PUBLICATIONS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Western Reserve Historical Society, 
 
 CLBJVaLAND, OHIO, U. S. A.. 
 
 Vol. I. — Tracts Nos. i to 36. 
 
 Vol. II. — Tracts Nos. 37 to 72. 
 
 Vol. III. — Tracts Nos. 73 to 84. 
 
 Vol. IV.— Tracts Nos. 85 to 88. Not com- 
 pleted. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS PUBLICATIONS UNDER PATRONAGE 
 OF THE SOCIETY. 
 
 Early History of Cleveland, by Col. Charles 
 Whittlesey, 1867. 
 
 Journal of Captain William Trent, edited 
 by A. T. Goodman, 1871. 
 
 Journal of Captain Jonathan Heart, by 
 
 C. W. Butterfield, 1885. 
 
 For an account of the publication of the St. 
 Clair Papers, and of the Margry Papers, and of 
 various Surveys of Seth Pease, etc., refer to this 
 Society's Tract, No. 74, being an historical sketch 
 of the Western Reserve Historical Society, by 
 
 D. W. Manchester, 1888. 
 
 History of Bruli£'s Discoveries and Explo- 
 rations, by C. W. Butterfield, 1898. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 Ol" 
 
 BRULfi's Discoveries 
 
 AND Explorations 
 
 1610-1626 
 
 Being a Narrative of the Discovery, by Stephen Brule, of 
 Lakes Huron, Ontario and Superior; and of his Ex- 
 plorations (the First Made by Civilized Man) 
 of Pennsylvania and Western New 
 York, also of the Province 
 of Ontario, Canada 
 
 With a Biographical Notice of the Discoverer and Explorer, 
 
 who was Killed and Eaten by 
 
 Savages 
 
 ''The dauntless woodsman, pioneer of pioneers, 
 ^tienne BruU, the interpreter." — Parkman 
 
 BY 
 
 CONSUL WILLSHIRE BUTTERFIELD 
 
 Author of "Crawford's Campaign Against Sandusky;" "Washington-Irvine Cor- 
 respondence ; " " History of the Discovery of the Noilhwest, by John 
 Nicolet, In 1634;" " History of the Girtys;" and other works 
 
 THE HELMAN-TAYLOR COMPANY 
 
 CLEVELAND, OHIO 
 
 1898 
 
5? 
 
 Copyright, '^->8 
 By The Helman-Taylc ^Jompany 
 
 Smptrfal ^rtaa ; 
 
 CLEVELAND 
 
 NOTE BY THE PUBLISHERS 
 
 The following Narrative was presented, in manuscript, to the 
 Western Reserve Historical Society, by the Author, in 1897, and 
 is now given to the public under the patronage of that institution 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Few, if any, of the early events properly be- 
 longing to the pages of American history are of 
 more interest and importance after the discovery 
 of the New World than are those relating to the 
 journeyings, the explorations, and the discoveries 
 of Stephen Brul6. What this daring Frenchman 
 accomplished in the (then) inhospitable wilds of 
 what is now the northern portion of our country, 
 and in the southern and western parts of the pres- 
 ent Dominion of Canada, has not hitherto been 
 given in detail by any historian. 
 
 Brul6 was essentially a woodsman : his fondness 
 for savage life was remarkable. But he wrote 
 nothing; and his verbal recitals, as they were 
 taken down from his own lips, and recorded by 
 Champlain, Sagard and Le Caron, are not calcu- 
 lated to awaken at once the thought that they bor- 
 der on the marvelous. However, as we contem- 
 plate more and more his courage and perseverance 
 among the Indian nations which he visited and 
 with some of which he lived several years, our 
 curiosity gives way to admiration and astonishment. 
 
 The date when Brul6 flourished is, in our an- 
 nals, an early one. He left France, his native 
 country, and arrived in the valley of the St. 
 Lawrence the next year after the English first 
 gained a foot-hold in North America; and he 
 started upon his journey with the savages, which 
 
Vl PREFACE. 
 
 resulted in the first exploration ever made west- 
 ward of the great river of Canada and in the dis- 
 covery of Lake Huron, ten years before the land- 
 ing of the Pilgrims on Plymouth rock. And it 
 was only six years after Henry Hudson first saw 
 the river which bears his name that the subject 
 of our narrative stood upon the shores of Lake 
 Ontario — the first of civilized men to gaze out 
 upon that broad expanse of water. It was but 
 three years subsequent to the time when Manhat- 
 tan island, now New York City, was first settled 
 that he was, before any other white man, thread- 
 ing his way through the dark woods of what is 
 now Western New York and soon after floating 
 down the Susquehanna river in the present State 
 of Pennsylvania, — reaching, finally, along the 
 Chesapeake bay, the shore of the Atlantic ocean. 
 
 During the next decade, Brul^, having first 
 visited a copper mine on the north coast of Lake 
 Huron, advanced to his greatest triumph — the 
 discovery, as it is believed, of Lake Superior. 
 Still he was not content, but explored a large ex- 
 tent of territory, north of Lake Erie, never before 
 visited by a European, in what is now the Prov- 
 ince of Ontario (Canada), beyond the point reached 
 by him, when, for the first time, he saw the 
 Georgian bay. 
 
 When we add to Brul6's wanderings the start- 
 ling account of his barbarous murder by the Huron 
 Indians — being not only killed but eaten by them 
 — the story of his life forms, if not one of the 
 strangest, at least one of the most romantic chapters 
 of adventures wherein is related the captivity and 
 suffering of an explorer at the hands of savages. 
 
PREFACE. Vii 
 
 At almost every step in our investigations we 
 have been surprised at the sudden appearance of 
 events before wholly unknown to general history. 
 This has caused as thorough an examination of 
 incidents of apparently little interest as of those 
 which at once impressed us with their importance. 
 The result has been, in several instances, the estab- 
 lishing of facts of great consequence where, in the 
 beginning, the clue was exceedingly dim and 
 shadowy. 
 
 That originality is claimed for our narrative will 
 not, it is believed, appear out of place, when it is 
 considered that Brul^ has not heretofore, except in 
 one instance, been credited with being the first to 
 reach any of the countries, lakes, or rivers, of 
 which (as it is hereafter stated) he was the real 
 discoverer or explorer. 
 
 One principal reason why the visits of Brul6 to 
 various unexplored regions have hitherto found so 
 few historians even to refer to any of them in the 
 most casual way is because of the exceedingly 
 brief mention, usually, of his wanderings by early 
 writers who have given any place in their works 
 concerning him ; and for the further reason that, 
 when spoken of at all by the latter, it is only in- 
 cidentally, and usually with such vagueness as is 
 well calculated to repel rather than attract atten- 
 tion. It is not a matter of wonder, therefore, that 
 the three or four authors of our own times who 
 have recorded anything of his doings have ex- 
 pressed themselves not only with much brevity, 
 but with unusual caution. 
 
 I desire to express my acknowledgments for 
 favors extended while this work has been in prog- 
 
Vlll PREFACE. 
 
 ress to Mr. Benjamin Suite, of Ottawa, and Very 
 Rev. W. R. Harris, Dean of St, Catharines, Canada ; 
 Dr. Wm. H. Egle, Librarian of the Pennsylvania 
 State Library; and Lucy M. Gay, of the University 
 of Wisconsin. 
 
 C. W. BUTTERFIELD. 
 South Omaha, Neu., 
 1897. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 CHAPTER I; 
 
 Early Voyages and Discoveries in New 
 
 France. — 1524-1610 i 
 
 CHAPTER II: " 
 
 Stephen Brul6 Arrives in New France 
 
 with Champlain 12 
 
 The Latter Goes Against the Iroquois . . 14 
 Brul6 Sent to the Country of the Hurons 1 5 
 His Return to the St. Lawrence .... 19 
 
 His Discoveries While Absent 20 
 
 Acts as Interpreter, on His Return, for 
 
 Champlain and the Hurons .... 22 
 Was the First White Man to Descend the 
 
 Lachine Rapids 24 
 
 Champlain 's Policy of Training Young 
 
 Men as Interpreters 24 
 
 Journey of Champlain up the Ottawa, in 
 
 1613 27 
 
 His Failure to Discover the North Sea. . 27 
 Brul6 Probably Spends the Winter '^f 
 
 1613 -'14 Among Algonquins ... 28 
 
 CHAPTER III: 
 
 Brul6, Accompanying Champlain, Again 
 
 - Starts for the Huron Country ... 31 
 He Goes as Interpreter for Champlain . 3 1 
 
t CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 His A.rrival Among the Hurons .... 34 
 Champlain Starts with Several Hundred 
 
 of these Indians Against the Iroquois 35 
 Some Accounts of the Mohawks, Oneidas, 
 
 Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas . 36 
 
 CHAPTER IV: - 
 
 Aid Offered to the Hurons by the Carant- 
 
 ouannais from the Upper Susquehanna 40 
 
 Champlain, with Hurons and Algonquins, 
 Reaches an Onondaga Stronghold and 
 Invests it 46 
 
 CHAPTER V: ■ ' 
 
 Brul6, with Twelve Hurons, Goes to 
 
 the Carantouannais 47 
 
 Champlain 's Attack on the Onondaga 
 
 Village and its Failure 56 
 
 Return of the Assailants 58 
 
 March of the Carantouannais, with Brul^, 
 
 to Assist the Hurons 63 
 
 Their Return to Carantouan 63 
 
 CHAPTER VI: 
 
 > Brul^ Explores the Susquehanna and 
 
 Chesapeake Country to the Ocean . 65 
 
 CHAPTER VII: 
 
 Return of Brul6 to the St. Lawrence . . 87 
 His Remarkable Escape from Torture . 91 
 
 CHAPTER VIII: 
 
 Brul6 Discovers Lake Superior 107 
 
CONTENTS. Xl 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 He Visits the Neutral Nation 1 1 1 
 
 Returns to Quebec 112 
 
 The Hundred Associates 114 
 
 Capture of Quebec by the English . .118 
 Last Journey of Brn\6 to the Hurons . . 119 
 
 CHAPTER IX: ' ' " 
 
 Brul^ Killed and Eaten by Hurons ... 120 
 
 His Death Soon Known Abroad .... 121 
 The Fear of the Savages Because of Their 
 
 Deed 123 
 
 APPENDIX: 
 
 Note I. — Champlain's Works 125 
 
 Note II. — Of the Hurons, Algonquins, 
 
 Montagnais and Iroqaois .... 126 
 
 Note III. — Exchange of Hostages — 
 
 Brul6 and Savignon 128 
 
 Note IV. — As to Brul6 Being the First 
 White Person to "Shoot" Lachine 
 Rapids 131 
 
 Note V. — Signification of the Word "Ca- 
 
 rantouannais " 132 
 
 Note VI. — The Chouontouaroiion Iden- 
 tical with the Senecas 132 
 
 Note VII. — March of Champlain and 
 His Hurons to the Onondaga Village. 
 — Conflicting Views as to the Site of 
 the Enemy's Stronghold 133 
 
 Note VIII. — Early Mention of the Falls 
 
 of Niagara 137 
 
 Note IX. — Brule's Discovery of Lakes 
 
 Huron and Ontario 138 
 
'Slili'; ., , ; CONTENTS. '■ 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Note X. — Early Reports of Lake Erie. 141 
 
 Note XI. — The Home of the Eries . . 141 
 
 Note XII. — Grand Detour from the 
 
 Huron Country to the Susquehanna . 142 
 
 Note XIII.— Capt. John Smith's Dis- 
 covery of the Susquehanna. — Did He 
 Reach Pennsylvania? 144 
 
 Note XIV. — Concerning Brule's Explor- 
 ation of the Susquehanna River and 
 Chesapeake Bay 147 
 
 Note XV. — Southern and Western Iro- 
 quois 147 
 
 Note XVI. — As to Brule's Arrival at 
 Three Rivers in 1618 and His Inter- 
 view There with Champlain .... 150 
 
 Note XVII.— As to the Reliability of 
 
 Brule's Narrative 151 
 
 Note XVIII. — Concerning Brule's Dis- 
 covery of Lake Superior 154 
 
 Note XIX.— The Neutral Nation . . . 163 
 
 Note XX. — As to Brule Going Over to 
 
 the English 165 
 
 Note XXI. — Cannibalism Among the 
 
 Hurons 166 
 
 Note XXII. — Extracts from Sagard's 
 " Histoire du Canada " (Paris Edition, 
 1866) Relating to Brul6 167 
 
 INDEX 175 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Iroquois Fort captured June 19, 1610 . Frontispiece. 
 
 Quebec in 1608 Opposite 12 
 
 Route of Brul^ to and from the Huron Country, 
 
 1610, 161 1 Opposite 20 
 
 Capture of Quebec by the English, 1629 " 118 
 Portrait and Signature of Cham plain . . " 121 
 Section of Champlain's Large Map of 16 12 " 140 
 Section of Champlain's Map of 1632 . . " 159 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 Brule's Discoveries and Explorations 
 
 1610-1626 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES IN NEW FRANCE. 
 
 — 1524-161O. 
 
 The voyage of Columbus in the year 1492 led to 
 that on the north by John Cabot, five years later, who 
 probably reached the coast of Labrador and that 
 of the island of Newfoundland. A year after, his 
 son Sebastian explored the continent from Labra- 
 dor to Virginia, and possibly as far south as Flori- 
 da. The visit of the elder Cabot was supplemented 
 by one of Gaspar Cortereal in 1500, followed by 
 that of John Verrazzano, who, in 1 524, passed up the 
 coast from about the latitude of the present Wil- 
 mington, North Carolina, to Newfoundland. To 
 this country he gave the name of New France, 
 which, although subsequently restricted on the 
 sea coast, was extended" to a vast region inland. 
 
 The credit of having been the first to spread a 
 sail upon the St. Lawrence, and of obtaining such 
 information as afterward led to a knowledge of the 
 
a HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 whole of its valley and of a great extent of territory 
 beyond, belongs to James Cartier, a native of St. 
 Malo — a port in the north of France. Cartier was 
 a skillful mariner. On April 20th, in 1534, he 
 sailed from his native place, under orders of the 
 French admiral, for the coast of Newfoundland, 
 intent on exploring unknown seas and countries 
 washed by them. He took with him sixty-one 
 persons, in two ships of sixty tons each, and in 
 twenty days saw the large island lying between 
 the ocean and the river he was afterward to dis- 
 cover. High winds had wafted him and his men 
 to inhospitable shores, and repairs to his ships 
 were necessary. Bui this was an auspicious season 
 of the year (May); and, upon getting again ready 
 for sea, he boldly turned north and entered the 
 opening of the straits of Belle Isle, already a famil- 
 iar region to the hardy fishermen of civilized 
 countries. 
 
 Having sailed nearly around Newfoundland, 
 Cartier, after making the shore of Prince Edward 
 island, finally entered the Chaleurs bay. In the 
 smaller Gaspe bay, he landed and took possession 
 of the country for the King of France. He was 
 now at the very portal of the river of Canada, but 
 wholly ignorant of the great waterway leading to 
 the interior of the continent. He then sailed to 
 the north of the island of Anticosti ; thence to its 
 western end; and, in August, started for home, 
 reaching St. Malo early in September, having made 
 the return voyage in less than thirty days. 
 
 Within two months after Cartier 's return, a new 
 expedition was planned. Three well-furnished 
 ships were provided by the king. In them went, 
 
DISCO «w.RIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 3 
 
 besides Cartier, cne ^hundred and ten persons, — 
 even some of the nobility volunteered for the 
 voyage. All were eager to cross the Atlantic. 
 On May 19th, 1535, the squadron sailed. But 
 Cartier had not a pleasant summer cruise. Storms 
 raged and the ships separated. For seven weeks 
 they buffeted the troubled ocean Their ren- 
 dezvous was the harbor of Blanc Sablon, with- 
 in the straits of Belle Isle, which they finally 
 reached; but the omens were bad. The advent- 
 urers had confidently looked for pleasant gales 
 and a quick voyage, and these expectations had 
 all been blasted. Now, however, after three days, 
 the ships moved westward along the coast of Lab- 
 rador, when a harbor was entered on the north- 
 ern shore. The bay was called St. Lawrence, — 
 the name being afterward extended to the gulf 
 and the great Canadian river. Sailing on in a 
 southwesterly course, sighting frequently what 
 are now known as the southern shores of the Prov- 
 ince of Quebec, they finally discovered and ascended 
 the St. Lawrence, reaching in September a fine 
 harbor in an island since called Orleans. 
 
 Where the River St. Lawrence ends and the 
 gulf begins is a matter that cannot be determined 
 with any degree of accuracy ; however, it is gen- 
 erally said that ' ' the sea ' ' is entered about four 
 hundred and forty miles below the island just 
 mentioned. As far up as the mouth of the Sague- 
 nay, a large northern tributary, the river is twenty 
 miles wide ; then it gradually contracts, until at a 
 short distance above the spot where the discov- 
 erer rested its shores are less than a mile apart — 
 the contraction being spoken of, in after years, by 
 
4 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 the Indians inhabiting the region as "quebec," or 
 "kebec," equivalent to a " restricted channel," or 
 " a narrowing of water." 
 
 Leaving his two largest ships in the waters of 
 the river now known as the St. Charles, Cartier, 
 with the smallest and two open boats, having fifty 
 men as an escort, ascended the St. Lawrence until 
 a considerable Indian village was reached, situated 
 on an island called Hochelaga. Standing upon 
 the summit of a hill, on this island, and looking 
 away up the river, the commander had fond im- 
 aginings of future glories awaiting his countrymen 
 in colonizing this region. He called the hill 
 " Mont Royale;" " and time, that has transferred 
 the name to the island, is realizing his visions; " 
 for, on that island," now stands the City of Mont- 
 real.^ 
 
 While at Hochelaga, Cartier gathered some in- 
 distinct accounts of the surrounding country, and 
 of the Ottawa river coming down from the hills 
 situated to the northwest.^ He also obtained, 
 
 ' Now called Montreal Island. 
 
 * Montreal is a city of the Province of Quebec, Canada, and 
 the commercial metropolis of the Dominion. It is situated on 
 the south side of the island of Montreal, in the St. Lawrence 
 river (which is here about two miles wide). It is one hundred 
 and eighty miles from Quebec ; six hundred and twenty from the 
 gulf; and four hundred and twenty from New York. The island 
 of Montreal is thirty-two miles long and about ten miles broad 
 at its widest part. The city occupies a low tract about two miles 
 wide between " Mount Royal " and the river. 
 
 * The Ottawa river rises near latitude 48° 36' north, and longi- 
 tude 80° west. It has a southeastward course until the city of 
 Ottawa is reached, whence it flows eastward, entering the St. 
 Lawrence about twenty-five miles above Montreal.^ Its length 
 is estimated at seven hundred miles. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. $ 
 
 while on his visit up the St. Lawrence, some crude 
 reports concerning the upper portions of that river, 
 and of Lakes Ontario, Erie, and Huron. He was 
 likewise informed of the existence of copper to be 
 found in mines, in its native or metallic state, in the 
 (then) undefined region inland, to be reached by the 
 Saguenay, as he was told, although the country 
 was that bordering on the north of Lake Huron 
 and on the south of Lake Superior. 
 
 Rejoining his ships, Cartier spent the winter in 
 a palisaded fort on the bank of the St. Charles, 
 with his vessels moored before it. The cold was 
 intense. Many of his men died of scurvy. Early 
 in the spring (May 3rd) possessio .1 was taken of the 
 country in the name of the French king, with more 
 ceremonies and greater jubilation than at Gaspe 
 bay; and on July i6th, 1536, the Breton mariner 
 dropped anchor in St. Malo, — he ha zing returned 
 with two ships. The other had been abandoned 
 at his winter quarters. France was disappointed. 
 Hopes had been raised too high. Expectations 
 had not been realized. Further explorations, 
 therefore, were, for the time, abandoned. 
 
 Notwithstanding the failure of Cartier's second 
 voyage, the great valley of the St. Lav/rence in 
 all its parts was not to remain very long unknown 
 to the world. It was thought unworthy a gallant 
 nation to abandon such an enterprise; and one 
 more trial at exploration and colonization was de- 
 termined upon. Again the bold mariner of St. 
 Malo started for the St. Lawrence. This was on 
 May 23rd, 1 541. He took with him five ships, — 
 he having been commissioned captain-general and 
 pilot of the fleet; but he went, unfortunately, as 
 
6 HISTORY OK HRULli'S 
 
 subordinate, in some respects, to John Francis de 
 la Roche, Lord of Roberval, a nobleman of Pi- 
 cardy, to whom the king of France had given vice- 
 regal powers over the country now again to be 
 visited. The object of the enterprise was declared 
 to be discovery, settlement, and the conversion of 
 the Indians. Cartier was the first to sail. Again 
 he entered the St. Lawrence, but Roberval did not 
 make his appearance. 
 
 After erecting a fortification farther up the St. 
 Lawrence than the old one, Cartier once more as- 
 cended the river, this time with two boats, to explore 
 the Lachine rapids (as now called). He then 
 returned and passed the winter at his fort; and, 
 in the spring, not having heard from Roberval, 
 he set sail for France.^ 
 
 De la Roche reached the St. Lawrence during 
 the year, but after wintering there, he, too, aban- 
 doned the country, giving back his immense vice- 
 royalty to the rightful owners. 
 
 In 1578, there were three hundred and fifty fish- 
 ing vessels at Newfoundland belonging to the 
 French, Spanish, Portuguese, and English; besides 
 these were a number — twenty or more — of Bis- 
 cayan whalers. Subsequently, the colonization of 
 New France was again undertaken, resulting only 
 in forty unfortunate white men being left on Sable 
 
 ' See further, as to Cartier, Rami's Documents Inidits sur 
 Jacques Cartier (Paris, 1865), pp. 10-12; Harrisse's TVo/^j, pp. 
 1-5, II, 12; Dionne's Nouv. J'rance.pp. 9-54; Faillon's Colonie 
 Franqaise en Canada, vol. I, pp. 38-55, 496-523; Winsor's A'iar- 
 rative and Critical History of America,vo\. IV, pp. 56-59, — also 
 his Cartier to Frontenac, pp. 23-47, a°d authorities there cited; 
 Suite's Canadiens- Frangais, vol. II; Thwaites' Jesuit Rela- 
 tions and Allied Documents (Cleveland, 1897), vol. Ill, pp. 292, 
 393. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. f 
 
 island, ofif the coast of Nova Scotia, all of whom, 
 except twelve, died miserably in that inhospitable 
 region. 
 
 In 1599, another expedition was resolved upon. 
 This was undertaken by Francis Grav6, called 
 Pontgrav^, a merchant of St. Malo, and Chauvin, 
 a captain of the marine. In consideration of a 
 monopoly of the fur trade, granted them by the 
 king of France, these men undertook to establish a 
 colony of five hundred persons in New France ; but 
 these five hundred dwindled to one hundred per- 
 sons. At Tadoussac, at the mouth of the Sague- 
 nay, they built a cluster of wooden huts and store 
 houses, where sixteen men were left to gather furs, 
 who either died or were scattered among the In- 
 dians before the return of the spring of 1601. 
 Meanwhile, Pontgrav^ and Chauvin returned to 
 France. The latter made a second voyage to Tad- 
 oussac, but failed to establish a permanent settle- 
 ment. During a third voyage he died, and his 
 enterprise perished with him. 
 
 In 1603, a company of merchants of France was 
 formed, with Amyr de Chastes at its head, for pros- 
 ecuting Canadian enterprise. Both the cross and 
 the fleur-de-lis were to be planted in New France. 
 Pontgrav6, in command of two vessels, sailed for 
 the St. Lawrence. Samuel Champlain, a French- 
 man by birth, went along, commissioned to make 
 the most exact researches and explorations in his 
 power. ^ 
 
 ■Champlain was born at Brouage, France, in 1567. He be- 
 came a captain in the royal navy. Subsequently in command of 
 a ship he sailed to the West Indies. Before his return, he visited 
 Vera Cruz and the city of Mexico. " Returning, he made his 
 
8 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 Pontgrav6 and Champlain, after Tadoussac (that 
 was) had been reached, ascended the river in a 
 small bark, sailed past the lofty promontory on 
 which Quebec now stands, and proceeded onward 
 to the island of Hochelaga ; but the Indian village 
 visited by Cartier had disappeared. In a skiff, 
 with a few Indians, they vainly endeavored to pass 
 the Lachine rapids, whereupon the baffled explor- 
 ers returned to their ships. 
 
 From the savages, Champlain had gleaned some 
 knowledge of ulterior regions. The natives had 
 drawn for him rude representations of the stream 
 above the rapids, and of its lakes, ^ at the same time 
 giving him some information of what must have 
 been the great cataract of Niagara. His curiosity 
 was inflamed, and he resolved to visit at some fu- 
 ture day the country so full of natural wonders. 
 
 During the absence of Pontgrav6 and Cham- 
 plain, their ships had been loaded with furs; and 
 soon the adventurers were on their way back to 
 
 way to Panama. Here, . . . his bold and active mind con- 
 ceived the plar. of a ship-canal across the isthmus." His arrival 
 in the St. Lav/rence in 1603 was the next event of importance in 
 the annals of New France following the discovery of that river 
 by Cartier learly seventy years before. 
 
 ' From the gulf to the foot of Lake Ontario the river is called 
 the St. Lawrence ; from this lake to the outlet of Lake Erie it is 
 known as Niagara ; from the lake last mentioned to Lake St. 
 Clair it is distinguished as the Detroit; from this lake to Lake 
 Huron it is named St. Clair ; from Lake Huron to the foot of 
 Lake Superior it is called St. Mary ; and from the head of this 
 last lake to its source it is known as the St. Louis. For the pur- 
 poses of historical illustration, the lakes mentioned may be con- 
 sidered as enlargements of a single water-course, — Lake Michi- 
 gan being looked upon as the widening of a tributary. The 
 vast region drained by this great waterway forms the " valley 
 of the St. Lawrence; " although (in a restricted sense) the term 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 9 
 
 France.^ Champlain had accomplished the object 
 of his mission — the making of a brief explora- 
 tion of the valley of the chief river of Canada. 
 
 It was the opinion of Champlain that on the 
 banks of the St. Lawrence was the true site of a 
 settlement; that here a fortified post should be 
 erected; that thence, by following up the waters 
 of the interior region to their sources, a western 
 course might be traced to China, the distance being 
 estimated by him as not more than two or three 
 hundred leagues;^ and that the fur trade of the 
 whole country might be secured to France by the 
 erection of a fort at some point commanding the 
 route. "^ These views, five years subsequent to his 
 visit to the St. Lawrence, induced the fitting out 
 by Sieur de Monts, successor of De Chastes, of a 
 
 is applicable usually to the immediate country lying between the 
 outlet of Lake Ontario and the head of the gulf, through which 
 region flows the St. Lawrence. 
 
 ' Champlain made, in all, ten voyages from France to the St. 
 Lawrence and return ; the eleventh having been terminated in 
 Canada by his death. The times of his arrival out and of his 
 departure were, — 
 Arrived 1603, May 24, departed 1603, July 11. 
 
 " 1608, June 3, " 1609, Sept. I. , . ,, 
 
 " 1610, April 26, " 1610, Aug. 13. 
 
 " 161 1, May 13, " 161 1, July 20. 
 
 " 1 61 3, April 29, " 1 61 3, July 8. 
 
 " 1615, May 25, " 1616, Aug. 3. ! . 
 
 " 1617, June 14, " 1617, . 
 
 " 1618, June 24, " 1618, July 26. 
 " 1620, July 7, " 1624, Aug. 15. 
 
 1626, July 5, •' 1629, Sept. (?) 
 
 " 1633, May 22 (died 1635, Dec. 25th). 
 ' A league of Champlain was two and ^^ English miles. 
 * Champlain's opinions may be found fully set forth in the first 
 of his publications relating to New France. Concerning his 
 printed works, see Appendix to our Narrative, Note I. 
 
lO HISTORY OF BRULi^'S 
 
 second expedition, for trade, exploration, and 
 colonization. On April 1 3tli, 1608, Champlain, who 
 had been made lieutenant-governor, and who was 
 to hold the country and develop its geography, again 
 sailed — this time with men, arms, and stores for a 
 colony. The fur trade was entrusted to Pontgrav6. 
 
 The mouth of the Saguenay was reached in 
 June ; and soon after a settlement was commenced 
 on the brink of the St. Lawrence — the site of the 
 present market-place of the lower town of Que- 
 bec. A rigorous winter and great suffering fol- 
 lowed. Supplies arrived in the spring, and Cham- 
 plain determined to enter upon his long-meditated 
 explorations ; — the only obstacles in the way be- 
 ing savage nations he would everywhere meet. 
 He would be compelled to resort to diplomacy, — 
 to unite a friendly tribe to his interests, and, thus 
 strengthened, to conquer, by force of arms, the 
 hostile, one. 
 
 The Hurons, who lived near the lake which now 
 bears their name, and their allies, the Algonquins, 
 from the Ottawa country, also the Montagnais, 
 dwelling upon the St. Lawrence, and to the north- 
 ward, were at war, as Champlain learned, with the 
 Iroquois — as named by the French, or (as after- 
 ward called by the English) the Five Nations — 
 whose homes were within the present State of 
 New York.^ In June, 1609, he advanced, with 
 sixty Indians of the three allied nations first men- 
 tioned and two white men, up what is now known 
 as the Richelieu, or Sorel river,^ to the discovery 
 
 ' See, further, as to the Hurons, Algonquins, Montagnais, and 
 Iroquois, Appendix, Note II. 
 * This river is also known by several other names. 
 
• DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. II 
 
 of the first of the great lakes — the one which now 
 bears his name. Upon its placid waters this cour- 
 ageous band was stopped by a war-party of Iro- 
 quois. On shore, the contending forces wet, when 
 a few discharges of an arquebuse sent the advanc- 
 ing enemy in wild dismay back into the forest. 
 The victory was complete. Promptly Champlain 
 returned to the St. Lawrence, and his Huron, Al- 
 gonquin and Montagnais allies to their homes; not, 
 however, until these Indians had invited him to 
 visit their towns and aid them again in their wars. 
 Champlain then revisited France, but the year 1610 
 found him once more on the St. Lawrence, deter- 
 mined he would never cease his explorations until 
 he had penetrated to the western sea, or to that of 
 the north, so as to open the way to China. But 
 in these undertakings, to make them effective, he 
 must have, as he had already conjectured, the help 
 of friendly Indians. Could he command this aid? 
 We shall now see ; and we shall also discover that 
 a white person — French like himself — was to 
 prove an important support in his work, although 
 a mere boy when first called to his assistance. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 STEPHEN BRULE ARRIVES IN NEW FRANCE WITH 
 CHAMPLAIN. — THE LATTER GOES AGAINST THE 
 IROQUOIS. — BRUL£ sent TO THE COUNTRY OF 
 THE HURONS. — HIS RETURN TO THE ST. LAW- 
 RENCE. — HIS DISCOVERIES WHILE ABSENT. — ACTS 
 AS INTERPRETER, ON HIS RETURN, FOR CHAM- 
 PLAIN AND THE HURONS. — WAS THE FIRST WHITE 
 MAN TO DESCEND THE LACHINE RAPIDS. — CHAM- 
 PLAIN'S POLICY OF TRAINING YOUNG MEN AS IN- 
 TERPRETERS. — JOURNEY OF CHAMPLAIN UP THE 
 OTTAWA, IN 1613. — HIS FAILURE TO DISCOVER 
 THE NORTH SEA. — BRULE PROBABLY SPENDS THE 
 WINTER OF 1613-I4 AMONG ALGONQUINS. 
 
 Stephen Brule ^ was born in Champigny, 
 France, about the year 1592. Of his parents and 
 his childhood, nothing is known. He came to 
 New France in the ship commanded by Cham- 
 plain, which left Honfleur on April 13th, 1608, with 
 men, arms and stores for the settlement to be 
 founded upon the River St. Lawrence. Above 
 the Island of Orleans, where the stream narrows 
 to less than a mile, a point was selected ; and here, 
 during the summer, Quebec sprang into existence, 
 with Brule, the subject of our narrative, as one 
 
 ' Francis Parkman (Pioneers of France in the New World, 
 P- 379«) suggests that Brul6's name "may possibly allude to 
 the fiery ordeal through which he had passed ; ' ' that is to say, 
 he was called " Brul6" only at a later date, after he had suffered 
 severely at the hands of savages. While this is barely pos- 
 sible, it is not at all probable. The name is pronounced bru-lay. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 1 3 
 
 of its original inhabitants. He was one of eight 
 persons who escaped the attacks of a scorbutic dis- 
 ease, which proved fatal to the other twenty who 
 wintered at Quebec during that year. 
 
 We left Champlain, the lieutenant-governor of 
 New France, on the St. Lawrence, he having re- 
 turned, in the year last mentioned, from his native 
 country — France. He had ample power given 
 him by his superiors either to go to war against 
 savages or to explore unknown regions. He 
 would do both. The Montagnais — Indians of 
 Algonquin lineage, who occupied the surround- 
 ing wilds — had agreed to guide him toward the 
 north, to the waters of Hudson bay, while the 
 Hurons were to show him their great lakes and 
 other natural wonders. As a reward for all this, 
 he would join them aganist their common enemy — 
 the Iroquois. But the exploration to Hudson bay 
 was postponed for a year; nevertheless, there 
 would be a meeting of Montagnais, Algonquins 
 and Hurons with Champlain, as had been agreed 
 upon, to be held at the mouth of the River Riche- 
 lieu, when matters of grave import could be talked 
 over and more definite arrangements made. 
 
 To an island ^ off the mouth of the Richelieu, 
 Champlain repaired, taking with him his servant, 
 the ' ' young lad " Brul6. There, also, congregated 
 Montagnais, but as yet no Algonquins or Hurons 
 appeared. Suddenly, however, a canoe arrived 
 with the startling information that the Algon- 
 quins were engaged with a hundred Iroquois who 
 had barricaded a small spot of ground and were 
 making a desperate defense. The Montagnais 
 
 ' Now known as St. Ignace. 
 
A ' / 
 
 14 HISTORY OF BRULE S 
 
 and Champlain (probably accompanied by Brul6), 
 with four other Frenchmen, hastened to the help of 
 their allies. Guided by the advice and skill of 
 Champlain, the attacking savages soon gained a 
 complete victory — other Frenchmen meanwhile 
 having reached the scene of conflict. Fifteen 
 Iroquois were made prisoners; the residue were 
 either killed or drowned in the river. One of the 
 captured was saved by Champlain; all the rest 
 were doomed sooner or later to be tortured. One 
 was, after death had relieved him of his suffering, 
 quartered and eaten. The next day the Hurons 
 appeared. There were wild orgies on the island 
 and on the shore, as may be presumed.^ 
 
 Preparations were soon made by the exultant 
 savages for returning to their homes ; but Cham- 
 plain could not go with those who were to jour- 
 ney, on their way back, up the Ottawa — the rea- 
 son of which does not exactly appear ; doubtless, 
 however, there were pressing reasons ; but the In- 
 dians had the splendid victory over the one hundred 
 Iroquois to console them, though probably greatly 
 disappointed in not having the pleasure of the 
 Frenchman's presence on their return. But Cham- 
 plain was to have a substitute; — strange enough, 
 it was to be the " young boy," Brul6, who seems 
 to have been seized with a desire to go with the 
 savages and acquire the language of at least some 
 one of the nations. 
 
 There was now with Champlain, Pontgrav^, the 
 merchant of St. Malo. He had come to the St. 
 
 ' For an engraving, from a drawing by Champlain, illustrat- 
 ing the capturing, on June 19th, 1610, of the Iroquois fort, see his 
 Voyages of 1613. 
 
. DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 1 5 
 
 Lawrence (sent by De Monts, who had a brief 
 monopoly of the fur trade in that river), in com- 
 mand of a ship laden with goods for traffic with 
 the Indians, and had sailed but a short time 
 before Champlain started from France. Both 
 these Frenchmen concluded that, if Brul^ was 
 really desirous of going with the savages, it would 
 be well to consent to it. They also made up their 
 minds to send him to the country of the Hurons, 
 that he might ascertain the nature of that region ; 
 see their lake (then nameless, but now called Lake 
 Huron); observe the various tribes who dwelt 
 there; and see other objects of especial interest;^ 
 so that, upon his return, the facts could be better 
 understood concerning all these things. It was 
 with great pleasure the boy heard their resolve.*' 
 An Algonquin chief present, whose name was 
 Iroquet, had formed a very warm attachment for 
 the Frenchman. He was asked by the latter if he 
 would like to take the " young boy" (Champlain 
 never once mentions Brule's name) to his country 
 to spend the winter with him, and to bring him 
 back in the spring. The Algonquin chief readily 
 
 ' " I had promised, ' ' says Champlain, previously. ' ' the Algon- 
 quins and Ochateguins [Hurons] that I would help them in their 
 wars, they having agreed to show me their country, the great 
 lake [Huron], some copper mines, and other things which they 
 had spoken to me about. ' ' This clearly indicates that they knew 
 of the Lake Superior copper mines ; for these Indians had no 
 idea of copper except in its pure or crude state ; and it was to be 
 found in that condition in no other mines, in all the region of 
 the Great Lakes. 
 
 »"I had," says Champlain, "a young lad who had already 
 spent two winters [1609, 1610] at Quebec, and who desired to go 
 with the Algonquins [and Hurons] to learn their language. 1 
 thought it well to send him in that direction because he could 
 
l6 HISTORY OF BRULfi'S 
 
 assented to this ; indeed, he seemed greatly pleased 
 with the idea, — promising he would treat the boy 
 as his own son. However, when Iroquet came to 
 lay the plan before the assembled Algonquins, they 
 were not pleased with it. They were afraid some 
 accident might happen to the boy, in which case 
 Champlain might be provoked to make war upon 
 them. The enthusiasm of Iroquet was cooled by 
 this suggestion of the Indians. The chief has- 
 tened to his white friend, telling him his com- 
 panions were of the opinion that the idea was not 
 a good one. 
 
 But Champlain had now determined to carry out 
 the plan, if possible, and he called all the savage 
 chiefs in council. They readily presented them- 
 selves, with others of their companions who, be- 
 cause of their age, or other qualifications, were 
 relied upon as safe counsellors. " Why," said 
 Champlain, ' * does Iroquet, whom I look upon as 
 my friend, refuse to take my boy with him ? This, 
 surely, is not acting as though he held me in 
 esteem, when he refuses to carry out what he has 
 promised and what could only result in good to 
 
 see the country, also the great lake [Lake Huron], observe the 
 rivers, the people, the mines [of which he (Champlain) had 
 heard from the Hurons] and other rare things, so as to report 
 truth about all this. He accepted the duty with pleasure." 
 Champlain, in i6i8, says Brul6 had been, at that date, eight years 
 amongst the Indians of Upper Canada ; and as he was the only 
 one of Champlain's interpreters who had seen that length of 
 service, it is suflBciently certain that Brul6 was the young man, 
 or lad, sent, in 1610, to the Algonquins and Hurons. (Compare 
 Laverdifere's Champlain, pp. 368, 621.) Mr. Benjamin Suite, in 
 his "Annals of Ottawa," published in the Ottawa Evening 
 /ournal, January 12, 1889, has no doubt the "young man" (or 
 "young lad," as Champlain terms him) of 1610, and Brul6, the 
 interpreter, of 1618, were one and the same person. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXI'LORATIONS. if 
 
 his people. If he takes the boy, it would be the 
 means of making us closer friends with each other 
 and with their neighbors. But your hesitation 
 gives me an unfavorable opinion of you. If you 
 will not take the lad as Iroquet has promised, I 
 will never have any more friendship for you ; for 
 you are not children, to break your promises in 
 this manner." 
 
 This was bold language, but it was needed ; and 
 the savages were not slow to explain away their 
 scruples. They said they were satisfied with the 
 arrangement, only that they fcaied some harm 
 might befall the boy from a change of diet — 
 from good victuals to what was worse than he had 
 been accustomed to; and that as a consequence 
 the wrath of Champlain might be provoked against 
 them. But the latter replied that the lad would 
 be able to adapt himself to their manner of living 
 with little or no difficulty; — he would soon be- 
 come accustomed to their usual food ; and should 
 sickness or war cause him harm, it would be no 
 cause for complaint towards them; besides, all 
 were liable to accidents, and if any should happen 
 to him, there must and would be on his part a 
 proper submission to the inevitable. ' * Should you 
 treat him badly or should misfortune happen to 
 him," continued Champlain, " through your fault, 
 I should in truth be displeased; this, however, 
 I do not expect from you, but quite the contrary." 
 
 "Since, then," replied the chiefs, "it is your 
 request, we will take the lad with us and treat him 
 as one of us ; but we ask you to take one of our 
 young men in his place to go with you to France. 
 It will be pleasant for us to hear from him upon 
 
l8 HISTORY OF BkULE'S 
 
 his return about the many fine things he has seen." 
 Champlain accepted with pleasure the proposi- 
 tion made by the savages. He took the young 
 man, a Huron, who seemed glad to go with him. 
 He was given the name of Savignon. It was, in- 
 deed, a masLcr-stroke of policy on the part of the 
 Indians, and could only redound to the benefit of 
 both sides, as it would be an additional motive 
 with each to treat the one intrusted to them better 
 than they otherwise might do. 
 
 Champlain fitted out young Bru\6 as best he 
 could with whatever he needed, and handed him 
 over to the care of his savage friends. Mutual 
 promises were made to meet again at the end of 
 the next June, when the white boy and Savignon 
 were to be exchanged.^ Then there was a final 
 parting, with many promises of friendship. ** 
 
 Champlaift, on August 8th, set sail from Que- 
 bec for France. He ' ' arrived at Honfleur with 
 no worse accident than that of running over a 
 sleeping whale near the Grand Bank." But he 
 did not remain long in his native country. Be- 
 fore the first half of May, 1611, had gone by, he 
 was again in Tadoussac. He was now possessed of 
 one paramount idea — to establish such a trade 
 with the Indian nations in circumjacent regions as 
 would inure to the advantage of De Monts and 
 his associates. Moving up the St. Lawrence to 
 
 ' Appendix, Note III. 
 
 *Ibid. "The object of Champlain in enlisting Brul6, Nicolet, 
 Marsolet, Hertel, Marg^ierie, and other grown-up boys for service 
 in Canada, from 1608 to 1620, was to educate them as interpre- 
 ters. They all could read and write ; some of them were even 
 perfeci, scholars." — Benjamin Suite: "Annals of the Ottawa," in 
 the Ottawa Evening Journal, Jan. 12, 1889. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. I9 
 
 the site of the present city of Montreal, he there 
 commenced to survey the ground for a permanent 
 trading-post. Many boats followed him up the 
 river as eager as himself — indeed, far more so — 
 to traffic with the Indians. Champlain modestly 
 declares that, on May 17th, he started for "the 
 great fall" — Lachine rapids — to meet the sav- 
 ages who the year previous had promised to go 
 there with his servant [Brul6], whom he had sent 
 with them, that he might learn from him what 
 he had seen during the winter. In his company was 
 the hostage, Savignon, who had returned with him 
 from France; and he was now ready for an ex- 
 change — giving his Huron for Bru\6, upon the 
 arrival of the latter at the rendezvous previously 
 agreed upon. 
 
 Finally, on June 13th, there appeared two hun- 
 dred Hurons; also three chiefs — Ochateguin, 
 Iroquet, and Tregouaroti, the latter a brother of 
 Savignon. They had brought back "my serv- 
 ant," as Champlain expresses it. "I went to 
 see them in a canoe with our savage,"^ are 
 his further words. Then there was great re- 
 joicing. The Indians greeted Savignon. They 
 had heard through the Algonquins (who got the 
 report from the Montagnais) that he was dead. 
 When they saw him before them in good health, 
 there can be no wonder that their joy was un- 
 bounded. He spoke highly of the treatment he 
 had received while absent, and recounted to his 
 brother and friends many particulars concerning 
 the remarkable things he had seen, — at which all 
 were filled with astonishment. " I saw also my 
 
 ', ' That is, with Savignon. 
 
30 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 servant," are the unimpassioned words of Cham- 
 plain, " who was dressed in the costume of the sav- 
 ages." Brul6 was not slow to communicate to his 
 master the fact of his having been treated with 
 uniform kindness by the Hurons; then, too, he 
 gave him a lengthy account of all he had seen and 
 heard during his absence. It must have been 
 gratifying to Champlain to discover that " the 
 boy ' ' had learned the Huron ' ' language very 
 well ' * — an accomplishment which was quickly 
 utilized by his master.^ 
 
 In going to the Huron country, Brul6 was the 
 first of Europeans to ascend the Ottawa — the first 
 white person to stand upon the shores of Lake 
 Nipissing — the first to descend the French riv- 
 er — and the first to discover Lake Huron, '^ al- 
 though, of course, Champlain knew already of 
 the existence, from Indian reports, of both these 
 lakes and of the river last mentioned ; and, of Lake 
 Huron, Cartier had heard in 1535, although the 
 savages reported it (as the Frenchman understood 
 it) to be a sea.^ The young man's arrival among 
 
 • In Champlain's recital of the sending of Brul6 with the sav- 
 ages and of the particular events transpiring up to the time of his 
 being first seen upon his return, the fact that he had been among 
 the Hurons in their country is not expressly declared. Present- 
 ly, however, as we follow his narrative, such will very conclu- 
 sively appear. Mr. Francis Parkman, in Pioneers of France in 
 the New World, p. 33 5«, speaks of "a youth [Brul6, as as- 
 sumed in our narrative] who had volunteered the previous sum- 
 mer [that is, in the summer of 1610J to go with the Hurons to 
 their country [the italicising is mine] and winter among them, — 
 a proposal to which Champlain gladly assented. " 
 
 » See Appendix, Note IX. What Brul6 saw was that part of 
 Lake Huron now known as the Georgian bay. 
 
 * Lescarbot's Histoire de la Nouvelle France, p. 381. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 21 
 
 the Hurons was a source of great wonder, as but a 
 few had ever before seen a " pale face." Cham- 
 plain's "young boy" was a close observer, and 
 in acquiring Indian languages was exceedingly 
 ready. It was not many years before Cham- 
 plain himself, with Brul^ by his side, had an op- 
 portunity to test the correctness of his descriptions 
 and conclusions of this, the first exploration ever 
 made of the Province of Ontario.' 
 
 It is interesting to note the incidents occurring 
 upon the St. Lawrence at the meeting between 
 Champlain and the Hurons after the exchange of 
 Brul6 for Savignon, especially as to the part taken 
 by the " young lad," now that he was, for the first 
 time in his life, doing duty as interpreter, as will 
 now be seen, between his countrymen and the In- 
 dians — but at this time restricted to helping Cham- 
 plain on the one side and the Hurons on the other. 
 
 The number of fur-traders present excited the 
 alarm of the Hurons. The savages gave infor- 
 mation through Brul6 that four hundred more of 
 their people had proposed coming, but had been 
 deterred by a report that he (Champlain) had re- 
 turned to meet the Algonquins^ with six hun- 
 
 ' "Both of these hostages [Brul6 (as we assume) and Savig- 
 non], after a mutual restitution was made the next year, be- 
 came of manifest value to Champlain in his later intercourse 
 with the savages, for this interchange of interpreters enabled 
 him to reach better conclusions as to the great lakes of the west, 
 and as to the passage towards Florida on the south." — Winsor, 
 in Cartier to Frontenac, p. loo. It is clearly evident from 
 Champlain's instructions to Brul6 that, much as he desired his 
 "lad" to qualify himself as interpreter, it was still more his 
 wish he should observe closely all that was to be seen of the 
 country and of the people who inhabited it. 
 
 * That is, Algonquins and Hurons. / .' 
 
22 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 dred Iroquois and kill them all. However, the 
 story was not believed by those who had made 
 their appearance. " If," said they, " we had put 
 confidence in what we heard, we should not have 
 come to meet you as agreed upon ; but others of 
 our people were afraid, they never having seen 
 a Frenchman, except your servant."^ Then the 
 Hurons gave the further information ilit three 
 hundred Algonquins would arrive in five or six 
 days to unite with them in an expedition against 
 the Iroquois, providing Champlain would go with 
 them. " I talked," says Champlain, " a great deal 
 with them about the source of the great river [St, 
 Lawrence] and their country, and they gave me 
 detailed information about their rivers, falls, lakes 
 and lands, as also about the tribes living there 
 and what is to be found in that region. . . . 
 They told me also that, the winter before, some 
 savages had come from the direction of Florida, 
 beyond the country of the Iroquois, who lived near 
 our ocean, and were in alliance with these [Hu- 
 ron] savages." '^ 
 
 Two days after the arrival of the Hurons, they 
 became alarmed again at the appearance of so 
 many white traders. Champlain was called, and 
 with the aid of his " servant Brul6," and the 
 " savage Savignon," was, during the night, suc- 
 cessful, as he supposed, in quieting their fears. 
 On the seventeenth, under pretense of going to 
 
 ' As it was Hurons that were talking, this declaration of theirs 
 makes it certain that Brul6 went to their country. 
 
 'These savage allies of the Hurons were, as will hereafter 
 appear, Carantouanais, or Carantouans, as named by Champlain, 
 but more properly, Carantouannais : they were Andastes of later 
 writers. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 23 
 
 hunt beaver, they removed above Lachine rapids 
 to be sure that they would be beyond the reach of 
 the French barges, at the same time leaving Savig- 
 non with Champlain to avoid suspicion. The 
 next day the latter was requested to go to their 
 camp, and was told that he would soon be sent 
 for, but to take with him only Brul6; then it was 
 that Savignon took final leave of Champlain, who 
 was very glad to be relieved of caring for him. 
 He was given some trinkets and was much 
 pleased, at the same time he feelingly mentioned 
 that he was about to enter upon an irksome life, 
 compared with what he had led in France. 
 
 Afterwards, Champlain was conducted, along 
 with Brul6, to the Laj:e of Two Mountains, where 
 the Hurons were encamped. It seems the Indians 
 had heard before starting that they were all to be 
 killed ; hence their ruse in getting above the rap- 
 ids. Again Champlain quieted their fears. There- 
 upon arrangements were made for the sending 
 with them, on their return, a young man belong- 
 ing to one of the traders. Afterwards, it was de- 
 termined that one of Champlain 's young men, also, 
 should go — the latter to the Huron country for a 
 winter's sojourn ; ^ however, the other was to go 
 only to the Algonquins, being cared for by the 
 chief Iroquet, ' ' who lived eighty leagues from the 
 
 '"One of our young men," says Champlain, "also deter- 
 mined to go with these savages, who are Charioquois [Hurons], 
 living at a distance of some one hundred and fifty leagues from 
 the fall [of St. Louis — Lachine rapids]. He went with the 
 brother of Savignon, one of the captains [Tregouaroti], who 
 promised me to show him all that could be seen." (See vol. 
 Ill, p. 30, of Champlain's Voyages — Prince Society Publica- 
 tions; also Appendix to our Narrative, Note IX.) 
 
24 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 fall" — that is, from Lachine rapids.^ In return- 
 ing to the island where was the original meeting, 
 both Champlain and Brul6, by the aid of the sav- 
 ages who took them back, descended the river in 
 safety, — Brul6, on his return from the Huron 
 country, having been the first white person to 
 " shoot " the falls.2 Then the Hurons all started 
 for their homes, the two young Frenchmen going 
 along delighted with the prospects of enjoying a 
 winter among the savages. 
 
 It was the middle of July before all the Algon- 
 quins reached the rendezvous. After an inter- 
 change of views and the sending with them, by 
 Champlain, a young man whose name was Nicho- 
 las Vignau,'' the meeting broke up; the Indians 
 going their way and Champlain and Brul6 return- 
 ing to Quebec. 
 
 The policy of Champlain, begun with Brul6, 
 was now fully developed of sending young men 
 among the savages " to make," as he subsequent- 
 ly declared, " the acquaintance of the people, to 
 learn their mode of living, and the character and 
 extent of their territory." In other words, " to 
 
 ' It is probable that this young Frenchman was Thomas, who 
 afterward acted as interpreter for Champlain in going up the 
 Ottawa in 1613, mention of which journey will soon be made. 
 
 ' Appendix, Note IV. ' ' The first white man to descend the 
 rapids of St. Louis was a youth [Brule] who had volunteered, 
 the previous summer [that is, the summer of 1610], to go with 
 the Hurons to their country to winter among them." — Park- 
 man's Pioneers, p. 335«. 
 
 3 As just explained, the young man belonging to one of the 
 traders, and sent to the Algonquins, was cared for by Iroquet; 
 and, as the home of that chief was farther up the Ottawa than 
 Champlain says was reached by Vignau, the latter must have 
 been the one sent out last. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 25 
 
 place competent young men with the different 
 tribes of savages, to obtain that kind of informa- 
 tion which could only come from an actual and 
 prolonged residence with them. This enabled him 
 to secure not only the most accurate knowledge of 
 their domestic habits and customs, the character 
 and spirit of their life, but these young men by 
 their long, residence with the savages acquired a 
 good knowledge of their language, and were able 
 to act as interpreters. This was a matter of very 
 great importance, as it was often necessary for 
 Champlain to communicate with the different tribes 
 in making treaties of friendship, in discussing 
 questions of [importance which might arise when 
 there was] war with their enemies in settling 
 disagreements among themselves, and in making 
 arrangements with them for the yearly purchase 
 of their peltry. It was not easy to obtain suitable 
 persons for this important office. Those who had 
 the intellectual qualifications, and who had any 
 high aspirations, would not naturally incline to 
 pass years in the stupid and degrading associa- 
 tions, to say nothing of the hardships and depriva- 
 tions, of savage life." ^ 
 
 For the next four years — that is, from July, 1611 , 
 to the same month in 161 5 — history is well-nigh 
 
 ' Rev. E. F. Slafter, in his Historical Illustrations of Charles 
 Pomeroy Otis's Translations of Champlain's Voyages — Vol. Ill 
 of the Prince Society Publications, p. 21 5«. Or, we might say, 
 in the language of another, Champlain would send a num- 
 ber of young men to the Indians, " to have them trained to the 
 life of the woods — to the language, manners, customs, and 
 habits of the savages, ' ' thereby ' ' to open through them, as ad- 
 visers and interpreters, friendly relations, when the proper time 
 should come, with the Indian nations," among whom he might 
 tra' el, or " with whom he might choose to arrange a close alliance." 
 
26 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 silent as to Brul6. All that is recorded of him is, 
 that he lived among the savages ; and it is known 
 that meanwhile he acquired a knowledge of the 
 language spoken by the Montagnais and by the 
 savages of the Ottawa river and Lake Nipissing.^ 
 Soon after his return from the Huron country, his 
 master (or, we might now say, his patron) again 
 started for France. Before leaving, Champlain, it 
 is believed, made arrangements to send once more 
 his " boy " to live for awhile among the Indians. 
 
 After returning to Quebec, the lieutenant-gov- 
 ernor again set his face toward France, arriving 
 out in good time; but the next summer he was 
 compelled to give up, for the season, all idea of 
 going back to the St. Lawrence. It was then that 
 Nicholas Vignau reached Paris, having spent the 
 previous winter on the Ottawa, whither, as we have 
 seen, he had gone the previous year. He brought 
 accounts of what he pretended to have seen ; his 
 story was indeed ' ' a tale of wonders. ' ' There was a 
 great lake near the heads of the Ottawa, according 
 to this ' * most impudent liar. ' ' Beyond this flowed a 
 river to the northward. This he descended, accord- 
 
 'Sagard [Htstotre du Canada (Paris Reprint, 1866), p. 338] 
 afterward speaks of the trouble Brul6 experienced in acquiring 
 these languages as well as that of the Hurons: "There is an- 
 other great difl&culty in learning these languages [that is, the 
 Huron, Algonquin and Montagnais], in the pronunciation of 
 some of the syllables, which, upon being pronounced in different 
 ways, cause the same word to have different significations. . . . 
 This is the reason why one must study with very much difl&culty 
 the elementary sounds — and must learn the cadence if one is 
 anxious to go ahead ; for which cause, also, the interpreter Brul6 
 has found himself sometimes very much embarrassed, and my- 
 self yet more." (See Appendix to our Narrative, Note XXII 
 [bj, where the entire extract is translated literally. ) 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 27 
 
 ing to his story, — finally reaching the shores of the 
 sea. There he had seen the wreck of an English 
 vessel. This ocean was distant from the St. Law- 
 rence only seventeen days by canoe. Champlain 
 heard all this and put faith in it. The spring of 
 1613 found him again at Quebec, determined to go 
 over the route pursued, as he fondly believed, by 
 Vignau, until he had reached the North Sea. He 
 ascended the Ottawa many a weary mile to the 
 home of the Algonquins of Isle des Allumettes, 
 only to discover that he had reached the point be- 
 yond which the deceiver had not journeyed. He 
 had been duped; and, filled with indignation, he 
 started back. 
 
 Champlain arrived at the Falls of St. Louis — 
 Lachine rapids — on June 17th, having set out on 
 his return on the loth. In his company were 
 forty canoes, increased afterwards to sixty, all 
 belonging to Algonquins on their way to the St. 
 Lawrence to trade with the French. After the 
 savages had finished bartering their furs with the 
 white traders and were on the point of return- 
 ing up the Ottawa to their homes, Champlain 
 asked them to take with them two young men, — to 
 treat them in a friendly manner, to show them their 
 country, and to bring them back unharmed. But 
 the Indians objected, — at the same time calling 
 Champlain 's attention to the trouble Vignau had 
 given him, they fearing the two who it was pro- 
 posed they should take with them might bring false 
 reports as he had done. But Champlain explained 
 they could both be relied upon, and that, if they 
 would not take them, he would be displeased — 
 would look upon them all as not being his friends ; 
 
38 HISTORY OF BRULE S 
 
 SO the Indians consented to take them both along. 
 And here it may be suggested that, possibly, one 
 of these young Frenchmen was Brul6; indeed, in 
 view of subsequent events, it seems quite within 
 the range of probability that such was the fact.* 
 
 < If Brul^ spent the winter of 1613- '14 among the Algonquins, 
 he must have returned to the St. Lawrence in the summer of the 
 year last mentioned, as early the next year his presence there is 
 certain. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 brul£, accompanying champlain, again starts 
 for the huron country. — he goes as inter- 
 preter for the lieutenant-governor. — 
 his arrival among the hurons. — cham- 
 plain starts with several hundred of 
 these indians against the iroquois. — some 
 accounts of the mohawks, oneidas, onon- 
 dagas, cayugas, and senegas. 
 
 On the site of the present city of Montreal, there 
 assembled, in the summer of 1615, Hurons and Al- 
 gonquins, who had come down for the yearly trade 
 with the French upon the St. Lawrence. Cham- 
 plain, who had returned in May from France, was 
 asked by the Hurons to join their bands against 
 the Iroquois — particularly against that one of the 
 Five Nations known afterwards to the whites as the 
 Onondagas, living to the southward of Lake Ontario. 
 Twenty-five hundred Indian warriors were prom- 
 ised to go upon the war-path. The campaign was 
 to be on a much more comprehensive scale than 
 anything that had preceded it, and was to be an at- 
 tack on a large town situated in the heart of the 
 present State of New York. This was distant not 
 less than eight hundred miles by the circuit- 
 ous route which it was necessary to make in 
 reaching it. Warriors were to be collected and 
 marshalled from the various villages of the Hu- 
 rons ; Algonquins also were to join them. 
 
3C HISTORY OF BRULlfi'S 
 
 " The undertaking was not a small one. A jour- 
 ney, including the return, of fifteen hundred or 
 two thousand miles, by river and lake, through 
 swamps and tangled forests, with the incumbrance 
 of necessary baggage and a motley crowd of sev- 
 eral hundred savages to be daily fed by the chance 
 of fishing and hunting, demanded a brave heart 
 and a strong will. But it offered an opportunity 
 for exploring unknown regions, which Cham- 
 plain could not bring himself to decline." * 
 
 The lieutenant-governor, notwithstanding his 
 previous failure to discover the " North Sea," had 
 faith in the existence of it, and of its being located 
 at not a great distance to the northward or north- 
 westward of the highest point of the Ottawa reached 
 by him in 1 6 1 3 . But the great unknown * ' sea ' ' was 
 Lake Superior. He had the idea, from what the 
 savages had previously told him, that the water was 
 salt; therefore, it must be an ocean — the same he 
 was so anxious to discover. But first Champlain 
 would help the Hurons and Algonquins against 
 the Iroquois ; then he would go from the country 
 of his savage allies north until he had reached this 
 " North Sea: " these were the two great objects he 
 had in view; but the first was the overshadowing 
 one.'' However, while he was absent at Quebec 
 making needful preparations for his journey, 
 the Hurons became impatient and departed for 
 their homes. With them went Father Joseph 
 
 'Rev. 'jJdmund F. Slafter, A. M., in Winsor's Narrative and 
 Critic a History of America, vol. IV, pp. 124, 125. 
 
 ' It was to promote the settled policy of both Champlain and 
 I ontgrav^, — the uniting of all the savage nations of New France, 
 1. )ossible, against the Iroquois. See, in this connection, Park- 
 man's Pioneers of France in the New World, pp. 361, 362. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXI'LORATIONS. 3 I 
 
 le Caron, accompanied by twelve armed French- 
 men. It was the intention of this missionary to 
 ^learn the language of the Hurons, and labor 
 for their spiritual welfare. His departure for his 
 field of labor was about the first of July. On the 
 9th, Champlain, with two Frenchmen and ten 
 Indians, followed him. But who were the two 
 Frenchmen? This is, indeed (as to one of them), 
 an important question, in its relation to our narra- 
 tive. It will now be answered. One was Brul6, 
 his trusted interpreter, who was now paid a salary 
 of one hundred pistoles a year ; ^ the other was 
 only his waiting-man — his servant. 
 
 As we have said, the three white men, with 
 the ten Indians as their companions, embarked 
 on their perilous tour on July 9th, 161 5. They 
 had two canoes, which were heavily loaded and 
 encumbered with clothes; this prevented Cham- 
 plain from taking more men.*^ However, as 
 twelve Frenchmen had already departed for 
 the Huron country with Father Le Caron, their 
 services would be at his command, though it was 
 
 ' Less than two hundred dollars. 
 
 '"On the 9th of the month I embarked with two others, 
 namely, one of our interpreters and my man, accompanied by ten 
 savages in the two canoes, these being all they could carry, as 
 they were heavily loaded and encumbered with clothes, which pre- 
 vented me from taking more men." — Otis's translation of Cham- 
 plain's Fiya^^j,— Narrative of 161 5, in the Prince Society 
 Publications, vol. Ill, pp. iii, 112. To the word " interpret- 
 ers," in the foregoing, Mr. Slafter adds a foot-note in these 
 words: "This interpreter was undoubtedly 6tienne Brfil6. It 
 was a clearly defined policy of Champlain to send suitable young 
 men among the savages, particularly to learn their language, and 
 subsequently to act as interpreters. Brftl6 is supposed to have 
 been of this class." 
 
32 HISTORY OF BRULE S 
 
 not a very pleasant thought that only four or five 
 of them were acquainted with the handling of fire- 
 arms. Their journey was first by course of the 
 Ottawa river to its junction with the Mattawan, 
 where the former comes down from the north. 
 Then they would follow the main stream no 
 longer, but would turn to the left ; for a northerly 
 course would not be in the proper direction, as the 
 Huron country was rather towards the south. So 
 up the Mattawan they paddled their canoes, to a 
 point where the savages were wont to land ; and 
 thence they made their way to Lake Nipissing, 
 which they reached on the twenty-sixth of the 
 month. 
 
 Launching their canoes upon the lake, they soon 
 reached cabins of Nipissing Indians. They 
 gave Champlain, with his interpreter, Brul6, 
 and their companions, " a very welcome recep- 
 tion." The party tarried with them two days. 
 The tribe numbered ' ' from seven to eight hundred 
 souls," who, as a general thing, lived near the 
 lake ; hence the name of that body of water. After 
 leaving these savages, with whom he had feasted 
 not only on fish from the lake, but on game from 
 the forest, Champlain " entered a river, by which 
 this lake discharges itself ' ' — now known as French 
 river. Finally, he leached Lake Huron — the 
 great lake he had heard of so often — which he first 
 speaks of as the lake of the Attigouautans, that is, 
 the lake of the Hurons, but which, in view of its 
 great extent, he afterward named " Mer Douce" 
 (Fresh Sea). This portion of the lake has since 
 received the name of Georgian bay. 
 
 After a while, as they paddled their canoes 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 33 
 
 southward, their ' ' provisions began to give out in 
 consequence of the bad management of the sav- 
 ages, who ate so heartily at the beginning that 
 towards the end very little was left, ' ' although the 
 party had but one meal a day. But the ten In- 
 dians proceeded to gather some squashes on shore, 
 which Champlain says were acceptable; and 
 they did not lack for berries; " otherwise," he de- 
 clares, " we should have been in danger of being 
 reduced to straits." 
 
 While Champlain was engaged in replenishing 
 his larder, he suddenly came upon a band of three 
 hundred Indians. These savages, because of the 
 peculiar mode of arranging their hair, he called 
 *' Cheveux Relev^s " — a name afterwards given 
 by the French to the Ottawas, a kindred people. 
 They were of a numerous tribe inhabiting the 
 region west and southwest of Nottawassaga bay 
 of Lake Huron. Entering into conversation with 
 one of their chiefs, Champlain inquired in re- 
 gard to the extent of their country, which the 
 savage pictured, doubtless rudely, on the bark of 
 a tree.* 
 
 Champlain's course continued southward along 
 the eastern shore of the Georgian bay until they 
 arrived at what is at present called Matchedash 
 bay, across which, in a .southwesterly direction, 
 they urged their frail canoes, until the landing 
 was reached ; and they were in the country of the 
 
 ' As the Cheveux Relevds \/ere of Algonquin lineage, and as 
 Brul6 had acquired the language of the Algonquins of the Otta- 
 wa, Champlain could not have had much difficulty in communi- 
 cating with the savage chief mentioned above, through the 
 young Frenchman — his interpreter. 
 
34 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 Hurons.^ Some seventeen or eighteen miles' 
 travel inland brought them, on the first day of 
 August, to a Huron village called Otoiiacha.'^ 
 
 Once among the Hurons, Champlain found a 
 marked change in the country. " It was here 
 very fine, the largest part being cleared up, and 
 many hills and several rivers rendering the region 
 agreeable." These localities seemed to the three 
 white men very pleasant in comparison with the 
 disagreeable region through which they had passed 
 on their journey hither. Soon, three more Indian 
 villages were visited, till at length Carhagouha, 
 an important town of the nation, was reached. A 
 triple palisade of wood, thirty-five feet high, served 
 as its defence. Here, Father Le Caron was found 
 and the twelve Frenchmen who had accompanied 
 him. There were now, therefore, in the Huron 
 country, sixteen white men. Mass was celebrated 
 on August 1 2th by the R^collet friar. 
 
 The grand object of Champlain' s visit must not 
 be lost sight of. It was to aid the savage Hurons 
 in an expedition against an implacable foe. But 
 the Indians were slow in assembling. Cham- 
 plain, on August 14th, with eight of Le Caron's 
 men and his own two Frenchmen, one of whom 
 of course was Brul6, started for Cahiagu6, the 
 chief of the Huron villages, where the war- 
 riors were to rendezvous. In three days, three 
 Indian towns were visited; when, on the 17th, 
 
 • There were four tribes of the Huron nation — the Bear, the 
 Wolf, the Hawk, and the Heron. The first-mentioned ("Atti- 
 gouautan ") was the principal one. The four were not nations 
 forming a confederacy, as generally supposed. 
 
 'Synonyms: Toanch6, Toanchen, Toanchain, Toachim, Tean- 
 deoniat, Otoucha. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 35 
 
 they arrived at the point of destination. Cahi- 
 Sigu6 contained two hundred large cabins. The 
 white men were * ' received with great joy and 
 gladness by all the savages of the country," says 
 Champlain. For when the Hurons who were 
 upon the St. Lawrence left that river for their 
 homes, after waiting some time for his return to 
 them to go with them as he had promised, it was 
 the belief of many he was dead or that the Iroquois 
 had captured him. It was this that now caused 
 the delay in the expedition; as the savages had 
 postponed the undertaking for one year. However, 
 the actual presence of the white men, though but 
 eleven in number, caused a quick rallying of war- 
 riors — they swarmed in from every quarter. 
 
 The greater portion of the savages having as- 
 sembled, Champlain set out from Cahiagu^ on the 
 first day of September and passed along the shore 
 of a small lake — Couchiching — into which flow 
 by a small stream the waters of Lake Simcoe. 
 Here a rest was taken until all the Hurons who 
 were to go upon the expedition had got together, 
 when, '• shouldering their canoes and scanty bag- 
 gage, the naked host set forth," ^ accompanied by 
 Champlain, his waiting-man (but not by his inter- 
 preter), and by eight of the Frenchmen who had 
 journeyed to the Huron country with Le Caron. 
 But why not by his interpreter ?— Where was the 
 intrepid Brul6? — a question soon to be answered. 
 But what shall we say of the enemy against whom 
 Champlain had now taken up his line of march ? 
 
 •Hown^any actually marched is unknown; but it seems alto- 
 gether certain the number was much less than what had been 
 promised Champlain. 
 
36 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 and what of the country which they then inhab- 
 ited? 
 
 The Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas 
 and Senecas (as these nations were afterward known 
 to the English) occupied, in 1615, the central por- 
 tion of what is now the State of New York. They 
 were the Iroquois — Five Nations — already men- 
 tioned. The Onondagas, at the time of Cham- 
 plain's visit to the Hurons, were known by the 
 latter as Entouhonorons.' They lived in fifteen 
 towns built in strong situations, and along with 
 the four other nations just mentioned were ene- 
 mies of all surrounding ones (except the " Neu- 
 trals," who resided to the westward of the Iro- 
 quois), including, among these, the nations of 
 which were the bands now on the war-path with 
 Champlain. The country of the Onondagas is 
 mentioned by Champlain as a fine one, with a good 
 climate. They tilled the soil, and, with the other 
 four nations, spoke a language radically the same 
 as that of the Hurons. But Champlain recognized 
 as Iroquois only the most easterly of the Five 
 Nations ; for he had no knowledge of the extent of 
 the league — knowing only that those whom he 
 designated as Iroquois (that is, the Mohawks) united 
 with the Entouhonorons (Onondagas) and Senecas, 
 in making war on surrounding nations. 
 
 ' Whenever Champlain speaks of this nation in the text of 
 any of the editions of his works he invariably calls them the 
 Entouhonorons. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 AID OFFERED TO THE HURONS BY THE CARANTOU- 
 ANNAIS FROM THE UPPER SUSQUEHANNA. — CHAM- 
 PLAIN, WITH HURONS AND ALGONQUINS, REACH- 
 ES AN ONONDAGA STRONGHOLD AND INVESTS IT. 
 
 There dwelt, at this period, three good days' 
 journey to the southward of the Entouhonorons 
 (Onondagas), which nation Champlain and his Hu- 
 rons were on the march to attack, a nation, already 
 mentioned, known to the latter as Carantouannais.^ 
 These Indians were very warlike ; and, although 
 they had but three villages, which were in the 
 midst of more than twenty other unfriendly ones, 
 on which they made war, they maintained their 
 ground because of their prowess.^ They had for 
 their allies the Hurons. Carantouan, their princi- 
 pal town,^ was sometimes visited by ambassadors 
 
 ' As to the signification of the name ' ' Carantouannais, ' ' see 
 Appendix, Note V. 
 
 '^ The information as to the Carantouannais having ' ' but three 
 villages, Which were in the midst of more than twenty other un- 
 friendly ones, ' ' is from Champlain. But this needs an explana- 
 tion. While the Carantouannais proper had but that many 
 towns, friendly tribes to the southward were very numerous. 
 From Champlain's standpoint it seemed that they were sur- 
 rounded by the hostile Iroquois, who had numerous villages; 
 whereas the latter were all to the northeast, to the northward, or 
 northwestward; and none of these towns were probably nearer 
 than eighty or ninety miles from the most northerly of those in- 
 habited by the Carantouannais. 
 
 Hn the edition of 1619 of Champlain's Voyages, the chief 
 town of the Carantouannais is mentioned as Carantouan, but in 
 the Narrative of his Expedition of 161 5, given therein, the 
 village is not spoken of. 
 
38 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 of the nation last named, and the Carantouannais 
 repaid the compliment by occasionally sending del- 
 egates to the homes of the Hurons. It is indeed 
 certain that their forces had in previous years been 
 united occasionally against the common enemy — 
 the Iroquois. The language of the one was in 
 many of its words either the same or similar to that 
 of the other; both used Iroquois dialects.* Cham- 
 plain declares the Carantouannais lived in a very 
 fine country ; and that the nation was securely quar- 
 tered there, notwithstanding they were at war with 
 the Entouhonorons (Onondagas).^ 
 
 Now, it is evident from the distauces gfiven, that 
 the country of the Carantouannais was upon the 
 upper waters of the Susquehanna, and not far 
 away from the line which now separates the State 
 of New York from Pennsylvania. Carantouan 
 was a palisaded town with a population of eight 
 hundred warriors, — about four thousand souls. 
 The dwellings and defences were like those of the 
 Hurons.^ 
 
 1 Compare Prof. A. L. Guss's article entitled " Early Indian 
 History of the Susquehanna," published in the Historical Regis- 
 ter, vol. I (January, 1883), pp. 40, 43. 
 
 a " Carantouanis [Carantouannais]. This is a tribe that has 
 moved to the south of the Antouhonorons [Entouhonorons] and 
 dwells in a very fine country, where it is securely quartered. 
 They are friends of all the other tribes, except the above named 
 Antouhonorons, from whom they are only three days' journey 
 distant." — Index to Champlain's Map «/" 1632 (see Publica- 
 tions of the Prince Society — Champlain's ''Voyages," vol. I, 
 p. 304). On the map (same vol. and p.), the Entouhonorons are 
 mentioned as Antouoronons. But, as Champlain previously ex- 
 plains (which fact is overlooked in the Index to the map), the 
 Carantouannais were not friends to all the other tribes except 
 the Entouhonorons (Onondagas). 
 
 ' It has been suggested that the site of Carantouan was at or 
 near that of the present Waverly, Tioga county. New York. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 39 
 
 To a just understanding of the location of the 
 Carantouannais, and the difficulty they had to 
 encounter in conferring with their Huron allies, it 
 is necessary to make mention of the situation 
 of each of the five Indian nations located to the 
 northeastward, to the northward, and to the north- 
 westward of them, and which were their enemies. 
 
 The most easterly of the Iroquois were the Mo- 
 hawks; and it was this tribe that, in 1609, was 
 attacked by Champlain on the western shore of the 
 lake which bears his name. Immediately to the 
 westward of them were the Oneidas, whose terri- 
 tory extended from a point below what is now 
 Utica, Oneida county, in the present State of New 
 York, to Deep Spring, near Manlius, Onondaga 
 county. Then came the Onondagas, whose coun- 
 try reached west of the Oneidas to a line between 
 Cross and Otter lakes. Beyond the nation last 
 mentioned were the Cayugas, whose villages were 
 on Cayuga lake. Still farther to the westward 
 were the Senecas ; their territory reached to the 
 Genesee river, — these Indians being known to 
 the Hurons in 161 5 as the Chouontouaroiion ; ^ 
 and Champlain mentions that the Hurons — the 
 allies of the Carantouannais — would have to pass 
 through their country, or else make a very long 
 
 Waverly is located on Cayuta creek, which rises in Schuyler 
 county, that State, in a small lake of its own. It runs first south- 
 eastward, drains parts of Chemung and Tioga counties, and 
 enters the Susquehanna river in Pennsylvania two or three miles 
 above Athens. Waverly is a post village in Barton township, 
 Tioga county, and is eighteen miles east-southeast of Elraira, 
 nineteen miles west-southwest of Owego, and four miles north of 
 Athens, Bradford county, Pennsylvania. 
 
 ' See Appendix, Note VI. 
 
40 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 circuit (" grand detour," as Champlain expresses 
 it), in visiting the Carantouannais.^ The Senecas, 
 when first visited by white people, were the most 
 populous of the Five Nations. And Champlain 
 declares the Chouontouaroiion were numerous. 
 
 Upon Champlain's arrival at Cahiagu6 and before 
 his starting upon the war-path with his Indian 
 allies against the Onondagas, he learned what was 
 of great interest to him, that there was a prospect 
 of help in their proposed expedition which was 
 wholly unexpected. It came from the Carantou- 
 ann-is. It is believed these Indians had knowl- 
 edge of the journeying of the Hurons to the St. 
 Lawrence for the purpose of trade and of their in- 
 tended proposal to Champlain to engage him if 
 possible to assist them against the Onondagas ; and 
 it is certain that, being willing to aid the under- 
 taking themselves, they had sent word to their 
 allies informing them of their desire to help them 
 in the campaign with a force of five hundred ' ' good 
 men." It is not a matter of wonder that such 
 an offer should have been made, as the Iroquois, 
 it was well known to the Hurons, also made war 
 upon these their allies. It was also a part of the 
 
 ' The Chouontouaroiion, that is, the Senecas, are described in 
 the ^Qsaxi Relation for 1648 (Quebec ed., pp. 46-48) as living 
 between the Hurons of Canada and the Carantouannais. This 
 corresponds with what Champlain says (see Laverdiere's Cham- 
 plain, vol. I, p. 522): "In going from one [the Hurons] to the 
 other [the Carantouannais], a grand detour is necessary, in order 
 to avoid the Chouontouaroiion, which is a very strong nation." 
 (See Appendix to our narrative. Note VI ; and as to this " grand 
 detour," Note XII. This then well known and much traveled 
 Indian route is marked on Champlain's map of 1632 by a dotted 
 line reaching from Lake Erie — which lake is but vaguely in- 
 dicated — to the Susquehanna.) 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 4I 
 
 information received that the Carantouannais 
 wished to see the French and give expression to 
 the pleasure they would have in making their ac- 
 quaintance, and to form an alliance and establish 
 a friendship with them, that they might engage in 
 the war together. This was particularly gratify- 
 ing to Champlain, as he saw in the offer of these 
 savages, as he hoped, an opportunity to learn 
 something of their country. 
 
 It was not until Champlain finally gave his con- 
 sent late in the previous June to the assembled 
 Hurons upon the St. Lawrence that he would join 
 them in an expedition against the Iroquois, that 
 any word could have been dispatched to the Caran- 
 touannais of the fact. As the news must have 
 gone, if at all, by way of the Huron country to 
 them, it is certain that there was not time for 
 such a message to have been sent them and an 
 answer returned to Cahiagu^ before the seven- 
 teenth of the following August — the date of 
 Champlain 's arrival. Double the time would at 
 least have been required. The proposition then 
 from the Carantouannais was to assist the Hurons, 
 whether the latter were aided by Champlain or 
 not. 
 
 Besides their proffered aid, the Carantouannais 
 sent information that greatly interested Champlain. 
 He learned that Carantouan was only seven days* 
 journey from where the Dutch (" Flamens") went 
 to traffic with Indians, at " Fort Nassau," near 
 the present city of Albany, New York. " The 
 savages there," says the lieutenant-governor, 
 "assisted by the Dutch, make war upon them 
 [the Carantouannais], take them prisoners and 
 
42 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 cruelly put them to death." * This fact was not 
 only made known to the Hurons, but they were 
 informed also that, the preceding year (1614), 
 the Carantouannais captured three of those white 
 people who were assisting their enemies; and 
 while in action one of the Carantouannais was 
 killed. Nevertheless, they did not fail to send 
 back the three Dutch prisoners without doing them 
 any harm, supposing that they belonged to the 
 whites who were assisting the Hurons, since they 
 had no knowledge of the French except by hear- 
 say, — they never having seen a Christian ; other- 
 wise, they said the three prisoners would not have 
 got off so well. If others should be taken, they 
 would not be returned to their friends.*^ 
 
 No action, as already intimated, was immedi- 
 ately taken by the Hurons concerning the proposi- 
 tion of the Carantouannais. It would be time 
 enough when they could feel assured that the ex- 
 pedition would be undertaken; so, when all the 
 bands had arrived below the outlet of Lake Sim- 
 coe, then it was tnat a consultation was had for the 
 selection of a few of the warriors to carry advice 
 to the Carantouannais of the departure of the Hu- 
 
 ' Champlain puts the place " Fort Nassau " on the 40th parallel 
 of latitude ; but in this he was in error, he supposing the Indians 
 who were assisted by the Dutch were of those living near Manhat- 
 tan island, which he placed in that latitude (see his Map of 1632). 
 
 " Champlain's Voyages (ed. of 1619), in the Narrative of his 
 Expedition of 161 5. 
 
 In the Index to Champlain's Map of 1632, it is said that once 
 they [the Carantouannais] took as prisoners some Flemish 
 [Dutch], but sent them back again without doing their any harm, 
 supposing that they were French. This is but a repetition of 
 Champlain's declaration, mentioned above, as to the capture of 
 three "Flamens." 
 
DISCOVERIES .ND EXPLORATIONS. 43 
 
 rons, that they might join the latter and together 
 attack the enemy's stronghold. The result of the 
 deliberation was that there should be despatched 
 two canoes, with twelve of their most robust war- 
 riors, to their allies, to inform them that their prop- 
 osition was accepted, and that they would be ex- 
 pected at a place selected as the rendezvous, on a 
 certain day — the eleventh of October. One of 
 Champlain's white companions solicited the privi- 
 lege of going along with the Huron party. Cham- 
 plain willingly permitted him, as he would see the 
 country of the Carantouannais by that means, and 
 acquire a knowledge of the people who inhabited 
 it. The danger was not trifling, inasmuch as they 
 had to pass through the country of their enemies, 
 the Chouontouaroiion ; that is, the Senecas. The 
 white man thus permitted to go was Champlain's 
 own interpreter — Brul6.^ 
 
 We now see why it was that Brul6 did not ac- 
 company the few white men and the Huron war- 
 riors farther on their expedition. It gladdened 
 the heart of Champlain, as his words clearly show, 
 to find an opportunity for gratifying a desire of 
 obtaining information of a region so wholly un- 
 known to him.*^ 
 
 Let us now follow Champlain and his nine white 
 
 ' Evidently it was that he (Champlain) believed by consenting 
 to let his interpreter go with the twelve Hurons much might be 
 learned of a country not before explored. This, it is clear, was 
 his principal reason. 
 
 ''Champlain, in his Narrative of 1618, changes his reasons 
 given in that of 161 5 for permitting Brul6 to accompany the 
 twelve Hurons to the Carantouannais; but, in so doing, it is evi- 
 dent his memory was at fault ; finally, however, he recovers his 
 lost ground somewhat by saying that Bruld left him to engage 
 in the explorations which he (Brul6) subsequently made. 
 
44 HISTORY OF BRUL6'S 
 
 men and the savages with whom they marched 
 (consisting mostly of Hurons, but with them were 
 some Nipissings and Algonquins)' on the war-path 
 from the outlet of Lake Simcoe to the village of 
 the Onondagas — the objective point of the expe- 
 dition. 
 
 Coasting along the northeast shore of the lake 
 just mentioned, the savage warriors and French- 
 men, after a journey of five or six leagues, reached 
 a point nearest to Sturgeon lake. After carrying 
 their canoes some ten leagues, the Indians, with 
 Champlain and his few white companions, reached 
 the body of water last spoken of, out of which 
 flows what is now known above Rice lake as the 
 Otonabee river, but below as the Trent, which 
 discharges into Lake Ontario ; so that, from Stur- 
 geon lake their course was a continuous water 
 route to " the great lake of the Entouhonorons," 
 as the Hurons called Lake Ontario, meaning there- 
 by, of course, " the lake of the Onondagas." 
 
 Champlain and his dusky host had proceeded 
 thus far by short days' journeys, constantly hunt- 
 ing as they progressed. At the eastern extremity 
 of Lake Ontario, which is the entrance to the St. 
 Lawrence, the traverse was made, — large, beautiful 
 islands being especially noted. About fourteen 
 leagues were made in passing to the eastern side 
 of the lake towards the territory of the enemy. 
 The savages now concealed all their canoes in 
 the woods near the shore. The whole force then 
 
 1 Champlain had already distinguished between the Indians of 
 Lake Nipissing and those upon the Ottawa below, calling the 
 former Nipissings and the latter Algonquins. Of the last men- 
 tioned who went with him, was the chief Iroquet already spok- 
 en of . 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 45 
 
 moved some four leagues over a sandy strand, 
 where Champlain observed a very pleasant and 
 beautiful country, intersected by many little 
 streams and two small rivers, which empty into 
 Lake Ontario; also many ponds and meadows, 
 where there was an endless amount of game, many 
 vines, fine woods, and a large number of chestnut 
 trees, whose fruit was still in the burr. The chest- 
 nuts were small, he declares, but of good flavor. 
 
 After leaving the border of the lake, the Hurons 
 and white men continued their course by land for 
 ' ' about twenty-five or thirty leagues. " In the space 
 of four days, many brooks were crossed, including 
 also a river which proceeded from a lake, — its 
 waters finally emptying into Lake Ontario. It is 
 altogether certain that this was what is now known 
 as Oneida river, and that the crossing was at the 
 outlet of Oneida lake ; for Champlain describes it 
 as near a lake, which is "twenty-five or thirty 
 leagues in circuit," and which contains some fine 
 islands, and is the place where our enemies, the 
 Iroquois, catch their fish, in which it abounds. 
 Now, the Oneida is the only lake in this region 
 containing any islands. The outlet of the lake is 
 frequently indicated in early maps ; — it was known 
 to many early explorers as " the great fishery." 
 
 Having crossed the Oneida river, the invad- 
 ing savages, on October 9th, sent out a recon- 
 noitering force, ^ which, when distant some four 
 (French) leagues (about ten miles) from the ene- 
 
 ' The language of Champlain as to this reconnoitering of the 
 savages is vague. It would imply, if taken literally, that all of 
 the Indians went out, lepviag the Frenchmen behind. But this, 
 certainly, would not hpve bepti done. — — ^^ - 
 
46 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 my's village, came upon a party of their foes, con- 
 sisting of four women, three boys, one girl, and 
 three men, who were going fishing.^ These were, 
 of course, easily captured. As a prelude to a gen- 
 eral sacrifice of the prisoners, a finger of one of 
 the squaws was cut off; but, at the earnest inter- 
 ference of Champlain, all were saved except the 
 men, who were promptly tortured to death. ^ On 
 the next day, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the 
 whole force arrived before the Onondaga town. 
 
 The territory of the Onondagas, in 1615, was 
 the most favorable for an invasion by the Hurons 
 of any occupied by the Iroquois ; and of this fact 
 the latter were well advised. They were march- 
 ing in such force as evidently justified an attack 
 upon a large village of the enemy. It may, there- 
 fore, be assumed that the point aimed at was not 
 an inferior town, but one of the strongholds of 
 the nation. It is only known with absolute cer- 
 tainty that it was situated on or near some one of 
 the lakes, ponds, or streams whose waters find an 
 outlet into Lake Ontario through the Oswego riv- 
 er, and not far away, either above or below, the 
 latitude of the present city of Syracuse, and be- 
 tween the longitude of the east end of the Oneida 
 lake and that of the west side of Lake Onondaga.^ 
 
 • A misapprehension by some writers of the language of Cham- 
 plain concerning the "four leagues" — about ten miles — has 
 caused much confusion in their investigations. It is not that 
 the " great fishery " was four leagues from the objective point of 
 the expedition, but the prisoners were captured at that distance 
 from it. (See Appendix, Note VII.) 
 
 'The chief Iroquet, who, although an Algonquin, seems to 
 have been the most prominent leader of the savages, coolly told 
 Champlain that he would spare the women, but the men should 
 be tortured according to their custom. 
 
 ^ See Appendix, Note VII. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 brul6, with twelve hurons, goes to the ca- 
 
 RANTOUANNAIS. — CHAMPLAIN'S ATTACK ON THE 
 ONONDAGA VILLAGE AND ITS FAILURE. — RETURN 
 OF THE ASSAILANTS. — MARCH OF THE CARAN- 
 TOUANNAIS, WITH BRUL!^, TO ASSIST THE HU- 
 RONS. — THEIR RETURN TO CARANTOUAN. 
 
 It was on September 8th, 1615, that Brul^ 
 and his twelve dusky companions started for 
 Carantouan.^ It was the interpreter's restless 
 spirit and ardent love of adventure that prompted 
 him to ask permission to form one of the party. 
 The possibility (nay, probability) of meeting 
 savage enemies did not deter him. The pros- 
 pects of suffering in any way, he did not brood 
 over. He had that fearless nature which took no 
 account of obstacles, however threatening they 
 might appear. Savage life had positive pleasures 
 
 ' Champlain asserts subsequently (that is, in his Narrative of 
 1618) that Brule, after having taken leave of 'iim to go on his 
 journey and execute his commission, set out with the twelve sav- 
 ages whom he had given him for the purpose of showing the 
 way and to serve as an escort on account of the dangers which 
 he might have to encounter. But, in all this, his memory was 
 sadly at fault. 
 
 " At this point they despatched twelve of the most stalwart sav- 
 ages, with the interpreter, 6tienne Brul6, on a dangerous jour- 
 ney to a distant tribe dwelling on the west [south] of the Five 
 Nations, to urge them to hasten to the fort of the Iroquois, as 
 they had already received word from them that they would join 
 tliem in this campaign." — E. F. Slafter: Memoir of Samuel de 
 Champlain, in Prince Society Publications of Champlain's 
 ''Voyages," vol. I, p. 128. 
 
48 HISTORY OF BRULE S 
 
 for him, and its perils only intensified his liking 
 for it. 
 
 It is not asserted by Champlain that Brul6 was 
 armed and equipped for his journey as were the 
 white men who were with the Huron warriors ; on 
 the contrary, it is reasonably certain that he had 
 nothing but the simple means of defense possessed 
 by his savage companions. Their route was not 
 what would lead them eastward through the small 
 lakes and down the river Trent to the foot of Lake 
 Ontario and across to the southeast shore of that 
 body of water — thence through the very center of 
 the Iroquois territory to the homes of the Carantou- 
 annais ; such a course would have been far too dan- 
 gerous.^ They must, therefore, go southward, 
 carrying their two frail bark canoes for transporta- 
 tion on water-courses necessary to follow or to cross, 
 until Lake Ontario was reached. There were two 
 streams, one from the southward emptying into 
 Lake Simcoe, another, the Humber, from the 
 northward flowing into Lake Ontario, which were 
 to be their highway of travel, there being a short 
 portage from one to the other, across which the 
 two canoes could easily be carried. It was not a 
 long journey to the lake and the route was well 
 known to the Hurons. Afterwards, it was fre- 
 quently traveled in going to the St. Lawrence, the 
 journey occupying but ten days, thus avoiding the 
 numerous obstacles of the Ottawa. Even as early 
 as 1632 it was recorded by a French writer, who 
 
 'Parkman {Pioneers, p. 377) says, in a general way, that 
 Brul6 c-ossed Lake Ontario ; but he is led to say this only by ob- 
 serving that the Carantouannais lived to the southeastward of it, 
 while Brul6 was then to the northwestward, — not from any au- 
 thority that the latter actually paddled his canoe across the lake. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 49 
 
 was then among the Hurons, that the latter as- 
 sured him "it was onJv +-^1 days' journey "by 
 way of Lake Ontario " \ o ih "i trading-place ' ' on 
 the St. Lawrence. Before 1670, the course along 
 the north shore f Lake Ontario to the mouth of 
 the Humber, thence up that river and across to 
 Lake Simcoe, thence down the Severn to the 
 Georgian bay, was a well-traveled one.^ 
 
 Had Brul6 journeyed along the usual land-route 
 by way of the Neutral villages, hereafter to be 
 mentioned, it would have taken him abou^ ten 
 days to have reached the Niagara river, — passing 
 first out of the present county of Simcoe, then 
 through what are now the counties of Duflerin, 
 Peel, Halton, Wentworth and Lincoln. But the 
 route he actually traveled only occupied him and 
 his twelve savages a little over half the time 
 which the other course would have necessitated, 
 — going, after leaving Simcoe, through York 
 county to the lake; thence along its shores in 
 Peel, Halton, Wentworth and Lincoln, to the 
 mouth of the Niagara. 
 
 That Brule and the twelve Huron savages took 
 their way first towards the head of Lake Ontario 
 instead of going towards its outlet, it is evident 
 was to save time and, in the end, not to pursue 
 the dangerous route — one wholly impracticable, 
 in fact, — through the heart of the Iroquois country. 
 At the mouth of the Humber, Brul^ first saw On- 
 
 ' Writing of the year 1670, Parkman says: " The Jesuits and 
 fur-traders, on their way to the Upper Lakes, had followed the 
 route of the Ottawa, or, more recently, that of Toronto and the 
 Georgian bay " {La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 
 ed. of 1880, p. 19). And, in 1680, La Salle took the same route 
 in going to the Illinois (Id., p. 189). 
 
50 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 tario's broad expanse. Its existence had, as already 
 intimated, been made known to the civilized world, 
 but the intrepid interpreter was the first white 
 man to reach its shores. Coasting along the lake, 
 probably, the party soon reached the mouth of the 
 Niagara.^ The river, it is to be inferred, was not 
 followed by them up to the great cataract f and 
 it is doubtful if Brul6 obtained any particular 
 knowledge of the Attiwandarons (or Neutrals),^ 
 or of Lake Erie ;■* neither is it likely that he visited 
 the Eries ("Cat nation"), the homes of which 
 were south of that body of water.'* 
 
 After leaving the Niagara river, an easterly 
 course must be taken to Carantouan ; this would 
 necessitate, in order to save time, leaving some 
 outlying Neutral villages to the south, which, 
 naturally enough, Brul6 and his Hurons would not 
 care to visit, and then proceeding onward for two 
 or three days until the Seneca territory was 
 reached. Now the Senecas were arch enemies of 
 the Hurons ; and a direct line from the mouth of 
 
 ' See Appendix, Note IX. 
 
 'The falls are noted on Champlains map of 1632; but it 
 seems certain the intrepid Frenchman did not see the cataract, 
 or it would have been very diflFerently spoken of in the Index 
 to that map. (See Appendix to our Narrative, Note VIII.) 
 
 5 The Neutral nation (so called because of their observing a 
 neutral policy as to the Hurons and Iroquois) had four or five 
 villages east of the Niagara river, one of which was only a day's 
 journey from the home of the Senecas. (See Appendix, Note 
 XIX.) 
 
 * Lake Erie would unquestionably have otherwise appeared on 
 Champlain's map of 1632 had Brul6 reached its shores. (See 
 Appendix, Note X.) 
 
 * ' ' The Eries who dwelt to the south and east of Lake Erie 
 were called by the early French the Nation of the Cat, from the 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. §1 
 
 the Niagara river to Carantouan would lead 
 through their settlements. There was no alter- 
 native, therefore, for Brul^ and his twelve Hurons, 
 but to take a course near their villages, as they 
 must avoid, for want of time, the wide circuit — 
 the ' ' grand detour ' ' — usually made to the west- 
 ward, to the southwestward, and to the south of 
 the Seneca country.^ In any event, they must 
 expose themselves to danger; but to make it as 
 little as possible, after having determined not to 
 go far out of the way, they must pursue a less 
 direct route [than ]they would otherwise follow if 
 peace existed between the Senecas and Carantou- 
 annais. Crossing the Niagara river into what is 
 now Western New York, in the present county 
 of Niagara, the journey was doubtless pursued 
 through what are now the counties of Erie, Gen- 
 esee, Wyoming, Livingston, Steuben and Che- 
 mung, into Tioga, — " through thick and [almost] 
 impenetrable forests, wood and brush, marshy 
 bogs, frightful and unfrequented places and 
 wastes." But with all their care — in spite of all 
 their caution — while crossing an open spot — prob- 
 
 large number of wild-cats or lynxes that filled their forests. The 
 Iroquois called tht Neutrals the ' Cats,' for the same reason. No 
 mission was ever opened among this tribe [the Eries]. It is not 
 probable that they were ever visited by a white man, unless 
 fitienne Brul6, Champlain's interpreter, went among them in 
 1615," — Harris, in Earfy Missz'ons in Western Canada, '^. 242«. 
 That Brul6 did not visit the Eries seems altogether certain for 
 these reasons: (i) Champlain has no account of them in his Voy- 
 ages (ed. of 1619) ; (2) Brul6 had no time to spare in going to the 
 Carantouannais ; and (3) the Eries had only a nominal occupa- 
 tion of the country east of Lake Erie. Their villages were south 
 of that lake (see Appendix to our Narrative, Note XI). 
 
 ' See Appendix, Note XII. 
 
52 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 ably a dried-iip marsh — they " encountered some 
 hostile savages who were returning to their vil- 
 lages." The enemy (Senecas) were worsted by the 
 white man and his Hurons — four were killed and 
 two made prisoners. The last-mentioned were 
 taken along by Brul6 and his companions — all 
 soon after reaching Carantouan.^ 
 
 Brul6, then, was the first of civilized men to 
 traverse that part of the country. No white man 
 had preceded him in that region. To him, there- 
 fore, is due the credit of having been its first ex- 
 plorer, — the first to set foot upon any portion of 
 the present State of New York west of the upper 
 part of the East Branch of the Susquehanna. And 
 the date of his journey was 1615 — a little over 
 eight years only after the settlement of Jamestown 
 and six after the first white man ascended the 
 Hudson. 
 
 But the arrival of Brul6 could not have awak- 
 ened in the minds of the four thousand men, 
 
 • ' ' One of his [Champlain's] men, Stephen Brul6, started with 
 twelve Indians to communicate their plans to their allies, the 
 Carantouannais, and reached their town after daringly crossing 
 the enemy's country." — John Gilmary Shea, in The Pennsyl- 
 vania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. II, p. 105. 
 
 " On the first of September, 161 5, the Huron warriors left Lake 
 Couchiching and proceeded to Lake Simcoe, where they made a 
 halt. From that place, Brul6 took leave of Champlain after re- 
 ceiving his instructions, and traveled in the direction of Lake 
 Erie. ... He and his twelve Indians passed ' through the 
 enemy's territory,' which means in few words, that they went 
 from Lake Simcoe straight to [towards] Buffalo, [to] the country 
 inhabited by the .... Senecas, the most southerly [west- 
 erly] tribe of the Iroquois. There they saw ' a few of the enemy 
 returning to their village ' and without any more ado killed four 
 and took two of them prisoners of war." — Benj. Suite, in The 
 Evening Journal, Ottawa, Canada, Oct. 29th, 1892. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 53 
 
 women and children of Carantouan that profound 
 astonishment which the sight of a white man might 
 be expected to have produced ; as already Dutch 
 prisoners had been taken to their village, as before 
 explained. 
 
 The Hurons and Frenchman were welcomed 
 with great joy by the Carantouannais, — the strang- 
 ers being entertained with banquets and dances, 
 in a manner to gladden the hearts of their guests 
 after such a long and difficult journey. The re- 
 joicing continued for some days. 
 
 The Carantouannais now assembled in their vil- 
 lage in council to deliberate and resolve in regard 
 to sending the five hundred warriors to the assist- 
 ance of their Huron allies, who, they had been 
 assured, would soon invest the stronghold of the 
 Onondagas, helped on by Champlain and other 
 white men.^ The result of the conference was to 
 adhere to their ori^^^inal cier of help. Orders were 
 therefore given to collect, prepare and arm their 
 warriors and that the latter should march to the 
 aid of their allies to meet them at the place sug- 
 gested by the Hurons, at their council near Lake 
 Simcoe, which place was only three short days' 
 journey from Carantouan.^ But the five hundred 
 
 ' It is declared by Champlain in his Narrative of 161 8 that 
 after Brul6 had told tnem (the Carantouannais) his mission and 
 explained to them the occasion of his journey, the savages of the 
 place assembled in council to deliberate and resolve in regard to 
 sending the five hundred warriors asked for by Bruli, But this 
 is giving altogether too much authority to Brul6. So far as the 
 five hundred men were concerned, — it was his mission only to aid 
 the twelve Hurons in hurrying them up. 
 
 *Champlain's Voyages, ed. of 1619: Narrative of his Expedi- 
 tion of 1618. Champlain's assertion that Carantouan was a short 
 three days' journey from the Onondaga village was in accordance 
 
54 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 * * were very long in getting ready, although urged 
 by Brul6 to make haste, who explained to them that 
 if they delayed any longer they would not find ' ' 
 their allies at the rendezvous fixed upon by them. 
 Finally, about October 15th, with Brul6 accom- 
 panying them, they set off, — with what success 
 the sequel will show. 
 
 It was, it will be remembered, three o'clock in 
 the afternoon of October loth, 161 5, that Cham- 
 plain, with his Indians and nine white men, reached 
 and invested the Onondaga stronghold — the ob- 
 jective point of their expedition. " The village 
 was enclosed by four good palisades, which were 
 made of great pieces of wood, interlaced with each 
 other, with an opening of not more than half a 
 foot between two, and which were thirty feet 
 high, with galleries after the manner of a para- 
 pet, which they had furnished with double pieces 
 
 of wood that were proof against 
 
 arquebus shots. Moreover, it was near a pond 
 where the water was abundant, and was well 
 supplied with gutters, placed between each pair 
 of palisades, to throw out water, which they had 
 also under cover inside, in order to extinguish 
 fire." 
 
 Immediately skirmishing was indulged in be- 
 tween the contending savages. It was Cham- 
 plain's desire that the presence of white men with 
 fire-arms should not be disclosed to the enemy until 
 
 with information furnished him by Brul6 some time after the 
 latter visited the Carantouannais. This does not necessarily 
 conflict with ChampHin's statement in his Narrative of 1615, 
 that the Carantouannais were a good three days' journey from 
 the Onondagas, as will hereafter be explained. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 55 
 
 the next day ; however, impatience on the part of 
 the Hurons and their anxiety to rescue some of 
 their warriors who were hotly pursued made it 
 incumbent on the part of the " pale faces" not 
 only to show themselves at once, but to open fire 
 with their arquebuses. Speedily the Onondagas 
 fled inside their stockade, carrying with them their 
 dead and wounded ; and the besiegers also with- 
 drew to their main body with five or six wounded, 
 one of whom died.^ 
 
 Champlain was far from being pleased at this 
 weak attempt of his Huron allies. Angry words 
 were showered upon them by the excited French- 
 man. Then he proceeded, after his admonition, 
 to instruct them in the art of war. He would have 
 their camp fortified to some extent. He would 
 have a wooden tower made with a sufficient hight 
 to overlook the stockade of the enemy, and large 
 enough to give protection to four or five marks- 
 men. His savage allies quickly comprehended his 
 scheme, which included also the making of mov- 
 able parapets to serve as shields from the arrows 
 and stones of the besieged. The next day, in the 
 early hours, aided doubtlessly by the Frenchmen 
 who were with them, the savages set to work upon 
 the tower and parapets and in less than four hours 
 their task was completed and everything in suffi- 
 cient forwardness to commence the assault — but 
 the besiegers hesitated. They bethought them- 
 
 ' Champlain's Voyages (ed. of 1619), in the Narrative of his 
 Expedition of 161 5. See, also, Le Clercq, vol. I, pp. 79-87. 
 This R6collet writer, although having access to manuscripts of 
 the time of Champlain, gives but few additional facts concern- 
 ing the attack. 
 
56 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 selves of the promised assistance of the five hun- 
 dred Carantouannais, whose help, at this critical 
 juncture, would be invaluable. Would it not be 
 policy to await their coming? for, on that very day, 
 they were expected. ' ' Not being at the rendezvous 
 as directed," says Champlain, "and as they had 
 promised,^ our savages were much troubled." 
 
 It was the belief, however, of Champlain that 
 the Hurons, with the aid of his Frenchmen, were 
 sufficiently numerous to capture the town without 
 other assistance. " Delays are dangerous," he 
 reasoned — "if not in all things, at least in many ; ' ' 
 so he urged the Indians to the attack, as he plain- 
 ly saw the enemy, having become aware of the 
 strength of the besiegers and, of course, of the 
 presence of white men with fire-arms, had begun 
 to barricade themselves. The advice was con- 
 vincing to the Hurons and they resolved at once 
 to assault the stockade of the Onondagas. 
 
 Now the attack began. The strongest warriors 
 to the number of two hundred seized upon the 
 improvised wooden tower with unwonted energy, 
 and carried it to the stockade, planting it a few 
 feet off. Then three Frenchmen, armed with 
 arquebuses, mounted upon it, and being well pro- 
 tected from the arrows and stones that could be 
 shot or hurled at them, opened a raking fire along 
 the galleries inside the palisades, thronged with 
 naked and whooping defenders. Arrows of the 
 
 1 Of course, in this, Charaplain's memory is at fault; for the 
 Carantouannais had not "promised" anything; as there had 
 been no communication between them and the Hurons since 
 Brule and the twelve savages with him left the vicinity of Lake 
 Simcoe. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 57 
 
 Onondagas were rained upon the besiegers and 
 sometimes with effect; stones, too, flew thick and 
 fast against the Hurons; nevertheless, a hot fire 
 from the tower caused the enemy to dislodge and 
 abandon their galleries, contenting themselves 
 afterward to fight under cover. 
 
 Then it was that Champlain expected the mov- 
 able parapets that had been constructed would be 
 brought forward as he had directed, under the 
 cover of one of which fire was to be set to the 
 stockade ; but the excitement proved too much for 
 such work on the part of his Hurons. They soon 
 abandoned the parapets and ' ' began to scream at 
 their enemies ' ' and shoot their arrows into the 
 midst of them, over the palisades. And the fire 
 that was kindled was upon the wrong side of the 
 pickets — the wind blew the flames away from 
 them. The besiegers soon sought to remedy this 
 by carrying more wood ; but not enough was gath- 
 ered to effect anything rorth mentioning, as the 
 besieged poured an abundance of water upon the 
 flames to extinguish them. Meanwhile, so great 
 was the disorder and confusion among the Hurons 
 that Champlain 's orders could not be heard by 
 them, OT if heard, no attention whatever was given 
 to the commands which he shouted in their ears. 
 He entreated — he remonstrated — but nothing 
 could put a stop to the wild uproar; so he, " see- 
 ing that shouting would only burst his head," 
 wisely concluded to let his ungovernable allies take 
 their own way, while he and his Frenchmen would 
 do what they could in a civilized manner and fire 
 upon such of the enemy as they could see, — with 
 the result, he declares, of killing and maiming 
 
58 HISTORY OF RRULl^'S 
 
 many of the enemy. The attack continued for 
 three hours, the Hurons having two chiefs and 
 about fifteen common warriors wounded, when they 
 retreated — a disorderly rabble — to their fortified 
 camp, Champlain himself having received two 
 arrow wounds — one in the leg and the other in the 
 knee, causing him much inconvenience and pain. 
 
 Now it was that the besiegers began to talk of 
 a retreat without farther fighting, while Cham- 
 plain was urging them again to assault the strong- 
 hold of the Onondagas ; however, after explaining 
 their situation, having already so many wounded to 
 care for, they agreed to wait four days longer for 
 the coming of the five hundred Carantouannais, 
 and if they ' -ived, they would make a second 
 attempt and uld endeavor to execute his orders 
 better than i. che first attack. 
 
 On the first and second days thereafter, there 
 prevailed a very strong wind, which would have 
 made it an easy matter, in Champlain's opinion, to 
 set fire to the enemy's stockade; but the Hurons 
 could not be prevailed upon to make the attempt, 
 pleading their wounded as an excuse. The days 
 which passed in waiting for the arrival of the 
 Carantouannais were enlivened by frequent skir- 
 mishes between the contending forces ; and in some 
 of these the white men found it necessary to 
 go to the rescue of their allies. Finally, on 
 October i6th, the five hundred warriors from Car- 
 antouan not having made their appearance, the 
 retreat of the Hurons began,' their wounded, in- 
 
 ' "They [Champlain's savage allies] were ready, however, to 
 renew the onset, if Brule and his five hundred Andastes [that is, 
 Carantouannais] should come to their assistance. Brul6 was 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 59 
 
 eluding Champlain, being carried in a kind of bas- 
 ket made for the occasion, each borne on the back 
 of a strong warrior. The Onondagas followed the 
 retiring host a short distance, when they gave up 
 the pursuit, as they had not taken (and doubtless 
 were convinced they could not take) any prisoners 
 of the Hurons. Finally, the place was reached 
 where the invaders had concealed their canoes 
 on the shore of Lake Ontario and all were found 
 intact.^ 
 
 Champlain succeeded in getting safely back to 
 Cahiagu6, at the end of the year. Before returning 
 to the St. Lawrence, he visited the Tionnontates, 
 a nation known to the French, generally, as Nation 
 
 three days away among the villages of that people, who had 
 not yet finished their revelries at the prospect of punishing the 
 Iroquois. Brul6 proved powerless to move them on." — Winsor: 
 Carder to Frontenac, pp. 118, 119. However, he finally suc- 
 ceeded, as will be seen, but whi^n it was too late. 
 
 ' The following is copied from the Index to Champlain's map 
 ("Carte de la nouuelle France") of 1632, concerning the Onon- 
 daga village which Champlain failed to capture: "89. Village 
 renferm6 de 4 pallisades ou le Sieur de Champlam fut k la guerre 
 centre les Antouhonorons ou il fut pris plusieurs prisoniers 
 sauvages. " [Village enclosed within 4 palisades, where the Sieur 
 de Champlain was during the war upon the Antouhonorons, and 
 where numerous savages were made prisoners.] The last seven 
 words of this extract are a sufficient evidence that Cham- 
 plain had no hand in making at least a portion of the Index 
 to his map of 1632. Where the Onondaga stronghold is pic- 
 tured on his map, there is inserted the number "89," as given 
 above. 
 
 The Iroquois fort, from a sketch by Champlain himself to be 
 found in his Voyages of 1619, has been many times reproduced, 
 both in French and English books ; so, also, has his large map 
 of 1632, given in the edition of his work of that year, but drawn 
 by him in 1629. 
 
6o HISTORY OF BRULEl'S 
 
 du Petun, that is, Tobacco nation.' He also went 
 to the country of the Cheveux Releves,''^ some of 
 whom, it will be remembered, he met when jour- 
 neying to the Hurons from the St. Lawrence. 
 
 It was upon this visit that Champlain first heard 
 of the Attiwandarons, to whom, for the reason 
 of their observing, as before related, a neutral pol- 
 icy as to the Hurons and Iroquois, he gave the 
 name of Neutrals. He was very desirous of visit- 
 ing this nation, but was dissuaded from so doing 
 by the Cheveux Relev6s, who informed him that, 
 at the attack on the Onondaga stronghold in the 
 Iroquois country the year before, one of his men 
 had killed a Neutral ; and that because of this, it 
 would be dangerous to go among them. So he 
 returned to the Hurons the same way he went. 
 He afterwc rd came upon a party of Nipissings 
 who had wintered in that country and who had 
 promised to conduct him farther on in the prose- 
 cution of his plans and explorations, by guiding 
 him to the northward and northwestward, to the 
 head of Lake Huron, when, after going not a great 
 distance, as he believed, he would reach the North 
 Sea, but which, in reality, was Lake Superior. 
 However, a quarrel sprung up between the Hu- 
 rons and some Algonquins who were with them ; 
 and, because of this, it had been determined by 
 the Nipissings to break off the journey to the 
 north. " If ever," says Champlain, " a person 
 
 ' South of the Nottawasaga hay, and about two days' journey 
 west of the Huron towns, were situated nine or ten villages of 
 the Petuns. They did not form a league with the Hurons until 
 1640. The languages of the two natic-os were nearly identical. 
 
 ' Afterward known as Ottawas. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 6 1 
 
 was greatly disheartened it was myself, since J had 
 been waiting to see this year the North Sea, which 
 during many preceding years I had been seeking 
 for with great toil and effort, through many fa- 
 tigues- and risks of life." 
 
 Champlain, realizing no v that it would be im- 
 possible to make the tour to the north, comforted 
 himself as best he could, resolving to see that 
 region, if possible, in a short time, although now 
 thwarted in his designs. He had obtained so much 
 information that he could not doubt what the sav- 
 ages told him of the country ; and particularly, as 
 they went to traffic with the people there, — nearly 
 all of whom, he was informed, lived in a region 
 where there was an abundance of game, and where 
 there were great numbers of large animals, pre- 
 sumably buffaloes. He was assured that fishini 
 was abundant there ; and that the journey required 
 forty days in going to that country, and the same 
 length of time in returning from it. Undoubtedly, 
 the region referred to was the southern part of the 
 present Wisconsin and the northern portions of 
 what is now the State of Illinois. 
 
 It was also learned by Champlain that the peo- 
 ple of the Ottawa river and those living towards 
 the south after leaving the French river (nearly all 
 of whom he had visited) had little knowledge of 
 the inhabitants to the v/estward of Lake Huron 
 beyond those they traded with, as they were at 
 war with them. " We can not," he says, " obtain 
 better information of them, except what had been 
 told by some prisoners — that the people of those 
 distant countries were like Frenchmen in color and 
 in other respects." Of course, these stories had no 
 
62 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 foundation in fact, but Champlain was inclined to 
 believe them true — to this extent, that they were 
 people more civilized than the savages he was then 
 with. 
 
 After leaving word with the Hurons for Brul6, 
 upon his return from Carantouan, to proceed north- 
 ward and explore the country towards the head of 
 Lake Huron, Champlain started for the St. Law- 
 rence. On July nth, 1616, he reached Quebec, to 
 the great joy of all the people.^ 
 
 " The courage, endurance, and heroism of Cham- 
 plain were tested in the .... exploration 
 of 161 5. It extended from Montreal, the whole 
 length of the Ottawa, to Lake Nipissing, the 
 Georgian bay, [Lake] Simcoe, the system of small 
 lakes on the south, across the Ontario, and finally 
 ending in the interior of the State of New York, a 
 journey through tangled forests and broken water- 
 courses of more than a thousand miles, occupying 
 nearly a year, executed in the face of physical 
 suflfering and hardship before which a nature less 
 
 ' Brief accounts of Charaplain's journey of 1615 and 1616 have 
 frequently been given in English : see History of the Discovery 
 of the Northwest, by fohn Nicolet, in ibj4, pp. 18-20; Warbur- 
 ton's Conquest of Canada, vol. I, p. 88; O. H. Marshall, in The 
 Magazine of American History, vol. I, pp. i - 5 ; J. G. Shea, in 
 The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 
 II, pp. 103 -loS; Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New 
 World, pp. 357-386; Brodhead's History of the State of New 
 York (Revised ed.), vol. I, pp. 67-71; Lossing's Empire State, 
 p. 18; Rev. Edmund F. Slafter's "Champlain," in Winsor's 
 Narrative and Critical History of America,vo\. IV, pp. 124-126; 
 Winsor's Cartier to Frontenac, pp. 116-121; and other works. 
 But the most lengthy one is that published in vol. Ill, pp. 89-188, 
 of the Prince Society Publications of Champlain' s " Voyages," 
 being a full translation of Charaplain's Narrative of 1615, by 
 Charles Pomeroy Otis, with Historical Illustrations by Slafter. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 63 
 
 intrepid and determined, less loyal to his great 
 purpose, less generous and unselfish, would have 
 yielded at the outset. ' ' ^ 
 
 But what of Brul^ and the five hunared Caran- 
 touannais ? They had left Carantouan ; they had 
 marched northward, leaving, probably, the terri- 
 tory now included in Tioga county. New York, 
 and going through that of the present counties of 
 Tompkins, Cayuga, Cortland and into Onondaga, 
 but reaching the rendezvous (fixed upon near Lake 
 Simcoe by the Hurons) two days after the depart- 
 ure of Champlain and his allies.^ There was now 
 no alternative : they must return as they came ; ^ 
 and of course Brul6 was obliged to go back with 
 them to Carantouan.* 
 
 ' Rev. E. F. Slafter, in Memoir of Samuel de Champlain — 
 vol. I, pp. 199, 200, of Prince Society Publications of Cham- 
 plain's ''Voyages." 
 
 * Champlain, in his Narrative of 161 8, gives an erroneous rea- 
 son for the retreat of the Hurons from the vicinity of the Onon- 
 daga village: "They [the Carantouannais] did not succeed in 
 arriving until two days after our departure from that place [the 
 Onondaga stronghold], which we were forced to abandon, since 
 %ve were too weak and worn by the inclemency of the weather 
 [the italicising is mine] to longer remain." 
 
 It is doubtful whether the Carantouannais determined by their 
 reconnoitering of the deserted camp of the Hurons that they had 
 been gone two days. It is probable that Brul4 subsequently 
 gave to Champlain the date of their arrival, which the latter 
 readily saw was, as he gives in his Narrative of i6i8, two days 
 after he and his Hurons broke camp. 
 
 ^ Doubtless, Carantouan was the nearest of the three villages 
 of the Carantouannais to the Onondaga stronghold, as it was 
 a short three days' journey thence to the enemy's village — 
 the objective point of Champlain and his Hurons; whereas it 
 was a good three days' journey from the Carantouannais, if their 
 three villages are considered together. 
 
 * " This [the Carantouannais not nnding their allies at the 
 
64 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 rendezvous] caused Brul6 and the five hundred men whom he 
 brought to withdraw and return to their village of Carantouan," 
 is Champlain's declaration in his Narrative of 1618 (the italicis- 
 ing is mine). But, in this, he gives altogether too much authority 
 to Brul6. 
 
 ' The army of five hundred men, which Stephen Brul6 was to 
 accompany from the Susquehanna district to cooperate with 
 Champlain in his attack on the Onondaga Fort, did not arrive 
 before that stout palisade till two days after the retreat of the 
 Hurons with the wounded French leader ; they, too, retired, but 
 kept up the war till they were totally conquered by the Iro- 
 quois." — John Gilmary Shea, in The Pennsylvania Magazine 
 of History and Biography, vol. II, p, 108. In this, Mr. Shea 
 expresses the correct idea as to one object of Brul6's visit to 
 Carantouan; which was, for him, after urging the Carantouan- 
 nais quickly to assemble and hasten the departure of the five 
 hundred, to accompany them to the place agreed upon near the 
 Onondaga fort. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 BRUL6 explores the SUSQUEHANNA AND CHESA- 
 PEAKE COUNTRY TO THE OCEAN. 
 
 We left Brul^ at Carantouan, whither he had re- 
 turned with the five hundred Carantouannais in 
 the latter half of October, 1615.^ For lack of 
 company and escort back to the Huron villages, he 
 must needs remain at Carantouan during the winter, 
 — but not, of course, to continue idle within the 
 palisaded home of his savage friends. His mis- 
 sion was one, as already explained, largely for an 
 examination of their country; but he would not, 
 certainly, be limited even to that if ulterior re- 
 gions promised rich fields for visitations. So hav- 
 ing busied himself in the vicinity in calling upon 
 friendly Indians, for awhile, he turned his longing 
 eyes to the southward ; for he had learned, doubt- 
 less, that the Susquehanna was a stream of great 
 length and that the country watered by it was the 
 home of several savage tribes. He resolved, there- 
 fore, to see what (at least to him) was an unknown 
 
 ' As Champlain in his Voyages (ed. of 1619) has been de- 
 pended upon for the leading incidents m the career of Bruld 
 after starting with the twelve savages from the Huron country 
 for Carantouan until his return to that village with the five 
 hundred Carantouannais in an ineffectual avtempt to succor 
 Champlain while fighting the Onondaj,as,— so, also, we must 
 look to the same work for the main facts concerning the in- 
 terpreter's discoveries and explorations immediately following 
 those events. How Champlain came into possession of these 
 facts will hereafter be narrated. 
 
66 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 valley ; and he soon started upon his perilous jour- 
 ney. His adventure was undertaken for no other 
 purpose than exploration. Was the Susquehan- 
 na, from the present northern limits of Pennsyl- 
 vania to the south boundary line of that State, and 
 for some distance below, a wholly undiscovered 
 river at that time ? And had any white man previ- 
 ously explored to any extent the territory now 
 included within the limits of the State of Penn- 
 sylvania? These are questions now to be an- 
 swered. 
 
 The North Branch of the Susquehanna rises in 
 Otsego county. New York, and is the outlet of 
 Otsego and Schuyler lakes. The part of this 
 .stream which is included in that State is usu- 
 ally called the Susquehanna. It runs southwest- 
 ward to Great Bend, in Pennsylvania, from which 
 it returns into New York and intersects the coun- 
 ties of Broome and Tioga. Turning next to the 
 left, it enters Bradford county, Pennsylvania, and 
 runs southeastward to the coal mines of the Wy- 
 oming valley. Below Pittston it runs southwest - 
 ward through Luzerne and Columbia counties to 
 Northumberland. 
 
 The West Branch rises on the west slope of the 
 Alleghany mountains, and drains Clearfield county 
 and intersects Clinton and Lycoming counties. 
 Its general direction is eastward. It is nearly two 
 hundred and fifty miles long, and is inferior to the 
 North Branch. It unites with the North Branch 
 at Northumberland, forming the Susquehanna 
 proper. 
 
 The Susquehanna from Northumberland runs 
 southward to Harrisburg and before it reaches that 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 67 
 
 city forms the boundary between Dauphin and 
 Perry counties. Below Harrisburg it flows nearly 
 southeastward, and forms the boundary between 
 the counties of Lancaster and York. Passing next 
 into Maryland, it separates Cecil county from Har- 
 ford county and enters the north end of Chesapeake 
 bay at Havre le Grace. The Susquehanna is 
 about one hundred and fifty miles in length ; but 
 if the North Branch is included, it is five hundred 
 miles long. It traverses a hilly, fertile and pictur- 
 esque country, but its navigation is obstructed by 
 rocky rapids. Its principal tributary is the Juniata, 
 flowing into the parent stream from the westward. 
 
 Chesapeake bay is a large and important body 
 of water in Maryland and Virginia, extending 
 from the mouth of the Susquehanna river south- 
 ward to Hampton Roads, and communicating with 
 the Atlantic Ocean by a wide channel between 
 Cape Charles and Cape Henry. It is nearly two 
 hundred miles long, and varies in width from four 
 to forty miles, dividing Maryland into two parts, 
 called the eastern and western shore, and having 
 also upon its eastern shore the counties of Acco- 
 mack and Northampton in Virginia. The land on 
 each side of the bay is deeply indented by numer- 
 ous inlets or estuaries, through which the Potomac, 
 Patuxent, Rappahannock, York, Choptank, Nanti- 
 coke, and other rivers enter the bay. The water 
 is so deep that the largest ships can ascend it 
 .•Imost to the mouth of the Susquehanna. Balti- 
 more is on an estuary which is virtually a part of 
 the Chesapeake. 
 
 For the purposes of historical illustration, the 
 North Branch and the Susquehanna proper may 
 
68 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 be considered as one. The Carantouannais, liv- 
 ing in a region three good days' journey south of 
 the Onondaga country, must have had their vil- 
 lages, therefore, on the waters of the Susque- 
 hanna. This is conceded by all writers who have 
 had their attention directed to the subject.' 
 
 Following close upon the voyage of Verrazzano 
 in 1524. was that of Stephen Gomez, who, it 
 seems, discovered, on Saint Antony's day (June 
 13th), 1525, the river subsequently rediscovered 
 by Hudson and now known by his name. Gomez 
 was a Portuguese in the employ of Spain ; but he 
 returned to Corunna, whence he had sailed, within 
 less than a year, having a cargo of furs and In- 
 dians — the latter for the slave-market. There 
 is no account of his having penetrated into the in- 
 terior country, north, west, or to the southwest, 
 from the Hudson.*^ 
 
 The bay of ' ' Santa Maria ' ' (Chesapeake bay) 
 was early known to the Spaniards, it having been 
 discovered by them between the years 1524 and 
 1540. In 1556, an attempt was made by people of 
 the same nationality to form a settlement in that 
 region, which, however, proved a failure.'^ Again 
 in 1570 was another trial; but this one. in the 
 
 i"This tribe [the Carantouannais] was probably situated on 
 the upper waters of the Susquehanna; " SI after. "The Caran- 
 touannais . . . living in three towns near the Susquehanna, 
 were to cooperate with the Hurons: " Shea. 
 
 'Bancroft's History of the United States (ed. of 1890), vol. 
 1, pp. 26, 27. Consult, in this connection, Winsor's Narrative 
 and Critical History of America, vol. Ill, pp. 16. — vol. IV, 
 pp. 9-11, 28-30, 413, 414. The river, generally believed to have 
 been the Hudson which was discovered by Gomez, was called 
 the " Rio de San Antonio." 
 
 * Sharf 's History of Maryland, vol. I, p. 22. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 69 
 
 end, met with no better success. ^ Three years 
 after, Pedro Menendez Morquez sailed into the 
 bay, estimated the distance between its headlands, 
 took soundings of the water in its channel, and 
 observed that it had " many rivers and harbors on 
 both sides" in which vessels might anchor." Did 
 he discover the Susquehanna where it enters the 
 bay? Probably such was not the fact. He ex- 
 plored none of the streams he saw, nor did he 
 give names to any. It is safe to conclude, there- 
 fore, that, as yet, the Susquehanna was a river un- 
 known to civilized man. 
 
 An attempt in 1585 by Englishmen to form a 
 colony on the coast of what is now North Caro- 
 lina, although not successful, resulted the next 
 year in making known to England for the first 
 time the bay already visited by Marquez. But 
 two other colonies, together taking the name of 
 Virginia, were, farther to the northward, subse- 
 quently more fortunate. Three English vessels, 
 carrying one hundred and five emigrants, in April, 
 
 1607, reached the Chesapeake ; and soon Jamestown 
 was founded by one of the companies organized to 
 settle Virginia. The guiding spirit of the new 
 settlement was Captain John Smith. On June 2nd, 
 
 1608, he left Jamestown with fourteen others " to 
 perform his discovery" of the bay of " Chisa- 
 peack " (Chesapeake). After finishing a part of 
 his proposed work, he returned, reaching the 
 
 ' For a readable account of this attempt to form a settlement 
 at a place called "Axacan," see Historical Register, vol. I, 
 pp, 114- 120. But the proposition there set forth, that "Axacan " 
 might have been located on the Susquehanna, is entitled to no 
 consideration. 
 
 ** Sharf 's History of Maryland, vol. I, pp. 22, 23. 
 
70 HISTORY OF BRULlt'S 
 
 settlement on the 21st of July. Three days 
 thereafter he again started, this time with twelve 
 men, to complete his discoveries. As, however, 
 only so much of his second voyage as has an 
 immediate bearing on his reaching the mouth 
 of the Susquehanna river is of special impor- 
 tance to our narrative, his record, which he 
 afterwards published, will be given, but restricted 
 to a small portion of his recital of all that he saw 
 and heard during his absence. He sailed in a 
 barge of " hardly 2 toon?," using oars and a sail. 
 
 "The wind being contrary," says Smith, " caused 
 our stay two or three days at Kecoughton [now 
 Hampton, Virginia] : the King feasted us with 
 much mirth ; his people were persuaded we went 
 purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeks 
 [Mohawks or other Iroquois]. In the evening, we 
 fired a few rockets, which, flying in the air, so 
 terrified the poor savages, they supposed nothing 
 impossible we attempted, and desired to assist us. 
 
 " The first night we anchored at Stingray isle. 
 The next day crossed Patawomeks [Potomac] river, 
 and hastened to the river Bolus [Patapsco river]. 
 We went not much further before we might see 
 the [Chesapeake] bay to divide in two heads, and 
 arriving there we found it divided into four, all 
 which we searched so far as we could sail them. 
 Two of them we found inhabited." 
 
 After leaving the Patapsco, the next river dis- 
 covered by Smith was the Susquehanna. How- 
 ever, he could not ascend the stream with his boat 
 two miles for rocks. ^ 
 
 ' "At the end of the [Chesapeake] Bay, where it is 6 or 7 
 myles in breadth, it divides itself into 4 branches, the best com- 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 7 1 
 
 " Near it [the Susquehanna]," are the words of 
 Smith, " north and by west runneth a creek a mile 
 and a half, at the head whereof the ebb [tide] left 
 us on shore, where we found many trees cut with 
 hatchets. The next tide, keeping the shore to 
 seek for some savages (for within thirty leagues* 
 sailing we saw not any — being a barren country), 
 we went up another small river [now known as 
 Bush river], like a creek, six or seven miles." ^ 
 Returning down this stream, the Captain set sail 
 to cross the bay, when he unexpectedly encount- 
 ered " seven or eight canoes full of Massawomeks 
 [Mohawks or other Iroquois], — we seeing them 
 prepare to assault us, left our oars and made way 
 with our sails to encounter them, yet were we but 
 five with our Captain that could stand, for within 
 two days after we left Kecoughtan, the rest (being 
 all of the last supply) were sick almost to death, 
 until they were seasoned to the country. Having 
 shut them under our tarpaulin, we put their hats 
 upon sticks by the barge's side, and betwixt two 
 hats a man with two pieces, to make us seem 
 
 meth Northwest from among the mountains, but though Canows 
 may goe a dayes iourney or two vp it, we could not get two 
 myles vp it with our boat for rockes." — Smith's Ghierall His- 
 torie of Virginia^ New England &» the Summer Isles 
 (London: 1624), p. 24. Arber's Reprint (1884), p. 349. (I have 
 thought it best, in the text, generally to modernize Smith's spell- 
 ing-) 
 
 This Ghterall Historie of Virginia, etc., gives an account of 
 the infant colony begun, as we have seen, in 1607. Smith's 
 book also contains a supplementary narrative of his trip to the 
 Susquehanna river, prepared by three of his companions. The 
 work, as a whole, contains two hundred and forty-eight pages. 
 To it was added a Map of Virginia, which had been previously 
 published. (See Appendix to our Narrative, Note XIII.) 
 
 ' Ibid. 
 
7i' HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 many, and so we think the Indians supposed these 
 hats to be men, for they fled with all possible 
 speed to the shore, and there staid, staring at the 
 sailing of our barge till we anchored right against 
 them. Long it was ere we could draw them to 
 come to us. At last they sent two of their com- 
 pany unarmed in a canoe, the rest all followed to 
 second them if need required. These two being 
 but each presented with a bell, brought aboard all 
 their fellows, presenting our captain with venison, 
 bears' flesh, fish, bows, arrows, clubs, targets, and 
 bear skins. We understood them nothing at all, 
 but by signs whereby they signified unto us they 
 had been at war with the Tockwoghes [on what is 
 now known as the Sassafras river, Maryland], the 
 which they confirmed by showing us their green 
 [fresh] wounds, but the night parting us, we imag- 
 ined they appointed the next morning to meet [us] , 
 but after that we never saw them." ^ 
 
 " The next day," continues Smith, " we discov- 
 ered the small river and people of Tockwhogh 
 trending eastward." ^ - 
 
 And thus again the Captain : * ' Entering the 
 river Tochwogh [now known as the Sassafras 
 river] the savages all armed, in a fleet of boats, 
 after their barbarous manner, round environed us ; 
 
 '"He [Smith] was the first to publish to the English the 
 power of the Mohawks, ' who dwelt upon a great water, and had 
 many boats and many men,' and, as it seemed to the feebler 
 Algonkin tribes, ' made war upon all the world;' in the Chesa- 
 peake, he encountered a fleet of their canoes." — Bancroft's 
 United States (ed. of 1890), vol. I, p. 94. 
 
 « Smith's spelling of the name of the Indian tribe with whom 
 the " Massawomeks " had been at war is not uniform. He 
 writes "Tockwogh," "Tockwhogh," and, sometimes, "Toch- 
 wogh." The pronunciation was, probably, tock-wock. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 73 
 
 SO it chanced one of them could speak the language 
 of Powhatan [the celebrated Indian chief, whose 
 daughter was Pocahontas] who persuaded the rest 
 to friendly parley. But when they saw us fur- 
 nished with the Massawomeks weapons, and we 
 faining the invention of Kecoughtan [that the 
 party was going against the Massawomeks] to 
 have taken them by force, they conducted us to 
 their palisaded town, manteled with the barks of 
 trees, with scaffolds like mounts, breasted about 
 with breasts very formally. Their men, women 
 and children, with dances, songs, fruits, furs, and 
 what they had, kindly welcomed us, spreading 
 mats for us to sit on, stretching their best abilities 
 to express their loves. Many hatchets, knives, 
 pieces of iron and brass, we saw amongst them, 
 which they reported to have from the Sasquesa- 
 hannocks, a mighty people and mortal enemies 
 with the Massawomeks [Mohawks or other Iro- 
 quois]." ' 
 
 From the savage Tockwoghs, then. Smith 
 heard, for the first time, of the Susquehanna In- 
 
 ' "On the east side of the bay is the river Tockwhogh, and 
 upon it a people that can make loo men, seated some seaven 
 myles within the river ; where they have a fort very veil -pal- 
 lisadaed and mantelled with barkes of trees." — Smith. 
 
 "Through Smith's interpreter," says Prof. Guss {Histor- 
 ical Register, vol. I, pp. 120, 121), "who understood English, 
 and Powhatan Algonquin, he [Smith] found no difficulty in com- 
 municating with the Tockwocks." 
 
 But Smith had no interpreter vrho was an Indian that could 
 understand English. The Captain understood some " Pow- 
 ■ ♦an, ' ' and managed to hold conversation with the ' T ockwock, ' ' 
 wno, /■/ chanced, coull speak the same language; — that is, 
 "Powhatan Algonquin," as Prof. Guss terms it. It is evident 
 the Ta ' . oghs were of Ircquois lineage — not " Tockwock Algon- 
 quins,' tis that writer would term them. 
 
74 HISTORY OF BRULl^'S 
 
 dians. These savages were '* seated 2 dales high- 
 er" on the Susquehanna "than was passage for 
 the discoverers Barge. "^ It was resolved by Smith 
 to return to the mouth of that river, and if pos- 
 sible hold a council with the " Sasquesahanocks. " 
 Thereupon the party again set sail. 
 
 The Tockwogh Indian who could speak the 
 language of Powhatan (of which language Smith 
 had some knowledge), and who was with the white 
 men in the barge, was prevailed upon to go among 
 the " Sasquesahanocks " to persuade them to make 
 the journey, taking with him another Indian of 
 his own nation who could also assist in the work. 
 " We prevailed," says the Captain, '* with the in- 
 terpreter to take with him another interpreter, to 
 persuade the Sasquesahanocks tj come visit us, 
 for their languages are different. Three or four 
 days we expected their return, then sixty of those 
 giant-like people came down, with presents of 
 venison, tobacco pipes three foot in length, bas- 
 kets, targets, bows and arrows."^ 
 
 Taking with him in his barge five of the " Sas- 
 quesahanock ' ' chiefs (' ' werowances, " as they were 
 called), and leaving the rest of the savages at the 
 mouth of the river, with their canoes, * ' the winds 
 being so high they durst not passe," Smith again 
 sprcc.d his sail to cross the bay Lo the Sassafras 
 (•' Tockwhogh ") river. 
 
 In the ' ' pallizadoed towne ' ' of the Tockwoghs, 
 
 ' See Appendix, Note XIII. 
 
 'That the language of the Tockwoghs was "different" from 
 the "Sasquesahanocks" does not necessarily imply that it was 
 radically different — that the two nations could not have been 
 of the same linguistic stock. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 7$ 
 
 Smith and his companions were highly entertained 
 with the strange manners of the " Sasquesahan- 
 ocks:" "Our order," is the quaint language of 
 Smith, " was daily to have prayer, with a psalm, 
 at which solemnity the poor savages much won- 
 dered, our prayers being done, a while ley were 
 busied with a consultation till they had contrived 
 their business. They then began in a most pas- 
 sionate manner to hold up their hands to the sun, 
 with a most fearful song, then embracing our Cap- 
 tain, they began to adore him in like manner: 
 though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded till 
 their song was finished : which done with a most 
 strange furious action, and a hellish voice ; began 
 an oration of their loves ; that ended, with a great 
 painted bear-skin they covered him; then one 
 ready with a great chain of white beads, weighing 
 at least six or seven pounds hung it about his 
 neck, the others had eighteen mantels, made of 
 divers sorts of skins sewed together ; all these with 
 many other toyes they laid at his feet, stroking 
 their ceremonious hands about his neck for his 
 creation to be their governor and protector, prom- 
 ising their aid, victuals, or what they had to be 
 his, if he would stay with them, to defend and 
 revenge them of the Massawomeks. But we left 
 them at Tockwhogh, sorrowing for our departure, 
 yet we promised the next year again to visit them. " 
 But Smith did not leave the * * Sasquesahanocks ' ' 
 and the Tockwoghs until he had obtained from 
 the former the important information that the 
 hatchets, knives, and other articles of European 
 manufacture possessed by their nation had been 
 obtained from the French on (as the Captain un- 
 
ffi HISTORY OF BRULlfe'S 
 
 derstood them) the River St. Lawrence. There 
 had been such a trade carried on by way of the 
 West Branch of the Susquehanna, thence across to 
 Lake Erie and down the Niagara river, thence 
 along the shores of Lake Ontario and down the St. 
 Lawrence, for several years, with transient fur- 
 traders in the last-mentioned river, and with others 
 more permanently located below. ^ 
 
 The failure of Smith and his men to ascend in 
 their barge the Susquehanna river farther than 
 about two miles left all the extensive region after- 
 ward included within the boundaries of Pennsyl- 
 vania unexplored by civilized man. And for the 
 next eight years and more, so far as known, no 
 Englishman passed within its limits, as now de- 
 fined. The English explorers of the Chesapeake 
 bay had, as we have just narrated, reached a point 
 within a few miles of what became afterward (and 
 still is) its southern boundary — ' ' Mason and Dix- 
 on 's Line."- 
 
 As early as 1597, voyages were undertaken from 
 Holland to America. In 1608, Henry Hudson, an 
 Englishman, offered his services to the Dutch East 
 India Company to undertake a search for a north- 
 
 ' This fact is to be inferred from what is said by Champlain in 
 his Voyages of 1613. See, also, in this connection (as to this 
 grand detour having been made by the savages), Appendix 
 to our Narrative, Note XII. The gfreat circuit, as already ex- 
 plained, was followed to avoid the hostile Iroquois. It was this 
 roui d-about way, in going from the mouth of the Niagara river 
 to the Susquehania, that Brul^ could not take for want of time. 
 
 *See Appendix, Note XIII. What is said by Smith in Chapter 
 VI, of his " First Book " concerning his visit to the head of the 
 Chesapeake, must be read in connection with his summary ac- 
 count and description in his ' ' Second Book : ' ' they must be 
 construed together. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. TJ 
 
 east passage to China, and they were accepted. 
 On April 4th, 1609, a vessel of about eighty tons' 
 burden, commanded by him and manned by 
 Netherlanders and Englishmen, set sail. His 
 yacht was named the Half Moon. Failing to the 
 northward and northeastward, he turned his 
 prow to the westward and south west ward. Early 
 in July, he reached the banks of Newfoundland; 
 and, soon after the beginning of September, he 
 rediscovered the river which afterwards received 
 his name. Now, for a while, Dutch voyages to the 
 east coast of America were given up, to be renewed, 
 however, in 16 13, by Henry Christiansen in the For- 
 tune and Adrian Block in the Tiger. These navi- 
 gators were instructed to sail for the island of Man- 
 hattan and to renew and continue their traffic with 
 the savages along the Hudson (then called the 
 Mauritius) river, — the two having previously, in 
 one ship, visited that stream and obtained furs 
 from the natives. By accident, the Tiger was 
 burned at Manhattan while Block was preparing to 
 return to Holland, but its commander was not dis- 
 couraged. During the winter of 161 3 -14, he 
 built a small yacht, erecting a few huts on the 
 island for his accommodation while engaged in the 
 work. But this was not the beginning of New 
 York city, for it again lapsed into " primeval soli- 
 tude." 1 
 
 By the spring of 16 14, other vessels had arrived 
 from Holland at Manhattan, and it was perceived 
 that to secure the largest returns from the fur 
 trade, a factor should reside permanently near the 
 
 ' Martha J. Lamb's History of the City of New York, vol. I, 
 p. 35- 
 
7$ HISTORY OF BRULE'S ^' 
 
 Mohawks on the west side of the Hudson and 
 contiguous also to the Mohicans on the east side of 
 the river; so Christiansen erected a trading house 
 on " Castle Island" at the west side of the stream, 
 a little below the present city of Albany. To the 
 small pest was immediately given the name of 
 " Fort Nassau."^ 
 
 By October nth of the year last mentioned, 
 so much had the trade increased to the Hudson, 
 that a company was chartered giving the mem- 
 bers a special trading license to " New Nether- 
 land," as the region therein, for the first time, 
 was called — ' ' exclusively to visit and navigate to 
 the aforesaid newly- discovered lands lying in 
 America, between New France and Virginia, the 
 sea-coasts whereof extend from the fortieth to the 
 forty-fifth degree of latitude, now named New 
 Netherland, for four voyages within the period of 
 three years, commencing on January ist, 1615, next 
 ensuing, or sooner. * ' But not until some time in 
 the year 16 16 as a result of the presence of the 
 Dutch in ' * New Netherland ' ' had any of these 
 traders reached what is now the State of Pennsyl- 
 vania. 
 
 During the year 161 5, the Dutch at Fort Nassau, 
 up the Hudson, continued, it is true, actively em- 
 ployed in prosecuting a quiet traffic with the Mo- 
 hawks and Mohicans, near that post; and there 
 were doubtless scouting-parties exploring the coun- 
 try to the westward of Manhattan, but none pene- 
 
 ' Brodhead's History of the State of New York (Revised 
 Ed.), vol. I, pp. 54, 55, 755, 756. Mrs. Lamb, in her work cited 
 in the previous note, errs in giving (p. 42) the date of the found- 
 ing of Fort Nassau as of 161 5. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 79 
 
 trated so far as actually to reach the lower or even 
 middle portions of the Delaware river, where dwelt 
 the Minquas, a nation of linguistic affinity with 
 the Iroquois, or Five Nations, as before mentioned, 
 but their deadly enemies and known to the latter 
 as"Ogehage."' 
 
 It is reasonably certain that in 16 14 the Caran- 
 touannais were at peace with all the tribes with 
 which the Dutch were trading except the Mohawks ; 
 with the latter, a bitter war was raging as with all 
 the other nations forming the league or confeder- 
 acy known to the French afterwards as the Iro- 
 quois. It is highly probable, therefore, that the 
 three Dutch prisoners taken in 16 14 by the Caran- 
 touannais (but delivered up because they were sup- 
 posed to be Frenchmen) were, at the time of their 
 capture, engaged with the Mohawks, having joined 
 the latter from Fort Nassau, up the Hudson. As 
 the war was doubtless carried on to the northeast- 
 ward of Carantouan, it is not at all likely that these 
 Dutchmen, while on the war-path with the " Ma- 
 quaas " (Mohawks), saw any portion of what is now 
 the territory included within the boundaries of the 
 State of Pennsylvania. The way, chen, was clear- 
 
 ' These Minquas were Southern Iroquois (see Appendix, Note 
 XV), and the very next year (161 6) they captured three Dutch 
 explorers, who, however, were soon given up. These Dutchmen 
 were from Fort Nassau up the Hudson, and had gone down the 
 Delaware early in the season to about the locality of the present 
 city of Philadelphia, when they were made prisoners by the 
 Minquas. That chey went so far on the river before being 
 captured is strong evidence that the Carantouannais were not 
 located on the upper portions of it. (Consult, in this connection, 
 E. B. O'Callighan's Documents Relating to the Colonial His- 
 tory of the State of New York, vol. I, pp. 13, 14; also, Brod- 
 head's History of the State of New York (Revised Ed.), vol. I, 
 pp. 78, 79). 
 
80 HISTORY OF BRULli'S 
 
 ly open, in the autumn of 1615, for Brn\6 to be- 
 come its first explorer (if, indeed, he was not the 
 first white man to set foot upon its soil) ; and that 
 he succeeded in the enterprise, there can be no 
 reasonable doubt. 
 
 " Brule," says Champlain in speaking of how 
 his interpreter spent the winter after his return 
 from the Onondaga fort to Carantouan, " made a 
 tour along a river that flows in the direction of 
 Florida, where are many powerful and warlike 
 nations, carrying on wars against each other. The 
 climate there is very temperate, and there are a 
 great number of animals and abundance of small 
 game. But to traverse and ^^ch these regions 
 requires patience, on account ot .e difficulties in- 
 volved in passing the extensive wastes. 
 
 ' ' He continued his course along the river as far 
 as the sea, also to islands and to lands near them, 
 which are inhabited by various and populous tribes 
 of savages who are well disposed and love the 
 French above all other white people. But those 
 who know the Dutch complain severely of them, 
 since they treat them very roughly. Among other 
 things, he observed that the winter was very tem- 
 perate, that it snowed very rarely, and that when 
 it did the snow was not a foot deep and melted 
 immediately. 
 
 " After traversing the country and observing 
 what was noteworthy, he returned to the village 
 of Carantouan, in order to find an escort for re- 
 turning to our settlement [on the St. Lawrence] . " ^ 
 
 The conclusion is inevitable that the " river that 
 flows in the direction of Florida " was the Susque- 
 
 'Champlain's Ftya^^J of 1618 (ed. of 1619). 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 8 1 
 
 hanna, along which Brul''* " made a tour." From 
 the Onondaga fort assailed by Champlain and his 
 Hurons, a three days' journey south would bring 
 Brul6 to no other stream flowing toward Florida 
 but that river ; and such would be the fact if the 
 stronghold just mentioned had been located a con- 
 siderable distance farther to the westward than 
 the vicinity of the present city of Syracuse, New 
 York. It could not have been the Delaware ; for 
 the waters of this stream are to the southeastward 
 and too distant.^ " Bruld now returned," says 
 a recent writer, " with them [the five hundred 
 Carantouannais] to Carantouan, and, with enter- 
 prise worthy of his commander, spent the winter 
 [of i6i 5 - i6] in a tour of exploration. Descending 
 a river, evidently the Susquehanna, he followed it 
 to its junction with the sea," ^ — Champlain doubt- 
 less considering the Chesapeake, from what Brul^ 
 had narrated, an enlargement of the Susquehanna 
 until the Atlantic was reached by him.'' 
 
 As the savages then occupying the valley of the 
 Susquehanna, even as far south as its mouth, were, 
 as hereafter shown, of the same linguistic family, 
 Brul6 must have found little difficulty in conversing 
 with them, as they all spoke dialects similar to 
 that of the Huron, with which, as already ex- 
 plained, he was familiar: and as all were of the 
 Iroquois stock, they (and including other nations 
 
 ' Upon Champlain's Map of 16:^2, the Carantouannais are lo- 
 cated on the Delaware — an error, which, considering the imper- 
 fect information he then had of the locality, is not at all surpris- 
 ing. 
 
 ' Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 378. 
 
 ' See Appendix, Note XIV. ,..;„__ s^.,^^,--h-^ 
 
8a HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 beyond) may, with propriety, be classified, in view 
 of their general location, Southern Iroquois.' 
 
 That the Carantouannais, as we have already 
 suggested, had a village farther down the Susque- 
 hanna valley than Carantouan, seems probable. 
 
 " At Wyoming," says a recent writer, " were 
 the Scahentoarrunon, or People of the Great Flats; 
 on the West Branch [of the Susquehanna] were 
 the Otzinachson, or people of the Demons' Dens; 
 on the Juniata were the Onojutta-Haga, or Stand- 
 ing Stone people; below the mountains, on the 
 river [Susquehanna] and branches, were the Sus- 
 quehannocks, extending to the Potomac river.'""* 
 
 It is only of the last mentioned that we have any 
 particular account of immediately (as we may say) 
 preceding the year 1615. Captain Smith's curi- 
 osity to see them, after the Tockwoghs had assured 
 him they had obtained from them the " hatchets, 
 knives and pieces of iron and brass ' ' exhibited to 
 the English, must have been great, as we would 
 naturally suppose; hence his sending the two 
 Tockwoghs to their homes asking them to visit him 
 and his party at the mouth of the Susquehanna. 
 The Captain declares the " Sasquesahanocks " 
 ' ' could make near six hundred able men, and 
 are pallisaded in their towns to defend them from 
 the Massawomeks, their mortal enemies." The 
 location of their principal village is uncertain.^ 
 
 ' See Appendix, Note XV. ,' 
 
 ' Prof. A. L. Guss, in the Historical Register, vol. I, p. 42. 
 
 '"It is claimed," says Prof. Guss, "that this chief town [of 
 the ' Sasquesahanocks '] was always near the mouth of Conestoga 
 creek. As we know that the location of such Indian towns were 
 often changed . . . and as we know there was a ' Sasque- 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 83 
 
 " Sixty of these Sasquesahanocks, " says Smith 
 (we modernize his spelling), ' ' came to us with skins, 
 bows, arrows, targets, beads, swords, and tobacco 
 pipes for presents. Such great and well-propor- 
 tioned men are seldom seen, for they seemed like 
 giants to the English, yea and to the neighbors 
 [the Tockwoghs], yet seemed of an honest and 
 simple disposition, with much ado restrained from 
 adoring us as gods. 
 
 " These are the strangest people of all these 
 countries, both in language and attire; for their 
 language it may well become their proportions, 
 sounding from them as a voice in a vault. Their 
 attire is the skins of bears and wolves, some have 
 cossacks made of bears' heads and skins that a 
 man's head goes through the skins and neck, and 
 the ears of the bear fastened to his shoulders, the 
 nose and teeth hanging down his breast, another 
 bear's split behind him, and at the end of the nose 
 hung a paw, the half sleeves coming to the elbows 
 were the necks of bears, and the arms through 
 the mouth with paws hanging at their noses. One 
 had the head of a wolf hanging in a chain for a 
 jewel, his tobacco pipe three-quarters of a yard 
 long, prettily carved with a bird, a deer, or some 
 such devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out 
 
 bannocks new town ' where ' some falls below hinder navigation,' 
 about 1648; and that ' the present Sasquahana Fort,' in 1670, was 
 on the southside of the river below the ' greatest fal,' now known 
 as the Conewago Falls ; and as they had a fort at the mouth of 
 the Octoraro, perhaps as early as 1662, it is impossible to exactly 
 locate the town designated by Smith."— //t'siort'ca/ Register, 
 vol. I, p. 165. It will be noticed, however, that Smith declares 
 they, the "Sasquesahanocks," had more than one palisaded 
 town. 
 
84 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 one's brains : with bows, arrows and clubs suitable 
 to their greatness." 
 
 " On the east side of the [Chesapeake]," con- 
 tinues Smith, ' ' is the river Tockwogh [now, as 
 before explained, known as the Sassafras river], 
 and upon it a people that can make one hundred 
 men, seated some seven miles within the river 
 [that is — up from ics mouth]: where they have a 
 fort very well palisaded and manteled with barks 
 of trees. Next them is Ozinies with sixty men." 
 The nation below the one last named was the 
 ' • Kuscarawaocks ' ' (afterward known as the * ' Nan- 
 ticokes"), "a people with two hundred men." 
 Farther down were the Wighcocomicos (Wicomi- 
 cos), " a people with one hundred men." And of 
 two nations still farther south on the same side of 
 the bay Smith says : ' ' But they [who] are on the 
 river Acohanock with forty men, and they of [the] 
 Accomack [with] eighty men, doth equalize [equal] 
 any [of those in] the territories of Powhatan, and 
 speak his language, — who over all these doth rule 
 as king. ' ' ^ 
 
 It is evident that not only the *' Sasquesaha- 
 nocks " but the " Tockwoghs " were of Iroquois 
 stock (for both stockaded their towns) ; ^ while the 
 other nations below on the east side of the bay 
 
 •Smith's Ginerall Historie of Virginia, p. 5. Arber's Re- 
 -print, p. 350. It seems highly probable that the estimate of 
 Smith as to the number of men of each nation was restricted to 
 the town visited by him. His estimate of the ' ' Sasquesahanocks ' ' 
 was probably with reference to their principal town only, from 
 their report 
 
 •Prof. Guss (in the Historical Register, vol. I, pp. 120, lai), 
 thinks the "Tockwoghs" were Algonquin: "The Tockwocks 
 were most probably a branch of the Nanticokes, but possibly 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 8$ 
 
 were (unless the " Ozinies " be excepted) Algon- 
 quins. But Brul6 could have had no difficulty in 
 talking with any or all these people, as he could 
 hold converse equally well with those of Iroquois 
 or Algonquin lineage. - 
 
 So many of the Southern Iroquois as were visited 
 by Brul6 were doubtless told by him of the aid 
 the French were giving the Hurons, the allies of 
 the Carantouacnais ; and this (although some may 
 have known the fact), of course, secured kind treat- 
 ment to him from all of them. 
 
 But did Brul€ reach the ocean in his explora- 
 tion? He told Champlain he went as far as the 
 sea. He would not likely have mistaken Chesa- 
 peake bay for the Atlantic. He speaks, as we 
 have seen, of islands which he visited ; of these, 
 in the bay and near by, it is well known, there are 
 many. None could have been found had the ex- 
 plorer gone no farther than the mouth of the Sus- 
 quehanna.^ 
 
 Some Indians, doubtless on the Chesapeake, told 
 Brul6 that they were acquainted with white men 
 who treated them ' * very roughly ; ' ' and this T/^as 
 repeated by Brul6 to Champlain; the latter, tak- 
 
 Dela wares, and certainly of the Algonquin family." But he 
 forgets what he has previously written (p. 47): "The Algon- 
 quins seldom had any fortifications and then only of the rudest 
 construction. The Iroquois generally had well palisaded 
 towns." 
 
 ' " Georgian Bay and the Chesapeake were thus connected by 
 Bnil6 in the spring of 1616, but there were no newspapers in 
 those days; consequently there was no fame — no eclat — around 
 the poor explorer. He played the part of Stanley in Africa, but 
 he added neither a title to his humble rank of interpreter, nor a 
 penny to his purse. At the age of twenty-two, he had achieved 
 a great Canadian work." — Suite. 
 
86 HISTORY OF BRUL:6'S 
 
 ing it for granted they were " Flamens" (Dutch), 
 so reported, as we have seen, in the recital of his 
 interpreter's story. But the Dutch, in 1615, had 
 no trafl&c with the Indians upon either the Susque- 
 hanna river or Chesapeake bay. The white men 
 then spoken of by the savages were probably the 
 English upon the James river, who, it is well 
 known, had for some time treated several tribes 
 " very roughly." Champlain was ignorant of the 
 Jamestown settlement. Brul6, therefore, could 
 not have gone any farther than Cape Charles, un- 
 less he made a flying trip up the coast to the 
 islands lying to the northeastward. Indeed, the 
 time of his absence from Carantouan precludes the 
 idea of any farther exploration by him. 
 
 So, the indomitable explorer, Brul6, having 
 spent the winter — which was " very temperate," 
 where " snow fell very rarely, and when it did it 
 was not a foot deep and melted immediately ' ' — in 
 traveling through what is now the State of Penn- 
 sylvania — a country never before explored by 
 a white man, in " observing what was note- 
 worthy," and in journeying across what is now 
 Maryland and even into the present Virginia, — 
 returned to Carantouan for guides to conduct him 
 back to the St. Lawrence, or at least to the country 
 of the Hurons.^ 
 
 ' " Now you have the name [Brul6] of the first European who 
 visited the vast domain which W. Penn called after his own. 
 more than sixty years afterwards." — Suite. 
 
r CHAPTER VII. 
 
 RETURN OF BRUL^ TO THE ST. LAWRENCE. — HIS 
 REMARKABLE ESCAPE FROM TORTURE. 
 
 Brul6 tarried awhile at Carantouan after having 
 explored the Susquehanna river and Chesapeake 
 bay, when five or six Carantouannais concluded to 
 act as guides for him back to the Huron villages. 
 The route taken was again through the country of 
 the Senecas and, probably, not far from the course 
 followed by him when he came with his twelve 
 Hurons to the Carantouannais the year previous.^ 
 Again he met the enemy, but this time, having 
 fewer protectors and the Senecas being in consid- 
 erable numbers, the result was very different from 
 the hostile meeting which took place on his jour- 
 ney outward. Then, it was a few Iroquois who 
 were captured ; now, it was the white man and his 
 guides — who were forced to flee for their lives.** 
 
 The Senecas, seeing how few there were of the 
 stiangers, at once charged upon them, — so cour- 
 ageously, indeed, as to scatter the little party. 
 There was no time for rallying, although the Car- 
 antouannais soon embodied themselves and pur- 
 sued their journey without loss of life, but with- 
 
 1 Brul4 must have left Carantouan for his homeward trip 
 about April ist (1616). 
 
 'There is no information extant as to how many days the 
 party had traveled before the enemy were discovered; it was 
 probably not less than three or four, judging from the dis- 
 tance intervening between Carantouan and the Seneca country. 
 
88 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 out Brul^, who had purposely kept away from his 
 guides in hopes the more surely to escape from 
 the foe. As he was now alone in the interminable 
 woods and greatly bewildered, he could not return 
 to Carantouan, neither could he find a trail leading 
 in any direction whatever, nor any sign which 
 might help him, so that he could effect his retreat 
 back to the Carantouannais. Hopelessly he wan- 
 dered about for several days with nothing to eat. 
 The pangs of hunger were g^eat, and he came 
 well-nigh giving up in despair, when finally he saw 
 a gleam of hope : it was an Indian foot-path that 
 he had discovered, and his spirits revived. v 
 
 Brul6, distressed as he was, determined to follow "? 
 the trail he had found, for better or for worse — 
 whichever way it might lead — wherever it might 
 go — whether towards his friends or his foes ; for he 
 would rather trust to his enemies than to perish 
 in the wilderness alone and most wretchedly, 
 as he knew he would unless help came in some 
 shape. ^ 
 
 There was a thought which encouraged him — 
 he knew he could, by effort, make any Iroquois 
 into whose hands he might fall understand what 
 
 ' " When, in the spring, he [Brul6] returned to Carantouan, five 
 or six of the Indians offered to guide him towards his country- 
 men. Less fortunate than before, he encountered on the way a 
 band of Iroquois, who, rushing upon the party, scattered them 
 through the woods. Brul£ ran like the rest The cries of pur- 
 suers and pursued died away in the distance. The forest was 
 still around him. He was lost in the shady labyrinth. For three 
 or four days he wandered, helpless and famished, till at length 
 he found an Indian foot-path, and choosing between starvation 
 and the Iroquois, desperately followed it to throw himself on 
 their mercy [if by those Indians he should be captured]." — 
 Parkman: Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 378. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 89 
 
 he would say io them, which possibly would save 
 his life. 
 
 It was not long that Brul6 traveled upon the 
 path before he discovered, on their way to their vil- 
 lage, three Seneca Indians loaded with fish. He 
 ran after them and approaching them made the 
 depths of the forest ring with a shout, according to 
 the custom of savages, to attract their attention. 
 The three turned to see who had thus signaled 
 them, when, beholding a white man, they were 
 made afraid and would have thrown down their 
 loads and fled had not Brul6 called to them, which 
 gave them assarance that they had nothing to fear.* 
 
 They laid down their bows and arrows, indicat- 
 ing they were not disposed to attack the stranger, 
 and Brul6 thereupon laid down his arms in token 
 also of his being inclined to peace.* 
 
 Brul6, on coming up to the three savages, related 
 to them, as well as he could, the story of his mis- 
 fortune; explained to them his miserable condi- 
 tion, — how weak and feeble he was, not having 
 tasted food for three or four days. Pity and com- 
 
 ■ " He [Brul£] soon saw three Indians in the distance, laden 
 with fish newly caught, and called to them in the Huron tongue, 
 which was radically similar to that of the Iroquois: " Parkman, 
 loc. cit. That the fish were *' newly caught." is highly probable, 
 but Champlain does not so declare; neither does he say that 
 Brul6 called to the savages " in the Huron tongue;" such, how- 
 ever, was doubtless the fact, notwithstanding he (Champlain) 
 affirms in this connection that Brul6 knew how to speak their 
 (the Iroquois) language. It is fair to presume he could only, 
 by persevering effort, aided by signs and the use of " the Huron 
 tongue which was radically similar " to their own, make them 
 comprehend what he was saying. 
 
 * It seems altogether certain that Brul6 was only armed with 
 bow and arrows, as was each Iroquois he was now approaching. 
 
90 HISTORY OF BRULlfe'S 
 
 passion were at once aroused in the breasts of the 
 Indians ; he was offered a pipe and they smoked 
 together according to Indian custom. He was then 
 conducted to their village, where he was given 
 something to eat and kindly tendered every assist- 
 ance in his distress.^ 
 
 Although Brule's guides (the five or six Caran- 
 touannais) had escaped from their enemies and 
 had lost their white companion., they nevertheless 
 proceeded on their way to the Hurons, arriving 
 at Cahiagu6 on April 22nd. They communicated 
 to Champlain, who was at that village, informa- 
 tion of Brul^, whom they said they had left on the 
 road, he having returned, for some reason, to 
 Carantouan — this latter assertion being, of course, 
 only a guess on their part. Naturally, they be- 
 lieved if he escaped with his life and was not 
 captured he would find little difficulty in making 
 his way back to the place of starting.^ 
 
 But to return to the Seneca village and to Brul6, 
 whose distress had so providentially been relieved. 
 No sooner had the savage occupants of the place 
 
 > It is probable that the Seneca village to which Brul6 was 
 guided was located near the Genesee river, possibly in the pres- 
 ent county of Livingston, New York. It seems altogether evi- 
 dent, because of Brul6 having met hostile Iroquois near one of 
 their villages, that he and his guides were not returning in the 
 wide circuit, — the "grand detour" — which has before been 
 spoken of as being sometimes taken by the Carantouannais in 
 journeying to the Hurons. 
 
 'As to any farther information having been obtained from 
 these savages concerning his absent interpreter, Champlain is 
 silent. It would be strange indeed did he not question them as 
 to Brule's whereabouts during the winter that had just passed 
 and as to the march of the five hundred Carantouannais to 
 aid him and his Hurons against the Onondagas, though he 
 seems not to have gained from them the reason for the delay. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 9I 
 
 learned that an ' ' Adoresetoiiy ' ' had arrived (that 
 was the name they had given the French, signify- 
 ing " men of iron"), than they quickly assembled 
 and in great numbers to see the white man. He 
 was taken to the cabin of one of the principal 
 chiefs, where he was closely questioned: " Whence 
 came you ? What circumstances drove you hither ? 
 How did you happen to lose your way? Do you 
 not belong to the Adoresetoiiy, who make war 
 upon us?" To all these queries he made prompt 
 reply ; — particularly was he careful to say that he 
 belonged to a better nation than the French, which 
 nation was yearning to make their acquaintance 
 and to make them their friends. But the wily sav- 
 ages did not believe what he said. They threw 
 themselves upon him — they tore out his nails with 
 their teeth — they burnt him with glowing fire- 
 brands — they plucked out his beard : all of which 
 was contrary to the will of their chief .^ , ■:■- ■ 
 
 It is evident from Champlain's narrative of what 
 he was told by Brul^, that the fierce Senecas had 
 already begun the customary torture inflicted by 
 savages upon prisoners. Brul6 was a Catholic, al- 
 
 •"A crowd gathered about him [Brul^]. 'Whence do you 
 come? Are you not one of the Frenchmen, the men of iron, who 
 make war on us? ' Brul6 answered that he was of a nation bet- 
 ter than the French and fast friends of the Iroquois. His captors, 
 incredulous, tied him to a tree, tore out his beard by handfulls, 
 and burned him with firebrands, while their chief vainly inter- 
 posed in his behalf. — Parkman; Pioneers of France in the New 
 World, pp. 378, 379. Champlain does not say that Brule was 
 tied to a tree ; Sagard, who, also, as will presently be seen, had 
 the account from the lips of Brule some years after, says he 
 was stretched on the ground. It will be noticed that Parkman 
 omits mention of Brul^ having had his nails torn out. He 
 changes Champlain's words as to the plucking out of his beard 
 "hair by hair "to "by handfulls " — which is more probable. 
 
92 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 > 
 
 though, it seems, not very devout. He wore upon 
 his breast an Agnus Dei, which was attached to his 
 neck. This was now observed by one of the sav- 
 ages, who, after asking him what it was, at once 
 made an attempt to seize it and pull it off. But 
 Brul^ resisted this, and with courageous words re- 
 plied : " If you take it and kill me you will your- 
 self immediately die — you and all your kin." 
 But the Indian persisted in his ' ' malicious pur- 
 pose." However, before accomplishing his work, 
 there came relief to the suffering white man from 
 a source as sudden as it was unexpected. 
 
 It was a fair day — the heavens were serene — 
 waen, as unlooked for by Brul6 as it was astonish- 
 ing to the savages, " darkness brooded o'er the 
 scene;" — there were great and thick clouds in 
 the sky, and quickly followed " thunders and light- 
 nings so violent and long-continued that it was 
 something strange and awful." Never before had 
 the Indians seen or heard anything like it — it was 
 a most frightful storm. The savages were filled 
 with terror. They lost their interest in the ter- 
 rible work of putting the white man to death. 
 They fled from him without even unbinding him ; 
 for they were now mortally afraid of him. There- 
 upon Brul6 called in gentle words to them, making 
 them, however, to understand that the Great Spirit 
 was angry with them for their treatment of him.^ 
 
 'Six years or more after relating these facts to Champlain, 
 Brul6 gave to Friar Sagard the same particulars. The latter 
 published them in 1636, in his History of Canada, substantially 
 the same as reported to Champlain. In speaking of the inter- 
 preter having become separated from his Carantouannais glides, 
 he says in effect: 
 
 " Brul£ slept several nights in the woods until one mornings 
 
■*■' 
 
 DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 93 
 
 The Seneca chief now kindly unbound the pris- 
 oner, escorted him to his lodge, where he took care 
 of him and dressed his wounds.^ After this, there 
 was no dance, no feast, no merry-making, to which 
 Brul6 was not invited. '^ 
 
 After remaining some time in the Iroquois vil- 
 lage, Brul€ determined to again start for the French 
 settlement upon the St. Lawrence, to pursue his 
 
 having found a beaten path, he followed it, reaching a village 
 of Iroquois, where he was immediately seized and taken 
 prisoner, and afterwards condemned to death by their council. 
 The poor man, very much frightened, did not know to which 
 saint he could give himself; for, to hope for mercy, he knew very 
 well he could not, and so he had recourse to God and to patience, 
 and submitted himself to the Divine wishes more because he was 
 obliged to than otherwise, fur he was not devout, judging by 
 what he told us. 
 
 "One day having found himself in g^eat danger of death, all 
 the prayer he said was his Benedictus, but I do not know 
 whether he said it here. Being about to die (for already they 
 had stretched him on the earth and \^ere pulling out his beard), 
 and one of the savages seeing the Agnus Dei which he carried 
 hanging around his neck, and wanting to take it from him, 
 Brul^ began to shout and yell and told his tormentors that if they 
 took it from him, God would punish them, as God did accord- 
 ingly ; for, no sooner had they put their hands on it to take it 
 from his neck than the heavens which had been until now cloud- 
 less, grew stormy all at once and sent forth so much lightning, 
 so much thunder, and made so much noise that the savages be- 
 lieved themselves to be at their last day and ran into their wig- 
 wams, leaving their prisoner alone." — (See Appendix to our Nar- 
 rative, Note XXII [c], where the words of Sagard are given in 
 French, as originally printed, and then translated with some 
 variations from the above.) 
 
 'Champlain says: "The chief then approached Brul6," etc., 
 meaning, clearly, that it was the one who was opposed to his 
 people torturing their prisoner, and who now unbound him. 
 
 •Thus Parkman (Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 
 379): " The day was hot, and one of those thunder-gusts which 
 often succeed the fierce heats of an American midsummer wa& 
 rising against the sky. Brul6 pointed to the inky clouds as 
 
94 HISTORY OF BRULlt'S 
 
 journey by way of the Huron villages.' The Sene- 
 cas proffered guides to conduct him some distance 
 on his way ; and he was conducted by them four 
 days, when, it is believed, the mouth of the Niag- 
 ara river was reached. From this point he could 
 not, though alone, fail in reaching in safety the 
 Huron country and its scenes, with which he was 
 familiar; so his guides there left him.^ 
 
 Before departing from the village where he had 
 so fortuitously escaped death by torture, Brul6 
 assured the Iroquois he would bring about friend- 
 ly relations between them and the French and 
 their enemies, the Hurons and their allies — prom- 
 ising to return to them that they might swear 
 friendship with each other.*^ 
 
 tokens of the anger of his God. The storm broke, and, as the 
 celestial artillery boomed over their darkening forests, the Iro- 
 quois were stricken with a superstitious terror. All fled from 
 the spot, leaving their victim still bound fast, until the chief who 
 had endeavored to protect him returned, cut the cords, and lead- 
 ing him to his lodge dressed his wounds. Thenceforth there was 
 neither dance nor feast to which Brule was not mvited." 
 
 ■ The exact time of his leaving is unknown, but it could not 
 have been much before the first of June (1616). 
 
 ' Assuming the Seneca village to have been not far to the east- 
 ward of the Genesee river, four days' travel would be sufficient 
 to bring Brule to the mouth of the Niagara, as above suggested. 
 
 *"Brul6 had an eventful life. While trying with a small party 
 of Indians to reach the Huron country, they were attacked and 
 scattered. Brule at last fell in with a few Iroquois going to the 
 fields, and endeavored to approach them in a friendly way, 
 assuring them that he was not of the nation that had just 
 attacked them. They treated him as a prisoner and proceeded 
 to torture him. As they endeavored to tear a religious object 
 from his neck, he threatened them with the vengeance of Heaven. 
 A sudden clap of thunder with vivid lightning was to their 
 mind a fulfillment of his threat. He was released, his wounds 
 cured, and a party of warriors escorted him for several days." — 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 95 
 
 Brul6 soon reached the Hurons * to find, of 
 course, great good-will toward himself, but his 
 patron — Champlain — had, on the twentieth of 
 May, started back to the St. Lawrence ; so he re- 
 solved to tarry with the savages for a time. 
 
 Champlain, from what he had learned from the 
 five or six Carantouannais who had escaped from 
 the attack of the Senecas while acting as guides 
 to Brul6, expected the latter would soon return to 
 the Huron country; and he left word, it seems, 
 before his departure for the St. Lawrence, for 
 his interpreter to continue his explorations — this 
 time to the northward and northwestward of the 
 Hurons; as there were rumors of wars between 
 various tribes in those regions, which, should re- 
 ports be verified, would interfere with the yearly 
 visit of the savages to the French settlements to 
 barter their furs.'-^ But Brul^ was content to rest 
 for a season from his severe work of exploration 
 to recuperate after so much suffering. Finally, 
 
 John Gilmary Shea, in The Pennsylvania Magazine of History 
 and Biography, vol. II, p. 108. It is seldom that Mr. Shea, when 
 it comes to a matter of translation from the French, is in error; 
 but that Brule fell in with a few Iroquois going to the fields is 
 not in accordance with Champlain's account as given him by 
 Brul6. 
 
 ' Champlain speaks of them as "the Atinouaentans, " using the 
 term as synonymous with the later one — " the Hurons " : " He 
 [Brul6] went to the country and village of the Atinouaentans, 
 where I had already been. " The village was, probably, Toanch6. 
 
 ' Such is the only meaning we can givo to Champlain's words, 
 which, although vague, are, in the light of future events, most 
 probable. He says (the italicising is mine): '* And if Brul6 had 
 gone further on to explore these regions as J had directed him to 
 do, it would not have been a mere rumor that they were prepar- 
 ing war with one another. ' ' (Champlain is speaking, of course, 
 in 1618.) 
 
^6 HISTORY OF BRULfi'S 
 
 without undertaking other researches, after remain- 
 ing with the Hurons for many months, he con- 
 cluded first to visit the settlements of his country- 
 men before again seeking to explore new and dis- 
 tant countries — before again making the acquaint- 
 ance of strange tribes and risking his life among 
 them. So, in the summer of 1618 (after eight 
 years of continuous service in the wilderness),* 
 joining his savage friends, who were ready to start 
 upon their yearly visit to the French upon the St. 
 Lawrence, Brul6, journeying by way of the Geor- 
 gian bay of Lake Huron — boating for ten days 
 along its northern shore to the mouth of French 
 river — ascending that stream — crossing Lake 
 Nipissing — and floating down the Ottawa — final- 
 ly, on July 7th, greeted Cham plain at Three 
 Rivers, to recount to him, after almost a three 
 years' absence since parting with him in the Hur- 
 on country, the story of what he had seen of dis- 
 tant regions and of what he had suffered in his 
 journeyings.*^ 
 
 Brul6, at his interview with Champlain, was 
 
 * See Appendix, Note XVI. 
 
 » The recital of Brul6 of his discoveries, as given to Champlain 
 upon his (Bnil6's) return to the St. Lawrence, is printed in 
 Champlain's Voyages of 1619. It is also to be found in the 
 edition of 1627, but is omitted in the condensed edition of 1632. 
 The probable reason for this omission will hereafter be given. 
 
 (See, in connection with Brul6's arrival at Three Rivers, the 
 Appendix to our Narrative, Note XVI.) 
 
 Parkman suggests {Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 
 379»), that, as before stated, Brul6's name may possibly allude 
 to the fiery ordeal through which he passed when in the hands 
 of the Iroquois ; but the way Champlain mentions him upon first 
 seeing him after his return ("a man named Brul6") certainly 
 makes this idea wholly improbable. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 97 
 
 requested by the latter to continue his work 
 among the savages. The propriety of his attempt- 
 ing other explorations was urged upon him ; and 
 the courageous woodman promised to make the 
 attempt and then to conduct his patron to the 
 region visited by him, that he himself might 
 obtain fuller and more particular knowledge of 
 ulterior countries.^ 
 
 After Champlain had given his interpreter infor- 
 mation as to his intention of soon sailing again for 
 France (he had made a voyage thither the year be- 
 fore), and had assured him that, upon his coming 
 back with more abundant means, he would be 
 rewarded for what he had already accomplished, — 
 Brul6 took his leave to go again to the wilderness 
 upon the return of the Indians to their homes. He 
 was particularly requested by Champlain to tarry 
 with the savages until the next year (1619), when 
 his patron would go to him (with a good number of 
 men), both to pay him for his labors, and to assist 
 his friends — the Indians — in their wars, as in the 
 past.* Champlain, however, never again ascended 
 the Ottawa. ' ' His forest rovings were over. The 
 fire that had flashed the keen flame of daring ad- 
 venture must now be subdued to the duller use of 
 practical labor. To battle with savages and the 
 elements was doubtless more congenial with his 
 
 'As has been previously stated, it is an inference of the 
 writer of this narrative that Champlain desired Brul4 to prose- 
 cute further discoveries by going to the northward and north- 
 westward of the Hurons and had left word for him to do so, with 
 the Hurons. Why it is probable this direction was given will 
 presently appear. 
 
 * See Appendix, Note XVII, as to the reliability of Brul6*s 
 narrative. 
 
98 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 nature than to nurse a puny colony into growth 
 and strength; yet to each task he gave himself 
 with the same strong devotion." ^ But Bruld had 
 little to win him away from the life he had so long 
 been living.*^ 
 
 •Parkman: Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 387. 
 When Champlain visited the St. Lawrence in 161 7, he expected 
 to join with the savages in another expedition, but was disap- 
 pointed ; and the next year upon his return from France he sat- 
 isfactorily explained to the savages why he failed. A Canadian 
 historian, in speaking of this explanation by Champlain, says: 
 "Champlain [in 161 8] proceeded to Three Rivers; a great many 
 Indians were present. They received him with their old respect 
 and affection, and asked for his help in their wars. Champlain 
 replied that he had not changed his feelings on the subject. He 
 reminded them how they had failed to attend with the requisite 
 number of men, in the attack on the Seneca village; and that, 
 consequently, he and his force had been compelled to retreat 
 without effecting any good result [the italicising is mine]." — 
 Kingsford's History of Canada, vol. I, p. 56. 
 
 It will be seen that Mr. Kingsford, in this, makes Champlain 
 speak to the assembled Indians at Three Rivers as though they 
 were (at least some of them) Carantouannais, reminding them 
 of their failure to assist him in the attack in 161 5, on the Iroquois 
 fort, which he speaks of as the Seneca (instead of Onondaga) 
 village. Of course, this is a double error. 
 
 *"If I understand well the text of Champlain, Brul6 roved 
 in several countries until the spring of 161 8, when he returned|;to 
 Georgian Bay and from there joined the Hurons who were going 
 to trade at Three Rivers. They arrived at that station in July, 
 and Champlain noted down the observations of his interpreter 
 with much delight. Brul6 went back to Lake Huron without 
 delay."— 5«//if. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. ; 
 
 BRUl£ discovers lake superior. — HE VISITS THE 
 NEUTRAL NATION. — RETURNS TO QUEBEC. — THE 
 HUNDRED ASSOCIATES. — CAPTURE OF QUEBEC BY 
 THE ENGLISH. — LAST JOURNEY OF BRULlfi TO 
 THE HURONS. 
 
 In requesting Brn\6 to return to the savages, as 
 Champlain did, in 1618, at Three Rivers, the lat- 
 ter was only acting in accordance with his policy 
 of keeping suitable young men among the Indians, 
 who, by becoming acquainted with remote regions 
 and with the various languages of the natives 
 thereof, might become of great assistance to him 
 in his designs — particularly as relating to the fur 
 trade — in New France.^ As he intended to re- 
 visit the country bordering on Lake Huron, he 
 urged Brul^ at once to proceed on his tour of 
 exploration to the northward. It is therefore to 
 be presumed that the latter, on reaching the Geor- 
 gian bay, turned his face in that direction, pro- 
 ceeding probably as far as the nation of the Beav- 
 er, living on the shores of what is now known as 
 the North Channel.'"^ After remaining there dur- 
 
 ' Of all these young men, no one became, perhaps, so noted 
 as John Nicolet (see History of the Discovery of the Northwest, 
 by John Nicolet, in 1634, passim). 
 
 ''If there were no other evidence to substantiate the fact of 
 Brul6 be^ng sent to the northward, and northwestward — that is, 
 to the nations living along the shores of the Georgian bay, and 
 the North Channel, — what Champlain himself says is sufficient; 
 for he was to go to the country where, it was rumored, the na- 
 
lOO HISTORY OF BRULk'S 
 
 ing the winter, and Champlain not making his ap- 
 pearance as he had been led to expect, Brul^ was 
 induced to return to the St. Lawrence, at least not 
 later than in the summer of 1620, to find that the 
 now acting governor of New France had but just 
 returned from his native country.^ 
 
 That the reports brought to Champlain by Brul6 
 from the coast of the North Channel only served 
 to increase the anxiety of the former for further 
 intelligence of ulterior regions is evident. It was 
 now apparently his principal wish that the inter- 
 preter should continue his journeyings until the 
 mystery of the North Sea was solved. So, in 
 1 62 1, Brul6 again made his way to the Huron 
 country, and started thence, with a companion (a 
 Frenchman named Grenollej, for the north, from 
 the town of Toanch6. 
 
 Here, let us go back to Champlain's first visit 
 to the St. Lawrence, in 1603. On June i8th of 
 that year he set out from Tadoussac for the 
 Lachine rapids, up the river. On the tenth of 
 the next month (July), on his return- voyage, he 
 questioned a young Algonquin about ulterior re- 
 gions. The savages clearly pointed out the Otta- 
 wa river, Lake Nipissing, and, finally, Lake Hu- 
 ron — "a very large lake, some three hundred 
 [French] leagues in length. ' ' Of course, this was 
 an exaggeration. Proceeding northward some 
 hundred leagues in this lake, the Indian said, a 
 
 tions were at war with each other. Surely this could not have 
 been the case to the southward; as the Tobacco nation, the 
 Cheveux Relev6s and the Neutrals were ,not " at ;war with each 
 other." 
 
 ' Champlain became acting governor in 1619. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 1 01 
 
 very large island (Great Manitoulin) would be 
 reached. Another hundred leagues would bring 
 one to the end of the lake (the distances again be- 
 ing overestimated), when rapids about a league 
 wide (Sault Ste. Marie) could be seen, " where a 
 very large mass of water" falls into Lake Huron. 
 When these rapids are passed " one sees no more 
 land on either side, but only a sea [Lake Superior] 
 so large that they have never seen the end of it, 
 nor heard that any one has." This was the first 
 knowledge that was gained (and very imperfect it 
 was) of the existence of Lake Superior by any 
 white man. As to its waters being salt, the con- 
 clusion of Champlain was arrived at from erroneous 
 information, of course, doubtless promoted by his 
 eagerness to reach a northern ocean. ^ 
 
 Champlain inquired, at the same time, as to 
 whether they had any knowledge of any mines. 
 
 ' This record given by Champlain in the year 1603, concerning 
 a great lake (or " sea," as he understood it) beyond Lake Huron, 
 was the first account, really, ever published referring evidently to 
 Lake Superior. Cartier, in his Bref Rdcit, printed in 1545, gives 
 the particulars of the St. Lawrence flowing through several 
 gfreat lakes, as he was informed by the savages, the farthest of 
 which was like a vast sea ; but it is not certain whether Lake 
 Superior or Lake Huron is referred to in this account ; probably 
 the last mentioned. Some have supposed that he even heard of 
 the Mississippi: 
 
 " From them [the natives of Hochelaga], Cartier learned that 
 it would take three months to sail in their canoes up the course 
 of the majestic river [the St. Lawrence], which flowed beneath 
 them, and that it ran through several great lakes, the farthest 
 one of which was like a vast sea. Beyond this lake was another 
 large river (the Mistl^sipp^), which pursued a southerly course 
 through a region free f i cm ice and snow. ' ' — MacMuUen's History 
 of Canada, p. 6. Bu'.; hat author draws largely on his imagfina- 
 tion in thus ideutifyinj the Mississippi as the river referred to by 
 Cartier. 
 
I02 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 They told him that the Hurons (who came to trade 
 with the Algonquins for articles the latter had 
 purchased from French vessels in the St. Law- 
 rence) said that toward the north from their coun- 
 try was a mine of pure copper, some bracelets 
 made from which they showed Champlain, they 
 having obtained them from the Hurons. This 
 information was the first obtained by any white 
 man of the existence of the North Channel or of 
 the Lake Superior copper-mines, except that, as 
 already shown, Cartier, in 1535, learned that cop- 
 per was brought from the Saguenay country, — an 
 indefinite region to the northward and westward, 
 including, however, that of Lake Superior.^ 
 
 In 16 10, Champlain, in going up the St. Law- 
 rence to meet the savages at the island off the 
 mouth of the Iroquois river, was met by a canoe 
 containing two Indians — one a Montagnais, the 
 other an Algonquin. The latter (a chief) drew 
 from a sack a piece of copper a foot in length, 
 which he gave to Champlain. It was very hand- 
 some and quite pure. He gave the Frenchman to 
 
 •When Cartier moved up the St. Lawrence in 1535, the 
 savages pointed out the region of the Saguenay — an exceed- 
 ingly indefinite one, stretching away without any fixed limits to 
 the north and to the west — which they said was inhabited ; and 
 thence came some red copper which they had, called by them 
 " caigfnetdaze. " As this red copper (cyure rouge) doubtless 
 came from the copper mines of Lake Superior, it is in this 
 information (very slight, it is true) that the first glimpse is 
 caught of the Northwest, On his return down the river, Cartier 
 saw ' ' a great knife' ' made of this ' ' red copper, ' ' in possession 
 of some Montagnais, the latter presenting it to a chief of theirs, 
 who was with Cartier, — having been captured by the latter [see 
 Cartier's Brief Ricit (D'Avezac Ed.), pp. 9, 34, 44, cited by the 
 Rev. E. F. Slafter, in the Prince Society Publications of 
 Champlain' s " Voyages,^' vol. II, p. ty]n\. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. IO3 
 
 understand that there were large quantities where 
 he had taken this, which was on the bank of a 
 river, near a great lake. He said that they gath- 
 ered it in lumps, and, having melted it, spread it 
 in sheets, smoothing it with stones. Champlain 
 says he was very glad of the present, although of 
 small value. It was really, there seems no doubt, 
 the second time he had received knowledge (al- 
 though, of course, vaguely communicated) of the 
 Lake Superior copper mines, and indeed of the 
 gfreat lake itself. However, the latter he would 
 fain believe was a northern ocean. And it was 
 several years before he was fully undeceived — be- 
 fore he fully realized that the boundless water, 
 ths "s, boundless to the eyes of the savages as 
 they looked to the northward and westward over 
 its surface, was only a " Grand Lac." And it is 
 just here that it is proper to show how and when 
 he came to a full realization of the magnitude of 
 this, the greatest lake on the globe. 
 
 There were three motives inducing Bruld, accord- 
 ing to the declaration of Champlain, to remain 
 in the wilderness among the Indians: (i) to pass 
 his time ; (2) to see the country ; and (3) to learn 
 the language of the savages and their mode of life. 
 But all these came originally from the promptings 
 of Champlain himself, as we have shown, who, it 
 may be premised, did not fail for sixteen or seven- 
 teen years to urge them, with also another and 
 particular object, that of persuading the Indians to 
 go yearly to trade with the French upon the St. 
 Lawrence. 
 
 It would indeed be strange if Champlain sent 
 Brul^ on a journey along the north coast, from 
 
I04 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 the mouth of French river on Georgian bay, with- 
 out having first given him all the information he 
 had previously obtained of the country he was to 
 visit and of the savages he was to meet; ^ particu- 
 larly would he be told of the probable existence of 
 mines of copper and of the great lake, or, rather, 
 of an ocean — the " North Sea" of Champlain's 
 imagination. 
 
 Not only Champlain but Brule and Grenolle 
 themselves must have heard much of the region 
 from the Algonquins and Hurons, and of the In- 
 dians who lived there, for the latter had long 
 traded with the former. These northern savages 
 were known to be at war not only among them- 
 selves, but with other nations ; and Brul^ was to be 
 a messenger of peace wherever he went, to the end 
 that all might be induced to go down to the yearly 
 trade upon the St. Lawrence. 
 
 But let us now follow the adventurous French- 
 men in their voyage to the northward. It seems 
 certain that all the Indians visited were of Algon- 
 quin lineage ; but where they lived and what were 
 their names can only be gleaned from what is 
 recorded of them a few years subsequent to this 
 j ourney of Brn\6 and his companion . Three nation s 
 occupied the shores of the Georgian bay south of the 
 
 ' But Champlain had gathered little from the Indians — very 
 little even from the Hurons in his sojourn with them in 1615-16 — 
 as to the savage nations beyond their great lake (" Mer 
 Douce," i. e., Lake Huron), except that prisoners taken from 
 the more distant ones ' ' said that still farther on towards the 
 setting sun there was a people who had light-colored hair and 
 looked like the French." — (See Winsor's Car tier to Frontenac, 
 p. 120; Champlain' s " Voyages " — Prince Society Publications, 
 vol. Ill, p. 158, I59-) 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. I05 
 
 mouth of French river. ^ Passing this stream going 
 northward, Brul^ probably sighted the Manitoulin 
 islands stretching from east to west along the north 
 shores of Lake Huron, and consisting chiefly of 
 what is now known as the Great Manitoulin (or 
 Sacred Isle), Little Manitoulin (or Cockburn), and 
 Drummond. The island first mentioned is eighty 
 miles long by twenty broad — the same that 
 Champlain, as has been shown, gained some 
 knowledge of from Indian report, in 1603. North- 
 ward of these islands were the hunting-grounds 
 of that nation of savages known as Beavers, living 
 upon the shores of the North Channel, as already 
 related, though their ancient seat was the islands 
 before described. That the two white men visited 
 these Indians there can be no doubt. Farther on, 
 but still upon the margin of the Huron lake, was 
 found another nation — the Oumisagai.** 
 
 That Brul6 and his companion went upon this 
 journey is not at all a matter of conjecture as is 
 the first visit of the former to the Beaver nation ; 
 for Sagard says: 
 
 " At about eighty or a hundred [French] leagues 
 from the Hurons, there is a mine of red copper, 
 from which the interpreter, Brul6, showed me a 
 large ingot when he came back from a journey he 
 made to a neighboring nation with a man named 
 
 ' These were the Ouasouarim, the Outchougai, and the 
 Atchiligouan. 
 
 'Constilt, as to the various nations inhabiting the shores of 
 the Georgian bay, and the coast of the North Channel (as at 
 present known), at about this period or a little later, the History 
 of the Discovery of the Northwest, by John Nt'colet, in 1634, 
 pp. 50, 51- 
 
106 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 GrenoUe."^ Sagard also confirms, in another 
 mention of Grenolle, what he says as to the latter 's 
 visit, stating that it was for the purposes of trade : 
 
 " One of our Frenchmen named Crenole [Gre- 
 nolle] having been to trade on the north coast, 
 among a nation living about one hundred leagues 
 from the Hurons, which nation was working in a 
 copper mine, told us when he came back, of hav- 
 ing seen among them several girls who had the 
 ends of their noses cut off (following the custom 
 of the country), for having committed offenses 
 against chastity. " '^ 
 
 We are left in the dark as to what savages 
 were found by Brul6 and Grenolle on the north 
 shore, " working in a copper mine." That they 
 were either the Beavers or the Oumisagai, already 
 mentioned, is certain. How long the two tarried 
 in that region is also unknown. Did they pro- 
 ceed onward to the mouth of the St. Mary river 
 and up that stream to the rapids ? It is reasonably 
 certain they did. So it was that the " Sault de 
 Ste. Marie ' ' (rapids or falls of the St. Mary) was 
 for the first time seen by white men, although, as 
 already explained, they had been heard of by 
 Champlain nearly twenty years previous. 
 
 Once at the falls, and Brul^ and his companion 
 
 ' Histoire du Canada (Paris Reprint, 1866), p. 716. (See Ap- 
 pendix to our Narrative, Note XXII [£].) Copper, in its native 
 state, is found at various points on the coast of the North Chan- 
 nel, or, as we may say, on the " North Coast." 
 
 *See Note XXII [a], in Appendix. In the History of the 
 Discovery of the Northwest, by fohn Nicolet, p. 49, the state- 
 ment is made, in effect, that Nicolet, in 1634, was the first white 
 man to explore the northern coast of Lake Huron (or Georgian 
 bay, as now known) ; but this is error. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. IO7 
 
 had reached the principal village of a savage na- 
 tion afterwards designated the " People of the 
 Falls, ' '— called by the French, ' ' Sauteurs. ' ' They 
 were the ancestors of the modern Otchipwes (mis- 
 named Ojibwas), now generally known as Chip- 
 pewas.^ . 
 
 Brul^ would certainly not be content to termi- 
 nate his journey at the falls, but would press on- 
 ward until his eyes were gladdened by a view of 
 the greatest body of fresh water on the globe — 
 now the well-known Lake Superior. 
 
 " The interpreter, Brul^," says Sagard, " as- 
 sured us that beyond the Freshwater Sea [Lake 
 Huron] there was another very large lake which 
 empties into it by a waterfall, which has been 
 called ' Saut de Gaston * [Gaston Falls], of a width 
 of almost two leagues ; which lake and the Fresh- 
 water Sea have almost thirty days' journey by 
 canoe in length, according to the account of the 
 savages; but, according to the interpreter's [Bru- 
 le's] account, they are four hundred [French] 
 leagues in length." ^ 
 
 No white man before Brul6 had stood upon the 
 shores of Lake Superior. It was the " North 
 Sea" of Champlain's fondest hopes; but, alas, its 
 waters were fresh. It could not, therefore, lead 
 
 ■ It is not certain on which side of the river was located, at this 
 date, the principal village of the Chippewas. 
 
 'Sagard — Histoire du Canada (Paris Reprint, 1866), p. 589. 
 (See Appendix to our Narrative, Note XXII [e].) As to the falls 
 having been, soon after Brule's visit, known as the " Sault de 
 Gaston," see also Index to Champlain's map of 1632. Winsor, 
 in Cartier to Frontenac, p. 144, mentions who it was that the 
 name was intended to commemorate. (Consult, further, as to 
 the evidence of Brule's discovery of Lake Superior, Appendix 
 to our Narrative, Note XVIII. ) 
 
I08 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 directly to China. To it was given no particular 
 name — it was sufficient to designate it, at first, as 
 the " Great Lake." It is probable that the adven- 
 turers paddled their canoe along its northern shore 
 until they came to its head, entering the mouth of 
 the St. Louis river near where now are the cities 
 of Superior and Duluth. In returning, it is con- 
 jectured they visited Isle Royale.' Brul^ reached 
 Quebec July 2nd, 1623, visiting, on the twenty- 
 third, three hundred Indians (Hurons) at Chaudifere 
 (now the city of Ottawa), cci'ng down the river 
 to trade. The same summer he went back to the 
 Huron country. 
 
 But Brul6, the next year (1624), again returned 
 to the St. Lawrence. On this trip he journeyed 
 with a party of Huron s, they having nine loaded 
 canoes. They were on tneir way down to barter 
 their furs with the French at Quebec. Most 
 of the distance they were accompanied by the 
 Friar Sagard in a canoe in which were only him- 
 self and attendants. The good friar frequently 
 mentions ' ' the Interpreter Brul6 * * (as he always 
 calls him), in recording incidents of the journey. 
 
 The Indians showed him (Sagard) several rocks 
 on the road to Quebec, and among others they 
 pointed out one which had a deep cavern, very 
 difficult of access. They wished to persuade him 
 into believing absolutely with them that this 
 rock had formerly been a man ; and that upon an 
 occasion of the latter having his hands and arms 
 raised high, he had been transformed into stone 
 and in course of time became the wonderful rock 
 before them. 
 
 ' See Appendix, Note XVIII. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. IO9 
 
 This rock, Sagard declares, the savages hold in 
 veneration and offered to it tobacco in passing be- 
 fore it in their canoes — " not every time," he says, 
 * ' but when they are doubtful of their voyage be- 
 ing successful; and when offering this tobacco, 
 which they throw into the water against the rock 
 itself, they say to it : ' Hear ! Take courage and 
 give us a good voyage,' — with some other words 
 which I do not understand; and the Interpreter 
 Brul^ .... told us ^wvy our confusion) that 
 he once made a similar offering with them (for 
 which we rebuked him severely), and that his voy- 
 age was made more profitable to him than any 
 others which he had ever made in all these re- 
 gions." ^ 
 
 After reaching the St. Lawrence and while at 
 the Saut S. Louis (Lachine rapids), the friar re- 
 cords that he had, upon his arrival there, a bad 
 sleeping place, and that he was no better off the 
 following night, because of a heavy rain. At 
 ' ' Cape Victory ' ' he overtook ' ' the Interpreter 
 Brul^," who had arrived there with his Hurons 
 two days before. From him he learned that some 
 Montagnais and Algonquins had forbidden them 
 to pass further down the river. It was a scheme 
 on the part of the Indians last mentioned to black- 
 mail the strangers. The latter at first determined 
 to resist. This, Sagard declares, was a dangerous 
 
 ' See Appendix, Note XXII [d]. It appears from the above 
 that Brul6, previous to this visit to the Hurons, had, occasionally, 
 while engaged in acquiring different Indian languages or in ex- 
 ploration and discovery, employed some of his time in trafficking 
 with the savages, — probably having with him trinkets of no 
 great value which he exchanged for furs. 
 
no HISTORY OF BRULt^'s 
 
 resolve, particularly to Brul^, whose bag of tobac- 
 co the Montagnais and Algonquins especially 
 coveted. 
 
 But the Montagnais and Algonquins hesitated 
 before offering force to the Huron party. Finally, 
 they assured them they had just received some 
 valuable presents from a tribe who were mortal 
 enemies of the Hurons, on condition that they 
 would send them word when the latter made their 
 appearance — to the end that they might come and 
 put them all to death, and that they would soon 
 arrive. This so terrified Brul6 and his party that 
 they made the Montagnais and Algonquins a lib- 
 eral donation of nets, tobacco, flour and other 
 things, and were allowed to pass on without further 
 molestation ; but Sagard refused to make them any 
 gifts; and early the next morning, while all were 
 asleep, he quietly dropped his canoe into the river 
 and was soon beyond reach of the wily savages.^ 
 
 A change was now (1625) at hand in the affairs 
 of New France. Two Huguenots, William and 
 Emery de Caen, had taken the place of the old 
 company of St. Malo and Rouen, but were after- 
 ward compelled to share their monopoly with them. 
 Fresh troubles were thus introduced into the infant 
 colony, not only in secular matters but in relig- 
 ious afifairs. The R^collets had previously estab- 
 lished five missions, extending from Acadia to the 
 borders of Lake Huron. Now, three Jesuits — 
 among their number John de Br^beuf — arrived 
 in the colony, and began their spiritual labors. 
 
 The 3'^ear 1625 found Brul^ again among the Hu- 
 rons. When, nine years before, Champlain visited 
 
 ' Appendix, Note XXII [h]. 
 
DISCOVICKIES AND KXI'I-ORATIONS. MI 
 
 the Cheveux Relevds, he was farther west from 
 the St. Lawrence than any other white man had 
 been — farther, indeed, than was his adventurous 
 interpreter when at the head of Lake Ontario the 
 previous fall ; but now Brul6 was ready to start on 
 an exploring tour which would take him beyond 
 the western limits reached by his patron, but in a 
 direction southwesterly from the Hurons. It was 
 to the villages of the Neutrals he was going, which 
 had never been visited by a white man. He must 
 have previously obtained some interesting particu- 
 lars from the Hurons concerning these savages, as 
 there was frequent intercourse between the two 
 nations. To most of them the sight of Brul6 
 would be a great surprise; a few, however, had 
 doubtless already seen him in some one of the 
 Huron towns. 
 
 The hunting grounds of the Neutral nation ex- 
 tended from a day's journey west of the territory 
 of the Senecas onward nearly to the eastern shores 
 of Lake Huron. The real name of these savages 
 was Attiwandaron ; they had twenty-eight towns 
 and several little hamlets of seven or eight cabins 
 each. Their villages were built after the manner 
 of those of the Hurons ; and their language was 
 the same, radically, as the latter. 
 
 There are no particulars extant of Brule's jour- 
 ney to the Neutrals. That he explored the larger 
 portion of their country lying to the westward of 
 the Niagara is evident. He would have no curi- 
 osity, however, to see that river, as he had already 
 been there on his way to and from Carantouan. 
 
 Brul6 was delighted with the country of the At- 
 tiwandarons. He, it is believed, remained there 
 
112 HISTORY OF BRULlfi'S 
 
 until the next spring, and then returned to the St. 
 Lawrence. 
 
 In the summer of 1626, Fathers Br^beuf and De 
 Noue, Jesuits, with Joseph de la Roche Daillon, a 
 Franciscan priest, as escort, started for the Huron 
 country, which they reached after a most laborious 
 journey of three weeks. " Though far away," 
 wrote the latter in July of the next year, from 
 Toanch^, to a friend in Paris, " it is still permitted 
 us to visit our friends by missions which render 
 the absent present. Our Indians were amazed at 
 it, seeing us often write to our Fathers at a dis- 
 tance, and that by our letters they learn our ideas 
 and what the [same] Indians had done at our resi- 
 dence. After having made some stay in our Cana- 
 da convent, and communicated with our Fathers 
 and the [Reverend] Jesuit Fathers, I was compelled 
 by a religious affection to visit the sedentary na- 
 tions, whom we call Hurons ; and with me [went] 
 the Rev. Fathers Br^beuf and De Noue, Jesuits, — 
 having arrived there with all the harci ships that 
 any one may imagine, by reason of the wretched 
 way." 
 
 " Some time afterwards," continues Daillon, " I 
 received a letter from our Reverend Father, Joseph 
 le Caron, by which he encouraged me to pass on 
 to a nation we call * Neutral,' of which the inter- 
 preter Brule told wonders. Encouraged, then, by 
 so good a Father, and the grand account given me 
 of these people [by Brul^], I started for their coun- 
 try, setting out from the Htirons with this design, 
 October i8th, 1626, with men called Grenolle and 
 Laval^e, Frenchmen by birth. Passing the Petun 
 [Tobacco] nation, I . . . . arrived at the first 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. II 3 
 
 village [of the Neutrals], where we were well 
 received, thanks to our Lord, and then at four 
 other villages, which envied each other in bring- 
 ing us food. "... 
 
 ' ' After all this cordial welcome, ' ' are the further 
 words of the Rev. Father, " our Frenchmen [Gre- 
 nolle and Laval^e] returned and I remained, the 
 happiest man in the world, hoping to do something 
 there to advance God's glory, or at least to dis- 
 cover .... the mouth of the river of the 
 Hiroquois [Niagara], in order to bring them [the 
 Neutrals] to trade [with the French, by way of 
 Lake Ontario]." 
 
 But there are other particulars recorded in this 
 letter of the Franciscan friar of the greatest im- 
 portance, as verifying the story told him by Brul6. 
 Was the " grand account " of the interpreter true? 
 Did he exaggerate in his recital of the ' ' wonders ' ' 
 of that region? Let us see. Here is the narra- 
 tion of Daillon: " The country of this Neutral 
 nation is incomparably larger, more beautiful, and 
 better than any other of all these countries. There 
 is an incredible number of stags, great abundance 
 of moose, or elk, beaver, wildcats, and black squir- 
 rels .... a great quantity of wild geese, 
 turkeys, cranes, and other animals, which are there 
 all winter. . . . The rivers furnish much ex- 
 cellent fish; the earth gives good grain, more than 
 is needed. They have squashes, beans, and other 
 vegetables in abundance." ^ 
 
 In the spring of 1627, d report having spread 
 among the Hurons that Daillon had been killed, 
 
 • See Very Rev. W. R. Harris's translation of Daillon's letter, 
 in Early Missions in Western Canada, pp. 50-55. 
 
A », 
 
 114 HISTORY OF BRULE S 
 
 Fathers Br^beuf and De Noue sent GrenoUe to 
 the Neutrals to learn whether it was true or not. 
 The latter soor returned with Daillon to Toanch^.^ 
 
 When the year 1627 was reached, the settlement 
 at Quebec had a population of about one hundred 
 persons — men, women and children. The chief 
 trading stations upon the St. Lawrence were Que- 
 bec, Three Rivers, the Rapids of St. Louis, and 
 Tadoussac- 
 
 In the year last mentioned, the destinies of 
 France were held by Cardinal Richelieu as in the 
 hollow of his hand. He had constituted himself 
 grand master and superintendent of navigation and 
 commerce. By him the privileges of the Caens 
 were annulled, and a company formed, consisting 
 of a hundred associates, called the Company of 
 New France. At its head was Richelieu himself. 
 Louis the Thirteenth made over to this company 
 forever the fort and settlement at Quebec, and all 
 the territory of New France, including Florida. 
 To them was given power to appoint judges, build 
 fortresses, cast cannon, confer titles, and concede 
 lands. They were to govern in peace and in war. 
 Their monopoly of the fur trade was made perpet- 
 ual ; while that of all other commerce within the 
 
 ' Harris, loc. cit. (See, also. Appendix to our Narrative, 
 Note XIX.) In Garneau's Canada (Bell's translation, vol. I, 
 p. 95), it is said four Recollets arrived in Canada in 1615; that 
 they visited the Hurons along with Champlain ; and that one of 
 them the next year went to the Neutral nation. There are two 
 prominent errors in this recital: only one of the friars (Le 
 Caron) went to the Hurons; and the Neutrals were not visited 
 the next year at all ; it was the Tobacco nation. 
 
 ' History of the Discovery of the Northwest, by John Nico- 
 le t, in 1634, pp. 20, 21. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. II 5 
 
 limits of their government was limited to fifteen 
 years, except that the whale-fishery and cod-fish- 
 ery were to remain open to all. They could take 
 whatever steps they might think expedient or 
 proper for the protection of the colony and the 
 fostering of trade. It will thus be seen that the 
 Hundred Associates had conferred upon them 
 almost sovereign power. For fifteen years their 
 commerce was not to be troubled with duties or 
 imposts. Partners, whether nobles, officers, or 
 ecclesiastics, might engage in commercial pursuits 
 without derogating from the privileges of their 
 order. To all these benefits the king added a 
 donation of two ships of war. Of this powerful 
 association, Champlain was one of the members. 
 In return for these privileges conferred, behold 
 how little these hundred partners were compelled 
 to perform. They engaged to convoy to New 
 France, during 1628, two or three hundred men 
 of all trades, and before the year 1643 to increase 
 the number to four thousand persons of both sexes ; 
 to supply all their settlers with lodging, food, 
 clothing, and farm implements, for three years; 
 then they would allow them sufficient land to sup- 
 port themselves, cleared to a certain extent ; and 
 would also furnish them the grain necessary for 
 sowing it; stipulating, also, that the emigrants 
 should be native Frenchmen and Roman Catholics, 
 and none others; and, finally, agreeing to settle 
 three priests in each settlement, whom they were 
 bound to provide with every article necessary for 
 their personal comfort, and to defray the expenses 
 of their ministerial labors for fifteen years. After 
 the expiration of that time, cleared lands were to 
 
Il6 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 be granted by the company to the clergy for main- 
 taining the Roman Catholic Church in New- 
 France. It was thus that the Hundred Associates 
 became proprietors of the whole country claimed 
 by France, from Florida to the Arctic Circle ; from 
 Newfoundland to the sources of the St. Lawrence 
 and its tributaries. Meanwhile, the fur trade had 
 brought a considerable knowledge of the Ottawa, 
 and of the country of the Hurons, to the French 
 upon the St. Lawrence, through the yearly visits 
 of the savages from those distant parts and the 
 journeyings of the fur trader in quest of peltry.^ 
 In April, 1628, the first vessel of the Hundred 
 Associates sailed from France with colonists and 
 supplies, bound for the St. Lawrence. Four of 
 these vessels were armed. Everything seemed 
 propitious for a speedy arrival at Quebec, where 
 the inhabitants were sorely pressed for food ; but 
 a storm, which had for some time been brewing in 
 Europe, broke in fury upon New France. The 
 imprudent zeal of the Catholics in England, and 
 the persecution of the Huguenots in France, 
 aroused the English, who determined to conquer 
 the French possessions in North America, if possi- 
 ble ; and, to that end, they sent out David Kirk,*' 
 with an armed squadron, to attack the settlements 
 in Canada. The fleet reached the harbor of Ta- 
 doussac before the arrival of the vessels of the 
 Company of New France. Kirk sent a demand f c ' 
 the surrender of Quebec, but Champlain deter- 
 mined to defend the place ; at least, he resolved to 
 
 ' Id., pp. 21-23. 
 
 'Synonyms: Kirke, Kirtk, Kyrck, Kertk, Kerk, Ker, Quer, 
 Querch, Quercq. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. II 7 
 
 make a show of defense; and the English com- 
 mander thought best not to attack such a formid- 
 able looking position. , All the supplies sent by 
 the Hundred Associates to the St. Lawrence were 
 captured or sunk. 
 
 Although in the summer of 1627 Brul^ had 
 again journeyed to the Hurons, he could not have 
 remained with them later than the next year, as 
 1628 finds him again on the St. Lawrence. 
 
 Quebec, as we have just seen, had been sum- 
 moned to surrender, but had not yet capitulated 
 to the English. There was great distress there. 
 " Seven ounces of pounded pease were now the 
 daily food of each; and, at the end of May [1629], 
 even this failed. Men, women and children be- 
 took themselves to the woods, gathering acorns 
 and grubbing up roots. . . . Some joined the 
 Hurons or the Algonquins ; some wandered towards 
 the Abenakis of Maine ; some descended in a boat 
 to Gaspe, trusting to meet a French fishing- vessel. 
 There was scarcely one who would not have hailed 
 the English as deliverers."^ 
 
 Kirk's vessels which, in 1628, had ascended the 
 St. Lawrence had returned to France after captur- 
 ing the supply- vessels of the Hundred Associates ; 
 but, in 1629, he returned with a squadron. Four 
 Frenchmen went over to the English, one of whom 
 was Brul6. The brothers of the Admiral — Lewis 
 and Thomas — would again ask Champlain to sur- 
 render, but this time from a point nearer Quebec 
 than Tadoussac. Three English ships were to be 
 sent up to enforce the demand. A pilot was nec- 
 
 ' Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New World, pp. 
 405, 406. 
 
Il8 HISTORY OF BRULE'S 
 
 essary, and Brul6 acted as such. Capitulation fol- 
 lowed.' 
 
 ' ' Thirteen of the French colonists, looking per- 
 haps on the change as a deliverance, as Charlevoix 
 intimates, were induced to live under the English 
 rule. Of these, there were seven who were of 
 importance to the victors, because of their wood- 
 craft and experience with the Indians." Brul6 
 was severely censured afterwards for having aided 
 the English vessels to ascend to Quebec, thereby 
 helping materially to the surrender of the place ; 
 but he knew that capitulation would save the occu- 
 pants from starvation.^ 
 
 After most of its inhabitants had dispersed in 
 the forests for food, Quebec surrendered. Eng- 
 land thus gained her first supremacy upon the great 
 river of Canada. 
 
 The terms of the capitulation were that the 
 French were to be conveyed to their own country ; 
 and each soldier was allowed to take with him 
 furs to the value of twenty crowns.^ As some had 
 lately returned from the Hurons with peltry of no 
 small value, their loss was considerable. The 
 French prisoners, including Champlain, were con- 
 veyed across the ocean by Kirk, but their arrival 
 in England was after a treaty of peace had been 
 
 'Charlevoix says (see Shea's translation, vol. II, p. 50): 
 ' ' Kertk [Kirk] then landed at Quebec and took possession of the 
 fort, then of the warehouse, the keys of which he committed to 
 one Le Baillif, of Amiens, who had gone over to the enemy with 
 three other Frenchmen, — Stephen Bruld, of Champigny ; Nicho- 
 las Marsolet, of Rouen; and Peter Raye, of Paris." 
 
 ° See Appendix, Note XX. 
 
 * For the terms of the treaty in full, see Smith's Canada, vol. 
 I, p. 22. 
 
Capture of Quebec by the English, 1629. 
 
 IFac-simile of the engraving in Hennepin's New Discovery, 1698, p. 161.] 
 ' By courtesy of Houghton, MiBlia & Company. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. II9 
 
 signed between the two powers. The result was 
 the restoration of New France to the French 
 crown; and on July 5th, 1632, Emery de Caen 
 cast anchor at Quebec to reclaim the country.^ 
 Of course, Brul6 did not return with the French 
 prisoners to France when Quebec surrendered, but 
 again journeyed to the Hurons sometime before the 
 arrival of De Caen.® He was accompanied by 
 Amantacha, a native Huron,'' who, in 1626 (then a 
 mere lad), was sent to France by the missionaries, 
 where he was baptized. Having been instructed 
 there by the Jesuits, he returned to Canada before 
 the capture of Quebec by the English, — subse- 
 quent to which event he entered into their service 
 as interpreter. 
 
 ' History of the Discovery of the Northwest by fohn Nicole t, 
 in 1634, pp. 23, 24. As to affairs on the St. Lawrence, from 1617 
 to 1633, see, of works in English, Parkman's Pioneers of France 
 in the New World, pp. 390-412; Warburton's Conquest of 
 Canada, vol. I, pp. 89-95; Slafter, in Memoir of Champlain — 
 vol. I, of the Prince Society Publications of Champlain' s 
 "■Voyages," pp. 143-178; same, in "Champlain" — Winsor's 
 Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. IV, pp. 
 126-129; also Winsor's Cartier to Frontenac, pp. 121 -146. 
 
 'On March 29th, 1632, by the terms of the treaty, Canada 
 was ceded by England to France. De Caen took possession of 
 Quebec, July 13th, of that year. 
 
 ' Known among the French as " Louis de Sainte Foi." 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 BRULfi KILLED AND EATEN BY HURONS. — HIS DEATH 
 SOON KNOWN ABROAD. — THE FEAR OF THE SAV- 
 AGES BECAUSE OF THEIR DEED. 
 
 Once again among the Hurons, and Bnil6, it 
 seems, gave himself wholly to a savage life ; but 
 his Indian friends could not forget he was a 
 white man.^ At Toanch^,^ in 1632 (that this was 
 the year it is now sufficiently established), he 
 was barbarously and treacherously murdered — 
 clubbed to death — by those in whom he had al- 
 ways placed the utmost confidence as his faithful 
 protectors. What cause he had given them — 
 whether fancied or real — for their bloodthirsty 
 and most cruel act is unknown. But their sav- 
 ageness did not stop with his death. In their 
 wild and horrible ferocity to take revenge on 
 their victim, they feasted upon his lireless re- 
 maitis."^ 
 
 1 " When Canada was taken by Kirk, Brul6 went over to the 
 English, but finally returned to the Huron country, and became 
 a thorough Indian." — John Gilmary Shea, in The Pennsylvania 
 Magazine of History and Biography, vol. II, p. 108. 
 
 'This Huron village — chief town of the Bear clan, or tribe — 
 seems to have been the favorite dwelling place of Brul6 while in 
 the Huron country. Its exact site is not known. Consult, in 
 this connection, Thwaites' Jesuit Relations and Allied DocU' 
 tnents, vol. V, p. 293. 
 
 'Says Shea: "At last he [Brul6] gave offense to his new 
 countrymen, and they not only killed, but ate him. " ( The Penn- 
 sylvania Magazine 0/ History and Biography, vol. II, p. 108.) 
 See, as to the cannibalism of the Hurons, Appendix to our Nar- 
 rative, Note XXI. 
 

 i/^ 
 
 
 I 
 
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 y, ^^^tH 
 
 r^i * 
 
 '^^^Bkb£^^''' 
 
 
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 ^^■jn^' 
 
 /l^ 
 
 
 
 ^^^^^^ 
 
 ■ ,;./' ' 1 
 
 
 
 p^m^^n^^Hik 
 
 ■'^•)'v' 6fl 
 
 
 
 ry/iyvBiiHiyHBHffr 
 
 ^1^ 
 
 iW"P 
 
 
 f, «r' 
 
 "^ 
 
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 ^ii 
 
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 t ^ 
 
 
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 ^/7- 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 121 
 
 '•Brul6," says Sagard, "was killed and then 
 eaten by the Hurons, whom he had so long served 
 as interpreter; and all for the hatred which they 
 bore him ; but I do not know what offense he com- 
 mitted against them. There were many years 
 that he was living among them, following the cus- 
 toms of the country and serving as interpreter; 
 and all that he received as his reward was a painful 
 death — a nefarious and unhappy end. I pray God 
 to be merciful toward him, if it please Him, and 
 to have pity on his soul." ' 
 
 The killing of Bru\6 was soon known to all the 
 surrounding nations. The news was by no means 
 disagreeable to those tribes having, as had the Hu- 
 rons, traffic relations xvith the French. It was 
 their desire, if net their expectation, that reprisals 
 would be the result and, possibly, war. In such 
 an event, there would be less competition and 
 their own furs would command better prices upon 
 the St. Lawrence. 
 
 It was in the year 1633 that Champlain was 
 again clothed with authority in Canada. English 
 domination had already ceased, and with his com- 
 mission renewed he resumed, on the twenty-third 
 of May, command at Quebec in behalf of the Hun- 
 dred Associates. Scarcely two months elapsed 
 when he received good news from up the Ottawa. 
 There would soon arrive a large number of Hu- 
 
 ' Htstoire du Canada (Paris Reprint, 1866), p. 430. (See Ap- 
 pendix to our Narrative, Note XXII [c].) Language so sympa- 
 thetic would hardly have been used by that writer had he be- 
 lieved Brul6 to have been a bad man. He knew him ; and the 
 prayer of the good friar would surely not have had much heart 
 in it, had he held his memory in abhorrence because of his going 
 over to the English when Quebec fell into their hands. 
 
122 HISTORY OF BRUL^'S 
 
 rons having many canoe-loads of peltry for barter 
 with the French traders. However, there soon came 
 ill-tidings : thus far, only small parties had reached 
 their destination, having each but few canoes. It 
 seems that the Island Savages, that is, the " Nation 
 de risle " of the French — inhabitants of Alumettes 
 Island — and the other Algonquins, living on the 
 route from the Hurons to Quebec, had tried to dis- 
 suade these Indian traders from visiting Cham- 
 plain, telling them the French would do them a bad 
 turn on account of their killing Brul^ and that an 
 Algonquin of the Little Nation, having killed a 
 Frenchman, had been taken prisoner and condemned 
 to death; also, that the same would be done to 
 some Hurons. Their design was to get all the 
 merchandise from these Hurons at a very low price, 
 in order afterwards to come themselves and trade 
 it, either with the French or the English. 
 
 At this juncture, Amantacha, the Huron, was at 
 Quebec. He was sent by Champlain to meet the 
 Indians. He assured those of his tribe of the good 
 feeling of the French toward them, declaring that 
 they might put him to death if the French did not 
 give them a warm welcome. As to Brule, who 
 had been murdered, Amantacha declared he was 
 not looked upon as a Frenchman, because he had 
 left his nation and gone over to the English. This 
 proved to be a convincing argument to the sav- 
 ages — completely allaying their fears. On July 
 28th, Amantacha came back to Champlain; and the 
 next day not less than five hundred Hurons, in 
 about one hundred and forty canoes, all at once 
 made their appearance and the most cordial greet- 
 ings followed. 
 
DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS. 123 
 
 In 1634, the missionary Br^beuf, having again 
 determined to start a mission among the Hurons, 
 reached his old town of Toanch6, where he had 
 lived three years — from 1626 to 1629 — but it was 
 now a desolation. Only a vestige of his little bark 
 chapel was remaining ; — the village had been 
 burnt to the ground ; its inhabitants had fled to a 
 spot some distance away, where they had built a 
 new town — all because they feared some terrible 
 judgment would overtake them if they longer 
 remained where Brul6 was killed ; they would, if 
 possible, avert what was feared might be an awful 
 punishment for their crime. Br^beuf found, as 
 he believed, the very spot where " poor Brul6 " 
 died.i 
 
 But the removal from Toanch^ did not avail to 
 secure immunity to the Indians of the place. A 
 terrible pestilence devastated the land a consider- 
 able time after the event, and not a few of the 
 savages were convinced it was because of their 
 deed. A sister of the murdered Brul6 was said to 
 have been seen flying over the country, breathing 
 death and destruction as she hastened onward. She 
 was her brother's avenger; and nothing could stay 
 her onward course. — So it was that the woman 
 carried terror to the minds of the guilty Hurons, 
 and the deadly pestilence could not be assuaged. 
 
 ' Br^beuf, Relation des Hurons, 1635, pp. 28,29: "I saw 
 also the place where the poor Jltienne Brul6 had been barbar- 
 ously and treacherously murdered." It is evident |,Brebeuf har- 
 bored no ill-will against Brule. His language was very different 
 from^^that of Champlain, given in the " Voyages" of 1632. „ ^ 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE I. 
 champlain's works. 
 
 The "Voyages" of Champlain, which might with much pro- 
 priety be termed his "Journals," were published at different 
 times from 1603 to 1632. The first volume was printed in 1603 
 under the title Des Savvages;* the next publication appeared in 
 1613, republished in 1615 and 1617; the next, in 1619 (reissued in 
 1620 and 1627) ; and the next and last — " a compendium of all his 
 previous publications, with much additional matter" — in 1632 
 (reissued, it is said, in 1640). 
 
 The edition of 1632 comprises extended extracts from what 
 Champlain had already published, and a continuation of the nar- 
 rative to 1631. There is also published in the same volume a 
 Treatise on Navigation, and a Catechism translated from the 
 French by one of the Fathers into the language of the Montagnais.f 
 
 The complete works of Champlain in French are accessible to 
 the reader in the volumes entitled : 
 
 " CEuvres de Champlain, publiees sous, le Patronage de I'Uni- 
 versit6 Laval. Par I'Abb^ C. H. Laverdiere, M. A. Seconde Edi- 
 tion [the first Edition was burned]. 6 tomes, 4to. Quebec: 
 Imprime au Seminaire par Geo. E. Desbarats, 1870." 
 
 In 1878, 1880 and 1882, an English translation of the "Voy- 
 ages" of Champlam of 1604, of 1613 and 1619, was printed by the 
 Prince Society, in three volumes, vinder the title of Voyages of 
 Samuel de Champlain. Translated from the French by Charles 
 Pomeroy Otis, Ph.D. With Historical Illustrations and a 
 
 *Translated, the title reads— " The Savages, or Voyage of Samuel de 
 Champlain of Brouage, Made in New France in the year 1603." 
 
 t"The volume of 1632 contains what is not given in any of the previous 
 publications of Champlain. That is, it extends his narrative over the period 
 from 1620 to 1632. It likewise goes over the same ground that is covered not 
 only by the volume of 1613, but also by the other still later publications of 
 Champlain, up to 1620. It includes, moreover, a treatise on navigation. In 
 the second place, it is an abridgment, and not a second edition in any proper 
 dense."— Charles Pomeroy Otis, in vol. I, of Champlain's " yoyages " {Publi- 
 cations o/the Prince Society), p. 219. 
 
126 APPENDIX. 
 
 Memoir by the Rev. Edmund F. SI after, A. M. The " Memoir " 
 occupies the greater part of vol. I; and both the " Memoir" and 
 the " Voyages " are learnedly annotated. 
 
 " His [Champlain's] books," says Parkman, " mark the man, — 
 all for his theme and his purpose, nothing for himself. Crude in 
 style, full of the superficial errors of carelessness, and haste, 
 rarely diffuse, often brief to a fault, they bear on every page 
 the palpable impress of truth \Pioneers of France in the New 
 World, p. 420]." But it cannot be said, strictly speaking, that 
 the edition of 1632 is one of " his books" — that is, in its entirety, 
 as will *!:>w be seen. 
 
 " The most competent critics who have examined the edition 
 of 1632 . . . including Laverdiere, Ma^gry, and Harrisse, 
 agree that it bears internal evidence of having been compiled by 
 a foreign hand, from the various editions previously pub- 
 lished." — Marshall, in The Magazine of American History, 
 vol. II, p. 472. 
 
 "Although the final edition of Champlain's narratives bears 
 the date of 1632, there are some reasons to think that it was 
 really issued the following year (1633), after Champlain had re- 
 turned to Quebec. This book, in which several Paris publishers 
 seem to have been conjointly interested, contains in the first part 
 a condensation of his previous publications, and in the second a 
 continuation of his experiences from 1620 to 1631. The last 
 year's doings were apparently not written by Champlain him- 
 self. Indeed, it is manifest to more careful critics that the 
 volume, including its map, failed to receive Champlain's per- 
 sonal supervision, and was prepared for the press by another 
 hand." — Winsor: Cartier to Frontenac, -p^. 139-141. 
 
 This edition (that of 1632), says Kingsford, in his History of 
 Canada, was "an engine to influence opinion, so that Canada, 
 restored to France, should be given over entirely to the Jesuits." * 
 As to that author's criticisms on the concluding chapters, see 
 vol. I, of his work just cited, p. ioi«. (Compare, in this con- 
 nection, Winsor: Cartier to Frontenac, pp. 141-144.) 
 
 - ■ 'W ■.■"■ 
 NOTE II. . ' 
 
 OF THE HURONS, ALGONQUINS, MONTAGNAIS AND IROQUOIS. 
 
 The first name given to the Hurons by Champlain was Ochas- 
 taiguins, or Ochateguins, after one of their chiefs named Ocha- 
 teguin. They were nicknamed " Hurons" by the French, from 
 
 ■''< Canada yielded to the English in 1629, as shown in our Narrative, but was 
 ' ' restored to Franc*; " in 1632. 
 
APPENDIX. 127 
 
 their manner of wearing their hair: ''Quelle httres ! What 
 boars' heads! " said they; and so they got to calling them " Hu- 
 rons". — Charlevoix' History of New France (Shea's Transla- 
 tion), vol. II, p. 71. Champlain afterward called them " Atti- 
 gouautans," but their true name was " Wendat " (or, as the French 
 spelled it, "Ouendat"). 
 
 The term "Algonquin," as used by Champlain, was given by 
 him first to all those Indians not Hurons who came down the 
 Ottawa. Afterwards, he restricted the name, applying it only 
 to those who actually lived upon that river below the portage 
 leading to Lake Nipissing. There never was an Algonquin (or 
 Algonkin) nation ; that is, one having that name as belonging dis- 
 tinctively to it, so called by themselves and otlier nations. Soon, 
 however, the "Algonquins" of Champlai . became the " Otta- 
 was" of other writers (the name having many synonyms). Fi- 
 nally, "Algonquin " took on a broader signification, being applied 
 only in a generic sense, to designate all those nations speaking 
 languages radically similar (first to the Ottawas and then to 
 others), wherever found. 
 
 The Montagnais — the "rabble of the woods" — occupied the 
 St. Lawrence and northern water-courses to Hudson's bay. 
 They were of a low type. 
 
 " The Montagnais or Montaignets had their great trading-post 
 at Tadoussac, and roamed over a vast territory north and east of 
 that point, and west of it as far as the mountains that separate 
 the Saguenay and those of the Ottawa. The name was given to 
 them by the French from this mountain range. ' ' — Slafter : Prince 
 Society Pttblications of Ckamplain's ''Voyages," vol. II, p. 
 igGw. There was no one nation, however, having properly 
 ' ' Montagnais ' ' as its name. 
 
 The Iroquois (mention of whom is also made ia Chapters III 
 and IV of this narrative) were a formidable confederacy of five 
 savage nations dwelling in fortified villages within limits now em- 
 braced by the State of New York. They spoke a language radi- 
 cally similar to the Hurons ; but they were the deadly foes of 
 the latter, and were at war also with the Montagnais and the 
 Algonquins. 
 
 The name Iroquois was given these savages by the French. 
 Charlevoix explains the meaning by referring it to the words used 
 by those Indians whenever they came to the ending of an ad- 
 dress, or speech, in their councils. But this is undoubtedly 
 error, as the word is used by Champlain before any Frenchmen 
 had ever been present at their meetings. 
 
128 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE III. 
 
 EXCHANGE OF HOSTAGES — BRULfi AND SAVIGNON. 
 
 '* He [Champlain] joined their [the Indians'] camp near the 
 mouth of the Richelieu River, and led them to an attack on an 
 Iroquois barricade, which had been hastily constructed, not far 
 up the river. The attack was so successful that not a hostile 
 savage escaped. 
 
 " It was after this June onset, and while he was encamped with 
 his allies on an island in Lake St. Peter, that he and they made 
 a mutual exchange of hostages, in giving and taking a young 
 man on each side. Champlain received the savage Savignon, 
 whom he later took to France, and he gave them a young 
 Frenchman, — there is reason to believe he is the same who later 
 became known as ^tienne Brule." — Justin Winsor, in Car tier 
 to Frontenac, pp. 99, 100. 
 
 That the young Frenchman was Brul6, is made certain by 
 Champlain's own words spoken in i6i8, when he says Brul6 had 
 then been living with the Indians eight years. (Note XVI, post.) 
 He must have gone with them, then, in 1610, which, as just 
 shown, was the year he left Champlain to go with the Indians; 
 and it is evident no other white person in that year or previously 
 had been sent among the savages. 
 
 A recent writer, after speaking of the capture of the Iroquois 
 fort, or barricade, by Champlain and his Indian allies, June 19, 
 1610, alludes to Brul6, but only as a "young Frenchman"; he 
 gives him no name: "When the celebration of the victory had 
 been completed, the Indians departed to their distant abodes. 
 Champlain, however, before their departure, very wisely entered 
 into an agreement that they should receive for the winter a young 
 Frenchman who was anxious to learn their language, and, in 
 returii, he was himself to take a young Huron, at their special 
 request, to pass the winter in France. This judicious arrange- 
 ment, in which Champlain was deeply interested and which he 
 found some difficulty in accomplishing, promised an important 
 future advantage in extending the knowledge of both parties, and 
 in strengthening on the foundation of personal experience their 
 mutual confidence and friendship. " — Rev. E. F. Slafter, in vol. 
 I (pp. 102, 103), of Champlain's ''Voyages" — Prince Society 
 Publications. Parkman (in Pioneers of France in the New 
 World, p. 335«) seems not to have had a suspicion that Cham- 
 plain's servant was Brul6: "The first white man to descend 
 the rapids of St Louis was a youth who had volunteered the 
 previous summer [1610] to go with the Htirons to their country." 
 
APPENDIX. 129 
 
 Again, he says (p. 339): "After his [Champlain's] second fight 
 with the Iroquois, a young man of his company had boldly volun- 
 teered to join the Indians on their homeward journey and winter 
 among them." 
 
 The following extracts, taken from the Ottawa Evening Jour- 
 nal of Jan. 12, 1889, are from an article by Mr. Benjamin Suite, 
 entitled "Annals of the Ottawa." Mr. Suite clearly identifies 
 Champlain's "young man" as Brul6: 
 
 " The French archives are replete with detailed information 
 on the various expeditions of their people in the early days of this 
 colony, but no precise note has been kept of the first attempts, if 
 any, made to discover the valley of the Ottawa [river, Canada] 
 before the years i6io-'i3. 
 
 " I must mention the voyage of Samuel Champlain from Tad- 
 oussac to Montreal in 1603. At Tadoussac, he spoke to some 
 Algonquins of the Ottawa, who had come there during their 
 usual summer wanderings. Tessouat was the chief of that band, 
 and his village was on the Allumette island. On their way down 
 the St. Lawrence they had killed some Iroquois, which gave 
 them an opportunity to celebrate their victory in the presence of 
 Champlain, with a view to show him the valor of ' the noble red 
 man." 
 
 "A few weeks afterwards, Champlain visited the Island of 
 Montreal, and enquired of the origin of the St. Lawrence River, 
 but his report says nothing concerning the Ottawa except these 
 two lines : ' There is a river going to the country of the Algon- 
 quins, who reside at a distance of some sixty leagues from the 
 St. Lawrence. ' The Island of Montreal was without inhabitants 
 in 1603. According to some traditions, the Huron-Iroquois of the 
 time of Cartier had been driven away by the Algonquins in the 
 second half of the sixteenth century. 
 
 " When Champlain came back [from France] five years later 
 (1608), he met at Quebec the son of an Algonquin chief called 
 Iroquet. . . . Later on, Iroquet solicited Champlain to follow 
 him in a campaign against the Iroquois. Consequently, by the 
 end of June, 1609, they met near Lake St. Peter, and marched in 
 the direction of the River Chambly and then to Lake Cham- 
 plain, where they fought a battle. On the occasion, Iroquet was 
 accompanied by a band of Indians under a chief named Ochate- 
 quin, great enemies of the Iroquois, and the same that Cham- 
 plain had heard of in 1603, when the Algonquins described them as 
 ' good Iroquois ' . Hurons is their name in our History. They [the 
 Hurons] lived on the south shore of Penetanguishene Bay, extend- 
 ing towards Lake Simcoe, as this bay and lake are now named, and 
 
130 APPENDIX. 
 
 spoke the same langfuage as the Iroquois, who belonged to the 
 same race but inhabited the south side of Lake Ontario, after- 
 wards so-called, from what is now Buffalo to the present Albany. 
 
 " The Hurons came to Montreal and the Lower St. Lawrence 
 through what is now termed French River, Lake Nipissing, River 
 Matawan and the Ottawa. No doubt Champlain obtained from 
 those people a good deal of information concering the west, and 
 especially the Ottawa. He had already seen (in 1603) specimens 
 of native copper taken, as stated by the Indians, from the 
 vicinity of a large sea, which no doubt is Lake Superior. 
 
 "Now comes the expedition of Champlain from Quebec to 
 Lake St. Peter, in 1610, marked by three important facts: a bat- 
 tle with the Iroquois, a large trade with the tribes of the Upper 
 St. Lawrence and Upper Ottawa, and the departure of a young 
 man who followed the Algonquins in their return home. — Who 
 was this young man? . . . We will try to find out. 
 
 " Two-thirds of the men who had remained in Quebec the first 
 autumn (1608) of the establishment of that post, died during the 
 winter from the effects of a scorbutic disease. In the spring 
 seven men only were living with Champlain himself. One of 
 them was a young man named 6tienne (Stephen, in English) 
 Brul6, a native of Champigny, a small place near Paris. I be- 
 lieve he was the first white individual who saw the Ottawa Valley ; 
 this is how I explain it : 
 
 " The object of enlisting Brule, Nicolet, Marsolet, Hertel, Mar- 
 guerie and other grown-up boys for service in Canada from 1608 
 to 1620 was to educate them as interpreters. They all could 
 read and write ; some of them were even perfect scholars. In 
 less than one year each of these young adventurers used to learn 
 an Indian language, and sometimes they mastered two or three 
 idioms after a very short period. . . . 
 
 "During the summer of 1610, Iroquet attended the trade 
 business at Lake St. Peter. Champlain asked him to take a 
 man with him in order to visit his country and report about it. 
 The offer was accepted, provided an Indian would be chosen to 
 embark for France for the same purpose. Savignon, who be- 
 longed to the Huron tribes, was selected to make the trip to Paris. 
 Champlain recites on this ocasion: ' I had a young man who had 
 already spent two winters at Quebec and who desired to go with 
 the Algonquins to learn their language. I thought it well to 
 send him in that direction because he could see the country, also 
 the great lake (Huron), observe the rivers, the people, the mines 
 and other rare things, so as to report truth about all this. He 
 accepted the duty with pleasure. ' 
 
APPENDIX. 131 
 
 "No name is given. In all the narratives of Champlain, 
 previous to this date [1610], we find no trace of any white man 
 attempting to visit the Ottawa. This one must be considered the 
 first explorer. But who was he? If you turn to Champlain's 
 ' Journal,' during the summer of i6i8, you will read that 6tienne 
 Brule had been at that date eight years amongst the Indians. . . 
 Brule, or the lad sent to Upper Canada by Champlain [in 1610], 
 had at the same time an opportunity of observing the usages of 
 the savages. 
 
 " When summer (1611) came bright again on the St. Lawrence, 
 Champlain paddled his canoe from Quebec to Montreal and 
 awaited for the arrival of his friends of the forest. Savigjnon ac- 
 companied him, and his impatience to see his relatives was so 
 great that he started ahead to meet them but only went as far as 
 Lake Two Mountains. . . . Listen to Champlain's rtport. 
 'On the 13th June, 1611, arrived two hundred Charioquois (Hu- 
 rons) with Captains Ochateguin and Iroquet, also Tregouaroti, 
 a brother of Savignon, and they brought back my young man 
 [Brule] who had mastered their language very well. Four of 
 them assured me that they had seen the sea at a considerable 
 distance from their own country. ' " 
 
 NOTE IV. 
 
 AS TO BRUL6 being THE FIRST WHITE PERSON TO " SHOOT " LACHINE 
 
 RAPIDS. 
 
 "The first white man to descend the rapids of St. Louis 
 [Lachine rapids] was a youth [Brul6, as we assume] who had 
 volunteered, the previous summer, to go with the Hurons to their 
 country and winter among them, — a proposal to which Cham- 
 plain gladly assented. The second was a young man named 
 Louis, who had gone up with Indians to an island in the rapid, 
 to shoot herons, and was drowned in the descent. The third was 
 Champlain himself." — Pioneers of France in the New World, 
 p. 335«. But the facts, as related by Champlain, are, that 
 Savignon and a Montagnais, while all were waiting the arrival of 
 the Hurons and Algonquins, started with Louis for the island 
 and, on their return, the latter and the Indian were drowned. 
 This can hardly be considered a descent of the rapids by the un- 
 fortunate Frenchman. Afterward, Brul6, in company with the 
 Hurons, on his return from their country, "shot" the rapids; 
 and, subsequently, he and Champlain together were safely piloted 
 down by Indians. 
 
132 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE V. 
 
 SIGNIFICATION OK THE WORD " CARANTOUANNAIS. '* 
 
 " I have seen only one derivation of the word ' Carantouannais ; ' 
 and that one seems far-fetched: 'Great tree — Gavonta-(go)- 
 wane.' " — John Gilmary Shea, in The Pennsylvania Magazine 
 of History and Biography, vol. II, p. 103. In Gen. John S. 
 Clark's ideal map to be found in Dr. Charles Hawley's Early 
 Chapters of Cayuga History (Auburn: 1879), these Indians are 
 mentioned as " Carantouannais, or Onontiogas." 
 
 In the edition of 1619, of his Voyages, Champlain, in the ac- 
 count of his expedition of 161 5, gives no name to these Indians. 
 He speaks of them only as "a certain nation;" so, also, in his 
 Narrative of 161 8, in the same edition. 
 
 To the edition of Champlain's Voyages of 1632 is added a large 
 map of New France, usually spoken of as "Champlain's Map 
 of 1632." On this map are numbers inserted at various localities 
 of note. These refer to an Index in the book having explanations 
 of gfreater or less extent of the points at which they are placed. 
 The nation just mentioned as living to the south of the Onon- 
 dagas is named on the map " Carantouannais," and in the Index 
 " Carantouanis. " Shea, Slafter, and others, drop one «, thus: 
 " Carantouanais. " Parkman gives " Carantoiians " in \\\sfe suits 
 in North America, p. XLVI« — and " Carantouans " in his 
 Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 377. Occasionally, 
 we find some authors writing, ' ' Carantowans. ' ' 
 
 NOTE VI. 
 
 THE CHOUONTOUAROOON IDENTICAL WITH THE SENECAS. 
 
 That the Chouontouaroiion and Senecas were one and the 
 same, see O. H. Marshall, in The Magazine of American His- 
 tory, vol. I, pp. I - 5 ; where, however, he spells the name first 
 mentioned incorrectly. One of the most important facts to prove 
 the correctness of his conclusions — the delineation upon Cham- 
 plain's Map of 1632, of the circuitous route taken usually by the 
 Hurons in going to their allies upon the Susquehanna river — is 
 overlooked by Mr. Marshall. ' ' This nation [the Carantouan- 
 nais]," says Champlain, " is very warlike according to the repre- 
 sentation of the Attigouautans [Hurons]. They are only three 
 villages in the midst of more than twenty others against which 
 they carry on war, not being able to get assistance from their 
 friends, especially as they [their friends — the Hurons], must pass 
 through the country of the Chouontouaroiion [Senecas], or go a 
 
ATPENDIX. I 33 
 
 great way round." Champlain uses "Attigouautans " (and 
 sometimes "Attignouaatitans," or "Atinouaentans") for the 
 " Hurons," although, strictly speaking, the name belonged to 
 one only of the five tribes, or clans, of that nation. 
 
 NOTE VII. 
 
 MARCH OK CHAMPLAIN AND HIS HURONS TO THE ONONDAlIA VILLACK. 
 — CONFLICTING VIEWS AS TO THE SITE OK THE ENEMV'S STRONGHOLD. 
 
 " There has always gathered around Champlain's expedition 
 into the land of the Five Nations, a romance inseparable from 
 bold and gallant adventure. It was not perhaps prudent, it was 
 not war, but it was brilliant, and it had all the dash of a zealous 
 explorer, eager to see something new. 
 
 " While Virginia was just struggling into life, and the States 
 of Holland were organizing into a government, the few frail 
 structures thrown up at New Amsterdam and Fort Orange, [it 
 was previous to any permanent structures at New Amsterdam 
 and before the beginning of Fort Orange], while New England 
 was still a desert, its woods not yet tuned to echo the psalmody of 
 the Puritan, Samuel de Champlain, who had fought too long 
 against the Leaguers in France to relish listless idleness, had ex- 
 plored the New England coast and mapped all its harbors, had 
 founded Quebec, ascended the Ottawa, and reached Lake Huron, 
 had discovered the lake that bears his name, and taken a hand 
 in Indian wars. 
 
 " There was just the stir and freshness in it all that charmed 
 him. In 1615, he was at a Huron town near Lake Simcoe, and 
 his Huron and Algonquin allies were planning a great expedition 
 against an enemy who lay beyond Ontario {the beautiful lake), 
 in the lake-dotted fe-tile territory to the south. The town of a 
 tribe, whom he styles in his narrative the Entouohonorons 
 [Entouhonorons], was to be the point of attack. A kindred 
 nation, the Carantouanais . . . stout warriors, living in three 
 towns near the Susquehanna, were to cooperate with the Hurons. 
 Would Champlain take a hand in the matter? Of course he 
 would 
 
 "Champlain, with the rest of Frenchmen, joined the great 
 Huron war party, and after the usual feasts and dances, the 
 Frenchmen and their dusky allies left the town of Cahiague, 
 their starting-point, north of Lake Simcoe [for the Onondaga 
 stronghold] 
 
 " The Huron town Cahiague, from which the Huron war party 
 [with Champlain and his French companions] set out, Sept. i. 
 
134 APPENDIX. 
 
 1615, was some years later called by the Jesuits St. Jean Baptistc, 
 and though it may have been removed from the original site a 
 few miles, cannot be far from the position given it on Du Creux's 
 map, between Lake Simcoe and Lake Couchiching. They era- 
 barked on the latter lake, entered Simcoe, and having . . , 
 sent Brul6 with twelve Hurons to the Susquehanna region to 
 notify their allies, they made the portage to Sturgeon Lake, and 
 thence through Pigeon, Buckhorn, Clear, and Rice Lakes, the 
 Ontonabee and Trent Rivers, plying their paddles where there 
 was a good stretch of water, or making a toilsome portage over- 
 land at the frequent rapids. They, finally, after 64 leagues' 
 travel, reached Quinte Bay, and sailing up that sheet of water, 
 reached the waters of Lake Ontario." — John Gilmary Shea, in 
 The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 
 
 n, pp. 103, 105. 
 
 That author also says (same vol., p. 103): " Of this expedition 
 Champlain is oar historian, for he was always ready with his 
 pen, and as a trained navigator mapped a coast or country with 
 no little skill and accuracy. His accounts appeared first in a 
 volume of his voyages, published in Paris in 1619, with a picture 
 of the Indian fort [the Onondaga stronghold] ; and in an abridged 
 form in a general collection of his voyages, published in the 
 French capital in 1632, and accompanied by a map of New France, 
 on which the course of the expedition over New York soil and 
 the position of the fort which the Hurons and their French allies 
 attacked are laid down. 
 
 "The RecoUet Sagard wrote, subsequently to the expedition, 
 two works, his 'Great Voyage to the Huron Country,' and his 
 ' History of Canada;' but neither of these volumes throws any 
 further light upon the route pursued, or the citadel which the 
 allies proposed to take. The later work of the RecoUet 
 LeClerq, based on manuscripts of Champlain's time, introduces 
 a few new facts, but is too vague to be of any service in the 
 main question [as to the location of the fort]. The documents 
 bearing upon the point are, therefore, Champlain's narrative 
 (1619) [that is, published in that year], the picture of the fort, 
 and the map in the edition of 1632." 
 
 There are three points — each one of which has been suggested 
 as the most likely location of the Onondaga village: (i) The 
 right (or east) bank of Onondaga creek, not a great distance 
 south of the present city of Syracuse; (2) the east side of Onon- 
 daga lake; (3) Nichols Pond, in the town of Fenner, Madison 
 county.* Other points that have been advocated are now con- 
 sidered as out of the range of a reasonable probability. 
 
 * Nichols Pond— in the northeast corner of the town of Fenner, in Madison 
 county, N. Y., three miles east of the village of Perryville, and ten miles by 
 an air line, south of the east end of Oneida lake. 
 
APPENDIX. 135 
 
 Consult further as to the Onondaga stronghold, John Gilmary 
 Shea, in The Pennsylvania Ma):;azine of History and Riogra' 
 phy, vol. II, pp. 103-108; O. H. Marshall, in T/ie Magazine of 
 American History, vol. I, pp. 6-13, and vol. 11, p. 470-483; 
 George Geddes, in same, vol. I, pp. 521-537; El. F. Slafter, in 
 Prince Society Publications of Champlain's " Voyages," vol. I, 
 p. i30», and in his "Champlain," in Narrative and Critical 
 History of America, vol. IV, p. 125; Parkman, in Pioneers of 
 France in the New World, p. 373; Justin Winsor, in Cartier to 
 Frontenac, pp. 117, 118; and the writers cited by these authors. 
 However, a consideration of this question has but little impor- 
 tance in our narrative except as a help in approximating the 
 location of Carantouan — "three short days' journey south." 
 The most prominent writers to take sides in regard to the locality 
 of the fort, or village, are Gen. John S. Clark and O. H. Marshall. 
 
 In his "Champlain," Mr. Slafter (Winsor's Narrative and 
 Critical History of America, vol. IV, p. 125) gives, in a sketch- 
 map, both the route advocated by Marshall and the one suggested 
 by Clark, from the point where Champlain first struck the shore 
 of Lake Ontario to the Onondaga village. These routes come 
 together near the outlet of Oneida Lake, Clark's going thence 
 southeast to Nichols Pond and Marshall's southwest to Onondaga 
 lake. (See, also, Winsor's Cartier to Frontenac, p. iiS. ) If, 
 now, Marshall's route be continued about ten miles from the site 
 he advocates to a point on the east bank of the Onondaga cree.'t, 
 not far above the present city of Syracuse, then the place sug- 
 gested by Geddes will be reached (see his map in The Magazine 
 of American History, vol. I, p. 521) ; but, in going from the fishery 
 to the fort, it is probable Onondaga lake was left some distance 
 to the right (or west). 
 
 As there is a general acquiescing on all hands as to the location 
 of the " fishery " being at the outlet of the Oneida lake (and there 
 can be little or no doubt but such was the fact), it is not neces- 
 sary to go north of this point in what we have now to consider. 
 The mistake made by Marshall, it is suggested, was in stopping 
 short at Onondaga lake ; and this was caused without doubt by 
 his not catching the correct idea of Champlain's words. The 
 passage which induced him to " stop short" is sometimes trans- 
 lated thus: 
 
 " The ninth of the month of October [1615], our savages, while 
 upon a scout, came upon eleven savages whom they took pris- 
 oners — that is to say, four women, three boys, one girl and three 
 men — who were going io fish at a distance of about four 
 leagues from the enemy's fort [the italicising is mine]." — 
 
136 APPENDIX. 
 
 The Magazine of American History, vol. I, p. 566. (See, also, 
 O'Callaghan's Documentary History of the State of New York, 
 vol. Ill, p. 87. That this was the way Marshall understood it, 
 is evident from his words : 
 
 ' ' The expedition must have met the party of Iroquois, which 
 included women and children, not far from the fishery and the 
 village, which were only about four leagues or ten miles apart 
 [the italicising is mine]." — The Magazine of American History, 
 vol. I, p. 12. And he also says (vol. II., p. 478): "On the gth 
 of October, the Indians met and captured eleven of the enemy, 
 who were going to the fishery, distant 4 leagues from the enemy's 
 fort." And again (same vol., p. 479): " Champlain states that 
 the fort was 4 leagues (10 miles), from the ' fishery,' " And this 
 he substantially repeats. 
 
 It is believed, however, that the following is a better transla- 
 tion, and that it conveys the real meaning of Champlain : 
 
 " On the gth of the month of October our savages going out to 
 reconnoitre met eleven savages, whom they took prisoners. They 
 consisted of four women, three boys, one girl, and three men, 
 who were going fishing and were distant some four leagues 
 from the fori of the enemy [the italicising is mine]." * 
 
 " Here the Canadians [meaning the savages with Champlain] 
 captured eleven Iroquois, who had come about four leagues from 
 their fort to fish in the Oneida lake." — Brodhead's New York, 
 (Revised ed.), vol. I., p. 69. But this is error in this that it 
 makes their place of capture also their place of fishing. 
 
 In The Magazine of American History, vol. I, p. i, Mr. Mar- 
 shall gives a " fac-simile of part of the Champlain map of 1632." 
 The size of the Onondaga village as there delineated is out of all 
 proportion with tht vicinity in which it was located. It would 
 include the whole of Onondaga lake and creek. This doubtless 
 has misled that writer, as the stronghold (because of the error in 
 its size as marked on the map) is made to reach from the east 
 side of the creek to the east side of the lake. 
 
 Ihere is one fact not mentioned by Geddes which adds to 
 his theory; Champlain speaks of the Carantouannais as living 
 three good days' journey, further up {plus haut) than the Onon- 
 dagas, v/hich expression he would hardly have made use of had 
 the stronghold of the enemy been located on a pond or lake ; and 
 then, too, %o\n^ further up the Onondaga creek would have been 
 going in the right direction. All things considered, we think Mr. 
 Geddes has much the best of the argument, f 
 
 <'See Otis's translation of Champlain'' s " Voyages," vol. Ill, p. 128. 
 
 t" Absolute identification [of the site of the stronghold of the enemy] it 
 
APPENDIX. 137 
 
 NOTE VIII. 
 
 EARLY MENTION OF THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. 
 
 The cataract of Niagara was first heard of in 1535, by Cartier. 
 Then again by Cham plain, as we have seen, in 1603. 
 
 " Champlain was not ignorant in 1603 of the existence of the falls 
 of Niagara, since La Franchise, who, according to Suite's "Jean 
 Nicolet," in Milanges D'Ht'stot're et de LittSrature, pp. 424, 
 425, dedicated to him a sonnet, expresses himself thus: 
 
 ' ' ' Muses si vous chantez vraiment je vous conseille 
 Que vous loueiez Champlain pour Stre courageux, 
 Sans crainte des hasards, il a vu tant de lieux 
 Que ses relations nous contentent I'oreille. 
 
 " ' II a vu le Perou' Mexique, et la merveille 
 Du Vulcain infernal qui vomit tant de feux ; 
 Et les sauts Mocosans" qui offensent les yeux 
 De ceux qui osent voir leur chute nonpareille.' 
 
 " Lescarbo wrote in 13 10 a piece of verse in which he speaks of 
 the grand falls which the savages say they meet with in ascend- 
 ing the St. Lawrence to the neighborhood of Virginia. 
 
 " ' iPas que nous sachious.' 
 
 " ' tMocosa, ancien nom de la Virg-inie, ce qui se rapporterait au Magara. 
 Fas plus que le Perou Champlain ne I'avait vu, mais, evidemment, il en avait 
 entendu parler.' " 
 
 In the Index to Champlain's Map of 1632, it is said: 
 
 " '"Sault d'eau au bout du Sault [Lac] Sainct Louis fort haut 
 ou plusieurs sortes de poissons descendans s'estourdissent." 
 
 [Translation: '"A waterfall of considerable height, at the 
 extremity of Lake St. Louis [Ontario], where several kinds of 
 fish are stunned in their descent] 
 
 This note (90) is given to describe the falls of Niagara, which 
 are laid down with considerable correctness on the map. 
 
 " Champlain does not appear to have obtained from the Indians 
 any adequate idea of the grandeur and magnificence of this fall. 
 The expression, gut esi quelque pen dleui, oil il y a peu d'eau 
 laquelle descend, would imply that it was of moderate if not of 
 
 not possible."— Kingsford : History of Canada, vol. I, p. 5a. Notwithstanding 
 this declaration (and we heartily subscribe to its truthfulness), Gen. Clark, 
 in advocating Nichols Pond as the true site, says ; " I identify the site as 
 certainly as any gentleman present [at a gathering of pioneers in Syracuse] 
 can identify his wife at the breakfast table after ten years of married life" 
 (see The Magazine of American History, vol. II, p. 471). This Mr. Marshall 
 answers effectively. 
 
138 APPENDIX. 
 
 au inferior character." — Rev. E. F. Slafter, ia Prince Society 
 Publications of Champlain's "Voyages," vol. I, p. 2-jin, 
 (Mr. Slafter here speaks of what Champlain records of his 
 interview with the savages in 1603, referred to in our Narrative.) 
 See, also, in this connection, Parkman's Pioneers of France in 
 the New IVorld, p. 220«. 
 
 Such a description of the cataract as that given in the Index to 
 Champlain's map makes it highly probable that no white man 
 had seen the falls before the year 1632, notwithstanding the 
 Neutral nation was visited before 1626 by Brul6, and in the year 
 last mentioned by Daillon. (See, in this connection, Note XIX, 
 of this Appendix. ) And the former must have gone not many 
 miles from the great cataract, in 161 5. 
 
 " It will be observed, that we get [from Champlain's map of 
 1632] in the stream which enters Lake Ontario at the west end 
 the first fairly accurate [cartographical] location of the Niagara 
 cataracts. Champlain never comprehended the magnitude of 
 these falls any more than Cartier did when he seems to have 
 heard of them, a hundred years before. Sanson, when he pub- 
 lished his map of 1656, represented the conception of Champlain; 
 but we get no particular [cartographical] description of the 
 cataract till we find one, drawn from hearsay, however, . . . 
 in Galinee's journal, when this priest accompanied La Salle 
 along Lake Ontario in 1669." — Winsor: Cartier to Front enac, 
 p. 144. 
 
 NOTE IX. 
 
 BRULfe'S DISCOVERY OF LAKES HURON AND ONTARIO. 
 
 "In the year 161 5, there dwelt on the south-eastern shore of 
 Lake Hu'-on, between Lake Simcoe and the Georgian Bay, a na- 
 tion of Indians who were called in their own language, ' Wen- 
 dats' or ' Wyandots,' and by the French ' Hurons.' There is no 
 record of their having been visited by the white man prior to 
 the above date. " — O. H. Marshall, in The Magazine of American 
 History, vol. I, p. i. But this statement that no white man 
 had, previous to 1615, visited the " Wendats " (Hurons), was 
 made by that writer from having overlooked the journey of 
 Champlain's "lad," and that of another young Frenchman sub- 
 sequently. 
 
 Even Parkman forgets the journey of Champlain's " servant," 
 in heading Chapter XIII, of his Pioneers of France in the New 
 World {"g. 357), with, — " 1615. Discovery of Lake Huron," — as 
 ir it were discovered in that year ; when, in the same volume, p. 
 335«, he speaks of "a youth who had volunteered, the previous 
 
APPENDIX. 139 
 
 summer [i. e., in the summer of 1610], to go with the Hurons to 
 their country and winter among them, — a proposal to which 
 Champlain %\&d.\y assented." (The italicising is mine.) And, 
 as we have shown, another '"» og Frenchman went on a journey 
 to Lake Huron and to th». v-outiTy of the Wendats (Hurons), tte 
 year following the one in vhich Brule made his visit there. 
 As Father Le Caron and his French escort preceded Champlain 
 and his two \. lite companions some days in reaching, in 161 5, 
 that lake, the first mentioned persons would be entitled to the 
 honor of having been its discoverers, had they not been preceded 
 themselves by Brule and another, as just related. 
 
 The first European to gain any knowledge of Lake Ontario 
 was James Cartier, in 1635. He was then on the St. Lawrence 
 and his information was given him by savages. He was told 
 that, after ascending many leagues among rapids and water- 
 falls, he would reach a lake one hundred and fifty leagues long 
 and forty or fifty broad [Lake Ontario], at the western extremity 
 of which the waters were wholesome and the winters mild; that 
 a river [Niagara] emptied into it from the south, which had its 
 source in the country of the Iroquois ; that beyond this lake he 
 would find a cataract and portage [Niagara Falls and the land- 
 route around the cataract] ; then another lake [Erie] about equal 
 to the former, which they had never explored, and still further 
 on a sea [probably Lake Huron].* 
 
 Again, in 1603, the lake was heard of, but this time by Cham- 
 plain, who says : ' ' Then they [the Indians who gave him the 
 account] come to a lake [Ontario] some eighty leagues long, with 
 a gfreat many islands ; the water at its extremity being fresh and 
 the winter mild. At the end of this lake they pass a fall [Niagara], 
 somewhat high and with but little water flowing over. Here 
 they carry their canoes overland about a quarter of a league, in 
 order to pass the fall, afterwards entering another lake [Erie] 
 some sixty leagues long, and containing very good water. Hav- 
 ing reached the end, they come to a strait [Detroit and St. Clair 
 rivers] two leagues broad and extending a considerable distance 
 into the interior. They said they had never gone any farther nor 
 seen the end of a lake [Huron] some fifteen or sixteen leagues 
 distant from where they had been."f 
 
 In another account given Champlain by " two or three Algon- 
 quins," he was informed that, after leaving the river they were 
 then on, a lake would be reached (Lake Ontario), some hundred 
 and fifty (French) leagues in length. Not far above the foot of 
 
 '■'Lescarbot's Histoire de la NouveUe France (1609), p. 381. 
 
 t Prince Society Publications 0/ Champlain' s " Voyages," vol. I, p. 271. 
 
I40 APPENDIX. 
 
 this lake there could be seen a river (bay of Quinte) extending 
 towards the north to the Algonquins; that there was another 
 river (the Oswego), coming from the Iroquois country — where 
 the Algonquins and Iroquois make war upon each other. A 
 little farther along on the south shore of the lake would be 
 seen another river (the Genesee), also extending towards the Iro- 
 quois. At tlie end of the lake a fall (Niagara) would be reached 
 where the Indians were obliged to carry their canoes. Beyond 
 this, another very large lake would soon be entered (Lake Erie), 
 as long, perhaps, as the first. They said they had seldom seen 
 the lake last mentioned but they had heard that beyond was 
 another great water; this, however, Lhey had not seen.* 
 
 Lake Ontario was first cartographically sketched in the Moli- 
 neaux map of 1600, where it is spoken of as "The Lacke of 
 Tadenac, the bounds whereof are unknown," — merged, how- 
 ever, into "a great inland sea, the prototype of the Great 
 
 Lakes, "t 
 
 In a map drawn by Champlain in 1612, the lake is located in 
 nearly its exact position, — a description of it having been obtained 
 from Indian accounts previously given him. J Upon this map, 
 Lake St. Peter, " Mont Royale " (Montreal), the St. Lawrence, 
 and the Lachine rapids, together with the Richelieu river. Lake 
 Champlain, Lake Ontario, Niagara falls, and Oneida lake, are, 
 most of them, fairly well indicated. The Ottawa river is recog- 
 nizable; so, also (but with a considerable draft upon the 
 imagination), are Lakes Nipissing and Simcoe and the French 
 river. Lake Huron as "grand lac" is made intelligible — the 
 location of a Huron village on its southeastern shore being 
 plainly represented. A short water-course leads out of the foot 
 of Lake Huron to the head of Lake Ontario — Champlain having 
 too indistinct a knowledge of Lake Erie to give it a place on this 
 map, or even on the ones of 1632. 
 
 Some writers assert that Champlain was the first white man to 
 reach Lake Ontario: 
 
 " The discovery of Lake Ontario, in 161 5, was an ample com- 
 pensation for previous disappointments in his [Champlain's] in- 
 defatigable explorations. . . . Champlain was the first Euro- 
 pean who visited the ' fresh- water sea,' as he called Ontario." — 
 Garneau's History of Canada (Bell's translation), vol. I, p. 92. 
 But Champlain called Lake Huron the Mer Douce, not Lake 
 Ontario. 
 
 '•' Id., p. 274. 
 
 t Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. IV, p. 377. 
 
 X winsor's Cartier to Frontenac, pp. 103, 104. 
 
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APPENDIX. 141 
 
 The same view as to Champlain having been the hrst to dis- 
 cover Lake Ontario is taken by William Kingsford, in his His- 
 tory of Canada, vol. I, pp. 50, 51. But Champlain's own nar- 
 rative is a sufficient evidence that Brule was before him in reach- 
 ing "the beautiful lake," and this, too, whether his route was 
 by way of its foot or its head. 
 
 Historians have been chary of committing themselves as to 
 the route pursued by Brule after leaving Champlain. " Crossing 
 Lake Ontario," says Parkman {Pioneers of France in the New 
 World, p. 377, the "party [Brule and the twelve Hurons] pushed 
 on with all speed, ' ' etc. ; but as to where the party crossed the 
 lake, he does not venture an opinion. However, as suggested 
 by us, it is probable the Frenchman and his savages did not cross 
 Ontario at all, but coasted around its head to the mouth of the 
 Niagara. Winsor {Cartier to Frontenac, p. 117) gives it as a 
 possibility that Brule pursued the course indicated by a dotted 
 line in Champlain's map of 1632, which would necessitate his 
 going at least towards the head of the lake and beyond it. But 
 what is a possibility with Mr. Winsor is a reality with the Rev. 
 E. F. Slafter (in Prince Society Publications of Champlain's 
 " Voyages,'' vol. HI, p. 2o8«). Now, for the party to have gone 
 from the point where Champlain and his savages had rendezvoused, 
 in that general direction without seeing Lake Ontario would be 
 incredible — indeed, wellnigh impossible; and if seen, it must 
 have been before it was reached on the other route by Champlain. 
 
 NOTE X. 
 
 EARLY REPORTS OF LAKE ERIE. 
 
 Cartier, as we have shown, was the first of civilized men to re- 
 ceive an inkling of the existence of Lake Erie. This was in 1535. 
 Champlain had, when, in 1629, he made his large map of New 
 France, no knowledge of it, except by vague Indian reports of 
 1603, which gave him apparently a most confused idea of it. 
 The accounts he then obtained from the savages are given in 
 Note IX of this Appendix. It is but reasonable to suppose that 
 had Brule visited the lake on his journey to, or return from the 
 Carantouannais, Champlain would have given a better drawing 
 of it in his map just mentioned. 
 
 NOTE XI. 
 
 THE HOME OF THE ERIES. 
 
 The Eries were of the Iroquois family. When first heard of 
 they occupied the southern shore of the lake to which their name 
 
142 APPENDIX. 
 
 has been given. Their territory extended nominally as far east 
 as the Genesee river in what is now the State of New York, and 
 as far west, probably, as the Sandusky and Scioto rivers in the 
 present State of Ohio. Their villages, it is conjectured, were 
 not far from the western boundary of the former State, as now 
 defined. How far south this nation had its hunting-grounds, 
 tradition and history give no account. From the known loca- 
 tion of other nations, it is presumed, however, their territory in- 
 cluded the region watered by the Alleghany. How long this 
 extensive country had been occupied by the Eries is beyond the 
 reach of any historic record. No tradition has been preserved 
 of their migration to this section. However, as kindred nations 
 usually pointed to the St. Lawrence as the spot once their hunt- 
 ing-grounds, it is not improbable that they too were from the 
 great valley of the north. 
 
 Doubtless, the Eries were heard of by Captain Smith while 
 exploring the Chesapeake bay in 1608,* and by Brul6 in his jour- 
 ney to the Carantouannais, although even at as late a date as 
 1632 very little was known of them as a distinct nation. And at 
 no time until the first half of the seventeenth century had passed 
 was there anything of moment concerning them made known to 
 Europeans. 
 
 NOTE xn. 
 
 GRAND DETOUR FROM THE HURON COUNTRY TO THE SUSQUEHANNA. 
 
 The lengthy and circ aitous route taken by the savages in going 
 from the St. Lawrence to the Virginia country, in order to avoid 
 the hostile Iroquois, is early noted. It is referred to on Captain 
 John Smith's map of Virginia of 1612 (by inference), from data 
 obtained four or five years before, also in his General/ Historie 
 of Virginia of 1624, from the same early information; and in 
 1 610, Lescarbot, ic his La Nouvelle France, also mentions this 
 great circuit made by the Indians, for the purpose of trade. 
 
 Now, at or near the mouth of the Niagara river, there com- 
 menced a branch route running northerly to the country of the 
 Hurons. This route was made known to Champlain in 161 1 by 
 the savages just mentioned, who said they had been visited by 
 friendly Indians from beyond the south side of the territory oc- 
 
 '•'Capt. John Smith, in his map of Virginia (Oxford: 1612), lays down the 
 " Vitchowig " (probably the Eries), at the head of the upper West Branch of 
 the Susquehanna ; but it is probable the Indians, in giving him an account 
 of the nation and of the location of their lowus, mentioned the West Branch 
 as being followed to its head when one would journey to that nation from the 
 Susquehanna. 
 
APPENDIX. 143 
 
 cupied by the unfriendly Iroquois. It is believed the Indians 
 occupying' the country near Lake Simcoe journeyed south on 
 the Humber; thence, on Lake Ontario to the mouth of tlie 
 Niagara river; up that stream to the great cataract (where a port- 
 age was made to the river above) ; thence to the foot of Lake 
 Erie; coasting then on the southern side of Lake Erie to where 
 the city of Erie (Pennsylvania) is now located; making a portage 
 again and going down French creek to the Alleghany ; thence up 
 that river to near its head wattrf., where there were two port- 
 ages — one leading acro«?; to the Tioga, the other across to the 
 head of the West Branch of the Susquehanna (both tributaries of 
 the latter). As the Tioga leads into the Chemung, and the latter 
 flows into the Susquehanna near what is now the north bound- 
 ary line of the State of Pennsylvania, there was, of course, canoe 
 navigation all the way to the Carantouannais. The West Branch 
 having its confluence with the parent stream much farther down, 
 made a channel of communication to the Susquehanna proper 
 and to the country below. 
 
 This wide circuit (or " grand detour ") was taken by a party of 
 Hurons after the period of Brule's journey, both in going to the 
 Indians upon the Susquehanna and in returning home after 
 visiting them, to avoid the Senecas. — Parkman: The Jesuits in 
 North America, pp. 341-343. "They [the Huron.s]," says 
 this author (p. 343), " were forced to make a wide sweep through 
 the Alleghanies, Western Pennsylvania and apparently Ohio, to 
 avoid these vigilant foes [the Senecas]." 
 
 On Champlain's map of 1632 is a dotted line reaching from 
 Lake Erie to the Susquehanna ; — that is, from what, it seems, is 
 intended as that lake, to the river. Now, some writers have sup- 
 posed that this line was made to represent Brule's route to the 
 Carantouannais. " A dotted line will be seen on the same map 
 [Champlain's map, of 1632], evidently intended to mark the 
 course of Brule's journey. From the meagre knowledge which 
 Champlain possessed of the region, the line can hardly be 
 supposed to be very accurate." — E. F. Slafter, in Prince Society 
 Publications of Champlain's ''Voyages," vol. Ill, p. 2o8«. 
 "Brule volunteered to reach them [the Carantouannais]. He 
 succeeded in passing the hostile villages of the Iroquois, possibly 
 by the route indicated by the dotted line in Champlain's map of 
 1632." — Winsor. in Cartier to pyontenac, p. 117. (See Note IX 
 of this Appendix.) That the line mentioned commences so far 
 from the head of Lake Ontario, — evidently beyond and to the 
 south of some Indian villages lying east of the Niagara river, 
 and that it branches before reaching Carantouan, pretty con- 
 
144 APPENDIX. 
 
 clusively proves that it was intended to indicate, not BruK-'s route, 
 but the grand circuit before spoken of, which the party had not 
 time to follow. 
 
 NOTE XIII. 
 
 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH'S DISCOVERY OF THE SUSQUEHANNA. — DIU HE 
 REACH PENNSYLVANIA ? 
 
 It is certain the river to which Capt. John Smith first gave the 
 name of "Smith's Falls" is the stream now known as the 
 Susquehanna ; for, besides the descriptions given in his account 
 of its discovery, the river where it empties into the Chesapeake 
 bay is so faithfully delineated by him in a map which he made 
 soon after as to leave no doubt of its identity. 
 
 As to the distance Captain Smith journeyed up the Susque- 
 hanna from its mouth, the principal authority is the Captain 
 himself; first, in his Description of the Countrey of Virginia 
 (Oxford: 1612); and, second, in his Ginerall Histoire of Vir- 
 ginia (London: 1640): 
 
 " At the end of the [Chesapeake] bay, where it is six or seven 
 miles in breadth, there fall into it four small rivers, — three of 
 them issuing from divers bogs [marshes or swamps], environed 
 with high mountains. There is one [the Susquehanna] that 
 cometh [from] due north, three or four days' journey from the 
 head of the bay, and falls from rocks and mountains. ' ' 
 
 " At the end of the [Chesapeake] bay, where it is six or seven 
 miles in breadth, it divides itself into four branches, the best 
 cometh northwest froii among the mountains; but, though 
 canoes may go a day's journey or two up it [the Susquehanna], 
 we could not get two miles up it with our boat, for rocks.'' 
 
 That canoes could go, possibly, two days' journey up the 
 river, is a declaration having much force, in view of the fact that 
 it is about forty miles from its mouth before what are now 
 known as ' ' Conewago falls ' ' are reached ; but it is probable that 
 Smith did not quite understand the situation as depicted by the 
 savages, who doubtless said two days' journey would take them 
 to a point where a portage would have to be made.* 
 
 "" At the end of the [Chesapeake] Bay where it is 6 or 7 miles in breadth, 
 there fall into it 4 small rivers, 3 of them issuing from divers bogges in- 
 vironed with high mouutaines. 
 
 " There is one that commeth du north, 3 or 4. daies iourny from the head of 
 the Bay, and fals from rocks and mountaines. Vpon this river inhabit a 
 people called Sasquesahanock. 
 
 " They [the Sasquesahanocks] are seated 2 daies higher then was passage 
 for the discoverers Barge, which was hardly 2 toons, and had in it but 12 men 
 
APPENDIX. 145 
 
 The Susquehanna river takes its mime from the nation of In- 
 dians which were found inhabiting its valley in 1608 and which, 
 by Captain Smith were called, as we have seen, " Sasquesa- 
 hanocks." These savages had their home in the vicmity of some 
 falls — their name signifying probably, "the Falls People," or, 
 " They who live at the falls." The distance of their town from 
 the mouth of the Susquehanna, as given by Smith, corresponds, 
 approximately, to that of the Conewago falls from the same 
 point — two days' canoe-journey. " The Sasquesahanocks," says 
 the Captain, " inhabit upon the chief spring of these four 
 branches of the bay's head [that is, upon the Susquehanna], two 
 days' journey higher than our barge could pass for rocks." 
 And, again; "Upon this river [the Susquehanna] inhabit a 
 people called Sasquesahanock. They are seated two days' 
 [journey] higher than was passage for the discoverer s barge." 
 Smith also declares that, in sending from the mouth of the river, 
 two Tockwogh Indians to the Sasquesahanocks, inviting the lat- 
 ter to visit him, he expected the messengers would return in 
 " three or four days; " which would be about the time he might 
 expect them, taking into consideration the distance of their town 
 from where he lay with his barge, — then, sixty of those savages 
 appeared, as he had calculated {Ilistotre, vol. I, Chap. VI). 
 
 " Capt. Smith," says Prof. Guss, "passed up the Susquehanna 
 to the falls. He says. ' Though canoes may go a day's journey 
 or two up it, we could not get two miles up it with our boats for 
 rocks. ' The first rocks, however, we now know, are Port Deposit, 
 at the head of tide water, and this point is four miles from the 
 bay. It is very probablt, also, that Smith was up still higher, 
 either on land or in an Indian canoe. The number of islands in 
 the river, which he has marked on his map, and the cross mark 
 
 to perform this discouery."— /4 Map of Virginia. With a description of the 
 Covntrey, etc. " Written by Captaine Smith, sometimes Governour of the 
 Countrey." Oxford: 1612, p. 7. Arber's Reprint (1884), p. 53. (The map is 
 reprinted in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. IV, 
 i 167 ; al.so, in Sharf s Maryland, vol. I, p. 6 ; in the Historical Register, vol. 
 1, p. 161 ; and in other works.) 
 
 This tract, as it is called (i.e., " A map of Virginia," etc., just described) , 
 contains one hundred and fifty-eight pages,— the " Description of the Covn- 
 trey," by Smith, forty-eight pages, and an "Appendix," by other writers, one 
 hundred and ten pages. In this work is published for the first time an 
 account of the Susquehanna river, and of a nation of savages called "Sas- 
 quesahanocks," who had, in 1608, their homes on that stream. 
 
 A previous work by Smith, the True Relation, published in London, in 
 1608, has not, of course, any mention of his explorations in the Chesapeake 
 of that year ; yet it contains information obtained from Powhatan the year 
 previous of considerable interest as bearing upon events subsequently 
 described by the Captain. 
 
146 AI'l'ENDIX. 
 
 denoting the highest point reached by him on the river, being by 
 the scale at least fifteen miles, seem to require that Capt. Smith 
 was actually up as far as the Stale line. On the Potomac and 
 other rivers it is clear he went beyond the 'rocks.' He may 
 have been the first white man that ever trod the soil of Penn- 
 sylvania. At all events, so far as we have any definite account, 
 he was the first white man that met Indians who resided within 
 the limits of Pennsylvania." — (Historical Register, vol. I, 
 pp. if)3. 164). 
 
 "The Sufquehannocks of Smith . . . are placed, in his 
 map, on the east side of the Susquehanna, some twenty miles 
 from its mouth." — Parkman: The Jesuits in North America, 
 p. 341//. Prof. Guss places them, according to the map, twenty- 
 two miles {Historical Register, vol. I, p. 165). He says: " The 
 principal town, Sasquesahanough, is laid down on the map 
 [Smith's], by the scale, about twenty-two miles from the bay." 
 Does not this fact " seem to require " as strongly that the Sasque- 
 sahanock town was only that distance from the mouth of the 
 river as those other facts mentioned by him " seem to require 
 that Capt. Smith was up as far as the State line? " We think so; 
 for he f r.'cdiately adds: " But the book [Capt. Smith's] speaks 
 of the leing located ' two days' journey higher than our barge 
 could , is for the rocks,' which would place them [the Sasque- 
 sahan jacks] much higher up the river. Certainly, a two days' 
 journey was more than twenty-two miles, and as they awaited 
 the return of the interpreters [the two Tockwogh Indians] ' three 
 or four days,' they probably may have gone forty or fifty miles." 
 
 But Prof. Guss strives to break the force of his own arguments 
 by subsequently declaring that "no dependence can be placed 
 upon the scale of leagues [found in Smith's map] for points 
 beyond the limits of Smith's explorations." Now, as "the 
 limits of Smith's explorations" are declared by himself to be 
 within two miles from the mouth of the river, " what dependence 
 can be placed upon the scale of leagues," which places them 
 " at least fifteen miles " from the bay — " as far up as the State 
 line?" 
 
 But Prof. Guss thinks it very probable that Smith was up still 
 further than a point "four miles" from its mouth, " either on 
 land or in an Indian canoe." But this was his first visit to the 
 Susquehanna, and he had not seen Indians for a considerable 
 length of time; it is clear, therefore, he had no Indian canoe. 
 That he could not have left his barge and traveled farther up the 
 river bank is evident from several circumstances: (i) He had 
 lost his anchor ; (2) half his men were sick; (3) he gives no de- 
 
APPENDIX. 147 
 
 scription of the country along the shore; (4) he did not know 
 then but Indians might be near and make it dangerous to leave 
 his boat; and (5) it seems, from his narrative, he returned to 
 the bay before another tide. 
 
 NOTE XIV. 
 
 CONCERNING BRULfe'S EXPLORATION OF THE SUSQUEHANNA RIVER AND 
 THE CHESAPEAKE BAY. 
 
 Rev. Edward D. Neill, A. B., in Winsor's Narrative and 
 Critical History of America, vol. IV, p. 165, says: " [Brul6] 
 told Champlain that he had found a river which he descended 
 until it flowed into a sea, — the river by some supposed to be the 
 Susquehanna, and the sea Chesapeake bay," — that writer citing 
 Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 377, 378. It is proper, however, to 
 remark that the narrative of Brul6 as related by Champlain 
 speaks rather of the sea instead of a sea, and also that Parkman 
 does not mention the Chesapeake. But the Rev. E. F. Slafter 
 thinks "the sea" mentioned by Brul^ to Champlain was the 
 Chesapeake: " He [Brule] appears to have gone £s far south at 
 least as the upper waters of Chesapeake bay." — {Prtnce Society 
 Publications of Champlain's ''Voyages," vol. Ill, p. 211;/.) 
 
 Neill seems not to be entirely satisfied that Brul6's declaration 
 with regard to finding "a river which he descended until it 
 flowed into a sea" was a fact, — that "he may have depended 
 upon his imagination." But a careful analysis of the informa- 
 tion imparted to Champlain by his interpreter concerning his 
 journey leaves no room for the belief that it was the work of the 
 explorer's imagination, unless, possibly, in this, that he viewed 
 the Chesapeake as simply a continuation of the Susquehanna — a 
 widening of that river, an idea Champlain got from Bruit's 
 recital, as appears not only by what he says of the story of the 
 latter, but by his (Champlain's ) map of 1632. It i» altogether 
 certain that the narrowness of the Chesapeake at its head must 
 have shown Brul6 at once that it was not the ocean, although 
 there was a tide there. Besides, in 'journeying down the bay, 
 he would be constantly made aware that it was not the Atlantic. 
 Then, too, he could have had no difficulty whatever in learning 
 of the savages, just when and where the ocean would be seen. ' ' 
 
 NOTE XV. 
 
 SOUTHERN AND WESTERN IROQUOIS. 
 
 It has been suggested in this narrative that all the savage 
 nations who lived south of the Five Nations and who had a 
 
148 APPENDIX. 
 
 language akin to the Iroquois might properly be classed, gen- 
 erically, as Southern Iroquois. In 161 5, they occupied a large 
 extent of territory, extending as far east as the Delaware river 
 and as far south as the Carolinas. And it may here be suggested 
 that, with equal propriety, the Hurons, the Neutrals, the Eriss, 
 and the Petuns, might be set down as Western Iroquois. We 
 have, then, three divisions of the Iroquois-speaking people: (i) 
 the Iroquois proper (or Five Nations); (2) the Western Iroquois; 
 and, (3) the Southern Iroquois. 
 
 The reason for the conflicting statements of writers as to the 
 Southern Iroquois can, in the light of recent investigations, be 
 readily accounted for. It has been taken for granted that, be- 
 cause of these nations being closely related linguistically, many 
 of them were confederated who were not in any manner leagued 
 together; and, frequently, some of these nations known by differ- 
 ent names have been considered as one and the same, when, in 
 fact, they were wholly distinct. 
 
 Prof. Guss (in the Historical Register, vol. I, p. 40), in con- 
 sidering the Iroquois generally, says: "When the writer a few 
 years since first promulgated before the Anthropological Society 
 of Washington the idea that Iroquois-speaking tribes extended, 
 origitally, continuously from the Five Nations to the Tuscaroras, 
 it was new to others, and a deduction of his own. Others have 
 since adopted this view." He continues (pp. 43-45): 
 
 " The Iroquois family may be said to have consisted of the fol- 
 lowing: the Hurons, comprising four divisions; the Tionontates, 
 or Dinondadies [Tobacco Nation], of Upper Canada; the Atti- 
 wandaronks, or Neuter Nation, of the Niagara river region ; the 
 Eries, or Cats, of the region south of the east part of Lake Erie. 
 The most memorable member of this family was the Five Na- 
 tions, consisting of Canningoes, or Mohawks, the Oneidas, the 
 Onondagas, the Cayugas, and the Senecas, or Sonnontowans, 
 who lived in a line as here named, in the central part of western 
 New York, stretching from the Mohawk to the Genesee river. 
 Before this they are said to have extended down the St. Law- 
 rence river to Montreal. They made more history than all the 
 otner tribes put together. To relate the Indian history of the 
 Susquehanna, or in fact of all Pennsylvania, is but to repeat 
 some chapters in the annals of the Five Nations. They held the 
 geographical key to the whole country and by their course 
 handed it over to the rule of the Anglo-Saxon races. 
 
 " Immediately south of the Five Nations were the Caranto- 
 wans [Carantouannais, of o.^l narrative], on the borders of Penn- 
 sylvania, and allied with the Hurons in war?; against the Five 
 
APPENDIX. 149 
 
 Nations. At Wyoming were the Scahentoarmnon, or people of 
 the Great Flats ; on the West Branch were the Otzinachson. or 
 people of the Demons' Dens ; on the Juniata were the Onojutta- 
 Haga, or Standing Stone people; below the mountains, on the 
 river and branches, were the Susquehannocks, extending to the 
 Potomac river. In Virginia, above the falls of the Rappahan- 
 nock, according to Capt. John Smith, were the Mannahoacks, 
 in an alliance with the Monacans, whom Jefferson says were the 
 Tuscaroras, then occup; ing the heads of the James river, and 
 extending to the Neuse, Tar, and Roanoke rivers. The Chowa- 
 nokes, or Chowans, the Meherrins, and the Nottaways, on the 
 rivers still bearing the same names, were also members of this 
 Iroquois family. Though once numerous, they soon melted away 
 through contagious diseases, intoxication, and wars, until they 
 were obliterated, or their remnants were incorporated into sur- 
 viving tribes. The Tuscaroras were further inland. In a war 
 with the whites in 1 711 -14, some of them were driven out, and 
 were protected on the Juniata river, for ten years, by the Five 
 Nations, and then taken to New York and admitted as a sixth 
 member of the confederacy, which after this was generally called 
 the Six Nations. The remnants left in the south kept going north 
 to join the main body, for fifty-five years afterwards. 
 
 " In 1640 the Dutch at Albany and New York begr to furnish 
 the Five Nations large quantities of fire-arms, but 1 fused them 
 to the other tribes. This was a wise stroke of policy as to the 
 contiguous Indians, and the French settled beyond in Canada, 
 and also as to securing the much-coveted fur trade. When, in 
 1665, the English superseded the Dutch, they continued the same 
 policy. These arms gave them a tremendous advantage over 
 the other tribes, and enabled them to destroy their enemies, and 
 commence a high career of conquest and military glory. They 
 seemed especially severe upon the tribes of their own linguistic 
 stock, whose conquered remnants were incorporated into their 
 own towns, and served to augment their strength. They dev- 
 astated the Hurons in 1649, the Neuter Nation in 1651, and the 
 Eriea in 1655. Remnants of Tionontates. called also Peturr, or 
 Tobacco Nation, and some refugees from the above tribes, 
 traveled westward as far as Wisconsm ; and, in later years, re- 
 turned to the regions south of the westward part of Lake Erie, 
 where they were known as the Wyandots. Some of the Huron 
 refugees sought protection under the French at Montreal, where 
 their descendants still reside. 
 
 " The various tribes of Pennsylvania, whom the French often 
 generically termed Andastes, Gandastogues, etc., were also ex- 
 
150 APPENDIX. 
 
 t'''T)ated, but the exact dates are unknown, as they were beyond 
 the reach of the missionary and explorer. Some of them prolia- 
 bly were destroyeu even prior to the Hurons. When, in 1663, 
 the tribes on the upper branches having been disposed of, the 
 Five Nations came to the Susquehannocks, or Minquas, below the 
 mountains; they found them able to withstand their assaults, 
 for they had also been armed by the Swedes first, and afterwards 
 by the Mary landers. However, in 1676, deserted by their white 
 friends, they, too, succumbed to the New York conquerors ; and 
 part of their remnants being left upon the old ground as a tribu- 
 tary outpost, were long known as the Conestogas. These con- 
 quests were also extended far down into Virginia, and their con- 
 quest rights to these lands were paid for by Maryland and Vir- 
 ginia at the treaty in Lancaster, in 1744. 
 
 " The central part of Pennsylvania remained long an uninhab- 
 ited interior, used as a hunting ground by the Five Nations, and 
 as a shelter for their friends. After their conquests southward, 
 their arms were turned westward to the Illinois, and other west- 
 ern tribes ; and their rights to those immense regions, as far as 
 the Mississippi river, by virtue of these conquests, were sold to 
 the king of Great Britain, and placed under the Province of New 
 York, and constituted the basis of the English claims, which 
 culminated in the French and Indian war, and through it to the 
 final relinquishment of all the French possessions east of the Mis- 
 sissippi nver." 
 
 NOTE XVI. 
 
 AS TO BRULfe'S ARRIVAL AT THREE RIVERS IN I618 AND HIS INTER- 
 VIEW THERE WITH CHAMPLAIN. 
 
 In the Prince Society Publications of Champlain's ''Voy- 
 ages,'" vol. I, p. 143, Mr. Slafter says that Champlain did not 
 hear from Brul6 for three years after leaving the Huron country 
 for Carantouan : ' ' Champlain made voyages to New France 
 both in 1617 and in 1618. In the latter year, among the Indians 
 who came to Quebec for the purpose of trade, appeared 6tienne 
 Brule, the interpreter, who it will be remembered had been de- 
 spatched in 161 5, when Champlain was among the Hurons, to the 
 Entouhonorons at Carantouan, to induce th'em to join in the 
 attack of the Iroquois in central New York. During the three 
 years that had intervened, nothing had been heard from him. ' ' 
 The learned author subsequently corrects " Entouhonorons " to 
 " Carantouanais ; " but, as to the other error, that Champlain did 
 not hear from Brul6, "during the three years that had inter- 
 
APPENDIX. 151 
 
 vened, ' ' — this he fails to set right. It will be noticed, also, that 
 he says the Indians, among whom was Brul6, "came to Que- 
 bec ; ' ' but it was to Three Rivers. 
 
 The narrative of Brule is given by Champlain with this intro- 
 duction : 
 
 ' ' Now there was with them [the savages at Three Rivers, who 
 had come down the Ottawa to traffic with the French] a man 
 named ^tienne Brul6, one of our interpreters, who had been 
 living with them for eight years, as well to pass his time as to 
 see the country and learn their language and mode of life. He 
 is the one whom we had despatched with orders to go in the 
 direction of the 6ntouhonorons [OnondagasJ to Carantoiian in 
 order to bring with him the five hundred warriors they [the Car- 
 antouannais] had promised to send to our assistance in the war in 
 which we were engaged against their enemies. ... I called 
 this man . , . and asked him why he did not bring the five 
 hundred men to our assistance in time and what was the cause 
 of the delay ; also, why he had not made me a report. There- 
 upon, he gave me a narrative of his explorations, the particulars 
 of which it will not be out of place to give. He is more to be 
 pitied than blamed for not reporting to me before, because of the 
 misfortunes which he experienced on his journeyings." * 
 
 The month during which, in the early days of France, the 
 trade of the Ottawa was prosecuted on the St. Lawrence was 
 July, and was largely carried on in 161 8, and for a number of 
 years after, where the town of Three Rivers now stands, but 
 which was not then founded. The village proper began in 1633, 
 and Champlain commenced the erection of a fort there in 1634. 
 
 NOTE XVII. 
 
 AS TO THE RELIABILITY OF BRULfi's NARRATIVE. 
 
 " Brule," says Slafter (vol. I, p. 143 — Prince Society Publtca' 
 tions of Champlain' s ''Voyages"), "related the story of his 
 extraordinary adventures, which Champlain has preserved and 
 which may be found in the report of the voyage jf 161 8." 
 " The character of Etienne Brul6, either for honor or 
 veracity," continues Mr. Slafter (p. i43«), "is not improved by 
 his subsequent conduct." [the writer here referriug to Brul6 
 having subsequently ' sold himself to the English,' mention of 
 which is made in Chapter VIII of our narrative]. That writer 
 adds: "Whether this conduct, base certainly as it was, ought 
 
 * This is rather a free translation of Champlain's words ; but it is belieyed 
 to conTey his real meaning. 
 
152 APPENDIX. 
 
 to affect the credibility of his story, the reader must judge. 
 Champlain undoubtedly believed it when he first related it to 
 him. He probably had no means then or afterwards of testing 
 its truth. In the edition of 1632, Brule's story is omitted. It 
 does not necessarily follow that it was omitted because Cham- 
 plain came to discredit the story, since many passages contained 
 in his preceding publications are omitted in the edition of 1632, 
 but they are not generally passages of so much geographical im- 
 portance as this, if it be true. The map of 1632 indicates the 
 country of the Carantouanais ; but this information might have 
 been obtained by Champlain from the Hurons, or the more west- 
 ern tribes which he visited during the winter of 1615 - 16.- Vide 
 ed. 1632, p. 220." 
 
 It is quite inconceivable that by Brul6 selling "himself to 
 the English" in 1629 it could affect his narrptive as to its 
 reliability, in 1618. Besides, the fact that a part of Brul6's 
 story is confirmed in advance by Brule's Carantouannais 
 gfuides is, in the foregoing, overlooked by Mr. Slafter. This 
 author also says: "They [Champlain's interpreters] were gen- 
 erally .... adventurers, whose honesty and fidelity had 
 no better foundation than their selfish interests. Of this sort 
 was 6tienne Brule, as well as Nicholas Marsolet and Pierre Raye, 
 all of whom turned traitors, selling themselves to the English 
 when Quebec was taken in 1629" (see vol. Ill, of the Prince 
 Society Publications of Champlain' s '■'Voyages," p. 2i6«). 
 This is certainly a severe arraignment of these men. As to 
 the "selfish interest" of Brul6, surely few men living could 
 have had less, judging by his zeal, self-denial, courage, and 
 faithfulness, in carrying out the wishes of Champlain. And it 
 is evident that his patron was abundantly satisfied of his " hon- 
 esty and fidelity " in all that appertained to his journeys under- 
 taken and cn.rried forward with such indomitable perseverance. 
 
 That Champlain had anything to do with the omission of 
 Bruit's narrative in his edition of 1632 is doubtful. It was 
 probably done by an "alien hand," — one who was at least not 
 anxious (and the Jesuits certainly, at that time, were of that class) 
 to give to the world again the particulars of his (Brul6's) journey. 
 But if it was the work of Champlain, it must have been prompted 
 by ill feeling towards his interpreter, cans, i by the latter having 
 gone over to the English at the period of their taking possession 
 of Canada. In conclusion, we may say that the fact of the nar- 
 rative having been repeated by Brule to the historian Sagard 
 after the lapse of at least six years, substantially as given to 
 Champlain, ought to remove all doubts (if such exist in the mind 
 
APPENDIX. 153 
 
 of any one), as to its truthfulness. (See Note XXII [c] of this 
 Appendix.) 
 
 " It was during Charaplain's sojourn in the valley [of the St. 
 Lawrence] in i6i8 that his old interpreter, ^tienne Brul€, re- 
 turned to the settlement [that is, to Three Rivers]. The govern- 
 or had last seen him when he was dispatched from the Huron 
 company to bring the Andastes [and who were really the Caran- 
 touannais] to the attack on the Iroquois fort [of the Onon- 
 dagas], three years before. Brul6 had now the opportunity to 
 disclose the cause of his failure [to bring the five hundred allies, 
 by us spoken of as Carantouannais, to the help of Champlam and 
 his savages], and to explain his later wanderings. It appeared 
 that when Brule finally brought the Andastes [the 500 Caran- 
 touannais] to the neighborhood of the Iroquois stronghold 
 it was only to learn that the Hurons had departed, and there 
 was no alternative left but a like retreat on their part Brul6 
 remained the following winter with his savage friends, but 
 later, it would appear, he passed down the Susquehanna, to 
 Chesapeake bay, and by this adventure he had established the 
 direction of its course. ... In making his return journey 
 [from Carantouan], the wanderer fell among the Iroquois. He 
 was wont to point to his wounds to show that he had undergone 
 tortures at their hands. His own story betrays an abundance of 
 tact in ingratiating himself with savages wherever he went. His 
 spirit and facile habit served to convert the Iroquois enmity into 
 a liking for him, and they made it easj' for him to reach the Huron 
 country, whence he could join *^he summer flotilla, descending 
 the Ottawa." — Winsor, in Cartier to Frontenac, pp. 121, 122. 
 
 Mr. Winsor certainly gives full credit to Brule's story. But 
 that Brul6 passed the winter of 1615-16 not with his savage 
 friends — the Carantouannais, but in exploring the Susquehanna 
 and Chesapeake, is evident. 
 
 The following amusing account of Brul6's capture by the Iro- 
 quois while returning from Carantouan in 161 6, and of his escape 
 from torture, as already related (see, ante, Chap. VII.), is from 
 the pen of the learned historian, Mr. Benjamin Suite, of Ottawa, 
 Canada (see the Ottawa Evening Journal, Oct. 29, 1892): 
 
 "Accompanied by five or six Andastes [Carantouannais] the 
 courageous explorer [Brul6] started on his journey to Upper 
 Canada and he must have chosen the same road as before, be- 
 cause those folks captured him after dispersing his escort. 
 
 " The first trick Brul6 played on tV.e red devils was to aflBrm 
 that he was an Iroquois himself and that he had escaped slavery 
 with the Andastes [Carantouans]. This gave him a little rest 
 
154 APPENDIX. 
 
 and time to prepare a 'strategical plan. His skin had certainly 
 turned to the proper color during the last twelve months and 
 his dress and manners were of the Indian stamp ; but his lan- 
 guage betrayed him a little ; his accent proclaimed him a Huron ; 
 therefore a bitter enemy. This being found, there was great fun 
 in store for the good people of the village. 
 
 ' ' Brule was asked to be kind enough to trot at a moderate pace 
 between two lines of bastinadoes, and he got a reasonable dose 
 of strokes all over the body. Next, they requested him to jump 
 over a large fire and he performed this exercise with difficulty 
 on account of the breadth of the furnace in question. Thirdly, 
 the ' shake hands ' was proceeded with, and Brule got rid of four 
 or five of his nails during the act of courtesy, for the Iroquois 
 were very liberally inclined in that direction. 
 
 " The wind-up of the whole programme was to be the turning 
 at the stake ; but Brul6 kept cool, with an eye to business. The 
 tormentors had not perceived the coming on of a tremendous sum- 
 mer storm, which suddenly darkened the horizon and Brule had 
 calculated upon the effect of the weather as well as on his own 
 eloquence. Consequently he assumed the attitude of a prophet, 
 sorcerer or conjurer, as he had seen done amongst the wild 
 Indians, and declared he was not a Huron, but a French 
 spirit from the other side of the world; that he had come to 
 punish the rascally Iroquois and destroy them to the last one. 
 His speech frightened some of them when he revealed his 
 origin, but the threats he uttered, coupled with the crash and 
 fire-serpents from heaven, which followed immediately, caused 
 them to tremble and fly away. 
 
 ' ' Brul6 was cut loose, of course, but he did not run ; on the 
 contrary, he re-entered the village soon after the storm was 
 over, and made a call in proper style to have a general meeting 
 of the population. This being done, he delivered them a long 
 speech, showing the French were next of kin to the angels, or 
 good spirits of Paradise, and that the Dutch [who were then at 
 what is now Albany, New York] were the bad Manitous, and so 
 forth. The Iroquois showed they appreciated his wonderful 
 cleverness by treating him like a supernatural being ; and when 
 he left, they did all they could to help him during his journey. 
 They parted with him after four days of travel together. ' ' 
 
 NOTE XVIII. 
 
 CONCERNING BRUL^l'S DISCOVERY OF LAKE SUPERIOR. 
 
 It has been shown that Champlain was very anxious in 1616 
 and in 161 8 to solve the problem of the " North Sea," information 
 
APPENDIX. 155 
 
 of which he supposed he had obtained from the savages, while 
 the latter were only giving a confused account of Lake Superior. 
 It has also been explained that Brul6 was urged to continue what 
 Champlain had found was impracticable for himself to accom- 
 plish — a further exploration in 1615; that an additional journey 
 was to be made northward and northwestward of the Huron 
 country ; and that the principal object was the solving of the 
 problem of the " North Sea" — which, in fact, was Lake Superior. 
 It has likewise been seen, that, in i6i8, Brule promised Cham- 
 plain to proceed at once to comply with his wishes as to a furl tier 
 exploration, ar d that, in all probability, he soon made a jour,;ey 
 up the shores of the North Channel to the nation of the Beaver, 
 returning not later to the St. Lawrence than in the summer of 
 1620. That the Beavers had knowledge of the nations afterward 
 known as the Menomonees and Wmnebagoes, also of the Mas- 
 coutins and Sioux, seems altogether probable. That Brule heard 
 of them on his journey is also likely ; and that the latter would 
 naturally gain considerable knowledge of regions lying around 
 the head of Lake Huron, at least enough to increase his desire 
 to visit them, is what might reasonably be expected. 
 
 We are now brought to the main question — did Brul6, in a 
 subsequent journey, reach Lake Superior? 
 
 Champlain, for the eighth time, now made his appearance in 
 the valley of the St. Lawrence, from France. It was July 7, 1620; 
 and he remained in Canada a little over four years before again 
 embarking for his native country. It is reasonable to suppose 
 that he had not lost interest in distant exploration of savage 
 countries, promoting, as he still was, to the extent of his capa- 
 bilities, the fur trade. His trusted interpreter, Brul6, must make 
 further explorations; and again he was sent up the Ottawa. 
 Doubtless, by this time, the " North Sea" of his (Champlain's) 
 imagination had wholly disappeared ; for it would be strange in- 
 deed if Brule had not received additional reports concerning the 
 great lake beyond the Mer Douce (Lake Huron), on his last jour- 
 ney. So it was that he, with a companion named GrenoUe, now 
 penetrated the region to the northward and northwestward of 
 the Huron country, undertaken, it would seem, in the year 1621, 
 with a tuU determination to reach the " Grand Lac." 
 
 Gabriel Sagard, who records what Brule told him, did not reach 
 Canada until 1623, going the same year up the Ottawa to the 
 Hurons. Until he had met the interpreter (Brule), it is certain 
 he had no particular knowledge of Lake Superior or of any 
 copper-mines unless from Indian reports, and in these he 
 would doubtless place little confidence. As an historian, there- 
 
156 APPENDIX. 
 
 fore, when writing about what Brul6 had told him, he would 
 naturally be cautious, as the relation seemed narvelous, and he 
 had no moans of verifying it. 
 
 It is true that Sagard does not say, in just so many words, that 
 Bruld reached Lake Superior ; but the fact is clearly to be in- 
 ferred from what he relates. If it was in his mind that the inter- 
 preter was only giving him Indian reports, why does he write, 
 making a distinction between such reports and what Brul6 
 declared, as to the length of Lakes Huron and Superior com- 
 bined? 
 
 The savages knew nothing of working copper ore; they could 
 only mine pure copper and this was to be found only to the 
 northward of Lake Huron — that is, to the northward of the 
 North Channel, as now called — and farther westward. The 
 ancient manner of obtaining copper from the Lake Superior 
 mines may be gleaned from the following: 
 
 " Near the Ontonagon river [Michigan] were discovered in the 
 present century long parallel lines of ancient trenches, which 
 might be traced for miles along the ridges near their summit. 
 These, like others of similar character in other parts of the cop- 
 per region, were found to mark the outcrop of copper veins, 
 which at some remote period had been worked by an unknown 
 people. The excavations, when cleaned out, were found to reach 
 sometimes twenty feet in depth. They even penetrated under 
 rock cover and left barren places of the vein in the open trenches, 
 the drift forming arches over the drift beneath. Upon the rub- 
 bish that had partially filled the pits large trees had grown up. 
 A hemlock standing by the side of a much older stump showed, 
 when cut, over three hundred and fifty distinct annual rings of 
 growth. Buried several feet under its roots, and supported on 
 skids of timber, was a mass of copper that had been worked free 
 fron) the vein and cleared by fire of all the vein stone that had 
 filled its interstices ; ashes and charred wood were found about 
 it; and it was plain that every attempt had been made to reduce 
 its weight, without succeeding in this sufficiently to render its 
 extraction practicable. Its weight proved to be over six tons. 
 The tools of the ancient miners were found in immense numbers, 
 consisting almost exclusively of hammers shaped out of the hard 
 trap rock, with one sharp edge and a groove around them for 
 withing on a hamlle. The edge of every one was broken, evi- 
 dently in the service. ' ' 
 
 While the evidence is not so clear that the two white men 
 reached the extremity of Lake Superior as it is that they went 
 as far as where there were copper mines on the northern shore 
 
APPENDIX. 157 
 
 of Lake Huron (or North Channel, as now known), nevertheless, 
 the presumption is great that their journey westward was not 
 ended until they had entered the mouth of the St. Louis river 
 from the head of the kike. There was surely nothing in the 
 distance traveled to induce a belief that so courageous an ex- 
 plorer as Brule had already proved himself would be discouraged 
 in urging his canoe so far into an unknown country. It was not 
 so great — so hazardous an undertaking as his exploration of the 
 Susquehanna river and Chesapeake bay. Besides, he and 
 Grenolle were absent two years, which gives them plenty of 
 time to have accomplished the exploration. 
 
 Sagard says that, according to Indian reports. Lake Huron 
 and Lake Superior combined had a length of " thirty days' jour- 
 ney by canoe," but according to BriiWs report, their combined 
 length was " four hundred leagues. " Evidently the friar did not 
 look upon Brule's estimate as an Indian report, but as one made 
 by him after going to the head of the lake last mentioned. 
 
 "The Franciscan historian, Sagard, who wrote in 1632, says 
 that 6tienne Brul6, the companion of Champlain, left that ex- 
 plorer at Toanche and started with an associate named Grenolle 
 on a voyage to the Upper Lakes. On his return to Quebec, 
 bringing with him. a large ingot of copper, he claimed to have 
 visited the Sault, and gave an elaborate description of Lake 
 Superior, but all this information 'ne could have obtained from 
 the Wild Oats [Folles Avoines — Menomonees] of Lake Michi- 
 gan, who traded with the Algonquins of the North." — History of 
 the Early Missions in Westerti Cafiada. By Very Rev. W. R. 
 Harris, Dean of St. Catherines. Toronto: 1893. p. g4«. It is 
 sate to say, however, had Brul^ got his information of that or 
 any other nation of Indians, he would have so stated. 
 
 " If Sagard's account is to be trusted, Brule had in some man- 
 ner also [that is, in addition to his journey to Carantouan] made 
 his way westward, so as to find the shores of Lake Superior. 
 He averred that it took nine days to reach the western extremity 
 of some such water. The stories which he told of a region of 
 copper mines point to this lake, and Sagard says that Brule 
 showed to hira an ingot of that metal which was found there." — 
 Winsor, in Cartier to Frontenac, pp. 121, 122. 
 
 [I.J PUBLISHED STATEMENTS OF RECENT WRITERS BEARING DIRECTLY OR 
 
 REMOTELY UPON THE (JUESTION OF BRULfi'S 
 
 DISCOVERY OF LAKE SUPERIOR. 
 
 "Among the pioneers of these wanderers \yoyagetirs'\ in the 
 American forests was ^tienne (Anglicized, Stephen) Brule, 
 
158 APPENDIX. 
 
 of Champigny. . . . He went with Champlnin to the Huron 
 villages near Georgian bay, but did not with his Superior cross 
 Lake Ontario. After three years of roaming, he came back to 
 Montreal, and told Champlain that he had found a river which 
 he descended until it flowed into a sea, — the river by some sup- 
 posed to be the Susquehanna, and the sea Chesapeake bay. 
 While in this declaration he may have depended upon his imag- 
 ination, yet to him belongs the undisputed honor of being the 
 first white man to give the world a knowledge of the region 
 beyond Lake Huron. 
 
 " Sagard mentions that this bold voya^eur, with a French- 
 man named Grenolle, made a long journey, and returned with a 
 ' lingot ' of red copper and with a description of Lake Superior 
 which defined it as v.-ry large, requiring nine days to reach its 
 upper extremity, and discharging itself into Lake Huron by a 
 fall." — Rev. Edward D. Neill, A.B., m Narrative and Critical 
 History of America, vol. IV, p. 165. (For Sagard's words in 
 French, see Note XXII [b] of this Appendix.) 
 
 " The original [of Champlain's map of 1632] was published in 
 the year of its date, but it had been completed before Champlain 
 left Quebec in 1629. The reader will bear in mind that it was 
 made from Champlain's personal explorations and from such 
 other information as could be obtained from the meagre sources 
 which existed at that early period, and not from any accurate or 
 scientific surveys. The information which he obtained from 
 others was derived from more or less doubtful sources, coming as 
 it did from fishermen, fur-traders, and the native inhabitants. 
 The two former undoubtedly constructed, from time to time, rude 
 maps of the coast for their own use. From these, Champlain 
 probablj obtained valuable hints, and he was thus able to supple- 
 ment his own knowledge of the regions with which he was least 
 familiar on the Atlantic coast and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 
 Beyond the limits of his personal explorations on the West, his 
 information was wholly derived from the savages. No 
 European had penetrated into those regions, if we except his 
 servant, £tienne BrilU, whose descriptions could have been of 
 very little service. The deficiencies of Champlain's map are 
 here accordingly most apparent. Rivers and lakes farther west 
 than the Georgian bay, and south of it, are sometimes laid down 
 where none exist, and, again, where they do exist, none are por- 
 trayed. The outline of Lake Huron, for illustration, was entirely 
 misconceived. A river-like line only of water represents Lake 
 Erie, while Lake Michigan does not appear at all." — Rev. E. F. 
 Slafter, in the Prince Society Publications of Champlain' s 
 
APPENDIX. 159 
 
 "Voyages," vol. I, pp. 210, 211. (The italicising in the above 
 extract is mine.)* 
 
 In the Index to Champlain's map of 1632 is this note: " 33 
 Riuibre des Puans, coming from a lake where there is a mine of 
 pure red ".opper." Commenting on this, Mr. Slafter says: 
 " Champlain had not been in this region, and consequently ob- 
 tained his information from the savages. There is no such lake 
 as he represents on his map and the island producing puie cop- 
 per may have been Isle Royale in Lake Superior. ' ' 
 
 The outlet of Lake Superior (with the rapids, or falls) is thus 
 spoken of in the Index to the map mentioned in the preceding 
 paragraph : 
 
 " Sault de Gaston, nearly two leagues broad, and discharging 
 into the Mer Douce [Lake Huron]. It comes from another very 
 large lake, which, with the Mer Douce, has an extent of thirty 
 days' journey by canoe, according to the report of the savages." 
 As to the delineations on the map itself, of the vicinity, Winsor 
 (Cariter to Front cnac, p. 144) says: " Very curiously there 
 seems to be [on the map] the beginning of the Straits of Macki- 
 naw, with its island nearly in the proper place, while the inlet 
 which stands for Green bay amid the country of the Puants 
 [Winnebagoes] is thrown over to the north side of [Lake] Hu- 
 ron." f Preceding this, Mr. Winsor writes also concerning the 
 map and Index just alluded to: 
 
 " In the large map [of 1632] there is perhaps some, but less 
 reason to suspect an alien hand [than in his ' Voyages ' of that 
 year, to which the map is appended]. We get from it the first 
 
 *Upon Champlain's arrival in London as a prisoner, in 1629, he laid be- 
 fore the French ambassador a map of the country, believed to have been his 
 large map [1632] of New France (see Slafter's " Memoir of Champlain," vol. 
 I> P- i73i of the Prince Society Publications). 
 
 t We are now satisfied that the lake represented on Champlain's map of 
 1632, but drawn in the year 1629, having an island where there is a copper 
 mine, is I<ake Winnebago, and that the stream leading from it is what is 
 now known as Fox river, but the island should have been represented as 
 being in Lake Superior ; and the lake and river, instead of being to the north 
 of Lake Huron, should have been given as west of Lake Michigan. As 
 Champlain probably received information from Indian reports as to the ex- 
 istence of Lake Winnebago and Pox river, and from Brule concern ng Isle 
 Royale— that he (Brule) reached it on his trip when he found " pure oopper " 
 north of Lake Huron ; and as he (Champlain) recollected, though erroneously, 
 that the mine was in Lake Winnebago (as now called), it is not difficult to see 
 why the lake last mentioned should have been placed where it is to be found 
 on the map. It is the fact of Champlain having received knowledge of the 
 existence of a mine of " pure copper " on an island, which induces the belief 
 that Isle Royale was visited by Btdl6 and Grenolle. It is suggested that the 
 island mentioned by Winsor as being "Mackinaw" island is, rather, the 
 Great Mauitouliu. 
 
l6o APPENDIX. 
 
 cartographical intimation of a great lake beyond the Mer Douce 
 [Lake Huron]. In an explanatory legend, Champlain says that 
 the Saut du Gaston, commemorating a brother of Louis XIII, 
 was near two leagues in width, — it represents the present Sault 
 Ste. Marie, — with its waters coming from a very large lake 
 beyond." 
 
 [II.J COMMENTS ON THE PREVIOUS EXTRACTS RELATING TO BRULfi'S DIS- 
 COVERY OF LAKE superior; 
 
 The language of Neill that to Brul6 " belongs the undisputed 
 honor of being the first white man to give to the world a knowl- 
 edge of the region beyond Lake Huron, is, of course, with little 
 significance, until there is coupled with it the further informa- 
 tion that he returned from his " long journey " " with a ' lingot ' 
 of red copper and with a description of Lake Superior." That 
 author, notwithstanding his declaration that Brule took a "long 
 journey," only commits himself to the fact that he afterwards 
 gave to " the world a knowledge of the region " where was to be 
 found pure copper and where existed the great lake; he is cau- 
 tious to avoid any declaration as to whether, in his judgment, 
 the "bold voyageur" visited this the largest body of fresh 
 water on the globe, or the mines whence came the " 'lingot' of 
 red copper." Subsequently {Mag. Western Hist., vol. VII, 
 p. 412), he has not the courage of his ;onvictions; for he asserts, 
 in effect, that Brule did not visit LfiKe Superior: " There is no 
 evidence that any European, before Anno Domini 1659, explored 
 the shores of Lake Superior. It is true that Indians visiting 
 Quebec had alluded to the big waters in the far west, and Gre- 
 nolle, one of Champlain's daring men, after an absence of three 
 years, returned from his roaming with a nugget of copper and 
 the description of a lake which required the Indians to paddle 
 their canoes nine days to pass from the eastern to [the] western 
 extremity. More than ten years later, A. D. 1634, the Sieur 
 Nicolet, an interpreter of a trading company, was the first 
 European to spend the winter near the Green bay of Lake Michi- 
 gan, but he did not pass beyond the Sault du Gaston, now called 
 the Sault Sainte Marie." 
 
 As to the declaration of Harris that Sagard says that Brul6 left 
 Champlain " at Toanch6 and started with an associate named 
 GrenoUe on a voyage to the Upper Lakes," it may be said that 
 Sagard, in so declaring, is in error; for Champlain himself says 
 he did not part with his interpreter at Toanch^, but after he 
 had left that Indian town ; and that when he took leave of 
 his patron it was not to go "to the Upper Lakes," but to the 
 
APPENDIX. l6l 
 
 Carantouannais ; and that he never after saw Champlain in the 
 Huron country, Harris infers, however, from Sagard's words, 
 that Brul6, on his return from his " voyage to the Upper Lakes," 
 bringing with him a large ingot of copper, "claimed to have 
 visited the Sault [Ste. Marie]," and that he "gave an elaborate 
 description of Lake Superior." That writer is not entirely 
 satisfied but that Brul6 might have claimed more credit than he 
 was entitled to; for he adds, as we have seen: — "but all this 
 information he [Brul6] could have obtained from the Wild Oats 
 [FoUes Avoines — Menomonees — who lived on the north side of 
 Green bay, in the present Wisconsin] of Lake Mk higan, who 
 traded with the Algonquins of the North." Howev c, there is 
 no evidence that Champlain's interpreter met any of the Wild 
 Oiits on his journey; and I have been unable to find any account 
 of their having traded with the Beaver nation or with the 
 Oumisagai previous to Brul6's death in 1632, or with any 
 savages living to the southeast of the mouth of French river, 
 although it is highly probable that such may have been the fact 
 previously, but now they were at war with each other.* 
 
 The conclusions of Winsor, that, if Sagard's account is to be 
 trusted, " Brul6 had in some manner . . . made his way west- 
 ward so as to find the shores of Lake Superior," rest, of course, 
 wholly upon the credibility of the Franciscan historian. That 
 Sagard's account is to be relied upon is altogether certain. What 
 possible reason could he have had for inventing such an account, 
 or for misstating Brul6's words? None, certainly. Besides, he 
 repeats the story of the visit, so far as Grenolle is concerned ; and 
 it is abundantly evident that there was a Frenchman of that name 
 among the Hurons. The gooc' friar's words are: "The inter- 
 preter Brul6 assured us that beyond the ' Freshwater Sea ' [Mer 
 Douce — Lake Huron] there was another very large lake, which 
 empties into it by a waterfall." He does not say Brule assured 
 him that, from Indian reports, there ' ' was another very large 
 lake," etc. The map of Champlain of 1632 shows distinctly the 
 position of the strait leading out of Lake Superior, the rapids in 
 the strait, and the Great Manitoulin island. Champlain evi- 
 dently had had these marked out for him by some one who had 
 been there ; and that it was not an Indian is evident from the 
 confidence placed in the relation by the rapids being named, 
 " Sault de. Gaston." This surely would not have been done had 
 
 *At least, such is the inference from what Champlain says. And it is 
 known that the Indians west of Lake Michigan were constantly making war 
 upon those dwelling upon the coast of the North Channel and of the Georgian 
 bay. (See History of the Discovery of the Northwest, byfohn Nicolet, in 1634, 
 passim.) 
 
l62 APPENDIX. 
 
 a knowledge of the existence of the falls rested solely upon In- 
 dian reports ; a white man (or white men) must have seen them 
 or they would not have been named at all, — surely not in honor 
 of a brother of the King of France. 
 
 Slafter's language regarding explorations made previous to 
 1629, " on the wist " — beyond the limits of Champlain's journey- 
 ings in that direction — are, as we have seen, that " no European 
 had penetrated into those regions, if we except his [Champlain's] 
 servant, fitienne Brul6, whose descriptions could have been of 
 little service." But the reason given why they had very little 
 value is not clearly set forth. He urges that, as Champlain had 
 to rely upon Indian reports and upon Brule's not very service- 
 able descriptions, of the region ' ' en the west ' ' outside of what he 
 himself had seen, his map published in 1632 is, as to that coun- 
 try, particularly deficient. But these ' ' deficiencies ' ' are only 
 of a serious character where, it is clear, neither Champlain nor 
 Brul6 had journeyed. 
 
 As the journey of Brul6 and GrenoUe to Lake Superior occurred 
 after the publication of 1619, of Champlain's Voyages, the 
 account of it could not, of course, have found a place in any of 
 his works preceding that date. That no mention is made of it in 
 the edition of 1632 was either the work of an " alien hand " or of 
 Champlain himself, because his interpreter went over to the 
 English at the period of the surrender of Quebec to the latter. 
 What gives color to the belief that the Governor had nothing to 
 do with the omission is the circumstance that, in the Index to 
 the map of 1632 (which accompanies that edition), where Lake 
 Superior is spoken of, almost the exact words employed by 
 Sagard are used, — stopping short, however, of what the latter 
 says as to Bruli. Says the Index : "It [the river forming the 
 ' Sault de Gaston '] comes from another very large lake, which, 
 with the Mer Douce, [Lake Huron] has an extent of thirty days' 
 journey by canoe, according to the report of the savages." But 
 thus Sagard: " Which lake [Superior] with the Mer Douce have 
 almost thirty days' journey by canoe in length, according to the 
 account of the savages, and according to the interpreter [Brul6] 
 four hundred leagues in length [the italicising is ours]. " Now, 
 as this Index was not made by Champlain, it becomes highly 
 probable that the omission of the words in italics was not his 
 work. And the same reason which caused the omission of the 
 journey to Lake Superior may have caused the leaving out of 
 the narrative his visit to the Carantouannais. (See Note XVII 
 of this Appendix.)* And this comparison shows conclusively, 
 
 * The reasons for these omissions are to be found, in all probability, in 
 
APPENDIX. 163 
 
 even assuming that Champlain wrote the Index, that what Brul6 
 told him of his journey to Lake Superior corresponded largely 
 with what he had previously told Sagard concerning it. 
 
 NOTE XIX. 
 
 THE NEUTRAL NATION. 
 
 The first white man to gain a knowledge of the existence of the 
 Neutral nation was Champlain in 1616, while on his visit to the 
 Cheveux Relev6s: 
 
 "They [the Cheveux Relev6s] gave us good cheer and wel- 
 comed us very cordially, earnestly begging me to assist them 
 against their enemies, v/ho dwell on the banks of the Mer Douce, 
 two hundred leagues distant. 
 
 " There is also, at a distance of a two days* journey from them 
 [the Cheveux Releves], in a southerly direction, another savage 
 nation that produces a large amount of tobacco. This nation 
 is called the Neutrals. They number four thousand warriors, 
 and dwell westward of the Lake of the Entouhonorons [Ontario], 
 which is from eighty to a hundred leagues in extent. They, how- 
 ever, assist the Cheveux Releves against the Gens de Feu [Mas- 
 coutins]. But with the Iroquois and our allies [the Hurons] they 
 are at peace, and preserve a neutrality. There is a cordial un- 
 derstanding towards both of these nations, and they do not 
 venture to engage in any dispute or quarrel, but on the contrary 
 often eat and drink with them like good friends." 
 
 The visit of La Roche Daillon to the Neutrals brought to light 
 many facts concerning them. What Brul6 had narrated previ- 
 ously relative to the nation can only be conjectured — only that 
 he gave, what Daillon confirmed, a "grand account." "At 
 last," says the friar, "ten men of the last village called ' Ouaro- 
 ronon, one day's journey from the Iroquois, their relatives and 
 friends, coming to trade at our village [Ounontisaston] came to 
 visit me, and invited me to come and see them, in their village." 
 
 Such are the words of Daillon. Now, the phrase "last vil- 
 lage " means undoubtedly the " last village " of the Neutrals, on 
 the east towards the Iroquois, not the " last village " visited by 
 Daillon (as generally supposed) before the ten savages made 
 their appearance in the town where he was then sojourning. 
 This is proved by the fact that the savage visitors invited him 
 
 what is stated by King^sford in his History of Canada,— that they were made 
 to " influence opinion, so that Canada, restored to Prance, should be given 
 ovej- entirely to the Jesuits." The latter would be slow to acknowledge the 
 discoveries and explorations of Brul6 therefore, as these would militate 
 against their scheme. (See Note I of this Appendix.) 
 
1 64 APPENDIX. 
 
 " to come and see them in their village," which, of course, they 
 would not have done had he just left it As these ten savages 
 went to the town where Daillon was stopping for the purpose of 
 trade, it is altogether certain that he had traveled a considerable 
 distance westward before reaching Ounontisaston. The ten In- 
 dians then fell upon the friar and came near killing him ; then 
 they robbed him of his goods ; but, subsequently, they sent back 
 most of the articles. 
 
 Now, as Daillon had not previously visited Ouaroronon, it is 
 quite sure, after this experience, he would not venture there. 
 It is clear then he did not reach the Niagara river from the wv)St, 
 the mouth of which he fondly hoped to discover before leaving 
 the country, so as to bring the Neutrals to trade by way of Lake 
 Ontario with the French on the St. Lawrence. 
 
 But there was good reason why Daillon would not make the 
 journey eastward to the Niagara, even if he had kno\/n the way 
 and could have gone unattended. He would not wish to provoke 
 the Neutrals to desperat-.on, who, he well knew, were opposed 
 to trading with the French upon the St. Lawrence. Huron 
 jealousy was all-powerful on the north, and Iroquois hatred of 
 the French on the east. The nation would be slow to incur the 
 hatred of either; much slower to bring upon themselves the 
 hostility of both. 
 
 The following, then, by Shea (Winsor's Narrative and Critic- 
 al History of America, vol. IV, p. 279), is error: " The Recol- 
 lect Joseph de la Roche d' Allion [frequently so written] had 
 already in early days [referring to the years 1626 and 1627] 
 crossed the Niagara from the rvest." 
 
 Says Daillon: " Passing the Petun nation, I made acquaintance 
 and friendship with an Indian chief, who is in great credit, 
 who promised to guide me to the Neutral nation and supply In- 
 dians to carry our baggage and what little provision we 
 had. ... He fulfilled what he had promised to our satisfac- 
 tion, and we slept only five nights in the woods, and on the sixth 
 day arrived at the first village [of the Neutrals], where we 
 were well received, thanks to our Lord, and then at four other 
 villages, which envied each other in bringing us food, — 
 some venison, others squashes, neinthaony, and the best they 
 had." 
 
 Daillon says the nation has twenty-eight towns, cities and 
 villages, made like those in the Huron country, and also several 
 little hamlets of seven or eight cabins, built in various parts con- 
 venient for fishing, hunting, or agriculture.* 
 
 Harris's Early Missions in IVf stern Canada, p. 50. 
 
APPENDIX. 165 
 
 Thirty-six villages of the Neutrals, accordiag to a recent 
 writer, were in what is now Canadian territory ; and the last of 
 the four or five towns on the American side of the Niagara river 
 eastward was where the city of Lockport now stands.* 
 
 NOTE XX. 
 
 AS TO BRUl£ going over to the ENGLISH. 
 
 It is, seemingly, very evident that the invective indulged in 
 against Brul6, as found in the edition of his works of 1632, was 
 written not by Champlain but by the compiler of that book. The 
 words betray a vindictive and revengeful spirit, — charging, as 
 they do, viciousness and licentiousness — which Champlain surely 
 could not have written ; for the latter was the very person who 
 had from the beginning urged and supported his young friend 
 in leaving civilization to become thoroughly imbued with Indian 
 life. The words themselves show that they must have been 
 written by an alien hand: "It was a very bad example to 
 send persons of such bad morals as the interpreter Brul6 among 
 the Indians, who received a salary of one hundred pistoles a year 
 to urge the savages to trade with us. Such characters ought to 
 have been severely chastised ; for it was recognized that that man 
 was vicious and licentious : but what will not be the mischief 
 wrought by the hope of gain, which comes before every other 
 consideration? " f 
 
 Such are the words we are asked to believe emanated from 
 Champlain concerning his faithful interpreter, Brul^, because 
 he went over to the British when Kirk made his second appear- 
 ance in the St. Lawrence. Whether it was really heartless for 
 Brul6 to assist in getting the ships up the river may be judged 
 of by the following: 
 
 " He [an Indian] had just discovered three ships sailing up the 
 south channel of Orleans. Champlain was alone. All his follow- 
 ers were absent, fishing or searching for roots. At about ten 
 o'clock his servant appeared with four small bags of roots, and 
 the tidings that he had seen . . . three ships a league off, 
 
 ■* Id., p. 130. See, further, as to the Neutral nation, Marshall's The Niagara 
 frontier, pp. 5-T, PAriunan'B Jesuits of North America, pp. XIvIV, XLV, and 
 the authorities there cited. 
 
 t " Le truchement Brusli i qui Ton donnolt cent pistoUes par an, pour 
 inciter les Sauuages i. venir i la traitte, ce qui estoit de tres-mauuais ezemple, 
 d'enuoyer ainsi des personnes si maluiuans, que Ton eust deub chastier 
 seuerement, car Ton recognoissoit cet homme pour estre fort vicieux, & 
 adonn^ aux femmes; mais que ne fait faire I'esperance du gain, qui passe 
 par dessus toutes considerations." _,i_„.. .„- ^ .^^--^ — ^- 
 
166 APPENDIX. 
 
 behind Point Levi. As man after man hastened in, Champlain 
 ordered the starved and ragged band, sixteen in all, to their 
 posts, whence, with hungry eyes, they watched the English 
 vessels anchoring in the basin below." — Parkman's Pioneers, 
 p. 406. 
 
 Says Mr. Suite: "Champlain was very angry at the desertion 
 of the four Frenchmen, Brule, Baillif, Marsolet and Raye, to 
 the English. No doubt that, in accordance with the barbarous 
 customs of the XVIth and XVIIth centuries, the four deserved 
 hanging; but they were not soldiers: they had the right to look 
 anywhere for a living ; and if the question of patriotism comes 
 in, I would like to know where it existed in France, when so 
 many noble warriors made a business of enlisting in foreign 
 armies against France. Patriotism was created one hundred 
 years ago by the French Revolution. 
 
 " Even now, considering the extraordinary circumstances of 
 Quebec, in 1629, if such a situation was to present itself to us, 
 we would drop all patriotism for a loaf of bread, especially when 
 hired as common laborers and not ei; ^ed as soldiers. ' ' 
 
 NOTE XXI. 
 
 CANNIBALISM AMONG THE HURONS. 
 
 Cannibalism, except to a limited extent, was not practiced by 
 the Indians of North America at and after the discovery of the 
 New World by Columbus ; at least, the eating of human flesh was 
 only to gratify their appetites upon rare occasions and was then 
 restricted to the devouring of the bodies of enemies. It was an 
 act of revenge and carried with it, also, something of an idea of 
 a religious rite. Just what nations were addicted to it can not be 
 stated ; although it is known to have been indulged in by those 
 of the Iroquois and Algonquin families. The Hurons sometimes 
 ate a foe they had killed (see Relation des Hurons, 1636, p. 121 ; 
 1637. P- 118); so, too, the Miamis. 
 
 "I saw the Iroquois," writes Father Bressani, "tear out the 
 heart from a Huron captive whom they had killed, and in the 
 presence of the other prisoners roast and devour it." " In a 
 word," says Lalemant, "they eat human flesh with as much 
 appetite and more relish than hunters eat the meat of the deer." 
 It was, however, an appetite promoted, mostly, by the spirit of 
 revenge. 
 
APPENDIX. 167 
 
 NOTE XXII. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM SAGARD's " HISTOIRE DU CANADA" (PARIS EDITION, 
 1866) RELATING TO BRULfi. 
 
 w 
 
 " L'un de nos Francois nomra6 Crenole [Grenolle], ayant est6 
 a la traicte du coste nord, en une nation esloignde environ 100 
 lieues des Hurons, tirant i la mine cuivre, nous dit d son retour 
 y avoir veu plusieurs filles ausquelles on avoit coupp6 le bout du 
 n6s selon la coustume du pais, pour avoir faict bresche k leur 
 honneur." — p. 338. 
 
 [Translation.] 
 
 One of our Frenchmen named Crenole [Grenolle], having been 
 on the journey of the north shore to a nation about 100 leagues 
 distant from the Hurons, approaching the copper mine, told us 
 on his return that he had seen there several girls the end of 
 whose noses had been cut off, in accordance with the custom of 
 the country, for having made a breach in their honor. 
 
 II se trouve une autre grande difficult^ en ces langues (Huron, 
 Ebiceriny, Montaignais) en la prononciation de quelques syllables, 
 k laquelle consistent les diverses signification d'un mesme mot 
 qui est une difficult6 plus grande que I'on ne pense pas, car man- 
 quez seulement en une vous manquez en tout, ou si vous vous 
 faites entendre, ce sera tout autrement que vous ne desirez, 
 comme en ce mot Ebicerinyen: Kidauskinne, lequel avec une 
 certaine fajon de prononcer veut dire, tu n'as point d'esprit, et 
 par un autre ton signifie: tu as menty. Ainsi en est-il de quan- 
 tity d'autres mots, c'est pourquoi 11 faut ayder k la lettre, et 
 apprendre la cadence si on y veut profiter, car le Truchement 
 Brusl6 s'y est quelquefois lui-mesme trouv6 bien empesch^ et 
 moi-encore plus. ... p. 338. 
 
 [Translation.] 
 
 There is another great difficulty in these languages (Huron, 
 Ebiceriny, Montaignais) in the pronunciation of some of the syl- 
 lables, in which consists the different significations of the same 
 word, which is a greater difficulty than one would think, for if 
 you fail only in one you fail in all, or if you make yourself under- 
 stood, it may be quite otherwise than you desire; as in this 
 
l68 APPENDIX. 
 
 Ebicerinyen word, Kidauskinne ; which, proi..)unced in a certain 
 manner, signifies, "you have no seP!>c ; " and, with another accent, 
 signifies, "you have lied." It is thus with a quantity of other 
 words, which is the reason it is necessary to aid the spelling, 
 and learn the cadence if you wish to avail yourself of them, for 
 the Interpreter Brul6 sometimes found himself much embar- 
 rassed vith them and I myself still more. . . . 
 
 [c] 
 
 Cc pauvre Brusl^, quoy qu'assez s;avant dans le pals des Hu- 
 rons et lieux circonvoisins, se perdit neantmoins et s'dgara de 
 telle sorte que faute d'avoir une de ses bousoles, ou prins garde 
 au soleil, il touma le dos aux Hurons, traversa force pals et 
 coucha quelques nuicts dans les bois, jusques k un matin qu'ay- 
 ant trouv6 un sentier battu, il se rendit par icelui dans un village 
 d'Hiroquois, ou il fut k peine arriv6 qu'il fut saisi et constitu6 
 prisonnier en ensuite condamn^ k la mort par le conseil des 
 Sages. 
 
 Le pauvre homme bien estonnd ne ssavait k quel Sainct se 
 voiier, car d'esperer misericorde il scavait bien qu'il n'estoit point 
 en lieu, il eut dont [sc. done] recours k Dieu et k la patience, et se 
 soubmit k ses divines volontez, plus par force qu'autrement, car 11 
 n'estoit guere devot, tesmoin ce qu'il nous dit un jour, que s'es- 
 tant trouv6 en un autre grand peril de la mort, pour toute priere 
 il dit sou Benedicite. 
 
 Or je ne Sfay s'il le dit icy se voyant prisonnier et dans le pre- 
 mier appareil de la mort, car des-ja ils I'avaient faict coucher de 
 son long contre terre et lui arrachaient la barbe, lorsque I'un 
 d'eux avisant un Agnus Dei, qu'il portait pendu k son col, lui 
 voulant arracher, il se prit k crier et dit k ses bourreaux, que 
 s'ils lui ostaient, Dieu les en chastierait, comme il fist; car ils 
 n'eurent pas plutost mis la main dessus pour lui tirer du col, que 
 le ciel auparavant serein, se troubla et envoya tant d'esclairs et 
 d'orages et de foudres, qu'ils en creurent estre au dernier jour, 
 s'enfuyrent dans leurs cabanes et laisserent Ik leur prisonnier, 
 qui se leva et s'enfuit comme les autres mais d'un autre 
 c6t6. . . . 
 
 A la fin ce fortune Brusl6 a este du depuis condamn6 k la 
 mort, puis mang6 par les Hurons, ausquels il avait si longtemps 
 servy de Truchement, et le tout pour une hayne qu'ils conceu- 
 rent contre luy pour je ne s$ay qu'elle faute qu'il commit k leur 
 endroit. 
 
APPENDIX. 169 
 
 II y avait beaucoup d'anndes qu'il demeurait avec eux, vivait 
 quasi comme eux, et servait de Truchement aux Franqais, et 
 apr^s tout cela n'a remport6 pour toute recompense qu'une morte 
 douleureuse et une fin funeste et malheureuse ; je prie Dieu qu'il 
 lui fasse misericorde, s'il lui plaist et aye piti6 de son ame.— 
 p. 430. 
 
 [Translation.] 
 
 This poor Brul6, though very well-informed about the country 
 of the Hurons and the surroundiir^ regions, got lost nevertheless 
 and strayed so tar from lack of having one of his compasses, or 
 taking notice of the sun, that he turned his back on the Hurons, 
 traversed many regions and slept several nights in the woods, 
 until one morning having found a beaten path he proceeded by 
 this to a village of the Iroquois, where he had scarcely arrived 
 when he was seized and made prisoner, and then tondemned to 
 death by the council of the Sages. 
 
 The poor man, much astonished, did not know to whirh Saint 
 to make vows, for he knew well there was no chance of any 
 hope of mercy, so he had recourse to God and to patience, and 
 submitted himself to his Divine will, more by force than of'er- 
 wise, for he was not very pious, as witness what he said to us 
 one day, that finding himself in another great peril of death, for 
 all prayer he said his Benedicite. 
 
 Now I do not know whether he said it here, seeing himself a 
 prisoner and in solemn preparation for death, for already they 
 had made him lie down at full length on the ground, and were 
 pulling out his beard, when one of them perceiving an Agnus 
 Dei, which he wore hung at his neck, wishing to snatch it from 
 him, he began to cry out and said to his executioners that if 
 they took it from him, God would chastise them, as He did: for 
 they had no sooner put their hands upon him to draw it from his 
 neck, than the sky, before this serene, gprew cloudy and sent so 
 many flashes of lightnmg and tempests, that they believed the 
 last day had come, and fled into their huts leaving their prisoner 
 there, who rose and fled like the others but in another direc- 
 tion. . . . 
 
 Finally this fortunate Brul6 was later condemned to death and 
 eaten by the Hurons, to whom he had so long served as Inter- 
 preter, and all for a hatred which they had conceived against him 
 for I do not know what fault which he had committed with re- 
 spect to them. 
 
 He had dwelt with them a great many years, lived almost as 
 they did, and served as Interpreter to the French, and after all 
 
I70 APPENDIX. 
 
 that, he had gained for all recompense only a painful death and 
 a sad and unfortunate end; I pray God to have mercy on him, if 
 it pleases Him, and to have pity on his soul. 
 
 lis m'ont monstr6 phisieurs rochers sur le chemin de Kebec, 
 ausquels ils croyeut presider quelque esprit, et entr'autres, ils me 
 monstrerent un k quelque 150 lieues de \k, qui avoit une profonde 
 caverne de tres-diffic.Ue acc6s. lis me voulaient persuader et 
 faire croire k toute force avec eux, que ce rocher avait este autre- 
 fois homme mortel cornme nous et qu'eslevant les bras et les 
 mains en haut, il s'estait metamorphosd en cette pierre et devenu 
 k succession de temps nv si puissant rocher, lequels ils ont en 
 veneration et lui oftrent viu petun en passant par devant avec 
 leurs canots, non toutes les fois, mais quand ils doutent que leur 
 voyage doive renssir; et lu; ofiErant ce petun qu'ils jettent dans 
 I'eau contre ia roche mSme, ils lui disent tien prend courage et 
 fai que nous ayons bon voyage, avec quelques autres paroles que 
 je n'entends point, et le Truchement Brusl6 duquel nous avons 
 parl6 au chapitre precedant noufe dit (k la confusion) d'auoir une 
 fois fait pareille oflErande avec eux (de quoy nous le tanc^mes 
 fort) et que son voyage lui fut plrs profitable qu'aucuns autres 
 qu'il ait jamais faict en tous ces pa'is-1^. — p. 456. 
 
 [Translation.] 
 
 They showed me several rocks or the road to Quebec, over 
 ■which they believe some spirit presides, and among others they 
 showed rae one at about 150 leagues from there, which had a deep 
 cavern very difficult of access. They wished to persuade me 
 into believing absolutely with them that this rock had been for- 
 merly a mortal man like us, and that raisirg his arms and hands 
 on high he had been transformed into this stone and become in 
 the course of time so powerful a rock, which they hold in venera- 
 tion and offer to it tobacco in passing before i,^ with their canoes, 
 not every time, but when they are doubtful of their voyage being 
 successful ; and when oflfering this tobacco which they throw into 
 the water against the rock itself, they say to :t: Hear! Take 
 courage and give us a good voyage, with some other words which 
 I do not understand, and the Interpreter Brul6, of whom we 
 spoke in the preceding chapter, told us (to our confusion) that he 
 once made a similar offering with them (for which we rebuked 
 him severely) and that his voyage was more profitable to him 
 than any others which he had ever made in all these regions. 
 
APPENDIX. 171 
 
 Le Trucheraent Bmsl6 avec quelques Sauvages nous ont as- 
 seur6 qu'au dela de la mer douce, il y a un autre grandissime lac, 
 qui se descharge dans icelle par une cheute d'eau que Ton a sur- 
 nomta6 le Saut de Gaston, ayant prfes de deux lieues de large, 
 lequel lac avec la mer douce contiennent environ trente journees 
 de canots selon le rapport des Sauvages et du trucheraent quatre 
 cent lieues de longueur. — p. 589. 
 
 [Translation.] 
 
 The Interpreter Brul6 with some Savages assured us that be- 
 yond the fresh sea there is another very large lake, which empties 
 into this one by a waterfall named the Saut de Gaston, being 
 nearly two leagues wide, which lake with the fresh sea contains 
 about thirty days' journey by canoe according to the statement 
 of the Savages, and of the interpreter four hundred leagues in 
 length. 
 
 [f] 
 
 Premierement il y a quantitd de pelleteries de diverses especes 
 d'animaux terrestres & amphibies, comme vous avez pfi reraar- 
 quer dans le chapitre qui traitte des animaux terrestres & aqua- 
 tiques. II y a des mines de cuiure desquelles on pourroit tirer du 
 profit, s'il y avoit du monde & des ouvriers qui a voulussent tra- 
 vailler fidellement, ce qui se pourroit faire, si on y avoit estably 
 des Collonnies: car environ 80. ou 100. lieues des Hurons, il y a 
 une mine de cuyure rouge, de laquelle le Trucheraent Brusl6 rae 
 monstra un lingot au retour d'un voyage qu'il fit k la nation 
 voisine avec un norara6 GrenoUe. — p. 716. 
 
 [Translation.] 
 
 In the first place there are a quantity of furs of different 
 species of terrestrial and amphibious animals, as you have been 
 able to observe in the chapter which treats of the terrestrial and 
 aquatic animals. There are copper raines frora which ranch 
 profit might be drawn if there were people and workmen who 
 would be willing to work faithfully, which could be done if col- 
 onies were established there: for about 80 or 100 leagues from 
 the Hurons there is a mine of red copper from which the Inter- 
 preter Brul€ showed me an ingot, on his return from a journey 
 which he made to the neighboring people, with a man named 
 GrenoUe. 
 
tfi APPENDIX. 
 
 [g] 
 
 De \k nous allames cabaner k la petite nation que nos Hurons 
 appellent Queunontateronons — Le Truchement Brusl6, qui s'es- 
 tant 1^ venu cabaner avec nous, traicta un chien duquel nous 
 iismes festin le Itndemain matin en compagnie de quelques Fran- 
 Sois; puis nous partimes encore. — p. 751. 
 
 [Translation.] 
 
 From there we went to live in huts among the little nation 
 which our Hurons call Queunontateronons. The Interpreter 
 Brul6, who being there, came to live in our hut with us, obtained 
 a dog on which we made a feast on the following morning in 
 company with several Frenchmen ; then we set out again. 
 
 [h] 
 
 Nous avions est^ fort mal couchez la nuict pass6e (k Saut S. 
 Louis) mais nous ne fumes pas mieux la suivante, car il nous la 
 fallut passer k deuK lieues du Cap de Victoire, sous un arbre bien 
 peu k converts des pluyes, qui durerent jusques au dit Cap ou 
 desja estoit arriv6 depuis deux jours le Truchement Brusl6, avec 
 deux ou trois canots Hurons, duquel j'appris la deffense que les 
 Montaig^ais et Algoumequins leur avaient faites de passer outre, 
 voulant k toute force qu'ils attendissent 1^ avec eux les barques 
 de la traicte, et qu'ayant pens6 leur resister ils s'estaient mis en 
 hazard d'estre tous assommez, particulierement luy Truchement 
 Brusl6 qui en avait est6 pour son sac k petun et craignait encore 
 un autre plus mauvais party, s'y on n'y apportait quelque remede. 
 
 Je troavai ce proc6d^ fort mauvais et en fis quelques repro- 
 ches k ces mut'ns, qui me dirent p6ur excuse que si personne ne 
 descendait, les barques seraient contrainctes de les venir trouver, 
 sans avoir la peine de trainer leurs femmes et leurs enfants jus- 
 ques k Kebec, ou il n'y avait de quoy disner pour eux. Je leur 
 dis que j'y avals necessairement affaire et que je desirais y des- 
 cendre que pour eux qu'ils en fissent comme ils voudroient. 
 Cette resolution ne les contenta pas beaucoup, neantmoins ils ne 
 voulurent pas me violenter comme ils avaient faict le Truche- 
 ment, mais ils trouverent une autre invention plus favorable 
 pour intimider nos Hurons et tirer d'eux quelque petit present. 
 
 lis firent done semer un faux bruit qu'ils venoient de recevoir 
 vingt colliers de pourcelaine des Ignierhonons (ennemis mortels 
 des Hurons) k la charge de les envoyer advertir k I'instant de I'ar- 
 riv6e desdits Hurons, pour les venir tous mettre k mort et qu'en 
 bref ils seraient icy. 
 
APPENDIX. 173 
 
 Nos gens vainement espouventez de cette mauvaise nouvelle 
 tindrent conseil 14-dessus, un peu k I'^art dans le bcis ou je fus 
 append avec le Truchement, qui estait d'aussi leg^re croyance 
 qu'eux et cotizerent tous, qui de rets, qui de petun, farine et 
 autres choses, qu'ils donnerent aux capitaines des Montagnais et 
 Algoumequins pour estre protegez contre leurs ennemis. . . . 
 
 Pour suivre le dessein que j'avais de partir du Cap de Victoire 
 pour Kebec, nonobstant la contradiction de nos Algoumequins et 
 Montagnais, je fis jetter notre canot en i'eau d^s le lendemain de 
 grand matin, que tout le monde dormoit encore et n'esveillay 
 que le Truchement pour me suivre, ... p. 752. 
 
 [Translation.] 
 
 We had had a very bad sleeping place the past night (at Saut 
 S. Louis) but we were not better oflE the following, for we had to 
 pass it within two leagues of Cape Victory, under a tree very 
 little sheltered from the rains which lasted up to the said Cape, 
 where already the Interpreter Brul6 had arrived two days before 
 with two or three Huron canoes, from whom I learned that the 
 Montaignais and Algoumequins had forbidden them to pass be- 
 yond, desiring at all costs that they would await there with them 
 the boats for the journey, and that having thought of resisting 
 them they had put themselves in danger of all being killed, par- 
 ticularly the Interpreter Brule who had been in danger on 
 account of his bag of tobacco, and who feared a still worse con- 
 dition, if some remedy were not applied. 
 
 I found this proceeding very bad, and made some reproaches 
 to these mutineers, who said to me in excuse that if no one 
 descended, the boats would be forced to come to find them, with- 
 out their having the trouble of dragging their wives and children 
 to Quebec where there was nothing for them to eat. I told them 
 that I had business there and desired to descend, and that for 
 them they could do as they wished. This resolution did not 
 much content them, nevertheless they did not wish to do violence 
 to me as they had done to the Interpreter, but they found an- 
 other contrivance more favorable for intimidating our Hurons 
 and getting from them some little gift. 
 
 They caused a false report to be spread that they had just re- 
 ceived twenty porcelain necklaces from the Ignierhonons, (mortal 
 enemies of the Hurons), on condition that they would send to 
 inform them immediately of the arrival of the said Hurons, that 
 they might come to put them all to death, and that in short they 
 would be here. 
 
 Our people, uselessly terrified by this bad news, held council 
 
174 APPENDIX. 
 
 thereupon a little apart in the woods, where I was called with 
 the Interpreter, who was as ready of belief as they, and they 
 assessed all, nets, tobacco, flour and other things, which they 
 gave to the captains of the Montagnais and Algoumequins to be 
 protected again sl their enemies. . . . 
 
 In order to follow out the plan which I had of departing from 
 Cape Viccory for Quebec, notwithstanding the opposition of our 
 Algoumequins and Montagnais, I had our canoe thrown down 
 into the water very early the next day while everybody was still 
 asleep, and awakened only the Interpreter to follow me. . . . 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Accomack Indians, 84. 
 
 " Adoresetouy, " Seneca name 
 
 for the French, 91. 
 Algonquins, 10, 13, 16, 26, 28, 
 
 33. 44. 85, 104, 122, 127, 140, 
 
 161, 166. 
 Algoumequins (Algonquins), 
 
 173. 174- 
 AUumette Island, 27, 129. 
 Amantacha, a Huron, 119, 122. 
 Andastes, 149, 153. 
 Anthropological Society of 
 
 Washington, D. C, 148. 
 Antouhonorons (Gnondagas), 
 
 38, 59- 
 Atchiligoiian Indians, 105. 
 Atlantic Ocean, 81, 85. 
 Attigouautans (Hurons),32,i32, 
 
 133- 
 
 ** Atinouaentans," 95. 
 
 Attiwandaronks (Neuter Na- 
 tion), 148. 
 
 Attiwandarons (Neutrals), 50, 
 60, III. 
 
 " Axacan," 69. 
 
 Baillif, 166. 
 
 Beaver Indians, 105, 106, 155. 
 
 Block, Adrian, 77. 
 
 Br6beuf, John de, no, 112, 114, 
 123. 
 
 BrefRicit (Cartier's) gives par- 
 ticulars of ulterior regions, 
 loi, 102. 
 
 Bressani, Father, 166. 
 
 Brul£, Stephen, bom about 
 
 1592, in Champigjny, France, 
 12; came to New France in 
 1608, with Champlain, ibid.; 
 was one of Quebec's original 
 inhabitants, 13; taken, in 
 1610, up the St. Lawrence, by 
 Champlain, z^ii/./ was proba- 
 bly in the battle of June 19th 
 (see frontispiece), when the 
 Iroquois were defeated, 14; 
 seized with a desire to go 
 with the Hurons to their 
 country, ibid.; starts upon his 
 journey, 18; returns the next 
 year (1611) to the St. Law- 
 rence, 19; meets Champlain 
 at Lachine rapids, ibid.; re- 
 lates to him what he had seen 
 in the Huron country, 20; 
 was the first European to 
 visit Lake Huror, ibid,; made 
 the first exploiation of the 
 Province of Ontario, 21 ; acts 
 for the first time as interpret- 
 er for Indians, 22; was the 
 first white person to descend 
 Lachine rapids, 24; lives, 
 probably, from July, 1611, to 
 July, 1 61 5, among Algon- 
 quins, 25 ; accompanying 
 Champlain and, acting as his 
 interpreter, he again goes to 
 the Huron country, 31 et 
 seq,; permitted by Champlain 
 to go to the country of the 
 Carantouannais with twelve 
 
176 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Indians of that nation, 43; 
 starts, Sept. 8th, for Caran- 
 touan, their principal village, 
 47 ; his journey thither, 49 et 
 seq,; on his way assists his 
 savage companions to attack 
 and defeat a party of Senecas, 
 52; reaches Carantouan, on 
 the upper waters of the Sus- 
 quehanna, in safety, 52 ; was 
 the first white person to trav- 
 erse any portion of Western 
 New York, ibid.; welcomed 
 with great joy at Carantouan, 
 53; goes, with five hundred 
 Carantouannais, to the Onon- 
 daga country to assist Cham- 
 plain and the Hurons, 54; 
 reaches the vicinity of the 
 Onondaga stronghold too late 
 to aid them, 63 ; returns with 
 the Carantouannais to Caran- 
 touan, ibid.; explores, in the 
 winter of 1615-16, the Sus- 
 quehanna and Chesapeake 
 country to the ocean, 65 et 
 seq.; returns in the spring 
 of 1616 to Carantouan, 86; 
 was the first European to ex- 
 plore what is now Pennsyl- 
 vania, ibid.; starts with five 
 or six Carantouannais for 
 the Huron villages, 87; is 
 attacked by Seneca Indians 
 and runs for his life, ibid,; 
 hopelessly and alone, he 
 wanders about, 88 ; in danger 
 of starvation, he surrenders 
 to three Senecas, 89; is led 
 to their village and ques- 
 tioned, 91 ; is terribly scourg- 
 ed, ibid.; is astonishingly de- 
 livered from torture by the 
 coming on of a thunder- 
 
 storm, 92; is unbound by a 
 Seneca chief and treated 
 kindly, 93; again starts for 
 the Huron villages, this time 
 escorted four days on his way 
 by Senecas, 94; reaches the 
 Huron villages and finds that 
 Champlain had started back 
 to the St. Lawrence, 95 ; rests 
 for a considerable time with 
 his Huron friends, ibid.; re- 
 turns, in the summer of 161 8, 
 to the St. Lawrence, and on 
 July 7th meets Champlain at 
 Three Rivers, 96; relates to 
 his patron all the circum- 
 stances of his journey to 
 Carantouan and the Atlantic 
 ocean, and gives him the par- 
 ticulars of his return, ibid.; is 
 urged by Champlain to un- 
 dertake further explorations, 
 97; consents to go again to 
 the Western wilderness, ibid. ; 
 turns his canoe to the north- 
 ward after reaching the 
 Georgian bay of Lake Huron, 
 99; proceeding as far as the 
 North Channel, he rests 
 among the Beaver Indians 
 for the winter, 100; returns, 
 in the summer of 1620, to 
 the St. Lawrence, ibid.; pro- 
 ceeds to the Huron country 
 in 1621, and, with one Gre- 
 noUe, goes to the northward, 
 ibid.; reaches the "Sault de 
 Ste. Marie," 106; finds, there, 
 ancestors of the present 
 Chippewas, 107 ; discovers 
 Lake Superior, 107 et seq.; 
 goes, probably, along its 
 north shore to the head of 
 the lake, 108; visits Isle 
 
INDEX. 
 
 177 
 
 Royale in returning, ibid.; 
 after reaching Quebec in 
 July, 1623, he again journeys 
 to the Huron country, but ac- 
 companies, the next year, 
 some Hurons to the St. Law- 
 rence, ibid.; goes back, in 
 1625, to the homes of those 
 savages, no; makes an ex- 
 ploring tour thence to the 
 Neutral nation, in; remains 
 there until the next spring, 
 112; returns to the St. Law- 
 rence the same year, ibid.; 
 in 1627, again visits the Hu- 
 rons in their villages, return- 
 ing the next year to Quebec, 
 117; acts as pilot for the En- 
 glish vessels when, in 1629, 
 Quebec surrendered to Kirk, 
 118; again journeys (and fo: 
 the last time) to the Huron 
 country, 119; gave himself, 
 upon his arrival there, wholly 
 to savage life, 120; in 1632, 
 was killed, at Toanch6, by 
 the Hurons and eaten by 
 them, ibid.; his death causes, 
 subsequently, gfreat terror to 
 the Hurons, 123; critical 
 notes on his discoveries, ex- 
 plorations and adventures, 
 128, 129, 130, 131, 138, 139, 
 140, 141, 142, 147. 150, 151, 
 152. 153. 154. 155. 156, 157. 
 I58> i59i 160, 161, 162, 165, 
 166. 
 
 Cabot, John, in 1797, reaches the 
 North American continent, i. 
 
 Cabot, Sebastian, explores east- 
 em coast of North America 
 in 1798, from Labrador to 
 Virginia, i. 
 
 Cahiagfu^, a Huron town, 34, 
 
 35, 59. 90. 133- 
 
 Cannibalism among the Hu- 
 rons, 120; in North America, 
 166. 
 
 Canningoes (Mohawks), 148. 
 
 Carantouannais (Andastes), 22, 
 37. 38, 39. 40, 41. 42, 43. 48, 
 51. 52, 53. 54. 56, 58, 63, 64, 
 65, 68, 79, 81, 82, 85, 87, 88, 
 90, 132, 136, 141. 148, 150, 
 152, 153, 162. 
 
 Carantouan, chief town of the 
 Carantouannais, 37, 38, 47, 50, 
 51. 53. 62, 63, 64, 65. 79, 80, 
 81, 82, 86, 87, 88, 90, in, 135, 
 143. 150, 153. 
 
 Carantowans(Carantouannais), 
 148. 
 
 Carhagouha, a Huron village, 
 
 34. 
 Cartier, James, 3, 4, 5, 6, 101, 
 
 102, 129, 138, 139. 
 Cartier to Frontenac (Winsor) 
 
 cited, 6, 21, 59, 62, 104, 107, 
 
 119, 126, 128, 135, 138, 140, 
 
 141, 143. 157. 159- 
 
 " Castle Island," a Dutch trad- 
 ing post, 78. 
 
 "Cats" (Eries), 50, 148. 
 
 Cayuga Indians, 36, 39, 148. 
 
 Champlain, Samuel, sent, in 
 1603, to the St. Lawrence, 7; 
 his previous history, ibid,; 
 ascends the St Lawrence to 
 Hochelaga (Montreal) island, 
 8 ; gains some knowledge of 
 the Great Lakes and Niagara 
 falls, ibid.; returns to France, 
 9; in 1608, sails again for 
 New France, 10; made lieu- 
 tenant-governor of Canada, 
 ibid.; begins the settlement 
 of Quebec, ibid.; joins the 
 
178 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Algonquins and Montagnais 
 on an expedition against the 
 Iroquois, and discovers Lake 
 Champlain, ii; defeats the 
 savage enemy, ibid.: on 
 June 19th, 1610, with Indian 
 allies, again attacks and de- 
 feats the Iroquois, 14; sends 
 Stephen Brul6, his servant, 
 to the Huron country, 15 ^/ 
 seq,; sails again (Aug. i8th, 
 1610) for France, i8; returns 
 in May, 161 1, to Canada, 
 ibid.; establishes a trading- 
 post on Montreal ii^land, 19; 
 greets Brul6 at Lachine 
 rapids on return of the latter 
 from the Hurons, ibid.; 
 makes inquiri«»s of the Hu- 
 rons concerning their coun- 
 Lry, 22 ; his policy in sending 
 young men among the sav- 
 ages to become interpreters, 
 24; in 1611, goes back to 
 France, 26; in 1613, sails for 
 the St. Lawrence, 27; ascends 
 the Ottawa in a vain attempt 
 to discover the North Sea, 
 ibid.; having returned to 
 France, he again sets sail, 
 and, on May 15th, 1615, 
 reaches Quebec, 29; goes 
 thence to the country of 
 the Hurons to aid them 
 against the Iroquois, 29 et 
 seq.; on the 17th of August, 
 161 5, reaches the principal 
 Huron town, 35 ; hears of the 
 Carantouannais, allies of the 
 Hurons, 40 ; learns from some 
 ambassadors of that nation of 
 their country on the upper 
 waters of the Susquehanna, 
 41; sends Brul6, who had 
 
 accompanied him to the Hu- 
 rons, with the ambassadors 
 on their return, 43 ; instructs 
 Brul6 to urge the Carantou- 
 annais to move to the assist- 
 ance of the Hurons, ibid.; 
 marches with Huron and 
 other savages against the 
 principal Onondaga village, 
 44; reaches, early in Octo- 
 ber, 1615, the Onondaga 
 stronghold and invests it, 46 ; 
 attacks the Iroquois fort and 
 fails to capture it, 54 et seq,; 
 returns with his savages to 
 the Huron country, 59 ; visits 
 the Tobacco nation, and the 
 Cheveux Relev6s, 60 ; arrives 
 July nth, 1616, at Quebec, 62; 
 hears of Brul6, his interpret- 
 er, before starting for the St 
 Lawrence, 90 ; meets Brul6 at 
 Three Rivers, July 7th, 1618, 
 and hears the story of the 
 strange adventures of the lat- 
 ter, 96; in 1627, becomes a 
 member of the Company of 
 New France (the "Hundred 
 Associates "), 115 ; refuses, in 
 1628, to surrender Quebec to 
 the English, 116; obliged to 
 capitulate the next year, 118; 
 conveyed a prisoner to Eng- 
 land, but soon released, ibid.; 
 again clothed with authority 
 in Canada, 121; of his pub- 
 lished works, 125. 
 
 Charioquois (Hurons), 23, 131. 
 
 Chaudiere (City of Ottawa), 108. 
 
 Chesapeake bay, 67, 68, 69, 70, 
 76, 81, 84, 85, 87, 144. 145. I47i 
 157. 158. 
 
 Cheveux Relev6s Indians, 33, 
 60, 100, III, 163. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 179 
 
 Chippewas, 107. 
 
 " Chisapeack " (Chesapeake), 
 
 bay of, 69. 
 ChouontouaroiioD, identical 
 
 with the Seneca Indians, 40, 
 
 43. 133- 
 Christiansen, Henry, 77, 78. 
 Clark, Gen. John S., 132, 135. 
 Company of New France, 114, 
 
 116. 
 Conestoga creek, 82. 
 Conestogas, 150. 
 Conewago Falls, 83, 144, 145. 
 Conquest of Canada (Warbur- 
 
 ton) cited, 62, 119. 
 Copper and copper mines in 
 
 the Lake Superior region, 5, 
 
 15, 102, 103, 130, 155, 156, 158, 
 
 159- 
 Cortereal, Caspar, voyage of, i. 
 Crenole (GrenoUe), 106, 167. 
 
 Daillon, Joseph de la Roche, a 
 
 Franciscan priest, 112, 113, 
 
 114, 138, 163, 164. 
 De Caen, Emery, no, 114, 119. 
 De Caen, William, no, 114. 
 De Chastes (Amyn), 7. 
 De la Roche, Francis, Lord of 
 
 Roberval, see Roberval. 
 Delaware river, 79, 81. 
 De Monts, Sieur, 9, 15, 18. 
 De None, Jesuit missionary, 
 
 112, 114. 
 Des Saw ages, Champlain's 
 
 first.'publication, 125. 
 Dinondadies (Tobacco nation), 
 
 148. 
 Documents Relating to the 
 
 Colonial History of the State 
 
 of New York (O'Callaghan) 
 
 cited, 79, 130. 
 •' Dotted line " on Champlain's 
 
 Map of 1632, 40, 143. 
 
 Drummond island discovered 
 by Brul6, 105. 
 
 Early Chapters of Cayuga 
 
 History (Hawley) cited, 132. 
 Early Missions in Western 
 
 Canada (Harris) cited, 51, 
 
 113, 114, 157, 160, 164. 
 Entouhonorons identical with 
 
 the Onondagas, 36, 37, 38. 
 
 133. 151- 
 
 Erie, city of, 143. 
 
 Eries, 50, 51, 141, 142, 148, 149. 
 
 Evening fournal, The (Ot- 
 tawa), cited, 16, 18, 52, 129, 
 153- 
 
 Five Nation Indians (Iroquois), 
 10, 29, 36, 133. U7. 148, 150. 
 
 FoUes Avoines (Menomonees), 
 157. 161. 
 
 " Fort Nassau," small Dutch 
 post, 78, 79. 
 
 "Fresh Sea" (Lake Huron), 
 see Mer Douce. 
 
 " Freshwater Sea " (Lake Hu- 
 ron), 140. 
 
 Gandastogues (Andastes), 149. .' 
 Geddes, George, 135. 
 Ginerall Historie of Virginia 
 (Smith), cited, 71, 84, 142, 144, 
 
 145- 
 Gens de Feu (Mascoutins), 163. 
 Georgian bay, 20, 32, 33, 49, 62, 
 
 85. 96. 99. 104. 138, 158. 
 "Good Iroquois" (Hurons),i29. 
 Grand Detour, 51, 76, 143. 
 ' ' Grand Lac ' ' (Lake Superior), *■" 
 
 103. 155- 
 Genesee river, 90, 94, 148. 
 Grav6, Francis, see Pontgrav6. 
 Great Manitoulin island, loi, 
 
 105, 161. 
 
i8o 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Green bay, 159, 160, 161. 
 Grenolle, a companion of Brul6, 
 
 100, 104, 106, 112, 114, 158, 
 
 159, 160, 163. 
 Guss, Prof. A. L., 38, 73, 82, 84, 
 
 145, 146, 148. 
 Gomez, Stephen, 68. 
 
 Harris, Very Rev. W. R., 51, 
 
 113, 114, 157, 160, 164. 
 Hertel, 18, 130. 
 Histoirede la Nouvelie France 
 
 (Lescarbot) cited, 137, 139, 
 
 142. 
 Histoiredu Canada (History of 
 
 Canada — Sagard) cited, 26, 
 
 91, 92, 106, 107, 131, 167 et 
 
 seq. 
 History of Canada (Gameau), 
 
 114, 140. 
 
 History of Canada (Kings- 
 ford) cited, 98, 126, 137, 141, 
 163. 
 
 History of Canada (MacMul- 
 len) cited, loi. 
 
 History of Canada (Smith) 
 cited, 118. 
 
 History of the Early Missions 
 in Western Canada (Harris) 
 cited, 51, 113, 114, 157, 160, 
 164. 
 
 History of Maryland (Sharf) 
 cited, 68, 69, 145. 
 
 History of New France (Char- 
 levoix — Shea's translation) 
 cited, 118, 126. 
 
 Historical Register, 7'-4^,cited, 
 38, 69. 73, 83, 84, 146, 148. 
 
 History of the City of New 
 York (Lamb) cited, 77, 78. 
 
 History of the Discovery of the 
 Northwest, by fohn Nicole t, 
 in 1634 (Butterfield) cited, 62, 
 89, 105, 106, 114, 119, 161. 
 
 History of the State of New 
 
 York (Brodhead) cited, 78, 79. ' 
 Hochelaga, island of, 4, loi. 
 Hudson, Henry, 68, 76, 79. 
 Humber river, 48, 49, 143. 
 Hundred Associates, 115, 116, 
 
 "7. 
 Hurons, 10, 15, 16, 20, 32, 33, 
 
 30. 34. 36. 37. 39. 40, 4a, 44. 
 60, 63, 90, 94, 95, 96, 97, I03, 
 104, 105, 106, 109, no, III, 
 113, 114, I30, 121, 126, 137, 
 139, 130, 138, 148, 149. 150, 
 155, 166, 167, 168, 169, 172, 
 
 173- 
 Huron-Iroquois, 129. 
 
 Iroquet, an Algonquin Indian 
 chief, 15, 16, 19, 33, 46, 139, 
 
 130, 131. 
 Iroquois, 10, 13, 39, 30, 36, 51, 
 
 88, 94, 95, 126, 129, 142, 143, 
 
 148, 154. 163- 
 Isle des AUumettes, 27. 
 Isle Royale, 108, 159. 
 
 Jesuits in North America 
 
 (Parkman) cited, 132, 143, 
 
 165. 
 Jesuit Relations and Allied 
 
 Documents (Thwaites) cited, 
 
 6, 120. 
 
 " Kebec," signification of the 
 
 word, see " Quebec." 
 Kingsford, William, 98, 126, 
 
 137, 141, 163. 
 " Kirke," " Kirtk," and other 
 
 synonyms of Admiral Kirk's 
 
 name, 116. 
 Kirk, Lewis, 117. 
 Kirk, Admiral David, 116, 117, 
 
 118. 
 Kirk, Thomas, 117. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 I8l 
 
 " Kuscarawaocks " (Nanticoke 
 Indians), 84. 
 
 Lachine rapids, 6, 8, 19, 23, 34, 
 
 27, 100. 131. 
 Lake Champlain, 129, 140. 
 Lake Couchiching, 35, 52, 134. 
 Lake Erie, 5, 8, 50, 76, 140, 143, 
 
 148, 158. 
 Lake Huron, 5, 8, 15, 20, 96, 
 
 TOO, loi. III, 130, 138, 139, 
 
 »40, 155. 156, 157, 158, 159- 
 Lake Michigan, 8, 158, 159, i6i. 
 Lake Nipissing, 20, 26, 32, 44, 
 
 62, 100, 127, 130, 140. 
 Lake of the Entouhonorons 
 
 (Ontario), 163. 
 Lake Onondaga, 46, 135. 
 Lake Ontario, 5, 8, 44, 45, 46, 
 
 48, 49. 59. 76. "I. 130, 133. 
 
 135. 138, 139. 140, 141. 143. 
 
 164. 
 
 Lake Simcoe, 48, 49, 52, 62, 63, 
 
 "9. 133. 134. 138, 140, 143- 
 Lake St. Clair, 8. 
 Lake St. Louis (Ontario), 137, 
 Lake St. Peter, 129, 130, 140. 
 Lake Superior, 5, 8, 60, loi, 
 
 102, 130, 155, 157, 158, 159, 
 
 162, 163 ; discovered by Brul6, 
 
 99, 107 ef seq., 154 et seq. 
 Lake Two Mountains, 23, 131. 
 Lake Winnebago, 159, 
 Lamb, Martha J., 77, 78. 
 La Salle and the Discovery of 
 
 the Great West (Parkman) 
 
 cited, 49. 
 Laval6e, companion of Gre- 
 
 noUe, 112, 113. 
 Laverdifere, C. H., 16, 125, 126. 
 Le Caron, Father Joseph, 30, 
 
 31. 34. 35. "2. "4. 139- 
 Le Clercq, R^coUet writer, 55, 
 134. 
 
 " Little Nation" (Algonquins), 
 
 122, 172. 
 " Louis de Sainte Foi " (Aman- 
 
 tacha), 119. 
 
 Magazine of American His- 
 tory, The, cited, 126, 135, 
 
 136. 137- 
 
 Magazine of Western His- 
 tory, The, cited, 160. 
 
 Manhattan island, 42, 77, 78. 
 
 Map of i6i2 (Charaplain's), 140. 
 
 Map of 1632 (Champlain's), 38, 
 42, 50, 81, 132, 137, 138, 143, 
 147. 158, 159- 
 
 MapofVirginia (Smith), 71, 145. 
 
 Marguerie, 18, 130. 
 
 Marshall, O. H., 62, 126, 132, 
 
 135. 136. 137. 138. 
 Margry, Pierre, 126. 
 Marquez, Pedro Menendez, 69. 
 Marsolet, Nicholas, 18, 118, 130, 
 
 152, 166. 
 Massawomeks (Iroquois), 70, 
 
 71. 72. 73. 75. 82. 
 Mascoutins, 155. 
 Matchedash bay, 33. 
 Matta wan river, 32, 130. 
 Melange D'Histoire et de 
 
 Littirature (Suite) cited, 
 
 137- 
 
 Merchants of France, a com- 
 pany of, formed in 1603, to 
 prosecute Canadian enter- 
 prise, 7. 
 
 "Mer Douce" (Fresh Sea- 
 Lake Huron), 32, 104, 140, 
 155. 159. 160, 161, 162, 163. 
 
 Minquas (Southern Iroquois), 
 79. 150. 
 
 Mocosa, ancient name of Vir- 
 ginia, 137. 
 
 Mohawk, Indians, 36, 39, 78, 79, 
 148. 
 
1 82 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Mohican Indians, 78. 
 Montreal, 4, 63, 158. 
 Montreal, island of. discovered 
 
 by Cartier, 4; in 1603, wi'iout 
 
 inhabitants, 139. 
 Montagnais, 10, n, 14, 137. 
 "Mont Royale," 4, 140. 
 
 Narrative and Critical His- 
 tory of America (Winsor) 
 cited, 6, 30, 63, 68, 119, 135, 
 147, 164. 
 
 Nation du Petun (Tobacco 
 nation), 60, ii3, 148, 149, 165. 
 
 " Nation de I'Isle," 133. 
 
 Neill, Rev. Edward D., 147. 
 158, 160. 
 
 Neutrals, 49, 50, 51, 60, 100, iii, 
 lis, 113, 114, 148, 149, 163, 
 164, 165. 
 
 New Amsterdam, 133. 
 
 New France, i, 6, is, 13. 78. 99. 
 100, 114, lib, 119. 
 
 New Netherland, 78. 
 
 Niagara, cataract of, 8, 50, 
 
 137. 138. 139. MO- 
 Niagara river, 8, 49, 50, 51. 76. 
 
 94, III, 113, 143, 164. 
 Nichols Pond, locality of, 134, 
 
 135- 
 Nicolet, John, 18, 99, 106, 130. 
 "North Sea," 30, 100, 104, 154, 
 
 155. 
 Nipissing Indians, 33, 44, 60. 
 North Channel of Lake Huron, 
 
 99, 100, I03, 105, 155. 156. 157- 
 Nottawassaga bay, 33, 60. 
 
 Ochastaiguins (Ochatequins), 
 
 136. 
 
 Ochateguin, a Huron chief, 19, 
 
 136, 131. 
 Ochateguins (Hurons), 15, 136. 
 "Ogehage" (Minquas), 79. 
 
 Oneida Indians, 36, 39, 148. 
 Oneida lake, 45, 135, 136, 140. 
 Oneida river, 45. 
 Onondaga Indians, 36, 37, 38, 
 
 39, 46, 54, 58, 59, 90, 148. 
 Onondaga town (or fort). 46, 
 
 53. 59. 60. 80, Si, 133. >34. 
 
 135. 136- 
 Onojutta-Haga Indians, 83, 
 
 149. 
 
 ' ' Onontiogas " (Carantouan- 
 nais), 133. 
 
 Ontonogan river, 136. 
 
 Otis, Charles Pomeroy, 35, 31, 
 63, 135, 136. 
 
 Ottawa river first heard of by 
 Cartier, 4; description of, 
 ibid,; mentioned, 14. 30, 37, 
 33. 33. 48, 63, 96, 97, 100, 130, 
 
 155- 
 
 Ottawa Indians, 33. 
 
 Otoiiacha, a Huron town, 34. 
 
 Otzinachson Indians, Ss, 149. 
 
 Orleans, island of, discovered, 
 3; above it, Quebec is com- 
 menced by Champlain, 12. 
 
 " Ouendat," see " Wendat." 
 
 Ouasouarim Indians, 105. 
 
 Ouroisagai Indians, 105, 106. 
 
 Ounontisaston, a village of the 
 Neutrals, 163, 164. 
 
 Outchougai Indians, 105. 
 
 Ozinies, 84, 85. 
 
 Parkman. Francis, 12, 20, 34, 
 30, 48, 49, 62, 81, 88, 91. 93. 
 96, 98, 117, 119, 126, 131, 132, 
 135, 138, 143, 146, 165. 
 
 Patapsco river, 70. 
 
 Penetanguishene bay, 129. 
 
 Pennsylvania Magazine of 
 History and Biography, ex- 
 tracts from, 52, 64, 95, 120, 
 132. 135- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 m 
 
 "People of the Falls" ("Sau- 
 teurs"), 107. 
 
 Petun nation, see Tobacco na- 
 tion. 
 
 Pioneers of France in the New 
 World (Parkman) cited, la, 
 ao, 30, 48, 63, 81, 88, 91, 93. 
 96, 117, 119, ia6, 128, 133, 135, 
 138, 141, 147, «66. 
 
 Prince Edward Island discov- 
 ered by Cartier, 2. 
 
 Prince Society Publications of 
 Champlain's Voyages, cited, 
 33. 25. 3». 38, 47. 62. 63, 68, 
 X02, 104, 119, 125, 126, 127, 
 
 135. 138. I'^i. 143. 147. 150. 
 
 151, 152, 158, 271, 274. 
 Pontgrave, 7, 10, 30. 
 Potomac river, 70, 82, 146, 149. 
 Powhatan, 74, 82. 
 Puants (Winnebago Indians), 
 
 159- 
 
 Quebec, 8, 10, 12, a6, 108, 114, 
 116, 117, 118, 119, 130, 133, 
 150, 1 66. 
 
 " Quebec," signification of, 4. 
 
 Quinte bay, 134, 140. 
 
 Rapids of St. Louis (Lachine 
 rapids), 114. 
 
 Raye, Peter, 118, 152, 166. 
 
 Relation des Hurons cited, 
 123, 166. 
 
 Richelieu river, 128, 140. 
 
 "River of the Hiroquois" 
 (Niagara river), 113. 
 
 Riuiire des Puans (Winne- 
 bago, now Fox river of 
 Green bay), 159. 
 
 Roberval given vice regal pow- 
 ers over New France, 6. 
 
 Sagard, Gabriel, 26, 91, 92, 104, 
 
 106, 107, 108, 109, no, 131, 
 
 134. 153. 155. 156. 157. 158. 
 
 161, 163. 
 " Santa Maria." bay of, 68. 
 "Sasquesahanocks," 74, 75, 8a, 
 
 83, 84, 144, 14s, 146. 
 Saut de Gaston, 107, 171. 
 "Sault de Gaston" (Saut de 
 
 Gaston — Sault Ste. Marie), 
 
 159. 163. 
 " Sault du Gaston," 160. 
 Sault Ste. Marie, loi, 106, 160, 
 
 161. 
 SautS. Louis (Lachine rapids), 
 
 109. 
 Sassafras river, 72, 74, 84. 
 Savignon, a Huron hostage. 18, 
 
 19, 21, 22, 23. 131. 
 Scahentoarruon Indians, 82, 
 
 149. 
 Seneca Indians, 36, 39, 43, 50, 
 
 51, 52, 87, 89,95, in, 132, 143, 
 
 148. 
 Shea, John Gilmary, 52, 62, 64, 
 
 68, 95, lao, 13a, 134, 135, 164. 
 Six Nations Indians, 149. 
 Slafter, Rev. Edmund F., 25. 
 
 30, 31, 47, 62, 63, 68, 102, 186, 
 
 127, 132, 135, 138, 141, 143, 
 
 147, 150, 151, 158, 159, 162. 
 Smith, Capt. John, 69, 70, 71, 73, 
 
 74. 75. 76, 82, 83. 142, 144, 145. 
 
 146. 
 "Smith's Falls," 144. 
 Sonnontowans (Senecas), 148. 
 Southern Iroquois, 79, 82, 85, 
 
 148. 
 St. Charles river, 5. 
 St. Clair river, 8. 
 St. Lawrence, bay of, discov- 
 ered by Cartier, 3. 
 St. Lawrence river, discovered 
 
 by Cartier, 3; reaches from 
 
 Lake Ontario to the gulf, 8 ; 
 
1 84 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 mentioned, 76, 96, 100, loa, 
 
 104, 114, 130, 147. 
 St Louis, Falls of (Lachine 
 
 rapids), 23, 27. 
 St. Louis river, 8, 157. 
 St. Mary river, 8, 106. 
 Suite, Benjamin, 6, 18, 52, 86, 
 
 98, 129, 137, 153, 166. 
 Susquehannock Indians (Sus> 
 
 quehanna Indians), 148, 150. 
 Susquehanna river, 66, 67, 69, 
 
 70, 71. 74. 76. 80, 81, 82, 86, 
 
 87, 142, 143, 145, 147; East 
 
 Branch of, 52 ; West Branch, 
 
 66, 76, 82, 142, 143. 
 
 Tadoussac, at mouth of the 
 Saguenay, 7, 8, 18, 100, 114, 
 116, 117, 127, 129. 
 
 Tessouat (Algonquin chief), 129. 
 
 Three rivers, 98, 99, 114, 151, 
 
 153. 
 
 Thwaites, Reuben Gold, 6, 120. 
 
 Tioga river, 143. 
 
 Tionnontates (Tobacco Na- 
 tion), 59, 148, 149. 
 
 Toanch^, 34, 95, 112, 114, 120, 
 123, 157, 160. 
 
 Tobacco Nation (Nation du 
 Petun), too, 112, 148, 149. 
 
 Tockwogh Indians, 72, 73, 75, 
 82, 83, 84, 145, 146- 
 
 Tockwogh river, 72, 73, 74. 
 
 Tregouaroti, brother of Savig- 
 non, 19, 23, 131. 
 
 Trent river, 44, 48. 
 
 Tuscarawa Indians, 148, 149. 
 
 Verrazzano, John, i, 68. 
 Vignau, Nicholas, 24, 27. 
 
 " Wendats " (Wyandots — Hu- 
 rons), 127, 138, 139. 
 
 " Wenowances," Susquehanna 
 Indian chiefs, 74. 
 
 Western Iroquois, 148. 
 
 ' ' Wighcocomicos ' ' (Wicomico 
 Indians), 84. 
 
 "Wildcats" (Menomonee In- 
 dians), 157, 161. 
 
 Winnebagoes, 155. 
 
 Winsor, Justin, 6, 21, 59, 62, 68, 
 104, 107, 119, 128, 135, 138, 
 140, 141, 143. 147. 157. 159. 
 161, 164. 
 
 Wyandots, 138, 149. 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page 26. For •' [that is, the Huron, Algonquin and Montag- 
 
 nais]," read "(that is. the Huron, Ebiceriny, Mon- 
 
 tagnais)." 
 " 102. For • ' Brief Ricit, ' ' read ' ' Bre/ Ricit. ' ' 
 " 107. For • • Freshwater Sea, ' ' read ' ' Fresh Sea. ' ' 
 " 137. For •• Lescarbo wrote in 1310, " read " Lescarbot wrote 
 
 in 1610." 
 • • 144. For • ' Glnerall Histoire, ' ' read • ' GSnerall Historic. ' ' 
 " 145. For "Histoire," read ''Historic." 
 " 161. For "Freshwater Sea," read "Fresh Sea." 
 " 162. For "are, as we have seen," read "is, as we have 
 
 seen."