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 publishcb in tbc 
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 Cafllc, 3anuar? 
 tbe twentictb, 
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 Vxvisti and stitlrorfai bj the VtMHiitn 
 nf tits Brooklsn faflg gagle 
 
Victoria: 
 
 Brinj a Trtliutt to oar 
 lati btloutfl (Qniin 
 
 Bg St. Qllair TOcKcImag, 
 
 A. TO.. I,t.:B. 
 
 Hxvisti and BBtniirtztd be tt» Vnblisbcn 
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 Tin Vrint »ho)!, 
 
 St Cstbatintx, ffianiulB. 
 
*'"'<'' ©f lhl« edition thm mere printed biu 
 four hundred and fifty copies, '-rhts 
 Bank is number (^ ^ 
 
 
/ 
 
.'/'/! '"^/f,/, . YK-.y^'l/ll rri. 
 
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 .■/../r.. ■/ 'y V . 
 
-SpeHUin<f of the author of tho folUnvin^- pa^-es. 
 The Fmrlh Kstn/f, o! \'i«. Vork, savs ; 
 
 ■'Thf eJitor-in-cfiK-r of the Engl,- is St. fbiir 
 McKehvay. A.M.. LI , I)., whose fame a.s ;, „,it., 
 ..Mil spc-ikcr is ,o ssc!! li,io%vn as to .scarccK iie.-J 
 further meiuK.iv lie «..s born In Coliimbi.-!' Mo., 
 but caiiif cast iiiih !iis pan-iUs in 18;, j. jl,. 
 studied Law, and u. iSt'i was admiufj to'tiu- bnr. 
 harly in iilc hesh wcd.-u, inclination for newspaper 
 work. Whii,. .It s.-hool he became a correspondent 
 for unumK-rof papers, amonj,' them XMi K.igte, 
 and it was ..,, that paper that ho did his iirsi real 
 work. 
 
 ".After linishinf; his sUidies he joined the Ea^U 
 .staff and soor. Kcame its \Vashinf.;!o,i correspond. 
 ent, after which he was eaUed to Brewklyn to write 
 editorial leiiders. In 1S7S he became editor of the 
 •Albany Ar^s and fillo.l that position until 188^ 
 when the death of Tho....,s Kinselia, then editor o' 
 the EagU. caused a vacancy whicli he was in\ ited 
 to fill. 
 
 " The imporL^nt duties of hi.- po.siiion have iH-ei; 
 aHIv filled. \f McKelway broufc'ht with him ;. 
 wide range of ! ■•Ied4,'e of national .afTairs and of 
 .F.tn and matlets. As a publ.c speaker, whether 
 on serious or social occasions, he ,s as coastantlv 
 in re4nest as any man in this country." 
 
•//. X^.v. //...W,./,,.,., 
 
 f/ /■/ V. 
 
Speaking of the author of the following paj-es 
 The Fourth Estate, of New Vork, sajs : ' 
 
 "The editor-in-chief of the ^«^/,. is St. Clair 
 McKelway, A.M., LI.. D., who.e fa.ne as a writer 
 and speaker is so well known as to scarcely need 
 further mention. He was born in Columbia, Mo., 
 but came east with his parents in 1853 He 
 studied law, and in 1866 was admitted to the bar 
 Ear y m life he showed an inclination for newspaper 
 work. While at school he became a correspondent 
 for a number of papers, among them the EagU, 
 and .t was on that paper that he did his first real 
 work. 
 
 "After finishing his studies he joined the Eagle 
 staff and soon became its Washington correspond- 
 ent, after which he was called to Brooklyn to write 
 editorial leaders. In 1878 he became editor of the 
 Albany Argu, and filled that position until ,884 
 when the df h of Thomas Kinsella. then editor of 
 Xh^ Eagle, c. used a vacancy which he was invited 
 to nil. 
 
 " The important duties of his position have been 
 ably filled. Mr. McKelway brough. with him a 
 wide range of knowledge of national affairs and of 
 men and matters. As a public speaker, whether 
 on serious or social occasions, he is as constantly 
 in request as any man in this country." 
 
f I 
 
 ^ ff'ff i'frf 
 
J 
 
 w 
 
 u.m -.n . rcig^iuy „ the mvlHnchol* 
 
 rt-KardiU with cHime on this mU^ .,f 
 ' '"V sc.. .. a ,ne„J .„• Amonca. A. that ,i,nc a 
 IritfiiJ ,„ MOfil WAN a friend itidecd. Ttu- I •„!.,„ 
 w- U:kccJ in batti^ with slavery. The .kv.sm.v 
 ot t ,c So.-.h wns in fordjjr intervention. Ma,.> 
 conditions to fV,vor ,> mov«i in the- n.inJ-r.T ,],; 
 r.mporor t-f the Krwch. H^ wlshe.! to J..^...,. 
 J-scon.ent and »„rcM », ho,nc by the ^rlan.or .„ 
 »rio,y ahn.ad. A., .-.rno of nis »....ui„ed in Mt-xu , 
 ^ ^^^■'■tr.a. PM„.e ... a u,„,p^d .v.„„^ ^.^,^_,^, 
 t.r^'.'t lln.au> be i,rou^,|„ v,u, .he J.a.in na.i,- ,s 
 !» ,u!ewith theSoiifh, the Union had b.-en di- 
 v'lvv-d and much of (l,.s continent partitioned 
 ■ rnon^' Inipt-i-ial powvrs. 
 
 Motive or prc.cxi for Kni-land to jo,n w„|, .hcn, 
 «.-<s n.-. «anti„.^^ CoMon, onr „aple. was th.- 
 pabulum of hc-r manufaau-cr.. -he export of 
 thai „,so which i, w;.,s made was a latere par; of 
 her commerce. t)cpri^„.J„„ „f i, onfonxd ^dle- 
 .<*^ss and want on her nidu-trial miilor.s. Americ „, 
 pol-tics IB 8li parties was marked by a deference 
 'o :. ,' .„ .„,re ^-hid; .soujjht to make the United 
 •'■■'' "'' political wrong.s and the 
 
 *" ■' ' ^«fes for whi^h. through .cu- 
 
 tnrw-,, th* U,v,ernme... of Great Kritain was he'.! 
 re.^.,-- ■-. ., , ^,^_. nolh,.,- in rh.. h^o oI 
 
^'rA ,,;, 
 
From tkt 
 
 Brooklyn 
 
 Daily 
 
 EmgU, 
 
 JmtniMry 
 
 titth, tt)oi. 
 
 I'EEN VICTORIA, whose ccNsaiion 
 from sovereignty is the melancholy 
 burden of the news of to-day, was 
 reijarded with cause on this side of 
 the sea as a friend of America. At that time a 
 friend in need was a friend indeed. The Union 
 was locked in battle with slavery. The necessity 
 of the South was in foreign intervention. Many 
 conditions to favor it moved in the mind of the 
 Emperor of the French. He wished to depress 
 discontent and unrest at home by the glamor of 
 glory abroad. An army of his sustained in Mexico 
 an Austrian Prince on a usurped throne. C' .'.& 
 Great Britain be brought with the Latin nations 
 to side with the South, the Union had been dis- 
 solved and much of this continent partitioned 
 among Imperial powers. 
 
 Motive or pretext for England to join with them 
 was not wanting. Cotton, our staple, was the 
 pabulum of her manufacturers. The export of 
 that into which it was made was a large part of 
 her commerce. Deprivation of it enforced idle- 
 ness and want on her industrial millons. American 
 politics in all parties was marked by a deference 
 to a class here which sought to make the United 
 States the avenger of political wrongs and the 
 attorney of racial hates for which, through cen- 
 turies, the Government of Great Britain was held 
 responsible. There was nothing in the way of 
 
intervention by England but the identity of the 
 Confederacy with slavery. Yet the United States 
 were then under constitutional and politic bonds 
 not to be or to seem against slave.y as such, but 
 only against a rebellion which it had begun. 
 Unless history has been displaced by romance, 
 Mr. Gladstone, whose inherited wealth came 
 through trade in the products of slaves, and other 
 ministers were not averse to the Napoleonic 
 scheme against liberty at that time. 
 
 That the Queen by a rare, by an almost re- 
 volutionary revision of the despatches of her 
 Cabinet, an act to iwhich she was encouraged by 
 her noble and tactful consort, changed the pro- 
 position of intervention from decision to debate, 
 with the result that it perished, has become part 
 of the settled belief of this nation. And nearly 
 forty years afterward, when demonstration was 
 given of the friendly attitude of Great Britain, 
 under the same Queen, towards the United States 
 in our late war with Spain, this country was pro- 
 foundly affected with gratitude because of the 
 proof of renewed friendship and of the quickened 
 memory of old. It is not too much to say that 
 the stability of the Union, the abolition of slavery, 
 and the displacement of hate by love between the 
 North and the South were appreciably due to the 
 course of the Queen, when her action was a vital 
 co-efficient in the balances of liberty on the earth. 
 
It is this which gives the human touch and the 
 sense of personal sorrow to every American who 
 realizes that as a fact or force or Bgure of sove- 
 reignty this woman has passed into history. 
 
 Great events and long duration made her reign 
 signal. At her birth the Bourbon was on the 
 throne of France. During the last thirty years of 
 her political period France was a Republic. At 
 the beginning of her regal work Prussia was a 
 third-rate power, and Germany a discordant series 
 of inconsequent Imperial asteroids. Austria was 
 the dominant figure on the Continent, Italy was, 
 as Metternich put it, "but a geographical expres- 
 sion," and Russia was a slumbering and inert 
 barbarism affected by anti-Moslem hates which 
 periodically stirred the theocratic despotism super- 
 imposed upon it. 
 
 This woman saw the German Empire pass from 
 the hands of its founder into those of the husband 
 of her oldest child, and thence into those of her 
 grandson. She beheld the Bourbon, the Orleans 
 and the Napoleonic traditions revive and perish 
 across the Channel. She witnessed the decadence 
 of Austria and the transfusion into it of new life 
 from the coarser and stronger blood of Hungary. 
 She observed the evolution of Italy into unity and 
 the disappearance of the temporal power of the 
 Pope. She noted the expulsion of Spain from 
 every foot of this hemisphere, whereof Spain at 
 
one time claimed the major part. Those of her 
 blood shared in the middle or autumn period of 
 her life the thrones of Germany, of Greece and 
 of the new Russia in the world. There was no 
 court in Europe that could meditate an act un- 
 friendly to Great Britain, without a sense of 
 personal affront to the woman whose blood coursed 
 in the veins of its rulers. And this woman also 
 coincided with the growth of the United States to 
 an area, to a population, to a power, and to 
 resources that transcended all dreams of possibility 
 the year she bf n her long and illustrious agency 
 in the affairs c. the two centuries into which she 
 lived. 
 
 What a notable companionship of soldierhood 
 and of statesmanship was hers ! From Melbourne 
 to Salisbury, from Wellington to Roberts, the 
 time is not short and the line is long. Those who 
 made, preserved and increased the greatness of 
 England were her ministers, her councillors and 
 her friends. The names of Liverpool, of Brougham, 
 of Peel, of Palmerston, of Russell, of George 
 Grey, of Derby, of Disraeli, of Bulwer, of North- 
 cote, of Malmesbury, of Clarendon, ofCranbrook, 
 of Macauley, ofTrevelyan, of Devonshire, of Ash- 
 bourne, and of others in their likeness, suggest 
 the ability and the wisdom that were at the service 
 of her mind. And her reign in law coincided with 
 the reign in letters of Wordsworth and of Freeman, 
 
of Tennyson and of Froude, of Carlisle and 
 of Martineau, of Stanley and of Arnold, of Thack- 
 eray, of Dickens, of Darwin, of Huxley, of Tyn- 
 dall, of Max MuUer and of Ruskin, and of num- 
 berless others who make the Victorian era strong 
 and fine in the domain of the highest of the arts. 
 Hers was a queenship which honored literature, 
 invention, authorship, the stage, the pulpit, sculp- 
 ture, oratory, exploration, philanthropy and valor 
 with the awards and rewards which strengthen 
 empire by constantly allying with its continuance 
 the labor and the lustre, the genius and the great- 
 ness of the best life, the best thought and the 
 best deeds of its times, in the persons of the nat- 
 urally great. 
 
 The fascinating record of her reign could be 
 indefinitely prolonged, merely by calling the roll 
 of her contemporaries in great departments of 
 thought and of work. Every name would lift to 
 the eye a splendor of achievement. While every one 
 of them did well and nobly in himself and by himself, 
 the doing of every one of them drew ease and 
 eminence from the favor of this sovereign to the 
 finer sides of creative power in her land, in her 
 time and in the world. 
 
 But the life of the Queen is also told in the 
 broadening of the base of liberty in her days. Few 
 could vote when she began. Even less than few 
 could not vote when rule dropped from her aged 
 
ni' 
 
 hands. Suffrage was continuously broadened. 
 Representation was systematically adjusted to 
 righteousness. Parliaments that were the creation 
 of influence or of corruption surely yielded to 
 Parliaments more sensitive to opinion than any 
 other legislatures in the world. Oppressive 
 imposts and duties and unfair monopolies and 
 privileges gave way to honest exactions that 
 .ommended the supreme power of taxation by the 
 just use of it ^'iward property franchises, income 
 and bequests. Education was made compulsorj- 
 as well as universal. Protection with its iniquities 
 gave way to free trade with its equities. The 
 working class took its place w'ch the ballot by the 
 side of the upper class ant*, of the middle class. 
 Catholic emancipation and Jewish enlargement 
 were effected. Commission by purchase was 
 abolished. The purity as well as the freedom of 
 the ballot was assured. The idiocies of chancery 
 practice were destroyed. 
 
 Abroad, the achievements paralleled those at 
 home. In this woman's time the holdings of 
 Great Britain in North America and in the south- 
 ern seas were knit into a federation of freedom. 
 The frontier of the empire in India was rectified in 
 the interests of the securities of civilization. The 
 Suez Canal was made a highway for the commerce 
 of the world. Egypt was saved from herself, and 
 the Soudan was redeemed from fanatical barbarism. 
 
 mm » 
 
The flag of England on the Congo, in Ihe 
 Indies, in Burmah and in China enforced respect 
 for the claims of religion and of exchange, and for 
 the way and sway of right and light. An informal 
 union of action, based upon a sincere conscious- 
 ness of sympathy and on an honest oneness of 
 purpose, was noticeable between the United States 
 and Great Britain, and, as already shown, had its 
 stimulation and its ratification in the equal personal 
 regard of both countries for the Queen. 
 
 The duration of her reign had a great relation 
 to the Imperial policy of her Empire, which proved 
 splendidly compatible with personal and with local 
 freedom. For sixty-four years to have been ruled 
 by the Queen, to have acclaimed the Queen, to 
 have toasted the Queen, to have been commission- 
 ed by the Queen, to have served the Queen, and 
 to have sung "God Save the Queen" made the 
 Queen the habit as well as the idol of her subjects, 
 and idealized to them the institutions and the flag 
 which were personified in her. Ministries went, 
 and came, and recurred. The Queen named, 
 surveyed and survived them all. Nearly four 
 generations worked and worshipped, married and 
 were given in marriage, lived and loved and did 
 and died in her time. Her personality was the oldest 
 and thereby became the strongest fact in the 
 Imperial system. And her dignity in it, her con- 
 duct in it, the claims to love and to homage which 
 
closed in her, as mother, wife and Queen, gilded 
 with the perfection of propriety and sanctified with 
 the holiness of affection, her thought for her peo- 
 ple and their thouglit of her. What here we mean 
 when we haii the Union or the flag, in Great 
 Britain and all over that Empire, whose drum 
 beats follow and salute the sun in his journey 
 round the world, was meant and signified and 
 signalized when the subjects of the Queen honored 
 her name and glorified her goodness. We to 
 whom government is more a legality than a per- 
 sonality cannot understand this without travel. 
 And even then it is not easy to understand. But 
 the understanding of it has been made somewhat 
 easier by the assaults alike upon the lepublic and 
 upon the Empire or recreants or invertebrates 
 who would make them smaller and keep them 
 small. It was the privilege of this Queen, as it 
 has been the privilege of our President, to be 
 identified with events which set off those who love 
 their country from those who doubt and defame it. 
 Victoria did more than any sovereign that ever 
 lived to harmonize monarchy with liberty, and to 
 make royalty more regnant than itself by its com- 
 patibility with the best results of republicanism. 
 Personal freedom is nowhere more secure than in 
 her Empire. The equality of all before the law is 
 nowhere more complete. The justice, the certainty 
 and the celerity of law are nowhere more apparent 
 
and more real. Toleraiion of speticli, rij^ht of 
 petition, immunity of tliouj^lit, peacefulness o 
 assemblage, efficiency of immeasured complaint 
 against grievaii^-es are nowliere more evident. 
 The lines of distinction are drawn on social planes, 
 not on law planes. The press, the bar, the hus- 
 tings, the forum, the courts, the marts and the 
 homes arc free to a degree oftener the boast 
 than the fact of lands and systems deemed to be 
 more democratic. Much of this was due to the 
 serenity of her court amid and to the superiority 
 or indifference of her court unto political division' 
 factional disturbances or any sort or measure of 
 popular agitation. Her court was as neutral as 
 calm amons,' them all. The Commons were the 
 safety valve and the House of I.ordc was the brake, 
 while over all, respected by all and revered by all 
 was the Queen. No constitutional sovereignty 
 was more truly a personal one. No absolutism 
 had less power, yet no Governor or President 
 more skilfully veiled the maximum or suggested 
 but the minimum of power. Now only the barest 
 outline and the merest suggestion of her reign 
 must content the mind. Space has to be made for 
 and approach has to be created to the full real- 
 ization of the import of that reign by the help of 
 reflection and by the factor of time. 
 
 The world sympathizes with Great Britain 
 because of a condition which has suspended the 
 
activities of Governments and converted the feel- 
 ing of mankind into solicitude and into sorrow. 
 The world wishes for Great Britain the trust and 
 the fortitude which are there severely strained. 
 The world wishes for the kindred of the Queen, 
 and for all her people, all the aids of condolence and 
 of religion which they so sorely need. The world 
 wishes for itself the wisdom, the calm and the 
 strength to adjust, within each and among all of 
 Its great divisions, the forces and habits of thought 
 and of action to the changed considerations 
 wrought by a .stupendous event. 
 
Fmm the 
 
 Brooklyn 
 
 Daily 
 
 Emglt, 
 
 January 
 
 Hit, iqtit. 
 
 MPLIi coiniiient, in the A'«-'/r as well 
 as ill other papers, has been made 
 on the events and the duration ot the 
 rei{rn of the gucen. Intclli>jcnt 
 readers have discriminated between what was 
 directly due to her and that with which her period 
 of power coincided. When that account is 
 straightened, the larger credit due to progress and 
 to civilization does not affect the still large account 
 due to Victoria herself. 
 
 The kingdom over which she ruled has had an 
 experience of stupid, of bad and of weak mon- 
 archs within times history calls modern. The 
 comparison of their r.igns with that of the Queen 
 suggests the large influence of the throne on gov- 
 ernment, upon which the fashion of reviewers is to 
 rate its influence as slight, as well as on society, 
 over which its influence is rated as absolute. The 
 concentration of power under the Third George 
 and the Fourth in the hands of rapacious and 
 reactionary ministers was not accidental. The 
 revolt against that tendency, amounting almost 
 to revolutionary demand for the recognition of 
 rights and for the relief of wrongs, under the 
 Queen's immediate predecessor, the sailor king, 
 was not accidental. In the case of the last two 
 Georges, long wars abroad silenced reforms at 
 home, but the spirit of the court, working down 
 among the people, made politics stupid and sodden ; 
 
while the conduct of George the Fourth 
 made society itself take on his preference for the 
 animal vices. 
 
 When William IV. succeeded, the wrongs re- 
 dressed by the reform bill had themselves created 
 the irresistible demand for it. That ruler learned 
 that something had to give way and that the 
 something was not the people, but the throne and 
 the lords. The recourse of his ministers to a large 
 increase of the peerage, to pack the upper house 
 for reform, was revolution ui.der the form of law. 
 It was effective, but had it not been, a larger 
 creative draft wouM have been drawn on the same 
 force. When iron shutters became a necessary 
 protection to the house of the Iron Duke, all knew 
 that the people were in earnest. A hero was 
 humiliated, but liberty was broadened and imper- 
 ialism was forced to adjust itself to freedom and 
 to suffrage. Under neither of the last twoG»orges 
 were conditions such as to make that surely 
 possible. Under William IV. they were such as 
 made that certain. Occurrence of it eased the 
 ways for th- young Queen. Her reign concurred 
 with the evolution of rights. Her character and 
 conduct made that concurrence natural. 
 
 The character of the Queen not only made her 
 agreement with the new order of opinion easy, 
 but her youth, modesty, dignity and piety made 
 It gracious and made her people's love the crown 
 
o( her crown. Never a premier in her time was 
 an offender a(;ainst the principles of her life. Not 
 a place at her court was occupied by a debatable 
 character. Not an influence at that court needed 
 defense, explanation or antidote. The tone of 
 government was raised with the tone of society in 
 a land of defined classes in which society holds 
 the final trusts of power. This concurred with 
 her marriage for love, with the birth and her own 
 nurture of her nine children, with the independent 
 healthfulness and simplicity of her home life, with 
 her sorrow under affliction, with her fortitude 
 under suffering and her unaffected sympathy with 
 the suffering of others. She was an intensely human 
 and absolutely exemplary and sincere "mother, 
 wife and queen." 
 
 The effect of this for more than sixty years 
 attached Britons to imperialism. It made imper- 
 ialism reconcilable with liberty. It commended a 
 practical and immemorial system to the most prac- 
 tical people in the world who would rather make 
 what ought to be out of what is than seek for it 
 by an experiment at more drastic processes. Any 
 one can enlarge on the little power of the throne 
 on government. Any one can glibly, too glibly, 
 say the monarch reigns, but does not govern. The 
 truisms or the platitudes to such or like effect can 
 be rung, until the changes on them are exhausted. 
 But no publicist entitled to respect for knowledge 
 
is tin.'iwarc thiit the Queen was a constant and 
 powtrtiil part ol' the government. Her pergonal 
 influence was conclusive with party rule, not 
 against it. The throne accepted the verdict of every 
 election, but every cabinet inodified every pro- 
 gramme by the ascertained judtfmcnt of the Queen 
 upon it, and every appointment of importance was 
 commendable to her or the idea of it was aban- 
 doned, whether in navy or army or in state or 
 church. Hers was a relffn which sin|;ularly united 
 an elastic attitude toward democracy with an 
 assertion of the, royal initiative or assent as tena- 
 ciously maintaiiied as it ever was by any of her 
 stubborn ancestors. Thus the primacy and power 
 of royalty in which Britons delight were harmon- 
 ized will) the prof>Tess of actual liberty and with 
 conformity of g-ovcrnment to opinion on which 
 Britons insist even more resolutely than Americans. 
 If the private station had been hers, if the white 
 light that beats upon a throne had in her case 
 been exchanged for the protective shade of dom- 
 estic life, a student of her character and of her 
 faculties would have found that her personal 
 greatness resided in the uniform excellence and in 
 the fine equilibrium of all her qualities, and could 
 be explained by the pre-eminence of none of them. 
 The Queen was not a genius, but the Queen made 
 no mistakes of judgment. The Queen was not an 
 accomplished writer, but wrote with accuracy and 
 
Rood taste, and appreciated the best literature. 
 The Queen was not a musician of rare skill, but 
 only the highest anj truest music was liked by 
 her. The Queen was not a political diviner, but 
 knew just what the people would have or would 
 "stand." The Queen w*» not fluent, but others' 
 fluency never misled her. The Queen was not only 
 a mistress of statecraft, but she also kn^w the 
 straight avenue to the hearts of her subjects, and 
 statesmen encou.. red in her intuitions better than 
 their wisdom, while demagogues realized that 
 devices came to naught in her mind. Her power 
 to say no words till others had spoken, to post- 
 pone decision till reflection had intervened, to 
 prefer simplicity to artificiality, sense to sentiment 
 and tactful truth to insincere glitter, made her 
 mcapable of flattery and rarely subject to its spell 
 from others. Wise, true, simple yet stately, 
 consistent, conscientious, devout, reverent, dili- 
 gent, considerate, faithful to friendship, affection- 
 ate to kindred, grateful, observant, tenacious of 
 prerogative but loyal to law, the Washingtonian 
 ZnT ^"m l*"'"'"'' °^ •'" "■«" «"d admirable 
 Xr^Ti ^''"'l T'^^ ^'' paramount in any 
 sphere. They made her occupation of the greatest 
 throne m the world more grateful, more helpful 
 tnl"^"'^ '"&n'fi'--ant to a people whom she neither 
 feared nor fawned on, but whom she always 
 respected and whom she served as well as ruled' 
 han . was ever made by any of her predecessors 
 mi.- nearly thousand years of their past.