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Les diagrammes suivants lllustrent la mithode. rraia o )elure. Id D 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 C( BRITISH AMERIOAIf UNION. A REVIEW OF HON. JOSEPH HOWE'S ESSAY, KNTITLED " CONFEDERATION CONSIDERED IN RELATION TO 'nn^ INTERESTS OF THE EMPIRE." BY P. 8. HAMILTON, HALIFAX, N. S. PRINTED BY A. GRANT, l-RINTEB TO THE QUEEK'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 1866. J BRITISH AMERICAN UNION. .\ REVIEW OE HON. JOSEPH HOWE's ESSAY, ENTITLED "CONFEDERATION CONSIDERED IN RELATION TO THE INTERESTS OE THE EMPIRE." Mn. IIowK has lately written and circulated in certain quarter.-? a painplilet bearing the title above set forth. Tiie writer purposes brief- ly reviewing that Es.--ay, a by no means easy task. In Jiiiiting at the ditriculty of the task, it is not intended to be understood th.at llie unde- nialjle character of Mr. Howie's assertions, the deep and M\ll-ground- ed meaning of his allusions, or the cogency of his arguments, presents the dinicuhy. Quite the contrary. It is to be found in the gveixt sear- city, if not the entire absence, of anything tangible upon -which to lay hold, in the whole mass of bitter verbiage whitih goes to make up Mr. Howe's pamphlet. So much "sound and fury meaning nothing," even in the shape of a political pamphlet, has -ieldom been projected upon the world, especially by a man who, like ]\Ir. IIowk, has occujii- ed a somewhat eminent position in his own little sphere, and " whose opinion" tiierefore, as he, or some of his anonymous friends arc Ibnd of telling us. " is entitled to some consideration." It is onlv on the ground of Mr. Howe's former standing as a public man that this production of his can be considered entitled to any special notice at all. Let any reader, be he the most astute of logicians, analyze it as carefully as he may, from beginning to end, and he cannot find one clearly, openly, manfully expressed argument — an argument reasoned syllogistically from premises to conclusion, for or against anything whatever, through- out the A\'holc of this macs of words. This is assertion. If proof is asked, — Lo, the pamphlet itself! Let that be put in evidence. There in- deed we find numerous assumptions of what has never yet been proved — and never will be ; thei'c we see disreputable motives attributed to public men for which no grounds are shown ; there we find high sound- ing paragraphs of truth mixed with its reverse, but having no necessary f connection with, or bonring upon, tlio subject under discussion ; there sneers and inuondovils which have Ijoen i)roposed. lie prefers — •• A FcMlcral Union, whicli would aii(-. Pnssin;; over n pcrioil ()(' lit'tccii yoiirs, dnriii^j; wliicli tliu Hrilisli Amcrlpjiii press shows iin cccasional iKlvociicy of the Union — ahviiyri, so fur iis the writer eiin loiirn, Ih'^ work of Nova ScotiaiH — we como to the year IH.')|, when, fci- the lirsi lime. soMieiliinjr: praetical was attempted towards eireetnij? the (U'sired Union. On the lOtli of February of that year, Hon. .Jamks Vv'. JonxsroN, now .Tn(l,<,'(> in I'^piily, moved the followinf; re -oliilions in lh(! House of Assembly of Nova Scotia: — ^'- U'- and facilitate the eonsiileration of a measure which, if n'.atiM'cd on ])rinciples satisfactory to the several Provinces, and calculated to secure their harnmny, and hrinji into action their ('onsolidated 8tren;:;lh, must result in laslinjj henellts of incalculable value." These resohuions received the sn])port of Mr. Hoavk, then h'ader of the Government of Nova Scotia; and that sn])port was testilied by what was certainly the im)st sovudiiuj speech he ever ma(U' in his life. To this speech we shall presently have occasion to refer again more partienlarly. Mr. Howk himself seems to have considered it a suc- cessful achievement ; for he had it published, with some modifications, in pamphlet form, in London, in the course of the following year (1855). Still, Canada testified not. It is true that, for some years subsequent to this Nova Scotian movement of 1851, the periodical press of Canada, as of New Hrnnswick — and in a less degree of the island Colonies, Prince Edward's and Newfonndhmd — si)oke out unmistakably, from time to time, and in different r of a Unioi of the Maritime Provinces alone and providing lor a Conlerenee u[)oii the siibj(!et with representatives of New llrunswick and Princ(! Edward Island. The Legislatures of the two 'ast named Colonies passed similar resolutions. It was, at the time, openly avowed by the advocates of this measure that if succ(!ssful it would I)e, and was fully intended to bo, tlii; lirst step towanls a Union with Canada and the rest of British America. Had the measure not been iilaeed in this light, tliwr- hiia tin- iimhicity lo cli!ir;^c llie Caiiiuliiins villi hriii;^ the iuilliors ol" lh(! IJiiioii poUcy ; culls the proiiDsed ^chetno *' u iiieusurt! of s])(iliiitioii a>i(l approprialioii" on th(; purl of Caiuula ; for paf,'e after pa;j;e, sneers at and reviles proiniiieiit Canailiaii siat(!S- iiien as if lliey were the most b!a('k-hearte(( villjiiiis that ever Nature proijiieeil, li(;r,h)(iuy u|ion their heads, hecauxe "after years of personal bitterness, they consenletl to clasp hands," h(^ is doin;; ju*t what ho, is Ihc last man in lirilish America to attempt. Many a tinu; and oft has INIr. JIowK clasp(;d the hands of men between whom and himself then; have been " years of personal bitterness and malignant vilnperalion," and not ii lew timed has he attempted it only to have his proposals indignantly spurned. And in his case it was not for any such worthy object as the carrying out of a great measure of national importance which coidd not otherwise be effected. "When ]\Ir. (Jalt and Mr. liuow.v consented lo smother their personal fi-elings and sink their minor diHerences of opinion for the time;, in order to bring about a Union of these Colonies, ihe act was a noble one, ibr which we ought to feel proud of them as JJritish Americans. But it seems there are men amongst us who are incapable of appreciating such abnegation of self in a great cause — men, too, who would themselves like to be considered statesmen. In reality it is of no consequence whatever wluitlicr thi.-, 'Jnion scheme which Mv. llowio gores at so ferociously originated with Jana- dians, ornot; nor does it matter by whom it was elaborated. IMr. HowK (h'clines fairly discussing, whether, or not, that scheme is a good one. For certain reasons of his own, he assumes that Canada is at the ])ottom of it. It has been shown above that this assumption is utterly groimdless. JJut, secondly, Mr. IIowK labours to create in his readers' minds this inference, that he (Mr. IIowk) is and always has been bit- terly opposed to a Union of the Colonies. It will not be ditricult to prove this assumption equally groundless. We have already reiterated some of the strong Union sentiments ex- pressed editorially by ]Mr. Howe's journal, the Novasculian, as long 'W: >i II! 10 ap;o a:^ May, 18;38. About tiic same time — i. o. ^Vpril 183S — avc (Ind Mr. IIowic thus exprcssiu;jj himscinn the House of Assembly. It, inav be premised tliat " tim honourable and learned member for Cape Bre- ton" was the late James Boyle Uniaeke, (hen acknowled;j;ed lervder of the i)arty Aidiose general policy Mi: Howe was daily ojjposiug': " The lionourable and learned member for Cape Breton socmod inclin- ed toad\o<'ate the establishment of a Confederation of tin' Coloeios. — He (Mr. Howe) had been almost cliarfred witli rebellion ib-- bruaehing snch a doctrine some time ago. * * * The venerable parent of the honourable gentleman had also started such a proposition. In I'ariiament the seheme had not been considered dangerous by any party. * * If he (Mr. Uniaekc) songlu, to invite a discussion on the subject of Confede- ration, and to make apjiroafdies to such a state of thiuf^s, he (Mr. How/) tvan ivil!!n(/ to sccoiKlhis ricws." Reference has already been made to ?.rr. Howe's speech in the House of Assembly, upon I^fr. Johnston's resolution, in 18.") 1, Mark these few exti'acts from the grand opening of that haningue : — " Come from whose hand it may, the resolution before the Conunittcc opens up for discussion the broadest field, the no])lest subject, eA'er pre- sented to tlie consideration of this Legislature. A day, or even a week, may be well spent upon puch a theme. Sir, I regret net the time which this r -'stion will engross, but my in:ibility to do it justice. * * * * llisi with the magnitude of this great theme, I shall endeavor to catch its inspiration, remembering only that I am a Novaseotian — the son of a loyalist — a North American — a true sidrjec*" of the Queen, but ou(^ whose allegiance, to be perfect, must include every attribute of mauliood, every privilege of the Empire. Sir, I wish that my leisure had been greater, thai I might ha\e brought before you the ripened fruits of me(litation, the illustrative stoi'es of liistory, which research can only accunudate. !n no vain spirit do I wish also that the sentiments which 1 am about to utter might be heard and pondered, not only as they will be by those who in- habit half the continent, but by members of the British Parliament, by Imperial statesmen — by the Councillors who stand around, and by the gracious Sovereign who sits upon the throne. Perhaps this may not be. Yet I believe that the day is not distant when our sons, standing in our places, trained in the enjoyment of public liberty by those wdio liave gone before them, and compelled to be statesmen by the throl)bing of their British blood and the necessities of their possession, will be heard across the Atlantic, and will utter to each other, and to al' 'he world, >cnti- ments wdiich, to-day, Mr. Chairman, nuvy fall with an air of no.elty upon your ear. I am not sure. Sir, that even out of this discussion may not arise a spirit of union and elevation of thought that may lead Xorth America to east aside her Colonial habiliments, to put on )iat'ioiiec(:!, to assert natlniinl rlnlins, ;vnd prepare to assume «a/H)H«/';/'//V/'(//oHS. Come wdiat may, I do not hesitate to express my hope that, from this day, she will aspire to conaoUildtion as an integral portion of the Realm of England, or assert her claims to a national existence." Thus commencing, Mr. Howe, on the occasion referred to, went on speaking for about four hours, in favor of a Union of the Colonies i w \ 11 Mark Mr. IIouMi's lofty a;ipirat:oii!, in 1 854, towards a " national cx- istciuiii" for these United Colouic;^. In the [)anii)ldoL hefore ns — that of 18()0 — Mr. Howe pounces upon the expre^sior., a " new nationality," as havinr^ been applied by Lord Monek to British America in aiitici- [lation of the projected Confederation, and gloat', over it as a pncious morsel, lie harps upon it, becomes witty at it, is indignant over it, and sneeringly makes the term, "new nationality," the burden of every paragraph through several ))ages of his brochure, lie tells us, among other startling announcements, (hat '• the ' d'mensions' of the ' n(;\v nationality' will certainly be formidable enough, seei:ig that it is to comprise a territoiy of 4,000,000 of square miles," a larger territory, he informs us, than that of the United States, or of all Europe. As if utterly aghast at the facts whii'Ii ^^row upon him, lu; further assures us that "sixteen Sovereign State.s of Europe" occupy a smaller territory* and that British America has " a coast line on the North Atlantic of about live thousand miles" — a virtual misrepresentation, l)y-the-bye — •' with a long seaboard on the Pacific side," And what of all this? In his speech of 1854, Mr. Howe cited all these facts, and many more to the same purpose, as reasons why the Colonies should be united. " Sir." said lie. " the great question which wo men of the North must put to ourselves i.s — Have we a territory broad enough to make a nation of? I tliiiik it can be sluiwn tliat we liave. Beneath, around, ami b(.^hui(l us, stretching away from tlie Atlantic to the PacKii', are 4,00U,"Oi) s![u;ire miles of territorv- All Europe, with it;' familv of nations, contains but 3,708,000, or 292 000 miles less. Tlie United" States includes :!, 330,572 s(juare miles, or 7G[),128 less than British .Uneriea. Sir, I often smile when I hear some vain-glorious Republican exclaiming: — * No pent-up Utica contracts our i)o\vors, The wholo unl)oun(led coutincut is ours,' fornrettinii that the bii^frest half of the continent does not belonjx to them at all, but to us, the men of the North, whose descendants will control its destiiies forever." Then went he on to remind his listeners that " the gi'cat province of Canada is equal in extent to Great Britain, France, and Prussia ;" that the jMaritime Provinces are " half as large again as England and Scot- laiul together," and " as large as Holland, Greece, Belgium, Portugal, and Swit;:erland, all put together ;" that the great lakes of Canada are "larger in volume than the Caspian Sea;" that the Gulf of St. Law- rence is as largo as the Black Si'a, or the Baltic ; and that if you " take the Italian's Po, the German's Rhine, the Frenchman's K'^one, the Englishman's Thames, and the Spaniard's Tagus, and roll them all into one channel, you ;hcn only have a stream equal to the St. Law- 12 r rence." Does IVIr. Howe now pretend to say that in giving utterance to tlie above facts ho was only indulging in dap-trap, or treating " Her Maj(;sty's loyal Commons" to a lectm-e on Comparative Geograi)hy ? But again, in the same speech, hear him on the defence question : " Taking our population at two millions and a half, every fifth person should be able to draw a trigjijcu', giving 500,000 men capable of bearing arms. Such a force would be powerless as an iuvadin,j army ; but in deience of these Provinces, invincible b;/ an;/ force thttf could he sent from abroad. Put into these men the spirit which animated the Greek, iloman, the Dutchman, or the Swiss — let them feel that they are to protect their own iu^avth-stoue^, aad the heroic blood which beats in their veins will be true to Its charactcrlstlc;\ How oft(Mi havu we heard that our Republican neighbors were going to overrun the Provinces '/ They have attempted it once, or twice, but have always been beaten out hy the Provincial militia; and I do not hesitate to say that the Jiritish Americans over whom the old Hag illes are able to defend, evcrji inch of their territori/, even though Her Majesty's troops were withdrawn. Indeed, sir, if these 500,000 men are not able to defend our country, they deserve to be trodden down and made slaves for the rest of their natural lives." From these grand epic sentiments of 1854, let us descend to the pitiful piping in Mr. Howe's pamphlet of 18G6: " The Northern States, with 24,000,000 of people [this is an over- estimate of only about 5,000,000 of people], by great exertions and at enormous cost were at last aide to put Into the field a million of soldiers. With 4,000,000 of people this ' fresh power,' (British America) by ex- ertloiisof the same character, after expending money in the like proportion, may be able to efjulp and jiay an army of l(j(!,000. * * If massed on several points they certainly would not be much more than a match for the 200,000 men who marched past the White House at Washinijton in May i8()5, and who numbered about oue-(ifih of the disciplined soldiers of the Republic. * * When once organized" (i. e., the Colonial Con- federation), "even if every man in the Provinces was a consenting party, it must be obvious that the New Nation coulil not stand alone ; and it is equally certain that the people of England would expect to be relieved from the responsibility and burthen of its defence. Inevitably it 7nusl succumb to the r/rowinr/ power of the Republic." Briefly, then, according to JMr. Howe, in 1854, British America, with its 4,000,000 of squ' re miles of territory and 2| millions of jjcoplo, was (luite ca[)able of bc'ug consolidated into a great, glorious, and powerful State that "could have stood against the world." In 1866, British America, with 4 millions of iidiabitjuits, niust consider her territory to an absurd degree too large to be kei)t together, even as a unit among the dependencies of the British Empire. In 1854 our 2^ millions of [)opulation could furnish 500,000 soldiers for the defence of their country. In 1866, with 4 millions of population, we cannot possibly turn out more than 166,000 fighting men, even to prevent our political f to the among 10 ^ annihilation. In 1854, when the United States were teeming witli ,s prosperity, had an overflowing treasury, and were free from any serious political troubles, either at home or abroad, the Colonists were able to defend every inch of their territoiy against an invasion of their repub- lican neighbors. In 18G(), we are told that the Colonies, Isaving in the mean time nearly doubled their po[)ulatlon, will, even if united and thei'efore materially strengthened, 'nevitably succumb to the republic ; although that republic has, in 18G6, just emerged from a long, san- guinary, and almost unprecedcntedly expensive civil war; is more dee{)ly involved in debt than any other State in the world ; is crippled in its commerce ; and has one-half of its people filled with bitterness and, we may suppose, with most bloody intentions towards the other half. i\[r. Howe's teachings are so diverse, that before he next rushes into print upon this subject, it is to be hoped that he Avill think it over seriously, so as to be able to inform us conclusively how many s(piare miles " go" to make up a respectable dominion : what is the quantum sufficit of coast for a country ; and just how many millions of people will "do" to start a " new nationality." As forlVIr. Howe's latest view on the territorial ortance. Tl.ey were designed to attract througli British territory a large portion of the trade of the great West. Wlicu the Intercolonial Railway is finished we shall not only control the telegraphic and postal corresjjondance of the West- ern States, but secure to the people of Great Britain at all seasons a steady supply of breadstuirs ; should unhappily the Atlantic ports of the United States, in war, be closed against them. Who tlian Avill venture to assert that these were not elevated objects of tlie highest national im- portance ? ' This h:is the true ring of coiumon sense and impartial manliness. In 18()G Mr. Howe can see in Canaaa only an inipoverislied, embarrassed coimtry, inaccessible for half tlie year, a sourc. of weakness to Great Britain and an easy prey to the jNorthern States. In 18G2, he could re- present her as a great, wiselj< governed, nourishing country, whose debts wero a credit to her and not a r(!pro;ich, occu[)ying a highly in- tluenlial position relative to the neighbouring republic, and who was not only caj>able of maintaining her own defence, but of being a riglit arm of strength to the Mother Country, as we shall further see. Mr. Adderley was shown tliat the untrained Militia of Canada had twice saved the Province ; and assured that she was at that moment (the close of 1862) " much better prepared to resist attack than she ever was at any former period of her history." " Under the law, as it stands," Mr. Howe went on to say, " at fifteen " days notice, 50,000 men, perfectly organized in companies and bat- " talions, and wdth all tlieir regimental ollicers, from a colonel to a "corporal, could be placed upon any pohit of the frontier. — And twenty '' thousand liritish soldiers, judiciously distributed and skillfully led, " with this fine force at their back, or serving m the ranks beside them, " ought to be able to give a good account of any invading army wdiich '• the Northern States can send against them." And then Mr. Howe went on, at great length, to show that the position of England, during the Spanish war of Queen Elizabeth's reign, and at various other periods, was, so far as defences were to be considered, much more precarious than that of British America in 18G2. We all m I Mr. (the ever m 15 know how much better a state of defence thi.s country is in now (18GC) tlian it was four years since. When Mr. Howe said, as he did, to Mr. Adderley, in IHCd,— " T wouid liavo one army that foiild ho massed within a few (hiys, or weeks, on any ])oint of the Ironlifr, moved by one lieail, aninialod by one spirit, paid trcm one treasury," — lie ox[)ressed a wisii wliieh lie is now rpiei'ulonsly, but turbulently, scohlin/T the British American Unionists for undertaking to practically carry out. And when Mr. Howe assumes that the Union of lliese Colojiies would provoke an invasicMi fnjm the United Statijs, does he suppose his renders can be so blind as not to see the real drift of the implied argument? The consolidation of British .Vmeriea carmot possibly be regard"d as a menace to the neighboring republic. Tlie uniting and consr aent strengthening of these Colonies as a whole, can only be a cause of irritation to the United States upon the ground that it will prevent tlie former becoming an easy prey to the latter. There- fore whatever Mr. Howe may say his sentiments are, according to his own showing he is really advocating that course which must ensure the Annexation of the Provinces to those States. In the records of Mr. Howe's public acts down to 18G;3, we find that his expression of his sentiments upon the Union Question becomes more frequent, more definite, and more emphatic in favor of Union. Only a few more extracts froni these records will be made. Addressing a large assemblage, in the County of Welland, Canada, in 18G2, Mr. Howe said : "lie looked hopefully forward to the time tclien this great Province of Canada would be connected with the Provinces below, and when a man would feel that to be a British American was to be a citizen of a country which included all these fertile lands, all these inexhaustible fisheries, all this immense marine, carrying to ail seas the tlag of ' Old England,' if she would let us, and if she will not let us, the flag of British America, bearing to foreign countries the lineaments, the enterprise, and the spirit of Britons, and the civilization of British America, of which he trusted none of us need be much ashamed." In the following year (1863), Hon. Thos. D'Arcy McGee delivered, at Halifax, a lecture upon a Union of the Colonies ; and, on concluding, was followed by Mr. Howe, in a highly laudatory speech, in the course of which he said : " He was for a Union of all the British North American Provinces, He thought a Union should not be delayed until we had drifted into diffi- culties. Talk of the fall of Quebec being a source of sorrow to the inhabitants of this Province. It would be more. If the St. Lawrence I 16 were in tho hands of our cncmios, we should be rompollcd to bopj per- mission to tear down the British flan;. Wiiat lie wished for in Nova Scotia was that slie may be tho frontage of n mighty Colony, upon whieh it may be truly said the sun never sets. No man can look upon Halifax and its environs, its harbors, its citadels, and say it was made for this Province alone." In the summer of 18G4, there was a public dinner in Halifax, in honor of a number of the public men of Canada who were, by special invitation, on a visit to the Maritime ProvinccHi. This was only a few weeks before the first sitting of that Conference which commenced at Charlottctown and terminated at Quebec. At that dinner INIr. Howe made a speech. It teemed with love of Canada and the Canadians, and was most enthusiastic in the cause of Union. Among his remarks on that occasion, we find the following : — " lie was not one of those who thanked God that he was a Novascotian merely, for lie was a Canadian as well. He had never thought he was a Novascotian but he had looked across the broad continent, at the great territory which the 7i.lmiglity had given us for an inheritance, and studied the mode by which it could be consolidated, tho mode by Avhich it could be united, the mode by which it could ba made strong and vigorous, while the old flag still iloated over the soil. * * * " AVith the territory of Canada, with the rivers of Novascotia, with the inexhaustible fisheries — what a country to live in ! And why should Union not be brought about ? Was it because we wished to live and die in our insignificance, — that we would sooner make money rather than that our (•ountry should grow ? God forbid ! He had always been in favor of uniting an)/ two, three, four, or the tcholefive of the Provinces." Then, referring to the course just resolved upon by the Canadian Parliiuncnt in the event of the Union negotiations ending in failure, he goes on, addressing the Canadian guests : — " Oh, my friends, go back to your homes and say there is at least one No""^ascotian honest enough to say to you this, — that, if you do that, you will commit an act of political suicide, and although I ought not perhaps to give the advice, I would rather see every public man upon both sides of politics crucified, than I would divide Canada now that Canada is united. Join the Maritime Provinces if you can; but, at any rate, stick together — hold your own. — He was pleased to think the day was rapidly approachintf when the Provinces u^ould be united, with one flag above their heads, one thought in all their bosoms, with one sovereign, and one con- stitution." What a commentary are Mr. Howe's past words upon his present acts ! — As already mentioned, these fine sentiments were uttered on the eve of the Union Conference being entered into. And further, we have it on the authority of Hon. Wm. A. Henry, Attorney General of Novascotia, solemnly published under his own hand, that Mr. Howe 17 y I solicited n scat in this same Conference ; ulthough when it was formally offered him, he stated that his official duties as Fishery Commissioner prevented his accepting it. For some thirty years, as shown above. Mr. Howe has been enthusiastically striving, or pretending to strive, for the realization of " the dream of his childhood," as he has more than once designated a Union of these Colonies. Now, at the eleventli hour, he comes before the public with a work which, although as full of unreasoned conclusions and groundless assumption'- as the pompous peurilities upon this same subject,* which some of our readers rnay possibly have seen, lately got out by two young and uninformed artillerymen of the Halifax garrison, nevertheless breathes a spirit of bitter hatred towards the very name of Union, and of intense hostility towards those who advocate it. No one can deny that Mr. Howe may feel compelled to change his opinions sometimes, as well as other peo- ple ; nor will it be denied that, having experienced such a change, he has a perfect right to express himself accordingly ; but when a man has been diligently and publicly teaching certain principles for years, and then in the twinkling of an eye, turns about and ferociously assails his own previously avowed principles and the pupils into whom he has instilled them, the public have an undoubted right to expect from him the fullest, clearest, most convincing reasons for his recantation. Mr. Howe has not deigned to furnish any reason at all. On a careful view of the whole case the reader can scarcely fail to conclude either that Mr. Howe never was sincere in his advocacy of Union of the Ci^loniee, or he is not sincere now in opposing it. Thirdly. Mi*. Howe assumes again— does not say so bioadly and categorically, but assumes — that Novascotia, Newfoundland, and Prmce Edward Island are implacably opposed to the projected union of them, with each other and with the other Colonies. He pretends to represent the feelings and opinions of Novascotia in particular, and his language would lead his readers to suppose that the people of this Province, en masse, were in an agony of grief and a phrenzy of indignation at the bare idea of being united with the other Provinces, and especially with ler, we ieiieral Howe * The Confederation op British North America. and H. H. Webber, Royal Artillery. By E. C.Bolton Tho Union advocates are fortunate in their opponents. This harmless little work is tlie partnership production of two young gentlemen of remarkably li- mited powers of observation. It is characterized, however, to an amusing de- cree, by that air of self-admiration and lofty presumption which verjr often distinguishes young authorship. As the authors are obviously inexperienced, we may not unreasonably hope that their next literary effort will exhibit evi- dences of sounder judgment and improved taste. 2 18 'f ' ! Canada. Now, this is not merely dlslngentiou.s : it is a .sluuneful at- tempt to deceive thojie who are not ooiiverHaiil witli tlie fiiets. But Ict- us see wliat all Mr. Howe's assumptions on (his point amount to. Let us return to the period when the delegate^^ of the several Pro- vinces returned from the Quebec Conference in 18G4. The New Brunswick IMinistry — whether wisely, or not, it is needless here now to say — at that time determined upon the exceptional policy of dis- solving the IIouj^c of Assembly and a|)poaling to the country on the Quebec Scheme of Confederation. The electors of that Province, taken by suri)risc and alarmed at the prospect of a political change of such magnitude as that proposed, which they had not yet had time to examine and clearly comprehend, rejected the union party at the polls, and an Anti-Confederate Ministry went into olfice. Such being the re- sult of what was about the iirst constitutional move on this question after the breaking up of the Quebec Conference, what could Novascotia do in the matter r Nothing. She could but wait further dcvelopements in New Brunswick ; for Novascotia could not unite and shake hands with Canada across the intervening Province. She had not long to wait. In one year's time, the seats of the Anti-Confederate Minis- ters crumbled { > dust beneath them, and another Parliamentary disso- lution took place. By that time the people of that Province had learned what Union of the Colonies meant. Thirty-three members were returned to the new House in favor of Confederation, and only eight opposed to it ; and subse(iuently, on the formation of a new Gov- ernment and the assembling of the Legislature, the Union Scheme was carried in the Lower House by that majority ; and in the Legislative Council by a majority of thirteen to five. Now, at length, was the time for Novascotia to take furtlier action. Accordingl} in the last session of the Legislature (18G6) the leader of the Government brought in a Union measure, which was carried in the House of Assembly by a majority of thirty to eighteen, and in the Upper House by a majority of thirteen to five — the same as in that of New Brunswick. Yet Mr. Howe, who is not a member of Parliament at all, betakes himself to England as the self-elected representative of down-trodden Novascotia, to inform British statesmen and a British public that Novascotia is vehemently opposed to a Union with the sister Colonies ! And here, before proceeding further, a few words as to Newfound- land and Prince Edward Island. Mr. Howe assumes that they too are both opposed to Confederation. For either, or both, of these Islands to seek a political Union with Canada whilst New Brunswick J i 19 and Novai'cotia still lit^Ul aloof, would have bcon simply absurd. Tlioy did not seek it. When diirinj; their respoetivo parliamentary .sessions of 1 son, the two last-named Provinces adopted the Union jioliey by such overwhelmlnp; majorities, the Legislatures of the Island Colonics had (;los(;d their sessions, or were just on the evi' of prorogation ; and they have not . ct sinee. Therefore it yet remains to be s(!en what ihoy will do. Their action for, or against, the proposed measure, cannot afTeet the question essentially, so far as a Union of the Continental Provinces is to bo considered. This latter Union o'lco effected, the disadvantageous circumstances of the Island Provin.,Oft would soon oom[)el them to seek admission into the Confederation. But we pro- bably need not look far into the future for that event. TIk! prediction IS here hazarded that, twelve months hence, Mr ITowc will be unable to find in either Newfoundland, or Princ- J'^dward Island, an asylum of refuge from the " vale of tears" which, he would have us believe, all the British American Colonies arc to become who enter this Con- federation. But, to return to Novascotia alone. Mr. IIowc denies the right of Parliament to deal with this important question of Union. It would appear that in his long and frequent sojourns in the United States, of late, he has rapidly imbibed un-British principles of state-craft. He says in the pamphlet under review : — ■ .- ; . u • " What the people of N"ova Scotia think of the mis.iion [of the Colonial Delegates] to this country, may bo gathered from the addresses to the Queen, passed in eight of the most populous and wealthy counties, and by their petitions to the House of Commons. * * * " But it is said in the ease of Nova Scotia, petitions cannot contravene a resolution of the Legislature. No, provided it be such a resolution as, uninstructed by the electors, the Legislature had a right to pass. In this case it striken at the Constitution of the country, which the representa- tives were chosen to guard and not to violate ; and besides, the present House arc sitting upon a franchise which expired a year ago, and had not, according to British usage, the right to pass any resolution at all. Par- liament m this country is invariably dissolved when a new franchise is adopted. That of Novascotia should and would have been, had the pre- rogative been exercised with firmness and impartiality." Now tliere is a string of pearls to drop from the lips of one who boasts of having been thirty years in public life, dealing with Constitutional questions, in a dependency of the British Empire ! It may not be possible to fix the exact moment of Mr. Howe's conversion to republi- can sentiments expressed in this last extract ; but this much is certain : it ook place some time between the issuing of this pamphlet of his and the rr-^ 20 l]Oth day nf March, in the year of Grace 18(51. Tlio reasons for fixing it within that period are tliesc. — In 1801, Mr. IIowo was hiniselfleadcr of the Goverinnent of Novnscotia. During tlie Parliamentary sesriion of that year, petitions to the Lieutenant Governor (Lord INIulgrave, now Marquis of Nornianhy) jjoured in froni every County of the Pro- vince, praying liis Execlleney to dissolve the House of Assembly. Whether the petitioners were right or wrong, wise or unwise, are (jues- tions which will not here be re-opened ; but let us reeall the simple facts. The petitions comprised in the aggi'egatc a clear majority of the Parliamentary electors of Novascotia. A part of their complaint was that a certain number of the members of that House, more than equivalent to the Ministerial majority, had taken their scats without being qualified by law to be elected at all. Another complaint was that certain of those members had been acting and voting in tlie House con- trary to their own previously avowed principles and contrary to the well known wishes of their own particular constituents ; and the peti- tioners comprised large majorities of those particular constituencies. Li Lord Mulgrave's reply, of course prepared by, or under the eye of, his Prime Minister, Mr. Howe, to the gentleman througji whom these peti- tions were presented to him, we find the following broad principles laid down : — , " It is the undoubted principle of the British Constitution, that a mem- ber once returned by a constituency has to consider what he believes to be the interests of the whole country, and not the single wishes of his own constituency. He is elected a representative and not a delegate, and the constituency have given up to him for the limited period fixed by law for the duration of the Parliament the power which they possessed. They have a right to represent to him their views, and to refuse to re-elect him at the end of the Parliament if they are dissatisfied with his conduct, but they have no right during the duration of the Parliament, to coerce his actions, scill less have they the right to expect that the Royal prerogative should be used because they are dissatisfied with the choice they have made." It is questionable whether this was an answer to the petitioners, or not ; for they contended that the House was not a legally constituted House at all, some of its members, as was alleged, not having been even eligible for election in the first instance ; and that Lord Mulgrave had promised a dissolution upon certain conditions which they declared to be now fulfilled. But the principles laid down in this extract are sound, and will not be gainsaid by any one conversant with British Constitu- tional law. Yet here is Mr. Howe who is responsible for, and in all probability, himself penned that paragraph, going to England, with a 21 pocket full of petitions from constituents, who .souk to " cutsrce the ac- tions" of their rcprerfcntutives, pouring forth hi.s jcicnuudd uud loudly contending " that the Royal prerogative should be u,;ed " to reverse a decision of our Legislature which was carried by an overwhelming — by an almost unprccedentedly large nuijority. It would \m easy to cite nmny other instances where — circumstances favoiu'ing — Jlr. Howe has clearly and emphatically ennuciuted the Constitutional principles just referred to ; but an accumulation of such cases is needless. Yet Mr. Howe, as is obvious from the last above extract from the pamphlet under review, now in elTect sets himself up as an advocate of the Republican, or, to speak more definitely, the Yankee principle, that our Constitution is a paper one ; and that any change in it must be shaped in accordance with the decision of a popular Convention, out- side of Parliament, and specially called to give such decision. Long may it be before any section of the British Empire practically commits itself to any such absurdity. Mr. Howe's curious complaint that the present House of Assembly of Nova Scotia have no "right to pass any resolution at all" because it is •' sitting upon a franchise which expired a year ago," is such a meagre and inconsequential one that it really seems a waste of words to say much about it. It seems almost incredible that he can be so " rusty " in his recollections of his historical readings and in his own personal reminiscences as not to remember that the popular branch of Parliament in the United Kingdom, in Novascotia, and in other parts of the British dominions, has repeatedly sat upon a " fran- chise that has expired," and has, in such cases, assumed, and exercised too, " the right to pass any resolution/' however momentous, which that body deemed proper. Mr. Howe pretty clearly intimates that, whatever the Parliamentary representatives of the people of Novascotia may have done, or may feel disposed to do, the people themselves are opposed to the Union of the Colonies. This, of course, remains to be proved. It is to be hoped that Mr. Howe does not claim a monopoly of knowledge as to the feel- ings and sentiments of the people of Novascotia. At all events, the writer of these remarks has the presumption to assert emphatically that the sense of the people of Novascotia is not adverse to the proposed Union. It may here be observed that Mr. Howe has striven hard for the past few months, to poison the minds of the people of this Province against Colonial Union. He spent the greater part of the past spring (1866) in an anti-union agitation tour, principally in the Western Coun- ^2 tics of tho Provinoo, calliii;:; public mootiiig=i anil addro^siug llicm ia an infliiinmafoiy and ad capf(tn(fiiin style, 8iiito(l to tlm coiiiprclu-Dsion ot tho U'ii> in iu!ikiii;» iliis v(My domonstm- tiv(! cliJingc, is a mullcr (tf litllc! n-iil moinciil ; yd many jxtsimih will nafnnilly (((([niro what these nioliven can be. There is more tlian one hypothesis that may be sn^rgested ; and one may be jiennillcd to be- lieve almost anytiiing of a man who induigesi in sueh erratie freaks as thoKc above mentioned. Mr. Ilowe lias six-nt much of his time in the United States of late, and, it is understood, has eonl meted very intinuite relations with some of the piiblie men and a [lortiun of ihe press of (hat eountry. It is wt 11 known that the desire of the politicians of the; Northern States to annex these Provinces has been rapidly int('nsifying for some time past. The views now advocated by Mr. Howe all favor annexation ; and that would almost inevitably be the fate of 'l5riti,->h America if his policy were acted upon. A large proportion of the men, and a still larger proportion of the press that sustain INFr. Howe, openly ad\ ocate annexation. It may be that Mr. Ilowe has entered into engagements at Washington, fi'om which he hopes to win the opulent and lofty infamy which would be the due of one who had been princii)al agent in detaching these Provinces from their allegiance and making them a part of Yankeeland. I low the succiiss of such a ven- ture would embalm his reputation for future time ! "We still know who burned the gorgeous temple of Diana at Ephe:>us ; but history cannot furnish us with the named of those who built it. ., - , Or, Mr. Howe's recent vagaries may be owhig to a feeling of spite towards the Imperial Government. About the time of the Quebec Conference it was evident that the Brititih Ministry of that day, and also the Provincial British statesmen of all parties, were very favour- ably disposed towards the project of uniting these Colonies. Mr. Howe at that time held office under the Imperial Government as Fishery Commissioner. It Ayas obvious that hi that capacity his occupation would soon be gone. The duties would soon cease and the office be abolished. The British Government would surely make further i)ro- vision and perhaps give promotion to, one of such long and distinguished services ; would it not ? There appears to have been nothing forthcom- ing, however. Well, he would let that Government know that he could be mischievous ; and that, if not provided for, he could thwart all their Union schemes. He gave a little taste of his quality. He made mis- chief, not .openly, but yet in such a way that his handiwork could be recognized. Still Her Majesty's Ministers seem to have " made no sign." The Fishery Commission ended and Mr. Howe was not made a Governor of anything. Now he throw.s off the mask and rabidly de- votes himself to the delightful task of " giving a lesson " to the British 24 Statesmen of the nineteenth century ; for it is a delusion of this gentle- man, which several pretty severe teachings to the contrary have not aufficed to eradicate, t\v.\ ' his influence is paramount in these Maritime Provinces, and that, as for Novascotia, he just holds it in his fist. Or again. — Mr. Howe possesses in a marked degree that character- istic of men of a certain mental calibre that need not be described, which prevents them taking part at all, or causes them to act reluctantly and sluggishly, in smy undertaking which they did not themselves originate, or in which they cannot be pre-eminently distinguished. It is gall and wormwood to them to see another winning credit in a field where they think they might have monopolized the laurels. In ex- pressive, but somewhat vulgar, parlance, they want to be " head and tail to eve-ything" with which they have aught to do. It is quite within the bounds of probability that for many years past Mr. Howe has been flattering himself that he would one day, when the way was nicely prepared through the strenuous efforts of those who have been working practically to that end, step in and make a " great hit" in bringing to consummation this long-talked-of Union. We h^ve seen that he wished to join ths Union Conference of 1864 ; but circumstances prevented. It is probable that Mr. Howe, like many others, had no idea that this Conference would prove to be so fruitful in results. If so, his surprise and mortification may be imagined when he found that he had missed the golden opportunity to finish that " dream of his childhood" to his own satisfaction ; — that thirty-three British Americans had actually succeeded in laying the foundations of a " new nationality" without even his assistance! Nay, the Articles of the Conventio!i were not e\ en submitted to him for approval before being put before the world ! Well, if he could not be the leading Confederate, he w^ould endeavor to become the first Anti-Confederate. He would be the head of something. In the pamphlet before us, behold one of the results ! Reader, here is a choice of motives ; make your own selection. This latest production of Mr. Howe's seems scarcely worth much further consideration. Whatever may have been the motives of its author, his object in writing it is obvious enough. That object is two- fold : — -first, to deceive the statesmen of England ; and, secondly, to mislead the populace of Novascotia. What have the people of Novascotia to say to him and this lucubration of his reviewed in the foregoing pages ? They see a man who, for thirty years, has been spasmodically inculcating upon them the necessity for uniting their Province with the neighbormg Colonies, now, without i. moment's warning, without a particle of pretext, without a syllable of "^S*«..v,.:«a 25