated Railway may fairly be considered, especially by the people of Canada, West of Montreal, of the greatest value to them when least employed in the transportation of produce to the seaboard. " Mark well the last sentence, remembering at the same time that it is the deliberate recorded opinion of Mr. Fleming, the Engineer of the Canadian pesrty, that the Inter-colonial Railway to "the people of C?nada, west of Montreal, may be fairly considered of the greatest value to them WHEN LEAST EMPLOYED With tra'ti^ortation of pro- duce to the seaboard^ From this it is evident that the very moat the Canadians require, is a road to St. Johns ; and now we have the very bi^st evidence, that this is all they purpose building. Turning to Fleming's report, we find he made his survey in two sections ; tne first embracing from Truro to Moncton, and the second from River du Loup to St. Johns, and on page 66 he gives his estimate of the cost — as follows. "Truro to Moncton, Nova Scotia division of the survey. Vri^cr'n mileage charges, estimated 109 miles 07,000 Bridgine and grading, $ 2,693,000 I 6,200,000 m CONPEDEHATIOKi River du Loup to Apohaqui, New BrunawicL, andCanswJa division of the survey. Uniform mileage charges 340 miles, at I 23,000 per mile, $7,820,000 , Bridging and grading $7,615,500 'i $16,435,500 Grand Total, $20,6^6;500. Here the cost of construction from Canada down to the- Apohaqui station, is given at $15,435,500, but on page 49 we find that to St, Jonns direct is 17 miles less, which Would leave the cost from River du Loup, to St. Johns direct, as near as possible fifteen million dollars. Now the sum which the delegates have inserted in the guarantee bill, is threer million pounds aterling, ( fiftteen niillion dollars) iust the sum necessary for that section of the work, leaving tne Novr - Scotia section, which will cost as above, $5,200,000, entirely unprovided for. Taking the fact that a Railway from RiveJj.' du Loup to St. Johns, serves all the purposes of the Canadians^ i in connection with the sum in the guarantee bill, just cover^o iug the estiniated cost of that section, we are forced to thfe- conclusion, that the Canadians only intend to build to St.^ Johns. With six delegates in England eight months, at arr:- enormotis cost, it is really surprising that our interests vter^^^ not better Ct^red for, that provision was not made for build- ing the Nova Seotian section. A single line' in the Imperial Union Act, and in the guarantee bill, declaring that the work should be commenced simultaneously on both sections- of the road, would have secured our interests. That it was not so inserted, proves either that our delegates neglected ; their duty, or that tliey were entirely at thei mercy of the m Canadians. But then the simple passing of the guarantee ' bill does not ensure the building of either section of the road; ■ Mr Adderiey, in introducing the bill into the House of ■ Commons, uses these words. ■' The guarantee cannot be given until the Canadian Parliament has passed a bill for the Gonstfiuction of the line, and containing clauses for the use of the line, hy Her Majesty s troops, and for the re-paynoent of this money. '' So that although the Imperial Parliament has passed the nill, it is not to come into opera- tion until the Canadian Parliaj:nent agrees to construct the road, arid Mfil the terms of payment, by a "sinking fund," and we have absolutely no security that the Canadians, now having as they think, got possesion of the Lower Provinces, CONFEDERATION. 19 will not do just as they did in 1862, when having entered by their delegates into a solemn agreement with the delegates from the lower provinces, in conjunction with the Duke of Newcastle, to build the road on his gaurantee of the money, afterwards repudiated their obligations in their Parliament, on the ground that the sinking fund which was to commence in ♦en years, was too heavy an obligation,. Whereas the payment of the sinking fund, $150,000 a year, besides interest provided in this bill, commence immediately on the completion of the road. No doi bt V ring the elections ». host of stripling surveyers will be spread all over Cumber- land and parts of Colchester,, to inspire the belief that the work is to be undertaken forthwith ; but depend upon it, if ever built, the Canadians will take their own time for the Nova Scotia section. But suppose this section is in the course of time built, wi'' any one undertake to say that the benefits promised will ever be realized* The resources of Canada, we are told, are principally those of the field and forest. Now suppose lumber from the forest, or grain from the field, is brought down over the Intercolonial, as far as St. Johns, or say the Apohaqui station, 37 miles from St. Johns, will it be shipped at St. Johns which is always an open port, or be carried 2o0 by railroad to Halifax. Would any man having a cargo of lumber or flour at St. Johns, on the present railroad, within 37 miles of it, think for a moment of sending it for shipment by railroad to Halifax. Not unless he was a madman. Whenit is built^ in time we shall probably have a portion of the passenger traffic to and from Europe, but passengers come and pasp ofi" in the Cunard steamers, without furnishing much employ- ment, or benefi,ting any one except the hotel keeper wLo gives them a meal in passing. Articles for the supply of the Halifax market, of more value onrapared to their bulk than lumber or flour, such as butter and pork, will no doubt \)e brought over the road, but not for shipment. St. John will be benefited if lumber and fiour are brought over the road for shipment, as they are bulky articles that give em- ployment to the labourer, and the shipbuilder, in providing means for transportation. That city is already much larger and more vigorous in growth than Halifax, and will not only receive the freight traffic of the intercolonial, built will, if the connection is made with Nova Scotia, attract to it the general trade and traffic of all the country lying north of the Cobequid Mountains, as well as the coast of the Bay of - Fundy. The Cobequid range forms the ridge of natural i 20 CONFEDERATION. water sheds, so to speak ; and the traffic on the one side will gravitate to St. John, and on the other to HalifaX; just as naturally as the rain which falls on a house roof, descends on either side of the ridge. A Nova Sootian claims that " In terprovincial tariffs being removed, the markets of the larger province, will be thrown open to the enterprise of the smaller. " Wo have had for many years, free trade with Canada ; and the result is, that of all the articles we have for export, Canada does not afford a market for either our coal, plaster, potatoes, fish, or any thing we have to spare. A proposition was made a few yoars ago, to have free trade in manufactures, and the Cana- dians urged it; but on enquiry it was found that wo could not compete wfth them, and that the result would be only to kill our infant manufactures, and consequently the propo- sal was declined. Furniture and wooden ware, is a branch in which we have some growing factories ; but there are few places in the world, where furniture is so cheaply produced as Canada ; considerable quantities of it, are even exported, thence to England. The same may be said of boots and shoes, and the coarser kinds of cloths, that the effect will be to- re tard, if not destroy our young factories in those articles* Passing on to the consideration of the next proposition in the pamphlet, " WHAT UNION WILL DO FOR THE FARMERS OF NOVA SCOTIA. " Y7e find so many gross absurdities, that it seems almost a waste of time to reply to them. Agricultural produce, beef pork, butter, grain &c. has always been lower m Canada than in Nova Scotia, and whenever you by railroad or steam- ers, facilitate the getting of these articles brought down at low rates, you reduce their price in the markets of Nova Scotia. We have some little experience in this during the past year. The Government, assisted by Mr. Archibald, imposed a duty on American flour, so as to encourage inter- course v/ith Canada. The result has been the establishment of a line of steamers between Portland and Halifax, whicn, in addition to flour, brought during the winter, hundreds of packages of butter, and carcases of fresh pork. The result has been that every farmer in Nova Scotia, who has brought a tub of butter or a carcase of poik to market, has received considerable less for it than if these confederal CONFEDERA.TION. 21 .• y-ii at tioniets had not oeen able to put their policy in practice. It might p<^8ibly^i)fi fjaimed, that as the Canadian tariff 'iax«8 every oarrei ot meal, as well a3 every barrel of flour imported, a half a dollar, that it would be a protection to the farmer; but it is not so. The climate of Nova Scotia Beems unfavorable to the growth of wheat and corn, and it is found that the farmer can more profitably employ his labor, in raising other products, and buying much of his flour and meah Consequently when confederation compels him to pay a half a dollar tax on every barrel of flour, and every barrel of meal he buys, and at the same time gives him a less price for his pork, butter, and homespun, he will bo apt to think that the doings of Union are not at all profitable to bim. One of the main inducements for the British Government to assent to this " unnatural" Union, was the belief that the new dominion will provide for its own protection, and enable them to withdraw their troops. Mr. U-ladstone, the leader of the late government, in the House of Commons, in his place, in supporting the bill to gaurantee the money required for part of the intercolonial, said a few weeks ago, — " It was the •overshadowing power, and design, and determination of this country, which formed our colonial system, by placing on us the responsibility of its defence. We have to bring about a different state of things — and it cannot 63 too dis- tinctly stated, that it is in this view that we look upon the plan for uniting the provinces of British North America. The evil which attended the old system, casting the burden of the responsibility of colonial defence, wholly, or almost wholly on this country, is not to be measured by the amount of pecuniary drain on our resources. Even if we were so to look at it, it is a very serious thing. If we were to reckon and apportion, the charge of our military estimates, occa- sioned by keeping a British force in these provinces ; it would startle many Hon. Members. It is a very heavy charge indeed, and it is our duty in every way to get rid of it." Does any intelligent farmer require plainer proof, that the delegates have arranged a scheme, and made promises of defence, which the Statesmen of England accept as a justi- fication in withdrawing their troops. It is a very significant fact, that, im.mediately on the passage of the Confederation Bill, the ]3ritish Government telegraphed an order to stop work on the forts at George's Island ; and the day is not far distant, when under Confederation, we shall have seen the last of the red coats in Nova Scotia, Now the raising of 22 CONFEDBRATIOir. beef and mutton, for the supply of the troops in Halifax, has been the main-stay of the farmer ; and wnen this is taken away, it will not matter to him, h^^ ^\W% tWiA{A¥it\t'9 aic, forgetting flour from Canada ; for he will be yrithout the means to purchase it. If Canada required any of our agri- cultural products, and if Confederation would open to us a market there, then the writer of the pamphlet might with propriety say, that the interest of the farmer^lies in Con- federation ; but when it is as plain and clear as a sunbeam, that just the reverse is the case, lie only insults the intelli- gence of the farmers, wiiosee clearly what Confederation will do for them. It will lower the price of every article,, of produce they have to sell, and will compel them to pay More duty on their tea, More duty on their supar, More duty on their molasses, More duty on their flour, More duty on their meal, More duty on their yarn, More duty on their dry goods, More duty on everything they purchase. It will transfer to a Parliament sitting at Ottawa, in which they will have but 19 Eeproaentativos, out of 181, the right to *' tax them by any mode or system" (see 91st. clause of Union Bill,) and lor any purpose. It will compel them to pay for Canadian Canals, and C'anadian defences and fortifica- tions — for the opening up of the Northwest Territory, the purchase of the Hudson Bay Territory, and all other schemes for the extension and aggrandizement of Canada. Compel them to pay a stamp duty on all deeds, leases, notes, receipts &c. and a postage tax on every newspaper they receive. And not lastly nor least, it will mako the Nova Scotian farmer, " dread the approach to manhood" of his son's, " as the period, " which under Confederation, gives the Cana- dians the power to order them away for Militia duty, on any part of the 1.500 miles of exposed frontier of Canada : no matter how unprotected the parental roof may be jet t. The same may be enumerated, as among "ITS ADVANTAGES TO THE FIOHEEMEN," Who will be liable to be called away at any time the Canadians please, to do naval duty on the lakes. Wo have before us a speech, by one of the Canadian delegates, in which be says, that supposing an invasion of their soil, and it was needful to arm a flotilla on the lakes, it would bo pf great advantage, to have the 30,000 sailors of the Atlantic CONFEDERATION. 23 Provincofl to call upon for such Horvic*. Btit what coinmer< cial advantttges will it givo to tho finhorman F For »re entirely dependent on the prosperity of the former. Our revenues being now handod over to the Canadians, who have so many undertakings of their own to accomplish, wo cannot hope for any aid in further carrying on public works, or for aiding in tho development of our resources. In the past few years, the mechanic or laborer, has bad iu Nova Scotia, but littlo cause for complaint J ho has found ready employment at fair wages; and hacf we retained control of our revenues, which every year were increasing, we should have boon able to aid such public undertakings as would have given employment to all ; but so short of funds shall we be under Canadian rule, that tho most ardent Confederate, acquainted with the terms, acknowledges that we shall not have more than half the sum for roads and bridges, that we are now able to grant. To assert that Con- federation will givo emploj^mcnt to Nova Scotians, in manu- factures, is simply preposterous, so long as labor is so much lower in Canada, than here; and this in connection with her marvellous, water power, has enabled her already to far outstrip na in manufactures. Labor is cheaper in Lower Canada, than in any other part of North America. •iiu&vaH. ';o l-ii.;(/'l. "THE OPPONENTS OF UNION" Under this heading, our Pamphleteer acknowledges, that " many men of large means, and high intelligence, look upon 24 CONFEDERATION. the approach of Confederation -with undisguised apprehension," but asserts, that it is because they dread being brought into competition with Capital. Does ho not know that Capital is more undant ir Nova Scotia, than in any other of the Pro- vinces of the Confederacy ? How then can bankers, capitalists, and merchants, dread Confederation on this ground ? The inducements for men of means who have money to put out, are very strong in favor of the scheme. At present, no man in Nova Scotia is permitted, under heavy penalty, to charge more than six percent, interest, for money loaned, or debts due; but in Canada thsre is no such restriction, and the con- sequence is, when a man once gets in debt, his nose is ever after kept to the grindstone, by having to pay from seven to ten per cent interest on his liabilaties. So far from our men of means, our merchants, having to be content with a smaller per centage, the very reverse will be the case : for under Confederation every banker will bo per- mitted to charge a heavier discount, and every merchant who has hundreds of farmers and mechanics indebted to him, will be permitted to. charge them a heavier interest than hereto- fore. That 80 many of them have been able to withstand this temptation to go ior Confederation, is to be attributed to their "high intelligence," and shrewd business capacity, which makes it clear to them, that 6 per cent is better from customers willing and able to pay a larger rate t^han customers impoverished by hc&vy taxation, and restrictions which Con- federation imposes. Their motto is, " email per centage with 8ure returns. " " THE DISTRIBUTION OF REVENUE " Every Nova Scotian, feels a deep interest in this part of the subject, and it shouM not be treated in "probabilities." Tbe actual returns should be taken, that all may know to a certain- ty, how the peoples money will, under Confederation, bo dis- posed of. Taking the financial returns of 1866, I find the following sums would have been paid in to the Canadian Government, by us under our tariff. ' ^i Customs and Excise, ....$1,231,902 Light Duty, 37,687 Marriage License, .....4,950 Post Office Revenues, 69,019 Railway Revenue, 199,739 Board of Revenue 2,400 Sable Island, .......'.....'.h.v.:..14,275 Penitentiary 1,595 Fisheries,....'. „l..:v. 1,151 p ^^'r; . , ., , $1,562,709 26 CONFEDERATION. Out of this thoy would have paid, Salary of Lieut. Governor, S15000 Judges,.... 17,650 Pensions, , ., 4,8C0 Governor's Secretary, 1,250 Statistics, .2,488 Prosecutiona, .2,814 Interest on $8,000,000 debt, ^ part of which is in Pro't^ince ! Notes without interest, and part ( in Savings Bank, at 4 per cent. J Counting balance at 6 per cent make 0430,348 Ecvenue Expenses, 74,874 Drawbacks,.. 15,952 Railwav Expenses, , '..165,51 2 Sable Island, 10,789 Light Houses, (2 built) 58,535 Penitentiary, 15,618 Steamers and Packets, 10,400 Miscellaneous 5,000 Militia, 104,600 Post Office Expenses, ,;„.,..i... 86,127 Judiciary Expenses, • /...L 1,575 $1,023,292 Leaving, :.. $539,417 Out of this the Federal Government, would have paid the Local Governnr.ent, the 80 cents) a head allowance, and the $60,000 J $324,000 Rotpining, .,^„i........ $215,411 From these Sources of revenuv^, it is secsti that the Canadian Government, would have retained, two hundred, and fifteen thousand dollars, but if we had been under their tariff, of course our payments would have been very much larger, and the amount they would have left in hand of our money would be at least, three quarters of a million dollars. Year by year as our country grows, and our revenues increase, the amount paid into the Canadian Treasury will become greater, but our revenues will never exceed t'jo 80 cents a head, up to 400,000 souls uiid the $60,000, although the local wants of the comitry must increase, with its population. Even at the present time the local revenue is entirely inadequate to provide for the local services in the same liberal manner as wo have hitherto done. Take the Revenue from mines, in 1866, .net $59,764 Crown Lands, ......net 26,526 Allowance from General Government,.. 324,000 Total Local Revenue $410,290 And from this deduct local expenditure, as made in 1866,Ti3t. 26 lEJONFEDEKATIOir. m- Hospital for Insane,. L^,ii;..rf»,i(^.M.... 837,277 i<^.)ijO Province Building, ...,,.i..i,.... ...8,001 mif^ Government House, , 9,765, il ', Poor Asylum,.....,... .......12,000 . Transient Pooi\'.;.^ ,,,..., ,iij.,.;..5,736 /:;t> • Ferries .;...;; .....,,.. ....s....«^......... .5,000 .i tiijB Navigation Securitie&, .say .^.,^^......^ 35^000, Aw^mH St. Peters Canal, .......................31,841 Proportion of Legislative Exponcos,.. 80,000 " " Departments,.... 15,000 " " Printing,..: ...6,000 Coroners Inquests,...., ........... 4 j.»>w^... 1,400 Agriculture,.!.,... .,....^. .....,..;.>., 14,000 Miscellaneous Services, •.... 19,000 Immigration, ....,,.,.. 20,000 $250,020 Leaving for roadc, bridges, & eduontion, only $160,270 to which was paid in 1866— Boads..., $274,428 Education, ,... ...,.,.133,595 $408,023 Making deficiency of .,,,..,,.. , ,..>.. $247,753 It may be said, and perhaps justly, that the expenditures on some of tie local services were unriecessary, but still the money waS' there for local purposes, .and if not all required for those services, should have been appropriated to education, or roads and bridges. In the above statement there is nO charge for interest, on any excess of debt there may be over the eight millions ; and as it is pretty well understood, that there will be at least half a million chargeable against the local '«gisla- turo, or $25,000 f )r inter^'st annually, th's will make the defici- -oncy $272,753. i^ow supposing there is a reduction made in the ordinary local iServices, say $50,000, there will still be $222, ,753 to be deducted from the grants to education, and roads ftud bridges, or to be provided by direct taxation. ITS POLITICAL ASPECT. "' Until this scheme of Confederation was consummated. Nova Scotia was a fyee, self-governing community, in direct commu- nioation with the Imperial Authorities. The humblest Offi- ;:Cial, dismissed without cause^ the poorest mrn in the pro- vince, who had received injustice at the hands of the Local Grovernment, had the right of appeal to the Queen. Under Confederation, your relations with ,the Mother Country, will be entirely changed. You will have no longer the privilege) of approaching our gracious Sovereign, for a redress of grievixnces, but mustoarry your complaints t.o the Governor Goneral, at Ottaw:*. You cease to bo a self-governing Colony o|,^ngla,id, you ftre made Canadians by Act ef Parliament, COKF£JD£BATION. 27 and must submit to the rule of. a liegiaJfttiyer Assembly, in which you are represented by 19 in a Housei of |81 Mem- bers, and of a Government in wfJ^iftU.y/PU U^ay perhaps have no representatives at all. i"A'> Liu THE NECESSITIES iFOR UNIQN. Althongh the abstract question for Colonial Union had, from time to time, been discussed in the Legislature and from the platform, no attempt was made to give it form and shape until the meeting of Delegates came off in Quobeb^ in the autumn of 1864. The question had previously been treated by our public men rather for the purpose of oratorical dinplay, and ^ne writing in the papers, than as a measure of praoMcal utility. It is true that a resolutioti was adopted in the House of Assembly in 1861, but its terms were go vagu* aid undefined that it committed no one to any particular form of union, or to anything but a declaration in favor of discussion, that the question might be "set at rest." It was brought up at a convention of Delegates from the three Provinces, at Quebec, in 1862, when it was unanimously decided that even its discussion was "premature,^' and the question, as every one then thought, was set at rest. And so it would have been but for the neeessHies of Canada. After a succession of dead locks and lihanges of administration, which threatened to make Parliamentary Government impossible in that country, the scheme of confederating with the Maritime Provinces was suggested as the readiest mode of relieving Canada from a state of political and financial embarrassment. We all know what followed ! — The meeting of Delegates at Prajice Edward Island — the convention at Quebec — the betrayal of our rights by oar own Legislature, culminating in the delegation to England and the passage of the Imperial Apt,^^ That thio scheme was forced upon us by the necessitios, ,of Canadu.,we ibavo the most ample proof. Hon. Mr. ^It, one of the.ableft men in that Province, frankly admitted the fact in his speech in Parliament on the Confederation Bill. "Let the House frankly and kindly look at it as a great measure brought down for the purpose of relieving Can^(Ja from distress and depression — ^at this moment Canada standing alone had seen her credit seriously impaired^ but Confederation w^nld give us a much larger fund to pledge, for the security of the public creditor ! the lower Provinces are in a much better position, apd if the local revenues become inadequate, the local Governments ^ould have to resort to direct toxa^ion."; The, people of Nova Scotia never dreamed of any change in their In^iti^tions, which would have deprived them of the priceless blessings of self-government, and the most perfect control over tlmr own affairs. Why sliould they ? Wo never had li^y warof races as in Canada — any rebelliona, any dead IcKiks, ftwy ftuuoxatipn 28 CONFEDERATION. parties. lioyal, peaceful, and contented, we were steadily enlarging our Commerce, improving and beautifying the Country, rapidly extending our roads and railways, under the lightest tariff in America* But although naturally un- willing to surrender the poZiYicaZ control of our affairs to the Canadians, or to any other people, we were not averse to closer and more intimate fiscal and commercial arrangements with our follow Colonists. To the free exchange of the pro- ducts of the forest, the field, the mine, and ihe sea. we had no objection (except the fear that our infant industries might suffer) to add free trade in the manufactures of the several Provinces — -to an assimilation of our Currencies — to uniform book, parcel, aud letter postage— -to oloser connection by rail- way, to any, and every thing that would promote the trade and interests of all. And hero lot us enquire if it was imperative, that we must confederate, thut we should surrender our pros- perous revenues, and submit to increased taxation, for any or all of these measures, even if they were far more valuable than they really are. Would England, for the sake of free trade with France, or a railway connecting the two Countries together, were that possible, bo content to merge her identity and independence, and become an outlying dependency of her Gallic neighbour ? No one imagines anything so absurd, and yet we Nova Scotians are asked to do something very like it. ,; THE INTERCOLONIAL KAILROAD. Better far that we should construct the Intercolonial Eailway ourselves ; for the money we must pay into the Canadi.n Treasury, the first year we are Confederated, would be fully equal to the interest on the entire cost of the road. Much as we desire the Railway, we can live without it Our Country 18 surrounded by the sea, our harbours are open all the year round, and our Merchants and Mariners have access to every part of the globe at all seasons. The case is very different with Canada. With her ports closed by ice for five months in the year, 3he is cut off during that time from all comxnu- nication with the outer world, except through a foreign territory. "The railway, then, which would enable the Canadian to escape fVom this state of thraldom, is a measure of prime necessity, indispensable to his security, his dignity, and independence." Prominent Members of the Canadian Parliament have franklv admitted that, whether Confedera- ted or not, Canada must have the Intercolonial Railway. Mr; Rose, a supporter of the Government, who sits for Montr^kl, said t— ^ "We were tiow til most cotnmercially dependent on the United States, and wore dependent for access to the ocean on them. The railway would cost a good deal of money, but it was one of the unfortunate incidents of our position, and a necessity for %is." CONFEDERATION. 29 Colonel HaroUain, al80 a prominent supporter of the Ministry, spoke out even more plainly : — " We must have the railroad, and pay for it whether we have political union or not. It was needed for commercial, social, and defensive purposes." With these opinions animating the debates in the Canadian Parliament, and the columns of the Canadian press, it is sheer folly to talk of the railway being contingent on the Confede- ration of the Provinces. Canada cannot aiford to bo longer dependent on a foreign power, which may, at any moment, shut out her products from the markets of the world for five months in every year. She must have access to the sea through British Territory, and a winter port at either Halifax or St. John. Colonel Ilaultain, speaking the public sentiment of Canada, truly said, •* We must have the railroad, and pay for it whether we have political union or not." FEBB TEADB. ailway adi. n ^' fully uch as ountry ) year every •erent nonths mxnu- I reign e the lasurc gn'ty, adi an 'edera- its for >n the mn on but it and a If, by a little tact and firmness, wo might have secured the Intercolonial Railroad without Confederation, the way to free trade was even more easy. Over and over again the Canadian government pressed Nova Scotia and New Brunswick to establish intercolonial trade between the Provinces, and at the very time when they themselves declared that even tho discussion of the question of Colonial Union was premature. Upon this point the evidence is clear and conclusive, as will appear from the report made by Mr. Annand, then Financial Secretary, to his government, which will be found in the appendix of the Journals of 1863, No. 62. Eeferring to the discussion of the subject by the Finance Ministers of Canada, Now Brunswick and Nova Scotia, Mr. Annand remarks : — " The prevailing sentiment at both of those meetings was in the highest degree favorable to the adoption of a free trade policy between the British North American Provinces. The representatives of the government of Canada, probably feeling that many of tho manufactures of that Provinoe, fostered by a tariff moro or less protective in its character, would compete most successfully with those of Nova Scotia and Now Bruns- wicK, were desirous of giving immediate effect to the policy unde» consideration. The Finance Ministers of New Bruns- wick and Nova Scotia, on the other hand, while admitting the soundness of the general principle, were not prepared on the instant to adopt so extensive a change in our revenuo Irws." Here, then, we find Canada urging the " immediate" adoption of free trade in manufactures, and New Brunswick and Nova Sootia pleading for delay, for the following among other reasons which are fully set out in the repoi't : Bocause it would be nnjuBt to existing interedtSj^^withQat 30 C01^FEDBII'A!FI0N» tim()lV 'n'6fclc<>, to bnrtgfthe Hmited nrtd infant produotiofts of the Maritime Provinces into competition with the larger and more advanced manufactures of Canada. And because the change would involvc''alds» of revenue, which neither of them"*; could afford. But if there was Awy'' doubt on the subject^ it woUld be completely set at rest by the following Minute of Council, sigtied by th« PrciftierS' of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brtinfewick : 5 ,,: " 1. That the free iMterohdng© 6f goods, the growth, produce,- arid manuraeture of the Provinces^ and uniformity of tariff,* '» are considered to be an indispensable consequence of the constt'ttction of the Itttercolonial Railway- ;;-. ** II. But that in consequence of the recent diminution tif' the revertiies- of the respective Provinces, arising out of th«^ war in the neighboring republic, and the increased liabilitie.s incurred by the additional obligations necessary to the construction of the proposed road, the Delegates from New Bi'unswick and Nova Scotia regret that they are not at this moment in a position to adopt measures to carry this important pririeiplo int6 practical effect. J. S. MACDONALD, imibuciii i for Canada. (1} >jr>iv?«uii lU v,t»Yj. bun aujo JOSEPH HOWE, :ln ha;'. ,?!O0aiv.'-i'I