1 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 AND — 
 
 IRELAND 
 
 A LECTURE 
 
 BV THE — 
 
 Rev. a. J. BRAY 
 
 For Gratuitous Distribution. 
 
 MONTREAL 
 
 1880. 
 
^ 
 
^^- ^<^^ 
 
 NORDHEIMER»S HALL, FRIDAY, 17th DEC'R., 1880. 
 
 -» *m m I 
 
 ENGLAND AND IRELAND. 
 
 ■ #•» I 
 
 A LKCTURK BY THK REV. A. J.. BRAY*^ 
 
 -*o«- 
 
 REMARKS OF DR. KINGSTON, THE CHAIRMAN. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen. — Having been honored with the request 
 that I should occupy the Chair this evening, on the occasion of a 
 lecture to be delivered by the Rev. Mr. Bray, I do so, with great 
 pleasure. It is usual, I believe, for a Chairman to foreshadow, some- 
 what, the ground to be traversed by the lecturer, — to allude briefly to 
 the obstacles in the way, the difficulties to be encountered, and the 
 dangers to be avoided ; but as the lecturer this evening, has not given 
 me a peep into his manuscript, I cannot tell what obstacles he may 
 have to meet with, and 1 cannot, therefore, say how they should be put 
 aside and overcome. But this I know, — judging from the lecturer's 
 past reputation, — that if soil is to be upturned it will be soil prolific with 
 kindness ; if obstacles are to be put aside, they will be put aside man- 
 fully ; if there are rocks in the way, — rocks of human prejudice, —he 
 will batter them to pieces ; and if streams are met with, or even the 
 channel itself, he will throw an arch over it, — an arch of peace. 
 
 With these remarks I beg to introduce to you the Rev. Mr. Bray, 
 with all his imperfections thick upon him. ^Applause.) 
 
THE LECTURE. 
 
 Mr. Bray was greeted with loud cheering. 
 
 He said : — Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: — 
 
 I beg you to believe that I felt it, — and I feel it still,— to be no 
 small honor to be requested to give my lecture a second time, in this 
 city. I suppose such a compliment is not often paid to many men, 
 and it is gratifying to me that my lecture has been considered of some 
 importance, that it is thought that some good is to be got out of it ; 
 for it must have been so considered, or this demand would not have 
 been made upon me. I must say, however, that I thought that more 
 Englishmen and Scotchmen as well as Irishmen would have taken a 
 lively interest in this matter. For, truth to tell, I had more thought of 
 the English than of the Irish when I first thought to give the lecture 
 I knew that the Irish had no need of having their attention drawn to 
 the wrongs heaped upon their country ; I knew that they required no 
 information on this point ; but I wanted English and Scotch people to 
 know the sufferings of the Irish ; I wanted them to see the scars on the 
 mutilated body of poor Ireland, and I wanted to show them how these 
 scars were got. I wanted them to know the cause of this periodical 
 outburst of discontent in Ireland. They were saying, we were saying, — 
 all of us, — what is the matter with Ireland ? What is the cause of 
 this discontent? Is it because there is some peculiarity in Celtic 
 blood, that renders it necessary that these people should fight every now 
 and then ? Is this discontent merely a periodical outbreak of unreason? 
 Is this discontent in Ireland a thing to be battered into silence by the 
 policeman's club, or silenced by threats of buckshot ? Is it a thing to be 
 driven into hiding by brutal force ? Or is there some real reason, pal- 
 pable and sound, for the complaints made in Ireland? I made an 
 effort to answer these questions, I know the English people to be a just 
 people ; I know that the vast majority of the English people are 
 desirous of righting the wrongs done by their ancestors ; and that many 
 of them are not unwilling to enact better land laws in Ireland ; and I 
 want to strengthen the hands of Gladstone and Bright. I want to put 
 in a plea for justice in this matter. I want to bring Englishmen and 
 Irishmen together to talk this matter over, and to understand this 
 matter, so as to find justice the one for the other. (Applause.) If we 
 understand this matter mutually, if we discuss it together calmly and 
 reasonably, we shall, by and bye, find some method of promoting the 
 cause of right. So, — I told the story, with extreme carefulness, with truth- 
 fulness, and with an honest effort to be fair. I have been since compli- 
 mented for this. I have been complimented on the bravery of doing it. 
 
8 
 
 1 was not conscious of any kind of courage whatever. It never oc- 
 curred to me that I was doing anything brave. I like always to 
 tell the truth, and shame the devil ; and because I am an English- 
 man, I can afford to tell the truth about this matter ; I can afford to 
 criticise my country ; I can find fault with any wrong she has com- 
 mitted. She has not always been what she is now ; and I hope to 
 find her better to-morrow than she is to-day. (Applause.) I am, myself, of 
 the grand old Celtic race. ]Jorn among the wild, weird scenes of Cornwall, 
 with my first consciousness that of wandering over its dark brown 
 sand, and of climbing its surf-beaten rocks,- -I derive, from those 
 rocks of my own home, a natural sense of truthfulness. 
 
 Let me now turn to the history of Ireland. Of Pagan Ireland we 
 have no authentic records. At the introduction of the Christian religion 
 the island was in possession of the Milesians, and was divided into the 
 five kingdoms, Ulster, Munster, Leinster, Connaught, and Meath ; the 
 dominant king or real monarch of all Ireland being called the Arda Righ, 
 or High King. The kingdoms were again subdivided into small principal- 
 ities, the several districts being 
 inhabited by distinct Septs, each 
 district the common property 
 of the entire Sept, and the dis- 
 tribution of the land being so 
 ordered that each one had a 
 right to so much land to live 
 
 LUBY'S 
 FOR THE HAIR 
 
 Is A Most Delightful Toilet Dressing. 
 
 upon, somewhere. The land tenure was regulated by the Brehon 
 laws ; it was not feudalism, as in England and Scotland ; it was nothing 
 akin to feudalism ; there had never been feudalism in Ireland. Christian- 
 ity shed a light over the land j and from it to other lands. Religion was 
 just suited to the Irish nature, and was received by them with a burst 
 of enthusiasm. It warmed their generous hearts, and fired their poetic 
 fancy. But Ireland adopted the Eastern Greek Church, and not the 
 Western Roman Church. St. Patrick may have been there. I do not 
 say he was not ; but it is extremely doubtful. You can believe that he 
 was, if you like ; but whether he came there or not, the Danes did, in 
 the ninth century. Then, in the twelfth century, came Henry, the second 
 English King of that name, armed with a Bull granted by Pope Adrian, 
 for the conquest of Ireland, and its due subjection to the Church of 
 Rome. But his efforts were/ew and feeble to establish English authority, 
 and had Irishmen been true to Ireland, they would have shaken off the 
 EngHsh at once. Dermet McMurrogh, King of Leinster, having been 
 worsted in internal feuds and wars with the other princes, sought and 
 obtained from Henry the Second, the aid of the English. Some 
 
English and Welsh went over, headed by Strongbow and Fizi- 
 simmons, with whose assistance McMurrogh was enabled to overcome 
 his adversaries. This gave a footing in Ireland to the English, who 
 formed themselves into the notorious P^nglish " Pale." Two blunders 
 were committed,— one, by the English,— that they did not entirely 
 concjuer Ireland ; — and a second blunder, by the Irish,— that they did 
 not drive the English into the sea. (Cheers.) A decision then and 
 there would have been best for both, for all time. .Vs I have said, 
 Henry the Second made a feeble attempt to enfoice English law and 
 rule in Ireland. He received the questionable submission of some of 
 the chiefs. But it was not until the reign of Henry the Eighth that 
 English rule in Ireland became anything like general. Then, for the 
 first time, did the Irish feel the hand of a master ; but it was the hand 
 of one who wanted to rule by law and who wanted to civilize the people. 
 He had a mind to rule in Ireland as in England, and Thomas Crom- 
 well undertook to execute his will. The P^arl of Kildare thought to 
 frighten him, but, being summoned to England, was sent to the Tower. 
 
 Excited by a false report of his 
 father's death, Kildare's son, the 
 young Lord Thomas Fitzgerald, 
 liew to arms. For a short time 
 he met with success ; the Arch- 
 bishop of Dublin was mur- 
 dered, and other excesses were 
 
 LUBY'S 
 Strengthens Weak Hair and 
 checks its falling out. ^^-. 
 
 committed ; but this revolt followed the fashion of other Irish 
 revolts. Fitzgerald was chased into the fastnesses of Connaught and 
 Munster, and ultimately taken and beheaded. Sir William Skeffington 
 battered down castles, and trampled the Celtic tribes into utter sub- 
 jection. Henry was disposed to rule Ireland by law ; but he knew 
 only English law. It has been a failing characteristic of EngHshmen 
 that they cannot think of anything but what is English ; they never take 
 into account that other people have their laws and customs and insti- 
 tutions. Henry never took the trouble to consider that the Irish had 
 a patriotic and rich literature. What cared Henry and his ministers 
 that the Irish were a people of settled ways ? What cared they for the 
 system of common tenure of land by the tribes ? They had conquered 
 Ireland, and they thought to make it English in manners laws and 
 language. A huge blunder, and the mother of untold miseries ! They 
 little imagined how unmixable was Celtic blood, and how undying was 
 Celtic patriotism. The best plan was thought to be the colonization 
 of the country by English settlers, but Henry's method was to make 
 the chiefs English, and so work down from them to the masses. The 
 
Irish chiff: were made English vassals and (taking no notice of the 
 fact that by Irish custom, and by the Brehon laws, the land belonged 
 to the tribe at large and not to individuals), — the English law-courts 
 regarded the chiefs as sole [)roi)rietors, and gave them a title to the 
 land. Religion had as yet undergone no real change. The Church 
 without the " Pale " was the same as the Church within the " Pale," 
 as to doctrine and discipline. When Henry had broken with 
 Rome, the Irish chieftains accepted the new headship without a mur- 
 mer ; but when his ecclesiastics were bringing about a change in reli- 
 gious doctrines, the Irish said : '' No. Deal with names and forms as 
 you will ; but when you come to lay rough hands on our faith, we re- 
 .siST." And they did resist. And in resisting they found that as Irish- 
 men they had a common cause. In fine, they were, at once, a people ; 
 they clasped hands together over a grave in which they buried centuries 
 of feud. Those within the " Pale " became one with those without the 
 " Pale." A nation was born of that religious union : and that nation was 
 Ireland. (Loud and enthusiastic cheering.) But it was a child of the 
 storm, — destined to be tossed 
 and rent by many winds. Mary 
 took the throne, and tried to 
 thrust the shadow back on the 
 dial. The Dublin government 
 reverted to the old idea of colo- 
 nization. Two pieces of territory 
 were, with that view, at once parcelled out and named King's County and 
 Queen's County in honor of Philip and Mary. The Irish as a people seem- 
 ed doomed to extermination. To whom could they look ? Religious foes 
 came and took away their faith ; religious friends came and took away their 
 lands. The Irish lost all land in Munster,— some four million acres, and it 
 was given to Englishmen. The Irish could only remain as tenants to the 
 new proprietors, at high rents, or as day-laborers on the soil. A few were 
 able to evade the law by submitting to high rents, and rack rents ; and 
 some retired to the mountains. By a decision of the King's Bench, in 
 the reign of James the First, the whole system of gavelkind was de- 
 clared illegal, which meant that the proprietory rights of the natives 
 were completely swept away. Then came the colonization of Ulster. 
 Six counties were settled with English and Scotch. A large Presby- 
 terian element was introduced ; these were full of hatred towards their 
 Irish neighbors, and took no pains to hide their hate. But the Irish 
 were docile ; and had they found that the English were disposed to act 
 justly then, they would have been peaceable. Notwithstanding the 
 confiscations in these provinces, the abolition of their land customs. 
 
 LU BY'S 
 
 ■ - ; V ' } 
 
 Keeps the Head Clean, 
 
 Cool 
 
 and free from Dandr 
 
 uff. 
 
 
 ; . -- - ;;. 
 
LUBY'S 
 
 6 
 
 and the general planting on their soil of a race whose every act 
 was cruelty, still they would have borne it ; but this was not all. 
 The English had an unquenchable thirst for Irish lands. All 
 in possession of lands were ordered to produce written titles to 
 commissioners appointed by the King, Many of these titles, on 
 account of the disturbed state of the times for centuries back, shew- 
 ed defects ; and, in the place of the actual possessors, the English 
 stepped in, under this game of confiscation, supported by legal quibbles, 
 as fine spun as it is possible to conceive. Charles the First,— half a 
 fool, (laughter), but perfectly harmless, if he had not been King of 
 Pbgland, — was obstinate and unjust. He made promises and broke 
 them, he granted rights to landlords and took them from them, by legal 
 confiscation. Wentworth wanted for the king absolute despotism in 
 Ireland, as well as in Great Britain, and he inflicted new cruelties on 
 the Irish people. The Puritan party was fast rising to power, inspired 
 by a hatred of Popery. The Scotch Covenanters had risen in arms 
 solemnly pledged to extirpate Popery and Prelacy. When the king 
 
 was asked to confiscate two- 
 thirds of the lands of all Catho- 
 lics ; when Priests were hanged 
 Restores Cray Hair to its j in Ireland for celebrating Mass ; 
 
 when the sword was drawn 
 for the extirpation of Popery 
 in Ireland, the Irish believed 
 that the time for fighting had come. From Elizabeth to the confisca- 
 tions under Charles, the work of spoilation had been going on. It 
 seemed at last as if the troubles in England had given Ireland a chance. 
 They took the chance ; and rose in rebellion. Briefly, I will tell it. 
 The ruthless policy of confiscation had been pushed with vigor. In 
 Ulster the agrarian grievance had caused several risings : but Munster 
 and Connaught had remained loyal, and would have remained loyal, 
 had not the heads of the Irish Government, in 1641, prorogued the 
 Irish Parliament, so as to thwart the passage of bills signed by the 
 King, providing for the annulment of certain sequestrations of land, 
 and confirming the Irish possessors in their possession of them. At the 
 same time it had been declared that the Roman Catholic religion was to be 
 rooted out. The Irish of Ulster rose in mad revolt against their 
 oppressors. Early in December, 1641, all Ireland was in a blaze. I 
 hate war with every fibre of my being. I have a horror of its horrors. 
 I think of the waste and woe it makes. But there is something I hate 
 tar more than war, — I hate the ruthless oppression of men, the spoiling 
 of their property, the shameless robbing of men of their rights. The 
 
 Natural Color. 
 
poor rrish were goaded to revolt. It was an awfu! thing for these 
 Irish people to spoil and kill and ravage. Yes, it was an awful thing. 
 But, then, this is not the first part of the piece I am giving you now. 
 This is the second act, which connes in as quite a natural consequence of 
 the first. They were being hemmed in ; the enemy was closing in upon 
 them. The very hell-hounds were at their heels. What then shall 
 they do? Shall they turn, as men, and fight for their rights? Or, shall 
 they submit like sheep to be worried to death by wild dogs ? Like men 
 they fought for their rights, (Cheers,) Under some circumstances 
 revolt is glory ; under some circumstances submission is a crime. 
 (Loud applause.) It may be, — I cannot tell, — that if I had lived in 
 those days, an Englishman, I might have made a clutch at the property 
 of the Irisn ; but I am sure that if, on the other hand I had lived, in 
 those days, an Irishman, I should have risen in revolt, — mad as the 
 maddest at the multitude of the wrongs imposed upon my country. 
 (Loud and continued cheering.) Popular history, — and I believe it 
 has very general credence, — asserts that this Ulster rebellion was a 
 general massacre of Protestants, 
 resembling that of the Danes 
 by the English, under Ethel- 
 red, and of the Huguenots, by 
 the Catholics, on St. Barthol- 
 omew's day. Clarendon in his 
 history asserts that, in this Ul- 
 ster rebellion, 40,000 or 50,000 Protestants were slain before they 
 had any suspicion of being in danger, or before they could provide for 
 their defence. It has ever been said by others that 150,000, or 
 200,000, to 300,000, so perished at the hands of the rebels. For 
 many years I believed in the truth of this, and I have justified the 
 work of Cromwell on that ground. Having thought over this matter, 
 I sought out the truth from other sources, — not Irish, — and I got the 
 means of forming an unbiased judgment. As the result of my search I 
 have no hesitation, — and I am ready to stake my reputation on it, as a 
 lecturer, and as a man trying to understand history, — that while there 
 was, here and there, some cruel work, as is always the case in a great 
 popular rising, there was no general organized massacre or planned 
 conspiracy such as that which took place at the Sicilian Vespers, or 
 at the massacre of the Huguenots, on St. Bartholomew's day. That 
 all such reports are utterly untrue I could quote to you abundance of 
 proof These Irishmen were not mild. I cannot say that they got up 
 one morning, and gave the English notice to quit, and lent them their 
 jewels, as in the case of the Israelites and the Egyptians. The 
 
 
 L U B Y ' S 
 
 
 1 
 
 Gives 
 
 a Beautiful Gloss 
 
 and 
 
 Perfume to the Hair 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 ■ 
 
8 
 
 English were driven from their habitations, and their expulsion was cer- 
 tainly accompanied by some barbarities ; Scotchmen were at first 
 left unmolested, partly because they feared to attack them, and partly 
 because they hoped to have them as allies. All food and shelter was 
 denied to the English, and in multitudes they perished. We find 
 O'Reilly sending a convoy with some of them to Dublin ; we find that 
 when castles surrendered, the terms of capitulation were nearly always 
 kept ; and this took place in Ulster, where these horrible massacres are 
 suppposed to have been committed. The main character of the rebel- 
 lion was not murder, but plunder ; and the chief object was to expel 
 the English from the houses and lands occupied by them. I have read 
 despatches from Ireland to England, all speaking of plunder, but not 
 one of murder. Atrocities were committed, no doubt. It was an un- 
 disciplined rising of men, whom years of cruel hardship had maddened, 
 and of course you must expect ferocity in such men. They ivere fero- 
 cious. The persecuted had turned upon their persecutors ; the tiger 
 was chasing the hunters ; and that is always mad work. Eighty per- 
 sons were flung into the river 
 
 LU B Y*S 
 
 As a Toilet Dressing for Ladies' 
 
 or Gentlemen's Hair 
 
 Has no equal. 
 
 from the bridge at Portadown. 
 Men, and women, and children, 
 who had shut themselves up 
 in houses were burnt to ashes : 
 men were hanged, and women 
 and children, expelled from 
 their houses, were starved to death, and died from exposure. I 
 need not dwell on the story. These deeds were met, as we shall see, 
 by terrible reprisals. I will not dwell on the war now prosecuted with 
 vigor and considerable success, by the confederacy of Anglo-Irish 
 Catholics, called into existence by this Ulster revolt ; nor will I stop to 
 detail the events of the truce which followed, in 1643, '"^^^ the events of 
 1646, 1648, or 1649, which completed the reconciliation between the 
 English Parliamentarians and Royalists, and the establishment of the 
 Commonwealth. At length Cromwell swooped down upon the poor doom- 
 ed Irish, beating down royalist and peasant alike. Nothing can atone for 
 the atrocities he committed and permitted. There is no blacker record 
 in history than that of the acts of Cromwell, in Ireland. He won and 
 deserved the eternal hatred of all Irishmen ; and until I came to 
 Canada I never met with a single Englishmen who could say a word 
 in palliation of the barbarities he practised in Ireland. If I had to 
 speak of Cromwell and England, I could extol him ; I am proud of the 
 grand stand he made for English liberty ; he broke the back of tyranny, 
 and by sword and gun he settled the fact that the only divine right 
 
9 
 
 kings have to rule, is to rule justly. He laid the foundation of English 
 freedom, and made it utterly impossible for a tyrant to sit on the En- 
 glish throne for evermore. But of Cromwell in Ireland, I 3ay that I 
 am ashamed. His work in Ireland was a series of horrible, merciless 
 massacres. He began by storming Drogheda ; soldiers surrendered, 
 and many of them were butchered ; officers were knocked on the head ; 
 men and women were put to the sword, and those who survived the 
 slaughter were shipped as slaves to Barbadoes. It is horrible to 
 read the storming of Drogheda, where three thousand men, women 
 and children were cruelly murdered. Cromwell overran Ireland, and 
 being called back to England, he left Ireton to complete his 
 terrible work of destruction. Six hundred and sixteen thousand people 
 are said to have perished by the sword, famine, and the plague. 
 A great number were sold to the slave dealers. Hundreds of boys 
 and girls were sent to Barbadoes, and sold to the planters. The 
 Catholic religion was absolutely suppressed; and the priest who 
 went, disguised, in the courage of his faith, could give consolation to a 
 dying man only at the peril of ~~ ~ 
 
 his life. Then came the Crom- The Imp Dyspepsia 
 
 wellian settlement, the cause of 
 all the political and social 
 trouble which wastes Ireland 
 and vexes England to-day. All 
 the land in the three largest 
 and richest provinces was confiscated, and divided amongst adventurers 
 and Puritan soldiers, whose pay was in arrear. On the twelfth August, 
 1652, this Act of Settlement was passed. All persons, including eccle- 
 siastics, concerned in the 1641 rebellion, forfeited life and land. All who 
 had accepted commissions under the King, were condemned to banish- 
 ment, and forfeited two-thirds of their estates, the other one-third being 
 assigned to their wives and children. All Catholics, who (though they 
 had not been in arms against the Parliament), had not been in the 
 Puritan army, or proved their constant good affection for the common- 
 wealth, were to forfeit one-third of their estates, and to receive lands 
 west of the Shannon, equal to the value of the other two-thirds. That 
 was simply as complete a policy of plunder as could be formulated. 
 There was some charity vouchsafed to those whose estates or goods 
 did not amount to ten pounds. It wasn't worth the trouble of collect- 
 ing. They were to have a free pardon, but only on condition of trans- 
 porting themselves across the Shannon. This river nearly severs the 
 five counties of the Province of Connaught together with Clare County 
 Irom the rest of the kingdom ; and these six Counties were set apart,. 
 
 CEASES TO TORMENT THOSE WHO USE 
 
 MILK OF MAGNESIA 
 
 A MILDi PLEASANTi and EFFECTIVE REMEDY 
 
 FOR Nausea, Headache, Furred Tongue, 
 Bitter Mouth and Bad Breath. 
 
10 
 
 for the settlement and confinement of the Irish, whose estates were so 
 confiscated. To divide Ulster, Munster, and Leinster amongst the 
 Protestants, colonization commissioners were appointed, who gave the 
 despoiled Irish until the first of May, 1654, to transport themselves, 
 under pain of outlawry, into their new homes across the Shannon, and, 
 when there, they were not to appear within two miles of the Shannon 
 border, or within four miles of the sea board. Every meeting, of four 
 or more persons, jiot of one family, was declared treasonable ; to have 
 arms was a capital offence ; any transport found on the left bank of the 
 Shannon could be legally shot by any person. All Catholic clergymen 
 were ordered to quit the country on pain of death. It was a 
 capital offence to celebrate Mass or perform any of the ceremonies 
 of the Romish Church. To harbor a priest was treason. To 
 be absent from church for one Sunday was to incur a fine of 
 half a crown. We should have good collections, if such a state of 
 things prevailed here as existed there in those days. The magistrates 
 were authorized to send around and tender the oath of abjuration of the 
 
 Catholic Faith ; and a refusal 
 subjected the party to im" 
 prisonment. Cromwell did most 
 mighty things for England ; 
 but he does, indeed, deserve 
 the eternal hatred of Ireland. 
 
 Under Cromwell's rule, five 
 
 million acres of the best land of the Island were confiscated > 
 and this went to the soldiers and adventurers of his army. Penned up 
 between the mile line of the Shannon on one side, and the four mile line of 
 the sea on the other, the poor Irish passed seven years of a bondage, 
 whose severity has never been equalled by anything in the annals of 
 Christendom. The Irish heart beat high with hope on the accession 
 of Charles the Second. They relied on the Royal declaration of Breda, 
 sent by Charles before the restoration, for just satisfaction in respect of 
 their forfeited estates. But there was a practical difficulty in the way. The 
 land had passed into the possession of the EngHsh settlers, who had 
 acquired a right to it from the English Parliament. The Irish might 
 easily overlook all this. A wrong was more easily done than undone. 
 The Catholics proposed an indemnity to be given to satisfy those ad- 
 venturers who had valid claims, and that a Parliament should be called 
 to Dublin to raise a revenue ; but English ideas opposed all this. The 
 proposal was rejected ; and Charles, by his declaration of settlement, 
 confirmed the adventurers and soldiers in the possession of all lands 
 allotted to them for advances of money or arrears of pay ; and provided 
 
 The Great Antidote for Worms in Children 
 
 OR AduLts is 
 
 DEVINS' WORM PASTILLES, 
 
 Being always of Uniform Strength, and are 
 
 Approved and Highly Recommended 
 
 BY the Medical Profession. 
 
11 
 
 that officers who had served in the royal army before June, 1649, ^^^ 
 who had not received lands, should receive them at the rate of a little 
 more than half the amount due to them. Protestants whose estates 
 had been handed over to adventurers were restored, and the adventurers 
 compensated. Innocent Papists were to be restored, and the persons 
 possessing their land reprised ; but no Papist was to be restored to land 
 within a corporate town ; for it was considered necessary to keep all 
 corporations in Protestant hands ; those persons were to be reprised by 
 lands in the neighborhood. Then came measures for those concerned 
 in the rebellion, and the peace of 1648 ; and who had submitted to the 
 Cromwellian arrangement. If they had accepted lands in Connaught, 
 they were to be held to their bargain. Those who had served under His 
 Majesty were to be restored to their estates. Only about thirty per cent, 
 were able to avail themselves of this special act of grace j for the restitu- 
 tion of these estates was subject to those in possession being first reprised, 
 and the commissioners for executing the declaration were men bound by 
 interest and inclination to the adventurers and soldiers. If I had been offer- 
 ing criticism instead of an his- 
 torical outline, I should say, we 
 should not be too hasty or too 
 severe in condemning the Eng- 
 lish government. The King 
 and his ministers were not free 
 to follow a certain course ac- 
 cording to their bent of mind, whatever that bent professed to be. Le- 
 gislation had difficulties. Charles the Second meant more or less to 
 make an honest effort to benefit Ireland ; but he could not control the 
 ovenvhelming majority in the Commons that discountenanced Popery. 
 The Catholics had no influence there. Then there was this difficulty : 
 there was not sufficient available land to satisfy all. As the Duke of 
 Ormond said, — *' if the adventurers and soldiers must be satisfied to 
 
 the extent of what is supposed to be intended by the declaration, and 
 if all the land taken from the Papists is to be restored to them, then 
 there must be new discoveries, — a ,new Ireland, — for the o/J will not 
 serve to satisfy these demands.'' It was therefore necessary to deter- 
 mine which party must suffer. If the area of Ireland could have been 
 increased, I don't mean to say that the adventurers would have been 
 satisfied ; but a problem would have been solved. Charles could not 
 right it ; and the Protestants had no desire to right it. They were in 
 actual possession ; and possession, the lawyers say, is nine points of law. 
 The Irish dispossessed of their land became poorer and more miser- 
 able. It is always easy to discredit a poor friendless people. 
 The rumours of plots and crimes invented by the adventurers, and 
 spread by their paid agents in England, with the people in England 
 
 A Safe and Certain Cure for Worms in 
 
 Children and Adults is 
 DEVINS' WORM PASTILLES, 
 
 They are a Delicious Confection, and 
 AS A Remedy, most wonderful 
 ; IN their effect. 
 
12 
 
 ready to believe them, rendered the cause of the Irish very unfortunate, 
 and turned English public opinion dead against them ; and they quar- 
 relled with the only man who could have helped them, the Duke of 
 Ormond. No wonder that Charles sided with public opinion. He had 
 intended to give them their just rights under the peace of 1648 ; but he 
 considered that the settlement of Ireland was rather an affair of policy 
 than of justice ; and he thought the loss, which must fall somewhere, 
 should fall on the Irish. The Irish were satisfied that a modification 
 should be made, and the articles of peace of 1648, so favorable to the 
 Irish, were abandoned. A court was established to try the claims of in- 
 nocent Papists. Four thousand innocents came ; but only about six 
 hundred were heard ; and the proportion of innocents was so great 
 that the Cromwellians feared that their plunder was about to be 
 wrested from them. There was a threat of a great insurrection in 
 Ireland. The commissioners were recalled, thus leaving more than 
 three thousand claims unheard ; so that about that number of 
 ancient and respectable Irish families were thus stripped of their 
 
 property without even the form 
 of a trial, without receiving the 
 privilege not refused to the 
 meanest criminal, that of being 
 heard in their own defence. 
 Subsequently, however, Orm- 
 ond was allowed to nominate 
 twenty of the Irish to be restored, as a special favor ; but all 
 other Catholics, whose claims, for want of time of the commis- 
 sioners, had not been investigated, were treated as disqualified. 
 The net result was that, whereas, previous to 1641, the Irish owned 
 two-thirds of the entire land of Ireland, the Protestants now owned 
 two-thirds. This was a settlement ; it was a settlement with a ven- 
 geance for the poor Irish ; and yet the years that followed were favored 
 with peace and prosperity. But Ireland was doomed. Charles died ; 
 and James his brother, the Duke of York, reigned instead. James was 
 the least wise of all English monarchs. A man of less than mediocre 
 ability, a bigoted Catholic, his feeble mind would contain only one 
 idea at one time, and that was the establishment of Catholicity as the 
 dominant faith. He increased the army, and gave commissions in the 
 army to Cadiolics. Still he hel€ the i)eople loyal even in the 
 Monmouth rebellion ; but when he endeavoured to coerce the Par- 
 liament, when he resolved to abolish the Test Act and Habeas 
 Corpus Act, and when he announced to his Cabinet his intention to 
 have the Test Act repealed by the Parliament, or to dispense with that 
 
 DEVINS' WORM PASTILLES 
 
 Abe ACKNOWLEDGED TO BE THE SAFEST AND 
 
 Most E(-fectual Preparation for the 
 
 destruction of worms in the 
 
 HUMAN SYSTEM. 
 
13 
 
 Act by his own authority, he turned the people of England against him. 
 Against the will of the Parliament he defied the Test Act ; he filled the 
 streets of London with priests ; Popish chapels were opened in every 
 part of the country, and the King obstinately set himself against every 
 form of English liberty. To Scotland he sent orders to dispense with 
 the Test Act, and admit Catholics to all offices ; and he offered them 
 free trade with England as a bribe ; but the Scotch were not to be 
 bribed ; they peremptorily refused to obey the order. They accom- 
 panied their refusal, when answering the King, with the words : " Shall 
 we sell our God ?" In Ireland the old proprietors began to feel their 
 hopes aroused of obtaining justice in reference to their confiscated 
 estates. Irish Protestants had a feeling of insecurity, and to complete 
 their apprehensions Clarendon was recalled, and their great enemy, 
 Tyrconnell, was appointed Lord Lieutenant. Some fifteen hundred 
 Protestant families abandoned their homes and occupations, and em- 
 barked for England with the retiring Governor. The alarm was some- 
 what mcreased by the new judicial appointments, which left only 
 three Protestants on the Bench. 
 Meanwhile, the English having 
 determined to submit no long- 
 er to the despotism of the 
 King, called upon William, the 
 Prince of Orange, to come over 
 in right of his wife, and rescue 
 the country from Popery and arbitrary power. On the fifth of Novem 
 ber, 1688, William landed at Torbay; and James, deserted by his 
 nobles, his army, and even his own children, left England to seek re- 
 fuge at the French Court. In February, 1689, William and Mary 
 were proclaimed as King and Queen of England, France, and Ireland, 
 and in May, the Scotch tendered them the Crown of Scotland. It was 
 not long, however, before James landed at Kinsale. in Ireland, with a 
 small army, the Irish giving him a most hearty welcome. Arriving at 
 Dubhn, in due course, he summoned his Irish Parliament. It was not 
 the same Parfiament as formerly. It had formerly been a Parliament 
 of Protestant Ireland, but now a great many Protestant landlords had 
 quitted Ireland, and gone over to England. The Parliament that now 
 met was a Catholic Parliament, composed of men with the memory of 
 the most bitter wrongs heaped upon them for many centuries ; there 
 were among them some of those three thousand, who, without com- 
 pensation had been deprived of their estates, by the Act of 
 Settlement. There was scarcely a man in that Dublin Parliament v^ho 
 iiad not been injured by confiscations, frauds, and calumnies, perpe- 
 
 DEVINS' WORM PASTILLES 
 
 Abe Purely Vegetable. Agreeable to the 
 
 Taste, Pleasing to the Sight, Simple 
 
 IN Administeringi and Sure and 
 
 Certain in their Effect. 
 
14 
 
 trated and spread by their oppressors. It requires no stretcl> of 
 imagination to know how that Parliament would be considered likely 
 to act. It was naturally expected that they would act with small regard 
 for vested interests. But what did they do ? They began by passing 
 an act securing religious liberty to everybody in Ireland. (Cheers.) 
 They next introduced an act to repeal Poyning's Law. They shewed 
 themselves capable of legislating. I wish they could have been 
 maintained. They could have maintained il, if, by another Act 
 of Parliament, they could have swung the green isle a thousand 
 miles out in the sea. They repealed the Act of Settlement. This was 
 spoiliation of course ; but the principle of compensation was not 
 known in those days ; and the Irish were the last people in the 
 world to be expected to learn compensation from the lessons given by 
 the English. I must say here that I do not find persecuiion in the 
 Irish nature at all. (Applause.) It is tolerant, and not given to bigotry. 
 (Renewed applause.) I give no " taffy" to the Irish; I simply speak 
 the truth. To return to the Irish Parliament. They passed laws for 
 
 the interest of shipping and 
 navigation; and they shewed 
 conclusively that the Irish Ca- 
 tholics had an idea of govern- 
 ing themselves, if they had a 
 chance. These law-make: s re- 
 solved that the old proprietors 
 should be established in the possession of their lands. It was provided 
 that those deprived of their lands by the Act of Settlement should re- 
 enter at once. The persons to be dispossessed were of two kinds. 
 Some were adventurers or soldiers of Cromwell ; and they were to be 
 sent empty away. In their case it was an unconditional dismissal. The 
 other kind were those who had come into possession by fair purchase ; 
 and the Irish legislators maintained that they were entitled to reason- 
 able compensation ; but any such possessors by purchase must be in- 
 nocerit of having aided the Prince of Orange in his attempt on the 
 crown, and any such as had so aided or abetted him, were to forfeit 
 their estates, as were also any proprietors who were absent and did not 
 return by a certain fixed day. The number of persons affected by this, 
 and whose property was thus confiscated, was between two and three 
 thousand, including men of all ranks. All property of absentees above 
 seventeen years of age, was transferred to the King. The church pro- 
 perty was transferred from the Protestant to the Catholic Church. But 
 where was the compensation to be got for those possessors by fair pur- 
 purchase, who were declared entitled to compensation ? They borrowed 
 
 THE HEAD THAT ACHES USUALLY 
 
 BELONGS TO THE PARTY WHOSE 
 
 DIGESTION IS DISORDERED, 
 
 MILK OF MAGNE SIA 
 
 RELIEVES THE ONE AND REGULATES 
 THE OTHER. 
 
15 
 
 their idea from the EngUsh ; who trumped up some charge of treason, 
 or pretended treason, whenever they wanted to pounce on Irish prO' 
 perty ; and following this example the Irish Parliament deprived the 
 King of the power of pardoning all who did not,' by a certain day, estab- 
 lish their innocence of any connection with William's invasion ; thus 
 actually rendering the clause of confiscation almost immediately opera- 
 tive, especially against absentees. Taking high moral ground, one 
 wrong can never justify another. But taking into account all previous 
 events, if I were an Irishman, I should not be ashamed of the doings 
 of that Irish Parliament. (Cheers.) But, of the Act of Attainder, I 
 think they should be ashamed. A list of five hundred names was made 
 of persons to be attainted of high treason, consisting of those who 
 had actually assisted in the rebellion against the King ; and they were 
 to be liable to all the penalties attaching to high treason ; but they were 
 allowed until a certain day to justify themselves. The unfair part of this 
 clause was, that the burden of proof was thrown on the accused to shew 
 his innocence, and not on the prosecution to shew their guilt. And 
 many were deprived of their 
 lands for merely living out of 
 Ireland in a time of civil com- 
 motion ; some had no oppor- 
 tunity of even seeing the lists of 
 the attainted until after the per- 
 iod of grace had expired. The 
 only excuse that can be offered for this legislation is, that it was passec 
 in a time of panic, and the legislators were inexperienced. With the 
 King it was a war with William, a Protestant, — in fact a religious war, 
 and a war involving, in the main, a contest for the throne of England.- 
 With the Irish it was a war of the races ; a struggle by the Irish for 
 their ancient rights. They wanted Ireland for the Irish ; (hear, hear), 
 and their first step was to drive out the English. (Cheers.) Matters 
 ivere soon brought to a climax. William at length invaded Ireland with 
 a fine army. James, on hearing of William's arrival, hastened to join 
 the Irish army then encamped at Dundalk, which place he abandoned 
 and retreated to Drogheda, there occupying a position on the southern 
 bank of the Boyne. On the 30th of June, 1690, William came with 
 his army to the north bank of that river, and beheld James' camp 
 posted along the opposite bank, with his flags and those of the French 
 flying from the walls of Drogheda. William, as he viewed the sight, 
 exclaimed, " I am glad to see you, gentlemen ; if you escape me, the 
 fault will be mine." The morniiig of the first of July, dawned brilliantly; 
 and the opposing armies were in motion by four o'clock. William's 
 
 SOUND SLEEP 18 A BLESSING OFTEN 
 
 DENIED TO THE DYSPEPTIC, BUT 
 
 IF THE STOMACH IS RELIEVED, AND 
 
 THE BOWELS REGULATED WITH 
 
 MILK OF MAGNESIA 
 
 IT IS SURE TO DISAPPEAR. 
 
16 
 
 army advanced in three columns. The right wing, under Count Schom- 
 berg, having gained the south bank of the river, attacked the Irish left 
 flank ; but after some heavy fighting the English were compelled to fall 
 back. The Irish horse held the English centre in check ; but William 
 in person came up with the left, and with hard fighting, iiltiinately pre- 
 vailed. James was a coward. Had he let the Irish aione, their defeat 
 would not have been so certain, — :^'^j/ that he was ! (Cheers.) As it was, 
 the issue of the contest remained doubtful to ihe very last moment of the 
 day ; but ere the fate of the battle was quite decided James turned and 
 fled, — coward that he was ! (Loud cheers.) " Change Kings with us," 
 said an Irish officer to an Englishaian, who had taunted him with the 
 panic, — "Change Kings with us, and we will fight you again." And so 
 they would. (Hear, hear.) Since then the Irishman has proved his 
 courage on a hundred battle fields. (Loud applause.) James had gone,. 
 but the brave Irish made one more stand. They retreated beyond the 
 Shannon, and made a most heroic defence of Limerick, which was be- 
 sieged and stormed by William, who after several gallant attemps to 
 
 carry it by storm, found it ne- 
 cessary to retire. William 
 finding it advisable to return to. 
 England to attend to matters 
 there, the war in Ireland 
 was conducted during the winter 
 by Marlborough and Ginckle, 
 and continued in the following spring. Limerick was again besieged;, 
 and at length capitulated under the terms of the Treaty of Limerick, 
 which was signed on the third of October. It was stipulated that 
 Catholics should enjoy the privilege of exercising their religion, and all 
 those who had served James were guaranteed pardon and protection 
 on taking the oath of allegiance to William and Mary. I want to re- 
 mark here that this treaty was not kept. The signers of it could only 
 enter into it subject to its ratification by larliament; and Parliament 
 was not in the humour to ratify it in the strict letter of it. However, 
 there was peace ; it was a peace of despair. No Englishman who loves 
 what is good and noble in character can look back on these times in 
 Ireland without shame ; no such Englishman can read that story of 
 oppression and guilt, and feel that there is not an indelible stain on 
 his country's glory. I want no dealings with the man who can glory 
 in or excuse what was done in Ireland then. What was the character 
 of the peace which the Treaty of Limerick gave them ? Most of the 
 people became " hewers of wood and drawers of water," indeed; they 
 were as completely slaves as ever were whipped by a master. After 
 
 A SUDDEN DISAPPEARANCE OF 
 
 HEARTBURN, NAUSEA, COSTlVENESS, 
 
 AND OTHER SYMPTOMS OF DYSPEPSIA, 
 
 IS PRODUCED BY 
 
 MILK OF MAGNESIA. 
 
17 
 
 the refusal to accept or confirm the articles of the Treaty of Limerick, — 
 which would have given Catholics the free exercise of their religion and 
 freedom to carry on their trades and professions, and several other 
 privileges, — the Irish Parliament, controlled by the ascendancy- party, 
 added to the number of pena) laws already in force against Catholics. 
 An act was passed for preventing Protestants and Papists marrying 
 together. Another was passed to prevent Catholics from being 
 solicitors ; and another prohibiting Pai)ists being employed as game- 
 keepers. I must confess I do not see what connection there is between 
 solicitors ahd gamekeepers. Of course when men are doing dirty 
 work they cannot be very nice about it. An act was also passed by 
 the Irish Parliament to prevent the growth of Popery. It should real- 
 ly have said, to abolish Popery. By the third clause, a Papist possessed 
 of property could be deprived of the power to sell, mortgage, or other- 
 wise dispose of any portion of it even by will, if one of his sons became 
 a Protestant. By the fourth clause, a Popish father was debarred from 
 being the guardian of his own child, and it is, by that clause, ordered 
 that if a child of any age 
 should declare itself a Protes- 
 tant, it could be taken from its 
 own father and placed under 
 the care of the nearest relation 
 of the Protestant religion. The 
 sixth clause rendered Papists 
 incapable of purchasing any manors, tenements, hereditaments, or any 
 rents or profits arising out of any such, or of holding any lease of lives, or 
 any other lease whatever, for a term exceeding thirty-one years ; and 
 even with reference to such limited leases, if a Papist should hold a 
 farm producing a profit greater than one-third of the amount of the 
 rent, his right to it should cease, and pass over entirely to the first 
 Protestant who should discover the rate of profit. It was also enacted 
 by the seventh clause that all Catholics should be prohibited from 
 succeeding to the properties or estates of their Protestant relations. 
 For want of a Protestant heir the estate of a Papist was, by the tenth 
 clause, to be divided amongst the sons ; for want of sons, amongst the 
 daughters ; and, for want of daughters, among collateral kindred. A 
 very good law, if applied to Catholics and Protestants, and English and 
 Irish alike. Had the law of primogeniture been abolished then, there 
 would have been less trouble now. (Cheers.) But this one-sided law 
 had the effect of scattering the lands of one section of the people while 
 another class were, by their exemption from it, accumulating and mul- 
 tiplying their properties. It wa^ unfair ; it was unjust ; it was diabolical. 
 
 SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH and EXPERIMENT 
 
 HAS PRODUCED THAT HIGHLY IMPORTANT 
 
 REMEDY 
 
 PHILLIPS' PALATABLE COD LIVER OIL 
 
 IN COMBINATION WITH 
 PHOSPHO-NUTRITINE. 
 
18 
 
 By the sixteenth clause all persons are required to take the oath of 
 supremacy and the oath of abjuration, and the sacramental test, as a 
 qualification for office and for voting in elections. The twenty-third 
 clause deprived the Papists of Limerick and Galvvay of the protection 
 guaranteed to them by the articles of the Treaty. The twenty-fourth 
 clause requires the oath of allegiance to the Crown; and the twenty- 
 fifth declares that all advowsons possessed by Papists should be vested 
 in Her Majesty. I have read you these clauses one by one, so that 
 you could judge for yourselves, and not .cly on any mere w^ord of mine. 
 Protests were entered ; appeals were made to the Irish Parliament be- 
 fore the final passing of the Act ; but protests, appeals, and prayers 
 were in vain j for the Anglo-Irish had a mind to stamp out Popery. 
 The Protestants were bitter. This law, or this violation of all law and 
 justice, was simply a legalization of robbery and persecution. But that 
 was not all, nor enough. In 1709, another Act to " explain and amend 
 the Act to prevent the further growth of Popery," imposed additional 
 penalties. The first clause declares that no Papist shall be competent 
 
 to hold an annuity for life. 
 The third provides that in case 
 of any child of a Papist con- 
 forming, it shall at once receive 
 an annuity from the father, the 
 High Court of Chancery shall 
 have power and authority to 
 compel the father to make discovery, upon oath, of the full value 
 of his estate, real and personal, and thereupon make an order, accord- 
 ing to the judgment of said Court, for the support of such conforming 
 child, and for securing it a share of the property after the father's 
 death. By the twelfth clause all barristers must educate their children 
 as Protestants. The fourteenth and fifteenth clauses secure jointures 
 to Popish wives, on their conforming. The sixteenth prohibits a 
 Papist from teaching, even as an assistant to a Protestant master. The 
 eighteenth offers a salary of thirty pounds a year to any Papist Priest on 
 his conforming. I did not hear of any turning. (Applause.) The twentieth 
 clause dealt with Popish Clergy and school-masters, and fixed the rewards 
 to be given for their discovery. For discovering an arch-bishop, bishop, 
 vicar-general, or other person exercising any foreign ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
 tion, fifty pounds ; for discovering each regular clergyman, and each 
 secular clergyman not registered, twenty pounds ; and for discovering 
 each Popish school-master or usher, ten pounds. By the thirtieth clause, 
 any Papist to be tried, must be tried by Protestants. Several other 
 severities were imposed on the Catholics. No Papist in trade was to 
 
 A New and Important Preparation of the 
 Soluble Wheat Phosphates, is 
 
 PHILLIPS' PALATABLE COD LIVER OIL 
 
 IN combination WITH 
 PH08PH0-NUTRITINE. 
 
19 
 
 be allowed to take more than two apprentices. Then followed an Act 
 to prevent Poj)ish Clergy coming into the kingdom. These are the 
 penal laws ; and penal enough they were, God knows. No more atro- 
 cious laws were ever enacted within the pale of civilization. The effect 
 of all this was to subject the people of Ireland to the most shameful 
 degradation and persecution ; they were ground down by the most ter- 
 rible legal tyranny ever known, and of which no Englishman can speak 
 without a blush of shame. I repeat that the English had ? mind to 
 stamp out Popery ; and they took these extraordinary means of doing 
 it, and of showing how much more like Christ Protestantism was than 
 Catholicism, by legalizing robbery and persecution. The people learned 
 to regard law as their natural enemy. In England, law and religion were 
 on the same side, thus constituting a double authority in the magistrate 
 and the clergyman, an authority which the people learned to respect and 
 revere. But Ireland had no such teaching. To them law was only an ele- 
 ment opposed to their religion, their rights in land and their trade : and it is 
 easy for us to understand how very difficult it is for Ireland to believe that 
 law and religion are united at 
 
 LYMAN'S 
 
 CSEERT TOOTE PASTE, 
 
 Delicious and Cleansingr. 
 
 last in the resolve and endea- 
 vor to do them justice ; it is 
 hard for them to believe that 
 those who have exhibited such 
 enmity in the past are now their 
 friends, or that they are not 
 still bent only upon confiscation and persecution. It is a most horrible 
 thing to teach a people that lesson ; it must be subversive of every thing 
 that tends to preserve the people's best interests. It is worse than bar- 
 barism. The influence of these laws as regards property was hardly 
 less disastrous. Even in trade the Irish had many disabilities. In 1772 
 we read that there is not one free man of the Catholic religion ; that 
 Roman Catholics are not suffered to work at their respective trades ; 
 that in many places in Ireland all the lucrative trades and professions 
 are held by Protestants, who will not allow Catholics to be admitted, 
 even as apprentices. The clause of the penal laws providing for the 
 rewarding of discoverers of papists, brought into existence a whole 
 profession of spies and informers ; and we read that in 1739 there were 
 not twenty Papists who had jQzo value in land. A Catholic could not 
 carry arms, without getting a license ; and he could only keep his 
 horses and hunters at the risk of having them seized by any Protestant 
 who might think proper to take a fancy to them and put a price on 
 them. It is related of an Irish Catholic that be was riding in a car- 
 riage drawn by two beautiful horses, when a man stopped the carriage, 
 
20 
 
 tendered ten guineas, and claimed the horses as his own. The Irish 
 gentleman drew out a pistol and shot them. Now, in this case, the 
 man who claimed the horses was acting within the law, and the Irish 
 gentleman was legally bound to submit, and deliver up the horses, 
 unless he had the pluck to shoot them, — as he had. (Ai)plause). And 
 then we must not forget that, besides all this, — many confiscations 
 were very recent, the old possessors were living in i)overty, and still 
 remembered their spoliation with bitterness ; so that the penal laws 
 were mainly due to the fact that those holding the property felt that 
 their possession was insecure. This made landlords reckless, arrogant, 
 and extravagant, and bitterly hostile to every claim for the benefit of 
 the Catholics. Why is Ireland unlike Scotland ? In England and 
 in Scotland there have been centuries of cooperation between land- 
 lord and tenant, which has knit their interests close together ; 
 and in times of great struggles, in any extreme difficulty, they 
 will find their natural leaders at their head, — men whom they can trust. 
 But in Ireland, there are no such men in the shape of proprietors of 
 
 land, — whom they can look to 
 
 PAZIT BELZEVZE, 
 For Znternal and. Sztemal TTse. 
 
 as their proper natural leaders. 
 The restrictions put on the free 
 exercise of religion have hin- 
 dered the progress of the Irish 
 in education, and in every 
 other respect. It has rendered 
 it impossible for a man to have a career before him, unless by aposta- 
 cizing himself, and sinking to the depths of degradation ; for I hold 
 that it is degradation, of the vilest kind, for a man to change his 
 religion, unless he changes it intellectually, and with pious motives. 
 (Loud applause.) We can only imderstand the present condition of 
 Ireland, by keeping well in mind this fact, that while in England and 
 Scotland the people are drawn together by the cooperation of landlord 
 and tenant, — in Ireland, they have been continually separated by 
 every thing in the shape of one-sided legislation and oppression, on the 
 part of the proprietary, that could divide a people. The landlords of 
 Ireland are separated from their tenants by difference of race, by 
 difference of religion, by partial laws, and by the memory of wrongs heap- 
 ed, in the past, upon the people who form the Irish tenantry, by the 
 ancestors of those who are the landlords ; and also by an unfair admin- 
 istration of justice entirely under the control of these same landlords* 
 Their will was law, and the people had to concur. The disregard for 
 morals of the Irish landlords was made a by-word of reproach ; for their 
 proffligacy was excessive. Everything tended to hinder anything done 
 
21 
 
 to improve the condition of the Irish people. Everything was done 
 that could be done against the encouragement of industry. The 
 Navigation Act prohibited the English from importing Irish cattle. 
 Manufacturing having increased, Englishmen and Scotchmen went over ; 
 and began to grow rich. Wealth was accumulated from the manufacture 
 of linen ; and it seemed as if Ireland would become very prosperous ; but 
 England had not learned free trode. The woollen manufacture had 
 grown in England. The American colonies afforded an extensive 
 market for Irish linens. Restrictions, however, were placed upon 
 Irish commerce. The industry of Ireland was destroyed. The Irish 
 feared to export to any part, whatever. So manifest were the 
 distresses of Ireland that in 1778, several resolutions were passed in 
 the British Parliament recommending the expediency of removing 
 many of the restrictions on Irish commerce ; but petitions poured 
 in from the manufacturing towns of North Britain loudly denoun- 
 cing the proposed legislation ; and the bills founded on these re- 
 solutions were rejected. Poverty and misery were the result. There 
 were three famines in twenty 
 
 LTJBTS 
 
 FAEISIA2T SAZH EElTS'TrSIl, 
 
 Eestores Gray Bair to its 
 
 Original Color, 
 
 years ! and the people died by 
 thousands ; men sickened and 
 died everywhere, dead bodies 
 were to be seen lying about in 
 the fields ; but I do not want 
 to linger on these horrible things . 
 It has been asked why Ireland is so much behind other people in 
 education ? I answer, simply because education has been denied [to 
 the Irish. It is true that Henry the Eighth passed an act compeUing 
 every clergyman to have a school in the parish ; but the Catholics were 
 excluded by the penal code from teaching or even assisting to teach. 
 The law aimed directly at keeping the people in ignorance. The osten 
 sible object of the Protestants was, as these laws declare, tc rescue the 
 souls of thousands of children from Popery. The idea was broad and 
 comprehensive It was cleverly conceived. Let a bad season come ', it 
 would bring on a famine. The society holding these schools proposed 
 to take charge of the children of the distressed, to feed, clothe, and lodge 
 them gratuitously ; to apprentice the boys, and to find a tritle of money 
 to marry the girls ; but there was one condition,— that they should be 
 educated as Protestants. Parents would be sorely tempted, in a time 
 of distress, to put their children in these schools, and then withdraw 
 them when the " pinch " was over. This happened quite naturally. But 
 the result of it was that a law was passed by which such parents could 
 not withdraw their children after once placing then under the care of the 
 
22 
 
 society. It has been said that the charter schools were the best institu- 
 tions in the world. Had the schools been mere industrial schools,, not 
 interfering with the religion of its pupils in a coercive manner, then I 
 could have agreed with this assertion j but when I see what they really 
 did by interfering so completely with the domestic and religious feel- 
 ings and inclinations of parents I cannot adopt the language used 
 in praise of these schools. The parental instinct was and is as strong in 
 the Irish as in the English breast ; and it was an unpardonable cruelty 
 to place before the people the dreadful choice of seeing their children in 
 dirt and misery, or of losing them altogether in order that they might be 
 educated and cared for, and at the same time taught to despise their 
 parents' religion. Had these societies gone to work in the name of 
 charity, in a spirit of fairness and tolerance instead of starting out 
 in a spirit of bigotry, and if they had not sought to force their religioa 
 on the Irish in such a cruel manner, Ireland would have had a brighter 
 history than she now reads through her hot blinding tears (Loud and 
 long continued cheering). You may call to mind what has been done 
 
 in England and ScotUnd, by 
 
 LT7BTS 
 ,.£ For tlie Bair, 
 
 Is used 137 all tlie Crowned Beads 
 * .. ..^^. of Europe. 
 
 co-operation of landlord and 
 tenant. If the Irish had only 
 one third of the money taken 
 out of the land and spent in 
 England she would shew a bet- 
 ter result. Many tenants never 
 saw their landlords, and never thought of them except as high handed 
 robbers. Many of them had let off their lands on long leases to specu- 
 lators, who made a profit by subletting ; thus putting the control of 
 the tenants into the hands of an inferior set of persons, necessarily 
 protestants. In many cases the lands were underlet and sublet to 
 such an extent that often as many as half a dozen intermediate land- 
 lords stood between the leA owner or superior landlord and the actual 
 tenant occupying and cultivating the land, — each of these living on the 
 rents squeezed out of the overtaxed tenants. The tenantry sank lower 
 and lower. They had no permanent interest in the soil. The English 
 farmer was a capitalist. Not so the Irish farmer. He had neither 
 money nor energy 3 and he found only the land between himself and 
 starvation. Swift said it was the practice of the Irish tenant to offer 
 higher rents than he could possible pay in order to obtain possession 
 of land ; and in the vain attempt to meet his obligation be grew desperate 
 and paid nothing (laughter). They had to build their own mud hovels 
 and dig their own ditches, to pay a rack rent to the middle men, and tithes 
 to the clergy. They never attempted to make improvements ; they had not 
 
23 
 
 the means. Each poor wretch as he got a few acres was only anxious to get 
 as much out of it as he could ; he could not make improvements, and he 
 would not if he could : for, if he did, it meant more rent next year. (Applau- 
 se.) Ireland had all the possibilities of a prosperous wealthy country. But 
 its trade was restricted by legislation, and finally destroyed. Ireland 
 was unfairly used by the English government ; and its elements of pros- 
 perity were tied up, and allowed to rust. But a change came. The 
 English government altered its attitude towards Ireland. A gleam of 
 light shot across the Irish sky. Chatham was against removing catho- 
 lic disabilities at first but the eloquence of Edmund Burke was too 
 convincing and it was decided that Ireland had a right to live ; In 1778, 
 an act was passed for the relief of His Majesty's subjects professing the 
 Popish religion. This was a good beginning. But the act went further. 
 It provided that catholics might take land on a lease for a term not ex- 
 ceeding 999 years.— Quite long enough, surely. In 1792 another act 
 was passed giving the catholics a right to purchase lands or take an 
 interest therein. Many disabilities were removed ; and another act was 
 passed allowing persons pro- 
 
 LITBY'S 
 
 For the Hair, 
 
 Bequlres Imt to Ise used to lae 
 
 appreciated. 
 
 fessing the Catholic religion to 
 teach it. But after all this was 
 really only tinkering. There 
 was no definite improvement. 
 I believe that if England had 
 treated with Ireland as a free 
 nationality and recognized the Irish as such, or if she had absorbed 
 Ireland as she absorbed Scotland there would have been no trouble at 
 all ; but hsr policy towards Ireland has been most perverse. I have 
 spoken of the acts giving tolerance to the Irish in matters of education 
 and dealing with land ; but still the native Irish were " hewers of 
 " wood, and drawers of water ; " because their Protestant masters, — 
 who are like so many foreign settlers and resent being called Irish- 
 men, — never associate with them to do them good. The Church 
 of England in Ireland, — the Protestant Church, — was dominant over a 
 Catholic people. The members of the Irish Parliament were practical- 
 ly the nominees and under the control of a few influential persons in- 
 stead of being the free choice of the people. But trouble came to 
 England ; and this gave Ireland a chance. New England revolted, 
 and old England was alarmed by her various troubles. Forty thousand 
 volunteers were enrolled ; their delegates in convention passed resolutions 
 requiring a reform of the Irish constitution. (Cheers.) It was a Protest- 
 ant force with Protestant officers. I do not hear you cheer again. They 
 made their claims, and they demanded, and got the independence of 
 
24 
 
 the Irish Parli; ment. In 1782, Ireland had a national independence ; 
 and was held .0 England only by the fact that the sovereign of one 
 was tVc sov^^ign of the other. Home rule was granted. (Loud 
 ciieerl^.; How did it answer? The dominant party was still the 
 ^j^'jrity. The strangers for whom the peoples' lands had been forfeit- 
 ed were the governing power still. It was not a government of the 
 Irish, by the Irish ; but a government of the Irish by the English. And 
 those who want Home rule now, had better look to it, if Home rule be 
 granted, and see who will be constituted their rulers. The English go- 
 vernment, before the independence of this Irish Parliament had been a 
 check upon the dominant or ascendancy party in Ireland. But now the 
 check was gone, poverty spread and deepened into misery. The sight 
 of Ireland's distress moved the heart of Pitt, who introduced a bill ta 
 emancipate the Catholics from their disabilities. By the power of his 
 eloquence and the strength of his genius he fought it through, and it 
 was sent to the Irish Parliament, only to be flung back by the Irish 
 Protestant faction. The English war with France gave Ireland an- 
 other chance. If there was a 
 
 LTJBY'S 
 
 For tlie Eair, 
 
 Zs now tlie most popular Toilet 
 
 SressinsT in use. 
 
 country in a pitiable state it 
 was Ireland at that time. There 
 was a corrupt society and a 
 divided people. A proposal 
 came of amendments, both civil 
 and military, which gave prom- 
 ise of a new era of religious liberty and national freedom ; but the 
 promise came too late. The United Irishmen had entered into 
 correspondence with France ; the French revolution heated up the 
 Irish Catholics to frenzy. Through the influence of Wolf Tone a 
 junction was effected between the Catholics and the reforming dis- 
 senters. The attacks of the Peep & day boys had called forth an oppo- 
 sition association of Catholics, calling themselves the Defenders, which 
 spread over the country, and soon proceeded from defence to aggression. 
 A panic was spread among the landlords. The Peep d day boys, to 
 keep it down, then formed an orange association. Here, in passing, I 
 may remark, that, the Orange Society, has just as much right to walk 
 as the Peep o' day boys, and no more. They formed themselves into 
 secret societies to meet the secret societies about them. The United 
 Irishmen sent Wolfe Tone to France to negotiate an alliance and raise 
 an army. The Directory equipped an army for Ireland, and General 
 Hoche accepted the command. Full of hope they embark - i and set 
 sail for Ireland with this army. Had that army landed, IreLii>d might 
 have thrown off" the English yoke ; but the winds were against Hoche, 
 
25 
 
 as they had before been against the Spanish x\rmada ; and that French 
 army never landed in Ireland. Still the threatened invasion was enough 
 to bring vengeance on the poor Irish. The Protestant yeomanry rob- 
 bed and ravaged at their will, Ireland drank in that deep hatred 
 of the English and English rule, which long years of oppression had en- 
 gendered. On the twenty-third May, 1798, the Catholic peasantry rose 
 in arms 14,000 strong ; but their old misfortune overtook them. They 
 were looking for help from France ; but it did not come. Wexford 
 ^'as attacked ; the garrison which came out to meet them was 
 defeated ; they took a considerable number of them prisoners, and 
 then put them to death. Another body massacred a hundred Pro- 
 testants in cold blood. The horrors they had suffered were fierce- 
 ly avenged. They butchered, without mercy. Meantime General 
 Humbert appeared in Killalla Bay, with 3 french frigates. He landed 
 with a small army, which he augmented by Irish recruits. After a few- 
 successes he was completely surrounded by the British and forced to 
 surrender. The Irish rebellion was quelled ; and at once paved the 
 way for the Union of the two 
 parliaments. Pitt wanted this 
 opportunity. Through the lord- 
 lieutenant he proposed the 
 union. The Irish parliament 
 opposed it. But it was only 
 a matter of money ; and Pitt 
 bought them all body and soul for a million ; and in the year 1800, 
 a bill for the legislative union of Great Britain and Ireland was made 
 law. I need not continue the story at length to the time of the Ribbon 
 men, and the great Dan O'Connell,— whom any nation might be proud 
 to own, — and his efforts to obtain the repeal of Union for the abandon 
 ment of which he accepted the complete emancipation of the catholics. 
 I have not hesitated to dw^ll on English misrule. I have shewn you 
 Ireland as an independent nation. I have shewn you that England's 
 policy in governing Ireland was one of expediency. At one time 
 pursuing a pacifying and petting policy, and then turning round and 
 trampling it in the dust. But we cannot say that of the Government of 
 the present day. It has a policy ; and that policy is justice to Ireland. 
 (Applause.) The difficulties of the religious question did not quite dis- 
 appear by the passage of the Emancipation Act. The Irish were forced 
 into bitter hatred of Protestantism, because Protestantism in Ireland 
 meant to the Catholics cruelty and misery ; but different acts followed the 
 Emancipation Act ; and at last, in 1869, came the Act disestablishing the 
 Irish Church (cheers) ; thus wiping out one of the greatest sources of 
 
 
 •LTJBT'S 
 
 
 
 Is the 
 
 " Desideratum" of tlie day. 
 
26 
 
 Irish trouble, for ever and ever. On the score of difficulty arising^ 
 from legislation against the Catholic religion, there is nothing more to 
 be said. The Catholic is as free, — he has every right, and every 
 privilege, that a Protestant can enjoy. (Loud cheers). I have told 
 you, — in reference to educational measures, — of the repeal of the 
 acts forbidding catholics to teach. A great deal of good has been done 
 by the National School system. Some of the people are ignorant still ; 
 and so are some of the people in England ; and so are some of them in 
 Canada. The School system has not done all it could do. Let the 
 truth be told. I think I can be allowed now to tell the truth. (Hear 
 Hear) It is due tr- the Church of the majority ; to the Irish people ; to- 
 the Catholic clergy. Is the Cathechism the only, or the chief thing to 
 be learned ? In my opinion, what is wanted for Ireland is a system of 
 compulsory education, with the priest kept out (A voice " Oh ! oh !) 
 I have fought that out in England, for myself, on many a platform (A 
 voice, " Why didn't you say so before ?"). I am saying exactly what I 
 think. (Hear, hear.) I have told you how Irish land changed hands 
 
 by the three great confisca- 
 tions; and of the difficulties 
 of the poor occupiers of land 
 holding as a tenant at will of 
 the middle men to whom he 
 had to pay a high rent, and of 
 the chance he incurred of hav- 
 ing his rent increased, if he made any improvements on the land. In 1849^ 
 the government passed the Encumbered Estates Act which apparently 
 rendered the landlord class little better than nominal proprietors. Still 
 the Act did not produce such an improvement as was expected ; ini 
 many cases it merely changed the proprietor ; rnerchants or capitalists 
 buying up the estates that were loaded with heavy debts. The people 
 grew miserable again, and discontent again prevailed. In 1870, Mr. 
 Gladstone boldly grappled with the question, and passed the Landlord 
 and Tenant Act. It provided that a tenant disturbed on leaving land 
 occupied by him should be compensated. The English Government 
 came to a determination that the Irish landlord should do justice to his 
 tenants,that he should de?l fairly with them. By that act of 1870, com- 
 pensation was made legal and binding, excepting when the tenant had 
 a thirty one years lease, and the term expired during his occupancy. It 
 gives the right to chose under what law or custom the tenant will settle 
 his compensation. It also provides for the sale and transfer of 
 land in legal form. I have often been asked why the Irish farmer 
 is not E-'.tisfied now that he has practically a better tenure than 
 
 LTJBT'S ' ' 
 For tlie Sair, 
 Zs no'w a Beqiuisite for every 
 Toilet Table. 
 
27 
 
 an Englishman and a Scotchman ; for while, with the latter a twenty- 
 one years lease carries no compensation, there is in Ireland compensation 
 for disturbance of the tenant who has not completed a thirty-one years 
 term under a lease. That, so fas as it goes is very good, and sounds well. 
 But we must remember that Irish history did not begin to be written in 
 1870 ; and it dates further back than 1800. In all Ireland there are some 
 21 million acres of land ; 175,000 acres of these are held by one person ; 
 three persons hold more than t 00,000 acres each ; and in fact one third 
 of the whole area is owned by two hundred and ninety-two persons. 
 And the people remember how they came by it. They say, in effect : 
 '* You have given us back those religious rights and privileges which 
 '"you took away from us; you have disestablished the Church in 
 *' Ireland. Religious liberty you have restored to us. But, gentlemen, 
 ^' it never seems to have occurred to you to give us back our lands." 
 (Loud cheers.) *' We are too poor to give you money for our lands ; 
 ■" we are always in debt for our rent Give us back our own." That 
 is what they say. I am free to confess that the matter is an extremely 
 difficult one to deal with. It 
 
 LTTBTS 
 
 For the Hair, 
 
 Seeps the Head clean and 
 
 free foom Dandruff. 
 
 is full of perplexity. It bristles 
 with difficulty. Some of the 
 possessors received their lands 
 by purchase ; some were adven- 
 turers who came in possession 
 as payment for money lent to 
 Government, or for arrears of pay for service in the army. Rights 
 in land are not moral, but political, and the Act of Settlement was an 
 Act, which an Act of Parliament can repeal or amend. Men are apt, in 
 these things, to ignore the past. Parliament cannot say where moral 
 right begins in regard to land which has changed hands politically. If 
 a man shall say that moral right began with those soldiers and adven- 
 turers, then it might be asked, why not begin the year before, or with 
 •one of the other confiscations ? If confiscation is right, then, for the 
 proper settlement of Ireland, why not confiscate now ? If on the other 
 hand, confiscation is a wrong, then, two hundred years time have not 
 made it right, but rather aggravated the wrong, by continuing, so long, 
 to withhold the property from the original possessors. Shall we hand 
 that land back ? I say ; No. And I hope every Irishman would say ; 
 No. The balance of justice must be found. It is a difficult subject, 
 as I have already said ; but one may form an opininion. I have form- 
 ed my opinion ; and when I form an opinion I am in the habit of 
 speaking it out. I force it upon no one ; just as no one can force an 
 opinion on me, The law of primogeniture should be abolished in 
 
28 
 
 Ireland. That would maintain a just regard forall vested interests ; and 
 break up those great estates which ought to be broken up,and which to-day 
 is one of the fruitful causes of Ireland's curse, l^et the government 
 purchase land, and put it on sale, and make the purchase of it easy 
 to the Irish peasants. Let the government buy from the landlords all 
 the land they are willing to sell ; and I think a good many would be 
 willing to sell to-day. (Laughter and cheers). Let the government 
 buy all the land they can, and sell it to the Irish again on easy terms. 
 Give compensation to landlords, as now given to tenants. Give free 
 trade in land just as you have given free trade in all matters of indus- 
 try. Provide that farms shall not be too large ; and provide that they 
 shall not be too small. (Hear, hear.) I wish more of you said, 
 " Hear, hear." (Loud cheers). Compel the landlord to cooperate 
 with the tenant, as in England, by requiring the erection of suit- 
 able houses and necessary out buildings. Have a generous policy ; 
 and, for Ireland, Irish legislation ; so that this living in mud hovels 
 on a few acres may come to an end. I would say, to the Irish r 
 
 Have patience? You are the 
 
 LTJBT'S 
 
 Balsamic Properties strengrtliens 
 
 "Weak Eair, and cliecks its 
 
 fallingr out 
 
 victims of misgovernment and 
 oppression ; and the fault lies 
 at your own doors, if you miss 
 the present opportunity of ob- 
 taining that justice which you 
 are entitled to and which the 
 English people as a whole are desirous of meting out to you. The 
 better part of England is with you to day. We say : — Our fathers 
 did wrong : but these centuries of injustice cannot be redressed in a 
 day ; or just by one Act of Parliament. We must feel our way. To 
 raise the question of primogeniture, in Ireland, to-day, is to raise that 
 ghost over in England. And you know what that means. It would 
 alarm that great body of landed proprietors, who are so powerful and 
 wealthy in England ; and they will oppose it tooth and nail. There- 
 fore be patient. Agitate, argue, discuss, all you can, but by legal 
 means, not with the shilelah and the blunderbuss. The English tem- 
 perament is against coercion, and it may turn ugly, if you arouse 
 hostility. England is in favor of justice to Ireland, but she cannot 
 be coerced, nor frightened by threats. She can be persuaded, but 
 not driven; and she would despise and disown the legislators who 
 should yield to coercion. You can help your cause by moderation and 
 by patience. LTse all legitimate arguments ; and Ireland will get her 
 rights ; for, in spite of the past, England will to herself be true. Let 
 the Irish leaders denounce the use of cowardly weapons. We have 
 
29 
 
 passed from the age of brute force to the age of justice. Let me tell 
 you Ireland has thrown good chances away by want of prudence.*' 
 Never had Ireland a better chance of obtaining justice than she has to 
 day. You have not to contend now with Puritan bigotry or Protestant 
 bigotry, as in the past. The English are not afraid of Popery or the 
 Pope ; and the Jesuits driven from Catholic France may take refuge 
 in Protestant England. (Loud applause.) The government of the day 
 are sincerely desirous of rendering you justice ; and Irishmen may freely 
 and confidently trust their cause in the hands of Gladstone and Bright. 
 (Loud applause, long continued). But Gladstone and Bright are for 
 law and order, and opposed to violence. A few more outrages, and 
 they may be compelled to stop their work of reform ; more Boycotting, 
 and the work of redress may be put back for another half a century. 
 You may tie the hands of your best friends ; and then legislation will 
 stop. Irishmen ! Be prudent. While agitating all you can, be prudent 
 in your talk, and in your actions; and you will get justice ; because 
 England is your friend. Make up your mind for that. You will get 
 more from England than from 
 
 LT7BTS 
 
 For the Sair, 
 
 may be imitated, but cannot 
 
 be excelled. 
 
 Italy or any where else. From 
 my heart of hearts I wish jus- 
 ticii peace and prosperity to 
 Ireland by peaceful and pros- 
 perous measures. (Loud and 
 prolonged applause). ., 
 
 Mr. Alderman Mooney moved a vote of thanks to the lecturer. 
 
 Mr. F. B. McNamee seconded the motion, remarking that he 
 thought and he was sure every person present would consider that the 
 lecture was an intellectual treat. 
 
 The Chairman in putting the motion said : In a question so 
 difficult as that which the Rev. Mr. Bray has handled this evening, it is 
 to be expected that there would be some expressions of opinion. In- 
 deed, I noticed what might be possibly considered slight murmurs of 
 disapproval from one or two voices in one part of the lecture ; but 
 these were lost in the general applause. There can be no difference of 
 opinion that there is a want of the panacea placed before you by the 
 Rev. lecturer for the wrongs which he has so ably exposed, and which 
 we would wish to forget. His lecture was indeed an intellectual treat 
 as Mr. McNamee has aptly qualified it. Mr. Bray is entitled to our 
 thanks ; and in order to ascertain that you all think so, those who wish 
 to express their thanks will now hold up their right hand. (Cheers 
 and cries of *' carried.") Now those who are against it. (Cries o 
 " Not one, not one,^' and loud and enthusiastic applause.) I have 
 
30 
 
 * 
 
 very great pleasure in saying the "ayes" have it unanimously. (Re- 
 newed cheering.) 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Bray then stepped forward, and said: 
 I hope the enthusiastic manner in which you have thanked me 
 does not mean an " encore." (Laughter.) I know Montreal people 
 have a weakness in that direction ; but I do not want to repeat my 
 lecture again just now. If I have given you information, I am glad. If I 
 have given you some idea of treating with the difficulties of Ireland, 
 and how her condition is to be improved, I shall be glad. I wanted 
 to put things as they are. I have read, — I don't know how many 
 books, to try and understand the matter. Having done that I have 
 formed my opinion. I have been blam'ed by many. I don't know 
 that I am surprised. I should feel that I had entered into a 
 new world if I had managed to get approval from both sides and from 
 every body. Still I tried to do this, and I hoped I had succeeded, 
 without exaggerating on either side. I tried to despel false notions 
 such as these produced by such stories as that of this massacre that 
 
 made Cromwell so mad, but 
 
 LTJBY'S 
 
 For the Sair, 
 
 cro'Tms man with ^lory. 
 
 which really had not taken 
 place at all. I have been at- 
 tacked in the papers on ac- 
 count of the way in which I 
 have spoken of Oliver Crom- 
 well. I • have received letters 
 because I have attacked Cromwell and his Irish campaign. I should 
 attack any man if I thought he had done wrong (Hear, hear.) 
 If you will allow me one word of egotism I will say that I know about 
 twenty times more about this matter than these people do. I am op- 
 posed to bigotry and tyranny in any shape or form. I am opposed to 
 every thing that is antagonistic to the best interests of a people. I shall 
 always oppose bigotry, — -Protestant bigotry, or Catholic bigotry, — and 
 any thing that will hinder the people's progress. I am strongly oppos- 
 ed to every kind of religious bigotry, I say this, although I am a clergy- 
 man ; and, as a man, as a christian, — if my father had done a wrong 
 thing, I should hold it as my duty to put that wrong thing right. (Ap- 
 plause). 
 
 Mr. Edward Murphy, after complimenting Mr. Bray on his able 
 treatment of the subject, moved, — seconded by James O'Brien, Esq., 
 that the lecturer be requested to give permission for the lecture to be 
 printed ; as it was thought desirable to have it in a more permanent 
 form. The motion was carried ; and Mr. McNamee then stepped for- 
 ward, and said that Mr. Bray consented.