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Un das aymbolas suivanta apparattra aur la darnlAra ioaga da cheque microfiche, selon le caa: le symbols -^ signivie "A SUIVRE", le symbols ▼ signifie "FIN". Maps, plates, cherts, etc., mey be filmed et different reduction retios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure ere filmed beginning in the upper left hond corner, left to right end top to bottom, es many framea as required. The following diagrams iiiustrote the method: Les cartea, planchea, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre fiimAa A dee taux da riduction diff Arents. Lorsque le document est trop grend pour Atre rtiproduit en un soul clichA, 11 est film* A partir da I'angle supArieur geuche, de geuche A droite. et de heut en bee, en prenant le nombre d'imeges nAcesseire. Les diagrammea suivanta illustrent la mAthoda. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 6 6 THE Hero of Cowpens A REVOLUTIONARY SKETCH BY REBECCA McCONKEY AUTHORESS OP " TRUE STORIES OP THE AMERICAN FATHERS," ETC. ' A prince can male' a belted knight, A markis, duke and a' that, But an honest mon's aboon his might, Guid faith he mauna fa' that." —Burns. {JiE VISED EDITION) FLNK & WAGNALLS NEW YORK 1 88s LONDON lO AND 12 DEY STREET 44 FLEET STREET All Rights Reurved 1 to Act of CoDgreBS, in Entered, accordiDg to Act of CongreBs, in the year 1885, by FUNK & WAGNALLS, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Waahington, D. 0. ^R EFA CE. TN these pen portraits of our Revolutionary Heroes and Mock-Heroes, the point sought to be emphasized is, that Benedict Arnold was not a great general ; that he performed no essential or valuable service during our Revolutionary struggle ; that he appropriated the laurels fairly won by Daniel Morgan, and has worn them for a hundred years. Our earliest Revolutionary autliorities wrote too near the date of the events they described ; but the smoke of those battle-fields has now cleared away sufficiently to disclose the true rdle of the actors. It would be seemly, in this Centennial recall of the Fathers, to purge away old errors and identify the real heroes with their brave deeds. After consulting all our standard authorities, the au- thoress found it wise to keep near to Bancroft's estimates ; and should this little historical argument (for this it claims to be) provoke dissent, she also hopes for disproof. i Baltimore, August, 1885. [So largely has OrahanCs Life of Morgan been drawn upon in the preparation of this sketch that it will not be out of place to Insert the following from the preface of that work.] " At the death of General Morgan, his papers, correspondence, etc., went into the possession of his son-in-law. General Presley Neville. During the twenty years which succeeded, many of these papers were lost or destroyed. What remained, however, were then collected, arranged and bound into two large volumes by the Gen- eral's grandson, Major Morgan Neville. When he died, they became the property of his widow, who submitted them to my perusal, with the object of ascertaining whether the publication of a select portion of their contents would be advisable or not. "This collection is a very valuable one, embracing, as it does, letters hitherto unpublished, from Washington, Greene, La Fayette, Wayne, Gates, Jefferson, Hamilton, Henry, Rutledge, and other distinguished men of the Revolutionary era. They abound in facts and circumstances which the historian has cither failed or feared to notice. But what chiefly attracted my attention was the additional light which they shed uiwn the private character and military services of General Morgan, and u|)on the details of his long and eventful career. Until I saw these jiapers I labored under the com- mon error of assigning him a position among the worthies (f the Revolution, far below that which he deserved. After examining all the sourcos of information within my rcuch, I become con\inced, that few if any of the heroes of that day, furnished larger contribu- tions than be did to the glory of our arms, or surpassed him in the VI NOTE. ^f. amonnt and valae of their services. Nevertheless I found that his character and conduct liad heen misconceived in some cases, and misrepresented in others ; and tliat from these causes many of our historians had been betrayed into statements at variance with facts and injurious to his fame. The absence of fall and correct informa- tion regarding a man whose name and deeds furnish so rich a source for national pride, has besides tempted Fiction to make him the theme of her legends. But the fanciful pictures she has drawn, though recognizable, are not likenesses ; while they fall tar short of the spirit and dignity which invested the reality. " But ample as were the materials furnished by General Morgan's MSS., much was yec to be gathered before a complete and connected chain o*' events could be formed. * * * A few have contributed so largely and so valuably to my collections, as to render acknowl. edgements a duty as well as a pleasure. The first of these is the late Dr. Wm. Hill, of Winchester, Virginia. He was one of General Morgan's personal and intimate friends. He attended him during the illness that terminated his life and preached the funeral sermon over his grave. To him I am indebted for a large collection of facts and anecdotes in relation to General Morgan which run through his entire career and which were recorded from his own lips. It would be difficult to estimate the advantages I derived from this valuable contribution. It explained circumstances which, without it, would have remained inexplicable. Whatever of merit may be accorded to the connection of events, as displayed here and there through the work, will in a great degree be owing to the assistance I received fromDr. HilL" * * * I TABLE OF CONTENTS. I. DANIEL MORGAN.— HERO. PAOV Birth-place unknown. New Jersey and Pennsylvania both claim him. *' Na- tive American." Virginia the Utatc of his adoption. Accompanies Brad- dock'3 army as a teamster. Gets five hundred Brit ish lashes, and an apology. Returns home. Becomes a soldier. Tragic encounter with the Indians. Sows wild oats. Marries, settles, and grows rich. Self-culture. Indian wars. Obtains large grants of land for his services. Hears of the battle of Lexington. Espouses the cause of the Revolution intelligently. Recruits a company and marches to Boston 15 11. BENEDICT ARNOLD.— MOCK HERO. His birth and ancestry. Fine old Puritan stock. Shames his ancestry. Child is father of the man. His yonthfUl villainy. Refuses an education. Apprenticed to a druggist. Runs av/ay and enters the British service. Is brought back by his friends. Re-enlists. Deserts. Embarks in business. Makes haste to be rich. Duels. Fails in business. Bankruptcy. Hears of the battle of Lexington. Raises a company and marches to Boston In- trudes himself into Ethan Allen's party, and at the fall of Ticonderogn he insists upon entering the fort at Allen's side. Gives offence to everybody. Resigns. Urges the Canadian expedition. Offers to lead it and become responsible for its success. Urges the expedition through Maine to surprise Quebec. Offers to lead it. Washington gives him the command. . . 96 III.— 1775. WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. Their slender abilities. His incredible labors and difficulties. Treads the wine-press alone 88 IV.— 1775, 1776. " THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. The tragic romance of the Revolution. Morgan its real leader. Dress of the rifle company. They perform the labors of Hercules. Despatch and se- crecy the essentials to success. Arnold ensures its failure by sending ahead letters by friendly Indians announcing his approach. They prove unfriendly, and the British get the letters. Upon arriving at Quebec, Morgan reconnoi- tres and proposes to assault immediately, Arnold declines. Montnromery and Arndld afterward join forces and make the attack. Montgomery is killed and Arnold wounded outside the walls. Morgan assumes command, assaults, and gets into the town and is taken prisoner. Morgan attracts attention. Is visited by a British official, who offers him equal rank in the Britiah army. Moiipui reaenti It aa a personal iusalt 88 VIU TABLE OF CONTENTS. n v.— 1776. THE RETREAT. PAOB Congress etnbbornly persist In the attempt to conqnor Canada. Waste, (liMtHtcr, atid ruin fulluw. Arnold now calls fur the retreat at> loudly at) be hud called for the advance. IIo i.^ court-martiulled for mal-udniinls- ! tration. After the retreat to Crown Point Arnold urges the building the Lake tlcet. lie commands it. Undertakes the impossible. Hia whole fleet destroyed, partly by the enemy and partly by himself. Gets great glory and a brigadicr-generars commission. The Canadian expedition ends in disas- ter, failure, and shame 49 VI.— 1776. ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL. The Revolutionary party has achieved a series of brilliant successes. Lex- iuj;ion, Concord, Bunker Hill, Tlcoudoroga. Boston delivered, and the repulse of the British army and navy fi-om Cliarle!»ton, S. C. The tide of victory now ebbs. The British land a splendidly equipped army on Long Island. Waidhington has a lame army and no generals. He has some sol- diers. The Maryland and Delaware troops here win their spurs. Wash- ington accomplishes a masterly retreat, and maneuvres in the Highlands. Greene loses Forts Lee and Washington with large garrisons and stores. Washington retreats through New Jersey. Lee and Gates decline to assist him, and intrigue for his place. Washington recrosscs the Delaware, sur- prises and captures the Hessians at Trenton. From being pursued, VVash- ington becomes the pursuer. The British, though they outnumber him five times, retreat and Anally fall back to New York. The campaign of 1776 is a total failure for the British. With a force of not less than fifty thousand they aim three simultaneons blows at the Young Republic— for the posses- sion of the Hudson River, Philadelphia, and Cliarleston. The city of New York alone recompenses their gigantic e£Fort8 68 VII.— 1776, 1777. THE RIFLE REGIMENT. Morgan is paroled, and returns from Canada. Washington recommends him to Congress for promotion. They give him a Colonel's commission. He recruits his regiment and joins Washington March, 1777. Washington de- t^iils five hundred picked riflemen and puts Morgan in command. Howe menaces Philadelphia by way of New Jersey. Washington outgenerals him. Morgan shows himself a master workman. Howe returns to New York to renew the attack by sea 70 I ' VIII.— 1777. FALL OF TICONDEROQA. Plans of the British ministry are the same as for 1776. Capture of Hudson River and Philadelphia. Burgoyne advances from Canada down Lake Champlain. Retakes Ticonderoga, causing Continental consternation. IL. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Is PAQB Washiagton keeps his position near New York as Howe still threatens Philadelphia. Gates maneuvres to oust Schuyler from the command of the Northern Department. Intriguca to get the beet of Washington's olBcers and troops. Congress direct tliat Morgan and the rifle regiment be sent to Gates^ assistance 78 IX.— 1777. BATTLE OF BBANDYWINE. Washington engages Howe with a greatly superior force at the BrandyAvine and is defoatud. Howe takes Philadelphia. Washington ventures amither battle at Gormantown. Lo!vides for Q twenty IS. Mor- Morgan laratoga. iring the lis horse and he* •adyism. I epums oes not Uos and els and )runt of ill rank TABLE OP CONTENTS. v.— 1778, 1779. XI 118 nonths Mor* caking posiiro OS and 104 .A. ARNOLD AT PHILADELPHIA. FAOB Arnold nnrees his wonnded leg through the winter of 1T78. Receives Bur- goyne's courtly compliments for his valor in the battle of September 19th, though not on the field. In the spring he visits New Haven, where be is received as the hero of Saratoga with demonstrations. On the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British he obtains command of that city. Tli3 wron? man in the wrong place. Enters upon a system of speculation and plunder. Gets the merchants by the ears. Quarrels with the Council of Pennsyl vxnia. Installs himself in splendor, and marries the belle of tory society. Cor- responds with the enemy, and exchanges valuable information for British gold. Unpopular with tlie people. Attacked iu the streets. . . .146 XVI.— 1779, 1780. THE COaRT-MARTIAL. Arnold is court-martialled, and reprimanded in gentle words by Washington. Receives it bullenly. Resolves upon treason. Pressed by his creditors, he offers iiimself for sale to the French Ambassador. The Frenchman nobly declines. He determines to obtain command of West Point, and sell the Hudson River to the British 151 XVII.— 1780. TREASON. The complot of Arnold with Clinton. Major Andr6. Arnold devises the mis- chief with great skill. Finally ensures its failure. Execution of Andr6. . 153 XVIII.— 1780, 1781. ARNOLD'S SMALL VILLAINIES. Disappoints his new masters. Has no follower?. Serves the American cause for the first time. British have no confidence in him. Appoint him only to the work of the thief and the robber. Ravages, bums, and plunders in Virginia and afterwards in Connecticut. His genius only that of the de- structive. Goes to Englpnd, but finds himself detested. Seeks a command in the British service. Never obtains it. Fortunedesertsbim to thelast. . 105 XIX.— 1779. TIDE OP BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. British take Savannah. Gen. Lincoln takes command at the South. French and Americans attempt to retake Savu-.nah. Repulsed with slanghtct. Death of Jasper. Lincoln pens himself up in Charleston v/ith his anujr . 173 XX.— 1780. THE SCOURGE OF THE CAROLINAS. Clinton summons Linoln to surrender May 10, 1T80. Charleston falls. Tarlo- ton— his military gonitvi. Clinton loar'^s Oornwallls, with Tarleton, to flniah Xll TABLE OP CONTENTS. PASS the eabjngatlon of the Sonth. Tbeydetem ue to crash oat the Bpiritof liberty. Uatea appointed to the South. He immediately requests Cougress to commission Morgan brigadier-general and send him South. Congress calls him into the service as Colonel Morgan. To his eternal honor be re- mains at home. Gates must needs go alone. Battle of Camden. De Ealb, with the Maryland and Delaware troops alone, save American honor. Gates flies ignominioosly from the field 179 XXL— 1780. PATRIOT LEADERS OF THE SOUTH. Th3 8onth remains unconquered. They rally to the standards of their patriot leaders. Davidson, Williams, Davie, Piclcens, Sumter, and Marion Tarle- ton strilces vigorously at them. Marion alone escapes his wrath. Marion, as man and general. Southern militia. Their efficient service. . . .191 XXII.-1780. BATTLE OF THE COLONELS.— No. 2. Comwailis and Tarlcton burn and ravage South Carolina. In September, 1780, move towards North Carolina. The spirit of the mountains walccs. Colonels Clarke, Cleaveland, Campbell, Williams, Shelby, and Sevier unite the mountain yeomanry of Virginia, Tennessee, the Carolinas, and Georgia. They climb Kings Mountain, encircle, and crush the British. A superb stroke. No officer above the rank of colonel. Comwailis and Tarleton re- treat back into South Carolina 198 XXIIL— 1780, 1781. MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. Congress appoints Greene to succeed Gates. His previous career. Journeys southward. At Mount Vernon. Assumes command at Charlotte, N. C., December 3, 1780. Finds the South but a ^'Dismal Swamp.'* Retires to a strong position on the Pedce. A " camp of repose." Sumter and Marion keep the standard of the Republic waving in the Southern part of the State. 208 XXIV.— 1780, 1781. MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. Hearing of the disaster of Camden, Morgan stays no longer upon the order of his going, but goes at once as Colonel Morgan. Congress, urged by Jeffer- son, gives him a brigadicr-generaPs commission. Gates appoints him to command what of the Maryland and Delaware line survived the day of Cam- den. He takes post in upper South Carolina. Greene relieves Gates and confirms Morgan in this separate command. Morgan is now threatened with the whole British army under Comwailis, Tarlcton, and Leslie. He wishes to move southward and menace their lower posts. Greene objects. Correspondence of Greene and Morgan. Greene has been handsomely rein- forced, but still remains inactive. Morgan asks for Lee's corps of cavalry, and for some diversion by the main army in his faivor. Greene sends Lee in an opposite direction. Morgan signifies that ho must retreat before so powerful a force. Greene objects to a retreat. Curious correspondcoco. Tarlcton dose upon Morgan S13 PAOB the spirit of 'ts CougresB • CongresB onor he re- • DeKalb, nor. Gates . 179 elr patriot Tarle- Marion, •n 191 ptember, 18 wakes, ier unite Georgia. ^ Buperb leton re* 198 Jumeys N. C, es to a Marion 'State. 203 fler of reffer- im to Cam- s and toned He lects. rcin- alry, Lee e so DCO. Sid TABLE OF CONTENTS. XIU XXV.— 1781. AT THE COWPENS. PAOB Tarleton, with enperior forces, pursues Morgan. Morgan falls back to a bat- tle-ground of his own choice Turns upon Tarleton, crushes, route, and annihilates his whole army. The most brilliant field fi^rht of the war, and the first defeat that Tarleton receives. Splendid service of Howard of Ma- ryland, and of Col. Washington. Parallels between the battles of Cowpens and Trenton. Parallels between Morgan and Shakespeare's royal hero, Henry V. 333 XXVL— 1781. MORGAN'S RETREAT TO GUILFORD COURT-HOUSE. Tarleton cannot account for his amazing defeat. It remains a mystery. Mor- gan not elated by his superb victory. Knows that he will have the whole British pack at his heels. His retreat shows greater genius than the battle. Resorts to ruse, and misleads Comwallis. Loaded down with spoils and prisoners he crosses the Broad, the Pacolet, and the Catawba. Halts here, hoping to fight again if Greene will bring up the main army in time. Twelve daysafter the battle Greene rides into Morgan's camp with only an escort of cavalry. The main army, nnder Huger, is lumbering up towards another point. Morgan is broken down with ague, malaria, and sciatica, from ex- posure to tlie winter rains. Seeing no hope of disputing the crossing of the Catawba by Comwallis, Morgan marches av/ay toward the Yadrtnnatcly, 1^8 at Cam- iwdon 8ur- b Carolina on belonr, takes Or- 'te. June a. Thus, the whole . . 867 , Morgan Payette, J8 Tarle- '^ again. £75 !8 upon outh of I to bio ^Ivanla, lliams- yeara. resses. His at. apitu- ugton 886 t DANIEL MORGAN— HERO. ** I took thee from the eheep^cute to be a prince and a ruler." IT is no matter of regi-et to us, that the human origin of our hero is overhung with mystery. We like it. What a license this obscurity gives to the imagination I The old Greeks would have set it down thus — " Son of Jupiter and ." We moderns might do well to take a hint out of this hoar and beautiful Greek mythology, that so delighted to mix up the gods with the affairs of men. Eternal truth ! that has bloomed into a higher meaning in our Christianity, where God in His word and in His Providence continually shows us, how He renews the world from the lowliest sources^ using the things that are not, to confound the mighty, and bring to nought the things that are. Nature disallows heredity, and hacks it with a two- edged sword. How shall we account for Luther, Shak- spere, Cromwell, Napoleon or Washington ? Having them here without precedent, we thereupon build great expecta- tions, and behold the outcome. Nature is averse to dynasties, and wher there is brave work to be done, the workmen spring into their places by the word of His power. One person only, could have lifted the veil of mys- tery from his antecedents, — our hero himself, — but he declined to do it, nor did he give a reason for the silence he maintained. There was some vague hint that he 16 DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. was of Welsh extraction ; his parents having emigrated thither somewhere between 1720 and 1730. But no reminiscence of father, mother, sister or brother, child- hood or home ever escaped him. It is uncertain whether he had his birthplace in New Jersey or Pennsylvania, his family having lived on both sides of the river, alter- nately. His descendants give it to New Jersey about 1736. There is another misty suggestion, that he ran away from home upon some disagreement with his father, We 'vould, however, better take him just as we find him, Daniel Morgan, "Native American " in its loftiest sense, askini," no questions. We like to think that there must have been honor and virtue in the stock that sent forth such a shoot — perhaps wrong and injustice somewhere ; but over all, our hero draws a pall of unbroken silence. Yet we know of a surety that the gods were there, and did set their seal to give the world assurance of a man. These first seventeen years of Morgan's life, then, we call his prehistoric age — ^but from this time he begins to giv^ account of himself. At this age he found his environ- ments too straight, and for causes that seemed adequate to justify a hegira, he left his home. He worked his way honestly down through Pennsylvania, and in the spring of 1754, crossed into Virginia, and stopped at a small place — Charlestown, Jefferson Co. By adoption, then, Morgan was a Virginian. There were giants in Virginia in those days. So this boy of seventeen shook off the past, and looked the world fairly in the face on his own account. He was poorly equipped as to external helps. He could barely read and write, — rude of speech and unvarnished in man- ner ; — but he had a strong arm and a brave heart ; he was honest and scorned a lie. He obtained employment imme- diately ; his first task being to grub a piece of ground, in a primitive state. Doing this well, he presently superin- tended a saw-mill, and shortly after, obtained the more 'I DAKIEL MORGAN — ^HERO. 17 r emigrated But no ;her, child- lin whether tinsylvania, •iver, alter- rsey about lat he ran his father, i find him, iest sense, here must sent forth mewhere ; n silence. ;here, and I man. then, we begins to environ- adequate rked his in the 3ed at a doption, iants in I looked He was barely n man- he was imme- imd, in iperin- more i ■% lucrative and responsible post of wagoner. The savings of two years more of honest toil, made him owner of a wagon and team. These two years had wrought a marked improvement in Morgan. The boy was developing a mag- niticent physique — over six feet in height, limbs of fine proportion, sinews of iron — a young Hercules, with a face full of frank intelligence ; with all, a good stock of mother wit and practical common sense. He had found time, too, to improve his mind, and had gained the confidence of his neighbors. But stirring events were at hand. The French had long looked with jealous eyes at the vigorous young English settlements that had climbed the Alleghanies and were pushing rapidly towards the valley of the Ohio. French and English blood had already crimsoned its green slopes. French arms had wrested from the English the fort at its head-waters, and young Colonel Washington had suffered a defeat at ** Great Meadows." The English government, alarmed at the success of the French, sent a splendidly- equipped army, under General Braddock, to reinstate British interests on the Ohio. He arrived in the Poto- mac, disembarked and marched to Fort Cumberland. Here the call for wagons and teams was urgent. Morgan at once responded, and commenced his military career as a teamster. It is on this march that we read the first charac- teristic anecdote of him : " A difficulty arose between the captain of a company of Virginia troops (to which Morgan was attached as wagoner) and a powerful fellow, who had the reputation of being a skillful pugilist and a great bully. It was agreed that at the first halt the matter should be settled by a fight. When the company halted for dinner, the captain stepped out to meet his antagonist, when Morgan accosted him, saying : * Captain, you must not fight that man.' "'Why not?' " ' Because you are our captain, and if the fellow whips 18 DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. you, we shall all be disgraced. Let me fight him, and if he whips me, it will not hurt the credit of the company.' ** The captain remonstrated, but at last yielded. Mor- gan at once engaged the bully, who soon cried — *hold, enough ! ""^* Soon after, followed the shameful defeat and retreat of Braddock, pursued by the French and Indians. Most of the terrified teamsters in the rear of the army, on learning of the disaster, disencumbered their teams and drove off to the settlements. Not Morgan, — he with a few others remained to bring off the sick and wounded. He doubt- less witnessed the bunal of Braddock in the road, Wash- ington reading the burial service and afterwards driving over the grave, as did all the wagons, to prevent its dis- covery by the Indians. Here Morgan first saw Washing- ton, who was from this time one of his chief inspirations to all goodness and nobleness. The effect of ihe defeat of Braddock was to lay open the whole terrified frontier settlements of Pennsylvania and Virginia to the vengeance of the foe. The governor of Virginia promptly raised a regiment and appointed Washington to its command. Morgan, as teamster, was attached to the quartermaster's department. His duty was to transport supplies to the military posts along the frontier. This constantly exposed him to hair-breadth escapes from the lurking foe ; but it was the school in which he was training for the infallible marksman he afterwards became, and to that perfect knowledge of Indian warfare so invaluable in his subsequent career. In the spring of 1757, at Fort Chiswell, occurred an event which left indelible marks upon body and mind. **A British lieutenant, taking offence at something which Morgan had said or done, abused him in violent terms, and at length struck him with the flat of his sword. * QfohamCi Li,f6 of Morgan^ p. 28. 4 t I I m. DAinEL MOBOAK — HERO. 19 him, and if company.* led. Mop- ed— 'hold, I retreat of Most of n learning drove off few others He doubt- id. Wash- Is driving it its dis- Washing- spiratious Jay open asylvania governor ppointed 3ter, was [is duty iong the breadth Jhool in man he 3dge of career, n event lething violent sword. 1 Morgan's indomitable spirit could not brook this outrage. With one blow of his clenched fist, he stretched the officer senseless on the ground. An offence so grave against military law called, of course, for summary and exemplary punishment. A drum-head court-martial sentenced Mor- gan to receive five hundred lashes. He was immediately stripped and tied up, and received at once the allotted number of lashes, save one. When the terrible enormity was over, the flesh of his back hung down in tags. Only such an iron constitution as his could have survived an act of cruelty so extraordinary, even in the British army of that day. The officer feeling, upon reflection, that he had been in the wrong, and regretting the consequences which had followed, made Morgan a public apology. Slight as such atonement was for so deep an injury, Morgan accepted it, and from that ^noment discharged from his mind all resentment towards the author of his sufferings and disgrace." * Here crops out that incredible magnanimity which was so large an element in Morgan's character. That British whipping was, however, to be paid back with interest. Soon after, the French and Indians came down in such numbers into Virginia that the whole garrison of Fort Edward, within twenty miles of Winchester, fell victims to their fury. So great was the consternation, that the militia was called out. Morgan promptly obeyed the call, and marched to Fort Edward. Here he makes his first appearance as a soldier. His rank we do not know, but it must have been one of, at least, temporary command. The fort was attacked by a formidable body of French and Indians. The assault was furious, but the inspiration of Morgan's presence and example resulted in the repulse and flight of the assailants. It is said that he killed four savages in as many minutes. Morgan's voice, under the * Oraliam's Life of Morgan* m DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. stimulus of the battlefield, was ^vorth a regiment of men. As the savages turned and fled, he shouted at the height of his powerful voice, " Let us follow the red devils ; " the garrison to a man joined in the pursuit, overtook and slaughtered the flying foe, and cleared the vicinity of their cruel presence. Here Morgan made his mark. The cool- ness not less than the during, the judgment not less than the courage, above all, his influence over those he com- manded, were observed and reported. He was soon after commended to Governor Dinwiddie for a captain's commission. But the royal governor was averse to promotions — one wlio was but yesterday a teamster ! * The leading men of his section continued, however, to urge his advancement, in view of the value of his influence in raising recruits. There was little difficulty in getting men to enlist under Morgan. At last Dinwiddie so far yielded as to grant him an ensign's commission. He took post at once at Fort Edward. Not long after occurred that tragic and deadly encoun- ter with a party of Indians, where the unseen God of heroes plucked him from out the very jaws of death. 5 * In illustration of Governor Dlnwiddie's arrogance, it is related that lie had much ofEended Washington by making the king's oflBcers always outrank the American officers of the same grade. This reduced Washington from the rank of colonel to captain. For a time Dinwiddie allowed no higher rank than captain for any American officer. Washington indignantly threw up his commis- sion and accompanied Braddook as volunteer aid. Some time after this, Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, who greatly needed him, pro- posed to Washington to return to the service, with the title of colonel but the actual authority of captain. With characteristic dignity, Washington wrote, " If you think me capable of holding a commission that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must maintain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and believe me more empty than the commission itself." He was at this time in his twenty-third year. DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. 21 fit of men, the height 1 devils;" Jrtook and tj of their The cool- '' less than ' he com- )inwiddie Jrnor was terday a vvever, to influence getting ie so far He took encoun- Ood of h. related king's grade, n. For or any ommis- >e after 01, pro. Itle of eristic ding a t, you p, and ^'os at On his way from one of the frontier forts with despatches for the commanding officer at Winchester, he had reached a remarkable precipice called Hanging Rock. It was a memorable place of Indian ambuscade, and had been the scene of bloody encounters between the rival tribes of Ca- tawba and Delaware Indians. A party of Frenchmen and Indians had concealed themselves among the rocks over- hanging the road, and waiting until Morgan and his escort came immediately below, they discharged their rifles, kill- ing the escort and desperately wounding Morgan. A ball entering at the back of the neck, grazed the left side of the neck bone ; it passed through the mouth near the socket of the jaw-bone, and came out through the left cheek, knocking out all the teeth on the left side. Mor- gan supposed himself mortally wounded ; he was bleeding profusely, and felt himself becoming helplessly weak. He was well mounted, however, and leaning forward, he grasped the neck of the noble animal and urged her into motion. Fortunately for her rider, she took the road back to the fort. A fleet Indian runner followed him for some time, expecting every moment to see him fall from his horse. Morgan's one thought was to get beyond the reach of his pursuers and so save his body from mutila- tion. With his last strength he urged on the animal with his heels, and putting forth all her speed, she bore him beyond the reach of the Indian, never slackening her speed until she reached the fort. Morgan was lifted from his horse perfectly insensible. He lay for months between life and death, but care and judicious treatment, with the iron fibre of his constitution, brought him again to life and strength. Notwithstanding the innumerable perils he encountered in his long military career — and his place was evermore in the fore-front of the battle, and in the hottest of the fight — this was the only wound he ever received. " The late Morgan Neville (a grandson of Morgan), in 22 DAHriEL MORGAN—HERO. IN'!" ;ii!!| a biographical sketch of the general, says : * I well remem- ber, when a boy, hearing General Morgan describe in his powerful and graphic style, the expression of the Indian's face as he ran with open mouth and tomahawk in hand, by the side of his horse, expecting every moment to see his victim fall. But when the panting savage found the horse was fast leaving him behind, he threw his tomahawk without effect and abandoned the pursuit with a yell of disappointed rage.' " * But the war drew to its close — a war too much crowded out of our sight and sympathy by the brilliant associations of our struggle for independence— yet a scarcely less im- portant one, since it secured this North American conti- nent to the custody of Anglo-Saxon Protestant civilization. l!,!;i '*! Morgan had done brave service and was home again ; but he had brought with him, besides military glory, dis- cipline, and experience, the vices of the camp. Here begins a period of wild-oat sowing. Says his biographer, **He weighed at this time two hundred pounds, yet without an ounce of superfluous flesh." With such a constitution he could drink deeply, yet was never seen intoxicated. He gambled, and always played a winning game. His fame as an athlete went far and near, and noted pugilists came to try his skill. He kept the field. In short, we are sketching the career of one with whose name failure keeps no company. Morgan was a marvellous success from beginning to end. ' * It was but a brief episode in the great man's life ; for God sent his angel to him, in the form of a modest, lov- ing, devout woman, unschooled, untrained, the daughter of a farmer of Morgan's own rank in life — by name, ♦ Graham's Life cf Morgan. DANIEL MOBGAN — HEBO. 23 Abigail Bailey. The rustic beauty laid her maidenly spell upon the strong man and drew him gently away from his evil courses. "The light of her eyes smote into his life," and he left all, — his tavern boon companions, the fighting ring, the gaming-table and the wine-cup, and followed her into clean paths. Through these years of wild life, he had yet maintained his habits of thrift and industry, and was able to establish his wife in a handsome two-story dwelling — for those days — on a valuable piece of land about ten miles east of Winchester. He called it " Soldier's Rest." He was soon called from his quiet home by the outbreak of Pontiac's War. During this struggle he held the rank of lieutenant, and lost nothing of his military reputation. The war was a short one, and, returning home, Morgan had nine years of happy life in the pure atmosphere of a Christian household. Uneventful they seem in such a career as his, yet most important — years of noiseless influences, and quiet development of all the germs of virtue and nobleness in his deep, broad nature. Abigail and two soft-eyed little girls were his household treasures. His wife's influence was most marked ; helpful alike to his moral and mental growth. Both felt keenly their educational deficiencies, and both worked earnestly to supply the lack. It is said that in after years, Mrs. Mor- gan filled with ease and dignity the high social position to which her husband advanced her. His material interests during this period were by no means neglected. His farming and stock-raising brought him rich returns ; while his military grants for services in the previous wars had made him a large land-owner. In 1771, Gov. Nelson commissioned him captain of the militia of Frederick county. Two years after we find him again in military service, on the frontier, in Lord Dun- more's war. At its successful termination, on their return home, the division to which Morgan was attached heard 24 DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. ^1 I :if| : iill^! of the startling events at the north, and the threatening aspect of public affairs — the closing of the Port of Boston, the appointment of a day of fasting and prayer, and the meeting of the first National Congress for deliberation, at Philadelphia. In a sketch of Morgan's military career, written by himself, occurs the f oJlo wing : — " Upon learning these things, we, as an army victorious, formed ourselves into a society, pledging our word of honor to each other, to assist our brethren of Boston in case hostilities should commence." Events followed with startling rapidity. Lexington, April 19, 1775 ; Breeds Hill, June 17 ; June 10, the Continental Congress, and on the 14th the appointment of George Washington as commander-in-chief of the twenty thousand men to be raised for the defence of American liberties. Congress also called into service ten companies of riflemen from. Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia. Of one of the two, from Virginia, Morgan was by unanim.ous vote of the committee of Frederick county, chosen captain. He had for some time intelligently watched the points in dispute between England and America and had taken hia position. He saw it in its various aspects ; but most of all he weighed it as a question of justice and human rights ; whether the sham manhood of the old world should tread down the real manhood of the new. He embraced the cause of the Revolution with all the intensity of his nature. His commission wps dated June 22, 1775. In less than ten days, he left Winchester at the head of ninety-six hardy mountain yeomanry who had promptly answered to his call, — all practised marL.jmen with the rifle. They marched to Boston in twenty-one days, a distance of six hundred miles, without the loss of a man, and reported to the commander-in-chief. i *^ Iireatening of Boston, ■r, and the eration, at written by ing these ves into a otlier, to Bs should exington, 3 10, the ointment . ? of the fence of 'vice ten and and 'gan was county, points i taken it most uiman , world He tensity V. s than ty-six 'ed to itance and I BENEDICT ARNOLD— MOCK HERO. " Techy and wayward was thy infancy, Thy school-days, frightful, desperate, wild and ftirioue, Thy prime of manhood, daring, bold and venturous, Thy age confirmed, proud, subtle, sly and bloody. Shame serves thy life and doth thy death attend." RlCHABD in. BEFOR.E proceeding further in Morgan's career, we must look after our mock-hero, Benedict Arnold ; for these two begin now to bear each other company, and so continue with brief intervals, until after the surrender of Burgoyne, mid- way of the war. We shall find sharp contrasts from the very outset. We have said of Morgan that he was a marvellous success ; we have to say of Arnold that he was an unmitigated failure from first to last. Victory fied from him — honor would none of him : the way of the transgressor was hard. The child was father to the man. Born at Norwich, Connecticut, 1740, of fine old colonial stock, which had deteriorated on the paternal side. Ho had an excellent mother. One of his favorite boyish amusements was, the robbing of birds' ni'sts and mangling the young in eight of the old birds, that he might be entertained by their piteous cries. His Himily was in such cir- cumstances that he enjoyed very fair opi)ortunities of education, one of his tutors being Dr. Jowett, a teach- er of celebiity; but he siiowed no fondness for study, and was therefore apprenticed to the brothers Lathrop, BENEDICT ARNOLD— MOCK-HEEO. druggists, at Norwich — men of wealth, energy and in- tegrity. They were relatives of Arnold's mother, and disposed to advance the hoy's interests — the more because his father had sunk into intemperance, poverty and obscurity. But his patrons soon found they had taken a bad subject. He was ungi'atef ul, deaf to entreaty or advice, impatient of restraint, Tithout natural aifection or conscience, utterly indifferent to good or ill report, and possessing an innate and inveterate love of crtiel mischief and wanton destruc- tion — on this wise : " Near the drug shop was a school-house, and he would scatter in the path broken pieces of glass, taken from tiie crates, by which the children would cut their feet in going to and from school. Cracked and imperfect phials were perquisites of the apprentices ; an amiable fellow apprentice was in the habit of placing his share on the outside of the door and letting the small boys take them away. Arnold did the same, but when he had thus decoyed the boys, and they were busy picking them up, he would rush out, horsewhip in hand, call them thieves, and beat them without mercy. "He was likewise fond of all feats of daring, always foremost in danger and as fearless as he was wickedly mischievous. Sometimes he took corn to a grist mill, and while waiting for the meal, he would amuse himself and astonish his playmates, by clinging to the arms of a large water-wheel and passing with it beneath and above the water." * No marvel that such a character should have despised i:\\Q monotony of the drug shop, and at sixteen enlisted in the British army without the knowledge of his friends. The grief of his mother induced her pastor Dr. Lord and others to interfere, and effect his release. He ran away a second time, rc-eulisted and was sta- * For this and more, see ^'Spa^'ks' Life <^ Arnold*^ BENEDICT ARNOLD — MOCK HEBO. 27 :y and in- i disposed Jcause his obscurity, id subject, impatient ce, utterly an innate 1 destruc- he would from the ' in going ials were 3prentice ie of the 'nold did and they >rsewhip mercy. » always wickedly lill, and elf and * a large >ve the espised Jted in riends. 'd and s sta- tioned at Ticonderoga. But garrison duty was tame — it involved restraint, discipline, and obedience, and as there was neither p/ofit nor adventure to offset these, he deserted and returned to Norwich. When a British officer soon after passed through the town in search of deserters, young Arnold was secreted by his friends in a cellar. During the time of his residence in Mr. Lathrop's family, he gave infinite trouble. Happily for her, his mother, borne down with giief and anxiety and melancholy forebodings of the future of this wayward boy, sunk broken-hearted into the grave before he reached his manhood. At the end of his apprenticeship, the Lathrops kindly assisted him to commence the drug business in New Haven. He showed energy but no judgment, and soon embarked in shipping to the West Indies, in addition to his regular business. He made several voyages thither, and fought one or two duels. His turbulent, imperious manners, and his want of moral principle, continually involved him in contention and difficulty, and his speculations finally "ended in bankruptcy, under circumstances that left a stain upon his honesty and good faith." We do not gather grapes of thorns nor figs of thistles — and the development of Arnold's subsequent villainy, seems eminently logical, consecutive and legitimate. He is an uncanny subject to dissect ; one can find nothing but foulness and deformity. His combativenesa and destructiveness were inordinate ; his dominant passion was avarice, which developed with frightful rapidity. The love of mastery was strong ; his will was a cyclone ; a scheming visionary withal, and utterly without delicacy or sentiment. No justification, apology or extenuation seem possible. Explanation, perhaps, in the fact that he was born almost or altogether without moral sense. The word idiot expresses one born without intellect, but it remains for our lexicographers to supply us a word for one born without moral sense. 28 BENEDICT ARNOLD — ^MOCK HERO. Given the elements — with the plus and minus that went to make up Benedict Arnold — we could have no other than the miserable outcome the world got. Though we can by no means repress the loathing, we find ourselves forbidden either to hate or scorn ; human depravity, pass- ing a certain point, excites pity rather than any other feeling. A great mystery is here wrapped up. We can- not break the seals; "vessels of wrath," "raging waves foaming out their own shame," " wandering stars " loosed from their orbits "to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness." Out of such volcanic forces it is clear we can get no generalship. Arnold was a military blunderer, nothing more. The war found him a ruined merchant, and as military life opened before him a prospect of adventure, distinction and profit, he eagerly entered upon it. He was captain of a New Haven company when the news of the massacre of Lexington reached the town. He assem- bled his company, harangued his townsmen, and proposed to lead any number of volunteers who would go with him, to Boston. Sixty assembled the next day ; they had no ammunition. Arnold applied to the selectmen, but they refused to fur- nish it without higher authority. Arnold sent word that if the keys of the magazine were not forthcoming, he would break it open. The selectmen yielded. The project of a sudden descent upon Ticonderoga had already been quietly matured at Hartford, and a party of Connecticut men had gone forward to join Ethan Allen and his Green Mountain boys. Arnold had got some hint of this, but he hoped yet to outstrip them, for immediately on reaching Cambridge he represented to the "Massachusetts Committee of Safety," in the liveliest 'J 1 BENEDICT ARNOLD — MOCK HERO. 29 minus that Id have no t. Though d ourselves ^vitj, pass- any other We Gan- ging waves irs " loosed ackness of an get no ', nothing t, and as dventure, 1 it. He 3 news of ie assem- proposed nth him. 3ga had t party Ethan ad got 3m, for to the veliest colors, the practicability and advantages of such an enter- prise. They at once commissioned him colonel in the Massachusetts service, furnished him one hundred pounds in cash, with authority to draw further sums for all necessary supplies and provisions for a body of troops not to exceed four hundred. These he was to enlist in the western part of the State and proceed to Ticon- deroga. Arnold hastened to the western frontier, and there heard that the other detachment had reached Lake Cliam- plain. He left his party, and with only one attendant, pushed on and overtook them twenty-five miles f^'om Ticonderoga. He announced himself, showed his com- mission, and claimed the command of the expedition. This insolent assurance of a stranger, assuming to act under authority which they did not recognize, was promply resented, especially by the Vermont boys, who were warmly attached to Allen ; they refused to march a step after the intruder. Seeing he could not carry the point, Arnold p oposed to accompany them as a volunteer, holding his rank in abeyance. The assault upon the fort was successful, and Arnold insisted upon entering the gate at Attends left hand. Fairly in the fort, this meddling, masterful spirit again asserted his right to the command of the post and all the troops ; but as they were commissioned and paid by Connecticut, they stoutly withstood him. Arnold was again forced to submit, under protest, how- ever, and he immediately sent a list of grievances to the Massachusetts Committee. Meantime, letters had been sent back both to Connecticut and Massachusetts concern- ing his insolent conduct, whereupon tlie legislature ap- pointed a committee to repair to Lake Chjimplain to investigate the "spirit, capacity, and conduct" of Arnold, and if they thought it advisable, to order his immediate return to Massachusetts, to render an account of the 30 BENEDICT ARNOLD — MOCK HEBO. '«t money, ammunition and stores he had received, and the debts he had contracted in the name of the colony. He was also to recognize the superior authority of the officer from Connecticut. The Committee found him at Crown Point, and laid their instructions before him. Arnold was enraged : "He said that an order to inquire into his conduct when no charge had been exhibited against him, was unprecedented; that the assumption to judge of his capacity and spirit, was an indignity : that this point ought to have been decided before they honored him with their confidence. He declared that he had already paid out of his own pocket for the public service more than one hundred pounds, and contracted debts on his personal credit in procuring necessaries for the army, which he was bound to pay or leave the post with dishonor, and finally that he would not submit to the degradation of being superseded by a junior officer. He followed this up by a formal resignation."* I He soon afterward returned to Cambridge to lodge his complaints of ill-usage against the legislature, and also to present his accounts for settlement. "His accounts were finally allowed and settled, although with a reluctance which indicated doubt and suspicion." So much for Arnold's part in the capture of Ticon- deroga, into which he had so unhandsomely thrust him- self, and to which he contributed no necessary or essen- tial part ; yet he managed so to associate himself with it, before the public, that he unduly shared the prestige of the enterprise, while the waste and loss and ill feel- ing which he had occasioned were never weighed against him. Bat his mischievous devices at this time extended farther. While on the La'ves, he wrote to Congress that * SparM Life of Arnold. BENEDICT ARNOLD — MOCK HERO. 31 'd, and the olony. He the oflScer ', and laid ged : ''He t when no ecedented; md spirit, have been onfidenee. : his own ! hundred credit in ^as bound ly that he uperseded a formal lodge his id also to mts were luctance Ticon- 1st him- r essen- slf with prestige ill feel- against :tended Jss that "': he had sent an agent to Montreal to investigate the British force there, and discover the temper of the Canadians towards America. He wrote in high feather, sanguine that the whole of Canada could be taken with two thou- sand men, laid before them plans for the campaign, olfer- ing to lead the expedition and be responsible for the ^ results. lie assured Congress that the Canadians had * promised to open the gates upon the appearance of an American army, and that General Carleton had not more , than five hundred effective men, who were scattered at various points. These representations were by no means without effect, though Congress was not yet prepared to act. There were doubtless weighty reasons and other advocates for * the attempt, especially among the members from the New England States. Be that as it may, certes it came nigh to be a Sicilian expedition, with Arnold for its Alcibiades. Two months later, in August, 1775, Congress ordered the attack, assigning the command, however, to Schuyler. He soon fell ill ; most likely with disgust. Living in Northern New York, he knew something of the perils and impracticabilities of such an enterprise. Bancroft says, " The path across the Atlantic and up the St. Lawrence was more easily traversed than the road by land from the colonies to Quebec." The noble lilontgomcry succeeded ; Schuyler, only to be sacrificed. They were to proceed by the Lakes, to capture all intervening forts, Montreal and Quebec. Having failed to win Congress to his schemes, Arnold, now idle at Cambridge, since resigning his Mat-Facliu.^etts commission, got the ear of Washington, and urged the expe- dition through Maine.* He showed the journal of a British officer who had made the journey, and also a manuscript map of the country watered by the Kennebec. He had been Maine mat. Society^ Vol. I, p. 341. mm i 1 32 BENEDICT ARNOLD — MOCK HERO. himself in Canada, and knew the heart of the Canadians. He was entirely satisfied of the feasibility of penetrating Maine with a division of the army, which could surprise Quebec, now so feebly garrisoned, and thus co-operate with Montgomery in the reduction of Canada. He was certain of the result, and proposed himself as the leader of the enterprise. Phaeton would drive Apollo's steeds. Here begins that strange mastery which Arnold exerted over Wasliington ; that incredible fascination which held and compelled the uninterrupted favor and patronage of the commander-in-chief — a fascination which nothing could disparage or impair, until the enormous villainy of West Point suddenly uncovered him. liitfllji lllliiii *^i^ B Canadians. penetrating uld surprise s co-operate ia. He was IS the leader lo's steeds, aold exerted which held )atronage of ch nothing 8 villainy of m.— 1775. WASHINGTON AND HIS GENEEALS. WASHINGTON towered above the average humanity. Ordinary mortals could not climb to his level, or exist in his atmosphere. The faults of such a character could onlv be virtues in exccza. The elements were so mixed in him that it is impossible to know whether judg- ment outweighed modesty, modesty courage, courage mag- nanimity, magnanimity patience, or whether integrity outweighed them all. Yet he knew not that " he was not as other men." Two things he utterly lacked — self-assertion and the power to suspect. Washington teas iiotldng of a detective. lie was egregiously deceived in Lee, Gates and Arnold, and unaccountably continued under the delusion. The power of an ignoble over a noble soul is as old as Eden. Othello in the toils of lago shows it ; Richard, prince of villains, with his superhuman genius of destruc- tion, draws all about him into his current, and whirls with them down the swift steeps of ruin. If Benedict Arnold be taken as the product of a New England puritan village, he is scarcely shamed by the parallels of such barbaric times. Certain it is, he had succeeded in achieving a sudden reputation for brilliant military talents, and " the cause" was much in need of such. Let us see what help "Wash- ington could count upon in prosecuting the heavy work he had undertaken. '* On the day of the battle of Bunker Hill, "Congress had elected four Major Generals -.—Arte- 84 WASHINGTOK AND HIS GENERALS. .1 ) mas Warclf a worthy man of some ability, but old and out of health ; Charles Lie, an Englishman, a traitor, a mili- tary adventurer, true to no cause and no man, passionate, complaining and abusive, and in time of danger, a coward. Philip Schuyler, a true patriot and a true man, generously using his credit, influence and resources for the cause, but he lacked nerve ; Israel Putnam, incompetent for such a position and too old to learn. Horatio Gates came next as Adjutant General, with rank of Brigadier, a place- seeker without character or military talent." Bancroft says : " The continent took up arms with but one general officer who drew to himself the love and trust of the country, and with not one of the five below him fit to succeed to his place." They also elected eight Brigadier Generals. " Seth Pomeroy. — Well esteemed, — seventy years old. ^* Richard Montgomery. — Seventh in rank from Wash- ington, second in merit. " David Wooster. — K man of integrity and patriotism, — sixty-five years old. " William Heath. — Vain and incompetent. '' Josejjh Spencer. — Highly esteemed, *but without ex- perience. '* John Thomas. — Next to Montgomery in merit. ^^ John Sullivan. — Vain, boastful and ambitious. ** Nathaniel Greene, — Who, after Washington; had no superior in natural resources." These are substantially Bancroft's estimates. This was a far more unpromising military list than any one at that time suspected ; yet Washington had urged upon Congress the appointment of both Lee and Gates, and himself gave Arnold his commission. Congress had honored Washington with large responsi- bility, but the authority that should have accompanied it was reserved to itself, multiplying infinitely his labors and vexations. King George and the British army were, P' WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. 35 throughout the whole war, the least of his afflictions. While he arran^d, Congress and its "Boards of War" disarranged. The cause Vv'as constantly to be saved from its friends. Besides his immediate prodigious army corre- spondence, he conducted another equally prodigious, with members of Congress, state governors and officers, with private individuals and with foreign courts and officials. All complaints and giievances, from all and whatever quarters, were lodged with him. It required oftentimes the whole weight of his influence to keep patriot soldiers like Schuyler and Montgomery to their posts, against the superhuman discouragements and difficulties that beset them. On one occasion, after an eloquent appeal to their patriotism, which necessitated a short essay rather than letter, he adds : " God knows there is not a difficulty that you both justly complain of, which I have not in an emi- nent degree experienced, that I am not this day experi- encing ; but we must bear up against them and make the best of mankind as they are, since we cannot have them as we wish." He must right the wrongs of unappreciated merit, soothe the pangs of wounded ambition and adjust the jealousies of the officers among themselves. They called for their honors in advance. Passing the sour and surly demands of pronounced traitors and place- seekers like Lee, Arnold, Gates and Burr, what a ma- jestic patience it required for this — from Brigadier General Greene : " Long Island, May 31, 1776. " Dear Sir : — From the last accounts from Great Britain, it appears absolutely necessary that there should be an augmentation of the American forces, in conse- quence of which I suppose there will be several promo- tions. As I have no desire of quitting the service, I hope the Congress will take no measure that will lay me under the disagreeable necessity of doing it. * * * 1 ^«n« be fX^\ m I ?le! Mr '. i m m WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. "i I have ever found myself exceedingly happy under your Excellency's command. I -wish my abilify to deserve was equal to my inclination to merit. How far I have suc- ceeded in my endeavors, I submit to your Excellency's better judgment. I hope I shall never be more fond of promotion than studious to merit it. * * * Modesty will ever forbid me to apply to that House for any favors. I consider myself immediately under your Excellency's protection, and look up to you for justice. Every man feels himself wounded where he finds himself neglected," etc., etc., etc.* The campaign from August 177G to January 1777, dis- closed equally, — the stupidity of Congress, in disregarding the suggestions of Washington, and themselves undertaking to direct his military movements, — the woeful incapacity of his officers, and his own utter lack of self-assertion. Concerning the Canadian expedition, though we no- where find that Washington opposed it, yet we do not find that he proposed it. Three years subsequently, in 1778, when the French had come openly to our help, and Con- gress suggested another attempt to conquer it in the interest of the French, — W^ashington promptly discouraged it, urging that "it was not to the interest of the United States that a power of different race, language and re- ligion should have a footing on this continent." Washington at all times obeyed the orders of Congress so promptly, that they might have seemed to emanate from his own conviction. Every energy was used to bring its plans to success, or failing this, to retrieve the disaster. Rightly estimating the demands of the campaign, ho knew that the force dispatched under Montgomery Avas inadequate for its accomplishment. He was the more inclined to this Maine reinforcement, because he could at this time spare the troops. His own army was maintain- * Washington's Correspondence {Sparks'), Vol. I, p. 236. WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. 37 ing a forced inactivity before Boston, for want of ammu- nition ; the more trying from the fact that Congress and the War Board liad repeatedly signified its desire that he should assume the oifensive. He could neither act nor with safety disclose the reason of his inaction ; but being more careful of the cause he served than of his reputation, he silently took the censure. These considerations, together with the persistent coun- sels of the "fair-spoken and persuading" Arnold, pre- vailed. The reinforcement of the Canadian army by way of the wilderness of Maine was ordered, and Arnold ap- pointed to lead it. The essentials to its success were — dispatch and secrecy. A British army would certainly arrive in Canada in the spring. It was now or never. Arnold assured Washington that the march could be made in twenty days, and maintained his assertion that two thousand men could achieve the conquest of the province. No one appears to have contradicted his assertions or questioned his estimates; for the wilderness was terra incognita to all but himself. Because an exploring party of British officers had penetrated this country, lightly equipped, choosing their own time and season, with no end in view but the exploration, it scarcely followed that an army could drag its supplies and military equipments through such a country at double quick, so to speak, and emerge in condition for instant assault upon the strongest position on the continent. Yet this they were expected to do. an I n !ii ^1 ^c 5-4 ►t-'i I I IV.— 1775, 1770. ■■I THROUGH THE WH^DERNESS. THE force detached for service in Canada amounted to cibout eleven hundred men, consisting of ten companies of infantry and three of riflemen. Tlie latter were ordered to the front, and Morgan was their leader. " His men were armed with rifle, tomahawk and long knife. They were dressed in flannel shirts, cloth or buck- skin breeches, buckskin leggins and moccasins. Over these they wore hunting-shirts made of brown Hnsey, or linsey-wolsey. The shirts were confined at the waists by belts in which they carried their knives and tomahawks. In the wilderness, Morgan himself, adopted the Indian dress. Part of their route was to be through a hostile Indian country, which would impose upon him an untiring vigilance in guarding against Indian ambush." * Morgan's company wore on their caps the words ''lib- erty or death." Neither adventure nor profit had brought liira to the wilderness of Maine ; of the first, his long Indian wars had given him a surfeit ; for the last, he would better have found it with his flocks and herds on the slopes of the Alleghanies. In assuming his leadership, he had received orders to "examine the country along the route, free the streams from impediments to navigation, and remove obstructions from the road ; to ascertain all fords intersecting the line of march ; to examine the numerous portages over which * Oraham's Life of Arnold, p. G3. THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 39 it would be necessary to move, and take all measures to facilitate their passage." With all the dispatch that could be used, it was the 18th of September when they embarked at Newburyport, on transports which were to carry them as far as Gardiner, on the Kennebec. Here, two hundred batteaux, wliich Wash- ington had ordered to be constructed, were waiting to receive them. Their route was up the Kennebec, almost to its sources ; above Curritunk, they musi needs traverse *'the great carrying place," a distance of fifteen miles, with three small lakes intervening, before they could again embark on the Dead River, a western branch of the Kennebec, — a place of ** precipitous ascents, yawning ravines, thick, entangling woods, swamps and water-courses," — the rifle- men carrying the bateaux, baggage, arms and provisions. After following the Dead River for eighty-three miles, another carrying place, over a mountain ridge, was to be passed, before they reached Lake Mogantic, in Canada, crossing which, they were to enter the Cluiudiere, a swift, violent stream, that empties into the St. Lawrence not far from Quebec. This journey througli the wilderness, with its outcome, is the tragic-romance of the Revolution, — a presentiment of that after, greater tragedy of the French revolution, *'The March to Moscow." It roads like the labors of Hercules. Arnold's twenty days dragged on to fifty-six. The distance was six hundred miles, through silent, patlilesa solitudes, — to this day, in part, unsettled and unexplored. As they advanced up the Kciiiiebcc, the stream became rapid and violent over its rocky bod ; often they could not row, but must drag tlioir heavily laden Ixnits up the swift current, waist deep. The mountains Avere covered with snow, and the waters at a deadly chill. Beds of rock, falls and rapids, often forbade the passage of their boats at all. They were to be unloaded, and with their contents carried n- I h i 40 THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. ll ll:!') Ill by tlio men, tlirongli tiresome, pathless forests, until the stream would bear them airuiii. Leaving the Kennebec, they dragged everything over a rough ridge and through swamps and bogs, sinking knee deep, to the Dead lliver. Their course now lay up this river for cighty-tliree miles, and no less than seventeen times, because of falls and rapids, they were forced to un- load their boats, and carry them and their contents. Winter winds howled around them ; their shoes were gone ; rocks and briars tore their clothes from their backs ; No- vember rains drenched them ; famine, disease, and death marched with them. Three companies deserted and marched back. Their commander plead a misunderstand- ing of Colonel Ari^ _ :^'s orders. They had dragged their boats one hundred and eighty miles of the journey. Arnold in a letter to Washington writes : " You would have taken the men for amphibious animals, as they were most of the time under water." They had carried them on their shoulders forty miles, through frightful thickets, rugged mountains, and knee-deep bogs, till at last they reached the Chaudic^re, which goes foam- ing and raging down its rocky channel. Swelled by heavy storms, it whirled over and engulfed their boats and con- tents in its angry rapids and falls ; not a boat escaped, and the men were scarcely sa < »1 They reached their journey's end in a pitiable and aliiMtp' famished condition. The first sui)plies that were served to the starving men, were BO eagerly devoured that many of them sickened and some died from their imprudent indulgence. The Canadians looked with mingled wonder and admiration upon the men who had conquered their way through what they regarded an impassable wilderness. The troops, advancing as fast as tlieir exhausted state would permit, assembled on November 7th, four leagues from the Ht. Lawrence, to the number of less than six liundred. Death, sickness and desertions, had fearfully wasted them, THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 41 the were Arnold had, however, efFeefcuallj ensured the failure of the enterprise, by dispatching ahead two friendly Indians, so-called, with letters addressed to persons in Quebec, and to General Schuyler, announcing his coming. The Indians proved to be unfriendly, and the letters fell into the hands of the Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec. He made instant preparations for defence. Colonel McLean, from the Sorel, joined him with one hundred and seventy men, and crews of vessels arriving were pressed into the service of strength- ening the works, while the marines of several war-vessels, lying at Quebec, to the number of nearly three hundred, manned the defences. From the time Arnold discovered the treachery of his Indian messengers, he abandoned all idea of a surprise assault,— a mortifying disappointment to the heroes who had been nerved to their incredible labors and endurances, by the proud hope of re-enacting on the plains of Abraham the glorious deeds of Wolfe. They wore still at Point Levi, for the British had secured all the boats on the opposite shore. It w^as November 13th before they could assemble boats and bateaux sufficient for the crossing. At nine o'clock, on the night of the 13th, Morgan and his riflemen, still leading the van, embarked. The St. Law- rence was two miles wide, the current rapid, and their course lay between a frigate and a sloop-of-war. They continued to cross safely by detachments until four o'clock, when they were discovered and fired upon. * Morgan meantime had reconnoitercd the approaches to tlie town, and found " not a mouse stirring." He had, his life-long, accomplished what he undertook. Ilis investiga- tions satisfied him that the garrison were not aware of their crossing, and were not upon their guard. He thought the assault should be made at once, and so communicated his views to the olliccrs. He had performed the eleven labors of Hercules, and now begged leave to do the twelfth. Neither Arnold nor the officers accepted his suggestions. i i !,►, ■'i M & i: lii:: , 42 THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. ■!■■ m. It was wonderful how Arnold's rashness deserted him, precisely when it was wanted. They argued that the firing on the boats had, without doubt, been heard by the garri- son. Notwithstanding, they found afterward that the garrison had been entirely unaware of their crossing, and that " the entrance to the town, called St. John's Gate, had been open the whole night ; tlie only defence of which was a single gun guarded by a drowsy watch." * During the day, Arnold paraded his whole command before the walls, offering battle, hoping to draw the British force outside ; but they remembered Montcalm, and wisely re- mained behind their defences. He likewise hoped that thof?e friendly Canadians, whom he had represented as only waiting the appearance of an American army to open their gates, would now prove their sympathy for the colonies ; but nothing of the kind occurred. If he had risked the assault, he would doubt- less have found that sympathy within the walls. Lastly, Arnold sent an officer, under flag, with a letter to the Governor, pompously calling upon him, in the name of the American Congress, to surrender, and threatening disastrous consequences if it should be delayed. The officer with the flag was fired upon, and retired. This finished the first day before Quebec. By this time Morgan was thoroughly disgusted with the state of affairs. From information received, it was clear that had his advice been taken, Quebec would also have been taken. Arnold's senseless bravado and meaningless parade before the town were not to his mind. It was plain to him that he had been brought upon a fool's errand. Ilis men had also that day complained that, not- withstanding their ample supplies of flour, they were still kept upon the short allowance of a pint a day. Accom- I <^l $ * Graham' 8 Life of Morgan, quoted from Henry's Expedition^ p. 85. THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 43 panied by two officers he waited on Arnold, represented the facts and demanded redress. *' If the matter could have been traced to its source, it would probably have been found to be a part of that system of peculation which Arnold seldom lost an opportunity of practising. He evaded at first, and then bluntly refused compliance. A violent altercation ensued, and Morgan was upon the point of striking. Language of defiance l^assed between' them as Morgan left Arnold's quarters. The next day, however, and thereafter, the riflemen were served with a full allowance of provisions." * Morgan was remarkable for his judicious care of his men ; the effects of this care and kindness is proved in the fact that he lost but one man from his company in the passage through Maine ; that one was drowned in the Cliaudiere. On the 19th, Arnold marched away, and took post ao Point-aux-Trembles, eight leagues from Quebec, to await Montgomery's arrival. He wrote to Washington that it would require twenty-five hundred men to take Quebec ; later, he wrote it five thousand. Meantime, Montgomery had made a brilliant campaign, taking Forts Chamblie, St. Johns, and the city of Montreal. The land rang with his praises; but Quebec remained — the key to the whole situation. After leaving garrisons at these places, and parting with those troops whose time had expired, he embarked with artillery and stores and three hundred men to join Arnold. On the 5th of Decem- ber, their united forces, less than one thousand cttective men, " appeared before Quebec in mid-winter to take the strongest fortified city in America, defended by two thou- sand cannon, and a garrison now nearly twice as large as the force of the besiegers." * Henry's Expedition, p. 08. m I 44 THROUGH THE WILDERl^TESS. ■:;i: mi i'i^I'lv/li Montgomery spoke hopefully to his men, but in his heart he knew he led a forlorn hope. To return without the capture of Quebec, was to throw away all the brave work he had done. Congress expected it; the nation waited for it ; his own good name and the cause of his country alike necessitated it Further, it must be done at once ; the rigors of winter were upon them ; the suffer- ings of the men were intolerable. Two diseases had attacked the camp — small-pox and home-sickness ; also, there were discontents in the army. Arnold had quar- reled with his officers, and two or three companies were ready to mutiny, but Montgomery's manly exj^ostulation won them back to their duty. The time of most of the men expired with the now exj)iring year. The assault was therefore fixed for the night of the twenty-sixth of December. " It was clear, and so cold Lhat no man could handle his arms or scale a wall. The twenty-seventh was hazy, and the troops were put in motion, but the sky cleared, and Montgomery, tender of their lives, recalled them, to wait for a night of clouds and darkness, with a storm of wind and snow." On the thirtieth. Now Year's eve, a northeast storm set in. The troops were disposed for attack at four different points. Two of these attacks wore only feints : the real points of assault were reserved for Montgomery on one side of the town and Arnold on the other. The snow had changed to driving hail, that cut the men's eyes and fiices ; Arnold's division advanced with heads down, and their guns under their coats to keep them dry. They attacked with furious energy, but a musket-bull in his leg disabled Arnold at the first barricade, and ho was borne to the rear. Morgan noAV took command, and the game was in his own hands. Cheering on his men with a voice "louder than the northeast gale," they car- ried battery after battery, taking their defenders prisoners. ''ii THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 45 ut in his n without the brave le nation ise of his t be done ihe suffer- 3ases had 3SS ; also, lad qiiar- inies Avcre )stulation the now I for tlie ras clear, s or scale le troops itgomery, it for a i^^ind and northeast k at four J feints ; itgomery cut the )ed with to keep sket-ball . and ho uul, and his men hey car- I'isoners. .w a, I He held now the lower part of the town, and there they watched and waited for the promised signals from Mont- gomery's side. lie with three hundred men and his two aides, McPlier- son and Cheeseman, two gallant young soldiers, had taken his course along a steep and rocky path, so slippery and dangerous from the frozen hail, that it was with diffi- culty they could keep their feet. On they went, Mont- r^omery opening the path through the snow with his own hands. A battery interrupted their path — it must be taken. Montgomery ordered them to "double quick," himself leading, with ^^he words, "Come on, brave boys, you will not fear to follow where your general leads." A flash — a well-served cannon discharge— Montgomery, MePherson and Cheeseman fell dead. The drifted snow was the winding-sheet of the noble and the brave on the morning of the new year, 1776, before the gates of Quebec. Their leader fallen, his men made instant retreat. Morgan waited on the other side of the town for the signals they never should see. They waited too long. The enemy, now released from defending other points, surrounded and took them prisoners. So ended a noble life, and the lamentations for Montgomery were as loud and eloquent in the British Parliament as in the American Congress. Morgan, balked in his first wish to assault Quebec, had succeeded now only too well ; but let him tell his own story. ****"! was appointed to the command of the for- lorn hope on the river St. Charles under General Arnold. The general having been wounded in the leg while under the walls, and before we got into the town, I sent him off in the care of two of my men and took his place in the command. I had to attack a two-gun battery, supported by Captain McCloud and fifty regular troops. " The first gun missed us ; the second flashed, when I ordered the ladders, borne on the shoulders of the men, I 46 THBOUQH THE WILDERNESS. to be raised. The order was immediately obeyed, and for fear the business miglit not be executed with spirit, I mounted myself and leaped into the town. The first man among Captain McCloud's guard, who was panic-struck, made but a faint resistance, and ran into a house that joined the two-gun battery and platform, where the guard was posted, I lighted on the end of a gi-eat gun, which hurt me very much, and perhaps saved my life, as I fell from the gun on the platform, where the bayonets were not directed. Colonel Charles Porterfield, who was [then] a cadet in my company, was the first man that followed me, and all the men came after him as fast as they had room to jump down. All this was performed in a few seconds. I ordered the men to fire into the house and follovT up with their pikes, which they did, and drove the guard into the street. I went through a sally-port at the end of the platform, met the retreating guard in the street, and ordered them to lay down their arms if they expected quarters. They took me at my word, and every man threw his arms down. " We then charged on the battery and took it, sword in hand ; pushing on, we took everything that opposed us at the point of the bayonet till we arrived at the barrier gate. Here I was ordered to wait for General Mont- gomery, and a fatal order it was. It prevented me taking the garrison, as I had already made half the town prisoners. " The sally-port through the barrier was standing open ; the guard had left it, and the people were running from the upper town in whole platoons, giving themselves up as prisoners. I went up to the edge of the upper town, incog.: with an interpreter, to see what was going on, as the firing had ceased. Finding no person in arms at all, I returned and called a council of what few officers I had with me, for the greater part of our force had missed their way and had not got into the town. " Hero I was overruled by sound judgment and good THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 47 , and for spirit, I irst man 3-struck, use that lie guard n, which as I fell ets were IS [then] folloAved Dhey had n a few »use and rove the rt at the I in the 3 if they id every iword in >osed us ) barrier Mont- taking •isoners. open ; ig from ves up town, on, as at all, 1 1 had )d their d good reasoning. It was said, in the first place, that if I went on I should break orders ; in the next, that I had more prisoners than I had men, and that if I left them tliey might break out, retake the battery we had just captured, aud cut olf our retreat. It was further urged, that General Montgomery would join us in a few minutes, and that we were sure of conquest if we acted with caution and prudence. " To these good reasons I gave up my own opinion and lost the town.* For General Montgomery, having cut down an out-picket, was marching up to a two-gun bat- tery when an unlucky shot put an end to his existence, killing at the same time Captain Chccseman, Major McPhcrson and others of his good officers. Upon this, Colonel Campbell, his quartermaster-general, undertook to order a retreat. We were then left to shift for our- selves, but did not yet know the extent of the misfortunes which had occurred, or it was still in our power to have taken the garrison." f His detachment now found themselves surrounded by their enemies, but Morgan's spirits rose with the emer- gency, and he proposed to his officers to cut their way back out of the town ; but they had lost hope and pre- ferred to surrender. A single incident remains to be noted, which Morgan himself relates. Humanity and kindness marked the treatment of the prisoners by Carleton, but Morgan re- ceived special consideration. His conduct of the assault had impressed them with a high idea of his military ability. *' Ho was visited frequently by a British officer, to him unknown, but from his uniform, he belonged to the navy and' was an officer of distinction. During one of his * Sovoral of tlie officers outranked Jilorgan, but at the fall of Arnold, not one would assume Lis command, but pressed it upon Morjjan. t Chmham'8 Lift of Morgan, p. 465. 1' it: i'l i! ■ Ht :'!' if i;i ill! !, 'ii I(':i! 48 THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. visits, after conversing upon many topics, he asked Mor- gan if he did not begin to be convinced that the resistance of America was visionary. He endeavored to impress upon Morgan the disastrous consequences that must infal- libly ensue if the idle attempt were persevered in, and earnestly exhorted him to renounce the ill-advised under- taking. He declared with seeming sincerity and warmth his admiration of Morgan's spirit and enterprise, which he said were worthy of nobler employment, and at last told him that if he would consent to withdraw from the Amer- ican and join the British service, he was commissioned to offer him the rank and emoluments of a colonel in the royal army. Morgan rejected the proposal with disdain, and added : * I hope, sir, you will never again insult me, in my present distressed and unfortunate situation, by making me offers which plainly imply that you think me a scoundrel."* Here we get the true ring of his metal ; it was worthy of the "chief" himself. Perhaps nothing in Washing- ton's career has been more admired than the manner of his rejection of the overtures of the officers, through Colonel Nicola, in 1783, proposing to him to assume the headship of the nation with the title of " Kin^." The fine feeling is the same in both cases ; both are jw^sonally insulted. They receive it as a man of honor would an ** unhandsome suggestion." Washington replies: "With a mixture of surprise and astonishment I have read the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct should have given encouragement to such an address. If I am not deceived in the knowledge of mj'self, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable," etc. The point of Morgan's scorn, in his Canadian prison eight years before, is not a whit less fine. * Graham' 8 Life, p. 112. y v.— 1776. ' Q:iveii THE RETEEAT. A RNOLD, in hospital with his shattered limb, found £\. himself, by tlio death of Montgomery, at the head of affairs. He wrote to Washington that it would require ten thousand men to complete the conquest of Canada, and opening a vein of modesty, adds : — "I am in hopes gome experienced officer will be sent here to take com- mand ; the service requires greater abilities and experience than I can pretend to." Montgomery in his last despatches to Congress had informed that body that it would require an army of ten thousand and a fleet of war-vessels to Iceep Canada after it was conquered. Notwithstanding this new revelation, with the disasters which had followed the attempt. Congress having entered upon it, pursued it with a stubbornness something akin to insanity. General Wooster, a brave old patriot, had been left in command at Montreal by Montgomery, and was now the highest officer in Canada. He felt his unfitness for the position, and was anxious to be superseded by a younger and more efficient officer. He took command at Quebec April 1st, and "the garrison laughed as they saw from the ramparts the general, now venerable from age, and distinguished by his singularly large wig, walking solemnly along the walls to spy out their weak points." New England had sent forward several regiments imme- diately after the fall of Montgomery, and at tlie end of April, Congress blindly declared itself "determined on the reduction of Quebec," and by its president urged 3 III ! ' % I I 1 I I ;i I j ] ■■'. 1 > I ; J 1 (• H 50 THE RETBEAT. :|,l. "Washington to hasten the departure of four battalions. A week later, though Washington was himself in urgent need of men, arms and money, "without so much as consulting with the commander-in-chief, they suddenly and peremptorily ordered him to detach six additional battalions from his army for service in Canada, and fur- ther, inquired if he could spare more. On the day he received this order, his effective force consisted of but eight thousand three hundred men, poorly armed and worse clad. He detached immediately six of his best bat- talions—more than three thousand men — at a time when the British ministry was directing against him more than thirty thousand veteran troops. It was a touching spec- tacle to see Washington resign himself to the ill-considered votes of Congress, and send off his best troops to Canada at their word, even though it left him bare and exposed to the greatr ' dangers, saying only, *I could wish the army in Cai were powerfully reinforced, at the same time, trusting New York and the Hudson River to the handful of men remaining here, is too great a risk.' " * To the costly life already sacrificed before Quebec, they added now that of the next most effective officer in the service. General Thomas of Massachusetts. He arrived at Quebec in May, and found one-third of the troops in hospital with small-pox, and within a month himself fell a victim to the pestilence. *^ He had come to meet death unattended by glory." General Sullivan next succeeded. He came, and aired his vocabulary of braggadocio, but falling into the hands of one Frazer (of whom more anon), at Trois Rivieres, was taught modesty. Congress, by the influence of John Adams, the special patron of Gates, now appointed that officer as a panacea for the ills of Canada. But the Canadian campaign was ended before he reached « ^ancroA Vol. VIII, p. 421. it. a THE RETREAT. 51 talions. urgent luch as iddenly ditional nd fur- day he of but ed and est bat- le when •re than g spec- isidered Canada exposed ish the le same to the 3C, they in the arrived oops in self fell )t death id aired 3 hands res, was f John ed that reached it. "Disasters followed fast, and followed faster." Bur- goyne had arrived in the St. Lawrence with an army from England ; Arnold was now calling for a retreat as vigor- ously as he had called for an advance, and it was clear to all that unless that retreat was speedy, there would be no army to bring away. The pestilence retreated with them. **The voyage over the lakes was made in leaky boats without awnings, so that the sick lay drenched in water, and exposed to the July sun. Their only food was raw i|brk and hard bread. \Yhen, early in July, the fragments of the army had reached Crown Point, the scene of distress produced a momentary despair ; their clothes, their blankets, the air, tlie very ground they trod on, was infected. More than thirty new graves were made every day. In a little more than two months, the northern army had lost by desertion and death more than five thousand men." * But we must return to the special notice of Arnold's military career in Canada. He had barely recovered from his wound when General Wooster appeared at Quebec — April 1st — and assumed command. This appointment did not please Arnold, who complained of his coldness and ; reserve, for Wooster neither asked nor accepted his advice [ or counsel. This situation is well explained in the fact that the sturdy old patriot was a townsman and neighbor of Arnold. I Just at this time, Arnold's horse stumbled with him and aggravated his wound. He asked leave to retire from Quebec, and dropped down to Montreal, where, being first in rank, he at once assumed control. During his command there, occurred the affair of the Cedars ; not exceeded in ignominy by any event of the I war. At the Cedars, about forty miles away from Mon- Itreal, a point that projected far into the river and could ' I I i ^1 i * Bancroft, Vol. IX. 53 THE RETREAT. yj: I! W only be approached from one side, Arnold had posted five hundred men under Colonel Bedell. He was well intrenched and had two field pieces." * Colonel r>edell heard of the approach of Captain Fors- ter with two hundred British and Canadians, and several hundred Indians, — no American authority puts the num- ber at over six hundred. Leaving Major Butterfield in cliarge, Bedell went to Montreal to give the alarm. Cap- tain Forster had no artillery, and attacked with mus- ketry only. After two days, but one man in the fort was wounded ; but Forster terrified Butterfield into a surrender, by tlireats of giving the whole garrison up to the savages if any of the besiegers were wounded. The terms of the surrender were most ignominious. Meantime Arnold had dispatched Major Sherbourne with one hundred and forty men to their assistance. lie approached without knowing what had happened — was surrounded by the enemy, thirty of his force tomahawlvcd and the rest captured. At the news of this second disaster, Arnold advanced with a force of eight hundred men. From La Chone — not far from the Cedars — he writes. May 25th, 1770 : "One of our men Hhis moment came in who was taken at the Cedars. He made his escape this morning, and says we have lost only ten privates killed, the rest are prisoners at St. Ann's and the Cedars. The enemy lost donble that number. They were last night within three miles of us, witli three hundred savages, fifty regulars, and two hun- dred and fifty Canadians, with our two pieces of cannon ; but on hearinrj that we had a large body of men here, they made a precipiiate retreat." \ Instead of moving at once upon the enemy, Arnold sent .i party of Indians over the river with a message, demanding, in his usual bravado style, " the surrender of the American * Sparks' Corrcapondenci. of Wa.fhuigton, Vol. I, p. 105. f JSpar/cn' Correspondence of Washington, Vol. I, p. 518. THE RETREAT. 53 prisoners, threatenf ag, in case of refusal, or if any mur- ders were comniittei\ that he would sacrifice every Indian tliat should fall into his hands, and follow them to their towns, which he would destroy by fire and sword." **He cpoke daggers, but used none. " The Indians returned as spirited a reply, promising, if he attacked, to kill all the prisoners they had, and all they ehould capture. It was evening, his boats had not yet all arrived, and the darkness made it necessarv for him to retire. He called a council of war, and it was unanimously decided to attack in the early morning. At midnight, one of the imprisoned officers arrived with a flag, bringing articles for an exchange of prisoners, wiiich had been arranged by Major Sherbourne and Captain Forster. The same ignominious terms were offered, ac- companied by the threat to let loose the savages upon the prisoners, and upon Arnold, if he should attack. It was as successful with Arnold as it had been with Butterfield ; nor can we see that he was more valiant. By American estimates, the enemy numbered six hundred ; British esti- mnfes would perhaps reduce this. By Arnold's figures, there were about six hundred American prisoners, and ho liad eight hundred fresh troops. It is not to be supposed tliat tlie prisoners would fail to co-operate in event of an attempted rescue. A very little of that rashness that was Arnold's chief military virtue, w^as here needed, but it again deserted him. The same threats that brouglit the surrender of Butterfield, now availed to scare Arnold into accepting the disgraceful terms olTercd. He returned to Montreal with his ci^ht bundled men without having struck a blow for the rescue, and writes immediately to General Schuyler, " I have ordered Colonel Bedell, his major, and Captain Young, to Sorel, for their trial." This all'air led to much crimination and rccrimi- i ■ f I •i m ml 1 U'J 54 THE EETREAT. I.'' nation between the military authorities on both sides. Congress wished to repudiate the capitulation, but Wash- ington pronounced it binding, being executed in due form by officers having proper authority. There was no honor- able way out of it. This closes the military exploits of Arnold in Canada ; but there remain some other matters to be noted. As soon as the evacuation was determined upon, he made an indiscriminate seizure of goods from the merchants of Montreal, professedly for the public service, giving certifi- cates to their owners, who were to be paid by the military authorities of the United States. He sent the goods to Chamblie, in charge of Colonel Hazen. This officer had been for some time associated with Arnold, but for reasons best known to himself, he declined to be implicated in any way with the transaction. The goods lay in piles on the landing exposed to the weather and the plunderer. Their owners followed the army to Crown Point, and de- manded pay for the whole amount, including the damaged and stolen. The blame fell upon Arnold ; he transferred it to Hazen, who he declared had not obcved his orders. A court-martial followed. During its i)rogress, the court refused to accept tlie testimony of one of Arnold's wit- nesses, who was believed to be interested in the affair. Arnold addressed a disrespectful letter to tlie court ; they demanded an apology ; he challenged them all, individu- ally and collectively. Such monstrous effrontery compelled the court to appeal to General Gates, commander-in-chief of the department. These two, Arnold and Gates, had already begun to ex- change signs. Gates abruptly dissolved the court, and excused himself to Congress for an act so unjust and dic- tatorial, on the plea " tliat the United States could not bo deprived of that excellent officer's services at that impor- tant moment." ,1 THE RETEEAT, 55 m. i Bides. : Wash- tie form lionor- Thc court, however, before its adjournment, passed judgment, acquitting Colonel Hazen — leaving Arnold, of course, under censure. I ianada ; le made lants of certifi- nilitary Colonel iociated self, he saction. to the and de- amagcd isf erred dcrs. ic court d's wit- ) affair. : ; they dividu- ) appeal rtnicnt. to ox- rt, and ,nd dic- . not be impor- Hard upon, followed a rupture with Colonel Brown, who had been at the taking of Ticonderoga and was, perhaps, no admirer of Arnold. The latter accused Brown, in letters to Congress, of plundering the baggage of pris- oners taken in Canada, during the siege of Quebec. Colonel Brown promptly demanded a court of inquiry from General Wooster at the time, but, through evasions of Arnold, he was unable to prosecute the affair until after the evacuation of Canoda. He then applied to Con- gress for redress, and Congress directed Gates to grant the inquiry. Gates played the dictator as before, and shielded Arnold from the inquiry. Colonel Brown waited until the end of the campaign, and then demanded the arrest of Arnold on a series of charges running through the whole period of liis com- mand. Gates again evaded it, saying that he would lay the petition before Congress. Colonel Brown, indignant at this shuffling and baffling of justice, published the whole affair, commenting upon Arnold with unsparing severity. During all this time Arnold, safely ensconced under the wing of Gates' authority, maintained a pro- found silence. Following him on the retreat of tlio army from Canada, we find lum at Ticonderoga, actively engaged in prose- cuting naval affairs. He with otliers urges upon Congress tlie building of a fleet of not less than thirty ves.sels for Luke defence, asking that **tlirce hundred carpenters bo immediately sent ui)," etc. The fleet was built and Arnold was put in command. It proved only a floating stage whereon to cut his antics before high Heaven. In retreat- ing the army to Ticonderoga, it was thought necessary to If i r ml m Iv ; i!'' !ill!; 'M miu 56 THE EETREAT. abandon Crown Point — a measure deplored at the time, but doubtless wise, for the future policy on the Lakes was to be defensive. One thing was certainly to be done, at all risks and all costs. Ticonderoga was to be kept. Only by holding that could the Hudson River be defended from the north ; and the possession of this river was throughout the war the supreme object of the British. A Lake fleet well- manned and judiciously maintained, would perhaps have averted the shameful surrender of the post further on. Arnold's fleet consisted of about twenty vessels, large and small, lightly built, and manned by landsmen. To attempt a battle with Carleton's fleet of heavy vessels, well-oflicered and manned by skillful English marines, was simply another reckless, dare-devil attempt to do the impossible. The American fleet under Arnold "roamed the Lake without check" until October 4th, when Curleton cau- tiously a^j^d leisarcly approached. Arnold's choice of posi- tion for battle was *Mvarmly approved by Gates," who knew perhaps as much about a naval battle as he did about a land battle — "but one more absurd or more dan- gerous could not have been made." Carleton had twice the number of vessels, with more than twice the number of guns and men. Of course the battle could end in but one way. Two-thirds of the American vessels were shattered, sunk or stranded. To save the rest from capture, Arnold ran them into a shal- low creek and set them on fire, with colors flying — he the last to go ashore. Several of the smaller boats had escaped and found shelter under the guns of the fort.* The British lost three vessels. No one denies to Arnold in this affair a magnificent energy and a death-defying courage, but to what end ? 1 i 3 * It is due to Gates to remember that Arnold acted in opposition to Gates' orders in precipitating a battle. THE RETREAT. 67 By the law of his nature, the irrepressible " urge " within lliim could manifest itself only in destruction. So that jBomething was smashed, and he the smasher, with a din loud enough to reverberate with his name over the conti- mcut, it was well done. His fame rose higher than ever, and no one seemed to qualify it with the destruction of a fleet "recklessly sacrificed without public benefit." If courage is to be measured by breakage, then indeed his [exceeds that of the "bull in the china shop." Master of the Lakes, Carleton could easily have taken Ticonderoga, so inadequately was it defended and pro- visioned. But it was not on his j^rogramme. General Howe had failed to ascend the Hudson in time for a junc- tion at Albany. Having secured the safety of Canada by the destruction of the fleet, Carleton retired, intending to advance to Albany in the spring. So ends this ill-starred, ill-timed and disastrous Cana- dian expedition. It had involved the sacrifice of two of the most valuable officers in the service, wasted an army of ten thousand men, materially weakening Wai-hington's force, and contributing no little to the subse(|uent disas- ters of Long Island and the Jerseys. The Congressional committee of inquiry into the causes of failure reported, "the lateness of the season," "inadequate preparation in numbers," oLc, "short enlistments," "want of hard money," and "small-pox." Congress decreed to Montgomery a monument; to honest old Wooster, a court of inquiry; to Arnold a brigadier- general's commission ; to Morgan, nothing. Ill i »; ! 5 111 \\ m 1 \ I VI.— 1776. "ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL." i ,1' i; |, ,1 EXCEPT for the disasters in Canada, affairs had thus far gone eminently well for the Amer.'.'3ans. They had been for more than a year in armed resistance to England. Lexington, Concord, Bunker Hiil and Ticon- deroga had alike witnessed to their martial spirit. The bloodless deliverance of Boston from the British army and ileet now followed on the 17th of March. The fortification of Dorchester Heights by Washington, accom- plished in a single night, " a combination concerted with faultless ability and suddenly executed, had in a few hours made their position untenable." In the month of June, the whole country was elec- trified by the spirited repulse of a British fleet and army with heavy loss, from Charleston, South Carolina. Such a scries of brilliant successes had, perhaps, inspired the Americans with an extravagant estimate of their mili- tary ability. They had not sufficiently considered that England had been taken off guard by this sudden uprising of a full-grown rebellion. She was by this time, how- ever, liiirly awake, and was coming, in substantial British style, to crush it. This she hoped to do in one vigorous campaign. Congress was so far encouraged as to sign and adopt the Declaration of Independence on the 4th of July, 1770. But in the midst of the national exultation, a courier from Washington announced to Congress that a British fleet ''all's well that ends well." 59 and army were in New York harbor. *'I am hopeful that we shall get some reinforcements before they are pre- pared to attack," he adds. The whole British force dispatched in the spring of 1770 to America, directed severally to Canada, Charleston and New York, was not less than fifty thousand of the best European fighting materia' that English gold could buy. Howe, the British commander, landed on Long Island a force of upward of twenty thousand rank and file. "'It was the most perfect army of its day in the world for experience, discipline, equipments and artillery ; and was supported by more thau four hundred ships and trans- ports in the bay, by ten ships of the line and tAvcnty frigates, with other small vessels. Against this vast arma- ment the Americans had on the Island no more than eight thousand men, most of these, volunteers or militia; and they had not the aid of a single platoon of cavalry, nor of one ship of war." * Here Washington felt his utmost need of the battalions he had trained and which Congress had ordered to their doom in Canada. He wrote frankly that it would be impossible to prevent the landing of the British, "but wo shall attempt to harass them as much as possible, which will be all that we can do." Trumbull, of Connecticut, wrote him: "Knowing our cause righteous and trusting Heaven will support us, I do not greatly dread what they can do against us." Washington mended his theology thus : " To trust altogether in the justice of our cause without our own utmost exertions would be tempting Providence. " Trumbull immediately convened his " Coun- cil of Safety" and called out nine more regiments. It is tolerably clear that Washington fought this battle of Long Island under protest. Ilis judgment was that the war should bo carried on defensively — field actions 1 1 I \\\ t ■'!■! I.il \ li -I II "1; »•'■■ ' ^r * Bancroft, Vol. IX, p. 85. lili i ,i I CO "all's well that eis^ds well." avoided. Others thouglit with him. Jay, of New York, counselled that Long Island be laid waste, New York burned, and the army retire to the fastnesses of the Hud- son. John Adams was against ** yielding the enemy an inch of ground." Congress called for the battle, and they got it. "It was the fixed purpose of Washington to obey implicitly the orders of Congress." Just then, General Greene fell violently ill of a " raging fever," and the loss of his services was the more serious because the works he commanded were built under his eye and he best knew the environs. To Sullivan his place was assigned ; but he and Putnam blundered fearfully. The battle, at the last, proved a massacre of our brave Marylanders, who that day " won their spurs." More than half the loss fell upon Stirling's command of Maryland and Delaware troops — one-fourth on the Maryland regi- ment alone. A witness of their heroic but vain resistance, Washington, wrung his hands, exclaiming, "My God! what brave men I must this day lose." Tlie'day done, and the battle lo^t, Washington won im- mortal fame by one of the most masterly retreats ever recorded, saving his army with all its equipments in the face of an overwhelming British force. General Glover, with his brigade of mariners of Marbleliead, rendered here invaluable service. But they were dark days in the Ameri- can camp. The burden upon the commander-in-chief was almost beyond the limit of human endurance. " Among his major-generals there was not one on whom he could fully rely." The army knew it ; distrust and dejection pre- vailed J Washington alone inspired confidence. Congress still demanded of him impossibilities. He was expected to hold New York j but, seeing that such an "all's well that ends well." 61 w York, w York le Hiid- aii inch ;liey got to obey * raging serious der his is place arfully. I" brave )re than aryland d regi- istaiiee, f God! ^on im- ts ever in tlie Glover, 'ed here Ameri- ief was Among ) could on prc- s. He uch an attempt would be fatal to the cause, he argued the matter so clearly that they yielded in time. The British took the city, and Washington retired to White Plains, fighting, retreating, maneuvering, and so harassing, delaying, and wearing out the enemy. His policy was fruitful of good results. It was now far into September. Howe had been so long delayed that he was compelled to abandon his plan of ascending the Hudson to join Carleton, — by far the most important part of the campaign as ordered by the British ministry, — and he had frankly admitted in his despatches to England the necessity of another campaign. Thus had Washington below, neutralized the destruction of Arnold's Lake fleet above, and enabled Gaies to dispatch his pompous message to Congress, " of the retreat of Lieu- tenant-Gen eral Sir Guy Carleton, with his fleet and army, from Crown Point." But still darker days were at hand. Greene hanng ob- tained the coveted Major-General's commission, for which he had stipulated, resolved to maintain his new honors at some cost. He questioned and disregarded Washing- ton's directions ; — positive orders Washington could not issue, because the Congressional Board of War were to give the final word. Greene took the liberty to differ with Washington, corresponded with the Board, expressing his opinion that Howe could not take Fort Washington, of which he had command. But within a week it was sur- rendered to the British, with valuable artillery and arms and twenty-six hundred prisoners, of whom one-half were well-trained soldiers. Greene never acknowledged hia "errors of jutlgment," nor did he mend his ways ; for three days after, having failed to carry out Washington's timely and positive order to remove the garrison and stores from Fort Lee, five thousand British and Hessians surprised him there. "Aroused from his bed by the report of a countryman, Greene ordered his troops under arms and took to flight, with more than two thousand men, leaving 9 'Ail I i n 1*1 n m .11 M i ). I) !1 1, ! ■ 'i'" M l! 62 "all's well that ends well." i i ;t i M (I i" ! blankets and baggage, provisions, four hundred t§nts standing, and all his cannon, except tAvo twelve pounders. Witli his utmost speed, he barely escaped being cut oi?. Washington, by a rapid march to his rescue, covered tlie retreat so that only a few stragglers were taken." — Ban- croft, Vol. IX, p. 19G.* Xothing remained but a retreat into Ncav Jersey and the defence of Philadelphia, now the coveted object of British ambition. AVashington's position was inexi^ressibly trying at this juncture. Not only was ho hampered by the final word of the Congressional Board of War, but "the power to overrule the majority of his generals had not been ex- plicitly conferred." He was expected to consult with and be outvoted by men who could do little but hinder his military operations. John Adams, Chairman of the Board of War, "while he cultivated confidential relations with Lee and Gates, never extended the same cordial frankness to Washington, never comprehended his superior cai)acity for war, and never weighed his difficulties with generous consideration. 'Moreover, Congress was always ready to assume the conduct of the campaign and to issue impractica])le resolutions. To Gates it intrusted a limited power of filling up vacan- cies as they occurred in his army ; but it refused the same to Washington, saying, "future generals may make bad use of it." Notwithstanding the warning and entreaties of Washington after the battle of Long Island, John Adams, great man and great patriot as he was, with igno- .1 % * With incredible magnanimity, Washington covered also Greene's military reputation. He never upbraided his officers. The merited "I told you so," never escaped him ; though. Heaven knows, it niuht oftentimes have been in his thoughts. The odium of Forts Lee and Washington fell upon him, and he took it. It belonged fairly to Congress and General Greene, who from this time trusted himself less, and Washington more. '•all's well that ends well. » 63 at this lal word )Ower to )een ex- nth and ider his , "while 1 Gates, lington, vsbY, and eration. conduct )lutions. 3 vacan- lie same ike bad I treaties I, John ;li igno- Groone's moritcd !, it must Lee find fairly to himself rant boldness maintained and announced, "the British force is so divided, they will do no great matter more this fall." Less th",n three weeks afterwards, came the fall of forts Lee and Washington.* Little knew or thought the commander-in-chief, at this moment, that any one coveted his office. " Such is my situation," said he privately, "that if I were to wish the bitterest curse to an enemy on this side of the grave, I should put him in my stead, with my feehngs"; yet, at this very time, both Gates and Lee, taking ad- vantage of the recent disasters, were working assiduously upon Congress, and among the officers, to accomplish his removal. Gates, while in command at Ticonderoga, had thus early showed this spirit of rivalry, declining to make his reports to the commander-in-chief, and pur- posely communicating with Congress, claiming that he and ins council of officers "were in nothing inferior to that of the commander-in-chief." Congress had summoned Lee, as far back as August, from the South (where he was doing mad work), to join Washington, as, in event of accident, Lee would be his successor. He was now in command on the east side of the Hudson River. Some hint of the maneuvres of these two was brought to Washington's notice, yet, "neither the neglect, distrust, and interference of Congress, nor the want of faithful, able, or even competent subordi- nates, nor the melting away of his army by short enlist- ment, could make him waver in his purpose of persever- ance to tiie end. No provocation could force from his pen one word of personal petulance, or even the momen- tary expression of a wish to resign." This lofty spirit * Perilous as was the outlook, at this very time Adams asked and obtained leave of absence from Congress, and at his home in Massa- chusetts received the news of the disasters in New Jersey and the removal of Congress to Baltimore. 'I Itj f !S 4 * ! f 1 ^i k\ l< til .( II ;4 if; mA I' ^i ■ I'", ' i*i 64 "all's well that ends well." ■m t 'I lived in a serene height to whicli none of these noisy little men could climb. He was neither elated nor despondent with the ebb and flow of the tide of battle, as were they. He served a cause to which he had given all faith : who serves humanity cannot fail. He worked as " in his great Taskmaster's eye," and thus could afford to be "patient towards all men." Things certainly looked desperate ; the British had fol- lowed Washington into New Jersey in force. As he crossed the Raritan, breaking down a ];)art of the bridge, the Americans cannonaded Cornwallis' army across the river. One of the batteries was served by a youth named Alexander Hamilton, who was soon to become one of Washington's noblest coadjutors. The American force was scarcely three thousand. Howe tvas held bade by in- visible hands from ovenohehning the little band of heroes. Washington, in " anguish even to tears " at the desolation of the people of New Jersey under their iron war-hoof, addressed Lee once more: "I request, and I entreat you, and this too by the advice of all the general officers with me, to march and join me with your whole force, with all possible expedition. Do come on — your arrival without delay may be the means of preserving a city." Lee had been summoned a dozen times before to join him, but nothing was further from his intentions. Cou- riers and letters reached him every day, sometimes two a day, telling of the extremity of the situation ; yet he detained by far the most efficient regiments on the Hud- son and declined to move. He felt himself sufficiently strong to disregard by evading the orders of Congress, writing to the Governor of Massuchusetts, ' ^ Affairs appear in so important a crisis, that I think ever the resolves of Congress must no longer weigh nicely wiih us." The reputation of Lee was at its zenith at this time. In Congress and the New England States " his name was the mythical symbol of ability, decision, knowledge of war "all's well that El^^DS WELL." G5 r and success." At the disaster of Fort Washington, he spread the rumor that he had "counselled the general to draw off the garrison, and he had fulled to follow it." To a member of Congress he wrote, "Your apathy makes me mad. Had I the powers, I could do you much gciod. Might I hut dictate for one tveek. Did none of the Con- gress ever read the Roman history ? " At last, feeling himself compelled by authority of Con- gress to cross the Hudson into New Jersey, he lingered still on its western bank, determined not to join forces with Washington, but to impress into his own cor.imand all reinforcements that were now being hurried forward. In reply to Washington's mild reproof for his tardiness, he wrote only, " I shall explain my difficulties when we both have leisure." On the 4tli of December, seven regi- ments that Schuyler had hurried onward arrived, and Lee wrote to Washington, "' I sliall put myself at their head to-morrow." On the 8th of December, while the com- mander-in-chief was painfully retreating before the army of Howe and Cornwallis with his handful of half-starved and half-clad soldiers, weak and worn with fatigue and anxiety, Lee had the audacity to announce to Congress ^ that he had no intention to join forces with Washington, saying, "I am assured he is very strong." The courici of Washington was praying for his assistance while he penned the lie. His message to the general was, that he would aid him in so far " that he would hang on the enemy's rear and annoy them," adding tliat his division "amounted to four thousand noble-spirited men." " Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad." Four days after, Lee with a small guard stopped for the night at Wliite's tavern near Baskinridge, eiglit miles from his main army. The enemy were at the safe distance of eigliteen miles. "The next morning lie lay in bed till eight o'clock. On rising, he wasted two hours with Wil- kinson, a messenger from Gates, in boasting of his own '.' r \^\ I 'W • k 1 r 1 i ^.•. ! ,, ^ '^■' 1 •' , i f ' : \ lij i J, It ' 3*^ I •'■" V I :?{■■', m % m ' -h' 1 ; 66 "all's well that ends well." prowess and cavilling at everything done by others. It was ten o'clock before , he sat down to breakfast, after which he took time in a letter to Gates to indulge his spleen towards the * chief ' in this wise ; "My dear Gates — " The ingenious maneuvre of Fort "Washington has unhinged the goodly fabric we had been building. There never was so damned a stroke. Entre nous, a cer- tain great man is most damnably deficient. He has thrown me into a situation where I have my choice of difficulties : if I stay in this province I risk myself and my army ; if I do not stay, the province is lost forever. Tories are in my front, rear, and on my flanks. In short, unless something which I do not expect turns up, we are lost. * * * * Adieu, my dear friend. God bless you. "Charles Lee.'' The paper which he signed was not yet folded when Wilkinson, at the window, cried out, " Here are the British cavalry.*' Something he did not expect turned up, and the cause was saved. A young British officer with a scouting party of tliirty dragoons scouring the vicinity, learned of Lee's lodgings, and made a sudden descent upon the tavern. The officer called for an immediate surrender, or the house would be fired. " VVit'un two minutes, he who had made it his habitual boast that he would never be taken alive, sneaked out unarmed, bareheaded, in slippers and blanket-coat, his collar open, pale with fear, with the abject manner of a coward, and entreated the dragoons to spare his life. They seized him just as he was, and set him on Wilkin- son's horse, which stood saddled at the door, and in four minutes from the time of their appearance they began their retreat." * * Bancroft, Vol. IX, pages 200, 310. I:t.l h "all's well that ends well." 67 The British declined to regard hiiii as a prisoner, refused to exchange him, and labelled Him ** deserter," whereupon he proposed to desert back into the British army, and offered a plan for a British attack upon the Jerseys and capture of Philadelphia. Washington, with his illimitable magnanimity, sought to liberate him, and finally effected it by giving several British ofiicers in exchange. It was a bad investment. He appears again at Monmouth, where his trea^ju is unmistakably uncov- ered ; he is court-martialed aid dis^appears from history. It is incredible that such a combination of qualities could have become the idol of the hour with so large and respect- able a faction, and that a brave, honest, puritan patriot like John Adams could have bestowed upon him a confi- dence which he withheld from Washington. It would be difficult to estimate the gain to the Amer- ican cause by the capture of Lee. His forces now joined Washington, who, by his masterly maneuvres, had held the whole British army at bay, slowly retreating through New Jersey for ninety miles, delaying and harassing the foe, covering as he could the terrified inhabitants, gaining time, and trusting for the "further protection of mid- winter and impassable roads." Crossing the Delaware, he secured every boat for seventy miles. Gates had now joined him with five hundred New England men, led by the valiant Stark, who witli Stirling, Mercer, Sullivan, Greene, Glover, Knox, Munroe and Alexander Hamilton, rendered valuable service in executing that superb stroke, the surprise of Trenton and the capture f the Hessian army. The plan included the co-operation «<. tliree detach- ments, crossing at different points. The one at liristol, AVashington earnestly solicited Gates to lead, " using the language of entreaty." His own detachment began its march at three o'clock in the afternoon of Christnuxs day, and reached j^IcConkoy's Ferry in the winter twilight ; a high wind dashed sleet and V.I, ■: !*»3 "•H t H in 1» ' 1 » , ■■■ U 1 ' r !t'' 68 "all's well that ends well." i i\i. I I' » -f- ' hail into their faces ; the swift current swept along hnge blocks and masses of ice. "At the water's edge Washing- ton asked, *Who will lead us on?' Glover's mariners of Marblehead, the same that had ferried Washington's army from Long Island to New York after the defeai-, stepped forward to man the boats. Just then a messen- ger came, announcing that no help could be expected from the troops at Bristol. Soon after, Wilkinson arrived and handed a letter to Washington from General Gates. ^From General Gates ? ' said Washington ; ' Where is he ? * On his way to Congress,' said Wilkinson." Congress had retreated to Baltimore. The work was accomplished without him. Brave work, fighting the elements all through that wild, storm ful winter night, and snatching the victory m the gray dawn that was to turn a nation's despair into hope, and gild the gloom of night with the radiance of a new day. The enemy so interpreted it. "All our hopes," said Lord Germain, " were blasted by the unhappy affair at Trenton." Whatever might be the estimate which Congress put upon Washington's military genius, certain it is that Howe and Cornwaliis had taken its true porportions. Not alone these — all Europe was watching for the outcome of this unequal wrestle. The greatest captain of the age, old Frederick the Great, recognized his distinguished ability, and from tlie most illustrious persons came praises nnd congratulations to the defenders of human liberty in lie New World. The tide of battle turned ; from being the pursuers, the British now became the pursued — a panic seized tlieni — they retreated and Washington followed, liaiuiiing the hills of New Jersey with his plumtom army, hovering around honiestetids and villtiges to protect the terrified women and children from ilie brutal soldiery ; sweeping down upon the enemy's foraging })arties like fitful winter gusts, capturing, dispersing, or compelling them to keep Pott»rr(iT( W' 1. 9s>, ■ 311111:1112 w iT^.V? VI una 4^ -- '«>,. * '.'^,iA'-' •wrf* Kingston VX*. vT^ -"-t^* [ilLCLtukk, Diiliuli ICoutet. U ,^'' MT.mk.'v^'ri S .•'' '^ Pottfrrovo .-.f-»iriiniaouth. \\^ .V'^ tiTl •■^ i'X A'alUj-roige-Si--. ■^.4 IJl nloM-n, X '^s^Sv^EotOl'ut^v ^^1 town i^fr ,»;!il;uii(lcii.:^» /Ay ] J^ .'*-< ^* V* ^^ A'-t town .-W*'.W'*V- .• ' .'Vent Chtstcr *^*« J \ "1 ..-. ^;?^ 1^-; i'Mi- It *' all's well that ends well." 69 within their lines; appearing where least expected, and disappearing when most wanted to remain. If assailed, leading his hungry, half-naked heroes np into some rocky fastness for safety ; if followed there, creeping stealthily away like the mountain mists, to reappear in some unex- pected quarter. In vain did Howe maneuvre to bring him to battle ; yet with an army of twenty thousand strong, while Washington had never more than three thousand, the Bi'itish general dared not march again towards Phila- delphia. The campaign of 1776 was virtually over, and the plans of the British ministry, sustained as they had been by overwhelming forces, had failed everywhere; defeat was at the last crowned with victory, and victory slunk away, dragging defeat at its heels. Carleton had not descended the Hudson, because Howe could not ascend it. Corn- wallis had, indeed, overrun New Jersey and threatened Philadelphia, but was now driven back to the sea. The disastrous repulse from Charleston harbor was part of the same campaign — three simultaneous blows, which it was thought must prove mortal to the young Kepublic. The possession of New York and its harbor, alone recompensed their gigantic efforts. I [%■ i-i '*^'!i 'f:' .-. ti f%-tt. *>•» ii ' i: IS,,-*!: i.i I t Vn.— 1776, 1777. THE RIFLE EEGIMENT. ON tho night of September 11th, 1770, five transports sailed into New York harbor, bringing from Canada the paroled ^jrisoners released by the clemency of Carle ton. It was midnight, and the light of a full moon silvered the pleasant shores and green hill slopes. From the bow of one of the boats, as she touched the land, sprung a stal- wart form, and casting himself down with his face to the earth, as if to embrace it, he cried alond, '* 0, my coun- try " ! It was Morgan. He reported without delay to the commander-in-chief at the American head-quarters. He was warmly received. Ho assured Washington of his de- termination to return to the service, as soon as he could be released from his parole, and then ho went homeward to Abigail and the children. Washington promptly transmitted to Congress his views and wishes concerning Morgan, in the following letter : " Harlem Heights, September 20, 1776. " Sir : — I would beg leave to recommend to the particu- lar notice of Congress Captain Daniel Morgan, just re- turned among the prisoners from Canada. His conduct as an oflicer, on tbe expedition with General Arnold last fall, his intrepid bcbavior in the assault upon Quebec, when the brave Montgomery fell, the inflexible attachment he professed to our cause during his imprisonment, and which he perseveres in, — all, in my opinion, entitle him to the favor of Congress, and lead me to believe that in his THE RIFLE REGIMENT. 71 promotion the States will gain a good and valuable officer, * * * * " I am, sir, " Your very humble servant, " Geo. Wasuikgtox." In November, Congress acted upon AVashington's sug- gestion and gave him a colonel's commission. About the beginning of the year he was exchanged and directed to recruit for his regiment. In February, he received an urgent summons to report with all possible dispatch to the main army, — aud shortly afterwards the following charac- teristic letter from Patrick Henry, the Governor of Vir- ginia, reached him : " WiLLTAMSBDRon, Marcli 15, 1777. " Sir : — I must once more address you on the subject of marching your regiment to join General Washington. There is a more pushing necessity for your aid than you are acquainted with, or than I can with propriety explain in detail. You will, therefore, surmount every obstacle, and lose not a moment, lest America receive a wound that may prove fatal. '* I am, sir, etc., "Patrick Henry. "Colonel Morgan." Morgan pushed on at once with what force he had col- lected, and by the end of March reached head(iuartcrs at Morristown. Washington, in the campaign of the previ- ous year, had sorely suffered from the lack of a corps of sharpshooters — men of the woods and the rifle — under a leader of penetration r.nd sagacity, upon whose prompt and correct intelligence of the enemy's movements might often turn the tide of battle. He detailed a force of live hundred picked men from his various regiments, and put ill f ' i*l ■ i III Il I, 1^ n :■■ 1. 1 I. I ! ; 'I 'I If '«i k •^•n V- 4?1 Ill Ui n THE RIFLE REGIMENT. ml n^ ' f I- ;l ,1 • it fit IS Morgan in command. As a proof of Morgan's fine dis- cernment of chiiractcr, his eight captains, ai)pointed by himself, all rendered valuable service, and notwithstand- ing the severe tests to which they were subsequently sub- jected, not one was found wanting. The service upon which Morgan now entered was both delicate and dangerous, involving abundant labor and anxiety, coolness or rashness, according to the emergency ; prudence, judgment, and unceasing vigilance. He was the watcher, not alone for AVashington's camp at Mid- dlebrook, but also of Howe's every movement, — of which he was to give immediate intelligence to the main army, and, with his rangers, to harass, annoy and prey upon the enemy's outposts. He proved himself a "master workman'' in every position in which he was placed. Through Howe's native indolence, his sluggish Guelph blood, or through want of earnestness in the cause (so charged the home ministry), he had lost the two best fight- ing months — April and May. He had demanded of the ministry fifteen thousand additional troops, and the cam- paign of 1777 contemplated precisely what they had failed to accomplish in 177G — the capture of the Hudson River and Philadelphia. Carleton's humanity had brought him into disgrace at home. He had been superseded by Burgoyne, who was now approaching Ticonderoga, with the expectation of Howe's co-operation from below. But Howe could not venture to ascend the Hudson, without first disposing of Yv'ashington's army. It would leave New York in peril and expose himself to be penned among the highlands of the river. He had had his tilt with AV^'ashington in its fastnesses the year before, and he had no mind to repeat the experiment. He preferred the capture of the capital of the young Republic, and preferred also to approach it by the easy lowlands of New Jersey. But here, too, ho TBE BIFLE BEGIMENT. 73 must ilrst dispose of "Washington's army before he could venture to put the Delaware behind him, and so cut off his retreat to his ships in case of disaster. Washington had not eight thousand troops in his entire command; but he adroitly dispose vl them to simulate a much larger number. On the twelfth of June, Howe having received horses, tents, stores, and reinforcements, put his army of British, Hessians and Anspachers, to the number of seventeen thousand, in motion. Boats and pontoons for crossing the Delaware were collected at Brunswick. He hoped to draw Washington from his fortified camp into a field fight. He marched and man- euvred and countermarched ; Washington kept six thou- sand intrenched in camp ; with the rest, as an army of observation, he followed and watched. For himself he was night and day in the saddle, and every man slept upon his arms. Howe threw up fortifications near the American camp, and challenged attack. It was not ac- cepted. While the a^'mies thus confronted. Congress adopted the present national flag of thirteen stripes, with stars, on a field of blue. They also fretted and chafed at the inac- tivity of the army. AVliile Washington, with matchless prudence, was saving the cause, when to have crossed the river with his small and ill-provided force was just what Howe desired, one of his general officers wrote, "We must fight or lose our honor"; and Samuel Adams said, " I am not over-well pleased with what is called the Fabian war in America." Washington heard it, but he heeded it not ; and, with undisturbed self-possession, con- tinued to hold in check and baffle an enemy of more than twice his numbers. Howe marched again to Brunswick, feigning still an intention to cross New Jersey, closely observed by Washington. Baffled and out-man euvred, on the twentieth, to the joy and relief of the whole State, the entire British force was in retreat for Amboy. On "R.. I*: 'y ' t ): l\ ('■. m Ik ft in n r* i i 11 m 74 THE BIFLE REGIMENT. this retreat Morgan greatly distinguished himself. "Wash- ington had planned a joint attack by Sullivan, Maxwell and Greene, between Brunswick and Amboy. Sullivan arrived too late ; Maxwell did not receive the order sent him ; Greene was on hand, but placed his battery of heavy guns at a point too distant to be effective. But at Piscat- away, Morgan and hi^ riflemen attacked the column of Cornwallis so fiercely and persistently that Howe was forced to order up heavy artillery, before he could rid his flanks of their unerring rifle-balls and proceed upon his. retreat. The American officers were generally jubilant, declaring that the British were panic-struck. Washington did not share in tliis oj^inion, but so far yielded to their wishes as to come down from the heights with his main army. Stirlinir with one division pushed ahead. Howe immedi- ately L iceived the idea of gettin^^ into their rear. Hastily recalling his German battalions which had crossed to Staten Island, he made a swift march in two columns, by different routes. On the night of the twenty-sixth, Cornwallis overtook Stirling, who fired once and fled, leaving three pieces of his artillery, — brass three-pounders, but recently arrived from France. The /Americans lost more than a hundred killed and prisoners ; the British less. The other column under Howe, who had aimed for "Washington's division to which Morgan was attached, accomplished nothing ; they had retired promptly to the heights of Middlebrook. The British again turned towards Amboy. On this retreat also Morgan overtook Cornwallis' division, and followed it as far as Eahway, keeping up a continual skirmish upon his flanks and rear, killing and wounding a large number. Never once had he or his party suffered a surprise, or failed to accomplish what they were ( xpected to do. Washington, in his reports to Congress, made honorable THE EIFLE BEGIMEIH'. 75 mention of them, specially noting that ** they constantly advanced upon an enemy far superior to them in numbers and well secured." Wayne also shared this honorable mention. On the 30th of June, Howe evaluated New Jersey, never again, as it proved, to put foot upon its soil. II ' 'id «! If t as "II ■li ■-■■ 1 VIII.— 1777, FALL OF TICONDEEOGA. * * ' 1 .1 PHILADELPHIA once more breathed freely, and ventured to observe the first anniversary of inde- pendence with demonstrations rather more jubilant than if its citizens had known the calamity that was on that day impending over the northern army. A week after, the tidings fell like a sound of doom over the land. On the 5th of July fell Ticonderoga. and the northern gates of the Republic were in the hands of Burgoyne. Washington dared not move until he could penetrate Howe's plans of summer campaign. It would be either to ascend the river and co-operate with Burgoyne, or, perhaps, to make another attack on Philadelphia. In the latter case, he might march across New Jersey as before, or em- bark on the fleet of Admiral Howe and by sea ascend the Delaware, or enter the Chesapeake Bay, disembark at its head, and approach the city by land. It was barely possi- ble that he might contemplate an expedition still further ; this last was not probable at so advanced a season. Fortunately for the American cause, Howe could not rid himself of the ambition or delusion that the capture of Philadelphia was of the highest military importance. . Besides, he was irritated at being out-generaled in New Jersey; and stirred with envy at the splendid success of Burgoyne, he resolved to let him for the present carve his own fortunes on the Hudson. He embarked his army and stood out to sea. Washington ordered a strict watch along the coast. fi- FALL OF TICONDEROGA. 77 After some days, the British fleet was seen at the mouth of the Delaware. Still AVashington did not move — it might be only a maneuvre. The fleet disappeared for several days ; Washington still thought Howe would return and go up the Hudson. The commander-in-chief could not rid himself of this opinion, because it would have been Howe's highest wisdom to do so. A week later, the fleet sailed into Chesapeake Bay, and, no longer in doubt,Wash- ington put his army in motion, and ordered the militia of Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and Virginia to join him. The conduct of the northern campaign was equally Washington's care at this time with that of his own. Dis- cord and disorder reigned there alike, to the discomfiture of patriots and the peril of the cause. The intrigues of Gates had prevailed with Congress, and they had appointed him to supersede Schuyler in command of the northern department. Gates' ambition was pricked by his family influence. '* As your son and heir," wrote his only ciild, " I entreat you not to tarnish the honor of your family. " His uneasy and ambitious wife adds : " If you give up one iota, and condescend to be adjutant-general, I may forgive, but will never forget it." Tlie old patriot, Schuyler, was willing to be displaced by a man of superior ability, but not by this vain and hungry place-seeker, whom he rightly estimated. Schuyler repaired to Congress, and in person appealed from this decision of the Board of War. After protracted debate, he was reinstated just in time to share the odium with St. Clair of the fall of Ticonderoga, and most aus- piciously for Gates, who thus escaped all responsibility for the disaster. During his temporary command at the north, Gates, whose treachery against the commandcT-in-chief was maturing, used every effort to divert reinforcements from Washington's army to his own. AVriting to Hancock, he says : " I foresee the worst of consequtnces from too I 'St i* I pi 11 ■' I. II [ k i. ' 1 JJ ■ i ' tr^ m '?? !f" > It ■ • s 5-| I j 78 FALL OF TICON^DEROaA. I 'il ■1 in great a proportion of the main army bein^^ drawn into the Jerseys, Bequest Congress, in my name, to order two troops of horse to Albany." It was done. AVashington thought tliat Gates should make his requi- sitions directly to him, or at least furnish him a duplicate ; but Gates insisted upon dealing immediately with Con- gress, on the plea that it required less writing. He sneer- ingly remarked to a member of Congress, "I am. not in- fected with a cacoetlds scrihendi : one serviceable action without doors is worth all that has been wrote since the beginning of the war." In a letter to Lovell, a New England member of Congres,?, he rehearses his complaints against " George Washington, " urging that Congress should intervene because " Generals weie like parsons, all for christening their own child first." * In these puerile innuendoes against a spirit too lofty to entertain such sentiments. Gates lays bare his own heart, with its envious self-seeking^ without an element of patri- otism, or a scruple for the consequences to the cause. Washington did not share the panic with regard to the advance of Burgoyne into the wilderncFS of upper New York ; he rather hailed it. His prophetic forecast antici- X)ated the disastrous termination of the invasion. Bur- goyne's army v/as less than eight thousand. He wrote encouragingly to Schuyler, bidding him " never despair"; explaining that Burgoyne must necessarily leave adequate garrisons at every post in his rear, which would be con- tinually menaced by the militia of New York and Ver- mont : that the immense labor of cutting new roads and dragging artillery and supplies through such a wilderness, would exhaust and delay their movements ; that the har- vests were now gathered, and the brave yeomanry of New York and New England would flock to reinforce his army, eager to avenge the shocking barbarities of Burgoyae's Indian allies. Yet at this time, "perplexed in the ex- * Bancroft, Vol. IX. |IM| FALL OP TICONDEROGA. 79 treme " by Howe's maneuvres, — with the whole coast from New York to Maryland threatened ; entreaties for rein- forcements and supplies continued to pour in upon him from Schuyler, from the Council of New York, from Jay and Gouverneur Morris. Schuyler was terrified out of all reason ; Washington sent Arnold the fearless, and Lincoln, who was popular with the Eastern militia. He sent also, to his own loss and discomfifcure. Glover of Massachusetts, with his fine brigade of Continentals; and wrote t • the Governors of the Eastern States urging them to hasten on tlieir militia. Things went as Washington had predicted. Burgoyne's army, supplied from Canada, began to suffer huuger. They essayed to seize tlie American stores at Bennington, but Stark repulsed them and won there a splendid victory and enduring fame. Another expedition for a similar purpose, in the Mohawk Valley, was repulsed near Fort Stanwix by tlie brave yeomanry of that valley under Herkimer, who fell in the conflict. These were irretrievably heavy blows for the army of Burgoyne. Just after these important victories, Congress again superseded Schuyler by the ai)pointment of Gates. "Most auspiciously for Gates,"' says Irving, *'at this pro- pitious moment, when everything was ready for the sickle to be put into the harvest. General Gates arrived in camp and relieved Sclmyler of his command, so long the object of his aspirations, if not intrigues." Gates continued the demand for reinforcements, and Congress, against Wasliington's advice, who warned them that New Jersey and Pennsylvania troo])S were ueedtMl \\{ iiome to re[)cl Howe, granted him full i)owers to call on those States. Last and heaviest loss of all to the commander-in-chief, Congress directed him to dispatch ]\[organ and his picked brigade, selected from his best ri'giments, to assist Gates against the Indians. *' Washingiim obeyed so promptly that the order may seem to have been his own." * mi i\ ■ t t \ 1 '1 1 q " • 1 r rhW I >« 80 FALL OF TICONDEROGA. !'l .^i "Augtist 16, 1777. ''Sir: — After you receive this, you will march as soon as possible with the corps under your command to Peeks- kill, where vessels will be provided to take you to Albany. The approach of the ^nemy has made further reinforce- ments necessary, and I know of no corps so likely to check their progress in i)roportion to its number as that under your command. "I have great dependence on you, your officers and your men, and I am persuaded you will do honor to your- selves and essential service to your country, etc., etc. " I am your obedient servant, '^GeOHGE WASniXGTOX." "COLOXEL MORGAISV 11!''^ •'* To General Gates, Washington wrote : " I have dis- patched Colonel Morgan with his riflemen to your assist- ajice, and expect they will be with you in eight or ten days from this date. This corps I have great dependence on, and have no doubt but they will be exceedingly useful to you ; as a check given to the savages and keeping them within bounds, will prevent General Burgoync from get- ting intelligence as formerly,^' etc., etc. To General Putnam he wrote: "The people of the !N"ortliern army seem so intimidated by the Indians that I have determined to send up Colonel Morgan's corps. You will please have sloops ready at Peekskill to transport them, and provisions laid in, that they may not wait a moment." To Governor Clinton: "I am forwardiii' as fast as possible Colonel Morgan's corps of rifleme i, amounting to about five hundred. Tliese are all chosen men, selected from tlu^ army [it largo, well acqutiinted with the ritlo aivd with tb.it mode of lighting which is necessary to mako them a good counterpoise to tlie savnges. / exjicd the most eminent services from tlieni, and I shall be mistaken TALL OF TICONDEROGA. 81 if their presence does not go far towards producing a general desertion among the savages." General Gates, in reply to Washington, writes : " I cannot st, nently thank your excellency for sending Colonel Morgan's corps to this army ; they will be of the greatest service to it, for, until the late successes this way [Bennington and Fort Stanwix], the army, I am told, were quitvO panic-struck by the Indians and their Tory and Canadian assassins in Indian dresses." * * * * At Albany Morgan found a letter from Gates, express- ing his great satisfaction at the prospect of receiving liim at headciuarters. On arriving, his corps was designated as the advance of the army, and he was to receive orders only from General Gates. These excerpts sufficiently show how rapidly Morgan had risen in the estimation of the officers of the army. The sequel proves that he was equally as good a counter- poise to the best and bravest of Burgoyne's British and Hessian officers, as to his savage allies. I' , til la 1 I II r «•! i w W i t •■ r. 11 i IX— 1777. BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. BUT how fared Washington, without the stout hearts and strong hands he had sent to Gates? Before him was anotlier field fight with overwhehning odds, to save the city of Philadelphia. The AVar Boards, one would think, might by this time have digested the error of Long Island* and New York. But the same Si)irit still adventured to direct military affairs. John Adams wrote: *' We shall rake and scrape enough to do Howe's busi- ness ; the continental army under Washington is more numerous by several thousands than Howe's whole force ; the enemy give out that they are eighteen thousand strong, but we know better, and that they have not ten thousand. Washington is very prudent ; I should put more to risk were I in h dioes, but perhaps he is right. Gansevoort [at Stanwix] uas proved that it is possible to hold a post, and Stark [at Bennington], that it is practicable even to attack lines and posts with militia. I wish the continen- tal army would prove that anything can be done. I am weary with so much insipidity ; I am sick of Fabian systems. My toast \s, a short and violent war."* Now according to returns in the British Department of States, Howe's army numbered nineteen thousand five liundred effective men, besides officers. Both officers and men were soldiers by profession, selected from the best of the British cnii)ire, and the best of the warlike race of Hesse, perfectly equip; 'cl. Washington's effective force, inclul thou (( ncve| plaii foi'scl BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. 83 iuclnding militia and volunteers, was less than twelve thousand. " (Juugrcss never exacted more from Wa.^hington, and never gave him loss support ; ])ut he indulged in no com- plaint, bearing himself with meekness and dignity, never fi)rgcttiug the obedience and respect that were due to Congress as his civil superior. Thus ho tired out evil tongues and adverse fortune, and saved his country by coui'age and constancy. Ue saw that posterity was his own. " * But such were the friends he had at his hack, while his face was turned so bravely to their foes. He never showed himself more fertile in resources than in this campaign ; but it would have required super- human genius to overcome the blundering of his general officers — Sullivan at the fords of the Brandywine, and Greene at Germantown. for one hour of Morgan and his riflemen ! f Immediately after the battle of Brandy wine, Washing- ton sent the following to Gates : is 1* j| > I "Camp near Pottsgrove, September 24th, 1777. " Sir : — ^This army has not been able to oppose General Howe with the success that I wished, and needs a rein- forcement. I therefore request that, if you have been so fortunate as to oblige General Burgoync to retreat to Ticonderoga, or if you have not, and circumstances will admit, that you will order Colonel Morgan to join me * Bnnnoft, Vol. IX. f Colonel Ileth writes to Morfyftti under date of Septonihrr SOt'i: "You liave been greatly wished for, since tlie enriny's landing at the head of Elk river." Coloncd Fcbrijrcr shortly alter writes: "It is generally believed that some of the severest reverses we have lately experienced, might have been obviated, could wo have had tlu' co- operation of yoursulf and your gall aut curps." — Orahcun'a Life of Morgan y p. 178. Ik! >M f ^\ 1 V\ 84 BATTLE OF BEANDYWINE. again ^ith his c i-ps. I sent him up when I thought you materially wantt.l him, and if his services can be dis- pensed with now, you will direct him to return im- mediately. You will perceive I do not mention this by way of command, but leave you to determine upon it according to your situation, etc., etc. *^ Your obedient servant, " Geo. Washii^^gton." " Major General Gates." is a t T]\Q delicate entreaty of this letter, w^ould have been sufficient for any man, not utterly wanting in every senti- ment of generosity and justice. He replied immediately, but nothing was further from his intentions than to com- ply with the request. •' Camp Behmus Height, October 5th, 1777. "Sir: — Since the action of the 19th the enemy have kept the ground they occupied the morning of that day, and fortified their camp. The advanced sentries of my picket are posted within shot of, and opposite the enemy's ; neither side have given ground an inch. " In this situation, your Excellency would not wish me to part luith the corps, the miny of General Burgoyne is most afraid of In a fortnight at furthest I have the prospect of being able to reinforce your Excellency in a more considerable manner than by a single regiment, etc., etc., etc. *^I have the honor to be, etc. J. ... ''lIoRATio Gates." "His Excellency General Wastiixgton." John Adiuns orificiscd ihc dcicfir nt Brnndywiiie severely, and blamed Washington fur crossing the Schuylkill. *' It BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. 85 is a very injudicious maneuvre : if he had sent one brigade of his regular troops to have headed the mihtia, he might have cut to pieces Howe's army in attempting to cross any of the fords. Howe will not attempt it. He will wait for his fleet in the Delaware. ! Heaven grant us one great soul. One leading mind, would extricate the best cause from that ruin which seems to await it." — Nevertheless, Howe crossed the Schuylkill that day and spoiled the prophecy. The British Generals reached far different conclusions concerning Washington's maneuvres. The spirited attack at Germantown, October 4th, so soon after Brandywinc, proved the latter rather a check than a defeat, and went far to discourage the British, and reassure the friends of America abroad. Washington lost nothing of his military prestige with them. Especially the retreat after Germantown, was pronounced "admi- rably conducted, as the attack had been well planned." In both these actions, the foreign officers showed great gallantry and did excellent service ; Armand, Fleury, Pulaski, and above all La Fayette. These noble spirits had been drawn from the ends of the earth, by the personal magnetism of Washington, and the beauty of the cause to which he had given him- self. The French officers especially found themselves inspired with an admiration, at once enthusiastic and pro- found, — alike honorable to themselves and the commander- in-chief. As in the campaign of 177G, Washington, by his move- ments below, had prevented the execution of Carleton's programme at the North, so again in 1777, after sending to Gates so many of his best troops and officers, he yet hjid managed to detain Howe, with an army nearly twi(5e his own, tliirty days in a march of fifty-four miles, and tliiis prevented his co-operation with Burgoyne. This co-operation was included in the orders of the- ministry, and Howe fully calculated to take Philadelphia • (.1 m \ II t ■ I: .' * ! :f \^, !■• 86 BATTLE OF BRANDTWINE. \f ^i in time to dispatch an adequate force to Biirgoyne's assistance, after he should have reached Albany. But the second battle of Stillwater was fought three days after Germantown, and on the IStli October came swift heralds into the camp bringing news of the surrender of Burgoyne. Washington received it as if it had been his own victory, with devout thankfulness; as "a signal stroke of IVovi- dence." " All will be well," he said, " in His own good time." Somewhere evidently, this great soul had had a Jacob's wrestle with God's angel, and they had come to an understanding. The news of the surrender soon passed from the Amer- ican into the British camj), and General Howe learned with excessive vexation the reverses of British arms at the North. He was also far from satisfied with his own posi- tion. He found that the possession of Philadelphia in no way altered the status. There was no intimidation, no panic, no yielding of purpose with the patriots. The posi- tion was likewise one of anxiety and i)cril. The outcome could only be a question of "how long shall we stay here, and by what way leave ? " The British addicssed themselves at once to reduce the defences of the Delaware lliver, as Howe foresaw that he must depend mainly upon the lleet for supplies. In a fit of impatience he ordered the assault upon Tied Bank ; one of tlie most obstinate of the American fortifi- cations. It was n^pulsed with frightful loss. On receiving the intelligence of tliis victory at Red Bank, John Adams exclaimed : ''Thank (^od I the glory is not immediately due to the commander-in-chief, or idolatry and jidulation would have been so excessive ns to endiinger our liberlie-!." Not long after, Ilovro asked the king's leave io tbsif:^h, ftt the same time nssuiing the ministry that still another (innipaign would be neeessary /or f he reduction of America with larger reinforcements than they had yet dispatched. tH ton the rems BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. 87 The confidence that Congress withlield from Washing- ton was fully given to Gates. His proimses to reinforce the commander-in-chief after the surrender of Burgoyne remained purposely unfulfilled. Weeks passed, and not a soldier had been sent southward. Washington at last " dispatched Alexander Hamilton with authority to de- mand them." In his letter of instructions to Hamilton, Washington writes, "If you meet Colonel j\Ioi'gan and his corps on. their way down, let them know how essential their services are to us, and desire the Colonel to hasten his march as much as is consistent with the health of his men, after their late fatigues." * But Gates still continued to evade compliance, making an idle and insincere pretext of attack upon Ticonderoga, for he knew the British had abandoned it. He sent no report of the surrender to Washington — a marked disrespect — but to Congress : "With an army in health, vigor, and spirits, Major- General Gates now waits the commands of the honorable Congress." Instead of rebuking his insubordination in the matter of sending the troops to Washington, Congress forbade Warshington to detach more than twenty-five hundred men, including the corps of Morgan, without first con- sulting Gates and Clinton. Subsequently it amended the order directing that he should not detach any troops except after such consultation, and "John and Samuel Adam.-, and Gerry of Massachusetts, and Marchant of Eliode Island voted for that restriction." It was the 18fch of November before Morgan with his corpA arrived at VVlritemarsh, Washington's headquarters, having been basely held ])ack more than five weeks after Burgoyne'iJ ca|)itulation had become a certainty. •"t I. •I . 'U' 'V; H * Ora/iam's JJ/< of Morgan, p. 177, X.— 1777. AENOLD BEFOEE CONGKESS. if WE left Arnold at Ticondcroga, after his naval battle with Carleton in October, 1776. He re- mained there a month, and then reported to Washing- ton a fe\v days before the battle of Trenton. He had missed despatches on his way down, instructing him to repair at once to Rhode Island, to concert measures to meet the threatened invasion of a heavy British fleet then hovering olf the coast. He spent the winter in Rhode Island and Boston, but failed in raising an ade- quate force either to check the invasion or to dislodge the British from Newport, where they had landed and intrenched themselves. In March, 1777. whilst he sojourned at Boston, Con- gress appointed live Major-Generals, all from Arnold's juniors in rank. Ho was loud in his indignation. He wrote to Gates : ** By Heaven ! I am a villain, if I seek not A brave revenge for injured honor." Washington wrote immediately a soothing letter, assur- ing him that there must have been some mistake, and that the matter -eliould be investigated. This did but "plunge him into more clioler." He replied : *^ Congress promoting junior officers to the rank of major-generals, I view as a very civil way of requesting my resignation as unqualified for the office I hold. My commission was conferred unsolicited, and : -M AR2T0LD BEFORE CONGRESS. 89 received with pleasure only as a means of serving my country. With equal pleasure I resign it, when I can no longer serve my country with honor. The person wlio, void of the nice feeling of honor, will tamely condescend to give up his right and retain a t nnmission at the expense of his reputation, I hold as a disgrace to the army, and unworthy of the glorious cause in wliicli we are en_.aged. When I entered the army, my char^icter was UT1 impeached. I have sacriticed my interest, ease, and hai>.»iness in her cause." Here spouts up a jet of truth : "/^ is rather a misfortune than a fault, that my exertions have not been croimied luith success. In Justice, therefore, to my own character, and for the satisfjiction of my friends, I mu-^t request a court of inquiry into my conduct," etc., etc. Meantime Washington had, on inquiry into the affair, learned that the several States insisted on having general officers in proportion to the number of troops furnished, and Connecticut already had her quota. He liastencd to explain this to Arnold, adding : "I con- fe>^s this is a strange mode of reasoning, but it may show you that the promotion due to your seniority was not over- looked for want of merit." He further dissuaded him from asking a court of inquiry, as no charge had been made against him by Congress, adding that public bodies were not responsible for their acts, and that all the satis- faction an individual could obtain was his own conscious- ness that he deserved better than ho had received. But this philosophy was no cure for Arnold's malady. He refused to be comforted, and still desired permission to go to Philadelphia and demand an inquiry. He liad braved court-martials before, and parried their righteous judgment so successfully tliat he now resolved to outface Congress. But Colonel Stark had also been omitted from the five brigadier-generals newly made by Congress, and one can '\ M It] ■ i II i| 'I I 'Ik ^ I' ■1 € IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) <.^>^i^ 1.0 I.I 11.25 lis ^^^ B^B itt iii 12.2 I!? !34 ■" S! U£ ■20 ■uuu III. i^^% ^ ^ V, '^^^ <:w <9 Photographic Sdences Corporation as WIST MAIN STMIT WIUTM.N.Y. MSIO ( 716 1 179-4303 "^W^ ^ ^ ^ ;\ ^ % ^ 90 ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. scarcely refrain from wondering that Washington showed so little uneasiness for the neglect of an otticer who had so recently performed the bravest and most invaluable ser- vice. He witli Washington had run the ice blockade of the Delaware, and after the inspiration of the presence of the commander-in-chief, it was Stark's bayonet charge that had assured the victory at Trenton. He performed signal service afterward at Princeton, and at the same time, when the paymaster was out of both money and credit, he, with Washington and other ollicers, pledged, his private fortune. He had distinguished himself at Banker Hill, and long before in the French-Indian war, — everywhere performing brilliant and valuable service. He was clt.n'ly worth all the major-generals Congress had yet appointed ; but they passed him by, because he was ** self-willed," though bo stood at the head of the list from New Hampshire. The great heart was hurt to the core, and on behalf of insulted manhood he left the service and went home to his plough, "where his patriotism, like the lire of the smithy when sprinkled with water, glowed more fiercely than ever." His State received him with honor, and put him at tho head of all tho troops soon after raised to oppose Bur- goyne's approach. But Arnold was no Cincinnatns, and had besides no plough to go to. He went to Philadelphia. On his way, passing through Connecticut, he heard of the raid of two thousand British troops under Tryon, Avho had landed at Campo, near Fairfax, and proceeded to Danbury to de- stroy the public stores thus collected. Generals Woostcr and Sillinian, with Connecticut militia, had gone in pur- suit of them. Arnold joined himself to them uninvUed, about four miles from Danbury, where they learned that ARNOLD BEFOKE CONGEESS. u the town and stores had been burned, and the British were retiring by the route they had come. General Wooster with his division pushed on and made a spirited attack upon their rear, taking a score of prisoners, but the brave old man fell from his horse mortally wounded. Arnold headed the other division, and made a boyish attempt to intercept their march by throwing up a barricade, behind which his party fought for fifteen minutes, when the British, four times their number, easily out-flanked them and went on their way. They, however, hung upon the enemy's rear» and Arnold fought with his usual desperate bravery — dust and splinters flying, and two horses killed under him ! The British ran at the last, but embarked safely, having accomplished what they came to do with small loss. "The news of iliese cxploit.'i soon reached Congress," and the com?nission of Major-General was given to him ; also a horse handsomely caparisoned. Were ever honors so cheaply won ? But this still left him below the five before appointed, lie contiiniod to sulk. Washington, anxious to i)ut him in good humor, endeavored to make what amends he could for the neglect of Congress, by ap- pointing him to the command on the North River, then considered one, if not the most honorable post an ofiicer could hold. He, however, declined it, and preferred to obtain from Congress an examination into his conduct. Arriving at Philadelphia, he became convinced of what he had sus- pected, — that the published accusations of Colonel Brown Imd made an imi)ression; the spirits of Montreal and Tii'onderoga ** would not down." His C()ni])laintH were loud, and with an air of injured innocence he wrote to Con.o^ress : "I am exceedingly un- happy to find, tlijit after baving made every sacrilico of fortune, ease, and domestic happiness to serve my country, I am i)iiblicly impeached (in particular by Lieutenant- '»■;. I: ! -' Hi: ;il^ •it 'k ' ' i 1? t ' !l I (1' p ■I I ! 93 ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. ■r if I ii\: Colonel Brown) of a catalogue of crimes which, if true, ought to subject me to disgrace, infamy, and the just resentment of my countrymen. Conscious of the recti- tude of my intentions — liowever I may have erred in judor- ment— I must reciuest tlie favor of Congress to point out somo mode by which my conduct, and that of my accusers, may be inquired into, and justice done to the iuncoent and injured." The case went to the *' Board of War," and they acquit- ted him, declaring that his character had been " cruelly and gi'oundlessly aspersed." Congress confirmed the report, but still withheld the rank for which he contended. Xor were the im])ressions removed from the minds of many mem- bers of Congress by the clearance of the ** Board of War." Arnold was sensi])lc of this, and was still dissatisfied and uneasy. He next presented his accounts, which in- volved him in new difficulties. In fact, if the accounts had preceded the inquiry, it is doubtful if the acquittal would have been accorded. They were hopelessly con- fused. This confusion was no doubt largely consequent upon the want of proper organization at the beginning of hostilities. The business of purchases, jiayments, etc., often fell upon tlie commanders of detachments. It was i)eculiarly the case in the Canadian campaign. "P'rom the time Arnold left Cambridge until after the re- treat to Crown Point, he had on various occasions acted as commander, commissary and paymaster. His accounts were voluminous, complicated, and in many parts without vouchers or proper certificates." This irregularity they could have condoned, but it was also discovered " tluit ho had introduced a .-erios of extraviigunt cliarges in liis own favor, some of lliem dubious in their cliariU'ter, and others manifesily unreasonable, even if the items could have been proved, wliicli swelled his personal claims upon the gov- ernment to an enormous anionnt." * * Spar/ift' Lift! of Arnold. ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 93 As it was pretty well known that he had entered the service without either money or credit, another 'inquiry" now arose as to how, in the space of a few months spent in active military service, he could have accumulated a private fortune of such an amount as appeared in the balance of his accounts. In short, it was clearly perceived to ])e a piece of insolent knavery, in which Congress was to be overreached and the public defrauded. His enemies now spoke out more em- phatically, and his friends were vexed and grieved at ** che hard task they had undertaken, of vindicating a man whose merits as an officer were of the highest order, and whose services they deemed invaluable to the country.'* What blindness ! What infatuation! W^hat one piece of valuable service did his record show ? He had certainly discovered a remarkable genius for " doing the things ho should have left undone, and leaving undone those ho should have done "; for running before he was sent, and where he was not needed, and bearing away laurels that others had won. Loss, failure and disaster had dogged his steps from the outset. The accounts were referred to a committee, and the matter hung. It was now June, ITTT, and Ilowewas again threatening to cross New Jersey. Philadelphia was astir. Arnold was sent by the " War Board " to guard the Delaware, and co- operate with Washington. But, as we have elsewhere seen, ^Morgan's rifle-balls, at Piscataway and llahway, together with Wasliington's stubborn entrenchments, had driven Howe to dcciilo upon upproaching Pliiludolphia by sea. Thus Arnold had no opportunity fur " new " exploits. lie returned to urge the settlement of his accounts,— a nintter of prime necessity for him. But the committee soemcd not at all inclined to allow them, and delayed their report. Delay and investigation were what Arnold most dreaded, lie therefore broke in upon tlicir deliberations with a tender of his resignation, declaring that he wa3 U ii. - ;r I i »,: I 'I I 'I li ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. ill ' driven to this step only by a sense of the injustice he had suffered. He protested an ardent love for his country, and his readiness again to *' fight and bleed" in her cause. Just at this time, came the intelligence of the full of Ticonderoga, and the triumphant advance of Burgoyne in the north ; also a letter from Washington, urging Con- gress to send Arnold to the northern army. He likewise wrote to Arnold, soothing him and persuading him to go. His resignation was probably intended to prick the sympathies of Congress ; at all events, ho was easily in- duced to suspend it, and he proceeded at once to join Schuyler. Arriving at head(iuarters, he was put in command of a division of the army and stationed near Fort Edward. Four days after, within the limits of his command, occur- red the tragedy of Jane McCrea. Arnold's pickets were driven in, and two or three killed. Those who escaped brought an exaggerated account of the number of the savages. Arnold detached a thousand men in pursuit^ in two divisions, one to fall upon their front and the other upon their rear. A heavy shower of rain, however, fell upon their powder, and tliey marched back without seeing the Indians. It proved to have been only a small party who made a swift retreat after the atrocious murder.* The next day Schuyler and liis whole army fell back to Stillwater. Meantime the question of Arnold's rank had been brought before Congress, and the vote was heavily against him, — three to one. He immediately signified to Schuyler his intention to retire; but Schuyler besought him not to leave at that critical juncture, and he again Bus])cnded his purpose. The next event in Arnold's military career occurred in connection with the relief cf Fort Stanwix--a most im- portant accessory to the surrender of Burgoyne. Having penetrated well into the wilderness between Fort Edward * Bancroft gives only two ludiaus.— Vol. IX, p. 803. ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 95 and Albaiiy, with tlie militia swarming in his rear, it be- came no longer possible for Biirgoyne to feed his army from Canada. It was a necessity to draw supplies from the fruitful valley of the Mohawk. The raid upon Ben- nington was also planned with the view of the capture of the magazines at that point. Burgoyne had dispatched St. Leger with eight hundred British and nearly a thousand Seneca warriors to besiege Fort Stanwix — a formidable post of well-constructed earth-works at the head-waters of the Mohawk, ably garri- soned by six hundred men under Colonel Gansevoort. A brave band of patriot freeholders of the Mohawk Valley, under Herkimer, advanced to the relief of the garrison. Informed of their approach, the whole body of savages, carefully depositing their blankets and fur robes, left the camp naked, or with only hunting-shirts, armed with spear, musket and tomahawk for their murderous busi- ness. They were supported by Butler with his rangers. Sir John Johnson with his Yorkers, some British regulars and Canadians. On came the patriot band, and about six miles from the fort they entered an ambuscade. They were misled as to the numbers of their foe. A fierce and bloody strug- gle they made of it; " the white man, born on the banks of the Mohawk, wrestled single-handed with the Seneca warrior, child of the soil, dealing mortal wounds with the bayonet or the hatchet ; falling in the forest together, their left hands clinched in each other's hair, their right hand grasping in the grip of death the knife plunged in each other's bosom."* Herkimer was mortally wounded, but remained on the field giving orders to the last. After a struggle of two hours the savages withdrew, leaving sixty of their warriors dead or wounded beneath the tree.^. On the other side, the blood of over one hun- dred and fifty of the best and bravest freeholders of the * Bancroft, Vol. IX. ?:t »:i I i'if ■/ 1 : .1 .'■ -] 96 ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. valley of the Moliawk, crimsoned the green sward of the forest. During the progress of the battle, a party of two hun- dred and fifty sallied out from tlie Fort under Colonel AVillett ; they entered the camp and captured five British flags, private papers, all the kettles, blankets, and fur robes of the Indians, with a squad of prisoners, and returned safely. For the first time a captured British flag floated beneath the stars and stripes. The Indians, frantic at the slaughter of their chief-, and chilled by the loss of their blankets and furs, began to desert. They had heard of the approach of reinforce- ments ; it might mean another Herkimer, for Schuyler had detached a brigade of eight Jmndred men under Gen- eral Learned. Arnold, liowever, volunteered to take com- mand. He was instructed to call out militia as ho ad- vanced, protect the settlements, and repel the enemy. Arriving at German Flats, Arnold counted his forces, and found he had twelve hundred regulars and about one liundrod militia. Ho also learned that St. Lcger's force Avas seventeen hundred, including a thousand Indians. Arnold's force, with the garri.-on of Fort Stanwix, was quite equal to that of the enemy ; but he was no Indian fighter, as the "Cedars" had proved; he therefore dis- patched a messenger to General Gates, who had again superseded Schuyler, asking for a thousand light troops. Ho also issu(;d a pompous and wordy proclamation full of promises to those who would submit, and direful threats to such as continued in arms aGfainst the United States. He then ventured to move forward toward Fort Stanwix. A singular turn of affairs here occurred. A spy had been captured and brought into the American camp ; an inhabitant of that vicinity. Sparks says, that Lieutenant Colonel Brooks of Massachusetts suggested that he be ARNOLD BEFOllE CONGRESS. 97 sent to the enemy with false iutelligence ; he was to re- port the approacli of a large army ; by this they hoped to stimulate the desertion of the savages. Sparks also says that "a friendly Indian advised that bullets should be shot through his clothing, to confirm his story," of escape from the Americans. His life and the security of his property was to be the reward of his faithfulness, and his brother was detained as a hostage. His part was handsomely performed. A second mes- senger followed hard after, and magnified the number threefold. The ruse was perfectly successful. A panic seized the Indians, who stood not upon the order of their going, but plundered their friends, as if they had been their enemies, bearing off as their booty the clothing of the British officers, boats and provisions. The panic com- municated itself to St. Lcger's force, and though no man pui'sued, the retreat became a flight, leaving fifty-nine tents standing, with much baggage and equipage. The news of St. Lcger's retreat reached Arnold twenty- two miles from Stanwix, but this officer could by no means omit tlie punctilio of marching on, and in person entering the fort with colors flying, without having struck a blow. A swift march back to Gates' army, upon which Burgoyne was now pressing down, would have been more useful, but it w^ould have been no *^ exploit." Arnold's letters confirm the above statements. ** To Gexeral Gates. " German Flats, August 31st, 1777. " Dear General : — I leave tliis place this morning with twelve hundred contircnlal troops and a handful of militia, for Fort Stanv/ix, wliich is still besieged by a num- ber equal to ours. You shall hear of mij being victorious or no more. As soon as the safety of this part of the 5 !li ■J. I t Y I ii i tij 98 ABNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. country will permit, I will fly to your assistance. General Herkimer died yesterday. "lam, etc. "Benedict Arnold." i If Lt: 1^^ "To General Gates. " Fort Dayton, August 23d, 1777. "Dear Ge7ieral: — I wrote you on the 21st from * German Flats ' and re(iuested you to send me a reinforcement of a thousand liglit troops. As the enemy had made their approaches witliin two hundred yards of the fort, I was determined to hazard a battle rather than suffer the garri- son to fall a sacrifice. This morning I marched from the German Flats for this place. Here I have met with an express, with an enclosed letter from Colonel Gansevoort, acquainting me that the enemy had yesterday retired from Fort Stanwix with precipitation. I shall immediately detach nine hundred men, and make a forced march in hopes of coming up with their rear and securing their cannon and baggage. I have sent an oi'der for the light troops, if you have sent any, to return to you, and the militia, to go home. '• I am, etc. "Benedict Arnold." f V. : " To General Gates. " German Flats, August 28th, 1777. " Dear General :—l reached Fort Stanwix on the 2-lth, too late after so fatiguing a march to pursue the enemy that evening. The next morn in i? a detachment of five hundred followed them, but a heavy rain came on and obliged them to retire, except a small party who went as ftir as Oneida Lake arriving just in time to see the last of the enemy (joing off. There is nothing to be feared from ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. the enotny in this quarter. You may depend upon my joining you as soon as possible. "lam, etc., Benedict Arnold." He makes no allusion to the ruse and probably knew nothing of it, which confirms Sparks' statement concern- ing Colonel Brooks. But St. Leger's panic was doubtless more largely owing to the reverberation of Stark's guns from Bennington five days before. The spy took that news also, from the American into the British camp, which made the retreat a necessity. Thus victory again gave Arnold the slip, resolved never to fold her wings on his standards. The British Annual Register said, Ganse- voort and Willet "merited the praise even of an enemy." Washington declared, " it was Herkimer who first reversed the gloom of the Northern campaign." The hero of the Mohawk valley served from love of country, not for re- ward. He did not want a continental command or money. He died soon after the battle and Congress decreed him a monument ; to Gansevoort they voted thanks and a com- mand; to Willet an elegant sword.* — Is it not competent in this centennial recall of the fathers, that our histories and cycloposdias should purge themselves of such errors, by divorcing the names of Fort Stanwix and Arnold, and identifying the real heroes with their brave deeds. The repulse at Fort Stanwix by Herkimer was the first great blow which fell upon Bnrgoyne. The second was more disastrous still ; the overwhelming defeat at Ben- nington, the most brilliant field fight of the war, with the exception of Cowpens. Morgan and Stark were un- doubtedly the great field executives of the Revolution. Lamed by Herkimer and Stark, with their brave fol- lowers, Bnrgoyne came halting to the battles of Saratoga, to meet his doom at tlie hands of Morgan and his riflemen, with the patriot yeomanry of New York and New England. * Bancroft, Vol. IX. Ill 11* il •I. 'f XL— 1777-1780. HORATIO GATES. I. h. i'-i THE nortliem p.rmy lay encamped nine miles above Albany, near the mouth of the Mohawk. On the 19th August, ITTT, General Gates assumed command and General Schuyler retired. Who was tliis man Gales ? English by birth. All author- ities agree that his mother was housekeeper for the second Duke of Leeds. Irving says his father was a captain in the British army ; Sargent says he w^as a respectable victualler of Kensington. That whiii' of unwholesome atmosphere put a virus into his blood that he never had the stamina to throw off, though transplanted into the mountain air of freedom that nourished Patrick Henry, Morgan, Jef- ferson, and Washington. He had accompanied Braddock upon his expedition to Fort Duquesno, and was wounded in the battle ; he returned to England, but, dissatisfied with his prospects of XH'omotion, he sold his commission in the British army and emigrated to Virginia. Here he renewed his acquaintance w4th Washington. His military career, through the war of Reyolution, was one of intrigue rather than of service. His exploits can be more than reckoned on the finsrers of one hand. In fact. Saratoga and Camden include ail that could be called active military service. Appointed Adjutant-General, with rank of Brigadier- General, he accompanied Washington to Cambridge in June 1TT5. lie began at once to clamor for an indepen- dent command. He wns npnointed to Canada the next HORATIO GATES. 101 year ; but (ho expedition was dead, and ho met the rctrcat- inio: army at Crown Point, July 1770. The only military event that marks his administration there, was the building and afterwards the splintering and burning of the Lake fleet under Arnold. A few weeks after that, thougli entreated to co-operate with him, he left Washington in his dire extremity at the passage of the Delaware and hurried on to Congress, then sitting at Baltimore, to push his own fortunes. Again, in the spring of 1777, AVashington entreated Gates to come to his aid, as he was doing nothing, — but vainly; he was still maneuvering for an independent command of the northern department. He succeeded, and jostled the old patriot Schuyler from his post. Schuyler appealed personally to Congress and was re-instated. But after the fall of Ticonderoga, July 5th, 1777, Gates, with the New England influence, directed the odium of the disaster upon Schuyler, and Congress again superseded him. On August 19th, immediately following the important victories of Stanwix and Bennington, Gates took command of an army ably officered and largely out- numbering the British forces. Here he assumes the role of the conquering hero and crowns his own brows with stolen laurels. After the surrender of Burgoyne, Congress makes him President of the Board of War, thus virtually putting Washington — in eclipse at Valley Forge — at his mercy. Gates is now emboldened to the infamous work of the "cabal," which had some strong supporters in Congress. Great elforts were made by the consi)irators to win over Patrick Henry, then Governor of Virginia, and Laurens, President of Congress. But their proposals were met with disdain — the people and the army stood loyally to the *'' chief" ; Congress had salt enough to save it, and the " cabal" returned to plague its inventors. Il I" t; ' 1 1 „ a I j Ik ' ? ^:| 'If ■I , 103 HORATIO GATES. i alp V '.<.' - ■f .: The same fate befell a projected expedition to Canada, proposed by Gates at this time, without consulting Wash- ington, and to the command of which he appointed La Fayette, with a hope of drawing him away from his alle- giance to Washington. So unmitigated a faihire resulted in Congress directing Gates to undertake nothing further without previously consulting e commander-in-chief, who stood now higher than ever in ail estimations. La Fayette writes to his beloved friend in an exquisitely charming manner : " Flemington, February 9, 1778. "J/?/ Dear General: — I cannot let my guide go without taking this opportunity of writing to your Ex- cellency, though I had not yet public business to speak of. I go on very slowly, sometimes drenched by rain, some- times covered by snow, and not entertaining many hand- some thoughts about the projected incursion into Canada. If successes were to be had, it would surprise me in a most agreeable manner. Lake Champlain is too cold for producing the least bit of laurel, and if I am not starved, I shall be as proud as if I Iiad gained three battles. "Mr. Duer had given to me a rendezvous at a tavern, but nohoily teas to he found there. I fancy he will be with Mr. Conway sooner than he told me. They will perhaps conquer Canada before my arrival, and I expect to meet them at the governor's house in Quebec. Could I believe, for one single instant, that this pompous command of a northern army will let your Excellency for- get a little your absent friend, I would send the project to the place it conies from. It is a very melancholy idea for me that I cannot follow your fortunes as near your person us I could wish ; but my heart will take very sincerely its part of everything which can happen to you, and I am already thinking of the agrecjiblc moment when I may come down to assure your Excellency of the most tender affection and highest respect." HORATIO GATES. 103 Again, under date of Mprch 25, 1778 : "Dear General: — I am vcrj sensible of the goodness which tries to dissipate my fears about that ridiculous Canadiaii expedition. At the present time, we know whicli was the aim of the 'Honorable Board,' and for which project three or four men have rushed the country into a great expense, and risked the reputation of our arms and the life of many hundred men, had the general (your deceived friend), been as rash and foolish as they seem to have expected. 0, American freedom ! what shall become of you, if you are in such hands ? However, you know I have wrote to Congress, and as soon as their leave will come, I shall let Conway have the command of these few regiments, and I shall immediately join my respectable friend. My only desire is to join you, and the only favor I have asked of your commissioners in France has been, not to be under any orders but those of General "Washington. " With the utmost respect and affection, " I have the honor to be, " La Fayette." * iii ■ M '! ii,. 'I I! I 1 I After this Gates occupied a post on tlie Ilndscn, but the tide of war did not reach it. In 1779, he obtained leave of absence and went home to Virginia to look after his ■nvivate affairs. In June, 1780, be was ordered by Con- gress to take the command of the Southern department, then overrun by, and in possession of, the British. He went to Camden August 1780, and tiiere, undertak- ing to fight his own battle, — Camden pricks the bubble of Saratoga, and he gets his quietus. ■■'■ », i * Sparks* Correspondence, Vol. II. ''*t I XII.— 1777. THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. "A century before Burgoyne's campaign, Frontonac, ablest of French colonial comnianilers, had proposed to move again!«t the colony of New York by the same route followed by Biirgoync in 177T. France ^a\v that upon that very theatre of war where Britain had wrc:>ted from her the control of thia continent, her ancient enemy had been beaten by the new power which was ppringing up into exis^tence. To the French government this victory had a Biguificauce that no like victory could have had upon other lields." LITTLE til ought the brave spirits that marched out on ^ that 19th of September, 1777, to arrest the ad- vance of Burgoyne's army, that that battle, with the final one so soon to follow, were to be remembered among the great, decisive battles of the ages : with Marathon, Metau- riis, Tours, Orleans, Liitzen, and A\'aterloo. " They builded better than they knew." It was the turninof tide that was to lead on to victory, securing a vast continent dowered with every physical essential of a great nation ; immeasur- able areas of virgin soil, grand forests, matchless rivers and lakes, and countless harbors, vast coal fields and in- exhaustible mountain storehouses of metallic wealth, — a magiuHceiit theatre for the fifth act of the great drama of the race. " Westward tho coursn of empire takes its way ; Tlio first our acts already past, A fifth slinl close the drama with the day, — Time's noblest oflspring is its last." i!'' Up out of this ponderous natural foundation was to rise a political fabric, resting on its stately pillars ot liberty THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 105 and law, which should environ and defend a social system recognizing the equal brotherhood of man, and, discard- ing hereditary privileges, secure absolute intellectual free- dom, and, in things spiritual, absolute tolerance of every- tliing but intolerance. The world was to see, for the first time, a government attempted to be administered according to the tenets of the New Testament. The Declaration of Independence had fallen like a tliunderbolt out of the clear heavens upon the rotten sys- tems of the old world — a word of final doom to them, but to the peoples a word of eternal hope. A nation " born in a day " vras to illustrate it before the race. The old spirit stirred, and tyrants whispered: "If we let it thus alone all men will believe it, and what shall become of our place and nation " ? It was a stone of stumbling, a rock of offence — whosoever should fall upon it should be broken, and upon whomsoever it should fall, it would grind him to powder. One thing only lent it grace to the eyes of the European governments. The loss of her colonies would effectually cripple England, now grown so powerful and arrogant that all envied and hated her. And they looked on anx- iously watching for the outcome of her proud efforts to crush the young giant in its cradle. Especially did they watch the fate of this expedition of Burgoyne into the very heart of the colonies. France and Spain waited only for its discomfiture, to arm against England, and thus secure the independence of the new transatlantic power. Had the shock of battle resulted only in chocking Biirgoyne's progress — had he safely effected his retreat to tlie Lakes, it would not have sufficed to assure Europe of the final triumi)h of American arms. The attempt would undoubtedly have been repeated; but the total defeat, rout, and capture of this splendid army, in fair and open field fight, after such fashion as compelled the ad- «»fl^j II M Ite j : m 11 t i "1 \ : s » ^ ;»:; k I' \: ■1 : 106 THE BATTLE OF THE COLOKELS. %'■ w miration of even their enemies, closed all controversy; they no longer hesitated to espouse the cause of a people who had proved themselves so strong in self-defence. The reverses of the British arms were as sudden as they were disastrous. But two months before, the English court and ministry were intoxicated with the brilliant successes of the expedition. Worst of all, they were them- selves intoxicated with their own achievements, and could not sufficiently express their contempt of their provincial foes. From Canada to Ticondcroga, had been a swift pro- cession of easy victories ; the Lakes and fortresses, keys of the North, were in their hands. They had reached the banks of the Hudson, not far from Albany, object so long desired ; they imagined that tJieir toils were over, and anticipated an easy and agreeable descent to New York. So confident were they, that the Baroness Eeidesel, Lady Acland» and other officers' wives, did not hesitate to accompany their hus- bands. The army was a picked one ; the finest military organizations of England and the continent had contrib- uted their ablest fighting material ; its equipment, from the best arsenals of Europe, left nothing to be desired. There was no question of the personal bravery of Bur- goyne— of this ho had made proof in his late campaigns in Portugal— but judgment is an element as essential as courage, for high generalship, and this lie lacked. Ilis forces were half English and half German. The German officers Reidcsel, Breyman, Baum, Specht, and Gall had proved their sis ill and courage beyond cavil. He was most ably supported by his English officers. Sir John Dyke Acland, Sir Francis Clarke, the Eari Balcarras, Generals Phillips and Tlainiltcm, Captains Williams and Jones of the artillery, and notably by General Frazer, at once the charm and inspiration of the British army. Ho it was who, on that fatal night assault of Montgomery THE BATTLE OF THE COLOlfELS. 107 upon Quebec, going his midnight-rounds, had with his eagle eye perceived the fuses, the American signals of attack, and without waiting further ordeivs, caused the drums to beat the garrison to arms ;* he who further on at Trois Rivieres, had defeated Thompson and confounded Sullivan ; foremost in the late attack upon Ticonderoga, he had afterward chased the retreating army of St. Clair, and with Reidesel, harried and captured many, destroying baggage and arms. He came now, at last, to meet his doom at the hands of "a foeman worthy of his steel," a foeman "thrice armed" because he had *'his quarrel just," Frazer with Tjirleton were the only British officers, throughout the whole war, who showed military genius. These two undoubtedly possessed it. Both were out- general led and put to shame by Daniel Morgan. This man Frazer, the Highlander, fought under the spur of a powerful motive. A scion of the house of Lovatt, which had embraced the cause of the last Stuart Pretender, and whose fortunes went down with that dynasty on the field of Culloden 1745. This gifted and ambitious descendant entered the British army, and rose rapidly to distinction. He had obtained the -rank of Brigadier General, and was specially selected to command a division of Burgoyne's army. lie had also received assurance that the successful issue of the expedition would avail to revoke the attaint still cleaving to his house, and restore its honors and estates. True to the traditions of his ancestry, he girded on his sword and went forth to battle against the rights of humanity. But from out the forest of the New World came the fearless spirit ai)pointed to arrest and end his brilliant career. No scion he, of an illustrious house. Though only a century ago, we knov/ as little of his ancestry as of that of the prophet of Horeb, far off in the misty dawn. * Botta's niat. American Revolution. 11 'V It It! I- I Jf I J, 't fv, 1 i m Mi 108 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. U'- Enough ! he was son of God, who is able to raise up his children from the stones. It was meet tliat a representative of the new dispensa- tion of manhood should shiver the lance of this ** belted Imighf'of man's making. Morgan was a splendid pre- sentiment of the new order of noblemen— of the "mill boys" and ''rail splitters'' of the young Kepublic. ijurgoyne's forces by various estimates approximated QvA\t thousand,— about four thousand British, three thou- sand Germans and a thousand Canadian loyalists and In- dians. He had left a thousand to garrison Ticonderoga — a too heavy drain; his lack of judgmeiit was now shown in sending ot! his heavy Brunswick mercenaries under Baum, to be surrounded and bayoneted by Stark's hglitly e(piipped yeomanry, brimful of enthusiasm and patriotism, by which iie suffered a loss of nearly two hundred killed and four hundi'cd prisoners. Burgoyne's army decreased daily ; the Amei'ican camp was reinforced daily. Eiir- goyne's army was a splendid machine ; the American army was a living, breathing, burning soul, moving like Ezekiel's wheels, by the spirit of the living creature. From the beginning of the campaign cp^rly in May, until the middle of August, the British had met no adver- sary who had in the least intimidated them : and even now, notwithstanding the rebuke of Herkimer and the disaster of Bennington, Burgoyne injudiciously ventured, September 13th, to cross the Hudson on a bridge of boats, with his splendid train of artillery, thus compromising his chances of retreat should it become necessary. He ' encamped on the heights of Saratoga on the banks of the Hudson, near where it receives the waters of the Mohawk. On the 8th of September Gates' army loft their encamp- ment at " Sunset," and on the l^th occupied " Behmus Heights," which were at once strongly fortified, under the direction of Kosciusko. But a few miles now intervened l»! THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 109 between the opposing armies. Washington, when he dis- patched Colonel Alorgan to Gates' assistance, said : " A clieck given to the savages and keeping them within tbounds, will prevent General Burgoyne from getting intelligence." It proved so. Morgan was kept far in advance of the army, watching the movements of the enemy, "with the liberty of attacking whenever ho judged prudent."* His presence had inspired so wholesome a terror among the Canadians and Indians that tliey were deserting by hundreds, while the British regulars could not show themselves beyond their camp, without provoking a shower of rifle -balls. Burgoyne remained in painful ignorance throughout the remainder of his campaign of the numbers, position, and movements of the Americans, while his own were well understood by his enemy. The Baroness Reidesel, in her interesting notes of this campaign, naively writes : " The Americans anticipate all our movements and expect us whenever we arrive ; this, of course, injures our affairs." On the morning of the 19th, Bnrgoyne put his army in motion in three columns, a half mile apart. The right led by Frazer, the centre by himself, and the left marched by the river road under Reidesel. Morgan was ordered forward to develop their intentions. Two companies under Major Morris were sent ahead, and Morgan followed with the main body of his corps. He was always watchful of the rear, " to see that every man did his duty, and that cowards did not lag behind while brave men fought in front." Morris, a most spirited officer, however, pushed on too rapidly, and came suddenly upon a strong picket of the enemy, occupying a log-house ; he announced himself by a volley of rifle-balls, but the enemy replied from their covert with so brisk a fire that the Americans quickly fell back toward their main column, * Oraham's Life of Morgan, p. 148. i : f iJ 11^, ^: ll'> >'.■( 1 II!. ' i Ik 1 " ■ fH M\: ■*il 1 ''^ ■U ' 4 .■»^ % t i I IN, ! ■•< 110 THE BATTLE OF THE COLOIS^ELS. Lih IV II liM ♦I i » *Uhl ■•f I s 116 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. i \k wanted no i iv.ils. He hnd realized bis long ambition of independent command; but it was to be only a stepping- stone to a bigber place. Tbc conspiracy against Washing- ton was maturing in bis mind. He meant to jostle him from bis post as be bad done Scbuylcr. A year ago, we saw bim baffling justice to sbield Arnold, of wbose service be tben stood in need ; but now baving Morgan, to wbose skill be safely conf ded bis reputation, be bad no need of Arnold, and obviously Avisbed to keep bim in eclipse. Arnold was at tbis time Gates' equal in military rank, and bad won a reputation far more brilliant. Both were tborougbly selfish and alike intent upon pushing each bis own fortunes. They were equally wanting in magnan- imity. Arnold bad more will, energy and impetus; a more incredible audacity, and was utterly without scruple or conscience. His chief hope being the patronage of Washington, Gates knew bo had no pro-pect of drawing him from his allegiance to the commander-in-chief. Nei- ther did Gates share in the general enthusiasm concerning Arnold's military ability. Wilkinson, Gates' aid-de-camp, says, be forbade him to go upon the field " lest he sliould do some rash thing." Had he needed him, bo would doubtless have made use of him. AVe do not forget- that upon the arrival of Morgan's corps at headquarters. Gates bad reinforced it with a battalion of light infantry, designated it as the advance of the army, and directed that it should receive orders only from himself. After the action of the lOtI], the returns were accordingly made directly to Gates. Arnold was in- censed, and still more at finding that the report to Con- gress loft bis name and tluit of bis division unmentioned, stating only i hat tbc battle bad been fought by detach- ments from the army. "Had my division behaved ill,'' said he, " the otlier division of the army would have thought it extremely bard to have been amenable for their conduct." Re tobi niov orde t THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 117 Resolved to appropriate the prestige of Morgan's corps to himself, Arnold continued to issue orders for their movements, which drew from Gates the following general order : *' Colonel Morgan's corps, not being attached to any brigade or division of the army, he is to make returns and reports to headquarters only, from whence alone he is to receive orders?^' A high altercation now arose between the two generals, during which Gates informed Arnold " that he thought him of little consequence in the army, and that when General Lincoln arrived he should give to him the com- mand of a division." A correspondence followed, hot and wrathful on Arnold's part, arrogant and unyielding on the part of Gates. Ar- nold demanded a pass for himself and suite to the com- mander-in-chief. Gates promptly gave it. Arnold found he did not want it. He feared the odium which would fall upon him for retiring from service at this critical juncture, when another battle was in hourly ex- I)ectation. He therefore remained in camp witJiout com- mand and loithoiit employment. Lincoln arriving at this time. Gates gave him the right wing, and himself assumed chiu'gc of the left. Morgan and the rifle regiment were his special property. All the better for this falling out of the rogues went matters in the American camp. The country had inter- preted the battle of the 19th as a great victory. The militia of New York and New England reinforced the camp daily. Gates' numbers now nearly doubled those of Burgoync. IIoi)e and confidence inspired every heart. ^riiey smelled the Inittle and scented the victory ; they stood '*liko greyhounds in the slips, straining upon the start." "' .llji. ^ ; !!: m ! ,. r , , Ih ! •■■I ! . I 5 1 ■: it XIII.— iTn. THE SUERENDER " His death (whose spirit lent a fire Even to the dullest peai^ant in liis camp), Being bruited once, took lire and lieat away From the best-tempered courage in liis troops ; For from his metal was his party steeled." hknry rv. r I? tr.'i !ii;r,' IN the British camp the hearts of the keepers trembled, brave men though they were. Burgoyne liad aban- doned all intention of a farther advance until intelligence could be received from Clinton below. He proceeded to intrench on the field of the late battle, throwing up strong works to the right, which he called the "Great Redoubt"; it was a final stronghold and was placed under Frazer's command, lie extended his iutrenclmients leftward to the river bank ; here the Germans were posted and Bur- goyne's headquarters were* between and in the roar. A deep ditch ran along the entire front for nine hundred paces. So vigihmt were the American marksmen that the British remained close prisoners within their camp and in profound ignorance of our alTairs. The journal of one of their oiiicers says: *' We could hear his morniug and evening guns, his drums and other noises of his camp, yet we knew not where he stood, how he was posted, much less how strong he was ; a rare case in such a situation." On the night of September 213d, British cars were startled with such shouts of exultation that they supposed the Americans were celebrating some holiday. A few i^. THE SUKEEN"DER. 119 days after a released prisoner carried to them the news of tlie gallant exploits of Colonel Brown at Ticonderoga ; and Biirgoyne was chagrined to find himself "indebted to his enemy in front, for the news of disasters at his own posts in his rear." It was the same Colonel Brown who had so promptly mot Arnold's unhandsome charges against him, and after- wards published a full account of that officer's misde- meanors in Canada. He wrote thus to Gates : '• Lake George, September 18tli, 1777. "Dear General :—^\t\i great fatigue after marching all last night, I arrived at this place at break of day and immediately began the attack, and in a few minutes carried the place. "I find myself in possession of two hundred and ninety- three prisoners exclusive of one hundred of ours released. I have taken one hundred and fifty bateaux abovt the falls, fifty in Lake Champlain, several largo gun-boats, an armed sloop, and a few cannon." * * * * i- r. h s > I'JJ! I ' This reverse was keenly felt in the British army, where affairs grew daily more distressing and depressing. Their horses were starving, the soldiers' rations had been re- duced to a minimum , and they were hoa> ily encumbered with their sick and wounded. — The only ray of hope came from tlie lower Hudson. A messenger from Clinton had made his way with great difficulty into the camp, inform- ing Burgoyne that he was about to attack the forts and defences of the ri^Tr. Burgoyne dispatched the messenger back bearing earnest entreaties for Clinton's speedy co- operation, staling tluit ho could hold out until October 10th, but after that, hunger would compel him to retreat to Liike Champlain. On the 5th of October Burgoyne called a council of war. lit'. IM ,.■)■ 120 THE SUERENDER. "11 (,''■ i»?'. Frazcr and Ecidcscl urged a speedy retreat to their old position on the east bank of the Hudson. But Buriiovne's pride would not be advised. The boast had been too often on his lips *' Britons never retreat." He recalled, also, that Germain had censured Carleton because he would ''hazard nothing." Re-reading his in- structions in which his orders were peremptory, and tak- ing counsel only with himself, he resolved once more to try the fiite of battle. In fact it had become a choice of evils, to either advance or retreat. It was now the 7th of October. Burgoyne strained his ear towards the river, but caught no sound from Clinton's army. This General had on October Gth, the day before the battle, captured the forts, and jiassed tlie defences of the river, and a detachment of his army did actually approach within forty miles of Albany. Fortunately, each remained in ignorance of the other's movements. BurgojTie delayed the attack until three o'clock, so that in case of disaster, night at least would come to their relief. The plan of battle was much as before ; they advanced in three columns. Frazer with the infantry under Balcarras on the right, the Germans in the centre, and Acland's grenadiers on the left, with artillery posted at intervals along the whole line. The rifle corps discovered the movement and it was im- mediately communicated to Gates, who dispatched Wil- kinson to "order on Morgan to begin tlie game," by pushing forward his corps in front. But Morgan judged otherwise. Knowing the lay of the land to its minutest features, and having informed himself of the disposition of the enemy's forces, he submitted his own plan of attack, which Gates immediately accepted. General Lincoln was to watch the right of the American lines, cover the camp, and take care of the commander. General Poor's brigade was directed to advance and simul- taneously attack the centre and left wing; Morgan rc- righ flai THE SURRENDEE. 121 served for himself the British xight wing under Frazer and Balcarras. It rested on a fence, and beyond on the right rose abruptly a thickly wooded hill. Morgan's regi- ment made a swift and silent push up through these woods ;— gaining the hill top, he was confirmed in his judgment, and felt assured of a speedy victory. He quickly put his troops in position. Dearborn's infantry were ordered to incline to the front, the riflemen to the flank and rear. The first fire from Poor's brigade upon the British left was the appointed signal ; Morgan swept down from the hill like a tornado; the crack of six hundred rifles sent their messengers of death into rank and file, strewing the gi'ound with the dead and wounded. For a moment the column staggered, but recovered. Moi'gan now ordered Dearborn to tire and charge with the bayonet while the rifles reloaded. They charged grandly. In another mo- ment the rifles poured in again, on flanks and rear. The British broke and fled. It was the work of a few minutes. Frazer who had been held in reserve, seeing tlie mischief, advanced with his infantry to the rescue. '^ He met the whole wing flying in disorder, fiercely pursued by Morgan and his men." Ho threw himself between the flvincj column and their pursuers and covered tlieir retreat to tho rear, where they rallied. Having pushed back the Britisli right, the tide of battle now rolled toward the centre, and the whole American force v/as turned upon it. Seeing the danger, Burgoyne ordered Frazer to the rescue at that poi nt. Morgan had observed this officer closely. It was he against whom, in t!ie battle of the 10th, he had so des- perately pushed, and who had so desperately pushed buck upon him. He was ihc invincihle.'^ He had watclied him on this day, a noble-looking officer, nu)unt('d upon a * This account of Frazer's death is maialy from Oraliani's Life of Morgan. 6 \ < i 1 \ (^ 1 .'i •i t ; • 1 1 , ( \ i \ : ■' B I li 123 THE SURREITDEE. M ml mil " it' Eplendid black charger dashing from one end of the line to the other, wherever the danger was greatest, and by his courage and activity restoring and rallying the waver- ing columns. While he lived, Morgan considered the issue of the con- test doubtful; he therefore sternly resolved to seek for victory in his death. He selected twelve of his most un- erring marksmen, led them to a favorable position, pointed out the doomed man, and bid them, when he next came within range, to lire. The only remark that fell from Morgan, beyond these directions, was: **He is a brave man, but he must die." How often had he thrown him- self across the track of a righteous cause ? It was enough — its triumphant wheels must this day ^'oll on over his mangled body. Morgan told afterwards how attentively and anxiously he observed his marksmen when, in a few minutes, he saw them raise their rifles and aim. A ball cut through his horse's mane and another through the crupper. His aid implored Frazer to change his position. " My duty for- bids me to fly from danger." In another moment a rifle- ball tore through liis body, and he fell mortally wounded. With Frazer's fall, fell all ; there was no longer a pre- tence of resisting ; dismay seized all hearts. The Amer- icans at this moment, reinforced by fresh regiments, charged furiously along the whole line. Burgoyne ordered a retreat to the "Great Eedoubt," in imminent peril of not safely effecting even this ; leaving all his cannon, four hundred killed and wounded, including the flower of his officers — Frazer, Acland, Williams, Sir Francis Clarke and others. But the victorious army were at their heels. Morgan pursued the defeated right division, under Balcarrus, into their intrenchmcnts ; but, checked by a furious discharge of cannon, he sheltered his corps in a piece of woods at hand, and continued his murderous fire upon their artil- a£ n( o r( U ■■ THE SURRENDER. 123 lerists. The field battle won, the Americans now stormed the British works. For an hour the firing and fierce assaults continued. At length the ardor of the rifle-corps, no longer brooking restraint, dashed into the intrcnchments of Balcarras within the " Great Redoubt." A hand-to- hand si ruggle here took place. The British light infantry were on the point of giving way, when they were strongly reinforced and threatened a bayonet charge. Morgan, in his moments of highest battle exaltation, never lost his presence of mind or his prudence. He ordered a retreat. Meantime the reinforcements drawn off to strengthen the right against Morgan, had weakened the British centre ; here Colonel Brooks broke through the German linos, and at this crisis, General Learned coming up, they pui the whole division to rout : they fled, leaving their killed, wounded, tents, baggnge and artillery, with the dead body of their brave General Breyman. Burgoyne ordered the position to be retaken ; but night was coming on, or they had no heart to attempt it, and Colonel Brooks and General Learned established them- selves within the enemy's works. This Colonel Brooks was he who had sent the spy into St. Leger's camp at Stanwix. He was afterwards Governor of Massachusetts. Up to this time, the English at home had never been brought to admit the fighting qualities of the Americans. This illusion was now to be dispelled. If these battles of Saratoga were the work of American colonels and patriot yeomanry (and who can disprove it?) they were on the ]5ritish side pre-eminently the battles of great generals — tlieir bravest and best. Tliere is, probably, no other in- stance of such splendid leadership in proportion to the num- ber of its rank and file. General Burgoyne, on his return to England, oi)enod their eyes, in his " Record of the Evidence before the House of Commons," on his " Campaign and Surrender." Referring to Morgan's rifle-corps driving j^ivked British infantry from the field and afterwards ^ if 111 !i'l^^ ' f : M i vi •^ ■■\m i 124 THE SURRENDER. storming the " Great Eedoubt,'' he observes : " If there he any person who, after considering that circumstance, ciid the subsequent obstinacy in the attack on the post of Lord Balcarras, Avith various other actions of the day, continues to doubt that the Americans possess the quality and faculty of fighting, they are of a prejudice that it would be very absurd longer to contend with." On Burgoyne's introduction to Morgan after the capitu- lation, he took him warmly by the hand and said : " Sir, you command the finest regiment in the world." * I' I .,:*'' m^ Night closed on the battered, beaten, out-generalcd, discomfited British army. The American camp rang with shouts of exultation ; the people crowded in from miles around as the news of victory spread. Morgan coming, grimed with the dust and sweat of battle, to headquarters, was met by Gates, who embraced him, exclaiming : ''Morgan, you have done wonders this day ; you have immortalized yourself and honored your country — if you are not pro7noiecl immediately, I icill not serve another day.''' Morgan merely replied: "For Heaven's sake, General, forbear this stuff, and give mo something to eat and drink, for I am ready to die with hunger and exhaustion." f Morgan was a man ci mar- vellous penetration, and had doubtless taken the General's measure. Gates had not appeared on the field. Wilkinson says he remained at liis quarters, conversing with Sir Francis Clarke, who was brought in, early in the action, mortally wounded, and laid upon Gates' bed. Where was Arnold ? Sparks says thnt after the quarrel, he had remained with the army, Avithout authority or command, and without communication with Gates. * Grauntn's Life of Morgan. f Dr. UilVs Manuscript. THE SURRENDER. 125 When the second battle commenced, Arnold, still for- bidden to take part, became infuriated. *' He continued in camp some time, but at length rode off, in full gallop, to the field without permission. This being told to Gates, he sent Major Armstrong after him with orders to return." * As soon as Arnold saw Armstrong, anticipating the purport of his message, he put spurs to his horse. Arm- strong pursued, following the erratic movements of Arnold, without being able to get near enough to speak to him. He moved incessantly on the field, giving orders in every direction, and sometimes in direct opposition to those of the officers." "He behaved," says Samuel Woodruff, a sergeant in the battle, " more like a madman than a dis- creet officer." It was the opinion of many that he was intoxicated ; some thought with brandy, some with opium, — more likely with pride, rage and desperation. He had lost all command of himself ; was scarcely conscious of, or responsible for, his actions, and certainly in no condition to give orders to others. But a word concerning the duration of the battle. Ifc began about three o'clock. Bancroft says : "Just twenty minutes after the beginning of the attack, the British lines wavered and broke, and Burgoyne gave the order to retreat." The Baroness Keidescl, in her quarters, far to the rear, says ; " About four o'clock they brought in to me poor General Frazer, mortally wounded." Even ex- tending the time of the ficld-fighfc to a half -hour or longer, Avhat had Arnold to do with it ? He did not leave the American camp for " some time after the battle com- menced." t Indeed, no authority makes mention of him until the attack upon the British intrcnchments. Then ]\Iajor Armstrong pursued him "forh.'df an hour," Arnold dashing hither and thither, without aim or object, except to evade his pursuer and his message— everywhere, and nowhere to any useful purpose. He dashed in after Morgan * Sparks, t ^V(^y^' ij % Pffp* :i PS 1 1 \:\- r;- 'I • r It: 136 THE SURRENDER. III I !J into Balcarras' works and out again; then into ^lie German lines after Colonel Brooks, and the last volley of the retreating Brunswickers shattered his leg and killed his horse. Major Armstrong only then overtook him, and snccceded in delivering Gates' order for him to retui'n to camp. But his fame was secure ! ! ! *' His madness resulted most fortunately for himself. The wound he received at the moment of rushing into the very arms of danger and death, added fresh lustre to his military glory, and was a new claim to public favor and applause."* His only well -authenticated field performance, was strikina: an American officer on the head with his sword ; ** the next day, when the officer demanded redress, Ar- nold declared his ignorance of the act and expressed regret." In the face of these admitted facts, can any one main- tain that this man was capable of issuing an intelligent military-order? Wilkinson, who was on the battle-field, and whose attention was specially directed to Arnold's movements, savs : " It is certain that he neither rendered service nor deserved credit on that day ; and the wound he received alone saved him from being overshadowed hy Gates' popular ily. On such caprices of fortune does the bubble of military reputation depend." The exulting cry of the victors had reached his ears, and maddened him ; he de- termined to share with them the fruits of that victory, rushing in at the close of the action, and identifying him- self with the glories of the day. The very horse upon which he rode into the field, he stole.f * Sparks. f The animal, a beautiful Spanish horse, the property of Colonel Lewis, was borrowed by Arnold on this occasion. A short time after the action, Colonel Lewis called on him and requested a certiiicate of the horse having been killed, that he might obtain the value of him, according to usage, from the public treasury. Arnold declined THE SURRElfDER. 127 But the conclusion of the whole matter is, that both Gates and Arnold were only, and solely, accidental figure- heads in this important military crisis. It was certainly fortunate for the cause that Gates remained at head- quarters. Though not altogether wanting in military knowledge he was, from personal cowardice, nothing on the field ; and pei'haps no one knew this better than him- self. The only movement ordered by him, two days after the battle, when Burgoyne was attempting a general giving the certificate, saying it would have an ill appearance for a Major-general to sign a certificate for a horse that had been shot under him in battle. Lewis said no more till Arnold was about to leave the camp, when he insisted on being allowed a proper compensa- tion for the loss of his horse. Arnold still assigned motives of delicacy for refusing a certificate, but told Lewis that he had a fine Narragansett mare in the public stables, which he would give him in the place of his horse, and immediately wrote an order to the keeper of the stables, directing him to deliver the mare to Colonel Le^vis. Meantime Arnold left, and a few days after the order waa presented. The keeper said there was no mare belonging to Gen- eral Arnold, in the stables. There had been one of that description some time before, but she had been sold to another officer. It was subsequently ascertained that Arnold had sent in a certificate and had received pay from the government for the horse that had been shot. Again, at the close of the war, when on the point of sailing for England, Arnolil borrowed two hundred dollars from Cajitain Camp- bell in the British service, for which lie gave him an order on Cap- tain Lewir^, saying that Lewis owed him for a mare purchased three years before. Captain Camj^bell being a friend of Colonel Lewis, and expecting to see him again, took the order as a safe equivalent and loaned the money to Arnold. When the news of peace arrived in New York, Colonel Campbell was, by permission of General Wiishington, dispatched by the British commander at New York by laud, with the intelligence, to the Governor of Canada. On his way, he stopped to v'sit his fiicnd Lewis in Albany, and presented Arnold's order. Their mutual surprise may be imagined, both being equal sufferers by this refinement of knavery.* Thus he ad- dressed himself with equal gusto to small, as to great villainies. * R' Sparks. \ !l :f I ill 128 THE SURRENDER. retreat, well-nigh resulted in disgrace and disaster to the American army. *' The action was the battle of the husbandmen. So many of tlic rank and file were freeholders or freeholders' sons, that they gave character to the whole army. Next to the generous care of Washington in detaching to that army troops destined against Howe, victory was due to the enthusiasm of the soldiers. Their common zeal created a harmonious correspondence of movement and baffled the high officers and veterans opposed to them."* On this decisive day, men of New York, New England, and men of the valley of Virginia, led by the lion-hearted Morgan, fought together in a common cause. K*': ir .r; &' ■ Is m^::. W^-. The British General might yet have saved the remnants of his army, by a rapid flight on the night following the battle ; but he contented himself with transferring his camp to ' .e heights on his rear, aud the dawning day revealed the misery and hopelessness of his situation. Delay was fatal to Burgoyne ; the Baroness Eeidesel says : " A retreat was spoken of, but there was not the least movement made toward it. We learned that General Burgoyne intended to fulfil the last wish of General Frazer, to have him buried at six o'clock in the even- ing at the place designated by him. Tliis occasioned a delay to which part of the misfortunes of the army was owing. The death of Frazer, aside from the defeat, would have hung the British camp in gloom, so closely had he drawn all hearts to himself. " He questioned the surgeon eagerly as to his wound, and when he found that he must go from wife and children ; that fame and promotion and life were * Bancroft, Vol. IX. THE SUEBENDER. 129 gliding from before his eyes, he cried out in his agony : * Damned ambition.' " "At sunset of the 8th, as his body, attended by the offi- cers and his family, was borne by soldiers of his corps to the Great Redoubt above the Hudson, where he had asked to be buried, the three Major Generals, and none beside, joined the train. Amidst the ceaseless booming of the American artillery, the order prescribed for the burial of the dead was strictly observed, in the twilight, over his grave. Never more shall he chase the red deer through the heather of Strath Errick, or guide the skill across the fathomless lake of central Scolland, or muse over the ruin of the Stuarts on the moor of Drum-mossie, or dream of glory beside the crystal waters of the Ness. Death in itself is not terrible, but he came to America for selfish advancement, and though bravely true as a soldier, he died unconsoled.'*' * As soon as the funeral services were over, the order for retreat was given, but through a night of pouring rain, it was all too slow. The continual rain of the next day compelled a halt, and by the 10th it was impossible to attempt the crossing of the Hudson. The Americans had taken position on the o];)posite side on the banks of the Batten Kill. Burgoyne ordered his army to reoccupy their former camp on the heights of Saratoga. The lay of the land resembled a vast amphitheatre with the British in the arena, and the Americans posted upon the rising elevations around. Burgoyne's fortified camp extended a half mile along the river, with his artillery on an elevated plateau. Morgan and his sharpshooters were posted on still higher ground in his rear, and to the west. Opposite, on the eastern bank of the Hudson, Fellowes with three thousand was intrenched. Gates with the main army occupied the height south of Fish Creek. Stark the invincible, with * Bancroft, Vol. IX. ^K. !"» I ! i.M I t i! ''■m m If* . M f ;r 130 THE SUREENDER. two thjusand men, held tlie river at Fort Edward. Be- tween him and Lake George tlie Americans had a strongly fortified camp, and the river on both sides was lined with bodies of militia, who flocked from all quarters, to bag the game. The condition of the British army was pitiable in the extreme. The soldiers were worn down by weeks of incessant toil, privation, sickness, and desperate fighting. Their losses included their highest officers and best fighting material. Deserted by their Canadian and Indian allies, their hospitals crowded with sick and wounded, their eifective force was less than one half the number Bnrgoyne had brought from Canada. In the depths of a gloomy wilderness, they were in- vested by a victorious army, more than twice their num- ber, who encircled them with a wall of steel ; an enemy who declined to fight, and Avho in their high intrench- ments defied attack. "The trap which licidesel and Frazer had foreseen was sprung." ''In this helpless condition, obliged to bo constantly imder arms while the enemy's cannon played on every part of their camp and their rifle-balls whistled through the lines, the troops of Bnrgoyne retained their firmness, and while sinking under a hard necessity they showed themselves worthy of a better fate." * On the 13th, starvation was imminent, and the officers in council urged Burgoync to capitulate. On the 15th, the article^ of capitulation were barely concluded, when a messenger brought to Burgoync news of Clinton's suc- cess on the Hudson, and tliat part of his forces woro within fifty miles of the camp. Too late— their faith was pledged. The Amerieinis also had heard from below, and would have attacked immediately. On the 17th of October, tlie convention of Sara-toga was carried into otTtct l)y which five thousand, seven huir.rcd and ninety surrendered themselves prisoners, * JJoUa. THE SURRENDER. 131 i with forty-two pieces of the best brass ordnance then known, forty-six hundred muskets, and a large amount of ammunition. Much has been said and written concerning the magnan- imity and delicacy shown by Gates to his vanquished foe ; , the over-generous terms granted to Burgoyne, which gave infinite dissatisfaction to Congress and the country, and which were finally disallowed ; his ordering his whole army out of sight while the British stacked their arms, at the command of their own officers ; also the spectacular arrangement for the surrender of Burgoyne's sword, etc., etc. On that day Gates dined and wined the officers, and many compliments and fair speeches were exchanged. Burgoyne finally proposed a toast to General Washington, which it must have irked Gates to swallow, who in turn drained a glass to King George. By pre-arrangoment, as the British army filed past headquarters, the two generals stepped out in front of the tent, and, in sight of both armies, Burgoyne handed his sword to Gates, who imme- diately returned it. It was scarcely magnanimity, seeing that magnanimity is not a garment to be worn to-day and folded up as a vesture to-morrow ; that it is no respecter of persons, but is debtor to all mankind ; that it is a quality of the soul, whicli inheres ; the exquisite bloom and aroma of the character, that unconsciously and inevitably colors and perfumes every thought and deed of its })ossessor. It was more likely ihat unhandsome thing which wo call toadyism, since it was only exercised towards the ene- mies of his country. At that verv instant he had none for the noble s])irils who had contributed so largely to secure his present exaltation. "We have already seen how pei'sistently he held back Washington's own forces, even after the surrender, when he no longer needed them. He forgot that the pompous message dispatched to , -I I ■ !•' % [ '1> . iai#iMiBiiifcfc,ii*a tmaL Bj * ! u^ n •■I 1. 133 THE SURRENDER. Congress, instead of to the coramander-in -chief, was made possible only by the generosity of AVashington, in strip- ping himself of his best officers and men to reinforce the army of the Hudson, while he skilfully kept at bay nearly twice his own numbers on the Delaware. Who does not see that Gates, handicapped with Sulli- van and Greene, and Washington, supported by Stark and Morgan, with any approach to equality of forces, would have giA'en a surrender at Philadelphia instead of Saratoga. AVe should have held the Delaware and lost the Hudson — a calamity which the commander-in-chief fore- saw and provided against. Gates' course towards Arnold, odious as he appears, was equally wanting in justice and generosity; and from an extravagant appreciation and a fawning patronage of Mor- gan, he suddenly assumed towards him a haughty and disdainful demeanor. Xotwitlistimding the splendid ser- vice he had rendered, Morgan's name had only a passing notice in the early despatches, and was not even men- tioned in Gates' official account of the surrender, to which he had so largely contributed. This sudden fall from the General's favor was marked by the officers, as Gates had given Morgan the most unmistakable proofs of his confidence and esteem from the moment of his arrival in camp. Morgan kept silence, and tlie matter remained a mystery at ihe time, but was afterward satisfactorily explained. " Immediately after the surrender, Morgan visited Gates on business, when he was taken aside by the General and confidentially informed that the main army was extremely dissatisfied with the conduct of the war by the coni- jnander-in-chief, and that several of the best officers threatened to resign unless a change took place. Morgan perfectly comprehended the motives of Gates, althougli ho did not then know of the correspondence he had been holding with Conway, and he sternly replied : ' I have ono THE SURRENDER. 133 favor to ask of you, sir, which is, never to mention that detestable subject to me again, for under no other man than AVashington, as commandcr-iu-chief, would I ever serve.' A day or two after the foregoing interchange of views. General Gates gave a dinner to the principal officers of the Britisli army, to which a number of American otiicers were also invited. Morgan was not among tho number. Before the evening was over, the petty indignity recoiled upon its autlior. Morgan had occasion to see Gates upon official business. He was ushered into the dining-room, where they still sat at table. Having attended to the matter in hand, he was allowed to withdraw, with- out even the empty ceremony of an introduction. Struck by the commanding figure and noble mien of the colonel, they inquired his name, and on learning that it was Col- onel Morgan, they left the table, and, followiag him, took him by the hand, made thcmvselves known to him, frankly declaring at the same time that they had felt him severely in the field." * They had only a dining-room acquaintance with Gates. Salvos of cannon announced the glorious tidings of the surrender all over the country. Congress gave thanks to the army, the coveted full rank of major-general to Ar- nold, a medal of gold to Gates—to Morgan, nothing. Aiul do we, in these holy centennial days, living in the rich fruitage of the noble i)lanting of those mighty spirits, — do we still confirm the old injustice, and still consent to fraud and villainy, l)y raising statues and carving marbles to Gates and Arnold ? * Graham'8 Life of Morgan. Dr. HllVs HSS, i I. H' t!^:: b • ( . XIV.— 1777-1779. HAKD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. f,"s';.i rf MORGAN moved with all haste to join Washington at Whitemarsh, a strong position in the vicinity of Philadelphia, which he reached November 18th, 1777. At that time a partj were clamoring for the commander- in-chief to attack Howe, but, as he had less than eight thousand effective men and Howe was well intrenched with twice that nnmbev, he declined so rash a movement, notwithstanding the unhandsome innuendoes levelled at him. He strengthened his own position, and compelled HoAve to the initiative. On the night of December 4th, that officer moved out from his lines with fourteen thousand men, and the next morning advanced to Chestnut Hill, about three miles from tlic riglit wing of the American army. The PennsyJvanin militia were ordered forward to skir- mish with the enemy, but after a short engagement, they fled in disorder, leaving their commander, General Irvine, wounded and a prisoner. The British, during the night, changed their ground, and now menaced the Amer- ican left, advancing within a mile of their lines. Every ai)pearancc indicated a serious intention of battle, which "Washington determined not to decline. On the morning of the 8th, ^lorgan was ordered to the front with his corps. General Gist and a body of ^Faryland militia were also thrown forAvard a short distance to the right. Morgan put his men in motion towards a very con- siderable body of the enemy. As soon as ho heard the HARD SEKVICE Al^-D NO LAURELS. 135 firing in the direction of the Maryland militia, he gave tlie word, and his corps delivered a Avell-aimed dis- charge, and rushed forward with their usual impetu- osity. A second and third volley of balls, in rapid suc- cession, thinned out the British ranlvs ; they fired with- out effect, broke and fled in disorder. Morgan pursued the flying foe until they reached a body of British infan- try, who were moving to their support. They rallied and the contest was renewed with vigor. Nothing daunted by the presence of thrice their numbers, the riflemen sheltered themselves among the trees and continued to pour in upon the British an unceasing fire, every ball carry- ing its message of wonnds or death. Unfortunately, General Gist had been compelled to give ground before his opponents, who now turned upon Morgan. Finding himself threatened upon flank and rear, he signalled a retreat ; they drew off in perfect order, nor did the British venture a step in pursuit, so heavy was their loss. The engagement, though short, had been exceedingly spirited, and, for the time and numbers engaged, the slaughter of the British was incredible. Their loss in this encounter with the rifle corps was not less than two liundred. IIowc had now maneuvred for three davs before Wash- ington's army and lost diu'ing that time not less than three hundred and fifty in killed and wounded— the majority of them in a skirmish of less than an hour with the rifle corps. Such an admonition was not lost upon a commander like llowe. The next day he marched with his whole force buck to Philadelphia, and did not agfiin repeat the experiment. It was fortuni te ; for Washington's army, pinched with hunger and nakedness, was hors-dii combat. The rifle corps had suffered severely in the affair of Chestnut Hill, twenty-seven killed and wounded ; among i! I ,i'! i j; .■;J: is r If lb ;, 1^ : 4 1 r"'"''i ' if*-;: 136 HAKD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. them the brave Major Morris, beloved by all. He died a few days after. Here we get a glimpse of that rare and beautiful spirit that brooded over our cause, our battle- fields and camps, like an angel of mercy, dropping the balm of sympathy wiiere it was most sorely needed. The brave instinctively dravv^ to the brave. Upon the arrival of Morgan's corps from the North, LaFayette had expressed the greatest interest in their movements, and had sought the friendship of its officers. Between Morgan and himself, this friendship ripened into an inti- macy that ceased only with life. LaFayette had commanded part of the corps in a little skirmish a day or two before the fight at Chestnut Hill, and, in his account to Washington, was enthusiastic in their praise. They had attacked a picket-guard of three hundred and fifty Hessians, with their field-pieces, who, after a few minutes hard fighting, were compelled to fly. He wrote : "British reinforcements came twice to their aid, but very far from recovering their ground, they always retreated." The pursuit was pushed ^o their camp, with the loss, on the American side, of only one killed and six wounded. The manpiis extolled the riflemen : " I never saw men so merry, so spirited, and so desirous to go on to the enemy, whatever force they might meet, as that small party in this little fight." For Mnjor Morris the marquis entertained the most generous affection. The fact that his wife and children were left unprovided for, by his death, pained LaFayette deeply, and drew from him the following proposal, so exquisite in delicacy of feeling and expression : "Dear Sir : — I just now received your favor concerning our late friend Major ]\Iorri,s, and I need not repeat to you how much I am concovned in the interests of his fiimily. I spoke the other day to his Excellency on the HAKD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. 137 subject, and I shall write to Congress a very particular letter, where you will be mentioned. " I intend to speak as in your name, and that of all your corps, and as being myself honored with their confi- dence. " It is my opinion that a decent estate might be given to the family, as a mark of gratefulness from their country, and that his son must be promoted as soon as possible. " But, my dear sir, you know how long Congress waive any matter whatsoever before a decision, and as Mrs. Morris may be in some want before that time, I am going to trouble you with a commission which I beg you will execute with the greatest secrecy. " If she wanted to borrow any sum of money, in expecting the arrangements of Congress, it would not become a stranger unknown to her, to offer himself for that purpose. But you could (as from yourself) tell her that you had friends who, being in the army, don't know what to do with their money ; and as they are not in the mercantile or husbandry way, would willingly let her have one or many thousands of dollars, which she might give again in three or four vears. '* One other way would be, to let her believe that you have got, or borrowed, the money from any town or body you will be pleased to mention ; or it would be needless to mention where it comes from. " In a vrord, my dear sir, if with the greatest secrecy and the most minute regard for that lady's delicacy, you may find a m:;nner of being useful to her, I beg you would communicate to mo immediately. I shall, as soon as possible, let you know the answer of Congress, when- ever an answer will be got, and in expecting the pleasure to hear from you, I have the honor to be, very sincerely, " Your most obedient servant, "Maequis De Lafayette. <* To Colonel Morgan, of the Rifle Corps." i.'l ! r ii i I K' R '1 ,! 138 HARD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. I' mi I ff. it .JtC- ' Persuaded that Howe had now abandoned all intention of battle, Washington conducted his tatterdemalion army into winter-quarters at Valley Forge ; a position secure from attack and favorable to such a disposition of the American forces as would best prevent the foraging of the British army. General Armstrong kept the old camp at AVhitemarsh ; General Smallwood took post at Wilming- ton ; Major Jameson with cavalry guarded the east, and Captain Lee the west side of the Schuylkill ; Morgan was in advance of these, on the west side of the river, charged to watch every movement of the enemy and detect their purpose. Soon the vigilance of his American keepers made it necessary for Howe to detach a British brigade to steal a sheep ; the fleet of Admiral Howe was taxed to supply the army, and the witticism of Dr. Franklin was justified, " instead of the British taking Philadelphia, Philadelphia had taken them." Much of the service to which Morgan was now ap- pointed was of the severest character, invaluable to the cause but unattended with glory or remuneration ; never- theless, that unknown, unseen, unappreciated work which, faithfully performed, best strengthens the fibre of heroic souls. In advance, as usual, and so near the enemy's post, their vigilance was never to slumber nor sleep, — frosty night watches succeeded the labors of the day ; the cold was intense, yet oftentimes they dared not build fires ; with- out shelter and most scantily fed, they saved themselves from perishing only by keeping in constant motion. Here sets in a stretch of eighteen months of much such Bervice. Even his Herculean physique was beginning to succumb. Wherever skill, vigilance, penetration, judg- ment or daring was most wanted, thither went this Agamemnon, shepherd of the people. Not once was he surprised ; not once did he bring false intelligence. t HARD SERVICE AKD KO LAURELS. 139 His services at the time of the evacuation of Philadel- phia in the summer of 1778 were invaluable — the following brief letters among many testify to it: " Head Quaktet^s, Valley Fohge, May 17, 1778. *' Dear Sir: — His Excellency is much obliged to you for your information. There is little room to doubt of their intentions to evacuate the citv. * ^- * * **I am, with mucli respect, " Your humble servant, ** James McHEifRY." *' Colonel MoRGAi^, at Radnor.' 5) " Head Quarters, May 30, 1778. ** Dear Sir : — Your letter concerning Sir Henry Clinton is received. His Excellency is highly pleased with your conduct upon this occasion, etc. * * * * "I am your obedient servant, *'JoH]S' Fitzgerald, A.D. C." ** Colonel Morgan." Certain it is, that Morgan was rising to fame and honor with the army and with its ablest officers, though his name had not yet penetrated "the dull cold ear" of Con- gress. They did not know this great combination, that reminds us by turns of Hercules and Ajax and Agamem- non and old Bunyan's " Great Heart." History says that Belisarius had a voice, like that with which we know Morgan led on his men, when he stormed Quebec, and rushed into the "Great Redoubt" at Saratoga, and rode down Ban Tarleton on the field of Cowpens. There was one thing, however, which this heroic soul could not do, with all the power of that matchless voice. He couldn't bloiv his own tncmpct. No lieroic soul ever did. Perhaps, like Washington, he thought posterity would blow it for him ; meantime lie served a cause and not himself. That he felt the neglect is equally certain, ' ','31 -% li^ k b ■f 'I" I 140 HARD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. and this, with other considerations, undoubtedly led to his retirement in June 1779. He remained long enough to see the fruit of his labors at Saratoga. The French king's ambassadors had been re- ceived by Congress, and the French king's armies and navies were in our waters, and had necessitated the evacu- ation of Philadelphia. Spain and Holland were likewise arrayed against England, - and they were crossing swords in every quarter of the world, for it seemed that the birth throes of the Young Republic were to shake the globe. The cause, Morgan thought, was now assured — it no longer needed him. He knew perfectly the value of the services he had performed, and he knew that others were wearing the laurels that rightfully belonged to him. He con- stantly saw his inferiors, either by their own importunities or those of their friends, or through favoritism or still less worthy motives, pass above him. Gates filled a huge space in public favor, and Arnold was at this moment installed in splendor in Philadelphia, the pampered pet of society and of the commander-in- chief — hatching "treasons, stratagems, and spoils." In this continued lack of recognition and acknowledg- ment, this great spirit at last realized that manJiood was insulted in his person, and, to his eternal honor, he re- signed and went home. It was shortly before this that the Marquis de La Fayette, under whose orders Morgan's corps had so often served, was about to embark for France to oiler his sword to his king, who had come to open rupture with England by the recognition of the independence of America. On the point of sailing he had been seized at Boston with a violent fever and barely escaped with his life. The follow- ing letter was in reply to one from Morgan: " FiSHKiLL, November 28, 1778. "i?ear Sir : — Your most kind and obliging letter arrived HARD SERVICE AND KO LAURELS. 141 safe into my hands, but I was then too ill for thinking of answering it. However, though it was at that time, out of my power to express anything, I did feel all the senti- ments of gratitude for the friendship and the good idea you are pleased to entertain of me. Both are extremely dear to my heart, and I do assure you my dear sir, that the true regard and esteem, and the sincere affection you have inspired to me, will last for ever. " The strength of youth and a good constitution, have brought me again to health and to the enjoyments of this world. Dying in a shameful bed, after having essayed some more honorable occasions in the field, would have been for me, the most cruel disappointment. " I am just setting out for France and hope to be there in a short time. My country is at war, and I think it my duty to go myself for offering my services to her. However, I am very far from leaving the American service, and I have merely a furlough from Congress. I am much inclined to think that the king will have no objection to my returning here ; so that I am almost convinced that I shall have the pleasure to see you next spring. " I most earnestly beg you to present my best compli- ments to the gentlemen ofiicers in my division. I shall for all my life, feel pleased and proud, in the idea that I have had the honor to be entrusted with such a division. I anticipate the happiness of finding them next campaign, and I dare flatter myself that these gentlemen will not forget a friend and fellow soldier, who entertains for them all the sentiments of affection and esteem. "Farewell my dear sir ; don't forget your friend on the other side of the great water and believe me ever. " Your affectionate "La Fayette. i! ^ „:ii li^ 1 !- ■ }-' 'Ti " Colonel Morgan." ''< h^ ^ It is worth while to inquire for the secret of the esprit :i ■; , 111 It U2 HAED SEKVICE AND NO LAURELS. il- •(■' tl of this matchless rifle corps, whose fame had gone through the land and crossed the seas. Old Frederick the Great had observed their tactics with profoundest interest, and introduced into his own army bodies of sharpshooters. Coming to a close scrutiny of its soul and inspiration, — this great, massive, granite character, — we find it ex- quisitely veined with tenderness, delicacy, and sensi- bility. Morgan's capacity for commanding was " singular, rather than rare." His own conduct furnished the best example for the imitation of his men, and inspired them equally with the profoundest respect and the most affectionate regard. " In the government of his regiment the stern and severe system of the army was unknown. Ho appealed to the pride rather than to the fears of his men, and obtained from them a prompt performance of their dutv. "He held himself accessible to them on all necessary occasions, and encouraged them to come to him whenever they had just cause of complaint. He knew what every soldier was entitled to, and would never suffer them to be wi'onged or imposed upon. He took great pains to have them provided at all times with a sufficiency of provisions, clothing and everything necessary to their comfort. The wounded and sick experienced his constant care and atten- tion. Thus officers and men came to regard themselves as a band of brothers, among whom none of the austerities of strict discipline were observed. The affection of his men for Morgan is shown in the fact, that almost every one who marched with him through the wilderness to Quebec and survived its disasters, was found afterwards in the ranks of his regiment. " He never permitted any of them to be brought before a court-martial, or to be punished by whipping. [That sword had once entered his own soul.] When one of HARD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. 143 them was charged with an offence which called for punish- ment, the accused, if guilty, was taken by Morgau to some secluded place, where no one could witness what might occur, and there, after a lecture on the impropriety of his conduct, would receive a thumping, more or less severe, according to the nature of his offence. "It once happened, when Morgan was away from his camp, that one of his favorite riflemen, who had commit- ted some misdemeanor, was brought before a court-mar- tial, condemned and whipped in the face of the whole regiment. When Morgan returned, and was informed of what had happened, he was so moved that he wept. He declared that he would not have had the offended whipped upon any consideration whatever; that he was a high- spirited and efficient soldier, respected at home, and now he must be so lowered in his own esteem as to be unable ever to recover his former self-respect and pride of man- hood. "Another instance of his manner of governing. On one occasion, a rough piece of road was to be repaired ; a party of his men were accordingly sent, under an ensign, to execute the work. While thus engaged, Morgan rode up and saw two of them heaving at a large rock, the re- moval of which was evidently beyond their strength. The ensign stood and looked on but offered no assistance. ' Wliy don't you lay hold and help those men ? ' inquired Morgan of the ensign. * Sir,' replied the latter, * I am an officer.' * I beg your pardon,' responded Morgan ; *I did not think of that.' Instantly alighting from his horse, he approached the rock, seizing hold of which, he exclaimed to the men, *]S"ow heave hard, my boys.' The rock was soon displaced, and Morgan, without another word, mounted and rode off." * We have alluded to other circumstances that conduced to Morgan's resignation. The depreciation of the cur- * Oraham's Life of Morgan, p. 300. i I M W % I I y\ 11 rj-tt 144 HARD SEKYICE AND KO LAURELS. If- I'i'j- II ...:1': 1 ' • 1' rency, tnd the poverty of the military chest, had for some time left the officers without adequate support. Many eflicient officers had quit the service, because they could no longer make a decent appearance. Morgan had long been drawing upon his private revenues, while his interests were suffering seriously by his protracted absence from 1) '"'^a. A graver compulsion, however v/a ' the impaired state of his health. The unparalleled severities of that ill-starred Canadian expedition ; that winter wading through the rivers and marshes of Maine, with the subsequent hard service before Quebec, had induced a rheumatic affection, which at times ^loveloped into a torturing sciatica. The services of the rifle corps, for the eighteen months following the surrender at Saratoga, had also involved more peril, privation and fatigue than that of any other regiment in the army. Their incessant reconnoissances and maneuvres before the enemy's outposts, their innumerable picket fights and skirmishes, Uiirecorded,,lost to history and now forgotten, were attended by more privation and danger than regular field engugementij. In Juno, 17i9, he communicated his intentions to Washington and asked permission to wait upon Congress with his resignation. Washington received his proposi- tion with much concern, and endeavored to dissuade him, while he admitted the gravity of the causes for such a step. Morgan, however, adhered to his resolution, and pre- sented to Co igress, a few dayc after, the following from the commander-in-chief ; i4-;'i ti'-'f **To the President of Congress. A^wr .•—Colonel Morgan, of 'he Virginia lino, who waits on Congress witli his resignation, will have the honor of delivering this to you. I can)iot, in justice, avoid men- HAKD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. U5 tioning him as a very TaluaWe officer, who has rendered a SHAmportant services, and distinguished himself on several occasions. « I am, sir, very respocttuliy, <* Your obedient servant, "Geo. Washington." a- ; it ' r 1 11 '.If ?, XV.— 1778-1779. P m ^11 Pi .. I ARNOLD AT PHILADELPHIA. ARNOLD, by this time, was moving swiftly to the k. consummation of his nllainies. After the " Sur- render," October 1777, ho had lain some months in hos- pital, at Albany, Avith his shattered limb. Here he ac- cepted and appropriated the compliments of General Bur- goyne for his bravery and military skill, esi^ecially in the aciioii of the 19th September, of which he got the whole credit. Congress had so far relented as to permit Washington to commission him to the full rank for which he had so valiantly contended with that body. There is little doubt that the injustice of Gates toward Arnold still further quickened the sympathies of the commander-in-chief, who accompanied the commission with a letter saying, " As soon as your situation will permit, I request you will repair to this army, it being my earnest wish to have your services the ensuing cami)aign." In the spring of 1778, he journeyed homeward to New Haven. Near that place, ho received unmistakable de- monstrations of the public appreciation of his services, being met and escorted into the town by several military companies with leading citizens, while his arrival was announced by thirteen discharges of cannon. He received while here a further com[)linient from Washinglon, in tho gift of a handsome set of epaulettes and sword knot, "as a testimony of sincere regard and approbation of his con- duct." These had been sent to Washington from one of ARNOID AT PHILADELPHIA. 147 Ills Frencli admirers, with the request that he would wear one, and present the other to any gentleman he might select. At the end of May 1778, Arnold joined Washington at Valley Forge. Tlie condition of liis wound still forbidding active service, Washington decided to appoint him to the command at Philadelphia, as soon as the British should evacuate it. A more injudicious appointment was, perhaps, never made. Nothing could more forcibly ilkistrate how com- pletely Washington's eyes were holden in regard to Arnold's character and qualifications. A military commandant was scarcely necessary, as only a handful of militia remained in the city ; but, otherwise, the post involved the settle- ment of the nicest and most intricate questions, requirirjj the utmost tact, delicacy, judgment and integrity. During the British occupation of Philadelphia, many of doubtful patriotism had flocked thither, and still re- mained, holding large quantities of merchandise; this naturally led to disputed ownership and gave opportunities for fraudulent transactions. The difficulty was further complicated by the indefina- ble powers of the military commander. How far did his authority extend, and where clash with the civil govern- ment of Pennsylvania, whose laws its citizens were bound to obey ? Arnold's instructions from Washington could only bo expresscil in goncriil terms, leaving far too much to his own discretion in their execution. His proclamation upon entering the city, prohibiting the sale of any and all goods until a joint committee of Con- gress and Pennsylvania should decide their ownership, brought upon him at once an odium that his haughtiness and arrogance could only increase. Before a month, this restless spirit conceived a sudden design of obtaining the command of the navy, and with ( i " t ■ c 148 ARNOLD AT PHILADELPHIA. 1 *; # that intent wrote to consult the commander-in-chief, say- ing that his friends had proposed such a position for him. The Chief, in reply, declined to advise him in the mat- ter, urging his ignorance of naval concerns. As there is nowhere any record of any such offer being suggested for or made to Arnold, except in this letter to Washington, it was doubtless a matter of his own inven- tion, and he thought to obtain the influence of AVashing- ton to further his plans. He was most likely induced to the project by avarice — it opened a fine prospect of rich prizes and plunder. Money was becoming an absolute necessity, for he was at this time in the greatest pecuniary straits. In assuming the command of the city, he had installed himself in a style of splendid extravagance, out of all proportion to his revenues. He took a handsome house, formerly the Penn mansion, furnished it extravagantly, and drove a coach and four. When the French Ambassa- dor arrived in Philadelphia, he and his suite were Ar- nold's guests for some time. Likewise, he had married the young and beautiful daughter of Mr. Edwin Shippcn, afterwards Chief Justice of Pennsylvania — pronounced royalists. The lady had been on terms of intimacy with the British officers during their occupation of the city ; she had adorned the f6te of the Mischianza, inaugurated in honor of the departing heroes, and afterwards corresponded with Major Andre. Social relations, so intimate, with the royalist circles of Pliiladelphia, doubtless gave stimulus and direction to Arnold's villainy. A few months after the "naval "project subsided, Ar- nold conceived a dcsi^jn of obtaininir a ijrant of land in Western New York, as a place of settlement for officers and soldiers who had served under him, and others — who- soever would. It received the sanction and favor of some of the best men of that State ; but this project necessitated ft-. AEN"OLD AT PHILADELPHIA. 149 a genius for building up — creating something — ^bringing gometliiiig to pass. Arnold's genius was one of destruc- tion only; he conld only pull down and destroy. The scheme fell through. What was wrapped up in that pro- ject no man knows. Most likely it was a presentiment of such treason as that subsequently attempted by Aaron Burr. "^ From the time of Arnold's arrival in Philadelphia, he had been involved in constant disputes and difKculties with the "Council of Pennsylvania," which resulted, seven months after, about January 1779, in the passage by that body of a severe public censure upon his conduct. The Attorney General was directed to prosecute him in their courts of law for his illegal and oppressive acts. As Arnold was a United States ofiicer, it was thought proper to appeal to Congress, and accordingly they laid their charges before that body. These documents were in time referred to a "committee of inquiry," who vindi- cated Arnold from all criminality on the charges brought before them. But it came to be known that the " Con- gressional Committee " had not received the full testimony olfered by the ** Council of Pennsylvania," so that their report was not accepted by Congress, but referred anew to another joint committee of the two bodies. The affair dragged on for months, and it was finally proposed to refer it to the commander-in-chief and to a military tribunal. Arnold considered himself very unhandsomely dealt mill by Congress, wliich had declined to confirm the acquittal of their own *• Committee," and he charged them with sacrificing him to maintain amicable relations with the "Council of Pennsvlvania." The court-martial was about to assemble, June 1st, 1779, at Middlebrook, when the British army threatened a movement upon tlie Hudson, or, it might be, into the Jerseys ; the court was adjourned. Ml flf^ , SI ri '. I '::l|S) 150 ARiq^OLD AT PHILADELrHIA. Arnold liad, by permission of Washington, resigned his command some months before ; he, however, still retained his commission and continued to reside in Philadelphia. Detested by the always keen-sighted populace, he ^vas one day assaulted in tlie streets by a mob. He immedi- ately complained to Congress and requested that body to order him a guard of continental troops, adding, *^this request, I presume, will not be denied to a man who has so often fought and bled in the defence of the liberties of his countrv." Congress declined to interfere, and refeiTed him to the civil authorities of Pennsylvania for redress. He renewed his request for a guard of twenty men, declaring that his life was in danger from a *' mad, ignorant, deluded rabble," again reminding them of his rank and services. Congress turned a deaf ear to the wily Pisistratus. ''t W^W /' ■ ■ i ■ 1) . i XVI.— 1779-1780. THE COUKT-MARTIAL. I '\ THE fall of 1779 wore away in military maneuvres, and in the winter AVashington announced that a court- martial would assemble December 20. It sat until Janu- ary 26tb, 1780, when it pronounced its verdict. Arnold's defence of himself was ^' vigorous, elaborate and characteristic," especially when he made his usual parade of his " patriotism, services, sacrifices and wounds, and enumerated his real and imaginary wrongs." This over-done, weakened the force of his arguments, and it was clearly seen how adroitly he maneuvred to divert the attention of the court from essential to irrelevant points. He spoke thus : " When the present necessary war with Great Britain commenced, I was in easy circumstances, happy in domestic connections, blessed with a rising family who claimed my care and attention. The liberties of my country were in danger. She called on all her faithful sons to join in her defence. I obeyed the call. I sacri- ficed domestic ease ant' happiness to the service of my country, and in her service have T sacrificed a great part of a handsome fortune. I was one of the first in the field, and from that time to the present hour I have not abandoned her service. My time, my person and my fortune have been devoted to my country in this war, and if the sentiments of those wlio are supreme in the United States in civil and military affairs have any weight, my time, my fortune and my person have not been devoted in vain. * * * * I bave often bled in this service ; the I: i.t k i ■ 153 THE COURT-MAKTIAL. 'I I it 'i If tit 1 'I J^I 4 marks tliat I bear are sufficient evidence of my conduct. The impartial public will judge of my services, and whe- ther the returns I liave met with are not tinctured wich the basest ingratitude." He bitterly denounced his per- secutors, as he was pleased to call his prosecutors, and added : ^'In the hour of danger, when the affairs of America wore a gloomy aspect, when our illustrious Gen- eral was retreating through New Jersey with a handful of men, I did not propose to my associates basely to quit the General and sacrifice the cause of my country to my personal safety, by going over to the enemy and making my peace." Says Sparks : " The boastfulness and malignity of these declarations are obvious enough; but their consummate hypocrisy can be understood only by knowing the fact that, at the moment they were uttered, he had been eight months in secret correspondence with the enemy, and was prepared, when the first opportunity should offer, to desert and be- tray his country." Notwithstanding this elaborate defence, the court found him guilty of two of the four charges, and sentenced him to be reprimanded by the commander- in-chief. The language of Washington was preserved by M. Mar- bois, secretary of the French legation : " Our profession is the chastest of all. The shadow of a fault tarnishes our most brilliant actions. The least inadvertence may cause us to lose that public favor which is so hard to bo gained. I reprimand you for liaving forgotten that, in proportion as you had rendered yourself formidable to our enemies, you should have shown moderation to our citizens. Exhibit again those spkmdid qualities which have placed you in the rank of our most distinguished generals. As far as it shall be in my power, I will myself furnish you with opportunities for regaining the esteem which you have formerly enjoyed." Washington's tenderness and delicacy were as pearls THE COURT-MARTIAL. 153 thrown to swine. He received the reprimand with sullen reserve, and from this time devoted himself to such matur- ing of his treasonable designs as should bring him the largest pecuniary results. He asked leave of absence for the summer, on the plea of attending to his private affairs, but continued to reside in Philadelphia. He was at that time concerned in petty speculations, privateering enter- prises and commercial ventures, in which he had his usual ill-luck — "the losses outweighing the profits." Also, shortly after the trial, he agSiin pressed Congress for a settlement of his old disputed accounts, with such effrontery as to confirm his enemies in their disgusts and wear out the patience of his friends. His claims were not allowed. His next move was to offer himself for sale to the French envoy, M. de la Luzerne. That minister, taking the pub- lic estimate of his distinguished services, had treated him with great kindness even after the censure of the court- martial. Arnold wished to turn the Frenchman's ameni- ties into cash, and to tliat end he unbosomed himself without reserve, making the usual parade of his " services, sacrifices and wounds, the ingratitude of his countrv, the injustice of Congress, and the malice of his enemies." Tlie war, he said, had swamped his fortunes ; he was harassed by his creditors, and, unless he could effect a loan to the amount of his debts, he should be compelled to quit his profession from poverty. He set before the min- ister the great advantage that would accrue to his sov- ereign, the French king, to secure, to his service an Ameri- can general of a rank and influence so high as his. The Frenchman was a man of clean hands and noble sentiments ; he listened to the American with pain, and frankly answered : " You desire of me a service which it would be easy for me to render, but which would degnide us both. When the envoy of a foreign power gives, or, if you will, lends money, it is ordinarily to corrupt those ! t ; ;•* 'k K ? ■ • [ ;ill 154 THE COURT-MARTIAL. f.J. wM r^m m 1 m - Wi' who receive it, and to make them the creatures of the sovereign whom he serves ; or, rather, he corrupts without persuading ; he buys and does not secure. ** But the firm league entered into between the King and the United States, is the work of justice and of the wisest policy. It has for its basis, a reciprocal interest and good will. In the mission with which I am charged, my true glory consists, in fulfilling it without intrigue or cabal ; without resorting to secret practices, and by the force alone of the conditions of the alliance." Furthermore, hoping to win back to paths of duty and rectitude so illustrious a soldier, he " addressed him in the language of expostulation and advice, reminding him that murmurs and resentments at the acts of public bodies and the persecutions of political opponents, were evidences of a weak rather than of a great mind, resting on its own dignity and power, and tliat a consciousness of innocence was his best support. He recurred to the renown of his former exploits, appealed to his sense of patriotism and honor, his love of glory, and represented in the most attrac- tive colors the wide field of action yet before him, if he would suppress his anger, bear his troubles with fortitude, and unite heart and hand with his compatriots in the great work in which he had already labored with so much credit to himself, and benefit to his country." * The pitch of such sentiments was away above and out of Arnold's inner sense of hearing ; the one only thing ho wanted was money. The advice of the French minister was not appreciated, and Arnold left him, indignant at his ill success, and at the rebuff he hud received. Arnold's talents show to the hio-liest advanta^ife in the matter of the treason ; in devising mischiefs ho was in his clement. The plan was matured with skill, caution, de- liberation, and matchless a])ility, up to a certain point ; for at the last, always, "tlie devil is an ass." * Sparks' Life of Arnold. THE COURT-MARTIAL. 155 He had been for eighteen months in communication with the enemy under assumed names. The correspond- ence with Major Andre, still maintained by Mrs. Arnold after her marriage, afforded facilities which Arnold so managed as not even to excite her suspicions. Through this channel he communicated directly with Sir Henry Clinton. He was in British pay, and had already fur- nished valuable information. It was now midsummer of 1780, and certain movements of the French and English fleets, newly arrived in our waters, made it desirable to consummate the treason. We have already explained that from the comniGncement of hostilities, the possession of the Hudson River had been the supreme object of the British. Arnold's supreme necessity was money, and he knew that West Point would bring the largest price in the British market ; this booty, so rich, he hoped might be further enhanced by the be- trayal into the enemy's hands of the person of his friend and benefactor, the commander-in-chief.* * The following letter from tlic chivalrous young- Laurens ex- presses the sentiment of the day on this point : *' PHiLADELPmA, October 4, 1780. "Sir : — With the triumph of a republican and the more tender emotions of one who sincerely loves his General, I congratulate your Excellency on your late providential escape. I congratulate my country, whose safety is so intimately united with yours, and who may regard this miraculous rescue of her champion, as an assurance tliat Heaven approves her choice of a defender, and is propitious to her cause. In fact, all the ascendency tliat could be given by virtue, genius and valor, would only have furniijhed a deplorable example of unfortunate merit, if, by the Divine interposition, you had not l)revailed over the most impenetrable perfidy that has yet disgraced mankind. This happy event must insinro every virtuous citizen of America with new confidence, and transfix her enemies with awful terror. I need not inform your Excelh-ncy, how I have languished in so long a £3parati(m from you, and how anx'ous I am to assure you, in person, of the veneration and attachment of your faithful aid, " John LAUREN8." ; i 156 THE COURT-MARTIAL. i H a-' Such were the relations between Arnold and "Washing- ton, that it was only to ask and have ; he therefore ad- dressed himself at once to obtain the command of that post. He had up to this time pleaded the state of his wounds, in justification of his long furlough from active service. He now suddenly represented himself ready and solicitous to resume military duty. Washington, from certain in- dications, anticipating a stirring campaign, intended to give him command of the left wing of the army, hoping he would here find an opportunity to retrieve his popularity by some brilliant stroke. Arnold at first maneuvrcd in- directly through Schuyler and Livingston to obtain the coveted command, but Washington esteemed the post he had assigned him, so important and honorable, that he declined to act upon their suggestions. Meantime Arnold arrived at headquarters, and learning from General Tilgh- man of his appointment to the left wing, his countenance fell. He seemed embarrassed and ill at ease. He sought the commander-in-chief and represented to him that his wounds still disabled him from field service, and that at West Point only, could he do himself justice and his country service. Washington was puzzled. He could not comprehend how a man of Arnold's temperament and enthusiasm, should decline a post that offered active service and rare opportunity for his special abilities, and ask for one of quiet garrison duty, with no prospect of enterprise or glory. Kot a shadow of suspicion, however, seems to have crossed his mind, and being convinced that Arnold really desired it, he made out his instructions August 3d, 1780, and Arnold immediately assumed command at West Point. This included all the fortifications in the Highlands. "Four years before, Washington had sailed between the Highlands where nature blends mountains and valleys, THE COUET-MARTIAL. 157 and the deep river in exceeding beauty; and he had selected for fortification the points best adapted to com- mand the passage. Now it was covered with fortresses and artillery. Fort Defiance alone was defended by a hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, and was believed to be impregnable. Here were magazines of powder and ammunition, completely filled, for the use not only of that post, but of the whole army. These fortifications seem- ingly represented a vast outlay of money. AVith prodi- gious labor, huge trunks of trees, and enormous hewn stones were piled up on steep rocks. '* All this had been done without cost to the state, by the hands of American soldiers who were pervaded by a spirit as enthusiastic and as determined as that of tlie bravest and most cultivated of their leaders. Tliese works, of which every stone was a monument of humble disin- terested patriotism, were to be betrayed to the enemy, with all their garrisons." * Clinton caught eagerly at the prospect of so magnificent a prize as West Point, with its opulent military magazines, cannon, garrisons, vessels, boats, and stores. The home ministry as eagerly supported him, directing him to incur any expense within reason, for the successful issue of the gigantic scheme. ♦ Bancroft, Vol. X. I I. I. f^; 1 III ' ' (('I I ii XVII.— 1780. TREASON. " Being remise, most generous, and free from all contriving." Hamlft. m AND now, the treason having taken shape, Arnold y drew across its '^ blackness of darkness," a line of sudden radiance ; — himself selected the costly victim to adorn the odious tragedy about to be enacted. He de- manded that Andre, the grace and idol of Clinton's army, whom Sir Henry loved as his own son, should be sent to consummate the foul treachery, — Andre, whose name for all knightly virtues and accomplishments, might have gone down the ages liuked with that of Sir Philij) Sidney, had he, like him, given his life in the cause of human liberty. But alack! he could urge nothing but '^ an honest zeal in the service of his king,"* and the success- ful issue of the affair was to bring him rank and emolu- ment. AYithout duplicity, or even ordinary caution, Andre was the last man to be sent u})on such an eiTand, and it is certain that he did not seek Uie service. Clinton had dispatched him upon his dangerous mission with three distinct charges : not to pass within the American lines; not to change his dress, and upon no account to take papers. Arnold compelled liim to all three. The British ship *^ Vulture" had been sent up the Hud- son and anchored off I'ellers Point, to facilitate tlie affair. * Letters to Qcneral Washinf/ton a.nl Sir Ucnrn Clinton. TEEASOl?'. 159 Dobb's Ferry had been first designated as the place of meet- ing. Andre arriving there and finding no message or messen- ger from Arnold, afterwards ascended the river and readied the ** Vulture" at 7 o'clock on the evening of September 20. He confidently expected to meet iVrnold there the same night, "according to the tenor of his letter" ; but that CO ward- villain had no intention of coming on board the ^' Vulture." He had resolved that Andre and not he, should take the risks of the meeting. Andre waited anxiously through the night, and in the morning dispatched a letter to Sir Heury, in rather de- spondent tone, " saying that this was the second excur- sion he had made without any ostensible reason, and a third would infallibly fix suspicions. He thought it best, therefore, to stay where ho was, under pretence of sick- ness, and try further expedients." An opportunity oc- curred the next day to send a letter ashore under flag. It reached Arnold safely, and he now addressed himself to arrange for bringing Andre on shore. Arnold had no accomplice — he bore the whole burden of infamy alone — but he had managed to win to sundry nefarious transactions, a man named Joshua Smith. See- ing his susceptibility as a tool, Arnold had flattered him with civilities, invited him to headquarters, etc. Smith served him, and asked no questions. The difiiculty was to get two boatmen willing to go. with Smith at midnight, with muffled oars, to the " Vul- ture." Two brothers named Colquhoun were selected, but they stoutly rofuseVl, saying thoy would willingly go by daylight under flng, but declined the night service. Arnold argued with them that the morning would be too late — there was a gentleman on board whom he must see immediately upon business of highest imi)ortance to the public interest, and they were no patriots if they refused their services. They still drew back. Further appeals to their patriotism failed ; the men were obdurate. \\ i •< r I.I i m f^i^ij IV, ii: f --i •,!/' I't! **^l* 160 TKEASOIf. Arnold, at last, threatened to put them under arrest, as disaffected to their country's cause. They then consented to obey Jiis orders. He promised them fifty pounds of flour as an encouragement, which, it is almost needless to add, they never received. At midnight of the 21st a boat with muffled oars ap- proached the " Vulture," and a letter signified to Andre that he was expected to come ashore. It illustrates An- dre's character, that he at once prepared to comply with the summons, with no security for his safety but "the word of a man Avho was seeking to betray his country."' ** Remissness " could go no further. He was strongly dissuaded from so doing ; but such was his eagerness to accomplish the object, that he seemed indifferent to the risks of such a step. He wore his uniform, but over it a blue overcoat, which concealed all. He entered the boat, and the oarsmen rowed, a silent pai'ty, to the shore, called Long Clove, on the western bank of the river, about six miles below Stony Point. ^ It was the precise point that Arnold had designated, and, in a few moments after the boat touched the river side, Smith and Andre groped their way np the bank through the darkness and found the traitor concealed in a clump of thick bushes. Smith returned to the boat at Arnold's request, but full of vexation and disgust, as he expected to be present at the interview, after the trouble it had cost him to bring the parties together. Some hours passed. The honest oarsmen slept heavily, but a troubled conscience keph Smith uneasy and wake- ful. With the first streak of dawn he approached and admonished Arnold that the boat must leave its present station before duy. But the alTair was yet far from concluded. Arnold gave consent for the boat to return up the river, and he, with Andre, mounted horses which had been provided TKEASOJ?-. 161 and rode several miles to Smith's house. "It was still dark, and the voice of the sentinel, demanding the counter- sign, was the first intimation to Andre that he was within the American lines. " * Marshall also says, that Andre liad peremptorily refused to be carried within the American lines ; but the promise made him by Arnold, to respect this objection, was not observed. Andre v>'as startled, and perfectly realized the peril of his situation. It Avas too late, however, except to nerve himself to meet the e.dgeney now upon him. Their consultations were resumed upon amving at Smith's house. Shortly after daylight, their attention was attracted by the sound of a cannonade, and Andre saw from his windows, with anxious heart, the "Vulture" hoist anchor and drop down the river out of range of the shot from an American cannon at Verplanck's Point. Before noon of September 22d, the plot, with all its conditions and details, was consummated and readv for execution. The dav was fixed. Much of these details has never seen ihe light. It is not known for how many pieces of silver Arnold agreed to sell his countrv. Ihit, as avarice was his stimulating motive, and the prize was of priceless value to tlic purchaser, the sum dcmaiuled by Arnold vpnn the successful issue of the 2M, must have been fabulous. The l)usiness concluded, Andre's concern now was a safi aiul si)eucly return to the " N'ulture." lie insisted that be shouUrbo put on board of the "Vulture." Ar- nold pretended to assent, but at the same time suggested many objections to it, and advised the return by hind as much safer. Andre adhered to his determination to re- turn as he came. Tiiis could not be accomplished unul nigiitfall. In AndnVs own account of liis capture, lie says : *\Vrno] *■; authority, he wrote himself to the ministry, urging that the bounty he increased. It was done, but with the same ill success. The more honorable to those he sought to corrupt, as at that time the continental currency was at its worst. , Also, in his letters to the ministry, he had greatly mis- represented the real status of American affairs, stating that the resources of Congress were utterly exhausted, notwithstanding the late favorable alliance with the French ; that the cause was becoming more and more unpopular with the people, who ardently desired a recon- ciliation with England, etc. So eager were the ministry at this time to listen to any word of hope, that they greedily swallowed the assurance of a man who had stood so high in military councils from the very beginning of the war, and had so eminently enjo;' 1 the confidence of the commander-in-chief. It caused ilie ministry to relax their elforts at the very moment when they should have renewed them, to the manifest detriment of Clinton's military plans. It was, perhaps, the first real service he had performed for his country. Furtliermore, his restive ambition led him again to pass the authority of his commander General Clinton, and he wrote to Germain submitting a plan by wliich West Point might be taken with ease, if not by a con p- de-ma in, yet by a few days regular attack. Tliis caused Lord Germain to prick the sides of Clinton's mili- tary intent, in a manner that implied " censure, either U])on his discernment or his enterprise." Clinton returned for answer, that the scheme was vis- ionary and im[)ractieji1tle with the present strengtli and vigilance of the so-recently-mcnaccd posts, and concluded : *'As to Major-General Arnold's oi)inion, t can only say that, v.'hatever he may have represented to your Lord.^hip, nothing he has yet communicated to me, has convinced me that the rebel posts in the Highlands can be reduced 4 !' AElfOLD'b SMALL VILLAINIES. 169 I by a *few days' regular attack.' But, if lie convinces me now that such a thing is practicable (for to fail would be death to our cause in the present state of the war), I shall most likely be induced to make the attempt. I haye, therefore, required that general officer to send his plan of operation to me without delay, and to follow, or accom- l)any it, hiuself." It was as visionary as had been his plan for the capture of Quebec, but the prudence of Clinton prevented the disastrous attempt. Notliing more was ever heard of it, and Arnold idled through the summer without a com- mand. He had left his military fame behind him. His new friends did not share t]ie American enthusiasm for his soldierly abilities. They had a truer gauge, and, esti- mating him with remarkable penetration, they appointed him only to the work of a thief and a robber. In the winter of 1781, they sent him on a plundering and burning expedition to Virginia [it was the very time that Daniel Morgan w^as at Cowpens] ; but so little did Clinton trust him, that he se»^t with him two officers, of tried ability and honor, witli the express command that he was to undertake nothing without their counsel and consent. A gale scattered tlie fleet at the mouth of the Chesa- peake, and Arnold, without waiting to reassemble, pushed on up the James Eiver to Itichmond. Here he tliought to cheat his new masters, for "he offered to spare Rich- mond if he mii^ht carry off unmolested its vast stores of tobacco"; but they rejected the proposition witli scorn, and he burned all. He was soon compelled to retreat, and was recalled to Kew York by Clinton.''* ^'' It was at this time that Arnold attempted to correspond with La Fayette by fl:iad the Ittter and sent it back unopened. When Cornwallis came into Virginia, he took the first opportunity to send him down to Ports- 8 I 1 m ■ « i! '"•■'' I ! Ill 170 AKiq^OLD'S SMALL VILLAINIES. *&■' 'i 1 One more and the last of his "exploits." His ravages of the shores of Connecticut ; and, from his knowledge of the locality, it is believed that the expedition originated with him. It was in the golden September 1781, \vhile Washington and La Fayette were before Yorktown. He burned towns and vessels, immense magazines of public property, and butchered, with savage ferocity, the garrison at Fort Griswold, after they had surrendered. It is said that " he stood in the belfry of a steeple and witnessed the confla- gration, and what adds to the enormity is, that he stood almost in sight of the spot where he drew his first breath ; and that many of the dying whose groans assailed his ears, and of the living whose houses and effects he saw devoured by the flames, were his early friends — the friends of his father and mother — and that these wanton acts were without provocation on the part of the sufferers." * He might even have seen the little school-house, around which, in his boyish iniquityj he used to strew the pieces of broken glass that the child en might cut their feet on going and returning from school. The boy was father of the man. With the surrender of Cornwallis, Arnold found his military occupation gone ; shunned by his fellow officers, he asked permission of Clinton to sail for England. Arriving there, he found a deeper scorn and contempt awaiting him. There was only one '*so poor to do him mouth, out of bis sight and association. It was also at this time that Arnold asked an American officer who had been taken prisoner, what they would do with him if he should fall into their hands. He replied, " We would cut off the le^^ which was wounded while you fought in the cause of liberty, and bury it with the honors of war, and bang the rest of your body on the gibbet." * Sparks' Life of Arnold. Arnold's small villainies. 171 >f f \ reverence/' His Majesty, the Third George, was perforce his friend. The invective of Lord Lauderdale resulted in a duel ; while Lord Surrey, rising to speak one day in the House of Commons, saw Arnold enter the gallery ; he sat down quickly, pointing to him and exclaiming: "I will not speak while that man is in the House." Again and again, he solicited a command in the British service, but it was not granted. All he obtained was a con- tract for supplying the British troops and provisions; he afterwards received a gift of land in Canada for his ser- vices in the West Indies. At St. Johns, New Brunswick, he carried on an extensive business, occupying two large warehouses. Upon one of these he procured insurance for a large amount. It soon after took tire and was en- tirely consumed with all it contnined. His two sons, who slept in the warehouse escaped, but could give no account of the origin of the fire. It was generally believed that it • i.ad been insured for an amount far beyond the value of the goods stored in it, and was set afire. Proof, however, could not be furnished, and Arnold received the full value of the merchandise insured. To illustrate the sentiment of the public in the matter : Monson, Arnold's partner, accused him of having insti- gated the fire ; Arnold brought suit against him for libel, and obtained a verdict of two-and-sixpence. Fortune continued to desert him to the last, until, twenty years after his treason, in 1801, in shame, obscu- rity and poverty, he sank into a dishonored grave,— an unanswerable argument for the doctrine of native de- pravity. \ I i 11- ,'H :^-l; XIX.— 1779. TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. ' 1 i'«. m ■m ift-tl t, 'i tl ■I ±y X EANTIME the tide of battle liatl rolled soutliward. shiftiiiir tlio The British bad good reasons ior theatre of war. Sentiment was more equally divided there. The republicans scarcely out-numbered the torie,'^. It must be said, however, that as a, rule the virtuous and intelligent adhered to the cause of indopeiKlencc, while the ignorant and vicious, wiilx the hope of plunder and adven- ture, flocked to the king's standards. The coast abounded in good harbors and the country was a rich plain, watered by navigable rivers, by which they could penetrate to the very heart of the provinces. x\mong the reasons given by Tark^ton, wlio accompanied Sir Henry Clintou on his expedition to South Carolina, were: •' Tbo mildness of the climate, richness of tlio country, its vicinity to Georgia [already in the power of the British] and iis distance from Washuujfon.^^ From the midsummer of ITTo, the ablest commanders in the British service, Generals Gage, IIowc, Burgoyne, Cornwallis, and Clinton, had been successively out-gen- er.allod, out-maneuvred and put to shame, by his matchk'ss com))inations, Tliey had tlrought to u|)root the Amei'icaii rejjellion by striking at Boston, " t,he hot-bed of treason"; but in a few inontlis they were di'iven IVom its harbor. Tliey then fancied to decapitate it, by seizing tlu* Hudson river and thus dividing the easiern from ibc middle colo- nies. They were foiled on the phiins of Saratoga, and tlio surrender of Burgoyne was tiic consetiuence. In 1T77 TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. 173 If V tliey had indeed established themselves in the city of the Continental Congress, but only to yield it up in the follow- ing year. In the summer of 1778, coining agahi upon White Plains, Washington wrote: '"After two years maneuvering, and the strangest vicissitudes, both armies arc brought back to tlio very point they set out from, and tlie offending party is now reduced to ihc use of the spade and pickaxe for safety. The hand of Providence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked, that has not gratitude enough to acknowledge his oljligations." Had Washingtori. been an unbeliever, consulting only the "stars" for his omens, he would still have been a formidable antagonist ; but, with his splendid military instinct — holding fast by the hand of his God — saying continually: **Thou wilt guide me with thine eyCf" he bad become to his enemies, the iinconqucraUe. As early as 1778, the coast of Georgia had been ravaged by British troops, from their station in Florida, joined by Indian tribes who were bought by British agents with costly i)resents to enter their service. In 1779 Colonel Campbell was dispatched from Kew York with three thousand troops to take Savannah. It was feebly defended by the American General Howe. Guided tlirough a swamp by a negro, Campbell turned Howe's position. Vigorously attacked on all sides, he capitulated, and the capital with nearly five hundred prisoners, forty-eight pieces of cannon, the fort with lai'ge military stores and much i)rovision fell to the British with a loss to them of only twenty-four killed and wounded. Having established themselves in Savannah, the British ranged at will through southern (Jeorgia, ; pushing north- ward, Ihey forlilied Augusta and opened communication with the savage tribes of u])])er Georgia. The du|em|t(3s of South Carolina retiuested Congress to i; ( I ;^ 174 TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. send Major riciieral Lincolii, to command their forces ; a man liiglily esteemed for liis integrity and private vir- tues, but without a etir of military instinct. Disaster followed fast and folloAved faster. In September 1770 the chivali'ic but impetuous Frenchman D'Estaing suddenly api)eare(l upon the coast of Georgia with licet and army, and signified his purpose to assist in retaking Savannah. Autumnal gales approaching, he precipitated the mad assault, which was repulsed v.ith frightful slaughter. m Among the slain, were the brave Polandcr Pulaski and Sergeant Jasi)er. Three years before Jasper had earned irirmortal fame at the defence of Fort Moultrie in the harbor of Charleston. A ball from the enemy's ship shot away the flagstaff ; Jasper leaped from the wall, upon the beach, caught up the stars of liberty, and climbing the breastwork, thrcugh a stoi-m of bullets, fixed the flag upon the point of his spontoon, and gave it again to the breeze, crying, ''God save liberty and my country for- ever." After the enemy liad retired discomfited. Gover- nor Hutledge, in presence of tlie whole regiment, took his sword from his side and with his own hand presented it to Jasper. He offered him a commission also, but this high heroic soul declined it. He was only one of God's noblemen aTid m()d(\stly said : "I a?n greatly obliged to you Gover- nor, but I had rather not have n commission ; as I am, I I)ass very well with such company as a poor sergeant has a right to keep. If I took a commission, I should be forced to keep higher company, and then, as 1 don't know how to read, J should only be putting myself in a way to bo laughed at." The fair daughters of Cliarleston were ul.'O gathered there to thank their brave defenders, and Mrs. Colonel TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. 175 I EHiofc presented the regiment witli fresh colors, em- broidered in gold and silver with her own hand. They were delivered to Jasper, who '* vowed never to give them u]) but with his life." Now, under the fatal walls of Sj- .aiLah, he made good his vow. Through all that day of carnage Jasper Lad remained unhurt, but when the retreat was sounded he rushed forward to seize and bring ofE his colors, v. hen a fatal ball entered his lungs. In an old time-worn book, a specimen of the southern literature of more than half a century ngo, entitled ' ' Weems and Horry's Life of Marion," may be found a page or two, describing the death of this brave man. It has an exquisite touch of poetry and pathos, equal to any- thing that ever fell from the pen of Dickens, albeit the death of " Poor Joe " or " Little Paid." Thus : "As he passed by me with the colors in his hand, I observed he had a bad limp in his walk. '* 'You arc not much hurt, I hope, Jasper,' said I. " ' Yes, Major, I believe I've got my furlough.' *' ' Pshaw,' quoth I, ' furlough for what ? ' " ^ Why to go home to Heaven, I lioi)e.' *'IIis words made such an impression on me, that as soon as duty permitted I went to see him. As I entered the tent, he lifted his eyes to me, but their fire was almost quenched. Stretching his feeble hand he said, Avith per- fect tranquillity: MYell, Major, I told you I had got my furlough.' '* ' 1 hope not,' I replied. " H), yes! I am going, and very fast too; but thank God, I am not afraid to go.' "I told him, I knew he was too brave to fear death, and too honest to be alarmed about its consequences. '' ' Why as to that matter, sir, I won't brag ; but I have my hopes. I am but a poor ignorant bod}-, but someho^v or other I have always bu'lt my hopes of what 176 TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. iiP' ¥'"1 i [A I*;- ' < ^ 111! 11 .(', p S'K' God ma}^ do for me licrcafkr, on what he has done for me "I told him I thought lie was correct in that. " ^ Isow, Major, here's the waj I comfort myself. Fifty years ago (I say to myself) I was nolliiiifj, and had no thought that there was any such grand and beautiful world a5 this. But, notwitlustandirig, there icas such a world, and here God has brought mo into it. Now can't lie in fifty years more, or indeed in fifty minutes more, bring me into aiiother world, as much above this as this is above that state of notking in which 1 was fifty years ago: V> I told him T thought it was a very happy way of reasoning, and such as suited the goodness and greatness of God. ** *I think so, Mr.jor, and I trust I shall find it so,' he continued ; ' though I have been a man of blood, yet, thank God, I have always lived with an eye to that great liopc. My mother was a good wonnm, and when I sat, a child, on her knee, she talked to me of God, and told me it was God who built this groat world, with all its riches and good things, and not for Ilunsclf h\\ iov mc ! and that if I would but do His will, in that Oi. / acce}»table wiiy — a good life — ho would do still greater and better things fvjr me hereafter. These things went so deep into my heart. Major, that they nevei* could be taken a,way from me. I have hardly ever gone to bed or got up jigain without my prayers. I have honored my father and mother, and, thank God, I have been slridhj honest.' " He continued, w^ith tears in his eyes and with much effort, that he had a good hope he was going where he should not do what he had been obliged to do in this world. " "'I've killed men in my time, ^fajor, but not in nr/'''^^. but in what I thou2:ht a just Avar for mv count rv . -vimI as I l)oro no malice against tho'e I killed, neither do l n:ar TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWAKD. 177 any against those who have killed me ; raid I heartily trust in Cod, for ChrlGt'a f-uke, that we shjill cue day meet together Avhere v/q gliidl forgive, ujid love one another lilie brothers. And now, my good friend, as 1 have but a Bl-tk time to live, I beg you will do a few things for me ■when I am gone. " ' You see that sword — it is the one Governor Itutledge presented to me for my services at Fort Moultiie— give that sword to my father, and tell him 1 never dishonored it. If he should weep for mo, tell him his son died iu hope of a better life. '• ' If you should see that great gentlewoman, ;^^rs. Elliot, tell her I lost my life in saving the colors she gave to our regiment. And if you should come across poor Jones and his wife and little boy, tell them Jasper is gone ; but the remembrance of the hard battle which he once fought for their sakcs, brought a secret joy to his heart Just as it was about to stop its motion forever.' * He spoke these last words in a livelier tone than before; but it was hke the last kindling of the taper in its oillc?s socket; instantly the paleness of death overspread his face — he sank back and expired." Lincoln led the remnants of his maimed and shattered army into Charleston. Ivcinforcements from the Carol'nas and Virginia, with largo military stores and provisions, were crowded into a city v/hich could not be defended. TliG brave men industriously strengthened i(s fortillcations; it was but to build th'nr own graves. In January of li'jO, Sir Henry Clinton had sailed from Xew York with eight thousand five hundred men, fully cqui})ped. He .'ncounttavd outrageous storms; his ord- nance-ship foundered ; of his trans])orts, nuiny were either ca])tured or lost, luid his cavalry horses all perished. It •* IIu liad, nt fearful oilds, roscucil tliom from the murderous Imnds of u l>riitul Huldiery, uud buv(.d tliLir liveu. - t H 178 TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. was the end of Februarv before the fleet reas^^'mbled off the island of Tybee. Clinton found his who! force in Georgia and Carolina, not far from ten thousand, and, so soon as he could remount his cavalry, be commenced a cautious and leisurely March along the coast into South Carolina, llrmly establishing bis posts as he advanced. April 9th, his fleet gained the harbor of Charleston witb- out loss, and on the 10th of April he summoned Lincoln to surrender. XX.~1780. THE SCOURGE OF THE CAEOLINAS. ''INHERE accompanied Clinton on tJiis expedition an X olUcer of exceptional military genius, wJio was speedily to become the scourge and terror of these un- liappy provinces. Some critics have pronounced him a presentiment of the new system of military tactics — tak- ing Braddock and the Ilowes as representatives of the old. "Tarleton's operations were characteristic of that new system, which gained fresh si)irit during the French lie volution, and afterwards distinguished Napoleon I."* Yet the same elements have characterized all great soldiers, — Alexander, C^asar, Gaston de Foix, Adolphus, Marlborough, and Morgan. That fine equi})oise of judg- ment and daring — swiftness, celerity, su])pleness, inge- nuity, ubiquity — persistent sledge-hammer blows, as long and as many as needful to accomplish a result, adjourning sleep and food, and filling the twenty-four hours with valors. TarletoD needed only a great onportunity and unlimited command. Well for our cause he was only a colonel, and but ])oorly generaled. It must be said that he was utterly without the quality of mercy. A few s})ecimens of his work will best illustrate the worker. We left Lincoln penned u}) in CJharleston, with all the military resources of the Carolinas, having been, ou April 10th, summoned by Clinton to surrender. The city wa:s almost com])letely invested ; but the American cavalry, under General linger * Carrington's " Battles of the American Ikmlation." i : ' i ' i. w fitV. ^ '-#•'"' ■ '. ■ i'.^.- I'W rl'J^i '■' ifej,.. : HI' 1 If Si if" !$ 180 THIi SCOURGE OF THE CAROLli^AS. and Colonel ^Vasliington, both fmc oiricors, licld a position at Monk's Comer, thirty miles above Charleston, which maintained a communication with the upper country for supplies for the garrison, and covered a way of retreat out of the city. A swiit night march, April 12th, and Tarleton had them in his grip. linger and Washington fled to the swamp and secreted themselves, as did all who could. Tarleton took a hundred prisoners — oilicers, dragoons and huzzars — fifty wagons of clothing, ammunition, etc., and, mcst valuable of all to the British at that time, four hundred horses, v.'ith etpiipnients. lie also took posses- sion 01 the ferry and all the boats. This completed the investment of Charleston. British loss — one oliicer and two men wounded, and five horses killed." * A[ay Gth, Tarleton totally surprised an American de- tachment under Colonels Washington and "White, at Lcnew's Ferry. — " Bcsistance and slaughter soon ceased." The two colonels saved themselves this time by swimming. American loss — live oilicers and thirty-six men killed and wounded ; seven officers and sixty dragoons prisonertJ, with all the horses, arms and equipments. Tarleton lost tv/o dragoons and four horses, l)ut, returning to Lord Cornwallis' camp the siime evening, twenty horse.3 expired with fatigue. More of this kind of work in its plac'C. Cb.arleston passed to the Britirh Illay 12th, 1780. By including all tlie male adults, old and iaiirm, in his list, Clinton could report five thousand prisoners. The spoil was not less than a million an J a halt in our money. The British army became a band of plunderers, and 'Mhe divi- deml of a niajor-generid was four thousand guineas." f The negroes were tho mo,?t valuable part of this spoil. The slaves of re])els, not excepting (hose who Ihi'evv Mx'/n- selvea upon Die British for protection, were immediately ■•• Turldou'ii Caiiipai(//i. \ Buiicioji, Vol. X. THE SCOURGE OF THE CAEOLINAS. 181 shipped to the West Indies, where they brought a high price. A ban of indiscriminate conflRcation was prepared for the whole country. Protection could only ])e obtained in return for unconditional and active loyalty. Clinton de- termined to crush o^it tlie spirit of liberty, and compel every man, capable of bearing arms, into British service. The male inliabitants of the various districts were en- rolled, and either British or tory oHicer? (far more dreaded of the two), Avere appointed, "with civil as well as mili- tary powers." All over forty years of age, were to preserve the king's authority at home ; all under that age, were to serve six months of tAia year in the royal armies. The Carolinas were to become a vast British camp. After the issue of this proclamation, any Carolinian taken in arms, "Svas liable to death for desertion and bear- iwcf arms a,<^"ainst his country. Lord Rawdon, in command on the San tee, issued the following order : " If any per- son shall meet a soldier straggling, and shall not secure him, or spread an alarm for that purpose; or if any person shall shelter or guide a soldier t'traggling, they i^^hall be punished by whipping, imprisonment or be fient to fjerve in the West Indies. I will give teii guineas for the head of any deserter belonging to the volunteers of Ireland, and live guineas onty, if they bring him in alive." Thus were those proud and liigh-Fpirited people forced to become the agents of their own subjection. Htujined l^y their military disa -iters and by the savage cruelty of their oppressors, their energies were for the time paralyzed — yet the people of the Carolinas remained uueonquerod. Clinton .sent a detacliment to dtt^t\^\i\tt\ Angnsta ; an- other to IS'ineiy-six, and a tiiird uixlor Cornwallis to Camden. Tiie.^e imp(»rtant posts held the two Stufes, Georgia and South Carolina, in present su])jection. The only armed American force yet in the held Vv'as a i 1 t i a 182 THE SCOUKGE OF THE CAEOLINAS. portion of tlie Virginia line, whicli arrived too late to join the garrison in Charleston, and they had retreated north- ward toward Xorth Carolina. Tarleton was dispalclied after them, May 29th. He forced a march of one Imndrcd and live miles in fifty-four hours, and came up Mith them on the herders of the State. " Colonel Buford, with ahoiit one hundred, saved themselves by a precipitate fliglit, the rest sued for quarter, but one hundred and fifteen were killed on the spot, a hundred and fifty were too badly hacked to be moved; only fifty-three could be brought away as prisoners.^' * Tarleton's own account of it is : ''■ One hundred officers and men killed and wounded, two hundred prisoners, fifty-five barrels of powder, and twenty-six wagons of clothing, arms and camp-equipage, with a British loss of sixteen killed and wounded and thirty-one horses." Sir Henry Clinton announced that Tarleton " had killed, wounded, and taken prisoner, more than his own force." Cornwallis in his despatches to the ministry writes : "I add the highest encomiums of Lieutenant-Colonel Tarle- ton. It will give me most sensible satisfaction to hear that your Excellency has obtained for him some distinguished mark of Hi> Majesty's favor." f The people of America called it a cold-blooded massacre, and ^' Tarlcton's quarters" became a by-word of horror. General Clinton now returned to Now York and left Cornwallis and Tarleton to complete the sul)jugation of the South. Their cruelty was overdone and worked the other way. Marion rejoiced when he heard of the sulfer- ings of the people ; "'tis a harsh medicine, but it is neces- sary. Our country is like a man who lias swallowed a mortal poison, and unless they are well worked and scoured of their partiality to the Englisli, they are lost." In Congress, Houston, the delegate from Georgia, said : "Our misfortunes are, under God, the source of our * Bancroft, Vol. X. f Tarlcton's Campdign, '» r' % THE SCOURGE OF THE CAROLIXAS. 183 :» safety." The people, wrought up to fury and (lesperation, niul compelled to fight, now rallied to the standards of their own country. The fall of Charleston had reverber; *^od like a sound of doom over the land. Not since the fall of Ticonderoga liad the cause of tlie republic received so severe a blow ; — " but worse remained behind." Washington had detached southward from his army, the splcndU continental brigade of Marylanu and Dela- ware troops, under the able Gent il Do Kalb. General Greene solicited from "\\ ashington the command of iha Southern Departmriit, and would have obtained it, but Congress ignoring his preference and still *• joined to its idol," appointed General Gates, whose " high blown pride was so soon to break under him." It was a fatal amendment to the judicious appointment of the modest, brave, and experienced De Kulb. Not only so, but they unliandsoniely made Gutes independent of the commander- in-chief. He was to receive orders from and report only to Congress. It might have Ijeen his own stipulation. He was destined, however, to a brief and inglorious career, with the large authority granted him by that body. In two short months he had the infelicity to report to Con- gress from the ignominious field of Camden, -* Head- quarters in the saddle," — flying. ■ill: I r Gates had received the announcement of his appoint- ment to the Southern Department at his home in Virginia, June 1780. Ilk first thought was to obtain Morgan's services, and lie immediately solicited of Congress a commission for him as Brigadier General in the continental service. Shortly before this, he had sought an interview with Morgan., when the ca,use of their estrangement was re- ^-*' *^^ -^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /y ^ >i K// >-^ .^I^ V "«f ^0 1.0 I.I 11.25 li ut Uii |22 £^ 1^ 120 •Utav. U ■J.6 I V^^"^/' ^ ^ <%^^^* > ^ f ^ > > "^ Hiotographic Sciences Corporation U WIST MAiN STRUT WnSTIR.N.Y. USM (716)173-4303 1 d V 184 THE SCOURGE OF THE CAROLIXAS. '1 viewed. Morgan proudly reminded him of the services he had performed during the campaign of Burgoyne, tmd of their importance in conipcUing his surrender, lie reminded Gates of the ingratitude and injustice of not even naming him in his oilicial account of that most momentous alfair of the war. What amends Gates could make, he attempted, and Morgan from that time, with his usual magnanimity, dis- missed the matter from his mind and accepted Gates' overtures of friendship. Congress, however, recalled Morgan into the service as Colonel only; hut to his eternal honor he asserted his dignity hy declining to go. Besides the sense of injustico he felt, a weiditv reason for this course remained. The Southern States had heen divided into military districts, in each of wliich, oflicers had heen appointed by State authority. He would he outranked by these, and snbjcet continually to the orders of his inferiors in military ex- peiicnce and ability. Throughout his wliole previous career, except when acting under the commander-in-chief, Morgan had contended with this disadvantage, — so "no more of that."' His health also, though much improved, was far from re-established. Gates was fain to go without him and fight his own battle. Conceit and self-assurance went with him, hov»r- ever ; the l)lind led the blind. On his way through Vir- ginia he met his old friend Lee, the traitor, now in jn-ivato life, who warned Gates that he would find Cornwallis a tough piece of English beef. ''Tough, sir," replied Gates, *' tough ! then begad I'll tender him. I'll make inlos of him in three hours after I set eyes u])on him." Ave I will you, indeed," returned Lee ; 'Hhen send n for me and I will come and help you eat him." Gates smiled an adieu and rode off, but Lee called after him: ''Take care, Gates, take care, lest your Northern laurels turn to Southern willows." THE SCOURGE OF THE CAROLINAS. 185 1 " Gates, though a Chesterfield at court, was but a Paris in camp. He was of that fool-luirdy and crazy-brained quality to whom it is a misfortune to be fortunale. He could never bring himself to believe that Lord Oornwallis would ' dare to look him in tiic face/ So confident was he of victory that on the morning before tlie fatal day of Camden he ordered Marion and myself [Horry] to hasten to San tee river, and destroy every scov/, boat, and canoe, that could assist an Englishman in his flight toward Charleston."* Gates, in superseding De Kail), had declined to take his counsel, and instead of proceeding by the way De Kalb and his officers advised, throiigii a salubrious and well- provisioned country, he led his army througli a pine barren where they were fain to feed upon unripe peaches and green corn, with molasses and water for beverage. They marched under a July sun, and upon arriving near Camden, were fitter for the hospital than the battle-field. Marion and Horry, before departing, presented them- selves to take leave of the brave old Do Kalb, with whom they had been serving as aids, and between whcmi a warm friendship had sprung up. The good old man said : '* I ptirt with you with tlie more regret, because I feel a pre- sentiment that we part to meet no more." ** * We hoped for better things.' *' * 0, no,' he replied, * it is imp()s.>il)le. War is a game, and has its fixed rules. To-morrow, it seems, tlie die is to be cast, and, in my judgment, witliouttlie kaft chance on our side. Tlie m'ilitia will, I suppose, a-^ usual, phiy the back game— that is, get out of the scrape as fast as their legs can carry them. But that, you know, won't do for me. I am an old soldier and cannot run : and I believe I have some brave fellows with \m> who will sliind l)y nio till the last. When you hear of our baltlo. you will prob- ably hear that your old friend De Kalb is at lest.' * Horri/ and ]Veema' Life of Marion. .3.1 \i ■lit I ' ' 186 THE SCOURGE OF THE CAB0LIITA8. " I looked at Marion, and the tears stood in his eyes. De Kalb saw it, and taking us by the hand, with a look of ani- mation, said : ' No, gentlemen, no emotions for me but those of congratulation. I am happy. To die is the ii revocable decree for all ; then what joy to be able to meet death without dismay ! This, thank God, is my ease. The happiness of man is my wish — that happiness I deem in- cousistent with slavery. To avert so great an evil from an innocent peoi)le. I will gladly meet the British to- morrow, at any odds whatever.' " As ho spoke, I saw something in liis look which demonstrated the divinity of virtue and the immortality of the soul." Tarleton was a good critic as well as a good fighter. He points out in his " Campaign," Lincoln's mistake of shutting himself up in Charleston to be captured, instead of doing as Washington did "when he abandoned New York for the Jerseys and yielded Philadelphia to tlio English, as a contrary course would have unavoidably re- established the sovereignty of Great Britain in America." Of Gates, he said : ** He had not sufficient penetration to perceive that l)y a forced march up the creek, he could have passed Lord Fiawdon's flank and reached Camden, which would have been an easy conf[uest and a fatal blow to the British, for their hospital, baggjige, provisions and ammunilion wore there under a weak guard." Instead of this, Gates made an unmeaning halt of two da^s, which cnsildcd the British to reinforce and secure a favorable position. On tlie night of the fiCteenib of Au- gust, at ten o'clock, Gates put his army (m the march, and at two next morning they stumbled upon the British, advancing to meet them. The advance of Gates' army wore militia, who had never 111- 1 ' THE SCOUKGE OP THE CAROLIKAS. 187 ?» 11 lid two " paraded together before." Some shots were exchanged, but both sides adjourned action until daylight. Besides the detachment under Marion to destroy the boats on tiie San tee, Sumter had come into camp with four hundred men and asked for four hundred more to intercept a British convoy of stores and provisions on the road from Charleston to the camp at Camden. It was granted. Gates found himself with but three tiiousand and fifty, fit for duty. He pompously exclaimed ; *' These are enough for our purpose." Cornwallis had less than two thousand. Gates had no plan of battle, and took his own place well in the rear. De Kulb, at the last moment, advised that the army should fail back to Rugley's Mills, where they could occupy an excellent position and await the British attack. Gates not only rejected the counsel, but hinted that it was prompted by cowardice ; whereupon the brave old General leaped from his horse and, placing himself at the head of his command, retorted with warmth : *' Well, sir ! a few hours will let us see who are the orave." Gates issued no order for the battle to begin ; one of his officers suggested that the brigade of Stevens' militia, the weakest of the army, should attack ; but Cornwallis* very best troops, under the able Colonel AVebster, were thrown against them, and the battle really commenced with theilight of the militia; Tarleton, with his cavah-y, pursued them thirty miles, cutting them down without mercy. Gates fled with them, nor did he halt until he renched Hillsborough, North Carolina, Jind it was said " that ho killed threo horses in his flight." IMio flying wing composed two-thirds of the army. Do Kalb and his Mai'vliind and Delaware troops rvmuincd to save American honor. The wliole British army now turned upon them. Never was bettor fighting done, and the British lost nearly five hundred before the Americana .»r t 1 ; 188 THE SCOrUGE OF THE CAROLIN^AS. m m M I yielded. Be Kalb fell, piereed by eleven wounds. He died, a few days after, a prisoner, but '• the unccnquered friend of liberty." A British otHeer eondoled with him for his misfortune ; he replied : '' I tliank you, sir, for your genei'ous sym- pathy, but I die the death I always prayed lor — the deatli » of a soldier fighting for the rights of man. By all accounts, both British and American, Gates had done everything in his power to ensure the victory of Corn- wallis. The omiss^^ion and the com mission were perfect. In a letter from (General Xash of Xorth Carolina to Washin^- ton, immediately r.l'ter the disaster of Camden, he re- views the situalion. The oppressed people were just beginning to lift up tlieir heads after the fall of Charles- ton. De Kalb's army had ;:dvanced to Pedeo IJiver, and by this iiad recovered from the enemy one of the most fruitful reaions of the State. Besides this, tlio militia of the two States, under their leaders — Marion, Sumter, Pickens, and Williams, had had nine several skirmishes with the enemy, and had been successful in all. Affairs were beginning to wear a most favorable aspect, had not Gates rashly decided to risl; the fate of tiie two Carolinas on a single battle. "I think I am justified in saying fhal he put all to risk, — because no previous efCectual measures were taken to save the bagcrage ; nor do I learn that any place was assigned for the army to retreat to in case of mis- fortune. At the flight of the militia, if the regulars luid boen ordered to retrccit to IJnulev's Mills, live miles in their rear, possibly all might have been saved. I am told that with one hundred men tlio pass coul-J. have ])een defcnfhd against the whole British army. * "'•= * '** Sir, we had expended uj)wardsof twenty-live millions of dollars on that army ; wc had drained every source and exhausted every fund in purchasing tents, wagons, horses, arms, ammuni- tion, provifions, spirits, Siigrr, (MJiTee, camp-eMuip:ige — in short, everything apfiertaining to an army, and in a single ¥: '■ W THE SCOL'RGE OF THE CAROLINAS. isa In half hour nil was completely lost and the army annihilated. The militia scattered to their homes, fj)reiiding terror as they went ; the regulars retreated on iifter their General to Jlillsboroiigh, two haiulred and lii'ly miles from tho place of action, where General Gate?; arrived three days after the battle, leaving all the country open to the rav- ages of the enemy." * The vanquished General, tliongh only required to report io Congress, reported a few days afterwiird to the com- mander-in-chief : " If I am yet to render goritish supplies and taken a hundred prisoners. Sumter, havng htard of the defeat of Gates, had retreated up the Wateree. Tarleton was quickly npon his track. Sumter, supposing, probably, t'uit the British cavalry would take a day of rest after tho battle, and haviuL'" himsell' maile a nnirch of forty miles, halted at the midday heat, for his own rest and refreshmenb and fell fast asleet> in the shade '.f a w;igon. Tarleton, by forced marches, pounced suddenly upon them, di-persed iind destroyed the detachment, killing one hundred and liriy on the spot, taking three hundred pri^;oncrs, reiejising all the British and tory prisoners, and recovering all tho wau'ons Sumter had cai)(ured. Tarleton lost one oflicer * Sparks' Cor. with Wxshln'jton, Vf)l. Ill, j). 110. f Sparks' Cor. irith WaxhiiKjkm, Vol. HI, p. 7i3. 190 THE SCOUEGE OF THE CAROLINAS. I and twenty-nine killed and wounded. Cornwallis, report- ing this affair, says : *' This action is too brilliiuit to need any comment of mine, and will, I doubt not, highly recommend Lieutenant Colonel Turletou to his Majesty's favor/'* This was Sumter's first encounter with Tarleton. " Two days after, he rode into Charlotte alone, without hat or saddle." f * Tiirleton'8 Campaign, p. 138. f Bancroft, Vol. X. i\ : ' r' ': i'S m ML' XXL— 1780. PATEIOT LEADERS OF THE SOUTLL ii \ CORNWALLIS now felt himself at liberty to dispatch to the ministry that Georgia and the Carolinas were '* British once more." In their eyes he was the one man " on whom rested the hopes of the ministry for the suc- cessful termination of tlie war." lie, with Tarleton, had decided that an iron yoke should be put upon the people of the South. He ordered com- manders of all posts *'to imprison all who would not take up arms for the king, and to seize or destroy their whole property. Any militia man who had borne arms with the British, and afterward joined the Americans, should be hanged immediately." Ilis underlings, ^ory and British, all through the State, bettered by his instructions. They patrolled the country far and near, — burned, ravaged, and put to death whom they would. " in violation of agreements, the Continental sold'ers wlio capitulated at Charleston, nineteen hujulrcd in ninu])er, were transferred to wretched prison t-hips, where thoy were joined by hundreds more, taken at Camden. In thirteen months, one-third of them had perished by malignart fevers. Others were impressed into British naval sevvice, or taken by violence on board ti'ansports and forced to serve in Britij^h regiments in Jamaica. Of more than three thousand, all but seven hundred were thus made way with." mm' mmm 192 PATRIOT LEADERS OF THE SOUTH, W WkH f Yet the Soiitli remained nnennqncred, aiul mo"ed for- ward to her iiulopendeiiee through the bitterest sorrows of civil war. Mcuibers of llie same iamiiies were arrayed against each other; neighbors outlawed and savagely buteliered efieh other; the land blazed with burning liomesteads : women and children, reared in luxury, Avero driven from their homes and shivered half clad beside for- est tires, while larice rewards were offered bv the British authorities to those who should inform of the jdace of concealment of cattle, horses, negroes, j^late, bonds and deeds, of the patriots of the Carolinas. Of South Carolina, Bancroft says: ** Left to her own resources, it was through bloodshed and devastation, and the depths of wretchedness, that her citizens were to bring her back to her place in the Republic, l)y their own heroic courage and self-devotion, hariufi suffered more, and dared more, and aeliicved more, ilian Vic men of any other State ! " They rallied to the standards of their patriot leaders : "Williams, Davidson, Pickens, Davie, Sumter, and, most illustrious of all, Francis Marion. Of rich Huguenot blood, he represented the virtues of three generations, and his name deserves to stand next to those of Morgan, Stark and "Wayne, among the great field executives of the Revolution, lie was small in stature, of delicate physifjue, antl gentle to tenderness. Armed with all knightly virtues of courage, truth and honor, he proved liimself the friend and protector of the weak and op- pressed ; he wept with the weeping mothers, widows and orpluins of his suiTering country, and drew to himself the love and confidence of all. Soon after the fall of Charleston, Sumter had hovered ]T)und the British camp so much to their annoyance that Coinwallis I 'r^^iissmaa mf.» >w i i -.^j iiii : I £'■ i: I :i jiii n *n i| ii|er Catawba with four hundred and fifty mounted men. lie, too, learned by his scouts of the mountain torrent of freemen, descend- ing and swelling as it rolled. lie advanced to meet them, and, near the field of Cow- pens, on the Broad lliver— auspicious spot, so soon to 200 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS — NO. 2. m blaze witli the glory of our arms — tliey joined forces and counted thirteen hundred strong. Williams jjroposed to guide them at once to Ferguson's encami)nient. Calling a council, they decided to push on and strike him by surprise. Selecting nine hundred i)icked men and their fleetest horses, they began their march at sunset. They dismounted but once in thirty-six hours. All night they rode, and the next day, evening, October 7th, 1T80, reached the foot of King's Mountain — per- petual monument of the valor of these men. Ferguson's force of tories, and a detachment of British regulars, numbered upwards of eleven hundred. They were strongly posted on what they thought an impregna- ble heiglit, "the craggy clills cropping out in form of natural breastworks along its sides and on its heights." But these brave hearts and strong hands had come to do the deed, and they did it. All honor to tlie militia heroes of King's Mountain, without a leader above the rank of colonel. All honor to tiie i)atriot j'eomanry of Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, "wiio met here to clasp hands and pour out their heart's blood in the cause of human liberty. They quietly dismounted and formed themselves into four columns. The post of extreme danger was assumed *l)y Colonel Campbell, of Virginia, and Colonel Shelby. They led tlie two columns that were to attack in front ; clim1)ing the mountain, to be received on the bayonets of the British regulars. But on, and up, they strxle — hearts of lions — repulsed at iirst, they rallied, and gained the height. A death struggle ensued, until the right and left Avings in the rear closed round the enemy's Hanks and rear, and circled them with a ring of lire. Fur lil'ty minutes the battle raged, until the position of the enemy was no longer tena))le. Their leader, Ferguson, being Ivilled, they attempted to csca[>e along the top of the ?^ THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS — NO. 2. 201 ridge ; but Colonels Clcavcland, Sevier and Williams in- tercepted them, and they threw down their arms. The British loss was four hundred and fifty killed or severely wounded, and six hundred and fifty prisoners. The American loss was only twenty-eight killed and sixty wounded. Among these, however, they had to mourn the death of the patriot Colonel James Wilhams — " a man of exalted character and of a brief but glorious career." As the battle of Herkimer's Mohawk yeomanry had first reversed the gloom of the iS^orthern Department in 1777, so now the battle of the yeomanry of King's Mountain first reversed the gloom of the Southern Department in 1780. The mountaineers had moved too swiftly this time for Tarleton. He heard the tidings of the disaster at the forks of the Catawba, and sped back with alk haste to Cornwallis' camp. An immediate retreat was ordered. The whole aspect of affairs was changed. It strength- ened the hearts of the patriots and dismayed the tories. * The appearance on the frontiers of a numerous enemy from settlements beyond the mountains whose names had thus far remained unknown to the British, took Corn- wallis by surprise ; and their success Avas fatal to this in- tended expedition. He had expected to step with ease from one Carolina to the other, and from these to the conquest of Virginia." * There was notliing now but a swift retreat back into South Carolina, on which he was followed by the militia, who *Muirassed his foraghig ^larties, intercepted his dis- patches; and captured his wiigons." They were delayed by heavy rains at the fords ; Corn- wv^llis fell ill of a fever ; they were without tents, and the soldiers bivouacked in the woods, drenched with rain, in unwholesome air. After a miserable march of fifteen days, they found themselves at the posts from which they * Bancroft, Vol. X. m imi , «*> !?i|» §:1 jl 203 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS— NO. 3. had set out, near Camden. Autumn malaria decimated the British regiments in tlieir garrisons faster than the British ministry could replace them. It was a superb stroke, King's Mountain — a revelation to the British, and it illuminates Washington's meaning when, in the midst of the disasters of the Jerseys, he de- clared that, if driven from the Atlantic coast, he could retire behind the natural barrier of the Alleghanies, and still hold the continent. i^ iiii f V m 'II if' XXIIL~1780. MA JOE-GENERAL GREENE. /^ONGRESS yok'd a eour( of inquiry into Gaies' eon- V^ duct of tlio Soulbeni Dqnirtmcnl ; hnl lie wvs Imally acquittoa witli iionor. Ho was, liowevcr, sniKT- sedcd soon after Camden. That alTair Unvht Cono-re^s less confidence in llieir own Jiidoment and more in" hat of tlie comniander-in-cliief, who, at tlicir request, now nominated General Greene ai Gates' sucee.-^sor. _ Ko man owed more to tlic palroiia-e of the cor.mandcr- iii-chief than did this oflicer. lie was a man of unblem- ished integrity, and a lirm and consistent adiierent to the cause of indcpendenec ; l)ut his order of talent litted him rather for usefulness in the council-chamber than on the field. ^Ve roach this conclusion because, thouoh ho cii- teredtlie army before Boston in ITTr, and served to the end of the war, no page of history jinl^s liis name witli any remarkable military acliievement. Exception : ho crossed tlio Delaware with Wasliington's detachnieilt in the attack upon Trenton. I lis military record at Forts Washington and Lee, at Brandywine Jind Germantown, shed no lustre upon his arms, lie ^vcm no laurels at New- port, except in waving the oli\'e-bra7ich between Amei'ican and French jealousy ; but we remember to liis homn- that lie stood faithfully with Washingiuii in the matter nf Dio '•' Cabal.*' After Germantown, AVashington induced him to :iccc]it the oflico of quartermaster ; but he took it reluctantly, administered it ungraciously, and finally so far forgot himl self in his letters to Congress as to draw the pronounced 204 MAJOR-GENERAL GREEXE. '■•1.1 I' ■ i: •* ■*f ? I 1 ik- ■ '»! ^li^^' i If •tl 'fe llf •I'i' f censure of that body ; and, but for the prompt and vip^or- ous iuterv(.'ntiou of Wu^^hingtoii's inihieuce, ho would prol)ably have been dismissed the service. Greene had a viee of letter-writiiifi:, and has in these, elaborated himself in a wav not conducive to his inimor- tality. His fame would have been more enduring if ho had written fewer letters, and also, if Johnson had never written his life. General Greene came of peace-loving Quaker parentage, yet he had an inordinate ambition for military glory, and his own reputation was to him a perpetual source of dis- quiet. He assumed the duties of quartermaster while the army was yet at Vallev Toroe, and when the administration of the commissariat was at its worst. There were cormo- rant contractors and sutlers in those davs, who availed themselves of the vicissitudes of values and the deprecia- tion of the currency. AVashington writes to the Pre.-i- dent of Pennsylvania Avith exceptional warmth : *' It is much to be lamented that each State, long 'ere this, has not hunted them down as pests to society and the greatest enemies we have. I would to God that some of the more atrocious in each State Avere hung upon gallows five times as high as Hanum's; no punishment, in my opinion, is too Revere for the man who can build his fortunes upon his country's ruin." Washington hoped much from the integrity and industry of Greene, as the department had been placed " on a cen- tralized system under Greene's immediate authority, with powers almost independent of Congress, and lucrative emoluments for himself, his assistants and snixn'dinates.*' Ihit Greene Avas restive and discontented at his post ; he failed to give satisfaction and preferred to return to field service. He writes to Washington : "• I have desired Congress to give me leave to resign, as I api)rehended a loss of reputation if I continued in the business. I Avill lil-il: 1.1 .-.I' MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 205 i f|--,r not sacrifice my reputation for any consideration what- ever. I am -willing to hcrve tlie public, but I think I have a right to choose that way of performing the ser\ ice which will be most honorable to myself. * * * * I ^yip not deny that the i)i'olits are flattering to my fortune, but not less huml)ling to my military pride. * * * '■^' * There is a great dilierence between being raised to an office and descending to one, which is my case. There is also a great diiference between serving where you have a fair prospect of honor and laurels, and where you have no prospect of either. Xobody ever heard of a quartermaster in his- tory, as such, or in relating any brilliant action. T en- gaged in this business as well out of compassion to your Krcellency as from a regard to the pul)lic."'** [He no- where seems to realize that he served a cause.] At another date, thus : '' Your Excellency lias made me very unhai)py. I can submit very patiently to deserved censure, but it wounds my feelings exceedingly to meet vvitli a rebuke for doing what I conceived to be a proper part of my duty, and in the order of things. '^ * * * If I had neglected my duly in pursuit of j^leasure, or if I had been wanting in respect to your Excellency, I would have put my hand upon my mouth and been silent upon the occasion : but as I am not conscious of Ijeing chargeable Avitli either the one or the other, I cannot help thinking I have been treated with a decree of severitv that I am in no respect deserving. Your Excellency v.cd knows how 1 came into this department. It was by your special rcijuest, and you must be sensible there is no other man upon earth would have brouglit me into the business but you. The (list rcss tlie de])artnieut was in, the disgrace whicti viHst accompany your operations viihout a cltauye, the difficulty of engaging a ])erson capable of conducting the business, together v/ith the hojtes of meeting your appro- bation, and having your full aid and assistance, recon- " The italics, wherever occurring, are ours. s if 1 >J . - ^- 'ft ■V- ^ !' ^ !>•• ,/■.> I; W 206 MAJOR-GENEEAL GREENE. ciled me to the undertaking. ****** I have never solicited }oa for a furlough to go home, to indulge in pleasure or to improve my interest, which, by-the-by, I have neglected going on four years. Xeither have I ever spared myself, by nigiit or day, where it has been neces- sary to promote tlie public interest under your direction. I have never been troublesome to your Excellency to pub- lish anything to my advantage, although I think myself as justly entitled as some others who have been more fortunate, jxxrticularly in the action of the Brandywlne. However, I can speak with a becoming pride that I have always endeavored to deserve the public esteem and your Excellency's approbation. As I came into the quartermaster's department with reluctance, so I shall leave it with pleasure. Your influ- ence brought me in, and the want of your approbation will induce me to go out." It is not very surprising that, two months after this date, Greene writes : " This is the third time I have wrote since I have had a line from your Excellency. Should be glad to hear from you when at leisure, etc."* That majestic figure, living in the ages rather than the moments, working for the races yet to be, rather than for his contemporaries, opposed a matchless patience, alike to the treachery of Lee, the indifference of Adams, the arro- gance of Gates, and the petulance of Greene. Upon the fall of Charleston, Greene had asked of Wash- ington the command of the Southern Department, but Congress selected Gates. After the failure of the complot of Arnold and Clinton, Washington appointed Greene president of the military court tliat tried Andre, and subsequently Greene solicited the command of West Point. 'I ; •w ,!!l^ "October 5, 1780. "^i>;— A new disposition of the army going to be * Sparks' Correspondence of WasJUnyton, Vol. II, p. 102. MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE, 207 ?80. Ito be made, and an ofiSccr appointed to the command of West Point, I take the liberty just to intimate my inclinations for the ai)pointnient. * * * * i hope there is nothing indelicate or improper in the application. I am prompted to the measure from the feelings incident to the human heart," etc. * * * He obtained it, but had occupied the post only a few days when "Washington was recpiested by Congress to name Gates' successor. He selocted General Greene, desiring him to proceed southward without delay ; to which he replied : " West Point, October 16, 1780. *'Sir: — Your Excellency's letter of the lith, appoint- ing me to the command of the Southern army, was delivered me last evening. 1 beg jour Excellency to be persuaded that I am fully sensible of the honor you do me. I foresee the command will be accompanied witli innumerable em- barrassments ; but the generous support which I expect from the partiality of Southern gentlemen, as well as the aid and assistance I hope to derive from your Excellency's advice and extensive influence, alfords me some consola- tion in contemplating the diiliculties. ** I will prepare myself for the command as soon as I can ; if it was possible, I should be glad to spend a few days at homo, before I set out to the southward, especially as it is altogether uncertain how long my command may continue, or what deaths or accidents may happen during my absence. However, it will not be possible for me to leave this place for several days, if I put my l)aggage in the least order, or my business in proper train for such a long journe3\ Nor is my health in a condition to set out immediately, having had a considerable fever upon me for several days," etc. Washington had not yet received intelligence of the battle of King-'s Mountain; that event having occurred I i ! « j ■H 208 MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. October 8th, only five clays before lie had communicated to Greene his appointment. He returned for answer that the grave aspect of military affairs iji South Carolina ad- mitted no delay ; tliat he must set out immediately. Greene writes : \ m i\\ w III " West Point, October 19, 1780. "Sir: — Your Excellency's favor of the 18th came to hand this afternoon. I had given over the thoughts of going home even if I obtained your permission, before I received your pleasure upon the subject. Before I marched from Tappan I wrote to Mrs. Greene to come to camp, and expect her here every hour. Should I set out before her arrival, the disappointment of not seeing me, added to tlie shock of my going southward, I am very aporelien- sive will have some disagreeable effect upon her health, especially as her apprehensions have been all alive respect- ing my going southward, before there was the least prob- ability of it. My baggage sets out in the morning, if Colonel Hughes docs not dif^appoint me about the horses; and my stay sliall not bo more ihan a day longer, whether Mrs. Greene comes or not. *" Your Excellency cannot be more anxious to have mo come on, than I am to comply with your orders, especially since the two last articles of intelligence, the sailing of the troops from New Y^ork, and the advance of Lord Corn- wallis into the State of Xorth Carolina.*'* General Greene left West Point, October 20th, and made a sort of leisurely, triumphtd procession southward. He addresses the commander-in-chief from Philadelphia, November 3tl, and a few days after, finds himself under the hos])itable roof of IMount Vernon, and writes thus, by "candle light": ^* Blount Vernon is one of the most pleasant places I ever saw, and I do not wonder you so * Sparks' Correspondence, Vol. III., p. 183, MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 209 often languish to return to the pleasures of domestic life. Nothing hut the glory of being commander-in-chief, and the hairpiness of being universally admired, could com- pensate for such a sacrifice as you make." * From Richmond, November 19th, he writes: '^I am received and treated with all the marks of respect and attention that I can wish. Your letters have been of singular service, and I am exceedingly obliged to you for the warm manner in which you recommended me to the notice of your friends. Your weight and influence, both with Congress and this State, in support of the Southern operations, will be exceedingly important to my success." To Alexander Hamilton he wrote : ''General Washing- ton's influence will do more than all the assemblies upon the continent. I always thought him exceedingly popular, but in many places he is little less than adored, and uni- versally admired. From being the friend of the General, I found myself exceedingly well received." Notwithstanding all this, the horrors of the situation began to take hold on Greene. Of the Southern people he says : " I believe the views and wishes of the great body of the people are entirely with us. But remove tlie per- sonal influence of a few, and they are a lifeless and inani- mate mass, without direction or spirit to employ the means they possess for their own security. " I cannot contemi)lete my own situation without the greatest degree of anxiety. I am far removed from almost all my friends and connections, and have to prosecute a war in a country, in the best state, attended witli insur- mountable difficulties ; but doubly so now, from the state of our financcfci and the loss of public credit. How I shall be able to sui)port myself, under all tlicsc embarrassments, God only knows ! My only consolation is, tliat if I fail, I hope it will not be accompanied Avith any peculiar marks of personal disgrace. Censure and reproach even follow * Greene's Life of Greene, Vol. III., p. 53. I t ( i 310 MAJOK-GENERAL GREENE. iiir "I tlie unfortunate. This I expect, if I don't succeed. The ruin of my family is what hangs most heavy on my mind. My fortune is small, and misfortune or disgrace to me, must be ruin to them. I beg your Excellency will do me the honor to forward the enclosed letter to Mrs. Greene, who is rendered exceedingly unhappy by my going south- w^ard.'* Arriving at Cliarlotte, North Carolina, December 2d, 1780, after a journey of six weeks, Greene relieved Gates, assumed command of the Southern Department, and WTites : " To give your Excellency an idea of the state and condition of this army, if it deserves the name of one, I enclose you an extract of a letter from General Gates to the Board of War: 'Nothing can be more wretched and distressing than the condition of the troops, starving with cold and hunger, without tents or camp equipage. Those of the Virginia line are literally naked, unfit for any kind of duty, and must remain so until clothing can be had from the north.' " Again : " I will not pain your Excellency with further accounts of the wants and sufferings of this army ; but I am not without great apprehension of its entire dissolu- tion unless the commissary's and quartermaster's depart- ments can be rendered more competent to the demands of the service. Nor are the clothing and hospital depart- ments upon a better footing. Not a shilling in the pay- chest, nor a prospect of any for months to come. This is really making bricks without straw." " P. S. This mo- ment accounts have been received that General Leslie landed his troops at Charleston on the 21st December, and on the 24t]i was at Monk's corner." This was strictly true, but not at all new. Nor was it peculiar to the Carol inas. The Virginia troops at homo were naked ; Sumter's and Marion's band of heroes w^erc in the same state ; yet at this very time, both in Virginia and Carolina, they were in active warfare and doing capital MA JOR-G ENSEAL GKEEKE. 211 service. How often had the army of the commander-in- chief precisely answered to this description. The commander doubtless reminded him of this, for Greene replies : " Your Excellency's letter of Decem- ber 13th, came to hand this day. It is true I came to the southward in expectation of meeting with dilficulties ; but they far exceed what I had any idea of. * * * We will do all in our power ; but the soldiers have no spirit, and it is impossible they should in their present situation. / wish the enemy tvould give 2(s a little more lime to prepare ourselves. However, I don't intend to be drove out of North Carolina, if / can possibly avoid it."* Up to this time General Greene had run his career under Washington's wing, and now, in desiring to com- mand a department extending from Georgia to the Chesa- peake, he had overestimated his abilities. Finding it impossible to subsist his army near Charlotte, he had sent Kosciusko to entrench a position in a fruit- ful region on the Pedee, at Cheraw Hills. Thither Greene led his army, arriving on December 26th, 1780. Greene writes : " It is a camp of repose, and no army ever wanted one more ; the troops having totally lost their discipline." Greene's biographer says that he addressed himself to "disciplining both officers and men, inviting his officers to his table by tiwnfi, and endeavoring to give a higher tone to their habits of thought and conversation,'' \ Useful, but not well timed, in view of the military status ; the imminent, deadly emergency at that moment, both in Virginia and the Carolinas. Polishing arms rather than manners was in order, when Arnold was ravaging Virginia and burning her towns ; when Cornwallis with his coadjutors Rawdon, AVebster and Tarleton were spread over South Carolina holding her fast bound; and Leslie, by * Sjtavks' Correspondence, Vol. III., p. 208. f Greene's Life of Oreene. » i : (■ ,j * l »i i i^Tm -" 212 MAJOK-GENERAL GREENE. il Greene's own rciDort, with two thousand fresh troops, had landed in Charleston and advanced thirty miles on his way to join Cornwallis. Aside from that "Camp of Eepose," what hope to confront this formidable enemy ! Sumter and Marion were in the field ; helow and between Camden and Charleston, watching, harassing, and wastmg the enemy, and keeping Greene informed of their every move- ment. XXIV.— 1780, 1781. MOKGAN TO THE RESCUE. GATES had hailed the arrival in his camp of Daniel Morgan. It must be said of that officer that he was doing what he could, to re-collect and re-organize the fragments of his broken army. Our Maryland heroes, Lieutenant Colonel Howard and Colonel Otho II. Williams, were there with their surviving continentals ; some of the Virginia line ; with militia newlv arrived ; in all about fourteen hundred men. Morgan was immediately invited by the North Carolina authorities to take command of their militia, but Gates had another plan. From the two battalions of infantry, he selected four hundred picked men under Colonel Howard ; a company of riilemen under Captain Rose ; such fragments of Colonels White and Washington's cavalry as had escaped the sword of Tarlcton, were united unilcr Lieutenant Colonel Washington, and the command of the whole given to Colonel Morgan,* October 1, 1780, just seven days before King's Mountain flamed with sud- den glory. Upon intelligence of this fine stroke, with the total dcrangcnient of Cornwallis' plans and his falling back from North Carolina, ^lorgan pressed forward also, into South Carolinii. At thi^^ time Gates received the follow- ing resolution of Congress with commission of Brigadier General for Morgan ; ^ Graham's Life of Murgan, p. 239. mam 214 MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. " October 18, 1780. '* In COXGRESS. *' Congress took into consideration llie rei)orfc of tlio Board of AVar respecting the promotion of Colonel ]Mor- gan, and it appearing from the letters of Governors Jell'er- son and Kntledge, and of Major General Gates, tiiat Colonel Morgan's promotion to the rank of Brigadier General will remove several em])arrassmenis which impede the public service in the Southern Department and tliat it will otherwise greatly advance the so id service, ^^ Resolved, tlierel'ore, that Colonel Daniel Morgan be, and hereby is, appointed to the lank of Biigadier General in the army of tlie United States. '• CiTAKLES Thompson, Secretary." Extract from the minutes. m % m If \ ■i ■' 'i|i;l;i ill#" Congratulations poured in upon him from brother officers who best knew liis worth, and Morgan set his face to the foe. His little force had been in part clothed, but they vrere without tents, wagons, camp cquipnge, commissariat or hospitid stores. They were expected to find their own provisions, fight and sleep, with no shelter from the storm and no covering from the night dews, "bevond the branches of tiie trees on the leeward side of a hill." They soon found sometlilng to do. A nest of tories were gathered at the farm oT one liugly, who had received a commission of Colonel from the British, nnd was re- cruiting for the kini!''s service. ]\lorijfnn detached his cavalry under Colonel Washington, to break them up. Rugly hearing of their !ip])roaeh, intrenched himself in a log-house with a line of abattis, etc. Colonel Washington saw at once that his troop of horse was inadequate to the situation. Fruitful in resources, lie improvised artillery, ])y mounting a pine log upon wheels, disposed his forces as if for a cannonade, and sent a cor- MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 215 poral of dragoons with a summons to snrrcndcr. Rugly made no parley, but surrendered at once, and Washington marched hack with a hundred tory prisoners, provisions, and arms. Gates' army had meanwliile advanced to Charlotte, where Cicneral Greene took command. With a generous con- sideration for Gates' feelings, he conlirmed ail tliat Gen- eral's standing: orders, includinc;" those to Morgan. Two weeks later, December 20th, Greene with the main army of about twelve hundred men marched to Cheraw Hills on the Pedec ; Morgan with a force of less tlnui six hundred pushed forward to the country betwe^-n the Broad and Pacolot rivers. His instructions from Greene were, to take position west of the Catawba, and as soon as jinned l»y tlie militia lie was to act oifensively or defensively as Ids ^jrudence and discretion might direct, ''avoiding surprisrs In/ cvcnj pos- sible precaution''' lie was directed, if the enemy moved towards the main army at Cheraw Hills to foll(.»w them and join forces with Greene, lie was also directed to keep Greene constantly informed of the enemy's move- ments, etc. Morgan had entertained high liopes of a Ijvyo reinforce- ment of militia,— perhaps some oL' the upland yeomanry of Kino-'s Mountain fame.— but the savage tribes were astir, threatening their settlements; they wei-e comitelled to remain and stand guard at their own cabin doors. A letter from the patriot leader Davidson exi)lains : •* iJccri ///&<•?• 11, 17S0 '' Dear Sir:— Mx ovi\QV^ from General Greene weiv, to join you as soon as possible after you crossed (he rner, which I should have elfected belbrc this time, had the troops joined agreeable lo my expcelations. Ihit (he e\- pedUion against the Cherokee Downs, and ihe murdurs committed in rtutherford and lUirke counties have entirely ! f ^ 210 MORGAN TO THE UKSCUE. l-^y 1 1 I lit dm\vii off ilio af tent ion of ilie iico[)le who were to com- poaL3 iiiv coiiiini'iKl, eU'., etc. '• Wm. D.vviDsoy *^ G cncral Vas i i: l }*roi:r, ax. *' 3Jor;TJin flit ilio more aiixioiv hccnuso every indicu! ion ])i)intt'(l to ii inovi'iuent. o!' Coriiwullis' jiniiv, .^o soon m ho csiiould be joined I'V Le-lie. He luid .'^•I'l^titlv desired to enter at onee ii[)on oli'entiive lield operations in wliie'i \\\'re ineluded .■>neee':^ive attaeks upon -Ninetv-.-ix and Au^-n-la, and even an attack npon the camp ol' C'ornwalhs hini^-eli'. These phms he was now eoni})elled to reliiiqni-h. Unaljle io do what lie wonl 1. lie procvetieil to do w hat lie conhl, in establishinu' niau'azines of supplies at various i)oints in his rear, ami orii'aiuzinu" a svsteni of militarv detectives Ijv wlucli he could he sn[t[>lied with, speedy and consta.nt. in- l\)rinatit)u in ihe .Jerseys; and hi- bad a British, jhjL an Amrriean f-^t iniati'Mi of the Ina-o of SMralou'a. Cornwadlis was anticioat in;r an oai !y ad\anco iido \orlh ('arohna so soon as iie;iie came up; bni when he learned tlnit MorLi'an was alioM. mid hovcrini^- in the vicinity of liis important posts of Ninety-six and Augusta, he called 3tOEGAN TO THE RESCL'E. 217 for Jiis valiant Culonoi Tarleton. ^riiorc could be no ad- vanc'o without lirst cli.';i)o,-'iim- of Morj-an. It was now Jamuiry 1181. "WiNXST'.oisouriir, Jaiuiarv 2, 1781. " J\ar T((rIrfo/i: — I sent llaldant' to you la-f ni-'Id, to desire vou would oa-s l^)i'oa(l river with the kriou ;iud the first battalion of the Tlsl a.- -<»o!i as ii;'>si!)le. If M orpin is still at "Williams, or anywhere wuhin your reach. I should wish y(»u to y>/^s■// /ti//) In lite }i(ninsl. I luivr not lu'ard, exeei)t I'roin McArthur, of Ids haviim- e;!ni!o]u nor Avould I believe it, exec |)i on very ii^od jintlioi'ity. l( is, however, }>os.di)le. a.nd ]\'iueiy-siv is riti-]i rear : to push down into (ieoru'ia, cfqup-l ilicni to return to the defer)ee of their menaced posr-'. and tliu- I'-licve the States of North Carolina and \'iri.rinia. A course eminently \\\a', as fului-e oj/erations siiowed. It lookv'd a Irr^ai'dou.- iraiue imleed, and would h.ave I)een in other haiels : but Mor- [(an, thoug-li modest as vali.mt, atul iirudent as modest, could vet m«'a-ure his own resouives. Hul tireeue. v.ho, Johnson savs. "never ['laycd a. haxard-uis game when a safe one ViUild do,*' forhasie Moru'an iVoni li-iuiii;' so far from (he '* Camp of Kcpos;-" in the Clu'ra.w Hills. Their correspoudeni'O at thi> tinn^ will be.-( dis(do>e the situation. [Th.e lelt-T-; arc copied from (1 raluHtCi Life of Jloryaii — the iiadics are ours.] Gei/rr//J Grri }:r r'n (>ei/^'r(fl Moi-./d/,'. " C \y:v ox thf. ('ukuaws, I>rcc!nl)('i' '-30, IT^^O. "■ Drrfr Sir : — A\'e arrived iicre oii the •jiuh i'l^l,, lii'ier a Ycrv tedious aCid di-au-recable march, owing to the badness 10 218 MOROAN TO THE RESCUE. I" if ■<• of the roiuls and tlio poor jiikI woiik state of our tcani.-:. Our i)i"()s|)L'L'(.s willi R'gard to i;rovi,si;)ns arc mended, Ijut thi- is no J^'ii'vpt. '• r liavo iiiis inoiiioiit recoivc'd iiitcllia'eiice lliat CJenend LeL>lio lias lamled at riiarleston, and in on liis way lo Camden. His force is al>oiit two iiiousand, ])crha|)s somc- tliiiig- less. 1 am also iiit'ormed that Lord Cornwallis lias collected his trooj.s at Camden. Yon will watch their motions very narrowly ami Ickc rare (Oid (jmwd (ujaiitxt a surprise, r^ltnuhl Ihcji more /his iraf/, //ou ii'iil viKii'dvor /() rrns.s ////' rirrr (DkI Juiii us. Do not he Sjiarinu: of your expresses, hut let me know !is often as possihle of yoin- situati(Ui. J widi to l.)e t'u1l_\ informed of vtmr ]n"ospeet respect in o- p.rovijiioii:;, and al.o ihe nu;iiher oi' militia th;!t- has joined von. A larire numher of teiils und hatchets are on the road. As soon as they arri\e, you shall hi.i sui)[)li(d. Mitiiy other articles necessary for this army, particularly idioes, are comin^'^' on. '"I am, sir, your most ohedient servant, ' ' X Aiii AN ii;l LI R V. i:x i:. '^ General Daniel ^[orcax.-' vfK: i( :> The aniu'xed. from Colonel 0. II. AVilliams, reached Morgan at the same time: " Camp at C'iietiaw TTii.ls, Decombor 30. ''Dear Ofiirrcd : — I enelose yon a numher of letters, hy a serii'eant of Lieiitenant-ColoMel WashinaloiTs re^imeni, which [ hoi»e will iiri'ive safe. \Ve;ire at jU'esent hi a '* camp of repo-e," and the ( icueful is exertiu^u' himiiborhood more tlian two or three days at farthest. Were we to jidvanco and lie constrained lo i-e- treat, the conseouences would be verv disMU'reeahh', and this must be the case should we liiy near tiie enci^iy and C'ornwallis reiiif(nve, vrhieh he euii do with a'!'e;i; :*'ai-iliry. "(rencral l>avi(i.-on h;i- lirouirht in one imndre'l and twenty men. and has retiirneil lo hriuL:" I'orw.'rt] a drai't ol* live hundred men. Coh-n''! I'ielven> h;!> joined me wilh Sixty, Thirty (U* forty of the men wlio eaiUi' out with him h:n(> :^-one iiilo Aorlh ('aroHn;i to seenre th.eir eHei^ts, and will imm.'iliaL'ly iv[);iir to my (';ini)). •• When 1 siiall have eolleeted mv exix^cied force. I ^hall l>e at a loss how to act. Cuuld a diccrsiun be made in emj ■■(' .'': f i 1 ■n.?t t t 1 'f! i* 1 K-v v.. i ( 1 I « 't 3 MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. favor hij flic turfin anny, I slioiild wish to marcli into Goor2:ia. To me it ap}R'ars an advi^aljlc F-rlu'inc, but slionld be ha])pv to receive your directions on this point, as fliei/ i)iu.' said, is willing to move it on towards Ninety- Six, as if to relieve that garrison. To satisfy yourticlf re- specting the matter, you must send a man to Mr. Hamp- ton to inquire respecting the report, and, if true, concert v>^ith him a plan for getting possession of the cloth, as it would be of infinite importance to get it into our posses- sion (!). You will readily see, from the nature of the thing, that it is not to be considered as plunder, nor must anybody but yourself know anything of the trans- action, as it would inevitably ruin the man. Great caution should be taken to guard against those evils. "I am, etc., "Nathaniel Greene." General Morgan to General Greene. n-. h ' 'It f^ ' 'I " Burr's Mills, January 15, 1781. [Two days before " Cowpcns."] " Dear General : — Your letters of the 3d and 8th came to hand yesterday, just as I was preparing to change my position. ****** I ^Y\d it impracticable to pro- cure more provisions in this quarter than are absolutely necessary for our own immediate consumption ; indeed, it has been with the greatest difficulty that we have been able to effect this. We have to feed such a numl'Ci of horses, that the most plentiful country must soon be ^ i - hausted. Could the militia be persuaded to change their fatal mode of going to war, much provision might be saved ; but the custom has taken such deep root that it cannot be abolished. " Upon a full and mature deliberation, I am confirmed in the opinion that nothing can be effected by my detach- ment in this country, which will balance the risks I will be subjected to by remaining here, The enemy's great superiority in numbers, and our distance from the main MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 235 army, will enable Lord Cornwallis to detach so superior a force against me as to render it essential to our safety to avoid coming to action. Nor ivill this be aUuays in my poiver. No attempt to surprise me will be left untried by them, and, situated as we must be, every possible precaution may not be sufficient to secure us. The scarcity of forage renders it impossible for us always to be i, i compact body; and were this not the case, it is bcyi'iul Uie art of man to keep the militia from straggling. [So -^ no more of that."] " My forct' is inadequate to the attempts you have hinted at" — [i. e., to surprise Ninety-Six, or Augusta, or Savannah, or attack Cornwallis in his camp, to send a party down upon the Congaree, to kill the enemy's draft and cavalry horses, to stop supplies going to the various British posts, to see after Mr. Wade Hampton's cloth, and to fight Tarleton, Cornwallis and Leslie, individually and collectively, etc., etc., etc. ] ** I have now with me only two hundred South Carolina and Georgia, and one hundred and forty North Carolina volunteers. Nor do I expect to have more than two-thirds of these to assist me should I be attacked, for it is impossible to keep them collected. Though I am convinced that were you on the spot, the propriety of my proposition would strike you forcibly, should you think it inadvisable to recall me, you may depend on my attempting everything to annoy the enemy and to provide for the safety of my detachment. I shall cheerfully acquiesce in your determinations. " Colonel Tarleton has crossed the Tyger at Musgrove^s Mills ; his force we cannot learn. It is more th'in prob- able we are his object. Cornwallis by last accounts was at the cross-roads near Lee's old place. "We have just learned tiuit Tarloton's force is from eleven to twelve hundred British. **I am, dear General, truly yours, "Daniel Mokgan." ■y\ ' 11 Mi/»* ! 1 iM hi 1 'iiir 1' 1 'f . ■ If'!. 1 r Hfe'k' '' '" i 226 MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. General Greene to General Morgan. '• Camp on Pedee, January 19, 1781. [Two daye after '' Cowpens."] ^^ Dear Sir: — Your fiivor of the 15th was delivered to me last niglit about 12 o'clock. * * * I was informed of Lord Cornwallis' movements before the arrival of your letter, and agree with you in opinion that you arc his object ; and from his making so general a movement, it convinces me that he feels a great inconvenience from your force and situation. General Leslie has crossed tlic Catawba to join him. He would never harass his troops to remove you if he did not think it of some importanco, nor would he put his collective force in motion if he had not some respect for your numbers. I am sensible your situation is critical, and requires the most watchful atten- tion to guard against a surprise. But I think it is of great importance to Iccep up a force in that quarter. " It is not my wish you should come to action unless you have a manifest superiority and a moral certainty of succeeding. Put nothing to the hazard ; a retreat may be disagreeable, but not disgraceful. Regard not the opinions of the day. It is not our business to risk too mucli. Our affairs a,e in too critical a condiiion and require time and nursing to give tliem a better tone. * * * Before this can possibly reach 3^011, I imagine the movements of Lord Cornwallis and Colonel Tarleton will be sufiiciently ex- plained, and you be obliged to take some decisive measures. I shall be ])erfectly satisfied if you keep clear of a mis- fortune. Tliough I wish you laurels, I am unwilling to expose the common cause to give you an oj)portunity to ac- quire them. " As the rivers arc subject to sudden anil great swells, you must be careful that I he enemy do not take a position in your rear where you can neither retreat by your Hanks MORGAN" TO THE KESCUE. 227 or your front. I am proparing- boats to move always with the army ; would one or two be of any use to you? They will be put on wlieels and made to move with httle more difliculty than a loaded wagon. *' 1 am, with great esteem, etc. ''Natiiaxiel Greexe." Here is a most strange military pose. Greene with twelve hundred men, since reinforced by Lee and Colonel Green, intrenched in the fruitful region of the Pedee, busy in the cultivation of the ^' habits of thought and conver- sation of his officers." Besides this his pen moved inces- santly ; batches of letters issued from the " camp of re- pose "daily in all directions, to all manner of officials, civil and military, beseeching for supplies and reinforce- ments for his army ; and it must be said, with very fair success. Tents, wagons, hatchets, nails, shirts and shoes, in short, everything drifted that way. The General was also preparing strong pens for prisoners, forgetting the old receipt for "cooking a fisli." He shows himself every inch the Quartermaster. Washington's army was emacldted with the drain southward. He had sent, after the fall of Charleston, Do Kalb and his efficient Maryland and Delaware brigade. To Greene's cry of entreaty he now di.^patched Lee's tine corps of cavalry and counselled that the whole energies of the rich State of Virginia should be turned in that direction. Jetferson, then Governor of Virginia, followed these counsels of Washington until he drew upon himself the censure of his own people for the defence of the Carolinas at tlie expense of Virginia. To Steuben, Washington wrote : ''Make tlu defence of the State interfere as little as possible with tiie measures for succoring General (ireene. Bancroft says : *• With a magnanimity that know nothing of fear, Virginia laid licrself bare for the protection of the w 228 MORGAK TO THE RESCUE. ||: P ■ t 4 1 ill 'l!f Carolinas." Greene liinisclf wrote to Washington after- ward: '^Virginia lias given me every su])port I could wish." Fnrther on, in reply to Greene's still nrgent entreaty for aid, Washington says that ''bnt a handfnl of troops remain to him. and should he send any more he Yv^onld be compelled to accompany and command them, or be left Avithont an army.*' We see Morgan Avith his small force pnshed forward, to gorge the British tiger Tarleton, held to a i)osition in which he cannot even maintain his little army intact, l)nt must scatter it to prevent starvation ; forbidden to ad- vance or retreat, and bid to stand and be eaten ; enjoined not to light, unless with a " manifest superiority and a moral certainty of success;" above all not to be '"surprised;" and finally to take '^decisive measures " with Tarleton. These puerile and incoherent cautions seem singularly misaddressed, to the man who had never been known to be surprised from Quebec to Cowi)ens. Morgnn, as we have seen, had delicately hinted to Greene the propriety of some '* diversion in his favor, by the main aririA-," mul suggested that Lee's cavalry would be invaluable to him. But Greene saw iit to send Lee entirely in an opposite direction, lie was perfectly aware tlnit ]\loriran was menaced by Tarleton and Coi'uwallis, and that Leslie was well on his way to join the latter. Steuben, who commanded iu Virgin iii, had sent troops, wiiich ho sorely needed at home, against Arnokl and Phillips, ex- pressly in order that Greene might prevent the junction of T^eslie with Cornwall is. Jt)hnson snys that Greene actually '' contemi)late(l strildug at (Vn-nwallis' aruiy in their divided condition," luit it never developed further thau a contemplation. I- in iheir tents in iheir " Cam]) of lie])ose," a hundred and fit'ly miles awav, on tliat nu'moral)le winter dawn, January ITdi, 1T81, when ]\lora-an and his handful of heroes, holly pressed ))y Tarleton. turn'.'d npcii, crushed a)id ca})lur('(l his army, routed and pursued tlic hitherto invincible, and \\i)n immortal fame. Ihit we anticipate. Mor^'an's admirable system of mili- tary detection ni)W served him to purpose. He knew every movement of Tarleton an-l Cornwallis ahnost as soon a< made: and, like a skillful playcn", ]K>netrated and anticii)aied their uame. Nor did 3Ioruan underestimate his i)owevful antau"oni-t. lie knew that Tarleton had thus far iriumpliantly ridden down all opiu)sition. Marion alone lial escaj)ed, by skilfully declining to measure swords ^vith hin.i. Morrjan. did not Hi'ck tlic cnconntcr ; Tarldon ciyinpellcd it. A[organ resolved, however, to select his own battle-licld. "Observing the guarded and deliberate manner in which Tarleton advanced uj)on him, — so unlike that ollicer's usual mode of approaching an opponent'" — he w;is coiifirnied in his sus})icion of the jilan concerted ])etween him and Oornwallis to entrap him. lie resolved to cross the Pacolel and nuu-ch towards the u])per waters oi the Inroad liiver, which v.ould enable the small delaeliments of militia he had ^tatioiieil there to join him, and, in case of lui-fortiuie, facilitate a retivat toward the main army at Cheraw. Accordingly he broke up his camp, jtut his troo])S in motion on Januiu'V 1 5th, crossed the I'acolet and en- camped f(U' (he idght at Ibn-r's Mills, on Thicketty Oi'cek. Here it was that he wi'oie his last: leltei* to (ireene — two days before Oowpens — warning him that il would not he MOTio ^ V TO Tin- RE.srn:. ;>;]! .".Iways ill his ])()\vor to obey his iiistriietioiis bv e\[iaiii"- a battle. Tiirletoii followed, ero>>ing the J*aeolet the iiiorni;!,;^ after. Lcaniiuo- this, .Moraau inimediarely put bis jirniv ii[)()ii tlie irarrh. Pusliino- on ],y u iiiounlaiii road, iie ])assed Ilaiioocksville at noon, tiiri'.ed into a bv-pa.th. and, ;irrivin,u- at Cowpens about sun-down, hu ordered a halt— '' I'll <>o no i'urtlier." XXV.— ir^tiI•' lijriit, lunv in turn ij-'frieiid nie, () MiinTva, and L'lant int' tosUiythi-^ man wlu) hoa-ts, -ayinLT that I r-iial! not Icnir beludd tiic brilliant snn.*' 'J'luH hv ^l)()kt■ prayinj:;, and Pallas ^linerva bL-anl hinu and <:uvi' htrcnL'th and dariirj: lo l)i(}nu'd(' tliat lie niiirht bi't'omc cnnsiiicnous ainoiiL' all ihc Ar:rivr-:. andnuLdi! bear olT for hini-L'lf oxc'llcnt rtiiuwn. And ~hc UindU'd from lii< lulmot and hi^ -hiild an unwearied lire, and s-landin;^ near him, siiukc winged words." Iliad, Book V. LF.FT with tlieso fearful (mIcIs, ai lli'-fu.'kl recalls {he silciidkl luat'liiiRTv of the lloiiu'i'ic sti'ifc'S. Tiiu;: llu' old (I reel; would .sav it, l)ut. ill our '■'surer word." "(iotl sent liis auiivl." (jowjieiis ;ind Trenton stand illuminated Avitli a super- liunian uli)rv. At Trenton, when tlie Hessians threw down their arms. " W'ashino'ton, whose strong" will had been strained for seM'iiteen hours, o-ave way to his i'eelin^xs, and with clasped hands I'aised his e\('S. ii'leamini!* with thankfulness, to heav( n.""'' At Cowpens. after the \ ictory. jMoi'Lian. rldini:' dVei' the fnld. w:;s heard to utter audilile tlianks^-ivinii's to the (iod of hattle-^.f Tarleton attempts in \ain to account for his anuiziiiL;' discomlitiire. After su^'L>"cstinu' nuiiiv thinu's Avhich miiilit have inclined tiie hattle otherwise, lie says, '*hul after all // i-ciiidlitx a ;/?//■•■- ivrij. It was either the braveiw or ii'ood conduct of the Americans, or the loose manner of foi-niiuLi", always })ra(;- ticcd l>y the t.inii's troops in Anieriea. or some /in/on'scc/i * lidn-rnft, Vol. IX. I anihi(hrf< Life of yior(i<(n. tor of J5crH- II the lio.-tilc !us mail will) \\n< \\v >\)i)]-A' I'j to Diuuu'dc t bear olV for liih •liitld ail D. BookV. rods came •Awy other lUichineiT '.oil Id siiy el. .'I s 11 per- ns Ihi-ew will li:id 3 i'cclinu's, nii!j4* with le vietorv, 'r iiiuiilile ;itteni|tts V. A Tier 'lined t!ie //,S* (f niif-:- let of the v;i}s jtrae- (uforcscciL AT THE COWPEXi. 233 mnf, wliieh inny tln-ow terror into thf most diseipliucd soldiers or eoiiuterael (he best eoncfi'ied desi^pis." ^^Coupeiis ollVrs several furiii.T parallels "to a^reuto]). The loii^seiaisot: di^a.ters at vW S..in;i had cxLaiiMci (he resources and we!l-ni-h hrukt-u the hearts and craslKAl die hopes oi' that u-uJhmr peo])le. Kinu'",s MoimhiiM. in- deed, had made a riil in (he eloud. hut there (hey had eoutemh'd mainly with an army ui (,, !•;■.<. Added i'o t!ie \ve]l-ai)pointed army oi' C'oriiwalUs, Tarieion had struck a terror into llie iSoudierii hearf- like that widi whiih (ho Hessian s(ddicrs luid insjiired the .Xortheru ]>atriois al'ur the defeat ol' Long Island and the reverses of the com- niander-in-chjei' in ^'ew Jersey. They stiw iiodiiuo- j,, oppose {() such adversaries. As Trenton" dis})elled the idu- sion that iiivesied the ILessian with invincible might, so Cowpens br.dve the spell that held the Carolinas nerveless before Tarleton. At Trenton and Cowpens, Washington and ^Morgan eccssitji (if ,s}irc(ss to tlu' cause, /vftcr die landing of Washington's detachment near Trenton, Sullivan " re[)orted to him by ou(> of his tiids. that the arms of his iiartv were wet."' '-Then ((^1! vour (.'em ral," answered W;i>hington, "to use the bayonet, tind i)i.ne(rate into (he (own. for the town must be taken, and I am re- solved (0 do it."''^' Then Stai"k"s bayonets rushed forward. Aforgan knew •'he walk'ed o'er perils, on an (^(\ix^\ more likely to tall in, than, to get o'er.'' Y\diat" struggle shook iiis soul on that l>attie's eve, uc know imt ; but thai he came out from it, strong' and ctdm. we do know. Himself tells u.- of the (ei'ror that agilated him 'in (l;at New ^'ear"-; eve o^ \\ ]■> before (he assaiih on (}iu bee. ** lie was sleeping when (he order was gi\en for ids regiment to form. Ujton awaking his mind !>ecame smldeiily so im- pressed with the feuri'ul natnre of the enterprise in which * Jhfucroft, Vol. IX. ^3-i AT THE COWFEXS. HI 'I I 1 1: = lil ■'!■!• ho was about to cupigc, that he shivered thronirh his whole friune, and. for a time, tilt ([iiilc unequal to the task wliich dutv and lionor iuii)osend left, attained its highest point ahout three hundiHMl yards from the front. The ground then descended for ahout eighty yards, when it gradually rose into a second eniinence. The position was far from the neighhorhood of swami)s, free from underhrush, and covered with an ordinary growth of pine trees; selected with intelligent reference to the character of his troops and his plan of battle. Morgan's muster-rolls gave over nine hundred men, ])ut one detachment had gone with the haggage, another with prisoners to Salisbury, a third guarded the horses of the militia in the rear, and a percentage of disabled or sick reduced his figliting force to eight Inindred. Morgan himself gives this number, and we take his word. The British force reached eleven hundred, with artiller}-. On the first eminence, Morgan posted the detachment that was to bear the strain of the battle — Howard's bat- talion of Continentals, with the Virginia militia under Triplett, less than four hundred men. In fi'ont of these were posted the main body of militia, under Colonel Pickens, ahout three hundred strong. A hundred yards in advance of these, were a body of (Georgians to the riuht, and about the same number of Carolinians on the left, selected for their courage and skill with the rille. Upon the second eminence, a hundred and iifty yards in the rear of the nniin body, Colonel Washington was posted with his cavalry, one hundred and twenty strong. Ho was to rally the militia should thev 11 v, ami protect them should they be ])ursiicd. l)aek of ilie.-^e the horses of the militia were secured to the boiiiihs of young pine trees, saddled and bridled, ready for us(» in any emeri;-ei >cy. They had scarcely taken theii- several positions, ^\ iicn Morgan was informed that 'J'arleton's disj)osiLi()ns v,-ere such m implied an immediate attack. Delay would have heen Tarleton's best policy, and was what Moigan most feared, but now departed from his mind every doubt of ; I ; I i ■t::-^ -<9'"^ 238 AT THE COWPENS. EH, m . ?ft V, si I;:. I il ■ 1^ . ■ if the result, and a noble confidence inspired his every word and action, and communicated itself to his followers. While the enemy formed their line of battle, be occu- pied the short and awful interval to give to the respective lines the necessary directions, and utter a final word of api^eal to their courage and patriotism. To the i)icked body of marksmen in front, his instructions were, to take the cover of the trees, and, upon the approach of the enemy within good shooting range, to show whether or not they were entitled to their reputation of brave men and good marksmen. They were to retire slowly as the enemy advanced, load- ing and firing under shelter of the trees, until they reached the main body under Pickens, with whom they were to act. He had set the Georgians on the right and the Carolinians on the left, with the view of exciting a spirit of rivalry. *' Let me see," as he turned fr)m the line, " which are most entitled to the credit of brave men." To the main bodv of militia he then addressed himself. His orders were, to reserve their fire until the enemy ap- proached within fifty yards, when, after delivering two well-directed rounds, they v/ere to retire in good order and take position on the left of the main line, in the rear, firing by regiments as they fell back. Having concluded these minute directions, he then ap- pealed to their courage and patriotism. HecompHmented them upon the excellent service they had already rendered, with all the disadvantages of contending with regular troops, and besought them on this day to add to that reputation. He asked but an ordinary display of manhood on t^eir part to render victory certain. He adroitly hinted that fiight would but ensure their destruction, while safety, advantage and honor would alike be obtained by a coura- geous resistance. He assured them that, for himself, he had not a doubt of the result, if they, the militia, Avoukl AT THE COWrENS. 239 but perform tlicir simple duty. He recalled the glory of his previous biittle-liekls iu whicli, iit the head of his valiant rille regiments, he had humbled ibes far more for- midable than those now before him, and expressed the 'mortification lie had experienced at haciiuj been compdlcd, ill obedience to orders, to avoid (jrappling with an opponent whom he fctt sati^fed he could crash wlienever lie cime. Rehearsing his orden, with an exhortaticni to obey them with firmness, he proceeded to Howard's mainline. ^ A few brief words were all that were necessary here. They needed no stimulus of spirit-stirring speech to the performance of heroic deeds. He explained to them his iustructions for the move- ments of the militia, prepared them to expect tlie retreat of that body, and his purpose to be accomplished by this maneuvre. He directed them to fire low and dt'liberatelv ; not to break on any account, and, if forced to retire, to rally on the eminence in their rear, Avhere, supported by the cavalry and militia, there eoidd be no defeat. He reminded them of their own proud achievements., and charged them that with iliem rested the final fortunes of the day and the good to be acliieved for their country. Tarleton himself led the attack bv moving forward with a small reconnoitering party. A salute of rille-h.-ills, from tlie American advance, c' . tbree-poiindor, approaclied io Avilliiii tli roe hundred yards of the militia. The «eveiuh reginiint lorincd (u (he 'eft of tlie liii'ht iid'aiitrv, eovered hv another thrL'e-iH)under. Fiftv drai;"oons on caeh Hank eoin[)U'ie(l ihe disposition of TarJeton's inain lijie. The llitU batlaUon oi" tiie ^:e^\'n'l y- tirst infantry, -with two luindred of the legion ea. airy, ■\vere reserved at about one hundred and lii'ty yards to tiie rear. Tarleton onhnvd a ])ro]npt advance of the whole hue, aeconi]>anied hv a continual lire of the artillerv. When within about one hundred yards of the American front, tlicy received a close Jind de;idly lire IV'.un tlu' militia under Fickens. Succeeding discharges told vrell upon them, osneciallv their oilicers, uot one of wliom showed himself conspicuously htit was In'ought to the groumh Their pace slackened, and an evident disorder per\aded their line, hut thev recovere;! and eontinueHl their forward movement in the face of the lire of I'ickens' rilles. The ndlitia behaved noblv, thev did more than had been reouired of tlu>ni. Thev now retreated, faciuGf the foe and liring, to their place on the American left, but, before they could form in position here, Tarlelon oi'dered a cavalry charuv. Tiiis broke their lines, and thev re- treated ]'a})idly. jmivued by the ca\alry, to the rear emi- nence, ami to the i)rolee!ion ui' Washington's legion, — - ju'ecisely Jis they haul been directed. The IJritish, ilcH'ived by the a]»parent (light of (lu^ militia, sui)])osing the \ietory alreaiiy achieved, set n)) a deafening shout, and wiih a rapid l)iit uneven pace, ])ressed forward upon the main line under liouard. A'l.w came the tug of b:ilile. The (.'ont iiientals held thcii" ground as it rooted to the spot, juul rapidly delivert'd thi ii" jii'e. Tlu' Ih'itish line faltered, cea.-ed to advance, and showed, rather a disposition to retire; so mucli so. that Tarleton hastily ordered up his reserves — iid'antry and cavalry — to their support. AT THE COWPKXS. 241 Morgan naw, and hnlhd it as an iu.iication oi discoara-e- ment and ^veaknc:-s : ]ii> clari.)n tones ,vnt h ovov llie field, in;;j)iring liis men and oilicers with new , the peril was imminent ; hnt ]\I(»rg;in j)ri)vide(l for tlie cnc'riienev. AVashington's cavalry, iviurning Ironi tlio pin'suii of tlie fiyhig British dragoons, were ordered hy Morii-jm tocharu-e the British reserve (avalry heforo th^-v could •dfect tluir pnrpose on Howard's right. He himself gallotK.i to the rear to hasten i![) tjie nulilia to th'> r Jn bnt tl escne ■e( med to t!ire;it eji st now occurred vviuit le ndlitary in-iinct of IxmIi ]\[orLi'!in and 11 CMl.imitv, owar< joined t o turn 11 into s|)!endid \ictoi'v cav and militia co ild iv;ich him, a chaiiLre of IVon I sua'u'es airy ted itself to Howard as the l)e■^t means for a idniionn'v check upon the rapidly advancing i'm'. l\r ordcrol liic Ikink com])any to jierfonn I he e\olutiou ^' iiich woiiM hrinu- it at a righl anuie with \\ir mniii hoilv. The ord nnderslo 0(1 am 1 iosf. cv was niis- *irr (omin'i t^) th.e riirhl ;d'out. tlu>y marclicd to (he i'<'ar. ;ind llu' whole hod\' I" and moved afi"r lh/n>. Ti U'rtI ;il)oii W:iS ;it to roetiry th*^ inisfnke. Ins^foad, Morgan Yodc hack lo ilx ii[)on I lie .-[»oi i'or lin'in to iv-rnnn : — this movcnR'iiL aldu bruU'i'liL llicui abrca^st willi the advaiK'iiiu" militia. Tlio luililia had M'lit a u-aliinu' liiv into tla- l)i'iiish re- .'■cr\o uii'lir JlcAriiiur, iii^t only r»»r('iiio- it, to R)rt\u,'o is ait'L'iupl i![)Oii liK' lei't. hiiL to ivtiro to Hoaic distaiU'C. AVasliiiiiitoii, at the same fimo, made a i'lnaou- onset iii-on the cavalry, jii>t as liiey were ahoiii to eharue tiie Aiiieri- eaii Hank, broke throii^uh their column, wheeled, and cliaravd (tn ihcm a seeoiifl iime. with crushinu- eH'eet,. They not only lied. 1jut tli.-]»er>ed, and tot)k no further l^iivi: in the Imli le. The lU'itisli had been thus twice misled, construinsi' Iho change (d* position of Jlowarii'.s line into retreat and de- feat. WasJniiLiton. in their rear, seeing the broken ex///'// of the I'ritidi lino, ha-tenrd a swift message to .!\l(»j'gan : *''Thev are conunii' on like a mob ; izive tiiem a lire and I Avill chai'ge lliem." llowai'd's main lirn^ h.ad by this time descended the slope of the lii'st eininciiee and reached the rise of the second eiiiinence in [tcrtVet ordia*. when the AVoi'd "•halt"' was given. Then .Morgan's chirion voice rang along the lino : '' I-'ace about, one g'ood lire and the victory is ours." It ^\as done l)ravely Mud well; th.e on-connng foe re- colled before the deadly lire, I'.nd. ere they rcco\ ered the shock. Howard ihundei'ed, *• Chai-gc." In a nn)nient the American bayonets were ;d thi-ir breasts; Washington's cavalry were at their l)acks : the whole body of militia on tiicir left '.— the baMlc\"a- \ irlu dly done. The sevcnlh regiment thren- (lo\\ii iheir arms: the legion and lii.dit- inl'aJilrv a! teinoted lo ll\, i)ut the cavalrv henuned them in, and rode I hem dou n. At the feet of our army lay, suii|)lianls l\»r mercy, those ■who had >ho\\ed none when onr.> had ad';ed ii from them. " Tarlcion's (piarlerb" ran along the line, and it AT TTii: cowprxs. 143 I :— this ViUl*ill_L;' iiisli re- rogu is listniico. •ct upon ' Ainiri- L\[, and U' cUVct. i'lirlluT Liinii" the ami (Ic- 11 i'Sjir'il l(»j\iZ"an : iv and I ;Ied (li(3 J ul' the . ••hair onix llic ours." ' foe re- .'ivd the llMlt tlio iii^U'toii'ri ilit ia on SCM'lll h d liidit- 'd thcin *y. iho.so il from ', and it requh-ed all iho Innurnco (,i Morgan, TIoM-:ird, and the ullieers, to i)revent wholes-dc slauo-ht.T. Their precipitate advane" Inid k t'l their artillerv i,i ilM-ir rear; forced by Ho ward's^ charge to recoil, theirartillorv was now ao-ain in front, and lioth j.ieeo^ were (|ui«'kl\-eapt"u!vd. The .struo-o-le was still continued iiy the militia and McArthnr'.s battalion on the right. Fieredv a^.-.-uled, dian I liidit ensicd. Th.' Geori?:ians took McArthur ])ri^oner ; broken and divpiriied, u.mum!i-' of Howard. Col- on(d Pickens received iJieir comi!i:nider's i^^^^.v^]. and the militia took charge of the pri:<,)n-r>, Tarleton in vain endeavor^ d to i-ally his 1(\'don crivairy, to advance ami co\er ^McArt hur's rcMvat. Fading in tins Jie himself rode forward at the head of hi-' d- taeinueiit of tlie seventemirh dragoon-:, accoiiipa-iir'd by fniiriccn ollicers of the legion ca\a!ry, witii i he liope of li arim:- olf the artdlcj-y. Apjire^aeliing m, ar eiiougli todiscoMT that the artillery, as wtdl as the (h\\ wa- lo>l. lie wiit'iied to retire. Colonel W'a.-hiiigion, sctang tiii' jiariv. rightlv con- jectured that Tariclon was with' this liody. and, ea.ger io crown the day by hi-' ca|)ture, jiursued and eiiargeij iliem. In his eau'erne-^s. Washinu'ton and a handl'iil of nu n rode much alu^ad of hi.-- ])a,r''-. ami 'i'arleron liirmd upon thein. iSotidng daitniiMl. W'adiiuglon cr'^ssed. -words with Tarleton's aid, and experienced tlie si!p«;'riorit\ of his P>ri(ish steel, fiU' his o\vn broke nc;tr tlii- hih. 'Vim otlicer rose in hi^ stirraj's to give vi^'or to the ])low that should dispatch our gallant Ivuight, ColoiKd AVtih- ington, when his page Collin, a lad who aitended ip'ou and dcuj'lv loved \Vashini:'t. Another olVieer, and TarletiMi hini- seli', aimed a swei'd tlini.-t at \Va.shin_a1on, n iv defeneele.s.-, hu! the nnrieeii ehar'ols and imrsenieii wei'e round ahout and every hlow \va.s parried. The whole deiachni> nt now eoiuinu up. and l';ii'leion realizinu' hi< (hmu'er, deeaniped al i'uU .speed, sendiiiir a partini;' sIk-i al \\ a>hinu-ron, whose horse reeeivc'd i he hall. Morgan disjiatehed his euvalry and the mounted nniiiiia to pursue the Hying foe and gather u}t the .-iragglers. Uni'(»r!unaiely, they took tiie wronix road at iheouts(>t, The time ihu.s io^t eould not be recovered, for Tarleion made speed. 'J'hc pursuit was CDiiiiiuied for inc.iv th.an iweutv miles, ami though halllcd in i^s liiain ohjcel, W'a.-iiingiou in re- turning swcp! !he eounlry on e:U'h side of his route, ea})- lurevl and hroughl in ;i hnndfed additional i)ri.-om'is. '^i'he American loss was inerfdihly ,-maIi — a matlcr of twelve killed and -dxty-one wounded: no oiVieer of raidv among eii her. 'i'iic loss v/as e'litily su-tained 1»y the Con- tinental t]'oo])S, pariii'uhu'ly hy the Uanic companies of the right-. ^Idie l)rili>li hilled and wounded amounted to two hundrt'd and thirty. am<»n;.': v>!iom ten of the killed were o'Ticers, and among the })risoner-, twenty-seven were oilieers : while iiie wh'T' mnuher of juisouers reached fully !k-s. he nevei- hrai'd of h.im. 'I'll!' I'j.i'adi'i woidd st'irtle us. did we not know that heroes thiidi and sjieak and act alike the world o\er. Indiilgt.' us, reader. To tiie lua'ald of llie Fi'^'uch King ■^^ I''iu" thi> lU'CDunt of tin' l-uttlc of < "owpens wo iwc indotiUvl .sub- iitaiitiailv to " (ii't'fhf.i/'.'i Lii't: of jfnfiinn,'''' m1 sword on liiiu- \'ll(.'C*ll.'.SS, id about . lit now ('(•am pod n, whose i tavaljy foe and took tiie LUild not Iv miles, u m vc- ii<', cap- t'l.-:: latt er of of rank ho dm- ani( -'S of to t \vo h'd Avero en wi-ro ro;' ohrd ).S — -they elf af!-r r hrjird :)t kixiw World 'h Iviii!^- AT THE CJWPKxs. 245 I sent to Henry V., antiefpatin;^ the defeat of the L-tt-r -n,,] < -an ni, to know in advance what ran^^^ nnal ileiirv aii^Avers : ' o^^^ , , „ , , " Turn tlioo back, Andu-iltl.ykin,., Idonotseekhi.nncu- utcouidbewiliin^tuuuorh.n.ot'aluis Without iaipeuclmient. ('«) ]»i.. i,ind,,..,! VVe shall, y.nu. tawny .nnuul with your n'd blood J>isco]()r. The sum of all our answer is l)ut this — Wc would n(..t seek a ])attle u^ Wf are; Nor as we an-, we say, we will not shim it; So tell your ziiiister."' Tu (ho ehorns to Aet 4th. the night before the battle, ll.'iiry spends the h<.ars aniotig his troops, steelhiir heart, and nei'ves for the morrow. " For forth he o-oes and visits all liis host ; Bids them rro.xl morrow, with a mo l^st smile, And calls them~l)rothers. friends, and c. luarvnion. ipon liis royal iacc ili.M'e is no norc, llow dreud vu army hatli surrounded hdm ; Nor dotli he dedicate one jot of color Tnto the weary and all wnteh.'d nidit ; Bat freshly looks, and ovcrliciirs attaint, A^ ith cliecriul S('nd)lance and sweet majesty; That oveiy wretch, pininu- and pale b.fore;" Beholding- him, plucks co?ntV.n fnau his looks. A lari'-ess universal, like the sun, His liberal eye doth ^nve to everv one. Thawin.y; odd fear. Then mean, and pemle, all Behold I as may unworihiness (h'iine — A little touch '•/ llnrvij iDnnid) li, Vic I'Vjhi. Fall snrely there must have been those in Morgan's camp, who remembering the brave men loiterino- idly at 24:6 AT THE COWPEXS. ] the " Camp of Repose *' in the Clicraw Hills, cfave utterance to words tikin to iliosoof ^^'estnlo^eland: •* O that we now had hero l)iU wln-n this day is named. And nniso him at the name of Crispian, Ho that shall live this day, and see old ago ^Vil] yearly on the vigil, feast his friends, And Siiy, to-mor")W is St. Crispian. 'J'hen will ho sti-^/ his sleeves and show his scars, And say, these wounds I had on Cris])in's day. Old men forg(-t : yet all shall be forgot, But he'll rcmembei- with advantages, "What feats he did that day. Then shall our names Familiar in their months as household words, Harry the King, Bedford and Exeter, Warwick and Talbot, Salisl)ury and Ciloster, Be in their flowing cui)S freshly remembered ; His story shall the good man teach his sou And Ciispiu Crispian shall ne'er go by From this day to the ending of the world But we in it shall be remembered. We few, we happy few. we baud of brothers, For he to-day tluit sheds his blood with me Shall be my brother; b(^ he ne'er so vile, This day, shall gentle his cotidition. AT THE COWPEXS. 2i7 And, ffentlemcn in England now abed, Shall think thcmsclve.s accursed, tlu'y'were not here And liold their manhoods chca)., wldle any speaks, ' Ihat fouglit with us, u])ou St. Crisiun's d'ay." The battle won, we hear the rovul hero: " K H. Now herald; are the dead numbered? Herald. Here is tlie number of the slaughtered French, K. H. This note doth tell me of ten thousand French That in the field lie slain. In these ten thousand they have lost, ^ There are but sixteen hundred mercenaries; The rest are— princes, barons, lords, knights', squires And gentlemen of blood and quality. Here was a royal fellowship of death ! Where is the number of our English dead? [Herald presents another paper.] Edward the duke of York, the earl of Sufpjlk. Sir Richard Ketly, Davy Gam, esquire ; None else of name —and of all other men, But Jive and ticcntij." King Henry too gives thanks right christianly : " O God, thy arm was here, And not to us, but "o thy arm alone, Ascribe we all ; TT hen ? a-ithout drdtafinn. But in plain shocli, and even pla// ofhatLk, Was ever known, .sy> great e held, ilie exposure of a winter eampaign, in the rainv season, without tents or shelter, without comforts or even necessary food, had induced fever and ague, and .leveioped ^ his old enemy, sciatica,-souYcnir of his winter in Maine ' and Canada. The pain was torture : he was well-nio-h disabled It was now the 23d of January, seven days^after Cowpcns Morgan turns his ear anxiously towards the hills of Cheraw but It IS still a - Camp of Eepose,"-they did not hear of CoAvpens until the 25th. He writes : ! ,1 "Sheehald's Ford, January 23, 1781. «^?V;_I arrived here this morning. The prisoners crossed at Island Ford. I sludl send tliem on to Salisbury m the morning guarded by Major Ti-ipliit's militia, wlxxe time expires this day. Lord Cornwallis. y^ hclher fi-oni bad intelligence or to make a show, moved up h'-wards Gilbert town to intercept me, the day after i had passed him. * * '^^ *a received your letters of the 13th inst. Would have endeavored to got the cloth [Wade Hampton's], l)ut beiun- obliged to come so far out of (he w.iy witli my prisoners pubs it eniirely out of my power. However, I will ciir-- municale the matter to Colonel thickens ; perhaiis he \m\' have some enterprising followers thut woiihl iiinleri.'JcM it I have engaged one of his ca])t:ii!is to go round and kill the enemy's horses: perhaps he mav do the other business. / iniinhl In sfaii at /,v\' ))l(i'r fill 1 hear from you, in order to recruit tlic men and get in good train. 254 ^10 RG A X S U ET F{ I ". AT. !■- i ':-;^ ^ 1 IM III » We must be fitted out with pack-liorscs, for, as I wrotft you before, wa^'ons will wcA do for liuiit trooos. *'l have 2,-()t men who are watchina; the enemy's move- ments, and will i>-ive vou the earliest aceounls. I think they will be this way, if the s^troke we gave Tarletun don't eheek them. "At this time we have six liundred prisoners. "I have the honor to be, ete. " Daniel Morgan". '•Major General Greexe." One seents a little eovert irony in the following. SiTEniiALD's Foi?D, .Ttiiuiary 24, 1781. " Sir : — T have just roeeived your letter of the 10th [two davs after Cowpensl, and am mueh obliged to vou for your cautions aa'ainst a surprise. ]\Ir. Tarleton iniu'ht as well have been surprised himseit', as been so devilishly beaten as he was. ''I approve miudi of havini>: boats with the main army, but would not wish to have any with nie ; ///// pai-r of the State towards Mririnia. and his nudving ii junction with Leslie, lixts me in tlial o])inion. '* I sliould be cxeeediugly gl;iii to nud;e ;i d(>>e''nt iido (b'oi'gia, but am so eniiiei.iied that I ean'l uiidertal^e H. 1 grow woi'se e\ery hour. I ctiiri ride out of a walk. 1 am (exceedingly sorry to leave the lield at such a time ;i- this, but it must be the ease. Pickens is a yery eiitei'- prising man, and a very juilicious one : perhai)s he miiiht answer the purpose. morgan'.s retreat. 255 ' I Ihivc had no inrcllio-oiice from Lord r'ornwalli. this two davH. I expect to lu.ir from Idin everv hour" ^If aiiyilimg nUere.ting tnm.pire., 1 will let vou know it iinmeduitely. "1 have the lionor, etc., Ma j or G eucral G iti- exe. ''X. B. My detuchniciit is nincl) weakened hv (hi. hghtwith larleton. We have near liftv men diiabled; We have nothing- to d]-iiik." They liad cherry bonnce at Cheiaw Hills, for .Atur-ran's good frieml Colonel 0. H. WiHiam,. writes to hnn'im- mediately npon reeeivin- the news of his vietorv,--thou'di Morgan does not reeei\e it for many day- after.^ "Camp Pedke. January 2o, 1781. " Dear General ;— T rejoice exceedin-ly m vouv ^^u•ce;^s. The advantages you have gaiiied are impmiant. an-l do great honor to your little corps. I am deh-iitod that the accumulated honors of a youug pani,:;.n, sjiould be plun- dered by my old friend. " V\ e have liad iifea dc joir, draidx all vour heallhs, and Hwore yon were the huest U'llows on (,irih. and Icne vou if possible more than evei-. The (bauTal has, f tliink, made !ns com])liniL-iU.-, m v.ay haiKb^onic terms, imelo^ed is a copy of his orders. It \vas wriMcn immcdiat. iv alier we received the new-, and diiriiHi Ihc upenitiou of some cherry bounce. Coujpllments to Ilc-u-ard and all friends. Adieu. *'Sinccrelr vours, "0. II. AV;luam.'5. , *' Brigadier General MoittJAx." Letters from 3Iorgan to Greene under same date run thu :is : 2rjij MOKGA^ ri KKTiiE.vT. " Sjihuuald's Foiii), January •}"), 17^1, Sunrise. *•'>';'/•; — T ;iMi liii.^ liioiii'.'iit iiii*<;riiir(l by •■xpiw-s that C'ui'iiwallis i.s ;it li.nii.i lo (it'ohl. I erjnrl ijou //■('// munj ^ninctchere un llu'. Widkin to 0Ji/)0S(' iJd'ir i'i'()s;>iiifl. " I tliink it vvoiild he ;!dvi^ai)lo In join our forces and fiiiiit ilieiii It^'fore llu'V ioiu IMiillins. wliieli ll.ev eerlaiiiiv Avill do, if they ai'e not stopped. I have orth'i'.d the eoui- iiuuHlinL'" oilie-T at S;i!isi)ur\ to n!o\(' oil' witli the pri.-on ie..-s d >t mil >tore 1 vol I I liinl I'i'ilil. vou \\ill r( iM ai it. 1 caiinot ascertain the eneniy"> iiuuiht i's, hut -iipjuoc theiii odds of I wo ihoii-and ; luat nuuihei' if t hey lvee[) in a eoni- paet hudy, we eaunoi luirt. 1 am. dear (iein'i'al. v i)AMi;i. ^^loiIHAN- ?» AMI' Su.:i;i;ai.i>"s ]^)i;!)•. Janu'.nv l"), 1?-^1. Sir en^'iUN' eneaiuix d !ast niiiht at li;im-'iwri' ]Mili- in ToT'e : the\ niafcii"d n-ar t hin \- nuh-^ vt-linj; t I-; mv o| II ii l!ir o 1 1 • '• 1 1 till ■n 1 (; i.iiend to n a i-n en mai'"!) lU' at! niail(' in lo.il /,, / Ud III (Diner. I will d siinsr II > *'V(rvlllii /' //M// /• cr.'i/// III I I I,'. '!i;tv not J. lit rmu'h (IcpeiKk'i '.-;■ '" iiiv |).»ucr; I, 111 rid WW 111 J) (' nor \\;i: i will '1- I gt'iicu 111 my ])o\vi'r, <'<'llilllili,' lO o|\(, .^,,., C'llj II Mil IP'I- iii- i liJivu the jioiio!- 1 '• i) o hi' VMJJ. .Moi;.;a\ '' Ai aiu D, »^ni:i;F;.u..')'s Fo;;!) .]. ■ir Sir : — A niiiiif'v 'i,,, ;('!• }nv iaic .sii expi'Clalion h) d. .Mjiiici iiiu-- (-jrvrr t) ''''('"-, and (iiv , ,111' I II i I ( mtorm vou t'uu 1 >li i!.S C'tin !);ii'jii. Ill ail he r.\A\'n fc=U nu' U !;» li'l\ (■ (»■>.(■)• it. i)\- rea^jji ot an I n< hii i- <'M Itaiii !•(•( iir lip i'our n](in!iis of 1; ■'!ii,- ii!'<'M ni< liijii 1,(1, J win t«rjatiL-a ihat rciidi'i'.s nie cntii' vico. 1 have luni i''." and .■ priwL'". Ii (■i>' iiifjipal^jc of aci.iv '; ,^i-r- li. 1< ij" I n ]'('(• \\i r llu-' utlier day, ii In i!i<' LHTat ))ai;i wlicii J i' -fiX''!! ?n(' ii.or ail. < n I ;r" 1 i i t •'' )ii|\, wiiicl II!' U"(' 1 la; a'.' ij.'iii '•:i:J \ 1)-. an. nn;!!:-. ^-a/j ?ji, • 1 it . I i a iiL-u-i- Lau I 1 J caai. ai I . - ; I . ' I i , J 1 1 ■>■» i ' I ' ' » a I . In I Hi V'' lii;s i/jMna-ji! j'l' ■• j'."d in?' ili:.'"n'''- f tU'jinv arc v Vii iiiu a ii.-'.v ijiu*..- ir'an l; hv in 2oS MOllGAX 6 RETREAT. rapidlv. ^V// /'?//'/?/ (fre -vc; iru/ft Ihul I lliinl' I must rj're WKIJ. ''I liavL' tlK' honor to ])o. oto,, ••i)AMi:E .MuRiiAX." Hie iioxt loi tor i.'^ imdin- (Into of Jiimiary '28llu twelve diiy.s after Cowpeiis:. — ^.'u siu"!! or -ouiid of the iiKiin uj'iiiy. '' 8iiEi{RALi»'s FoKD, Junuary '^S, IT'-'l. " Si/': — Lord Ccniv/Mllis eiieaiii])ed on the 24r\\\ at Kani- soAver',- ^liil-. wiih his iiuiln h<>(]v from P)road Iiivcr. Mv rea.-«'ii for imt wrilino- to voii foi* two dav- was to liud (»ut which way th<'y re>i]!y intended, that 1 nnght h;ivo it in mv nowei t') inform \-ou fn!!\. J am trvinix to eulleet tlie nulilia to make a stanil at tins ])laee. 1 ha\e ordered (ienerul David-on, wiili live hnndred militia, 1o Beatlv's Ford. We are lillinu' all the priNate finds to make Ihem imj)a>tahle. 'i'iie one 1 lie ju. 1 intend to leave open. 1 ordered all tlu' ja'i-oiiers and siore-. from KS;di-i>niT to the Moldavian town. I am told tiny are u'one nnder a weak gnard. 1 hope tiome of them don'i get away. If the enemy pnr>ned, I order-'d them to Augu-ta. N'irgiida ; shouLi he ghi'i if \on \\ »uM gi\e orders eoneei'ning them. '•1 am a iiule apje.vhensivc ilr.it Cornwailis intends to surp-rise me, l\ing st) still this day or two: hut if the nuliiia d'.m't dieeive me. whom 1 am ol'iiLr'd to trust to as guards up and down the river, I tldnk I will put it out of his pov>-er. •'.If i were aok' to I'ide and f^ee ahout ev(>ryihing my-elf, f shouM :hink myself pei'feetly sale : hut I am ohliged in lie iu a iioiise out of camp, nnt heing ahle to (neonnki' the hadnes:« (»f the wuilhei". Itov/ever, nothing in my jviwe:' shati Ix' left iin hau" to seeure this [)art of the country and annov the eneniv. I have the honor to he, oto i( 1>AX1LL J\iouc;AX . i) morgan's jm:tri:at. 250 ?/ fj're iAX. ' 'IvL' diivs 11 V. ut Uani- ■vv. My iind out ivo it ill )lloet the ordcri'd Bi'altv's ike llioni DjK'll. 1 n to the L- a wrak . Tf tiie ^'ir.u'iida ; ni;- them. ri iiUciids iut if the ) trii:-t to [);it it out )[X niy-cir, ol)lii:T ( neon liter I'i" in 111,'" irt ol" the OlKiAN. 55 " Beatty's l'oi!D, .laniinry 59tl., 17> 1. (Twelve !;ay. ;in-r-r,,u-M.„. •') -Dern'Sn':~lhv.. ju.i arnw.l „ tl.i< .h.KMo vi.w oiu-.nu.,u,n. ^''-''lyral Dnvids.,! i. hen- wi,l. .,.h, h.nr joined by niihtia. and lioi.in- a--ain.i; h.-.p(- lor help fn.m (ir.rno. The militia came in slowly; ii ,■■;.,; i he tini" forpivpa-inu' f ho ground i'orj.lanlin-: ihiM.ni.i heal teml.' iu, or starvation ot'thoir I'amilies uas (.■rtain. A!h). it was Tarleton's and Cornwallis' orders to hurn tlio house of .-mit w hin- u i,o was ahsent: from hor.u'. X<.l uith.^tan,o his p.',Lrtny loree Jiad d\\in(!lo(l. 'JMie (d'oro-Ja .,!,,! Soutji ( aro- hua V(diini>'er< liad o-on*. );a,.k. whil.- ti^e term of .ser\ i.?e of Tripleti's \'i.-;:inia miliiia had expii-.-d. y[or-an le- solved to wait nn'l ih la^t moment oi* ^atVty. hopin--. if Greene hrought u}) the anuv, iodJ4)iae Cornwaili;:" oas^a^'-o 200 MORGAX S KETRE AT. J* I 1 ^^: ' t of the river. A heavy rain had fallen on the 20th, and Mor<:-an was safe so lon^i^ as the river continued nni'ordahle. Thus matters stood wiien. (Ui the niorninn" of January 30th, General (Ireene rode into ]\rorgan's camp aeeoni- ])anied only by one aid and an escort of cavalry. A\'hat for? '• That wav lies" honor. It was not a General that A\as wanted — it was an army. AVe can nowhere lind what greeting Morgan gave him ; thev ])arted comnanv l)et'ore manv hours, for (he river fell as rapidly as it rose, and ^[organ "was com])elle(l to move on. Greene liad started his army on the 29th of Janiuiry — it took four days to get it in motion after the news of the battle reached it on the 25th, but it was nuirching towards Salisbury, not Catawl^a, nnder General linger. Cornwall is would cross on the morrow ; therefore, on the evening of the e31st, 'Olorgan, with his force, moved olf in silence, and, pushing forward all that night and the next day. gained a IVdl SVr.*— It i< with ])ecuiiar pleasure that I execute the order of the House of Delegates, in transmitting to you MORGAls AT HOME. 263 •, ema- racked il fore- Tbat for the its final ivsically iurtailed y letters Knvleclp;- brilliant rom tlie 111, 1781. i-equested [n-d, as a in try for [displayed Ltcly com- 121, 1781. Lecutc tbo n? to you their sense, and through them the sense that yonr country entertains, of the many signal services performed by you in the various victories that you have obtained over tlie enemies of the United States, and more especially in the late well-timed total defeat given to tbe British troops in South Carolina. 1 am directed to request of you, sir, tliat you will convey to the brave officers and troops under your command in the action A the 17th of January, the sense entertained by the House of Delegates of their valor and great service on that occasion. " Ilavins: thus discliaro;ed mv duty to the House of Dele- gates, permit me to lament that the unfortunate state of your health should deprive the public of those eminent services in the lield Avhich you are so capable of perform- ing. Let me hope that it will not be long before return of health will restore you to the army and to your country. *'I have tlie honor to be, " Richard Henry Lee, Sec. " Brigadier-General Morgan." From Governor FiUtlcdgc to General Morgan. " CiiERAWS, January 2."), 1T81. ^' Dear Sir :—l request that you will be pleased to accept my warmest and most cordial thanks, and that you will present them to the brave officers and men under your command, for the g(Jod conduct and intrepidity manifested in the action witli Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton on tlio irth of January. This total defeat of chosen British troops, by a nunilxu- far inferior to them, will for- ever distinguish the gal hint men by whom the glorious victory was obtained and endear them to tlieir country. Ccdonel Pickens' l)ehavior justilicd tl^> opinion I ha\e always had of that gallant otlicer. Enelo.^ed is a Briga- dier's commissiou, of ^^■hicll I desire his acceptance. "I am, etc., *M. RUTLEDGE." 264 MORGAN AT HOME. 14 ■ r ^i, ■ Concrross also expressed their npprobation by passing a preamble and resolutions of ai)preciation and obligation to the ollieers and men who took part in the actiun of Cowpens. They directed that a gold medal, with suitable inscriptions, should be presented to Morgan, to Colonels Washington and Howard a silver medal, and to Major Tri:>litt a sword. A. It was scarcely over-estimated. In consideration of the respective numbers, quality of lighting material, etc., it was certainlv the most brilliant action of the war. Had Gi'eene brought his arjny with him to the Catawba, the pa^^sage of that river by Cornwallis could have been eitiier utterly disputed or made so disastrous as to have compelled that General to fall back into lower South Carolina. Lest Morgan should be over-much exidted, the envious hastened to discharge tlieir little arrows of criticism and innuendo at the colossus who, for a time, had arrested the attention of the continent. Tarhiton, stung by so com- plete a castigation from one Avliom ho aHected to despise, imj)ugns Morgan's judgment, accusing him of temerity in selecting a Ijaltle-ileld disadvantageous to the American army and favorable for the British. He says : "The situation of the enemy was desperate in case of a misfortune ; nn open country and a river in their rear, threw them entirely in the power of a superior cavalry, whilst the light troops [British], in case of a re- })ulse, had Ihe expectation of a neigld)oring force [Corn- wallis' army] to protect tliem from destruction." T;p-' • ton does not seem to bo aware of the recoil of sucii a criticism. Morgan, in a few words, justifies himself from the charge of temerily, ami establishes the rli)e military judg- ment that fixed U|)on the Held of Cowpens. ** I would not," said he, *'havc had a swamp in view of MORGAN AT HOME. 265 my militia upon any consiacration ; tliey would have made for it, and nothing could have detained them. A to covering my wmgs ; I knew my adversary, and was per- fectly sure I should \.. e ' othingbut down-right lighting. As to retreat, it was the very thing I wislied to cut*" off all ho])0 of. 1 would have thanked Tarleton if he had sur- rounded me with his cavalry. It would have been better than i)lacing my own men in tlie rear to shoot down those who broke from the ranks. " When men are forced to fight, they will sell their lives as dearly as possible. I knew that tlie dread of Tarleton's cavalry would give due weight to the protection of my bayonets and keep my troops from breaking, as Buford's regiment had done. " Had I crossed tlie river, one-half of the militia would immediately have abandoned me." Simply, Tarleton had ''reckoned without his host ;" lie had come to Cowpens to meet his master. Colonel Leo, who saw himself hopelessly eclipsed by the splendor of Cowpens, ascribes Morgan's determination to fight Tarleton to a '' sudden fit of ill-temper, which over- ruled the suggestions of Morgan's sound and discrimina- ting judgment." His masterly retreat, l)efoi-e so superior an enemy, was pronounced '" miraculous," Lee likewise accuses him of quarreling with Greene, of showing a disregard for tlie safety of the main body of the army. Doubtless he had rea-^on for some curious tlioughts of his Commantling (ieueral, but there is no proof that any jarring words ynv-scd between them ; their subse(pient correspondence entirely contra'liets such an assertion.* L'or magnanimity Morgan ranks with Wash- ington. His motives for leaving the rervlce were nl'o iin])ngned ; it was insinuated lliat his ill-heullh was feigned Those * Lee's Memoirs and Graham's Life of Morgan. 1^ Si, • 0' m •i'.i" f ,; 'I. 266 MORGAN AT Ix JME. are the .small accusemonts of small minds, contradicted by the most obvious facts and motives of the case, and in direct opposition to tbe express assertions of Morgan liim- self. lie was of other stutf than that Avhicli makes liars and hypocrites. Bancroft says : ^^ A severe attack of acute rbeumaiism, consequent on tbe exposure of tbis and former campaigns, forced him to take leave of al)sence. Wberever he bad appeared, he had always heralded the way to daring- action. He tirst attracted attention at Boston, was foremost on the march tbrougli tlie wilderness to Canadji, and fore- most to take Quebec by storm. He bore the brunt of every engagement witli Burgoyne's army, and now he had w^on the most extraordinary victory of tlie war. He took with him into retirement the praises of all tbe army and of the chief civil representatives of the country. Again and again hopes rose that be might once more appear in arms; but the unrelenting malady obliged him to refuse the invitation of La Fayette and even of Washington." Tbis last was true in effect though not literally ; lie took the field at the urgent soli '^alion of La Fayette .and of Governor Jetlerson, during he siege of Yorktowu, but soon succumbed to his distressing malady. \} I XXVIII.— 1781. GEEENE'S RETREAT ACROSS TII^: P.iX. T URNING over Genonil Cro( no k'ttiTs lo Washiiio-- toil ui'tc-r Cowpens, wo read uiuler dat^' of Jan. 24:. a Camp of Kcpose The Gvciit IS i2,-k)rious, and I am excecdino-ly uiihiippy tluit our wretched condition will not permit of our improving it to the best advantage. I shall do aH I can, but our pr(vpects are gloomy. Onv force i.s small and elaily declining. We have no clothing or provisions but what we collect from dav lo day."' On January J^8, four days after hearing of (.^owpens, •'! have the sp.tisfaction to transmit to vour Exetllencv a letter from Brigadier-Cu'iieral IMoi-gan, aunouufing the total defeat of Lieutenant-Colonel 'J'arh^ton. The vic- tory was complete and the action glorious. The brii- ]j lancv and .success w ith which it was fouiz'^it docs the lii. 025. 5GS GEEEXES liETREAT ACUOSS THE DAI^, I "J ^Yo have jilrendv ivfc'rivd to ''k' 'liiliriiltv of noivimd 1 1 IL; tin? militia J'-.-oni tluir imTi\\\ of tiu' ('aiawi);i. \ViK.ii Jtloru'aii louiid ilial Com waii V, oul( uiidv cn).-s the Caiawha in a few lioiiiv, lie iiieved awav towtirds the Yadkin, leavinu" (ireene hehiiid to '"coUeet the niiliiia mid enihairas.s the enemy." (Jen- cral (ri'eeiie eondiiete*! no part of the retreat ■,»!' Morgaii's foi'ee,, hiiL i'ollo\ve(l him to the Yadkin two day.-^ after. The patriot leader David-on, vriih I'onr hundred militia, took post at }.LeG<'Wan's i'ord, a short distanee below Sherrald's Ford, whore Morc^au's army had lain. Ho resolved to dispaUe as long as possiljle the Connvallis, or at hast inlliet as ])ossible. (ireene writ •OSS J nil' (' IS heavy a less ii[)on nmi ^^ . ». es Tl le enemy crossei 1 at istud MeGowan's Fowl, where (jineril Davidson was "with the aTea,te>t i)art oJ' the militia, irlto lied (if (lie first di o\ertaken In- T irleton aui ei' aoix rinlf'd !"or persed. 1 Availed that nighi at llie pla the miliria to eolleei at till moiaiin:!" ; but noi;; a man a[ipeare "it" Th an error that does iiijti alid Opened (iru * Sparh' ('or.,Vul III. p. 220. giikI'Xe's ijj;ti!i;at .vriios^ im: r m:s. 2G!) upon flioiii M-licii i!i:v ha.i ]( acliCil llio inuMle of [lio Ftivnii. 'i'hfir !:;ii...,.,,,[ (|i,. jjvai.i., .,j^4 ^i.j^ circiitiis!.iii((', wiiirii ;il iir^i iippi-ariMl lo hv a (nliiiiiilv, cnMiivtl \\uAv ,v:ii;;y. 'rji^y no \k<:S'-v u.\U,^rd An> {■,['![ but ki'pt ihi'i;- v.-Av (iircfily :!ri'os> i!.( .-iiv^Lin. an;! Luidvd '" ;i i'"ii'i :il"'i[t luiir iiuinlr. il wn-iio ain/vc lii:- .] (,i \i-iR'io Davidson cxiicicd (linii. L^ami!!;^ ihc mn, ,,f ijiuiir.^, li'' i!i()\c(] (ipoii tlii'iii and uiiMiii^d ;t .cvi'iv lin.- Uh^m {ln^ Ihiil-li advaiK'O guard. AfU'i' a Hi:, in ar.ioii in ulijrh the I'liiiuy jo^t :si\iy killi-d aud iaaiiy ^Munidod ahd Mvcpt away by Uiu currour, Daviu-on wa.- inouuiinp; iii : la.iA.' n, bring oil his dcka iiunaii, waai a ll.iiidi huik-i pii'ivcd ii.Mi ;r,i;i hi' Ia'II ileat IneviiaMy, the nnlitia. kft v/iihoiii a h:adr", scattered and oi I !U' eiu'iil liinid. ul coiiirtcd )''> U;i\id-iin. j.ut Liiivo liundred rc[u)rted ai i!i.' aj>]);)inied roiaic/^soiiz a!^ lainani' Ta\er!i, where d'ai'lehiij w ;i < 1 1; 1 ' ' !■. I \' .'on I i . -) issolM'd ijie VvMole rieuv e ir.iu'itl rea>i)!iahl\ e.iHCt (1 tlKil (ieiieral ( Davidsi.n, or at h-a-t at tiie ir^dezvoiH at '1 ireeae \V(/ii!'l liav I h let'U ai (lie i'uVd -»- Ki.1 I . t ■ li a Ill's Tavern, ti'U uiih.s iVoni the Cat.iwha, ha! le^ v::\< aL ii: ilh-r plnee ; he .•■loj))'(.d nt tiie hoae of a M:-. ( 'arr, .-i-.ie;'!! ni!U'> away. A- "lid! ii in:ia apiienri d. " iir ri'de wa la Snli.-iiurv and aiiiritt 'd, n orn aiid exhaii.-^'ih ,n ihe d'Mir (d' the tavern. " \\ lial, a!(Mi'.' I (uMieial O'reiaie ?'" a>ked aa uuieer wiio was e\r-;' tin-' Vr.. ] uiiiii'ry. pi muh'-s and ai(^! !('." ad,d.i] (in /ar; le oeeiirivd rlie iikkI -I) uiuai \i' (.■i ^\''i':a!e ] when the 'andladv hna'-hf hrrhiii.. -(■ ae id' i'-i»!'!, h^'a!■d'^l ha' dire exl reinii ie- ol' !]l■.^'^e e\d liaic -<.'i " ■I'u in fort alh Jakewis(\ ai'u'r : ujtp-'r. (nvene 'Mah-dca tlif w.ill a u it !; it- lai'c lo )!''/i'. \\ iM a ai a >i ])i(f are of K in;r < h' the w:dl and wrolr upon it, " llidv' thv laee, ((eoige. and bla h.'' Jie Lulh,>wed and 0Vir:-ok \iMr.-i;M at ! 'i" ^ddlvin, and O'/'i /i'-'.'il i I. il '•/ l/l. /v i Greene's retreat Arnoss the dax. writes : '"As soon :is I nvrivorl ;i! ihr infiniirv e;imp, F wrofr If/fr.-^ to all the iinlilia oriict'i'.; ovci" I hi' moiuuaiim xn vm\)')'.]y t]icir men iiiid join [\\v army. \vv\' IVw liavo j<»il;('M us." (irciio hrii] writtrii 1o Lio to lia.ion liis juiK'tion \y\\]\ til'' ;irniy, sayinu'. " Hiti' is ;<, liru. ji,.|il jivni u-y(.-i\ o-i.,.-.^ alii'a-.i.'" Ini! ai'lor joiiiino' all U)vcr- al (riiijl'nrd, en tn ((fin inuo the retreat over thi' Dill imo X'iru'iiiia. where ho L'X[)eeU(l I'nrther ri'iii- fi!i!iiuM!t lo his ottietTS o^'HQ- (iiliy liion' Av'io V.elV I're.-ll iVoin the lirjl of Cowpelis aihl rai'Vi" a'j'ain l(^ mea. ure s^vord-; with, ih.e eie'irv. John: on f^ays : "'Vhv laiK'n eountcnaiK'es ui his uiUcias pri>C'la:nK'd their di-a.|)i).Miitii)P!]i.'' infore ]ea\inu- tiie army 3[erp!i! had indicated liis ]n'c*'erenee !.i;' his smce- ->r a.s commander of tho liidit triM.p-. JTo lia.d named Iii- IVieMi! Colom | (). j}. Will a.m.- N'M ill e (|!1(>1 II now V, how !(» make t h o [la.^sa.'iv of llio Dan, i'-.r Cmnwallis had ^jaiiad its upper fords; I in; ( ir''i!!Li-!.)!i, (ireeaies nuai ternia.-ter and a most etiieieiit ohicer. Mii^'c-ested that ihe army r-ro-^ hv llu' lower Inrd-'. on i'al'ts and h():;t< which he hnd assenihled there. Col )ij('l V, in v'il]i;mi< with hi< lii/lit iiii'aiitr' projected (h c real", an ely over I ne (Jreene aiid his \\lii :e arm\- Were pa.-se-d sa! Dan. ''l)!if for ("arrine-toif.^ en er-jy and pune-inee ii ai»aiidoiied tlic Cai-olJnas oner U'ore lo the r.riii-h and roy.jjisi s, u h() i! i uo- e and returned I'' liifir evil i]i'r,\^. 'J'arlelon saw:; •■ |i;i vinv chafed (Jreeno's arniv oni (.,' Norlh Carolina, the kinii'^ standard * (n'tu i;t's J.ij'i' of (h'reiif. GKEENiyS RF.TRKAT A'llOR.S THE D.'.X, 2:1 wns rai-cd at riillsboroiio-h/" lliincroJ't; says: "Seven eonipauir.- were I'Drincd in ! j'roni ihis <|UMhr. llowrvcr. my utiuo.-! excriimis fin^- I a venii'»rcei ic;t\ I 1 hv Virginia mihi ia, (In'eiu' reerossrd tlu- l);iu. Fimlin"- his force moi-e llum iwicv that of Cornwallis, Greene es>avf( I a hailie at (aiiiford i\ il. llis ]d:in of hatile was soi new hat at faidt, his thi'oe di\ision,s liein.u- po.-^tni at t>'0 great a or-tance to })ro|irrly .su|)[)ort eaeh other. Likewise eonei-rnini.'- tlic militia, liad alwavs diifered i'rom W ashin.-ton on the " (irenu proper manner of I'rfing miii shonld he used as a, ix-erve to im]troV(" an ao\aniai;v, Grcciic insisted that ihryono-ht t.) he )>l;'e.'d in froi; tia ; ihe former ihou-iht they hnfc hill-- at Camdon. (ireei>e there- h i Gates haion. they were at the i)oin vielory v.hcn an i\o]i], the aridha'v an 1 ihe olorv. to tlie liriti.-h, wlio juir- ■Ue< I for three mile.-, ^in'enc retreale I ten mi. 'JVoilhleSnine ('reek. alw] faildok \A .V He ha'l, howi'.-r. aeeoiiip!idie ■«■ Cf ., r.Ki:r-xi:s KFTurAT Arnoss tuk pant. ton. rjrcciio f'oliowod :is Icisiirclv. ;is fin' a->' Deep Riv ninl there ii.;i\\' over :!n' j-ur-iiil . — eonie^ lo (li(> ('ont'lii.si to |)U>li '• l)ol(i!y'* int.) Soiitli ('.;r;»lii!;i and let ConiWiL go lo •• lI;Jii';i\," or w iu'!'i-ve;' h.r will. Jol!!h."* (irrene eonnnnnieate.s to Waship.U'ton his ])nrpos'e '•Mirpri;^e" i;.iudoii at (/anulen, and adds: "1 .shall ta CM i"v nieasai'r io a\(»id a mi. I'oi'tune ; hiii neees.dl v oi»lii nil' to eoniiuir niy-rl!' to ehanrc and 1 [v{i<\ niv friei; v.ill do ju>tiee lo n\\ i'epu!alioii if anv aei-ivlmi alien me.'''== rnforlu:ial<'ly (Jivenc ^vrole letters wiiir'li. jkism thriii-'j'h an unlrimdly eoimlry, fell iiit;) hands for whi tlu'V w.'re not iiir-'iid-'d, .^.o thai Lord IJav. don at Caind fully e\])eeied and was ready lo reeei\e him. Umd)lo .sloriii the woi-k«, ('reene took a slroni': i)o-i!ion near ('a deii.ai Iluhkjrk's 11111. Hi-- foree was neai'ly ! \\o lluaisai Lor^.l liaw'dnn. widi nine hnndreil. eoiieluded to sur|)i (J reene. wle. was takim;- a not over early, or o\er '* h;!iiirered a loss o\' three liimdri'd. 'idie I>rili.-h alxiiii the siine- nnm' r. (irt'eiie wrote: " Il:',(l \\c ferited the eieniy. not ;i m;in of the ]>arty wouM have h;irk i;,lo t he town ; the dh^Taee is moiv \exa lions li aiiyi hiiiLi" else." ihit Ala.rioii had, in I'eality. taken Caunlen two d liel'ore tlio liaitle of llohkirk",- lliil. lie {■■.'•\ in\('- I'^'iT \\'at>o]), (Ml \\'ii,-hi's idiitV. hclov;. 'I'iie hhiir forty feet hinh. and the 'I'lrri-oii over one hiiiidred. ri oil's men felled tree-; aie! hiiiit inwei's hi^ii eiioiign command liie fort. ai;d eonspell d a siirreieler. This the eonheetiri^- pud hctwc'i! ('amdiM a-,i,! ChaiTestoii GREENES RET WHAT ACROSS THi; n.W. .\ (k'>ii-UL'ii()!i of 111-; Wiirl^s ;in;i liic I'NMcuaiion oi ('aiiuirn. This was .Mav K-th. On :\I iv 1 '.ili. C)..iiiuv'!inr"-'!i .^iir- rciKlcU'd lo <;i'nri\il Similar. On lii!' U.ii. Marion ami that brave v.ojiian, K't'tXH'ra miotic. dvn\c ihc r)rit!sh l'r(j!ii J*'ort Moltc. Suintci' look i'\tri (ii: iihv, and Li'c coiiipL'llc'd 1:10 garri:o:i ul" Aiigiisia h> i.tiMUdaif, JiiUi' Ath. (iR"'ii ' niofiiiwhilo ant'ip.jf -^ Ninrty-Six, ;iii.l makes foariii! wui-Iv ol" il ;— woi'-c than a hiuinUi-, it was a Ci'ime. Attackiii'.'- the eiiejiiy in ]\\o i-c.-ir, an.i r.diicliiu- \ho smalicr ])osls, Marion iiud Siihi;.':- had hy dulv ('()11!|m'!Km1 the ]>rlH:h io cNaeualt' the slit im' jtH.-is n\' ilir ii| jti- coi.n.ry, aii'l Uiey were now roniiihil to ilic iian'ow dis- triet l)etwt'en the Santc^e aiid h)V,\'i- S;,\ani;,di. Tiiiswn.-; the poHev advocated from the lii>t hy .Morgan ; ilie .-■.'(|uel ])rove- !l,s wi-dom. ll'inerofl Widl says of tliis eninpaigii : " Whauncr was aehievt'd. wa^ ; (diic "d l«y Air.cricans alone, and A// A/nc/'i'Mz/s of //'!■ S.I)///.'."' .Mc'iiii iiiic. Hit' i!i;er>'.'Ui transuiTi'd lo Vii'ginia. CornAvallis, having refreshed liis hal i Ted ariny and rc- intorred at V\'iiniing!'>n, caned a (•(.nncil of oIlicM'-; 0> (ieiide wheiiier lo reirii'ii to ih'' (h ffiit" of \\lia; iic had uliviidv ae(|iii:'<'d, or mare]) n;» tlii'on'h \oVi\\ ('art'Mna into N'irginia. 'rai'l'''on warmly oppo >■ 1 a niaicii ii h> Virgiiiin. and ciiiin-'ii' 1 a ivtnrn lo Sonth Cafoline. Ih;; Cornwalli- \va- sick ol' ihc ('erohni^s. and ho[ieii new I', id^ AvoiiM iti'ing him new laninds. V]) )hrou'j-h th.c whole lenu'th (d' the Sial ■. hanwi-iu- {Old terrifx ing t he people. < 'ori|-.,\ .-I'li -. wiili i wo ( lem^-Mid tro()j)s, niaridied. '• vvdlh ii<» o|)po:-ii ion wle'di :oi ad\aneed Luard uoder Taidelon did nol ea.-i!\ o\cieonn' ;"' n ac long fz IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 ^1^1^ 110 I.I ■ 2.2 lU 2.0 4" ^ » ■> Photographic Sciences Corporation i\ ^^ u '^^'T^^ ^.V" s^ 33 WMT MAIN STRUT WnSTIR.N.Y. -.45tO ;7t6) t73-4S03 4" I mi 274 GREENE'S RETREAT ACROSS THE DAN. Halifax, *•' his troops were let loose to commit enormities that were a disgrace to the name of man." * Early in May he joined forces with Phillips at Petcrs- bjargh, and found himself ** at the head of seven thousand effective men, and with entire control of the water, while La Fayette had not a third of that number to oppose him.'' * Bancroft, Vol. X, p. 485. » •■„ XXIX.— 17S1. MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. . A FTER a furlough of two months at home, his health JTjL being in a measure reinstated, and, seeing General Greene hard pushed at Hobkirk's Hill, Morgan had re- solved to repair at once to his camp. Just at this time, however, May 1781, the alarming state of things in Vir- ginia called for the prompt and vigorous service of all her sons. In January of 1781, whilst Morgan was before Ccrn- wallis in South Carolina, Arnold invaded Virginia with sixteen hundred men, captured Richmond and destroyed an immense amount of public and private property. In March, Phillips joined Arnold with two thousand British from New York, and the whole cjuntry, between the rivers James and York, was wasted and burned. Virginia having drained her resources to strengthen Greene's army, with the hope that Cornwallis woukl be destroyed or driven back to tlie sea, was illy prejiared to resist the present powerful invasion. Washington sent La Fayette to the rescue, and though he was urgently pressed to come himself to tlie help of his own State, he declined to move from the highlands of the Hudson. He hoped much from the influence of La Fayette. In Baltimore tlic Marquis was warmly received, and tendered the most elegant hospitalities its citizens could command. He declined these expensive honors, and l)cgged instead, that the ladies of Baltimore would assemble and ply their 276 MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. If> patriotic needles to clothe his naked soldiers, — ^iiimself furnishing the materials. *' lie drew to his side, as volun- teers, gallant young men, mounted on their own horses, from Maryland and Virginia. Youth, generosity, cour- age and prudence, wx'rc his spells of persuasion. His perceptions were quick, his vigilance never failed, and in his metliods of gaining information of the movements of the enemy, he excelled all officers of tlie war, except AV^ashington and Morgan. All accounts bear testimony to his prudence, and that he never once committed himself during a very difficult campaign."* Tarleton bears witness to this in his " Campaign." Arriving in Richmond, La Fayette addressed Morg i : " ift/3/ 21, 1781. " 3fi/ Dear Si?' : — Having heard that on your recovery you had set out lor the Southern army, I made no doubt you had arrived in Soutli Carolina. But I hear that you are not yet gone, and with the freedom of an old and affec- tionate friend, take the liberty to request your assistance. *' Lord Cornwallis came without opposition to Halifax, and has now joined forces with Pliilli])s at Pctersburgh. " General Phillips' foi'ce consisted of two thousand five hundred regulars rank and file. The force of Cornwallis you will better know than I do, when I tell you it consists of the '23d, 71st, 33d British, one Hessian regiment, the light infantry and guards, Tarleton's Legion and some other corps. They have entire command of the waters. They have much cavalry. We have for the present forty. Our regular force is near nine hundred. Our militia not very strong. We have not a hundred riflemen, and are in the greatest need of arms. ** Under these circumstances, my dear sir, I do very much want your assistjince, and beg leave to request it, both as a lover of pulilie wclfaie and as a private friend * Bancroft, Vol. X. MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 277 of yours. Your influence can do more than orders from the Executive. Permit me, my dear sir, entirely to de- pend on your exertions. " Anotlier very great reinforcement to our small, dimin- utive of an army, and which will produce the happiest eifects, would be your personal presence on the field. I beg leave, my dear sir, most warmly to entreat you to join us if the state of your health will permit. " I remain, my dear sir, most affectionately your friend, "La Fayette. " General Morgan." Also : "From Chaklottesville, Jnne 2, 1781. *SSVr; — I have the pleasure to inclose to you a resolu- tion of the House of Delegates, by which you will perceive the confiilence they repose in your exertions and the desire they entertain of your lending your aid under our present circumstances. I sincerely wish your health may be so far re-established as to permit you to take the field, as no one would count more than myself on the ellect of your interposition. * * * * " I am with great respect, " Your most humble servant, *'Tnos. Jefferson. ^ » ** Brigadier-General Morgan. Meantime Tarlcton had made a cavalry sweep inland, surprised the Assem])ly at Cliarlottesvillc and taken seven members prisoners, tlius for the time unseating the civil authority of the State. A fragment of tlic body addressed Morgan : " Staunton, June 14. ('Sir: "' * * * So much is at s(akc on the field of battle, that it is not only our wish, but that of every mem- ber of tho Assembly, that you march with what men you li i 278 MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 'Hi have raised, leaving orders for others to follow you. We are truly sensible of the alacrity with which the people on this side of the mountains will join you ; they tvish to be commanded by you. We therefore entreat that you lose no time in joining the 2*Iarquis. ** We are your very humble servants, "Archibald Gary, "Benjamin Harrison." Morgan responded promptly to these importunate ap- peals, and having clothed the men at his own expense, sent them forward under Captain Nelson, and wrote to the Speaker of the House of Delegates that he had con- tracted a heavy debt which he trusted would be assumed by the State. Hearing of Morgan's approach, La Fayette writes : "June 13, 1781. *'3fy Dear Sir : — With the greatest satisfaction I have received your letter mentioning the exertions you have made for our support. Your assistance is very necessary to uSj and your success in collecting the troops is above my expectation. The sooner they are with us the better, and I shall be particularly happy in taking by the hand a friend for whom I have ever felt the highest regard and sincerest affection. The enemy are opposite to Elk Creek. Our junction with the Pennsylvanians enables us to some resistance, but we are still much inferior to his Lordship. AVhatever you think better for the good of the service that comes within the bounds of my power, I request you will either mention to me or have executed in my name. Adieu, my dear sir, with the most perfect regard and attachment. "Your most humble servant, "La Fayette." Having sent forward his cavalry, Morgan marched with MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 279 the riflemen he had collected on the 20th of June, and reached the headquarters of the Marquis on the Ctli of July. He was immediately invested with the command of all the light troops and the cavalry. Concerning the Maryland volunteer dragoons, La Fayette wrote to him : ''July .0,1781. ^^Dear Sir : — I have attached to yonr command Major Nelson's corps and the Maryland volunteer dragoons. I beg leave to recommend the latter to your attention. Most of them are men of fortune who make great sacri- fices to serve their country. You will not, therefore, put them upon the duties of orderlies, or the common camp duties which can be as well performed by the Continental horse. In everything else, you will find they will answer your expectations. As they are only to be subject to your orders^ wlicn you have accomplished the objects mentioned in my letter of yesterday, or when it is decided that Tarleton intends southerly and is beyond the reach of being struck, you will be good enough to order their return to headquarters It is my wish to dismiss them the moment it is in my power. " I am your obedient servant, "La Fayette." Think of that ! from a man who had himself left ease, honors, wife, children, home and country ; who had perilled his life and devoted his private fortune in the cause of an humble people in a distant land, who was struggling to solve the greatest of political problems, and to realize the noblest dream of the noblest dreamers, from Plato to Washington. The morning aftoi Morgan's arrival in camp, Cornwallis had dispatched Tarleton with a body of Ciivalry and mounted infantry to attack La Fnyotte. They encoun- tered a mounted patrol, who fell back upon the main 280 MOBGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. I f5 body of riflemen, giving the alarm. They were instantly in position, and upon Tarleton's approacii, opened so i)rompt and vigorous a fire upon him that he beat a hasty retreat.* A few days after, Cornwallis sent Tarleton upon a distant and dangerous expedition inland, to destroy a magazine of stores which were intended for Greene'i; army. Wayne and Morgan had well concerted a plan for his capture. Tarleton, foiled in his work of destruction, was returning, and hearing of the danger that menaced him, he destroyed his wagons, made haste to strike a lower route and nar- rowly escaped capture.f The knowledge ^hat Morgan was again in the field was a valuable check both upon Tarleton and Cornwallis. On July 30, Morgan and Wayne moved from Goode's Bridge to Deep Creek, as affording greater facilities for menacing Petcrsburgh or securing a passage into North Carolina. This may be considered *'tlie first of a series of movements which ended in the capture of Cornwallis." Three weeks in camp, however, convinced Morgan that he had anticipated his restoration to health. His keen military instincts, the imminent peril of Virginia, the expressed wishes of Congress, the Commander-in-chici, and the State authorities, with the earnest entreaties of liis cheri^shed friend La Fayette, had stimulated him to the effort ; but the exposure of camp life speedily aAVoke the sleeping virus in his system, and he again succumbed to his inexorable enemy. He journeyed homeward early in August, with tJie conviction that he had dealt his last blow for the cause he loved so well. Shortly before this he had written to General Greene : I'll ii'' " Camp Goode's Bridge, July 24, 1781. ^^ Dear Sir : — After making use of the cold bath for upwards of two months, I thought myself so far recovered, as to be able to take the field, and intended to have joined *Gi'a?iam's Life of Morgan, f Ibid. n :.>4 MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 281 you. But my Lord, making so deep .-i hmge at tlio Old Dominion, that both Houses of the As.senibly requested nie to raise as many volunteers as possible and join the Mar- quis, which I did. " How are all the old heroes ? Washington, Lee, Howard, etc. I have not time to write tiieni. Please to make my compliments to them, also to General Huger, Colouel Williams and your own ftimily. I saw your letter to the Marquis and was very unhappy at yonr situation.* That d— d reinforcement arrived very unluckily. 1 lay out the night after arriving in camp, and caught cold. I am afraid I am broke down. I sincerely wish you everv species of good luck and all the happiness that country can afford. **I have the honor, etc., *' Daniel Morg.\x." To this Morgan received the following from General Greene : f " Headquarteus, Camden, August 20, 1781. " Dear Sir : — Your letter of July 2-lth, arrived safe at headquarters, and your compliments to Williams, Wash- ington, Lee, and other gentlemen you mention, have been properly distributed. Nothing would give me greater pleasure than to have you with me. The people of this county adore you. Had you been with me a few weeks 'past, you would have had it in your power to give iho world the pleasure of reading a second Cow[)ens affair. But alas ! the execution failed * * * Great generals are scarce. There are few Morgans to be found. The ladies of Charleston toast you. Don't you think Ave bear beating very well, and that we are something of the nature of stock iish, th > more we are beat, the better we grow. " I may say wnth the king of Prussia, fortune is a female and I am no gallant. She has jilted me several times this * At Ninety-Six. \ araham's Life of Morgan. ■i: ■S'.r. !v ■■', i {y^ "' 1 '> 282 MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. campaign, but in spite of her teeth, I pursue her still, in hopes the old adage will be iullilled, a coy dame may prove kind at last. "I am not well pleased with her rebuffs, but I bear them with patience. I was content with the flogging at Guilford. But I lost all patience with that of Lord Eaw- don [Hobkirk's Hill]. In the one I considered victory as doubtful ; in the other certain. * * * " But to add to my misfortune that cursed reinforce- ment must arrive by two days too soon. [Ninety-Six.] ** But upon the whole we are as well off as could be expected, and the less we are indebted to fortune, the greater our merit. I claim nothing; the army deserves everything. " Nurse your old bones and stick by the Marquis, until the modern Hannibal unfolds his great designs. While you and Wayne are with him I think he will be well sup- ported, and I shall feel perfectly easy. "We are trying to collect the militia to give the enemy battle. If we succeed, you may hear of a few being sent to the shades on both sides. The Dominion has been in great jeopardy this campaign. " With much esteem, etc., "Nathaniel Greene." While at Bath Springs he received this from La Fayette: ** MoRSTOK Hill, August 15, 1781. " 3fy Dear Friend: — I have been happy to hear your health was better. I hope the springs will entirely recover it : then, my dear Sir, I shall be happier than can be ex- pressed at seeing you with the army. You are the General and the friend I want ; and both from inclination and esteem, I lose a great deal when you go from me, and will think it a great pleasure and a great reinforcement to see you again. But let me entreat you not too soon to expose I '1. : MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 283 yonr health. Great services have been rendered b}' you ; great services are justly expected: so that you cannot, con- sistent witli your duty, trlHe with your ov>'n life. By the time you aa-e called to come, perhaps the scene will be interesting. **Your influence, mv dear Sir, may render us the greatest service. The militia are coming in so slow that I shall soon be left with the Continentals. For God's sake tell them to come on. I do every day, expect a new cam- paign, and never was worse provided. " We put on the best face we can. But I confess I dread consequences. * * * ** Could it be possible to procure a quantity of shoes ? The whole army are barefoot. These articles I only men- tion, my dear friend, in case j'our health permits you to attend to them. I beg you will not take any trouble about them that might give you improper fatigue. " Lord Cornwallis' army is divided between York and Gloucester. At York they don't fortifv ; but tlicv do at Gloucester. * * * There is some rumor *of a licet near the Capes, but I do not believe it. Adieu, my dear Morgan. *' Most affectionately your friend, "La Fayette." This correspondence, copied from Gmliam^s Life of Morgan, covering the time of his connection with the army of Virginia, disposes of the innuendoes concerning Morgan's feigned ill health, and his lack of devotion to the cause. But a greater trial awaited him, wlien he learned tliat "Washington was before Yorktown ; the French lleets oil the coast, and glory and victory for the American arms. The war-worn hero essayed to rouse himself, and once more gird on his armor, but in vain. lie sends this greeting to his beloved Commander-in- chief, full of delicacy and maguanimity : 284 MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. ?!;0' -; ■. " September 20, 1781. " Sir: — At a time like this, when your Excellency's every moment must be devoted to the i^rand business of America, I know you can liavo but littki leisure for private letters, but tlie feelings of my heart Avill not permit me to be silent; I cannot avoid congratulating your Excellency on the present favorable appearance of our affairs. *' I cannot avoid telling your Excellency how much I wish you success, and how much I wish that the state of my health would permit me to afford my small services on this great occasion. " Such has been my peculiar fate, that during the Avhole course of the present war, I have never on any im- portant event, had the honor of serving particularly under your Excellency. "It is a misfortune I have ever sincerely lamented. There is nothing upon earth, w^ould have given me more real pleasure, than to have made this campaign under your Excellency's eye, to have shared the danger, and let me add, the glory too, which I am almost confident will be acquired. But as my health will not admit of my rejoin- ing the army immediately, I must beg leave to repeat to your Excellency, my most earnest wishes for your success and for your personal safety. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem, " Your Excellency's obedient humble servant, *' Daniel Morgan." To which Washington very handsomely replies : "Before Yorktown, October 5th, 1781. *' Si7\' — Surrounded, as I am, with a great variety of concerns on the present occasion, I can yet find time to answer your letter of the 20th ult., which I have received with much satisfaction, not only as it is filled with such warm expressions of desire for my success on the present MORGAN A(;AIX 12^" THE SEKVICE. 0Q-. 85 I expedition, but as it breathes tbc spirit aiul ardor of a veteran soldier, who, though impaired in the service of his country, yet retains the sentiments of a sohlier in tlic primest degree. Be assured that I most sincerelv lament voiir itrcsont situation, and esteem it a peculiar loss to the United tStiiti-s that you are at this time unable to rend<3r your services in the field. I most sincerely thank you for the kind ex- pressions of your good wishes, and earnostly li()i)c that you may be soon restored to that share of liealth which you may desire, and with which you may again be useful to your country in the same eminent degree as has already distinguished your conduct. " With much regard and esteem, ** J am, sir, your most obedient servant, *^G£OKGE WaiSULNGTON." X".X.— 1781. !!)■ YOKKTOWK y^. -v " THE day of human liberty was indeed about to dawn^ and the faithful watchers and toilers, through the long night of bioody strife, felt the glow of that dawn in their hearts. Cornwallis, at first posted at Portsmouth, whence he commanded a wav of retreat into North Carolina, made a false stop in leaving it for Yorktown. This was a most advantageous position so long as he could command the sea, but losing the maritime superiority, it must inevita- bly become untenable, lie looked, of course, for co-oper- ation and succor from Clinton at New York. On the day that Cornwallis took post at Gloucester and Yorktown, Washington, near New York, had been assured of the co-operation of the French fleet under Do Grasse ; this determined his course southward, with tlie allied land force of French under Rochambeau and his own army. While divisions and jealousies confused the councils of Cornwallis and Clinton, perfect accord joined the hjinds and strenglliened the Iiearts of the French- American land and naval force. De I5arras, comnumder of the Frencli scpuidrcui at Newport, gi'acefully put himself under the orders of De Gra>