IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1^ 1 2.5 12.2 IL25 i 1.4 m 1.6 Pm ^ ^# ^F >> Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WE! elure. 3 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 im AX 4 TIIK HISTORY OP LOUISIANA, I'AHTIrlL.vni.Y OF THE CESSION OF Til \T COLON \ TO TliK UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: Avnii AX IlVTRODrCTORY ESSAY o\ Tin; CONSTITITTION AND GOVEIIN.MENT or Tin; UXIT.ED STATES. BY RAIilil^: MAKBOIS, ru.n (IK KiUNfK, J:rKiNSn\, im;imkiis. OKOIXVATICKX. he fiftv. ). 1830, le right i to the onstitu- Peer of nerican i, "An " Maps, ing the siipple- ing, by 'roju-ie- tho be- :al and ima. TO ms KOVAI. miillNKS.S, THK DAII'IIIN. Sir, If you lave read, with some interest, tlie book which I have the honour to dedicate to you, I owe it less to the facts that 1 have related than to the maxims of justice and virtue which you have remarked in it. A frequent witness of the benevolent actions that ren- der your person so dear to us, I have been anxious to be permitted to luiblish my book under your happy auspices. X beg your Royal Highness to accept the homage of my profound and respectful devotion. BARIIK M VKBOrS. i I; i COXTKNTS. 4 ri'anislaior's Notice. - .... I'ret'acC; Introduction. — Essay on the Constitution and (iovcrnment of the United States, - • History of Louisianii. — Part I. — Louisiana under the Sove- reignty of France and Spain.— The relations of the colo- ny with St. Domingo, ~ History of Louisiana — Part i I. —Cession of Louisiana by France to the United States, ..... History of Louisiana.— -Part HI.— Execution of the Treaty of Cession.— Events arising from the Cession, Appendix, . . . , . Ml XV 17 101 ■h25 317 401 i I I Mo SI tutions such ill very iiia rival in placed i ploy a f iicr mor making was in h in Kuroj specting not be \\ America uii cnlig iiouncetl The fi In trod uc vernmeni subseque into whi( divided, the work weiR to I TUAXSLATOR'S XOTICE. Most foreign books which have treated of the insti- tutions of the United States have been compiled with such illiberal feelings, and are at the same time so very inaccurate, that when, a short time after ray ar- rival in Paris last autumn, the following book was placed in my hands, I conceived that [ could not em- ploy a few weeks' leisure more usefully, nor in a man- ner more congenial with my former pursuits than by I making it generally accessible to my fellow -citizens. I was in hopes that, while the circulation of the original in Europe dispelled many unfavourable prejudices re- specting my nrtivc country, my humble labours might not be without some etl'ect in attaching the people of America still more firmly to those institutions, on which :in enlightened and distinguished foreigner had pro- nounced a high encomium. The friendly spirit alluded to h not confined to the Introductory Kssay, which particularly (reats of the go- vernment, but will be found to pervade the whole of the subsequent >listory. Even while the politi<"al parties, into which the people of the Tnited States were lately divided, were doing every thing in their power to induce tlie world to believe that on the election of a prcfsident woi»> <() depend tlio fuliirc •Ic'^tinics of that great and I k I Mil TRAN.iJ.A l»)|; - NOTU t. 'I l»vo.sperous uiitioii; the jiuthor, uj»iimatiiii; nioro lavoui- Jibly tin; nature of the American iiistitutiuus, tonti- cleatly stated that, " whatever might he the result of this domestic contest, tiui wisdom of the constitution Avas a guarantee as well for the moderation of the ge- neral as for i]n\ firmness (»f liie magistrate." Hut the History of Louisiana and of its cession pos- sesses claims to attention, though of a dinVrent cha- racter. It makes the citi;;en of the United States ac(|uai!itcd with the origin of his country's title to a territory, the importance of which, hcfore the lapse of many ages, will he scarcely inferior to that of all the states of the original confederacy combined; and it un- folds to the statesman a diplomatic transaction, little noticed at the time, which must hereafter exercise the greatest influence on the general balance of power among the nations of Christendom. In most of the important events to which he alludes, the Marquis dc Marbois had a direct participation, and as few foreigners can be named, whose ofllcial relations have been more beneficial to the United States than those of this respected individual, a cursory notice of his life may not be unacceptal)le to readers on the other side of the Atlantic. In r'rencli History he has long held an important place. Harbe Marbois was born at Met/ in 17 15. He ear- ly entered the diplomatic service, and was aj>pointed in 17G9 secretary of the French legation to tiie diet of the empire, wiiich held its siUings at Katisbori. From 'his post he was, two years afterwords. Ivau^ferred. in ihc san IJavari.'i Oil l|IMt iiitetilioi ( ording! Metz. (Irawn li revoliai( The i ly to es] eluded 1 a nee. .in money v the fiinc were at i nary ca^^ the neir( United .^ uig retii bv the V great rea of legal i( united, a ngent in Vpril, 17 and M. (] in which 1785 as 1 he posse* lonls. \ I I'. \V»I \ l.lli -^ Nil IK I'. JX rrnv- tlic same diarnrter to Drosdcn, ulioro, as well as in IJavaria, lie I'di- some time oH'k i.ilcd as char2;e \l.\ 10!l S NOJK i;. .\l rcvolnlioii, to wliich 1k' \v;vs :i strnni^or, his senlimaiits vvcro tlioso of :i Krcuclimaii. Hi- [kimI a just trihuti; to the merit of the ainiy of Italy, and of its iUustrious chief, at the same time that he attacked, without suc- cess, the law whicii excluded from the public service nol)les and the families of cmiiijrants. iu 1797, wheu the contest took place between a ma- jority of the directory and the lej^-islature, M. de Mav- bois was president of the council of ancients, and had a irrcat share iu the nomination of M. I?arthelemv as one of the directory- A powerful faction having pre- Vttiled by a revolutionary movement, IJarthelemy and Carnot, two of the directory, as well as several mem- bers of both the legislative councils, Averc subjected t(> a species of ostracism. In this num!)er M. de Mar- bois was included; he was transported, under circum- stances of peculiar aggravation, to the pestilential re- gions of Sinnamavi in (ir.iana. Ue remained there iu exile till i(SOO, when he was recalled by the directory to the inhospitable island of Oleron, and sooti after Ho- naparte. becoming iirst consul, annulled the unjust sen- tence against him and his companions in misfortune. On M. de Marbois'S restoration to his <;ountry, he was made a counsellor of state and director of the pub- lic treasury. The latter office was changed in IfsOl to that of minister of the ])ublic treasury, when he be- came a member of the cabinet. While in this situa- tion, the negotiations with the United States for the ces- sjou of Louisiana, which gave rise to the present Work, ll I ■i^ m Xil TRANS'. ATOK S .VOTH F!. il P -wei'c confided to liini as (he plenipotentiary on the part of the Frencli repnblic. In 1805, he re(;eived from Napoleon several honora- ry «llstinctions: hut heinii; aver.^c to a system, which substituted for the usual sources of reven. e extraordi- nary contributions from all the neighbourini^ states, the conse(|uenccs of which Marbois foresaAV must ultimate- ly he a general coalition of Europe against h'rance, he resigned the ministry of the treasury in 1806, and re- tired to tiie country. Jle was, liowcver, recalled to Pa- ris, two years afterwards, to fill the office of first pre- sident of the court of accounts — the tribunal which has jurisdiction in all cases affecting the public receipts and expenditures.^ In 1813, he was made a senator of the empire. On the restoration of the Hourbons in i8ll, the king created M. dc Marbois a peer, and he was confirmed in the presidency of tiic court of accounts. Having been exiled by Napoleon, during the hundred days, he was on the return of liouis Will, named minister, secretary of state, and keeper of the seals; but he soon after resigned this otficc to resume his former place in the court of accounts, the duties of which, though now eighty -four years of age, he still performs with the greatest exactitude. He is also constant in his at- * All tlio Frt'iicli loiiiis are (lividoil itilo c!iauiboi« or seclioii?. each of wliidi Ikis its own president. 'J'lio i'n>( president is the maj^istrate who presides over the wliolc court uhen the several chambers meet tou;ether on important occasions. Tiie pidjlic ac- rounts arc setUod bv judicial forms. lendanc in most ing of I mission all insti the con gages ^^ merous ed to be sion of Tiie his findi ting the on the I varia, h Finance linglish of Arnc United i ral spir soon aft( scholar. Accur it is not lowing \ rected fr observat: to the Ai accompa; >he App( TKANS!.\ rOH S NOTH K Xill uMuIance in the house of peers, wlicie he takes part in most of the important |»ro(ee(liiii:;s: and. at the open- ing; of the present session, he >vas named on the tora- mission to whom the kinii;*s speech was referred. In all institutions haviuij; for their olijecl the melioration of the condition of his feWow heiui^s, M. de Marhois en- i^ai^es witii deep interest, and, notwithstandiui; his nu- merous engagements, he has within a few days consent- ed to be a memher of a council formed for the suppres- sion of mendicity. The lahours of M. de Marhois Iia\e not prevented his finding leisure for literary pursuits, liesides wri- ting the Introduction to the Count de (»oerl^'s Memoir on the Negotiations of 177S for the Succession of lia- varia, he is the auliior of several works on Morals and Finance, and of some translations from (lerman and liinglish. lie likewise published, in fHlG. an account of Arnold's conspiracy, preceded by an essay on the United States, w hich is cliaracteri/ed by tlie same libe- ral spirit as the present Treatise. It was translated soon after its appearance by a distinguished American scholar. . Accurate as is the Manjuis de M.ubois in general, it is not improbable tiial the reader may find in tiie fol- lowing work errors of detail thai might have been cor- rected from public documents, iiad they fallen under the observation of the venerable writer. The instructions to the American plenipotentiaries, and their despatch, accom[»anying the Louisiana (reaty, are published in >hp. Apj)endix i<» the prt'^out ediium. \ few notes have XIV I kanmla rORs NoiH ^. also been inserted, but I h'ive not Jelt myself at liberty, except in a sinj;le instance, to make any comments on tlie opinions wiiicli M. de Marbois lias tbrmed respect- ing either the political parties of the country or the prominent American statesmen, to Avliom he has occa- sionally alluded. After these explanations, 1 will only farther observe that in submitting the History of Louisiana to my fel- low-citizens in the United States, I pretend to no other merit, and wisii to assume no other responsibility than that of a faithful TIIANSLATOU. ' Paria, AIui/, 18'3'J. iMany )ivion, f acquain rcer of which ] r:;^ should which I have ha ing neai really al of years same tii writing cupatioi Thct since, c< to rcgrc more at faith. 1 tialion \ light on mil' the 4 PREFACE. Many facts worthy of being preserved pass into ob- livion, from not being recorded by those who arc best acquainted witli them. A witness during iriy long ca- reer of various important pubHc events, in some of which I took part, I always intended, as soon as I should have leisure, to write an account of those in which I was directly engaged. From year to year, I have liad rLason to think that this moment was draw- ing near; though, whether I deceive myself, or am still really able to attend to business and support the weight of years, I have not yet rosoled on retirement. At the same time, 1 have not thought proper longer to delay writing the History, which I now publish, and this oc- cupation has been to me a source of relaxation. The treaty, by which Louisiana was, twenty-six years since, ceded to the United States, has lately given rise to regrets, which have appeared to me to merit the more attention from their being entertained in good faith. I have conceived that the history of that nego- tiation would dissipate some errors, and might throw light on the doubts which have been suggested respect- ing the policy of the measure. . : ,,i^ ^ \V1 l'KKF\( K. I' h France had, in 1802. jnst recovered Louisiana bv treaty. (Uit, slie had not yet taken possession, when a war broke out between licr and Knghmd. Could \vc liope to retain that colony? Admitting that it might liavc been retained, and tliat it would, at a future dav. become useful to the mother country, did it offer sufli- cicnt advantages to indemnity us for the expense of its settlement and defence? As an independent state, will it not make more rapid progress than if it were sub- jected to the laws of monopoly? Will not its con- ?;tantly improving condition be more advantageous to our commerce thaw its possession and exclusive go- vernment would have been? Already, the doubts are. in part, removed. f have put in order some materials, which 1 long since prepared for this narrative. The circumstances respecting the cession of Louisiana were not, at all. known in France, where even the treaties have never yet been authentically published; but it is in the great collection of the diplomatic transactions of the United States that the principal documents arc to be found. It will, pcrhai)s, be observed that the object of the ne- gotiation was not to put an end to a war; that it was not accompanied by any remarkable incident, and that it was prom{)tIy terminated. It may then well excite surprise that it should furnish matter for a large vo- lume, whilsi so many other treaties, concluded after many conmiunications and long conferences, only oc- cupy a few j)agC3 in history. !">ut most of these trea- ties have been so badiv observed, and their influence has beci without of socio the cessi tajit pos come, b i^uropc crowned armies, ; gloriousl the wiio caused il uHce of morality. This! many go duces, day, into They arc late of m (letads w lievo thai sufficient lume. I of shedd joicc tha [ have Literatui had con consolati I'IIF.FA( K. -Wli long lias been so iransitory, that tliey may be i'orgottcn without much allbctinir the instruction or the interests 'M oi' society. On the otlier hand, tlic consequences of the cession of I.ouisiana will extend to the most dis- tant posterity. It interests vast regions tliat will be- come, by tlieir civilization and power, the rivals of ' P.urope before another century commences. It lias crowned the important work to which Louis XVI., his armies, and the statesmen, who composed his council, gloriously contributed. The great advantages which the whole world lias derived from that event have caused it to be forgotten that, at the time of the alli- ance of 177il. pohtics did not conform to the laws of morality. This History is about to appear in the midst of the many good and bad books, which every season j)ro- duces. But is there any one which entering, at this day, into a library, dares to look for a place there.'' They uvc all occupied. I know not what will be the Ihlc of my book. If the great historians find in it some details worthy of being remembsred, 1 beg them to be- lieve that they arc true. Two of their pages will be sufficient lor the recitals of which I Jiave made a vo- lume. If some of the maxims have the happy efiect of shedding a new lustre on public virtues, I shall re- joice that I Iiavc had an opportunity of writing them. I have had my share in the calamities of our times. Literature and study, which, m tranquil circumstances, liad contributed to my happiness, were my principal consolation in adversity. They have inspired in me 1 will I'JUlFAf F.. an attaclmicnt lor liberty, regulated by wise laws. They aided me to support with courage an unjust and rigorous captivity. I may, perliaps, be permitted to add, that in every situation of my life, whether prospe- rous or adverse, I have always believed it to be my duty to render my labours useful to my country. May those who read the recital on which I am entering, re- cognise in the sketch that I have traced of the institu- tions of the United States, my attachment for those ol France, and my firm persuasion that our happiness iy closely connected with the faithful observance of oui new laws. IJVTRODITCTIOJIV. ESSAY ON THE CtWSTlTUTIOxV AND GOVEHNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 4 KSSAV try Ihe antiquit Their 1 and coi versed gated v\ No f; of mod( the Egc first per acts of barous, do in wh them du Thes< serted ii which, their ful and sooi IXTRODUCT ION. i:SSAY ON llIK ( ONSrnr-KON and «.tlVKUNMENr <»F riiK I'MTKl) J^IAIKS Ol- \MKI{|( A. The origin of the greatest part of the nations of antiquity was attended with extraordinary occurrences. Their legislators proclaimed themselves the organs and confidants of gods and goddesses. They con- versed with them, and the laws which they promul- gated were dictated by a mysterious power. No fable is connected with tlic primitive legislation of modern colonies. A benevolence truly divine was the Egeria of William Penn. If, from the history of the first period of the English settlements, we efface some acts of fanaticism, and of an intolerance always bar- barous, often hypocritical, we shall find that the wis- dom which presided at their infancy, never abandoned them during the most violent storms of their revolution. These colonies, without viokting their charters, in- serted in their rising institutions a principle of liberty, which, from their very cradle, prepared the way for their future emancipation. Better constituted, freer and sooner peopled than the colonies of other nations, M' i| m IN in IM KOIM ( TI()\. i iftiicyliati fewer motives for se|)arating from tlicir mo- tlier country, tlicy were also better prepared for inde- pendence. 'J'lieir settlement oidy dates back a century and a half; but tiieir prof^a-ess lias been very rapid, and wo will set out from their earliest epoch, in order to recall some circumstances connected with their origin, and [)resent their princij)al results. The discovery of America has iiad, durin^; three hundred years, a great intlucncc on the destinies of the old world. The independence of the United States will produce conse9 INTIIODUCTIOX. lonists, and tlic same fear that tlicir independence might be the result of a less exclusive system. It cannot, however, be said that the English colonics were tyrannically governed. No colonies in the world have enjoyed so many privileges ; and if the general government of the United States can exercise over them an authority more extensive and less contested than t'ije kings of England ever possessed, it is be- cause there is in the nature of the Federal Govern- ment a tendency to impose limits on itself. The Eng- lish governors only sought to extend their powers; — congress attentively confines itself within its proper sphere. Every thing was ripe for a revolution ; the duties on tea and the stamp act w^re only a pretence. The vio- lent proceedings of the mother country taught the Ame- ricans that their liberty was in jeopardy. The danger aroused all those to whom this libei'ty was dear; and when it is recollected with what ardour they sacrificed their repose, their lives, and their fortunes, it must be acknowledged that the fear of losing an inestimable good could alone have inspired so nmch courage and devotion. They addressed themselves, at first, to their sove- reign, not with their knees on the ground and quire- full of mournful complaints in their hands; but then stated their grievances with calm and respectful firm- ness. As its only reply, the British government at- tempted to punish them as mutineers and rebels. Thc\ then publijrhed that Declaration of Independence whi CI! we now t ing in it of the t brated \ without Their conded the cour ported t The c pcndenc along by by the d importaii some of manded the devc! were the by prince long com nions hac few years opposite The A the armi( dable sue If reform by ages v order oft to procce JNTRODCCTION. 23 we now road, attcr a lapse of fifty years, without find- in<^ in it a sing c word to censure. The anniversary of the day, on which it was pubHshed, is always cele- brated with those fresh manifestations of joy which all. without exception, feel at the bottom of their hearts. Their undertaking, when it was announced, was se- conded by the good wishes of all Lurope, and, even in the councils of Great Britain, a numerous party suo- ported their efforts. The cabinet of Versailles acknowledijed their inde- pcndence, in doing which it was perhaps as much drawn along by the movement of public opinion as determined by the deliberations that preceded the alliance. This important resolution has since been censured, even by some of those who had strenuously advised and de- manded it. It is very true, that it hastened in Europe the development of the principles of freedom, which were then springing up on all sides, and were favoured by princes themselves. But this unanimity was not of long continuaiice: in France, even, where liberal opi- nions had been received with the most enthusiasm, a few years sufficed to produce a violent explosion of an opposite character. The American insurrection had only to contend with the armies sent from Kngland: forces still more formi- dable suddenly threatened the rising liberty of France. If reforms had become necessary, abuses consecrated by ages were almost inseparable from the established order of things. The refoimers made some vain efforts to proceed with prudence and deliberation; but, carried ^*i I 21 IXTRODUCTION. away by the violence of parties, their acts soon bore the marks of injustice. Furious excesses justified the resistance of the clergy and nobility. This terrible struggle was followed by deplorable catastrophies. At thio day, instead of acknowledging their true causes, some attribute to the American revolution the disasters and crimes of our own. They raise doubts respecting the wisdom of the ministers of Louis XVI.; and go so far as to assert that that prince, instead of succouring the Americans by his arms and the treasures of France ought to have united the French troops to the Hano- verians and Hessians, in order to bring back the re- bellious subjects to their allegiance. Perhaps the in- tervention of France in this great quarrel was not siil- ficiently justified either by imminent dangers or by those rules of justice which states should never violate. 1 even hardly dare to look for a justification of the part whicli was then taken in those maxims of precautionary poli- cy, which it is so easy to bend to all circumstances There is no doubt that Louis XVL, by allying himscll with the United States, really advanced the emancipa- tion of the English colonies. But, had France re- mained neutral, the independence of the United States would only have been retarded a few years. We ma} apply to modern colonies what has happened to all those of antiquity. Whatever may be the power of tin parent state, its colonies are free as soon as they arc sensible of their own strength. In vain would the mo- ther country attempt to prolong their subjection by ar i resting their progress iu every way, introducing disscri- IN TRODLfTION. 25 sion among the (Jiffcrcnt classes of iiiliabitants, discou- raging industry, and substituting constraint to afiection, prejudices to reason. 8ucli clVorts would only serve to render these estabhshnients burdensome rather than profitable, to engender the most i)rofound hatred, to incline the people with more certainty to revolt, and to render an insurrection, by its being longer delayed, more terrible and destructive. A glorious justificatio'i of the revolution, and of the assistance wiiich France aflbrded to it, is to be found in the advantages that have resulted from it to society in general, and even to England. It depends on the Americans to justify it still further by the wisdom of their conduct. Among the civil chiefs whom this people selected to govern them, after the declaration of their indepen- dence, among those to whom they confided the com- mand of their armies. Arnold alone was misled by am- bition and avarice; no other person in office took ad- vantage of the public distresses to elevate himself or increase his fortune. The virtues necessary to the foundation and preservation of states, boldness in ac- tion, moderation in success, constancy in adversity, were exhibited without ostentation and without pomp. The rulers of that period also participated honourably in that species of fame which is acquired by arms, which is acccmpanied by the most dangers, and which the multitude, therefore, place above all others. Washington is, in the eyes of his fellow citizens, more worthy of admiration — greater than was ever i r 26 INTllODUfTlON. I Alexander or Ciesar, in the estimation of the Greeks and Romans. His natural moderation was such, that, after havin>n alFairs of this vast society, fn adopting this form of government, it vvonid liavc been indispens- able not only to renounce many articles of the dilferenl charters, which had become, by long habit, dear to the people, but also to place the autiiority in the hands of an aristocracy or of a monarch. But an aristocra- cy, whether hereditary or elective, would liavc de- stroyed that equality which was the fundamental prin- ciple of the revolution. The Americans would have had less aversion to monarchy, had not time elTaced in their hearts every trace, however slight, of that affec- tion which renders all things easy to royal authority; moreover, they were not disposed to admit the fiction, which reserves to the prince the merit of all the good that is done, and makes the ministers responsible for all the evil that happens. Far from concluding from this doctrine that the king is a being incapable of do- ing good or evil, they would have feared that a bad prince would end by adopting the maxim himself. The republican system of government was chosen with great unanimity. All the authority of the confe- derated states was concentrated, during the war, in a single assembly; which was the only form of govern- ment that could have suited them while engaged in a revolution. The common danger then commanded general obe- dience ; and the power of the enemy silenced all the jealousies, which that of congress inspired. It was quite otherwise after the peace of 1783; ambitious views openly appeared in several of the states'. Some of then their lit were aw the unio placed n trigucs ; would b to enum would, liad its t: the con plished Iiave, at attcntioi nal or i matters has soni' Thee acts of t same mi facts, wl knowled tion of 1 A cor certain i as they justice, commoi cure th })Osterit l\TROOi;CJTION. :ii of them would have wished to have had tlicir army, their httle navy, and tlicir ambassadors. Prudent men were aware that if tlie federal knot were thus relaxed, the union would soon be dissolved, and the rej)ublic placed at the mercy of internal cabals and Kuropcan in- trigues; that the authority of the general i^ovcrnmcnt would be in danger and always insecure, if it continued to emanate from that of the several states, and that it would, on the other hand, be complete and entire if it liad its source in the individual vote of every citizen of the conlederation. I'liis great change was accom- plished not without dilliculty, but the separate states Iiavc, at length, become accustomed to conline their attention almost exclusively to the aflairs of their inter- nal or municipal governments. They confide other matters to the wisdom of congress, where every state has some of its citizens. The cession of Louisiana has given rise to several acts of this great body; the new states obey it in the same manner as the old ones; and to understand the facts, which wc purpose narrating, requires a previous knowledge of the principal regulations of the constiui- tion of the United States. A convention, held at Philadelphia in 1787. proposed certain articles to the confederated states, •• in order," as they said, "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and se- cure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity." m VI INTRODUCTION. This constitution was adopted on tlic 17th of Sep. tcmbcr, 17H7. A conf,'rcss composed of a senate and house of representatives exercises such le<^islativc power, as was dclc<^atcd to it by the constitution. Tlie representatives must have attained the age of twenty-five years, and have been seven years citizens; they must, also, be inhabitants of the states in which they are chosen. Their term of service is for two years. Then can only be one representative for fort\ thousand free persons, calculating in this number of forty thousand, five slaves as three free men, or ()6,()()(i blacks as l(),()()() whites. This proportion may, howe- ver, be changed after a new census. Hy the constitu- tion the number of representatives cannot exceed one for every thirty thousand inhabitants; but each state must have, at least, one representative. Kvery state sends two senators. They arc elected for six years ; they must have attained the age of thir- ty years; have been citizens of the United States for nine years, and be inhabitants of the state which elect* them. The senators arc divided into classes, so tlia' one-third go out every two years. The house of representatives impeaches for state crimes. The senate tries them. The concurrence ol two-thirds of the votes is required for a conviction, and the judgment only extends to disqualification to hold an office under the United States. But the convicted party may be, afterwards, prosecuted before the ordi- nary tribunals, sentenced and punished according to law. Coiiii rity of ness. own ni( concurr 'J'hc j)(Uisati( United i session, meeting They or debat No sc der the ; The h the j)resi them. ] the forc< on it aft( tions. 1 not, state Congr loans, t( among t to coin ]] tribunals racy and * Eight ( repicsentai '>y the clist JNTROmcTIOX. 33 Congress assomblcs at least once a year. A majo- rity of each liousc constitutes a ucTio:>. ii^ii are ill-founded. Their rulers arc more anxious to re- strain than to extend their authority. The confederacy may admit new states, and it gua- ranties to all of them a republican form of govern- ment. The case of changes in the constitution bccominii indispensable has been foreseen. At the same time, provision has been made, by prudent regulations, to prevent their being attempted without mature delibe- ration. Amendments can only be made on the pro- position of two-thirds of both houses of congress, or by a convention, called on the application of two-thirds of the states; and in neither case can they become ar- ticles of the constitution till they have been ratified by the legislatures or conventions of three-fourths of the several states. Some amendments were, in fact, proposed by con- gress The most important related to points, which the convention had so generally acknowledged and practised, that it had deemed it useless to mention them. Congress judged otherwise, and limiting its own power, proposed to insert in the constitution that congress should make no law respecting an establish- ment of religion, or to prohibit the free exercise there- of, to abridge the freedom of speech or of the press, the right of the people to assemble and to petition go- vernment, or their right to be secure in their persons, liouses, papers, and effects. These provisions were adopted as parts of the constitution j but they were in full force belbre their ado|)tion. It IS Union \ states, i united \ zen, the which avoid. possible cratical to unite tcrritori any of t after an( These c farther i vantage; served, > may hap ciplcs of parate ( governm people ; not forffi Such i United f prevail t rately c( iioni tha throne. however. iNTRODUCrj lO^. .'J9 press, It is necessary to consider all the relations of the Union with the particular governnnMits of the difl'erent states, in order to und(3rstand how this pcoj)le have united with the civil and political liberty of every citi- zen, the force and energy required in those crises, which even the wisest governments cannot always avoid. It will, then, likewise be seen how it has been possible to adapt the forms of a republican and demo- cratical government to a country of great extent, and to unite successively to the sauie central authority new territories and new communities, which, w'ithout losing any of their liberty and independence, are adtlcd one after another to the Union, and increase its strength. These communities will extend the limits of the nation farther and farther; but it is not probable that the ad- vantages, of which we have spoken, will then be pre- served, without a separation of the states. Whatever may happen, we have no reason to fear that the prin- ciples of liberty will be at ail changed in any of the se- parate confederacies which may be formed. These governments are established for the happiness of the people; the people themselves watch them; they can- not forget their glorious destination. Such is, then, the first duty of the congress of the United States. The democratical clement does not prevail there in the same degree as in the states sepa- rately considered; its authority is not very dillercnt from that which in limited monarchies belongs to the throne. It has only a very small army: its powers arc, however, sulliciont. because it docs not abuse them, I i 40 INTRODUCTION. Mm Ifi.i but only exercises them for the pubHc advantage, h lias, consequently, never experienced that resistance, to which absolute governments arc exposed; and, al- tliough attempts have sometimes been made to intro- duce dissensions into this great body, although it has been obstinately predicted that the states will soon se- parate and make war upon one another, the spirit of the union lias been more powerful than all the efforts made against it, and this union has never, perhaps, been seriously threatened except on one occasion, which was in 1815, when the Hartford Convention sent deputies to congress instructed to denounce the presi- dent. They have, indeed, since contracted the reci- procal engagement of never divulging the secret causes of this proceeding. The steps taken by this assembly cannot be approved, and yet it must be acknowledged that it was composed of estimable men, whom tho people had chosen, and that their error was not attend- ed with the melancholy results which had been appre- hended. Montesquieu supposed that free states were the most exposed to tumults and revolutions; but this great man was only acquainted with those nominal republics, in whicli the citizens arc divided into classes possessing/ unequal rights. The tranquillity which reigns in the United States is founded on the perfect equality of the citizens. When the republic is at peace, all the part? which comi)ose it are equally benefited, because there are no classes whom peace distresses and for whom public calamities are a means of power and influence If war t dour, sii occasioi but the in whicl dcrs hin Conlli rity of c and that more frc ral gove served t< directly consider this con tion, whi mention standing one exec and whil wisdom, have ma A ren vailing [ not long ried on I such stri longest and it w nmphcd ill I INTRODUCTION. 41 If war takes place, it is carried on with a common ar- dour, since all equally feel the wrong and injury which occasioned it. There are twenty-four different states, but the American loves them all as his native land, and in whichever of them he happens to reside, he consi- ders himself in his own country. Conflicts iiavc sometimes arisen between the autho- rity of congress, the depositary of the federal power, and that of the separate states ; but the states have more frequently been disposed to transfer to the gene- ral government a part of the pov/er, which was re- served to them. The federal constitution emanates as directly from the citizens of each republic, separately considered, as its own particular constitution. It is this common origin of the powers of the confedera- tion, which constitutes its strength. I shall hereafter mention the cause which may affect the good under- standing between the states and congress. With this one exception, every thing moves on without difficulty, and while this submissiveness to the laws attests their wisdom, it assures us that men, associated in society, have made real progress in the career of happiness. A remarkable proof of the good intelligence pre- vailing among the different parts of the Union, was not long ago afforded by the war of restrictions car- ried on between the United States and England. Fn such struggles victory belongs to the party which can longest support its own losses and embarrassments; and it was the perseverance of the Americans, that tri- umphed over the prohibitory system. They obeyed laws i II J 2 IXTRODICTIOV. I: m\ tliat were in opposition to all their liabits, but these laws were enacted by congress. I^ was the United States that suggested to England the renunciation of her famous navigation act, and of that exclusive sys- tem, which she had so long maintained. Free com- merce makes the law for enslaved commerce. Of all the great powers, no one is in a situation more independent of the events and vicissitudes, which affect the repose of nations than the United States. Is a negotiation commenced.'' Their fundamental principle is equaliiy in the stipulations. They have declared that they will only treat on this condition, The other party must conform to it or break ofl' the conferences. Skilled in navigation, and in all the sciences which constitute the pride of Europe, long initiated in all the operations of English commerce, freer now than even their former masters, they will soon become their equals, and England sees in them rivals, that will presently be more formidable to her than the maritime powers of Europe have ever been.* England, by her conduct towards the United States, first revealed to Europe the degree of power to which this new people had, in a very short time, arrived. She w'ould not have willing- ly allowed the world to know how much she requires their friendship: but their forced participation in tlu ♦ The merchant tonna<;e of the United States, correspond ina; tc the British ref^istered tonnage, was, in 1827, 1,650,607 tons, whiii' that of the United Kinj^doni, during the same year, is stated in l!u parliamentary returns to have been only 2.105,605 tons.— Transi profits ci j)resage ago, thi The hi which w States t' almost rcceivec ncgotiat Decemb St roving tions ha bring foi immedic in comn various, counterv They ha the one tutelary they say far from hut leav that the an objec the plac sit iVmei own sail time co( with the INTKOJHCTION. 43 profits of navigation and commerce seemed to licr the ])resage of still greater losses. She believed, a few years ago, that there was yet time to arrest their progress. The haughty demeanour, threats, and seductions, which were in turn employed, only warned the United States to provide for their safety. War was declared almost simultaneously on both sides. J3ut the English received from it a harsh lesson, and eagerly entered on negotiations for peace. A treaty, signed at Ghent in December, 1811, put an end to hostilities without de- stroying the germs of jealousy and enmity. Negotia- tions have been prolonged to this day. If the English bring forward a sine qua non proposition, the Americans immediately advance another. Reciprocity, their rule in commercial matters, is as simple as its forms arc various. They have their discriminating tarifls, their countervailing duties, and their inflexible prohibitions. They have also an act of navigation, but diflerent from the one which was so long regarded by England as the tutelary genius of her commerce. " We do not ask,*"" they say, " that your ports should be open to us, wo are far from requiring that you should change your laws, but leave us ours." England has at length learned that the military marine of the Americans is no longer an object of contempt, and that concessions must take the place of exactions. She no longer pretends to vi- sit iVmerican ships, in order to take from them their own sailors; she has mitigated the rigour of her mari- time code. The English West Indies cannot dispense with the productions of the United States: in vain have ,it; tJ i I i I 11 INTKODUtllU.N, the English, alleging tiic long possession of the colo- nial monopoly, wished to retain tlic profits oi' this na- vigation : in vain have they hoped that Canada would provide for the wants of their islands. At length to preserve, at least, in appearance, the prohibitory sy.s- tcm, they established an entr ^.ot in the Bermudas. The Americans, who had, at first, consented to this ar- rangement, again showed themselves inflexible, and would not listen to any modification of the principle of an entire reciprocity. Then, the colonists of the islands, who bear all the inconvenience of the inter- ruption of the intercourse, cried mercy; and, in 1822, an act of the British parliament admitted these dread- ed rivals to a direct trade from the United States to the West Indies, and even to the English colonies ot North America. These concessions appeared to have been made with regret, and had hardly gone into effect when the president of the board of trade thus expressed himself in parliament:* "We wished to sustain with the United States a contest of discriminating duties: after persevering in it for several years we were obliged to yield; but having entered into arrangements, found- ed on reciprocity, with the American government, we could not refuse to extend this long neglected principle to the European powers." In listening to these words, one would have thought that the conciliation was com- plete; but, in the month of July, 1826, new orders in council withdrew from the Americans the participa- tion whic Thus the sue of th lieve mci interests even thoi the liben since 182 Their out any English p flags and The Unit ties. Th( to the soi ders it eq be immed They r rule is no which the firmness, their strei dling. A equality v ring the i Those mutual s princes, j ♦ Mav loth. IH-IO. Ti (11 I.VTRUDl f HON. l.j tion wliicli Iiad been granted them in the colonial trade. Thus they refuse and grant, and retract again : the is- sue of the debate is always uncertain; and, if we l)e- lieve men profoundly instructed in these matters, the interests of navigation, which England places above even those of commerce, arc already endangered by the liberal system, to which the United States have since 1822 brought that power.* Their vessels traverse all the seas of the globe, with- out any where undergoing those humiliations which English pride has so often attempted to impose on all flags and to which some have been obliged to submit. The United States have never supported such indigni- ties. Their principle is that the Hag assimdates a ship to the sod of the country to which it belongs, and ren- ders it equally inviolable. The slightest insult would be immediately resented and revenged. They respect the rights of other nations, and their rule is not to interfere in their aflairs. The pretensions which they believe to be well founded they assert with firmness, and they will never maintain them feebly; for their strength increases even whilst the contest is kin- dling. Although disarmed, liberty puts them on an equality with the nations that continue under arms du- ring the most profound peace. Those treaties of alliance, those conventions for mutual succession, so common among the German princes, are scarcely known by name in the United i HI* * March 19tl), 18^r. Parliamcntarv Debate- h) INTRODDCTIO.N. m States. They can only suit sovereign I'aniilics, who sci httle vahie on tlie ri«fhts of the |)eoi)le, whom they of- ten involve in quarrels of succession, which seldom re- sult in the improvement of their condition. If, during the recess of the legislature, difficult cir- cumstances recjuire a prompt decision, the president does not fail to take it, and he is sure of being ai>- proved, if he has done a necessary act. There is more timidity even in absolute govern- ments, where the ministers are only responsible to the throne. In critical circumstances, they seek to gain time, and proceed by expedients. The difficulty, in the meanwhile, grows worse : from being unwilling to submit to reason, they are obliged to eld to force: and tney lose all, because they attenq. .o retain all. The president, and the two houses of congress, arc without mysterious archives. They have no concealed and corrupting police, nor have they those secret re- ports so convenient for calumny, so dear to the calum- niators, so dangerous to the persons who are the object of them, and, oftentimes, even to those who emploj them. All the aflairs of the republic are brought as soon as possible to the knowledge of the public, without any exaggeration of the favourable condition of some, or dissimulation respecting the bad state of others. And why should congress and the administration plot toge- ther to deceive the public, or to conceal from them untoward truths? They arc themselves part of the pu1>li<'. i Measui till after t tcrmined tiicir disc to make the govei (lisagreea private in the law is to preven tion. The hi president deaths be acts are ji the powe commend The tw There is the speed mated by calmness deiiberati( vacity in t does not ( members the repres the most i Congre 'tself, is n< INTROlM.rTION. I glllll iMcasuros vvliich interest tlio state arc never adopted till after the most mature deliberation. They are dc- lerinined on in the presence of the citizen?, and during their discussion, those whom tiiey interest seldom fail 10 make known their opinion by publications, which the government never disregards. Publicity is only disagreeable to those who would wish to make their private interest prevail over that of the public. When the law is once promulgated, no one would dare either to prevent its going into eifect, o' to elude its oj)era- tion. The history of every day also cites to its bar the president and other rulers, and 'oes not await their dcatlis before pronouncing judgment on them. Their acts are public, posterity already exists for tiicm, and the powerful as well as the weak are disgraced or commended, while they are still alive. The two houses profess the same political doctrines. There is no essential distinction in the character of tlie speeches delivered in them. Both are equally ani- mated by a desire to render their country happy. iMore calmness and gravity are, however, observed in the deliberations of the senate, and more warmth and vi- vacity in those of the representatives. This difference does not exist without a cause. The functions of the members of the senate last for six years, and those of the representatives only two. The latter arc therefore the most anxious to bring themselves into notice. Congress, in its unitbrm course, ever consistent with Uself, is not at diflerent times under the control of dif I ili INTRODUCTION. i ferent factions; but, in order to remain free from those internal agitations, from which the most happy coun- try is not always exempt, it constantly and sincerely practices the maxim, that " the end of government is the happiness of society." There is henceforth no fear of the triumph of des- potism over liberty : the old nations of Europe would not have experienced this calamity, if, instead of sim- ple traditions, subjected to human and variable pas- sions, at tiiC will of an ambitious chief and of an igno- rant multitude, they had had constitutions written by sages, and confided to the vigilance of all the citizens. It is thus that the fundamental laws of the several states of the Union are preserved. The sincerity and clearness with which they are expressed, do not leave any opportunity for sophistical interpretations, and the introduction of obscure expressions, with a view of hereafter arbitrarily explaining them, has been weil guarded against. If there are some differences in the state constitutions, they are only to be found in the ex- ternal forms of the government; they all have justice and equality for their foundation: >;hat is just at Bos- ton, is so at New Orleans. There is not a town or village, in which are not to be found some men well instructed in the true interests of their country: and if to the intelligence required in those who engage in public aftliirs, they join the vir- tues of the citizens, they will infallibly be raised to the first employments. Any man may be called to the highest ofiice. The great Washington had been a surveyor; a planter, are to go\ crimes ar coiisequer restraint c A long fear that i war under ber, or on legious, ar length, dis( so many c pliers, and '■To rende and at the Congres principally foreign me that do not at raising t contributor where the < one of its f nianded iro ment of tli mentation ( No one \ lie revenue ::aining tal INTRODLCTIOX. 49 surveyor; Franklin a printer's journeyman; Jefferson a planter. Magistrates chosen by those whom they are to govern, are easily obeyed. The infrequency of crimes and punishments is the proof as well as the consequence of the docility of the Americans to the restraint of the laws. A long peace does not weary them. They do not fear that idleness will render their youth seditious; a war undertaken to employ them, to diminish their num- ber, or on futile pretences, would seem to them sacri- legious, and would b ■■ impracticable. They have, at length, discovered the solution of the problem proposed so many centuries ago to the meditations of philoso- phers, and submitted to the experience of statesmen: '•To render comnmnities happy with the least restraint and at the smallest expense." Congress disposes of an adequate revenue, arising principally from the duties paid on the importation of foreign merchandize, and from the sale of puolic lands that do not belong to the several states. It does not aim at raising the imposts as high as the patience of the contributors would bear; but the legislature ascertains where the comfort of families requires it to stop, and one of its fiscal principles is, that the less that is de- manded from the people, the more will the improve- ment of their condition hereafter facilitate the aug- mentation of the impost. No one would dare to propose to inc.casc the pub- lic revenue by the establishment of a lottery or of L^mnng tables, or by any other means that would 50 INTRODUCTION. i have the effect of enriching tiie state by corrupting the morals. Smuggling could be very easily practised on coasts which are six or seven hundred leagues in extent, and are scarcely guarded, but every one knows that in the employment of the public revenue, there is neither pro- fusion nor parsimony. All have an interest in prevent- ing fraud, and it rarely occurs. No useless pomp encircles the magistrates. Econo- my, so discredited and ridiculed in our courts and ca- pitals, is held in honour at Washington, and even in those parts of the United States where large fortune? are not rare. Habits of simplicity are there more ef- fectual than sumptua. , laws would be. The senate and house of representatives have no guards but their door-keepers. The repugnance of the people for pomp and empty parade does not, however, prevent their be- ing always disposed to incur expenses for objects that are truly useful to commerce, navigation, the safety of the confederation and of the different states, and sometimes even for such as conduce to public orna- ment. Although they have no neighbour to fear, they Iiavc not neglected the military art. This science is taught at West Point, upon the Hudson, by officers of reputa- tion. Some able engineers have been educated at thif school. The arsenals and magazines of the Union, and ot the several ' ates, are well supplied and carefully kept in order. Fortresses are in the course of construction From th a neutra the caus which, ir power. The c gious wo bodies, t adapted Manuli colonies < United St lance, hai of which world. J proved th jeet the pi try require dered as « protection revenue si The An diseases o lieving the loans, but tionate to 1 imposing i IJiithfully e They kn nc^s of wli iiif TNTRODICT 51 have aught sputa- Lt this nd ot kept ction From the year 1792 to 1812, the United States enjoyed a neutrahty, which, thougli disturbed for a period, was the cause of the prosperity of their commercial marine, which, in its turn, has been the origin of their naval power. The churches and other buildings destined for reli- gious worship, those for the magistrates and legislative bodies, the court houses and prisons, arc admirably adapted to their objects. Manufactures, always prohibited to the dependent colonies of Europe, have made great progress in the United States. England, in spite of her jealous vigi- lance, has been robbed of those machines, by the aid of which she so long controlled the commerce of the world. Independent America has imitated and im- proved them. Her tariffs have for their principal ob- ject the protection which every rising branch of indus- try requires. The interests of the treasury are consi- dered as only secondary. The decided adrocates of protection to manufactures would even wish that the revenue should not be rcfrardcd at all in tliis matter. The Americans consider public debts as one of the diseases of modern societies, and they are far from be- lieving them a necessary evil. They have made large loans, but always with a view to an advantage propor- tionate to the magnitude of the burden which they were imposing on themselves; and these debts have been faithfully extinguished. They know that loans are a slow poison, the sweet- ness of which has often deceived and seduced statcs- ryi rNTRODlXTION. I*f; ff men who were reputed wise. If the United States bor- row, the reimbursement is always fixed at a definite time, and the en^aijcment is never eluded. The Americans are constructing canals and roads | two or three hundred leagues in lengtli, through terri- tories still occupied by savages. Regions, whose wa- ters flow to the north, will soon communicate with those whose rivers have their courses to the south. ; There will be a connected navigation from lake Michi- | gan to the Illinois river, from lake Erie to the Wabash. Steam boats will approximate the gulf of Mexico to that of the St. Lawrence, and New Orleans with the city of Quebec; both of which places were once under the dominion of France, though the latter has become English and the former now belongs to the United States. The noble communications of this description, so justly extolled in Europe, are not superior to these new undertakings. Favourable to commerce and agri- culture, they have another advantage which had never been contemplated: they have, as it were, brought near to one another men whom great distances separated. It has not been possible to stifle all the sources of jea- lousy; but the confederation which had only laws for its guarantee, is now cemented by private and common interests, which are continually in contact, thougii without clashing. Such is, in its [)olitical economy, the conduct — such arc the maxims of a new republic — strong by its pre- sent greatness, and which increases so rapidly in re- sources, that Its friendship is every year more to be de- sired, its one of tl with kin admitted heads. J an inferic tions: as on their 1 maintain) edly, be g self abov Those incommo political i persons t< employm* cd by tin gate it h the exam and demc certain m venting n Amon r, ii :a'} INTIIODICTION. Jt 3!-^ (loncd vast territories, where other states arc already formed. Tlic preamble to tlieir act of cession was thus expressed ; " Whereas notliing mulcr Divine Pro- vidence can more eftectually contribute to the tranquil- lity and safety of the United States of America than a federal alhancc on such Uberal principles, as will give satisfaction to its respective members, we renounce our claims, &c." The wars which are excited among other nations of the world by fanaticism, ambition, cupidity, and that restlessness, which torments them and makes them suppose that tranquil happiness cannot bo the lot of man, will never trouble the people of the United States: not that all the individuals among them are free from human passions; but the public councils are formed in such a manner, that the decisions of government arc always dictated by the general interest. A country, which will be larger than Europe, and which is com- posed of so many different states, enjoys a peace that promises to be perpetual, and to fulfil the bright vision of the good man. The officers and magistrates are not named for life. The duration of their functions depends on their con- duct: their authority is defined by the laws with so much precision that abuses are very rare, and can be promptly repressed. A principle of representation, which flows neither from hereditary rights nor from any fictitious source, constitutes the force and energy of the different magistracies : powerful in eflecting good. tiicy are w son disordi dangerous, It has b( temporary to states o experience is an error arc made, ricnce of r that it is a United Sta prove that it can neve hopes of tl now no loij The jud, ver, wiser c in HKiny otl and their p a less degri cies by ace an advanta of afliiirs d their acts, i matter of ways imj)ar most wortl state to pri iilt:. A sin LNTRODLCTIO.N. 57 111 /itiiout til to cy are witiiout strcngtli to oppress, and fur this rea- iioii disorders and tumults, when they occur, arc never dangerous. It has been for a long time held as a maxim, that temporary and elective niagistracies arc only adapted to states of limited extent and small poi)ulation. The experience of the United States Im's proved that this is an error. If it sometimes happens that bad choices are made, the remedy is in re-election ; and the expe- rience of more than half a century has demonstrated that it is an efficient one. Thus, the example of the Lnited States presents itself, whenever the oLject is to prove that liberty is in every respect beneficial and that it can never do harm. It likewise puts an end to the hopes of those whom this liberty alarms, and who can now no longer deny its benefits. The judges, senators, and ministers are not, howe- ver, wMser or more intelligent in the United States than in many other countries. They have their weaknesses and their prejudices ; but they ought to have them to a less degree than those who are raised to magistra- cies by accident, intrigue, or purchase. They have also an advantage which men elsewhere placed at the head of all'airs do not possess: the laws and the publicity of their acts, submitted to the censure of all, render it a matter of necessity with them to be always just, al- ways impartial; not to give employments, except to the most worthy, and never to sacrifice the good of the ^tatc to private passions and the interests of individu- als. A sincere probity can alone ensure the public s ii if % w J» INTUODLCTION. confidence, which is ever ready to distinguish true me- rit from false. Impostors and hypocrites would soon be unmasked. Thus even, though accident should raise to an important post a man inclined to be bad. he would be obliged to govern like those who were na- turally virtuous, or he would not be able to retain his office. These wise institutions are protected for the future against the ravages of time: free presses preserve them, and are a more eflectual defence than the towers of the Louvre or of London. Under this gua- rantee, more powerful than was ever the authority ot the tribunes, we may be assured that the benefits ot social order will be durable. A moderate republic will never become an absolute democracy, and we may add, in reference to other countries, that, with the li- berty of the press, a royal government can never dege- nerate into despotism. It is objected, however, that these presses may, at least, endanger the peace of families, and injure in- dividuals in their private interests. It is but too true that they have often served the cause of calumny; but this is an evil, which even the most severe prohibitions have never prevented ; and the remedy for the injury which they can do is, under the system of liberty, ef- fectual as well as prompt. The shafts of calumny, so justly compared to poi- soned weapons, resemble them likewise in this respect; the most ferocious savages scarcely dare to discharge them le?t thev should be turned against themselvc- Differcnt fr improved i every day r cent. That it V American r was then p the presses violence. J by it. Atthi it is possibl the too gre! soon becom to justify hii to a pure lil Ins defence. of a journa of licentiou having beer ders admin with more c do this peo they to disi nothing is s courts. There is cannot impr their goveri their budget tion and re INTRODUCTION. 59 Dift'crcnt from most things, the hberty of the press is improved and strengthened by time, and becoming every day more useful, it hkevvise becomes more inno- cent. That it was not so during the early periods of tlie American revolution, we readily admit; but the enemy was then present. Royalty had warm partisans, and llic presses on both sides were actuated with an equal violence. Jeflerson himself was for a moment alarmed by it. At this time an animated contest is going on; and it is possible tiiat a good citizen may be injured through llic too great warmth of the conflict. But the blows soon become harmless, and without taking the trouble to justify liimself, he may, by maintaining silence, leave to a pure life and irreproachable conduct the care of Ills defence. There is no example in the United States of a journal open to irreligious essays, to the recital of licentious anecdotes, or to offensive personalities iiaving been long supported. The disgust of the rea- ders administers justice with more promptitude and with more certainty than even the tribunals; so much do this people love decorous truth, and so ready are they to distinguish it from falsehood. Among them nothing is so rare as prosecutions for libel before the courts. There is then nothing which the liberty of the press cannot improve; and the Americans would think that their government had lost its reason, if they saw in their budget an appropriation destined to the corrup- tion and recompense of the journalists. To pay fo- .j;!'"' .1 I :\ 'ii m IM'HODUfTION. (Ii rci*Tn newspapers to publish articles carefully prepared for them, would seem at once culpable |)ro(ii«j[ality and a useless act of folly- I will, however, admit that this liberty is not without daii^'er for all kinds of ministers. Cardinal VVolsey said to Fisher, '• If we do not put down the press, it will put us down." Fisher replied. " Let us do our duty as good and wise ministers, and not fear any thing from the malice of the press. II we would interrogate ourselves we would fmd how greatly we are indebted to the 'reedom of the press: when it notices not only our past faults, but also warns us of those to which we are exposed. I am accustomed to receive advice from the press. It is a torch which sometimes hurts my eyes; but, were it extinguished, I should think that a bandage covered them." The diplomatic correspondence is printed by order of congress, as soon as it can be published with j)ro- priety. The cases arc rare in which it is kept liom the knowledge of the citizens. The newspapers, by their eagerness to gratify curiosity, often anticipate the most diligent couriers. They sometimes give as much in- formation as secret and ciphered despatches. These frank communications are a great innovation in the re- lations which foreign powers entertain with one ano- ther; and those who preside in the cabinets of Europe have not yet been able to accustom themselves to read in the gazettes of VV^ashington, the conferences which they hpve had with the American envoys. One would think that they are afraid of showing to what an easy 1 science t despot V^ j)resses. the name contempi The r pressed v rarely ex( it is adeq means of always be These the name already fc ally exten directions castles t\ heights, inhabited and the t have beer peopled a All the at the mo just, and I tlements together, superior bited lan( forv of tl INTRODLTTION. ill science the art of good government is reduced. The despot Wolscy tlien liad just motives for dreading free presses. It is only ministers, who arc truly worthy of the name of statesmen, that can, with a trancpul eye, contemplate tlieir action and brave their power. The right of pubhc petition, the recourse of op- pressed weakness to a wise and cflicicnt protection, is rarely exercised. It exists, it is not a vain formahty, It is adequate to restrain unjust magistrates, and this means of defence is rarely employed, because it may always be resorted to. These republics which, fifty years since, still bore the names of colonies, provinces, and plantations, have already founded several new republics. They gradu- ally extend themselves; cities and towns rise up in all directions, without being menaced by any citadels or castles that overlook them from the neighbouring heights. Uncultivated districts, which were scarcely inhabited by a few Indian families when Washington and the two Jumonville met and fought there in 1754, have been changed into rich fields, and arc now as well peopled as many countries of Europe. All the difficulties which a community experiences at the moment of its formation, disappear before equal, |ust, and free laws. The rapid progress of these set- tlements is without precedent. Families associate together, at their own instigation, and without any superior sanction, to go and occupy the uninha- bited lands that are situated even beyond the terri- forv of the states of the Union. These self-created ft #1 'Win i 1:1 ;• !'| 62 IXTRODUCTION. societies name their own magistrates, their officers of justice and police, put themselves in a state of defence against the Indians, and make their own regulations, to which they render an exemplary obedience. One ol these associations, composed of three hundred families, took possession of a district lying on the borders of the Red River; the new society had not to encounter the weakness of infancy; it possessed from the beginning the vigour of mature age, and, a few years after its establishment, it became part of one of the new states. It may be remarked, in reading the acts which have emanated from congress during a period of thirty years, that they have seldom for their object the old states oi the Union. The names of some of them do not occur a single time. Firmly established on imperishable foundations, they have only occasion for local laws, and even these are not numerous. Their constitutions be- ing formed, and their fundamental principles well con- solidated, the protection of congress is no longer ne- cessary to the old states. On the other hand, it is con- stantly occupied with those new communities, which liavc been founded to the east and west of the Missis- sippi, since the general peace of 1783. At first dis- tricts, then territories, and at length admitted to the rank of states, they enjoy all the rights of the old mem- bers of the confederacy. Until they have attained their strength, it is necessary that congress should guide them, instruct them and defend them from their own errors; and, as its authority is only exercised for their advantage, it rarely encounters any obstacles. From whence, i communi formed I mother C( beyond tl The new and for state iron out alarm tions. Tl would be No peopl powerful I HI New H tions wou the relatic political SI dependent human life ever, these mitting tin longed the declared t attempts ii France, tiu-ough je; Jug new cc on accoun on the sub ^hat these INTKOUICTIOX. 63 whence, indeed, could resistance arise? These new communities are not hkc ancient or modern colonies t'ormed by a superabundant population, of which the mother country wished to relieve herseli', by sending it beyond the seas to people desert or savage countries. The new states that are formed exist by themselves and for themselves, without being subjected to tlic state from which the emigration proceeded, and with- out alarming it by tiicir complaints and their insurrec- tions. The system called colonization is at an end. It would be vain to attempt new enterprises of this sort. No people are either sufficiently rich or sufficiently powerful at sea to imitate what the English have done in New Holland, and the settlements which other na- tions would form there would only have with Europe the relations of commerce and navigation, not those of political subjection. To attempt at this day to found dependent colonies, is to waste, without advantage, human life and public treasure. Year after year, how- ever, these attempts are prolonged, and the fear of ad- mitting t:iat we liave been deceived might lidve pro- longed them indefinitely, if the United States had not declared that they could not hereafter approve such attempts in America. France, England, and Spain have all of them in turn, through jealousy, prevented the rival nation from found- ing new colonies. War was near breaking out in 1770, on account of the Falkland Islands, and more recently on the subject of Nootka Sound. It was tacitly agreed Hiat these countries should remain desert. The Amc- I ^ m j'''n^^ , r ^ li 6J INTRODUCTION. ricans, more just and more powerful in these regions, wish tliat they should be peopled, and they proclaim, at tlie same time, with a sort of authority, and perhaps with too much haughtiness, that they will not hence- forth suffer any European colony to be established in the new world. Thus another Europe, a Europe truly free, rises up in this vast continent; and, before the end of a century, the United States will count one hundred millions of inhabitants of the white race. Whether they remain united in one single confederacy or sepa- rate into several, the forms of government which tlic\ have adopted do not leave any opportunity for ambi- tious aggrandizement, and the wisdom of their laws will preserve among them a friendly understanding. It Europe must lose her pre-eminence, she can never lose the many treasures of science and intelligence whicli centuries have accumulated. It depends on the peo- ple and on their rulers to retain advantages which will not be inferior to those of any people of the world. They will be retained, if, instead of repelling the ad- vantages of a just liberty, we only avoid its extravagance and licentiousness; to effect which, education wisely and universally diffused throughout the nation is the most certain means. There is not one of the American constitutions which does not contain provisions relative to education and the advancement of science. Commissioners, chosci' by th-; iPihabitants, superintend the education of youth. They with pleasure see them instructed by a master, who has a wife and children, and who teaches them h\ his exam} Tiicy hav exclusivel They beli that a yo factitious choose th( capacity ir Their k England, confusion rassed the They are, now their The rights bihties on There are the prejudi estates. The law to foar eith live power countries c very much served that for the dec! 10 tell the t [)robity. The gem !>roliibit wi INTRODUCTION. 65 liis example to become one day good heads of families. Tlicy have avoided, with great care, confiding them exclusively to military men, to lawyers, or to priests. They believe thp<^ to form useful citizens, it is proper that a young man should enter into society without factitious inclinations, without prejudices, and free to choose the profession to which his taste and natural capacity incline him. * Their legal code was originally drawn from that of England. They have not yet entirely removed the confusion with which huge commentaries have embar- rassed the distribution of justice in the mother country. They are, however, engaged in this reform, and even now their laws no where offer any traces of feudality. The rights of confiscation, of primogeniture, the disa- bilities on the inheritance of aliens exist no more. There are no longer advantages accorded to men to the prejudice of women in the distribution of family estates. The law once promulgated, the tribunals have not to fear either the influence of the legislative or execu- tive power. Oral evidence, which the laws of other countries only admit with a great deal of caution, is very much used in the United States. It is not ob- served that any abuses result from it, and this respect for the declaration of a witness, who has taken an oath to tell the truth, is a homage rendered to the national [trobity. The general constitution and those of all the states )»rohibit with great care the granting of any titles of M lima' I '* fe3 ' ft'^i- 66 INTRODUCTION. Ill nobility. There are, in fact, in the United States, no institutions which distinguish certain hereditary classes. and yet it would not be rigorously true to say that they do not acknowledge high descent. There are in the country several families, settled there at a remote pe- riod, who are known by their hereditary merits. It is never in vain that citizens have recourse to the coun- sels and assistance of these patricians. Their virtues are revered, and a homage is paid without difficulty to a nobility, which consists in services rendered to indi- viduals and to the republic. The names are important, so long as the children preserve the high qualities ol their fathers. It is on this condition that all the good which their race has done is carried to their account, If they forget the duties which their eminent standing imposes on them, they fall lower than those who had never been thus distinguished; and other citizens, the names of whose ancestors are unknown, become equal in reputation to the most illustrious men of their time.* Such is nobility in America, and it has in it nothing that offends the principles of equality. This eyception is the work of those, who, in abolishing the nobility of birth, have preserved that of virtue. At the opening of a session of the legislature in one of the recently formed states, the governor addressed the following words to a numerous auditory :t * Nam genus et proavos et quae non fecimus ipsi Vix ea nostra voco! Ovid. Metam. lib. xiii. tOur author is mistaken as to the source from whence the extract in the text is derived. It is taken from a speech delivered by Juds' Story, in the Massachusetts convention of 1830.— Transl. " In oui people; t the rich n have not form a pe are wealtl divide the fast as it { exertions, of descen mate agra mass heaj of enterpi changing and is soo no more, lined limit another, w iy on the s brought d with scare to the higl The de sure on tl centuries i slowly and deed, but I mentioned cles that t time, let i INTRODUCTIOX. 67 " In our country the highest man is not abc^ve the people; the humblest is not below the people. If the the rich may be said to have additional protection, they have not additional power. Nor does wealth here form a permanent distinction of families. Those who are wealthy to-day pass to the tomb, and their children divide their estates. Thus property is divided quite as fast as it accumulates. No family can, without its own exertions, stand erect for a long time under our statutes of descents and distributions, the only true and legiti- mate agrarian law. It silently and quietly dissolves the mass heaped up by the toil and diligence of a long Hfe of enterprise and industry. Property is continually changing like the waves of the sea. One wave rises and is soon swallowed up in the vast abyss, and seen no more. Another rises, and, having reached its des- tined limits, falls gently away, and is succeeded by yet another, which, in its turn, breaks and dies away silent- ly on the shore. The richest man among us may be brought down to the humblest level ; and the child, with scarcely clothes to cover his nakedness, may rise to the highest office in our government." The development of all these advantages is no cen- sure on those old governments, which, formed many centuries since upon other plans, can only be improved slowly and after mature deliberation. We cannot, in- deed, but be astonished at the progress which these last mentioned states have made in spite of the many obsta- cles that they have had to encounter. At the same time, let us not hesitate to acknowledge that if the h**A \\l ^^' IP U: G« INTKODtniON. lit I 'mm Americans have profited by the learning and wisdom of Europe, the people of the old world will, in their turn, receive like benefits from America. Her example and recent facts have taught us that liberty does not diminish the vigour and energy necessary for the exe- cution of important enterprises. If it does not enervate republican governments, there is no reason to fear that it will become a principle of weakness in limited monarchies. Already, ui spite of resistance on all sides, the laws are improved, and wise monarchs have acknowledged that the throne can only be solidly esta- bhshed by uniting the interests of the prince and the people: placed on any other foundation, it may be continually shaken by internal agitations and attacks from abroad. The constituent assembly of France made some progress towards great improvements, when, forty years since, in obedience to the almost • uniform in- structions of the people, it reformed our legislation. It had intended to consolidate the throne in a country where the royal govcmnient had very deep roots. But. although its work was in part destroyed, the spirit of it is preserved, and no effort will prevent France from again becoming, what indeed she now already is, a mo- narchy limited by a national representation. The Christian tenets are acknowledged throughout the whole extent of the United States. Whatever may be the modifications v^hich distinguish the difierent sects, most of them are discreet and conform to the wise laws which the first author of our religion taught to man. principles fess cxtrav if a real t( tempt and to hinder civil or p( from med( It is not le of an ecclc belong to t in America Several public func the exclusi houses of i nets are to ry of JVlic priest. Tl convenienc before they }5ut the I important i much as tli those of I who, by tl and situati out the pi armed witl conscience INTHODLtTlO-N. 09 to man. Divided on articles of faith, they agree in the nrinciples of morahty. Some of them, however, pro- fess extravagant maxims, which would be dangerous, if a real toleration did not soon consign theui to con- tempt and oblivion. The government only interferes to hinder doctrinal points from invading the domain of civil or political legislation, and to keep the priests from meddling in matters foreign to religious worship. It is not less attentive to prevent every establishment of an ecclesiastical jurisdiction; and all matters which belong to that jurisdiction, in England, are cognizable in America by the ordinary tribunals. Several of the state constitutions, in interdictin/y public functions to priests, could not comprehend in the exclusion their eligibility as members of the two houses of congress. A few clergymen of different te- nets are to be seen in them, and, in 1823, the territo- ry of Michigan named, as its delegate, a catholic priest. These nominations are productive of no in- convenience, because the representatives are citizens before they are priests. But the exclusion of ecclesiastics from office is more important in the United States than elsewhere, inas- much as there are not in their villages, as in most of those of Europe, local bailiffs and lords of manors, who, by the authority which belongs to their rank and situations, balance that of the priests. With- out the provision in question, ministers of religion, armed with the power which they possess over the consciences of their parishioners, might induce them \W h •■t'»iJi I :,.-.;^*: TO INTRODUCTION'. to regulate their opinions and public acts according to the interests of the prevailing sect. A tew remarks respecting the catholics will show the happy effects of a general toleration. The catho- lics, while the country was under the English govern- ment, were subjected to a great many restraints in the exercise of their religion. Even after the peace, and as late as 1790, there was only one mission for the whole United States. At this day there are ten bishops under a metropolitan. The catholic societies of fe- males have been greatly multiplied. Among those of the men, the establishments of the Jesuits are the most remarkable, fn 1806, a brief of the pope permitted them to preach, teach, and administer the sacraments, The progress which this society soon made would have been deemed dangerous in any other country, and congress well knew how formidable its ambition and intrigues had rendered it in Europe; but it did not suppose, it could ever become so in a country where fanaticism can never stifle hberty of conscience; and it apprehended no danger from forming a college of Jesuits at Georgetown into a university, with power to confer degrees in all the faculties. A timidity, the cause of which is understood, has prevented this enterprising society from resuming its true name; but congress would not have opposed any obstacle to it. It only sees in its members the propagators of a morality use- ful to the community and to the instruction of youth, Every one knows that they blindly obey a foreign au- thority to which thev are secretly subjected. This oc- casions nc "oodness any reasoi free and c It is sai( there were since, thei is principf Ireland am There is not persua by the aid a dominan all kinds o there is no What a foundations against the intolerant 1 and ignorj Franklin fc States. O proposed t conformab] ter calcula sages of A The cat! rian, and tl the law. ' indulgence INTRODUCTION. 71 casions no alarm, for full confidence is reposed in the "oodncss of the const ihitions: nor will there ever be any reason to repent of tins policy* since the press is free and can never be enslaved by the Jesuits. It is said, tliat in the city of New York alone, where there were only three hundred catholics twenty years since, there are now twenty thousand. The increase is principally to be ascribed to the emigration from Ireland and Germany. There is not in America a single statesman who is not persuaded that social order can only be maintained by the aid of religion, and it is to the establishment of a dominant sect that opposition is alone made. Where all kinds of Christian worship are mutually tolerated, there is no longer but one religion. What an advantage for legislators, who lay the foundations of a community, not to have to contend against the errors and licentiousness of paganism, the intolerant theocracy of the Hebrews, or tlie fanaticism and ignorance of the Mussulmans I Jefferson and Franklin found Christianity established in the United States. Of all the systems of religion that have been proposed to the human understanding, no one is more conformable to the rules of sound morality, no one bet- ter calculated to render man happy, and of this the sages of America have borne honourable testimony. The catholic, the quaker, the methodist, the unita- rian, and the English episcopalian are all equal before the law. Toleration is not as in Europe an arrogant indulgence of one sect towards another; it is a perfect ill n i % 4 "^ ■'*p' u. , 72 JNTKODLCTlOiN. m Pi-j equality among all. Religious quarrels, without the interference of government, arc always innocent. 'J'u appease the combatants, it is sulHcient to let them alone. The acknowledgment of one God, creator and be- nefactor, is the characteristic which distinguishes the civilized and educated from the savage and ignorant man. Many Indian tribes have hardly a vague idea ot the Deity, or of the immortality of tiie soul. All of them are in a truly wretched state. On the other hand, men, who enjoy social advan- tages, acknowledge that it is to Providence that they are indebted for them. The state of New York mo- dified its constitution in 1821, and the new act com- mences by a homage rendered in these terms to the Deity: " We, the people of the state of New York, ac- knowledging with gratitude the grace and beneficcntc of God, in permitting us to make choice of our form of government, do establish this constitution." Thus we see that the Americans, after the example of kings, found the power of the state on divine right: this they do with great propriety; for to make men happy is an obligation imposed on rulers, which should be placed in the first rank among eternal truths, and it is to Providence tliat they must be indebted for the ability to perform this duty. An article of this constitution proclaims liberty ot conscience, and the one which follows is expressed in these words: "Whereas the ministers of the gospel arc, by their profession, dedicated to the .service of (lod and ed from tl minister c uhatsocv( or cnpabii in this sta The All who, in E vanccs of never rctr well of th( forth notl; States of 1 feet model At the p only the n sippi were ly elapsed, coasts of t ments, wh founded tl have giver rivers of tl man the Ik cius. Con; after cxten but its int( publican g^ * A ship fr ill 1791. iMKoni ( HON. I'.i (iod and the care of soul;?, nm\ oii^^bt not to be divert- ed from the «^rcat duty ol" their tiinctioiis; therefore no minister of the «^osi)el or priest of any denomination whatsoever, sliall, at any time liereaftcr, be ehgibic to or capabh) of hohling any civil or military ofTice with- in this state." The Americans have not to dread those conquerors who, in Europe, have arrested and destroyed the ad- vances of civilization. In this situation a [)eoplc will never retro*,^radc; it will always advance, in spite as well of the ambitious as of the intolerant, and hence- forth nothing in the world can deprive the United States of the honour of having first presented a per- fect model of the best federal constitution. At the period of the cession of Louisiana, at the west, only the months of the rivers tributary to the Missis- sippi were exploicd. Twenty-five years have scarce- ly elapsed, and the United States already I'orm, on the coasts of the Northern Ocean, commercial establish- ments, which are the germs of states that will be founded there before the end of the century. They have given Columbus's name to one of the principal rivers of those regions,* thus restoring to this great man the honours unjustly decreed to Americus Vespu- cius. Congress has not announced the design of here- after extending the confederacy to the Pacific Ocean; but its intention of sccurinj; to these territories a re- publican government cannot be doubted. This system * A ship from Boston, called Columbus, first entered this river in 1791. 10 m )> IN mm I ii thk 1^1 1 INlKOliK 'HON. * is about to cnibraci*, by u gt^nciul impulse, tlic wliok of the new world; anil it maybe predicted that the se- veral states, wiiich we sec rise up in tiu! soutli, will make the coustitutions of the United States tlieir mo- ileis. Already strong by tlie irresistil)le power of numbers, the new republics of the southern continent advance in the career of independence, which they have con- quered. They have their own principle of legitimacy, wliich is the will of all. They have just proclaimed that " nations exist by the decrees of a universal and Divine Providence, and that rulers only derive thcii power from the will and consent of the people." They may be divided among themselves on questions of po- litical expediency; but in the midst even of the tu- mults incident to new states, not a sigh of regret to- wards their powerless and decrepit parent-country ever escapes them. Even the Indian population is but thinly scattered over the immense space which extends from the great river to the Western Ocean; and the Americans find few obstacles in pushing on their settlements over re- gions, which, in spite of the richness of the soil, have been long useless to man. Whatever may be our re- spect for the ancient rights of property, it is difhcult to admit those of a single family to ten square leagues, where ten thousand persons could be supported in abundance. The Indians maintain that liberty, with the obliga- tion of labouvini; and obeving the laws, would be real .slavery, way, by forts of t their con four cent wards th( Mexico, {] liave pro roads, far The ne the profoi prcciate s one side, beauty; o table con social ore nelits of c liorate th yet taughi inilies is the smalk cultivated, surest gui vage has and a few rate himsc is suppose IS unacqu plying the rienco tea iNi'KoDii rrON. 7.) Iiga- 'liivory. Kiiropc has wi.slicd to civilize tlicni in her way, by giving tlicni lier laws and lior learning: the ef- forts of tliree centnries liave not tended to niehorate their condition; wliile the advances made, three or four centuries before the discovery of America, to- wards the introduction of social order in Peru and Mexico, prove that, left to themselves, reason would have probably conducted the aborigines, by other roads, farther than our example hiis carried them. Tiic neighbourhood of these tribes and the view of the profound misery which harasses them make us ap- preciate still more the advantages of good laws. On one side, we see society in all its vigour, splendour, and beauty; on the other, a state of weakness, the inevi- table consequence of the absence of knowledge and social order. The aborigines, witnesses of the be- nefits of civilization, have profited little by it to me- liorate their own situation. Our example has not yet taught them that the division of lands among fa- milies is the first condition of the social state, that the smallest proprietor loves the field w-hich he has cultivated, and that this attachment to the soil is the surest guarantee of the repose of society. Tl)e sa- vage has no property except in his bow, his canoe, and a few ornaments, with which he delights to deco- rate himself in battle or on holidays, l^ess free than is supposed, he is dependent for his daily wants, and IS unacquainted with the most ready means of sup- plying them. In the civilized state, science and expe- rience teach these means to man, and his well-being ili In I lib: t- vm lli i 70 IMRODUf IIO.N. advances with his knowledge. It is for a contrary rea- son, that error and ignorance are so favourable to despotism. The Indians do not, however, live wholly without restraint: travellers have found none of them in that primitive state, which we have called the state of nature, and in which even the ties of families do not exist. Their liberty is not the right of doing whatever they wish: they have customs which occupy the place of laws, and which, though they arc ferocious and san- guinary, serve to moderate their excesses. A savage came one day to Sinnamari and said to Simapo, liis chief, " Aricapoto has killed my brother; I have killed him, and his son likewise." I heard Simapo reply. " You have done well.'' '• I am going also," conti- nued the Indian, -to kill the brother of Aricapoto." SimajK) forbade him, and the injured man stopped lii^ vengeance. Reason has banished from our codes whnt was lor a long time called public vengeance. The civil autho- rities no longer })unish exce|)t to restrain the guilty ami to deter, by example, others from the commission of crime, l^ut, among savage tribes, vengeance is pur- sued by families, and the i)ublic power sometimes in- terposes its aid. If the murderer takes refuge amomi a neighbouring and friendly nation, it is obliged to do- liver him up; or, should it refuse and protect him, tiic refusal almost always becomes a cause of war. The aborigines are not ignorant of the horror, witli wliich the custom of eating prisoners of war mspircs us, and I have never been able to obtain any j)reci8r iiitormatio subject, silence, hri have not j nion a moil From tl count, the into distin small nati( ,«ie necessarily very uncertain. 11 iiii 4iiii|^- A'i i'nm"' :.^-. ■'•'■'« '•Vi ! ft? t. !i 82 INTRODUCTION. ! P' be indiflcrcnt. My iinpiessiou is equally strong, thai it would [uoniote essentially the seeurity and happi- ness of the tiibes within our limits, if they could be pre- vailed to retire west and north of our states and terri- tories vMirrounded as they are, and pressed as thc\ will be on every side by the white population, it will be dithcult, if not impossible for them, with their kind o! government, to sustain order among them.*' The cession of I Louisiana will facilitate to the Ame- ricans of European descent the execution of the great- est designs. They have already made, in a very few years, more progress towards happiness and civiliza- tion than Asia has made for many centuries. This the\ have done, because they have founded the social state upon its true basis; because they have been the first to find out that the liico of the world in "hanged by the great discoveries of modern times — the mariner's com- pass, — the art of printing, and the liberty of the press,— the abolition of the slave trade, — steam navigation and the many other conquests of science and wisdom. whose utility can no longer be called in question. A steam boat can ascend from the moutli of the Mis- sissippi to the junction of the Yellow Stone with the Missouri, a distance of eight hundred leagues. Mines of coal, the indispensable auxiliary of this navigatiou, are found near the banks of the rivers, and beds of thi? combustible are almost on the suriiice of the eartii. The territory washed by the great river and its tri- butary streams is in general fertile, and is in exteii' three or four times the size (»f France 1 i*j. The go called rep republics, among tlu much as ([uently no more rapi Cluirlestoi twccn Coi racuse, bul made to ai Newspa ty: they pu lions of re: from the I or six thoi and famili( morning, of newspa] which an ii ^4iuire. T concentrate mogenous ( as well as i continent. shores of i This great moving rou about to be the isthmus INTKODl ( rif)\. a;i The govcrnmcns of Greece and Rome, Avhicli were called iej)ul)lican. were very dilVerent from these new republics. Did they wisii to form a confederation among tiiemselves? Nothing was more ditlicult, inas- much as they iiad not the same institutions, and fre- quently not even the same customs. There is not only more rapid and frc(iuent intercourse between Boston, (liurleston, and New Orleans, than ever existed be- tween Corinth and Athens, or between Kome and Sy- racuse, but their respective views are much more easily made to accord. Newspapers constitute a power unknown to antiqui-* ty: they put questions and give answers, they have mil- lions of readers, and the orators of Rome and Greece from the height of a tribune could only address live or six thousand auditors. A journal is read calndy, and families peruse it during the leisure hours of the morning. There is no reason to fear from the reading of newspapers the sudden and unexi)ected tumults, which an impetuous tribune could excite in the public square. The ancient re[)ul)lics were almost always concentrated in cities: the American republic, of ho- mogenous elements and uniform laws, exists in villages as well as in large cities, and extends over an immense continent. Its progress will not be limited even by the shores of the vast regions discovered bv Columbus. This great man believed that he could go to India by inoviniT round the globe to the west. His design is about to be accomplished. A navigable breach through the isthmus which joins the two Americas will one day W*l ''M rii^ P*t 1 1' Mil tm liP' ;*«=H *l( 84 INTROmiCTIOX. be opened to approximate Kiiropc and Asia, and future ages will admire this triumph of science over nature. Panama, or rather some other neighbouring city, will unite the deputies of thirty repubhcs, or, to speak more correctly, of a great part of the globe. This council will confine its deliberations to the interests of Ameri- ca, as that of the Amphictyons did to those of Greece. But, without taking any active part in the events ol Europe, the ini[)erial and royal cabinets must expert that its example will have an inilucnce there. It is in the boundless regions of America that the human race may henceforth freely multiply. There. for many centuries, want will not throw impediments in the way oi' the conjugal union, nor will parents have to fear that the earth will refuse the means of support to those to whom they may impart existence. Wiio can contemplate, without vivid emotions, this spectacle of the happiness of the present generation. the certain pledge of the prosperity of numberless ge- nerations that will follow.'* At these magnificent pros- pects, the heart beats with joy in the breasts of those who were permitted to see the dawn of those bright days, and who arc assured that so many iiappy pre- sages will be accomplished. I had that good fortune. I have readily yielded to the pleasure of rapidh sketching the picture of this new people, but [ will no! venture to assert that they are secure from all contin- gencies. Their union now constitutes their strength. and yet there are between the northern and southern stateis, principles of division which in many cases em- barrass th states wer( by the cavf not effaced hereditary of a separa shock. T uorth-eastc voted to a« twcen the i in the nort cultivating employ the The gov mcontestal individuals, IS expedien classes of r exception, for all crea of the nor enjoyments price of tl very is the If this is i irf there, a' tlian «lave! what \m» I iity years, ^laverv, I v^ M IN'fRODLCTIO.N. U5 barrass the most prudent statesmen. The northern states were founded by the puritan:^, tliose of the south bytJje cavaliers or royahsts. A century and a haU' has not effaced tlic traces of tliis diflerence of origin: an hereditary antipatliy will one day perhaps be the cause of a separation that will not be eflbcted without a great shock. The arts and navigation are honoured in the north-eastern states, the southern are principally de- voted to agriculture. Hence the sources of rivalry be- tween the north and tht; south. Slavery is abolished in the north, at the south it is the principal means of cultivating the soil. Attempts are also now making to employ the slaves as mechanics and in manufactures. Tiic government of the United States holds, as an incontestable maxim, that public morality, like that of mdividuals, is founded on doing what is right, not what is expedient. This rule is not, however, applied to all classes of men without distinction. The blacks are an exception. Liberty only exists without restriction, and lor all creatures endowed with reason, in seven or eight of the north-eastern states. In the other states, the enjoyments of the citizens and free iidiabitanls arc the price of the oppression of a numerous class, and sla- very is the condition of almost two millions of blacks. If this is in the southern states u means of riches, it IS there, at tl^o same time, a more horrible scourge than slavery ever was in Europe. AVithout repeating wliat has been r*>eclioed by so many voices, during iifty years, respecting the injustice and barbarity of slavery, I will point out the obstacles which, until the iMi .|.ii ■■^i «*«» >u. K 06 INTRODUCTIOiN. I present time, have prevented the cftcctual cure of this great calamity, and the dangers to which the masters themselves are exposed, whether they either maintain shivery or aholish it. It is acknowledged that to perpetuate it is to sup- port in the hosom of every family enemies, who are hut too well aware that the time of their manumission i< arrived. They arc impatient at the sight of three huii- dred thousand freemen of their own race, who, in tlic United States alone, were slaves like themselves. Ir- ritated from seeing themselves m a state so diHercnt from that of their fellow-hlacks, they sometimes en- gage in secret plots, and at other times assemhle in large numhers prepared for revolt. The mere sound of the whip, the slightest punishment, makes a whole plantation foam with rage. Domestic j)lots and at- tempts of open force, alike to be dreaded, are motive:; for the masters to draw tighter the bonds of slavery. Humanity and justice, liowever, call for that manumis- .sion, which was formerly so useful in Europe. But it would have, in America, consequences which the emancipation of the serfs never produced. They, as well as their masters, were of the white race. No na- tural mark distinguished the free born man from the manumitted slave; the amalgamation was easy, and emancipation having put an end to all political distinc- tions, the others were soon effaced. In America distinctions, humiliating to the emanci- pated slaves, still separate them from the white race. They have in many states neither the right of voting ill election ticc, except public en)| of connect tlioy are on as a degra fused, ncce nual object end lose the anibitio rare qualiti ters disting into the "^r ta^^es whicl virtues, arc render then [a 1827, United Sta ;]00,00() fre that of free some states parison of t render it su sion could i whites, and other hand, iind of the Ironi the a distinct, an( '•':'rtv, is to INTKODLCTIOiV. 87 ;il elections, nor of ^nviiij,' cvitlcncc in courts of jus- tice, except in trials iitnonj^ themselves. Excluded from public einploynients, and deprived of the opportunity of coiuiectinfT themselves in marria^ ■» Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 ; 716) 872-4503 Vx m. ^ ^ »8 INTRODUCTION. themselves on nil sides. Moans of rendering their ii;. crease less rapid have been sought in vain. The im- portation of negroes ceased in 1808, and since then the white population has augmented faster than the black; but, at the south, the climate is favourable to the in- crease of the people of African descent. Humanity has, we arc assured, rendered their treatment more mild in most of the plantations. But it is still slavery. Emancipation has beco ne general in the northern states, without being favourable to the increase of the blacks. They enjoy there all the rights of citizenship; but their number is so small, as to be scarcely re- marked. This is the case from the states of Maine and New Hampshire to those of Pennsylvania and Delaware. But in Maryland and the other southern states the number continually grows larger, and it has doubled in ten years in many families of slaves. It diminislies, on the contrary, after manumission, and the white population increases. Slavery in all its ri- gours exists in these states; some have even thought proper to prohibit emancipation. In other states, in- dividuals have liberated all their slaves. Washing- ton is cited among those who first set this example; but it is acknowledged that this generous resolution had its inconveniences, and the manumitted slaves, as I have just said, only enjoy a part of the civil rights. Their admission to the legislative assembly would lead sooner or later to the emancipation of all. The ex- istence of one of the two classes would be jeopard- ed : for nature, by distinguishing by an indelil )|r IMRODIJfTlON. «9 mark the blacks from the whites, has rendered a sin- cere recoiiciUalion inipos.sible, and tliere would always be reason to dread the extermination of the weaker party. In the meantime, iniperlbct liberty by the side of complete liberty is, for the people of colour, slavery Itself. Alarmed by so many dangers, some statesmen have attempted, since 1815, to form on the western coast of Africa a colony of free blacks born in America, and thus restore to this part of the world the inhabitants whom America formerly received from thence. For this purpose, expenditures have been liberally incurred. But the result has disappointed the hopes that were, at first, entertained. The blacks themselves regard tliis exile as the climax of their misery. Whether it arises from aft'ection for the country which rejects tliem, or from fear of finding slavery in Africa, there were scarcely four hundred persons in this colony in 11)26; the founders, however, begin to flatter them- selves that their perseverance will triumph over all ob- stacles, and they have been encouraged by the last re- ports which have been made to them of the condition of Liberia. In 1823, Boyer, the chief of the republic of Hayti, also invited these affranchised blacks. Offers of hospi- tality, and the certainty of obtaining grants of lands seemed calculated to attract them. About three thou- sand were induced by the prospect thus held out to them; but they were idlers, without means, who ex- pected to live in St. Domingo, wholly without labour. The government of Hayti was soon tired of these use- 13 u id! pi*" H43 90 JNTKODICTION, less and exacting guests. President Boycr was obliged to witiidraw the advantages which he had announced. and the republic gained by sending them back, at its own expense, to the United States, from whence they had come. Finally, it has been proposed to assign to the free blacks a territory in America, situated to the west of the Rocky Mountains, and at a great distance from the whites. This project has met with the strong- est opposition, and has not even been j)ut to the trial. The entire race detests the whites, who have so long oppressed them. Such neighbours would, at a future day, be more to be dreaded than the savages. The proximity of the republic of Ilayti inspires the United States with just and lively alarms, and they refuse to acknowledge the independence of the Haytians, be- cause they are of the same colour with their slaves. When the desijins of nature have been violated for many centuries, the best intent'.u " every where meet with difficulties. The abolition of the slave trade has palliated these evils; but they are always very great ones, and while the whites arc themselves suH'ering mconveniences from the faults of their forefathers, the slave remains without consolation. Another distressing considera- tion is, that slavery constitutes a perpetual cause of di- vision. The inhabitants of the north hold it in detes- tation, and those of the south wish in vain to deliver their country from it. This irritation was manifested in an alarming manner, when the time arrived for admitting into the Union the I\TKOI)l'fTI()>. y» liged need, at its they gn to o tlie tancc rong. trial. long iiturc Tlie ^nitcil sc to 3, be- laves. d tor nieel these while ences nains dera- of di- letes- ehver nncr. n the territory of Missouri, which, with those on the right bank of the iVlissi^!.h. h slave.* itcs ol no the of the ic soil gth ill Amc- of the autliui. incc to he pub- liiistake, ho touk ; merits mber ol le sepa- ls about ,e, were 1 view land will require on their part indefatigable courage. The more ^ertile the land is, the more reason is there to fear its unhealthfu'.ness. Those dreadful maladies, from which Europe is not even at this day exempt, produce fatal and rapid ravages in countries where new clearings expose to frequent changes of tempera- ture and great humidity. Fevers, as dangerous as the plague, have within a few years appeared in those re- gions. Friends, even neighbours, cannot easily visit one another. It is sometimes necessary to renounce tor a long season that social intercourse, which in our poorest villages renders the greatest misery supporta- ble. To the tediousness of solitude are joined the ri- gours of winter. Rains and drought endanger the ex- istence of the newly arrived planter. He has settled in the neighbourhood of a river, the shores of vhich lie has seen enriched with green meadows. Twenty years of peaceable possession have successively en- couraged him to enlarge his estate. Bw a scorching summer comes on; melted snows descend in torrents from the tops of the mountains; the brooks suddenly swell the rivers; the waters rise in a few hours to fif- teen or eighteen feet above their natural bed; one day destroys the labours of long years; flocks, barns, and dwelling houses are all carried off* by the flood, and the planter is not always able even to save himself and family. Other emigrants begin to settle, without having pro- vided necessaries to support them after .1 bad harvest. One description of insects destroys their crops, while %^.. i ' 1 R ». ? •*.! 94 IXTROUI CTIO.V. Others, more to be dreaded, attach themselves by swarms to tlie hihourer en^jja^rcd in clearing the new hmd, and by their many acute stinj^s occasion torments unknown in Kurope. The lands near the Missouri arc sometimes torn u|) by frightful earthquakes. When the swellings of this river unite with those of the Mis- sissippi, they destroy the embardvuients wliich nature or art has formed along their shores: tiie inundation enters through vast breaches, and extending thirty leagues from the river, kills the cattle and lays waste the cultivated fields. Of all the inconveniences to wliich a family com- mencing a settlement is subject, the neighbourhood of the savages is most to be dreaded. Some are fero- cious, and disposed to acts of treachery even in the midst of peace, and carry on war for the most futile causes. Some tribes preserve the horrible custom of eating tlieir prisoners. The settlers are obliged, after the fatigues of the day, to keep guard against sudden attacks during the night, and tliey sometimes watch in vain. The Indians look out for the moment when the head of the family is absent, in order to cut the throats of his wife and children: they carry ofl'or disperse the cattle, and set fire to the barns and crops. It has been vainly attempted to meliorate their customs by educa- tion. Ignorance is dear to them, and from Algiers to the hut of an Osage, ignorance has for its companions barbarism and all the vices. We see hi our sacred books man already civilized and religious from the very origin of the world. The IN IKODLCTION. 9.> brutislinesa of the sava^rcs obliges us to assign tlieni, if not a more aiicienl, at least an unknown origin. It is with such tribes tliat we sliould commence the history ol tlie human species. It appear.^ to be still nearer its cradle among the iiordes of Austrf !asia tiian witli the inhabitants of tiie banks of the Missouri. The ditfer- ciice, iicvvcver, only consists in the degrees of igno- rance and ferocity. Every thing autliorizcs us to predict the end of these calamities, and the great events wijicii are now pass- ing in America, call the views of statesmen to an ap- })roachin& 104 THE HISTORY progress in civilization^ it is, indeed, doubtful whether after having advanced some steps, they did not retro- grade or become the conquest of a race still more bar- barous. About a century and a half has elapsed since a French colony, under the name of Louisiana, was founded on the Mississippi. This settlement lan- guished till within a recent period, and if the treaties by which Napoleon ceded it to the United States offer matter for a particular narrative, it is because the con- sequences of that measure are already of the greatest importance to those states, to all America, and even to Europe. . The sea-coasts, islands, and mouths of rivers have long been the first spots noticed by those who have gone in search of new regions. The countries of which we shall treat were discovered by exploring the interior, at a distance of more than three hundred leagues from the mouth of the great river which tra- verses them. In 1672, the French, who had been settled a century in Canada,* learned from the Indians that there were, in the neighbourhood of the great lakes, the sources of a river which flowed towards the south, crossing magnificent forests : they called it Namesi-si-pou, that is to say, the river of fishes. Th< y added that those * The coasts of Canada were discovered by the French in 1504. Cartier sailed up the St. Lawrence in 1534, and took possession ot the country in the name of His Most Christian Majesty. Quebec was founded by M. de Champlain in 1604.— Transl. OF LOUISIANA. 105 lether retro- e bar- nce a , was t laii< eaties 3 oflfer B con- eatest vento i have > have ies of ig the ndred h tra- ntury were, mrces >ssing , that those vast regions had never been visited by tlie white na- tion. One hundred and eighty years had elapsed since Colunnbus discovered America, and yet the course of tliis river was so little known, that many placed its mouth in the Vermilion .Sea, between Mexico and Ca- lifornia. Some intelligent travellers set out in 1(37:5 iVom Quebec to explore this country: they descended the Mississippi to the mouth of the river of .he Ar- kansas, which is to the right of the "reat river, and empties into it in about the .iJd degree of latitude. The accounts which they gave, on their return, to Count Frontenac, governor of Canada, did not permit him to doubt the importance of the discovery. La Salle, his successor, was authorized to examine the country himself. In 1 679, proceeding from the north towards the south, he advanced as far as the river of the Illinois, which he called Seignelai, a title ^lat it did not long retain. The name of Colbert, given to the Mississippi, was likewise soon forgotten. La Salle was accompanied by Hennepin, a F'ranciscan monk, a man of considerable acquirements, and inured to the hardships inseparable from travelling in unexplored regions. Tliis person was subsequently intrusted with the charge of an ex- pedition that w'ent to the north, following the upper branch of the Mississippi; he published an account of his travels. Other similar works also appeared, all of which attracted general observation. These narra- tives contained no exaggerated statements, and Louis XIV. was led by them to entertain views in accordance 11 V I iii^ 100 IHK HISTOK^ with the principles of the colonial system, which then began to be adopted by all the maritime powers. A more considerable expedition was determined on; and. in 1682, La Salle descended the Mississippi with sixty men. He stopped in the country of the Chickasaw?, where he built fort Purd'homme, after which he pursued his journey and reached the great gulf. Delighted with the beauty of the countries which he liad seen. he gave them the name of Louisiana. On his return to France, he proposed to the government to unite to Canada the discovery which he had just made, and thus secure to Fiance the sovereignty of the territo- ries in the interior, situated between the northern sea and the Gulf of iMexico, into which the Mississippi falls. This vast and magnificent project was favoura- bly received by Louis XIV. It was even at that time perceived that the colony, which was about being founded, might effectually contribute to the advance- ment of St. Domingo. La Barre, governor of Cana- da, was ordered "to keep up a regular correspondence with the governor of the French islands in the gull. as these colonies might derive very great benefit from a reciprocal trade in their staple productions." In 1684, it was supposed that advantage might be taken of the truce, which had then just been signed between France and Spain. La Salle set sail from La Rochelie with two hundred and eighty persons, one hundred ot whom were soldiers, and with every thing necessarv for a new settlement. But, deceived in his reckoning, he passed the mouths of the Mississippi without being OF LOUISIANA. J 07 aware of it, and landed on tiic 18th of February, 1G85, one hundred and twenty leagues beyond thein in the bay of St. Bernard. He took possession of the country, built forts, placed garrisons in them, and the post of St. Louis acquired some importance. This brave of- ficer was assassinated a year afterwards by some of tiie men employed in the expedition, who feared the severity which their culpable conduct had deserved. Other detachments, under the authority of the king of France, then reconnoitred these countries in diflerent directions, and a few feeble colonies were established. ^V'ar was declared between France and Spain in 1()89, and interrupted these attempts till 1698, when peace was restored. During this interval, the planters, de- prived of aid from the motlier country, Iiad made no progress. In 1699, D'Ibbcrville, a brave and intelligent adven- turer, was sent to the Mississippi to establish a new colony there and be its governor.* The country, of which possession was taken in the name of France, extended from the mouth of the Mobile, which crosses Florida, to the bay of St. Bernard. The occupation was hardly contested by the Spaniards, and the rela- tions of amity and common interest which were esta- ■ -IS ill \h. * It is mentioned in a Memoir of the Count de Vergennes, laid before Louis XVI. during the war of the American revolution, that in September, 1699, the English, conducted by some French de- serters, came in a vessel of twelve guns to explore the mouths of the Mississippi, but were compelled to retire by the Chevalier de Bienville, (the brother of D'Ibberville,) who commanded a post which was then already established on that livcr. — Transl. , i> loa Tilt: iiinToin blished at the beginning of the eighteenth century be- tween the two kingdoms, put an end to any claims on the part of tlie court of Madrid. There was, liowc- vcr, no settlement ol" boundaries, and it appears, that, on the one side, tlie Spaniards were ahaid tiiat, il'thcy were accurately described, they would have to consent to s< me concessions; and, on the other, the French were unwilling to limit, by precise terms, their possible extension of territory. At the same time, the English colonies, founded twenty or thirty years before, were beginning to pros- per. Their charters granted to them the countries which extend, between iixed parallels of latitude, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. These colonists did not. however, advance their settlenients beyond the Alleghany mountains. This chain and a few rivers were the first bou'. uiaries between the French colonics and those of England, which, having attained t'^eir hi- dependence, are at this day known as a powerful and happy nation, under the name of the United States. At the origin of their settlements, the planters, who had come from England, fnuhng fertile lands on the sea-coast, or at a short distance from it, were in no hurry to advance towards the mountains. No one then ioresavv that these colonies, flourishing as a con- sequence of their good laws, would be the first to et- fect their indejjendence; that their caravans would one day extend beyond the Mississippi, and penetrate by discoveries and settlements in the interior to the west- ern coast, where it is washed by the Northern Ocean The laws g intended tc rapidity of and almost under the c vcrnment, Paris polic of the I'ttii rich financ twelve yeai nois, the W these lettei those of S these desig ters patent which the served. It versed by tl France; ar notion of v the colony burden. 1 much bett( which certj of the law the mouths sources. Crozat s than the m and, so far OF F-Ol I^FANA. lOi^ The laws given to the colony of Louisiana socined to be intended to perpetuate its dependence, by cliecking the rapidity of its progress. The care of peopling this new and almost uninhabited country, instead of being placed under the charge of the superior departments of the go- vernment, was principally confided to the agents of the Paris police. Louis XIV., howc or, by letters patent of the 11th of September, 1712, granted to Crozat, a ricii financier, the exclusive trade of the colony for twelve years. The names of the Mississippi, the Illi- nois, the Wabash, and the Missouri were suppressed in these letters. It was attempted to replace them by those of St. Louis, St. Stephen, and St. Jerome; but these designations, imagined by the authors of the let- ters patent, are no longer remembered. Those to which the Indians were accustomed have been pre- served. It was not then known that the countries tra- versed by these rivers are several times as extensive as France; and the government had only a very vague notion of what it was granting. It made a present of the colony to Crozat, or rather it relieved itself of a burden. The limits of Louisiana were not afterwards much better defined; but agreeably to the practice, which certain maritime powers had made a principle of the law of nations, the effect of the occupation of the mouths of the rivers and streams extended to their sources. Crozat showed that he was more of a statesman than the ministers. His plans were wisely conceived, nnd. so far as depended on him, lie sent to the new co- rfl ^U m ■. -J '* , U 4tl:i 110 TiiK lilSTOKV lony only robust and industrious people, and some poor faniilios, recoinruL'ndcd by tlicir good morals, who were indeed the only settlers that succeeded. Ik", nig, liovvever, soon tired of iiis privilege, and of the great advances which the iirst settlements required, he renounced the grant. He gave it up in 1717, and the regent transferred the colony to the company of the west.* Louisiana did not rise under this new govern- ment from the state of languor in which it had re- mained since its discovery. But the exaggerations and falsehoods of a few travellers ascribed to it riclies in mines of gold and silver superior to those of Mexico and Peru. The deplorable state of the French finances led the people, and even the ministers, into these illusions, and they indulged them with an ardour which was soon communicated to other countries. A foreigner of an eccentric mind, though a skilful calculator, had engaged the regent in operations the most disastrous possible to the finances of a state. John Law, after having persuaded creduloui oeople that pa- per money might advantageously ta'e the place of spe- cie, drew from this false principle the most extravagant consequences. They were adopted by ignorance and cupidity, and perhaps by Law ..imself, for he was frank and high-minded, even in his errors. There were, however, some men who were not de- ceived, and many members of the parliament of Paris opposed to these illusions the lessons of experience. * The letters patent arc dated Auj;ust, 1717. fiieir pru cccdcd in stock was were cone These chii differ mud in the pres Iiave asscr violations rosuit of a had only c( .1 debt whc cannot ad( iliat, after J prince and palliate one the public according have been tice of the the public ( may be the sociated wi the lapse o; country ha name. We will system; it i an apparen 'he compai or M)risi.\N.\. Ill riicir prudence w.is without effect. John Law suc- ceeded in persuadinfT tlie i)ublic that the vahic of liis stock was guarantied by the inexliaustible riclics tliat were concealed in tlie mines near the Mississippi. These chimeras, called by the name of system, do not (lilVcr much from the schemes that are brought forward in the present age, under the name of credit. Some have asserted that so many unjust operations, so many violations of the most solemn engagements, were the result of a deeply meditated design, and that the regent had only consented to it in order to free the state from ;i debt whose weight had become insupportable. NVc cannot adopt this explanation. It is more probable, lliat, after having entered on a pernicious course, this prince and his council were led from error to error, to palliate one evil by another still greater, and to deceive the public by deceiving themselves. Had they acted according to a premeditated plan, their artifice would have been even more disgraceful than the open injus- tice of the French directory, when in 1797 it reduced the public debt to one-third of its amount. Wiiatever may be the fact, the name of Mississippi was soon as- sociated with that of bankruptcy, and it is only after the lapse of a century that the real prosperity of the country has effaced the infamv con:\ectcd with its name. We will not recall the consequences of John Law's -system; it is sufficient to say, that, in order to give it an apparent consistency, he kept uj) the relations of the company with Louisiana. }fc had acquired for ill !il 'II lit I 'a 112 IHE mSTOR\ himself an estate of four leagues S((uare, situated oh the Arkansas, in the ncighhourliood of the Mississippi Its soil was remarkably fertile, and he had obtaiiitd j)ermission from the regent to erect it into a dutcliy." He brought together about two thousand French and Germans, and embarked all the articles necessary to found a largo settlement. Hut the year 1720 was the last of his ephemeral greatness. His projects in France having failed, the colonial enterprise experienced grca embarrassments, and Dupratz calculates, "that the •rrant occasioned the loss to L'Orient of more than a thousand persons before the embarkation.'' The vcv sels which carried the remainder of the emigrants oiih set sail from the French ports in 1721, a year after the disgrace of this minister; and when he himself could uive no attention to this wreck of his fortune. The grant was transferred to the company. Tlie emigrant- were landed at Biloxi, at Mobile, as well as on the banks of the Mississippi. Thus dispersed and deprived of the care of the person who had sent them to the country, most of them became victims to the rigour o! the climate. It was easy to conceal from the pubh the calamities without number to which these French- men were subjected. The communications with the metropolis were rare, and the only correspondence thai was carried on was conducted with secrecy. Europe had not then any of those periodical writings, which. * Dupratz's History of Louisiana, vol. i. page 170. Lower Ca- nada is still subjected to the feudal system, and the barons ain- seisnors are very much attached to their privilej^cs and titles. Cd Oh ssippi. taincd tcliy,- h and lury to as till ''niiicc 1 grcai It the than a IC VQi- ts oiil;. tcrtlie ' coultl The H'rant' 511 tilt privctl to tilt ;o",ir o! publii rciicli- th tilt :c tlia! uropt vvliicli. war i.'i- ms aiii; OK r,OUISIAN.>. 113 as tlicy aro ol'tcii independent nnd lionet-t in spite of all the shackles that are attempted to ho. imposed on tiicin. nitimately give, by procia; ning the truth, iidbr- ination to governments as well as to the people. Enlightened and prudent men formed, however, a sound jiulgment on the state of things in l^onisiana. Father Charlevoix, a Jesuit, travelled throurevi- lUi THK HISTORV ously exhibited, changed in consequence of the bad treatment that they experienced from the agents ol the company, who had quitted France, seduced by the ho[)e of obtaining the fortunes which Law had offered tc their cupidity. Instead of the metalhc treasures which the earth refused them, they traded in furs with the Indians; and as they had been at first obtained at a cheap rate, they wanted to have them at the same price wlien they became scarce. It was, indeed, to the French liuntcrs themselves tliat this scarcity was to be attributed. Tlie Indians liad always a sort of regard for the innocent communities of beavers and otters. They respected the peaceable families of these ani- mals, whose habits deserve to be studied. Our hunt- ers, on the contrary, appeared to take pleasure in de- stroying their retreats, and in penetrating even to the subterraneous recess where the industrious tribe as- sembles after finishing the common labour. In the trade with the natives, the French being the stronger and more cunning party, first gave the law; but injustice on the one side was followed by resistance on the other. The French posts and gar- risons were separated by great distances and could not afford one another mutual aid. Petty wars broke out in all directions, and lasted from eight to ten years. Sieges and conspiracies have furnished to travellers and historians materials for narratives, which would at this time be without interest or utility. It is only ne- cessary to remark, that in these quarrels the civilized race was ahvays unjust, which rendered in some soil excusable ted. Th( those to consequei rival, was tated by t it had rec the colon that a gre was exterr who escap and protec immemori mily of ch the Sun. had them Francais. ty died th other Suns moderate applied to the 22d of tors, as fol other cour survivors c sent back The reg resolution. * Register ohivos of the OF LOUISIANA. in> excusable the acts of cruelty that the natives commit- ted. The war carried on against the Natchez, one of those to whicli we refer, was attended witli dreadful consequences. This nation, peaceable before our ar- rival, was considered less cruel than the others. Irri- tated by the violent conduct of a French commander, it had recourse to horrible reprisals. The governor of the colony, conceived that the insurrection required that a great example diould be made; and the tribe was exterminated with the exception of a few i'amiiies who escaped the general massacre, and were received and protected by the neighbouring tribes. From time immemorial, the Natchez had been governed by a fa- mily of chiefs whom they believed to be children of the Sun. General Perrier, the commanding officer, had them all carried away and transported to Cape Francais. The most important member of this dynas- ty died there, a few months after his arrival. The other Suns were maintained by the company for the moderate sum of 1,8H8 livres 7 sous. The company applied to M. Maurepas to defray this expense.* On the 22d of April, 1731, the minister wrote to the direc- tors, as follows : " I am not aware that there is any other course to adopt in this matter, than to order the survivors of these two Indian families to be sold or sent back to Louisiana." The registers of the company contain the following resolution. •' It was resolved to order the sale of the * Registers of the Company of tlie Indies, deposited in the ar- ■iiivps of the Court of Account:*. Appendix, No. 4. l}.': «Ii)| tl t ,m:^ II 120 THE HISTOR\ survivors of the said two families of Natchez Indians." At the very time that this order was given, tlie compa- ny was pretending to the glory of civilizing a people whose chiefs were sold as slaves. A icw feeble detachments oi" French soldiers had been sufficient to reduce these tribes, who had not yet learned to use our weapons. They made war on them in a great many places, and with pretty constant suc- cess. But these petty victories weakened the French themselves. The chimeras of the system appeared no longer, even to its greatest dupes, any thing but an au- dacious falsehood.* Louisiana had become rather a burden than an advantage to the company. In MM \t gave up its privileges to the king, who declared the trade free to all his subjects. The company no longer exists. To know what it cost the state during its con- tinuance and since its dissolution, requires the produc- tion of the registers of the time. In 1786, .V^.OCMWO livres were paid to its cashier by the treasury, to meet expenditures for which there were no receipts: and thi= payment was not the last. It was in the Illinois country that a covetous ignorance had placed those mines of silver and gold, which the speculators said were richer and more abundant than those of Mexico. iMany families, dupes of an error * On the 11th of August, 1728, the company surrendered to the king all its rights against John and William Law. This pro- ceeding was founded on a judgment in its favour for twenty mil- lions, the value of which had only been turnislicd in part. Tin' king accepted the surrender the 5i\ of September following. OP F.OUISrANV. 121 rancc 1 tlio than error that was almost general, had transferred their fortunes there. They found, instead of treasures concealed in the bowels of the earth, a soil of almost inexhaustible fertility, one of the mildest climates in the world, se- veral navigable rivers, all of which might have been decorated with the title of beautiful river, which was given to the Ohio. The colonists, recovered from their illusions, turned their attention to agriculture: this small part of JNew France from that time made consi- derable progress. Honest and industrious agricultu- rists, merchants in easy circumstanres settled there; and such is the power of labour and property that the colony began, between 1732 and 1740, to assume a little more importance. It was at this time that the French government wished to realize the great plan, formed sixty years before, of uniting Canada and Lou- isiana, in the hope that this union would shut out from the English colonies all access to the regions of the west. Although no one was then at all acquainted with the countries which extend from the Mississippi to the Western Seas, their future importance was fore- seen. The memoirs written on this subject have been pre- served: their authors sagaciously prognosticate the high destinies of the two colonies thus united. They meet objections, and combat them all with one excep- tion: no one of them foresees that these provinces, as they increase in population, and as a consequence even of the'r prosperity, must aspire to and finally attain in- dependence. They notice the discontent with which 16 m : *H <« .11 It I. i 122 THF HISIOUV the plan of tlie union of Canada and Louisiana must inspire Rngland; but nothing foretells to them that the provinces of English America will rise up and free themselves from the dominion of their mother country, and that the colonies conquered from France will one day be the only ones that Great Britain will retain on that continent. When knowledge is once diftused, its progress can no longer be arrested; every thing contrary to nature and reason has become impossible. But, in the mid- dle of the last century, the most penetrating minds, the most attentive statesmen wer? still far from foreseeing the independence of the English provinces. After tl e peace of 1748, the French ministry took a deep interest in the settlement of Louisiana, and held out encouragements to all who wished to es- tablish themselves there; but, at the same time, it greatly neglected the measures necessary to the suc- cess of such a design. The plantations should have been kepi close together, and only gradually extend- ed. But the colonists, on their arrival in these sa- vage regions, thought themselves released from all re- straint. The greater part of them did not even care about obtaining for their titles the sanction of a grant; it was not easy to restrain them from settling wherever their hopes or fancy conducted them. The Indians, however, were beginning to recover from the hatred with which the French had momentarily inspired them. The missionaries exerted themselves to make them Christians, and laboured with an admirable zeal to render tl, allow fire change fc instrumer lent care the nativ were the without a their mise end were the India] names of nised, tho The ch principal become e were alwa them in al experience wards the tlements. this disper gress of tl had, for th to colonia favour, ani only filled of making The exj limits : in i OF LOIilSI.WA. 123 render th^m more liumano. The governors did not allow fire-cirms and strong liquors to be given in ex- change for furs. Tlicy distributed to thorn cattle and instruments of tillage. It is true that those benevo- lent cares did not produce the desired effect; but the natives were grateful for them, and the French were then able to scatter themselves among them, without apprehension: they shared their idleness and their misery. They oftentimes married [udinn women, end were then of right incorporated into the tribe. But the Indian families preserved with pride the foreign names of their new chiefs, which are still to be recog- nised, though altered by local idioms. The chase, the amusement of civilized man, is the principal business of savages. The French, having become equally capable of fatigue with the Indians, were always ready to accompany them, and to second them in all circumstances; they therefore scarcely ever experienced the treachery so connnonly employed to- wards the English, who atteuipted to form isolated set- tlements. But, besides the inconvenience arising from this dispersion, there was another obstacle to the pro- gress of the French colony; the off -^.ers from Europe had, for the most part, only false nouons with respect to colonial government. They were named through favour, and the most in^portant places were oftentimes only filled by dependants, who accepted them in hopes of making or re-establishing their fortunes. The expenses resulting from want of order had no limits : in no condition to provide for them, the heads i^ a; m ,fj#'' i ! ' ■*■* r. -J *.'! li ^1! i iii Li' 121 THE lilSlOUV of the government had recourse to paper money, the desperate resource of financiers without capacity. The following reniaks on this subject are from a despatch of M. Ilouille, minister of marine. "The disorder, which lias for some time prevailed in the finances and trade of Louisiana, principally arises from pouring into the province treasury orders and other kinds of paper money; all of which soon fell into discredit, and occasioned a depreciation of the currency, which has been the more injurious to the co lony and its trade, as the prices of all things, and par- ticularly of manual labour, have increased in propor- tion to the fall in the treasury notes." It was on the .30th of November, 1744, that this mi- nister thus expressed himself with regard to the chime- rical systems of credit, which have never been more in vogue than in our tiiTie. This internal difficulty originated in the bad legisla- tion of the French colonies, while those of England prospered by the aid of wise institutions. France was always less powerful on the continent of America, and she was there successively stripped by England of her principal settlements. These losses are not foreign to the circumstances attending the cession of Louisiana, and we will point them out, commencing with the earliest. The French were beginning to settle in Carolina, when the English, by a better conceived enterprise, took possession of it. It remained theirs without trea- ty, without cession, and by the simple fact of occupancy. The tr( vcrcr blo\ Hudson B and Acadi iier, in fu received t an excellei which red not genera purpose of dcr that tb inspire, me much opp( The Ac their origii them, had to bear ar they perse' and habits themselves name that When th tunate peo] with pain They allow were alwaj The En^ of France some indie ^nd fearing OF LOllSIANA. 125 The treaty of Utrecht inflicted in 1713 a still se- verer blow on the French power in the new world. Hudson Bay was by that treaty restored to England, and Acadia, as well as Newfoundland, was ceded to licr, in full sovereignty. Acadia, which subsequently icceivcd the name of Nova Scotia, was inhabited by an excellent race of Frenchmen. The circumstances which reduced them to the most wretched state arc not generally known: we will relate them, not for the purpose of nourishing national animosities, but in or- der that the indignation, which these persecutions must inspire, may prevent the return of acts of injustice, as much opposed to humanity as to the law of nations. The Acadians, always attached to the country of their origin, even after it had been obliged to abandon them, had obtained permission never to be compelled to bear arms against it. Religious, docile, and loyal, they persevered in retaining the language, manners, and habits of France: they had succeeded in causing themselves to be regarded as neutral, which is the name that was at length given to them. When the seven years' war broke out, those unfor- tunate people, forgotten by their native land, still bore with pain their subjection to a foreign government. Tlicy allowed it to be too plainly seen that their wishes were always favourable to the country of their origin. The English, resolved to put an end to the influence of France in the aflfairs of America, took umbrage at ^ome indications of this affection of the Acadians, and fearing that they might be induced to afford aid to I ?l^ ti^'^ ■it if li i.v. ■4: ^i^ 'I 126 f HE HisiToKV the French in Canada, they determined not only to banish tlieni from Acadia, but to disperse them so as to prevent, for the future, all concert of such a nature. The fate intended for them was with great caro kept secret. On a sudden, they were collected by districts under pretence of the harvest. They were hardly assembled, when it was notified to them that they were prisoners; that their lands, cattle, and all their moveables were confiscated. They were only al- lowed to ci.rry away their silver and the trifling eflccts. which they could put on board of the vessels. Their estates were laid waste, so that they might retain nei- ther the hope nor desire of returning to them. In one single district two hundred and fifty-five dwellings, two Imndred and seventy-six barns, eleven mills, and one church were destroyed. A few families took refuge in the woods, but they were pursued with fire and sword: some young persons were killed in their flight by sen- tinels, and the other fugitives were obliged to deliver themselves up. These unfortunate people were distri- buted in the English colonies, where they were lin- manely and charitably received. At Philadelphia, Be- nezet, descended from a French family banished at the revocation of the edict of Nantes, treated them like brothers. Twenty-five years after this event, wc have seen this individual, who was a model of all the charitable virtues, guide the Acadians like a father ot a family, and they really regarded themselves as his children. The cares of this excellent man preserved them; but he could not put an end to the misery and OF I.OIJISIW \. 127 dc|CClion into wliicli this barbarous act liad plunged them. They still continued, even after so many years, to regret France and the colony wliicli they were ne- ver again to see.* Louis XV., touched by tlieir fidelity, proposed, through his ministers, to the English government to send some vessels to the diftbrent provinces and plan- tations to bring them back to France. Mr. Grenville, tiie English minister, hastened to reply: "Our naviga- tion act forbids it, — France cannot send vessels to our coionies."t Some of these exiles fled to Louisiana. Several of them settled in French Guyana; and the French who were banished to Sinnamari in 1798 found there an Acadian family, that received them with these hospita- ble words: — "Welcome," said Madame Trion to one of them ; " our fathers were banished like you, they taught us to alleviate misfortunes: welcome, we feel pleasure in offering you consolation and an asylum in our cabins." It is also proper to mention the other mitigations tiiat attended so great a calamity. Some Acadians and Canadians had taken the part of the United States (luring the war of the revolution. Congress, warned by sad notoriety of the misery which these refugees and those who had formerly been banished ftom their country experienced, because they remembered that * Minot. Continuation of the History of Massachusetts. Ch. 10. Entick. General History of the Seven Years' War. t Letter of December, 1768, from Jasper Mauduit, agent of Massachusetts at London. — Massachusetts Historical Collection. I .P »♦-,-. *'*«.'- m ■ h 128 THE HISTORY their fathers had been Frenchmen, attempted to tbrm settlements of them. Having become rich in land by the acquisition of Louisiana, it made them free grants. It was in this country, formerly French, that after so many vicissitudes they again met like a fami- ly.* Other Acadians had preceded them there. They have given the name of Acadia to a district of Lou- isiana, where they have settled. It is bounded by the parish of Ibbcrville and lake Maurepas. The Missis- sippi washes its shores, and its inhabitants have the people of New Orleans for neighbours. Thus sur- rounded, they consider themselves in France, their posterity will lose the remembrance of the misfortunes which a jealous and suspicious policy made them ex- perience, and will for ever bless the beneficence and humanity of congress. France, when she abandoned Acadia in 1713, pre- served Canada and Cape Breton, hkewise called Isle Royal. This island war- of great importance on ac- count of its excellent harbours, and of its neighbour- hood to the fisheries of Newfoundland, the principal school for seamen. England had conquered it during the war, which the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle termi- nated in 17 18. Reciprocal restitutions were stipulated * This statement respecting the proceedings of congress is in- correct. The settlement of the Acadians in Louisiana was formed soon after the melancholy transactions which are related by the au- thor, and in consequence of a grant of land from the Spanish govern- ment. The United vStates have, however, in conformity with the resolutions of the old congress, from time to time, passed law?. making grants of land to the Canadians and Nova Scotians, whu became refugees on account of the American revolution.— Transl OF LOUISIANA. 129 by this treaty, and among others Cape Breton was given up to France. Its lands arc fertile. The har- bour of Louisbourg is one of the largest ai:d safest in the world; and the sea never freezes there. This island was not loii'? to remain ours. England had de- termined to leave to the French in those latitudes only the rocks of St. Peter and Miijuelon. Commerce is friendly to peace, but the merchants of London, in despite of this maxim, were the most violent in ex- citing to war. They considered that they had a flou- rishing navy on their side, while the fleet of their neighbours was entirely ruined. Too certain of their maritime superiority, they continually called the atten- tcntion of the parliament and the ministry to their inte- rests in the continental colonies of America. Without troubling themselves about the reciprocal rights of other nations, and without examining if the respective limits were traced between the territories of the two powers, they alleged in their petitions the injury that the Canadian hunters occasioned them, and the loss which they would experience, if they were deprived of the fine furs of the beavers and otters. To these causes for a war, in which so much blood was to flow, were added a general clamour which pro- ceeded from the thirteen colonies. Franklin, as skil- ful in politics as he was zealous for the improvement of natural science, was the principal organ of the com- plaints of the English colonists. Franklin, whom Pa- ris saw twenty-five years afterwards employed in ex- citing the opinion of France and of all Europe against 17 II f r'Jif ^f-ii 130 IHK MlflTURV England, was, in 1754, the promoter of the expedition against our remaining possessions in the northern i,)art of the new world. "No tranquillity," said he, "'no tranquillity can be expected for our thirteen colonies, so long as the French are masters of Canada.*' Nei- ther this ardent republican, nor any statesman then foresaw that after this conquest, the provinces would have too much repose to remain long in a dependent state; and that twenty years later, freed from all anxie- ty respecting the Canadian frontier, they might, with more hope of success, undertake to throw off the yoke of the mother country. The jealousy which the English had of the in- creasing power of France in India, confirmed their determination for war. Negotiations were still pro- ceeding in Europe; or rather England, by a feigned negotiation, was endeavouring to prolong the security of the cabinet of Versailles. From the month of May. 1751, hostilities had begun on the Ohio. In June. 1755, the British ministers sent in their justificatory memoirs; and, at the same period, almost on the same day, a squadron of thirteen English vessels meeting on the banks of Newfoundland two French vessels of the line, approached them with pacific demonstration?, and took possessiofi of them. Canada and the neighbouring countries became the theatre, on which during five years the two powers dis- played all the resources of courage and skill. To sec the fury with which two rival nations disputed, not only for the inhabited country- but even for totallv bai- ver as ni OF LOUISIANA. 131 ren spots, one would have thought that they attached more interest to those territories than to their Euro- pean provinces. The French had for a long time the advantage in this violent struggle, to which the capa- city of Montcalm contributed as much as his valour; but the issue depended upon maritime superiority. A part only of the destined succours in men and mo- ney arrived at Quebec. After deeds of high valour and a battle in which the two chiefs, Montcalm and Wolf, found a glorious death, the English completed the conquest of Canada. This vast province, peopled by French, its forts constructed with so much expense, two cities that were already flourishing, were all lost to France; because in spite of uicredible efforts to balance the English on the ocean, in spite of the bravery and skill of the French mariners, her naval armaments were ne- ver as numerous, or as soon readv for sea as those of the English. While France was still in possession of Canada, she neglected nothing to carry back its limits. She ad- vanced upon land designated in general terms in the English charters. She opposed to those charters the edicts and letters patents of our kings. These docu- ments and the memoirs produced on both sides could not spread a great deal of light upon these discussions: for the frontiers of the belligerents did not meet; they were separated by territory, which the Indians still pos- sessed. The peace of 176;i terminated this great dis- pute. England retained her conquests, and thencefor- \\jud regulated according to her own will the frontiers ii $0 I -* ■ftl«'H 132 I'HE HlSTOllV of Nova Scotia. Turning to her advantage in the ne- f benefit of gotiation every thing that France had alleged in order to establish the limits of Canada to the south, she made her cede all the territory, which had depended on her, to the left bank of the Mississippi. New Orleans was excepted, and it was stipulated that a line drawn through the middle of the great river should separate the part of Louisiana Ipft to France from the posses- sions of England. English ambition seemed at first satisfied with this great increase of power in America. But a few years gave it quite another developmenl. The peace of 1763 only extended the cession to the countries which we had possessed. It is, however, in consequence of that treaty that England has since taken possession of an immense territory to the north and west, which extends even to the Northern Ocean, and to the coasts opposite Asiatic Russia. So many losses and a humiliating peace distressed the French nation. The ministry accused and prose- cuted its own agents on their return to Europe. The court of the Chdleld for their collusions and vexatious banished them, and condemned them to restore twelve millions. At tlie sad remembrance of the loss of these pro- vinces, of so much bloodshed, of works executed at such great expense, of debts contracted after peace to discharge the expenses of a useless defence, we may ask ourselves to what point of prosperity would Franco have risen if all these many efibrts had been employed within the kingdom, and in improvements for the OF LOUISIANA. J 313 benefit of our agriculture, manufactures, and com- merce ?* The bad system of government under which Louisi- ana long suftered, was attended with the consequences which were to be expected from it; the sovereignty of one of the finest countries in the world, a country which might have become another France, was of no use to the parent state, but was even a charge to Iicr. After the experience of several years, the govern ment^ wearied with a possession which its faults and igno- rance had made burdensome, felt disposed at the peace of 1763 to abandon it; and probably it only intended to make, by ceding it to the Spaniards, an arrangement which by diminishing its expenses would relieve the finances of the kingdom. In 1761, a family compact was concluded between France and Spain.f From the title given to this trea- ty one might have supposed that there was only a question of a contract, by which the mutual interests of the different branches of the house of Bourbon were * Appendix, No. 5. t Fifty years afterwards, the cabinet of St. James took advan- tage of a favourable opportunity to agree with the court of Madrid tliiit this treaty should never be put in force. Some persons have asserted that England, instead of being alarmed by it, should have (lesirod its renewal, by which means we migiit have been involved in all the difficulties incident to a badly governed state, witliout enjoying, after the loss of America, any compensation for a useless burden. These questions are too complicated not to offer ground for different opinions. But we are persuaded that Spain, even af- ter her irreparable losses, is a fine and powerful monarchy, and that iliis union would sooner or later have contributojf'' (t * Marshall's Life of General Washington, 5tli vol. page 152, 152 THE HISTORY fear the preponderance of the United States, when death terminated his useful labours. The Count Montmorin, the successor of Vergennes. thought that it was possible to prevent the indepen- dence of the rest of America, and that it was his duty to do so. The following hues are from the instructions transmitted to the French envoy in the United States: " It is not advisable for France to give America all the stability of which she is susceptible. She will acquire a degree of power which she will be too well disposed to abuse." Strange words to follow the alliance con- cluded in 1778. This epoch was still recent; the French ministers, seconded by the wishes not only of France but of all Europe, had, by effectual and sincere efforts, contributed to the independence of the thir- teen states; and ten years afterwards, the view of their own success amazed them, and inspired them with alarms that came too late. Instead of following the inevitable developments of this revolution, and con- forming their conduct to it, they had conceived the idea of checking its course. They imagined that a few lines of instructions, given by the cabinet of Ver- sailles to an envoy of the king, would arrest the pro- gress and change the views of many millions of fami- lies settled in fertile and boundless territories, and enjoying all the advantages of independence. Montmorin was alarmed at the progress of the thir- teen states of the American Union. But, if his judg- ment respecting them was erroneous, all the other ca- binets, that had then become hostile to this revolu- OF LOUISIANA. I.W lion, were equally blinded. Such were the dispositions of Europe towards America, when troubles that had been long foreseen began to agitate France. Germs of insurrection had likewise been scattered, and were fermenting in all parts of the new world. Events whicli occurred in 1793 pointed out the influence that Lou- isiana would one day have in the affairs of that conti- nent, and from that time the lot of this great province might have been predicted. The revolution, that had taken place in France, had put an immense power in the hands of men without experience in public affairs, and incapable of making a good use of their authority. They had too little in- telligence to conceive that a state can prosper without colonies. They sent to the United States a new mi- nister plenipotentiary, who was particularly instructed to sound the dispositions of the Louisianians with re- spect to the French republic; to omit no means of taking advantage of them, if circumstances should ap- pear to him favourable; and to direct, in a special manner, his attention to the designs of the Americans on the Mississippi. This minister was Genet, a young man whom an excellent education had prepared at an early age for pubhc affairs; though he was by his restless, turbulent, and bold character, as well as by his views as a politi- cian, entirely on a level with the statesmen who had chosen him. It was then seen to what errors the sen- timent of liberty may conduct even those who taste its true benefits. The Americans, separating the liberty 20 I§^^i iM:l "I*! I L- 'V m \i **»*i^ ijiM I '^mm ■If ip : |i£x£ J ll ■' 1.04 THK HISTOUY wliicli France had just assumed to herself from every thing violent and criminal that she had connected with it, received young Genet as the messenger of liumanity restored to its rights. He arrived at Charleston in April. 179.3. The envoy of a rising republic, he was received with demonstrations of joy that he might well have re- garded as universal. Intoxicated by a welcome of which there had been no example, except at the epoch of the alliance between Franco aid the United States, he did not wait, before announcing his character, to be recog- nised by the government; but, as soon as he landed. he engaged in transactions tiiat were justly considered by those who were not blinded by their passions as a real violation of the law of nations. Too soon invest- ed with a character which requires great maturity of intellect, he authorized the fitting out of privateers, in- stituted consular courts of admiralty, and considered himself entitled to confer on the French consuls the power of pronouncing the condemnation of prizes taken from the English, and ordering their sale. The instructions which he had icceived from the commit- tees of the convention breathed the hatred that they bore to Washington, who was, they dared to say, en- tirely devoted to England. After Genet was recognised by the American government as minister of the French republic, he redoubled his boldness, and set no limit? to the rights which he claimed in his official character. At fifteen hundred leagues from France he thought himself as powerful as if he had been sent, supported by a French army, to the court of an insignificant Eu- OF LOUISIANA. 155 ropcaii prince. Tlic fcderul government behaved with lirmness and dignity, and ctVcctually resisted his at- tempts; but the young minister renewed them with- out cessation, and as his official notes and memoirs, swelled with citations from publicists and learned men, made no impression on the cabinet, he scattered them every where, and exerted himself to produce an excite- ment in the public mind. He had secret or avowed adherents in several of the states, and even in con- gress. Inflated by their support, and having become truly formidable, he carried his audacity and impru- dence so far as to accuse Washington himself, who was then president of the United States, of violating the constitution. He even allowed the menace to es- cape him, " of appealing from the president to the peo- ple, of carrying his accusation before congress, and of including in it all the aristocratic partisans of England, and monarchical government.'' Soon apprized of the state of things there, by the reports of his correspondents, and of the adventurers who had advanced to the Mississippi, he believed, with much reason, that if he could make a sudden attack on Florida and Louisiana, he would find, not only among the inhabitants of the western territories, but even at New Orleans, a numerous party prepared to second him. He was assured that all Louisiana de- sired to return under the dominion of France, and he seriously set about making the conquest of it: he pre- pared a co-operation of naval forces, which were to 'endezvous upon the coast of Florida. The principal •■'II ':i^^^ T-M j 11- 1"- III It*) ^i m T'CSti'' :R!; •56 THE HISTORY body ot* land troops was to crabark in Kentucky, anu descending tlie Ohio and Mississippi, to invade unex- pectedly New Orleans. He liad regulated in advance the pay of the troops, their rations, the distribution of the booty, and even the division of the lands among the soldiers, with the portion reserved to the French re- public. Finally, he abused the privileges of legations so far as to raise bodies of troops in the tv.'o states of South Carolina and Georgia, and he received in them French and Americans, without distinction. Though restrained for a moment in his extravagances by the moderation and firmness of the government, he soon recommenced his attacks by exhausting all the decla- mations which the conventional doctrines could furnish, and thus resumed his ascendancy over the multitude. The federal government was informed of the fa- vourable reception which the proposition of inva- ding New Orleans met with in several of the states. These hostile preparations gave it the more uneasi- ness, as it was then carrying on, with the court of Madrid, a negotiation relative to the navigation of the Mississippi. Washington promptly addressed in- structions to the governor of Kentucky, with a view of moderating this excitement. He informed him that four Frenchmen, bearers of commissions from M. Genet, were openly travelling through that state preparing an expedition against Louisiana. That mi- nister himself, he added, was to be the commander-in- chief. The inhabitants of Kentucky were but too well disposed to second hini- They resolved, in their pn- OF LOUISIANA. 157 vate assemblies, to lay before congress their claim for the most entire liberty of navigating the Mississippi, and recommended to their representatives to employ decent but imperative terms, and such as suit the lan- guage of a people speaking to their servants. The governor replied to the despatches of the secretary of state, that " he had neither the power nor intention of preventing the people from asserting rights necessary to their existence; and, as to those who had planned the expedition, he doubted whether there was any legal authority to restrain or punish them, at least before they have actually accomplished it." From the exag- gerated consequences to which the first magistrate of Kentucky carried the abstract rights of man, we may judge of the greatness of the crisis. Washington, personally insulted by the diplomatic proceedings of Genet, considered the public tranquil- hty in danger. To appeal from the president to the people, was to summon the people to sedition. Five or f 'X months after the arrival of this p ^nipotentiary, who had become, as it were, the chief of a faction, the American ministers informed the French government " that the proceedings of its envoy in no respect cor- responded with the dispositions that animated the French republic; that, on the contrary, he was exert- ing himself to embroil the United States in war with- out, and to spread discord and anarchy at home, and they demanded his recall as necessary to the mainte- nance of a good understanding." !;#«»« ';^? m. m m ! I I 158 THE HISTORY The answer to this demand was delayed by the dis- tance. Genet continued his bold practices, and the government was about to suspend his diplomatic func- tions and deprive him of the privileges attached to his ofHcial character, when it received the news of his re- call. His successor arrived soon after, and througli this new plenipotentiary the United States were in- formed that the French government entirely disap- proved the conduct of Genet. This young man, who seemed destined by his talents and acquirements to fill honourably his public career, fell into a sort of obscu- rity, in consequence of his having been prematurely called to perform duties that require experience and prudence even more than learning. His active mind was subsequently directed to the useful arts, and with- out doubt his efforts in those matters have been at- tended with more fortunate results than his political proceedings. But the seditious and violent impulse to insurrection which he had given to the people of the west had been so well received, that it lasted after Ik had ceased to be its principal mover. The inhabitant? of Kentucky, deprived of the hope of conquering Lou- isiana, presented petitions, in which, reducing their demand to the free navigation of the Mississippi, they accused the administration of the United States of in- attention to the public interests, threatened it with a dismemberment of the Union, and declared that "by the h-iw of nature, the navigation of the Mississippi be- longed to them; that they wished to have it, that the^ OF LOUISIANA. 159 would have it, and that if the government neglected to secure it to them, it would be guilty of a crime towards them and their posterity." The senate and house of representatives did not no- tice the violent language, and the disregard of the rules of rational liberty, with which these representations were drawn up, but they took into consideration the state of a numerous agricultural population, without manufactures, which, spread on the banks of the Mis- sissippi and its tributaries, could only exist and extend itself by commerce, by the sale of the products of the earth, and by a free navigation of that river. The two houses declared that "the right of the United States to this navigation was incontestable, and that the necessary measures should be taken to secure its enjoyment.*' After the recall of Genet, a small force which was to have co-operated in the projected invasion, landed on the coast of Florida. It was said to be only the ad- vanced guard of a more considerable body. On the arrival of these feeble auxiliaries, a few French and Americans assembled in Georgia. But these volun- teers, being deprived of their chief, dispersed; the French passed over to the Indian territory to await new orders. They were there in a most destitute con- dition, and many of them became victims of the In- dians. A few deserters from the army of the United States had joined these bands of adventurers. They saw with 'cgret the rich bootv, at which thcvhad aimed, escape 10 .1)1 160 THK HISTORY them. These tumults were not entirely calmed till to- wards the middle of 1794; but other troubles broke out, and were felt even in Pennsylvania. These dis- turbances affected the popularity of the great Wash- ington, and troubled the peace of his last years. By prudent and vigorous measures, however, he succeed- ed in appeasing the clamours of the factions, but it was easy to see that the navigation of the Mississippi and the possession of what remained of Eastern Louisiana would always be an object of ambition to the new states of the Union. This truth did not reach the politicians of the French convention. The committee of public safety thought that it might try other means of restoring to France the province which she had not been able to recover through the attempts of Genet. During the negotiations of Basle, in 1795, this com- mittee gave instructions to M. Barthelemy, the ambas- sador of the republic, " to demand the restoration of Louisiana and the cession of the Spanish part of St. Domingo, or that France should retain the province of Guipuscoa, and particularly Fontarabia and St. Sebas- tian, which had been conquered by her arms." Louis XIV. had also entertained the design of uniting the province of Guipuscoa to France, and at the time of the treaty of partition of the 11th of October, 1698. for the Spanish succession, it had formed a part of the Dauphin's portion.* The lands of the Spanish part of St. Domingo arc * Colbert de Torci. Negotiations for the succession of Spain. OP LOUISIANA. 161 not inferior in quality to those of the French : they are better watered and much more extensive. But culti- vation had made the French colony twenty times more valuable than the Spanish. The convention, glancing at these advantages, had imagined that to acquire ter- ritory was to ensure productions. We believe that such success could only have been attained after a long course of years, and that it depended on conditions which u was not in the power of France to fulfil. The present state of St. Domingo renders useless the ex- amination of these questions. Barthelemy opened the negotiations on the three propositions contained in his instructions. Spain thought at that time that it was for her interest to re- tain Louisiana, and , though St. Domingo was the old- est of her settlements in America, though its civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction extended over the islands of Cuba, Porto Rico, and other possessions, it decided to cede it. The directory succeeded, at this period, to the na- tional convention. Principally attentive to the affairs of Europe, it learned with a sort of indifference the sa- crifice to which Spain consented, as well in order to preserve peace as on account of the disordered state of her finances, and the absolute impossibility of making a resistance proportionate to the dangers to which she was exposed. England, on the other hand, according to the rules of her ordinary policy, and conformablv to maxims, the 102 iHK iiisrouv soundness of wliicli was guarantied by experience, di* reeled her attention to all the islands, and to every part of the American continent. An incident, the par- ticulars of which deserve to bo reported, sufficiently showed that she would never be indifferent to the fate of Louisiana. Spain, by the treaty of October, 1795, had ceded to the United States her possessions on the left bank of the Mississippi, only reserving the Floridas. But after- wards, being closely allied with France, and foreseeing an approaching rupture between that republic and the United States, into which she was afraid of being drawn, she had regretted the sacrifice. She refused, under all sorts of pretences, to proceed to the demarcation of the new boundaries, and to the evacuation of the ceded territories. The Spanish governor retained the post of Natchez, which, according to him, was the only defence of Louisiana against the English troops assembled at Quebec, and against the Indians whom the government of Canada was arming and disarming at pleasure. The Americans of Kentucky and Tennessee did not appear to him to be less objects of dread. In fact, the inha- bitants of the ceded territories, the greater part of American or English origin, murmured at seeing their new government show so little anxiety to enter on the possession. They manifested great impatience to pass from the arbitrary sway of the Spaniards under the free government of the United States, and excited the sa- vages to keep themselves prepared for war. OF LOUISIANA. 1(53 It was under tliesc circumstances, that the audacious project of a man, important by h.is rank and official sta- tion in the United States, was discovered. Mr. Blount, governor of the territory of Tennessee and commissioner of the United States among the In- dian tribes, had acquired, during a long residence in those districts, an intimate knowledge of the country and its inhabitants, and enjoyed a great influence there. Subsequently named a member of the senate, when the territory was admitted into the Union as a state, he filled that office in 1 797, the last year of the presiden- cy of Washington. Blount was not worthy of the con- fidence of which his fellow-citizens had given him a proof by sending him to congress. His affairs were very much deranged, and he conceived the idea of re- trieving them by a signal service which he proposed to render to England, at that time engaged in a war with Spain. He formed the plan of invading Louisiana, by means of forces sent from Canada. According to this scheme, the Enghsh troops, secretly embarked on the lakes in the autumn of 1797, would have landed at the southern extremity of Michigan, from whence the Illi- nois river is not far distant. The invading army, de- scending this river to its junction with the Mississippi, was to find the inhabitants every where prepared to second it. It would have crossed in arms, it is true, a part of the country belonging to the United States; but this violation of their territory had not seemed to Blount a circumstance of great importance. The troops, when thov arrived at the great river, would have found there '?a ■m m ■ 'tvin m^t I*::?!! ^^ Illicit; IT(» iJiK HI'-I'diiV tlicrc ;in annv always ready to carry war into then own colonics." Reflection soon made him abandon these chimerical plans; and, skilfully profiting by the great ascendancy which the victory of iMarcngo and the fortunate events by w'hich it was succeeded gave him, he opened a ne- gotiation at Madrid, and easily persuaded the Prince of Peace, the all powerful minister of the catholic kinir. that Louisiana, by being restored to France, would bo a bulwark for Mexico, and a security lor tbe tranquilli- 1y of the gulf. On the 1st of October, IHOO, a treaty was concluded at St. Ildephonso, the third article of which is in these terms: " His Catholic Majesty promises and engage; to retrocede to the French rc[)ublic, six months aftci the full and entire execution of the above conditions and stipulations relative to His Royal Highness, the Duke of Parma, the colony or province of Louisiana. with the same extent that it now has in tlie hands oi Spain, and that it had when France possessed it, and such as it ought to be after the treaties subsequent]} entered into between Spain and other states." The treaty of Madrid of the 21st of March, 1801, reneu> these dispositions; and the first article contains a tie- tailed account of the conditions on which the cession was made. Tlic motive specially assigned was, "that the reigning Duke of Parma, as a compensation for that duchy and its dependencies, os well as of the ces- sion which the king of Spain made of Louisiana. should be put in possession oT Tuscany, under the OF hOLl.SIAX \. 17J iiiirne of the kinTuii\ the laic ol' Louisiana, tliat it is necessary that the juiiicipal circumstances connected with it should be known. From the time ol' VVasliington's presidency, two sys- tems of government had divided the opinions of the most distinguished American statesmen. One party, extra- vagant champions of democracy, wished to re. - ain the powers of tiie superior government and strengthen tlic authority of eacli of the thirteen states, by giving to tlio state governments whatever power could be taken fiom the general confederacy. This party, which was called republican or democratic, reckoned in its ranks the most able men. The other party had Washington for its head, and it could not have had a more virtuou- leader nor one more deserving of confidence. This great man retired after a presidency of eight years. His successor was Mr. John Adams, a statesman who entertaining probably too liigh an opinion of his own great superiority, had succeeded in impressing maiiv other persons with the same sentiments respecting him. J3ut, wlicn he reached the presidency of tlie United States, he did not entirely justify either his own confidence in himself or that of the party which hud advanced him so high. He professed great admir.i- tion for the British government ; it has even been as- serted that he would have seen, without alarm, the presidency of the United States held for life by the same individual. He did not dissemble his aversion for the French nation and the little esteem that he en- tertained for thctf goverunieiit. The American peo- OF LOUISLWa, 17:5 pie were, however, liir Irom sharing Ins opnnous. A sort of instinct, the fervour of whicli was not yet re- laxed^ drew them towards the doctrines and principles whicli the French revolution had adopted. It was this ditference of opinion between the people and their rulers that ruined the party of Mr. Adams. The Ibderalists, who had abused their power to remove the republicans altogether from the management of afl'airs, after having had the control of the government for a few years, lost their influence in most of the states of the Union, and their efforts could not effect the re-election of Mr. John Adams for a second presi- dential term. Mr. Jefferson, the most distinguished citizen m the republican party, succeeded him, and the aspect of tilings immediately changed. Mr. Adams, yielding to the general opinion, had, probably contrary to his own wishes, commenced ne- gotiations with the directory. They acquired more consistency when Bonaparte took the reins of govern- ment. This negotiation and that of Madrid were ter- minated at the same time. 'I'lie convention with the United States was signed at Paris on the liOth of Sep- lemher, 1800, and, on the next day, October 1st, the treaty with Spain was concluded at St. Ildephonso. The war with England still continued. The cession of Louisiana by Spain to France, stipulated by the treaty of St. Ildephonso, was not yet made public, and Bonaparte was careful ;iot to divulge it by taking pos- 'imioii of the provaice. Him '" ii II J 74 illK Hi&i'OKV A maritime peace was an essential prehminary ii. the undisturbed enjoyment of this acquisition by Franco; but, in treating of peace with Enghuid, it. would have been embarrassing to have asked the con- sent of that power, or even its tacit acknowledgment: the negotiation would have been fettered by it, and perhaps broken oft". It cannot be doubted that Lou- isiana might have been attacked by the English and easily conquered, had they been informed during the war that it had again become a French colony. Un- der such circumstances, secrecy was the most prudem advice that could be ofl'ered to the newly formed cabi- net of the Tuileries. England had in I'act Ibund herself obliged to listch to new propositions of peace. Ail the powers were eager to negotiate with Bonaparte, and treaties ot peace rapidly succeeded one another. After having had numerous allies. Great Britain was on liie eveol being left alone. A negotiation was then commenced at London. All the difticulties were soon removed, and preliminaries were signed on the 1st of October. 1801, a year after the treaty of St. Ildephonso. The lirst consul then regarded the termination ot the war as tho surest means of confirming his authori- ty. Those who closely observed !iis conduct and heard his remarks, would have thought that he was animated by really pacific intentions, if his conditions of defini- tive peace had not been at the same time directly op- posed to the maxims of the power with which he had Just signed tlic preliminaries., lie tU sued an entire re OF LOUISIANA. nt \;i()i'Ocity and equal tarifts in matters of commerce. He reminded the people of Europe that the new mari- time code, of which England pretended to dictate the articles, was only an abuse of foi'cc, and that all the other powers ought to unite to prevent its being acted on. He raised their courage by his own example. ;ind he hoped to be able to revive the league, honour- ably formed under Louis X VI., for the free navigation of neutrals, and which was so unfortunately dissolved before it had acquired consistency. Disposed to make a sincere peace, he was not the less persuaded of the necessity of using against England the means by which that power sustains its supremacy over the seas. In iho state of depression to which all the nations whom navigation formerly enriched were fallen, he was con- vinced that, in case of new aggressions, they must agree to shut the ports of ♦ho contin( nt to English ves- sels. It was in this view, as yet scarcely developed, that he required that the treaty should secure a free navigation to all flags; that the naval forces of the ma- ritime powers should at the peace be reduced to what might be necessary for the protection of the coasts and adjacent districts. He wished that their employ- ment, when not at war, sliould be confined to putting an end to piracy, to cultivating naval science with more advantage than merchant navigators are capable of doing; and, finally, to afibrding to commerce such assistance as may be necessary in difficult circum- stances. There was an interval of six months between the » .'■■k ^,:»fl! i7G THE HISTORY conclusion of the preliminaries and the peace of Amiens, which was signed on the 27tii of March. i802. The slowness with which the business pro- ceeded disappointed the public impatience at London. where open murmurs were already heard. However, these six months had been sufficient to produce a grcai change in the political state of the world. A man of an elevated genius, of a decided and de- termined character, too young to have reflected on the rights of other nations, and on the danger of wound- ing their independence, was continually hurried on, to omit nothing which could increase his own glory and render the nation, whose destinies he had undertaken to direct, powerful and formidable. The first acis of his govcnment, after the treaty. augured favourably, however, for the duration of peace The general amnesty to the emigrants was, as it were. a first pledge of his sincerity.* Numerous. classes of banished Frenchmen, who were flying from place to place., suffering all the ills of poverty, were, in spite of menacing and barbarous laws, recalled by degrees to their common country. The restoration of the altars was felt as a general want, and this work was entered on without intoierance or fanaticism. Wise laws were promulgated, and treaties of peace concluded with dif- ferent powers. In this same year, 1802, the finance- of France were in a more flourishinij state than at iiny previous or subsequent period. 'in * April 20th, IHOC. OF LOUISIANA. 177 This prosperity was not owing to those foreign tri- butes which afterwards gave to tlie treasury a tran- bient opulence, the source of hatred and reprisals. There was no longer a war establishment: far from fearing new ta.Yes, there was an expectation that old ones would be lightened, and the continuance of peace was calculated on as the necessary condition of the re-establishment of order. France found in peace all the advantages to which she had long aspired ; she obtained for her northern provinces a frontier conformable to the great divisions traced by nature, and which had been, for centu- ries, the object of her ambition; for her commerce and navigation she had the most justly founded expec- tations, that the possession of Louisiana and the sub- jection of St. Domingo, enlarged by the whole part that had belonged to Spain, would enable her to re- sume her rank among the maritime powers and com- mercial states. The republic, in these new circumstances, and un- der a wise and pacific government, might, witliout giving umbrage to its neighbours, have attained to a sufficiently high degree of prosperity. The earnest desire for peace, which had been entertained in Eng- land during the latter part of the war, had caused the preliminary articles to be received there v/ith that joy and enthusiasm which indicate the assent of the people. But these feelings of good-will were not of long continuance. It was early perceived that the genius 23 ' 1 '*«< SH." 178 THE HISTORY bt of Bonaparte, so vigilant, so well calculated to con- ceive and to act in war, would not be long resigned to the repose of peace. His activity was soon directed towards foreign commerce, and ardently bent on the navigation and colonies, which before the revolution secured to France advantages that peace had not en- abled her to recover. Then, this ambition, though al- together legitimate, awakened in the English govern- ment those distrusts and fears from which ministers, who are really responsible, can never be free. It was in the interval between the signing of the pre- liminaries and the definitive treaty of peace, that the first consul caused himself to be recognised as presi- dent of the Italian republic. The English ministry did not, however, think it requisite on that account to break off the negotiations, and it even abstained from making any observations on so extraordinary a pro- ceeding. Bonaparte had been named, in J 799, first consul for ten years. On the 8th of May, 1 802, a decree of the senate added ten years to the first term. Three months afterwards, he was named for life, with the privilege ol designating his successor. Europe was astonished at these innovations, when other decrees of the senate spread still more lively alarms. These acts, of a de- scription altogether new to the public law of Europe, successively united to France different countries, with- out any other motive than that of convenience; and the first consul even disdained to enter on an explana- tion of these bold measures. It wa;; from the parlia OK LOtiJMANA. 179 mcnt ot' England that his pride received tho first lesson. Opinions can be openly expressed in those assem- blies with a publicity, which, if it is sometimes indis- discrcct, has the inestimable advantage of keeping rulers constantly on their guard against their own faults; of making them acquainted with the wishes and opinions of the people; of informing them of eve- ry thing that relates to the good of the country, and of enlightening them on its real interests. The truth, thus made public, benefits every one, and oftentimes even the censures by which the ministers appear the most offended, are those from which they expect to derive in secret the greatest advantage. This was the case a', the conjuncture to which we refer. The sessions of parliament for 1802 and 1803, were distinguished at their commencement by the ability of those who attacked and defended the terms of tho peace,* and, at a later period, by the agreement of all parties in a desire to recommence the war. We will only refer to the discussions which relate to Louisiana, and to the interests of France and England in Ame- rica. The address of the house of commons in May, 1802, on occasion of the definitive treaty, contained these remarkable words: "We rely on his majesty's pa- ternal wisdom for resisting every fresh encroachment, (of whatever nature,) which shall be attempted on the • Signed OQ the 27th of March, 1803. 'Sii V'U.**iJ! - v. rn tuo THE HISTORY 1 ■IMUi&a iBh|H^ iS^DRp 1 m 1 mm maritime, commercial, or colonial rights of the Britv&ii empire." There was nothing, however, in the first debates that announced an approaching rupture. Some dis- tinguished statesmen approved of the peace. They considered it bad policy to keep a rival nation in a state of inferiority, and without the power of unfold- ing the means of prosperity for which it is indebted to its genius, or which it derives from nature; and they were of opinion that no reconciliation is sincere, if there is not a reciprocal advantage in it, and that it is thus that generosity benefits even those who practise it. " Let us allow," said they, " let us allow the French to have at heart the glory and happiness of their coun- try, as we desire the glory and happiness of our own. France has only obtained by the peace advantages suitable to her situation ; they will be the surest gua- rantees of her tranquillity and moderation abroad, and the pledge of the contentment and repose of tlie people at home." About this period the plan of reconquering St. Domin- go was more fully known ; it powerfully contributed to awaken the jealousy, with wnich our prosperity has so often inspired England. " This expedition," said a member in addressing the house of commons, " is for- midable, and surpasses any heretofore seen in the American Archipelago. It seems to menace Touis- Baint-Louvcrture, but we shall probably see the French turn the black regiments of that chief towards the con- quest of Jamaica." The chancellor of the exchequer? OF LOUISIANA. lUi but too clearly foreseeing the future, replied; "This expedition should be for us a source of tranquillity ra- ther than alarm; for the usurpation of authority by the blacks is an event truly to be dreaded, and one which puts in jeopardy the security and repose of our West India colonies." Several articles of the treaty gave rise to more ani- mated discussions; and the ministers, whose work the last peace was, were defended by their own friends with so little warmth, that from that time an imputa- tion, too grave to be lightly entertained, gained ground. Many members of parhament condemned the facility with which Lord Cornwallis, a distinguished warrior, but inexperienced in negotiations, had acquiesced at Amiens, in several demands of France; it was, they said, a proof that it was only intended to gain time. These traducers of the peace were not so numerous, but they were more clamorous than its advocates; they wished to establish it as a point of national law, that no change of sovereignty, no accession of territory could take pkce in Europe or America, without the acquiescence of England. Thirty years before, whilst Great Britain was ex- lending its sovereignty over the finest parts of Asia, without any other state's thinking of demanding an account of her conquests, we had seen her jealousy carried so far as to wish to make war on France and Spain, in order to prevent the latter power from occu- pying a few desert islands in the neighbourhood of the sitraits of Magellan. - m q m ^:fll*Hi fi'j I^H f^mX m i'ti #, ^r^x. IMAGE EVALUATrON TEST TARGET (MT-3) /. = LL 1.25 "" lis 12.2 ^ 1^ M- IM 6" U 11.6 ^ ^^^ <^ ^;. -<^ 7 Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 \ ,v ^/l\ ^ :\ \ -r^ ^^^..