^. ,><^v^ V* IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 ^^ ^ ^ lU 12.2 I.I : us 110 — u& \^ ^ /; ? I^tc)gFa[Jiic Sciences Corporation 4^ ^ ^ <^ ^. <«> ' V V''^^ S( i' .1 !i !• 3 .. f Ml- ^ i I I . >»i ■ I ERRATA /;; LcUcr II. pAGE I 8, Line iS, ior paternal^ read * piitrht. P:'gc :;6, Line 15, for Continent^ read Continentiil. Hi 1 JL Ji 1 T K R r O THE People of ENGLAND. LETTER IL t un IN all Governments conftitutcd like this of which you have the good Fortune to be born Members, where the Legiflativc Power is the Peoples Right, and the Execu- tive belongs to the King, indeed, wherever it is of the mixed Kind, it is impollible from the changeable Nature of all human Inftitu- tions, but the Balance which ought to be preferved between the Prince and the Sub- ject muft be deftroyed, and the Scale pre- pnderatc fomctimcs on one fide, and fome- timca on the other. B How^ % k-il: I !' . .L^ li ' ! (' [2] However upright and able Men may be in planning a Form of Government, fuch is the fluctuating State of all human Things, that no opulent Nations can long proceed in the right Way, without frequently return- ing to the firft Principles on which tliey were cftabUfhed. It becomes, therefore, the indifpenfible Duty of every Subjeft, who fees the Weight increafing in one Scale, to point out the Evil immediately, left it grow too great to be re- moved without caufing more Struggle, Tu- mult, Bloodihed, and Defolation, than even bad Men (one would imagine) can wifh to fee in their native Land. \ Whoever therefore fhall have Fortitude enough to cxpofe the pernicious Defigns of a wicked M r, and liis more profligate Adherents, notwithftanding their Attempts to blaft his Endeavours with the poifonous Appellation of Fa6lion, or even of Jacobi- tifm, muft ever be eftecmed, by all good Men, as the Lover of his Country, and Friend to Mankind. * 2 Despo- [ 3] Despotism on one Hand, and Anarchy on the other, are the Confequences to be dreaded from a King's or Peoples Power in- creafed beyond the due Proportion ; one half of either fide of that vaft and folid Arch which fuftains a whole Nation, being weak- ned by undermining, the Whole which it fupported, without fudden Help, tumbles into evcrlafting Ruin. If the defpotic Inclinations of Charles I. were grievous to Men who were born the lawful Heirs of Liberty, was the Anarchy tliat fucceeded lefs terrible ? Both Extremes then being pioved by the Hiftorics of thofe Times to be alike fatal to the King and Subje6^, all pofTible Care 'hould be taken to prevent fuch Evils ; and early too, before the heated Ambition of a few Men fliall dare to plunge the Nation into the Abyfs of Confufion and Diftrefs, by At- tempts to fix themfelves in abfolute Power. ii 1 Notwithstanding the Revolution may be juftly denominated the -^ra of eftabliih- ing EngliJJi Liberty on a rational Plan of B 2 Govern- .(.:! f I' '!» ; h; f ' .1 h U I i 'II (111 1 I !: [4] Government, yet the Confequences of Men's Purfuit of Power may be fuch, that the Equi- librium which was then fettled may be loft, and the Scale incline too much on one fide; when this (hall happen, England, to prefei*ve its Liberties, fhould again attempt to vindi- cate the Advantages of her happy Confti- tution. » Whoever therefore fhall dare to aflert that an EngliJJjman has no Right to oppofe the exorbitant Power of a Prince upon the Throne, is an Advocate for paflive Obedi- ence, and an Enemy to the Revolution. In like manner, if it be lawful to oppofe the defpotic Dcfigns of a Sovereign, who may be taking gigantic Strides to fubvert the Laws, change tlie eftabliftied Religion, and fet up an arbitrary Power on its Ruins ; it muft be juft to refift every other Part of our Conftitution, which may invade the Rights and Privileges of their Fellow-Subjefts, T H E Commons of England are the Rc- prcfentativcs of the People; Five hundred Men are intrufted with the Liberties, Pro- perties, and Privileges of Millions. ■«? m [ 5] If this Number, clc6lcd for the Public Good, inftead of fupporting the Honour and Prerogatives of the Crown, prote<5ling their Conftituents, and the People, fliall at any time be rendering the Sovereign dependant on liis M r, fleecing the Millions to en- rich the Hundreds, and betraying their Countrymen to iniquitous and minifterial Views, can the People of this Land, the Millions, the Men of Property and Under- ftanding, ftill Lovers of their Countiy, be condemned for oppofmg fuch pernicious Proceedings, or I, your Fellow-Subjeft, for knocking at your Breaft:, and awakening thofe Hearts within which fleep fupinely in- attentive to their Country's Danger ? M, t n h :* It has been lately propagated, with no fmall Induftry, that the P 1, as a Lc- giflative Body, has a Right to make what Laws it pleafes ; and that our Reprefcnta- tives, once elected, are accountable to no one for their Proceedings. Nothing can be a more fatal Infmuation to the Ear of an Eng^ lifiman than this, if it fliould find Accept- ance amongft Mankind. Man, i 1 ? ■ m i ''* f • Af i fl ii . i [6] Man, from the very Nature of his Being, can never be fuppofed to delegate a Right to liis Reprefentative, contrary to his own Wel- fare and Felicity, much lefs a whole Nation to its own Deftru6tion. Nequid Detrimenti capiat Refpublicay is the Condition of his being chofen and appointed. It is therefore an Abfurdity to imagine, that Men can de- legate a Power of injuring themfelves, to thofe who are elefted for the univerfal Wel- fare : Ye are Inheritors of the Conftitution of this Realm from your Fathers, and are bound, by all the Ties of Nature and Jus- tice, to deliver it intire to your Sons ; many of whom being yet unborn, or too young to bequeath Power to the Reprefentatives of the Nation, cannot juftly, by their Pre- deceflbrs, be deprived of the moft valuable of all Inheritance, their Liberty. To chufe Men as national Rcprcfentatives and Prote6lors of the Public Good, and then fuppofe they have a Right to a6l con- trary to the Intereft of their Conftituents, is to imagine, that Phyficians, chofen to fuperintend and cure the Sick in Hofpitals, have ■ v" [7] have a Right to kill their Patients, if they pleafe. Common Humanity, and the Senfation of all honeft Hearts, fly in the Face of fuch AflTcrtion ; and yet fome infidious or in- forming Emiflary, is eternally advancing fuch Abfurdities, in Favour of a M r, in Oppofition to the Glory of that K-_ he pretends to revere, and the Good of that People he afFeds to love. Is not a Parliament, by Nature and the Conftitution eflablifhed, equally obliged with the Prince upon the Throne, not to violate or exceed the Meafures, which tend to the Public Welfare ? Is it not therefore a heinous Infult on the common Under- ftanding of this Nation, to aflert, that fix Millions of People, many of fuperior Senle, Family, and Property, to thofe who repre- fent them, have impowered their Guardians to fquander their Pofleflions, convert the public Revenue to private Ufes, and general Deftru6lion; and bind, in minillerial Fetters, the Hands of thofe Men whofe Freedom they are eledtcd to preferve ? Is r' I •J ■ '. I i)\ i ■1.1 ! 'ill '1 1 ■ 1 ( 1 Id : 1*,! 1, , . i i 1 : [ 8] Is it not from the Nature of our Confti- tution that a P exifts ? Can it be imagined then, that a Part, dej^endant on the Whole, can have a Right to deftroy that very Being from which it derives its Ex- iftence ? Ou^ht not that Nation therefore, which, unremonftrating, permits her Ser- vants to aflaffinate her, or runs on that Sword which fhe has given into the Hands of others for her Protedlion, though (lie does not ftab herfelf, to be deemed equally guilty of Suicide, with Men who commit that un- natural Adl ? and, like thofe Self-Deftroyers, will it not be ignominioufly buried in Rub- bilh and the Highway ? * • To aflfert the contrary of this felf-evident Truth, is but to change the Face of De- fpotifm i will not the abfolute Power which was fb juftly complained of, and {o righ- teoufly oppofed, in Kings before the Revo- lution, be thus transferred from them to the P ? In this other View, Tyranny has only changed the Place of her Abode : Is the Sultan Icfs dcfpotic at his Summer Se- raglio than at ConJIantinople ? Do his Subjects enjoy [9] enjoy more Liberty by his refidlng at one Place than another. What Power amongft Men can ba more arbitrary than that which can bind your Hands in Chains, by Laws which it ena6ls, according to its arbitrary Inclination^ and levies what Money it pleafes on your Properties, unexamined, unreproved, and uncontrolled ? And this, it may be, for the private Advantage of a Majority of thofe, who conftitute this Power to your Impove- rifliment. That P. — — then, which, inattentive to its Charge, and unjuft to the Confidence repofed in them by their Fellow-Country- men, (hall proceed diametrically oppofit& to your Welfare, muft, in the Eye of Rea- fon, be conceived as acting arbitrarily and illegally, and violating the Conflitutiun by which it exifls. I T is the common Cuftom of all thofe, who prefume to defend the prefent Ad-i..-.n, to alk, in Oppofition to thofe who complain of the Mal-Conduft of public Atfairs, whe- C thcr ^ i "k! '' I 1 ■ I !* tlier we are not govempcj by Lavys legally iiiftituted ? To which. I anfwer, by aflting, If aiiy Law. can be faid' to be legally inftituted, whiph may be enad^ed by Men chofen con- trary to Law, and exceeding tlie Defign of their Inftiti^tion? If Bribery and Corrup- tion, influencing the Elections of the na- tional Reprefentatives of this Kingdom, are abfolptely contrary to the eftablilhed Laws of this Realm ; can then the Member, who is chofen by Means of corrupt Influence and Perjury, in dire6l Opix)fition to the Legiflature, be legally endowed with, the Power of making Laws ? If this Queftion be anfwercd in the Af- firmative, tell me then the Difference be- tween the Ideas, which attend the Words Legal and Illegal ? Will not this fatal Ab- furdity be the Confequencc of fuch an An- fwer, that if one Set of Men, illegally chofen, Ihall ever prcfumc to ena6l Laws, that all others have an equal Right to it ? What Rcafon can be afligncd, why one Part of this Njition Ihall be excluded from an Authority of doing whatever is done by another, •^ li m legally If aiiy Htuted, en con- fign of ^orrup- I the na- )ni, are d Laws lember, ifluence ^ to the ith the another, which has no legal Right to Supe- riority of Power ? Nay, will Dilbbediehce to Laws, 'inadc by Men who have been eled^ed contrary to the eftablifhed Rules 6f the Engl(fbX:6iim- tutlon, be a greater Breach of the Legi- flative Power, than that Vhich thefe Le- giilators committtfd ih procdrihg 'their Eleftions? '• ' ' ' Th'e crinfiinal Mcaltis'df procuring Sedts in VLmL^i though they may neVer be opehiy proved agairid 'the Tranfgr^flbrs, are they fdr thatRcafbn the left /rue ih the impartial Eye of Juftice ? And who, from the f>dft- Boy that guides a Poft-Chaife on the Rbad, to him that mifguides his K-ii- knd Couhtry in the Ad n, is ignorant of this Truth, that Seats in ^._t have been obtained b^ Bribery and COrrapition? Is it not the Commifllon of the Aftion, and hot the Conviction of the Judge and Jury, which conftitutcs the Crime in all who dare to violate the Laws of their Coimtiy? • - I- it ^: m c t Let ■| [ "] ■ ;:ii I ' Let us, however, through pure Indul* gence to the DiiFokite, luppofe the greateft pf all Contradictions, that Men, illegally chofen, are yet lawfully authorized to con- ftitute and appoint Laws for the good Go- vernment of a Kingdom ; does it thence follow, that they are endowed with Autho- rity to make A6ts diametrically oppofite to the Public Welfare ? Can the three Letters, which compofe the Word L A W, change the Nature of Right and Wrong ? Will Rob- bery, Adultery, or Murder, enabled .by a p ., tranfmute the Nature of thefe Crimes? Will they not, in Oppofitibn to ten Million A6ls of a Legiflature, inftituted Jn their Favour, remain as cruel and de-i (eAable as before to every humane Bofom ? J ■' . .11, ■ ^ ■ ' Mf an A61 is once pafled the Houfe of C- , does it thence follow, that it muft be abfolutely complied with without Com- plaint or Remonftrance, efpccially if it con-^ tain Conditions deftru£live to all that is valuable amongft Men ? Are the Laws of EftghmJ^ like thofe of the Mcdes and Per^ Jiam\ to remain unalterable bcc^ufe they are ITiadc ? Through fe ',1 [ «3 1 Through this thin Argument the Fa- lacy manifeftly appears; or, it muft be granted, that Englljhmeriy of all the People oi Europe, are particularly doomed to Sla- very. How can the effeminate Daflards of the Eaft more effectually exprefs the abjedl State of their Exiftence, than by tamely complying with whatever is ordained them ? I T is the unmanly yielding to this igno- minious Impofition, which confirms the Condition of Slavery, and not the Source from whence it proceeds : The A6ls of an JS -b P— — t, whenever they fhall be ar- bitrary, and the defpotic Mandates of a Perfian Sophi, are equally tyrannical, though the firft may feem to be the Voice of a Ma- jority of more than Five hundred, and the latter of one Man. I SAY feem^ becaufe it may caftly happen^ that a M r may di6tate as defpoticly as a Sophi, and the Voice of more than three hundred M— -s be no more than the Re- verberation of as many Echoes, from ^ Place formed with the Power of multiplying one Sound equal to that Number. Laws \.2\. U '*■ i t > Th i N G s condncled in this Manner wear no oj^en Face of Iiijiiftice, no eJctemal Mark of arbitrai7 Power j the People, deluded and deceived by the Glare of this l\^cious Var- nilh, unaccuftomed to examine Things to the i mical cacled vhich .f the iteVer by his berties .; the id the Guard gn arc paaed )ehate» ted to ppcar- and )f our ■'■«• I I r wtar Mark ;d and is Var- ngs to tlic ■".■,( the Bottom, believe thefe Acts ar^ juft, be- caufe they are n\ade by thofe, whofe Duty it is to ena6l no other than the Laws of Truth and Juftice. I IMAGINE then it will be allowed mc, that Laws which violate the Conftitution, create Inequality in the Courfe of diftribu- tive Juftice, pillage the many to inrich the few, alter the primary Difpofitions of human Nature, facrificc the public Good to private Emoluments, and En^lijh Property to Fo- reign Inteicft, are fuch Laws, as even a P legally chofen, cai> hardly h^ve an Authority to ena6l. If ever then a P- — fliould be uncon- ftitutionally ele<5led, and cany fuch Laws into Execution, will not this be a double Breach of the elhnbliflied Conflitution of £— ^? What will fuch Men offer to their Conftituents in Favour of themfclvcs ; or how will that M— r defend himfelf, who, though perhaps, without the Subtilty of the Serpent, may, like that Reptile, transfufe his Poifon through a Houfe of C- ■s, :, \t n \' I i I'l (■ iJ:,''' r im 1 '• - I' I, m- [16] C— — s, to the Ruin of his native Land, as it was through the Mother of all, to that of human Race ? Laws, in a Free State, are the (landing Defence of the People ; by thefe alone they ought to be judged, and none ena6led but fuch as are impartially conceived ; the Peer (hould pofiefs no Privilege deftru6live to the Commoner j the Layman obtain no Favour which is denied the Prieft ; nor the Neceflitous excluded from the Juftice which H is granted to the Wealthy : Unlefs thele Things are truly preferved, the Laws, which ihould defend the Peoples Property, are, like the Body-Guards of a King corrupted, tiic more to be dreaded, becaufe the Liberties of the firft, as the Life of the latter, are more immediately in their Hands. When Charles L prefumed to levy Taxes on his Subjects without their Confent, this Defign was not oppofed by them becaufe it proceeded from the King, but becaufe it was contrary to the Conflitution, and illegal : In like manner, whenever a P 1 Ihall ena6t Laws deflrudive of the Public Good, fuch Pro- t •< . [ 17] Proceedings will be equally contr^ay to tlic Conftitution, and if fuch Tranfadions in a King are jufHy denonoinated Tyranny, tell me by what Name I fliall diftinguilh fimilar Defigns, if ever they are found in a Houfc ofC ? I F oppofing tlie arbitrary Efforts of a So- vereign, were Afts of the mofl heroic Na- ture, and moft laudable Defign, if paflive Obedience to a crowned Head be the Height of Slavery, learn from thence, that Oppofi- tion to illegal Proceedings in K — or C , is equally praife- worthy and virtuous: With- out behaving in this manner, it muft be granted, that Refiftance to the Kings of old was perfonal Pique, and not patriot Juftice ; Refentment againft the individual Man, and not a Vindication of your juft Rights. Thus you fee that Tyranny is the fame, from whatr ever Source it fprings j and the Arguments and Truth which juftified our Forefathers in oppofing the arbitrary Proceedings of one Head, though furrounded with a Diadem, will fupport you in the fame Behaviour againft any Hydra-headed Minifler, or Hun- died-handed BriareuSy which may attempt to jfcale the Heaven of your Conftitution. D I I 'im^ r nn' I!'"'.' !l t I i • It' n W\\ t '8 ] I HAVE faid thus much to (how you, as clearly as I could, what appears to me to be the true Power of P 1 : To do Good they have, and ought to have, unlimited Power ; but their Power to do Evil furely ought to be under fomc Reftraint : Whether they have a Power to inftitutc Laws to the Ruin of their Country ? is a Queftion that never can arife ; it can only be, Whether the Laws propofed are in themfelves pernicious or beneficial ? \ I: » II Whoever then fhall endeavour to fet in a clear Light the Utility or DeftrudHon which may follow from a Law before it is enabled, will undoubtedly be confidered with a fa- vourable Eye; and though his Counfel be but a Mite added to the Whole, the Good- will and paternal Love with which it is of- fered, will render it not unacceptable to the highcft Wifdom. i \c It may not be amifs then to examine the EfFc6Vs which a Subfidiary Army may have on this Kingdom, if a War fiiould be be- gun on the Continent : To fet in a clear Light the Advantages or Difadvantages which It [ >9] it may produce to this Country, and from Hiflory and paft Tranfaftions infer what may refult from the Supporting fuch a mili- tary Force with the Revenues of England, Perhaps there are few Things which can come before the Mind of a M—r, that re- quire more Deliberation and Prudence, than that of hiring Subfidiary Troops for the Proteftion or Service of that Kingdom which he fuperintends, or more replete with Dan- ger to the Liberties and Properties of the Subje6t, or even to the Crown itfclf. Every righteous Statefman, in all his na- tional Proceedings, cannot but intend pro- moting the Public Welfare : His Plans for the Public Good will juftify his Intention, however adverfe the Event of them may prove, and free him from all injurious Im- putation in the Sight of his Countrymen. Yet though it fliould be allowed that the beft conceived Defigns may prove abortive in the Execution of them, it muft be granted alfo, that in dire^ing a State there i»for ever infeparably connedted with gpod Senfe, an Advantage which cannot be found in com- pany with Folly. ■4 I I- '■', h" '.''i 1 Hi' ^ tint t Mil; Il' I I ! • I: -i L •• I}. '<■ I* ' I : J I 1 " I . -I H ' ' f. , ; ' r ' r ■ ' ■ ! , ■Il '4 ill 1ai i i 1 ,1 \ ^ i 1' v > ■i 1' !ii ' • -1 ■f li ,;! ■ 1 'i C 20] A M r then of weak Intelleds can ex- pert nothing but Chance to affift him in his infufficient Schemes, and I fear that Union has too feldom prevailed, to found a national Expectation that the Vagaries of Chance and Folly fliall lucceed againft Reafon and good Condu6l, in the Management of a Nation's Welfare. rv.A, i «. 1 '< Whenever thein a M r fhall entertain I the Defign of taking an Army of Subfidiary Troops into a Nation's Pay, it behoves the Subje^^ls of that Kingdom, who have yet their Liberties to preferve, and Properties to lofe, to be extremely circumfpevEl in relation to the Confequcnces which fuch an Under- taking may produce, particularly if a Sufpi- cion of wicked Defign may be imagined to be blended with Weakncfe in the fame Head ; a Union not uncommon amongft Men exalted to the higheft Stations, how- j|ver fatal it may prove to the public Weal. I BELIEVE it may be juftly afcertained a Maxihi in Pofitics, That no Nation which can defend itfelf, and effeftually annoy its Enemy, fliould ever retain mercenary Troops for thefe Purpofes. » • To ■-'A .'J. '^U [21 ] To fupport this Idea, there feems to be many Reafons not eafily controverted. First, The Money with which the Aid of a mercenary Army is purchafed, muft be a Diminution of the Wealth of that King- dom which pays them, and therefore detri- mental, as it leflens the pecuniary Strength of the People. Secondly, All mercenary Soldiers muft for ever be deficient in that animating Spirit, which the Love of their Country infufes through the Soul of every Native. This infpiring Impulfe, which Money cannot im- part, carries Men on to Conqueft, through Contempt of Danger and of Death. To this the great Deeds of all Nations have been chiefly owing, not amongft Greeks and Ro- mans only, but even amongft the wild jirabsy who fought underneath the Standard of Mahomet y the DakarUnn Savages under Guf- tavus the Swede^ or Engiijbmen at the Fields of Creffy and Agincourtt in the Days of Con- queft, under the Command of our Edward and Henry, - . ^,^. v . . . • ' • : ' Thirdlv, ,■ i;, [ 22] iW ■ M'l Thirdly, Men whofe Hearts are aftu- ated to Battle by venal Views and Purchafe, are juftly fufpeded to be within the Reach of pecuniary Corniption ; that Prince, and that Army which Money bribes to your Af- fiftance, will probably be bought to deleft you by a greater Sum : This Confideration ought to efface all Confidence in mercenary Armies. Fourthly, A hireling Army once victo- rious, perceiving the People, who invited them to their Afliftance, unequal to the Talk of defending themfelves, and refilling their Force, will, in all Probability, fet up for themfelves, and become their Mafters ; as did our Anceftors the Saxons, who, fo- licited by the Britons, to aflift them in re- pelling the Invafion of the Scots and Pi^s, remained in this Ifle, and became Lords of the very Kingdoms they came to protect. Or laftly, a M — -r who fears he fliail one Day feel the Refentment of a Nation juftly enraged againft him for finider Ma- nagement, may retain thefe Hirelings in his Service, to fubdue with more Certainty, and Icfs Danger, that People, which, though he has j ! 'I t*3] has deprived them of Arms, he has not yet forgot to fear. These Confiderations then muft necef- farily operate flrongly againft taking merce- nary Troops into the Pay of any Nation, in the Minds of all Men who wi(h well to their native Land, and have no pernicious De- figns on the Liberties of their Fellow-Sub- jefts, and the Conftitution of the Realm. . Let us now fuppofe that a War (hould be declared between France and this King- dom, and then examine whether England is reduced to the abject State of fearing her Enemies, more than the mercenary Men flie may hire to fupport her Intereft and Hon- our againH: the military Force of France. The firft Confideration which offers itfelf in favour of this Nation is, that no foreign Power can attack it without being obliged to crofs the Sea for that Purpofc. The Uncertainty and Danger of that Elc- mcnt, which has more than once prcfcrvcd us from hoftilc Invafion, is an Advantage of no fmall Account in our Favour againft a Dcfcent from France ; Jffiavit Deus & dijji- fabantur, it;. 'r. t \ .. i. ;,' ■■ ;?i' ■ : :!i, !'! [ 24 } pahfttur, was the pious Acknowledgement of the bell of Queens for her Succels againft tlie Spanifi Arn^ada. . However, without reckoning Storms a- mongft our Advantages, if we fuppofe that in all Attempts of an Invafion a Fleet is ne- cefTary to convoy and proteft the Enemy in their Paflage, and cover them in their De- fcent, and that a fuperior naval Force has the Power to intercept and deftroy it, in what manner are we to form our Opinion in this Light? . . .. ., ; . Let us then compare the Fleets of the two Nations, and thence infer what are the probable Confequences of fuch an Attempt by the French, * ■ ' ■.' ■' \ • ;• . .•••■ f The Navy of E«^/tfif^ confifls in about two hundred and fifty Men of War, exclu- live of Bomb-Ketches, Firc-Ships, and armed Sloops, in all more than three hundred; the laft named being at leaft equally ufeful in fruftrating fuch Attempts, as Ships of the Line of Battle. The smcnt gainft ms a- fe that is ne- imy in >ir De- ce has ' it, in nion in The whole Navy of France, at the high- eft Computation, is not equal to one hun- dred. Thus then, as far as can be inferred from the Nature of Naval Armaments, and the Utility v^hich can be drawn from them, no Reafon can be offered to induce a thinking Man that one hundred French Ships of War are a Power which can oppofe treble that Number of Engli/Jo. Confequently on the Side of the Marine, there cannot be the leaft Reafon to fufpe6l a Neceflity for hiring a •mercenary Force, to prevent an Invafion from the Armies of the French King. • B u T I freely own, my Confidence in Armies is much (Ironger than in Fleets j and that a Defcent on this Realm, divided from the Continent by fo narrow a Channel^ fo fuddcnly pafled with a favourable Wind, fecretcd by the Darknefs of the Night, is too pra6ticable an Undertaking, and may be accomjJiflied in Spite of all naval Op- pofition. 4=i H#, ••■li# -r s Let !U ;i; ,1 1. ;li3 i ?': 1 il) *^. f. 1," [ 26] Let us then examine, in Cafe an At- tempt of that Kind fhould fucceed, how wc are provided to repel a Vifit of that Nature, when our Enemies being landed, are be- yond the Reach of being deftroyed by naval Powers. The Inhabitants of England, exclufive of Ireland and Scotland, are generally computed at the loweft Account to be about fix Mil- lions : Thofe who have examined, and cal- culated, with the greateft Accuracy, the Numbers and Age of a People, have laid it down as a certain Truth, that a fifth Part of the Whole, including thofe from fixteeii to fixty, are able to bear Arms. , Thus then England alone can furnifli One Million Two hundred thoufand Soldiers in her Defence j and, by adding the four Million Inhabitants of Ireland and Scotland to the Account, the Sum amounts to Two Million of Men, able to oppofc the Dcfccnt of our Enemies. Of this Number, without Doubt, more than One hundred thoufand near London, may be fummoned together in a few Hours, where Arms and all military Accou- ,k' [27] Accoutrements are preferved in the Twiyr, for emergent Occafions ; and in a few Days, a like Number may be colleded in any other Part of this Kingdom, before much na- tional Injury can be perpetrated by the Enemy. What Force then, allowing the Armies of the French King to be ever fo numerous, can be embarked and landed with any Pro- fpe6l of Succefs, againft fo formidable a Power as Two Millions of Men, able and willing to bear Arms in their King and Country's Defence ? It is ridiculous to offer a Reafon in Vin- dication of this Truth, the Abfurdity glares through the thin Difguife, and is vifible to the weakeft Underftanding. Thus then the natural Powers of Englandy fecuring us be- yond all Sufpicion of Danger, to what ho- ned Purpofe can Mercenaries be hired, to defend this Nation from the Attacks and Invafions of a foreign Enemy. This then is the natural Strength and State of our Powers and Defence ; but alas, like brute Matter, it lies inert and unex- E 2 ertcdl M ; ".' I : i^' ^ m [28] crted ! Amazing beyond all Crcdibitity ! Twd Millions of Men, able and willing to bear Arms in Defence of their King and Coun- try, arc treated by the M r> as Luna* tics by Phyficians, furrounded with that Waiilcoat which deprives them of all bodily Exertion, Twenty thoufand only are invefted with the Powers of our Defence, inftrudted in the Art of War and Ufe of milkary Weapons, difperfed from the Or- eades to Minor ca^ whilil the Millions lock on and lament their abjeft Condition, deprived of aflifting themfelves andCountry< > i 1 1 ^ / ' This View of our Situation then, fets Things in a new Light, and creates very na- turally thtfe Queftions'; From what Motive 'docs this Echaviour proceed in the M r ? And tlicn tl-jis other, Whether Engiand being fo circumftance^;, Ihould fcek the Aid of fo- reign Hii clings by pecuniary Powers, or put Arms into tlie Hands of her own Na- ti\Ts, who ftand i*cady to receive them, and defend her? • ' * • •'- " ' ' ' ^^ ' • I •Whether the Lives, Liberties i roper- tics, and Conftitution of this Kingdom, fhall be intruded to thofe, whom every Motive, s ;• ;'l! ;fl [ =9 ] Motive, external and internal, honourable and interefting, muft urge to their own De- fence, unattended with any poflible Difad-*- vantage to this Nation, or to the hireling Hands of foreign Mercenaries, againft whofe being employed in fuch an Aftion, there fubfift almofl as many Arguments, as againft fufFering the Ifland to be invaded and over- come by an Enemy? Can thefe Q^ieftions ^eed an Examination or Anfwer ? Perhaps fome Man, of more Turbulence than Judgment, the humble but violent Re- tailer of M 1 Falfliood, may treat this long Difquifition as the lunatic Scroll of a Bedlamite^ (who, having created a Devil of his own, with a burnt Skewer on the Wall pf his Cell, is tilting at it as if it were the very foul Fiend itfelf ) : And may alTcrt, that the French will neither attempt a Defcent, nor the M y bring into this Ifle foreign Subfidiaries to defend us. To which it is eafily anfwered, by a(k- ing, Will a M— — r, of common Under- ftanding and Patriot Intentions, truft the Security of this Kingdom to the good Incli- nation of his Enemy ? If he does, and a Defcent !ii-i;^jt;t; m \ 1^: ii ; [ 1' ■I lid I' ■' • . I [30] Defccnt fliould prove fucxefsful, with what Powers will he repel them ? Will a Multi- tude of Men unaccuftomed to Obedience, Difcipline, and Arms, like the Teeth of the Dragon, fown by CadmuSy ftart up, and become Soldiers in an Inftant at his Command? Hirelings, the bafe Defence of foreign Mercenaries, muft they be called in to your Afliflance? Hejjiam and Dutch^ Germans^ Hanoverians, and RnJJtans ! Muft thefe b* brought to affift the once brave Englijhy in repelling the Foes of their native Land?— Abje6l, degenerate Thought ! And yet, if an Invafion be made from France , what ftronger Reafon have you to hinder them from being fent for at this Time, than during the laft War, when Dutchmen and HeJJians, to the eternal Infamy of England, were landed in this Ille, to prote6l you againft a Rabble of rebellious Highlanders^ yourfelves difarmed, and incapable of Defence? Where then is the Abfurdity, of fuppofing an Enemy (hould attempt an Invafion againft fo fmall an Op- pofition as the Troops oi England} or that a M — r, I 1 A :'l'm [ 3t ] M r, who has already applied for fo- reign Aid, (hould again recur to the fame Expedient of mercenary Afliftancc ? Thus then the Reafons againft your being armed, lie only in the M — r's Breaft, and are relative to him alone ; his Defigns may poifibly controvert the Public Good ; and thofe Mercenaries which will deftroy your Liberties, may coincide with his Schemes : Is he not then the Torpor, which benumbs your natural Faculties of War and Refiftance ? the Source from whence innu- merable Calamities will flow to this once happy, free, and martial Kingdom ? Thus then your Weaknefs confifts only in your Want of being intruded with thofe Arms, which are purchafed by your Contributions, and in your Strength being with -held from your Hands by the arbitrary Will of aM r. But as It may probably be urged, that England and its Defence are not the fole Obje<5l of having recourfe to Subfidiary Troops, let us examine what is. Mf ; «■" ,1 i- k ■4 Thb i, M i I I C 32 ] The Balance of Power y that fafcinating deftrudlive Sound, fo much in ufe (ince the Revolution, fo produ6i:ive of Wars, even more ridiculous than Crufades and combating Sa- racens for recovering the holy Sepulchre, de- mands the Attention of this Realm ; or, this political Equipoife being once deftroyed, England muft perifli, alike with all the Pow- ers of Germany y and France be pofTeffed of univerfal Monarchy: No Chimera can be more vifionary than this Idea of fearing uni- verfal Empire, and balancing the States of Europe. Will Gfrw^wy confpire againft its own Intereil, to give France the firft? Is not this Balance, notwithftandir r the Number of Troops and Sums of Money which each State can raife, eternally Ihifting from Realm to Realm, according to the Underflanding and Integrity of Minifters, and Kings who prefide and rule them ? This Balance, fo glorious in Idea, and fatal in its Effeds, which was held by the Hands of our gracious Queen Ann^ has fince been taken from this Land, and is now pof- fefled by the King of Frujjhy by dint of fu- pcrior IntcUe^. Let j-^' T.' ■!, :v.' :;! [33] Let us however accede to this Propofi- tion, that the Balance of Power is an Ob- je6l worthy the Attention of this Nation, as our M y chufes to inculcate to our Be- lief. Under the San6lion of this ConcefTion, Are the Arms of France a more reafonable Obje6t of dread to this Ifland than to the Princes of G^rw^wy F Is our Danger, divided as we are from our Enemy by the Sea, with Powers fufficient to refift all Attacks, greater than that of thefe Princes, whofe Dominions are hourly open to hoftile Inroad and Ra- pine by the firft March of the French Army ? What Claim have they, or what Pretext can be urged to induce this People at any Time to hire the Troops of thefe very Princes to de- fend their own Territories ? Shall Hanoverians — 1— 16000 Saxons — — — 12000 HeJJtam — — — 12000 Saxe Gothians — . — • 6000 Bavarians — — . — 8000 Wolfenbutlers — — — 5000 Darmjladians ... — 4000 Piedmontefe _ — .. 30000 Rtijjiant — — . — 73000 'fS * 1 . lli^' In all — • 166000 F be ® :il'- 'Kll, J,^ iBI i; [ 34 ] be hired as Mercenaries by the Revenues of England to dchnd their own Territories? Not reckoning in this Account the Subfidies which have, and ever muft be paid to the Auflriansy when we have engaged to fight their Battles, and fuftain their Intereft, at 'fhe Perdition of our own. Cast an Eye on the Map of Europe, and rerriark on what Dominions an Invafion is moft probable to fall, if France comes to an open Rupture with this Kingdom, and our German Allies j and whofe more immediate Care it is to arm and defend themfelves. But alas! fuch is our Situation, that no Succefs, however great, can bring us Ad- vantage ; a Conqueft influences little more than a Defeat in our favour. Is there a Truth more felf-evident inEuclidy tlian that Nations cannot be long purchafed againft their own Intereft (England except- ed) but this, that nothing is fo ridiculous as attempting to buy them to it : Will German Princes long prefer French Intereft to their own, or neglect to oppofe it, if you withdraw your Subfidies ? How abfurd muft be the Head of that M r who can cherifh fuch • , Conccp- f 35 ] Conceptions, and acl in confequence of them? What intuitive Knowledge in the Adions of Men mull: he be blefled withal ? But it may be offered in defence of Iiir- ing thefe Mercenaries, that their Mafters In- abiUty to defend themfelves, makes it necef^ fary that England fliould prote6l them. Is there in Nature a Reafon which ought to in- duce a Nation to its own Ruin, in defence of others who are reaping Advantage by our Undoing ? In Truth, no Aflertion is fo falfe as the above : In what manner did thefe States ex- ift before the Revolution without your Affift- ance ? Have they not the fame Means at pre- fent } It is the Weaknefs of our M y, and fatal Attachments to German Interefts ; the Sums of Money which they have gained, and we ufelefty fquandered, that turn the Eyes of all thefe Princes on you. This creates the War, and difunites the Germanic Body ; otherwife, the Intereft of all Germany , and the Conftitution of the Empire, would unite all Germany againft the common Enemy ; but your interfering, and their pecuniary Ideas and mercenary Paflions, foment the F 2 Divi- 1 ' 1 ■i J / (t '■ ,' 1 i i ' " i' ' ^ ■" -' i ;. Jli* ! •'* :;i' "lil. 1 i ^' ■ ml i"t - m M1 ! i 1^ 1 [36] Divifion : Would the King of Truffia^ and the other States who are ina(5live, fee the German Interefts defeated, if you did not efpoufe the Quarrel ? But as our M y behave, his View is extent of Territory, by becoming neceflary in the Broil, whilft other German Potentates humanely traffic the Lives of their Subje6ls for the Price of your Gold 5 the only Manufa6ture and Commerce which their Countries produce. Thus then, confcious of the Imbecility of our M r, they reap the plenteous Harveft of his bufy Folly, and thus his prepofterous Condu6l begins, foments, and fofters a Con- tinent War. But left what has been faid fhould ap- pear like the enthufiaftic Fervour of patriot Love impetuoufly urged in favour of my Country, let us examine the Sentiments of our Forefathers, the Remarks of ancient Wif- dom on the Confequences of being united with the States and Interefts of the Conti- nent, and then obfcrve what has been the Effefts in our own. Those Times, when the Kings of Eng" liitid had vaft Poffcffioiis in France^ will fur- nilli ni [ 37 ] nifh us with many an Obfervation applicable to the prefent. It was then the Opinion of thofe]VIen,moft celebrated for patriot Love and the cleareft Judgment, that the Territories of our Kings in France were by no Means to be defended at the Expence of Englip Treafure j they juflly diftinguilhed the Dominions of an EngliJJ: King from thofe of Englandy and feparated the foreign Interefts of an infa- tuated Monarch from thofe of his Subjeds in this Ifland j and in Confequence of this, they virtuoufly and ftrenuoufly oppofed the fquandering EngliJJ^ Treafure, in Protedion of Dominions, in no Senfe connected with the Welfare of this Kingdom. The Earls of Hertfor^l, Bohim, and Bigof, began their Commotions through the Dif- tafte which Edward I. gave them, by de- manding their Service in the Quarrel of Gaficigny ; and in denying to defend or re- cover foreign Provinces independent oiEng^ land, though fubjcft to the King, they had great Reafbn, fince fo many Confents of Par- liament juilify their Rcfufal. \ ♦!/■ In m. [38] h < M 4 In the twentieth Year of the Reign of Richard lly the fixth and the ninth oi Henry IV, the firft and feventh of Henry V, it is affirmed, the Commons of England are not bound, pour fupporter les guerres en la terre de France ou Normandie ; that is, to fupport the King's Wars either in France or Nor^ mandy ; publicly declaring this, and publicly refufing Afliftance. In the Reign of King John^ the Bifhop of Durham was killed by the People, who ' determined to oppofe a Tax for fupporting the King's Wars in France : The King himr felf was deteflcd alfo by the Citizens oiLon^ don for his grievous Taxations on the fame Account. Hence followed the Wars between him and his Baions. In the Reign oi Henry III, there was an- other Contention between the Kings and Barons on the like Realba. * * . EDfVARD I. was refufed Money by his Subjc6ls, to defend his Territories in France againft the French, .1 ED- S' , if [ 39] LDU^ARD III. was alfo denied Contri- bution by his Subjects, to carry on the Wars againft the French ; and one of the Articles of Treafon againft Mortimer^ was the Offence he bred in the Commonwcahh, by caufing a Subfidy to be exaded from the Subjeds on that Account. The Poll-Money impofed by Parliament in the Reign of Richard II, to defray the Expence of the Wars in France^ was the Caufe of bitter Imprecations againft the King, which were followl'd by an Infurrcc- ^ tion of the Commons : And in the Reign of this King, as well as in others of thofe who preceeded and fUcceedcd liim, the Parlia- ment was fo tender in granting Subfidies, and raifmg Taxes for foreign Wars, that they added to the A6V, ^tod non trahatur in Confequentianiy that it fliould be no Prece- dent to Futurity for levying Taxes j at the lame Time appointing peculiar Trcafurers of their own, to give them Account upon Oatli the next Parliament. Innumerable Inftanccs of this Na- ture may be drawn from the Iliftory of our An- ' 'K IB >P W^ i| i r- \, 1 I ■ » r .■( ' J 1 ^rf^ fH-Mi t^ I ^^ liiii. m :iij''i 'illr [ 40 ] Anceftors, and evident Proof inferred, that the Commons of England confidered this Attachment of their Sovereigns to their Do- minions on the Continent, as the great Caufe of their Miferies and Diftrefs, and frequently refufed to indulge their Kings in the Ambition and Folly of enlarging and prote6ling their Polieffions, to the Ruin and Poverty of themfelves and their Conlli- tuents. So certainly true is it, that Poverty of England has ever been the Attendant of our engaging in War on the Continent, I be- lieve it may be proved, that the People of this Nation have owed their Increaie in Riches to the fingle Circumitance of being once detached from Continental Poflelfions. ' 3 ' idi' ' Till the Beginning of ElizabetJys Reign, whatever had been gained by the Natives of this Ifland in Commerce, had been again wafted in Defence of foreign Dominions; but from the Reign of this illuftrious Wo- man, whofe Memory muft be for ever dear to all Engli{I)mcny for the BlcfTrngs (he fprcad upon her People, to the laft Day of that infatuated Bigot, Jamei II, England only • as .. I [ 41 ] as a Nation has grown rich -, all Increafe of Wealth fince that Time being Paper- Poflef- fions, which, like the Leaves of the Sybil, fcattered to and fro by m 1 Winds, too plainly pronounce the impending Fate of this Kingdom. From this fatal iEra, the m— 1 De-« flroyers of their Country recurred to the fame Means, which had formerly been the Ruin and Wafte of EngUp Blood and Trea- fure ; the unfpeakable Difadvantage which this Nation had fufFered, from their Sove- reigns being poflefled of Dominions in France, returned with double Fury : Holland and Germany were yoked to this Nation ; the laft, like an enormous Wen fixed to a beau- tiful Body, has grown luxuriant, by drain- ing the vital Juices which rtiould have been (liftributed through this Realm, and ema- ciated its natural Strength, Beauty, and Vigour. Since the Attachments of M rs to the Germanic Intcreft, during the Wars of William and j^nne^ and in our Times, we liavc thrown Three hundred Millions o{Eng- lifl? Money into the Scale of that Balance of G Fouur P p i II' t 'A '■If-''. •■' lit M m [ 42 J Power in Germany ^ which has never inclined, nor ever will preponderate on our Side, whilft we have a Sliilling more to add to it. Such immenfe Sums of Money have been mefFe^lually wafled i.i fuftaining this vifio- nary Equilibrium of Power in Europe ; Four- fcore Millions of which, we free-born Eng- lijjjmeyiy and oUr Pofterity, are this Day mortgaged to pay for German Advantages. Thus it is evidently demonftrable, that liational Poverty has been the infeparable Companion of being again attached to Con- tinental Interefts; for, I believe, no Man will affert, that a Nation, which has not more Money in it at this Time, than at the Day of James the Seconds Abdication, with a Debt of Fourfcore Millions added to it, can be as wealthy as it was at that Period, Is the Value of Fourfcore Millions, in im- coined Gold and Silver, and other Merchan- dife, to be found in this Kingdom, beyond what it poflelied at that Time ? As much then as tliis Nation is deficient in the Pof- Iclfion of that Sum, fo much is it poorer than it was at that Period : I Ipeak not of imaginary Paper- Weahh, got by the Ini- quity of M— rs and their Favourites, to which }' 'm I 43 ] •which nothing real anfwers but your Taxe*i and Calamities. Thus then aiKient and modern Obfcr- vation demonflrate, that cir Attachments to Territories, which, though belonging to our Kings, were independent of Etigland, Jiave ever been the Caufe of Poverty and Diftrefs j and our Welfare and Happinefs prevailed only, when we were imconcerned in Continental Wars and Intcrefts. Can it then be imagined, that what has ever been pernicious, will now change its Nature, and become beneficial ? Will not the fame Ruin, the fame Increafe of Debts, and Wafte of national Treafure, be the fatal Confequence of all future Engagements to fupport fo- i^ign Dominions in Europe^ as it has of all part ? As all Acquifition of Territory in that Part of the World would be but Increafe of Misfortunes, and every Conqueft be at- tended with farther Ruin to this Ille. Let me now lay before you fome Eftl- matc of what may be the annual Expcnce, if ever a Defign of Hiring that long Lift of mercenary Blood- Suckers, from Gcrmary and other Parts, Ihould take Place ; \\\ G 2 which, •\ i^l'H* h; , IH>!1 li.;., ^Mli^: :|l [44] which, though the Calculation docs not pre- tend to Exaftnefs, it is yet, I believe, rather under than above the juft Computation ; When we confider the enormous Sum of Money which was levied the laft Year of the laft War, and the great Navy-Debt which was then left undifcharged. Let us then examine, whether England can fupport that Expence. The Pay of the Rujjian Troops alone, according to the Proportion of former Sub- fidies, will be half a Million of Money j the remaining Troops of all Germany (exclufive of Auftriam) and Piedmontefey cannot be eflimated at lefs than double that Sum : Thus in Subfidy alone. One Million and a half will be annually expended. The Hire which muft be paid the jitiflrians j Money to put all thefe Troops in Motion, accord- ing to late Practice j fupporting the whole Army, whenever they leave their own Coim- tries, to be aflembled on the Rhine or in Flanders^ will double that Sum^at leaft, and increafe it to Three Millions. For Expe- rience has (hewn us, tliat whatever Bargain we may make with ncccffitous Princes, to fupport their own Troops in the Field, that not-r m [45] notwithftanding this, it is the Gold of ^ng^ land which has ever fupplied and fumifhed them with Subfiftance during that Time ; this, befides the Expence of our own Troops in Flandersy wliich cannot be eftimated at lefs than a Million more yearly ; will make the Sum of Four Millions of Money, which muft annually pafs the Englljh Channel, likeGhofts over the Stygian Ferry, never more to revi- fit this Ifle. Can England then, indebted Fourfcorc Millions, whofe circulating Cafh is not more than Fourteen, fupport a War on the Con- tinent of Europe^ which had almoft proved her Ruin, when (he did not owe one Shilling ? What Obligation can German Interefts have on this Land, that fhe muft exhauft her vi- tal Powers to her own Ruin and their Ad- vantage ? I IMAGINE the moft fanguine Friend to the prefent M— y can fcarcc entertain a more flattering Idea in favour of this Nation, when he confiders who prefides in the va- rious Branches of the Ad n, than that if we engage in Flanders ^ our Succels will be equal to that of the great Duke of Marlbo- rough, % And ■i i it ti'. i ^i-ii" • Hi \ 'iff I [46] And yet even this Succefs, fhould we win every Battle, muft lead us to inevitable Ruin. Can J^nglandy buried in Mountains of Debt, which, like Pelion upon Offay have been heaped upon her, fuftain the Expence of a War upon the Continent of Europe f Do we grow more vigorous by being exhauft- ed? or will national Parfimony anfwer all the immenfe Demands of fuch a War? Where then Ihall this unhappy Nation find Money for foreign Mercenaries ? The moft rapid Succefs muft even prove your Ruin, and the Nation be exhaufted of all Refourcc before thefe ten Years Conquefts can be half completed. Thus the Sound of every Vic- tory muft be received with aching Hearts, and our Generals in their triumphal Carrs be followed by People drowned in Floods of Sorrow for the Battles they have won. In the mean time, whilft you arefluicing fortli your vital Treafure to prote6l Germanic Princes, how different is their Fate ? they grow great by your Folly and Deftru6tion, die Wealth which you lavifh they receive by tlie Hire of their Armies, mercenary in their own Defence. Thefe are the Friends and Al- . - * lies tl [ 47 ] lies of Efigland I Thus Conqueft, any more than Defeat, cannot avert your Ruiu, tho* the firft. may retard it a little while. Shall then this Kingdom be totally drained by grievous Subfidies, in fupport of foreign Princes Dominions, among whom there is One, whole untold Sums lie ulelela and untouched, even for the Prote6lion of that State which is fo dear to him. But as painting the diftrefsful Side of Nature, and our Situation, may be too dit- pleafmg to your Eyes, let us now point out to you the Way by which our Enemies muft be humbled, and this Nation exalted. We have already proved that the Englifi Fleet confifts of treble the Number of that of France-, that Engli/kmen want nothing but being trufted with Arms, and inftru6led in the Ufe of them, to defend themfelves from all Invafion ; and that the German Princes, undivided by the Hopes of our Money, and enlarging their Territories by our interfering,, would unite in one common Caufe againlt one common Enemy. These being the true Circumftances of Things, our Fleet fo fupeiior, muft drive the h H. ■\* <■ :*■•; ■J^d il' (.. V- ■<■ , I,/' i'tf [48] the French Commerce from the Face of the Ocean, and enrich this Ifland, when Specie might again appear inftead of Paper. Our Troops and Militia, confined to the Defence of this Kingdom, whatever Expence they might prove, would prevent the Money from efcaping to our Ruin, and ftill be culating amongft us. - "1 .' ,' - cir- The Germans, being ever Germans, and not bought by our Treafure, would tread the dire6l Road to their own Security and Prefervation. Thus then nothing but m — -1 Wrong- headednefs can prevent this Nation fronx growing great in Cafe of a War with France, This Kingdom, by the Acquilition of Wealth taken from that, will then be a Refervoir for our Supplies ; which veiy Treafure, if a War be begun in Flanders, will be no more than Waters running into the Head of a Pool, which immediately run out at the lower End, the Money we and the mercenary Army mufl fpend in that Country, travelling veiy foon from the Hands of us to thofe of the Nether^ land Inhabitants, and thence fpeedily into France^ [ 49 ] France^ as it happened too apparently lad War. Thus our Enemies get great Part of that Money which we fquander to oppofe them. Therefore to make England truly great, this Ifle, as fhe is by Nature, nuift ftand un- conne6led with the Interefts and Territories of German Princes and the Contuient. But there is yet a farther Confideratioii for our dechning to engage in German Wel- fare, it is the Defence of his Majefty and his Subje6ls PofTeflions in America^ the living Fountain of perpetual Wealth to this King- dom, an Obje6l worth all your Confidera- tion ; whatever is expended in the Defence of Englipo Plantations, returns to England again. Shall we then raife Money to lavifli on German Mercenaries for German Interefts, and negleft our own Colonies ? Shall that baftard and unnatural State, whofe whole Revenue does not exceed the fourth Part of . . H what t, , ! ' *^ :';.>■ •irtJi'-. [ SO ] "what you annually pay the Poor of this Nsi- tion, which has aheady coft fo many MilHons, continue to exhauft all your Wealth in her I^efence and Service, and the legal Child of England be neglefted and abandoned in her Diftrefs ? Shall a Hundred and fixty thou- fand Mercenaries wage War on the Banks of the Rhine, and in the Meadows of Flan-* ders at your Expcnce, to defend what is not in its whole Value worth theTreafure which will be confumed in four Campaigns for its Protedion? . - .,,,.-. Thus then thefe Things being dearly placed before your Eyes, does it not follow that Ruin mufl await you, if thefe merce- nary Troops are hired in defence of you or German Intcrefls ? And may it not as juftly be faid when that Time arrives, as in thofe oiTacituSy Britatinia Jervitutcm ftiam qtiotidie emit, quotidic pofcit j the Britons are every Day imploring to be Slaves, and adding Money to purchafe that Infamy ? . • * » - , If hereafter fome future Son of Ambition fliall m;\kc the obtaining Subfujies for Ger- man [51] man Interefts, the very Condition of his be- ing a M r, will you tamely bow your Necks to that Yoke j if fome future P« *t fhall grant the Revenues of England for fuch Purpofes, is there an Englifoman who can look filently on and fee his Conllitution to- tally expiring, unremonftrating, and uncom- plaining? •• ' * If ye (hould prove fo fallen from the Spi- rit of your Anceftors, how defpicable muft you be regarded by the Eyes of all Europe f Shall France behold the proud infulting mer- cenary German i the hireling Defender of thijj Ille, ftalking indignant and oppreffive thro* your Lands and Cities, yourfclves untrufled with Arms, doomed, like the Slaves of Spar^ tat to work for thcfe foreign Soldiers ? If you fhall ever become fo defpicable in the Opinion of m- 1 Men, pur Souls deemed unequal to the Talk of combating for your own Safety, what are ye then but heartlcfs Cownrds, a Race of foft, effeminate Daflards? Oh ignominious Thought ! Oh abjc6l England! 11 2 W/LL V I: I I <:■• [52] Will you then be confidered but as d People unfit for War, to Plow and Labour, to hew Wood and draw Water for thofe whofe Souls are yet daring enough to meet an Enemy on the Field of Battle ? ., 1' ! W II ERR will then be fled that martial Spirit vvhich animated the Souls of your great Ancellors at Creffyy Poitiers^ and jigincourt *^ Is that Englijio Valour which knew no De- . feat beneath the Command of Marlborough^ totally annihilated ? Will ye then permit in filence thefe Fo- " reigners to be bought lu your Afliltance ? Will ye fervilcly fiirrcndcr yourfelv^s and Li- berties into their ILinds for Protedion? \Vill ye be the Slaves of German Mercena- ries ? ■ ■ * . M - . . ll 'A l!',ij ■»:i>.-. Ye filkenSons of Pleafure, roufe from your Lethargy ; modcflly reprefent to your Sove- reign the Dangers of your Condition j urge your Reprefentatives to procure you Arms, wliich become your Hands alone, for the protecting Ilim and your Country from In- .» vafion. U!J [53] vafion. Let your Navies prove that France can be humbled without mercenary Affiil- ance. Or will ye permit the white I lorle to trample down the Sons of England in Duft, Difgrace, and Ruin ? Shall the British Lion be yoked to draw that Carr from which he is unhaniefled, to wanton in the fatteit Paf- tures ? . . . - If even Yourfelves and Liberties fhould be no longer dear to you, will you behold vour Progeny enflaved? Your Properties ' i1:ed in foreign Wars and German Inte- ' :1s ? Will ye not then exert your native Powers, and fhake off that lazy Inattention which is ftolen upon you ? Be attentive, or irremediable Evils may flcal imperceptibly upon you, hke Death in old Age, when there no longer remains Vi- gour to combat the Attack j when exhaudcd, and driven by mercenary Bands, converted from being your Defenders to your En- ilavers, you are excluded from the free Ex- patiating of Liberty, and your Conftitution driven into a nanow Compafs, as the Uri^ torn of gld ; and, treading on each other, like \> >. j % [54] Rke wild Beads in the Eajiern Nations, fur- rounded with Toils, you tear each other to Pieces with Rage; or die tamely and fu- pinely, expiring by the Darts, which are thrown by mercenary and M 1 Huntf^ men. Nor is it for you alone, my Country- men, my Bread feels the anxious Alarm j the Welfare of tliat illuftrious Houfe, which fills the Throne with fo much Glory, thrills me with Apprehenfion for their Safety, What Behaviour can more probably wean the Hearts of Subje61:s from a Sovereign, than their being treated fo ignominioully by his M s ? What Motive fo apt to irri- tate their Minds, as beholding their Trea- fures exhaufted to their Ruin, themfelvcs confidered as Cowards, unworthy to bear Arms in their own Defence, and contemp- tuoully poftponed to German Mercenaries by M Counfellors ? History top fatally informs us, that tlie Englijh have been frequently driven to dangerous Extremes by Caufes of Icfs Mo* , nicnt: \ [ 55 ] tncnt : Xet me therefore implore you, if it fhould ever be the abje6l Fate of England to become the Slave of Germany y urge not your Refentment beyond remonftrating, to your Reprefentatives and Sovereign, your defpi- cable Situation j with-hold your Hands from vindicating your own Rights; point your legal Defigns alone againft that M^ r, who, betraying the Truft which is com- mitted to him by his Mafter, may attempt to enflave you to foreign Hirelings, exhauft your Treafpre by defending German Inte- rcfts, and rilk even the Stability of that Crown, which it is his Duty to fuflain. Will ye, degenerate Men, behold Bri- tanniay like Prometheus chained to a Rock, whilft the German Eagle is devouring her Vitals, and yield her no AfTiflance ? Believe me, the Moment of that Cataftrophe may not be at a great Diftance. When it arrives I fliall not fail to give you Warning of the Evil : That Meflage muft either prove the Palfing-BcU of your expiring Liberties and Nation's Glory, which, like Women, ye may follow to thckr Graves with Sighs and Teais unmanly j or, like the Sound of tlie . laft 'm0 J'H IV, if.*. m I'l'. ■ H\ ■I "i'l: K [ S6 ] laft Trumpet, awaken to a Refurr^flion the long-departed Spirit of defending yourfelves^, your King, and Country. Virtu contra 'I Jurorey t Trendra t arme & fia il combatter corta, Che /' antico 'valor e t