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Loraqua la document eat trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un soul clichA, ii eet filmA A partir da Tangle aupArieur gauche, do gauche A droite, et do haut en baa. en prenant lo nombre d'imegea nAcaaaaira. Lee diegrammea tuivanta illuatrent ia mAthodo. 1 2 3 32 X 1 2 3 4 5 6 > ' 0:42907 SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY, ON THE 10th day OP MARCH, 1865, BT JOHN 800BLE, ESQ., MEMBER FOR ELGIN (WEST RIDING), ON THE SUBJKOT OF THE \\ COPEDERATM OF THE BRITISO NORTH AMERICAN PROVINCES. PIlINTEn i3Y HUNTER, ROSE & CO., ST. URSULE STREET. 1865. hnx V42 908 CONFEDERATION OF THE BRITISH NORTH AMERICAN PROVINCES. Mb.SCOBTjE — If Iweretocousultmyowa feelings or my convenience, Mr. Speaker, I should certainly not rl.^o at this advanced period of the debate, to offtsr any observations on the great question which has now been 80 long under discussion ; but having some- what ultcro^:^ the pinions that I entertained ot the scheme submitted to the House by the Government, I feel it necessary to mako a few remarks in explanation and vindi- cation of the vote I intend to give. In approaching the consideration of the ques- tion, I shall divest myself, as far as possible, of all party proJilcctions, of all personal preferences, and of all sectional jealousies, and shall endeavor to discuss it upon its merits, fairly and impartially— first, with reference to the great difficulties which un- happily exist between Upper and Lower Canada ; and, secondly, in relation to the pro- posed union of the British North American Provinces for purposes and objects common to them all. These bral!iches of the main question, or rather those two questions, are not necessarily connected, and may, there- fore, bo discussed scpuiately ; for it is possible wo may not be able immediately to secure the union of the provinces, and in that case wo shall still have to deal with the difficul- ties of our own position, and try, if possible, to find a satisfactory solution for thorn. (Hear, hear.) And first, sir, with reference to tho difficulties which have so long dis- tracted and disturbed us, and which hitherto we have iu vain attempted to remove. If wd may beliovo the hon. member for Brome (Mr. Dunkin), whom I regret to see is not in his place, the difficulties to which I have referred are imaofinsrv- not reaL lie told ua, in his elaborate and exhaus- tive speech; that in Lower Canada the Cathono and non-Catholic, the English and French-speaking populations, were liv- ing in the most entire harmony with each other ; and this statement was cunfirme 1 by the honorable and learned gentleman tho Hon. Atty. Gen. East (Hon. Mr. CAiniKii), who declared that so gteat was that har- mony, that be enjoyed tho confidence not only of tho Catholic, but the Protestant sec- tion of the community, and in fact repre- sented them both. Now, sir, I aiu not disposed to question tho fact produiiued by these honorable gnnilcmcn; in tlic contrary, I fully believe it, and ascribe tlie circum- stauce to their having common objects to pursue, and common iutcrci^ts to maintain. (Hear, hoar.) Hut tho hon. member for ISrome went further. Ho affected to believe that no difficulties of any moment existed between Upper and Lower Canada, and that any dissatisfactio-i that had been manifested by the upper sectio.. of the province, might be easily removed without resorting to an organic change in our present Constitution. At least, so I understood the hon. gentle- man. On this point I am at issue with him, for I believe those difficulties to be of a most formidable character, and that they threaten at no distant day, unless they be adjusted, tho peace and the prosperity of the pro- vince — perhaps its disintegration — perhaps its annexation to the United States. Every lover of his country must deprecate such results, and ought to strive to prevent them, or either of tncm. The House and the country will sustain mo in tho view I take of the danger of our position, and conse- qnontly of the importance of tho measure now under cossidcratioQi as one mcAn« of removing it. (Hear, hear.) If, sir, we can ascertain the true cause of our difficulties, wo 8oes> vitiot » shall not have to seek far or lotMr for their t II us in differenoe of nat onality. of reliiri thauheti'^'"' *^>"*' the«,ort!defy tnat they may be made to play a oonsDicnons t?o;v\'^^"T^^r"*'^'-"3 "ODs, but I Utterly deny that thev aro th« cauHeofourdifBcultiea. TaketheqJiof SK'S'p'^S**"*- Those Long i« wno are of French «trant on may be iuatlv fnd ofll.*'"'"'.-'""^''''^- «^ their ^tridiS; th« ™f ?!*"' ^•?'*"y- They can boast of wli ^''>{ *''?P'" '''''^'> those of kindred Wood with themselves ^ave founded in fZT'oZ' tf ''^ -r' > ^--e "S "t exerts over the civiJuation and politics of ho wond ; but as they are no longnuSect tL Cn**^* ""^'^'''^ *»"« alfegiaSciol ihL^if 'wrSTl.' "'^ *"'J°y «" Sie fran- that the question of French nationalitv dis iJ^hV''"' *i** '' ""K'" only Sins and that now the only nationality tha can be recognized among us is a British natjonahty, unless iude^ed we are pre Stents LTn" •"" oonnecUon with the olroi? ' *'"""*'°*"'* °*"' nationality of the 71^1 ""«" our political existence in the neighbormg republic. But who sir among us is prepared for either TthJo J oTrthi/" •' ''^^V' '^at the" JrT !« 1 f ?'°r""® °^ *^«n«h origin are less loja to the British Crown tSn those of Anglo-Saxon descent? Z l" S^Tth'"'' '''?!^° opportunity a?orded ♦i,!!!.! These questions, I am assured A t iir" 'T'J "dignanti; in the negative At an events, of thislam satisfied, and I be heve they are eatisfied. that under no govern meotinthe world can they enjoy so ifrJe a„ amount of civil, political and relfRfousTer"; WhL""*'''^?u'?• The Scotch havl I« th- p *"'l v"*^ *•'"'■ faditions as well as the French, but where is the Scotchman now that, a not proud of his alliance wi" England, or that would wish to dissever the oonnec .on, though thereby he might reUin his parliament or his kiu/? I bXv« fhlf every enlightened French^anidian JSf'fhe Kne"!'."'""' '^''**^" hot-blooded and haiV tirv m""*^^"*" »»ya«8ert to the con- trary. (Hear hear.) Take the questioHf religious creeds. These are said to present an uisurmountable obstacle in the wa/Sth* settlement of our sectional difficult If sir, we had established in this provkce a aon-Oatholic or Protestant or--!^ -ut.* fi'sISliJy^T"^ to subscribe, or if not ior^ Nation tir lirT'S^ '"""P"'" ♦K.;^;« ' „"' "'« I could conceive in.J5"T* °^ '""Kious opinion mighJ operate in the way alleged ; but as amoni^lus oy'cd-Tves^T r*' *'"'"' liberty^K f^a^^tteraJszLte^c TrCn 1 f ■* X'{ *'.'^*'. h*^ "'« «»>««low of tice tS TTnn n *' 1? ''"'"K " ""t of jus- tioe to Upper Canadians they would be We fri°^ n''°? *° themselves. (Hearrhear J in«!Z'- ?u ""' *°" ""'*''» "0 too deeply ntereeted m the question of religious libertv XwSTtr>';° y^^*- of eons^cienc^ or'^' frlnlpL ^"'**"^*''°"« '" """tters o "such the Tv^n«''V'^P''''''r ."^ *"« '°'*tions to the Divme Being, and the service and wor- ship we owe to Him. Differing as we do in our creed and modes of wo "hip, Teligiois equality i« accessary to the peac'e^nte order of government, as wtll L to the life of religion Itself among the people. We thus become the guardians of thc^most prec SS of all liberties, the right to worship God Stl? *^ f *»^« ofourconi&enee, ^hlui^L m^"'^l'""'\ ^'•°'" '"'^ other o; the state. (Hear, hear.) But it is said that the civil institutions of Lower Canada would sent?i„r" Y^F^r ^T^'' «"°^«d a Tepre sentation in the Legislature and the Govern- ment ,n proportion to its population I t^ri' "fi ""''^ ^^"^ ''"ch a diffiSy as this should ever have been startod. It is r,. . T ^V\^ P*'"''^ of Great Britain haa ever been of the most' liberal and com- TtlL kYnVT""'; i» .relation to matters wi/h ^il • T"ce her hi.story in connection with her conquest#n any part of the world • ^Ir^l"' r^P* "'''^'^^ oonsent of' 1' people, has she imposed upon them the body of her statute aws ? Her Constitution and IZ I ""T." '*7 »f "«''t belong to the peoplea subjected to herfway, and these arc the guard;ana of personal ana public liberty : but beyond these sfio allows the largest free-' futToi; 'Ta' ?u '^""?«' '^"^ P«""" insti- tutions, and the administration of civil TC !f ™V^^"t the length and breadth of her dominions. However desirable the assimilation of the laws between UppTr and n.?rT ^fit "y ^'' uniformity JLld be I purchased at too dear a rate, if it led to dis- I satisfaction among any considerable class tf I he people. Time may accomplish what I force mi<|ht destroy. As an Endishm.n I whilst i believe our laws, iu the main;^ Vtltl«n well as our whole judicial ajBtem. ore the best .n the world, I do not believe et"or tSe one or the other to be perfect. To improve them by importing into them whatever is more excellent in other systems, t the dictate of common sense, and wi 1 always turns ofLower Canada are perfectly safe in the koepmg of Lower Canadfans, for practio rlLr*^'°^ f''^. ^' 8"J°«d by 'upper Canadians in changing them, supposing thei had the power to do so, which they nfithS tA A?' ""' '"*'» '«'P«''t to lanUage, I can hardly suppose Lower CanadianfseSus ?nnl«i^ t/"° "T °S them of their mother- tongue. It may do well enough to excite a prejudice amcog ignorant people to s^y so* ?t oiri^ """"^ 'i''' *•>"» "« i°telligen Vr.Z r''''^'"' '?"''*• It «"««!"« with French-Canadians themselves to determine whether they will abandon the use ofTheir native tongue, and adopt ours, or not. They arejectouse either, \r bot'h. at pleaS ", 8ir, in Lower Canada the Enelish are compelled to learn the French language foJ business purposes and for social intercSurse and in Upper Canada the French are com pclled to learn English for similar purpose" surely that need not be a subject fiS to he oue or to the other, inasmuch as both 3 gam by it And this further advanS thl""!?^ *" ^^""'^ «'"'"«<1 •» both languagS- ihm''"''/r^« *« the litcrature,S philosophy and the science of the two fore- most nations of the world. No attempt S be made to ignore the French language among us, so long as those who prefer it to a ! others shall deem it worthy ^fpreser^ a .on. (Hear, hear.) Gfve the peS of Upper and Lower Canada a common SbieSt to pursue, and common interests tJ susS n and all questions of origin, and creed and superior end to be attained by their closer union ao-ong ourselves, or by^the'r wK huieiiio ot Confederation. (Hear W^ „nf ^''rl^'®''"''^ under which we ffi and which we seek to overcome, is a politieai aud not a soeial one. It has its roofin the Const.t„tioni,„p..sed upon the provil t }„ • I 7 *'»« Imperial Government and Logmlaturo. That Constitution was foundS as" wr's:r f''^"" '^t''^' »«d hr^^ as was then foreseen, has nrn,ln««J *u- giossest injustice to Upper CanIda.""Had tS principle of represenSn b«,ed on pojut tion been then adopted, and the line which TbCrlted^PP" ?T ^*»''" Canada bS we should now ^e working harmoniouslv together instead of seeking frgan'-Hhanges in the Constitution, in oTder to pre'efve ourselvea from revolution and Snarchy. W' m'^ The honorable member fJr iJagot (Hon. Mr. LArRAMBoisE), in his «pe«,h quoted largely from the import of i:?il«^'"'^n''' *° «'"'' t'"'* that distin. guished nobleman was prejudiced against Lower Canadians, and was indisposed to do them justice. By selecting herS and there passages from that able document, the hon gentleman gave a colorable appearance to U -r.T'T'>"? "''*'>'°8 more. I deem It an act of justice to Lord Durham to supplement the extracts read by the Ion TZThZ'i^^ IT'' ***™"*'' '''•"h will shew ml,/- i^'^^^J^'P.'"* go'^^'ned by exact and «„^L ' i"^*'*'* V° *be m.asure^ which he recommended to heal the divisions which hen existed in Canada. With the prescient sagacity of a true statesman, be said :- of ^stemWv'!.??^'**'""'"''" ?f ^^^ t'^o Houses aDnSArri'""^"""'^ com:t.i.3ion should be dSns and aTl^-''^ of forming the electoral bi™ f^L ,<'«'«"^'a"'g the number of mem- rpn^. r.- '^*"™^'' «" *be principle of pvwl ItT:-^ 1\'^ *'^'' injustice of this recom- mendation ? Lower Canada had then the arger population, and was entitled to the arger representation in the united Lecis- t"p' ]-?\-^' 1??"'"^ authorities baled the Constitution which they gave to Canada, no on representation according to numbers but on equality or equal numbers of repre- sentatives for the two sections of the pro- JIT' «•'* *be result we have to deplore this day. HiB Lordship goes on to say :— noL!lV^"*' ^ ®'<"y plan that has been pro- • P°f.i't>'-g'ving an equafnumber of meraKo arjr ecd of ontnnmbering the French. becanSe I ?i*„'!f lhfV^'''\ ^"i be attained wXn wU&„v!„Ji '°*"'''°' °^ representation, and without any such appearance of iDJnsUce in the l»nHTrA'^°"'i^ »**P"blic opinion,\oirin En« S^r w«^.*"V1'''*" '•*•« increased the Knghsh population in Upper Canada, the adontion of such a nrincinl« wo«U ^.ll^.-^-^T^P""'' rfyP^T-'e itis-int^nTedJo's;;;^ Itap^S to me thfct any «.ch electoral management? foun" ed on present provincial divUions, would tend to «»«flltp 6 ?dea'o/d^ P^'P®"*' ^^ "°'°"' *'"' perp«inato the These are word* of wisdom, but they were not listened to at home, and the conse- quences have been Jameutable. We find Upper and Lower Canada in a state of antagonism, and collision imminent. We find the Legislature b- >ught to a dead-lock and our public men driven to their wit's end. All this was foreseen by Lord Dcr- HAM and provided for in his admirable sug- gestions for the future government of thTs important province. And then, in reference to the peculiar institutiors of Lower Ca- nada, Its religion and its laws, he said :— _ I certoiiily should not like to subject the *rench-Canadians to the rule of the idenUcal Jinghah nimonty with which they have been so long contending ; biit from a majority emanatinir troni so much more extended a source, I do not tHink they would have any oppression or injustice to tear ; and in this case the J ur greater part of the majority never having been brought into collision, would regard them with no animosity that would warp their natural sense of equity. The endow- ments of the Catholic Church in tower Canada, and the existence of oil its present laws, until altered by the united legislature, might be secured by, stinulntioDs similar to those adopted in the nnion between England and Scotland. I do not think that the cubsequent history of British legis- lation need incline u.s to believe that the nation which has the majority in a popular Itgislature is likely to use its power to tamper very hastily with the laws of the people to which it is united, incorporation of the provinces included in it under one Legislature exercising universal and sole legislative authority over all of them exactly m the same manner as the Parliament- legislates alone for the whole of the Britbh isles. After a careful review of the whole subject, Lord Ditbiiam says : — I had still more strongly impressed upon me the jrreat advantages of a united govcmmcnt; and r was gratified by finding the leading mindi of the various colonies strongly and L'enerally inclined to a scheme that would elevate their countries into soinothing like .i national exist- ence. I thought that it would be the tendency ot a federation, sanctioned and consolidated by a monarchical government, gradually to become a complete Legislative union j and that thus.while conciliating the French of Lower Canada, by leaving them the government of their own pro- vince, and their own internal legislation, I mifftt provide for the protection of British interests by the General Government, and the gradual tran- sition of the provinces into an united and homo- geneous community. liut, [His Loitlship adds,] the pcHod of gradual tronsitiou is past in Lower Canada, [and therefore he says,] that the only ethcacions governmeul would be that formed bv aiiegislativo ucion. ^ Having thus dealt with the question in its application to TTppor and Lower Canadn, he extends the range of his obscrvati ns to the whole of the British posscEsioiis in North America, and remarks : — Such were the opinions and such the basis of that great scbenio of union which Lord Dtm- HAM contemplated, and which he aimed to ■eouro to Upper and Lower Canada. It con- Biated of two parts : representation based on population in the Legislature ; and guarantees that the peculiar institutions of Lower Canada rfiould be protected, and her rights respected. But His Lordship had larger views before him* ^an the union of Upper and Lower Canada. He was anxioua that all the British colonies in North America should be consolidated under one government. When His Lordship received his commission from the British Crown, he was strongly in favor of the Federal- principle in its application to the then state of Upper and Lower Canada ; but a more pro- found study of the question when in this country, and from consultation with the lead- ing men in the several American Colonies, ho arrived at the conclusion that a Legislative would bo preferable to a Federal union of those colonics. The change in his opinion is thus stated in the extracts from his report, with which I shall now trouble the Hnuss. By a l^islative union he means " a complete But while Iconvince myself that such desirable ends would he secured by a legislative union of the two provinces, I am inclined to go further and enquire '♦hether all these objects would not be more surely obtained by extending this legis- ^tive union over all the British possessions in JNortJi America; pnd whether the advantages which I anticipate for two of them might not. and should not in iuFtice be extended over uli. Such an union would at once decisively settle the question of races ; it would enable the provinces to cooperate for all common purposes ; and. above all, it would form a great and powerful people, posaessmg the nuacs of securiii<» good and responsible government for itself, and^which under the protection of the British Empire, might m some measure counterbalance the preponderant and increasing influence of tlm United States on the American continent. His Lordship had no fears that such an union would lead to siparation from the Mother Country. IIo rather looked upon it ns a means of strengthening the bonds which united them, and of its proving an advantage to both. On this point he says : — I do not anticipate that a colonial legislature thus strong and thus self-governing would desire to abandon the connection with Great Britain vn iho contrary, I btjlievu that the practicni relief from undue interference which would bo ther l)re3£ the c and I freed rate, our ( deort ruled ever it to separ couni the J {{ovei in tn powe union Empi ing 8 woolc denci His the I Legie provi conta Nortl catioi of th( tnre, terms Thcst DUBE very consid to us merit thong might intesti i'uturc tion is with tl .o^».^x^Ameri lanad of; tc only a into pi by disi vatiou! to be I House I ow, si submit tion oi Ameri( for pur not th( orable i convino the result of such a change would strengthen the present bond of feelings und interests, and that the connection would only become more durable and advantageous bj having more of equality, of freedom, and of local independence. But, at any rate, our first duty is to secure the well-being of our colonial countrymen ; and if in the hi(klea decrees of that Wisdom by which this world is ruled, it is written that these countries are not for ever to remain portions of the Empire, w6 owe it to our honor to take good care that when they separate from us they shoald not bo the only countries on the American continent in which the Anglo-Saxon ruce shall be found unlit to govern themselves. I am, [says Hia Lordship,] in truth, so far from believing that the increased power and weiaht given to these colonies by union would endanger their connection with the Empire, that I look to it as the means of foster- ing such a national feeling throughout them as would effectually counterbalance whatever ten- dencies may now exist towards separation. His Lordshm then stronglj rccommeads tho union of tho two Canadas under one Legislature, and of reconstituting them as one province ; and " the bill," ho says, " should contain provisions by which any or al! of tho North American colonies may, on the appli- cation of the Legislature, be, with the consent of the two Canadas, or their united Legisla- ture, admitted into the union on such terms as may bo agreed on between them." These remarkable passages drawn from Lord Dcbham's re^rt, appear to mo to embody the very spirit qt the scheme submitted to our consideration by the Government, and coming to us recommended by so high an authority, merit our best attention ; and if realized,' though not in the precise form many of us might desire, we may hope it will heal our int^istine divisions, and open to us a glorious I'uture. Representation based on popula- tion is denied to Upper Canada, unless coupled with the Confederation of all the British Noith , American colonies; ♦-ho separation of Uppers ^ Canada, pure and simple, is not to be thought of; to return to tho position we occupied only a year ago, would be to plunge once more into political contests, with feelings embittered by disappointment; and therefore, with reser- vations affecting details only, I shall feel it, to be my duty to give the motion before the House my best support. (Hear, hear.) And I ow, sir, I pro^mse to consider the scheme submitted to us in relation to the larger ques- tion of tho union of all tho British North American Provinces under one government, for purposes common to them all. I needed not tho areuments or the eloquence of hon- orable gentlemen on the Treasarv benches ta oonyinoe iae of the immaiae importance of such ajunction as shall lead to the develop- ment of a new nationality, and secure to generations yet unborn the advantaces of unity aud power. With the permission of the House, I will read an extract from a letter which I addressed to the Duke of Newcastle in 1859, when that nobleman visit«d this country in tho suite of His Roy- al Highness the Prince op Wales, bearing (hreotly on this point. Having briefly stated the grounds which induced me to write to His Grace, I said: — The possessions of Great Britain in North America are not only vast in extent and marvel- lous in resources, but for facility of internal com- munication by lakes and rivers, are unrivalled : and their geographical position ia such aa to make them of the very last importance to the political and commercial greatness of the British Empire . FosHessing the conUol of ^jiis magni- ficent part of tlie American continent, with com- paratively easy access through it fi-om the Atlan- tic to the Pacific shores, Great Britain need not lear the rivalry nor dread tho preponderance of the United Stotes. But in order that she maj derive from it alt the advantages it is so well cal- culated to afford, she must have a fixed and determinate policy, wisely conceived, practical in its details, and persevoringly carried out. In the planting of future colonies in British North America, care should be taken to make them as few as possible. I regret, therefore, that it ap- pears to have been determined to give the Ited River settlement a distinct politiciil existence. Canada should have been allowed to expand westwards to the Hoclor Mountains, instead of being cooped up within her present limits. She would ' ■'< have been able to absorb more easily the 0, ■:/ .g colonies of Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, Hew Brunswick and Prince Edward Island on tho Atlantic, and British Columbia and Vancouver's Island on the Pacific. Consolidated ultimately under one government, after the model of the Mother Country, with such modificatona as the circumstances of the case might require, an empire mieht be formed over which, hereafter, some one branch of the Royal Family might reign a constitutional monarch, over a free and united people. In the meantime there is nothin'^ to hinder the appointment of a Prince of the blood royal to be Viceroy over all the possessions of Great Britain in North America, and under him^ lieutenant-governors to administer the aSSLira of the separate dependencies, until they could be gradually and permanently united. Your Grace will perceive from this statement that I object to the American system of federation, and would oppose to it the unification of the British colonies in this part of the world. One government, one legislature, one judiciary, instead of many, with their conflicting institu- tions, interests, and jurisdictions, is what I Tf Outu frspeeifiiliy vcaiurc to rncommcnd as the true policy of the Mother Conntiy on this side of tho AtUntic, aa it baa b«*n »:ii, .u splendid reauit- on the other A Feiera Ooir' went, such aa that of the United siLr inaUnce, ia and muat be weak n i^if r ' ^^^ d«coH.ut elen,enu of waiV^^Vos^d" in'd will be found to contain within itaelf The Sf of d.8organ«auon and disaolutior. The muS ca tion of colonies in a new country lite hV fa tantamount to the multiplication oVnettv BovereignUes, and the creation of rivaWlS antagoniams wh.ch, aooner or later, will mwifest themaelves, and prevent the deyelopmeLroTtSt site noll!^ P"''", '">'> P^o-P*"'/ wjfich an o^J^! site policj, wisely adminuitered. would in m, judgment, effectuallj promote ind aecire bI umScation however, I L not mean ceS^tion^ I am no fnond to the bureaucratic mtem of' France, Anstr a, and Pruwia A^riJL ^ . ®' be strong and r^spectTimuS leavftX'^ the argest amount of liberty consistent witKe system as we have in Janada is all Vat "'?'''''"' sury to secure that end Wth the tl ti .1"^" chise extended to all c asses nf«h/ '^"'"" The opinions which I entertained in 1859 I of the unifioation of tlio British Amcricrn fWrmn.i ^J"""'^'"'."" exemplifies in tho tornaation and practical working of the Gov! ernment of tlie United States. °The greatel tatesmen the wisest men, who became cot spicuous dunng the American revolution, were clearly of omnion that a government be InSr'h " T'' """^ ™"«t possess with! »n tself, and in all its organs, supreme power and a commanding influence. ' To difflf powers, or even to share them with state 0^ ocal government, they felt would weaken U L I. ""^ ""'^ /"*«• They would, there- iote, have stripped the States of over4 attri- bute of sovereignty and confined the?aotion !eto"r r^ fu " Pr> '*«*' «' "^"-^i^iP"! char" acter; but they had not the power, and tho consequences are visible in the fratricidal waj now raging among them, devastating the" fairest provinces and filling the land wfth .nourning and woe. The fessons of LSy and the experience of other peoples should no bo lost upon us ; and for mywlf, I hesitate not to say that if, in the proposed Fedei! weTf'^f 1'° ^r'^^ American"olonies!we were to follow tho example of the framed of the Government of tho United States, or to copy ita Constitution, it wouM hay- m- m- ' determined opposition. The* scheme Wow us, however, is formed after a different model, and in its essential features is in perfect con UJited SUtes IS based. It is true it creates xltirr'"*' ^'''? '"'«« '«g"lative nd executive powers; it is true it gives those governments concurrent powers with the GeT 8^ion°of?r°V,f' \' *r •* eives them po,- session of the public lands within their several jurisdicuons; it is true it allows two Jf those T.rTt^ ^ ^^'y "PO'^ d«»i«« on lumber £tl}u'^'A """^T^^-and looked at iTthe tght of an advanced political science, this is te be amented ; but looked at in the light of possible and practicable statesmanship, ft wa unavoidable. I am, therefore, pre^d ^ TTu^ "t " '^<»^«' «« >° f««t the fcsT that eouia have been produced under the eircum A Tpf " '^','^-'* !?"? ^'■'"°'^- ( ««»'' he"') t\Zit """'^"^ °^. ^^^ «'*"«n° ^^oanncea me Wr iT""'" '°"*^'''^'* «" the General or • eutral Government secures it all the attri- butes ot sovereignty, and thp veto power all local legislation will be subject, will pre ven a conflict of laws and jurisdiction n^n 1 matters of importance, so that I believe in it, working it will be found, if not in form y (Hear, hear.) Taking this general and, as I believe, correct view of the case, I shall ab- stain from aU criticism of its minor details, in the^. lope that what is found hereafter imma- ture or unworkable will be abandoned bv general oonsent. The Imperial Grveniment wdl take care, no doubt, that that part of the scheme which conflicts with the prerogatives of the Crown will be removed, or, at aU f vents be brought into harmony with them. On one or two points brought out very fully by the Catholic members of the House in oppo- £" ;« *»»« ^cie'ne, I shall venture to the power conferred on the General Govern. T^£l° ^* ^"^^^ of marriage and divorce. *!,««'/''' ^^ ^T^ " """"y P'"°P«% placed «-„ P I T^l *^«^ religious conrictions; as a Protestant, I ask them to respect mine! We owe each other mutual toleration. If the Protofltent section of this House and this province do not regard marriage as a sacra- "fki "rl' tl^erefore, inviolable and indis- ioluble, I believe they wiU be found to have as high an opinion of the sacred obligations in- volved in It, and admit it to be as binding upon the conscience of all who enter upon that holy and honorable state, as their Catholic fellow- suDjeots. iiut gw^ the state or the oiviU «^ govermnont of tho\ounti7, Protestants at / / y i ?iAW'4 > L '/ hr^^o, rpgard marriaee as n civil contract Viily, and conaequently dissoluble on cause sliown. This view ought not to be offensive to tho judgment or the conscience of our Ca- tholio friends, for it will not and cannot inter- fere in tho slightest degree, either with the form or tho continuity of their marriages; -nd surely they will grant to us, the non- t'iitholic section of tho province, that liberty of conscience in this matter which they claim and enjoy themselves. (Hear, hear.) Another point touched upon by n>y honorable friend tho member for Peterborough (Col. IIaul- tain) demands from me a passing remark. I believe that my honorable I'ricnd correctly in- terpreted tho feelings of Protestants in Lower •Canada, when he referred to tho probable effect of the Pope's encyclical on the Catholic mind of the country. They think that if tho principles inculcated in that letter were acted upon, their religious liberties and privileges would bo in peril. But it would appear Uiat my lionoruble friend had not the true key to the interpretation of that famous document. Catholic commentators find it to be perfectly innocuous when properly understood. Be that as it may, I rely rather on the good sense and good feeling of Catholics them- selves, and above all, on the religious liberty secured to us in this province, than on the Pope's encyclical, for tho protection of our libertios, whether civil or religious. Let us bo united in object and in interest as a peo- ple, and I have no fear, however diversified our opinions may bo on matters personal to ourselves, but that we shall grow up to be a great nation, and that a glorious future awaits us. (Hoar, hear.) As there are yet several honorable gentlemen to address the House, I shall not trespass on its attention much longer, as I am ajzious the debate should be brought to a close as soon as pos- sibio, in order that the Government may be able, by its representatives in England, to perlbrui those important duties which are bo urgent and so necessary at the present mo- ment. (Hear, hear.) Before sitting down, however, I wish to make one or two remarks on tho conflicting opinions entertained by honornblo gentlemen on the permanency of our relations to the Mother Cfonntry. I do not believe there is any large party there who desire to separate themselves from qs. On the contrary, 1 believe the great bulk of the British people are proad of the connection, and are prepared to maintain it if we do onr part in cultivating that connCctloa hj meeting their just and reasonable demands. There can bo DO doubt that one cause of dissatisfaction ez- fireascd in England towards us has resulted rom our fiscal policy. I shall venture no opinion on that policy just now, whether it was wise or otherwise, but it strikes me very forcibly that we have it now in our power to set ourselves right on that point, and to it I would respectfully invite the attention of the Qovemment. The question of our defences is very earnestly pressed on our attention by the authorities at home ; but that is undoubt- edly an Imperial as well as a provincial ques- tion, and might be dealt with in this way. If the British Government and people really de- sire to maintain their connection with tho Canadas, they are under the obligation, both moral and political, to afford them adequate defence in money, material and men, in case of necessity ; for it is clear that without these our position, except at one or two points, is clearly indefensible. On the other hand, if we are anxious to continue our relations with the Mother Country, then wo arc bound by tho highest considerations of policy to adjust our tariff on imports in such a manner as to give no real cause of complaint to the peoplo at home. I am persuaded that if we do this it will smooth the way for the removal of any hostility that may have been shown towards us by any class of politicians in England. Privileges and duties •\(e, reciprocal, and should be met in a cordial spirit ; and let it be remembered that material interests are, of all others, the most binding upon nations in amity with each other, and arc the best cal- culated to maintain our relations undisturbed with the parent state. (Hear, hear.) With me, sir, it is a matter ol extreme importance that our relations with the Mother Country should bo settled on a firm and permanent basis. (Hear, hear.) I therefore quite agree with the hon. gentleman (Mr. Suanly) who has just sat down, on the necessity of pressing this point on the attention of the Imperial Grovemment. Mr. Sfeakib, my most ear- nest desire and prayer is that by a well-con- sidered scheme of union — a union that shall embrace the whole of the British possessions in f^orth America, from the Atlantic to the Pacific oceans, under one government — re- salts may follow of the most benelicial char- acter, both to the colLnies and the Mother Country ; and that Providence may so guide the counsels and influence the acts of those who now direct our affairs, as to secure to the people of this country, and to succeeding get- erations, the blessings of a well-ordered gov- cmuiCut SJad & wisO aumiuiatfatiOu of pU'jllc affairs. (Cheers.)