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FROM ITS FIRST DISCOVERY TO THE PRESENT TIME ; COMPRISINO DETAILS TN THE LIVES OF ALL THE MOST DISTINGUISHED CHIEFS AND COUNSELLORS, EXPLOITS OF WARRIORS, AND THE CELEBRATED SPEECHES OF THEIR ORATORS ; AL80, A HISTORY OF THEIR WARS, MASSACRES AND DEPREDATIONS, AS WELL AS THE WRONGS AND SUFFERINGS WHICH THE EUROPEANS AND THEIR DESCENDANTS HAVE DONE THEM} .. „ WITH AN ACCOVNT OF THKIK i .""V ' .'•; . lElelffiion anH EatDis; : u LIKEWISE EXHIBITING AN ANALYSIS OF THE HOST DISTINGUISHED, A<:; WELL AS ABSURD AUTHORS, WHO HAVE WRITTEN UPON THE GREAT QUESTION OF THE FIRST PEOPLING OF AMERICA. They waste us ; ay, like April mow In the warm noon, we shrink away , And fast they follow as we (o Towards the setting day. Till they shall All the land, and we Are driven into the western sea.,..B«TAiiT. BY SAMUEL G. DRAKE. jrrttti isnttton, With large Addition! and Correctioni, and numerous Engravtnfi. BOSTON: ANTIQUARIAN INSTITUTE, 06 CORNHILL.< 1837. Entered according to Act of CongresR, in the year 1836, ' Br JosiAH Dfake, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Musachusetta. \t>. ■v.-.'- • ■ i\' r \'-"1f ■ :-<-, il*' ' I TO HIS EXCELLENCY EDWARD EVERETT, LL D. .«r Sir: With the idea of a Dedication to this my New JUdition, of the Biography and History of the Indians, your name was coeval. The association was inseparable ; nor could it have been otherwise, as it seems to rae, in the mind of any young man of New England, engaged in a similar undertaking. For it would be absurd, were he to ask himself, " Who has been the most prominent assertor of the red man's rights in his country's councils, or the most ardent friend of the young men of his own race?" Under these considerations, therefore, to say nothing of my own gratification, I could not do otherwise than assign this page to you ; and could the author be assured, that his work would be as long remembered, for any merit contained in it, as the name he is gratified to honor, his anxiety for its fate would from that moment cease. However great the disparity .may appear, when the value of my labors are considered, in respect to those of others, it must be remem- bered, that one of the moat predominant traits in your Excellency's character, is your readiness to extend a fostering hand to all such as are engaged in laudable undertakings. The well-informed do not require to be told, that many a well-directed mind has been diverted from a pursuit in which it would have excelled, but for the cold and blasting hand of the hypercritic. Such, however, it has not been my lot, yet, to encounter ; and although the countenance of one, illustrious in the annals of true criticism, may not further pro- tect me, I have the satisfaction of believing that the success of my labors can scarcely be affected by the unkindness of ciitics. Accept, Dear Sir, my mout grateful acknowledgments for all former kind attentions, and believe me Yours in duty, S. G. DRAKE. JllSS't DBAKE'S 'i!: ANTiaUARIAN BOOKSTORE, OR INSTITUTE OF MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE, 56 CoRNUILt, FORMERLY MaRKET StREET, BOSTON, Has been tstahlished six years, and, hy the unsparing pains of its conductor, has become an extensive Depository of Ancient and Modem Science and Literature. Its main objects are briefly as follow : I. To collect, and keep constantly for sale, all kinds of valuable Neio and Second-hand BookSj and to anord them muck below the comaum retail prices ;— II. To make it especially a depository of Second-hand Classical and School Books, where students and others may exchange such works as they have no further use for, for new ones, or others second-hand, such as tlicy may .want ; — III. That thereby Books used in Colleges, Academies, and Comiqon Schools, may always be had, (and often as good as new,) for about half thC' original cost ; — IV. To keep an assortment of the most suitable works for gentlemen's libraries, also for all public libraries, upon the same reasonable terms ; — V. And, in particular, to collect works of every description relating to the history of the United States of America, general and particular ;— such, for example, as Holmes's Annals of America, Rohertaon'B History of do. TrunibuH's United States, Uruliani's do. 3 v. 8vo. London, Hinton's do. 2 v. 4to. London, Do. Knnpp'g edition, Perkins's do. Bancroft's do. Hale, Goodrich, Grimshaw, and S\iowden'8 do. {School Bonks) Marsliall's Life Washington, Wilkinson's Memoirs, Allen's American Biography, Sparks's do. Thatcher's Mediral do. A large Collection of American Biographical Dictionaries, Mather's Magnalia, Douglass's America, Morton's Memorial, Davis's and other editions, Hubbard, Hoyt, Church, Math- er, M'Clung and Flint's His- tories of Indian Wars, Various Hiistorles of the Revo- lutionary and late Wars, Baylies' History N. Plymouth, Farmer's Genenloglcnl Kegister, Collections of Hist. Societies, Histories of New England, &c. Williamson's Maine, Belknap's New Hampshire, Williams's Vermont, Hutchinmn and others' Mass., Truinbull's-ConnetlicHt, Smith and oUiers' New York, Frond's Pennsj'lvnnia, Gordon's do. Gordon's N. Jersey, Oozinan's Maryland, Smitti and others' Virginia, Williamson's N. Carolina, Ramsay's S. Carolina, M'Call's Georgia, Martin and others' Louisiana, Marshall's Kentucky, Flint's Western States, Hall's Works on the West, &.c. J. Long, Tanner, Gass, Duncan, Lahontan, Wright, Saxe-Weimar, Hall, Lewis & Clark, Lafayette, Brackenridge. Hodgson, Sutcliff, Chastellux, Darby, !\lelish. Dwight, Kendall, Dwight, M'Keuney Bartram, Schnltz, Ker, Beltrami, Nuttall, Morse, Harmon, Harris. Among the Local Histories are those of Boston— Lynn — Rehoboth — Ipswich^-Salem — Portland — Portsmouth — Worcester Coun.— Watertown — Quincy — Concord — Saco^Plymouth— and of various other towns in New Lug- land ;— Philadelphia' — Wyoming— Long-Island — Tryon Co. — Cincinnati — Louisville, &c. Among the Voyages and Travels of those whose works are TalnabU, are, Volney, ' ' "" " " Carver, Mackenzie, Henry, Schoolcraft, Charlevoix, Hennepin, 8. H. Long, The following Standard Works may be particularized : — North American, Edinburgh, and Quarterly Reviews — Encyclopedias— Webster, Johnson and Walker, Worcester ana Bailey's nictioiiaries — Quarto, Octavo, School, Pearl and Dia- mond and Polyglot Bibles— Josephus, Rolliii, Hume, Gibbon and Clarendon's Histories- Johnson, Byron, Smollett, Sterne, Goldsmith, Cowper, Young and Milton's Works — Scott's Bible— Calmel's Dictionary of the Bible— Cruaen's Concordance — Aiken, Hazlitt nnd Southey's British Poets — Lawrence's Lectures — Nicholson's Operative Afechanic — Neal's History of the Puritans— Jefferson's Works — Ferguson's Rome—Gillies' Greece — Godmnn's Natural Listory — Fielding, Pope, Scott, Moore) Shakspeare, Plutarch, Bunyan, Addison, Locke and Johnson's Works. Also, Writing and Letter Paper— Albums— A great variety of Novels— Works on Mathe- matics, Philosophy, Medicine, Law, Theology, Agriculture, Chemistry, Geology, &c. &c. ^[j'Many of the above in quantities. U'/n general, any books on hand mil be EXCHANGED for others.— -All eld Tracts, Pamphlets, or Books, relating to the history of this country, will be received in payment for others, or CASH gii^en for them, if valuable. BosTOn, Attg. 1836. N, B. — ^The proprietor of the ANTutuAKiAN Bookstore would notify the public, that this is the first and only establishment of the kind in the country, allhousfh, by way of confu- sion, some persons next donr to us have called their place liie "Antique lioke ^tnre ;" from which interference some inconvenience has been experienced by our customers, as well as ourselves. This, therefore, is to give our friends and the public uolict.', that the "Antique" is nnl the Antii^uakian Uookstohe. 0r ■•'t RE, JRE, » becomt an Its kcond-hand Doks, where use for, for may always es, also for storv of the It, Iters' Mass., ■licut, New York, nia, Virginia, 'arolina, ina, Louisiana, ates, le West, &c. iter Coun.— New Eng- ine, &c. are, Duncan, Hall, lludgson, JMcllsh, M'Keuney Beltrami, Harris. ter, Johnson rl and Dia- Histories— rks — Scott's aziitt and nic — Ncal's •GoHman's , Addison, on Mathc- &c. &.C. old Tracts, oayment for ttg. 1836. public, that ly of con/u- ore ;" from i, as well as •'Antique " PREFACE. , 'I ■ ■ > , li ' Owing to the destruction of the stereotype plates of this work by fire, on the night of the 30th of September, 1835, I was under the necessity of going over the whole ground again. The plates had but just been completed, and a small edition taken off, when that calamity befell them. After having the work stereotyped, I intended tliat additions to all future editions should be appended to the ends of the several books, which were paged separately on that account ; and, although I have revised the whole throu^out, and made additions in almost every page, yet 1 thought it best to adhere to my original plan of paging each book by itself, to accommo iate future additions, should it be thought advisable to make any. The amount ofreading on a page of the former editions was nearly equal to two common octavo pages, yet tlie page of the present has been very consid- erably enlarged, thereby vastly increasing die amount of information in the same number of pages. Parts of the work have been rewritten, and many facts, which were before noticed out of their natural order, have been inserted in their proper places. For the kind hints of friends, by which the work has been benefitted, 1 return them many thanks. My acknowledgments are especiaily due to one, who, two years since, imsdlicited, furnished me with some of the most important documents upon the affairs of the modern Creek Indians. It is to the same ■gentleman I dedicate this edition of the work. ExtKactfrom tlie Preface to the JTiird and Fourth Editions.. ilw^ Those unacquaiinted with the nature of such undertakings may complain that we should piiblish before we ha,d filled up all vacancies in our documents, and hence have tieen able, not only to have been completely full upon every head, but at the same time to have given a more continuous narrative of the whole. This object, could it have been attained, would have been as gratify- ing to the author as to the reader. But we can assure all such as are disposed to censure us upon this score, that, had tliey been obliged to turn over, compare, examine and cdllate one fourth as many volumes and defaced records as the author has in compiling Indian Biograprt, they would abandon their censures by the time they had well entered upon their labors. A* ■■ ■ '■ ■'■■ -• • ir vi PREFACE. Works of this kind will always appear premature in some respects, (to their authors, if no others,) for the reason that there is no end to the accumulation of materials. A writer may think himself in possession of every material necessary for his undertaking, may write and print his work, and the next day discover facts of so much importance, as to make it appear to his mind, that all he has done is of small value, compared with his last discovery. This should not deter us from putting into a state of preservation, by printing, from time to time, valuable matters, even though they might be much improved by withholding them for a time ; because, from various occur- rences, the best collections are extremely liable to be scattered, and irrecov- erably lost Should an author resolve not to write upon a subject until every thing upon it should be collected, and in his possession, it is pretty certain he never would begin ; and his labors, however well directed or long exerted, or how- ever valuable to himself, might, by a common accident, be lost to the world in even a shorter space of time than an hour. There have also fallen into our hands several of the most rare portraits of distinguished Indians, several of which have been engraved expressly for this edition. They may be relied upon as exact copies of the originals. That of the »'Lady Rebecca," the savior of Virginia, more properly Mrs, Rolfe, who was no other than the renowned Pocahontas, must gladden the heart of every antiquary. Few could have known that such existed ; but it has existed, and we lay it before the public with high gratification : all, we feel confident, will treasure it up as a pearl of great price. The likeness of Sagoyewatha may be relied upon as a faithful one. Several of the author's friends, who have seen him, attest the fact. All we can say of Neamathla, and Outacite, is, they are faithful copies, and doubt not tliey are correct likenesses. Some have called our portrait of the great Wampanoag sachem a " sorry " one. We are not to blame for it We wish our fathers had left us a better ; but it is not our manner to slight a book because it is small, or because its covers are defaced, or a portrait because it does not exactly correspond with our idea of a man. We had an exact copy made of the old print which accompanied Dr. Stiles^a edition of Church's History of Philip's War,* which it is supposed he had copied from an original painting of King Philip, still said to be in existence. If this be true, and our copy be a faithfUl one, we want no other. At any rate, we do not like to part with it until we can substitute a better one. We have mentioned f the existence of portraits of the four Iroquois chiefs who visited England m 1710 ; — ^these the author is exceedingly happy in pos- sessing ; and, although not being able, on account of the expense, to enrich this edition with copies of them, he hopes they wUl be engraved in due * Printed at Newport, R. I. by Solomon Southwick, 1772.— The first edition had no plates : it was printed at Boston, by B. Green, in the year 1716. Copies of botli editions are in possession of the author. t See Book V. Chap. I. !,(to their iimulation ' material ! next day nind, that iry. Thia printing, be much us occur- d irrecov- thing upon he never I, or how- » the world lortraits of isly for this . That of Rolfe, who e heart of has existed, il confident, lithful one. ct All we , and doubt I a " sorry " IS a better ; ecause its spend with rint which p's War,* NG Philip, ithfbl one, itil we can liuois chiefs in pos- a, to enrich [red in due a bad no ttolh editions PREFACE. VII time ; which if they are, persons possessing the work may procure them separately. The author submits his work with some confidence, from a consciousness of having used great exertions to make it useful, and of having treated his subject with the strictest impartiality. All verbiage has been avoided, and plain matters of fact have been arrived at by the shortest and most direct course. Circumlocution, the offspring of verbiage, is a fault of modem book-makers ; and every observer must have been forcibly struck by the contrast of a modern title-page and the rest of the book ; in the former, irnUtum in parvo is true to the letter, and that page is too often the only one in which it is to be found throughout a performance. There may be some, probably, who will look into our book to see what we have said upon some facts known to them, and be much disappointed in finding that we have not noticed them at all. To such we can only say, we have given other facts instead of them ; in other words, we have filled our hook as full as it would hold. And, although we may not always have selected the best matter, we tl'ought, at the time of writing, we had ; and when our information is further extended, we may agree better with those who shall find fault with us. Extract from the Preface to the Mrst Edition. The following notices have been thrown together within a few months, although many years have elapsed since the author began the collection of materials, and set about gaining a knowledge of this kind of history. The first adventurer in any untrodden path must often find himself embar- rassed for want of landmarks by which to direct his course. This will be apparent to the reader. But he will not be the first to whom it has been thus apparent. A small edition is now offered, which, if well received, will be much improved and enlarged, and placed at the public disposal. It will be remembered by some, that, in an edition of Church's History of Philip's War, published by the author five years ago, he advertised in a note upon page ninety-seven of tlmt work, that he liad it in contemplation to publish a work of tliis kind. This he considers a redemption of that pledge. The edition o{ Hubbard's Indian Wars, which he some time since announced as preparing with large notes, is in a forward state. Acknowledgments are due to several individuals, who have, directly or indirectly, aided the author in his work ; and he can only express his regret that he is not indebted to more, equally eminent in this branch of American antiquities. The Reverend Dr. Jevks, to whom, by permission, his work is dedicated, has many thanks for his kindness in facilitating his researches in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society ; as also Mp Joshua Coffin, of BofitcH), and the Reverend Dr. Harris, of Dorchester, who have obligingly loaned him several valuable manuscripts ; and Edward D, Bangs, Esq., Sec- retary of State, for his politeness in accelerating the examination of our State Papers. \l.l> Till PREFACE. Extract from the Preface to the Second Edition. Accuracy, and minuteness of detail, where the subject seemed to require it, have been our landmark throughout tliis laborious performance. We say laborious ; but were all readers antiquarians, even so much need not have been said. Although we have been very minute, in numerous instances, in our lives of chiefs, yet there are many others in which we gladly would have been more so, if materials could, at the time of writing, have been had. How- ever, we do not presume tliat we arrogate to ourselves too much, when we promise to give the reader a much greater amount of Indian history, than he can elsewhere find in many separate works. The merits or demerits of Indian Biography rest solely upon its autlior, whose various carea and avocations, could they be known to the critical reader, would cause him to be sparing of his criticisms. We call this the second edition, although wo have treated the subject under a new arrange- ment The method of books and chapters was adopted mainly for the benefi of combining history with biography. Besides coniiiining all of the first edition which was important, tliis will be found to contain, in addition, three times as mucli new matter. Many names of the same persons and places will, perhaps, be found spelt differently in various parts of the work ; but this our plan could not obviate, because we wished to preserve the orthography of each author from whom we extracted, in tliat particular. Except in quotations, we did intend to have been uniform ; but we are aware that we have not been entirely so, from several causes, which need no explanation. In general, the notes give due credit to all such as have assisted tlie author in any way in his work. As to the works of deceased authors, we have made use of them as public property, taking care always to cite them, exce|)t where the same facts were common to manv If require it, We say not have lances, in •ould have id. How- when we y, than he its autiior, the critical ;all this the !W anange- the benefi of the first liiion, three found spelt not obviate, im whom we end to have rely so, from the author have made hem. except A TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL TRIBES. Menakies, near Three Rivers, in Canada ; in number about 150, in 1780 ; in 1689, about 200. Msorokas, or Crow Indians, on the Missouri, near the Rocky Mountains. Adi-ondaks, on the St. Lawrence ; numerous in 1607 ; in 17«), about 100. Moi:es, south of tlie Missouri, and north of the Padoucas ; IIOO in 1760. Jfmidistes, formerly on the St. Lawrence ; about 500 in 1760. Apalachicolas, on the river of that name ; in 1835, about 340 ; have agreed to emi- grate ; about 260 have gone west of the Mississippi. .Irrapuhas, now about 40^, about the sources of the Kanzas River. .Issinnaboins, now about 1000, on Ottowa River ; reduced by the Sioux. Jlttikamngues, in north of Canada ; destroyed by disease in 1670. Aughquagas, on the east branch of the Susquehannah River ; 150 in 1768. BedieSj on Trinity River, about 60 miles southward of Nacoffdoches ; 100. Big Devil Indians, Yonktons of the Plains, 2500 ; heads of the Red River. Blackfeet, various warlike bands about the sources of the Missouri, and in the re- gion of the Rocky Mountains ; estimated in 1834 at 30,000. Blanches, or Bearded Indians, white Indians on upper southern branches Missouri ; 1500 in 1760. Brothertons, in NowYork, near Oneida Lake ; now (1830) supposed to number 350. Caddoes, in 1717, a powerful nation on Red River ; now reckoned at 800. Caiwas, near the heads of the Arkansas ; neither brave nor ffent-rous. Camanclies, or Comanches, a warlike and numerous race on Uie confines of Texas. L'atawbds, on Catawba River, in South Carolina ; had long wars with the Iroquois ; l.">0 warriors in 1764. Cauirhnewagiis, tril>es of praying Indians, in several places. C/irruficcs, Carohnaand Tennessee; 12,000 in Ir^l'i; 9,000 have agreed to emi- grate. Chirns, near the source of Chien River ; 200 in 1820. I'liikahomimrs, on Miitapony River, in Virginia, in ItU'il ; but 3 or 4 in 17iK). i'liiknsnws, between the head branches of Mobile River in 1780; once said to have liei'ii 10,000 ; in 1763, about 250 ; now vastly increased ; in 18115, 5600 agreed to einigrote. I'hiknmavgns, on the Tennessee, 00 miles Mow the Cherokecs ; many years since limkcn i'roin them, under the chief, Dragomono. Chill ukittrquu IIS, next below the Narrows on the Columbia ; 1400, in Si lodges. Vhnnnnhuiim, lit Lewis's River, N. W. side of the Cohuubio ; 1800, in 42 lodges. Vhinmokg, north side of Columbia River; 400, in 28 lodges. ('hil)l>rimii, many formidable tribes about the great lakes. — See Ojihrnn. Chiikltius, (iirmerly of Carolina ; about 15,(M)0 in 1812; now on a government irrnnl of 15,000,(»00 ncres on the north side lied River, and iibout IH.OOO. Choi>iinniiihf.i, nu the Kooskooskee. 2000; and on Lewis's River, Ix-low Kooskoos- k(e, to the {^ohiinbiti. 2300 ; in nil, in IHUi, 73 lodgen. ClilkMar.', beyond tlie llocky MountuinH ; 1200, in 2^ lodgcN. A TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL TRIBES. 1 CUUtnips, below mouth Columbia, about Point Adams ; 200, in 14 lodges. Cohakiet, nearly destroyed by the Saques and Fo.\eB, in the time of Pontiak ; in 1800, a few wanderers near Winnebago Lake. Comancku. — See CavMnches- '' Condies, near the east branch of the Susquehannah ; about 40 in 1760. Congarees, on the Cougaree River in South Carolina Copper Indians, far in the nortJ|t, abqjut Qoppermine Hiyer ; numeroHa. Coreu, a tribe of North Carolina. Credit, formerly over a vast country from near the Gulf of Mexico, noith-east Crea, north, of the Atissouri, and west of the Miuisaippi ; 3000 in 1834. Ddatoarts, once numerous on the river and bay of the same name, now chiefly be< yond the Mississippi ; anciently, Lenalcnape. Dinovdmiies, a tribe of the Hujrons ; same as tbe TsonpotbouanA of the French. Docotas, bands of the Sioux. Dog Indians, or Ckiens, 'M60 on the heads of Chayenne River. Dog-rib Indians, tribe of Blackfeet, to the north of them ; of a different language. Echemins, on a river of their name, which flows into the St. Lawrence, on the £. side* Eneshures, at the Great Narrows of the Columbia; 1200, in 41 clans. Eries, on the east of the lake of their name, entirely exterminated by the Iroquois. Enhfloojts, on the Columbia ; 1000, in 21 lodges or clans. Esquimaux, about Labrador and the neighboring countrv. Euchees, friendly Creeks ; 200 now in service against the Scminolcs. Five JVations, anciently many thousands on the east of the great lakes. Flat-heads ihieyond the Rocky Mountains, on a fork of Columbia Rive . Foxes, or Ottoeamies, on Po!t River, in Illinois. — See Saques and Foxes. Fond du Lac Indians, roam from Snake River to the Sandy Lakes. Gay Head Indians, on Martha's Vineyard ; probably Wampanoags ; 200 in 1800. Grand River Indians, on Grand River, north side Lake Ontar'o ; remnant of the Iroquois; 2000. Gros Ventres, on the River Maria, in 1806 ; 3000 in 1834, west of the Mississippi. Herring Pond Indians, Wampanoags, in Saniwieh, Mass. ; about 40. Hurqns, numerous and formiaable ; upon Lake Huron and adjacent. lUinoiSj formerly numerous upon the Illinois River. hneays, recently on loway River, now soattered among other tribes of the west ; 1100. Iroquois, or Five ffations, a chief remnant now On Grand River. — Bee Grand Rivers. Kanitiavisehes, wanderers on the Yellow Stone, near its source ; about 2000. Kanzas, on the river of the same name; about 1000. Kasiayas, between the sources of the Platte and Rocky Mountains, beyond the Kites ; 3000. Kiawas, also beyond the Kites ; in number about 1000. KigeneSj on the coast of the Paoifio, under a chief named Skittegates, in 1821. Kmwpoos, formerly in Illinois ; now about 300, chiefly bnvond the Mississippi. Kiliamulis, branch of the Clatsopg, const Pacific ocean ; about 1000. Killawats, in a large town south-east of the Luktons. Kimoenitns, band of Chnpunnish, on Lewis's River ; 800, in 33 clans. Kites, between sources Platte and the Ro<;ky Mountains ; about 500. Knislencaux, or Christinuux, on Assinnaboin River ; 6000 in 1812. Kookkoo-ooses, south of the Killawats, on the coast of the Pacific ; about 1500. Leech River Indians, near Sandy Lake ; about 350. Ltnapr, or LenrJenape, former neme of the Delawares, which see. Lukawisus, on the coast of the I'arific ocean, nbout 800. Luktons, to the south-west of the Killamuks, on the oonst of the Pacific. Mandans, 1018 miles up the Missouri, on both sides ; about 1200. Maniihuitks, formerly a great nation of Virginia, some time since extinct. Marshpers, chiefly a mixed remnant of the noble Wampanoags, in Sandwich, Mass. ; alioul -too ; l:iti lion (if the i(Hri('nt Mr. Wit.i.uM Ar»»s, of Pequot descent. Massairuint.1, I' riiicrly a very warlike iiution in what is now Kentucky. A TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL TRIBES. XI ntiak; in ih-eaat chiefly be- French. t language. 1 the E. Bide- lie Iroquois. !00 in 1800. mnant of the ; MiBU8Bippi> of the west ; Orand Rivers. aooo. beyond the nl821. BBIBBippi' mt 1500. 4 hct. Ilwinh.MBBi. ; Idrr the direo> i}kenominie8, formerly on Illinois River ; now abort 300, west of the Mississippi. Mesaasagnes, snbAifefl eMy by, ahd ihcSo^pdtated ^ith the Iroquois , about lUkea. Huron and SiTperior in 1764, and theh reckoned at 2000. Miamies, on the Mississippi, below the Ouisconsin^ and in number about 1500. Mikmakt, on tRe River St. Lawrence ; about 500 m J786. Mindawarcarton, the only band of Sioux that Cultivates corn, beans, &c. Minetares; on Knife Rivfer, near the Miasouri, 5 miles above the Mandana; 2500. Mingoes ; such of the Iroquois were so called as resided Upon the Sioto River. Mohawks', fofmefly a great tribd of the Iroquois, an'd the ihost warlike of those Five Nations. Moheakunnuks, formetly betweert the Hudson and Delaware Rivers. Mohegans, a remnant now on Thames, below NorVich, in Connecticut. Afosj«toat 430. B. > lodges. in 1670. ipi. OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. *^ BOOK I rlike. > in 1812; speak laws. SO. ,&o. * .X. t , Cj^^i^HsJ*^ ■ ..i-. .i>^», -^ ■ A IJK i . V tnoTrHi uvu /nM/>i i; I Nf^l OIS "j^r I d J o *'f. ' ! II m: i( '. rf- 'Ill «. -r«s- { •^.■-. ^ .r.l" •• . .,,.1 i-'!. BOOK I. ■':t.%:-i^^-\ . .' \'*;: ;,f^, ..,; PRIGIN, ANTIQUITIES, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, &c. OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. •.'nt,r;:/ ^i: ;«Wi.. O could their ancient Incu riie again, How would they take up Israel's taunting itrain ! Art thou too fallen, Iberia ? Do we nee The robber and the murderer weak as we ? Thou, that hast wasted earth, and dared despise . . Alike the wrath and mercy of the skies, ,,,^ Thy pomp is in the grave, thy glory laid ' Low in the pits thine avarice has made. '• We come with joy fron-. our eternal rest, ', :, To see the oppressor in his turn oppressed. Art thou the God, the thunder of whose hand . .'.' Rolled over all our desolated land, ' < Shook principalities and kingdoms down. And made the mountains trumtile at his frown? The sword shall light upon thy boasted powen,- Aiul waste them as thejr wasted ours 'Tis thus Omnipotence his law nillils, And vengeance executes what justice wills. — Oowrm. AVi 'MU CHAPTER I ■ . '■■,>l i li Origin of the name Indian. — Why applied to the people found m America. — Ancient authors supposed to have referred to America iri their writings — Theqpompus-^- Voyage of Hanno — Diodorus Siculus — PltUo — Aristotle — Seneca. The name Indian was erroneously applied to the original man of America* by its first discoverers. The attempt to arrive at the East Indies by sailing west, caused the discovery of the islands and continent of America. When they were at firet discovered, Columbus, and many after hitn, supposed they had arrived Pt the eastern shore of the continent of India, und hence the peo- ])le they found there wefe called Indians. The error wra not discovered until the name had so obtained, that it could not well i)e changed. It is true, that it matters but little to us by what name the indigenes of a country are known, and especially those of America, in as fftr as the name is seldom used among us but in a[>plieation to the abpriginal Americans. But with the people of Europe it was not so unimportant Situated between the two countries, India and America, the same name for the inhabitants of both must, at first, have produced considerable inconvenience, if not confusion ; because, in speaking of an Indian, no one would know whether an American or a ^icalahder ^*•as meant, unless by the context of the discourse. Thejjefore, in a historical poir^t of view, the error is, at least, as much to be deplored as that the name of the continent itself should have been derived from Jlmericus instead of Columbuti, * So named from VesptUius Americus, a Florentine, who mado a discovery of some part of tlir couKt of Soudi Americn in H'.IS, two yc^rs oiler Cabot^wX explored the coast of North Ainericaj but Americus liud the fortuuc to confer his name upon both. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [Book I. It has been the practice of almost every writer, who has written about the primitive inhabitants of a country, to give some wild theories of others, con- cerning their origin, and to close the account with his own ; which generally has been more visionary, if possible, than those of his predecessors. Long, laborious, and, we may add, useless disquisitions have been daily laid before the world, from the discovery of America by Columbus to the present time, to endeavor to explain by what means the inhabitants got from the old to the new world. To act, therefore, in unison with many of our predecessors, we will begin as far back as they have done, and so shall commence with Theo- potnpva and others, from intimations in whose writings it is alleged the aur cients had knowledge of America, and therefore peopled it. Theopompus, a learned historian and orator, who flourished in the time of .fUexander the Great, in a book entided Thaumasia, gives a sort of dialogue between Midas the Phrygian and Silenus. The book itself is lost, but Strabo refers to it, and Mlianusma given us the substance of the dialogue which fol- lows. After much conversation, SUenus said to Midas, that Europe, Asia and Africa were but islands surrounded on all sides by the sea ; but that there was a continent situated beyond these, which was of immense dimensions, even without limits ; and that it was so luxuriant, as to produce animals of [)rudi- gious magnitude, and men grew to double the height of themselves, and tliat they lived to a far greater age ;* that they had many great cities ; and their usages and laws were different from ours ; that in one city there was more than a million of inhabitants ; that gold and silver were there in vast qunnti- ties.t This is but an abstract from Mlianus^s extract, but contains all of it that ean be said to refer to a country west of Europe and Africa.^ Mlian or JEli- anus lived about A. D. 200. Hanno flourished when the Carthaginians were in their greatest prosperity, but the exact time is unknown. Some place his times 40, and otluTs 140, years before the founding of Rome, which would be about 800 years before our era,§ He was an officer of great enterprise, having sailed around and ex- plored the coast of Africa, set out from the Pillars of Hercules, now called the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailed westward 30 days. Hence it is inferred by many, that he must have visited America, or some of its islands. He wrote a booic, which he entitled Periplus, giving an account of his voyages, which was translated and published about 151^3, in Greek.|| Many, and not without tolerably good reasons, believe that an island or con- tinent existed in the Atlantic Ocean about this period, but which disappeared afterwards. * Buffon and Raynal either had not read this story, or they did not believe it to have been America ; for they taught that all animals degenerated licre. IVIany of the first adventurers to the coasts of unknown countries rei)orted them inhabited by giants. Swift wrote Gulliver's Travels to bring such accounts into ridicule. How well iie succeeded is evident from a comparison of books of voyages and travels before and after iiis tiine. Duburtas has this passage :— Our fearless sailors, in far voyages (More led by gain's hope than uieir compasses), On th' Indian shore have sometime noted some ' Whose bodies covered two broad acres room ; And in the South Sea they have also seen Some like high-topped and huge-armed trecn ; And other some, whose monstrous backs did bear Two mighty wheels, with whirling spokes, that wer« Much like the winged and wide-spreading sails I ■ Of any wind-mill turned with merry gales. ' .,.-. Divine Weeks, p. 117, ed, 4to, 1613. t y£lian, Variar. Historiar. lib. iii. chap. viii. X Since an's work, % Since the text was written, there has come into my hands a copy of a translation of .Dil- i's work, " in Englishe (as well according to the tnilh of the GrceKe te.\te, ns of the Latino), by Aliraham Flemins:." London, 167G, 'tto. It differs not materially from the above, which is given from a French version of it. ii Encyclopiedin Perthensis. I The best account of Iluimo and his voyages, with which we are acquainted, is to be found in Mariana's Hist, of Spain, vol. i. W, lO'J, ll'J, 122, 133, and loO, ed. Paris, 1725, 5 vols. 4to. Chap. I.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIAX^- of (1, is lo be ^aris, 1725, Diodorus Sicidus says that some " PJioBnic'mns were cast upon a most fertile island opposite to Africa." Of tliis, he says, they kept the most studied secrecy, which was doubtless occasioned by their jealousy of the advantage the discov- ery might be to the neighboring nations, and which they wished to ^cure wJiolly to themselves. Diodorus Siculus lived about 100 years before Christ. Islands lying west of Europe and Africa are certainly ipentioned by Homer and Horace. They were called Atlantides, aoA were supposed to be about 10,000 furlongs from Africa. Here existed tlie poets' fabled Elysian fields, liut to be more paiticular with Diodorus, we will let him speak for himself. "After having passed die islands which lie beyond the Herculean Strait, we will speak of those which lie much farther into the ocean. Towards Africa, and to the west of it, is an immense island in the broad sea, many days' sail from Lybia. Its soil is very fertile, and its surface variegated with mountains and valleys. Its coasts ai-e indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields are well cultivated: delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants auilj:]'ees." He finally sets it down as the finest country known, where the inhabitants liave spacious dwellings, and every thing in the greatest plenty. To say the li'ost of this account of Diodorus, it corresponds very well with tliat given of the Mexicans when first known to the Spaniards, but perhaps it wijl.cpinpare as well with the Canaries. Plato''s account has more weight, perhaps, than any of the ancienttt. He lived about 400 years before the Christian era. A pait of his account is as follows : — " In those first times [time of its being first known], the Atlantic was a most broad island, and there were extant most powerful kings in it, who, with joint forces, appointed to occupy Asia and Europe : And go .a most ' grievous war was carried on; in which the Athenians, with ^he common consent of the Greeks, op}tose(l themselves, and they became the conquerors. lint that Atlantic island, by a flood and earthquake,, was indeed suddenly destroyed, and so that wai'like people were swallowed ,up." Be.acjds, in an- other place, " An island in the mouth of the sea, in the passage to those straits, culled the Pillars o( Hercules, did exist; and that island was greater and larger than Lybia and Asia ; from which there was an easy passage over to other islands, and from those islands to that continent, which is situatefl out of that region."* " JV*ep, once settled, must bo I'emoved by compulsion, or clw tempted tli' i unto in hopes of better fortunes, upon commendatiouB of the jilace unto whiclt they should l)e drawn to njmove. And if it may bo thought that these "people came over the frozen sea, then would it be by compulsion. If so, tlicii by whom, or when? Or what part of this main continent may be thought to border upon the country of the Tartars? It is yet imkuown ; and it is not like that a people well enough at ease, will, of their own accord, undertake to travel over a sea of ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with. As, 1st, whether there be any land at the end of their unknown way, no land being in view ; then want of food to sustain life in the mean time upon that sea of ice. Or how shall they do for ftiel, to keen them at night from freezing to (Icatii ? which will not lie had in such a place. But it may perhaps be granted, that the natives of this country might originally come of the scattered 'Irojans; for after that Brutus, who was the fourth from Eneas, left Latium uiion the conflict held with the Latins (where although he gave them a great overthrow, to the slaughter of their grand captain and n)any othere of the li('roes of Latium, yet lie held it more safely to depart imto some other place !ind people, than, by staying, to run the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtful conquest ; which, as history maketh mention, ho performed.) This people was (lisperaed, there is no question, but the people that lived with him, by reason of their conversation with the Giecians and Latins, had a mixed lan- ' guage, that participated of both."* This is the main ground of Morton, but he says much more upon the subject ; as that the similarity of the languages of the Indians to the Greek and Roman is very great. From the examples he gives, we presume he knew ap litde about the Indian languages as Dr. Mather, Adair, and Bovdinot, who thought them almost to coincide with the Hebrew. Though Morion thinks it vei^ improbable that the Tartars cnme over by the north from Asia, because they could not see land beyond the ice, yet he finds no difficulty in getting them across the wide Atlantic, although he iillows them no compass. That the Indians have a Latin origin he thinks evident, because he fancied he heard among their words Pasco-pan, and hence thinks, without doubt, their aucestore were acquainted with the god Pan,\ Dr. JFilliamsonl says, "It can hardly be (lucstioned that the Indians of South America are descended from a class of the Hindoos, in the southern parts of Asia." That they could not have come from the north, because the South American Indians are unlike those of the north. This seems to clash with the more rational views of Father Vene^as,§ He writes as follows: "Of all the parts of America hitherto discovered, the Californians lie nearest to Asia. We are acquainted with the mode of wrhing in all tlie eastern nations. We can distinguish between the characters of the Japanese, the Chinese, the Chinese Tartare, the Mogul Tartars, and other nations extending as far as the Bay of Kamschathka ; and learned dissertations on tliem, by Mr. Boyer, are to be found in the acts of the imperial academy of sciences at Petersburg. What discovery would it be to meet with any of these characters, or others like them, among the American Indians nearest to Asia ! But as to the Cali- fornians, if ever they were possessed of any invention to perpetuate their me- moirs, they have entirely lost it; and all that is now found among them, amounts to no more than some obscure oral tra»litions, jirobably more and more adulterated by a long succession of time. They have not so much as retJiined any knowledge of the particular country from which they emi- grated." This is the account of one who lived many years among the Indians of California. Mr. William JVood,\\ who left New England in 1033,11' after a short stay, says, "Of their language, which is only peculiar to themselves, not inclining to any of the refined tongues : Some have thought they might be of the dispersed * New Canaan, book i, pages 17 and 18. t Ibid. 18. { In his Hist. N. Carolina, i. 216. JHIsl. Calirornia, i. CO. His work was published at Madrid, in 1768. The author of a work entitled New England's Prospect, ^published in London, 1634, ill 4to. It is a very rare, and, in some i ■ -peels, a curious and valuable work. 11 Prospect, 51 . * 8 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [Book I. I *■ Jews, because some of their words be near unto the Hebrew ; but by the same rule, they may conclude them to be some of the gleanings of all nations, lie- cause they have words which sound after the Greek, Latin, French, and other tongues."* ' Mr. John Josselyn, who reoKied some time in New England, from the y()ist, as sniiie htid imitgih(;(l, he thought evident lor these n'asons: 1. their ancestors aftirm they camt; from the south- west, and rf'ttirn thence when they tlii' : 2. Ih'chiisc they "separate tluir wo- men in a litllt" wigwam by lln'insclves in tiicir .'i miniiie seasons:" and M. "I)e- side their god Kullund to the S. \V'< .-t, they liuiil iIimI .Vdiinwilniiiril'. {a god over head) naule the heavens and the eiirlh ; and some tast of allinity w ith the Hebrew I have fiaind." Docti I Cotton M(dhvr is tin author of such singular tpialities, that we idmost hesitate to niune him, lest we lie thoiiglit witliout seriotisness in so weighty ti matter. Jlut we will assure the reader, that he is an author with whom we would in no wise |iiirt ; and if sonieliiiies we ii|ipe,Mr not serious in our iittthk- dtiction of him, uliat is of more importiuice, we believe Atra really to he so. And we an; persuaded that we shoulil not be pardoned did wo nut allow Imiu to speak U|H)n the matter belbre uh. • Il>id. 112. ed. 17fi4. t His account of two voyages to New Knglnnd, printed Londou, 1673, page 124. X Niiw Kngliuid Karities, \, b, printed London, 1(172. ■' lis title ci'iniiienies, " "■ -' "■• • *' "■ -■' -''■ - * '•— - Pages b an. judged to bo lit and nian- 3 subject re- 1 well as we rlotVf looking (, ix. 137, &c. 152,§ to prove for the space (as, beside a leil lational. Thorowixood's llie origin of N.Kng. 'iOtii lut tliey did I, lie tlwmght u the (ioutli- ate till ir wo- und H. "Ikj- iiitwil'i [a fxod alliniiy with lat we ahii dcicided in the opinion that Indians am Scythians, and is confirmed in the opinion, on meeting with this passage o! Julius C(tsar : " Diffirilius Invenire quam interfkere^^ which he thus renders, "It is harder to find them than to fod them." At least, this is a happy appli- cation of the passage. Cffsnr was speaking of the Scythians, and our histo- rian applies the passage in speakiiiL' of the sudden attacks of the Indians, and their agility in hiding themselves from pursuit.^ Doctor Mather wrote at the close of the sevcnt';c Irisli (iiniii'iilly ciilliMl nnthinpoplhini, niaii-i'iilrrs) Imvi' a Iraililioii ainoiiif lliciii. Ilial wiini llic 1)( \il shoucil iHir Saviour all llio kiiijjiloins iil' tin? cnrlli, and llirir i?u)ry, that lir would mil -hov. Iiiia Ireland, 1ml rc-iorMMl il lor liiin^rU'. Il i<, |irol)iil>ly, Iriic ; for h<> tialli kept it rvi>r - iiiop for his own perulinr : I'h' old fox l()r('saw il would cclipvo tlio iflorv of all tlio n-il ; h<- ihoiiiilit it wisdom lo keep ilii- Iniiil for a lloidjarilH (or Ins unclean spirits employed 111 lliis |ieitiis|i|iere. and the jieople lo do his son and heir (the I'opi") llial service liir wliieli 1,1 nix the XI kepi his llarlior Oliver, whii'li makes Iheiii so liloodihir^ty."— .'sVm;j/r (^ohler, ill), ill Why id miioli gall is poured out upon the poor Irish, we laniiol siilislhelorily aeconiil. 'I'ilC lireiiiu'liuiee of lii> wrilini; in \\u- lime i>f Ciomwrll will explain a piirl, if iii)l ilie whole, e'' li.e eu'vau. lie w.i^ ilie fust m^nisler of Ipswich, IMa^sarlunelU, lull was liorii and ilicil Ml l'!ni>laiiil. V. t .'Mii;;ii;ilia ('liriil. Amer. li, \ Ihid. b. ill. ( Hco Mn^ialin, l>. vil, 10 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [Book I. V 1^, theories have gained many supporters. It is of much higher antiquity than Adair, and was treated as such visionary speculations should be by authors as liir back as the historian Hubbard, who wrote about 168U, and has this among other passages : " If any observation be made of their manners aiid disposi- tions, it's easier to say from wliat nations they did not, than from whom they did, derive their original. Doubtless their conjecture who faney them to be descended from the ten tribes of the Israelites, carried captive by Salamntuaer and Esarhaddon, hath the least show of reason of any other, there being no footsteps to be observed of their propinquity to them more than to any other of the tribes of the eartli, either as to their language or manners."* This author was one of the best historians of his times ; and, generally, he writes with as much discernment upon other matters as upon this. That because the natives of one country and those of another, and each nn- known to the other, have some customs and practices in common, it has been urged by some, and not a few, tliat they must have had a common origin ; but this, iu our apprehension, does not necessarily follow. Who will pretend that different people, when placed under similar circumstances, will not have simi- lar wants, and hence similar actions ? that like wants will not prom|)t like ex- ertions? and like causes produce not like effects? This mode of reasoning we thiuk suiiiciont to show, that, although the Indians may have some customs iu common with the Scythians, the Tartars, Chinese, Hindoos, Welsh, and indeed every otJjer nation, still, the former, for any reason wo can see to the contrary, have as good right to claim to themselves priority of origin as either or all of the latter. Doctor Robertson should have proved that people of color produce others of no color, and the contrary, before he said, " We know with infallible certainty, that all the human race spring from the same Bource,"f meaning Adam. lie founds tliis broad assertion upon the false notion that, to admit any other would be nn inroad upon the verity of the holy Scriptures. Now, in our view of the subject, we leave them equally inviolate in assuming a very different ground ; I namely, that all habitable parts of the world may have been peo|)led at the same time, and by different races of men. That it is so peo- pled, we know : that it vas ho peopled as fur back as we have any account, we see no reason to diBl)elicvH. llence, when it was not so is as futile to inquire, as it would be impossible to conceive of the annihilation of space. When a new country was discovered, much inquiry was made to ascertain from whence came the inhnbitants found upon it — not even asking whence came the other animals. The answer to us is nlain. Man, the other animals, trees and [)laiits of every kind, were placed there by the supreme directing hand, which carries on every operation of nature by fixed and undeviating laws. This, it must be |)lain to every reader, is, at least, as recuncilable to the Bible history as the theory of Robertson, which is that of Grotiua, and all tliose who have followed them. When it has been given in, at least by all who have thought upon the sub- ject, that climate does not change the complexion of the human race, to hold up the idea Ktill that all must have sprung irom the same source, (Adam,) onlv iriiiinds us of our grandmothers, who to this day laugh at us when wo toll thoiii that tiie earth is a glolH>. Who, we usk, will argue that the negro changes his color by living among uh, or by changing nis latitude? Who have ever Im'Coiuo negroes by living in tluiir country, or among them ? Has the Indion ever ciinngcd his complexion by liviiiff in liondoii? Do those change which adopt our manners and customs, aiuY are surrounded by us ? Until tlipfie questions can bt; answered in the aflin lative, we (iiscard altdgethcr that unitarian system of peopling the world. We would indeed prefer Ovid's method : — " Ponerc durilinm roppere, iuumqu« rif(arpm | MolliriqiiL' mum, iiii>lliliii|iit< diin'ru liirinam. Mi)x iilii rrfveniiU, iinturn(|iio niiliiir illiij Coiiligil," iie. Sec. Afflamnr. lilt. i. fflh. xi. * llisl. New r,nf(laiiil, 'J7. t Mini. Anifrirn, lioitk iv. t Why iiilli of II ilirory'M rliKliliif^ wiili holy writ, prid any nutliiiig of iliv ccrlnini/ of thf ■cit'iiccs of gi'Ograpliy, aslroiioiny, guulugy, itc, 7 Chap. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 11 terirn, l>ook iv. ! certainly or th« That is, Deucalion and Pynha perfbrtned the office by travelling over the country and picking up stones, which, as they cast them over their heads, became young people as they struck the earth. We mean not to be understood that the exterior of the skin of people is not changed by climate, for this is very evident ; but that the childrpn of persons . would be any lighter or darker, whose residerce is in a climate different from that in which trrey were bom, is what we deny, as in the former case. As astonishing as it may appear to the succinct reasoner, it is no less true, that Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith has put forth an octavo book of more than 400 pages to prove the unity, as he expresses it, ' of the human race>^ that is, that all were originally descended from one man. His reasoning is of this tenw : "The American and European sailor reside equally at the pole, and under the e lator." Then, in a triumphant air, he demands — " Why then should we, without necessity, assume the hypothesis that originally there existed different species of the human kind ? " * What kind of argument is contained here we leave the reader to make out ; and again, when he would proVe that all the human family are of the same tribe, he says that npgro slaves at the Booth, who live in white families, are gradually found to conform in features to the whites with "^'hom they liveff Astonishing! and We wonder who, if any, knew this, beside the author. Again, and we have ddnc with our extraordi- nary philosopher. He is positive that deformed or disfigured persons wilL in process of time, produce offspring marked in the same way. That is, if a man practise flattening his nose, his offspring will have a flatter nose than he would have had, had his progenitor not flattened his ; and so, if this offspring repeat the process, his offspring will have a less prominent nose ; and so on^ until the nose be driven entirely off the face ! In this, Certainly, our author has taken quite a roundabout way to vanquish or put to flight a nose. We wish he could tell us how many ages or genefations it would take to make this formrdublo conquest. Now, for any reason we can see to the contrary, it would he a much less tedious busfncss to cut off a iiieinber at once, and thus accomplish the business in a short period } for to wait several generations for* a fashion seems absurd in the extreme. A man must be monstl-ously blind to his prejudices, to maintain a doctrine like this. As welF might he argue that colts would be tailless because it has long been the practice to shorten the tails of horses, of both sexes ; but we have never heard that colts' tails are in the least affectetl by this practice which has been performed 6n the horsd so long. I Certainly, if ever, we should think it time to discover something of it ! Nor have we ever heard that a female child has over been born with Its ears bored, although its ancestors have endured the painfUl operation for many generntlons-'Mind hefe we shall close onr examination of Mr. Smith's 400 pages. § People dVliglit in new the<»ries, and often hazard a toleral)le reputation for tlie sake of exhibiting their abilities Upon a subject On which thoy have very vague, or no dear concefrtions. Had Dr. Smith read the writings of Sir Thomas lirovm, he could hardly have advanced such absurd opinions' as we have befijre noticed ; if, indeed, he were possessed of a sane mind. Dr. Broion Avas of the ago previous to that in Which Btiffon livi-d. In speaking of complexion, ho says, "If the ftrvor of the sun were thef sole caiitfo hereof, in Fithiopia, or any land of negroes, it were also reasonable that Inhabitr.nts of the same latitmle, subjected unto the sniiie vicinity of the snn, the same diurnal arch and direetion of its rays, should also partake of the same hue and complexion, which, notwitlistandii^, thoy dw not. For the inhnhitanti of the same latitudb in Asia are of a different complexion, as are the inhabit* ants of Cambogia and Java; insomuch that some conceive the negro li pro|>erly a nativa of Africa j umI that those places in Asia, inhalnted now by • Himlli on Compltexioii, N. Hroiwwirks N. J. 1810, p. 11. t Ibid. 170, 171. { The mitliiir plomls iiol riiillV l<> iIh' clmrppof plnifiiirisin ; fur it \vn% not niilll some monlhl after tint Ipxf vnm wriuon, iTinrlie knmv llint even this id^ii hnil nrnirrpit to nnv one. He hu «iiire rcB5, printed at Burlington. * He«> Hist. N. J. 8. tt Essal sur losMmurs ct I'Esprit del Nations. (CEuvres, iv. 18.) tt Ibid. 708. ^ fEuvres, t. vii 197, 198. Oil Will the reader of this call VollMrt an atheist t I'Mf < s [Book I. frica, as we 10 retain the jn complex- nto both the nder either : e northward I many parts lie Spaniard, ifColambua, e notion that species, was the times, specting the here to pre- : Buffon and of Franklin, 4 This has ;o repeat any often copied d in some of ig to the peo- [nment irpon. * The com- ere are found lem upon it? in the fields; lan we should B passage and more like the at the cater- uUy from an- e in America ill always be what he has he engages irks, in which 'oUows : §§ — tiich America ated flies in jay be to dis- |all nature, |{l[ the color oi I approaching Ibeards; and uml common- en, Kt, M. I)." I man and other nvoir ii^glia;'' le ct sons poll," Ivo. Lvait (lonnr* aiix tiile* OPS causes I, however, only lMER.$38.) |i nurlin|;ton. Suvres, iv. 18.) Chap. II.] ON THE ORItil.N' OF THE INDIANS. 13 ill the saini; liititmln, oilier iio;iroe.s with beards, some of tliciu luiviiig wool and some; liair on tlieir heads ; mid among llicm (jthcr aiiiiiiais (|uite white, having neither luiir nor wool, but a Iviiid oi" while .silk. It iU)U's not very clearly appear what should liav(! ])rcv('iit('(l God from jjUu iiig on another continent animals of thn sauio .specie.-*, of a coppi-r color, in tin; same latitude in which, in Africa and Asia, they an' ibund black ; or even Irom making them without lioards in the very same liititiid.i in wliic;!) others possiss them. To what lengths are we carried by the rage for systems joined with the tyranny of i)n>jiKiico! We ,«ee these animals; it is agreed that God has had the power to place thciii whero they are ; yet it is not agreed that be has so placed them. Tlic^ same, pi'i-sons who readily admit that the beavers of Canada are of Canadian origin, assert tliat the men must have come there in boats, and that Mexico must liav(i been ])eo])lid by some of the descendants of Mago^. As well might it I i- .said, that, if there be men in tlie moon, they must have been taken there by AHolphn on Jiis hippogriff, vvlien he went to fetch Roland's senses, which were corked up in u bottle. II" America had been discuvered in bis time, and tiiere had then been men in Euro|)e sifxiem- otic enough to have advanced, with tiio Jesuit Lafdaii,* that the Caribbees descended i"roiii tlie inhabitauls of Caria, and tli(! llnrons from the Jews, he woidil have done well to have brouglit hack the bott'e containing the wits of these reasoners, v/hich he would doubtless have found in the moon, along with those of ,'byxeUra\se jjcople ? but as for the trees and the tortois.'S, tliei/ an;, without any hesitation, ))r()Uounced to he ilidigeiious ; us if it wen; more diflicult for nature to make num tiian to make tortoises. One thing, however, which seems to countenance this system, i.s, that tiicre is scarcely an i^■lalld in the eastern or westi>rn ocean, whieli does not contain jugglers, (piaeks, knaves, an ea.st, and others irom the west; somi; from the regions ol" the air, !nid some I'rom under the enrdi. Hence to raise any theory upon any thing coming i'rom liiem uiion the suhject, would show only that the llieorist biuLself was as ignorant as his informants. We might as well ask the lliiest tiees how they came planted uiion the soil in whicii they grow. Not that the Indians ;ii-e umntelligeiit in other afliiirs, any iiirtber thaii the necessary conseiiuence growing out of their situation implies; nor are they less so than iiiimy who have written upon their history. , " In one grnvc m.ixim Id iis nil iij;ro("— Niiliiie ne'er iiiriiiil her scrrcN slioiilil ho foiin(r. And man'ii u riddle, wlilrh mill cnu't exixiiMid ! '' i'aine's Ri;m:«g P.\ssioit. The dilT('n>nt notions of the tndinn;^ will be best giitlirrcd from their lives in their proper places in the I'ollow ing work. Dr. .S', f,. MilrhlU, of New York, ii man who wrote leiirnedly, if not wisely, on almost ev( ry suhject, has, in his o|iinlon, like liundii'ds before him, set tho freat (inestion, Kow iwm .'hmrirn peopled J at rest. He has no douht but tlw» ndians, in ilie (iist place, are of the s imc color onginnlly as the norlh-onsterri nations of Asia, and hence spruiur fi'oiii them. What time he settles them hi the countiy he does not tell us, liiil get- them info CrecMilaiid about the year 8 or !>()(). 'riiiuks he saw the Seandinaviims as far as the shores oi' the Ht. Lawrence, but what time this was he docs not say. He must of courso make » 111' \vr..ii' ;\ hiva.i railirnlly lluha-w. M ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [Book I. these people the builders of tlie momids spattered all over the western coun- try. After nil, we ti])i)r9lii!iid tlie doctor would have short time for his emi- grants to do ail that nature and art have done touching these matters. In the first place, it is evident that many ages passed away from the time these tumuli were beguu until thcjy were finished: 2d, a multitude of ages must Iiave j)as3ed since the use for which tlu^y were rean.d has been known ; for trees of the age of 200 years grow liom tlie ruins of others which must have had as great age : and, 3d, no ludiau nation or tril)e has the least tradition concerning them.* This could not have hap|)cned had the ancestors of the present Indians been the erectors of thent, in the nature of tilings, f The observation of an author in Dr. iiecs's Encyclopedia, J: akiioiigh saying no more than has been already said in our synopsis, is, nevertheless, .so happy, that we should not feel clear to omit it: — "As to those who pretend that the human race has only of late found its way into America, by crossing the sea at Kamschatka, or the Straits of Tsehutski, either n[)on tin; fields of ice or in canoes, they do not consider that this opinion, besides that it is extremely difficult of coin|)rehension, has not the least tendency to diminish the prodi- gy; for it would be surprising indeed that one half of om* jiianet .should have remained without inhabitants during thousands of years, while the oth(!r half was peopled. What renders this opinion less ]»robable is, that America is 8uppo.sen in it to have had animals, since we cannot bring those species of animals from the old world which do not exist in it, as those of the tapir, the glania, and the tajactu. Neither can we admit of the recent organization of matter for the western hemisphere ; because, inde|)endently of the accumu- lated difficulties in this liy|)othesis, and which can by no means be solved, we shall observe, that the fossil bones discovered in so many parts of Ameri- ca, and at such smal! depths, prove that certain species of animals, so far from having been recently organized, have heen annihilated a long while ago." Before we had known, that, if we were in eiTor, it was in the company of philosophers, such as we liav(! in this chapter introduced to our readers, we felt a hesitancy in avowing our opinions upon a matter of so great moment. But, after all, as it is only matter of honest o])inion, no one should be intoler- ant, nltbongh he may be allowed to make himself and (!ven his friends merry at our expense. When, in the days of Clinfsoslom, some ventured to assert their opinions of the rotundity r)f the earth, that" learned father " did laugh at them." § And, when science shall have {irogressed sufficiently, (if it be j)ossible,) to set- tle this question, there is a |)ossibility that the Chrj/sostoms of these days will not have the same excuse ibr their infidelity. But as it is a day of |)rodigies, there is some danger of treating lightly even the most seemingly absurd con- jectm-es. Wc tla^refore feel very safe, and mon; especially as it required con- siderable hardihood to laugh ((vcn at the theory t)f the late Mr. Sjimmcs. When w eiiiiiieiit aiilhor of many parts of llio Ancient Universal //i.?- torij, llu ili;'.| ill I7m. a^^i'd 71. Chap. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 17 IT of Anieri- 1771, al liilin- ca,* after stating the different opinions of various authors who have advocated in favor of tiie " dispersed people," the Phoenicians, and other eastern 'lations, observes, "that, tlierefore, tiie Americans in general were descended from some people who inhabited a country not so far distant from them as Egypt and Phujiiicia, our readers will, as we apprehend, readily admit. Now, no counti-y Clin f)c pitched upon so ])roppr and convenient for this purpose as the north-easteru part of Asia, particularly Great Tartary, Siberia, and more espe- cially the peninsula of Kamtschatka. That probably was the tiact through which many Taitju-iun colonies passed into America, and peopled the most considerable part of the new world." This, it is not to be denied, is the mo.st rational way of getting inhabitants into America, if it must be allowed that it was peopled from the "old world." But it is not quite so easy to account for the existence of equatorial animals in America, v\'heu all authors agree that they never could have passed that way, as they could not have suivived the coldness of the climate, at any sea- son of the year. Moreover, the vocabulary we have given, if it prove any thing, proves that cither the inhabitants of North America did not come in from the nortli-wcst, oi' that, if they did, some unknown cause must have, for ages, suspended all comnmnication between the emigrants and their ancestors upon the neighboring sliores of Asia. In 1822, there appeared in London a work which attracted some attention, as most works have upon similar subjects. It was entitled, "Description of the ruins of an ancient city, discovered near Paleuque, in the kingdom of Guatemala, in Spanish America : translated from the original manuscript re- port of Capt. Don Jlntonio Del Rio : followed by a critical investigation and resetu'ch into the History of the Americans, by Dr. Paid Felix Cabrera, of the city of New Guatemala." Captain Del Rio was ordered by the Spanish king, in the year 1786, to make an examination of whatever ruins he might find, which he accordingly did. From the manuscript he left, which afterwards fell into the hands of Doctor Cabrera, his work was composed, and is that part of the work which concernfi us in our view of systems or conjectures concerning the peopling of America. We shall be short with this author, as hLs system differs very little from sfime which we have already sketched. He is very confident that he has setiled the question how South America received its inhabitants, namely, from tjie Phoenicians, who sailed across the Atlantic Ocean, and that the ruined city described by Captain Del Rio was built by the first adventurers. Doctor Cabrera calls any system, which, in his view, does not harmonize with tiu! Scriptures, an innovation upon the "holy Catholic religion;" and rather than resort to any such, he says, " It is better to believe his [God'el works miiuculous, than endeavor to makfj an ostentiitious display of our talents by thf cunning invention of new sys'.ems, in attributing them to natural causes."! T!ie same reasoning will apply in tins case as in a former. If we are to at- tribute every thing to miraclef, wherefore the necessity of investigation? These authors are fond of investigating niattere in their way, but are dis- pleased if others take the same liberty. And should we follow an author in his theories, who cuts the whole business ^, when he can no longer grope in the labyrinth of hia own forming, our reader would be just in cqudemning such waste of time. When every thing which we cannot at first Jight understand or compn^hend must not be in- quired into, from superstitious doubts, then luid there will be fixed the bounds of all science ; bid, as Lord Byron said upon another occasion, not till ihm. "If it he allowed (says Dr. Lawrence) | that all men are of the same species, it does not follow that they arc all descended from the same family. We have no data for determining this jioint: it could indeed only be settled by a knowledge of facts, which have long ago been involved in the impene- trable darkness of anti(|uity." That climate has nothing to do with the com- plexion, he oflTerK the following in proof: — nivcrsal //w- * Universal History, xx. 162, 16.3.— See Maloru's edilioii of BostveU's Life Dr. Jithnnon, V. '271. oil. ill 5 V. 121110. London, li!2l. t Page 30. \ Lectures on Zoology, &c. 442, eU. Uvo. Suleoi, 1828. w INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES, [Book I. "The cstublishments of the Europeans in Asia and America have now sub- sisted about three centuries. Vasqucz dc Gama landed at CaHcut in 1498 ; and the Portuguese (!ni[)ire in India wa.s founded in tlie l)cginning of the fol- lowing century. Brazil was dis^covered and tidcen possession of l)y tlie same nation in the very first year of the; IGth century. Towards tlie end of the 15tli, and the beginning of the Kitii century, Columbus, Cortez, and Pizarro, subjugated for tlie S|)aniards tlie West Indian isliinds, witii the empires of Mexico and Peru. Sir JValter Ralegh planted an English colony in Virginia in 1584 ; and the French settlement of Canada has rather a later date. The colonists have, in no instance, approached to tiie natives of tiiese coimtries: and their descendants, where tlie blood has been kept pure, have, at this time, the same characters as native Europeans." * The eminent antifjuary Dc Wilt Cliiitonj supposed that the ancient works found in this country were similar to those supposed to be Roman by Pennant in Wales. He adds, " The Danes, as well as the nations which erected our fortifications, were in all )robability of Scythian origin. According to Pliny, the name of Scytiiian Wf.s conniion to all the nations living iu tlie north of Asia and Europe." f N !i \n i: I ( 9ie0e CHAPTER III. Anecdotes, JVarralives, ^c. illustrative of the Manners and Customs, Antiquities and Tfaditions, of the Indians. Wit. — An Ottaway chief, known to the French by the name of JfTiitejohn, was a great drunkard. Count Frontcnac asked him what he thought Ijvaudy to be made of; he replied, that it must bo made of hearts and toiiy'vs — "For," said lie, "when I have drunken plentifully of it, my heart is a thonsund sUting, and I can talk, too, with astonishing Ireedom and ra])idity."t Honor. — A chief of the Five Nations, who fought on the side of tlie English in the French wai-s, clianced to meet in battle his own lather, who was tiglit- ing on the side of the Frencli. Just as he was about to deal a deadly blow upon his head, he discovered wiio he was, and said to him, "You iiave once given me life, and now 1 give it to you. Let me meet you no more; fori have paid the debt I owed you." § Recklessness. — In Connecticut River, aliout "200 miles from Long Island Sound, is a narrow of .'5 yards only, formed by two siielving mountains of solid rock. Tliroiigh this chasm are compelled to pass ail tlie waters whicli hi the time of the floods bury the nordieru country." It is a friglitlid passage of about 400 yanls in length. No boat, or, as my author expresses it, "no living creature, was (!ver known to pass through this narrow, except an Indian woman." This woman had undertaken to cross the river just above, and although she had the god Bacchus by her side, yet Neptune prevailed in spite of their imited efibrts, and the cano(; Avas huiTied down the frightful gulf. While this Indian woman was thus hurrying to certain destruction, as she had every reason to expect, she seized upon her bottle of rum, and did not take it from her mouth until the last drop was quaffed. She was marvellously pre- served, and was actually picked up several nules below, floating in the canoe, still quite drunk. When it was known what she had done, and being asked how she dared to drink so much rum with the prospect of certain death before her, she answered that she knew it was too much for one time, but she was unwilling thiit any of it sliould bo lost. [| * Lectures on ZooloEry, occ. 4<;4, 465. ed. 8vo. Salem, 1828. t A ?.f^moir on tlie Antiquities of the Western Parts of the State of N. York, pages 9, 10. 8vo. Albany, 1818. X Universal Museum for 1763. ^ Ibid. II Peters's Hist. Conneclicut. [Book I, ive now snb- ciitiii 14!)8; ig of the fol- by the same ; end of the and Pizarro, e emi)U'es of y in Virginia r date. The ie countries; , at this time, ncient works 11 by Pennant 1 erected our ling to Pliny, tlie north of Antiquities and of Vhilejohn, loiiglit brandy lid toDU'V's — ; is a thoursund of the English vlio A\as fight- i deadly blow on have once more ; for I Long Island nionntaiiis of waters whicii lilfid iiasisage vs.ft! found out. Not having any apprehension of the manner of connminication by writing, he concluded that it was otdy necessary to keep his design secret from the letter itself, su|)posing that would tell of him it' he did not; he there- fore laid it tq)on the grouiul, and rolled a large stone upon it, and retired to some distance, where he regaled himself with several of the oranges, and then |)roceeded on his journey. On delivering the remainder and the letter to the lady, she asked him where tiio rest of the oranges were ; he said he had delivered all ; she told him that the letter said there were several more sent ; to which he answered that the letter lied, and she must not believe it. But he was soon confronted in his falsehood, and, begging forgiveness of the oflence, was ])ardoned.t Shrewdness. — As Governor Joseph Dudley of Rlassachusetts was superin- tending some of his workmen, he took notice of an able-bodied Imlian, who, half-naked, would come and look on, as a pastime, to see liis men work. The governor took occasion one day to ask him tvhy he did not work and s^et some clothes, whcrewilh to cover himself. The Indian answered by asking him tchy he did not work. The governor, pointing with his finger to his head, said, "/ tvork head work, and so have no need to work with my hands as you should." The Indian then said he would work if any one would employ him. The * Carey's Museum, vi. 40. t UHiig'a Voyage lo N. England in 1709, 8vo. London, 1726. ao, INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [DOOK I. governor told liini he wanted a calf killed, and that, if he would go and do it, Le would j,rive him a shilling. He accepted the otter, and went nnrnediately and killed the calf, and then went .sauntering ahout as before. The governor, on observing what he had done, asked him why he did not dress the calf before he left it The Indiau answered, "jVo, no, Coponoh: that was not in the bargain : I was to have a shilling for killing him. ./Im he no dead, Copon- oh')" [governor.] The governor, seeing himself thus outwitted, told him to dress it, and he would give him another shilling. This done, and in jjossession of two shillings, the Indian goes directly to a grog-shop for rum. Ailer a short stay, he returned to the governor, and told jiim he had given him a liad shilling-piece, and presented a brass one to be exchanged. The governor, tliiukiug possibly it might have been the case, gave him another. It was not long before he returned a second time with another brass shilling to be exchanged ; the governor was now convinced of his knavery, but, not caring to make words at the time, gave him another; and thus the fellow got four shilliugs for one. The governor determined to have the rogue corrected for his abuse, and, meeting with him soon after, told him he must take a letter to Boston for him [and gave him a half a crown for the service.] * The letter was directed to the keeper of bridewell, ordering him to give the bearer so many lashes ; but, mistrusting that all was not exactly agreeable, and meeting a servant of the ffovernor on the road, ordereil him, in the name of his master, to carry the etter immediately, as he was in haste to return. The consequence was, this servant got cgregiously whipped. When the governor learned what had taken place, he felt no little chagrin at being thus twice outwitted by the Indian. He did not see the fellow foif some time after this, but at length, falling in with him, asked him by what means he had cheated and deceived him so many times. Taking the governor again in his own play, he answered, pointing with his finger to his head, " Head ivork, Coponoh, head work ! " The governor was now so well pleased that he forgave the whole offence.f Equality. — An Indian chief, on being asked whether his people were free, answered, "Why not, since I myself am free, although their king?" j: Matrimony. — " An aged Indian, who for many years had spent much time among the white people, both in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, one day, about the year 1770, observed that the Indians had not only a much easier way of getting a wife than the whites, but also a more certain way of getting a good one. ' For,' said he in broken English, ' white man court — court — may be one whole year ! — may be two years before he marry ! Well — may be then he get very good wife — but may be not — may be very cross ! Well, now suppose cross ! scold so soon as get awake in the morning! scold all day ! — scold until sleep ! — all one — lie must keep him ! — White people iiave law forbidding throw away wife he be ever so cross — must keep him always ! Well, how does Indian do? Indian, when he see industrious squaw, he go to him, place his two fore-fingers close aside each other, make two like one — then look squaw in the face — see him smile — this is all one he say yes ! — so he take him home — no danger he be cross I No, no — squaw know too well what Indian do if be cross! throw him away and take another! — Squaw love to eat meat — no husband no meat. Squaw do every thing to please husband, he do e'ery thing to please squaw — live happy.' "§ Toleration. — In the year 1701, two Creek chiefs accompanied an American to England, where, as usual, they attracted great attention, and many flocked around them, as well to learn their ideas of certain things as to behold " the savages." Being asked tlieir oj)inion of religion, or of what religion they were, one made answer, that they had no priests in their country, or established religion, for tliey thought, that, upon a subject where tliere was no possibility of people's agreeing in opinion, and as it was altogether matter of mere * A sentence added in a version of this anecdote in Carey's Museum, vi. 204. t Uring, ut supra. 120. ^ Carey's Museum, vi. 482. ^ Heckewelder's Hist. Ind. Nations. [Book I. and do it, uunediately e governor, !S8 the calf was not in ead, Copon- told him to lirectly to a or, and told 3S one to he M the case, 1 time with jnvinccd of m another; abuse, and, •ton for him ected to the a:jhcs ; but, rvant of the to carry the ice was, this 1 what had itted by the ch, falling in ived him so 3 answered, ork!" The ice.f e were free, much time sy, one day, finich eosier of getting court — Well — may oss! Well, scold all jeople have lim always! squaw, he ko two like one he say rjuaw know another I — ry thing to 1 American any flocked ehold "the they were, established possibility er of mere Chap. III.] INDIAN ANKCnOTFS AM) NARRATIVES. 21 irt opinion, "it was best that every one should paddle his canoe his own way." liero i.s a vokiiiie of instruciiou in a sliort answer of a savage! Justice. — A white trader sold a quantit\ of powder to an Indian, and im- l)osud upon liim by luaking hiui b(!lie\c ' was a grain which grew like wheat, by sowing it upon the grouiiil. He w - greatly elated i)y tlii; jjrospect, not only of raising his own powder, but ol' being able to supi)ly others, and there- by !)ec()niing iuiMionscly rich. Having prepared his ground with great cari% he s()\vcd liis powdor with the utmost exactness in the spring. Month after uioutli passetl away, but his powdir diil not even sprout, and winter came bi'ibre lie was satisfied that be liud been deceived. He said nothing; but some time after, when the trader luul forgotten the trick, the same Indian suc- ceeded ill getting credit of him to a large amount. The time set for payment hiuing expired, he sought out the Imiiaii at bis residence, aTid demanded paj- luent lur his goods. Tlie Indian Ih'.uiI his demand with great complaisance; then, looking him shrewdly in the eye, said, "jlie pmj mu when my powder lilty wlii;>! man (luickly retraced liis stejis, liis accuiuit with the chagrin ho had re- irrow." This was enough. Tiie satisfied, we apprehend, to baliuicc ceived. Hunting. — ^The Indians had methods to catch game which seiTcd them ex- tremely well. The same month in which the Mayflower brought over the forel'ailiers, November, 1()20, to the shores of Plimouth, several of them ranged about the woods near by to learn what the eountiy contained. Having wanden!d farther than they were apprized, in their endeavor to return, they say, "We were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered, we came to a tree, where a young sjirit was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. So, as we were looking at it, IVilliam Bradford being in the rear, when he came looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught up by the legs. It wjis (they continue) a very ])rctty device, made with a rope of their own making, [of bark or some kind of roots probably,] and having a noose as artillcially made as any roper in England can make, and as like ours as can be; which we brouglit away with us."* . / Preaching against Practice. — Johx Simon was a Sogkonatc, who, about the year 1700, was a settled minister to that tribe. He wtis a man of stronsr mind, generally temperate, but sometimes remiss in the latter particular. The fol- lowing anecdote is told as characteristic of his notions of justice. Siinon, on accotmt of his deportment, was created justice of the peace, and when dif- ficulties occurr imagine, who have not heard ef this per- sonage; but, notwithstanding his great notorii"ty, we miglit not be thought serious in the rest of < ;• work, were we to enter seriou; ly into his biography; for the reason, that ii'om his (lay to this, his name has been a by-word in id! New England, and means as much as to say the greatest of liars. It is on account of the following anecdote that he is noticed. n INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [Book 1, Sam Hide was a notorious cider-diiiiker as well as liar, and used to travel the country to and fro begging it from door to door. At one time he happened in a region of countiy where cider was very hard to be procured, either from its scarcity, or from Sam's fi-equent visits, liovvfever, cider he was detei-mined to have, if lying, in any shape or color, would gain it. Being not far from the house of an acquaintance, who he laiow had cider, but ho knew, or was well satisfied, that, in the ordinary way of begging, he could not get it, he set Jiis wits at work to lay a plan to insure it. Tliis did not occupy him long. On arriving at the house of the gentleman, instead of asking for cider, he in- quired for the man of the house, whom, on appearing, San requested to go aside with him, as he had something of importance to comnnuricate to him. When they were by themselves, Sam told him he had that morning shot a tine deer, and that, if he would give him a crown, he would tell him where it was. The gentleman did not incline to do this, but ofiered half a crown. Finallj', Sam said, as he had walked a great distance that morning, and was very dry, for a half a crown and a mug of cider be would tell him. This was agreed upon, and the price paid. Now Sam was required to point out the s|)ot where the deer was to be found, which he did in this manner. He said to his friend, You know of such a meadow, describing it — Yes — You know a higash tree, imth a big top by the little brook — Yes — Well, under that free lies tlie deer. This was satisfactory, and Sam departed. It is unnecessaiy to mention that the meadow was found, and the tree by the brook, but no deer. The duped man could hardly contain hims.^lf on considering what he had been doing. To look after Sam for satisfaction would be worse than looking afler the deer , so the farmer concluded to go home contented. Some years afler, he liaf)pened to fall in with the Indian ; and he inunediately began to rally him for deceiving him so, and demanded back his money and pay for his cider and trouble. ffliy, said Sam, would you find fault if Indian toM tndh half the time ? — No — JVell,tiaya Sam, you find him meadotot^ — Yes — You find him tree"^ — Yes — What for then you find fault Sam Hide, whtn he told you two trtdh to one lie ? The affair ended here. Sam heard no more from the farmer. This is but one of the numerous anecdotes of Sam Hide, which, could tbey be collectcul, would fill many pages. He died in Dedham, .'5 January, 17i32, nt the great age of 10.5 years. He was a great jester, and j)a>s»id for an un- common wit. In all the wars against the Indians during his lifetime, he Berved the English faithfully, and had the name of a brave soldier. He had himself killed 19 of the enemy, and tried hard to make up the 20tli, but was unable. Characters contrasted. — "An Indian of the Keimebeck tribe, remarka- ble for his good conduct, received a grant of land fi-om the state, and fixed himself in a new township where a number of fiuniliis weiv settled. Though uot ill tretited, yet the couunon prejudice against Indians prevented any sym- pathy with him. This was shown at the (huuli of his only child, when none of the people came near him. Shortly afterwards he went to some of tlio inhahilants and i-aid to them, Whin while man^s child dii\ Indian man he sorry — he help bury him. — IHun my child die, no one speak to mv — / make his gravr cdone, I can no live here. He gave iqi his liu'ui, dug up the body of his child, nnd carried it with him '200 milej through the liirests, to join the Canada Indians!"* Jl ludicrous Error. — There was |)ublished in Loiulon, in 17(1*2, "The American (Iazettkkr," &c.f in which is the following account of Dristol, J?. I. " A county and town in N. England. The capital is nMiunkahle for the King of Spain\s having a }„dace in it, and bring killeif Ihiir ; and also f()r fVofoi th(" pnet's begging it of CVirt/'/r.t H." The blmuler i, .')] says, (.iinn holy arjc of war apainst his devoted enemies, yet Ik; had so ninch remaiiiinfT virtne as wonld enahlo iiini to jtnnish himself mort; o.\(inisite!y than all their des])ieah!e, ijrnorant crowd possihiy eonid ; and that he would do so, if they jravc him liherty by nntyinj^ him, and liandin^^ him one of the red-hot giin-barrels ont of the fire. The proposal, and his method of addn ss, appeared HO exceedingly bold and nneonnnon, that his riMpiest was granted. Then suddenly seizing oni! o'ul of the red-hot barrel, and brandishing it from side to side, ipa))ed »lown a ])rodigions steen and high bank inlo a branch of the river, divecl through it, ran o\ or a small ishnid, and passed tln^ other bi-anch, urnidst a shower of bidlots ; and though nund)ers of his (.'nemies were in close pursuit of him, he got into a bramble-awain]), through whicdi, though naked ' and in a mangled condition, he reached bis own country." Jin unparalleled Cctse of SiiJJerinp^. — "The Shawano Indians caplmed a warrior of the Anantoocah nation, and ])nt him to the stake, accoi'ding to their nsiial cruel solemnities: having unconcernedly sull'ered much torture, he told them, with scorn, they did not know how to |)unish a noted enemy ; thoridbre lie was willing to t(,'a(;h them, aiul would contirui the truth of his asseilion if they allowed him the oj)portuuity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe and some tobaeco, whicdi was given him ; as soon as he had lighti'd it, Ik; sat tlown, naked as he was, on llie v\ii;ii( n';* hiu'iiiiig torches, that were within his circle, and contiinieil smoking his p.ipe without the least discom]i(isin'e : On this a head warrior l(>aped \'.\\ and said, tiny saw plain enough that he was a wavrior, and not afraid of dying, nor should he have died, only that he was l)0tli spoiled by the fire, and devoted to it by their laws; however, though ho was a veiy dangerous enemy, and his nation a tr.'acherons people, it should be se(!n that they paid a regard to bravery, even in oiu^ who wa.'> irked with war streaks at liie cost of many ot'llu! lives of ilieii- beloved kiiidi'cd ; and then I)y way of liivor, ho with his friendly tomahawk instaiUly ])Ut an end to all his pains." * fynornnee llic Offsprlna: ofnhnurd Opinions. — Tlu! resolution and courage of the Indians, says Colonel /{o^ers, "under sickness (uid pain, is truly surpi-is- ing. A young wcinian will bo in labor a whole bt; there nlxo, whoexpreDsed great rcHpect (uiened to come to the kuowledce of a Cliiiinook woman, and she determined at once to save his life : therelore, when the white man was about to return to his companions, the Indian was going to accomi)any him, and kill him in the way. As they were about to set out, the woman caught the white man by the clothes, to prevent his going with the Indian. Ilo, not under- standing her intention, pulled away from her ; but as a last resort, she ran out and shrieked, which raised the men in every direction ; and the Indian became alarmed for his own safety, and made his escape before tho white man knew lie had beru in danger. Self-convtmnd in Time of Danger. — There was in Carolina a noted chief of tho Yatnoisces, who, in the year 1702, with about GOO of his countrymen, wont with Colonel Daniel and Colonel Moore against the Spaniards in Flori- ohliged to da. His name was Arratommakaw. When tlic English were abandon their undertaking, and as they were retreating to their boats, they became alarmed, supposing tho Spaniards were upon thom. Amtlommakaw, having arrived at the boats, was rei»osing himself upon his oars, and was fast asleep. Tin; soldiers ndlied hitn for being so slow in his retreat, and ordered him to make more haste : "But he replied, 'No — though roua governor LEAVES YOU, I WILL NOT STIR TILL I HAVE SEEN ALL MY MEN BEKORE ME.' " Indifference. — Jlrchihan was a sachem of Blaryland, whose residence was upon the I'otomack, wlien that country was suttlod by the English in 1033-4. The i)laco of his residence was named, like tho river, Potomack. As usual with the Indians, he received tin; llnglish under Governor Calvert with great attention. It should he noted, that Archihau was not lieaer, or kill an *ateHt ditliculty with which they have lo contend. Their notions of pro- OhlmiMiii, [Hist, MnrylHud,] t FruiiAliii'i Mitiy*. 36 ANECDOTES, Sec, ILI.USTKATIVE fBooK r. priety upon innttei-s of conversation are so nice, that they deem it improper, in the highest degree, t, and said, ' What I delivered to you were sacred truths ; but what you tell me is mere fable, fiction, and falsehood.' The Indian felt indignant, and replied, 'My brother, it seems your friends have not done you justice in your education ; they have not well instructed ifou in the rules of common civility. You see that iPf, icho understand and practise those rules, believe all your stories : why do you refuse to believe ours ? ' " Curiosity. — " W^hcn any of the Indians come into our towns, our people are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where they desire to Ijc private; this they estoem great rudeness, and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. ' ff'e have,'' say they, 'rt,9 much curiosity as you, and when you come into our towns, tvc wish for opportunities of looking at you ; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind mishes where yjou are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your company.''" Itulcs of Conversation. — "The l)usines8 of the women is to take exact notice of what pluses, imprint it in their memories, (for they have no writing,) and communicate it to their children. Tlu-y are the records of the council, and they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundred years back ; which, when we compare with our writings, we always rind exact. lit! that would speak rises. The rest observe a profomni silence. When hi^ has finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that, if he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may rise again, and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in conunon conversa- tion, IS ifCkoned highly indeciMit. llow ditfiirent this is from the conduit of a pidite British House of (Commons, where scarce a day passes without sinne contiioion, that makes the speaker hoarse in calling to order ; and bow ditrerent from the mode of conversation in many polite companies of I'!urope, where, if you do not deliver your seiUence with great rapidity, you are cut otf in tin; middle of it by the im|iaticut loquacity of thow) you conver.-*! with, and never suffered to finish it!" — Instead of lieing better since the days of IVanklin, we apprehend it has grown worse. The modest and unassuming ofleii find it exceeding difficult to gain a hearing nt all. Ladies, aiul many who consider themselves examples of good manners, transgreas to an insiifrerable degree, in breaking in upon the converMitiona of othera. Some of these, like u Hhip • Tlin slory of tlio hrnutiriil womnii, wlm dciiccndcd to llic carlli, mid wns led liy llw Iiidiiiiis, lllark-llavk is inndo i<> tell, in \\\* lifp, |>nei; 7!). Il iv Frmiklin, in iIm> Irxl. To rrwnrd llic fndinns for llicir kindncsii, slip cniiaed corn 10 ({row when-, lior rijjht liiuid loucliwi llic (;ort|j,i>t'aijs wUitc llic left rested, and inbaeco wlicro the wm acaifd. Chap. III.] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS. 27 driven by a north-wester, hearing down the small craft in Iier course, come upon us l)y surprise, and if we attempt to pro(!ced by raising our voices a little, we are sure to be drowned by a much greater elevation on their part. It is a want of good breeding, which, it is hoped, every young person whose eye this may meet, will not be guilty of through life. There is great oppor- tunity for many of mature years to profit by it. Lost Confidence. — An Indian runner, arriving in a village of his country men» requested the immediate attendqi ce of its inhabitants in council, as lie wanted their answer to important infortiation. The people accordingly assembled, but when the messenger had with great anxiety delivered his message, and waited for an answer, none was given, and he soon observed that he was like- ly to he left alone in his place. A stranger present asked a princi|)al chief the meaning of this stiange proceeding, who gave this answer, " He once told us a lie. Comic. — An Indian having been found frozen to death, an inquest of his countrymen was convened to determine by what means lie came to such a death. Their verdict was, "Death from the freezing of a great quantity of water inside of him, wliich they were of opinion lie had drunken for rum." Jl serious Q^uestion. — About 1794, an officer presented a western chief with a medal, on one side of which President IVashiugton was represented as armed with a Hword, and on the other an Indian was seen in the act of burying the hatchet. The chief at once saw the wrong done his countrymen, and very wisely asked, " Why does not the President bury his sword too ? " * Self-esteem. — A white man, meeting an Indian, accosted him as brother. The red man, with a great expression of meaning in iiis countenance, uiquired how they came to be brothera ; the white man replied, O, by way of Adam, I suppose. Tlie Indian added, " Me thank him Great Spirit toe no nearer brothers.^* A Preacher taken at his fVord.^-A certain clergyman had for his text on a time, " Vow and pav unto the Lord thy vows.'" An Indian hapi)ened to be present, who steppca up to the priest as soon as he had finished, and said to him, "Now me vow me go home with you, Mr. Minister." The jtriest, liaving no liuiguage of evasion at command, said, " You must go then." VVhrji he had arrived at the home of the minister, the Indian vowed again, saying, " Now me vow me have supper." Wlien this was finished he said, "Me uoi^me stay all night." The priest, by this time, thinking himself sutFicientlv taxed, re- plied, "It may he so, but I vow you shall go in the morning." The Inilian, judging from the tone of his host, that more vows would be useless, depiu'ted in the mormug saiui cirhnonie. A case of signal Barbarity. — It i.s related by Hlack Hawk, in his life, that Home timi! before tlit^ wnr of IHliJ, one of the Indians had killed a rrench- niHM at Prairie des (Miifiis. "The Ih'itish soon after took liim nii-^oner, and said they would sIxMit him next day! His fiimily wen; oncauuKm a short dis- tances JM'low the mouth of the Duisconsin. lie begged pernussion to go and Hi'v thetn that night, as In* was to die thr next day! 'I'liey jx'rmitted him to go, ni'u-r |)roMiising to return the next morning by sniu'lse. lie visited his tiunily, which consisUvl of a wilb and six children. 1 cannot describe! their mc^eting and parting, to he uiKlerstoorl by the whites; as it appears that their li'elings arc; nct;'d upon by certain rules laid down by their /^/T^r/ifr.t.' — whilst ours an* govern' d only by the monitor within ns. lie part<-d from his wife and chil- dren, hurried through the priiiri<' to the fort, and arrived in time! The sol- •liers were ready, and iinmediHtely mitnhed out awl shot him down .'.'" — It' this were not cold-blooded, deliberate murder, on the part of tlm whites, 1 have lio conception of what constitutes that crime. What were the circnmstuiices •»f the iiiuider \M' are not inl'drriied; but whatever they may have been, they caniiKt excMNc a still gri'aler barbarity. I would not by any means be imder- kkkhI to nd\ocnte the cause of a murderer; but I will nsk, whether crime is t ni, than this resohiti(»n was destroyed ; for to rcKciio either to the exclusion of the rest, was worse than death itnelf to hitn. lie therefore fuced about and met the enemy, who had closely pursued him ; each fired * Mr. Mijrkk'a Ilisl. Haverhill, 8ft. t Hntcliimpn. { Kig;ln liousps were destroyed nl this lime, S7 nenons kil'od, and 13 carried awny eagliiMU. In Mr. U. L. Mynck'.i HLilory tr( Haverhill, are the names af the slain, i&c. 3» 30 EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. [Book I. upon the otlicr, and it is almost n miracle that none of the little retreating party wore hurt. The Indians did not [tnrsue long, from fear of raising the neighboring F'nglish before they conld complete their object, and hence this part of the family escaped to a place of safety. We are now to enter fnlly into the relation of this very tragedy. There was living in the honso of Mr. Dusion, an iinrse, Mrs. Mary .Veff,* a widow, whose heroic conduct in sharing tlie fate of her mistress, when escape was in her power, will always be viewed with admiration. The Indians were now in the nndisturhed possession of the house, and having driven the sick woman I'roni her bed, compelled her to sit quietly in the corner of the fire-place, while they completed the pillage of the house. This business being finished, it was set on fire, and Mre. Duston, who before considered herself imable to walk, waS; at tlie approach of night, obliged to march into the wilderness, and take her bed upon the cold ground. Mrs. Mff too late attempted to escape with the infant child, but was intercepted, the child taken from her, and its brains beat out against a neighboring apple-tree, while its nurse was compelled to accompany her new and frightful masters also. The captives amounted in all to l:^, some of whom, as tliey became unable to travel, were nnu-dered, and left exnosed upon the way. Although it was near night when they quitted Haverhill, they travelled, as they judged, 12 miles before encamping; "and then," says Dr. Mather, "kept up with their new masters in a long travel of an hundred and fifty miles, more or less, within a few days ensuing." f After journeying awhile, according to their custom, the InrMans divided their prisoners. Mi-s. Oiiston, Mrs. J^eff, and a boy named Samuel Leonardsov, | who nad been captivated at Worcester, about 18 months before, fell to the lot of an Indian family, consisting of twelve persons, — two men, thi'ce women, and seven children. These, so far as our accounts go, were very kind to their prisoners, but told them there was one ceremony wliicli tjiey could not avoid, and to which they would be subjected when thev should amve at their place of destination, which was to run the gantlet. Tlie place where this was to be performed, was at an Indian village, 250 miles from Haverhill, according to the reckoning of the Indians. In their meandering couree, they at length arrived at an island in the mouth of Contookook River, about six miles above Concord, in New Hampshire. Here one of the Indian men resided. It had been determined by the cajrtives, before their arrival here, that an eflTort should he made to free themselves from their ^vretched captivity ; and not only to gain tlu!ir liberty, but, as we shall presently sec, something by way of remuneration from those who held them in bondage. The heroine, Duston, had resolved, upon the first ojiportunity that ofiered any chance of success, to kill her ca|)toi's and scalp them, and to return home with such trophies est would clearly establish her reputation for heroism, as well as insure her a bounty from the i)ublic. She therefore comnuniicated her design to Mrs. JVeff and the English boy, who, it would seem, readily enough agreed to it. To the art of killing and scalping she was a stranger ; and, that there should be no failun) in the business, Mrs. Dttston instructed the boy, who, from his long residence witli tiiem, had become as one of the Indians, to inquire of one of the men how it was done. He did so, and the Indian showed him, with- out mistrusting the origin of the inquiry. It was now March the 31, and in the dead of the night following, this bloody tragedy was acted. When the Indians were in the most sound sleep, these throe captives arose, and softly arming themselves with the tomahawks of their masters, allotted th(! number each should kill ; and so truly did they direct their blows, that but one escaped that they designed to kill. This was a woman, whom they badly wounded, and one boy, for some reason thev did not wish to harm, and accordingly ho was allowed to escape unhurt. Mrs. Duston killed her master, and Lfonard- son killed the man who had so freely told him, but one day before, where to deal a deadly blow, and iiow to take oif a Bcalp. * She was a daiiglitcr of George Corliss, niiiJ married M'illiam Neff, wlio went after the army, and died at Peinmaquld, Fcd. 1588. Mijrick, Hist. Havl. 87. t Their course was probably very indirect, to elude pursuit, \ Hist, Haverhill, 89. Chap. III.] DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. 31 ess, lies Bf) lier a All was over bofore tiie dawn of day, and all things were got ready for leaving tiiis place ot" blood. All tlie boats but one were scuttled, to pievent being jiiu'sued, and, witli what provisions and arms the Indian camp allbrded, they embarked on board tlie other, and slowly and silently took the courae of the Merrimack River for their homes, where they all soon after arrived with- out accident. The whole countiy was astonished at the relation of the affair, the truth of which was never for a monieut doubted. The ten scalps, and the arms of the Indians, were evidences not to be questioned ; and the general court gave them filly pounds as a reward, and numerous other gratuities were showered upon them. Colonel JVicholson, governor of Maryland, hearing of the transac- tion, sent them a generous present also. Eight other houses were attacked besides Ditslon^s, t\)e owners of which, b;i\ .s the historian of that town, Mr. Mj/rick, in every ciuse, were slain while defending them, mid the blood of eaoh stained his own door-sill. J\''arly to put oil" the attack one day lonj,'er; Init on the urrival of the hcout under Gig^uicre, it was resolved to procee(i without delay. Schent^ctady was then in form like that of a long wiuan;, and entered by two f^ates, oni! at eacli end. One opened towards Albany, the other upon the f{tcnt roatl leudinf? into the Itack country, and which was now possessed by tiie French and Indians. Mtmlet and St. lldent cliarfjed at the second {fiite, which tlie Indian women belbre mentioned bad assm'cd them was nlways open, and they fouinl it so. IT Ibtrvilh and licpentli^ni passed to the M), in order to enter by the otluu' pate, but, after losiny iiad killed the family of Mr. Rains ; these Indians disapproved the pur- pos(! of taking the captive to the Hritisli camp, and one of them struck her with a tomahawk and tore off her scalp. This is the account given by her nephew. The account of Mrs. McJVeil is, that her lover, anxious for her safety, employeil two Indians, with the promise of a barrel of rum, to bring lu'r to him ; and that, in consequence of their dispute for the right of conduct- ing her, one of them murdered her. Gen. Gates, in his letter to Gen. Burgoyne of 2 .Sc|)tcml)er, says, 'she was dressed to receive her promised husband.' " Her brodier, on hearing of her fiitc, sent his family the next day to Albany, and, repairing to the American camp, buried his sister, with one Lieutenant Van Vcchten, three miles soiitli of Fort Edward. She was 23 yeara old, of an amiabl(! and virtuous character, and highly esteemed by all her acquaintance. It is said, and was believed, that she was engaged in marriage to Captain DnvLl Jones, of the Hritish army, a loyalist, who survived ber only a few yeai-H, and died, as was supposed, of grief for her loss. Her nephew, Colonel 'Jamrs McCrea, lived at Saratoga, in 182{}."t Under the name of Lucinda, Barlow has dwelt upon this murder in a strain that may be imitated, but not surpassed. We select from him as follows : — "One tlccil shall tell what fame ^eat AII)ion To glean the plunder ere their comrades rose. Two Mohawks met the maid— —historian, hold ! ''-— "She starts— with eyes upturned and fleeting breath, In (heir raised axes views her instant death. Her hair, half lost along the shrubs she passed. Rolls, in loose tangles, round her lovely waist ; Her kerchief torn lietrays the globes of snow, Thai heave responsive to her weight of woe. * There is no doubt but that they were obliged to subsist chiefly upon their t President AUm't American Biographical Dictionary, 57i. horses. 36 HEROISM OF MRS, 3IERRIL.— WHITE INDIANS. [Book I. With calrulating pause and demon fjrin They scizr her liaiuls, and, iliroiigh lier face divine, Drive tlie descciKhiig' axe ! — ihe shriek she sent Atlained lier lover's ear; hiMhilher bent With all the speed his wearied limbs could yield, Whirled his keen blade, and stretched upon Ihe field The yelling fiends, who there disputing; stood Her g'ory sr.ilp, their horrid prize of blood ! He sunk, delirious, on her lileless clay. And i)assed, in starts of sense, the dreadful day." In a note to the above i)nssages, Mr. Barlow says tliis tragical story of Miss McCrea is detailed almost literally. " Exlraordinan/ instance of female heroism, extracted from a letter written hif Col. .Tamos Perry to the Rev. .Fordaii Dodge, dated jYelson Co., A}/., 20 .'Ipril, 1788." — "On the fir,«*t of April inst., a iiimiber of Indians stnTounded the hoiisi; of one John Mrril, whieh was disedvered by the barking of a dog. Merril stepped to the door to see what he coidd discover, and received three nitisket-balls, which caused him to fall back into the house with a broken leg and arm. The Inditms rushed on to the door ; but it being instantly fiistened by his wife, who, with a girl of about 15 years of age, stood against it, the savages could not imiiiediattdy enter. They broke one part of the door, and one of them crowded jiartly throii,'y'h. The heroic mother, in the midst of her screaming children and groaning husband, seized iiii axe, and gave a fiital l)lovv to tiie savage ; and he falling headlong into the house, tlu; others, sup- posing they had gained their end, nishiMl after him, until four of them iell in like manner before Uit^y discovered their mistake. The rest retreated, which gave o|)portmiity again to secm'o the jloor. Thi^ coiKiuerors rejoiced in their victory, hopiiitf they had kiiliKl the whole company; but their expectations were soon daslied, by finding the; door again attacked, which tht^ bold iiKither cndtMivored once more to secure, with thi^ assistance of the yoimg woman. Their fJ^ars now came on them like n flood ; and they soon heard a noise on the top of the house, and then iuuiid the Indians were coming down the chinm . All hopes of di'liveriince seemed now at an end ; but tht? woimded man ordered his little child to tundile a couch, that was filled with hair and feathers, on the fire, which made such it smoke that two stout Indians came tumbling down into it. Tlu; wounded man, at this critical moment, sei/t-d a billet of wood, wountled as he was, iind with it succeeded in despatching the half-smothered Indians. At the' saint! moment, the door was attem|»ted by another ; but the heroine's arm had become too enlisebleil by her i.ver-exertiona to deal a deadly blow. She however caused him to retreat wounded. They then again set to work to ninke tluMr house more secure, not knowing but jinolher attack would be made; but they we-re not further disturbed. This iifliiir hai>pened in the evening, and the victors carefully watched with their new finnily until morning. A prisoner, that escaped immeiliately alhM-, said the Indian last mentioned was lli(> only oik^ that escaped. He, on returning to liis friends, was asked, ' What news ? ' said, ' IMagiiy bad news, for the s(|iiawH fight worse than the long-knives.' This afliiir hap|)en(!il at Newbardstovvn, about l.l miles from Sandy ('i'e<id peojde, very warlike, and their women were beautiful, compared with other Indians." Thus we have given so mucli of Ca|)tahi Stuarfs narrative as relates to the Whitf. Imuans, The reii lio' •• of it is taken up in details of several excur- sions, of many hundred mil'-, t' e interior of the continent, without any extraordinary occurrence, c ' t finding of a gold mine. He returned by way of the Mississi])i)i, and jnsidered a Juan of veracity by the late l.ieutenant-colonel Crugei; of .South Carolina, who reconunended him to the genth.'mau who (•onununicaten in different nations, and lived many y fnim his youth with th<- Indians. He said he was once attend- ing an einbnssy at an Inilian town, on the west side of the Mississippi, where the inlinbitant.s spoke Welsh, "as he was told, f(>r he did not understand them" himself. An Indian, n.tnied Josiph Peip)f, Mr. Ihatt;i\i interpreter, suid lie onct> saw some Indians, whom he sup|)osed to be of the same tribe, who talked Welsh, lie was sun- lliey ndked VVelsh, for he liad been nci|uainteil with Welsh people, and knew some words they used. To the above IMr. Utttll;/ adds: "I have been iiilormed, that many years ngo, a etc rgyniMii went from Mritain to \'irginia, and ha\ iiig lived some time thero, went tiom theiicu lu 8. Carolina; but ul\er tMiiiu time, fur buiiiu reuitoni 38 WHITI], INDIANS. [Book f. he resolved to return to Virginia, and accordingly set out by land, accom- panied witli some oilier ));'rsons. In travelling lluvngli the hack parts ol" the eonntry, wliieli was tlien very tliinly inlialiiteii, lie llll in with a party of In- dian warriors, iroing to ai lack the inlialiilantH of Virginia. Upon examining tli(! clergyman, and iiiidiiig he was going to Virginia, they looked ii])on him and his (■ompaiiions as luiongirrgtotliat iirovinee, and took lliem all |)risoners, and told them they must die. Tlu- elcrgyman, in ])i'('|)aration for anolla.'r world, went to prayer, ami, heing a Welshman, i)rayed in the Welsh language. One or more ol" the Indians was nnieh surprised to hear him pray in their own language. Upon this they spoke to him, and finding ho could under- sta)id th(;m, got the s(Mitenc(! of death reversed, and his life was saved. Thiiy took him «iih tiuim into their country, where Ik; found a trihe whose native language was Welsh, thougii tlie dialect was a little diflirent from his own, which he soon cana; to undcM'stand. They showed him a hook, which Ik; found to he the JJihle, hut v,liich tiiey could not read; and on his reading and e.xplaiiiing it, their regard I'or him was much heightened." After some time, tin; minister proposed to these; peoph; to return to his own country, and i)ron!- isrd to return again to them with others ol" his friends, who would instruct tliem in Christianity; hut not long after his return to England, he died, which put an end to his design. It is very natural to iiKpiire how these Indians, tnongh descended from the Welsh, came hy hooks; for it is well known that tlu; period at which tliB Welsh must have come; to America, was long helbre j)rinting \vas discovered, or that any writings assumed the form of hooks as we now have them. It shoidd he here noted thiit Air. Jicalli/ travelled in the antinnn of ITdti. Major /fogvc.?, in his "Concise Acconnl of North America," pidilished in I7(!.>, notices the ^Vllite Indians; hutitlie geography of their country he Itjaves any where on the west of tin; !\iississip]ii ; prohahly never hiiving visited th(;ni himsellj although he tells ns In; had travi;lled very e\tcnsivmonies ol' the (Miristiiui worship; and at length this is nniversally helieved there to In; a liict. ('apt, .llinthftm ('litijiliiin, of Kentucky, a gentleman whose veracity may he entirely depi with iniy nation that we at present are ac(inainted with." Hi "".'/ ha; who travi lied among ]'\ irilie»< of Indians in IHIO, &.c., natncs one near a great nioiintiiiii uliieh lie coIIm iMnacedeux. lie said Or. Sibley Chap. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 39 had told him, when at Natchitoches!, tiint a number of travellers had assured him, that there was a strong similarity hcjtween the Indian language and many words of the Welsh. Mr. Kvr found nothing among any of the Indians to indicate a Welsh origin until he arrived among the Mnacedeus. Here ho t()und many customs which were Welsh, or common to that people, and he adds; "I did not under.'^tand the Welsh language, or I should have heen en- abled to have thrown more light ujton so interesting a subject," as they had "printed books among them wiiich wore i)reserved with great care, they having a tradition that they were brought there by their tbrefathers." Upon tliis, in another place, he observes, "The books ap|)eared very old, and were evident- ly printed at a time when there had been very little iniprovemrnt made in the easting of types. I obtained a few leaves from one of the chiefs, suftieient to have thrown light on the su'./ject; but in my subsequent disjuites with the Indians, I lost them, and all my endeavoi's to obtain more, were ineffectual." How or at what time these hidians obtained " printed liooks," Mr. Ker does not give us his opinion ; although he says nnich more about them. There are a great number of others who have noticed these Indians ; but aft(!r an examination of them all, I am luialile to add much to' the above stock of inlbrmntion concerning them. Lpon tlie whole, we think it may be |»retty safely said, that the existence of a race of Welsh about the regions of the I^Iissouri does not rest on so good authority as that which has been adduceil to establish the exist»!nce of the sea-serpent. Should any one, however, choose to investigate the subject fiu'tiier, he will find pretty ami)le referi'uces to authors in which the subj(?et has been noticed, in a note to the life of Ma- dokawando, in our third book. In addition to which, he may consult the authorities of MouUon, as pointed out in his History of Now Ywk. ■"Olfi^i mil IS Tiiey )ii(leu iaiis, Dll til"!! tlieiii H for luscs ; they ve lif- uith." . Jnh II with ciifd- ■(■(iillil :es of lillil.", r, tli(i g at a ig iho f ihei liict. II \ be itioii] there, ersed f the lames Sibky CHAPTER IV. Amk.uican Antiquities — Far Indian Anliquitiis — Of Moviuls and their contents — Jkcount of those in Cinciumiti — [n the Miami country — Works supposed to har.t been built for defences or fortiji rations — Some at Piijua — Sear Hamilton — Afilford — Decrfielil — Six. iniUs ubiire Libanon — On Paint (.'reel; — .ll Marietta — .4< Circle' riVe — Their ai(e uncertain — lidrlcs uii Licking liiccr — Ancient excavations or wcllt near A'etcark — rarious olhcr works. To describe the antiipiities of America would not re handed down liom till' a'eorigiiiai hidians, that wh i they settled in a town, tin' tirst pii-soii who died was |ilaeed eri cl, and earth pi'.t ahout him, so iw to coser and support iijin; liiid ihtit wliiJi another ilied, a narrow jia.-sage was dug to the lli-st, the 40 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [OooK I. second reclined against him, and the cover of earth rejjlared, and so on. There being one of theae in my ncighhorhood, I wislied to satiyfy myself whether any, and whicli of these ojjinions were just. For this purpose, I determined to open and examine it thoroiigiily. It was si*.iated on the low grounds of the Rivanua, aliout two miles al)ovc its i)rinci|)ul fork, and opjwsite to some hills, on which hud been an Indian town. It was of a spheroidal form of about 40 feet diameter at tiie base, and had been of about 12 feet altitude, though now reduced by ihc |)lough to seven and a half, having been under cultiva- tion about a do/en years. IJefbrc this it was covered with trees of 12 inches diameter, and round the basi; was an excavation of five feet depth and width, from wlience tiie c.nrth had been taken of which the hillock was formed." In this mound my author tbiuid bundance of human bones, which, from their position, it was evident had been thrown or piled j)roniiscuously there together; bones of the heatl and feet being in contact; "some vertical, some ol)li(|ue, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the coini)ass." Thes(3 bones, when exposed to the air, crumbled to d\ist. Some of the skulls, jaw-l3ones, ami teeth, were taken out nearly in a perfect state, but would fall to pieces on being examined. It was evident that this assemblage of bones was made up from persons of all ages, and at difl'erent periods of time. The mound was composed of alternate strata of hones, stoncis, and earth, llenco it would seem that barrows, or mounds, as they are most usually called, were formed by the Indians, whose custom it was to collect the hones of their de- ceased friends at certain periods, and deposit them together in this manner. "But,"i\lr. Jefferson observes, "on whatever occasion they may have been made, they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians : for a party jjaasing, about 80 years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow is, went through the woods directly tb it, without any instructions or inquiry, and having staid about it some time, with expressions which were construed to be those of sorrow, they returned to the; liigh road, which tlu^y had lefl about half a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey." In these tumuli are usually found, with the bones, such instruments only as api)ear to have been used for superatitious purposes, ornaments or war. Of the latter kind, no more formidable weajjons have been discovered than tomahawks, spears and urrow-heads, which can be supposed to have been deposited bi;fore the arrival of I'uropeans in America. What Mr. Jrfferson found in the harrow he dissected besides bones, or whether any thing, he does not inform us. In several of these depositories in the city of Cincinnati, which Dr. Daniel Drake exfuuined, numerous utensils were found. He has given a most accurate account of them, in which he has shown himself no less a philosopher than anticjuary. He divides them into two classes, ancient and modern, or ancient and more ancient. " Among the latter," Ik; says, " there is not a single (Mlifiee, nor any ruins which j»rove the existence, in former ages, of a building composed of imperishabh! materials. No fhiguient of a column , no bricks ; nor a single hewn stone larg(! enough to have been incorporated into a wall, has been discovered." There w<'n! several of these mounds or tumuli, 20 years ago, within a short tipacv in and about ('iriciimati ; but it is a remarkable fact, that the plains on the opposite side of the River Ohio have no vestiges of the kind. The largest of thos(! in Cineinuati was, in 17!I4, about ;r) feet in height; but at this time it was cut down to '27 by order of (Jeneral Wayne, to make it serve as a watch- tower for a sentinel. It was about 440 feet iu circnnderence. Almost every travi'ller of late years has said something upon the niound.«, or fiirtificafions, scattered over the south and west, from I'Morida to the lakes, and from the Hudson to IMexico and the I'acific Ocef.n. By soiue tliey are reckoned at several ihunsands. Mr. liracktnridee supposes there m ay bo .'iOOO; but it would iMtl outrage )irm down at twice thai number. Indi-ed no one can form any just estimate in respect to the niuulier i or two of which may be mentioned : — llio plough, i'Xi'a\ations and levellings for towns, roads, and variious who deserve to be classed among such ; but I would not be understood to include those of South America, for there the inhabitants evidently had a hieroglyphic language. Among the inscriptions upon stone in New Euglaiul, the " Inscribed Rock," as it is called, at Dighton, Jlass., is doubtless the most remarkable. It is in Taunton River, about six miles Inflow the town of Taunton, and is partly immersed by the tide. If tliis inscription was made by the Indians, it doubtless had some meaning to it ; but I doubt whether any of them, except such as happened to know what it was done lor, knew any thing of its import. The divers fiiccs, figures of lialf-fbrmed animals, and zigzag lines, occupy a space of about 20 square feet. The whim- sical conjectures of many persons about the origin of the inscription, might amuse, btit could not instruct ; and it would be a waste of time to give on account of them. ■€hap. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 45 A stone, once thought to contain some marvellous inscription, was deposit- ed a few years since in the Antiquarian Hall at Worcester, Mass. ; and it was with some surprise, that, on examining it, I found nothing but a few lines of quartz upon one of its surfaces. Tlie stone was singular in no respect beyond what may be found in half the farmers' fields and stone fences in New Eng- land. In a cave on the bank of the Ohio River, about 20 miles below the mouth of the Wabash, called Wilson's or Murder's Cave, are figures engraven upon stone, which have attracted great attention. It was very early possessed by one Wilson, who lived in it with his family. He at length turned robber, and, collecting about 40 other wretches like himself about him, took all the boats which passed on the river with any valuable goods in them, and murdered the crews. He w;u^ himself murdered by one of his own gang, to get the reward which was oflTered for his apprehoiisiun. Never having had any drawings of the hieroglyphics in this cave, wi^ cunnot form any very conclusive opinion upon them. As a proof of their antiquity, it has been mentioned, that among these unknown characters are iiuuiy figures of animals not known now to be in existence ; but in my o[)ini()ii, tliis is in no wise a conclusive argument of their antiquity; for the same maybe snid of the imcouth figures of the In- dian nianitos of the present day, as well as those of the days of Powhatan. At Harmony, on the ftli.ssissippi, are to be seen the prints of two feet imbed- ded in hard limestone. The celel)ratcd Rappe conveyed the stone containing them from St. Louis, and kept it upon his premises to show to travellers. They are about the size of those made by a common man of our times, im- nccustomed to shoes. Some conclude them to be remains of high antiquity. Tliey may, or may not be : then; are arguments for and against such conclu- sion ; but on which side the weight of argument lies is a matter not easily to be settled. If these impressions of feet were made in the soft earth before it was changed into Ibssil stone, we should not expect to find impressions, but a formation filling them of another kind of stone (called organic) from that in which the impressions were made; for thus do organic remains discover themselves, and not by their absence. A review of the theories and opinions concerning the race or races anterior to the present race of Indians would perhaps be interesting to many, and it Avould be a pleasing subject to write upon : but, as I have elsewhere intimated, my only object is to present facts as I find them, without wasting time iu commentaries; unless where deductions cannot well be avoided without leav- ing the subject more obscure than it would evidently be without them. Every conjecture is attended with objections when they are hazarded upon a subject that cannot be settled. It is time enough to argue a sulyect of the nature! of this we are upon, when all the facts are collected. To write volumes about Shem, Ham, and Japhct, in connection with a few isolated facts, is a most ludicrous, and worse than useless business. Some had said, it is an argument that the first jiopulation canje from the north, because the works of which we have been s|)eaking increase in importance as we proceed south ; but why they should not begin until the people who constructed them had ar- rived w'ithin 40° of the o(|uator, (for this seems to be their boundai^ north,) it is not stated. Perhaps this ))eople came in by way of the St. Lawrence, and did not need any works to delinid them before arriving at the 40° of north latitude. The reader will readily enough ask, porliaj).'*. For what ])urposo could fortifications have been built by the first j)eople? To defend them- selves from wild beasts, or from one another? With this matter, however, wo have nothing to do, l)ut were led to these remarks, pre|)aratory to a compari- son iK'tween the antiquities of the north, with those of the south. On die other hand, it is said the original people of North America must have come from the south, and that their progress northward is evident from the same works ; witli this ditlerenc(!, that as the peo|)le atlvanced, they dwindled into insignificance; and hence the remains which they left are proportionate to their ability to make thcui. But there is nothing artificial among the ancient ruins of North America timt will compare with tin; artificial moimtainof Ana- huac, called Cholula, or Chlolula, which to this day is about l(i4 feet in perpen- dicular height, whose base occiijties a square, the side of which measures 1450 40 A»IERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book I. feet. Upon tliis the Mexicans liiul nii iinmeiiBe wooden feini)le when Coiicz ovcrniii tlieir empire. A city now hears the name of Choiula, in I'nehia, (KJ miles east of IMexieo. Vet it appears iWim Dr. WtA's (ja/ettcer of Ilhiiois, that tiien; is standing hetween iJullcvine and 'Ji. Lonis, n moimd (iOO ym'ds in eirenmfercneo at its hase, and itO feet in laiifiht. Moimt .loliet, so naniiMl from tiie Hienr Joiiel, a I'^renchman, who trav<'ii(!d npon Ihi; Mississipjii in ](i7;{, is a most ilistingnislicd monnd. It is on a phiin al)ont (JOO yards west of tiic llivcr des I'laines, and ITiO miles ahove Fort Clark. l\Ir. Schoolcraft compnted its ]ieii;lit at (JO feet, its leiifrth ahont 450 yards, and its width 75. lis sides are BO sleep that tliey are ascended with diilieidly. its top is a beantiiid plain, from uliieh u most d(!lightt'u! prospect is had of ilie Hnrronndin'; eoimtry. It s(M'ms to have hwn composed ol" the twirth ol" the plain on which it stands. liako Jolict is sitnated in front ol' it; being a small hody of water about u mile in length. Although the remains of the ancient inhabitants of Sontii America difl'cr consideraldy from tiiose of North America, yet 1 hav(( no donht hut that the ])coplo are of the same race. The contlition (!ven of savages changes. No nation remniiis stationary. The western Indians in the neighborhood of the hdces do not make pottery at the present day, hnt eiulhen ntensils are still in tis(^ among the remote trih(>s of the west. This is similar lo that dug uj) in Ohio, and both ar(i similar to that foinid in South America. In speaking of "ancient ]iottery," ]Mr. Schoolcrnjl oiiserves, " It is common, in digging at these salt mines, [in Illinois,] to lind Iragments of anli(pi(( pot- tery, and even entire i)ots oi' a coarse earthcMiware, at great dejiths below the surlace. One of those pot.s, which was, nntil a V(!ry recent period, preserved I)y a gentleman at Shawaneetown, was disinterred at u dejjtli of 80 feet, and was of a capacity to contain eight or ten gallons." We see aimoiinced from time to time, in tlie various news)ia])ers and other periodicals, discoveries of wonch'rtiil things in various places; liut on exam- ination it is generally found that they fall far short of what we are hul to ex- pect from the descriptions given of them. We hear of the ruins of cities in the banks of the Mississippi ; copper and iron nt'' their existence by a gentleman of nn- doid)ted veracity. Unfortmiately for the ease he n'lalcs, the persons who dis- covered the rinns, came ufion them in digging, at about 18 feet below tlie siu'- face of tiio ground, and when al)<)ut to make investigation, water broke iu upon them, and they were obliged to make a hasty retreat. "A lortitied town of coiisidi'rable extent, n<'ar the Kiver St. Francis," npon the Missi.ssi|»|)i, was said to have been diseover, ceincnteil In/ morUir." I'pon some of thes(! ruiiUii were trees growing whose ainmal rings mmihered ;}00. Some of the bricks, Kiys Dr. .Mc.Miirlnc, were at Louisville when he wrot(! his Sketches; and they were "composed ol" clay, niixtMl with <:lio|)ped and twisted .straw, of ix'gnlar figures, hardened by the a<'tion of fire, or the sun." Mr. Prlf.ll, in his " American Aiititpiities," mentions the ruins of two cities within a few miles of cacli other, nearly opposite St. Louis; but from what ho savs of them 1 am miahle to determine what those ruins art; composed of Alter -piiintim.' out the siie o|' them, he eontinncs, "ller(> is situated one of those pyramids, which is 151' rods in cireumliniu'e ut its base, and 100 liict Chap. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUfTIES. 47 hif^li." lie spcnks of " cities," hut describes pyrniriids and mound.*!. If tliero Iks any thiii;^ like tlie works of inen, at the jihices h(! points out, ditfcniut from what is couunon in the west, it is v(!ry singular that they should not have at- tracted the notice of some one of the many thousands of people who luivo for 50 years passed !)y them. Mr. Jirackennd^e speaks of the antiquities at this |)lacc, but docs not say any thing about cities. He observes, "The most remarkable appearances are two grou])s of mounds or pyranuds, the one about 10 miles above Cnhokiu, the other nearly the same distance below it, which, in all, exceed 150, of various sizes. The western side also contains a considerable mnnbcr. "A more minute description of those abfint Cahokia, which I visited in ^.lo (iiil of IHll, will give a tohirable idea of tli(!m all. 1 crossed the Mis.sis!--,ppi at St. Loui.'t, and aller pas.sing through the wood which borders the river, about half a mihi in width, entered an extensive open [)lain. In 15 minutes, I found myself in the midst of a grouj) of mounds, mostly of a circular slwn)e, and at a di.stauce resembling enormous hay.'ent in this manner, had l)eeii devoted to some useful j)ur- snit, some useful object would have been attained. As the matter now stands, one object, nevertheless, is clearly attained, namely, that of misleading or con- founding the understandings of many uninforiTU d people. I am led to make these observations to put the unwary upon their guard. In the iireceiling cliajner 1 have giv(«i various accounts of, or accounts from various authoi-s, who imagine that a colony of Welsh came to America 7 or 800 yeai"s ago. It is as truly astonishing as any thing we meet with to observe how many persons had found proofis of the existence of iribes of VVcslsh In- dians, about the same period, As a case exactly in point with that miMitioned at the lieginning of the last paragra])li, I otter what JMr. lirachtimd^c says upon this matter. "That no Welsh nation exists," he o!)serves, "at present, on this continent, is beyond a doubt. Dr. liarton has taken great pains to as- certain the languages spoken by those tribes east of the Hlississii)i)i, and the Welsh finds no jilnce amongst them ; since the cession of liouisiana, the triltea west of the Mississippi have been sutHciently known ; we havt^ had inter- course with them all, but no Welsh are yet found. In the year 17!tH, a younj^ Welshtnan of the name of Kvnus ascrndiMl the Missouri, in conij)any with Makey, and remained two years in that country ; lie spoke both the; ancient anil modern Welsh, and addressed himself to every nation between that river and New Spain, but found no Welshmen." Tliis, it would seem, is coiiclu- Bive enough. Mr. Perk, hi his "(Jazetteer of Illinois," has aimed bo ha])]iy a stroke at the writers on oiu" antiipiity, that, had I iiU-t with his rod before I bad made the previous r«*marks, I should most certainly have made use of it. I sliidl never- theless use it. Afb'r saying soMielhing upon the aiiticpiititis of Illinois, lie pro- ceeds: "Of OIK! thing the writer is satisfied, that very imperfei t and iiicorrecl data have been relied upon, and very erroneous conclusions drann, upon western aiitiiiuities. Whoever has time and patience, and is in other resjiectH qualified to explore this field of science, and will use liis s|mde luid eyes to- gether, and restrain his imagination from rmminji riot amongst mounds, forti- fications, lioi"seslioes, medals, and whole cabinets of relics of the "olden time," will fiiul very littk- more than the indications of rudo savages, the Hiuestors ©f the present race of Indians." r.ND OF DOOK FIRHT. i p cm' s 3 \. i II BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY . OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. •»* BOOK II. I ■r* !•) y -,^ --,«,.fc'*='* Im'il in \io\vii:iJ tlu' iipiT ;ii !i iii';. i; llur,,;,. afl .'iiji) i , ■ r rli iiii 1 Ma^Bna^ktar Manner in which snino trilws of tho We»t diHposc f)f llieir dead. V- BOOK II. , : BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN OR NEW ENGLAND INDIANS. " 'Tig good to muse on nations passed away Forever from the land we call our owii." Yamotdsk, CHAPTER I. Conduct of the early voyagers towards the Indians. — SmneaccourU of the individuals Donacona — Agona — Tasquantum, or Squanto — Dehamda — Skettwarroes — Assacu- met — Manida^Pechmo — Monopet — Pekenimne — Sakatoeston — Epanow — Manawet — Wanape — Coneconam. The first voyagers to a country were anxious to confirm the truth of their accounts, and therefore took from their newly-discovered lands whatever seemed best suited to that object. The inhabitants of America carried off by Europeans were not, perhaps, m any instance, token away by voyagers merely for this object, but that they might, in time, learn from tnem the value of the coimtry from whence they took them. Besides those forcibly carried away, there were many, doubtless, who went through overpersuasion, and ignorance both of the distaiice and usage they should meet with in a land of strangers ; which was not always as it shouki hav e been, and hence such as were ill used, if they ever returned to their own country, were prepared to Ijc revenged on any strangers of the same color, that chanced to come among tliem. In the first voyage of Columbus to America, he took along with him, on his rcturft to Spain, a considerable number of Indians ; how many we do not know ; but several died ou their j)a88age, and seven were presented to the king. Vimente Yaiiez Pinzoti, a captain under Columbus, kidnapped four natives, whom he intcndtul to sell in Spain for slaves ; but Columbus took them from liirn, and restored them to their iWends. lu tliis first voyage to the islands of the now world, the blood of several Indians was shed by the hostile arms of the Spaniards.* Tlicre were three natives presented to Henry VII. by Sebastian Cabot, in LWi, which he liuil Uilieu from Newibunditmd. What were tlieir names, or wiiat Iteenine of tiiem, we are, not informed; but from the notice of historians, we learn that, when found, "they were clotlied with the skins of beasts, and lived on raw flesh ; but after two years, [residence iu England,! were seen in the king's court clotlied like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from • !My prcsiMil poiircru not !»cinfr with the Indians ol' Snulli Anicrira, I hvg leave to refer tl» readur to ii lillli- work liitrly piiblisluMl, i-iiliilod Thk Oi.n Imihan Chkdnici.k, in wliirli nil the prominent I'ucts coacernin!^ tlio ntrucities of tiie Spaninrds towards them will be found stated. <\ I 1 CONDUCT OF EARLY VOYAGERS [Book II. I| ' Englishmen."* These were the first Indians ever seen in England.f They were brought to the English court "in their country habit," and "spoke a language never heard before out of their own country." J The French discovered the River St. Lawrence m 1508, and the captain of the ship who made the discovery, carried several natives to Paris, which were the first ever seen in France. What were their names, or even how many they were in number, is not set do>vn in the accounts of this voyage. The name of this captain was Thomas ^ubert.§ John Verazzini, in the service of France, in 1524, sailed along the American coast, and landed in several placed. At one place, which we judge to be some part of the coast of Connecticut, " 20 of his men landed, and went about two leagues up into the country. The inhabitants fled before them, but they caught an old woman who had hid herself in the high grass, with a young woman about 18 years of age. The old woman carried a child on her back, and had, besides, two little boys with her. The young woman, too, carried three children of her own sex. Seeing themselves discovered, they began to shriek, and the old one gave them to understand, by signs, that the men were fled to the woods. They offered her something to eat, which she accepted, but the maiden refused it. This girl, who was tdl and well shaped, they were desirous of taking along with them, but as she made a violent outcry, they contented themselves with taking a boy away with them."|| The name of New France was given to North America in this voyage. In another voyage here, Verazzini was killed, and, as some say, eaten by the Indians. Few of the early voyagers were better than demi savages, for they would retaliate upon tlie Indians as though they had been on equal footing with them, in respect to their own ideas of justic^. When Capt Hudson discovered and sailed up the river \^ich now bears his name, the most flagrant itrjustice was committed on the Indians by some of his men. To set that affair in a clear light before the reader, we will give the following passages from the journal of Robert Juet^ one of the voyage. 1609, Sept. 6. Our master sent John Colman witli four men to sound the river, four leagues distant, which they did, but in their return to the ship, they were set upon by Indians in t^vo canoes, to the number of 26 ; in which affair John Colman was killed by on arrow shot uito his throat, and two others were wounded. The next day Column was buried on a point of land which to this day bears his name. What offence, if any, was given to the Indians to provoke this attack from them, can never be discovered; but from the coureo of^proceedings of Hudson^s men, there can be but httle doubt of offence of some kind on their part. Sept. 8. The people came on board us, and brought tobacco and Indian wheat, to exchange for knives and beads, and offered us no violence. So we, fitting up our boat, did mark them, to see if they would make any show of the death of our man, but they did not. Sept. 9. In the morning two great canoes came on board full of men ; one with hows and arrows, and the other in show of buying knives to betray us ; but we perceived their intention. We took two of them, to have kept them, and put red coats on them, and would not suffer the others to come neai* us, and soon after the canoes leave them. Immediately two other natives came on board us; one we took, and let the other go, but he soon C8caj)ed by jump- ing overboard. * Rapin's Ilist. England, i. 685. ed. fol. t This is upon llie imlhority of ihrktly. Instead of Englarul, liowevcr, he says Europe ; but, by siiyiiip ihe six, whicli Columbus had l)elbre taken from St. 8alva(k)r, made tlicif escape, lie sliows liis superficial knowledge of tliose affairs. Miuir Herrera : — " En siiitte de ceia, Uliat is, after Columlms tiad replied to the king's letter about a second voyage,'] il [Columbus] partit pour allcr a Jiarcelone auec sept Imlietis, parte que les autres stoifnt marts en chemin. II Jit porter awque luy ues perrnquets verds, et de rouges, et i'.' autres clioses digrus d' admiration rpu n'auoient iamais est'' veufs en Espagne." Hist, des fndc!* Occident, i. 102. Kd. IGliO, 3 tomes, 4to. See also HarriSfVoyuges, ii. 15. ed. 1764, I' V. fol. ; Rol eifson. America, i. 'Jl. ed. 1778, 'Ito. f Herkelv':i Mayal Ilist. lint, iifia. ed. 175 TJiey were uU of one nation, !)Ut of 8(!veml purts, uud severul liuniheH. Thi» accident inunt Ini ueknowleilKud the nieuus, under God, of putting on foot und giving life to ull our pimitution»." Paying greut attention to l\,c.mi luitivt^H, he hoou understood enough by them about the country from whenct) they cmne to establish a belief tliut it wuh of great vniuo ; not |Ku-lia|>H making due allowunce for itH being tiieir home. And tsir Ferdxnando adds, " Athr 1 had those people Bonietunen in my custody, 1 observed in them ui> inclination to follow tlie extuiinle of the l)etter Hort ; and in ull tlieir cwriages, manifest shoWs of great civility, liir from tlie rndeues8 of our common peojilt-. \ud tlu! longer I conversed with them, the better hope they gave me of those pmts where tliey did inhabit, us projjer for our uses; especially when 1 found whut goodly rivers, sUitely islands, and sale hai'bors, those pmls abonndcul with, bu'iuj? the special marks I leveled at as the only want our nation met with in all tlieir navigutious along that coast. Aud having kept tiiem full tluee years, I made tiiem able to set me down whut great rivers run up inlo the liuid, what men of note were seated on them, what power they were ot| how allied, what enonjies they had," &.c. Thus having gained a knowledge of tlie country. Sir Fcrdinmulo got i-eudy "ttship furnished with men and ull necessuries" for a voyage to America, and sent as her captain Mr. Hrnrif Cludloung^] with whouj he alst) sent two of his 1 ndians. The niuues of tiiise were .Isaacumel uuil Manida. Cludom, having Lcen taken sick hi the bcgiiiiihig of the voyage, altered his courae, and lost some time in the West ludit;.s. Ath-r beuig able to jirocecMl northward, he departed from Porto Uico, and v.as soon alter taken by u Spanish flciet, and carrieH into Spain, " \vhcri> ilieir ship luid goods were confiscate, themselves made prisotiii-s, the voyage overtlirovyn, tuid both my natives lostJ' One, however, ^hmcumd, was alt rwarils recovered, if not the other. This voyage of Chalons was in 1()0(>. It appears that, tin; Loril Chief Justice Popham I hud agreed to siaid a vessel to the aid of (Vki/oh,*, wliicb was accordingly done before 'the news of his lanng tidven was known in England. For ii\r Ferdiiuuido Gorges says, "It pleased the lonl chief justice, accorduig to his promise, to ilespatch Capt. [.Wartm] Prin from Bristol, ,ith hope to have fomul Capt. Challounae ,•" "but not hearing by any means whut became of him, utter he had made a l)erfi!Ct discovery of nil those rivei-s and harboi-s," "brings with hun the most exact discovery of Uiat const that ever came to my lutmls siuct;, und,^ indeed, lie \viis the iH'st able to perform it of any I met withal to this jtresent, [time,] which, with his relation of the country, wrought such an hnpressiou in the lonl chief justice, aiul us all tJiat were his lussociatcs, that (noiwiihstmuling our lii-st disaster) we set up our resolutions to follow it with etfect." Dtliainda aud S'icltwarmcs \v«>re with Pr»i§ in tliis voyage, and wtu-e, with- out doubt, his most elhcicnt aids in surveying the coast. It appeui-s from Gorges, thut IJehamda wus sent by the chief jiustice, who we suppose liud considered him his property,|| and SkttUvarroes by hijnself. They returned again to England with Prin. " h socins, from (his pari ot liis niirraiivt', liiat liu had but tlicoc of them, but, from subsequent passages, it up|M;urs h: hiul tjiem all. See iilso Ameriru painUd tttthe Life. t CTiallaui, by some, (iovffcs has biin, suiuetimcs, Clialoirns, Cludon, Ate. I'lUti sunui who |)r«!iitleii at the trial of Sir W. KiiUgh anil his associiUes, in lG(X5s See Prltire's tt'or/Ziu-s of Devon, (H'i, ()73. Ftdler, in his ^\'orthi«s of EiifflanJ, li. "281, says, ''Travelers owed their safety to this judge's severity many years afler his ileath, which imppencd Anno Domini Iti**,'' thinking-, no doubt, he had much enlightened his render by definitely stating lliaf Sir Mm I'oplium died some lime within a hundreif years. The severity referred to has rcletence to his im|>ortuniiig Kini? James not to pardon so many robbers and thieves, which, he said, tended to render tite judges conlemptiblo, and " which made him more sparing allcrward."' ^ Gorges, one of tiie main springs of those transactions, who wrote tJie account we give, makes no mention of any other captain accompanying him ; yet Dr. Ilolmfs's authorities, Aiittals, i. 125, led him to record Tlionuts Ilanam as the jwrformcr of this voyage. And a writer of Wii sajs, Hajutm, or, as he calls him, Hanuxn, went commander, and Privnt master. See t Col. Maai. Hist. Soc. ix. 3. This agrees witli the aceount of Gorges the younger. II He bad probably been given to him by Sir Ftrdinando. Ji > Chap 1.] TOWARDS THE INDIANS. ." Inch Tby liim The next ycur, 1G07, these two iiutivcs piloted the first New Euglu!i(l colony to the nioiitli of SugiulHliock River, Binco the Kennt^heck. They left Engluml ;J0 May, and did not arrive here until 8 August following, " As soon us the jiresideut hud tuken notice of the place, and givon order for landing iho provisions, he d(!spatchetl away Captain Gilbert, with SkUioarres his guide, for the thorough discovery of tlie rivers and habitations of the natives, by whom he was brought to scverul of them, when; ho found civil entertainment, and kind ri'sjiects, far from brutish or savage natures, so us tiu-y suddenly became familiar friertds, esptscially by ilie uu'uns uC Dchamda and Skilwarrers." " So us the president was earnestly intreated l)y Sttsaenow, Jlbcremd, and othei-s, the principal Sagamores, (as they call their great lords,) to go to the Bushabas, wiio it seems was their king." They wore prcv«!nted, however, by adverse w maiue ; there [at Monhigon Island] they detained three Suluages aboord them, called Pechmo, Monopet and Pekenimnef but Pcchr)w leapt ouerboard, and got away ; and not long after, witli his cousoits^ cut their Boat from tlitnr steriio, got her on shore, and so filled her with sand and guarded her with bowes and arrowes, the English lost her."|l This exploit of Pechmo is as truly brave as it was daring. To have got * Tlipy had " seated themselves in a peninsula, which is at tlie mouth o'" Uiis rivci, [Sagada- hock,l where they built a furlress to dcliMKi themselves from their enemies, which they named St. Cicorsrc" America painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. p. 19. t See lite Massasoil. X It is plain, from Prince, Chron. 131, that his authors had confounded the names of these Indians one with another. & Sir F«rd. (iorges is urobably wrong in calling him Henry Harley, H Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. , ^ f 8 HUNTS VOYAGE. [Book II. under the stern of a ship, in the face of armed men, and at the saine time to have succeeded in his design of cutting away and carrying off their boat, was an act as bold and daring, to say \lic least, as that performed in the harbor of TripoU by our countryman Decatur. From Monhigon Harlow, proceeding southward, fell in with an island called then by the Indians JVohono. From this nlace " they tooke Sakawcs- ton, that after he had lived many years in England, went a soldier to the ware of Bohemia."* Whether hp ever returned we are not told. From this island they proceeded to Capawick, since called Capoge, [Maltha's Vuieyai'd.] Here "they tOoke Corieconam and Eperwiv" and "so, with fine Saluages, they i-etunied for England." Epenow, or, as some wrote, Epanoiv, seems to have been much such a character as'Pechmo — artful, cunning, bold and daring. Sir Ferdinando Gorges is evidently erroneous in pait of his statoniciit uliout (his native, in as far as it relates to his having been brought away by Hunt. For Harloid's voyage was in 1611, and Epanoio was sent over to Cape Cod with Captain Hobson, iu 1614, some months before Hunt left. As it is peculiai'ly gratifying to die writer to hcai* such old venerable writers as Smithf Gorges, &c. speak, the reader perhaps would not pardon him were he to withhold what the intimate actiuaintance of the interesting Epanoio says of him. Ileal", then, Sir Ferdinando : — " While I was laboruig 'by what means I might best continue life iu my languishing hopes, there comes one Henry Hurley] unto me, bringing with him a native of the Island of Capawick, a i)lace seated to tlic southward of Cape Cod, whose name was Epeneive, a poison of goodly stature, strong and well proportioned. This man was taken upon the main, [by force,] with some 29^ othere by a ship of London that endeavored to sell diem for slaves in Spaiue, but being understood that they were Americans, and being found to be unapt for theu" uses, they would not meddle widi tiieni, this being one of them they refused, wherein they exprest more worth than tliose that brought them to tlie market, who could not but known that our nation was at that time in travel for setling of Christian colonies upon that continent, it being an act much tending to our prejudice, when we came into that pait of the countries, as it shall further appear. How Capt. Harley came to be possessed of diis savage, I know not, but I understood by othere how lie had been shown in Loudon for a wonder. It is ti-ue ( as I have sjiid) he was a goodly man, of a brave aspect, stout and sober in his demeanor, and had leaiTied so much English as to bid those that wondered at him, Welcome, welcome ; this being the last and best use they could make of him, diat was now grown out of the people's wonder. The captain, falling further into bis familiarity, found him to be of acquaintance and friendship witli those subject to the Bashaba, whom die captain well knew, being himself one of the plartation, sent over by the lord chief justice, [PopAam,] and by that means uudei-stood much of his language, found out the place of his birth," &c. Before proceeding with tlie history of Epanow, the account of Capt Tltomas Hunt^s voyage should be related ; because it is said that it was chiefly owing to his perfidy that the Indians of New England were become so hostile to thtv voyagers. Nevertheless, it is plain, that (as we have already said) Hunt did not commit his depredations until after Epanow had escaped out of the hands of the English. Capt. John Smith was m company with Hunt, and we will hear him relate the whole transaction. After stating diat diey arrived at Mon- higon in April, 1614,§ spent a long time in trying to catch whales without success ; and as " for gold, it was rather the master's device to get a voyage, that projected if," that for trifles they got "near 11000 beaver skuis, 100 • Capt, Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. t Perhaps not the Capt. Harlmv before mentioned, though Prince thinks Gorges means him. i If in this he refers to Uiose taken by Hunt, as I suppose, he sets the number higher than others. His grandson, F. Gorges, in America Painted, &c., says 24 was the number seized by Hunt. $ Smith had an Indian named Tantum widi him in this voyage, whom he set on shore at Cap« Cod. t I"!! i Chap. I.] EPANOW. martin, and as many otters, the most of them within the distance of 20 leagues," and bis own departure for Europe, Capt. SmUh proceeds : — " The other ship staid to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish, which was sold at Malaga at 4 rials the quintal, each hundred weight two quintals and a half. — But one Thomas Hunt, the master of this ship, ( when I was gone,) thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a plantation, thereby to keep this abounding country still in obscurity, that oruy he and some few merchants more might enjoy wholly the benefit of the trade, and profit of this country, betrayed four-and-twenty of those poor salvages aboard his ship, and most dishonesdv and inhumanly, for their kind usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to Malaga ; and there, for a little private gain, sold these silly salvages for rials of eight ; but this vile act kept him ever after from any more employment to those parts." F. Gorges the younger is rather confused in his account of Hnnfs voyage, as well as the elder. But the former intimates that it was on account of HunCs selling the Indians he took as slaves, the news of which having got into England before Epanow was sent out, caused this Indian to make his escape, and consequently the overtlu*ow of the voyage ; whereas the latter. Sir Ferdi- nando, does not attribute it to that. We will now heai* him again upon this interesting subject : — '. ■ " The reasons of my undertaking the employment for the island of Capamck. " At the time this new savage [Epanoto] came unto me, I had recovered Assacum/d, one of the natives I sent with Capt. Chalownes in his unhappy «mployment, with whom I lodged Epenaw, who at the first hardly understood one the other's speech, till after a while ; I perceived the diflFerence was no more than that as ours is Wween the northern and southern people, so that 1 was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I engaged to give account of what he learned by conference between themselves, and he as faithfully performed it." There seems but little doubt that Epanote and Assacunut had cpntriveda plan of escape before they left England, and also, by finding out what the English most valued, and assuring them that it was in abundance to be had at a certain place in their own country, prevailed upon them, or by this pretended dis- covery were the means of the voyage being undertaken, of which we are now to speak. Still, as will be seen, Sir Ferdxnando does not speak as though he had been quite so handsomely duped by his cunning man of the woods. Gold, it lias been said, was the valuable commodity to which Epanow was to pilot the English. Gorges proceeds : — " They [Gupt. Hohson and those who accompanied him] set sail in June, in Anno 1614, being fully instructed how to demean themselves in every kind, carryiug^ with them Epenow, Assacomet, and Wanape,* another native of those j)arts sent nie out of the Isle of Wight,t for my better information in the parts r of " 41, with their wives, } children, and servants, saikd from Plimoutli, in Eiigiand, in one small ship, called the Mayflower, on Wednesday, the 6th of September. Their passage was attended with great |)eril ; but they safely arrived at Cu^ Cod, 9 Nov. following, without the loss of any of theu' iiuiiilier. They now proceeded to make the necessary discoveries to seat themselves on the Imrren coast One of tlie first things they found necessary to do, to preserve order among themselves, was, to form a kind of constitution, or general oittUne of government. Having done this, it was signed by the 41, two days after their arrival, viz. 1 1 Nov. The same day, 15 or 16 of their number, covered with annor, procf it in tlie language of' one tliat was an actor in it " We went ranging up and down till the bub began to draw low, and then we hasted * Tbi* cimrtar Injarii «la(« .*) Nov. IGSO. C1utlimr», Polit. Auiial*, 81. \ Httard't \\\tX. ('ollreiiuM, I, 106, where the eirtire charier may ba Men. ■Aerweutdh roJM TiiK Ukvimp PlimoOiii Patrht. tViaimerf , ib. ^Tbore were, in oil, 'Hi I'eiimlct. li waa 19 FIRST BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS— SAMOSET. [Book II. out of the woods tlip" we might come to our shallop. By that time we had done, aiid our shallop come to us, it was within night [7 Dec], and we betook us to our rest, after wo had set our watch. " About midnight wo heard a great and hideous cry, and our sentinel called ^rm ! arm ! So we bestirred ourselves, and shot off a couple of muskets, and [the] noise ceased. We concluded that it was a company of wolves and foxes, ior one [of our company] told us he hud heard such a noise in Newfoundland. About 5 o'clock in the morning [8 Dec] we began to be stirring. Upon a sudden we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same voices, though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroad, came nmniiig in and cried. They are men! Indians! Indians!' and withal their arrows came flying amongst us. Our men ran out with all speed to recover their arms. The cry of our enemies was dreadful, especially when our men ran out to recover their arms. Their note was after this manner, Woa:h woach ha ha hack woach. Our men were no sooner come to their arms, but the enemy was ready to assault them. There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, who was thought to Iw their captain, stood l)ehind a tree, within half a musket shot of us, and there let his arrows fly at us. He stood three shots of n musket. At length one of us, as he said, taking full aim at him, he gave an extraordinary cry, and away they went all." It is not certain that any bloo(l was shed in this battle ; but it was pretty strongly presumed that the big captain of the Indians was wounded. The Indians having retreated, the concjuerors were left in iiosscssion of the battle- ground, and . Hut. Cot. VIII, 218, 219. t Relation or Jmimal of a Plantation tettltd at I'lyrumth, in N. E. ii«u»lly cited Mourt't Rttation. It was, no doubt, wriltrn hv several of the company, or tlie writer wbh aiajilvd by •everal. Mourt setma to have Ixwii inn puliliiiher. I have no scruple hut that the suff^ewlion of Judie Pavii is correct, vix. that Richard Gardner wai the priucipal author. About lh« early iettlomcnt of any connlry, theip nevt' wai a more important document. Il was printed ill ife, and is now rt-printed in the Afitsi. Hitt. Col., and we hope soon »o sec il priiili-d in • rduiMi by itself in a style worthy of its im|M>riance. As il stands in the lli«r Colkciions, il if very difficult to contult, a part of il buiog couiaiued in one volume, uid iIm wnwiuder ia another. IV Chap. H.] THE PLAGUE.— NEW INTERVIEW. 13 and sei-vice they held in u dark and dismal swamp. Beliold how Satan labor- ed to hinder tiic gospel from coming into Now England ! " It was on Fi'iday, Kith March, 1021, that Samoset snddinily appeared at Plimouth, and, says Moitrt, " lie very boldly oume all alone, and along the houses, strait to the rendezvous, where we intcrcfcj)t(;d him, not sutK-ring him to go in, as undoubtedly he would, out of his bolchiess." He was naked, "only a leather nl)out his waist, with a fringe about a span long,"' 'I'hc! weather was very cold, and this author adds, " VVe cast a horsemanV coat about him." To reward them for their hospitality, Samoset gave them whatever inlbrmation thry desired. "He had, say they, learned some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came to lisli at iMotduggon, and knew by iiamc; the most ot the captains, commanders, and mastei-s, that usually come [there]. He was a man free in s|)eech, so far as he could exjjress his mind, and of seemly car- riage. We qui'Stiomid him of many things : he was thp iirst savage wc could meet withal. He said he w.-is not of those parts, but of Moratiggon, and one of the sagamores or lords thereof: had l)(!en H months hi these parts, it lying hence [to the eastward] a day's sail with a great wind, and live days by land. He discoursed of the whole country, and of every ])rovince, and of their sag- amores, and tlii'ir number o*' men, and strength." >' He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed, anil he other unheaded. H toiils exposed in the woods, on linding lh;it they were missing, rightly judgcil ilie Indiiuis had taken tl;ei',i. '.Diey complained ot' this to S/tnumt in rat hi r a tIn'cMteiiing air. "We v/illed him (siiy they) that they should be lironght auniii, otherwise we would right omxelves." \Vhen he lefl them "he prouuscd within a niglit or two to come again," and bring some of J\f(tif.u(soiVi nit'U to triide with them in beaver skins. .\s good as his word, Siimosd came the next Sunday, "and brought with him .'i othir tall, jiroper men. Thc^y had every man a deer's skin on him; and the prini'ipal of them had a wild catV skin, or such like, on one arm. They had most of ihi'm long liosen u]» to theii groins, close made; and aboue their groins, to their waist, another leather they were .•ili(Pj,;!'tlnT like the dish trousers. They are of complexion like oui English gi. other, Tuhdiiuihanton, t\ special fi-iend." The wejitlier w;is fiiir when tiiey set out, "liitt I've they had bt!en long at sea, there. iin)se ti storm of wind and rain, with miieii lightning and thimder, iiisomtich that a [water] spout arose \iol far iVom them." How- ever, they escaped daiigt'r, and !irri\(Ml at night at Cimnnafinid. Here they met with some Indians, who informed tlu'iii that \\u' boy \^as at Nauset. These Indians treated tiiem with great kindness, inviting them on shore to eat with them. /j/arioMg'/f was sachem of this place, and these were hi;' mc'i. "They brought lis to their saciiim (says ,]fouii) or governor, whom they call hjanuuiih" \\\\o then appeared about )H\ years of age, "but very personaide, gentle, courteous, and fidr-conditioned, indeed, not like a sa\age, save (iir his attire. His enter- tainment was answerirblc to liis parts, and his elieer iilciitit'ul and various." Thus is poitrayed tlii' amiable cliaraeter, Iiiseiit, ^\■ho was carried away at the same time, Mas ac(|nainted with th»; circnmstane'-s, and thus the llnglisb bccami* knowing to her distress, and told her tliey wen* sorry, that ffiint was a had nian,i)ut thai all the other Eng- UhIi were well disposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a few trinkets, which considerably ap|)eased her. Our voyagers now |)roceed to .Nauset. aceompanicd by Ii/anouifh an£\iA), uitii iiii|i()rtant ; iutroduc- kIh, srvtu'al Nmiset ill iiahitinon, i\ V tlicy liatl I lightning 11." How- llcic they at ?S;uiJ>et. ihore to eat cy hroii^lit )uu;h" who courteous, His enter- il vurioiis." knew hiiM. y executed •cad ol' tho s, ried into many died tiniH were !i supposied liitcil here- relate that ) years old, (say thtiy) n, wecpinR told that ent aboard S<]Viinto aiiited witli istrcss, and other Kufr- fjave her a 7) and two wan sent, led .hfilnet late) ^vith ii hnin|L(h too i on tho insed liient Iml;" half wiiii their )rniai nian- r a knife on -oni;ht iiiin Chap. II.] lYANOUGH.—ASPINET.— DEATH OF SQUANTO. IS Itfonough did not accompany the expedition in their return from Nauset, but Went iionio l»y land, and was ready to entertain the company on their return. From contrary winds and a want of fresh water, the voyagers were oWiged to touch again at Cinnnmquicl. " Tliore (say thoy) we met again vidi lyanoiigh, and tlinniost of liis towru" "He, Ijeing still willing to gmtify us, took a mud- let, and led our men in the dark a gi*eat way lor water, but could find none good, yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the meantime the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before tiic shallop;* the men also showing all the kinilness they could, lyanotigh himself taking u bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it about one of us." They were not able to get out of the harlxir of Cummaquid fram baffling winds and tides, which lijanouffli seeing, the next morning he ran along the shore after diem, and they took him into their shallop, and returned with him to his town, where he enteitained them in a manner not inferior to what he had done before. They now succeeded in getting water, and shortly after returned home in safety. While at Nauset, the English heard that Massasoit had been attacked and carried otF by the NarraganseLs, which led to tli(! expedition of Standish and Jllkrlon against Caunhitant, as will be found relatetl in his life. About tliis time, six snciicms of (lie neighboring country had tiieir fidelity tested, by being culled upon to sign a treaty subjecting themselvijs to King Jnmes, as will be fimnd, also, in tliat 'We. But to return again to ^hjrinet, and other saeluMiis of Ca[)e Cod. By the ini])rovidencc of a company settled at Wessagusciis, under the direc- tion of Mr. Thortuts Weston, in lo'2t2, tliey had been brought to the very brink of .starvation in the winter of that year. In fact, the Plimonth jieoplc were litit very littler better ofl'; and hut tiir th(^ kindness of the Indians, the worat ol" conseipiences inigiit have ensued to both these iidiiiit colonies. -As the winter prfigrwsed, t'le two colonies eiilered into articles of agreement to go on a trading voyage among thc! Indians of Cape ("od to buy corn, and whatever elsi; niighv conduce to their livelihood. Squnvto was pilot in this expedition; but he died befiire it was accomplished, luid the record "f his death stjuids thus in WiNsi.ow's Rki. ation : — " But here [at Mananioyk, since Chatham], though they had determined to make a second eswiy [to |mss within the shoals of Cajie Cod] ; ;, et titid had otherwise disposed, who struck Tw]nnnhnn with sickness, insomuch as he there died, which crossed their soiithwurd trading, and tlii^ more, becnuse the master's sidficiency was much donhied, and the season very tein[»efruou8, and not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide lo direct them." llju dis Prince, was a f r, "bleeding iniieli at the nost, which the Indians reckon a fatal synip*. .' He desired the governor wi.uld pray (or him, that lie might go to the Knglisliinen's (lod, "lM'(|ueatliing bi.ahingn to sundry of his i'lnglish friends, as remenilininces of his love; of whc'n we have a great loss." Thus died the famous S'luantn, or TitKi;u4xnliim, in Deciimber, HliW. To him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, all'.o ,f:li lie often, through extnmx folly and shoHsightedness, gave them, as vv. ',■ .^ himself and othei-s, u great deal of tioiilile, as in t!ie lile of Mii.isii.iinl an. H'lhomok will appear. Tims, at the coiiiiiiencement of the voyage, the pilot was taken away by death, and tin! rx|)editioii ca;ii(\ near being abandoned. However, iK-fore S(nuiiitu died, he succeeded in iiitrtidiicing ids frii'iids to the sachem of JMana- inoick nnd his jieople, when^ they were received and e«itertained in a matmer that would do lioiior !•> any people in any agl^ it is the more worthy of reniiiik, as none of the Knglisli had ever I eeii there befiiie, and were niter t*t la 1 1 If CIS lo iheiiL After llie\ had relreshed iheiii " wilh store of venison and ollii I- victuids, winch thev bidiuibt llieiii in great abundance," tliey sold them " H liii.''— J/t/«o(;M tit L Amtiiifiif , ii. 1 10, If • 16 SQUANTO. [Book II. "T 1 -----.. — r* •••7 „ , , _ „ llov ever, the next iiioriiiiiir, ^Jspinet, utteiidcd by ir.uiiy oi' liis men, 'je L'ui lisli, "in u st!i*ely niainicr, uiul restored «l) i Ik; "triHes;" for there, as Mr. Weaton^s men liad mined the market by giving " as much for a quart of corn, us we used to do for a beaver's skin." Thi?rofore they returned again to Cape Cod, to Nansct, " where the sachem .^spinet nstxl tlie governor very kindly, and wliere they bought 8 or 10 hogsheads of corn and beans: also at a place called MaUachiest, where thf Stamlwh^s boats, which being left entii-ely without guard, he took out a <" sv trinkets, such as " beads, scissors, and other trifles," which wiwa the Engl'r!; » ij>i;iiu found ou . "he took certain of his company with hin>, and tver.t to tlic tsKJii'iii, tilling Imn what hntl happened, end re(piirii;g the same niirinu or the ynwty that stole them," "or else he would revenue it on them before ''lis dcp'iHare,'' iuid so departed for the night, "refusim^ ivhntsocvcr kindmsslhey v^.r:d:' - • . - - •- .- t'n cxpoifiiix cf N. liic!, die English deserved ten times o'j nuch reprehension at I'le mu'i .ir 'uicir^ them. Squaiilo being the onlj person' that escaped die grr.it sickness al Patuxet^ inquirers for an account of that calamity will very reii.fonubly expect to find it in a history of his life. We then;foro will relate ali that is known of it, not elsewhere to be nolicinl in our progress. The extent of it.s ravages, as near as we can judge, was from Narraganset JJay to Keimebcck, or jtcrhaps Penob- scot, and was supposed to have commenced about 1()17, and the length of its duration seems to have Imh'm between two and tlinu! years, as it wjis nearly abated in 161!). The Indians gtiw a fVij';litful account of it, saying that they died so fast "that the living were not able to buiy the dead." When the Eng- lish arrived in the country, their bones were (iiiek upon he ground in many places. This they looked upon as •> great providence, inasmuch as it had destroyed "multitudes of the barbovous lieatheu to make way for the chosen jieoplo of Gotl." " Sonio licni L'xpiri'd in fifjlit, — Ihc liramU t^lill rii ,10(1 ill llifir l)oiiy luinds, — I', (iliiffiif uiKJ rainiiie some." — CAMrBELL. All wars and disasteiv, iii those days, were thought to be preceded by some strange natural appeant ^cc or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or phenomciHin ; hence 'lie appearance of a comet, ill 1G18, was considered by some the preciu'sor ,i. this pestilence.* VVe will give hen-, (roin a curious work, \ \\ the laiiguag(! of the author, an interesting passage, rein ling to this ,iielanch..ly period of tin liisi-iry of the people ol" J\[nji.mets, lOM. llnslon, Vlmo. 108.1. Til TO m ly III- si'cii u viiriuiis piissngo <'(inc(Tiiin|{ llio coiiiul of IGIS iii Ruilniwrth'* HUU t'l'l. of ilii'il yrnr. t .N'lnv Lii^lisli Caiman, 23, by Tliomat Morion, 4to. Amslerdnm, l(i37. [Book II. Ii liii)>, and <." k Chap. II.] SQUANTO.— MASSASOIT. 17 without biiriall. For in a place wliore many inliabited, there hath been but one letl aHve to tell what bei-aine of the rest ; the living being (as it seems) not able to bury the dead. They were left for crowes, kites, and vermine to pray upon. And the bones and skulls, upon the severall places of their habitations, niiule such a spectacle, after iny coniiniiig into those parts,* that, as I travailed in that forrest nere the Massachussets,it seemed to me a new-found Golgotha." Sir Ferdinarulo Gorges, as we have seen, was well acquainted with the coast of New England. After his design failed at Sagadahock, he tells us that he sent over a ship upon his own accx)unt, which was to leave a company under one Vines,\ to remain ajid trade in the country. These were his own servants, and he ordered "them to leave t!ie ship laul sliip's company, for to follow their business in the us'ial place, (foi-, he says, I knew they would not be drawn to seek by any mean-!,) by these, and the help of those natives formerly sent over, I come to be tndj informed of so nmch as gave mo assurance that in time I should want no undertakers, though as yet I was foi'ced to hire men to stay there the winter cpiurter, at extreme i-ates, and not without danger, for that the war| had consumed the Jiitshaba, ajid the most of tlie great sagamores, with such men of action (ls Ibllowed th(!m, and those that remained were sore atRicted with the plague ; for that the country wius in a manner left void of inhabitants. Notwithstanding, Vines, and the rest with him that lay in the cabins with those people that died, some more, some less, mightily, (bleseed be God for it) not one of them ever felt their IkukIs to ache while they stayed there." llere, although we are put in jjossession of several of the most impor- tant facts, yet our venerable author is delieieut in one of the main particulars — I mean that of dates. Therctbro w(! gain no further data as to the time or eonthiuance of this plague among the Indians ; for Sir Ferdinando adds to the above, " and this course I helil some yeara together, but nothing to my private profit," &-C. In Capt. Smithes account of New England, published in 1031, he has a passjige about the plague, which is much like that we have given al)ovc from Morton. The ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and the man that they kept a prisoner, on teUing them lie fearc^l his God would destroy them, thtnrking made him stand on the top of a hill, and collected his ])eople almut it that the jnan might see how numerous tlu^y were. When he had done this, he demanded of the Frenchman wlunher his God, that he told so much about, had K) many men, and whethrsr they could kill all those. On his assuring the king that he could, they derided him as bcjforc. 3oon after, the plague earned off all of the Massachusetts, ."j or 000, leaving only liO, of whom iiS w>'re killed by their neighbors, the other two escaping until the English came, to whom they gav(! tlmir cr.untry. The l^^nglish told the Indians that the disease was the plague. Ca])t. Smith says this account i?i second hand to him, and therefore iK'gs to be excused if it be not true in all its i)articulai>i. We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in Indian history. INIassasoit, chief of the Wampanoags, resided nt a nlace called Pokan»)ket or I'awkuni.avvkut, by the Indians, which is now iiicluaed in the town of Bris- tol, Uhode Isla'id. He was a chief renowned more in jteuce than war, anil was, us long as he liv(atioll^ n|H>u his lands and liberties. This chief's name has been written with great variation, as yVoosamequin, .flsuh- fnfqniv, Oosamcinieti, (haimkiu, Owsmne(imn,Owsainenuinc,Ussnme(iuen, fVasam- tgin, &c. ; but tlui name by which lie is generally known in history, is that with which we commence his life.§ Mr. Prince, in his Annals, says of that name, * Mr. Morion (irsl oiiinc ovor in H'tl2. He sollleil iiour Wcymoutli. AfttT grcnt trouble and losses lioiii lliosi' <>!' tweun tlic, Tarrntines ami tribes to ibe wei>t of Pasralaqua. tSomc Imvc derived the mime of Mnssaeliuselts from thiii oiiief. but that coniecliire is not a he«ded. If aiiy nitut knew, we may be allowed to suppose liiat Roger Williitiiu did. )lii 18 MASSASOIT. [Book II. " the printed accounts generally spell him MassasoU ; Gov. Bradford writes him Massnsojjt, and Massasoyet; but I find the ancient people, from their fathers in Plimouth colony, pi;onounced liis name Ma-aaa-so-iV Still we find no inclination to change a letter in a name so venerable, and wliich has been so long established ; for if a writer suffer the spirit of innovation in himself, he knows not wliern to stop, and wo pronounce him no antiquary. It has often been thought strange, that so mild a sachem as MassasoU should have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has been increased when we consider, that Indian possessions are generally obtained by prowess and gi'eat peraonal courage. We know of none who could boast of such extensive dominions, where all were contented to consider themselves his friends and children. Powhatan, Pontiac, lAttle-turtle, Tecumseh, and many more that we could name, have swayed many tribes, but theirs was a teni|)orary union, in an emergency of war. That MassasoU should be able to hold so many tribes together, widiout constant war, required qualities belonging only to few. That iie Wis not n warrior no one will allow, when the testimony of Annawon is ao direct to the j)oirit. For that great chief gave Capt. Church "an account of what mighty success he had had formerly, in the wara against many nations of Indians, wluni he served Asuhmequin, PhUip's father." The limits of his country towards the Nif)muks, or inland Indians, are not precise, but upon the east and west we arc sure. It is evident, however, from the following extract, that, in 1f>47, the Nipijiuks v»eie rauier uucertani about their sachem, and probably belonged at one time to MassasoU, and at another to the Narragansets, or others, as circumstances iinjjelled. "The Nopnat (Nii)net, or Nipnuik) Indians having noe sachem of their own are at liberty ; part of them, by their own choice, doe appertaine to tlie Narraganstn sachem, and pai-te to tin; IMohegens."* And certainly, in KiGO, those of Quabaog belonged to MassasoU or JVassamegin, as he was then called (if he be the same), as will be (jvidcnt from facts, to be found in the life of Uncas. He owned Cape Cod, and all that part of Alassachusetts and Rhode Island between Narraganset and IMassachusctts bays; extending inland between Pawtucket and Charles rivei-s, a distance not satisfactorily ascertained, as was said before, together with all the contiguous islands. It was filled with many tribes or nations, and all looking up to him, to sanction all their exp(;ditions, and settle all tlieir dillictdties. And we may remark, further, with regard to the Nipmid:,;i;in words JfoH-/ou,t hut with what reason we 'u-c; not informed. Siiuv 've have thus early noticed the seat of the ancient chiefs, be- fore ])roceediiiy Rev. Joka Cotton, the defiiiinoii of Massa- chusitt is, " nil lilll in the form of art arrow's Iteati." •Records of llii! IJ. ("of. ill Itaiard, ii. !l'2. t Alilen's Colloctioii of l',|iiiiiplis, iv. (JIW. President Stiles, in his notes to the second edition of Ohuik h'.s Hist. I'hilii-'s W.-in, \>. 7, spells it MorU-haup ; but it is not so in the text of either ediuuii. Moreover, wo have not been ablw to discover that Man-lop i^ derived from Indian word or words, ami do not hesitate to pronounce il a corruption of th« two £nf[liiih wordu commonly used in uamjiig it. Chap. II.] MASSASOIT. 19 house in Boston, as seen from many places in the vicinity, at fovir or fivo miles' distance. Its lieight by admeasurement is said to be about 200 foit.* It ia very steep on the side towards Pocasset, and its appeai-ance is very regidar. To its natural ap|)earance a gentleman of Bristol has contributed to add materially, by placing upon its summit a circular summer-house, asd this is a principal reason wiiy it so much resembles the Massachusetts b'tate-housc. This mount, therefore, since some time previous to 1824, does not a()prnr as in the days of Massasoit, and ns it did to his early friends and ^ icitors, Winsiois and Hamden. It was sufHciently picturesque without such luldition, ns an immense stone originally formed its summit, and completed its ^melike ap[)eai'ance. The octagonal sumnicr-houBe being 'placed upon this, cShipletes the cupola or turret. From this the view of Providence, Warren, Bristol, and, iMd;H?d, the whole surrouuding country, is very beautiful. This eminence was known among the Narragansets by the name Pokanoket, ivhich signified in their language the wood or land on tlw other side of tJie. water, juk! to the Wampanoags by tlie name Sowtvams. And it is worthy remark here I hat Kuequeniiku was the name of the place where Philadelphia now stands. -Mr, Hcckewelder says, it signified the grove of the long pine trees. There was a place in Middleborough, and another in llaynham, where he spent some part (if particular seasons, perhaps the sunmier. The place in llaynham was near Fowling Pond, and he no doubt had many othei-s. Sir Franeis Drake is the first, of whom we have any account, that set foot upon the shores of New England. This was in 158(5, about seven years afler he had taken jiossession, and named the same countiy New England or New Albion, upon the western side of the continent. It is an error of long standing, that Prince Charles named the country New England, and it even now so stands u|)on the j)ages of histoiy. But it is very clear that Sir IVancis is justly entitled to the credit of it. American historians siicm to have looked no fur- tliei' than Prince and Robertson, and hence asstu-t that Capt. Smith named the country New England. We will now hear Sniithj on this mutter. "New ICngland is that i)art of America, in the Ocean sea, opjiosite to A'oiw Albion, in the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir fVancis Drake, in his voyage about the world, in regard whereof, this is stiled New England." Capt. Smith, in 1(514, made a survey of the coast of what is now New Eng- land, and because the country was already named New Ehigland, or, which is the same, New Albion, upon its western coast, ho thought it most proper to stamp it anew uijou the eastern. Therefore (^apt. Smith neither takes to him- self the honor ol naming New England, as some writers of authority assert, nor does he give it to King Charles, as Dr. Robertson and many othei-s, copying him, have done. The noble and generous minded Smith, unlike Jhnericiu!, would not permit or sufi(3r his respected iriend and cotiniijorary to be deprived of any honor duo to him in his day ; and to which we may attribute the revival of the name New England in]Gl4. It was ujion some part of Cape Cod that the gi'cat cireunmavigator landed. He was visited by the "king of the eomitry," who submitted his territories to him, as Hioh had done on the western coast. After several days of m".tual trade, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time the natives became greatly attached to Sir Francis, he de()arti'd for England. Whether the "king of the country " here mentioned were Massasoit, wv, hiwi^ not the memis of knowing, as our accounts do not give any nam(> ; biu it was upon his domin- ions that this first landing was made, and we have therefore thought it profjer to be thus ])articular, and which, we venture to predict, will not be unaccepta- ble to our readere.^ * Yamoydoii, iW. t Hce his " DescriplUm of N. England," nnd tlie error may henceforth be dispoiist'il with. X The first nulhuriiy which we found for thcst! interesting farts, (inleresling- lo crpi-ij son of New England,) is a work entitled "Naval Riography," &.e. of Great Britain, 2 Viils. 8vo. London, 18D5, and is iri these words :— " The first attempt towards a regular colonization of N. England, occurs in the year 16(Xi. It will easily he recollocied, that this part of the Amer- ican continent was first distinguished liy the captains Barlow and Amidas ; that Sir Francis Drake, when he touched here on his return from the W«8t Indies, in 1586, was the first Eng- lishman who landed in tlicse parts, and to whom one of the Indian Icings submitted his territory ) <»J MASSASOIT. [Book II. Smith landed in many plnoos upon tlio slioros of Massasoifs dominionn, one of wliicli places he nuniwi Plimouth, which luippenod to l)o tlio same wJiidi cow bcura that name. Our accouiitN nialce Cnpt. Bartkolomeio Goanold the next visitor to the shores x)i' ■MnsaasoU, a{\v.r '^\r Francis Drake. Mis voyage wius in ]()0::i, and ho wiw the lii-st who came iti a din-ct course from Old to New Enj,'lan(i. Jfe landed in the same place where Sir hVanns did Hi yeai-s Ix'fore. The route had hith- erto lu'cn by the Canaries luici West India Islands, and u voyage to and from New England took n)» nearly < year. We can know nothing of ,Un! early times of Maasojiott. Oin* next visitor to his country, that wo shall here notice, wils Capt. Thoinas Dermer. This was in May, KilO. He sailed for IMonhigon ; thenc(!, in that month, for Virginia, in an o|)eu j)inuaee ; consecpiently was obliged to keep close in shore. Ho foiuid i)laces which had been iuhalnted, but at that time contained no people ; and fartiier onward nearly all were dead, of a great sickn(!ss, wiiicli was then itrevailiiig, but nearly abated. >Vhen he came to I'liuiouth, ill! were dead, ''roin tiience he traveled a day's journey into the country westward, to Nu- masket, now IMiddleborongh. From this ])lac,e he sent a messengcu- to visit Mmsasoit. In this expedition, he redeemed two frenchmen from MassasoiCs people, who had been cast away on the coast three yeare beibre. Ihit to be more particular with Capt. Dermer, wc will hear him in his own niamier, which is by a letter he wrote to Samitd Purchase, the compiler of the Pilgrimage, dated '27 Dee. Kill). "When I arrived at my savage's [i*?7?(«n/o's] native coimtry, (finding all dead,) 1 travelled alongst a dtiy's journey, to a i)lace called JVummastn^uyt, where finding iidiabitants, I despatched a' messtmger, a day's jotiria-y fartiier vest, to Pocanokit, which borderoth on the s(?a; whence came to s(!(! me two kings, attended with a guard of 50 armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savagci atul I discoursed unto them, (being desirous of ntwc^lty,) gave me content in whatsoever I demanded ; wJieri! I found that foruuir relations were true. Here I redeenu-d a I'reneliman, and alh;rwards another at Massta- aml that <,";i|>l. (in.siuil/, who nuiile ii litlio st;iy in llie siiiiiu place, gave such a report of N. EiiglamI as to .I'lrn't tlio ;itteiitiiin ol his ii(lver,liiroiis comitryineii, some of wlioiii iiiiinediatcly prociir il n chauer," I've. — Vol, I p. ;i37, 3'Xi. If wc could know from wlieuce the above was taken (that is, the authority the writer ol tlui? ivork made use of), it might at once, perhaps, settle the nueslion. O/dtiiixm, i. -J, has the same fact, though not quite so circumslaiiliallv related. Mr. Itancrojl. in his I. Vol. of the Hist. United .States, supposes Oldmixou, through carelessness, mistakes Di\ikf\i landing in ' aliforiiia, in lo7'.l, for that in N. England, in \bm, because, as we suppose, he had not seen the fact elf-'whero stated. Hut Drake was iO days from Virginia to Plymouth, which would give liim lime enough to have visited N. England. Sec " The Life andDangerous Voyage'^ of Sir Frawis Drake," &c., small 12mo., London, (without d lie), page l;i;i. 8ee also i^ ^J" ^ *m w '/ Ji Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WIISTIR.N.Y. 14SI0 (716) S73-4503 ^^ o i\ 1 .1^ \ ft 22 MASSASOIT. [Book II. Hlh We have, in speaking of Sanwset and Squanto, observed that it was through the agency of tlie former that a knowledge was gained by the pilgrims of Mas- sasoit. It was upon 22 March, 1621, that they brought the welcome news to Plimouth, that their chief was neai' at hand ;* " and they brought with theirr (say the Pilgrims) some few skins to truck, and some red herrings, newly taken and dried, but not salted ; and signified unto us, that dieir great sagainore, MasaaaoU, was hard by, with Quadequhia, his brother. They could not well express in English what they would ; but after an hour the king came to the top of an hill [supposed to be that now called Watson^a, on the south side of Town-brook] over against us, and had in his train 60 men, that we could well behold them, and they us. We were not willing to send our governor to them, and they unwilling to come to us: so SquaiUo went again unto him, who brought word that we should send one to parley with him, which we did, which was Edivard fVinslow, to know his mind, and to signify the mind an(l will of our governor, which was to have trading and peace wiih him. We sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain, with a jewel ui it. To Q^uadequina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter, which were all willingly accepted." The Englishman then made a speech to him about his king's love and good- ness to him and his people, and that ho accepted of him as his friend and ally. " lie Hked well of the speech, (say the English,) and heard it attentively, though the interpreters did not well express it. After he had eaten and drunk himseltj and given the rest to his company, he looked upon our nRssenger's sw ord and armo>*, which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it ; but, on the other side, our messenger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In the «nd he left him in the custody of Ouadequina, his brother, and came over the brook, and some 20 men followihg him. We kept six or seven as hostages for our messenger." As Maasasoit proceeded to meet the English, they met him with six soldiers, who saluted each other. Several of his men were witi* him, but all left their bows and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was partly finished, and a green rug was spread upon tiie floor, and several cush- ions for Maaaasoit and his chiefs to sit down upon. Then came the English governor, followed by a drunnnerand trumpeter and a few soldiers, and after kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the governor drank to Maaaaaoil, who in his turn "drank u great draught, that made him sweat all the while after." They now proceeded to make n treaty, which stipulated, that neither JHfi.Ma- soit nor any of his people should do hurt to the English, and that if they did they should be given up to be punished by them ; and that if the English did'tiMy harm to him or any of his people, they (tiie Enfrlish) would do the like to them. That if any did unjustly wiu' against him, the Engliisii were to aid him, and he was to do the same in his turn, and by ho doing King Janic«wouhl esteem him his friend and ally. "AH which (they say) the king seemed to like well, and it was aiiplaudcd of his followers." And they add, " All the while he sat by the governor, he trendthid for fear." At this lime he is described as "a very lusty man, in his best years, an able liody. grave of c()unt(!nanre, and spaniof Hi)ee(rh ; in his attire littlt; or nothing diftiring from the rest of his followers, oidy in a gnat chain of white bono beads about his neck; and at it, behind his neck, hang^^a little bag of tobacco, which he drank, and gave us to drink.f His face was painte«l with a sad i-ed • Moiirl's narrntivn is here rontiniicd from llio Insl cxtrnct in p. 10, without nny omissinn. 1 1 jircsuino tliiit liy " (Iriiikiii;; (olmrro,'' snu)kiii); is inuant. 'I'lio jiil^rinis vtnro prnlintily not aci|iiiiiiiliMl with tlio iirni'lii-o of sinnkiiif; ut all, atiil lioiiro lliis sort ot' uiisiioiiiiT is not •trntiKc, ihoiigli it inny lie thought a liltio odd. Mow Inn^ smukiiijr wont fiy the namo of Urinkinn; at I'miioiilli \\\u not liiarii ; Iml in 111 Hi this entry is (oiiiid in tlie riinioulli records ; — " Anili(tiiti 7Vi«((7ifr and (iiarge Pole wero clioiuii ft romniittuc lo draw up un order con- ccrniii;( disorderly drinkinjr ol'Tohacco," Kdiii-r \\'i//iniiu says, lu lili Key, " (lenerally all the Mien tlironglioul tlic country Imvo n toliiiccii-linif, with a pipe in it, hniit(Mii{ at their hark." Dr. T!Mcktr toys, tliui mi iijced niiin in I'llniouili, who wai n grc:U iniokrr, used (o term Chap. II.] MASSASOIT, ss used (o tvrm like murrey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All hia followera likewise were, in their faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, and some white ; some with crosses and other antic works ; some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strtng, tall men in nn- pearauce. The king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife. He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it aa well as they could. Samoset and Sqvnnto Stayed all night with us." MassasoU retired into the woods, about half a mile from the English, and there encamped at night with his men, women and children. Thus ended March 22d, 1621. During his first visit to the English, he exprcased great signs of fear, and during tlie treaty could not refrain from trembling.* Thus it is easy to see how much hand he had iu making it, but loould tliat there had never been toorse ones made. It was agreed that some of his people should come and plant near by, in a few days, and live there all summer. "That night we kept good watch, but tlioro was no api)earance of danger. The next morning divers of their i>eople oume over to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them told us the king would have some of us come to see him. Cajrt. Standish and Isaac Mderton went venterously, who were welcomed of him after tlieir man- ner. He gave them three or four ground nuts and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceivi', (they continue,) but that he is willing to have peace with us ; for tliev ha\ e seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods nt work and fowling, when as tiiey offered them no hiirm, as they might easily have done ; and espociully because he hath a jjotent adversary, the NarrohigansPts,t that are at war with hlni, against whom he thinks we may bo some strength to him ; f<)r our pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till 10 or 11 of the clock; and our governor bid them send the king's kettle, and filled it with pens, which pleased them well ; and so they went their way." Thus ended t!,e (irst visit of MassasoU to the pilgrims. We should here note that ho ever after treated the English with kiiKbiess, and the pea( e now concluded was undisturbed for nearly 40 yeai"s. Not that any writing or articles of a treaty, of which he never had any adequate idija, was the cause of his friendly behavior, but it was the natural goodness of his lieart. The pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war with the Nnrragansets. Bui: if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small ski-mishing. Alean while Squanto and Samoset reinainod with the English, instructing them how to live in their country ; ecjual in all respects to Robinson Crusoe^a man tyi'lay, and had De Foe lived in that age he might have made as good a story from their history as he did from that ut' Alexander Selkirk. — "Squanto went to fish [a day or two after MassasoU left] for eels. At night he came home with as many iw he could lift in oiw band, which oin- ueople were glad of. TIk'V were fat and sweet. H(! trod them out with his leet, and so caught them with his hands, without any other instrument." it (Iriiiking tolmrco, Ilist. I'.im. 31, This we infer was wiUiiii Ihc ruoulluctiuii of llie au- llior. The iiolimi liiiil tolntrio i^ so railed from llip iilnml Tohiino, is errotipniisly oiilcrlnitM'iI by iiiuny. Wlieii .Sir Fnitiri.^ Drakf iliscovorod lln- romilry to llu' iiorllt of Ciililiiriiiii. in 157!5, llio writer of the acnxnit of his vov»}ro suvi, th<' Indians prvscnlctl the ndnvirni with a .small linsket mndi- of nishi-s, lillrd widi an hi-rS ll\oy railed ^iWi. From another paasajre it Bpiwars, that the hidinns of ilmt reffion, like those "of New F.ngland, hml hagu in which tobacco was carried. Hunieu'-f Vciidgfn, I. '^V\~l. And, with this fact belore him, the anihof of " Talra I'f the /ntiiam" »ay», tlw treoty waf made with ilrlihrialiim and dieer/utwHs on the part of Miif»a»d in it. Nahigonsik and Nnntigansick. It. H i7/wm.». — Nerheiransin , (InMn. — Nanlyerifinisiks, < W/rni/rr.— Nnnolriirganset, tVinsti/w'r Gox i Nrwf/iom N. Uns. — Nanhy^'insel, Jiul'Xf Johnson's Life of dm. Urtme.~^'V\\Q*v ato but few of tiM' |H'rmnliUions wilhoiW ihe /•, and lb<«e with it are still more numerous. The mennini; of the name is still nneertnin. Mndam Knight, in her JouriMl, 'il nnd ° where she happened lo put np for a nii{ht in Inal connlry, he heard some of the " town toilers " disputing nboni Ihe oriiriii of the word Narragantet. ' " One said it was so named by Iiulians, because there grew a brier there of n prodit;inns height and hiipiess, who quoted an hidiini of so barbarous a mime for his author that she coidd not write it. Another Raid it meant a celelirated spring, which wus very cold iu sununvr, uud " a» hoi us cuuld be , imagined iu the winter." 24 jiASSASorr. [Book II. I I This Squanto became afterwards au important personage in Indian politics, and Bome of his manGeuvres remind us of some managing politicians of our own times. In 1622, he forfeited his life by plotting to destroy that of Massa- soit, as will be found related in the life of Hobomok. On that occasion, Massasoit went himself, to Plimouth, •♦ being much offended and enraged against Tisquan- tum ; " but the governor succeeded in allaying his wrath for that time. Soon after, he sent a messenger to entreat the governor to consent to his being put to deatli ; the governor said he deserved death, but as he knew not how to get along witliout him in his intercourse with the Indians, he would spare hun. Determined in his purpose, Massasoit soon sent the same messenger again, accompanied by many others, who ofi'ered many beaver skins that Tisquardum might be given up to them. They demanded him in the name of Massasoit, as being one of his subjects, whom, (says Winslow,) by our first articles of jieace, we could not retain. But out of respect to the English, they would not seize him without their consent Massasoit had sent liis own knife to be used in cutting off his head and hands, which were to be brought to him. Meantime Squanto came and delivered himself up to the governor, charging Hobomok witli his overthrow, luid telling him to deliver him or not to the mes- Bengere of Massasoit, as he thought fit. It seems from the nan-ative that, as the governor was about to do it, they grew impatient at the delay, and went off m a rage. The delay was occasioned by the appearance of a boat in the harbor, which the governor pretended might be tliat of an enemy, as there had been a rumor thit the Frencn had meditated breaking uj) the settlement of the English in this region. This, however, was doubtless only a pretence, and employed to wear out the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Hence that Massasoit should for some time after "seem to frown" on the English, as they complain, is certainly no wonder. The next summer, in June or July, Massasoit was visited by several of the English, among whom was Mr. Edward fVinsloto, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and Squanto as their iiiteq)reter. Their object wa.s to find out his place of resi- dence, in case they should have to call upon him for assistance ; to keep good the friendly corresjwndence commenced at I'limouth ; and especially to cause him to prevent his men from hanging about them, and living upon them, which was then considered very burdensome, as they had begun to grow short of provisions. That their visit might be acceptable, they took along, for a present, a troojier's red coat, with some luce ujwn it, and a copper chain ; with these Massasoit was exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told him, he must send as a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they might not be imposed upon by strangers. When the English arrived at Pokanoket, Massasoit was ab^mt, but was immediately B(;nt for. Being info»'nied that lie was coming, the Englisih begun to prepare to shoot oft" their guns ; this so ftightencd the women and children, that they ran away, and would not return until the interiireter assunid them that they need not fear ; ond when Massasoit arrived, they saluted him by a discharge, at which he was very much elated ; and "who, after theii manner, (says one of the company,) kindly welcomed us, and took ns into his house, and sot us down by him, where, having delivered our message and presents, and having put the coat on his back, and the chain almut his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also, to bob their king so bravely nttinnl."* A new treaty was now held with him, and he very good-naturedly assented to all that was desired. He tli(\n made a speech to his men, many of them biting assembled to s(h; the English, which, as near as they could learn its niimning, acquainted them with what courae they might pursue in regant to the English. Among other things, he said, ** ^m I not Massasoit, commander qT the country about us ? Is not such and swh places mine, and the people of ttifm ? They shall take their skins to the Enrrlish. This his jieople applauded. In his speech, " ho named at least thirty places," over which he had control. "This lieing ended, he lighted tnbarco for us, and fell to discoursing of Eng- liuid and of the king's majesty, marvelling that he should live without a wife." He seems to have been embittered against the French, and wished "us not to Buffer Uiein to come to Narragtuisi>t, for it was King Janus^s country, and he * Atourt'* Reiation, ia Coi, Sta**, Hut. Soc, Chap. II.] MASSASOIT. 25 was King James'a man." He had no victuals at this time to give to the Eng- lish, and night coming on, they retired to rest supperless. He had but one bed, if so it might be called, "being only planks laid a foot fiyjn the ground, and a thin mat upon them." * "He laid us on the bed with fmnself and his wife, they at the one end, and \ye at the other. Two more of his men, for want of room, pres^d'by and upon us; eo that we were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey," " Tlie next day, many of their sachim^ or petty governors came to see us, and many of then* men also. There they went to ^eir manner of games for skins and knives." It is amusing to learn that the English tried to get a chance in this gambling affair. They say, "There we challenged them to shooi with them for skins," but they were too cunning for them, " only they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark ; who shooting with hail shot, they wondered to see the mark so full of holes." The next day, about one o'clock, MassaioU brought two large fishes and boiled them ; biH the pilgrims still thought their chance for refreshment very small, as "there were at least forty looking for a, share in them;" but scanty as it was, it came very timely, as they had fasted two nights aqd a day. The English now left him, at which he was very sorrowful. " Very importunate he was (says our author) to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to keep the sabbath at home, and feared we should either be light-headed Ibr want of $lcep ; for what with bad lodging, the sav- ages' barbarous singing, (for they used to sing themselves nsleep,) lice and fleas within doore, and musketocs without, we could hai'dly sleep all the time of our being there ; we much fearing, tliat if we should stay any longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that, pn Friday morn- ing, before sunrismg, we took our leave, and departed, Massaaoyt being both grieved and ashamed, tliat he could no better entertain us. And retaining Tisqv.antum to send from place to plocc to procure truck for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, in his place, whom vve .'lad found faithful before and after upon all occasions." This faithful servant, Tokamahamon, was in the famous "voyage to the kingdom of Nauset," and was conspicijous for liis couraf? in the expedition aganist Caunbitant, In 1G23, MassnsoU sent to his friends in Plimouth to inform them that he was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if possible, the gov- ernor despatched Mr. Winslow again, ,witl> some medicines and corrliala, and Hobbomok as interpreter,; "having one Master yo/m Haniden, a gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, and desired much men, who chafed his arms, legs and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an end of their ciiafming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having imderatanding left, but his sjjght was wholly gone, he asked, who wca come. Tney told hirn Winanow, (for they cimnot pronounce the letter I, "La Sail,' says ( Expedition in America, p. II.) of the Indians' beds in general, dial " they are mnde i,p widi some pieces of wood, upon which Ihcy lay skins full of wool or siraw, but, for their covirine, they use the finest sort of skins, or else mats finely wrought." t IVin.«/oir'« Itflatton. The Mr. Ilamden mentioned, is supposed, by some, to l)c the celebrated Jni:n Uantden, fatnons in the time of Charles I., and who died of a wound received in an nitcinpl to intercept I'rince RiwrrI, near Oxford, while supporting the cause of tho parliament. See Ritpin's Euclat)d, ii. iTI, and Kennet, iii. 137. It would bo highly gratif^hig, oajild the certainty of this mntler bo known ; but, as yot, we must acknowledge tl)^''itll is mere speculiition. f)everthcles.i, we are pleased to meet with the names of such N'ldiied m.nrlyrs of lilwrty upon any page, and oven though they should somclinies seem rather null (iprojio.i to the case in hand. We cannot learn tl.nt any of Hamdm's biographers have discovered that ho visited America. Still Ihcro U a preiumplion that he was '■ The vHlnite Uamphn, that, with ilnuntlcas breast, The little tyrant of his flcldi withstood." -(Jii*t'i Ei.eot r I I I ' ■■ 26 HIASSASnlT. [Book II- Iiut ordinarily Ji in the place tlioreof.)* Ho desired to speak With mC. When J (Munc tn him, and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which 1 took. Then ho snid twice, though veiy in'wardly. Keen JVinsnoto? which is to ':■?", Art thou Winsloiv'J I answered, .^^ific, that is, Yen. Then ho douhlcd t!; jsc words : Malta neai tvonclianet namen, fVinsnow ! — that is to say, Wins- Iv 10, 1 shall never see thee again !" But contrai-^^ to his own expectations, as V. ,11 as all his friends, hy the kind exertions of Mr. Winslmo, he in a short time eiitirely recovered. This being a passage of gl'eat intei'est in the life of the great Jilassasoit, we will here go more into detail conccraing it. When he had become able to speak, he (Fesired Mr. fVinsloio to provMe him a broth from some kind of fowl : " so (says' he) 1 took a man with me, and rtade a shot at a couple of (iucks, some sixscore jiaces off, and killed one, at which he wondered: so we rprmned forthwith, antl dressed it, making more broth therewith, which lie niuoh desired; never «lid I see a man so low brought, recover in thai measure? in so short a time. * The fowl being extraordinary iat, I told Hobbantock I niusr t;',ke otf the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did ear ii : this he acquainted Massa'ssowat therewith, who would not he persuaded to It, though I pressed it very liiuch, showing the strength thereof, and the weak- U'-ss of his stomach, which could not popsihly bear if. Notwithstanding, he ii;adc a gross meal of it, and ate as rhuch as would well ha:ve satisfied a man in l.ralth."' As Wimloiv had said, it made him very sick, and he vomited with such violencfe* that it made the hlodd stream from his nose. This bleeding caused thcnrgreat alanii, as it continued for four hours. When his nose ceascti ltl.3e«ling, he ft.'U asleep, and did not awake for 6 or 8 hours more. After he awoke, Mr. fVynslow washe<, eight Iioch, twoiUy knives, fimr moose skins, and t( n »n(l a half yards of cotton cloth. I5y a deed bearing date 9th Miurli, 1G53, Ousemaquin and his son Wamsitli, [fyamsutin,] afterwards called Jlkxamler, sold to the English of Plimouth "ull those Kin'erall parcells of land lyeing on the sontii-ea.sterly side of Sinknnke, nli;is Rehoboth, jjoundcd by a little bronke of water called Moskituasli wesieriy, and soe riming by n dead swamp eastward, and stx^ Ity marked trees as Ous a- me'juin and U'amsiito directed, unto the great riuer, aiid all the meadow niio:;t 'Kocr.rds uf i!iC U, f',)I,..iiic», t J^ririuil, i. 2Ctl. 28 MASSASOIT. [Book U. the sides of both, and about the neck called Chafthacust, also Papasquash neck, also the meadow from the bay to Keecomewctt," &c. For this the considera- tion was "£35 sterling." By a writing bearing date " this twcnty-ono of September, 1657," Omame- quin says, " I Vssamequen do by these presents ratify and allow the sale of a certain island called Chesewanockc, or Hogg Islmid, which my son WamsiUa sold to Richard Smith, of Poitsmouth in R. I., with my consent, which deec' of sale or bargain made the 7th- of Febniaiy in the year 1653, 1 do ratify, own and confirm." In 1656, Roger Williams says that Ousamequin, by one of his sachems, " was at daily leud with Pumliam about the title and lordship of Warwick ; " and that hostility was daily expected. But wo are not informed that any thing serious took place. This is the year in which k has been generally supposed that Ousamequin died, but it is an error of Hutchinion^s transplantmg from Mr. Hubbard's work into his own. That an error shoukl flourish in so good a soil as that of the " History of the Colony of Blassachusetts Bay," is no wonder ; but it is a wonder that the " accurate Hvichinson " should set down that date, from tliat passage of the Indian Wore, which was evidently made without reflection. It being at that time thought a circumstance of no consequence. That the sachem of Pokanoket should be scai'cely known to our records between 1657 and 1661, a space of only about three years, as we have shown, is not veiy suri)rising, when wo reflect that he was entu-ely subservient to the English, and nearly or quite alt of his lauds being before disposed of, or given up to thefm. This, therefore, is a plain reason why we do not meet with his name to deeds and other instrunients. And, besides this consideration, another sachem was known to be associated with him at the former period, who seems to have acted as Ousamequin's representative. He was alive in 1661, and as late in that year as September.* Several months previous to this, Oneko, with about seventy men, fell upon a defence- less town within die dominions of Ousanwqxiin, killing three persons, and car- lyhig away six others captive. Ho couiplahied to the Gene»-al Court of Massachusetts, which interfered in his behalf, and the matter was soon settled, f From the " Relation " of Dr. /. Mather, it is clear tliat he lived until 1662. His words are, " .5/exanrfer being dead, [having died in 1663,] his brother PAiitp, of late cursed memory, rose up in his stead, and he was no sooner styled sachem, but immediately, in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of liis bloody ti-eachery agauist the English." | Hence, as wo do not hear of Jilexander as sachem until 1662, which is also die year of his death, it is fair t) conclude that he could not have been long in ofiice at the time of his death ; nor could he have been styled " chief sachem" until nfler tlie death of his father. Whether Massasoit had more than two sons, is not certain, although it is confidently believed that he ha(l. It is proliable tliat his family was large. A company of soldiers from Bridgcwater, in a skirmish with Philip, took his sister, and killed a brother of Ousametniin, whose name was Unkotnpoen, § or Jlkkompoin. || That he had another urothcr, called Q\iadequina, lias been mentioned. Gov. Jf'inihrop gives the following anecdote of Oiuamequin. As Mr. Ed- ward H'inslow was returning from a trading voyage southward, having left hia vessel, ho traveled home by la*ul, and in the way stopped with his old friend Massasoit, who agreed to accompany him the rest of the way. In the mean time, Ousamequhi sent one of his men forwai'd to Plimouth, to sururise the jK'oplo with the news of Mr. Winslow's death. By his manner of relating it, and the |miilciilar circumstances attending, no one doubted of its tnitli, and every one was grieved and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But _ * Some records whirli Mr, Das^gell oniisultcd in preparing liis History of Attlcborough, led him to ronrhule tlmt Afasaasoil died previous to June, IGliO. t Orii;iiml manuscript dorumenls. Tlio particular!) of these matters will be given at large, when «e come lo treat of the life of I'nran. t Rehuion, *-'. ^ /. Mather, U. || Church, 38, edit. 4to. Chap. II.] EXPEDITION AC-VINST CAUMIITANT. •29 presently they were as much surprised at seeing him coming in coiiiji.uiy with Otisamequiru Wlien it was known among tlie people that the f;ifi.„in had sent this news to them, they demanded why he siiouid thus deceive them. He replied that it was to make him the more welcome when he did rotiirr., and that this was a custom of his peoj)le. One of the most renowned captains within the dominions ofMassasoit was Caunbitant,* whose residence was at a ])laco called Mettapoiset, in the present town of Swansey. His character was much the same as that oi' tlie famous Metacomet. The Endisli were always viewed l)y him as intruders and enemies of his race, ana there is little doubt but he intended to wrebt the country out of their hands on the first opportunity. In August, 1621, Caunbitant was KU[)po8ed to he in the interest of the Nnr- ragansets, and plotting with theiii to overthrow Mtustaaoit ; and, being at Namasket seeking, say the Pilgrims, "to draw the hearts of Alaasasoyt^s sul)- jects from him ; speaking also disdainfiilly of us, storming at the peace be- tween Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquantum, the worker of it ; also at Tokamdhamon, and one Hohomok, (two Indians or Lemes, one of which he would treacherously have murdered a little before, being a special and trusty man of MasaasoyCs,) Tohamahamon went to him, but the other two would not ; yet put their lives in their bauds, privately went to see if they could hear of their king, and, lodging at Naniaschet, were dicovered to Coubatant, who set a guard to beset the liouse, juid took Tisqvxtntum, (for he had said, if he were dead, the Eii/'lish had lost their tongue.) Hohbamok see- ing that TisqvMidum was taken, and CoubatarU held [holding] a knife at liis breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them, and came to New Pli- mouth, full of fear and sorrow for TiaquarUum, whom he thought to be slain." Upon this the Plimouth people sent an expedition, under Standiah, of 14 men,t " and Hohbamok for their guide, to revenge the supposed death of Tisqxumtum on Cotibatant our bitter enemy, and to retain J^epeof, another sachem, or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was become of our friend Massasoyt." After much toil, the little army arrived near the place they expected'to find Cawnbitant. " Before we came to the town (says the naiTator) we sat down and eat such as our knapsacks afforded ; that being done, wo threw them aside, and all such things as might hinder ns, and so went on and beset the house, according to our last resolution. Tiiose that entered, demanded if Cavhatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the savages of sfteech. We charged them not to stir, for if CoubatarU were not there, we would not med- dle with them ; if he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tisqwtntum, and other matters : but howso- ever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding, some of them pressed out at a yn'ivate door, and escaped, but with some wound*. At length perceiving our principal ends, they told us Cottbatant was returned [home] with nil his train, and that Tiaqiutnlum was yet living, and in the town ; [then] offering some tobacco, [and] other, such as they had to eat" In this hurley hurley, (as they call it,) two giuis were fired " at random," to the great terror of all but Squardo and Toknmahamon, " who, though they knew not our end in coming, yet assured theni [»o frightened] of our honesty, [and] that we would not hurt thetn." The Indian boys, scemg the squaws protected, cried out, J^eenaqiiata ! JVeensqtutea ! that is, I am a aqvaw ! 1 am a sgtwip .' and the women tried to screen themselves in HobomoKi presence, reminding him that ho was their friend. This attack upon a defenceless house was made at midnight, and nnist have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates, especially the sound of the English guns, which few, if any of them, had ever heard before. The relator proceeds : "But to be short, we kept them we had, luul ma«le them make a fire that we might see to search tlic house ; in the meantime. • Corbitant, Cmthatant, and Conbitant, were ways of writing liis iiaino also, by hU con* (cmpornries. t Ten, says the Relation. 3' TREATY WITH THE INDIANS. [Book H- Hobhamok gat on the top of the house, und called JHaqtiantum and Tokama- hrnnon.^^ They soon coine, with some others with them, some armed and others naked. The English took aw^y the bows and arrows from those that were armed, but promised to return them as soon as it was day, which they probably did. They kept possession of the captured wig^vam until daylight, when they rc'*!ased their prisoners, and marched into the town (as they call it) of the Namaskets. Here, it appears, Sqtianto had a house, to which they went, and T jok breakfast, and held a court afterward, irom which they issued forth tlie ibllowing decree against Caunbitant : — " Thither came all whose hearts were upright towai'ds us, but all Couba- tanCa faction were fled awaj'. There in the midst of them ^ve manifested again our intendment, assuring them, that, although Coubitant had now escaped us, yet tliero was no place should secure him and his from us, if he continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so justly desei-ved it Moreover, it'Massasoyt did not return in safety from Nar- rohigganset, or if hereafter he should molie any insurrection against him, or offer violence to T^quarUum, Hobomok, or any of JUosscMcn/t'a subjects, we would revenge it uj)on him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those [who] were woujided, [how many is not mentioned,] we were sorry for it, though themselvc- procured it hi not staying in the house at our command : yet, if they would return home with us, our surgeon should heal them. At this offer one man and a woman that were wounded went home with us, THsquantum and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So thot by God's good providence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth." * * Notwithstanding these rough passages, Caunbitant became in appearance reconciled to the English, and on the 13th Sept following (1621) went to Plimouth and signed a treaty of amity. It was through the intercession of Maaaamit that he became again reconciled, but the English always doubted his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The ti'eaty or submission was in these words : — " Know all men by tliese j)resents, that we whoso names are underwritten, do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal subjects of King James, king of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faitli, &c. In witness whereof, and as a testimonial of tlie same, we have subscribed our namesj or inarks^ as foUoweth :-^ Ohquamehud, Nattawahunt, Quadaquika, CaWNACOME, CAtJNBATANT, HuTTMOIDEN, Obbatinnua, Chikkatabak, Apannow." Of some of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, and of others very little. 066a/initrt is supposed to have been sdehem of Shawmift, where Boston now stands. Cawnacome and ^Ipannoio may be the same before spoken of as Coneconam and Epanow, thougli I am rather of opinion that Apannow means Aspiwt of Nausetf J^atiawahurd we shall again meet with, under the name J^ashoonoiu Coneconam was sachem of JWanomei, on Cape Cod. When, in the winter of 1623, the English traversed the country to trade with the Indians for corn, they visited him among other chiefs ; who, they say, " it seemed was of good respect, and authority, amongst the Indians. For whilst the governor was there, within night, in bitter cold weather, came two men from Manamoyck, before spoken of, and having set aside their bows • From Mourt. ut sitpra, and signed only with the capital letter A, which is supposed to stand for Isaac Allerton, who accompanied Standish perhaps. From the use of the pronoun in the first person, the writer, whoever he was, must have been present t See chapter i. of b. ii. Chap. II.] CAUNBITANT. 31 and quivers, according to their maimer, sat down by the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all Remained silent, expecting when they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum; and one of them made a' short speech, and delivered a present to hin), ii'om his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco, and many beads, which the other received thankfully. After which he made a long speech to him," the meaning of which Hobomok said was, that two of their men fell out in a game, " for they use gaming as much ns any where, and will play away all, even their skin from their backs, yea their wive's skins also," and one killed the other. That the murderer was a powow, " one of special note amongst them," and one whom they did not like to part with ; yet tliey were threatened with wai-, if they did not kill the murderer. That, tlierefore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Coneconam was first obtained. After consulting with this chief, and some of his head men, these messen- gers desired HohomoKa judgment upon the matter. With some deference fie replied, that " he thought it was better that one should die than many, since he had deserved it ; " " whereupon he passed the sentence of death upon him." We shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the first act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its course brought ruin upon its projectors. When Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. Join Hamdtn went to visit MassaaoU in his sickness, ui 1G23, they heard by some Indians, when near GawnbUa-nffs residence, that Massasoit was really dead : they, therefore, though with much hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping they might treat with him, he being then thought the successor of Massaaovl. put he was not at home. The squaw sachem, his wife, treated them with great kindners, aad learning here that Massasoit was still alive, they made all haste to Pokanoket When they returned, they staid all ni^ht with CaunbUard, at his hoKse, who accompanied them there from MassasotPa. Sir. Winslow gives the account in these words : — '• That night, through the earnest request of ConbatanL who, till now, remained at Sowaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with nim at Mattapuyst. By the way, I had much conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, }'et full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the ike are returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in case he were thus dangerously eick, as Massasoit had been, and should send word thereof to Patuxet, for maslikst,* [that is, physic,] whether their master governor would send it; and if he would, whether I would come therevnth to him. To both which I answered, yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks." He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should ad- venture so far alone mto their counti*y, and asked them if they were not afraid. Mr. Winslow said, " where was true love, there was no fear." " But," said CaunbitanJt, "if your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how comdh it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with Ow mouth of your pieces presented towards tw ? " Mr. Winslow told nim that was a mark of respect, and that they received their best fHends in that manner ; but to this he shook his head, and answered, that he did not like such salu- tations, t ' When Caunbitant saw his visiters crave a blessing before eating, and return thanks afterwards, he desired to know what it meant. " Hereupon 1 took occasion (says our author) to tell them of God's works of creation and preservation, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the ten command- ments." Tliey found no particular fault with the commandments, except the seventh, but said there were many inconveniences in that a man should be tied to one woman. About which they reasoned a good while. When Mr. Winslow explained the goodness of God in bestowing on them all their comforts, and that for this reason they thanked and blessed him, * In Williams's K«y, Mipon t!ic place when it was done." Mr. Butler wrote . this part of his Hiidibrau before 1663. Thomas Morton, who was one of the company, though perhaj)s absp>!t at the time, pretends that there was no plot of the Indians, and ii'iiiiiuates tliat the Plimoutlieans caused all the trouble, and that tlieir rasiiness caused tiic Indians to massacre eimc of their men, as wc sliall presently relate lioiu a book which Mr. Morton published.*' "Master Wes/on's plantation being settled at Wessagiiscu.s, his 8erv.•lllt^•, many of them lazy persons, that would use no endeuvor to take tiie benefit of the country, some of them fell sick and died. "One amongst tiie rest, an able-bodied imui, that ranged the woods, to pee what it would afl'ord, lighted by accident on an iiidian barn, and lioni tiience did take a cap full of corn. TJie salvage owner of it, finding by the loot [track] some English had been there, caiuc to tlie plai.t;iiion, and made com- plaint after this manner. The chief commander ol' llie eompajiy, on this occasion, called a Parliament of all his i)eople, but tliose tliat were sick and ill at easc.f And wisely now they must consuli, upon this laijie couipiaiiit, that a privy [paltry] kuife or string of beads vvoidd well enough have (|uali- fied: And Edward lohnson was a special jutige of tiii.s business. The; liict was there in repetition, construction made, that ii was iellony, and by the laws of England pmiished with death, and this in executioi. must be put lor an example, and likewise to appease tlie salvage ; wiien strnigiitways one arose, moved as it were vv'ith some com))ast;ion, a/id .'aid he could not well gainsay tlie former sentence ; yet he had conceived, within the compass ol' his brain, an embrio, that was of sjiecial consocpience to be delivered, and cherished, he said ; -that it would most aptly serve to paciiy the salvage's complaint, and save tlie life Of one that might (if ueeil should be] stand them in some good stead ; being young and strong, fit foi' resistance against an enemy, wliich might come unexpectedly, lor any tliiug they knew. "The oration made was liked of every one, jumI he intreated to show the means how this may be performed. Says he, you all agree that one iinist die, and one shall die. This young man's clothes we will take off, and put upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly |u.>rson that cannot escape death; 6uch is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. Put tiu; young man's clothes on this man, and let the sick person be luuiged in the other's stead. Amen, says one, and so says many more. And this had like to have proved their final sentence; and being there confirmed by act of Parliament to after ages for a precedent. But that one, with a ravenous voice, begun to croak and bellow for revenge, and put by tliat conchisivt! motion; alleging such deceits might be u means hereatkT to e.\as|ierate the minds of the com- plaining salvages, and that, by his death, the salvages slioidd see tiieir zeal to justice, and, therefore!, h(! shoidd die. This was eonchnli'd ; yi't, luner- theless, a scruple was made ; now to comilcrmand this act dii it hiitli beiMi credibly re]iorU.Ml,) and made the ehi(«f jiidgi! of llieni all buckle to him." Tliis is ail entire clm|iter of the .\kw ('a>aan, whicli, on account of its great rarity, we have gi\en in liill. in his next chapter Mr. Morton procicds to iiarntte tlie circiiinstances of the "massacre" ul' ff'illuwiimft, I'thuot, and other Mattsachusetts ludiunti, und the consotpiunces of it. Jiut \vu shall now * rinlillrd Nc'H Kiiul(>li {'iiiimiii.tld, Aiii-i('r tiieir residence with tlienij as they lay asleep, in revenge for the nmrder of tlieir comi,rymeii.|| Atler Shmdish was ready to jiroceed against JVittmmmel, but before he set out, one arrived iVoiii Wessaguscus almost liiniislied,1I and gave the peophi of Plinuintii fi ImiientJihle account of the Hituati»)n of his fellows; that not tlie least ol" their calamities was their being insulted by the Indians, "whose luildness increased abundantly; insonnich as the victuals they got, * As iiinitioneil in our Inst oxtrnct from tliis author. t Kcfcrrinp, it i« siipjioscd, lo tlie qiinrrd with Caunbilani. \ The porsoii who iirnpo.'cil li»i»)riiif( a sick iimn instead of the real oflentlor. \ New F,ii(rlish (;nnaiin, 11]. j| Ibid. II His name wos Phitichius Prat. An liidinn followed liim lo kill him, but, by iosinp the dircrl [inlh, llic Inillnn mis^cil him. In KiCi'i, the pencrnl court of Massachiisellt, in answer to n i>clition of I'liiiirhitv I'nit, ihcn of Chiirlrslown, which was arroinpaiiied " wilh a nar- rative of the slmiKhls nnr corn, uiid wore rcudy to marvc both witli cold and Inuigor uIho, Imjcuui-iu they could not endure to get victuals hy ruuHoii of their nakedntiSH." TluH truly wuh u wretched picture of tliiH hcm-oikI c.oiony of MasHacliUHetts, tho knowledge of wlii(rli (Hayw Window) "gave mm goy said "they feared not (he Indians, hut lived, and siifli'red them to Indg > with them, not having sword or gun, or iieem to call in their m«;n, and enjoined strcrecy of ITm inten "id- ship. Standinh, more sagacious than llu! rest, said he saw tieacheiy ,m hits t them canit^ divers tim(>s into their jiresence, and " would whet and siiarpen the point of their knives," "and use many other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst tlu! rest, fl'illV' immo/braggedof tli(>e.\celleiicy of his kiiil<>. On tlii>end of the handle there was pictured a woinan's liice ; but, said he, / have another at home, uhtrfwilh 1 have killed both /Vfiif/i and Enf!;liiih, and that hath n imni's/ace oji it ; ami hy and by thene tn>o muM nuirn/." To this he added, IIinnaim namk>, iiiiNNAIm mi- CHKN, MATTA «Mi'rs : that is, Hi/ and by it should ,ier,and In/ and by it should eat, but not .tueak. "Also /VAsi/o/, (continues /riji.^/oj/-,) being a man of greater stature tlian the captain, told him though he were a great captain, yet lie was but a little man : and, said he, Ihov/rh I be no sachem, yet I am a man of fpeat Strength and eowatte. Tliesti thiiigH the captuin olwerved, yet burn w ith pa- tience for the prescnl." It will be s(7(iti*/is/i, a(l«M- considerable inanu'iivuring, could get advantage over but ti'w of tiie Indians. At length, having got /V*.ing liist shut, liegan himself with Pfcksuot, and, snalel^ng his oum knife from his neek, thoiigli with much • " Tln< Pnnip»c« nri" men of (rrnil rourngi' nn|>onrrlli ninr<< riiiniliarlv llinii i« oiIhtv, iiml us wev rmu'riiii', iniilo'lli rniK'iiiinl \\\t\\ llinii lit prtsrruo llirin fmiii tli-nlli liy «ciiiinli «illi iirrowi, knives, liiitrlicis. tie." Miiis/mr's Rtlu- liim. bi Niimkiiijf !>(' Ilic urif^iii o( rnhinni, Chtirli'voi.r say*, siunv liiiliniis loM liiiii I lint it wiis f;i\rn liy llu' nHii In /ViMi'v, n iiHlioii ii|>i)ii llic Wissinirl. I'l'i/d^'c tlana I'Amtriiiuf. CitAP. 11] OBTAKIEST.— IIOIJOMOK, 37 struff;,'!"!!!;.', and killed him therewith — the ])oint wherci)f Im hnil iiindo as slmrp as n iiofMllc, iukI fjroiiiid tho hack also to nii odj^o. fVittuw^tmct nml tlic; other man the rent killed, and took the youth, whom thf. r(i])tain (••..iscd to he, han;ic(l." Wr. could now wisli this Ido'ody tain wcm'c fiiiislicfl, hut we liavd |)roniisr(I to kcnp (-loso to the ruronl. Mr. IVin/ilnw eoiitiniirjH, '* IhU it is incredible how many wounds these two pnnicses received before they died, not vutking mvj fearful noise, but calchinf:^ nt their weapons, and drivimi; to the last. " ffobbnmock stood by all tiiis tirrio,* and tiifddlod not, ohscrvln;,' how our ninn dcmcvmod thonisclvos in tliis artion." After tho affray was ciidod, !in wild to Standvih, "Ycstc>rday Perksuot hrnpf^fMl of liis own strniifrrh and Htatnrp, said, thonph yon were a prnat captain, yi't }()ii wcro hut a little man; hnt to-diiy ( sec yon an; liij,' enonffh to lay him on tho f^roniid." Stnndish was now sent to a conij)any ol' fVcslon^s mv.n, and nrdcrod them to kill tlm Indians that wore ainonj^ tlirni. They killed ttro. Iliinsclf \vitli Hotnn of his nion killed another, at anothr-r plai-n. As thoy wrrn iHnHiiin;;^ this business, intondinj,' to kill all they conhl hiy hands upon, "through the nogliiinnco of ono man, an Indijui cscaiied, who (liscov<'red [disclosod] and crossed their proceedinjrs." .foined liy soint; of Mr. f^'rnfon\t mon, Slandish discovered a i't'W Ttidians, and piirsiM'd them. Slandish inff a known ])aniese, theirs hein;; nrtw killed, chased tlieiii so fiist, as onr ])eople were liot al)ie to hold way with him." One who made a stand to shoot Slandish hnil his arm l)rok(>n l)y a shftt, which is Mil the advantair*' cinimed by the F,n, bnt none of his mi-n «e, is (lio nlTair to wliicli l'rrsi2.1." It xlnmliiiK Witl luoking on ho tij;liliiij;, then did Ifobomok Jiglit hnirrhj on lliif ocrnwin. t Mvitnii, ill liin /V,.|/, (\inauu. 111, HBVi, lhp«i> llirce inrTi went to rcsido willi Chikataubut ; hcnr« MkiIiih very r<'n'iiiiml)ly «ii)r)rt'ermitteil to escape. IMomoh was greatly beloved by Maaaaaoit, notwithstanding he l)ecRme a iroti'sst'tl Christian, and Maaaaaoit was always ojiposed to the English religion liuiself. it lias been told in the life of the groat Maaaaaoit, how valuable wiM tlio agciu y «»f Hobomok, in liiithfiilly roveiiliiig the inischievous jilot of fMUnbilant, wWu-U teriiiinated in the death of H'ittuivamet imd Pekauot. He WHS the pilot of the English when they visited Maaaaaoit in his sickness, MJioiii li(!li)ri« their (irrivnl tlu-y (■oiisi(li>re i "My loving Sachem, my loving Sachem ! many have I known, but never any like thee." Then, turning to Mr, Winslow, said, "While you live you will never see his like among the Indians ; that he was no liar, nor bloody and cruel like other Indians. In anger and passion he was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards such as had offended him ; that his reason was such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men ; and that he governed his people better with few blows, than others did with mauy." In the division of the land at Plimouth among the inhabitants, Hobomok received a lot as his sliare, on which he resided after the English manner and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does not appeal', but was previous to 1642. It has already been mentioned that the pilgrims made a voyage to Massa- chusetts in the autumn of 1621. It was in this vovage that they became acquainted with the fame of JVanepashemet. The English had heard that the Indians in the Massachusetts had threatened them, and they went (says Mourt) "partly to see the countiy, paitly to make peace with them, and partly to procure tlieir truck." Squanto was i)ilot in this voyage. They went ashore in the bottom of the bay, and landed under a cliff which some* have siipposed was what has been since calh'd Copp's Hill,t now the north part of^ Boston. This was on SOtli Sept. 1621. They saw no Indians until some time after they went ashore, but found a parcel of lobsters which they had collected, with which they refresl'.ed themselves. Soon after, as they were proceeding on an excursion, " they met a woman coming for her lobsters." They told her what they had done, and paid her for them. She told them where to find Indians, and Squar.to went to them to prepare them for meeting with the English. Obbatineicat now received the voyagers. This sachem (if he be the same) had made peace with the English at Plimouth only seven days pre- vious, as Ave have had occasion to notice. He told them he was sachem of tlie place, and was subject to Massasoit ; and that he dared not remain long in any place, from fear of the Tarratines, who were " wont to come at har- vest and take away their Com, and many times kill them." Also that Squaw- Sachem of Massachusetts was his enemy. This Squaio-Sachem, | as we be- lieve, was chief of those inland Indians since denominated the Nipncts, or Nipmucks, and lived at this time near Wachuset Mountain. The English intended § to have visited her at this time, but found the distance too great to proceed. They received the greatest kindness from all the Indians they met with, and mentioned that erf Obbatinewat in particular. And they say, " We told him of divers sachims that had acknoAvledged themselves to he King James liis men, and if he also icould submit himself, || we would be his safeguard from his enemies, which he did." At another jilace, " having gone three miles, in arms, up in the country, we came (say they) to a place where com had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemel, their king, in liis life-time had lived.1I His house was not like others, but a scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and th(! house u[)on that, being situated on the top of a hill. Not far from hence, in a bottom, wo came to a fort," built by Nanepaakemet. It * Dr. Bil'.nap appears to have been llic llrsl wlio suggested this. See his Biog. ii. 224. t Wo had siippoKcc! this eminence to have been so ciilled from a copse or rhirap ol' trees, \y\\\c\\ for a long lime rrmaincil upon it, after it became known to the whiles ; out Shaw, D-'scrip. liosloii, (17. says it was named from one Cnfp, a shoemaker. And Snow, Hist. Uoston, 10.5, savs Willinm Copp was the proprietor of" a portion of the hill." i "Haolieins or sa- Webcowit was a powwow priest, or magical physician, and was considered next in importance to JVanepashemet among the subjects of that chief, after his death ; as a matter of course, his widow took him to her bed. It does not appear, that he was either much respected or thought much of; especial* ly by his wife, as in the above extract from their deed, no provision seems to have been made for him after her death, if he outlived her. At all events, we may conclude, without hazard we think, that if breeches had been in fashion among Indians, the wife of JVebcowit would have been ac- comitable for the article in this case. In 1643, Massachusetts covenanted with " Wassamequin, JVashoonon, Kutch' amaquin, Massaconomet, and Squaw-Sachem"^ to the end that mutual bene- fit might accrue to each party. The sachems put themselves under the government of the English, agreeing to observe their laws, in as far as they should be made to understand them. For this confidence and concession of their persons and lands into their hands, the English on their part agreed to extend the same protection to them and their people as to their English subiects.ir What had become of Webanoit at this time does not appear ; perhaps he was off" powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary labor of the household. We hear of him, however, four years after, (1647,) " taking an active part" in the endeavors made by the English to Christianize his countrymen. " He asked thtj English why some of them had been 27 years in the land, and never taught them to know Cod till then. Had you done it sooner, (said he,) we might have known much of God by this time, and much sin might have been prevented, but now some of us are grown [too] old in sin." * Might not, then, the western moundt have bevn formed by Indians ? t Hist. Lynn, 16. \ Shatluck, ib. who fixes her residence at Concord ; she, doubtless, had sevvral places of residence. 4 His name is spelt WebcowUt to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. I'hdttiick's MSS. Wibbacowitts, as appears from his llistfiry. II In the History of the Narragansei Country, thenc names are written Wiwmmejnin, filaihawatwji, Cutthamacke, Masianomell, and Squa-Hachem. See 3 Col. Mati. Hist. Soc. i. 212. 11 See Gonkin's MS. Hist. Praying Indian*. 42 SOME ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACHUSETTS. [Book H. The English said they repented of their neglect ; but recollecting themselves answered, "You were not willing to heare till now," and that God had not turned their heaits till then.* Of the sachems who made the covenant above named, the first we suppose to have been Massasoit, on the part of the Wampanoags, who at this time was, perhaps, among the Nipmuks ; Nashoonon, a Nipmuk chief, with whom Massasoit now resided. His residence was near what was since Magus Hill, in Worcester county. He was probably at Plimouth, 13 Sept, 1621, where he signed a treaty with eight others, as we have set down in the life of Caun- bitant His name is there spelt JVattawahunt. In Winthrop's Journal, it is Nashacmoam, and we suppose he was father of JVassowanno, mentioned by Whitney.] Kukhamaquin was sachem of Dorchester and vicuiity, and Massaconomd WAS Mascononomo. ' ■' «•■ sv . CHAPTER m. Some account of the Massachusetts — Geography of their country — Chikataubut — Wampatuck — his tear xeith the Mohawks — Mascononomo — Canosicus — MoN- TOWAMPATE — Small-pox distresses the Indian^ — WoNOHAQnAHAM — Winnepur- KIT — MaNATAH(IUA — SCITTERYGUSSET — NaTTAHATTA WANTS — WahGUMACUT- Jack-Stbaw— James. . , . , WoT'long before the settlement of Plimouth, the Massachusetts had been a numerous peojjle, but were greatly reduced at this time ; partly from the great plague, of which we have already sjioken, and subsequently from their wars witii the Tarratines. O^ this war none but the scanty records of the first settlers are to be had, and in them few particulars are prcsci-ved ; { therefore it will not be expected that ever a complete account of the territo- ries and })0\vcr of tlie JMassachusetts can be given ; broken down as they were at the tunc they became known to the Europeans ; for we have seen that their sacliems, wlien first visited by the Plimouth people, were shifting for their lives — not during to lodge a second night in the same place, from their fear of the Tarratines. Hence, if these Indians had existed as an independ- ent tribe, tlicir hi.story was long since swept away " hi gloomy tempests," and obscured in "a niglit of clouds," and nothing but a meagre tradition re- mained. For some time after the countiy was settled, they would fly for protection Ironi tlie Tariatines to the houses of the English. It is said, by Mr. Gopkin, that " their chief sachem held dominion over many other petty governors ; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punka- l)aog, Nonaiituui, Nashaway, some of the Nipnuick i)eo|)le, as far as Pokom- takukc, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in former time8, arm for war about 3000 men, as the old Indians declare. They were in hostility very often with the NaiTagansitts ; but held amity, for the most jmit, with the Pawkunnawkutt8."§ Near the mouth of Charles River " used to be the general rendezvous of all the Indians, both on the south and norlii side of the country ."|I Hidchinson^ says, "That circle which now makes the harbors of Boston and Charlestown, round by Mai- den, Chclyca, Nantaskct, Hingham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorchester, was the capital of a great sachem,** much revered by all the plantations round about. Tiio trailition is, that this sachem had his principal seat upon a small hill, or rihing upland, in the midst of a body ot salt marsh in the township of Dorchester, near to a place called Squantum."ft Hence it will • Hist. Coiirord, 25. t Hist. Worcester Co. 174. \ This war was oaiisml, says Mr. Hubbard, "upon the account of some treacliery " on the part of the westorn tribes, i. e. the tribes west of the Merrimack. Itist. Neie. Eng. 30. A 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. .Soc. i. 14«. || Hist. N. Eng. 32. tT From Neid's I fist. N. F.ng., probably, which see. ** It will he a good wiiilc before the present possessors of the country can boast of such a capital. tt Hist. Moss. i. ICO. ^Vnd here it was, I suppose, that the Plimoutli people landed in their Chap. III.] CHIKATAUBUT-VISITS BOSTON. 43 nno, mentioned id vicinity, and be observed, that among the accounts of the earliest writers, the dominions of the different sachems were considered as comprehended witliin very different limits ; a kind of general idea, therefore, can only be had of the extent of their possessions. It is evident that the Massttchusetts were either subject to the Narragansetts, or in alliance whh them ; for when the latter were at war witli the Pequots, Chikataubvt and Sagamore John both went with many men to aid Canonieua, who had sent for them. This war began in 1632, and ended in 1635, to the advantage of the Pequots. We shall now proceed to epeok of the chiefs agreeably to our plan. Chilcataubut, or Chikkatabak, — in English, a house-orfin, — was a sachem ef considerable note, and generally supposed to have had dominion over the Massachusetts Indians. Thomas Morion mentions him in his New Canaan, as sachem of Passonagesit, (about Weymouth,) and says his mother was buried there. I need make no comments upon the authority, or warn the reader concerning the stories of Morton, as this is done in almost every book, early and late, about New England ; but shall relate the following from him. In the first settling of Plimouth, some of the company, in wandering about upon discovery, came upon an Indian grave, which was that of the mother of Chikatavbut. Over the body a stake was set in the ground, and two bear-skins, sewed together, spread over it; these the English took away. When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubut, he complained to his people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When they were as- sembled, he thus harangued them : " When last the glorious light of all the sky was underneath thia globe, and birds grew silent, I began to settle, as my custom is, to take repose. Before mine eyes were fast closed, me tho't I saw a vision, at which my spirit was much troubled, and trembling at that doleful sight, a spirit cried aloud, * Behold ! my son, whom I have chorished ; see the paps that gave thee suck, the hands that clasped thee warm, and fed thee oft ; canst thou forget to take revenge of those wild people, that hath my monument defaced in a despiteful manner ; disdaining our ancient anti- quities, and honorable customs. Se^ now the snchem's grave lies like unto the common people, of ignoble race defaced. Tliy mother doth complain, implores thy aid against this thievish people new come hither ; if this be suffered, I shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation.' "* BAttle was the unanimous resolve, and the English were watched, and followed from place to place, until at length, as some were going ashore in a boat, they fell upon them, but gained no advantage. After maintaining the fight for some time, and being driven from tree to tree, the chief captain was wounded in the arm, and the whole took to flight This action caused the natives about Plimouth to look upon the Englisn as invincible, and .'his was the reason why peace was so long mainuiincd between them. Of the time and circumstances of this battle or fight we have detailed at length in a previous chapter. Mourfs Relation goes far to establish the main facts in the above account. It says, " We brought sundry of the prettiest things away with us, and cov- ered the corpse up again," and, " there was variety of opinions amongst us about the embalmed person," but no mention of the bear-skins. From a comparison of the different accounts, there is but little doubt, that the English were attacked at Namskekit, in consequence of their depreda- tions upon the graves, corn, &c. of the Indians. In 1621, Chikataubut, with eight other sachems, acknowledged, by a writ- ten instrument, which we have already given, themselves the subjects of King James. Ten years after this, 23 March, 1631, he visited Governor Winthmp at Boston, and presented him with a hogshead of corn. Many of " his sannops and squaws " came with him, but were most of them sent away, " after they had all dined," although it thundered and rained, and the governor urged their stay; Chikalavbut probably feared they would be voyage to Massachusetts berore spoken of, oiid from SquarUo who was with them it probably received its name. * If this be fiction, a modem compiler has deceived some of his readers. The article io the AnaleHic Magatint may have been his source of information, but the original may be seen in Morion's iVeio Canaan, 106 and 107. ii CHIKATAUBUT— HIS DEATH. (Book II. burdensome. At this time he wore English clothes, and sat at the govern- or's table, " where he behaved himself as soberly, &c. as an Englisnman." Not long after, he called on Gfovernor fVinthrop, and desired to buy clothes for himself; the governor informed him that " English sagamores did not use to truck ; * but he called his tailor, and gave him order to make him a suit of clothes ; whereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat beaver." In a few days his clotheB tvere ready, and the governor "put him into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after, he set meat before them ; but he would not eat till the governor had given Uianks, and after meat he desired him to do the like, and so departed." June 14, 1631, at a court, Chikaiavhvt was ordered to pay a small skin of beaver, to satisfy for one of his men's having killed a pig, — which he com- plied with. A man by the name of Plaatowe, and some others, having stolen com from him, the same year, the court. Sept 27, ordered that Plaatoiee should restore " two-fold," and lose his title of gentleman, and pay £5. This I sup- pose they deemed equivalent to four-fold. H>s accomplices were whipped, to the same amount. The next year we find him engaged with other sachems in an expedition against the Pequots. The same year two of his men were convicted of assamting some persons of Dorchester in their houses. " They were put in the bilboes," and himself required to beat them, which he did.t The small-pox was very prevalent among the Indians in 1633, in which year, some time m November, Chikatavbut med. The residence of the family of CMkaiaubut was at Tehticut, now included in Middleborough. He was in obedience to MasaaaoU, and, like other chiefs, had various places of resort, to suit the different seasons of the year; sometimes at Wessnguscussct, sometimes at Neponset, and especially upon that part of Namasket | called Tehticut. This was truly a river of saga- mores. Its abundant stores of fish, in the spring, drew them fit)m all parts of the realm of the chief sadhem. In deeds, given by the Indians, the |)lace of their residence is generally mentioned, and from what we shall recite in the progress of this article, it will be seen that the same chief has difterent residences assigned to him. August 5, 1665, Quincy, then Braintree, was deeded by a son of Cfukatau- iut, in these terms : — § " To all Indian people to whom these presents shall come ; fFampatuck, alias Joaiah Sagamore, of Massathusetts, in Newengland, the son of Chikatau- but deceased, sendeth greeting. Know yoo that the said TVatmrntuck, being of full age and power, according to the order and custom of the natives, hath, wiui the consent of his wise men, viz. Smuaiwg, his brother Daniel, and Old Hahatun, and William MananiomoU, Job JS/aaaott, Manuntago fViUiam MihantonW" "For divers goods and valuable reasons therunto; and in special for "£21 10s. in hand. It was subscribed and witnessed thus : — JosiAH, aliaa Wampatuck, his |0 marke. Daniel SquAHOo, and a mark. Old Nahatun, and a mark. ' William Manumon, aruf a marA^ Job Noistenns. Robert, alias Mamuntaoo, and a meark. William Hahatcn. In prtaence of Thomas KETAHecirssoN, and a mark O. JosEPB Marunion, his I — mark. Thomas Wethocs, his O mark. * However true this might have been of the governor, at least, we think, he should not kave used the plural. t " The most usual custom amongst them in exercising punishments, is, for the sachem «iU)er to beat, or whip, or put to death with his own hand, to which the common sort most qiueUy submit." WiUianu. t Nfamaiiasuok signified in their \aaeuttffejuhes, and some early wrote Namasoheuok. $ History of Quincy, by Rev. Mr. Whtitiey, taken from the original in the possession of the Hon. J. Q. Adam*. J NicJiaton,ot Ahaton, end the same sometimes written AeAou ee WorMtgtorii There is a quit-claim deed from " Charles Joaias, alias Josias Wamvatuck, grandson of Ckikatavbut, dated 19 Mar. 1695, of Boston and the adjacent country, and the islands in the harbor, to the " proprietated inhabitants of the town of Boston," to be seen among the Suffolk records.* Wampaiuck says, or some one/or him, " Forasmuch as I am informed, and well assured from several ancient Indians, as well thosBj^^of my council as others, that, upon the first coming of the English to sitflbwn and settle in those parts of New England, my above-named grandfath^i Ckikatai^ut, by and with the advice of his council, for encouragement thereof moving, did give, grant, sell, alien- ate, and confh-m unto the English planters," the lands above named. Besides Josias, there signed this deed with him, ^hawton, sen., fVUliam JHa- haton, and Robert Momentange. Josias, or Josiah JVampatuck, was sachem of Mattakeesett,t and, from the deeds which he gave, must have been the owner of much of the lands southward of Boston. In 1653, he sold to Timothy Hatherly, James Cudworth, Joseph Tilden, Humphrey Turner, William Hatch, John Hoare, and James Tor- rey, a large tract of land in the vicinity of Accord Pond and North River. In 16&, he sold Pachage Neck, [now called Ptchmk,] "lying between Namas-sakett riuer and a brook falhng into Teticutt riuer, viz. the most westerly of the three small brookes that do fall into the said riuer ; " like- wise all the meadow upon said three brooks, for £21. Also, another tract bounded by Plimouth and Duxbury on one side, and Bridgewater on the other, extending to the great pond Mattakeeset ; provided it included not the 1000 acres given to his son and George Wampey, about those ponds. This deed was witnessed by George Wampey and John Wampowes. After the death of his father, Josias was often called Josias Ckikataubut. In the PiiHOUTH Records we find this notice, but without date : "Memoran- dum, that Josias ChickabuM and his wife doe ovme the whole necke of Pun- kateesett to beloing vnto Plymouth men," &c. In 1668, " Josias Chickatabutt, sachem of Namassakeesett," sold to Robert Studson of Scituate, a tract of land called JSTanumackeuitt, for a " valuable consideration," as the deed expresses it. This tract was bounded on the east by Scituate. Josias had a son Jeremy ; and " Charles Josiah, son of Jeremy, was the last of the race."t Of Josiah, Sir. Gookin gives us important information. War between the Massachusett Indians and Mohawks. In the year 1669, " the war having now continued between the Maquas and our Indians, a,bout six years, divers Indians, our neighbors, united their forces together, and made an army of about 6 or 700 men, and marched into the Maquas' country, to take revenge of them. This enterprise was contrived and undertaken without the privity, and contrary to the advice of their English frienda Mr. Eliot and myself in particular, dissuaded them, and gave them several reasons against it, but they would not hear us." Five of the Christian Indians went out with them, and but one only returned alive. " The chief- est general in this expedition was tlie principal sachem of Massachusetts, named Josiah, alias ChekatabvM, a wise and stout man, of middle age, but a very vicious person. He had considerable knowledge in the Christian religion ; and sometime, when he was younger, seemed to profess it for a time ; — for he was bred up by his uncle, Kuchamakin, who was tlie first sachem and his people to whom Mr. Eliot preached." § Of those who went out with Wampaivk from other tribes we have no rec- ord ; but there were many, probably, as usual upon such exijcditions. This army arrived at the Mohawk fort after a journey of about 200 miles ; when, upon besieging it some time, and having some of their men killed in sallies, and sundry others sick, they gave up the siege and retreated. Mean- while the Mohawks pursued them, got in their front, and, from an ambush, * Printed at length in Snmo's Hist. Boston, 389, et eel. f Dearie's HUt. Scituate, 144. I Ibid. Si/immnnr; was a lirolher of Josiah, and ruled " as sachem during the minorily " of Jeremy. Dr. Harris, Hist. Dorchester, IG, 17. $ 1 Coll. Masn. Hist. Hoc. i. IGG. 1; III h il III m hi 1 46 MASCONONOMO OF AGAWAM. [Book II attacked them in a defile, and a great fight ensued. Finally the Mohawks were put to flight by the extraordinary bravery and prowesB of ChikataubiU and hi8 captains. But what was most calamitous in this disastrous expedi- tion, was, tne loss of the great chief CkHu^uhtU, who, after performing prodi- gies of valor, was killed in repelling the Mohawks in their last attack, with almost all his captains, in number about 50, as was supposed.* This was a severe stroke to these Indians, aaitnbey suffered much from chagrin on their return home. The Mohav^sl^onsidered themselves their masters, and although a peace was brought about between them, by the mediation of the English and Dutch on each side, yet the Massachusetts and others of\cu suffered from their incursions. A chief of much the same importance as Chikataubut and his sons, was MatcononomOf or Masconomo, sachem of Agawam, nince called Ipswich. When the fleet which brought over the colony that settled Boston, in ICSO, anchored near Cape Ann, he welcomed them to his shores, and spent some time on board one of the Bhip8.t On the 28th June, 1638, Maacononomet X executed a deed of "all his lands in Ipswich," to John Winthrop, jr., for the sum of £20.§ At a court in July, 1631, it wos ordered, that " the sagamore of Agawum is banished from commg into any Englishman's house for a year, under penalty often beaver-skins." || This was probably done in retaliation for his having committed acts of violence on the Tarratines, who soon after came out with great force against Maacononomo ; he having, "as was usually said, treacherously killed some of those Tarratine families."1I It would seem that he expected an attack, and had therefore called to his aid some of the sachems near Boston ; for it so happened that Montowampate and fVonoha- Suaham were at Agawam when the Tairatines made an attack, but whether y concert or accident is not dear. To the number of 100 mdn, in three canoes, the Tarratines came out on this enterprise, on the 8 August following. They attacked Matconorumo and his guests in his wigwam in the night, killed seven men, wounded Mucono- nomo himself, and Montowampate, and Wanohaquaham, and sevaraT others who afterwards died. They took the wife of Montowampate captive, but it so hap- pened that Abraham Shurd of Pcmmaquid ransomed her, and sent her home, where she arrived on the 17 September the same autumn.** From Mr. Cob- bePs account, it appears that they came ugainst the English, who, but for an Indian, named Bobin, would have been cut off, as the able men at this time, belonging to Ipswich, did not exceed 30 ; and most of these were from home on the day the attack was to have been made. Robin, having by some means found out their intentions, went to John Perltins,]^ and told him that on such a day four Tarratines would come and invite the English to trade, " and draw them down the hill to the water side," when 40 canoes full of armed Indians wouJd be ready, under " the brow of the hill," to fall upon them. It turned out as SoMn had reported ; but the Indians were frightened off by a false show of numbers, an old drum, and a few guns, without efi'ecting their objectti We near no more of him imtil 1644, March 8, when, at a court held in Boston, • Cvtshamdtin and Squaw-Sachem^ Masconomo, JSfashacoteam and Was- samofrin, two sachems near the great hill to the wes^ called fVachusett, came into the court, and, according to their former tender lo the governor, desired to be received under our protection§§ and government, upon the same terms • 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 167. t Hist. N. England. I This is doubtless the most correct spelling of his name. It is scarce spelt Iwiee alike in the MS. records. 5 Records of Gen. Court, v. 381. || Prince, 367. IT Hubbard's N. E. 145. *• VVinthrop's Joar.—Leieis's Hist. Lynn, 39, W.—Felt'i Hist. Ipswich, 3. ft Quarter-master, " living then in a lilde hut upon his father's island on this side of Jeof- ry's Neck." M8. Narrative. tt Cohbel's MS. Narrative. ^j^ They desired this from their great fear of the Mohawks, it is said. Chap. III.] MONTOWAMPATE.-WONOHAQUAHi 47 r "all his lands twiee alike in that Purrliam and Sacononoco were. So we causing them to understand the articles, and all the ten commandments of God, and they freely adM^nting tu all,* they were solemnly received, and then presented the court with iwenty- six fathom of wampum, and the court gave each of them a com of two yiurdH of cloth, and their dinner ; and to them and their men, every oi • of them, a cup of sac at their departure ; so they ^Mlpve, and went away very joyful."t In the Town Records of Ipswich, umbBflate 18 June 1658, a grant is ma to the widow of Mcacononomo, of " that pilKjIl of land which her husband iiod fenced in," so long as she should remam a widow. Her husband was the last of the sachems of Agawam, and with him, says Mr. FeU, descended ''his feble and broken scepter to the grave." He died on the 6 March, 1658, and was buried on Sagamore Hill, now within the bounds of Hamilton. His gun and other valuable implements were interred with him. " Idle curiosity, wanton, saci'ilegious sport, prompted an individual to dig up the remains of this chief, and to carry his scull on a pole through Ipswich streets. Such an act of bar- barity was severely frowned ujjon, and speedily visited with retributive civil justice." t MONTOWAMPATE, sagamore of Lynn and Marblehead, was known more generally among the whites as Sagamore James. He was son of ,^anepashemet, imd brother of fFonohaquaham and tVinnepurkilt.^ He died in 1633, of the small-pox, •''with most of his people. It is said that these two promised, if ever they recovered, to live with the English, and serve their Grod."|| Moixtowaxnpale, havuig been defrauded of 20 beaver-skins, by a man named WattSi who had since gone to England, he went to Gov. Wivthrop on the 26 March, 1631, to know how he should obtain recompense. The governor gave him a letter to Emanvd Douming, Esq. of London, from which circumstance it >VDuId seem that the chief determined to go there ; and it is said that he actually visited England and received his due.1[ The histories of those times give a melancholy picture of the distresses caused by the small-pox among the *< %vretched natives." " There are," says Mather, " some old planters surviving to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians ; even whole families of them all dead at once. In one of the wigwams they found a poor infant suck- ing at the breast of the dead mother."** The same author observes that, before the disease began, the Indians had begun to quarrel with the English about the bounds of their lands, " but God ended the controversy by sending the small-pox among the Indians at Saugus, who were before that time exceeding- ly numerous." We have mentioned another of the family of JVanepaakemet, also a sachem. This was Wonokaqucdrnm, called by the English Sagamore John, of Winisiraet. His residence was at what was then called Rumneymarah, part of which is now in Chelsea and part in Saugus.§ As early as 1(91, he had cause to com- plain that some of the English settlers had burnt two of his wigsvams. " Which wigwams," says Governor Dudlerf,^ " were not inhabited, but stood in a place convenient for their shelter, when, upon occasion, they should travel that way." The court, upon examination, found that a servant of Sir R. Sal- tonslall had been the means of the mischief, whose master was ordered to make satisfaction, " which he did by seven yards of cloth, and that his servant pay him, at the end of his time, fifty shillings sterling."!^ Sagamore John died at Winisimet, in 1633, of the 8mall-pox.§§ He desired to become acquainted with the Englishmen's God, in his sickness, and requested them to take his two sons and instruct them in Christianity, which they did.|||| WinnepMriMtt,1T1I who married a daughter of Passaconaway, makes considera- ble figure also in our Indian annals. He was bom about 1616, and succeeded Montowampate at his death, in 1633. The English called him George Rumruy- * The articles which tbey subscribed, will be seen at large when the Manuscript Hist, of the Praying Indians, by Daniel Oookin, shall be published. They do not read precisely as rendered by Winthrop. t }y\nthrop's Journal. % Hist. Ipswich, 5. § Lewis's Hist. Lynn, 16, 17. I HisL of New England, 195. IT Hitjtor^r of Lynn, 38. «* Relation, &c. S3. ft Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 26, (idition 1696, it Prince's Chronologv-. $} History of New England, 195, 660. II II Wonder-working Providence. ITTI Spelt also Winnaperket. n,j! ill •i. ? 48 mi NATAHQUA.-NATTAHATTAWANTS. [Book II. marsh, and at one time he was proprietor of Deer Island, in Boston harbor. " In the latter part of his life, he went to Barhadoes. It is supposed that he was carried there with the prisoners who were sold for slaves, at the end of Philips war. He died soon after his return, in 1684, at the house of Mumin- qmsn^ aged 68 years." Ahawayetsquaine, daughter of Poquanum, is also men- tioned as his wife, by whom he hadJpKal children.* Manalahqvn, called also Bla4sk^umlm^ was a sachem, and proprietor of Na- hant, when the w^jaccnt country wp^wttled by the whites. His father lived at Swampscot, and was also a sagamore, but probably was dead before the English settled in tlie country .f A traveller in this then J wilderness world, thus notices fflUiam, and his possessing Nahnnt. "One Black-william, axi Indian Duke, out of his generosity gave this place in general to the plantation of Saugus, so that no other can a])propriate it to himself." He was a great friend to tlie whites, but his friendship was repaid, as was that of many others of that and even much later times. There was a man by the name ot Walter Bagnall, nicknamed Great Wo<, "a wicked fellow," who had much wronged the Indians,^ killed near the mouth of Saco River, ])robably by some of those whom he had defrauded. This was in Octobei-, 1031. As soirie vessels were upon the eastern coast in search of pirates, in January, 1633, they put in at Richmond's Island, where they fell in with Black-william. This was the })lace where Bagnall had been killed about two years before ; but whether he lad any thing to do with it, does not ap])ear, nor do I find that any one, even his murderers, pretended he was any way imijlii-ated ; but, out of re\enge for BagnaWs death, these pirate-huntere hanged Black-william. On the contrciy, it was particularly mentioned || that Bagiiall was killed by SquiJraijset and his men, some Indians belonging to that part of the country. This Squidrayset, or Scittcrys^itssct, for wliose act Mannlahqua sufRred, was the first sachem who dccdetjl land in Falmoutli, Elaine;. A creek near the mouth of Presumpscot River perpetuates his name to this day. Mr. lyUli.i supposes he was sachei^i of the Aucocisco tribe, who inhabited between the Androscoggin and Saco rivers; and that from Atieocisco comes Ciisco.'f There can be but little doui»t that Bagnall defl-rved his fhtc,** if any deserve such ; but the other was the act of white men, and we k-ave the reader to draw the parallel between the two: perhai)s he will inquire, JVerc the murderers of MANATAHquA brought to justice"^ All we can answer is. The records are si- lent. Perhaps it was considered an offset, to tin? murder of Bagnnll, Mittahattaicants, in the year 1(>42, sold to Simon If 'illanl, in behalf of " Mr, Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. MweU, and Mr. Alden," a larg(; tract of land upon both side s Concord River. " Mr. Winthrop, w\v present governor, 1260 acres, Mr. Dudley, 1500 acres, on the S. E. wide of the river, Mr. JVowell, .500 acres, and Mr. Men, 500 acres, on the N. E. side of the river, and in considtTation hereof the said Simon giueth to the; said J\''altahattau'nnts six fadom of waom- pampege, one wtustcoat, and one bn!eches, and the said JVitttahattawants doth covenant and bind himself, that h(;e nor any other Indians fthall set traps with- in this ground, so as any cattle might reeieve hurt thereby, and what cattle shall rec«MV(! hurt by this meaiies, bee shall be lyable to make it good." [In the deed, jVattahaitawants is called sachem of that land.l Witnessed hy The mark of # Natahattawants. three whites. The mark y % Winmpin, an Indian , that tratkdfor him.^ The name of this chief, as appeni-s from docinnents copied by Mr. Shatturk,tt was understood Tahattawnn, Tahatlawants, Mtawan, Jlltawnnee, and .Ihatawa- nee. He was sachem of Musketacpiid, since Concord, and a supporter and •Him. Lynn. fHisl. N. Eiig. *.UiX\. li'illiiim Wood, niiilior of IVne Eng. Prosprct. Wimhrop's Jnitrnai, i. ra, (ij. || Winthrop, ib. F Col. Mninc Hifil. 8or. i. fill. *' llr IhkI, ill filiodt tliroe yi'iirs, liy extortion, a.» wo infer from Winthrop, nrcnmulated nhoiil .CKK) from ninonc; tlw lii(liimul)'olk Kcciir«l!i of L>ee John. We have laborter, who flourished in IVal Tyler's rebellinn, and whosf real name was John Hall. hM all(Tvvariee liajrin's Ens;, i. Vtl. In Kennet,\.'l\l, John HViiic is called /((■<• Straw. He was beheaded. ^" The im|iutntion of the first bringing in n( lohnrro into Knglainl lies on this heroic knight." }\ instanliii's Worthies, t'l'.l. " IJesiih's the consumption of the purse, and impairing oj our inward parts, the inmoderalc, vain and phantnstical abitse of the hellish weed, corrujiteth the natural swenness of the breath, stutiilieth the bruin ; and indeed is so prejudicial to the genend estei'm of our ccnnitry." ihid. 211. Whether Jnck-straw were the scrvnnl who aclev whom he had Wntler, a fonrlli son.t The great successes and dis- coveries of tlio celohrnled admiral Sir Franc'u Drake gave a new impetus to the Englisli nation in marilime atiairs, and conse(|uent iherenpon was the settlement of North Amenta ; as groat an era, to say ilie least, as was ever recorded in history. No one shone more oonspionons in those undertakings than Sir Wulli-r llali'ffli. After persevering a long time, he established a colony ni V'ii'ginia, in 1(107. He was a man of great valor and address, and a favorite with the great (iueen /■Uirulieth, thtt promoter of his undertakings, one of whose "maids of honor '' he nnirrii'd. In this alVair some charge him with having first dishonored that lady, and was for a lime under the <|ueen's displeasure in consequence, but marrying her restored him to favor. The city of Ralegh in Virgmia was so named by his direction. He was conspicuous with Dra/.r and Hon'iud in the deslruclion of die Spanish armada in 1j88. On the death of the i|ui'eii, he was imprisoneil almost lit years in the tower of London, upon the charge of treason. It was during his imprisonment that he wrote his great and learned Viork.thf llhlonj I'f ilu- World. The alleged crime of treason has long since been viewed by all the world as without foundation, ami the punishment of Rulegh reflects all its blackness upon the character of J'Uiir.i I. 'I'lie ground of the charge was, that Ralegh mid others were in a cons])lriicy against the kintr, and were designing to place on the Uirone Anthella S/eiro/V.t He was never pardoned, nllhiHi;;li (he king set him at liherly, ami permilleil him to go on an ex|H'dilion to houlli .\nierl( a In search of a eold mine of which Ik- had gained some intiina- lions in a previous visit to llinse Cdunlrlcs. lliS attempt to tiiid gold failed, but he look the town of St. Thomas, ami established in It a garrison. This was a depredation, as Spain and England were then at peace, but Itiilejsh 'lad the king's commission. The Spnnisli ambnssailor complitined loudly against the transaction, ami llie miserable Jaiitfs, to e.vtricatc hiinselt', and appease the Spanish king, ordered Rnlirf(in, 11. 310. t MirA, Hi, i. !iW, II *' Winitanley, Worthies, OiT. i I Winitauley, VVuithlei, 'iSA. % It. [Book U. Chap. III.] JAMES-THE-PRINTER.— KUTCHMAK if 51 nidas and Barlow 1 over two iiativeri t is barely possible the next place be brother of Tuka- to(l at the Indian ■entice to Samuel of as having run of IG years, one at least, both the matter, Mr. Hiib- I the last named, wns r Hnmplireij Gilbert, ■lied Sir Uiimphrei/.-i It successes and d'is- Jcttis to the English t of North America ; No one sliono more severing- a long- time, or and address, ancl kinijs, one of whose v'my; first dishonored ce, but marrying^ her V his direction." He lish armada in 1j88. I'er oC London, upon is great and learned f since licen vieueil ects all its Mackness ?gk and others were e Arahel/u Slewart.t lied him to go on an Saincil some intima- ed, l)iil he look the [iredalion, as Spain ion. The Spanish I James, to extricate is return, who, upon uted upon him 'I'Mh I of this great man,. 1 Si>iiiii, hath left an in another account V speralely sick," and ! mine. That ihev ise of their nssnult- iig the object tliey ' World, not hein^ inio (which is what I belore his oxecu- I l>y the hand, and, " [die name of iho ine him. At which art of his history lo ing his hand on' liis sigh, saying, 'Ah. to no more J this !-»idc, threw it in , ringing rhnngcs on 'I. as I tenicinbcr, rintinf^. 919. .910. 195. • . bard saya,* " He had attained some skill in printing, and might have attained more, had he not, like a false villain, ran away Irom his master before his time was out." And the same author observes that the name printer was superadded to distinguish him from others named James. Dr. /. Mather f has this record of James-printer. " July 8, [1676.] Whereas die council at Boston had lately emitlflijj^ declaration, signifying, that such I^idians as did, within 14 days^come ip ftl l|» Jinglish, might hope for mercy, divers of them did this day return /ronihiuiiopg the Nipmucks. Among others, Jam£s, an Indian, who could not only read and write, but had learned the art of printing, notwithstanding his apostasy, did venture himself upon the mercy and truth of the Engli^i declaration, which he had seen and reatl, promising for tlie future to venture his life against the common enemy. He and the other now come in, affirm that very mimy of the Indians are dead since this wm* began ; and that more have diet! by the hand of God, in res|)ect of diseases^ fluxes and fevers, which have been amongst them, than have been killed with the sword." Mr. Thomas says,|: it was owing to the amor patri(2 of James-printer that he left his master and joined in Philip''s war. But how much amor palriee he must have had to have kept him an apprentice 16 ye(U"s is not mentioned. It was in 1685 that the second edition of the famous Indian Bible was r^ompleted. From the following testimony of Mr. Eliot will be seen how much the success of that luidertaking was considered to depend owjames- ihe-printer. In l(i83, in writing to the Hon. Robert Boyle at London, Mr. Eliot says, " I desire to see it done before I die, and I am so deeji in years, that 1 cannot expect to live long; bt-sidcs, we have but one man, viz. the Indian Printer, that is able to compose the sheets, and coiTt^ct the press with under- Standing." In anotljer, from the same to the .same, dated a year after, he says, " Om* slow j)rogress needeth an apology. We have been much hindered by thp sicknens the last year. Our workmen have been all sick, and we have but few hands, (nt printing,) o:ie Englirfhiiiun, and a boy, and one Indian," &c. This Indian was undoubtedly James-the-printer. And Mr. Thoman adds, " Some of Jflm€a'« descendants were not long since living in Grafton ; they bor8, Janus was teacher to five Indian families at Hassinanimisco.H In 17()1>, lit^ siMMiis to have got through with his apprenticeship, and to have liad some interest in can\viiig ou the printing liiisiii('.'s.<. For, in tli«>. title pii;.res of the Indian and l''.iiglisli I'.siltcr, ]>riiited in lliat vcnr, is this imprint: "ItOSTON, N. i;. rpiirinlhomnnn, au 11. (Jrkk.n, \ J. rKLNTEU, wutcht ffuhlianlitmiLr Chiiimnukkf ut \rw Eniflanil, &(•. 17()1>." \Vi' hIiiiII ikiw pa.xs lo imtice a .Ma.-isaclitisi'tls sachem, who, like too many olhcrri, d(n's imt appear to the beet advaiittige ; nevertlicless, we doubt not but as niiirh so as lie deserves, as by the se(|ut'l will be seen. We mean hiilrliiiKikin, known iiI.mi by several oihi'r names, or variations of the same tiiuiie; IIS, hutshamaipiin, Culshamoqwn, Culchamokin, imd many more, oh, in -Niirr.-iiive.itr). -tHrior Him. lilt. vUlii.|. I'ruiling, i. :nj, c:;!,). ■I liiliiriiialion rniin .Mr. /..'. 7'm(<-i-i-»m(i, Jr.— Ilussinnminisco, Ilnssanamesil, &c. signified a y/iirc pf slMfs, Tliuinas, i:t i^jtrj. Hist. Printing, i. 2W. Itiookiii, ///»'. I'i:iiiin,'i- Indium. 52 KUTCHAIAKIN.— WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS. [Book H. (litFerent parts of our work, extracts ^vill necessarily show. He was one of those sachems who, in 1643 — 1, signed a submission to the EngUsh, as has ijeen mentioned in a preceding chapter. In 163(5, Kvtshamakin sold to the people of Dorchester, Uncataquisset, being tlie part of that town since called Milton. This, it appears, was at some period his residence. Thougii he mm a sachem under Woosamequin, yet, like Caunbilant, he was opposed to tto^aetdement of the English in his^ country. He soon, how(;ver, became reconciled to it, and became a Christian. When Mr. Eliot (lesired to know why he was opposed to his people's becoming Christians, he said, then they would pay hinj no tribute. When the English of Massachusetts sent to Canonicits, to inquire into the cause of the murder of Jolm Oldham, Kutshamakin accompanied them a.s interjjreter, fighter, or whatever was required of him. As no satisfaction could be had of the Pequots, for the murder of Mr. Old- havi, it was resolved, ui 1636, to send an army into their country " to fight with them," if what, in the opinion of the English, as a recompense, were not to be obtained without. The armament consisted of about 90 men. These first went to Block Island, where they saw a f(iw Indians before they landed, who, after shooting a few arrows, which wounded two of the English, fled. The Indians had here "two plantations, three miles in sunder, alid about 60 wigwams, some very large and fair, and above 200 acres of corn." This the English destroyed, "staved seven canoes," and afler two days spent in this business, and hunting for Indians without success, sailed to the main land, where Kutshamakin performed his j)art in hastening on the Pequot calamity. Having waylaid one of that nation, he shot and scalped him. The scalp he sent to Canonicus, who sent it about among all his sachem f>iends; thus expressuig his approbation of the murder, and willingness to engage his friends to fight for the Englisli» As a further proof of his approval of the act, ho not only thanked the Englisli, but gave Kutshamakin four fathom of wamjium. Capt. lAon Gardener gives us some particidars of this affair, which are very valuable for tiie light tluiy tlu-ow on this part of our early transactions with the Pequots. The affair we have just mentioned happened immediately afler Endicott, Tumtr, and Underhill arrived at Saybrook, from Block Island. Capt. Gardener then commanded the fort, who spoke to them as follows of their undertaking: "You come hither to raise these wasps about my ears, and then you will tak(! wing and flee away." It so came to pass ; and although he was much opposed to their going, yet they went, agre(!al)ly to their instructions. Gardener instructed them how to |)roceed, to avoid benig surprised ; but the Indians j)laye(l them a Yankee trick, as in the sequel will appear. On coming to the Pecjuot t()\vn, they inquired for the sachem,* wishing to jiarley with him: liis jieople said "he wiw from home, but within three hours lie would conic; and so from three to six, and thence to nine, there came none." But the Indians came fearlessly, in great numbers, and spoke to them, through the interpreter, Kutshamiikin, for some time. This delay was a strata- gem which succeeded well ; for they rightly guessed that the English had come to injure them in their persons, or property, or both. Therefore, while some weri' entertaining tlie English with words, others earrieil oft' their effects and hid them. When thev had done this, a signal was given, and all the Indians ran away. The I'^.nglish then fell to burning and destroying evi-iy thing liicy could meet witii. Gardener had sent some of his men with the others, who were imaccountably left «)n shon! when the others njiimbarked, and were puixued, and two of them wounded by the Indians. "The Hay-men killed not a man, save that one, Kirhomiquim, an Indian sncliem of the Bay, killfd a Pecpiit ; and thus began tiie war between the Indians and us, in these pans." f Tlie l*e(juots henceforth used everj' means tit kill ilie l",n<;lish, and many were taken by them, and some tortured in their maimer. "Thus far," adds Gardener, " I had written in a book, that all men • Sissariis, snys \\'iiitliri>)i (i. l!'l.) ; tuil liciiisi lolil lii' wiis (joiic to Long Islniiil, the gene- ral (IcmiiiKli 'I to <(M! " ilin (iilmr siicliiin, &c." wliirli was (Kiubtlcss MononuUo. i'^Cvll. Itisl. y.'C. i:i. Ill,&c. Chap. IV.] OF THE NAIIIUGANSETS.— TASilTASSUCK. 53 iuid posterity might know how and why so many honest men had tlieir hlood shed, yea, and some flayed alive, others cut in pieces, and some roasted aUve, oidy hecause Kichamokin, a Bay Indian, killed one Pequot." To say the least of our author, he had the best possible means to be correctly informed of tlieso mattere, and we know not that he had any motive to mis- represent them. Governor Jflnthrop mentions, under date 1646, tliat Mr. Eliot lectured constantly "one week at the wigwam i4 •O^ JVabon, a new sachem near Watertown mill, and the other die next W|^ in the wigwam of Cutshamekin, near Dorchester mill." We shall have occasion in another chapter to speak of KuLslianutkin. In 1648, Cidcha\mkin, as he was then called, and Jojeuny a])pear as witnesses to a deed made by another Indian called Cato, alias Goodman. Lane and Gr^n were the gnuitees " in behalf of the rest of the people of Sudbury." The tract of land sold adjoined Sudbury, and was five miles square; for which Cato received five pounds. Jujeuny was brotiier to Cato.* CHAPTER IV. Of the great nation of the JVarrairansrts — Gcosrraphy of their country'— G a jtomcvs — MiANTUNNOMOH — His relation:; — .iitis the English in destroying the Pequots — Sells Rhode Island — His difficulties with the English — Visits Boston — His mag- nanimity and independence — Charged with a conspiracy against the whites — Jlbly repels it — Waiandance becomes his secret enemy — His speech to Waiandance and his people — His tear with Uncas — His capture and death — Circumstances of his execution — Participation of the whites therein — Impartial view of that affair — Traditions — Ninigrf.t — Mexam, alias Mexano — Jiffair of Cuttaquin and Uncas — Character of Jlscassassotick — JVinigrrt visits the Dutch — .Accused by the English of plotting with them — Mly defends himself — J{ot>ces of various other Indians — IVar beticeen JVinigret and .iscassassotick — Present condition of his descendants — Further account of Pessacus — Killed by the Mohawks. The bounds of Narragansct were, as described in the times of the sachems, \ " Pautuckit River, Quenebage [Quabaog] and Nipmuck," northerly ; " westerly by a brook called Wequajiaug, not far| from i'aquatuck River; southerly by the sea, or main ocean ; and easterly l)y the Naidiiganset Bay, wherein lieth many islands, by deeds bought of tin; Nanhiganset sachems." Coweesett and Miantick, though sometimes applied to this country, were names only of ])laceH within it. According to Mr. Gookin, " the territory of their sachem extended aliout 30 or 40 miles from Sekuiik River and Narragansitt Bay, inchiding Rhode Island and odier islands in that bay." Pawcatuck River separated them from the Pequots. This nation, under CanoaiciM, had, in l(i43, arrived at the /ciiith of its greatnes.«, and was supposed to have contained a population ot" thirtn thousami Tiiis estimate was by Richard Smith, jr., who, with his IJither, fived in their country. In 17(!st, it is trndiliuii. t Tiiis s|)elliiifr docs not convey the true prnnuncialion of the name ; other spelHn^ will be noticed ill die course of his biutfrnpliy. lis sound iippronched so near the Latin word canom- cus, (hat it became confounded wiih it. Hiinnotme was early written. X Manuscript letter to the governor of Massachusetts. [Book II. Chap. IV.] CANONICUS.— MASC US. 55 f Tamany; that t two children, a could find none irriage was four itemporary witii of his birth, but «ttled. But the n his " Journal," aganset, died, a 85 years of age out the time the i, and Massasoit a. NGLAND, that, in n, a l)undle of id retired. The strong," hearing nied author,) to lie last summer ommon talk of / made to come istance that the 5 nor provisions, t Plimouth, and I circumstances, avo us witli so s, who was sent ! Tokamahamon, our interpreter, and leaving for !sired to depait ce, he told the took tlie rattle- to Canonicus; and invite him inge, had the in, and it was as returned to lit he was awed ud and hostile mg those who lotwitlistaiiding nrly got rid of luid taken up , t in the year witn(!8.s('s to ! famous long- lorable maimer peace-maker, p l)i-ince ; yea, ve implicit credit r speljiii)^ will be Biliii word canoni- through all their towns and countries how frerjuently do many, and oft times, our Engiislnnen travel alone witli safety and loving kindness ?" The following statement of Roger Williams is in a deposition, dated Narra- ganset, 18 June, 1(582, and, although varying a little from the alwve, contains facts very pertinent to our purpose. He says, " I testify that it was the general and constant declaration, tliat Canoniciis his father had three sons, whereof Canoniciui was the heir, and his youngest brother's son Menntinomy (Ijccause of his youth) was his marshal and executioner, and did nothing without his uncle Canonicus'' consent. And therefore I d(!clarc to po.sterity, that were it not for the favor that God gave me with Canonicus, none of tliese parts, no, not Rhode Island, had becni purchased or obtJiiued ; for I never got any tiling of Canonicus but by gift." When Mr. John Oldham was kilkid near Block Island, and an investigation set on foot by the English to ascertain the munlerei-s, they were fully satisfied that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh had no hand in the afliiir, but that "the six other Narraganset sachems had." No wonder he took great otlence at the conduct of the English concerning the death of Miantunnomoh. The Warwick settlers considered it a great piece of injustice, and Mr. Samtiel Gorton wrote a letter for Canonicus to the government of Massachusetts, notifying them that he had resolved to bo revenged upon the Bloliegans. U[)on this tlie English despat('hed messengers to Narraganset to inriuinj of Canonicus whether he authorized the letter. He treated them with great coldness, and would not admit tliein into his wigwam for the si)ace of two houre after their airival, although it was exceedingly rainy. When they were admitted, he frowned upon them, and gave them answers foreign to the purpose, and referred them to Pessacus. This was a veiy cold reception, compared with that which the messengers received when sent to him for iiifoniiatiou resi)ecting the death of Mr. Oldham. "They returned with acceptance and good success of their business ; oii.serving in the sachem much state, great command of his men, and inarvelloiis wisdom in his answers; and in the carriage of the whole treaty, clearing himself and his neighbors of the murder, and oflering revenge of it, yet upon very safe and wary conditions." This sacJKim is said to have governeil in great harmony with his nephew. "The chiefest government in the country is divided between a younger sachem, JMianlunnomu, and an elder sachem, Cau7iaunacus, of aboiulburscoreyi^arsold,* this young man's uncle ; and their agreement in the government is remarkable. The old sachem will not be ofiended at what the young stichein doth ; and the young .sachem will not do what he conceives will displease his uncle."f With this passage before him, .;Tr. Durfec versifies as tbilows, in his poem called Whatcheer : — "Two miglity cliiefs, one onutiniis, wise, and old, One yomi!!;, nnd slronjr, and tcrrlMe in fisiiit, All Nnfragiinsct nnd ("owesot hold ; One lodge lliey build — one counsel fire llicy liglit." " At n meeting of the commissioners of the United Colonies at Boston, vij Sept., KUy," it ^vas agreed that Massachusetts, in behalf of the ofher colonies, "give Conootuicus and the Nanohiggiinsets U) understand, that from time to tune" they have taken notice of their violatiiui of the covenant l)etween them, notwithstanding the great manifestations of their love to them by the English ; that they had concurred with .Miantunnomoh in his late mischievous plots, by which he had intended "to root out the body of the English" from the coun- try, by gifts and allurements to other Jndiiuis; and that he had invaded Umas, contrary to tl- "tripartie covenant" betwetiu himself, Uncas, and Connecticut. 'I'li'-efons knowing "how jieaceable Conanacus and Mascus, tin? late father of .I'tiyanttnomo, tfovorned that great people," they ascribed the late "tumults and outbreakings '' to the malicious, rash and amliitious spirit o{ Mianlunnomohj more than to " any aftected way of their own." Notwitlistanduig, Miantunnomoh being now juit to death, the English and their confederate Indian sachems, namely, " I'nnis, sagamore of tlie Mohegins, ♦This WQ8 wriltcn about 1613. t Col. U. I. Hist. Soc. vol. i. m CANONICUS.— HIS WAR WITH THE PEQUOT.S. [DOOK II- and his people, Wooaamequine mid liis pcopU;, Sacaiiocoe uud his people, Pum- lutm una his people, were disposcHJ, tiit'y said, still to have peace with the Narragaiisets ; hut should expei-t a more luithfid ohservuuce of tlieir agree- ment than they had shown hitlierto." Tiiis determination was to be innuc- diately laid Ijelbre them, and a pr(>ni|)t answer demimded. In a L'rave assembly, upon a certain occasion, Canonicua thus addressed Roger Williams: "I have never suffercil any wrong to be offered to the English since tlu:y landed, nor never will;" and oilen repeated the word Wunnaunewayean. " It" the Englishman speak true, if he mean truly, then shall I go to my grav(' in peace, and hope that the English luid my posterity shall live in love and peace together." When Mr. H'illiams t^iM he hoped he had no cause to (|uestion the English- men's tounnaumivaiioiKk, that is, faithfidness, having long been acquainted with it, Canonicus took a stick, and, breaking it into Km pieces, related ten instances wherein they had proved false ; laying down a piece at each instance. Mr. Willianis satisfied him that he was mistaktui in some of them, and as to others he agreed to intercede with the governor, who, he doubted not, would make Batistaction for them. In 1()35, Rev. Roger Williams found Canonicua and Mianlunnotmh carrying on a bloody war against the Wampanoags. By his intercession an end was put to it, and he grew much in i'uvor with all the sachems ; especially Canonicua, whose "heart (he says) was stirnMl up to love me us his son to his last gasp." He sold the Island of Rhode Island to William Coddington, Roger Williania, and others. A son of Canonicua, named Mnkaali, is named by Williams as inheriting his father's spirit. This son is also called Meika, who, after his father's death, was chief" sachem of the Narraganscts, and was said to have been his eldest son. Many particidais of him will be found in our progress onwnrd. At the time of the Peqiiot war, much pains wus tukcn to secure the friend- ship of Caiwnicua more firndy. JMr. Williama wrote to Governor Wintkrop concerning him us follows: "Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, I find Canottnicua would gladly acce|>t of a box of eight or ten poinids of sugar, and indeed he told me he would thank Mr. Governor for a box full." In another letter which Mr. Williama sent to the sjuue by Mianlunnomoh himself, he says, "I am bold to request a word of advice of you conceriung a proposition made by Caunounicua and MiaiUunnomu to me some half year since. Caunounicus gave an island in this bay to Mi'. Oldliam, by name Ckibachuwese, upon condition, as it should seem, that he would dwell there near unto them." The death of Mr. Olilkam, it appeaiv, |)rrventfd his accepting it, and they offered it to Mr. Williams upon the saiiic! conditions; but he firet desired to know whether, in so doing, it would be perfectly agreeable to Massachusetts, and that he had no idea of accepting, without jmyiiig die chiefs for it; said he told them "once and again, that for the |)r('seiit lie mind not to remove; but if he had it, would give them sntistiiction for it, and build a little house and put in some swine, as understanding the place tt) have store of fish and good feeding for swine." When Mianlunnomoh heard that some of the Massachusetts men thought of occupying some of the islands, Cano7iicua, ho says, desired he would accept of half of it, *' it being spectacle-wise, and between a mile or two in circuit;" but Mr. Williatna wrote to inform them that, if be had any, he desired the whole. This wus not long before the Pequot war, which probably put a stoji to further negotiation upon the subject. There was another chief of tlie same name in Philip'a war, which Mr. Hubbard denominates "the great sachem of the Narra^mnsets," and who, "distrusting the profl"er8 of the English, was slain in the woods by tho Mohawks, his squaw surrendering lierself: by this means her life was spared." He was jirobably a younger son of Canonicua, or an immediate descendant. In lG(i2, a war broke out between the Narraganscts and the Peqnots, on account of disputed right to the lands between I'aucntuck River and Wecapaug Brook.* It was a tract of considerable conseiiuence, being about ten miles * " The natives arc very exact aiid punctual in tlie bounds of tiieir lauds, belonging to ihif [Book II. i people, Pum- )cuce witli the of their agree- B to be hninc- thus addressed jffered to the ated the word can truly, then J my posterity in the Euglish- cquainted with d ten instances instance. Mr. md OS to others )t, would make wmoh carrying )n an end was ittlly Canonicus, ) his last gasp." loger Williams, by Williams as who, after his IS said to have ti our progress •lire the friend- irnor Winthrop princes, I find s of sugar, and 1." In another niself, he says, upo8ition made Caunouniciis ichuwese, upon I) tlieiii." The id they oft'ered sired to know iachusetts, and it ; said he told ove ; hut if he use and put in good feeding achusetts men ya, desin^l he 'een a mile or he had any, at war, which u; wliirli Mr. ts," and who, oods by the her life wn.s an immrdittte e Pequots, on nd Wecapaug out ten miles belonging tu thi( Chap. IV.] CANONICUS— SOKOSO. 57 wide, and fifteen or twenty long. Canonicus drew along with him, besides his own men, several ol" the Massachustitts sagamon.'s. This was maintained with ferocity and vaiious succests, until 1(JH5, when the Peqiicjts were ilriven from it, but who, it would seem, coiisidenul themselves but little worsted ; for Canonicus, doubting his ability to hold |)<)rtsessioii long, and ashamed to have it retaken from him, made a present of it to one of his captains, who had fought heroically in conquering it; but Ik; never held possession: however, alter the Pequots were subdued by the English, tiiese lands were possessed by the Narragunsets again. The name of this Pecjuot captain was Sokoso, sometimes called Soso, Sosoa, &c. He had killed one of bis countrymen und fted to the Narragansets, who protected him. This tract ol' country was afterwards in dispute btitwisen the Enghsh. Sokoso having deeded it to some ol' th(!iii, (!) June, 1()(50,) an English- nmn afterwards testified, tlmt Sokoso hud acknowledged, that, although he hud received money for it, he never owned it. IJut, according to the testimony of Waicaloam, the wife ol' Miantunnomoli, there wtus doubtless some fai.se swearing about it. It was reckoned to contain 5iO,000 acvcn, and tiie following is attested concerning it : — "1, Watmloam,t\o alHrm it to hi', Socho\'> or his assigns', and ftirther, whereas my uncle JVcnegrad suyeth that it is iiis land, I do utterly deny it before all men; for it was conquercMl i)y my huslmiid .Miantoriomy, und my uncle Caiwnicus, long before tlie Eiiglisli had any wars with the Pe(|uots; and my uncle JVine/frad had no hand in tiie war. Tiiis land was given and past over to the valiant Captain Soclio, for service done ibr us beliire the English had any ware with the Pequots." * It is said that, in the war between Uncas and Miantunnonwh, two of the sons of Canonicus fought on the side of Mianlunnomoh, and were wounded wlien he was taken jirisouer at Sachem's Plain. Canonicus has been the subject of a poem which was imblishcd at Boston, in 1803. t Among the toieiable passages are the ibilowing: — " A mig;lily prince, of vcncruMc aj-o, A peerless warrior, Iml of jieace tlie frieml; His breast a treasury of maxims snijo — His arm, a host — to punisii nr (li'iond." Canonicus, at the age of 84 years, is made to announce his approaching dissolution to his people thus : — " I ilic. — iMv friends, jou liavc no cause to grieve : To al>ler fiaads my regal power I leave. Our god commaiuls — to lorliie realms I liaslc, Compared with which your gardens are a waste. There in full bloom eternal spring abiiles, Ami swarming lislics glide throiiyli azure tides ; Continual sunshine gii42, a son of Canonicus died, at wiiich his grief was very great; Insonnich that, "having buried iiis son, lie biinicd his own ])a!ace, and all his goods in it, to a great value, in solemn nuiicmbraiict! of his son." Like other men ignorant of science, Canonicus was superstitious, and was greatly hi fi;ar of the English, chiefly, perhaps, from a belief in their ability to liurt him by eiichitntment, which beiief, very probubly, was occasioned by the story that Squanto circulated, of wliich, in a prtniniis cliupter, we have spoken. When Roger Williams fled into his (rountry, \w at liist vicjwed him with dis- trust, and would only frown iqton him; tit leiiglli he accused him, as well as the other English, oi' sending the plague lunoiig ilie Indians ; but, ils we have siiid before, he soon became reconciled to him, gavt; liim liuids, and even protected him. They became mutual helps to each other, and, but for ani- mosities among the I'iiiglisli lliemsdves, it may b(? (iiir to conclude, friendship would have continued witli the Narragansets through several genertitions. or that prince or people, even to n river, brook, &c. And I have known them make bargain .Tud sale amongst Ihemselves, for a small pien', or i|uanlilv of tjround ; nolwillislanding a sinful opinion ainoii^'M manv. thai Christians have right to liea'lhen's lands.'' R. Willianu. 'See l'iit/n''s History ol' ^■a^ragan^el, in Col. U, I, Hist. (Soc. iii. 'JIB. t I5y Jo!in I.iithnn). A. .Al. in tivo. ,'S? ! \\m- 'H .lij.- 58 MIANTUNNOMOII.— THE PEQUOT VVAK. [Book II. MiANTUNNOMOH * wos tile son of a chief culled Masciis, nephew of Caiwni- cus, brother or brother-iii-luw to JVinigret,^ aiid brother oi" Otash. And, liom a manuscript t among the papers of tiie late Dr. Trumbull, it appears thiU Mossup, or Moaipe,^ and Canjana(]uond,\\ were also ins brothere. "This Miantonimo" says Mr. jHwitarrf, " was a very good personage, [that is, well made,] of tall stature, subtil and cunning in his contrivements, as well as haughty in his designs."1I As early as 3 Aug. 1032, this chief came with his wife to Boston, wliere he staid two nights. He was then known by the name of Mecumeh. While here he went to church with the English, and in the mean while, some of his men, twelve of whom had accompanied him, it scorns, broke into a house, and committed a theft, on 5 March. Complaint was made to the English gov- ernor, who "told the sachem of it, and with some difiieulty caused him to make one of his sannaps ** beat them." The authors of the mischief wcri" UTimediatcly sent out of town, but Miantumiomoh and the otheit-, the governor took to his house, "and made much of them."ft The English seem always to have been more favorably inclinetl towards other tribes than to the Narrng uisets, as appears from the stand they took in the wars between them and their enemies. And so long as other tribes suc- ceeded against them, the English were idle sjiectators ; but whenever the ; oale turned in their favor, they were not slow to intercede. In the Life of Canonicus, the i)art Miantumiomoh exercised in the govern- ment of the great nation of the Narragausets is related. In 1634, Captains Stone and JVorton were killed by the Pequots, and in 1636, Mr. John Oldham, by the Indians "near Block Island." Miantunnomoh did all in his power to assist in aj)prehending the murdenn-s, and was at mudi jxiins and trouble in furnishing the English with facts relative thereto, from time to time. And when it was told at Boston that there was a cessation of hostilities bet>veen the Narragausets and Pequots, Mianlunnomoh was unmediately or- dered to appear there, which he did without delay, and agreed to assist them in a WOT against the Pequots ; without whose aid and concurrence, the English would hardly have dared to engage ui a war against them at that time. Eai"ly in lti37, (March 21,) to show the governor of Massachusetts that he kept his promise of warring against the Pecjuots, Miantunnomoh sent him, by 26 of his men, a Pequot's hand and 40 fathom of wampom. The war with them now commenced, and though of short duration, destroyed them to such a degree, that they appeared no more as a nation. One hundred of the Nar- ragausets joined themselves with the English in its accomplishment, and re- ceived a pait of the prisoners as slaves for their services.jj When tlie war was over, Miantunnomoh still adhered to the English, and seized upon such of the Pequots as had made their escape from bondage, and returned them to their English masters ; gave up to them his claim of Block Island, and other places where the English had found Pecjuots, and which tlicy considered as belonging to them by right of conquest. About the same time, or in tJie course of the year K);38, troubles had grown to an alarming height between the Narragausets and Mohegans, and, us ustuil, * This spelling is according' lo M'iiillirnp: wc |)ri't'er U7//i(i«i.«',s- molliod, ns more correct, whicli is Miantunnomn ; but, liavin;; employed llic lorincr in our first edition, it is retained in tliis. It is, however, oftener written M>jant(mimn now, whicli only shows another pronuncia- lioii. The accent is usually upon the pciiullinialc sylluLle. See Callemhr'n Cent. Dis- course, page 1. tM.SS. of R. Williams. t Now published in the Coll. Mass. Hist. Hoc. ^Called also C(i.?,«w,sY/»r»r/i, or Surqiiiiiieti, and Patinis ; that is, Pessnnis. He "was killed by the Moc|iii, [Mohawks,] in the wilderness, about 20 miles above Pisatoqua, in his travel eastward, in the time oC the Indian wars, and other Indians with him, and were buried by order of Major IValdrnn." 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Hoc. ' II " Receaues to give to the present in- habitants, that they shall remove themselves from the island before next winter." The deed of this purchase, a co\\\ of which is in my possession, is dated 24th Mm-ch, and runs thus: "We, Canonicas and Meantinomie, the two chief sachems of Naragansuts, by virtue of our general command of this Bay, as also the particular subjecting of the dead sachems of Aquednick, Kitacka- mucknut, themselves and lands \into us, have sold unto Mr. Coddington and his friends * * the great Island ol' Aquidnick, lying from hence [Providence] eastwai'd * * also the marshes, gi*ass upon Qiuuionigat and the rest of die islands in the bay, excepting Chabatewccc, formerly sold unto Mr. JVinthrop, the now Gov. of Mass. and Mr. Williams of Providence, also the grass upon the rivera and coves about Kitackannickqut, and from thence to Pau- posquat." " The mark of ^ Cononicus. The mark of © Yotnesh, [Otash, brother of Miantu.nnomoh.] The mark of A, Meantinomie. The mark of , — ^ Asotamnet. The mark of vv*v Meihammoh, Canonic us ftw son. " This witnesseth that I, Wanamalanamct, the present sachem of the island, have received five fathom of wampum and consent to the contents. The mark of «$> Wanamatanamet. "Memorandum. I, Osemequon, freely consent" that they may "make use of any grass or trees on the main land on Pocasicke side," having receiued five fathom of wampum also. The mark of ^ Osamequen. I As late as 21 Sept. 1638, the hand of Miantunnomoh is set to an instrument, with tliat of Uncas. Said instrument was a treaty of peace, a bond for the settling of difficulties between these two sachems and then- men, and an *"Tlie law of the Iniiians in all America is, that the inferior sachems and subjects shall plant and remove at tlic pleasure of the highest and supreme sachems." Roger Williams. This is authority, and wc need no otlier commentary on tiic arbitrary proceedings of the court of Massachusetts. t In manuscript on flic, at tlte state-house, Boston. [Book II. let, nfterwards lomoh; l)ut, as MossncJiusetts, id, altliougli a id by the Eng- t of Mnssuchu- iness, which it rag a chance to of Mr. Gorton II examination 10 was only a ;ainst the testi- then, tiian that ;hase, in tiiose I ahnost every )rally, to make It it was by no ncler them to 1 was precisely we shall have old to William so most of the [)f white l)ea^', received eight the present in- re next winter." .'ssion, is dated , the two chief -){ this Bay, as nick, Kitacka- Joddington and B [Providence] !ie rest of die Mr. Winthrop, ilso the grass lence to Pau- iNICUS. lESH, [Otash, INTUNNOMOH.] TINOMIE. AM NET. AMMOH, LNicus his son. of the island, Its. AMATANAMET. y "make use iving receiued rIEQUEN. Ji uistrument, bond for the men, and an (I subjects shall togfr Witliama, ugs of the couri Chap. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH.— TREATY WITH UNCAS. 01 obligation from both to appeal to the English when any ditBcnlty shoidd niise between them. This treaty was done at Hartford, the sidwuiiico of whii'h follows : 1st. Peace and friendship is established between Miantunnonwh on the \mvt of the Narragansets, and Poquim, as Uncas was llicii sometiiuoH culled, on tlie part of the Mohegans. And all former injuries and wrongs to be forgiven, and never to be renewed. 2(1. Each of the sachems agree, "that if there , .11 out injuries" from citlier side, they will not revenge them, but that th(!y will aj)peal to th(j Eiigjirsii, whose decision shall stand ; and if either party refuse to submit, " it shall ho lawful for the English to compel him." 3d. The sachems further covenant with the English, that tlicy nor none of their peopli; shall harbor any Indians who shall bo eneinies to them, or shall liave murdered any white people. They further ayree that they will, "as soon as they can, either bring the chief sachem of our late enemies the Pcaquots, that had the chief hand in killuig the English, to the sd English, or take of " his head. As to the "murders that are now agreed wjion amongst us that are living, they shall, as soon as they can possibly, take off their heads." 4th. And whereas it is agreed that there are now among the Narragansets and Mohegans, 200 Pequot men, besides squaws and papooses; tills article is to provide, that the Narragansets have enough of them to make up 80, with the 11 they have already, "and Po^itime his niiiuber, and that atlcr they, the Pcaquots, shall be divided as above, shuJi no more bo called Peaipiots, but Narragansets and Mohegans." They agree to pay for every saiioj) one fathom of vvampoin, and for every youth iialf as much— "and for every sanop papoose one hand to be paid at killing-time of corn at Coiiiiecticiit yearly, and shall not suffer them for to live in the country that was formerly theii-s, but is now die English's. Neither shall the Narragansets or "" ' possess any part of the Pequot country without leaue of them." Mohegans John Haines, Rog'r Ludlow, Edw'rd Hopkins. MlANTINOMMY, •) PoquiA-Ai, alias Unkas. -|-" The wife of Miantunnomoh, named Wawaloam, was alive as late as 16G1, as apjieai-s by an information which she gave, dated 25 June, concernuig the right of Sokoso to sell the lands adjacent to Wecapaug. On a time previous to 1G43, Roger Williams delivered a discoin-so to some Indians at their residence, as he was passing through their country. Mian- tunnomoh was present, and seemed inclined to believe in Christianity. Mr. Williams, being much fatigued, retired to rest, while Miantunnomoh and othera remained to converse upon what they had heard. One said to the chief, " Our fathers have told us that our souls go to the south-west ; " Miantunno- moh rejoined, " How do you know your souls go to the south-west ? did you ever see a soul go- that way?" (Stdl he was rather inclined to believe, as Mr. WiUianxs had just said, that they went up to heaven or down to hell.) The other added, "When did he (meaning Williams) ever see a soul go up to heaven or down to hell } " We have given the above anecdote, which is thought a good illustration of the mind of man under the influence of a superstitious or prejudiced education. When it was reported, in 1640, that Miantunnomoh was plotting to cut off the Engliali, iis will be found mentioned in the account of JVinigret, and several English were sent to him in July, to know the truth of the matter, he would not talk with them through a Pequot interpreter, because he was then at war with that nation. In other respects he complied with their wishes, and treated them respectfully, agreeing to come to Boston, for the gratification of the government, if they a. ; u'.d allow Mr. Williams to accompany him. This they would not consent to, and yet he came, agreeably to their desires. Wc shall presently see who acted be:^t the part of civilizod mon in this affair. 6 62 MIANTUNNOMOn ACCL'SED OF A fONSPIRACV. [|5()0K II. f: He had refused to use a Pequot intor|)n>tor for good ronsons, but when ho was at Boston, and surrounded liy anueii iiicii, lie was oliliired to sul)niit. "Tlie governor being as resolute iis lie, refused to use any other interpreter, tliinking it a dishonor to us to give so nineh way to tlicni ! " The great wisdom of the government now dis])l!iyed itself in the pei-son of Governor Thomas Dmllcy. It is not to be expeeted but that Miantunnomoh should resent their proceedings ; for to the above insult tiiey added others; "would show him no eountenanee, nor admit him to dine at our table, as formerly he had done, till he had acknowledged his tailing, &:c., which he readily did."* By their own folly, the English hiul made themselves jealous of a powerful chief, and they appear ever ready iifrerwards to crcMlit evil nspoits of him. That an indepeuiVnt chief shoiMd be obliged to coidbrm to transitory notions upon s\ich an occasion, is absolutely ridiculous ; and the justness of the following remark fr\)ui him was cmough to have shauK^l good men into their senses. 1 le said, " fVhcn i/our people come in me, tlieji itrc pcrmiUed to use their own fa.ihions, and T exptd the same liherljj when I come to yon." In lii4'i, ('onnticticut becanv; very suspiciiMis of Miantunnomoh, and urged Massachusetts to join them in a war'against him. Tiieir IJ'ars no doubt grew out of the consideration of the probabh? issue of a war witii Uncas in his favor, whirh was now on ihe point of breaking out. Even Massachusetts did not flunk their suspicious well founded ; yet, according to their re(|uest, they sent to .Miantunnomnh, Avho, as usual, gave them satistactory answers, anil, agreeably to th'^ir re(piest;'«'ame again to Boston. Two days "were employed by the com-t of Mass'ichuseits in di liberating with him, and we are aston- ished at the wisdom of the great <'liief, (>ven as reported by his enemies. That a simple luaii of natiu'e, who never knew courts or law, should cause such acknowledgmeius as I'ollow, from the civilized and unse, will always lie contemplated with intense iulmiratiou. "When he came," says fVinthrop, "the coiu't was assembled, and befon^ his admission, \\{> considered how to treat with him, liir wi- knew him to be a v(>ry subtli; miui." When he was admitted, "he was set down at the lower eud of the tabli-, over against the governor," but would not at any lime speak upon busimss, unless some of his counselloi*s wen' jm'seiit ; saying, "he would have them present, that thev might bear witness with him, .-it his ri'turu home, of all his sayings." Tlu; same author further says, " In all his answers he was very delibi'rate, and showwl good uudei-rttaiiding in the princijiles of justice and equity, and ingenuity withal." lie now asked for his accusers, urging, that if they could not eMablish their allegatit)ns, they ought to .sutler Avliat he cvpected to, if they did; but the court said they knew of none ; that is, they knew not whom they were, and therefore gave no credit to the reports until they had ailvised him according to a foruH'r agreement, lie thi'U said, "If you did not give credit to it, why then did you disarm tlie 'iidiaiis-'" Ara-ssachiisetts having just then disarmed some of the iVlerrimacks under some pretence. "He gave divers reasons," sjiys (ioveiiior MV(i//iro/;, f "why we should bold him ii-ee of any such con- spinicy, and why we slioulil conceive it wiisareiiorf raised by Vnens, &e. and therefore ottt-red to meet linens, and would prove to his (ace his treacln^ry against tiie English, \c., and told us he would come t who had raised the accusations, bore heavily upon his breuxt, and "he put it to our consideration what damage it had lii!eii ti> him, in tlinl he wius forced to keep his men at hoiiii', and not sutltr (hem to go forth on hunting, \'i-., til' la; had given the English satisfaction." After two dayx spent in talk, the council issued to the satisthclioti of the English. During the council, a table wiw Het by iloelf tor the Indians, which j\Kati- "Wiitlhrop'/i Jdiiriiiil. t Sei' Ixiok ill. clmii. vli. t lliTc. till' rcuder iniiy willi |iroprioly oxrliiini, \vni miotlicr micliaet fitrrtttu :—" I'our- qunv. Mi'ssfignfun, jr dtmamie qiir. mon JUulx MTHtutfiir loil puai puenil taliuiiis," dec. HDitiif'H I.eu X. iv. 137. ICV. [Hook II. but whpii lio was submit. "Tin- iTjUTtcr, tliiiikiii<.' at witidoiii of till' Thomas Dudley. Iieir proccLMJiiijrs; no coiiiitcnaiifc, lone, till bo bad y tlicir own lolly, 1 and tliey appear )rm to trant^itory id the justness ot' d frood men into •e per milted to mr you." lomoh, and urged ■s no doubt f^rew it'll Uncas in bis Massac busetts did leir n'(|nest, tliey ry answei-s, and, s were employed id we are astoii- liis enemies. law, sbouid cause e, will always be ," siiys H'inthrop, )usi(lered bow to " When be was , ovi'r against tlie iilcss some of bis treseiit, tbat tlu'V s sayinjrs." Tli'e y deliberate, and and ecpiity, and lot cstablisb tlieir ley (lid; but the 1 they were, and 1 liim aeeordiufi; eredit to it, wby 1st then disarmed divers reasons," if any sueli eon- l by Uiirns, Are. iice bis treaeben at ■ nirt ireaehery any time," af- le f'.nglisb would It of the cbarffen mis, bore heavily iiM^re it had been lot siitli'r tlieiii to faction." After the I'liKlish. ins, wiiieli Mian- Sirrrttu .•— " Pour- I'lm lulioiiiii," iV.i'. II ■( Chap. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH.— HIS WAR WITH UNCAS. 63 tunnoinoh appe&vs not to have liked, and " would not eat, until some food hud been sent him from that of the governor's." That wisdom seems to have dictated to Massachusetts, in her answer to Connecticut, must be acknowledged ; but, as justice to Miardumu)m,oh abun- dantly demanded such decision, credit in this case is due only to them, as to him who does a good act because it was his interest so to do. They urged Connecticut not to conunence war alone, "alleging how dishonorable it would bo to us all, that, while we were upon treaty with the Indians, they should make war upon them ; for they would account their act as our own, seeing we had formerly professed to the Indians, that we were all as one ; and hi our lost message to Miantunnomoh, had remomber(;d him again of the same, and be had answered that he did so account us. Upon receipt of this our answer, they forbarc! to enter into a war, but (it seemed) unwillingly, and us not well pleased with us." The main consideration which caused Massachusetts to decide against war was, "Tbat all those intbrniations [furnisheJ by Connecti- cut] might arise from a false ground, and out of tho enmity which was between the Nurrugansot and Mobigiin" sachems. This wiis no doubt one of the real causes; and, bad Miantunnomoh. overcome Uncas, the English would, from policy, as gladly have leagued with him as with the latter ; tor it was constantly pleaded in those days, that their .safety must depend on a union with some of the most powerful tribes. There can be no doubt, on fairly examining the case, that Uncas used many arts, to induence the English in his favor, luid against his enemy. In the progress of the war between the two great chiefs, tlio English acted precisely as tlie Indians have been always said to do — stood aloof, and watched the scale of victory, determined to join tho (•onquerors : and we will here digress tor a moment, to introduce a churucter, more fully to illustrate the cause of the opemtions of the English against the chief of the Nurragansets. Miantunnomoh had a wretched enemy in H'aiandance, a Long Island sachem, who bad assisted in the destruction of the Pequots, at their lust retreat. Ho revealed the plots and plans of Miantunnomoh; and, says Lian Gardener, " he told me many years ago," as all the plots of the Ninnigansets had been discovered, they now concluded to let the English ulont,' until they had destroyed Uncas aiul himself, then, with the assistance of the Mohawks, "and Indians beyond the Dutch, and all the northern and eastern Indians, would eiLsily destroy us, man and mother's son." Mr. Gardener next relates that he met with MiantunnoDwh at Mcimticut, ff'aiandance^s coimtry, on the east end of liong Island. That Miantunnomoh. was there, as Waiandancc said, to bn-iik up the inttircoiirse with those Indians. There weri! others with Miantunnomoh, and what they said to f^aiandame was tut tbilows: — " You must ffivc no more wampum to the Enfxliah, for they are no sachen\s, nor none of their children shall he in their place if they die. Tluy have no tribute ).':inn them. There is hut one Ai//g in England, who is over tliem, all, and if you should send him l(H),{M) fathom of ivampum, he would not f::ive you a knife for it, nor thank you." Then said /r(/mm/rt/i'T, "They will come and kill us all, as rliey (lid tlie lV<|iiils;" but replied the Narragau.sets, " A*", the Peumis ffavt them wampum and beaver, which they loved so welt, but they sent it them agaiuj i(nd, killed them because tliey had klllid an Euarlinhnian ; /(i(^ you have killed none, Ihenfore /rive them nothintr." S'oiiii? time after, .l/ic»(i/ioim»mf(/i went again, "with a troop of men, to the same iilare, and, instead of receiving presents as formerly, In- gave presentH to H'nuindanre ami his people, and made the following speech: — " Iti'iitliers, we must Iki ono n.- tho l''.ii^r|isb lire, or we sbtdl sotui all i)C deslioyi'd. \ ou know oiir fiilliers had plejity of deer and skins, and our pliiins were lull of deer and of turkeys, and our coves and rivers were full of lish. Itiit, I licit hers, since these Ijiglish have seized upon our country, they III d own tlie grass witli scmIhs, a iiid tl le trees witl I axes. Tl leir <'ows and t horses eat up tile gni^s, and their hogs spoil our beds of clams; and liiial »ve shall starve to death! Tlierei; ire, stand not in your own light, I beseer Vfiii, but resolve with us to act like men. ,\|| the sachenm both to the east nil. I \\\<\ lia\e ji.iii".! with u-*, am! wr are all rcMilv d to liill upon them, at u 64 MIANTUNNOMOH DEFEATED AND TAKEN PRISONER. [Book II. L 'I wmi if m day a])j)ointe(l, and therefore I have come secretly to you, because you can ncr.siiaile the ludiuiis to do Avhat you will. Urothcrs, I will send over 50 Indians to Miuiisses, and 80 to you from thence, and take an 100 of Southaini)ton Indians, with an 100 of your own here. And, when you see the three fires that will be made at the end of 40 days hence, in a clear niglit, then act as we act, and the next day fall on and kill men, women and children, but no cows ; they must be killed as we need them for pro- visions, till the deer come affain." To this speech all the old men said, " Wwregen," i. e. "It is well." But this great plot, if the account given by ff'aiandance be true, was by hitn brought to the knowledge of the English, and bo failed. "And the plotter," says Gardener, "next si)nng after, did as Ahab did at Ramoth-Gilead.— So he to Slohi'gan,* and there had his fall."t Capture and death of Miantunnomoli. — The war brought on between Uncas and Miantunnomoh was i t within the juri.>)diction of the English, nor is it to be expected that they could with certainty determine the justness of its cause. The broil had long existed, but the ojjcn rupture was brought on by Uncus' making war upon Scquassnn, one of the sachems under Miantunnomoh, The Englisii accoutits say, (and we have! no other,) that about 1000 warriora were raised by Miantunnomoh, who came upon Uncas unprepared, havnig oidy about 400 m»!n ; yet, after an obstinate battle, in which many were killed on both sides, the Narragaiisets were put to flight, and Miantunnomoh taken prisoner; that lit; endeavored to save himself by flight, but, having on a coat of mail, wiLs known from the rest, and seized by two J of his own men, who Jioped by their treachery to save their own lives. Whereupon they imme- diately delivered him up to the conqueror. Uncas slew them both instantly ; probably with his own iiand. This specimen of Ins bravery must have had a sidiitary etli'ct on all such as afterwards chanced to tliink of acting the part of traitoi-s in their vvai-s, at least among the Narragansets. The English of Rhode Island rather fiivored the cause of the Narragansets, nor could a dift'erent com-sc be expected of them, satisfied as they were, thot that nation were greatly wronged ; while, on the otlier hand, Connecticut and Blassaehu.sctts niilier fiivon-d the Mohegan.s. That Mianttmnomoh should not hulfer in his iM-rson, in battles which, it was now seen, were inevitabi' Samuel Gorton furnished him with a heavy old Englisii armor, or coat of mail; and this, instead of being beneficial, as it was intended, proved tlie destruction of his friend. For, when a n'tnat became necessary, not being used to this kind of ca|>ari. not killi'd iiliovr llnrtfiird, a.i Whilhrnp »tnle« ; (i.r tin- roiiiilrv m mmiii- ilisliimo from llio nioiilli of I'cuiiol RiviT wiis ciillnl Molii->;'.»•. iii. IM. • hi till' rccdnls {II miiil, ii, Ut.) lnU niic prrsim is iiuiirc| iin hnvinj{ liiki-n Vmiilininn- •II •■|. win. (• iimiic «,is 'l\nili'iiihs,'ii : ,\\\i\ liitrc lie is nillfd ii Molii'jjmi ii\|>litiii. Tlinl llu-ro- I'.irr iIk« N'.irrii'fnnMi'H inml to kill liim ; iMiiie unoii liiiii oiifc in ilio iiittlii, anil tlaiigoroujly wi'iiiidc'l liiiii, nt ill' Ifiy in lii!i widwnm nslopp. Mcc mi/e in ihc Life of ninigret, ^ W'iittliitip, ii. IJl. ONER. [Book II. lecause you can ill send over 50 ike an 100 of \nd, when you ays Iience, in a till nu'u, women I tlieiii for pro- is WELL." But ie, was by him \n(l tlie plotter," i-Gilcad. — So he between Uncaa glisli, nor is it to less of its cause, [lit on by Uncas^ hinnonioh. The 10 warriora were 3d, having only r were killed on tunnomoh taken tiaving ou a coat i own men, who pon they iuune- I both instantly ; lust have hml a acting the part e NarragansetB, they were, that Connecticut and moh siiould not 'vitabi' Samuel It of mail ; and destruction of sed to this kind neans of flight. I a word, until ve besought you lis ivquest left 'olonies should issioners of the ous coiisidera- >pini()u that it ground (or us mr friend they five of Ihr inosl Ih." 'I'hiHwas cy was enioin- own to IJncas M'iiithrtip slnlt"< ; I'll Mohfiran. It till. Tlint llii'fp- >iiiil (luiiguruusly rnt. Ch.vp. IV.] MIANTUNNO.MOII.— CONDUCT OF THE ENGLISH. 6.> privately, with direction that he sliould execute hiiii within his own jiirisuir- tioii, and without torture. From their own account of this at!liir, the English (of the United C-'oloiiii .s) .■^taiid coiKh'uined in the trial of time at the bar of history. It is ailowc'd ili:iL Uncus had made war U|)on Stquasson, in July, 1(>43, and s of this matter. When the English had determined that ffncas should excinte .Miantunnonwh^ (//icoa was orderetl to be sent for to Hartford, "with some considerable iiuniber of his best and trustiest men," to lake iiim to a place for execution, "carrying him into the next part of his own government, and there ])iit him to death: provided that some discreet and lUithful persons of the l:Liiglish accompany them, and see the execution, t!)r our more fidl sjitisfuc- tion ; and that the English ineddli! not with the Ijwiil or body at idl."f The commissionei-s at the same time ordered, "that Hartford furnish Uncas with a competent strength of English to dettiid ]iim against any present fuiy or assault, of the Nanohiggnnsclis or any other." And "that in case Uncas shall refuse to execute justice upon .%a)dtwmy,,tliat then Mijuntenoino bo sent by .sea to the Mas.su'husetts, there to be kept in .sife durance till the com- missioners may consider I'urther how to dis|K>se of liim."t Here, then, we see fully develo|ied die real state of the case. The Mohe- gans had, by accident, captured Miantunnomoh, alh-r which event, they were more in tear of his nation than beibn;; which proves, beyond doubt, that they would never have dared U) put him to death, had they not been promised the protection of the English. No OIK! can read this account without being renunded of the fate of .Vapo- him. Wt! do not say that the English of New England ilreaded the power of Mluntunnomoh as muck as those of Old I'-nglanil did tint of A^apoleon atlcrwards; but that both were sacriticed in consetiuence of die liars of those into whose power the iijitune of wars cast them, will not, we |)res'une, be tieuied. When the determination of die commissKineis and elders was made known 10 Uncas, he "readily undertook the e\(!Ciit'M»n, and tnking .Miandinnomoh .iloiig with him, in the way between Hartford and Windsor, (where Uncas hiith some men dwell,) Uncas' brother, following alh'r jyiianlunnonioh, clave his head with an hatchet." J Mather says, tliey "very liiirly cut ofi' Ids liead."s^ i)r. TrumhiUl\\ r cords an arcount of caniiibaUsm, at this time, which we iMiglit to caution the reaiU'r against niceiving as true history, as it no doubt lists on the authority of tradition, which is wont to transfer even the transuc- limis of one continent to another, which is this: — ^* Uncas cut out a large piece i o|i|)o»iif iliiTclion. froin f'lirnn's iiwii coiiiilry, lis \Viiuls(ir was I'riiiii lliirlfiiril. It in iiiso iiiilikcly that I 'iwds liuil mni lUri'll so fur from his pniiiilry iipnii llic Tlmim'{' suiiii's ii|Hiii Ilia crave. Il is a wull-kHiiwii nislmn ot the riwp, to mlil in a iiiiinii- Miriiliil pill- III' llii' (Innil whi'iii'vor lliry iiass liy il, Sm; A Cnll. ^fl1ss. Hiit. Sor. iii. I.l'i. aiiit ./. //(•r.xirt'.v i\nlis. \\y Hdim! wrolclirilly iiriiofiml iii'i({lil>liiiii( nearly ihe same alory, which he says, in hi* huok, took place mv,;\ the 66 DEATH OF MIANTUNNOMOH.— TRADITIONS. [Book II. Wo arc now pertain that what Ur. Tnimhull Ims given U8 as unquestionable liistorj', from a " manuscript of Mr. //yrfe," is only tradition. Having been put ill iioHHcssioii of a coj)y of that manuscript,* we deem it highly important that ir siioiild b(! laid before the world, that its true weight may be considered by 'ill who would bo correctly informed in this important transaction, !{y way of preliminary to his communication, Mr. Hyde says, "The follow- In;: tacts being couimunicated to me from some of the ancient iathers of this town, who wore contemporary with Uncas," &c. "That before the settlement of Norwich, the sachem of the Narraganset tribe [Mantunnomoh] had a per- sonal quarr(;l with Uncas, and proclaimed war with the Moheg[anls: and marched with an army of 900 fighting men, equipped with bows and an-ows and hatchots. Uncas be[ing] informed by spies of tlieir march towards his i«oat, Uncas called his warriore together, about (500, stout, hard men, light of foot, and skilled iti the use of the bow ; and, upon a conference, Uncas told his men that it would not do to lot y« Nan-agansets come to their town, but they must go and meet them. Accordingly, they marched, and about three miles, on a large plain, the armies met, and both halted within bow-shot. A l)arloy was sounded, and gallant Uncas proposed a conference with the Narm- gaiiset sacluMn, wiio agreed. Autl being mot, Uncas saith to his enemy word[s] have got a number of bl-ave men toith you, and so have /. A^nt it n pity that such hravc men should he hilled for a quarrel between you and /? Otdy come like a man, ns you pretend to be, and we tmll fight it out. If you kill nte, my men shall he yours ; bid if I kill you, your men shall be mine.'' Upon which the Nurragansot sachem replied : ^My men came to fight, mid theif shall fifCM.' " Uncas having bofiiro told his men, flint if his enemy shordd refuse to figlit him, he would lidl down, and then they were to discharge their artillery [arrows] on them, and fall right on them as fast as they conid ;" this was done, and tiie ftlohogans rusliod ujinn MianlunnomoKs army "like lions," put them t<» flight, and killed "a muuher on the spot." They "pursued the rest, driving some down lodges of rocks." The foremost of Uncas's men got ahead of Miantunnomoh, and impeded his flight, dniv.infr him back as they ))assed him, "to givti Uncas ojipoitunity to take him himself." "In the pui-suit, at a jilace now called .*frtf/irm'» P/ni;?, f/ncaa took him by the shoulder. Ife then set down, knowing Uncas. Unras\\u'n gave a whoop, and his men returned to him; arid in a council then lii'ld, 'twas concluded by iheni, that Un^as, with a guard, should carry said sachem to Hartford, to the governor luid magistnitos, (it being bofow^ the charter,) to advise what they should do \\ith him." " Uncas was told by them, as tlKTO was no war with the English and Narragnnsots, if was not proper for them to intormoddle, in the afliiir, and advised him to take his own way. Accordingly, they brought said Narraganset sachem back to the safue spot of ground whore he was took: where Uncas killed him, and cut out a large piece of his shotdder, roasrod, and iMt it' and sjiid, 'ft im,» the swrrtest meet] he everrnt; it made him have strong hart.^ There they bury him, aiid luHde a pillar, which I have soon but ii few years since," This coumnmication was in the form of a letter, and dated at Norwich, Oct. 176"!», and signed Richard Hide. The just n-mark of Mr, Ely upon it I cannot withhold, in justice to my subject. "The above ^Mnnuscrint of Mr. Hyde,' m^ a /rrff/iVioji, is a valu.ibh^ jtajior, and worthy of pn-sorvation ; yet, JM-ing written 12.'> years after the event which it describes, i' is surprising that I)r. Trumbull should have iiisortod it, ■ " "" " " "t main ill his History of Connecticut, in its jirincipnl particulars, as matter of fact."] In the proceedings of the cotrnnission«'rs of the United Colonies, the mai (IcHlli of Philip. Onfkn, lip uny*, rut mil a pound of I'liillp'i l)loo(linf; linily and nle it. Tlie liook is l>V one Ihnry Tnimlmll, niiil pnrporls lo In- n liislory nf llic (lisrovi-ry of Anipr- icn, till' Iiiiliaii wars, Slc. The render will Hiiil it iiIxhiI sliills by llic mrpcl-sidc, Inil rarely in a rr«|ierinl>li> liool<-Hinro. Il liaa l>cpii forced through muiiy editions, but there ii scarce • word of true hi«lory i'i it. * Hv Rev W'm. Kill, of Connrrlirul. t Trumbull iinvH inrni, hui (he MS, is plnin, Bnd means mtal. X Manuscript letter, I Mar. lilM3. Chap. IV.] NINIGRET.— TROUBLE WITH MIANTUNNOJIOII. 67 facts in reference to the death of Miantunnomoh, contained in the above account, are corroborated. The records of tlie coinmlssioners say, that Uncos, before the battle, told Miantunnomoh, that lie had many ways f>0Hght his life, and now, if he ilar(;d, he would fight liini in single combat; but that Man- rins." "We'gave him leave to right liiinself f()r the wrongs which Janemoh and ff'eijuush Cook had done him ; and, f()r thi; wrong they had done us, wo would right ourselves, hi our own time."|| lleiwe, it appears Uiat, at this period, they were not so closely allied as they were aflerwiu'tls. The next year, Janemo was coniplaineut«! to the English, that he had connnitted some rol)berirH upon them. Captain Mason was sent from Connecticut with seven men to requins satisfac- tion. Janemo went hnmediutely to the English, and the mutter was amicably settled. 11 When it was rumored tliat Mianttmnomoh was plotting to cut off the I * Sec Hatard's Hisloricnl Collections, II. 7, 10. \ .So wrllliMi l>y Rof^rr WiUinms. \ Mr. I'rinrr, in Ills edition of Hubhard's NHrriitlvc, prohRl)|y mistook iVinlhrrm's MS., anil wrote As^anfmo instead of Ayanevio. Hot! the edition IT75, of Nar. p. W, Bn4!3, that "the Indians killed and drove away all the English" on ihe coast, from IManhatUui to Standord, the extent of the Dutch claim to the eastward. They then passed over " to Long Island, and tlure assaulted the Lwly Mootley in her house divers times;" but she, having about 40 men at her place at that tune, was able to defend herself. "Thes(! Indians at the same time," contiimes /fV/i/Aro;>, {" set upon the Dutch with an inmlacable fury, and killed all they could come by, and burnt thoir houses, luul killed their cattle without any resistuiuie, so as the governor anil such ils escaped, betook themselves to their fort at Moidiaton, und there lived and cat up their cattle." Among the English people who were nnirdcrod when this war began, was a Mrs. Jtnn Hulchimon, from whom was descended the historian of Massa- chusetts. She, having given ofli-nce to the Puritans of the liay state, (as Mussachust'tts was then called,) by her peculiar religious notions, to avt)i(l * Wimhrop'a Journol, ii. 8. t Ibid. ii. 157. } Ibid. ii. 13G. {DOOK II. enterprise, the us will be Ibuud tlie can-iage of curried himself "ily, lie said, he Jot but form an onductei' with single murder, murderer was governor was le waived the to pui-sue for >ened that the the rest Hod ch themselves, ilves on these s rej)oited that the consent of iig under that ( women, and fill the Indians ind, with such ore, before the iients, and the rhill, however, othei-s of the ti, fortunately, lose mediation s Marine, who iccount of his s liti; on tlic turned aside t of Mariners he governor's Hid /()rthMith >ugh N. Eng- •>iigliuid at N. ix'asoa of liis his company 120 mon; on kvas charged the Indians ; •f the justice iidians killed to Stund()rd, scd over " to vers times;" le to defend ,1 "set ujion >iiie by, and I', so as the t Monhaton, Cn\p. IV.J NIXIGRET.— MOHEGAN WAR. 69 legan, was of Massa- ly state, (as to avoid IS, 136. persesution, fled first to Rhode Island, and afterwards to the Dutch posses- sions, not far beyond Stauilbrd. This was in 1()42. When the Indians broke uj) tiio settlements there, in Sept. 1(543, they fell upon the family of this woman, killed her, a Mr. Collins, her sou-in-law, and all her family ex- cept one daughter eight years old, whom they carried into captivity, and such of two other families, Throckmorton and ComhilPs, as were at home; in all IG persons. They then collected their cattle into the houses and set them on fire and burned them alive ! A greater slaughter would have been made at this time and place, but for the arrival of a boat while the tragedy was acting, into which sevcr.'d women and children escaped. But two of the boat's crew were killed in tlicir hiunanc exertions to save these distressed })eoplL', The daughter of Mrs. Hutchinson remained a prisoner four years, when she was delivm-ed to the Dutch governor at New York, who restored her to her friends. She had forgotten her native language, and was unwilling to be taken from the Indians. This governor, with a kindness not to be for- gotten, .sent a vessel into Connecticut River, where its captain contrived to get several Pcfjuots on board, whom he secured as prisoners. He then iiiibrmed their IVieiuls, that they would not be set at libeily until the captive girl was delivered to him. This had the desired efiect, and she was accordingly rescued. Notwithstanding a peace was brought about in the manner before stated, yet it was of siiort duration, and the sparks of war which had for a short time laid hid in its own embers, was by sordid spirits limned again into a flame. The series of murderous acts which followed, are nowhere recorded within my researches, but an end was not ])ut to it until iCMli. It ended in a san- guinary battle at Strickland's Plain, near what is since Hoi-se Neck in New York, about 37 miles from the city. The uumbors engager] on each side are not known, nor the numbers slain, but their graves are still pointed out to the ciu'ious traveller. To return to our morn immediate sid/ject. We hear little of jVi/ngre< until after the death o^ Miantunnomoh, In 1644, the Narragansets and Nianticks united against the Mohegans, and for some time obliged Uncus to confine himself and men to bis fort. This nffiiir prolmbly took place early in the spring, and we have elsewhere given all the particulars of it, both authentic and traditionary. It appears, by a letter from Tho. Peters, addressed to (Jovernor fVinthrop, written about the time, that there had been some hard fighting; and that the Mohegans liad been severely beaten by the Narragansets. Mr. Peters writes: — " I, w ith your son, [John Wintltrop of (^on.,] were at Uncos' fort, where 1 nnt funoud it with hie iiriri, nn li'i|ic I'oiild 111- had of his lilr," iv'i". * "Tlie English tiiouglii it tlicir coueern," says Dr. f. M(ither,f "not to suffer lii;;i M be swiillowed up by those adversaries, since he had, (though lor his iVhitliivps .Tiiiir. ii, ytifj, yui. t Rclmian,58. 70 MNIGRET.— \ARRA(;ANSET WAR. [Book II. own ends,) approved liiniriolffaitlifiil to the Eiifrlisli fioiu time to time." An army was accordingly raised tor tlic relief of Unais. " But as they were jn.st marchinfj o>it of Boston, many of the [)rincii)al Narrajtanset Indiann, viz. Pessecits, Mexano,* and lyUawash, snjramores, and Awasequin, dejinty for tiio Nianticks ; tiiese, witii a larjjte train, came to Boston, suing for peace, heiu;:' wdiing to submit to wiiat terms tiie Englisii siiould see cause to imiiose upon them. It was demanded of them, that tiicy should defray the charges tiiey had put tiie English to, f and that the sachems should send their sons to be kept as hostages in the hands of tlu; English, until such time ius the money should be paid." Atlcr remarking that from this time the Narragan- sets liarbored venom in their h(?arts against the English, ftlr. Mathtr pro- ceeds: — "In the iirst place, they endeavored to i)lay kgerdeviain i)i their sending hostages; for, instead of sachcnis' children, they thought to send some other, and to make the English believe that those base papooses wen; of a royal progeny; but they had those to deal with, who were too wise to l>e so eluded. After the expected hostages were in the hands of the English, the Narragansets, notwithstanding that, were slow in the perlbrmance of wJiat they stood engaged for. And when, upon an impartial disiiliargo of the debt, their hostages were restored to them, tlioy I)ecame more backward than formerly, until they were, by hostile j)rp|)arations, again and again territied into better obedience. At last, Cajit. Jlikerton, of Dorchestei', was sent with a small ])artyj: of 20 English soldiers to demand what was lUie, He at first entered into the wigwam, where old JVlnigrd resided, with only two or three soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees to follow him, two or tliree dropping in at once ; when his small company were come about him, the Indians in the mean time siii)i)osing that there had been many more behind, lie caught the sachem by the hair of his head, and setting a pistol to liis breast, protesting whoever escaped he should surely die, if lie did not forth- with comply with what was recpiired. Hereupon a great trembling and consternation snr[)rised the Indians ; albeit, multitudes of them were then present, with spiked arrows at their bow-strings ready to let fly. Tlie event was, the Indians submitted, and not one drop of blood was shed." § This, it must be confessed, was a high-handed proceeding. "Some space after that, JVinigrtt %\as raising new trouble agaiust Mi^^ amongst his Nianticks and other Indians ; but upon the speedy sending iiji of Capt. Davis, with a party of horse to reduce him to the foi-mer peace, who, upon the news of the cajitain's apiiroach, was put into such a panic fear, that he durst not come out of his wigwam to treat with the captain, till secured of his life by mm, which he was, if he ijuietly yielded to his message, about which he was sent from the Bay. To which he freely consenting, that storm was graciously blown over." || Thus having, through these extracts, summarily glanced at some prominent passages in the life otWinlirrcl, we will now go more! into particulars. The case of tbe Narragansets, at the period of the treaty before spiJien of, had become rather desperate ; two years having passed since they agreed to iwy 'iOOO fiitlioni of "good white wampum," as a remuneration for the trouble and damage tiicy had caused the English and JSIohegans, and they were now pressed to fidtil their engagements. JVinisret, then called Jancmo, was not at J?oston at that time, but ^himsaaqucn was bis (lejiuty, and signeil the treaty tln-n made, with Pessncu^i and others. At their meeting, in July, 1647, Pessacus and others, chiefs of the Narragansets and Nianticks, were * Tlie editor of JohrisDu's Woiidcr-w ^cat mistake in itoliii:;' tliis vh'ivf us iiiuiK.'s of lilt; siinu' porsdii, who uiis llic lie Wiis cliirf siicliem (il' llii' .\urrii;;iin> womnii ol' greiil power." iiiul no oilier tunuoiiwU, an error lias -iireail. llial lias \ A yciirly trilmle in uanipum was iigreed /'li.Ui'/, w':iif|i (xlnces the all'.iir in lf)l.5. ; MS. i'i'?miioia anion;; onr sldU' pifjurs, J Rela'i 11 of lla; 'J'ronliles, ivLe., llu, |i)77. cirking Providence, in Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. makes a Miiviiiiiinti'iwli. AlrikiidU, Mi.taiino, Mcikn, &r., arc eldest son of Cdti/iiiiviis. Alter the death of liis father, .els. lie married n sister of AVhiV/vV, wlir. was "a than the faiiions Qimiiipfw. »i ""o •'""> "v^M M.h messengere, namely, that he knew the English would try to bring about a peace at their meeting at Hartford, but he was resolved on war, nor would he in(]uire who began it — that if the English did not withdraw their men I'roni assisting Uncas, he would kill them and their cattle, &c. According to ihe records of the commissioners, JVinigret did not deny these charges with a v(!rj' good fiice. He said, however, their messengers provoked him to say what he did. In order to waive the criminating discom*se, A'lnigret called for documents; or wished the English to make a statement of their account against him, that he might know "how the reckoninge stood." The English answered, that they had received of Pessarus, MO fathom of tvampum at one; time: — After- wards some kettles and about 15 fnlhom 7«orc, "which l)eing(! a contemptible some, was refused." As to the kettles, they said, "TIk; Narragaiiset messen- gers had sould them to Mr. .S7(riw;;/o»,* a brasier in Boston," for a shillii'g a l)ound. Their weight was ^'^.1 lbs., (not altogether so contemptible as one might be led to imagine,) whicli came to 14£. 5,?., and the wampum to 4£. 4s. 6rf.t Of the amotnit in Mr. Sln'imptnn^s hands, the ines.sengers took up 1£. prohably to defray their necessary expinises while at Boston. The rcnnainder an Bhigiishman attached to satisfy "lor goods stollen from him by a Nairagan- set Indian." JYinigret said the attachment wai not valid, "for that neither the kettles nor wampum did lu'longe to Pessacks himself, nor to the Indian that had stollen the goods," tind therefore imist l)e deducted from the amount now due. "The commissioners thought it not fit to press the attachment," but reckoned the kettles and wampum at 70 fathom, and acknowledged the receipt of 240 fathom, [in all,"] besides u |Hircel sent by JVinigret himself *o the governor ; and though this was sent as a jiresent, yet, as it was not accepted by the governor, they lefV it to J\/inigret to say" whether it shoukl bo now so con- * Samuel Shrimplnn. prcil)nl)lv, who boiiglil a lioino and lands of F.phraim Turner, brasier, situated in Houston, in Ifi'l. f Hence 4£. is. 6d.-^ 15 = 5s. 7frf. = value of a fulliom of wampum in 16'17. MMGUr.T.— MOIIWi.W CONTKOVF.llSV. [Hook II. :U sidorcd, or wIictliiT it should lii- tiikcii in iviyiticiit of llii' dclit. JViviffrrt mM the ffovcriior slioidil be settled, whether this w.'unpnm shonid be receiv<'d as a part of (hi! debt, or as a ]iresent; and JVinifrrd was urged t<» say how it sliould be. With gn-at magnanimity he answen'd : — ".If*/ lnni)uties of Pessrtejis, nnd spoke to tlie following effect : — "Before I came hero I "xpcctcd the burilcu had IxMni tlu'own upon me, Pessnrus not iiaving done what he agreed to do. However, 1 have considered upon the treaty of 1(!45, and am resolved to give the i'liglish satistiiction in all things. I will send some of my men immediately to Narraganset nnd Niantick, to m\sv the wampum now due to them, and hope to hear what they will do in three (i.iys. In ten days 1 tliiidv the wampnm will arrive, nnd I will stay here imtil it comes. I will tell this to the Narraganset confederates. But if there shoidd not enough at this lime be raised, I desire some forln-ar- anc(> as to tim(>, as 1 assure you that tli(< nMuaiiuler shall be shortly j)aid, and you shall see nie true to his lyoH, but (MS who then h(! siiiiii^ lime whi'tlici' tills )>i(sont; and unanimity Ik; I or nol, I iti- Ciituhamohin ol' a «'ivilizt'x- rivai ; sadly, )roiifrlit only lat ciiangcd, innch being ;ht, but stiid, 100 rathoni prpHcnt war, wise,)" told athered luid days to go in, still they as so niurli but, if they nid send no hi'insfflvefi." lis eonfede- I', by a little y might put deliver the Chap. IV.] NINIGRET— THE ENGLISH PREPARE FOR WAR. 73 children to J^inif^et,* expecting from him the more care to sec engage- ments fully satistiod. And, if they find him real in his performance, they will charge all former neglects upon Peasacua" and " in such case they expect from JVinigret his best assistance, when ho shall be required to recover the whole remainder from him. All which JSTinigret cheerfully ac(!eptcd, and promised to ptirform accordingly." Notwithstanding all their promises, the Narraganscts had not discharged their deln at tlie end of two years more, though in that time they had paid about 1100 fathom of wampum. At their meeting this year, 1649, at Boston, "the commissioners were minded of the continued complaint of Uncos" against the Narragunsets, that they were "still vndennining his peace and seeking his mine," and had lately endeavored " to bring in tlie Mowhaukes vi)pon him," which failing, they n<;xt tried to take away his life by witehcrafV. A Narraganset Indian, named Cuttanuin, " in an English vessel, in Mohegnn River, ran a sword into his brejist, wlicrby hee roceeved, to all ajipctariuice, a nioital wound, which murtheinis acte the assakint then confessed htse was, for n considerable sum of wampum, by the Narragansett and Nianticke sachems, hired to attempt." Meanwhile JVinigret, understanding what was to be urged against him, app(!are(l suddenly at Boston before the conunissioners. The old catalogue of delintiuenci(!S was read over to him, with several new ones ai)[»ended. As it resi)ected Cvttaquin's attempt ujjon the lile of Uncas, .Vtni'gre/ said that neither he nor Pessacua had any hand in it, but that "he [Cuttanuin] was drawn thereunto by torttu-e irom the Mohegans ;" "but he was tohl, that the assailant, befbni he ciune into tlic hands of the Mohegans, presently after the fact was committed, layed the charge; upon Irim, with the rest, which he confirmed, the day following, to Capt. Mason, in the presence of tlio English that v.ere in the l)ark with him, and often reiterated it at Hiu-tford, though sinc(! he hath denied it : that he was pi- scnted to Uncas under the notion of one apfK;rtaining to Vssamequin, whereby he was acknowledged as his friend, and no provocation giv«;n him." CtMaquin had afiirmod, it was said, that bis desperate condition caus(;d him to attempt the lite of Uncas, "through his great engag(;inent to the said sachems, having received a considerable quan- tity of wami)um, which he had spent, who otherwise would have taken away his life." The judgment of the court was, that the sachems were guilty, and we next find them engaged in settling the old account of wampum. J^/inigret had got the commissioners debiteel more than they at first were willing to allow. They say that it appeared by tin; auditor's account, that no more than 1521)^ fathom hath been credited, "nor could jVYnioTe< by any evidence make any more to appear, only ho alleged that about 60() fathom was j)hi(l by measure which he accounted by tale, wherein tlK^e was coiisidenlble difleveiice. The commission(>rs, not willing to adhere to any strict terms in that particular, (iuid though by agreement it was to be paid by niieasure ai:id not by tale,) were willing to allow 02 fathom and half in that respect, so t'jiat there remains due 408 fiithom. But JVinigret persisting in his former nfiirmation, and not endeavoring to give aiiy reasonable satisfaction to the commissioners hi the premises, a small inconsidt;rable parcel of beaver beir.g all that was tendered to them, though they understood he was better provided." They therefore gave him to understand that they were altogether dissatisfied, and that he might go his own way, as they were determined to protect Uncas according to their treaty with him. The commissioners now expressed the opini on among themselves, that affairs looked rather turbulent, aiift advised that pnch colony should hold itself in readiness to act as circurpfltnnces might require, " which they the rather present ir» coufiid(;ration, frofn an iuformatifjn they received since theif sitting, of a marriage shortly intended betwixt ■^yj^nigrcts daughter, and a brother or brother's son of Sassaq:iMs, tlic malignr^nt^ furious Pequot, whereby probably * Glnd, 110 dimbt lo riil lliomsol yes of ,i,o cxpciiund him guilty to Jet him know that they " will bring trouble upon themselves." At the same meeting an order was passed, "that 20 men well armed be sent out of the jurisdiction of tlie ]\las.sachusetts to Pessicus, to demand the, said wampum, [then in arrears,] .which is 308 fathom ; " but in case they could not get the wampum, they were ordered " to take the stutie, or the vallew theroti in the best and most suitable goods they can find." Or, if they could not find enough to satisfy all demands, they were ordered to seize and " bring away either Pessncus or his children, or such other considerable sachem or i)ersons, as tlicy prize, ami may more |)robubly bow them to reason." « Fiom Pessaais, they were ordered to go to JVini^ret, and inform him that the commissioner bad heard " that he had giveii his daughter in marriage to Sasecos his brotlur, who gathers PequoLs under hiin, as if either he tvoidd become their sachein, or ttgain possess the Peqxiot counlry^^ which was contrary to " engagements," aud what they would not allow, and he must inform them whether it were so. To inform him also that Wequash Cook "complains of sundry wrongs." And that, as to his lumliug in the Pccpiot country, t^ inform him he had no right to do so, as that country belonged to the English. The termination of this expedition, in which .Vmigret was taken "by the hair," has been previously mentioned in our extract fiom Dr. Mather. We have in the life of Miantunnomoh given some account of the acts of a chief called H'ainndance, especially relating to the disorganization of the plans of that groat chief. We come, in this place, to a parallel act in relation to Mnigret. About a yeuv afler the death of Miantunnomoh, JVinigret under- took to organize a ])lan Ibr expatriating the English; and sent a messenger to ti'aiandance, the Long Island sachem, to engage him in it. Instead of listening to his message, Wniandance seized upon NxnigreVs messenger, bound him, and sent him to Cajitain Gardener at Saybrook fort. From tlience he was sent, under a guard of 10 men, lor Hartford. But they were wind- bound in their i)assage, and were obliged to put in to Shelter Island, where an old sachem live(^ who was Waiandance's elder brother. Here they let NinigreVs ambassador escape, and thus he had knowledge that Iiis plan was discovered and overthrown. Since we have here introduced the sachem Wniandance, we will add the account of his last acts and deatlh One fViUiam Hamnwnd being killed " by a giant-like Indian" near New York, about 1637, Captain Gardener told Waiandnnce that he must kill that Indian ; but this being against the advice of tiie great sachem, his brother, he declined it, and told the captain that that Chap. IV.] NINIGRET ACCUSED OF A PLO" WITH THE DUTCH. 75 Indian was n mi|?lity great man, and no man dared meddle with liim, and that lie had many Iriends. Some time after, he killed another, one Thomas Farrinf^ton, and in the mean time, Waiandame's brother having died, he imdertook his execution, which he accomplished. This was his last act in the service of the English ; "for in the time of a gi-eat mortality among them, he died, but it was by poison ; also two-thirds of the Indians upon Long Island died, else the Narragansets had not made such havoc here as they have." JVinigret passed the winter of 1052 — 1 anions the Dutch of New \'ork. This caused the English great suspicion, especially as they were enemies to the Dutch at that time ; and several sagamores who resided near the Dutch had reported that the Dutch governor was ti7ing to hire them to cut off the English ; consequently, there was a special meeting of the English commis- sioners at Boston, in April, 1053, occasioned by a rumor that the Narragansets had leagued with the Dutch to break up the English settlements. Where- upon a letter was sent by them to their agent at Nan-aganset, Tlwmas Stanton, containing "divere queries," by him to he inter|)reted "to JVinegrttt, Pessiais and Meeksain, three of the chiefest Nnrraganset sachems," and their answers to be immediately obtained and reported to tJie commissioners. The questions to be put to the sachems were, in substance, as follows : — 1. Whetlier the Dutch had engaged them* to fight against the English. — 2. Whetlier the Dutch governor did not endeavor such a conspiracy. — .'J. Whether they had not received arms and munitions of war from the Dutch.— 4. What other Indians arc engaged in the jilot. — 5. Whether, con- trary to their engagement, they were resolved to fight against the English. — tlier, but a man shall Ix; sent to speak with the sachems. I have sent to Mr. Snalh, and VoIl\ his man, to speak to Mr. Brmon, and to say to him, that I love the English sachems, and all Englishmen m the Bay : And des.'-e M»-, Broicn to tell the sachems " The tliird person singular, lie, is used tiiroiigliout, in llie original, as it was supposoci by tlio propoiiiulers that eacli chief would he questioned separately. t Kvcry one must ho forcibly reminded of the answer gi\en liy one of our rovohilionary wortliies, Joseph /iwrf, Esq., to a British agent, on reading this answer of the chief Mexam, l!ll)u^^ll not under circumstances exactly similar. Mr. Reed was promised a fortune if lie ■would exert himself ou the side of the king. Viewing it in the light of a bribe, he replied : •• I nm not irnrtli purrhasinfr. but, siii'h us I dm. the kiiiir of (rreat Britain is not rich enottgh lo (In it." Dr. Gordon's America, iii. 172. cd. London, l- vols. Svo. 1786. J ViiUcrUine Whitman, an interpreter, elsewhere named. ! ■■i ' II M 76 MESSAGE TO NINIGRET.— HIS ANSWER. I Book II. of the Bay, tliat tlie child that is now bom, or that is to be bom in time to come, shall sec no war innde by us against tlie English." Pesaacus spoke to this purpose: — " I am veiy thankful to these two men that came from the Massachusetts, and to you Thomas, and to you Poll,* and to you Mr. Smith, you that are come so far as from tlie Bay to bring us this message, and to infomi us of these things we knew not of before. As for the governor of the Dutch, we are loath to invent any falsehood of him, though we be far from him, to please the English, or any othera that bring these reports. For what I speak with my mouth I speak from my heart. The Dutch governor did never propound any such tiling unto uh. Do you think we are mad? and that we have forgotten our writing that we had in the Bay, which doth bind us to the English, our friends, in a way of friendship .' Shall we throw away that writing and ourselves too.' Have we not reason in us ? How can the Dutch shelter us, being so remote, against the power of the English, our friends — we living close by tlie doors of the English, our friends ? We do profess, we abhor such things." Lastly, wo come to the chief actor in this affair, JVinip-et. He takes up each query in order, and answers it ; which, for brevity's saJce, we will give in a little more condensed form, omitting nothing, however, that can in any degree add to our acquaintance with the great chief. He thus commences : — "I utterly deny that there has been any agreement made between the Dutch governor and myself, to fight against tlie English. I did never hear the Dutchmen say they would go and fight against the English ; neither did I hear the Indians say they would join witli tliem. But, while I was there at the Indian wigwams, there came some Indians that told me there was a ship come in from Holland, which did report the English and Dutch were fighting togedier in their own country, and there were several otiier ships coming with ammunition to fight against the English here, and that there would be a great blow given to the English when they came. But this I had from the Indians, and how true it is I cannot tell. I know not of any wrong tlie English have done me, tlierefoi-e why should I fight against Uiem ? Why do the English sachems ask iiie the same (piesiions over and over again ? Do they think we are mad— and would, for a lew guns and swords, sell our lives, and the lives of our w.yfes and children.' As to their tenth question, it being indifferently spoken, whether I may go or send, though I know nothing myself, wherein I have wronged the English, to prevent my going ; yet, as I said before, it being left to mv choice, that is, it Iwing indift'erent to the commissioners, whether I will senu some one to s|)eak with them, I will 8end."f To the letters which the English messengers carried to the sachems, Mexam anil Pcssacus said, " Wt ilmre there may he no mistake, but that we may be umlerslood, and that there may he a true widerstandine on both sides. He desire to know wlierc you had this luws, that there was sxich a league made betwixt the Dutch ami us, aiui also to know our accusers." .VTm'/fJ''/, though of the most ini|H)rtaiicc in this affair, is last mentioned in the records, and his answer to the letter brought him by the messeng(!r8 is as follows : — "You lu-e kindly welcome to us, and I kindly thank the sachems of Massa- chusetts timt they siiould think of nie as one of the sachems worthy to bo incpiired (if concerning this matter. Had any of the other sachems been at the Dutdi, 1 should have feiu-cd their fblly might have done some hurt, one way or other, but tuey have not been then;, /am the man. 1 have ixtcn there myself. I alone am answerabit; li)r what I have done. And, as I have already deelared, I do ulleriv deny and jiroieHt that I know of no such plot as has been ap|)reheMde(l. Wiiat is the story of these great rumors that I hear at Poeatocke— that I mIiouM be cutoff, and tl-at the lliiglisli had a qimrrel against * So iiriiiicil ill llduinl, lull |iri>l>al>l,v iiii-iiiih iIiu mimo ai Volli V, in Iho latter case, liaving liiTii liiki'i; ('(ir /'. \\r liiin' kiiiiu'ii siirli iiistaiict'.H. t Tim iMcrcdinjf liciilciiro iil' iiiir loxt, (lie nulliiir of Tnhs of the huliaim lliinks, " would )iiiZ7.'u till! iiiiKl miislil'inin; iiollticiiiii of iiioilcrii limes." IikU^cmI ! Wliiil ! H I'iiilniU'ljiliiii liii-mr 7 Kivilly, \vi> iiiniKit roiici'i* (■ lliiil il oiiirhl in tlic ji-iist to |iii/7.l<> cvrn a UoiUm IxHj/tr, W a piiiiii! ukitl any ulicro, wo ii|i|ir('liciHl it i* in i>uaio mt/tli/yiitg wuid. Chap. IV.] NINIGRET.— AVVASHAW. i I me .' I know of no siicli cause at all for iriy part. Is it because 1 went thither to take physic for my health ? or what is the cause ? I found no such entertainment from the Dutch governor, when I was there, as to give mc any encouragement to stir me up to sucii a league against the English, my friends. It was winter time, and I stood, a great pait of a whiter day, knocking at the governor's door, and he would neitiier open it, nor suffer otiiers to open it, to let me in. I was not wont to find such carriage from the English, my friends." Not Jong after the return of the English messengers, who brouglit the altovc relation of their mission, Awasluiio ari'ived at Boston, as "luessenger" of ^^nigret, Pesaacus, and Mexam, with "three or four" othera. An inquisition was immediately held over him, and, from his cross-examination, we gather the following answers: — "wViniaiTef told me that he went to the Dutch to be cured of his disease, hearing there was a Frenchman there that could cure him; and Mr. John Winlhrop knew of his going. He carried 30 fathom of wampum, ^ve the doctor 10, and the Dutch governor 1.5, who, in lieu thereof, gave lum coats with sleeves, but not one gun, tliough the Indians there gave iiint two guns. Tiiat, while JS/inigret was there, he crossed Hudson's River, and there an Indian told him about the ai'rival of the Dutch shii)8. As to the corn sent to the Dutch by jVuiigret, it was only to pay his pa.ssage, the Dlitch liaving brought him home in a vessel. Five men went with jViniip'd. Four came home with him in the vessel, jiiid one came by land before. One of his company was a Moliegan, and one a Coneclicott Indian, who live with iIkmu, " where- upon he was sent for to speak what he had fiu'tlier to propoiunt." He de- miind(;d how they came by their information "of all tliese things toncliing JVini/rrft." They said from several Indians, porUndarli/ "tlui iMonheagc' in- dinn and the Narraganset Imliaii, which wert> both taken by Unraa his nmn, who had confessed the plot lufftire Mr. Hainra at Hartford." Atoashaw idso demanded restitution of the wampmn taken by Uncna. The commissioiien* told hitn that they had not as yet understiHid of the truth of that action, but when they hud thoroughly examined it, Ik; should have an atuwer, Ho, all tiiis legislating was alMint .Vii/ti^re/'« goinfc to the Dutch ; tiir as to a jtlot there uppt-urs no evidence of any ; hut when Vnma had committed n great deprediition uiion .Vuiig'/t/, why — "that altered tiie cimtt" — they must inquiro nito it, which doiditless was all right so liir; but if a like roiiiplaiut 78 NINIGRET.— UNCAS'S PERFIDY. [Book U. had been preferred against JVinifp-et by Uncas, we have reason to think it would have Iwen forthwith " inquired into," at least, without an if. A story, it coiniot be culled evidence, told by Uncas, relating to JViny^eVs visit to the Dutch, is recorded by the coniniissiouers, and which, if it amount to any thing, goes to prove himself guilty, and is indeed an acknowledgment of his own perfiily in biking JVinigreCs boat and goods, as charged by Awa- shrno. It is as follows : — " Uncos, the Muhegan sachem, came lately to Mr. Mains' house at Hartford, and informed him that J^nnigrett, sachem of the Niantick Narragansetts, went this winter to the Monhutoes " and made a league with the Dutch gov- ernor, and for a large present oi' wampum received 20 guns and a great box of powder and bmlcts. JS/inigret told him of the great injuries he had sustained from Uncas and the English. That on tlie other side of Hudson's River, J^nigret had a conference with a great many Lidian sagamores, and desired their aid to cut oft'thcMohegans and English. Also, that, al>out two yeai-s since, JV^'?i^e/ "sent to the Monheagc sachem, and gave him a present of wampum, pressing him to procure a man skilful in magic workhigs, and an artist in poisoning, and send unto him ; and he should receive more one Inmdredth fiitiiom of wumpuin, which was to have Itecn conveyed to the Monhcage suclicui, and the powaugh at the return of him that was to bring the poison. Uncas having iiiiclligence of these things, caused a narrow watch to be set, by sea and land, for the apprehending of those persons; and accordingly took them iTtnrning in a canoe to the nundier of seven: whereof four of them were Narragansets, two strangers and one Pequutt. Tliis was done in his absence, while lie was with Mr. Haines, at Conecticott, and curried by those of his men that took tliem to Mohogan. 13eing there examined, two of them, the [VVaiiipeage*] saciiem's brother, and one Narruganset tK'ely con- fessed the whole plot formerly expirssed, and that one of their company was that powaugh and prisoner, pointing out the man. Upon this, his men in a mge slew him, feiu'uig, us lie «aid, least lie should make an escape, or other- wise do oitlicr mischief to Umas or the English, in case tliey should cany him witli tlit^ rest Iwfore them, to Conecticott to be further exninined. And being brought to Conecticott before Mr. Haines, and examined, did assert these particulars." An Indian squaw also informed "an hiliabitant of Wethersfield, that the Dutch and Indians giMicrally were" ctiiifcderating to cut off the English, and that election day, [I(>.'>4,] w.is the time set, "becaus*! then it is apprehended the pliuitatioiis will be lell naked and unable to defend themselvcH, the strength of the English colonics being galliered li'oiii the str infnrination of tht> IVquota coming upon the English cost tliein."f It would seem, from a careful examination of the ntcords, tlint something )v.u\ been siiggistcd either by tiie Dutch or Indians, about "cutting otf the Eiiifiisli," wliicii justice to .Yinigrel recpiires us to state, might hav(> Im-cii the case without his knowledge or participation. For, the testimony of the mes- sengers of " nine Iiidiiui sngamores who live about the Moiiliatoes" no how iiiqiiicates him, and, theret()re, cannot lie taken mto account, any more than " Sec (U'claralioii onward in tlio reroriiji, {Ifiiz. ii. 'i'^i.) t Kcliirini; lo nii iifliiir r. /. Mather rdnlcs ns follows: " In the iiilprim, [wliilc (\iiil Mtismi was iirdici'iiiis;' Savlirook lorl,! many of tin' IV(|iioils wi-nl lo a place nnw (mIIi'iI H'''liii-slir/il on ( 'mint'i'liriii Ilivcr, luiil liavhiK; conftMU'raU'd willi llio Indians of that |ilai'i-, (as it was i(in){lisli |k'<)|iU' of llmt |ilari', n'ld divors of inrm )(oin^ to tlii'ir lalior in a lar)^ fndd adjoining; lo tlit- town, wero set upon 1)7 the balianii. Nine of lln- KnKlisli were sinin upon tlio place, and some honoi, and two yi uiiR women wcro liikoii cnplivo." Kflatiun of llie TrouMrt, Slc. 'Hi.-^Dt. TrumbuU fnvsl'.is lmp|)cncd in April. Hi»l. Con. i. 77. ^•'lic caiw of tir 1 -., I •'' the |'<'(|n(ils, nrcordinf( lo W'inthrop, i. iJfiO, was this. An Indian called Sequin lind ^iv(>ll tlu KiikIinIi lands at \\ cthcrsfiald, that he mi){hl live l>y tlicni ami liu urolccU'd from other Indians, lint when lie came lliprc, and had set ilowo liis Hi^wam, iho English drove him away li,v force. Ami henco it wu suppoiod that he had plotted their destruction, as oliove roiatrd, with llir Fc(|iiols. [Book II. to think it > JVinifpreVa f it amount wledgnient ■•d by Jlwa- it Hartford, Tagansetts, Dutch gov- i great box ies he had f Hudson's mores, and almut two n a present rkings, and ! uions one yod to tlie as to bring a narrow rsona; and : wliereof This was md carried nined, two th'cly coM- iipauy was men in a !, or otlier- Duld carry led. And did assert I, that tlic glish, and )rehendcd e strength And tiie the Eng- ng «)f lier lM."t tonicthing ig otr the hffii tiio tiie mes- ni) how noro than llir iiileriin, to a (tlure liuliaiiii of )l)ll' (if lliut II. wpro sft lorsps, Aiul TnunbuU An Iiidiiin rill iinil 1)0 uwiim, llio oiiod their Chap. IV.] NINIGRET.— ADDAM. what an Indian niuued Ronnessoke told JVicholas Tanner, as interpreted l)y another Indian called Addam ; the latter, though relating to JVrnigret^s visit, was only a hearsay afliiir. Ronnessoke waa a sagainore of Long Island. Addam also interpreted the story of another Indian, called Powanege, " who saith ho came from the Indians who dwell over the river, over against the Monhatoes, where the {)lot is a working, that was this: that the Dutchmen asked the Indians whether they would leave them at tlu; la.«t cast, or stand up with them. And told the Indians they shoidd fear nothing, and not be dis- couraged because the plot was discovered," &c. Adilnm the inter|)reter had also a story to tell. He said, " this spring ri()53, O. S.] the Dutch governor went to Fort Aumnia, [since Allmny,] and first went to a place called Jtckkkanck, [Hackinsack,] a great place of Iiulians, froin tlience to Moimesick, [Minisink,] thence to Opingona, thence to Warranoke, thence to Fort Auriuua: Au would have [iiini] do: Hut the sagamore told him lu; would hav<> nothing to [d(>] with it: whereupon (Jovert gave tla; sagamore a grc- ' • ttle ♦.) 1m> silent. J^ttnnahnm told him he had but 20 men, and the Engli. U ' n-.vi.r done him wrong, [and] he had no caiis(> to fight again.st them. Fi:. . iitli that A »i?ipg'/"ei<, the fiscal,* and the Dutch governor were up tv\.» ■ y* " close room, with other sagamores ; and tli(M-e was no speaking with ah_ , . Kiem except when thc^y came fora<"oal of fire, t or the like. And much sewaii was stu'ii at that tiiiK! in JVinmgrel^s hand, and he carried none away with him ;" and that Ronnesstoke told him that the governor bid him tly for his lifi', for tlu; plot was now discoven-d. \evertheles.-j, as l()r any positiviid himself. 2d. He, JSTtnekunat, consulted by solemn messengers, with the chief of the Eng- lish governors, Maj. JGnrfi'cot, tluui governorof the Massachuseiis, who sent him an implicit consent to right hinisili': upon which they all plead that the English have just occasion of displcasine. :M. After he had taken revenge upon the Long Islandei"s, and brought away about 14 captives, (tlivers of them chief women,) yet he restored them all again, upon the mediation and desire of the I'higlish. 4tli. AfVer this peace [was] made, the Long Islandt^re pretending to visit J^vnekunal at Block Islniid, slaughtered of his Narmgansets near IJO pf.'rsons, at midnight ; two of them of great note, es()ecially WepiltnmmodCa son, to whom iWnekunai was uncle. 5th. In the prosecution of this war, although he had drawn down the inlanchu's to his assistance, yet, upon pro- testation of the English against his jtroceedings, he retreated and dissolved his army. § The great Indian apostle looked not so much into thesi; particulars, being entirely engaged in the cause of the praying Indians ; but yet we occasionally meet with Inni, and will here introdui'e him, as an evidence against the proceedings of Uncas, and his fiiends the connnissioners: " The case of the Nipmuk Indians, so ftu- as by the best and most credible in- telligence, I huv(! understood, presented to tli(; honored general court, [of Mas- sachusetts,! 1. Uncita his men, at miawares, set ujion an unarmed poor people, and slew eight persons, and carried captive twenty-four women and children. 2. Home of these were sidtjects to Massachusetts government, by being the subjects of Juaiihi. 1| .'{. Tiiey sued for relief to the worshipful governor and magistrates. 4. Tliev were pleased to send, (by some Indians,) a connnission to Caj)t. Deniion, [of' Stoningt'i('!i. 'I'lio doi'd iut'lf niav lot m'oii i^ii lilo ainoii^ our ^tcUt I'af/fit, U (irnnilMin of Ciinnniiiis, son of Muc^niis, and lirollicr o( liH-ijiie^iiiien', *• llrirf History, -0. i\ ('ii|ii.iiii liiihiinl .*?miV/i, probably, who selilod y his men." This debt le man who antimnotmh, rsion, when I. V. ii. llf!. Hm. Kill. VJ. ^ Chap. IV.] PESSACUS.— COMPLAINTS BROUGHT AGAINST HIM. 83 the Pequot war was ended ; at which time Pomeroy states " all sorts of horses were at an high price." Mianlunnomoh had agreed to pay the demand, but his death prevented him. Nmiffret was called upon, as he inherited a considerable part of MiantumwmoKs estate, especially his part of the Pequots, of whom Poquoiam was one. He was afterwards called a Niantick and brother to JVinigre^.* Pessacus, often mentioned in the preceding pages, though under a variety of names, was bom about 1(J23, and, consequently, was about 20 years of age when his brother, Miantunnomoh, was killed, f The same arbiti-ary coiu-se, as we have seen already in the present chapter, was pursued towards him by the English, as had been before towards Miantunnomoh, and still continued towards JVinigret, and other Nairaganset chiefr. Mr. Cobbett makes this record of him : " In the year 1645, proud Pessacus with his Narragansets, with whoni J\/inigret and his Niantigs join ; so as to provoke the English to a just war against them. And, accordingly, forces were sent from all the towns to meet at Boston, and did so, and had a party of fifty horse to go with them under Mr. Leveret, as the captain of the horse." Edward Gibbons was commander in chiet| and Mr. Thompson, pastor of the church in Braintree, " was to sound the silver trumpet along with his army."§ But they were met by deputies from Pessactis and the other chiefs, and an accommodation took place, as mentioned in the account of J^nigret. The commissioners, having met at New Haven in September 164G, expected, according to the treatv made at Boston with the Narragansets, as particu- larized in the life of Vncas, that they would now meet them here to settle the remaining difiiculties with that chief. But the time having nearly expired, and none appearing, "the commissioners did seriously consider what course should be taken with them. They called to minde their breach of couenant in all the articles, that when aboue 1300 fadome of wampan was due they sent, as if they would put a scorne vpon the [English,] 20 fathome, and a few old kettles." The Narragansets said it was owing to the backwardness of the Nianticks that the wampum had not been paid, and the Nianticks laid it to the Narragansets. One luindrcd liithom had been sent to the governor of Massachusetts as a present by the Nianticks, they promising "to send what was due to the colonies uery speedily," but he would not accept of it. He told them they might leave it with Cuchamakin, and when they had |)erformed the rest of their agreement, "he would consider of it." The commissioners had understood, that, in the mean time, the Nairaganset sachems had raised wampum auiong their men, "and by good euidence it appeared, that by presents of wampum, they are practisinge witli the Molmwkes, and with the Indyans in those parts, to engage them in some designe against the English and Vncus." Therefore, "the commissioners liaue a cleiue way open to right theniselne.«, accordinge to iustice by war ; y(!t to shew how highly they prize peac^ with all inst their forbearance and long sufFeringe to these barbarians, it was agreede, that first the Ibrementioned present should l)e returned," and then a declaration of war to follow. At the same court, cflmpiaint was brought against the people of Pfssacu* by " Mr. Pclham on behalf ot Richard IVoody and Mr. Pincham," [Pi7ic/ion,] that they had committed sundry thefts. IMr. Broivn, on behalf of H'm, Smith of Kehoboth, prefernxl a similar charge ; but the Indians liavhig no knowledge of the procedure, it was suspended. Thus the Narragansets were suftt'red to remain unmolested until the next year, and we do tiot hear that the story about their hiring the Mohawks and others to assist riiem against Uncas and the English, turned out to be any tiling else but a sort of bugbear, probably invented by the Mohegaiis. " One principal! cause of the comissioners meetinge together at this time, [20 July, 1(547,1 being," say the records, "to consider what course should be lield with the Narraganset Indyans ;" the charges being at this time much the same as «t the (trevious meeting. It was fh«'rt'fore ordered that 7T>nmas Stunion, * See Hatard, ii. 162. ' "" t MS. lelter, subscribed with the mark of Ihe sacliem Piimham, on the file ni our rnpitnl, (Mass.) t MS. Nnrrative. J Mather's Kclatioii, and Hazard. 84 PESSACUS KILLED BY THE MOHAWKS. [Book IL Benedict .Arnold, and Sergeant fVaite should be sent to Pessacks, JVenegrate and Wehetamuk, to know why they had not paid the wampum as they agreed, and why they did not come to New Haven ; and that now they miglit meet Uncos at Boston ; and therefore were advised to attend there without delay ; but " yf they refuse or delay, they intend to send no more," and they must abide the consequences. When the English messengers had delivered their message to Pessacus, he spoke to them as follows : — " The reason I did not meet the English sachems at New Haven last year, is, they did not notify me. It is true I have broken my covenant these two years, and that now is, and constantly has been, the grief of my sj)irit. And the reason I do not meet them now at Boston is because I am sick. If I were but pretty well I would go. I have sent my mind in full to J\imgret, and what he does I will abide by. I have sent Potvpynaniett and Pomumsks to go and hear, and testify that I have betrusted my full mind with JVenegratt. You know well, however, that when I made that covenant two years ago, I did it in fear of the army that I did see ; and though the English kept their cove- nant with me, yet they were ready to go to Nairaganset and kill me, and the commissioners said they would do it, if I did not sign what they had written." Moyanno, another chief, said he had confided the business with Ninigret last spring, and would now abide by whatever he should do. When the English messengers returned and made known wliat had been done, the commissioners said that Pcasacus' speech contained " seuerall pas- sages of vntnith and guile, and [they] were vnsatisfyed." What measures the English took " to right theinselues," or whether any, immediately, is not very distinctly stated ; but, the next year, 1G48, there were some military movements of the English, and a company of soldiere was sent into Narraganset, occasioned by the non-jjayment of the tiibute, and some other less important matters. Pessacus, having knowledge of their approach, fled to Rhode Island. ^^Ninicrajl cntertainod them courteously, (there they staid the Lord's day,) and came back with them to Mr. Williams', and then Pessacus and Canonicus' son, Ijeing delivered of their fear, came to them ; and being demanded about hiring the Mohawks against Uncas, they solemnly denied it ; only they confep^^ed, that the Mohawks, being a great sachem, and their ancient friend, and being come so near them, they sent some 20 fathom of wampum for him to tread upon, as the manner of Indians is."* The matter seems to liave rested here ; Pessacits, as usual, having promised what was desired. This chief was killed by the Mohawks, as we mive stated in the life of Ca- nonicm. His life was a scene of almost i)erpotual troubles. As lute as Sep- tember, 1668, his name stands first among othei-s of his nation, in a complaint sent to them by Massachusetts. The messengers sert with it were, Hicii'^. Wayt, Captain W. Wright, and Captain Sam'. Mosely ; and it was in terms tlius : — " Whereas Capt. Wni. Hudson and John Viall of Boston, in the name of themselves and others, proprietors of lands and farms in the Narraganset country, have conij)lained unto us, [the court of Mass.,] of the great insolen- cies and injuries offered luito them and their people by several, as burning their hay, killing sundry horses, and in special manner, about one month since, forced some of their people from their labors in mowing grass upon their own land, and assaulted others in the high way, as they rode about their occasions ; by iirowing many stones at them and their horses, and beating their horses as they rode upon them," &c. The remonstrance then goes on warning them to desist, or otherwise they might expect severity. Had Mostly been as well known then among the Indians, as he was afterwards, his presence would doubtless have been enough to have caused quietness, as perhaps it did even at this time. * Wintkrop's Journal. [Book II. Chap. V.] UNCAS.— HIS CHARACTER AND CONNECTIONS. 85 , JVenegrate they agreed, might meet hout delay; I they must ivered their n last year, It these two ipirit. And If I were ivigret, and vmsks to go i^ratt. You ago, I did it their cove- ill me, and at they had \iinigret last lit had been iueralJ pas- iiether any, there were i-s was sent and some • approach, (there they ', and then them; and solemnly leliem, and 20 fathom ,"* The lised what te ife of Ca- as Sep- complaint crc, Ricit'*. in terms name of arraganset It insolen- 8 burning ntii since, their own )ccasions ; horses as g them to as well CO would did even CHAPTER V. Uncas — His character — Connections — Geography of the Mohegan country — General account of that ruUion — Uncas joins the English against the Pcqxiots — Captures a chief at Sachem's Head — Visits Boston — His speech to Governor Winthro-p — Sped- men of the Mohegan language — Sequasson — The war between Uncas and Miantunno- moh — Examination of its cause — The J^arruganscts determine to arcnge their sachem's death — Forces raised to protect Uncas — Pessacus — Great distress of Uncas — Timely relief from Connecticut — Treaty of 1645 — Frequent complaints against Uncas — fVequash — Obechickicod — N o w e Qu A — Woosamequin . Uncas, called also Poquin, Poquoiam, Poquim, sachem of the Mohegnns, of whom we have already had occasion to say consideu'abie, has loll no veiy favorable character upon record. His life is a series of changes, without any of those brilliant acts of magnanimity, which throw a veil r"'.'r numerous errors. Mr. Gookin gives us this chamcter of him in the year 1074: (Mr. James Filch having been sent about this time to preach among the MohtJ^ans:) "I am apt to fear," says he, "that a great obstruction unto his laljora is in the sachem of those Indians, whose name is Unkas ; an old and wicked, wilful man, a drunkard, and otherwise very vicious; who hath always been an op|)oser and undermiuer of praying to God." * Nevertheless, the charitable Mr. Htihhard, wheii he wrote his Narrative, seems to have had some hopes that he was a Christian, with about the same grounds, nay b(!tter, perhaps, thmi those on which Bishop Warhurton declared Pope to be such. Uncas lived to a great age. He was a sachem before tlic Potjuot wars, and was alive in 1G80. At this time, Mr. Huhhard makes this remark ujmhi hiiu: "He is alive and well, and may probably live to see all his enemies buried before him." t From an epitaph on one of his sons, copied in the Historical Collections, we do not infer, as the writer there seems to have done, " that the race of Uncas" was "obnoxious in collonial histoid ;" but rather attribute it to some waggish Englishman, who had no other design than that of making sport for himself and othera of like humor. It is upon his tomb-stone, and is as follows : — " Here lies llic body of Simsecio Own son to Tineas grandson to Oneko I Who were the famous snrhcnis of Mohegan Bui now they are all dead I think it is werliepgen." § The connections of Uncas were somewhat numerous, and the names of several of them will be found as we proceed with his life, and elsewliere. Oneko, a son, was the most noted of them. In the beginning of August, 1075, Uncas was ordered to ai)i)ear at Boston, and to siuTender his lU'nis to the English, and give such oth(!r security for his neutrality or cooperation in the war now begiui between the English and Wampanoags, as nnght be required of him. The messenger who was sent to make this ie(itiisitioii, soon returned to Boston, accompanied by three sons of Uncas and about 60 of his men, and a ipiantity of arms. The two younger sons w»;re taken into custody as hostages, and sent to Cambridge!, where they were remaining as late as the 10 November following. They are said to have been at this time not far from 30 yeai-s of age, but their names are not men- * 1 Col/. Mass. Hist. Soe. i. 208. Molieek, since MontvUle, Connecticut, about 10 miles north of New London, is the place "whore Unkas, and his sons, and Wamilio, arc sachems." Ibid. \ Hisl. New V.w^. H'el. — " Alihoudi he be \\ friend to the English, yet he and all liismen continue pagans siiil,' 1G7G. Dr. / Afa/W, llrief Hist. 45. X The wriiir or sculptor no doubt meant the contrary of this, if, indeed, he may be said to have meant any Ihinii;. ^ A genuine Indian word, and, ns it is used here, means, simply, to*//. "Then they bid me stir my instep, to sec if that were frozen ; i did so. When they suw that, (hey saiil that was wHri-egen:' Rockwell's Aiir. of his Captii-itij atnoiig tlie Indium in 1GT7. 86 UNCAS \SSISTS IN DESTROYING THE PEQUOTS. [Hook II. tioiied.* Oneko was employed with liis 60 men, and proceeded on an expe- dition, as will be found stated elsewliorc. Uncas was originally a lV'()iiot, and one of the 26 war captains of that fairioiis, Inrt ill-fated nation. Upon somr intestine commotions, lie revolted against his sachem, and set up lor himself. This took place abont the time that nation became known to the English, perhaps in 1634 or 5; or, as it would seem from some circumstances, in the beginning of the Peqiiot war. Peters, j an author of not much authority, says, that the "colonists declared him King of Mohegan, to reward him lor deserting Sassacus" Wo are told, by the same author, that, after the death of Uncas, Oneko would not deed any lands to the colony; upon which he was deposed, and his natural brother, Jlhimikck, was, by the English, advanced to the office of chief sachem. Oneko, not acknowledging the validity of this ])rocedure, sold, in ])rocess of time, all his lands to two individuals, named Mason and Harrison. But, meantime, .%imUeck sold tiie sanu; lands to the colony. A lawsuit followed, and was, at first, decidisd hi favor of the colony ; but, on a second trial, Mason. and Harrison got the case — but not the property; tor, ns Peters tells us, "the colony kc|)t possession under Ahimileek, their created King of Mohegan," jukI "found means to confound the claim of those compctitora without establish in,;. and he departed very joyful." § For the gratification of the curious, we give, from Dr. Edicards's "Observa- tions on the Jlidikekaneew [Moiiegun] Language," the Lord's prayer in that dialect. " JVogh-nuli, nc spummuck oi-c-on, laugh mau-weh wneh utu-ko-se-auk ne-an-nc an-nu-woi-e-on. Taugh nc aun-chu-ivut-am-mun tva-ioeh-tu-seek ma- weh noh pum-iiich. JVe ae-noi-hit-iceh mau-weh aw-au-neek noh hkcy oie-check, ne aun-chu-tmit-am-mun, ne au-noi-hil-tett neek spum-muk oie-cheek. Men-e- nnu-mth noo-iiooh wuh-liam-auk tiptogh nuh idi-huy-u-tam-ank ngum-mau-weh. Ohii-u-ut-a-mm-we-nau-nuh au-nth mu-ma-choi-e-au-keh he anneh ohq-u-vi-a- mou-tvoi-e-auk num-peh neek mu-ma-cluh an-7ieh-o-(piau-keet. Chcen hqu-idc- tjurm-chth-si-Jr-kch an-7ich-e-hcnau-nuli. Pan-nee-wch htou-we-nau-niOi necn maum-teJi-kel. Ke-ah ng-weh-chch kwi-ou-wau-tveh mau-weh noh pum-meh ; kt- an-woi ; es-ta^i, aw-aun w-tin-noi-yu-wun ne au-noi-e-yon ; han-wce-tveh ne kt- in-noi-cen." Such wiis the language of tiie Mohcgans, the Pequots, the Norinigausets and Nipiiiucks; or so near did they approach one another, that each could under- stand the odier through the united extent of their territories. Uncus was said to have been engaged in all the wars against his country- ini'M, (lu tlie part of the English, during his lile-time.|| He shielded some of ihe iiilimt scttlemeuts of Connecticut in times of troubles, especially Norwich. I * FJist. (liillfonl, ill 1 Colt. Mass. Hist, t-'oc. 100. f lll-i IliUllC l.s IKll llU'lllloil'.'ll. J ti inlliroj.', Jour. i. ^li.M). ; IJcluijiii, 111. .M;S, ci'iiiiiir.iiii i/.!()ii oi' Ui.'v. .Mr. AVw. '1 S3 UNCAS.— TREATMENT OF MIANTUNNOMOII. [Book II. To the inhabitants of this town the Mohcgans seemed more particularly atmched, probably from the circumstance of some of its settlers having relieved tlit'm when besieged by JVinigret, as will be found related in the ennuing history. The remnant of the Mohegans, in 1768, was settled in the north-east corner of New London, about five miles south of Norwich ; at which place they had u reservation. The Mohegans liad a burying-place called the Royal hurying-ground, and this was set apart for the family of Uncos. It is close by the fails of the stream called Yantic River, in Norsvich city ; " a beautiful and romantic spot." The ground containing the grave of Uncas is at present owned by C Goddard, Esq. of Norwich. This gcntlcniau has, very laudably, caused an inclosure to be set about it.* When the conunissionei-s of the United Colonies had met in 1643, com- plaint was made to them by Uncas, that Miantunnomoh had employed a Pequot to kill him, and that this Pequot was one of his own subjects. He shot Uncas with an arrow, and, not doubting but that ho had accomplished his purpose, " fled to the Nanohiggansets, or their confederates," and proclaimed that he had killed him. "But when it was known Vncas was not dead, though wounded, the traitor was taught to say that Uncus had cut through his own ai-m with a flint, and hiied the Pequot to say he had shot and killed him. Myantinomo being sent for by the governor of the Massachusetts upon another occasion, brought the Pequot with him : but when this disguise would not serve, and that the English out of his [the Pequot's] own moutli found him guilty, and would have sent him to iJnctis his sagamore to be proceeded against, Myaniinomo desired he might not be taken out of his hands, promising [that] he would send [him] himself to Vncm to be examined and punished ; but, contrary to his ])romise, and fearing, as it appears, his own treachery Inight be discouered, he within a (jay or two cut off the Peacott's head, that he might tell no tales. After this some attempts were made to poison Vnctis, and, as is reported, to take away his life by sorcery. That being discovered, some of Seqiiasson^s company, an Indian sagamore alfied to, and an intimate confederate with Myantinomo, shot at Uncus as he was going down Conectacatt River with a aiTow or two. Vncus, according to the foresaid agreement," which was, in case of difficulty between them, that the English should be applied to as umpires, complained to them. They endeavored to bring about a peace between Uncas and Sequasson ; but Sequasson would hear to no over- tures of the kind, and intimated that he should be borne out in his resolution by Miantunnomoh. The result was the war of which we have given an account in the life of Miantunnomoh. We have also spoken there of the agency of the English in the affair of Miahtunnomoh^s death ; but that no light may be withheld which can in any way reflect upon that impoittmt as well as melancholy event, wo will give all that the commissioners have recorded in their records concerning it. But fii-sdy, we should notice, that, after Miantun- nomoh was taken prisoner, the Indians afiirmed, (the adherents of Uncas doubtless,) that Miantunnomoh had engaged the Mohawks to join him in his wars, and that they were then encamped only a day's journey from the fron- tiers, waiting for him to attain his libeny. The record then proceeds : — "These tlihigs being duly weighed and considered, the commissioners apparently see that Vncus cannot be safe while Myantenomo lives ; but that, either by secret treachery or open force, his life will be still in danger. Wherefore they think he may justly put such a false and blood-thirsty enemy todealli; but in his own jurisdiction, not in the English plantations. And advising that, in the manner of his death, all mercy and moderation be showed, contrary to the practice of the Indians wlio exercise tortures and cruelty. And Vncus having hitherto shown himself a friend to the English, and in tins cniving their advice ; [therefore,] if the Nanohiggansitts Indians or others shall unjustly assiiult Vncus for this execution, upon notice and request the lOnglisli promise to assist and protect him, as far as they may, against such violfiice." We [ircsumc not to commentate upon this affair, but we would ask whether * 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 135. [Book II. Chap. V.] tJNCAS. 89 it does not appear as probable, tliat Uncas had concerted the plan with liif* Pequot 8ubj(!et for the destruction of Miantunnomoh, us that the latter had plotted for the destruction of the former. Else, why did Mianlunnonwh put the Pequot to death ? The commissioners do not say that the Pequot had by his confession any how implicated Miantunnomoh. Now, if this Pequot iiad been employed l)y him, it does not seem at all likely that he would have put him to death, especially as he had not accused him. And, on the other hand, if he had acknowledged himself guilty of attempting the life of his own sachem, that it might be charged upon others, it is to us a plahi reason wliy Miantunnomoh should jiut him to death, being fully satisfied of his guilt upon his own confession. It may be concluded, therefore, that the plot against Uncas was of his own or his Pequot subject's planning. The Pequot's going over to Miantunnomoh for protection is no evidence of that chiof's imrticipation in his plot. And it is highly probai)le that, after they had left tiii! English court, his crime was aggravated, in Miantunnomoh^ s view, by some new con- fession or discovery, winch caused him to be forthwith executed. As though well assured tliat the justness of their interference would be called in question, the commissioners sliortly after added another clause to their records, iis much in exoneration of their conduct as they could Und words hi which to express themselves. They argue that, " whereas Uncas was advised [by them] to take away the life of Miantunnonwh whose lawful captive he was, tiicy [the Narragansets] may well underetand that tiiis is with- out violation of any covenant IxtAcen thein and us; for Uncas being in con- federation with us, and one that hath diligently observed his covenants before mentioned, for aught we know, and requiring advice froiri us, upon serious consideration of the preniisps, viz. his treacherous and murderous disposition against Uncas, &c. and how great a disturber he hath been of tluf common peace of the whole country, we could not in respect of the justice of the case, safety of the country, and faithfulness of our friend, do otherwise than approve of the lawfulness of his death ; which agreeing so well with the Indians' own manners, and concurring with the practice of other nations with whom we are acquainted ; we jjcrsuaded ourselves, however his death may be grievous at [)resent, yet the peaceable fruits of it will yield not only matter of safety to the Indians, but profit to all that inhabit this continent." It is believed that the reader is now ])ut in possession of every thing that th(^ English could say for themselves, upon the execution of Miantunnomoh. He will therefore be able to decide, whether, as we have stated, their judg- ment was made up of one kind of evidence ; and whether the Narragansets had any lawyers to advocate their cause before the commissioners. After JMian-1I," and was signtul by four bulians ; one liesides those named above, called Chimouj<;h. That no passage might he lell open for excuse, in case of war, it was also mentioned, ihat "pmof of the ransom charged " must be made siitistiictory to the English hefore war was begun. The power of Pcssavus and JSi'inignt at this time was much feared hy the English, and they were ready to helieve any reports of the hostile doings of the Narragansets, who, since the subjection of the I'eipiots, had made them- selves masters of all their neighliors, except the I'higlish, as the I'ecpiots had done 1)1 lori' them. The IMohegans were also in great li'ar ot' them, as well after as helitre the death ol" Sliantuntwrniih ; but tt»r whose misll)rtune in being made a prisoiKsr by a stratagem of Uncas, or his captains, the I'liglisli might have seen tiir greater troubles lioni them than they did, judging lioni the known ahililies of that great chief There was "a meeting extraordinary" of the conimissicuiers of the rnit(!d Colonies, in July, lt!45, at Hostoii, "concerning tlu' I'leiich business, and tlio wars between I'issicua and Uncus being hegim." Their first business was to despatch away messengers to request the appearance of' the head men oftlio belligerents to appear themselves at ISoston, or to send some of their chief men, that the dilliciilties between them might he settled. Tliese messengei-s. Sergeant John Damrs, [Davis!] Hinrtlirl ,'lrnoUI, and hYancis Smiith, on their first urrixal at Nairiigansel, were wehonied by tli« sachems, Who ofTered them guides to conduct them to Uncas; but, either having understood their intentions, or judging lioni tlnir appearance tlint the English messengers iiieiuit them no good, changed their deportment altogether, and in the mean time seeretlv despatelied messengers to the Nianticks befiire them, giving them to un(fei-siand what was going forward. After this, say the messengers, " tiiere was nothing but proud uiid insolent CriAP. v.] UNCAS.— DEraNDED BY THE ENGLISH. 91 ih, in "A liy till) iiigs of tlicin- ots liail IKS ■vvcll MIC ill i'.ii tlinf. rtiiioiit ll> tlio •rwuril. iiHolent passajrrs [from JViiiigret.] TFic Indian gnidcs whicli tbcy liad brought with tlipin from Pumham and Sokakanoco wero, liy frowns and threatening speeches, (lii«conrage(l, and returned ; no otlier guides could bo obtained." The sachems said tliey knew, by wliat was done at Hartford last year, that the English wonld urge poiu-o, "6h< //icy iccre resolved, they said, to have no peace without Uncus his /«'«./." As to who began tlic war, tliey cured not, but they were resolved to continue it ; that it" tiie English did not withdraw their Koldiers from Uncas, t\n\\ should consider it a breach of former covennnts, and would jn'ocnre as many Mohawks as the English had soldiers to bring against them. They )'e\ilfd T''ncas for ha%-ing wounded himself, and then charging it upon them, and said li(^ was no friend of the English, but would now, if ht> durst, kill the t'ngiisli messcngcn-s, and Jay timt to them. There- fore, not bring able to proced, tlu; ICnglish messengers returned to the Nar- ragansets, emd acquainted Pcs.mciis of '.vhat had passed, desiring he wonld furnisii them with guides; "h;~, (in scorn, as they apprehended it,) offered them an old Peacott sipiaw." Tlv^ mcssengi'iv now tiioiiglit tlieuisi'Ivs in danger of being mas- sj'.cred ; "t!n'e(^ Indians with hatclnts standing behind the intcMim^tcr in a .-'isplcious manner, while he \\;is speaking with Per in tlieir countenance and carriage." So, without nnich loss of tim.', they began to n'fraci^ their stc])s. On leaving Pc.isacux, they told him they slioiild lodge! at an English trading house not fur ofl'that night, and if he wanted to send any word to the English, he might send to them. In lh(! morning, he invited tiicni to retin*n, and said he wo;'l(l furnish fliein with guides to visit F;iffi,?, but he would not suspend hostilities. Not daring to risk the jinu'iiey, the messengers returned home. .Inwll, tlit' interpreter, testified fliat this wius a true re!ati(Mi of what had passed, which is necessary to he liornc in mind, as something may aiipear, as we, proceed, impeuching the venicity of .flrnohl. .Meanwhile the commissioners set f^)rth an armament to defend f/jirrr*, at all hazards. Tojnstily this movement, they declare, that, "considering the great proAocations offereil, and the necessity we should Ih^ jjut unto of making war upon the Narrobiggin, iScc. and bi-iug also careful in a matter of so great weight and general eoncermnent to s(!e the way cleared and to give satisfaction to all the colonists, did think tit to advise with such of the magistrates and elders of the IMiLssachusetts as were thiii at hand, and also witii some of the chief military eonunanders tluM'e, who being assembled, it was then agr<>ed : Fii-st, that our euiragemeiit bound us to aid and tlefi'iid the Mohegan sachem. Secondly, that this aid could not be intended only .<> defend him and his, in his li)rt or habitnticai, but, (necording to tiie comiuon !icce[)tation of such covenants or engagements considered with the ground orocca-sion thereof,) so to aid him as hw might be preserved in his liberty and estate. Thirdly, tlint this aid must be speedy, least he inijjlit be swallowed nj) in the mean time, and so come too late." "According to the counsel' and rloK'rmination aforesaid, the commissioners, considering tlie present danger of Uiicits the Mohegan sachiMii, (his tort having been divei*s times assaulted by a great army of the Narrohiggansets, &c.) ngieed to have 10 siddiers sent with all ex|>editio!i for bis defi-nse." Lien- tenant .'llhirlon and Sergeant John Davit led f Iiis company, coinhicted by two of "<'i(/r/i((w(iA-ia',»" Indians as guides. ,lthfiiou was orilercd not to make nn "Mltemi)t upon the town otlu rwise than in Vncafl' defence." Cnptnin Mason of Connectieiit was lo join bim, and take the chief command. Forty men were ordered also from (^oimr-cticnt, and !tO from New Haven under I/u-n- teiiant Smbf. In their instructions to Manon, the commissioners say, " We ho now aim at the |)rotection of the IHoliegans, that we wonld have no op|w»rtn.iity neglected to weaken the Narragaiisets and their confederates, in their numlMT of men, their ciine ciinoes, wigwams, wampum und goods. We look upon the Nianticks as the chief iiieendiari<'s and cnnscH of the war, und HJioiild l)« glad they might first (i'cl the smnrt of it." The Niiuiticks, therpfon-, were particniarlv to lie bad in view by Afasnn, and he wan informed nt the winio time that itlassachnsetts and I'liinoiitli were forthwith to send "another army to invade tiiu Nnrrugansettf." I m UNCAS.— BESEIGED IN HIS FORT. [Book II. Tlic roniini.s.sioncrs now ])ioceom of Narraganset," tlien "a yoinig man about 20," sent to Governor IVinlhrop of Massaehu.setts, as a present, an oiler coal, a girdle of wampum, and some of that artich; besides, in value about £1.^. TIh^ mi'ssengcr, named fiasliose,'^ also a sa(dii;in, told the governor that his chicl" desired to continue in peace with tiie English ; but tiiat he was about to make war upon Uncus, to av<.'ng(! tiu; deatii of his Imrtiier, and hoped they would not interii're, nor aid Uiiciui. The governor said they wislKul to be at peace with ail Indians, and tliat all Indians would be at peace among themselves, and that tliey must agnic to tliis, ttr they could not acccipt their j)resent. fFitsliont said he was instructed no liu-ther than to make known ins mission and leave the present, wliicli Ik" did, and returned to his own country. This was in February, 1()44, N. S. W'iiliin the same month, the same messenger appi-ared again at IJoston ; and " his errand was, (says Governor H'intlirop,) that, seeing they, at our reiiui'st, had set siill this year, that now this next year we would grant their n;(iuest, and siitljr tiiem to fight with OhAiw, with niiuiy urguments." lint \n' was answered, that the English woidd not allow such u proceeding, luid if liiey persisted all the Ijiglish woidd fldl upon them. Planting time, and '•]{) days besides, had jtassed before the English sent an army to invade the Narragaiisets. Pissw iis and the otiier chiefs had done all tluiv could do to cause th(! I'luglish to remain neutral, but now determintjd to wait no longer, aiul hostile acts were committed on both sides. The tniciitionary account of I'nats's being besic^ged in his fort by the Xarragansets will very properiv be IooU(h1 (<>r in this coniuiction, as it hits not only adoriu'd somt! /(//t« of the Iud!(tm,hnt has been s(>riously urged as trntii ill more imposing forms. What we are about to give is contained in a lettir, dated at New ilaven, 1!J September, 17!Mi, by Wni. Lrjflngurll, t\m\ di- rected Dr. Trumbull. "At the time the Aloliegan tribe of Indians wen; iHfsieged l»y the Narragan- set tribe, in a lint near the River Thames, betwe«'n Norwich and New London, the jirovisions of ilie l)esiegert on a hill, by the sidi; of the great river, and alinnst starved to dealh l.ieiit. Thus. Lt^txgweU, Capt. Btnj. Unwsler, of said Norwich, and others, secretly carried • Pcflmin the «niin' n>i .liivn/icr*. t ('o|>icil I'rnin tin' i)rii(liiiil, liir llir niillior. I)V Itcv. W'm, h'.lti, wlio lliim rcmiirkK ii|hiii iI ; "Tliiii Iriidilldii, rroni ii lii|^lily r<'«i[HH'lHlilt* niiiiito. Tntmtiull kIiiU's it.H limliiry) yel, in Nuiiin iniiKir |tniiiU, Hi li'ii»l, il uoiilil ncnii oliviuu* (iial Ilia Iradilluii cutilil not liav« M«q alrietly prcierved Ibr 150 yeurn." MS. lellrr. Chap. V.] INTERFERENCE OF THE ENGLISH. 98 their provision, in tlie nigiit soasons, upon which the enemy raised the siege."* In .coiisiderution ol'wliicii, " Uncas guvc sundry doniiic,;)^' of hind," &c.t At the congress ol'tlie coininissiouers iit Boston, iv lUJj, above mentioned, it WU8 ascertained that tlie present from Pessacus still remained among them, and therefore he might think it was probable that the English had complied with their desires, a.s they had not returned it. Lest this should be so under- sto J, Captain Hardins, Blr. Helhonie, and Beimlict Arnold, were ordered and conmiis-sioncHl to repau' to the Narragansct country, and to see, if possible, "Pwciw, Canoivnacus, Jancmo" and otiicr sachems, and to return the present belbre mentioned, and to inform them that the English were well aware of thejr beginning and prosecuting a war ujiou Uncas, and then* " having wounded and slain div<;r8 of his men, seized many of Jiis canoes, taken some prisoners, sjtoiled much of liis corn," refused to treat with him, and threaten- ed thr tiieir country, and llius the expiHJition was stayed imtil the result of a treaty should lit.' madi! known. It apjieared, on a e(infei-eiice with the coiiimissiojieivi, that the sachems did not fully miiierstaiul the nature nl'ail the charges against theni before leaving their country, and injustice to them it should be observed, tiiat, so fiir as the record goes, their <'ase appears to us the t'asiest to be defended of the three parties concerned. They told the eoniiiiissioners of sundry charges they hud against Uncat, but they said they could not hern- them, fur Uncus was not * Moine vpry licnulirni verm's iippiiirt'd scvrrnl yi nr'* since in ihc ConiitH'ticiit iMirror, to wliicli il si'ciiH llic iiliDM' \mi\ niveii ri'^o. Tlii'V wire iircl'iici'il willi llic (lillowing niiiung Miller (ilKervmidii'i : ' in llie iiel(;lil)iirhiio(l of Moliogiiii is a null' recess, environed (ly rock*, vvliicli siill reluiiis ihe naniu of llie ' clmir of Viirns;' iint.'0|)l» of Uticas were |>erisliini(' uilli liunger wlicii l.fjjiii^u'eli l>r(ju^lit liini reliol'. Uu givo the rolluwing ttanzu I'ruin i(: — " The numiirrh sni on his roeky llironc, Uel'ori' liini the wnlers liiy ; His tfiuirds were sliii(ieless coliiinii* of sloiir, Tlicir ItiHy lieliiiels with moss o'erifrown, And llicir spears ol' liie lirm ken gray. " His lamps were llie licklo stars, dmi liennied 'I'lironn-h dii' veil ol tlieir iiiiilniifhl shroud, Am' llie reilileMinu: thi^hes dial (illidly |;leain<'d \\ Ihii die distanl lires of die war-dnnee Kiri'iinied • W here his foes in fiiinlic revel screnined Nealli dieir canopy of cloud," iVc. t .MS. letter lo Dr. Trumhill, before cited, niid lifo u( Miiiiilimiwmoh. i 94 UNCAS.— TREATY MADE AT BOSTON. [Book II. tlinre to speak for Iiimself ; and that they had hindered his being notified of their coming. As to a breach of covenant, they maintained, for some time, they had committed none, and that their treatment of tlie English had been misrefjreseiited. "But, (says our record,) after a long debate and some priuate conferrence, they had with Serjeant CulUcutt, they acknowledged they had brooken promise or coiienant in the afore menconed wnrrs, and ofTerred to make another truce with Vncas, either till next jjlanting tyme, as they had done last yeare at Hartford, or for a yeare, or a yeare and a quarter." They had been induced to make this admission, no doubt, by the persua- sion of CuUicid, who, probably, was instructed to inform them that the safety of their country depended upon their compliance with the wishes of the Eng- lish at this time. An army of soldiers was at that moment i)arading tlio streets, in all the pomposity of a modern training, which must have reminded them of the horrible destruction of their kindred at fllystic eight years before. The proposition of a truce being objected to by the English, "one of the sachems offered a stick or a wand to the conunissioners, expressing himself, that therewith they put the power and disposition of the war into their hands, and desired to know wJiat the English would require of them." They were answered that the exj)enscs and trouble they had caused the English were very great, "besid(!s the damage V^ncas had sustained; yet to sliow their moderacon, they would require of them but tivoo thousand ftithome of wiiite wampon for their owne satisfarcon," Itut that tlicy siiouid restore to Uncas all the captives and canoes taken fiom him, and make; restitution for all the corn they had spoiled. As for the last-mentioned offence, the sachems asserted there had been none sucli ; for it was not the manner of the Indians to de- atroy com. This most excellent and indirec' -ejiroof must have had no small effect on those who lieard it, as no doubt some of the acrtors as well as the advisers of the destruction of the Indians' corn, previous to and during the Peijuot war, were now present: Block Island, and the fertile fields ujion the shores of the Connecticut, must have magnified before their imaginations. Considering, therefore, that this charge was merely imaginary, and tliat Uncas had taktni and killed some of their people, tli<' English consented that Uncas "might" restore sucii captives and canoes as he had taken from them. Finally, they agreed to pay the ^^•atnlHml, "enuiing onely some ease in the manner and tymes of pa) ment," and on the evening of "the xwVjth of the (i month, (August,) IMCi," lulieles to the f()llo\> ing efli;ct were signed by the principal Indians ju'esent: — 1. That the Narrag.insets aiul Nianticks had made war upon the Moliegans contrary to former freatiis; that tln^ iiiiglish had sent messengers to them without success, which had made them pn^iare for war. y. Thot ciiii'fs duly authorized were now at Boston, and having acknowl- edged their breachot' treaties, having "thereby not oidy endamaged I'ltras, itut had brought ninch charge and iiouble vpou all the I'iUglish colonies, which they conlist were just they should satisfy." ;i. That the sachems agi'ee tiir their nati(His to ])ay I" the l'',nglisli '2000 futhoni "of good uhit(> wampum, or a third jtart ol' good black wampou- pi'atre, iu fi»nr payments, namely," TidO ttitliom in '20 days, ')()() in liiur mouths, oOO at or before next jilanting time, and .'iOO in tw. On o|)euing llieir enngress, at New llavt ; although he alleged that some of the Eng- lish there had encourage(' Wripmsh to himt upon bis lands. Il«' was informed OiiMmrquin. Hce page CA, antt, Aicatrquin. t I'prhii(n Slinfhiitiim, or Shohin. J WeqiMsIt Vook. \\ Wfpilenmnrlt. •'• Hon of t'hiki katauhul, prol)BWy. 96 UNCAS.— NUMEROUS CHARGES AGALNST HIM. [Book H. tliuir words, while tlicir that liis brother hod also been guilty of some offence, but neither the accuser nor the accused were present, luid, therefore, it could not be acted upon. So, after a kind of reprimand, Uncas was dismissed, as we have just incntioued. But before he had left the town, Mr. JVm. Morton arrived at court, with three Indians, to maintain the notion against him ; he was, therefore, called in, and a hearing was had, "but the cominissionoj's founde noe cause to altef the former writinge giuen hiin." This was as regarded the affair with Wequash. Mr. Morton then produced a Pe(]uot jjowwow, named Wampmhet, who, lie said, had charged tineas with having hired him to do violence to another Indian, or i to procure it to be done, which accordingly was effected, the Indian being wounded witli a hatchet. This crime was at first laid to die charge of ff'e- quash, as tineas had intended. "Kut after [wards,] the Pe(juat's jiowwow, troubled in conscience, could have no rest till he had discoured Vneus to bo the author." He fii"st related his guilt to Robin,* an Indian servant of Mr. WhUhrop ; but, to the surprise of the; whole court, Wampushet, the only wit- ness, on being questioned through Mr. Stanton, the interjiniter, told a story diametrically the revci-se of what he had before stated. " He cleared Vneus, and cast the i)lot and guilt vpon JVeckwash Cooke and Robin;" "and though the other two Pequats, whereof the one was Rohin^s brother, seemed much offended," and said Unras had hired him to alter his charge, "yet he pei-sisted, and said Mekwash Cooke and Roinn had giuen him a payre of breeches, and promised him 25 fadome of waiiiinim, to cast the plot iii)on Vneus, and that the English plantacon and l*e(]uats knew it. The commissioners abhorring this dinilish falshoode, and advisinge Vneus, il'he (xpected any favoiire and respect from the English, to.haue no hand in any such designes or vniust wayes." Hence it a[)pears that the court did not doubt much of the villany of Uncas, but, for reasons not re(iiiin;d lien; to Ik; named, Ik; was treated as a fond parent ofteii treats a disobedient child ; reminded of the end to which suiMi crimes lead; and seem to threateir chastiscmiiit in deportment holds out quite difH-rent language. At the congress of the I fnifi'd (.'oloiiics, at IJostou, in .Tidy, 1047, Mr. Jb/jn IVinthrop of Connecticut presented a petition, " in the name of many Peipiatls," in the preamble of which Casmamon and Obechiquod are named, re(|uesting that they might have liberty to dwell soiMewhcre under the protection of the English, which they might appoint. They acknowledged that their sachems and people had done very ill against the English formerly, for which they had justly suffered luid been rightlidly conqiierele. It was also urged by ffinthrop, that not long before the meeting of the com- missioners in September, 1047, this sf.me JVotoeqna had be»!n with 40 or 50 men to Fisher's Island, where he had broken up a canoe belonging to him, and greatly alarmed his man and an Iiulian who were there at that time. That JVoivequa next "hovi'red against the English plantation, in a suspicious manner, with 40 or 50 of his men, many of them armed with giinns, to tlie affrightmont not onely of the Indians on the shore (soti that some of them began to bring their goods to th(! English houses) but divers of the English themselues." * This cliii'f is till' siiiiH'. we bolicvo, ciilli'il in it lalor |inrt'ot' the recoriis (lia/iir wheels of Justice often moved so slow, that they arrived not at their oliject until it hud become quite another inat'er. It must, however, be considered, that the English were very peculiarly sit- uated — upon the veiy margin of an unknown wilderness, inclosed but on one side by Indians, whose chief business was war. They had destroyed the Pefjuots, but this only added to their fears, for they knew that revenge lurked still in the breasts of many, who only were waiting for an opportunity to gratify it ; therefore, so long as one of the most miinerttus tribes could possi- bly be kept on their side, the English considered themselves in saiety. They had made many missteps in their procetrdings with the Indians, owing some- times to one cause and sometimes to another, for which now there was no remedy; and it is doubtful whether, even at this day, if any set of men were to go into an unknown region and settle uiiiong wild men, that they would get along with them so much better than our fathers did with the Indians here, as some may have imagined. These are considerations which must be taken into account in estimating the " wrongs of the Indians." They seem the more necessary in this place; for, in the biograjiby of Uncas, there is as much, perhaps, to censure regarding tlie acts of the English, as in any other article of Indian histoiy. The narrative just recited, being sent in to the court of Massachusetts, was referred to a select committee, who, on the 1 .Iiine, reported, That letters should be sent to Uncas, signifying how sensible the court was of the injuries he had done them, by his outrage iiiion the Indians of Quaba- conk, wlio lived under their sagamore, Wassamagin, as set forth in the narrative. That, therefore, they now desired him to give up the captives and make restitution for all the goods taken from them, and to forbear ibr time to come all such unlawful acts. That, if fVnssamairin or his subjects had or should do him or his subjects any wrong, the i'-nglish woiihl, upon due proot; cause n^conipense to be made. Also that Uncas be giv(!n to under- sr.iiid !!;id assured, that if he refuse to comply with the request, they were tlieu resolved to right the hijurics upon him and his, and lor all coats they might he |mt to in the service.' "That for the encouragement and safety of the sayd K'assnmnfcin and his subjects, there be by order f)f Major Willard tliroo or tour armed men, wt.-ll accomodate in all respects, with a proporcoii of jtowder, bulletts and match sent li-om Iiancast(!r to Quabaeonk vnto the .sayd HasfKimairin, there to stay a night or two, and to shoote of their miis- ((iii'ts so ofh'ii, and in siicii wise, as the major shall direct, to terrihe the eni'iiiics of li'dsmmnirin, iind so to return home again." To inform Wassama- fCin (iiid his subjects, that the authorities of Massachusetts would esteem it an aekiiowlcil;;inciit of their regard, it" they would permit them to have the captives to be reeoven.'d fiom Uncas, to bring them u|> in a proper manner, lliat they mi^fht bi' serviceable to their ti-ieii(is, \c. Also, "aduice and re- quire U'nssaiiuitnn and his men to be verie carel'iill of iiiiuring or any ways Jirouokiiig of / i,'(ts, or eiiy of his m'u, as h(i will answer our di.spleasure 100 UNCAS WAR WITH ALEXANDER. [Book 11. therein, and inciuT due pniiisslimciit for the game." That if Uncos committed any other liostilo uotH, lie nmst eoiiijiluiu to tlicm, &c.* Tlius JVassamegin was SIS iiiiK'h tliroutcned as Lhuas. Malters seein to have rciiiaiiiod tlius until the meetin;,' of tiio cominiseion- ers in S('i)teml)cr following; when, in due course, the business was called up, and acted upon as follows : — " Vpon complaint made to th coniissionars of the Massachusetts against Vnkas, tiiis followinjj iiiessag(! was sent to him: — " Vucns, wee haue rei-ciiied information and complaint from the generall court of tlie Massachusetts of youer hostile invading of Wosanwquin and the Ir.dians of Qualmkutt, whoe are and longc haue l)iiie subjects to the English, killing some and carrying away others; spoyiing theire goods to the valine of ;531l). as th(;y allege." That he had done this contrary to his covenants, and had taken no notice of the demands of the Massachusetts, though some time since they had ordered him to deliver uj. the captives, make remuneration, &c. And to ail he had returned no answer ; " which," continues the letter, " seemes to bee; an insolent and proud carriage of youers. We cannot but wondir att it, and must l)(;are witness against it." He was, as before, rcciuired to return the captives, &c. and give reasons for his operations; and if he neglected to do .0, the Massachusetts were at liberty to right themselves. in the mean time, as we apprelund, a letter from Uncos was received, writ- ten by Caiitain Mason, which was as follows : — "Whereas there was a warrant sent from the court of Boston, dated in my last *o Vncaa, sachem of ]Moiirgen, wlierin it Wfxs declared vi)on the com- j)laint «)f ff'esamequen,\ a .sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that the said Viicas had offered greai violence to th 'ire subjects at Quabauk, killing some and taking others captiue ; which warrant came not to Uncas, not aboue 20 dales before these presetits, who, being summoned by Major John Mason, in full scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not return the captiues, and £33 damage, then the Massachusetts would recouer it by force of amies, which to him was iiery grieuous : professing he was altogether ignorant that they wfre subjects belonghig to the Massachusetts ; and further said that they were none of If'esamequen's men, but belonging to Onopequin, his deadly enemie, whoe was there borne; one of tlie men tlien taken was his own cousin, wlio had formerly fought against him in his own person ; and yett sett hjm att libertit;; and linthc^r saith that all the captiues were sent home. Alsoe that fyesaniequi7t[^s] son} and diners of his men had fouglit against him diuers times. This he desired might bee returned as his ausware to the coniissioners. "Alexander allis ffamstdtn, sachem of Sowamsctt, being now att Plymouth, hee challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him ; and furdier said that lieo did warr against Vncas this summer on that account. § Signed by John Mason." * Here pikI our iMSS. rdiUiii;; (o this alTair. t By Uiis il would seem (hat Mnssasnit hnd, for some lime, resided among the Nipmucks. He had, |)robnl)ly, given up I'okanokel to liis sons. t There can scarce l)o ;• doubt that lliis refers to Alexander, and that the next paragraph confirms il ; hence Massasoil was alive in May, Ififil, as we have before slated. And the above lelter of Mason was probably written in SejUember, or while the commissioners were in scj^ion. «J !t seems always to have been uncertain to whom the Nipmucks belonged. Roger U'(7/(a;n,v savs, ill I'lKiH, " 'i'liat all the Neepmucks were umiucstionably subject to the Nan- higonsel sncliems. aiwl, in a special manner, to Mejksah, the son of Caunoimiais, !\nd late husliaiid to Ibis olrol)ably Mohegan. Althoiigh Sassacus^s principal residence was upon the Tliames, yet, in his highest prosperity, he had under him no less than 2(> siichems, and his dominions were from Narragauset Bay to Hudson's River, ill the direction of the sea-coast. Long Island was also under him, and his authority was midisputed far into the country. A brother of Sassacus, named Tassaquanott, survived the Pequot war, and was one of those complained of by Uncas in 1647, for giving his countrymen " crooked counsell " about a present of wampum, which he Jiad advised to be given to the English instead of him. It appears that on the death of a child of Uncas, the Pequots had presented him with 100 fathom of watnpum,^ which, when Tassaquanott knew, he disapproved of it, politicly urging, that if the English were conciliated by any means towards them, it matti.Tecl not much about Uncas. * Narrative, i. IIC. t We believe this name meant Gray foxes, liencc Gray-fox Indians, or Pcquots, t Hist. New EiiKlnnd, 33. 6 See his Collections in I Coll. Mass. Hist, Soc. i. 147, «f Hazard, Hist. Col, ii. 90. II Ibid 9» 102 SASSACUS.— PEQUOT WARS. [Book 11. I \ We are informed,* that Connecticut was claimed by right of conquest at one time by the first white settlers, who found nuicli of it cultivated and set- tled by its Indian inhabitants, although they endeavored that it should be understood otherwise. The numbers of the natives in that region were "thousands, who had three kings, viz. Connedicote, Quinmmofr, mid Sassa- cus." Coimecticote was "emperor," or chief of chiefs, an elevation in which he and his ancestors had stood for about 400 years, according to their tra- ditions. About the time the English had determined on the subjugation of the Pe- quots, Roger Williams wrote to Governor fVinthrop of 31 assachu setts, giving him important directions how they should proceed to advantage, and what was very important then, gave the Ibllowing rude draft of their country : — River Cinnniliticiit.f O » 'Oft of tlio NiaiitaquitI men, confoilcrato with the Poquts. Molii"ttnic River. Oliom- 1,1. owiniko,^ tho O Wcindliaiiku, where swamp | | | | 3 or 4 miles from Siuacuus, the chicrsacliim, is. IMis- tif-k, where i.s . /amoko,\\ another chief sachim. River. A'ayaiv O 'nq>iit,t where is fVrpitrnmmok and our fiiondg Ilivcr. In the sime letter,. Mr. WiUiama urges the necessity of employing faithful guides for the English forces; "as shall bo best liked of [toj be taken along to direct, especitdly two Pequts ; viz. Wequash, [whose name signified a swan, and Jf'uttackquiackommin, valiant men, esi)ccially the latter, who have; livec these three or foiu' years witli the Nanhiggonticks, and know every pass ant passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their houses." In 1634, as has been before incidentally mentioned, one Captain Stone was killed by the Peiiuots, wiiilc uj)on a trading expedition" in Connecticut River. Without knowing the rciison of tlieir killing Stone, the English demanded the murderers soon after, and as Sassacus \\i\s involved in troubles with the Nar- ragansets and all his neighbors, he thought it not best entirely to slight the demand of the English ; he therefore sent messengers to Boston, where they arrived 6 November, witli offers of peace, which, after considerable delibera- tion on the ])art of the English, were accepted, and a treaty was entered into on the 9th following. A messenger had been sent, in October, upon the same errand, but was dismissed with orders to inform Sassacus, that he must send persons of greater quality, and then the English would treat with him. " He brought," says Winthrop, " two bundles of sticks, whereby he signified how many beaver and otter skms he would give us for that end, and great store of wauqiompeage, (about two bushels, by his description.) " He had a small present with him, which was accepted by the English, who gave him in return, " a moose coat of as good value." The treaty entered into on the 9 November, 1634, between tho Prquots and English, stipulated that the uuirderers of Captain Sto7ie should be given up to the English, of whom there were at that time left but two, as attested by the ambassadors of SassaciM, who further observed in explanation, that the sachem in whose time the act was committed, was dead, having been slain in a war with the Dutch, and that all tlie men concerned in it, except two, had also died of the small-pox. This, together with the facts given in concerning the death of Stone, in lined the English to believe the account altogether; and, but for what happened afterwards, it is probable that tlie historians of that * But will) what truth I know not, for it rests upon the authority of Peters. t Connecticut. i Niantick. ^ A name sig;uifying an Oid'a nest. Same tetter, II Probably Mononotto. CHAP, vi.i SASSACUS.—TREATV. 103 ' jjeriod would liavc relicil more upon the Pccjuots' own account tlian tlio gen- eral niriior. Siicli aro tli(! ovont.s of time — ii circmnstance may cliaiigo the fate, iiuy, the character of a nation, ior a period, in tiie eyes of many genera- tions! JJut , I " O Time ! tlie boaiitificr of the clead ! AIe that the f<)rmer was tiie fact, because it was micommon for the IiidiMiis to (lisli'.'in'e t!ie slain, unless killed as enemies, and OWArtw's body was shockingly miingled. Hut (/'ajitain Oldham had been killed by the Indians, and the cry of vengiNinee was up, and cool investigation must not be lookecl f<>r. TIk^ murder had been committed by the Indians of .'NJanisses, but Ma- nisses was under the Xarragansets ; tlieret'ore it was believed that the Narra- gansetP had contrived his death because he was carrying into effect the articles of th(! late treaty bet wet i; the I'ciiuots and English. The two lto\s who were with Mr. Oldham were not injured, and were immediately given up and sent to lloston, where they arriveil the .'Wtli of the same montli. As sooj; as Mtanluiwomoh heard of the aftiiir of Captain Oldham^ h(! ordered Amigrc/ to send tiir the liovs and goods to Hlock Island. The boys he caused to be delivered to Mr. Ifilliams, and the goods he held subject to the order of the I'nglish of Masi messengerB we -e accessory to the death of Oldham ; but we know not if any thing fiu'ther were ever don<' about it. The sfime letter iidiirmed the governor that Mian- ttmnomoh hiul gone, with S200 ine.i in 17 canoes, "to lake revenge, Arc." Tlii'se events and ti-ansactions soon caused the convening of the governor and council of Massachusetts, who forthwith declared war against the Indians of Manisses. Accordingly !l() men were raised and put under the command of Ca|itain John ihideroll, who was genend of the expeditinii. John Vnderhill and jVathaniil Tunur were captains, and Ji-ni/xon and Itaviiiport ensigns. EndfcoU\i instructions were to put to death the men of Hiock Island, but to make captives of the women an(i children. This armnmenl set f(>rtli in three pinnaces, with two Indians as guides, 25 September, HhVi. On arriving at Manisses they saw many Indians, but could not get near them. At I'eqiiot barlM)r, a part of tlm armament H«!ized a iptantily of corn IteloMging to the I'eipiots, and were attacked a:id obliged to fly. However, the Narnigansets re|)orted that there were l.'l l'e(|uols killed during the expedition. The Knglish wen* satisfied that thev had harbored (he murdereix of OUUuim, which (K-casioned their sailing to i'equot harbor. It being now late in rhe 8<'(ut country. JI»! was ac^ in- panied by Uncus and a largi- body of his warriors, who, in their march to Saybrook, 1.") May, fell upon about !10 {'((piots and killed 7 of them. One l)eing taken alive, to their everlasting disgrace it will be rememlHired, that the Mnglish ciiused iiim to be tortured ; and tlincom|)asseil it, and bi'>;;in a furious attack. 'I'lic Aloliegans and Narragunsets discovered great ti'ar on approai liing the fort, and could not believi! that the English would dare to attack it. When they came to the liiot of the hill on which it was situated, ('ajitain Mu.ion was apprebensivi. rnjiHil Wiir. — Dr. Malhtr'i account of thin affair lins Ikth ^iM'ii ill llie lilo iil' I i.i-.is. t Tlir >;\iiir, il is Im'IIi'm'iI, cIm wlirre cill il W'lUiiiin!' Cnuli : "wliirli ^^'l^l|nlHill {*»\* Dr. I. Malur) WiM liy l.irlli ii sucIhmii ol'lliiit (>l,\fe fwliiie N.nv./i'«.« liM(l|, Iml ii|»iii Mime disirast icci'iM'il. Ill" "I'lil from llin l'ei|iuils lo ilio Niirt.i;<-:'ii-i«Ms, iiml lu'cmiii- ii chief cnplniii umlcr .Miaiiliinif .'I"'!."— /Ci/.if/.'rt, 1 1-. 106 DESTRUCTION OF THE I'EaUOTS. [Book II. would fight or not. Notwitlistanding tlieir boastings, they could not overcome the terror which the name >jf Sasaacus had inspired in tiicm, and they kept at a safe distance until the fight was over; hut assisted oonsideral)Iy in repelling the attacks of the Pequots, in the retreat from the fort ; — for their warriors, on recovering from then* consternation, collected in a considerable body, and fought the confederates for many miles. The English had but 77 men, which were divided into two companies, one led by Mason, and the other by Unikrhill. The Indians were all within their fort, asleep in their wigwams, and the barking of a dog was the first notice they had of the approach of the enemy, yet very. few knew the cause of the alarm, until met by the naked swords of the foe. The Ibrt had two (jiitrances at opposite points, into which each party of Enulish were led, sword in hand. ^^Wanux! Wanux!"* was the cry o{ Sas.iaciis''s lucu; and siicii was tlieir surprise, that they made very feeble resistance. Having only their own missile weapons, they could do nothing at hand to hand with the English rapiers. They were jjurened Irom wigwam to wigwam, and slaughtered in every secret place. Women and cliildivn were cut to pieces, while endeavor- ing to hide themselves in and under their beds. At length fin; was set in the mats that covered the wigv/ams, which furiously s|)ri'ad over tin; whole fort, and the dead and dying were together consumed. A i)art of the l-nglisli had formed a circumference upon the outside, and shot such as attempted to liy. Many ascended the pi<'kets to escape the llames, but were shot down by those stationed fi)r that purjKJse. About GOO |)ersons were su|»posed to liavci perish- ed in this fight; or, perha|)s I should sny, massacre. f There wen; but two English killed, and but one of those by the eneni}', and aboitt '20 wounded. Sassafus hiniselt' wils in another ti)rt; and, being informed of the ra\ages of the English, destroyed his habitations, and, with about t^O others, fled to the Mohawks, who treacherously beheaded hint, and sent his scalp to the English. The author of the l()ll(twing lines in "Yamoyden," alludes to this mehni- choly event happily, though not truly : — " And Sassac/lus, now no more. Lord ol' a lliousaiid hownicn, Hod ; And all dio rliit'fs, liis hoasl bol'oro, Were mingled with the unlionored dead, Saniinp and Sagamore were slain, On Mystic's banks, in one red night: The onoe (Ur-ilreadcd king in vain Sduc'lil saloty in inglorions tliglit ; Ami ri'fl of all his regal pride, By Iho tierce Maqtm s hand he died." One of the most unfeelinr,' passages flows from the pen of HuhbanI, in his accoimt of this war ; which, togtither with the liict Ik; records, l"orins a most distressing picture of depravity. We would gladly turn Irom it, but jtistico to the Indians demands it, and we give it in his own words: — The Narragansets had sin-rounded "some hiuidreds" of the l*ered, end, in the aglorv of the IV(|nnl War. Il sigiiilied, F.ivjihhmen! Ihts;lhhmin! In ,1/ii.«o;i'» hlslnfy, il i.i WTillili (hi;iiiuv All>ii nn'rely cniiied I'roiii Miisni, with a li'W sneli variation*. i • l! V a» Mi)i|iosed," siivs M'lf'iii-, " |l|.il no less than .'mOor litHl pei|iiot sunk vi're linmght «;i../ii . I 111 II llial day." JMnlinii, 17. We ill iliiirily mi(»|u)»o, llial liy hell ihu doclor only laca..; denih. Chap. VI.] LETTER OF CAPTAIN STOUGHTON. 107 Notwithstanding the great slaughter at Mistick, therf' were great numbers of Peciuots in the country, who were hunted from swamp to swamp, and their numl)ers thinned continually, until a remnant pi'omised to appear no more as a nation. ^ The English, under Captain Stov^hton, came into Pequot River about a fortnight afler the Mistick fight, unci assisted in the v.ork of their extennina- tion. After his arrival in the enemy's country, he WTOte to the governor of Massachtisetts, as follows : " By this pinnace, you shall receive 48 or 50 women and children, mdcss there stay any here to be helpful, &c. Concern- ing which, there is (mik, I formerly mentioned, that is the f' irest and largest that I saw amongst them, to whom I have given a coate to cloathe her. It is my desire to have her for a servant, if it may stand with your good liking, else not. There is a little squaw that steward CtUacut dcsireth, to whom he hath given a coute. Lieut. Davenport also desireth one, to wit, a small one, thr.t hath three sU-okes upon her stomach, thus: — ||{ -|-. lie dcsireth her, if it will stand with your good liking, Sosomon, the Indian, desireth a young littlw scpiaw, which I know not. " At present, IMr. Ha;/nes, Mr. Ludlo, Captain Mason, and 30 men are with us ill Pequot River, and W(! shall the next week joine in seeing what we can do against Sassacn,'!, and another great sagamore, Monowattuck, [MononoHo.] Here is yet good work to he dc i^, and how dear it will cost is unknown. Sassacus is resolved to sell his iJe, and so the other with their company, as dear as they can." * Perhaps it will he judged that Stovs:hton was looking more after the profit arising from the sale of captives, than for warriors to fight with. Indeed, Mnson\i account does nf)t give him much credit. Speaking of the English employed in this expedition, Wolcott tlius im- mortaliy.es them : — " Those wprf the men, this was llio little hnnd, Tlmt (liirsl tlio force of llic new world wiilistaiid. These were the men llial by their swords made way For peace and safely in Americ .," Vacant Hours, l-l. There was a maiiili-st disposition on the part of Uncas, Canoniciis, Mi'inttitDiomok imd .V'idig-rf/, ami iterliups other chiefs, to screen the |K)or, denoimced, and flying I'e. plots, who had escaped the lliimes and swords of the iMigiicli in their wiir with them. Part of a coiTcsitondeiice abdiit these saciieiiis' harlioriiig tliciii, between K. ff'illiam.t and the governor of Mussachiiselts. is jm served in the ("ollectioiis of the Miissachiisetts Historical Society ; ii"om which it appears, that Miissachiisetts had retiiiesled Mr. inilidins to explain to tin; ciiieis liit! consequences to be deiieiuleil ii|)on, if they liifi ni>t strictly observt; their agreement in regard to iht; fugitive PtMiiiots. OUush ' carried to Air. Il'illiams a letter from the iVliissachiisetts goveriidr upon this subject. After he had obeyed its contents, as fiir as he was able, ho answered, lliiit he went with Oinsli" to the Nanhiggoiiticks, and having got C'niioiniini.i and Jliiinluunomu, with their council, together, I ac(|iiaiiited them faithfully with the contents of your \r\\n;bolh griVivniccs and thrcafrnin^s ; and to demonstrate, I piiidiiced the copy of the league, (which Mr. [Sir Hcnrif] lane . ut me,) and, with breaking of a straw in two or three places, I sl.ow'ed then what tlicv liad d inc." These chii Is gave iMr. H'illiams to understand, that, when Mr. Govenior understood what they had to say, he would bi^ satisfied with their conduct; that they did not wish to make tripiible but they ''fojiW relate maw' parlicularit wherein the Hniflish hiul broken their firoinms" since the war. In regard to solium stpiaws that had escaped from the English, Canonirus said he liad not seen any, but bt'tird of some, and immedir e country .scarcheil tiir them, to satisfy tin? governor. Miantunnnmoh s»»id he had never heard of but six, nor saw l)ut four of them ; • MHmiscript letter of raptnin Stoughtofi, on lite omong our stale pnpcrs. t i'ltlaiiflt, Mr. It V//iam« writes hl4 iiuiiie. 108 OF THE PEQUOT NATION, [Book II. wliicli hein^ brought to liitii, lie wiis niifrry, mid iwked tlioso who brought thcin why they did not carry tliem to Mr. ff'iliiams, that he iiiiglit couvey them to the EngiiHh. They told liiui tlie stiiiaws were laiiii!, and could not go ; upon which Mianttmnomoh wnt to Mr. WiUuims to come and take tluuii. Mr. IVil- liams could not attend to it, and in his turn ordered Miantunnomoh to do it, who wiid he was busy and could not; "an indeed he was (says fniliams) in a Btnuige kind of soleiunity, wherein tlie saeliiins eat nothing but at night, and ail the natives round about the country were feasted." lii the mean time the equuwH escaped. Miantumxomch paid he was sorry that th(> governor should think lie wanted these s'Hiaws, for be did not. Mr. fVilliamn told liini b(< knew of bis sending for one. Of this ch»rgie ; iliat Sassamun fell in there in his way to I'('(|iit, wliitlier be had been sent by the governor. 'I'lu; S(|uaw he v.anted was a sitcliiMii's daughter, who bad been u particular friend of Miaiituimomoh during his lifetime; therefor'-, in kindness to his dead friend, he wished to ransom her. MoreovcM', Miantimnoiiwli said, he and bis ])eo])le were true "to the English in life or death," and but fir which, be said, O/cn.ic [fJtikvn] and bis Mohiga- iieucks had long since provcnl false, as be still fean-d they would. For, he said, thev bad never buind a I'e(|Uot, and added, *' Vhtnock cjusc witomjiat!- murks') that is, "Did ever friends deal so with friends?" Mr. If'iUiams re'(uiring more particular ev|ilan!ition, Minniunnomoh proceeded: — "My brother, Yolansh, bad seized ii|)oii Put'jumpjmunck, CliKimr, and 20 Pequots, and (iO sipiaws ; they killed ibrei' and bound the rest, whom they watcbeil ail night. Then they sent fur the l''nglisb, and delivered them in the morning to tbein. 1 came by land, according to promise, with '200 men, killing 10 Pecjuots by tht; way. 1 tlesired to see the great sachem Pulliujupnu- mjiPA", whom my brother had taken, who was now in the Ihiglish bouses, but tlie English thrust at me with a pike nianv times, that I durst not come near tlie door." IMr. H'illiams told liiiii tiny did not know him, else they would not; hut Minniunnomoh answi^red, "All my com|)any were disheartened, and they all, and Vulshamuijwnv, y bad any opportunity to become enlightened, that is, to be made ae(|uainted with the reason of other llBiigcs towtu'ds tlieir fellow beings thiin those in which they had been brought up, is a great cause of lamcntntion ; and if it jiroves any thing, it proves that great ignorance and barbarism Imki d in the benrts of their exti-rmitiators. We do not meiui to exclude by this remark the gii-nt Itody of the preHent inhabitants of the earth from the charge of such barlmrisni. In the records tif the I'nited Colonies for the vi'ar U>47, it is jiientioned that "Mr. J«/i;t ftinlliinp making elni'ii to a great tivu llie fainoua John 8au(X' Chap. Vl-l MONONOTTO. 100 hm all, iiion, aiikit, riKir : y." itiioiit vitun- Mr. Nor, Long put l,f()0(l liy to ttlior ■oiiffht that iiitors, •MCllt tlmt <• ')y tliose •linse uiiifi- iin of English mill Indians, according tc the equity of the case.' " fVi.throp had no writing from Sitssacus, and full ten years had elapsed since tli(! transiiction, but Fromatiish, IVamherquaske, oxiA Jlrduppo testified some time after, that "upon tlicir knowledge before the wars were against the Pcquots, Sitssacus tlicir sachem of Niantic did call them and all his men together, and told that he was resolved to giv(i his country to tiiu governor's son of the Massachusetts, who lived then at Pattaquassat alias (/onnecticut River's mouth, and all his men declared themselves willing therewith. Thereui)on he went to him to Patta- quassets, and when lie came back he told them he had granted all his country to him the said governor's son, ai;d said he was his good friend, and he hojjcd he woukl send some English thitlier some time hereafter. Moreover, he told him he had received coats from Lim for it, which they saw him bring home." This was not said by those Indiansi themselves, but several English said they heard them say so. The coumiishioners, however, set aside his claim witli consideiiible ap|»earance of independence. Dr. Ihvighl thus closes his poem upon the destruction of the Pequots : — " Uiulaniit(>d lock »>f hair of Snsncus luid his bnither and 5 other Peqnod sacli.>iis, who being fled to the Mohawks for shtilter, with their wampom (being to the vahie of iiiVM)) were by them suri)rised and slain, with 20 of th»Mr b«?st mei,. Monotn Uoh was also token, but escaped wounth'tl. They brough*. news also tfdiveis other Peqiiods which had been slain by other Indians, and their heads brought to the English ; BO that now there had Inien slain and taken l)etwe(;n H and !>00." Vhe first troublcH with liie Pequots hav(; alr«'U«ly been noticed. It was among the people uf Afoiumoflo, that the English c^iused the hliMMl oft* Peqnot to flow. Some HiigliKli liad l>een killed, but there is no more ;>< -use the murder of a Peqiiot thim an Englit^hmiin. The English Imd injured thr Indiaiis of IMock IhIhikI all in their jtowrr, which, it seems, diil loi sntisfy them, and they next undertook to make Hpoil upnn them in their o mi cuuntry JO .J 110 M0>'ONiVlTO.— rASSA.SSINNAMON. [fl..0K IF. upon Conni'rticiit Tliver. " As tlicy wero wiiliiiii;^ Islanil, tlicy tlicii deinnndod that Moixinollo shoidd a|i|)i'ar, and tln'y picicnihid lif! was from lionic also, llowovcr, ihcy wont on sliorc and diMnaiidt'd tlin iniNvh'rci-s of Caplain Stiniv, and wviv tohl that il'tiiiy woidd wait tiicy would send !()!• thcin, and that Mouoimllo would coiuc inuncdiati-ly. I5ut very >vis('ly, the l'ri|Uots, in till' mean time, "traiifiiiortiMi their jjoods, women and ehildren to anotluM- plaee." f One ol' them then tolil tlio I'JifjIish that .Monouollo would nor eonie. 'IMien i1m> I'ln^disli he<:an to do what inisehii'f they could to them, and a skinnisli lollowed, wherein or c Indian wiis killed, aixl an I'lnnliHluuan was \voiuuled." { The nanii' ot' .Mononollo'ii wife a|)|)eai>i to imve been Wincumhonk. Hhe should not he overlooked in speakini;- of MononoUo, as she wjls inslruniental in saviuir the life of an I'ln^lishinan, as disinterestedly as A;rrt/(0)i/(j,v saved that ol' <'a|)tain Smilh. Some I'lnglish liad f!;one to trade with tla; I'eiiuols, and to reeover some In ses \vhieh they Imd stolen, or |)ickod up on their lands. Two of liie llnuiisli wni -I'l shore, and one went into th« saelieni'.s wif;wani and demamh'd liie 'lof.u-w. The Indians within slyly uhsented theinselves, and t> iiirumlmiii; Iviiouirj^ their inti'nt^)n, told him to lly, for the Indiiuis were, innkiiii; 'treparati'itia ?o kill him. 11« barely oacupod to tlio boat, being folKtw- t'll by II roud to the .-lion;. Cak^ ":siiN.MMOM « IS IV iioted I'eijiiot eliiel", of ulioin we liav(^ some iieeount (IS early ,1. tiJ.'i!* ?n .hat year a i'. in <'omieetifnt, and several I'ln^'lish wen; sent to tiettli^ flie ditli ilty, \>lii>'h v.iis •• iiieeniiii!,' tin" locaiioii of \Vekii|)ati5. . "For to l;"lp us ^liiey Mvj ti nnd' i^ftaud wjieie \Vekiipau;rt; is, we desir"! sonio I'o- tliiutueke [ndians io ^o with us." < '(is.iittilDiuiiiion was t>ne who iiHsisted. 'i'lii y told the Muglish that ^' ('ii.iliiui'iisrvt (ihr ijfovernor of '.VekapauKe) dui eharire them that they s!uiu!u not ;ro any liiitliir than th(^ <'iist side of a little .••.s'.anip, near the east end of the liist ereat pond, whi-re they did j)iteli <)own u siak', and told us [thti i''njj;lisli] that Cd.'ihiitriisfiit said that tlint very place was W'ekapauge ; said that lir snid it and not (liem ; and if they slioiilil say ihaf. Wekajtaujre did ;ro any ttntlier, ('(•"liinm.wit would he angry." Cltshniraiisd iifler tlii.s had contirmed to him and those under liini, HO(M) itcn-s of land in the I'eipiot country, w itii the pro\ ision that they continued subjects of iMassachn- Hv tts, and slioiiul "not sell or nlienate the said lands, or any part tli'Tcof, to iinv H!i!i;lisli man or men, without the coun's .•ipprohation." 'I'he neck of land called (^iiiniruntnuin "as claimed by both panics; Imc t 'i.is»sslnni'siihs wiiich they had viewed as. liro<;eediiij; from a .s/^kt natural cause liitherto, was notliiiif,' hut a natural one, niid which, when discovered^apprareil perfectly siniphs too, yet, lor the want of the ineansof invesli^'ation, they would he looked upon asjiiiraeiilotis. These (iicts liavcr the settle- ment oj'.Nevv I'.nghuid, >o little was elli'Cted by the gospel imioiig the Indians. The greni iliiricnlt\ ofconimimicaiing with them by interpreters must have la-ell slow in the extnmie ; and it must be considered, also, that a great length of time must lane been consumed beliire any «)!' these could perform their iiUling them welcome, conducted them into a large apartirient, where a great munlier of the natives were gathered together, to hear this new doctrine." || Af\er jjrayers, and an cx[)lanation of the ten conunandments, Mr. Eliot informed them " of the dreadful curse of God that would fall upon all those that brake them : He then told them who Jesus Christ was, where he was now gone, and how he would one day come again to judge the world in flaming fire." Afler about an hour spent in this manner, the Indians had I'berty to ask any (jnestions in relation to what had been said. Whereupon one stood up and asked. How he could laiow Jcntis Christ^ — Another, fHiether Englishnen tvcre ever so ifjcnorant of him as the Indians ? — A third, TVIicther Jesus Christ could understand prayers in Indian "} — Another, How there coidd be an image of God, since it icas forbidden in the second commandment '? — Another, Whether, according to the second cotnmandment, tlie child must suffer, though he be good^ for the sins of its parents ? — And lastly, How all the world became f\dl of people, if they ivere all once drownni in the food"/ The .second iiicciing wa.s upon 11 November, following. IMr. Eliot met the Indiiuis again, and after catecliisiiig the children, and preaching an hour to tli(; congregation, heard and an.>iwercd, among otiiei-s, the following ques- lions. — Hon- the Knglish came to differ so much from the Indians in their knowl- edge of (lod and Jesus Christ, since they luid all at first hut one Father J — An- other desired to know, How it came to pass that sea-water was sail ami river water fresh f — And anotlu'r. That if the water was liightr than the earth, how it happened thai it did not overflow it'} The third meeting took place soon ufler, namely, on 26 of the same month, ' AVu/, Hist. .\. Kiii;. i. 2i2. t N. Dng. Biojf. Dictioiiarv, art. Ei.iot. t Kc" |). ,j1 of this boiik, ante. ^ Men/. Hisi, N. Ciig. i. I'i3. I{ " Ni'nr WiUcrUiwn mill, ii|)(iii tlip sonlh side of ('liiirl<>s Rivrr. iilmiil t'oiir or five miles (Viini Ills owii lidiisc, [ 11 lidxhiiry.] wlii-rc livivl at iliat limi^ IV(i/' ivjoiciii^; or rejoicing, Aeal, i. 216. • \V',iii'>iiii. .U.I.' «<(//,., III. hk;. ' tt Ibid. ;; Day-lirciikiiis <>1 tlic ("o<|m.'I in N. Eng., in Nml, i. 223. Chap. VII.] PRAVING lNDI.\Nri.— TllCIil L.VWS. 113 but was not so well attoiuled. TJio powwows iuid s;icliemH Iiad di.ssiiiulcd some, and l)y tlnvats deterred others from uioetiiig upon Much oceawions. Still there wiue considerable numbers that got attaclicd to Mr. Eliot, and in a few days alter, fFampas, "a wise and .sage Indian," and two others, with some of hie children, caine to the English, lie desired that these might he edu- cated ill the Christian faith. At the next meeting all the Indians ])resc,nt " offered their cliildren to be catechised and instructed by the Englisli, who upon this motion resolved to set up a school among them." Mr. Eliot, notwithstanding his zeal, seems well to have understood, tliat sometliing beside i)reaching was necos.sary to reform tiie lives of the Indians ; and that was, their civilization hy education. It is said that one of liis noted sayings was, Tlw. Indians must be civilized as well as, if nut in order to their being. Christianized.* Therefore, the recpiest of (he Jndiins at Nonantum was not carried into effijct until a place could bo fixed upon when? a regular settlement should be made, and the catechumens had shown llieir zeal for the cause by assembling themselves there, and coniiirming to the Englisli mode of living. In the end this was agreed upon, and Natiek Vvas fixed as the place for a town, and the Ibllowing short code of laws was set uji a'.id agreed to: — I. If any man be idle a week, or at most a fortnight, he shall pay five shillings. — II. \( any unmarried man shall lit; with a yotmg woman unmarried, he shall j)ay twenty shillings. — III. If any man siiall bi^at his wife, his hands shall be tied behind him, and he shall be carried to the place of justice to be severely punished. — IV. Ev(!ry young man, if not another's servant, and if unmarried, shall be compi'lled to s(;t up a wigwam, and plant for himself, and not shill up and down in other wigwam.s. — V. If any woman shall not have her hair tied up, hut hang loose, or be cut as men's hair, she shall pay five shillings. — VI. If any woman shall go with naked breasts, she shall pay two shillings. — VII. All men that wear long locks shall j)ay five shillings. — VIII. If any shall kill their lice between their teeth, they shall pay five shillings. In January following another conij)any of praying Indians was established iit Concord ; and there were soon several other jilaces where meetings were held throughout the country, from Cape Cod to Narraganset.f Of these, Mr. Eliot visited as many and as often as Ik; was able. From the following pas- sage in a letter which he wrote to Mr. Winslow of Pliinouth, some idea may be formed of the hardships he underw(!nt in his pious laboiu lie says, " I have not been dry night nor djiy, from thi; third day of the week unto the sixth, but so travelled, and at niglit pull oft' my boots, wring my stockings, and on with them again, and so continue. IJnt God stt^ps in and helps."t The chiefs and powwows would not have suffered even so much ground to have been gained by the gos|)el, but for the awe they w(;re in of the Eng- lish power. "Nor is this to be wondered at," says the very good historian, Mr. J^cal, " for if it be very difficult to civilize barbarous nations, 'tis much more so to make them Christians: All men have naturally a veneration for th(! religion of their ancestors, and the prejudices of education § are insupem- ble without the extraordinary gi'ace of God." " Tli(! Monhegin Indians were so jealous of the general court's obliging them to pray to God, that Uncos, their sachem, went to the court at llartf()rd to i)rotest against it. Cutshamoquin, another sachem, came to the Indian lecture, and openly protested against their Imilding u town, telling the Eng- lish, that all the sachems in the country were against it. He was so honest as to tell Mr. Eliot the reason of it ; for (says h»!) the Indians that pray to (]od do not pay me tribute, as formerly they di<| ; which was in jmrt true, f()r whereas In-fore the sachem was absolute master of his subjects ; their lives and fortunes being at his disposal ; they gave him now no more than they thought letisonahle ; but to wipe off the reproach timt C\dahamoquin had laid upon them, those few praying Indians present, told Mr. Eliot what they liad • IfiitclUn.wn, Hist. Mass. i. 163. t Neal, i. 22l'i— 2.10. { MusriMlta. iii. i;"!. ^ This word, wheii applied to tho edunilinn of tin- Iniliiiiis nmoiip llii'inscivps, is to be tin- (lerslood ill nil opposite sense *'i)in its common acceptation: thus, to instmct in superstitions and idolotry, is what is not meant by education auioiiii; us. 10» I ■ I 114 PRAYING INDIANS.— INDIAN BIBLE. [Book IL done for their sachem the two lust years, leaving him to judge whether their prince had any reason to complain." They said they had given him 26 bushels of corn at one time, and six at another; that, in hunting for him two days, they had killed liim 15 deers ; broke up for him two acres of land ; made him a great wig^vam ; " made him 20 rods of fence with a ditch and two rails about it ; " paid a debt for him of £3, 10s. " One of them gave him a skin of beaver of two pounds, besides many days works in i)lanting com altogether; yea, they said tliey would willingly do more if he would govern them justly by the word of God. Bii the sachem swelling with indignation, at this unmannerly discourse of his vassals, turned his back upon the com- pany and went away in the greatest rage imaginable ; though upon better consideration, himself turned Christian not long after." Mr. Experience Mayheiv met with similar occurrences many years after. Upon a visit to the Narragansets, he sent for JVinigret, the sachem, and desired of him leave to j)r(;ach to his people ; but the sachem told him to go and make the English good first ; and observed, further, that some of the English kept Saturday, oiJiers Sunday, and others no day at all for worship ; so that if his iteoi)le should have a mind to turn Christians, they could not tell what rclitfion to bo of. JVinigret further added, that Mr. Maifliew might try his skill fii-st with the Pequots and Slohegans, and if they submitted to the Christian religion, possibly he and his people might, but they would not be the first.* In the meanwhile, Mr. EUot had translated the whole Bible into Indian, f also Baxit.r's Call, 31r. Sheplier(Ps Sijjceue Convert, and his Sound Be- liever, J besides some other |)erformances, as a Grammar, Psalter, Primers, Catecliisins, the Piiactice ok Piety, &c. § It is annising to hear wluit our old valued friend. Dr. C. Mather, says of Eliot s WMc. "This Biitlc," he says, "was printed here at om- Cambridge; and it is the only Bible that ever was printed in all America, from the very foundation of tlie world." || The same author observes, that " the whole translation was \\rit with but one pen, which pen had it not been lost, would have ccrlainly deserved a richer case than was bestowed upon that pen, with which Holland'^ writ his translation of Plutarch ^^ It was long siiir(' iiujuijcd, "What benefit I'as all this toil and suffering E reduced? — In tiu'n! a vestige oi' it remaining ' —Were the Indians in reality ettered by the great cfTorts of their friends?" "Mr. Eliot," says Dr. Doug- lass, " with immense labor translated ami printed our Bible into Indian. It was doni; with a good, pious design, but it must be reconed among the Olio- sorum Iwminum negotia: It was done in the Natick [Nipnuik] language. Of the Naticks, at pre sent, there are not 20 finnilies subsisting, and scarce any of these can read. — Cui boni!"** By the accomUs left us, it will be perceived, that ibr many yeai's after the exertions of Eliot, Gookin, Maylmo and others, had been i)ut in operation, there was no inconsidernble progress made in the great undertaking of Christiani'/iiig the Indians. Natick, tlio oldest praying town, contained, in 1674, 2U :! niilics, in which perlmjis were about 14" persois. The name J^alick signified a place of hills, JVaban was the chief man iiore, " who," says BTr. Gookin, " is now about 70 years of age. He is a person of great prudence and piety : I do not know any Indian that excels him." Pakeinitt, or Piiiika|)aog, (" wliich takes its name from a spring, tliat riseth out of red earth,") is the next town in order, and contained IS families, or * Neal'n N. Enjflaiid, i. 257. f See Iwok ii. chap. ill. p. 57, ante. X Moore's Lite Kliot, 144. § Magnalia, b. ill. 197. || Ibid. i[ Philemon Holland was called the translator-general of his age ; Im wrote several of his trauslations with one pen, upon which he made the fullowini; venes: With one sole pen I writ this book| Made of a grey goose quill ; A pen it was, when I it took, And a pen I leave it still. Fuller's Wortlues of England. •* Douglass, Hist. America, i. 172, note. See also HaUcet, Uist. Notes, 348, &c. Doug- last wrote about 1749. Chap. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS.— WAUIIAN. 115 iilge ; I very vhole voiild , witli Doug- about 60 persons. It was 14 miles soutli of Boston, and is now included in Stougliton. Tiic Indians liere removed from tlie Neponset. Hassannmesit is the third towr., and is now included in Grafton, and contained, like the second, (JO souls. Okoininakame.sit," now in Marlborougii, contained about 50 people, and was tiic fourth town. VVaniesit, since included in Tewks- bmy, the tiftli to\Mi, was upon a neck of land in Merrimack River, and contained about 75 souls, of five to a family. Nashobah, now Littleton, was tlio sixth, and containud I)ut alwiit 50 inhabitants, fliagunkaquog, now Hop- kinton, signified a place of great trees. Hero were about 55 persons, and this was the seventh town. There were, besides these, seven ntlier town.", wiiich were called the now praying towns. These w(!re among the Ni|)mnk8, Tlie first was Mancliage, .since Oxford, and contained about GO inhabitants. Tho second was a1)0ut six miles from tlie first, and its name was Ciiabanukongkomnn, since .Dudley, and contaii\ed about 45 persons. Tlie third was Maanexit, in the nortii-east part of Woodstock, and contained about 100 souls. The Iburth was Uuan- tisset, also in Woodstock, imd containing 100 persons likewise. Wab(piissir the fifth town, also in Woodstock, (liut now included in Connecticut,) coi. tained 150 souls. Pakachoog, a sixtli town, partly in Worcester and partly in Wan!, also contained 100 pcniplc. W(?sliakim, or Ni'.shaway, a seventh, contained about 75 persons. WaiMmtng was also a praying town, included now by Uxbridge: but the number of people there is not set down by Mr, Cookin, oiu" chief authority. Hence it seems there were now supposed to be about 1150 praying Indians in the places enumerated above. Tiicre is, however, not the least firobability, that even one Iburth ot' tlicse were ever sincere bcdievers in Christianity. This calculation, or rather sni)position, was made the year belbre Philips war began ; and how many do we find who adliered to their prolession through tiiat war ? That event not oidy shook the tiiith of the common sort, but many that had been at the head of the praying towns, the Indian minis- ters themselves, were foimd in arms against their white Christian neighbors. At the close of Philip\i war, in 1()77, Mr. Gookin enumerates "seven places where they met to woishi]) God and keep the salibath, viz. at Nonatum, at Pakemit, or Puukapog; at Cowate, jijias the Fall of Charles River, at \atik and .Aledfield, at {>)ncord, at Namekejike, near Chelmsford." There were, at eacii of these places, he says, "a teacher, and schools for the youth." But, notwithstanding they had occupied seven towns in the spring of 1G7(), on their return trom imprisonment tipon the bleak islands in Boston harbor, they were too feeiile long to maintain so many. The appearance of some straggling Mohawks greatly alarmed these Indians, and they were glad to come within the protection of the English ; and so the remote towns soon became abandoned. We have seen that 1150 praying Indians were claimed before the war, in the end of the year 1G74, but not half this number could b(! found when it was proclaimed that all such mu.st come out of their towns, and go by themselves to a |)lace of safety. Mr. Gookin says, at one time there were about 500 upon the islands ; but when some had been employed in the army, anunkkakowok." Before we pass to notice other towns in Plimouth colony, we- will give an account of some of the most noted of the praying Indians. Waii&an we liave several tinit.'S introduced, and will now close our account of him. He is supposed to have been originally of Concord; but, at the time Mr. Eliot began hia labors, he resided at ^fonantum, since Newton. At Natik, or Natick, he was one of the most efficient offi«ers UBtil his death. When a kind of civil community was establii^ed at Natik, Wiaaban was made a ruler of fiftj-, and subsequently a justice of the peace. The tbllow- iii^ is said to be •*. copy of a waiTant which he issued against some of the ^ '^, rS^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^'^-^ ^j 1.0 I.I 1.25 U;|2£ 12.5 £50 ■^~ MMH •JJ lis 122 Hf 1^ 12.0 1.4 1.6 -5* % % / '>> >' '«% 7 /^ Hiotographic Sdences Corporation I 33 WIST MAIN STRUT WltSTI R, NY. MSM (71«) t7a-4S03 ^1^ fei % <5^ O^ k 116 PRAYING INDIANS.— PIAMBO.—TUKAPEWILLIN. [Book II. transgressors. " You, you his constable, quick you ccUch urn Jeremiah Offscow, strong you hold urn, safe you bring um, afore mc, Wubim, justice peace.^ * A young justice asked Wauhan what he would do when Indians got drunk and quarrelled ; he replied, " 2Ve um all up, and whip um plaintiff, and whip umfendant, and whip um witness." We have not learned the precise time of fVauban's death, f but he was certainly alive in the end of the year 1676, and, we think, in 1677. For he was among those sent to Deer Island, 30 October, 1G75, and was among the sick that returned in May, 1076; and it is particularly mentioned that he was one that recovered. Piambouhou\ was the next man to ?rau6an, and the next after him that received the gospel. At tiie second meeting at Nonantum, he brought a great many of iiis people. At Natik he was made ruler of ten. When the churcli at Ilassanainesit was gathered, lie was called to be a ruler in it. When that town was broken up in Phili. '•« war, ho relumed again to Natik, where he died. He was one of those also eonfined to Deer Is'and ; hence, he lived until after the war. The ruling elder of Ilaissanamcsit, called by some Piamiow, was the same person. John Speen was another teacher, contemporary with Piamho, and, like him, vv;ts a "grave and pious man." In 1661, Timothy Dwighl, of Dedham, sued John Speen and his brother, Thomas, for the recovery of a debt of sixty pounds, and Mr. Eliot bailed them. This he [nobably did with safety, as Jb/m i^ee/i and " his kmdred" owned n(arlyall the Natik lands, when the Christian commonwealth was established tliere. This valuable possession he gave up freely, to Ixi used in common, in 1650. Notwithstanding "he was among the firjst that prayed to God" at Nonantum, and " was a diligent reader," yet he died a drunkard ; having been some tiuie before discarded from the church at Natik. Pennahannit, called Captain Josiah, was "Marshal General" over all the ])raying towns. He used to attend the courts at Natik; but his residence was at Nashobali. Tukapewillin was teacher at Ilassana.nesit, and his brother, -Inaweakin, ruler. He was, according to Major Gookin, "a pious and able man, and apt to teach." He suffered exceedingly in Philip''s war; himself and his congregation, together with thos;; of tlie two praying towns, " Magunkog and Chobonekonhouom," having been enticed away l>y Philip's followers. His father, Ncutas, was deacon of his church, and among the number. They, however, tried to make their escape to the English soon after, agree- ably to a plan concerted with Job Kutknanll, when he was among Philip's )eoplo as a spy ; but, as it happened, in the attempt, they fell in with an nglisli scout, mider Captain Gilbs, who treated them as prisoners, and with not a little barbarity; robbing theui of every thing they had, even the minis- ter of a pewter cup which he used at sacraments. At Marlborough, though under the protection of officers, they were so insidted and abused, " espe- cially by women," that TukapeioiUins wife, fmm feiu- of being murdered, escaped into the woods, leaving a sucking child to bo taken care of liV its father. With her went also her son, 12 years old, and two others. The others, JVaoas and Tukapewillin, with six or poven children, were, soon after, sent to Deer Island. JVaoas was, at this time, about 80 years old. Oonwnog was ruler at Marlborough, and a sachem, who died in the summer of 1<)74. His death "was a great blow to the place. He was a pious and discreet man, and the very soul, as it were, of the |)lace." The troubles of the war fell very huavily upon his family. A barn containing corn and hay waa burnt at Chelmsford, l>y some of the war party, as it proved afterwards; but some of the violent Englisli of that place determined to make the Wainesits sufter for it. Ace .i-dingly, alraut 14 men armed * Allen'n Biojf. Di«l. art. Wabai*. f Dr. Homer, Hiil. Nowton, iiRys he died in 1674, but pvi no nuthorhy. We have cited feverni Hulhorilie*, showiiifr lliat he wa« alivn a vrar later, (sue I), iii. |)|>. 10 and 79.) \ Piaiti Boohan, UookMt Hist. Coll. 1^,—Piambow, liii Hitl. Praying ludian*. E ^ Chap. VII] PRAYING INDIANS.— VVANNALANCET. 117 Hoon themselves, and, under a pretence of scouting, went to the wigwams of the Wamesits, and ordered tliem to come out. They obeyed without hesitation, being cliicfly helpless women and children, and not conceiving any harm could be intended tliem ; but they were no sooner out than fired upon, when five were wounded and one killed. Whether the courage of the hrave Eng- lish now failed them, or whether they were satisfied with what blood was ah-eady shed, i& not cleai- ; but they did no more at this tune. The on© slain was a little son of Tahatooner ; and Oonamog'a widow was severely wounded, whose name was Sarah, " a woman of good report for religion," She was daughter of Sagamore-John, who lived and died at tlie same place, before the war, " a gi-eat friend to the English." Sarah had had two husbands : the first was Oonamog, the second Tahatooner, who was son of Takattawan, sachem, of Muskctaquld. This affair took place on ttie 15 November, 1675. J^umphoiv was ruler of the praying Indians at Wamesit, and Samiul, his son, was teacher, "a young man of good ])art8," cays Mr. Gookin, "and can speak, read and write Englislk and Indian competently ; " being one of those taught at the expense of the coi*ponition. JVumpJiow experienced wretched trials in the time of the war; he with his people having fled away from their homes immediately after the horrid barbarity of which we have just spoken, fearing to be murdered if tliey should continue there. However, after wandering a while up and down in the woods, in the (iismal month of December, they returned to Wamesit, in a forlorn condition, and hoped the can-iage of their neighbors would be such that they might continue there. It did not turn out so, for in Februaiy they again quitted their habitations, and went off towards Canada. Six or seven old pei-sona remained liehind, who were hindered from going by infirmity. These poor blind and lame Indians were all burnt to death in their wigwams. This act, had it occurred by accident, would have called forth the deepest pity from tlie breast of every human creature to whose knowledge it should come. But horror, anguish and indignation take the Clace of pity, at l>eing told that the flames which consumed them were lighted y the savage hands of white men ! ! It was so — and whites are only left to rememlter in sorrow this act of those of their own color ! But to return — During the wanderings of STumphow and his friends, famine and cickness destroyed many of them. Himself and Mistic George, or Gtoree Mistic, a teacher, were numbered with the ihus spoken of by Mr, Gookin, wild was with liim m PakiicJHiog, 17 September, 1()74. " My chief assistant was K'ntliLinrompinihin, nrlcr of tiie Nipmuk Indians, a grave and pious man, of the chief sachemV blood of the Nipniiik coiinUy. lie resides at Hassanu- Alkn's III.li. CiiuliU'tlbrd. t M.S. letter of 7i hn Farmer, E»q. 118 PRAYING INDIANS.— HIACOOMES. [Book II. jnesit ; but by former appointment, calleth here, together with some others." Captain Tom was among TukapewiUin^s company, that went olF witli tlie enemy, as in speaking of him we navo made mention. In that company there were about 300, men, women and children. The enemy, being about 300 strong, obHged the praying Indians to go off with, or be killed by them. There were, however, many who doubtless preferred their company to that of their friends on Deer Island. This was about the beginning of Deceml)er, 1G75. Captain Tom afterwards fell into the hands of the English, and, being tried and condemned as a rebel, was, on 2(5 June, 1(»7G, executed at Boston ; much to the grief of such excellent men as Gookin and Eliot. Although something had been done towards Christianizing the Indians in Plimouth colony, about a year before Mr. Eliofs firet visit to Nonantuni, yet for some yeare after, Massachusetts wHs considerably in advance in this I'espect. Some of the principid congregations or praying towns follow : — At Meeshawn, since Provincetown or Truro, and I'unonakanit, since Bil- lingsgate, were 72 [)ersons ; at Potanuniaquut, or Nunsct, in Eastham, 44 ; at Monamoyik, since Chatham, 71 ; at Sawkattukett, in Hai"wich ; Nobsened about 1090. Pahkehpunnassoo, sachem of Ciiappetjuiddik, was a great opposer of the gos|)cl, and at one time l)cat Hiacoomes for profesjjing a belief of it. Not long after, as hiniself anani(; one of the most ciiiineiit of the liuliaii converts. Oik- tif his eiiildreii, ii son, sailed for England in 1057, with Mr. Thomas Mayhew Jr., in a ship (•oiiiniaiiili'd by Captain James Garrett, and was never liearil of after. The time of the death of Miohqsoo is imkiiown, but he lived to a great ng--. Among tiie Moliegaiis and Narragiiiiscts iiotliiiig of any account uiis efli'ct- ed. in tlte viay of Chris! iani/inj; tluiii, li>r a iiii^: time. 'I"he ciiief sachems of ihose jwitioi's were defcrniiiii'd and lixed ii:;iiii '^t if, and though it was from time ;c iiit'c inp'd iijion thi-m, yi i \> r\ \\\\\f v.:i.- »ver done. [Book U. Chvp.VH.] PRAYING INDIANS.— OCCUM. 119 «ine others." off witli tlie mpany there ig about 300 ;hem. Tliere that of their einlier, 1G75. , being tried iston; much 6 Indians in )naiituui, yet tliis respect. it, since Bil- hani, 44 ; at obsriBon, and lay there till sold for l>er fees. The account she since ! rives of it is, that her master dkl l)eat he", and otherwise abuse her, to make ler confess and accuse (such on he called) her sister witches ; and that what- soever she gaiil by way of confessing or accusing others, was the effect of such usage ; her master refused to pay her fees, unless she would itand to what she liad said." Wo are able to mid to our information of TitiAa from another old and curious work,1f as follows: — That when slie was examined she "confessed the making a cake, as is above mentioned, and said her mistress in her own country was a witch, and had taught her some means to be used for the discovery of a witch and for the prevention of l)eing l»ewitched, &c., btit said "that she herself was not a witch." The children who accused her said "that ■he dkl pinch, prick, and grievously torment them ; and that they saw her here * At Ihs execution of Mosea PatU, for inurdcr, at New Hftvcn, 2 September, 1772. To liis' letter to Mr. Keen, \\\» name is Oeeum. f Life Dr. Wietfnck, Ifi. t His Letter to Mr. Keen, in Life mieelork, 178. A Wonders of iW. Invisihle World, by k. Calef, 90, 91, Ho. London, 1700. J " Hamuel Parii, pastor of the churrh in aniem-villwfe." Modest Enquiry into the Nature tf Witchrraji. by John Unio, pastor of tlit church in Btverly, p. 23, ISmo. Bo»tor. 1702. ^ Modest Enquiry, die. 25. 130 TITUBA.— WITCHCRAFT. [Book li. and there, where nobody else could. Yea, they could tell where she was, and what she did, when out of their human sight." Whether the author was a witness to this he does not say ; but probably he was not. Go through the whole of our early writers, and you will scarce find one who witnessed such matters : (Dr. Cotton Mather is nearest to an exception.) But tfiey generally preface such marvellous accounts by observing, " I am slow to believe rumors of this nature, nevertheless, some things I have had certain information of." * The Rev. Mr. Felt f gives the following extract from the " Quarterly Court Papers." "March Ist. Sctrah Osbom, Sarah and Dorothy Good, T%uba, servant of Mr. Parrig, Martha Cory, Rebecca J^ae, Sarah Cloyce, John Proctor and his wife Elizabeth, all of Salem village, are committed to Boston jail on charge of witchcraft." The other servant of Mr. Parria was the husband of TUuba, whose name was John, It was a charge against them that they had tried means to discover witches. But there is little probability that these ignorant and simple Indians would ever have thought of " trying a project " for the detection of Avitches, had they not learned it from some more miserably superstitious white persons. We have the very record to justify this stricture. J Take the words. "Mary Sibly having confessed, that she innocently counselled John, the Indian, to attempt a discovery of witches, is permitted to commune with Mr. Parria^ church. She had been previously disciplined for such counsel and appeared well." We are not told who disciplined her for the examination. Was it Mr. Parria? This is the only instance I have met with of Indians being implicated in tehUe witchcraft. * /. Mather's Brief Hist. Philip's War, 34. t In his valuable Annals of Salem, 303. X Danvers Records, published by the author last cited, • ' END OF BOOK SECOND. \ iMndKMiMi BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY op THE r.i INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. BOOK III. BOOK III. ^*v .. -,1, itrtfcf* BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW ENG- LAND INDIANS CONTINUED. CHAPTER I. Life of Alkxander aliaa Wamsutta — Events tehich led to the war reith PhUip — Weetamoo his wife — Early events in her life — Petakanuet, her second husband — IVeetamoo's latter career and death — Ifinigret — Death qf Alexander — Johk Sas- SAHON — His country and connections — Becomes a christian — Schoolmaster — Min- ister — Settles at Assawomset — Felix marries his daughter — Sassamon discovers the plots of Philip — Is murdered — Proceedings against the murderers — They are condemned and executed. Alexander was the English name of the elder son of Masaasoit, His real name appears at first to have been Mooanam, and afterwards Wamsutta, and lastly Alexander, The name of Mooanam he bore as early as 1639 ^>in 1641 we find him noticed under the name fVamsvUa. About the year 1656, he and his younger brotlier, Metacomet, or rather Pometacom, were brought to the court of Plimouth, and being solicitous to receive English names, the gov- ernor called the elder Alexander, and the younger Philip, probably from the two Macedonian heroes, which, on being explained to them, might have jflat- tered their vanities ; and which was pnhably the intention of the governor. JUexander appears pretty early to h > =: set up for himself, as will be seen in the course of this cnapter; occasion:!, j3-3rhap8, by his marrying a female sachem of very considerable authorii,^, and in great esteem among her neighbors. Namumpum, aftei-wards called Weetamxto, squaw-sachem of Pocasset, was the wife of Alexander ; and who, as says an anonymous writer,* was more willing to join Philip when he began war upon the English, being persuaded ' by him that they had poisoned her husband. This author calls her " as potent a prince as any round about her, and hath as much com, land, and men, at her command." Mexander having, in 1653, sold a tract of the territory acquired by his wife, as has l)een related in the life of MassasoU, about six years after, Weetamoo came to Plimouth, and the following account of her business is contained in the records. " I, JVamumpum^ of Pokecsett, hauing, in open court, June last, fifty-nine, [1659,1 before the governour and inajestrates, surrendered up all that right and title or such lands as Woosamequin and Wamaetta sould to tJie purchasers ; as appeeres by deeds giuen vncler theire hands, as alsoe the said JSTamumpum promise to rcmoue the Indians of from those lands ; and alsoe att the same court the aaid Wamsutta promised Mtmumpum the third part of the pay, as is * Old Indian Chronicle, p. G. ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO. [Boor III. I in \t:i\ expressed in the deed of which payment JVamumpum haue recoiued of John Cooke, this 6 of Oct 1659 : these particulars as followetli : item ; 20 yards blew trading cloth, 2 yards red cotton,2paireof8hooes,2 pairt stockings, 6 broade hoes and 1 axe ; And doe acknowledge receiued by me, Namumfuh." Witnessed by Squabsen, WahaiunchquaU, and two English. , Thus this land affair seems to have been amicably settled ; but the same year oi Mexander's death, whether before or after we are not assured, jYamiim- pum appeared at Plimouth, and complained that WamsuUa had sold some of her land without her consent " The court agreed to doe what they could in conuenient time for her relief." We apprehend there was some little dilRculty between Alexander and his wife about this time, especially if her complaint were before his death, aiul we are rather of the opinion that it was, for it was June when her complaint was made, and we should assign a little later date for the deatli of her husband ; and therefore all difficulty was settled in his death. On the 8 April, 1661, WamsvUa deeded the tract of countiy since culled Rehoboth to Thomas WtUet " for a valuable considemtion."* What that was the deed does not inform us ; but we may venture to ([uestion the fact, for if the consideration had in truth been valuable, it would have appeai'ed in the deed, and not have been kept out of sight What time JVamumpum deeded land to John Sanford and John Archer, we are not informed, but it was probably about the beginning of 1G62. It was a deed of gifl, and appears to have been only deeded to them to prevent her husband's selling it ; but these men, it seems, attempted to hold the land in violation of their promise ; however, being a woman of i>erseverance, she so managed the matter, that, in the year 1668, she found witnesses who deposed to the true meaning of the deed, of^A thus was, we pi-esume, restored to her rightful possessions. Since we have been thus particular in acquainting the reader with the wife of WamsvMa, we will, before proceeding with our account of the husband, say all that we have to say of the interesting Weetamoo. Soon after the death of Alexander, we find JSTamumpum, or Weetamoo, asso- ciated with another husband, named Petonowoivet. He was well known to the English, and went by the familiar name of Ben. Now, unless Peto-noiv- owet, or Pe-tan-ornuet has been corrupted into Peter Nunnuit, we must allow her to have had a third husband in 1675. We, however, are well ^tis- fied that these two names are, as they appear to be, one and the same name. This husband of neetamoo does not appear to have been of so much impor- tance OS her first, fVamsutta ; and as he only appeai-s occaaonally in the crowd, we are of opinion that she took good core in taking a second husband, and fixed upon one that she was better al)le to manage than slie was the de- termined JVamsutta. On the 8 May, 1673, Tatamomock, Petonowoicett, nnd WUliam alias ^asockcy sold to J^athaniel Paine of Rehoboth, and //ug-ft Coic of Swansey, a* lot of land in Swansey, near Mattapoiset, and Sliowatnct neck, for £35 5*. Weetamoo, Philip alias Wagiisoke, and .Seven alias jSTucano, were the Indian witnesses. About the same time, one Piotvant was intruded upon by some othoi-s claiming his lands, or otherwise molesting him, anti the business seems to have undergone a legal scrutiny ; in this jSTair both Weetamoo and her hus- band appear upon our records. They testify that the tract of land bounded by a small river or brook called Mastucksett, which compasseth said tract to Assonett River, and so to Taiuiton River, [by trees, &c.] hath for many years boon in the possession o{ Piotvant. The place of the bounds on Taunton River was called Chippascuiit, which was a little south of Mastucksett. Pantauset, Quanowin, JVescanoo, and Panowwin, testified the same. It does not appear that Peta-nan-u-tt was at all concerned in Philip's war ngainst the English, but, on the contrary, foi-sook his wife and joined them against her. Under sucli a leader us Church, \w must have been employed 4i<;ainst his countrymen with great advantage. At the time he came over to " iScc l!)i; Hist, of Alilcljoroiigli, hy John ii^fg^i-it, Es<) , p. G, where llie decected his wife would do the same, as t>he gave Church to understand as much. After tlie war he was honored witli u com- mand over the prisoners, who were . permitted to i-eside in the country be- tween Sepecau and Dartmouth. jYumpus, or JSTompash, and Isaac were also in the same office. After Mr. Church left Jlwaahonks' council, a few days before the war broke out, he met with botli fVeetamoo and her husband at Pocasset Ho first met with the husband, Petananuet, who had just arrived in a canoe from thUifs head quarters at Mount Jlope. He told Church there would certainly be war, for that Philip had held a war dance of several weeks, and had entertained the young men from all parts of the country. He said, also, that Philip ex- pected to be sent for to Plimouth, about Sassamon's death, knowing himself guilty of contriving that murder. Petananuet further said, that he saw Mr. Jatnes Broum of Swansey, and Mr. Samuel Gorton, who was an interpreter, nud two other men that brought a letter from the governor of Plimouth to Philip. PhUip't young warriors, he said, would have killed Mr. Brown, but Philip told them they must not, for his father had charged him to show kind- ness to him ; but to satisfy them, told them, that on the next Sunday, when the English had gone to meeting, they might pluixler their houses, and after- wards kill their cattle. Meanwhile ff'eetamoo was at her camp just back from Pocasset shore, on the high hill a little to the north of what is now Howland's ferry, and Petana- nuet requested Mr. Church to go up and see her. He did so, and tbund her in rather a melancholy mood, all her men having left her and gone to Philip'a war dance, much, she said, against her will. Church, elated with his success at Awashonks^ camp, and thinking both " queens " secured to the English interest, hastened to Plimouth to give the governor an account of his discoveries. — This was a. day big to Philip ; he immediately took measures to reclaim Weetamoo, and had nearly drawn off Awaslwnks with the vivid hopes of conquest and booty. Weetamoo could no longer remain neutral ; the idea still harrowed upon her mind, that the authorities of Plunouth htid poisoned her former husband,* and was now sure that they had seduced her present on* ; therefore, from the power of such arguments, when urged by the artful Philip, there was no esca|)e or resistance. Hence his fortune became her own, and she moved with him from place to place about her dominions, in the country of Pocasset, until the 30 July, when all the Wampanoags escaped out of a swamp, and retired into the country of the Nipmuks. From this time Weetamoo's opera- tions become so blendetl with those of her allies, that the life of Philip takes up the narration. When, by intestine divisions, the power of Philip was destroyed among the Nipmucks, ff'eetamoo seems to have been deserted uy almost all her followers, null, like Philip, she sought refuge again in her own countiy. It was imon the (J August, 1G70, when she arrived upon the western bank of Tehticut River in Mettupoiset, where, as was then supposed, she was drowned by accident, in attempting to cross the river to Pocasset, at the same point she had crossed the year before in her flight with Philip. lier company consisted now of no more than 26 men, whereas, in the be- ginning of the wai*, they amounted to 300 ; and she was considered by tlie English " next unto Phuip in respect o^ the mischief that hath been done."t The English at Taunton were notified by a deserter of her situation, who offered to lead any that would go, in a way tliat they might easily surprise her Olid her company. Accordingly, 20 men volunteered upon this enterprise, and succeeded in capturing all but JVeetamao, "who," according to Mr, Huh- bardl " intending to make an escape from the danger, attempted to get over a river or arm of the sea near by, upon a raft:, or some pieces of broken wood ; but whether tired and spent with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger, she was found stark naked in Metapoiset, not far from the water side, which made some think she was first half drowned, and so ended her wrotched life." " Her head being cut off and set upon a pole in Taunton, was knovra by some * Old Indian Chronicle, p. 8. 1» "^ \l.Malhcr. I Nnrralivc, 103 aiid 109. ALEXANDER. [Rook UI. Indians then prisonere [there,] wliich set them into a horrible lamentation." Mr. Mather iiii|)roves upon this passage, giving it in a style more to suit the taste of the times: "They made a most horid and diabolical lamentation, crying out tlmt it was their queen's head.'* The autliors of Yamoydkn tiius represent Philip escapuig from tlie cold grasp of the ghostly form of Weetamoo : — " As from the water's ileplli she cniiio, With dripping locks and bloated frame, Wild her discolored arms she threw To grasp him ; and, as swift he flew. Her hollow scream he heard behind Come milicling with the howling wind : ' Why fly Irom Wetamoe 7 she died Bcarnig the war-axe on iby side.' " Although fFcetatnoo doubtless escaped from Pocasset with Philip, yet it appears that instead of flying to the Nipnuiks she soon went down into the Niantic cou2itry, mul the English immediately hud news of it, which occa- sioned theb" sending for J^migret to answer for harboring their enemy, aa in his life has been related. In this connection it should be notctd, that the time had expired, in which .Vinifi^nt by his deputies agreed to deliver up JVeetamoo^ some tune previous to the gretit fight in NaiTagausot, tuul hence this was seized upon, as one pretext for invading the Narragansets. And moreover, it was said, that if she were tfdcen by that formiilable army of a 1000 men, " her lands would more than l)ay all the charge " the English had been at in the whole war.* IFeetamoo, it is presumed, loft jVinigret and joined the hostile Navriigansets and the Wampunoags in their strong Ibrt, some time previous to the English expedition against it, in December. And it was about this time that she connected herself with the Narraganset chief Quinnapirif as will be foimd related in his life. She is mentioned by some writers as PhUip\i kinswoman, which seems to have been the case in a two-fold miumer ; firet frouj her being sister to his wife, and secondly from her maiTying Alexander, his brodien To return to tVamsutta. A lasting and permanent interest will always be felt, and peculiar feelings associated with the name of this chief. Not on account of a career of Iwttles, devastations or nmrders, for tluire were few of these,t but there is left for us to relate the melancholy account of his death. Mr. Hubbard's account of this event is in the hands of almost every reader, and cited by every writer upon our early histoi-j', and hence is too extensively known to be repeated here. Dr. /. Mather agrees very nearly in his account witli Mr. Hubbard, but being more minute, and rarely to be met with, we give it entire : — " In A. D. l(5b'2, Plimouth colony was in some danger of being involved in trouble by the Waiiipanoag Indians. After Maasasoil was dead, nis two sons, called Wamsutla and Metacomet, came to the court at Plimouth, pretending high respect for the English, and, therefore, desired English names might be imposed on them, whereupon the court there named fFamsutta, the elder brother, Alexander, and Metaconvet, the younger broUier, Philip. This Alexan- der, Pliilip\i immediate pretlece88or,'Wa8 not so faitliful ana friendly to the English as his father hod been. For some of Boston, having been occasionally at Narraganset, wrote to Mr. Prince, who was then governor of Plimouth, that Alexander was contriving mischief against the English, and that he had solicit- ed the Narragansets to engage with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon, Cairt. jyHlet, who lived near to Mount Hope, the place where Alexander did reside, was appointed to speak with him, and to desire him to attend the next court in Plimouth, for their satisfaction, and his own vindication. He seemed to take the message in good part, professing that the Narragansets, whom, he said, were his enemies, hai put an abuse upon him, and he readily promised to attend at the next court. But when tlie day for his appearance was come, instead of that, he at that very time went over to the Narragansets, his pretended enemies, which, compared with other circumstances, caused tlie gentlemen at Plimouth to suspect there was more of truth in the infor- * Old Indian Chronicle, p. 31, 32. f In IG61, he was forced into a war with Uncos, the account of which, properly belongiog to the life of that chief, will be found there related. Chap I.] ALEXANDER. T matinii given, tliaii at first they were aware of. Wherefore the governor and rriagiHtratca there onh-red Major IVivslow, (who is sincc!, taid at this day [Ki??") governor of that colony,| to take a party of men, and fetch down Jlkxander. Tije major cousiilering tliat semper nocmt deferrc paratis, he took but 10 armed men wiUi him from Mansiificid, intending to have taken more at the towns that lay nearer Mount Hope. But Divine Providence so ordered, as that when tliey were about the midway Iretwecn Plimouth and IJridgewater,* observing an hunting liouse, they rode up to it, and tlitire did they luid Alexander and many of his menf well armed, but their guns standing together without the house. The major, with his small party, possessed themselves of the Indians' arms, and beset the house ; then did he go in amongst tiicm, acquainting tlie Hachem with the reason of his coining in such a way ; desiring Alexander with his interpreter to walk out with him, who did ho a little distance from tho house, and then underetood what commission the major liad received con- cerning him. The proud sachem fell into a raging passion at this surprise, saying the governor had no reason to credit rumors, or to send for hun hi wicli a way, nor woidd he go to Plimouth, but when ho saw cause. It was replied to him, that his breach of word touc^hiug appearance at Plimouth court, and, instead thereof, going at the same time to his pretended enemies, a\igmented jealousies concerning him. In line, the major told him, that his order was to bring him to Plimouth, and tliat, l)y the help of God, he would, do it, or else he would die on the place ; also declaring to him that if he would submit, he might ex|)ect respective usagi;, but if Ik; once more denied to go, lie should never stir from the ground whereon ho stood ; and with a pistol at tlie sachem's breast, required that his next words nhoiild bo a positive and i-lear answer to what was deiiiand<;(!. IIereii[)oii his interpreter, a discreet Indian, brother to John Saustman,\ being sensible of Alexander's passionate disposition, entreated that he might speak a few words to the sachem before lie giive his answer. The prudent discoui-se of this Indian prevailed so far as that Alexander yielded to go, only requesling that he might go like a sachem, with his men attending hiin, which, although there was some hazard in it, they being many, and the English but a few, was granted to him. Tho weather being hot, the major oflered him an lioi-se to ride on, but his squaw and divera Indian women being in comjiaiiy, ho refused, saying he could go on foot as well its they, entreating only that there might lie a complying with tiicir jmc(!, which was done. And losting several times by the way, Alexan- der and his Indians were refreshed by the English. No other discoui'se hap- [icniiig while they were upon their march, but what was pleasant and amicable. The major sent a miui before, to entreat that as many of the magistrates of that colony as could would meet at Duxbury. Wherefore having there had some treaty with Alexander, not willfn;/ to commit hiin to prison, they en- treated Major Winslow to receive him to his house, until the governor, who then liv(!d at Eastham, could come up. Accordingly, he and his train were courteously enteitained by the major. And albeit, not so much as an angry woi'd passed between them whilst at Marshfield ; yet proud Alexander, vexinjf and fretting in his spirit, that such a check was given him, he suddenly lell sick of a fever. He Avas then nursed as a choice friend. Mr. Fuller, tho physician, coming providentially thither at that tune, the sachem and his men earnestly desired that he would administer to him, which he was unwilling to do, but by their imjiortunity was prevailed with to do the best he could to liislp him, and therefore gave him a portion of working physic, which the Iiulians thought did him good. But his distemper afterAVards prevailing, they entreatcd§ to dismiss him, in order to a return home, which upon engagement * Williiii six miles of the English towns. Hubbard, 10, (Edition, 1677.) Massasoit, and likewise Philip, used to have temporary residences in eligible places fof nsbing, at various sites between the two bays, Narraganset and MassatrhuscUs, as at Raynham, Namasket, Titi- cut, [in iMiddlcborough,] and Munponset Pond in Halifax. At which of these places he was, we cannot, with certainty, decide : that at Halifax would, perhaps, agree be,t with Mr. Hub- bard's account. t Eighty, says Hubbard, 6. i He had a brother by the name of Roland. 9 " EnUcatiug those tliat held him prisoner, that he might have liberty to retaro home,. 1 AI.KXANIIKK. [Hook III- of M|iiii'ai'tiii('i- i:t (III' iii'vl ('i)iirl was gnui(r*l In liiiii. Soon ndvr Urn Ix-itig iH'tiit'iiril li)iiiii< Iii< ili(>*l." * 'I'liiiN riiiiM Dr. .M((//ir/'.'» "itliiiidii "of iii(< Hlinit icij^n of .'llfxander. Ami iilllion^rli a iliicniiD'iit lately |)iihliHliril hy Jii Ditvii of ItoNtuii H(>tH tlio coii- <|iici of (he I'^iikIIhIi ill a very tavoialilt' W^Ut, yet il in very (tiftinilt to ciiii- «Mi' ilfci-iv iiiraii in rcNiM'rt In tlio tii-aliiii'iit .'Uvramlcr rcrcivoil at tlio IiiiikIh of Iiih raiitiii'M, Tlicy iiotli wriito at tlio Hanio liiii«*, and at ilili'd'cnt |ila(M>M, ami m'itlii>r kmtw what llii< nilicr hail wrilti-n. OftiiiH wi' an' imuiI'i- ilnit, if, iiM \M> nil' assiiri'il, ili<'ii> was, at thiH tiim>, ralhi'r a niiNiimlri'NtamlinK iM'twi'i'ii tlirNi' twit ii'vi'ii'ml nntliiirM. This alliiir ran.xfil Miiii-li iwi-itniirnt, ami, JmlKiiif^ fVoiii tho writt'i'N of that (iim>, parlinilarly lliihbanl, miiiio rrrriiiiiiiatiiin ii|iiiii tlio I'oiuliirt of tint f{(>v- I'l'iiniriit 1)1' I'liiiiiiiith, liy siiimt nf thi> I'lii^linh, wliii wrii* nion> in tlii> liahit of nsing or ri>i-ointiiriiiliii^ iniM nirasiircs toNMiriis liiiliaiiM than tho IMiinoiitli |>('o|il<< ti|i|M'ar to havi> liocn, Hrcnis to liavo liccn imlnl^'il in. Alli'i* thus pri'iiiisiiij;, wi' will ntlir tlio ilocinnriit, which in u li'tlor written l»v tho Itcv. John Cotlun, of I'liinoiith, to Dr. /. Mtillin; ami now priiitod hy JmV*' Itnvis, in his I'lliiioii of .Mortini'H IMcniorial. 'riu-ri' iH no ilaic to it, at IniHt tho rditor ivi's mini' ; hilt it'll .vi'ro writtrii in answor to ono IVoin l\lr. Mnthrr to ini, drsiring inforinnlion on that liriu';, datod '21h\ April, I(l77,f we may eomliiilo it was ahout thi.siiiiii' ; hut Mr. .l/«//if/',» " IJolation " would not liad IIM to siijiposo that ho was in posH-N^ion ot' hiii-Ii inforniation, nnd, llirrc- lor<<, he oiliior was not in possrsMion of it wlirn he piihliNlicd his aci-oiint, or that li<> had other Irstiiiiony whirh invalidated it. 'I'lie letter liegiiiM, "INIajor Hrai/Jhrd, [who >vas with Mr. UvtJilow when .//f,n»(i(/rr was Mirprisid,] eoiilidenlly asMires me, that in the narrative (A- ^Wi .nr «(//•(> t tJiere mi' many mislykes, and, fearing leHt yon ulionld, through misint'ormation, print some misialiis on that s.ihjeel, from his month I this writiv Ki'iMirtH lH>iiig here that .llixitinkr was plotting or privy to plots, iigainst the Mnglisli, authority sent lo him to eonu* down, lie eame not. \\'lierenpon Major /riiw/oie was sent to titeli him. Major linvl/'onl, with some ollieix, went wilh him. At Mimponset Itiver, a pliiee not many miles Jience, they tiiimd .//(.iim at hreakfast under their siieiior, their guns heing wiihont. They saw the Mnglish eoming, hut eoiitinued eating; and Mr. h'iii.sloii' telling their liusiness, .7/cr«m/fr, freely and readily, w itiiout the leiisl hesilaney, eonsented to go, giving his n-asoii why lie eame not to the eoiirt helore, vi/., Iteeause he waited for (Captain i! i' -.■ - - . • — . - - ^1'^ imiil\i it't\irn I'rom the Dnieli, heing desirous to speak with him fii"st. They lnMiiglit him to Mr. l\tlliii\i that ilay, luul (lovernor Prinri living remote at I'lastiiam, those I'ew magislrates who were at hand issued the matter peaee- .'ihl\, and immediately dismissed .Ur.ritndrr to return home, wliieli he did iiari o|' the \miv ; lull, in two or three ilajs idler, he returned and went to lajor " tfi.t/(ia'V house, inti-nding tlieiiee to tntvel into the Invf and so home ; Imt, at the major's house, he was laken very siek, and was, hy water, eoii- \e\ed lo Major /?/ii(//'(iri/',«, and thence carried upon the sliouldei-s of his men to I'ethqnei Itiver, and (hence in canoes home, and, ahout two or three dayei al\er, died." Thus it is evident that there is error somewhere, and it would he very sat- isl'aclory if we coiilil i-nise it t'lMiii our history ; hut, at present, we art- ahle only to agitjite il, and wait for the I'lirther discovery of dociimenis hefore ,Uixanda's true history can he given ; and to tiiis|»'ud judgment, although pnMiiisiiic Ik rfluni nifiiiii if lie rorovereil. iiml Id snul lii* sun n« liosini>v till lie roiiM so do. 4>ii lliHt rousiiliTiilioii. Iw w«< Inirlv disiiii'isoil, luit ilii'il lu'lnrc In- i(ol linll'wuv lioim'."— ' Il i« a (Illy llim iiu-li an al>l<> liKturian ilh O'r.tli.inw slioiiM not havu Imtm in ixmi-nion of olhor aiithi>riri<*« ii|h l>y ilio antliKrilicj ol I'tiinonlli. ami now. 1 IM-Iievc, nmnni; llip MS9. ill iiH< littiiiry of ili« Ifiti. ^SiK'. i>/ Miiis. Tliiii wax, )irol>ttl>ly, Mr. Ilnhb^ud't aiitliority. (KOOK III. liiH iM-iiig <;ilAP. I] HASHAMON 9 r/()i() wlicii lITUtivo (li- il, tliroiiKit nth i this ' lo plots, canic not. (/hnl, witli liny niilcH iiws. lie iist uiiilcr iiiii% lint In; i'wrh is n'MMiii (^niitain «. Thry I'llKltc" lit IT lll'IICC- ' Im> (li.l Willi to o lionii>; lIlT, COIl- liis inrii li't' iliivs Nom« timy readily dccido that tho cvidi^ncn m in favor of tho old printed uri-oiintH, It iH the hiiHincHH of u hiHtorian, when; u point ifl in dispute, to exhihit exiHting evidence, and l<;t the reiidiT make n^i hw own judgment. We are ubie, from the fimt extract given u^)on this head, to limit the time of hiH Hacli tmuhip to a portion of tho year 1(j62. It will huvH appeare(l alreatly, tliut enough had transpired to inflame tho mitidH of the IndianH, and (jHpecially that of tho sachem Philip, if, indeed, the evidence adduced he coiiHidered valid, regarding the blamablitntKH of the EiigliMh. NevfirtheleBs, our n(!Xt ftJep onward will more fulJy develop the caimeH of Philip'H d(!e[i-rooied anitrlo^>iti(!i). We com« now to Hpeak <»f .lonn Sahhamon, who deserves a particular notice; ; more espei^ially as, irom several nianuwrripts, we are able not only to correct some important rrrors in former histories, hut to give a more minute account of a charaitter which must always be notici;d in entering upon the study of this part of our history. Not that he would otherwise ditmand more notici^ than many of his brethren almost silently jNissed over, hut ibr his agency in bringing iilMiiit a war, tin; inter(>st of which mcreosi^s in proportiim as time curries us from its i)eriu(l. John Sastanion was ii subjecit of Philip, on unstable-tnindiHl fellow ; and, living in the neighborhood* of the lOnglish, iHicame a convert to Christianity, learntMl their language, and was able to read and write, and had translateil some of the Itible into Indian. Jdring rather insinuating and artful, he wils eniployiMl to teach his countrymen at Natick, in the capacity of a scliool- master. How long iiefori! the war this was, is not mentioned, hut must liavi; bt'cn about KKIO, as hi! was Phili/>\H secreUiry, or interpreter, in KKK, and this was all(>r he had become a Christian, lie h^il the Knglish, from some dislike, and went to reside with AUiandtr, and afterwards with Philip, who, it ap- pears, employi;d liiiu on uccuunt of his leariung. Always restfess, Sajsoinon did not remain long w\iU Philip Ix^fore he returned again to tlic English ; "and he miinifested such v me the said H'iiluiipn call il .\,iiin.-k'l. In ilie rciiirils, it i^ hIiikisI nlwnyi wrilicn ^ !*iw\l also .1/cw 'i.'/t.V. nni I !l^ 10 SASSAMON. [Book III. Tills daughter of Scasamon was called by the English name Betty,* but her orig- inal name was Asso wetough. To his son-in-law, S(usaTnon gave his land, by a kind of will, which he wrote himself, not long before his death ; probably about the time he became tired of his new situation, which we suppose was also about the time that he discovered the design of Philip and his captains to bring about their war of extermination. Old Tuspaquin, as he called himself, and his son, not only confirmed Sasaa- man's will, nut about the same time made a bequest themselves to his daugh- ter, which, they say, was " with the consent of all the chiefFe men of Asso- wamsett." This deed of gift from them was dated 23 Dec. 1673. It was of a neck of land at Assowamsett, called Nahteawamet. The names of some of the places which bounded this tract wore Mashquomoh, a swamp, Sason- kususett, a pond, and another large pond called Chupipoggut. Tobias, Old Thomas, Pohonoho, and Kankunukt, were upon this deed as witnessts. Felix served the English in Philip's war, and was living in 1679, in which year Governor ffijwtotc ordered, "that all such lands as were formerly /oAn Sassamon's in our colonic, shall be settled on Fdix his son-in-law," and to re- main his and his heirs " foreiier." Felixes wife survived him, and willed her land to a daughter, named Mercy. This was in 1696, and Isacke Wanno wit- nessed said will. There was at a later period an Indian preacher at Titicutf named Thomas Felix, perhaps a son of the former.^ But to return to the more immediate subject of our discourse. There was a Sassaman, or, as my manuscript has it, Sosomon, known to the English 08 early os 1637 ; but as we have no means of knowing how old John Sassamon was when he was murdered, it cannot be decided with probability, whether or not ' vere he. Tiiis Sosomon, as will be seen in the life of Sasaa- cus, went with me English to fight the Pequot?. Sassamon acted as interpreter, .witness or scribe, as the case required, on many occasions. When Philip and fVootonekanuske his wife, sold, in 1664, Mattapoisett to William Brenton, Sassamon was a witness and interpreter. The same year he was Philip^s agent " in settling the bounds of Acushenok, Coaksett, ami places adjacent." Again, in 1665, he witnessed the receipt of £10 paid to r'hilip on account of settling the bounds the year before. There was a Rowland Sassamon, who I suppose was the brother of John. His name appears but once in all the manuscript records I have met with, and then only as a witness, with his brother, to Philip's deed of Mattapoisett, above mentioned. The name Sassamon, like most Indian names, is variously spelt, but the way it here appears is nearest as it was understood in his last years, judging from the records. But it was not so originally. fVoosansaman was among the first modes of writing it. This detail may appear dry to the peneral reader, but we must occasion- ally gratify our antiquarian friends. We now proceed in our narrative. While living among the Naninskets, Sassamon learned what was going forward among his countrymen, and, when he was convinced that their design was war, W(>nt inuiiediately to Plimouth, and communicated hi« dis- covery to tiio governor. "Nevertheless, his informotioii," says Dr. I. Maiher,^ "(because it had an Indian original, and one can hardly believe them when they do speak the truth,) was not at first much regarded." It may bo noticed hero, that at this time if any Indian appeared friendly, all Indians wore so doclainied ogainst, that scarcely any one among the Eng- lish could be found that would allow that an Indian coidd be faithfiil or honest in any afiiiir. And although some others l)esidos Sassamon had inti- iuat(<(l, and that rather strongly, that a "rising of the Indians" was at hand, still, as Dr. Mather observes, because Inilians said so, little or no attention * Tlip rn;;lisli sninplimrs nildcd her siirimmp, iiiul lirnrc, in tli« nrrounl of Mr. tttnnel, (1 Col. Mitss. nisi Siir. ill. 1.) Urttij Siisemnir. Tlic nolril pinro now railed Hftly'.t Neelt, ill Miildlclxinmg;!!, was iiniued froinlier. In nil.l, lliere were eijriil fnniilien of Indimii there. t ColiihUvul, Krlrliiiiiiut, IVhlinit, Kfkfllinil, Kilimt, TeiglUtiquid, Tttehqufi, arc tpell- ilizii "flliis iinino ill the vnrioiis liooks niid recordu I linve rousiillcd. t It.irkits's Middleliiiroiicih. in I Cfl. Mum. Iliit. Soc. iii. IflO. ^ Hfhtion I'/Ihe TroiMes, iVo.. 71, U- Cha^. I.] SASSAMON.— CAUSES OF THE WAR WITH PHHJP. II was pud to their advic&. Notwithstanding, Mr. Gookin, in his MS. history,* says, that, previous to the war, none of the Christian Indians liad "been juitty charged, either with unfaithfulness or treachery towards the English." " But, on the contrary, some of them had discovered the treachery, particu- larly fValcut the ruler, of Philip before he began any act of hostility." In another place the same author says, that, in April, 1675, WaiAan " came to one of the magistrates on purpose, and informed him that he had ground to fear that sachem PhUip, and other Indians his confederates, intended some mischief shortly." Again in May, about six weeks before the war, he came and said the same, admng that Philip's men were only waiting for the trees to get leaved out, that they might prosecute their design with more effect. To return to Seing made, his body was found in Assawomset I'ond, in Mlddleborough.f Those that killed him not caring to be known to the English, left his hut and gun upon the ice, that it might be supposed that he had drowned himself; but from several marks upon his body, and the fact that his neck was broken, it was evident he had been murdered. I Several persons were suspected, and, upon the information of one called Patuckson, Tobias § one of Philip's counsellors, his son, and MattaShinnamy, were apprehended, tried by a jury, consisting of half Indians,! ^^^ in June, 1675, Were all executed at Plimouth; " one of them before his execution confessing the murder," but the other two denied all knowledge of the act, to their last breath. The truth of their guilt may reasonably be called in question, if the circumstance of the bleeding of the dead body at the approach of the murderer, had any influence upon the jury. And we are fearful it was the case, for, if the most learned wore misled by such hallucinutions in those days, we are not to suppose that the more ignorant were free from them. Dr. Increaae Mather wrote within two years of the affair, and he has this passage : " When Tobias (the suspected murderer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresn, as if it had been newly slain ; albeit, it was buried a considerable time befbre that." % Nothing of this part of the story is upon record amon^ the manuscripts, as we can find, but still we do not question the authenticity of Dr. Maihtr^ who, we believe, is the first that printed an account of it Nor do the records of Plimouth notice Saaaamon until some time afler his death. The first record is in these words : " The court seeing cause to require the per- * Not vet nu'.>li9hed, but is now, (April, \23fi,) prinlinji; with notes by the autiior of thia work, under the direction of the American Antiquarian Society. It will form a labtinK monu- ment of one nf the best men of those days, The author was, as Mr. £/io( expresses liimself, " a nillnr in our Indian work." He died in Ifi87, aged 7A. t some wouhl like to know, perhaps, on what nuthority Mr. Orahamt {Hist, N. Amer. i. 40(.) statca thiit Situtamon't body uias/ound in a field. X Qookirit M8. Hint, of Christian IndiaiN. This author says, " Battamand was the first Christian martyr," and that " it is evident he suffered death upon the account of his Christian profession, and tidclily to the En^Tish." J His Indian name was Poegapannmoo. M(ithfr'.n ItflRtlim, 74. Jud^o Dami retains the same account, (Morton'* Memorial, ,) which we shall presently show to be erroneous. H Mathtr's Relation, 76. 13 SASSAMON. [Book III. ( !■ sonol appearance of an Indian called Tobias before the court, to make fur- ther answer to such jnterrogatories as shall be required of him, in reference to the sudden and violent death of an Indian called John Saasamon, late deceased." This was in March, 1674, O. S. It appears that Tobias was present, although it is not so stated, from the fact that Tuspaquin and his son WUliam entered into bonds of £100 for tlie appearance of Tobias at the next court in June following. A mortgage of land was taken as security for the £100. June having arrived, three instead of one are arraigned as the murderers of Saasamon. There was no intimation of any one but Tobias being guilty at the previous court. Now, Wampapaqiuin, the son of Tobias, and Matta- ahunannamo * are arraigned with hmi, and the bill of indictment runs as fol- lows : " For that bein* accused that they did with joynt consent vpon the 29 of January ann" 1674, [or 1675, N. S.] att a place caWed ^ssowamsett Pond, wilfully and of sett purjwse, and of mallice fore thought, and by force and armes, murder John Sassamon, an other Indian, by laying violent hands on him, and striking him, or twisting his necke vntill hee was dead ; and to hyde and conceale this theire said murder, att the tyme and place afbresiiid, did cast his dead body through a hole of the iyce into the said pond." To this they pleaded " not guilty," and put themselves on trial, say the records. The jury, however, were not long in finding tliem guilty, wliich they express in these words : "Wee of the jury one and all, both English and Indians doe joyntly and with one consent agree upon a verdict" Upon this they were immediately remanded to prison, " and from thence [taken] to the place of execution and there to be hanged by the head f vntill theire bodies are dead." Accordingly, Tobias and Mattashunannamo were executed on the 8 Jime, 1675. " But the said Wampapaquan, on some con- siderations ^vas reprieued until a month be expired." He was, however, shot within tlfe month. It is an error that tlie jury that found them guilty was composed of half Indians ; there were Mt four, while there were twelve Englishmen. We will again hear tlie record :— - "Itt was judged very expedient by the court, thnt, together with this English jury aboue named, some of the most indiU'ercntest, grauest and Ba^e Indians sho
rial, say the lilty, which th English ict" om thence lead f vntill namo were some con- wever, shot ied of half tmen. We i; : with this frauest and to healp to lere names 'askippague, i with the ier, Edward 'rew Ringe, ins. be passed e following B : " Aboiit the college ue time he I in his ter- [) like man- othen-like,) lis Sosomon, him by the n, exhorted I discourse, ley, return- About two utbority of It eou, that i«, in cou, and lo m I'll I L L ir n liii s 3IT.TA('<>3I BT of Pokaiiokct . Eili/rtllvJ lii'lii lite •■ri:/uiii/ ii.i t'liNishi'it In '/in/;// Chaf. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP 13 New Plimouth, Josiah Winslow being then governor of that colony, care was taken to find out the murtherers, wlio, iipon search, were foniid and appre- hended, and, after a fair trial, were all hanged. This so exasperated King Philip, that, from that day after, he studied to be revenged on the English- judging that the English authority had nothing to do to hang an Indian for killing another." * -«###« V ' ■ ■ CHAPTER II. • '^ ' i Life of KING PHILIP — His real vame — The name of his wife — Makes fret^ent sales of his lands — Account of them — His first treaty at Plimouth — Expedition to Jt'antucket — Events of 1671 — Begins the WAR of 1675— f Vr«t acts of hostility-r- Sicamp Fight at Pocasset — Narroioly escapes out of his own country — is pursued hy Oneko — Fight at Rehohotk Plain — Cuts off a company -of English under Captain Beers — Incidents — Fight at Sugar-loaf HiU,^iid destruction of Captain Lathrop's company — Fights the English under Mosely — English raise 1500 m^n — Philip retires to J^arraganset—Strongly fortifies himself in a great sioamp — Description of his fortress — English march to attack him — The great Fight at J^ar.ragansct — Again flies his country — Visits the Mohaioks — Hi-devised stratagem — Events of 1676 — Returns again to Ids country — Reduced to a wretched condition— Is hunted by Church — His chief counsellor, Akkompoin, hilled, and his sister captured — His wife and son fall into the liands of Church — Flifs to Pokanoket — Is surprised and slain. — Specir men of the Wampmwag Language — Other curious matter.' In regard to the native or Indian name of Philip, it seems a mistake has al? ways prevailed, in printed accounts. Pometacom gtVes as near Its Indian sound as can be approached by our letters. The firet syllable was dropped in familiar discourse, and hencq, in a short time, no one imagined but what it had alwaj'S been so ; in nearly every original deed executed by him, which we have seen, and they are many, his name so appears. It is true that, in those of different years, it is spelt with some little variation, all which, however, conveyed very nearly the same sound. The variations are Pumatacom, PaniatacoM, Pometd' come, and Pometacom; the last of which prevails in the records. We have another important discovery to communicate : f it is no other than' the name of the wife of Pometacom — the innocent Wootonekaitoske ! This was the name of her who, with her little son, fel! into the hands of Captain Church. No wonder that Phiiip was " now ready to die," as some of his trai- torous men told Church, and that « his heart was now ready to break ! " All that was dear to him was now swallowed up in the vortex ! But they still lived, and this most harrowed his soul— lived for what ? to serve rfs slaves in an unknown land ! could it be otherwise than that madness should seize xipoo him, and despair torment him in every place ? that in his sleep he should hear tlic anguishing cries and lamentations qf fVooton^ntula and his sou ? But we must change the scene. It seems as though, for mamr years before the war of 1675, Pametacom, and nearly all ofliis people sold off tneir lands as fast as purchasers presented them- st'lveA They saw the prosperity of the English, and they were just such phi- losophers as ore easily captivated by any show of ostentation. They were fbrsa- king their manner of life, to which the proximity of the whites was a deadly poison, and wen- < -tiger to obtain such things as their neighbors possessed ; these were only to be obtained by parting with their lands. That the reader may forjn some idea of the rapidity with which the Indians' lands in Plimouth colony were disposed of, we add tlie following items :— — 1 ; ' ■ ' ' ' . ' ' I »■ • Present Stale of New England, by a mcrrlmnt of noston, in rerptct t(i the preient Btooilij Indlitn Wars, page 8, folio, Ijondon, 1676. This, with four other tracts npon Philip's Wau, (covering the wLole period of it, with notes by myself, accompanied by a CHnoNfir.ofiV of all Imlinn ovcnis in Aniorica from its discovery to the present time, (March 7lh, I83(>,) lias jusi Ix-on pnlilislicd niidcr iJic liilc of the Oi.n Indian Ciikoniclk. t The aiillmr fci'ls ii |ii'i'iiliiir salisfiidioii timl it 1ms fallen to his lot to be the first to publish the rea< iianii! of Uie greni aaeheni of the VVnnipanongs, and also that of the sharer of his perils, tVoototiekiiniiske. 14 PHILIP.— SALES OF HIS LANDS. [Book IIL ;l In a deed dated 23 .Tunp, l()f)4, " William Brenton, of Newport, R. I. nier- chaut," " for a valuable coiiaideration " paid l)y him, buys Matapoisett of Philip. Tliis deed begins, " I, Pumatacom alias Philip, chief sachem of Mount Hope, CowBnrni)8it and of ail torritorios thereunto belonging." Philip and liis wife botb nigiied this deed, and' Tockonwclc, Wecopauhim,* JVesetaqiiason^ Pomprt- (masc, Jlpeminiate, Taqunnksickc, Paqiwnack, JVatapatahuc, Jlquttaquish, John Sassamon the interfircKir, Rowland Sasaamon, and two Englishmen, signed as witnesses. In 1665, he sold the country about Acushena, [now New Bedford,] and Coaxet, [now in Corn|)ton.] Philip's father having iireviously sold some of the same, £10 was now given him to prevent any claim iroiu hiui, and to pay for his marking out the same. John noosansman [one of the names of Sassa- mon] witnessed this deed. Tne sanit; year the court of Plimouth presented Philip with a horse, but on what account we are not infarmed. In 1662, Wrenthani was purchased of Philip by the English of Dedhain. It was then called WoUomonovoag, and, by the amount assessed, appears to have coit £24 10»., and was six mites square. For this tract of land the English had lieen endeavoring to negotiate five yeara.f " In Nov. 1669, u|)on notice oi' Philip, Sagamore of Mount Hope, now at WoUomonopoag, offering a ti-eaty of his lamls thereabouts, not yet purchased," the selectmen appoint five persons to negotiate with him " for his remaining right, provided he can show that he has any." J Wiietber his right were questionable or not, it seems a purchase was made, at that time, of the tract called fVoollommonuppog^ie, " witliin the town bounds [of Dedhom] not yet purchased." What the full consideration was, our documents do not state, but firom a manuscript order which he drew on Dedham afterward?, and the accompanying receipt, some estimate may be fomied. The order re- quests them "to pay to this bearer, J[6r the use o/Kina Phit.ip, £5, 5.?. in money, and £5 in trucking cloth ai money price.^' In a receipt sigjied by an agent of Philip, named Peter, the following amount is named : " In reference to the payment o/'KiNO Phuip q/* Mount Hope, the fuU and just sum of £5, 5». in money, and 12 yards of trucking cloth, 3 lbs. of powder, and as much lead as will make it up ; which is infull satisfaction with £10 that he is to receive ofJVathaniel Paine. § We next meet with a singular record of Philip, the authorship of which we attribute to John Sassamon, and whicli, besides extending our knowledge of Philip into his earlier times, serves to make us acquainted with Sassamon^s ac- quirements in the language of the pilgrims. " Know all men by these presents, that Philip haue giuen power vnto Wa- tuchpoo 11 and Sampson and theire brethren to hold and make sale of to whom they will by my consent, and they shall not haue itt without they be willing to lett it goe it shul Im? sol by my consent, but without my knowledge they cannot safely to : but witli my consent there is none that can lay clainie to that land which they hau'3 marked out, it is theires foreuer, soe therefore none can safely purchase any otherwise but by JVatachpod and Sampson and their bretheren. Philip 1666." Whether the following letter were written earlier or later than this we have no moans of knowing ; it is plain, however, from its contents, that it was written nt a tinu! when he was strongly opposed to selling his lands, and that the peo- ple of Plinronth were endeavoring to get him to their court, where tliey had reason to believe they could succeed better in getting them than by a negotia- tion in his own country. The letter follows: — " To the much honored Oovemer, Mr. Thomas Prince, dwelling at Plimouth. ** King Pifiiiip desire to let you imderstand that he could not come to the court, for T\m, his interpreter, has a pain in his back, that he could not travil * I'orluiss UncotHnoin, t Wormngton'g liist. Dodham, 20— from which work it would seem that the negotiation had been rarriod on wilh Philip, hut I'Mlip was not sacliem until this year. t Ibid. Q General Court File*. II Sometimes Tukpoo by abbreviation. A further account of him will be found in the life of TcUoion. Chap. II.] PHILIP.— SALES OF HIS LANDS. 16 so far, and Philip sister is very sick. Philip would iutreat that favor of you, and any of tlie majestrats, if aney English or Engiaus speak about aney land, he pray you to giue them no ansewer at all. This last summer he maid that promis with you that he would not sell no land in 7 years time, for that he would have no English trouble him before that time, he has not forgot tliat you promis him. He will come a smie as posseble he can to speak with you, and so I rest, your very loveing friend Philip p dwelling at mount hope nek." * In 1667, Philip sells to Constant Southworth, and others, all the meadow lands from Dartmouth to Matapoisett, for which he had £15. Particular bounds to all tracts are mentioned in the deeds, but as tliey were generally or often stakes, trees, and heaps of stones, no one at this time can trace many of them. The same year, for " £10 sterling," he sells to Thos. WiUet and othere, " all that tract of land lying between the Riuer Wanascottaquelt and Cawatoquissett, being two miles long and one broad." Pawsaquens, one of Philip's counsel- lors, and Tom alias Sawsuttt, an interpreter, were witnesses to the sale. In 1668, " Philip Pometacom, and Tatamumaque f alias Cashtwasked, sachems," for a "valuable consideration," sell to sundry Enghsh a tract of some square miles. A part of it was adjacent to Pokanoket. In describing it, Memeuuck- quage and Towansett neck are mentioned, which we conclude to be in Swan- sey. Besides two Englishmen, Sompointeen, alias Tom, and .YananwUneto, son of Tliomas Piants, were witnesses to this sale. The next year, the same sachems sell 500 acres in Swansey for £20. fVanueo, a counsellor, and Tom the interpreter, were witnesses. In 16(58, Philip and Uncompawen laid claim to apart of New-meadows neck, alleging that it was not intended to be conveyed in a former deed, by Ossame- quin and Wammdta, to certain English, " although it appears, siws the record, pretty clearly so exjiressed in said deed," " yet that peace and iriendship may be continued," " Ca[)t. Willet, Mr. Brown and John Alkn, m thebehalf of them- selves and the rest," agree to give Philip and Uncompawen the sum of £11 in goods. Philip Nan'jSicooke J fcw -ft mark, VNcoMPAWtN his X mark. Tom Sansuwest, interpreter, ^ .4nrf NlMROD. • '' '. The same yeai-, we find the following record, which is doubly interesting, from the plan with wiiich we are able to accompany it, drawn by Philip him- splf. Hn contracts or agrees, by the following writing under his hand, in these words : " this may inform the honom-ed court [of Plimouth,] that I Philip ame \viiiing to sell the land within this draught ; nut the Indians that are vpon it may Hue vpon it still ; but the land that is [waste]§ may be sould, and Waitach- poo is of the same minkanuhoo ; r/j€ mark 2 (/ Woo>AstiLM, (iliiuH Nimkoh; The mark Y f/Woosi'AsrjcK, alias Cavtai.v. On liio \\ Nov. loll()\\iiijr, Philip aeeonipiiiiicd Tnhanumma to I'lininiitli, to make his Kiiliinission, wliicli lie did, tuid aekii(>\vlr(l amongst the Indians that live by him, and [he] not so nnn'li as giving order to some of his men, that an^ nnder his innnediate com- mund, about the bringing in ot'th(>ir arms. "In his endeavorin"', since the treaty [at Taimton,] to render ns odions to onr neighbor c«)lony Ity lidse reports, c(nnplaints ami snggestions; and his refnsing or avoiding a Inaty w ith ns concerning thos(^ ami other mattiMs that ure Jnstly otfensive to ns, notwithslamling his lat<^ engagement, as well as i()r- iner, to snl)init to ihe king's anthority, tnul the authority of this colony. "It was idso onlered by the eonrt that the arn'J of the Indians of NainnH- Kakett and Assowamsett, iliat were fcti-bcd in by ftlajor H'iiuiloit\niu\ those that were with him, are confiscated, and forfeit, ti'oin the said Inditnis, for the gronnds above expressed ; they Iteing in a compliinu-e with PhiHipv in bis late plot : And yet would m-ither by onr governor's order, nor by Phillipr^a desire, bring in their arms, as was engaged by the treaty ; and the .saiil gniiH are ordered by thv eonrt to the nuijor luid liiN coin|)any for their tuitisfaction, in that expedition. "This eonrt have agreed and voted " to send "some" forces to "Hacouettto fetch in" the iirins luiiong the Indians theiv. i\ ' TliiTO i< no (Inir, l)at the your, set to any prinlod copy of this Irrnly. Mr. Uubhurd hy mi'ilnio' oniiilcil it, luid llio. } llimoulh Colony Records, in matuucript. Chap. II.] rHILlI'.— ri.I.MOUTH ACCCSATIONS OF 1671. 21 ly licarts, iiitH iiiado ity to bf ior our tllt'lH'oi', i^'lit aiui (ling to my guns not HO i\('. coiu- odions to and Ills Ittl-IH tliut ■11 as Ibr- ny. NaniaH- lliosi- that Cor tlie lie in liirt PhUlipf's aid ^utiH li^lactioil, acouett to M liibhiird by [ir plcaiiure If then, therefore, these Indians had not already becoine hostile, no one would marvel had it now become the case. Bows and arrows were almost entirely out of use. Guns had so far supcrscdcsd them, tlint undoubtedly many scarce could use them with effect, in procuring themselves game : Nor could it be expected otherwise, for the English had, by nearly 40 years' intercourse, ren- dered their arms far mon; necessary to the existence of the Indians than to their own : hence their unwillingness to part with them. Philip, it is said, directed the MiddJeborough Indians to give up their gmis. His object in this was to pacify the English, judging tiiat if war should begin, these Indians would join tlie English, or at least many of iliv.m ; and, therefore, it affected his cause but little which party possessed them ; but not so with his immediate followers, as we liave just seen in the record. A council of war having convened at Plimouth, 23 August, 1671, the follow- ing, besides the tiiatters already expressed, they took into consideration : Philip^s " entertaining of many strange Indians, which might portend danger towards us. In special by his entertaining of divers Saconett Indians, professed ene- mies to this colony, and this against good counsel given him by his friends. 'I'lie ])remis('s considered [»lie council] do unanimously agree and conclude, that the said Phillip liath violated [the] covenant plighted with this colony at Taunton in April last. "2. It is mianiniously agreed and concluded by the said council, that we are nc(!essarily called to cause the said sachem to make his [MM-sonal appearance to jnake his purgation, in references to the premises ; wliich, in case of his refusal, the council, according to what at present appears, do determin it necessaiy to endeavor his reducement by li)rce ; inasMuich as the controversy which Imth st.-emed to lie mor. Besides, did Philiji not do iis he agreed at Taunton ? — which was, that in case of liitnre lioiililes, both jiarties siiould lay their complaints before IMassnehnsetts, and abide by their decision? 'J'he .'111 charge is only a repetition of what was slated by the council of war, namely, hurboring and abetting divers Indians n. 'J'liat he bml shewed gnat incivility to divers of ours at several times; in ^l^ccial imio iMr. Jniiun liroirii, who was sent by the court on special (M'casion, .11, a messenger unto him ;aiid imto llii!>-l, ('(,/,• ut another time, \ i". "'I'he gcMlleinen liuenanied taking notice ofthe premises, havhig fully heard i1 [Book III. riioi- of riiin- 13th duy of itcd by Provi- ite entry, the to tlieiv siiiu- ■epau-ed to the gentlemen in to advise the ;ii- help in the ills one nee so and ongiijiv- would jjlainly ud any iVnther lead the court fairly setforih that l)ody %vere Lind, ilierefore, iiing audiority settled by the !<1 away letters, ivitcd the eoni- Iv.] then lieing ( I'lynionth and Jlr. John H'in- jfth, Cai)t. Win. and deliberate liem 7*/ii7/f>, I'o f), both English ;stiniony to the e,both [to] the ade with onr arried veiy un- Chap. II.] PHILIP. 23 fh "eonipetent '>. That he had in refusing to lini, to procure at mi 'ulepend- had .1 mind to ii II [uire, surely art 1h^ agreed at ■lies should lay on? fiinieil (if war, 11, lint "vaga- were harbored int of his going insinuate liim- whieli amounts what has Imjj'II at least in part, ricnds of IMiin- •veral limes; in pceial oecasion, viiig fully licord what the said Phillip could say for himself, having free liberty so to do without interruption, adjudged tli.'it he had done us a great deal of ^vl•ong and injury, (respecting the premises,) and also abused them by carrying lies and false stories to them, and so misrepresenting matters unto them ; and they pei*suaded him to make an acknowledgment of his fiiult, and to seek for reconciliation, expressing themselves, that there is a great difference between what he asserted to the government in the Bay, and what he could now make out concernmg his pretended wi-ongs ; and such had been the wrong and damage that he had done ami procured unto the colony, as ought not to be borne wthout comne- fcut reparation and satisfaction : yeji, that he, by hi? insolencics, had (in proba- bility) occasioned more mischief from the Indians amongst them, than had fallen out in many years before ; they pei-suaded him, therefore, to humble him- self unto the magistrates, and to amend his ways, if he expected peace ; and that, if he went on in his refractory way, he must expect to smart for it." The commissioners finally drew up the treaty of which we have before spo- ken, !ind Philip and his coimsellora subscribed it ; and thus ended the chief events of ](J71. A v(>ry short time before the war of 167.'> commenced, the governor of Massachusetts Fi'ut an aiiibassachjr to Philip, to demand of him why he would iiii'.ke war upon tiie English, and requested him, at the same time, to enter into a treaty. The sachem made liim this answer: — " Your p;ovemor is Init a suhjed of King Charles * of England. I shall not tnal with a subject. J shall treat of peace only xoithtke king, my brother. When he comes, I am ready," j This is literal, although we have changed the order of the words a little, and is worthy of a jjlace u])on the same page with the speech of the famous Ponis, when taken cai)tive by .Ik.randcr. I We meet with nothing of importance until the death of Sassamon, in 1074, the oecasion of which was eliarged upon Philip, and was the cnui-'(> of bringing about the war witli liiiii a yt':ir soinier tliriii he had expeetrd. 'nils event pre- maturely discovered his intentions, whieli occasioned the i)aitial recantation of the Narragansets, who, it is reported, were to furnish 4000 men, to be ready to fall upon the Englisli in Ki/ii. Concert, therefore, was wanting ; and ahliough nearly all th(> Narragaiisets ultimately joined against the English, yet the povv- ertiil etVcet of a general simidtaneoiis movement was lost to the Indians. Philip's own jxHiple, miiny of whom were so disconcerted at the unexpected beginning of the war, cofitinueil some time to waver, doubting which side to show themselves in tiivor of; and it was only from their being without the vicinity of the English, or ini[irotected by them, thnt determined their coni-se, wliieli was, in almost all eases, in favor of Philip. Even the praying Indians, had they been lefl to themselves, would, no doulit, many of them, have declared in his favor also, as a great many really did. Until th(> execution of the three Indians, supposed to be the murdenirs of Sassamon, no hostility was committed by Philip or his warriors. About the time of their trial, he was said to be marching his men " up and down the country in arms," but whtii it was known that they wen> executed, he could no longer restrain many of his yoinig men, mIio, having sent their wives and children to Narraganset, upon the 'ilth of.Iune, provoked the people of Swan- soy, by killing their cattle, and other irijuries,§ until they fired upon them and * Clmrk.i II., whole reigru was froin IGGO lo IG7G. t Old IiKlinn rhroiiiclo.fiR. I The rc>n(|ii<'ror nskt'd liiin liow lie would ho troaled, who, in two word.s, replied, " Like a kiiiR." Uoiiip asked if he had no other request lo ninke, he said, " No. Kvery lliiiiff is roinprehended in that." (Plitlairli's Life of Alesaniler.) We could wish, thai tlie Kn^ish conqnerors hud acted willi as much niagnaniinily towards the Indians, nx Mexandtr did towards those he overcame. Porti$ was treated as he had desired. ^ " In the mean time Kinjf Philip mustered uii aliont .'iOO of his men, and arms lliem com- plent ; and had pollen ahoul R or IMK) of his neiirfihorin);' Indium. a"d likewise arms them com- jdeal ; (i. e. ijuns. powder and Imllets ;) Inil how iiianv he linlli enifneed Id l>c of his parly, IS unknown to any amnn^ us. The last sprinp. several Inrlitim were seen in small parlies, about IMolmlh and Swiimeit, wliirli not a lillle aflrielited the inhaliilanls. Who demanding the reason of them, wherefore il was so > Answer ^.n-i maile. That lliey were only on their own defence, for they understood, that the English ijitcnded to cut lliem olT. AhoiU the 20th 34 PHILIP— BEGINS THE WAR OF 1675. [Book III. 1. ! i /,■' killed one, which was a signal to cominenco tho war, and what they had de- sired ; for the superstitions notion prevailed among the Lidians, that the party who fired the first gun would he conquered.* They had prohably been made to believe tiiis by the English themselves. It was upon a fast day that this great drama was opened. As the people were retiniiing from meeting, they were fired iij)on by the Indians, when one was killed and two wounded. Iwo others, going for a surgeon, were killed on their way. In another part of the town, si.x others were killed the same day. Swansey was in the midst o? Philip's countiy,and his men were as well acouainted with all the walks of the Englisli as they were tlieniselves. It is not supposed that Philip directed this attack, but, on the other hand, it has been said that it was against his wishes. But there can bo no doubt of his hostility and great desire to rid his country of the white iptruders ; for had he not reason to say, " Exarsere igncs aniino ; siibit ira, radciitcm Uleisci pairiam, et scclcralas sumere pu-iias 7 " The die was cast. No other alternative ajjpeared, hut to ravage, bum and destroy as fast as was in his power. Then; had been no consideraljje war for a long time, either among themsolves or with the English, and, therefore, nu- merous young wjuriors frou> the neighboring tribes, entered into his cause with gi-eat ardor ; eager to perform exploits, such as had been recounted to them by their sires, and sucli as they had long waited nn opportunity to achieve. The time, they conceived, had now arrived, and their souls expanded in pro- portion to the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer the English ! to lead captive their haughty lords ! nnist have been to them thoughts of vast magni- tude, and exhilarating in the higliest degree. Town after town fell before tliem, and when the English forces marched in one direction, they wore binniing and laying waste in another. A part oi" Taunton, Middleborough, and Dartmouth, in the vicinity of Pocasset, upon Narraganset Bay, soon fojlovvod the destruction of Swansey, which was burnt immediately after the 24th of June, on being alMindoncd by the inhabitants. Though now m great consternation, the |)eo])le of Swansey and its vicinity did not iorget to make known their distressed situation by sending runners with the utmost despatch to Boston and Plimouth for assistimce. "But," says our chronicler of that day, " before any came to them, they of both towns, Ileho- both and Swansey, were gathered together into three houses, men, women, and children, and there had all jjrovisions in connnon, so that they who had nothing wantt.'d nothing. Innnediately after notice hereof came to Boston, drums heat up for volunteers, and in 3 hours time were mustered upaljoutllO men, Capt Samuel Moselif being their commander. This Capt. Mostly hath been an old privateer at Jamaica, an excellent soldier, and an undaunted spirit, one whose memory will be honorable in New England for his many eniinent ser- vices he hath done the public. "There were also among these men, about 10 or 12 privateers, that had been there some time itefore. They carried \\ ith them several dogs, that proved 8ervic(;able to them, in finding out the enemy in \\w\r swamps ; one whereof would, for several days together, go out and bring to them 0, 8 or 10 young pigs of King Philip's herds. Tliere went out also amongst these men, one Corntlius,a. Dutchman, who had lately been condemned to die for piracy, but afterwards received a pardon ; he, willing to show his gratitude therefor, went out and did several good services abroad against the enemy." All who huve souglit ailer truth in mattei-s of tliis kind, are well aware of tho of June Inst, seven or eight of King Diiliy's men cumc Id Sirnnsni nn the Lord'i dny, and would grind n hatrliot at an inhnl>ilanl's lioiisi- llieruj the master told them, it was liio sab- bath day, and their Ood would he very angry if he shniihl let lliem do it. Tiiey returned this answer They knew not who his (JimI wiis. and lliat Ihey would do it, for all him. or hit (iod either. From thence they went to another house, and tciok away some virtuuls, but hurt no man. Immediately they ntel a man travelling on die road, kept him in ruslodv a short time, then dismi.U him i|uielly ; giving him tliis (Mutiiin, that he should not work on his Ood'i day, ami ihat he should tell no lies." Clirnnirlr, !!. i). * Ciilliiiddr'a Discourse on the llist. of R. Island. [Book Id. they had de- tliut the party ly been made Ls the people ns, when one 1, were killed led the same were as well ilves. other hand, it 3 doubt of his ;s ; for had he ige, bum and ;rable war for therefore, nu- ito his cause recounted to ity to achieve, anded in pro- t?lish! to lead ■ vast magni- !s inarched in A part of jpasset, upon eh was burnt habitants. (1 its vicinity runners with hit," says our towns, Reho- , women, and > had nothing I, drums beat men, Capt. uth been an d sj)irit, one eminent ser- hat had been that proved )ne wiiercof or 10 young esc men, one )r j)iracy, but lerefor, went aware of tho ord'g day, and I was (ho sab- Timy returned nil liiin. or lii( rdiuls, but liurt 'Usli>dv B short k oil his Ood't Chai . II.] PHILIP— HIS WAR OF 1C75. 25 extreme difficulty of investigation. Twenty persons may write an account of an affair, to tiie passage of which all may have been witnessesi, and no two of them agree in many of its particulars. The author of the tracts which we cite under the name of The Old Indian Chronicle, wrote his accounts in IJoston, and we have no doubt of his intention to record every event with the strictest regard to truth ; if he had erred, it is doubtless from his recording the lirst news of an event, which often varies in point of fact uHorwards. Hubbard and Ma- ther, two contemporary historians, had the advantage of a comparison of re- ports, and of revising their works in their pas.«age through the press; whereas the author of the tracts wrote them as lettei-s to afrientl in London, where thev were immediately printed. With allowances for these circumstances, as full credit should be given to his relation, as to either of the others. His accounts of the first events at Swansey are detailed in his own words in a previous note, and we here j)r'^ceed with another portion of his narrative. " By this time the Indians have killed several of our men, but the first that was killed wiis June 23, a man at Swansey ; that he and his family bad left his house amongst the rest of the inhabitants, and adventuring with his wife and son (about twenty years old) to go to his house to fetch them corn, and su^li like things: (he having just before sent his wife and son away) as lie was going out of the house, was set on and shot by Indians. His wife being not far otij heard the guns go oflT, went back," and fell into their hands. Dishonored, aiul afterwards scalped by them, she immediately died, and her son was at the same time scalped. "They also the next day [24 June] kiHed six or seven men at Swansey, and two more at one of the garrisons ; and as two men went out oi' one of the garrisons to draw a l)uckct of water, tl>ey were shot and cairied away, and afterwards were found with their fingers and feet cut oft", and the skin of their heads flayed off"," that is; scalped. " About 1 4 days after that they sent for more help ; whereupon tlie authority of Boston made Caj)t. Thomas Savage the major general in that expedition, who, with 00 horse, and as many foot, went out of Bo.ston ; havuig pressed horses for the footmen, and six carts to carry provisions \vith them." " They traveled day and night till they came to their garrisons, and within three days after marched, horse and foot, leavibg guards in the garrisons, towards Mount Hope, where King Philip mid his wife was. They came on him at unawares, so that he Wits forced to rise from duiner,and he luid all with him fled out of tliat land called Mount Ilojie, up further into the country. They pursued them as far as they could go for swimips, and killed 15 or 1(J in that expedition, th»!n retunied and took what he had that was worth taking, and spoiled the rest ; taking all his cattle and hogs that they cwild find, and also took poi^sessiou of Mount Hope, which had then a thousand aci'es under com, which is since cut down by the English, and disposed of according to their discretion. Cornelius [before men- tioned] wiLS ill this exploit, and purstied Philip so hard, that ho got his cap c»fi' his head, and now weans itt" It was .fttne 2(5, that the ^'^iigli.sh inarched out of Boston for Switusey ; and they arrived there two days after, niunely, June 2B, a little belbre night;* Twelve men immediately maiched out to invade Philip's territories, who were attacked by alMJUt the same number of Philip's men. The invaders Wert) re- ])ulsi'd, having one killed, and one woandinl, and h'xa horse killed under him. Of the Indians two were killed. The next day, Jtme 2}*, the Indians appeared boldly in view of the English, and by their siiouts, it would seem, dared them to come out and fight. Mosely sallied out at the head of a eompiuiy of vtJtinteors, and rushed furitmsly upon them. Tiiey fled to their coverts, but evtsn here made a stand only for a ino- ineiit ; for after one firo they all fkul. Omi of the English, I'kisign Satfaf^e, was wounded, the ball lodging hi his thigh, and tuiother passed through the brim of bis liiit.f Mostly pursued the Indiiuis idiove h mile, and killed five or six of them, as tlicy were making their retreat into a swamp. It wa.<< in this ])ursuit that the exploit of Corac/nu took jilace, just related, and Philip was not seen at *■ Ihihlmril, Niirrativo, !8. t ^Vi/or/i, who wiis in this uctioii, says »V'eril of the English was greatly increased ; for now the Indians were en- couraged, and they fired " thicker and tiister tlian before." Night was now almost enshrouding them, their ammunition nearly spent, and the Indians had i)ossessed themselves of a stone house that overlooked them, but as though prest^ved by a miracle, not one of the English in all this time was womided. But fortune's sjiort was now neaily ended : a sloop was discovered bearing do^^^l towards them, and soon after, Church announced that relief was coming, for thnf ; ; • essel wu commanded by " Cant. Gold- iNo, whom he knew to be a iin.' ;or businer'^." True, it wae Golaing. He sent his canoe ashore, but it was so small that it would take but two at a time to the vessel. The embarkation immediately commenced, ond meantime the Indians plied their shot with such effect that the colors, sails, and stern of the sloop were fidi of bidlet-holes. Church was the last man to embark, * I (Irdiiro the facts is this sentence fi'om a comparison of Hnbhard, 20, with tke Crru.niclk, 13. [Book III- ih forces trav- d all liis ppo- d'the Engl is] 1 »ok down mid to head-quar- tiight, he dis- wfere killed is imber, one ol" : English oi\,\ ten off by the in this war.* len were put n into Pocas- liad urged tli(! f fully persua- f the country- Didd not hear fed the towns Puller. This, en, and Fuller point of land , where they !d afterwards, 18 English re- diate destruc- scovered that i their safety, ttle else than mies. These I," which gave a double duty I'ers, many of s of stones to Is in tills little were Iwset •y rock, and hout ceasing. is expedition, come to their ri, which gave ans fired into [le off beyond en to do this, he boat to be \vi\, and the ins were cn- nearly spent, It overlooked fill in all this : a sloop was k announced Cant. GoLD- folding. He wo at a time id meantime s, and stern 1 to embark, 20, with the Chap. II.] PHILIP.— POCA8SET SWAMP FIGHT. 37 who, as he was retreating backward to the boat, a ball grazed the hair of his head, two others struck the canoe as he entered it, and a fourth lodged in a stake, which accidentally stood just before "the middle of his breast ! " Thus this little baud, after a fight of about six hours, escaped. The party under Captain Fuller met with similar fortune ; they were attacked by great numbers, but escaped by getting possession of an old house close upon the water's edge and were early taken off by boats. But two of tlie party were wounded. Some of the Lidians were killed and wounded this day, but how many is not known. The same day this fight took place, a boat's crew went from Rhode Island to Pocasset to look after some cattle, and wer6 fired upon by the Indians, and one of their number, a servant of Captain Church, was severely wounded. Some of the acts of the English, in retrospect, do not discover that judg- , nient the circumstances seem to have elicited, especially that in relation to the Narragansets. They had now driven Philip out of Mount Hope Neck, and, not knowing exactly where to find him, the forces in that quarter re- mained doubting what next to do. At this juncture Captain Hutchinson arrived from Boston with orders from the government there, " for them to pass into Narraganset, to treat with the sachems, and if it might be, to pre- vent their joining with Philip" Accordingly they marched into that country, but all the chief men and warriors fled on their ajiproach. The historical conclusion is, therefore, that this act was viewed by them as a declaration of war, and it is rational that they should have so considered it ; because the army assumed a most hostile attitude, " resolving they woidd go to make peace with a sword in their hands." Having arrived in the Narraganset country, three or four days were 8[>ent in finding Indians with whom to treat ; (for they could find none to fight ;) at length, four men were found, whom the English styled sachems, and a treaty was drawn up at great length and signed by the parties. To ensure its observance the following hostages were token into custody by the army: John Wobeqdob, Weowthim,* Pewkes, and Weenew, "four of the sachems near kinsmen and choice friends." Among the stipulations of the treaty we find these : The said sachems shall carefully seize all and every of Philip's subjects, and deliver them up to the English,.alive or dead; that they shall use all acts of hostility against Philip and lus subjects, to kill them wherever they can be found ; that if they seize Philip, and deliver him alive to the English, they shall receive 40 trucking cloth coats ; and for his head alone, 20 of said coats ; and for every subject of said sachem 2 coats, if alive, and one if dead. This treaty is dated Petaquanscot, 15 JiUy, 107.5; Li presence of and signed by the viarks of Daniel Henchman, . Tawaoeson, Thomas Prentice, Taytson, JSItcholas Paige, Agariadg, Joseph Stanton, Interpreter. Wampsh, alias Hennj Hawlatcs, ( [Indians, Corman. Pecoe BiKow, S probably.! JobJVeff. ' ^ » ^J Philip coniuianded in person upon Pocasset, whore, upon the 18th of July, ho was discovered in a "dismal swamp." He had retired to this place, which is adjacent to Taunton River, with most of his Wainiianoags, and such others as had joined him, to avoid falling in with the English army, which was now ))ur8uiHg him. From their luuiibors, the English were nearly alilo to encompass the swamp, and the iiito oC Philip they now thought sealed. On arriving at its edge, a lew of Philip's warriors showed them- selves, and the English rushed in upon them with ardor, and by this feint were drawn tiir into an ambush, uud "about 15 were slain." The leaves »ipon the trees wore so thi<'k, and the hour of the day so late, that a iVioiid could not bc! distiiigiiished from a foe, "wlierolty 'tis verily feared," says Dr. Mather, "that [the English ihoiiiselvcs] did sonietiinos unhappily blioot Eng- * I'lobn'.ily ilie siuno called in uiiothur plncc NowtiiiM. 28 PHILIP.— FIGHT AT REIIOBOTH PLAIN. [Book III. r 1 liHlimen instead of Indians." A retreat was now ordered, and, considering PhUip'a escape inijuossible, tlie most of the forces left the place, a few only remaining, " to starve out the (snemy." That PhUip'a force was great at this time is certain, from tiie fiict that a hundred wi','wams were found near the edge of the swamp, newly constructed of green burk. In one of those the English found an old man, who informed them that Philip was there. He lost but few men in the encounter, though, it is said, he had a brother killed.* The idle notion of building a fort here to starve out Philip, was sulH- ciently censured by the liistormns of that day. For, as Captain Church ex- presses it, to huild a fort/or nothing to cover the people from nobody,f was rather a ridiculous idea. This observation he made upon a fort's being built upon Mount llofio Neck, some time after every Indian had left that side of the country, and \vlio, in fiict, were laying waste the towns before mentioned. The swamp wiicro Philip was now confined, was upon a piece of country which projected into Taunton River, and was nearly seven miles in extent. After being guarded here 13 days, which, in the end, was greatly to his advap- tago, and ufibrded him sufiicient time to yirovide canoes in which to make his escape, he passcul tlie river with most of his men, and made good his retreat juto tiie counti-y upon Connecticut River. In effecting this retreat, an acci- dent hapijened which deprived him of some of his choicest and bravest cap- tains, 08 we shall proccMul to relate. About the 20 July, 1075, Oneko, with two of his In-others, and about 50 men, came to Boston, by direction of tineas, his father, and declared their desire to assist the Binglish against the Wampanoags, A few English and three Naticks wei"o addcKl to th(;ir company, and immediately despatched, by way of Pli- rnouth, to the enemy's country. This circuitous route was taken, perhaps, that they might have their ipstructions immediately from the governor of that colony ; Maspachusetts, at that time, probably, supposing the war might be ended without their direct interference. This measure, as it proved, v,'&9 very detrimental to the end in view ; for if they had proceeded directly to Seekonk, they would have been there in season to have met PhUip'm his retreat from Pocassct ; and this force, being joined with the other English force.x, then in the vicinity, they in all probability might have finished the war by a single fight with him. At least, his chance of escape would have been small, as he had to cross a large extent of clear ond open country, where many of his men must have been cut down in flight, or fought man to jiian with tlicir pursuers. Whereas Oneko was encamped at some dis- tance, having arrived lat(! the night before, and some time wa.s lost in rally- inet after Philip was discovered. They overtook him, however, about 10 o'clock in the morning of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensued. Philip having brought hi.-* Ixfst men into the rear, many of them were slain ; among these was JVimrod, alias Woonashum, a great captain and counsellor, who had signed the treaty at Taunton, foiu' years before. From what cause the hght was 8us{)endcd is \mkuown, though it would seem fiom some relations, that it was owing to Oneko's men, who, seeing tlKMiisclves in j)ossession of considerable ])lunder, fell to loading themselves with it, and thus gav{! Philip time to escape. From this view of the case, it would api)ear that the Mohegans were the chief actors in tlie offensive. It is sHul that the Naticks urged immediate and further pursuit, which ilid not tak(! |)lace, in ronstiquence of the extreme heat of the weather ; and thus the main body were permitted to escape. Mr. Mwmnn, of Rehoboth, gave an account of the affair in a letter, in wbitHi be said that "14 of the enemy's principal men were slain." He also mentioned, in trrms of great praise, the Naticks and Mohegans under Oneko, Philip having now taken a position to annoy the back settlements of ti • This is upon llir milliorily "f ilic anonymous niillior of the " Present State," &,c., of which we shiill (•t-.C,. ivl. -Ilo. I (I'liufi n's y\i^. H'i»\. l'ru.viii;f liulians. Chap. II.] AMBUSH AT WIKABAUG. 29 Masaachusetts, Iiia wai'iiors fell vigorously to the work. On 14 July, five people are killed at Meudon, in Mass., which is the first blood shed in the colony in this war. Those that were killed were about their work in the field, and knew not tlieir murderers ; and whether they were killed by Philip's men is unknown. Soon after the war began, Massachusetts, fearing the Nipmuks might join with Philip, sent messengers to treat witli them. The young Indians %ve!e found " surly," but the old men were for a renewal of friendship ; but the person or persons sent upon this business did not acquit themselves in !i manner that gave satisfaction ; and Philip, being now in the countiy of the Nipmuks, it was concluded by the authorities of Massachusetts to make a further test of their intentions. Accordingly, on the 28 July, Captains Hutchinson and fVheeler, with a company of 20 mounted men, and 3 Christian Indians as pilots and iutei'preters, viz. MemecJio, Joseph, and Sampson, went with some of the inhabitants of Bi-ookfield, agreeably to appointment, to meet the Nipmuk sachems. It had been agreed by these sachems to meet the English in a treaty at a certain tree at Quabaog on the 2 August, on a plain 3 miles from Brookfield village. Having arrived here according to agreement, the Englisli found no Indians to treat with. It was now a garrison on fire; and this may account for their remissness in suffering hiiu to come in unmolested. They first endeavored by fire arrows, and rngs dipped in brimstone tied to long poles spliced together, to fire the garrison, but not succeeding, those within firing upon them oflen with such deadly effect, they next, in the language of Mr, Jiulbard, " used this devilish stratagem, to fill a cart Avith hemp, flax, and other combustible matter, and so thrusting it backward with poles together spliced a great length, after thcyliad kindled it ; but as soon as it had begun to take fire, a storm of rain, unexpectedly falling, put it out."* Duriii'^ this siege several of the whites were wounded, though but one was killed. Of the Indians 80 were supposed to have been killed,! but this was doubtless setiing the number much too high, although they exposed themselves beyond .vhut was common on similar occasions. On the 5 August they quitted the place, satisfied they could not take it, and joined PhUijy, who was now about 6 miles from the place whei'e Hutchinson was ambushed. After George Memcc}u>'s return to the English, he gave the following in- formation: "Upon Friday, August 5, Philip and his company came to us at a swamp, G miles from the swamp where they killed our men. Philip brought with him about 46 men,, but women and children many more. PhUip^s men were, about 30 of them, armed with guns, the rest had bows and airows. He observed there were about 10 of Philip's men wounded. Philip was conducted to the swamp by two Indians, one of them [was] Caleb of Tatumaskct, beyond Mendon. The Indians told Philip, at his first coming, what they had done to the English at Quabaog ; then he presented and gave to three Sagamores, viz. John, alius APEqciNAsn, Quanansit, and Mawtamps, to each of them about a peck of unstrung wompom, which they accepted. Philip, as I understood, told Quabaog and Nrpmuck hidians, that when he first came towards the Nipiuuck country, and left his own, he had in his company about 250 men, besides women and children, including the Squaw-Sachem [Jfeetamoo] and her company; but now they had left him, and some of them were killed and he was reduced to 40 men. I heard also tliat Philip said if the English had charged upon him and his people at the swamp in his own country [18 July] one or two days more, they had been all taken, for their powder was almost spent. He also said, * Captain Wlieder docs not mention the rain, but says they succeeded in setting the house on lire, which was extinguished at great peril by those within, who had two of their men wounded. t Hoyt's Lidian Wars, 101. Chap. II.] FIGHT AT SUGARLOAP IIILu tbat if the Engli-sh had pursued him closely," as ho retren to the Ni' muck country, " lie must needs have been tjdten." * A considerable nund)er ol' partly christianized Indians In longed to tbe neighborhood of llndley, near which they had a wooden fort to protect them from any hostile Indians. On the breaking out of the calamities in that region, these, with all other Indians, were watched, and suspected of con- niving with Philip, and an intention of joining with him. To teat their pre- tensions, Captains Lothrop and Beers, who, with a force of 180 men, were now at Hadley, ordered tliem to sinrender their arms to them. They hes- itated to do so then, but intimated that they would immediately; yet on the following night, 25 August, they lefl their fort and fled up the river to- wards Pecomptuk, since Deerfield, to join Philip. The next day Lolhrop and Beers pursued and overtook them near a swamp a short distance to the . and the second blow finished the execution." || * Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. I, 293 — 4. n. t Hubbard, Nar. 36, 37.— Chronicle, 28,- i Manuscript documents. ^ Chronicle, 25, •Hoyti 102, 103. II Manuscript in library of Mass. Hist. Soc. PHILIP.— LOTHROP CUT OFF. [Book III. It was about this time, as the author of the " Present State " relates, tliat " King Philip, now beginning to want money, liaving a coat made all of wampampeag, (i. e. Indian money,) cuts liis coat to pieces and distributes it plentifully among the Niptnoog sachems and others, as well as to the east- ward as southward, and all roiuid about." * On the 18 Sept. Captain Lothrop, of Beverly, was sent from Hadley with about 88 men, to bring away the corn, grain, and other valuable articles, from Deerfield. Having loaded their teams and conuuenced their march homeward, they were attacked at a place called Su^arloaf Hill, where almost every man was slain. This company consisted of "choice young men, the very flower of Essex county, 'none of whom were ashamed to speak witlj the enerny in the gate."'t Eighteen of the men belonged to Deerfield.}: Cap- tain Mosdy, being not far off, upon a scout, was drawn to the scene of action by the report of the guns, and, having with him 70 men, charged the Indians with great resolution, altiiough he computed their numbers at 1000. He had two of his men killed and eleven wounded. The Indians dared him to begin the fight, and exultingly said to him, " Coine, Mostly, come, you seek In- dians, you want Indians ; here is Indians enough for you." § On this occasion the conduct ofMosely^s lieutenants, Savage and Pickering, are mentioned in high terms of praise, "as desei-ving no little part of the honor of that day's service." After continuing a fight with them, from eleven o' clock until almost night, he was obliged to retreat, {| The Indians cut open the bags of wheat and the feather-beds, and scattered their contents to the winds. § After Mosdy had commenced a retreat, Major Treat, with 100 English and 60 Moliegans, came to his assistance. Their united forces obliged the Indians to retreat in their turn.H The Lidiaus were said to have lost, in the various encounters, 96 men. It was a great oversight, that Captain Lothrop should have suffered his men to stroll about, while passing a dangerous defile. "Many of the soldiers having been so foolish and secure, as to put their arms in the carts, and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and deadly S rapes to them."** The same author observes, "This was a black and fatal ay, wherein there were eight j)ersons made widows, and six-and-twenty children made fatherless, all in one little plantation and in one day ; and above sixty persons biu'ied in one dreadful grave ! " The place of this fight and ambush is in the southerly part of Deei-field, on which IS now the village called Bloody Brook, so named from this memora- ble tragedy. A brook which passes through the village is crossed by the road not far from the centre of it, and it was at the point of crossmg that it happened, ft Until this period the Lidians near Springfield remained friendly, and re- fused the solicitations of Philip, to undertake in his cause. But, now that Northfield and Deerfield had fiillen into iiis hands, they W(!re watched closer by the whites, whose cause these great successes of Philip had occasioned tlieni to look upon as rather precarious. They therefore, about 40 in number, on the night of the 4 Oct., admitted about 300 of Philip's men into their fort, which was situated at a place called Longhill, about a mile below the village of Springfield, and a plan was concerted for the destruction of that place. But, as in many cases aflerwai'ds, one of their number betrayed them. Toto,}} * Old Ind. Chronicle. If this were the case, Philip must have had aji immense big coal — yea, even bigger than Dr. Johnson's mat coat, as represented by Bosicell ; the side pockets of which, he said, were large enough each to contain one of the huge volumes of his folio dictionary ! t Hubbard's Narrative, 38. i These were the teamsters. 6 Manuscript letter, written at the time. II " Whereupon, after having killed several of the Indians, he was forced to retreat, and con- tinued fighting for all the time that he and his men were retreating nine miles. Capt. Mosdy lost out of his company 9, and 13 wounded."— Old. Ind. Chron. 29. This author has blended the two accounts o( Beers and Lothrop together, and relates them as one. V I. Mather's History of the War, 12. ** Ibid. ft Last year, (1833), a splendid celebration was held at Bloody Brooa, in commemoration of the event, and an oration was pronounced by our Prince of Orators, the present governor of this commonwealth, His Excellency Edward Everett, LL. D. ti ffubbard.— Tor , Hutchinson, Chap. II.] PHILIP.— SURPRISE OF HATFIELD. as o' clock until an Indian at Windsor, revealed the plot, and the people of Springfield had time only to escape into their garrisons. The whole force of the Indians came like a torrent upon tiie place the next day, and burnt the deserted houses and barns, in all 57 buildings. In this business, however, some of their number were killed * by the people in the garrisons ; but it is not known how many. They would have succeeded against the lives of the English as well as against their property, had not a force arrived about the same time for their relief. Animated by his successes, Philip aimed his next blow at the head-quar- ters of the whites in this region. With 7 or 800 of his men he fell upon Hatfield on the 19 Oct., which, had it not been well provided with men, would have shared the fate of Springfield ; but Captain Mostly and Captain Poole^ with their companies, were in the place, and Captain Samuel ^ppleton was at Hadley on the opposite side of the river; and against such commanders they could hardly have exf)ected success. However, they made a bold attempt on all sides at once ; but their greatest force fell on the point where Captain Appleton commanded. His sergeant was mortally wounded by his side, and a oullet passed through the hair of his own head; "by that whisper telling him," says Hubbard, "that death was very near, but did him no other harm. Night coming on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained ; divers were seen to fall, some run through a small river, [now called Milt River,] otiiers cast their guns into the water, (it being their maimer to ven- ture as much to recover the dead bodies of their friends, as to defend them when alive.)" And thus they were driven from the place, after killing but three, and wounding 10 of tiie whites, and burning a small number of buildings. They had, before their attack on tho town, killed three belonging to some scouts, and seven oti)ers of Captain Mosdy^s men. This was among their last important efforts on the Connecticut River before retiring to the country of the Narragausets. The Nipmuck sachems had well contrived tlieir attack on Hatfield; having made fires in the woods about seven miles tiom it, to draw out the soldiers, for whom they had prepared ambushes ; but only ten of MoseWs men were sent out to learn the cause of the fires. These were all cut off except one,, according to the Chronicle, but according to Hubbard, seven only were killed. The Indians probably supposed the main body was cut off, and therefore proceeded directly to the assault of the town, where a new force had just arrived ; and hence they met with a inave resistance and final defeat.f The Narragansets had not yet heartily enj^aged in the war, though there is no doubt but they stood pledged so to do. Therefore, having done all that could be expected upon the western frontier of Massachusetts, and conclu-i (ling that his j)resence among his allies, the Narragansets, was necessary to keep them from abandoning liis cause, Philip was next known to be in their country. An army of 1500 English was raised by the three colonies, Massachusetts^ Plimouth, and Connecticut, for the piu'pose of breaking down the power of Philip among the Narragansets. They determined ui)on this course, as they had been assured that, the next spring, that nation would come with all their force upon them. It was not known tliat Philip was among them when thia resolution was taken, and it was but a rumor tnat they had taken part with him. It was true, that they had f)romised to deliver up all the Wampanoags, who should flee to them, cither alive or dead ; but it is also true, that those who made this promise, had it not in their power to do it ; being persons, chiefly in subordinate stations, who had no right or authority to bind any but thomsf'IvcH. And, therefore, as doubtless was foreseen by many, none of Philip^s jieople were delivered up, although many were known to have been among them. Thus, in few words, have we exhibited the main grounds of the imghty expedition against the Narragansets in the winter of 1675. * A pi'wiiT plnttnr is still exhibited in Spriiifjdcld with a hole through the middle of it, made f>V a hall from the {jarrisoii at this time. An Indian had taken it from one of the deserted houses, and wore it before his breast as a sliiohl. Thus shielded, he ventured towards lltoi g-arrison, and was shot. Ho, is a meinorabh! day in the annals of New England. Cold, in the extreme, — tiie air tilled witii snow, — llie English were obliged, from the low state of tlieir provisions, to march to atUick Philip in his fort. Treachery hastened his ruin. One of liis men, by liope of reward, betrayed his country into their hands. This miui iiad, probaiily, lived among the Englisli, as lie hiid an Englisli name. lie was cidled Fetir,§ and it was liy accident tliat iMinself, witli tliirty-liv(' «(tliers, liad just before fallen into the hands of tlie fortunate ('a|)tiiiii Mo.vlij. \o Englishniaii was acquainted with the situation of Philip^a fort ; and, but for tlieir pilot, Peter, there is very little pntliability tliat tliey could have even found, much less effected any thing agi.insf it. For it was one it'ciock on tliat sliort day of the year, before they arrived within llu^ vicinity of tlie swamp. Then^ \mis but one i>oint when; it coiiid be assailed witii the least probability of suc- cess; and this was fortified bv a kind of block-iiouse, directly in front of the eiitraiu'e, and had also flankers lo covr a cross tire. Besides high pal- isades, an immensi^ hedge of fiilleri trees, of nearly a rod in tiiickness, * WK) litifihcls. says Dr. f. Malher. Hollow Irpcs, cut ofT about tli<' longlh of n l)iirrp|, were r:iC(l \.y llic biiliaiis lor liilis. In sr.li llioy scriiri'il llirlr i-iirii and other (fruiiis. f MS. riininmiiirntioii of I'.ovorcml Mr. /'•/;/, nccouiliuiiicil hy ii drnwiiig of tiie islniul, ItH »liii|if i>i very »iiiiilliir lo llio ilii'll of BU oystrr. .\vnriip;r ri'ctiiiifpiJHr lines llirotigh it mcosuri*, I 'H> ',V> rods, iinotliiT 'JO } Holmes's Annals, i. ;17G. ^ The mime of I'iler anioiiir llie Indians was so runimoii, llint it is perhaps past dc'tvrmiHa- lluii hliii liiis Olio W09. IMr. uMurd calls liiin u I'ukIuv e lioni the NiiiroKiiniteli, n Chap. II.] PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT. 35 Imrrel, were It (k'lcriniim- surrounded it, eiipompnssing an area of about five acre.?. Between the fort and the main hind was a body of water, over which a great tree had been felled, on whirh all nuist pass and repass, to and from it. On coming to this ])lace, the English soldiers, as many as could pass upon the tree, which would not admit two abreast, rushed forward upon it, but were swept off in a moment by the fire of Philip's men. Still, the English soldiers, led by their captains, sup])lie(l the places of the slain. But again and again were they swept from the fjitiil avenue. Six captains and a great many men had fallen, and a partial, but momentary, recoil from the face of death took place. ftleanwhile, a handful, inulcr the foi-twnntc Moscb/, had, as miraculous as it may seem, got within the fort. These were contending hand to hand with till! Indians, and at fearful odds, when the cry of*" Tftew run ! they run!" brought to tlieir assistance a considerable body of their fellow-soldiers. They were now enabled to drive the Indians from their main breastwork, and their slaughter became innnense. Flying from wigwam to wigwam — men, women and children, indiscriminately, were luiwn down, ajid lay in heaps u))rs of the fort, at the recommenda- tion of iMr. Church, who Ird the second pnrty that entered the fort, Gt^neral Winslow was about to (piarter the army in it for the present, which offered conifortal)le haldliuions to the sick and wounded, besides a plentiful supply of provisions. But one of the capttiins * and a surgeon opposed the meas- ure; proliably from the apprehension that the woods was full of Indians, who would continue their attacks U])on them, and drive them out in their turn. There was, (loubtlcss, some reason for this, which was strengthened from the f!iet th:it niiniy Enfrlisli wrrc killed alter they had jiossessed tiiemsi'lves of tht; fort, by tliose whom t!iey had just disjjossessed of it. Notwitiistanding, hiid Chi'irh's iulvico been li)llowed, perhaps many of the lives of the womuied w(!iil(l liave been saved ; for he was seldom out in his judgment, as his continii'd successes proved afterwards. Alh'r fighting thrre iioui's, tlin English were obliged to march 48 miles, before the woumled coiihl be dressed, and in a most dismal and boisterous night. i>igiity I'^nglish Avere killed in tiie figiit, and 150 woimded, many of wliom died afterwards. ']'he shattered army Icll tlie ground in considerable haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort. Philip, and such of his warriors !is escaped imhurt, fled into a place of safety, mitil the enemy had retired ; when they returned again to the fort. The English, no doubt, ap|)ri hcnded a pursuit, hut Philip, not knowing their distressed situation, and, pei'iiaiis. judging of their loss from the few dead which they lelt behind, made no attempt to harass them in their retreat. Beii)re the liglit was over, many of the wigwams were set on lire. Into these, hundreds of innocent women and childnMi had crowded them- selves, and perished in the general conflagration ! And, as a writer of that day exitresses hiniseltl " no man knoweth iiow many." The English learned afterwards, from some that fell into tlieir hands, that in all about 700 perished.f The surterings of the English, after the fight, ore almost without a par- allel in history. The horrors of Moscow will not longer be remembered. The myriads of modern Europe, nsseinbled there, bear but small propor- * l*robiil)ly Moselij, who seems always lo have had a largo simro ia ihc dircclion of all af- fairs wlieii j)rcscpl, t Thrr<^ i< |irinlO(l in Hiilrhlnsoii's Ilisl. Moss. i. 300. a Icdrr which (rives llic pnrlirulnrs of the Narrnguiisct light. 1 hnvc compiircd it with the orijriiinl, and find it rorrcot in llie niniii pnrtiruhtrs. lie mislnkes in Bsrribiiiu it lo Mnjnr Uradtord, for il in sipiicd by Junus Oliver, one of tlie I'hinoulh c iiptnins. JfittiTiin.inn ropied from ii ropy, which was wahont si)(iiu(iire. He omits a passnj^e conrerning Tifl, or Tijh, who, Oliver saNS, coiifirmcil his narrative. That man had " married an Iiuhan, a WompiiTioag— and, says (tlirrr, lie shot JO times nl us in the swamj)— was taken at Providence, |l)y Taptnin Frnnr'r,] Jan. Ittli — l)ronK:ht lo ns the llith— executed the lljth ; a sad wretch, lie never heard a sermon but once this 11 years , lio never heard of the name of Jrsiis Christ. His fiitlier Koinif to recall liim, lost his lieail, and lies imburie«l." Huhhard says, (Narrative, 69.) that "Tie was condemned lo die the death of a traitor," and traitors of those days were (|nnrlered. "'As lo his 'liiffion, lie was found as ignor.'inl as an lieaihen, which, no (luubi, caused the fowcr lean to be snud at his fuiioral." A sorrowful rerurd ! 36 PHILIP. [Book lit. II • IS I ' tlontothe number of their coiintrvnien, roiiip,'irc(l Aviili that of the army of New Eiifrluiul and theirs, at the lij^ht in Niiini;;iiiiscr. Colonel Church, tiieii only a volnntcer, was in this fiiilif, aiul wo will hear a few of his observ'atiiiiis. "By tiiis time, the Knjiiish poojilo in tiio ibrt had begun to set fire to iIk; wiirwams and lioiif^os, wliicii ]\lr. CV/urf/i laboted hard to prevent ; they told him thiy had orders lioni t!ie general to burn them; he bcens!i with tlu; storms and cold. a\h], moreover, that the army had no other piovision to trust unto or depend upon ; that he knew that Plymouth Ibrces had not so much as one bisctiit lelt," The gen- eral was for acceding to Churches pn)])osition, but a ca])tain and a doctor prevented it, as we have bclbre observed ; tin; ibrnier threatening to slioot the general's horse under him, if he attemjited to march in, and the latter said, Church should bleed to death like a dog, (he having been badly wounded on entering the fort,) before he would dress his wounds, if he gave such advice C/i«rc/i then proceeds: "And, burning uj) all the houses and pro- visions in the fort, the army returned the same night in the storm and cold. And, I suppose, every one that is accpiainted with the circumstances of that night's march, t in the beginning of Jan. 1G7G, they suffered intol- erably from the cold; no less than II men were frozen to death, and many others \\ •■<• taken sick by reason of their exposure in that severe season. Meanwiiile the Indians had siint deputies to the commander-in-chief to treat of peace ; but it wjis judged that they were insincere in their overtures, and no terms were settled. Whili; matters were thus progressing, Philip removed his provisions, women and children to a strong place protected by rocks, in a swamp, about '20 miles from the late battle-ground in Narraganset, into the country of the Nipnuiks. At length, the weather having Ixicome mild, and the Connecticut forces returned, together with a body of Mohegans inider Uncus, it was resolved to supris(! Philip in his rocky fortress. Accordingly the army, consisting now of IGOO men, marched out on this enterprise. On its approach, the Indians abandoned their position and lied farther northward. They were pursued a small distance, and about (iO jr 70 of them killed and taken, (pn>lmbly women and children.) The army soon aller returned home, and was chiefly disbanded. On y? Jan., while the army was ])ur8uing the main l)ody of the Indian^*, a party of about 300 attacked Mr. /FiHirtniCrtrTJfn/cr'aijlantation, and attempted to burn his house, which they set on fire, l)ut those within succeeded in put- ting it out. In the skirmish, one of their mnnlM?r wius killed, and two of tlie whites were wounded. The aswudting party collected and drove oft" from this place 180 sheej), .W large cattle, and 15 horses, anll iiiid niildwiird » di^piKilioii iiro tliP.K- Aithuh, ns iiiil to viKK'lonte rivilil v In llio-e lliiil liinl vciilnrvii llivir live<, aiul ruceived dBll^roUS wimiihIs hi tlii'lr dcli'iict'." OJil liid. i'luniiirlf, 71. t (Jill liidiaii C iiroiiK-lo, OK, j'J.—lliManl, b'J. Chap. II.] PHILIP.— MEDFIELD ATTACKED 87 ," yet his warriors, Avhetlier directed by him in person or not, is inimatrrial, as every thing was done against the English that could well be un.'er sucli broken eiri'mnstanees as he now laboreil. On the 10 Fell. I(i7ti, the^ surprisi^d Lancaster with com- jilele «neeess, the particulars of wliicii we shall fully narrati- in onr next chapter. Eleven days after, (21 Feb.) about ;300 Indians attacked IMedlield, and in spite of 200 .soldiers stationed thereto guard it, burnt .-.bout .W lionsrs, killed 18 of its uihabitant.s, and wounded 20 others. Among the slain were Lieutenant ,'ldams and his wife : tlu^ latter was killed aceidentally !)y Cap- tain Jacob, t^iie was in bed in a elianilier, iuiil(>r wliieh was a room occupied by the soldiers; as Captain Jacob was about to leaw tin; house, his mn went off, the ball from whieiipassed through the ehaml)er floor and kil);;d her. The Indians managed this attack with their usu.'il skill ; having placed .somo of their mnnlier j)repared with lire implements in various parts of the towni, they set the houses on lire, "as it were," says M;ijor Goolin, "in one instant of time." And as the people i.-isued out of them, parties lay ready and shot them down. .\m soon as the whiti's were mustered to oppose them, they retired over the bridge towards S^herbmne, i.iid set it on fire, so that the sol- tliers could not pursue them. In the prid(; nl" their success, they now wrote u letter to the whites, and stuck it up on a pes! of the bridge. It reads, " Knoir In/ this papfr, Ihat I he Inihans thai thou hunt prnvnf.ril to wrath and atifrir will war tins 21 ijrars if i/oa ivill. Then are man;/ Iniliatis ijtt. li'c come yOO at Ihi.i time. You must roii4ii(!ir the Iiulians lost jiof/ii'/ig- hut their life. You must IvDc ijour/air housr.t iind catlle.l On the ].'.{ March, the entire town of Crotoii, consisting of 10 Iionses, was burnt, except (tne garrison, § b\ shots Irom which several Indians wero said to huvu l>een killed. • Dr. /. M.'llirr, Uriel' Iliii, .'«. t <'lir<>iiirli', '.•!i. I f;,i.i,',/i(',- \IS. II>i. riii\lii;r Iiiirinim.— TlMMi!'nM' liUiT was (!oiil)llc!)9 wrillcii by somo of llio CliriMi.iii liiili^uH «lio'liiiil joiiicil I'lllii'. $ III (iiir Ctimuicle, DO, it is sai'l iliai (iruUui \vai 'uunil oc 'it *>' ^'. V.S^'V WUUrd'$ 38 PHILIP— SUDBURY FIGHT. [Book III. wf i Philip had for some time directed matters with such address that his enemies could not tell where or how to meet him, or whether he actually were in the vicinity of the frontiers or not. But there can be little doubt of his special agency and direction in all the important enterprises. On the 18 March, Northampton was assaulted, but not with quite as good success as was anticipated by the besiegers ; for they lost eleven men, while the whites had but three killed and six wounded. On the 27 March, a large body of 300 Indians, as was supposed, were discovered encamped not tar from Marlborough, which they had burnt the day before. A company of men belonging to that town, attached themselves to a number of soldiers under one Lieutenant Jaco&s, who, falling upon them in the night while they were asleep in their wigwams, killed and wounded about 40 of them, without any loss to themselves. The Indians seem to have resolved that this midnight assassination should not go long unrequited, and events so determined, as what we are about to relate will fully exemplify. On the morning of the 20 April, the largest body of Indians which had at any time appeared, attacked Sudbury, and before resistance could be made, set fire to several buildings, which were consumed. The inhabitants, however, made a brave stand, and were soon joined by some soldiers from Watertown, under Captain Hugh Mason ; and the Indians retreated over the bridge, and were prevented from doing any further mischief during the day, against Sudbury. Some of tlie people of Concord hearing of the distress at Sudbury, sallied forth for its protection. As they approached a garrison house, they discovered a few Indians, and pni-sued them. These, as it proved, were a decoy, and they soon found tliciiiseives ambushed on every side. They fought with desperation, but were sill, except one, cut off, being eleven in number. This affair took place immediately after Captain Wadsioorth had marched from Sudbury with 70 men to stren.'tthen the garrison at Marlborough ; and the news of the situation of the place he had just left reached his destination as soon as he did ; and although he had marched all the day and night before, and his men almost exhausted with fatigue, yet, taking Captain Brocfdebank and about ten men from the garrison at Marlborough, he marched directly back for Sudbury. On the morning of the 21jt, they arrived within about a mile and a half of the town, near where a body of about 500 Indians had pre- pared an ombush behind the hills. From thence they sent out two or three of their party, who crossed the marcii of the English, and, being discovered by them, affected to fly through fear, to decoy them into a pursuit. This stratagem succeeded, and v ith great boldness the Indians began the attack. For some time tiie lOngiisli maintained good order, and, having retreated to an adjacent hill, lost but live men for near four hours. Meantime the Indians had lost a great number, which so increased their rage that they resolved to put in practic(> nnother stratagem, which it seems they had not l)rfore thought of. They immediately sot the woods on fire to windward of the English, which spread with great rapidity, owing to an exceeding high wind and the dryness of the grass mid otlier combustibles. This stratagem likewise succeeded, even better tliiin tlie first; that, although it served to bring on the attack, was near proving fatal to its originators, but this was crowned with complete success. The fiuy of the flames soon drove tlicEniflish from their advantageous position, which ga\e the Indians an oppoituiuty to fall upon them with their tomahawks! Many were now able to fiill upon one, and resistanct! fast diminished. All but about twenty were killed or fell into tlio hands of the concpierors ; among the l()riner were the two cajitains; some of those that escaped took shelter in a mill not far off, and wore saved by the arrival of a lew men under Captain Prentice, and a company under Captain Crowell. Both of these otfi«!ers and their men very narrowly es- caped the fate of JVadaworth.* As the former was about to fall into a fatal house wns hiiriii Tirst, and llint " nfti-rwonU llicy deslroyetl G5 more there, leaving; but six houaes ulandiiig in the wliolu iiiM-n," * " So iiiHolcnt worn tlio Indinix (jrowa upon tlirir first surrpss of^ninut Cnptnin H'cd, for gcttinff drunk, beatinjf liis wife and cliildron, defaming the character of deceased magistrates, and other misdemeanors. i Church, iX. In the account of TiUoson, Church's narrative is rontimied. ^ (vaptain Roger Gouldm, of U. I. Plimouth grouited him 100 acres of laii.l on Pocassel, in lG7(i, for hit eminent lervicei. I'Um, lUcvrdi. 4» 42 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. [Book UI. one tliroudi lils hoiut, and anotlicr not above two inches from it. He fell upon his luce in the mud and water, with liis gun under hinu" " Cold, wilh thclicasi he slew, he sleeps j , O'er him no filial spirit weeps ; * ****** Even that lie Lived, is for his conqueror's tongue ; liy foes alone liis death-son^ must be sungj No clironiclos but theirs snail tell Ills monrnful doom to future times; May these upon his virtues dwell, And in liis fate forget his crimes."— Spkague. The name of the man stationed wFth Mderman was Cdth Cook,* who had shared in many of ChurcJCs hazardous expeditions before the present. See- ing that he could not have the honor of killing Philip, he was desirous if possii)lc of Iiaving a memento of tlio mighty exploit. He therefore prevailed upon Aldernmn to exchange gims with hiin. This gun was kept in the family until the j)resent century, when tlie late Isaac Lothrop, Esq. of Plimouth ob- tained the lock of it from IMr. Sijlvamts Cook, late of Kingston. Si/Ivamis was great-grandson ol' Catch, f The stock and barrel of the gim are still re- tiuned by the descendants of the name of Cook. J There ia a gun-lock shown in tlie librtiry of the Mass. Hist. Soc. said to be the same which Alderman used in shooting Philip. Tliis Alderman was a subject of Weetamoo, who, in the conunoncetnent of this war, went to the governor of Plimouth, and de- sired to remain in peace with tlie Englitih, and immediately took up his resi- dence upon an island, remote Iroin the tribes engaged in it. But, aller Philip had returned to liis own country. Alderman, u])on some occasion, visited him. It was at this time that he learned the fate of his brother beiore spoken of; or he may have beeij killed in his presence. This caused his flight to the English, which he tiioiight, probably, the last resort for ven- geance. He "came down Irom thence, says C/iurc/i, (where Philip's camp now was,) on to Sand Point over agtiinst Trips, and hollow'd, and made signs to be fet<;ird over" to the island. He was immediately brought over, and gave the information desired. Captain Church had but just arrived upon Rhode Island, imd was about eight miles from the ui)per end, where Alder- man humlcd. He had been at Iionie but a few minutes, when " they spyV. two horsemen coming a great jiace," and, as he prophesied, "they came with tydings." Miijor Snnjbrd and Caj)!. Golding were the horsemen, " who iunnediately Msk'd Ca|)t. Church what he would give to hear some news of Philip. He reply'd, 7VuU was what he wanted." The expedition w.is at once entered upon, and Alderman went as their i)ilot. But to return to the fall oi' Philip: — "By this time," continuc^s Church, "the enemy ])erceived they were way- laid on the east side of the swamj), tacked sliort abotit," and were led out of their dangerous situation by the great Captain Annawon. "The man that had shot down Philip lan with idl speed to Capt. Church, and informed him of his (!\pIoit, who commanded him to be silent about it, and let no man more know it until they iiad drove the swamp clean ; but when they had drove the swamj) through, and l()und the enemy had escaped, or at least the most of them, and the siui now ii|), and so the dew gone that they could not easily track them, tlie whole company met together at the jdace where the enemy's night sht^lter was, and then Capt. Church gave them the news of Philip's death. Upon which the Aviiole army§ gave three loud huzzas. Capt. Church onl(>red his body to be pulled out of the mire on to the upland. So some of Capt. Church's Irldians took hold of him by his stockings, and * Bay'.les, in his N. Plimouth, ii. 108, says his name was Francis, but as he gives no author- ity, we adhere to older aulhorily. t This Cah'b ''"mile was son of Jacob, of Plimoulli, and wa'! born there, 29 Mar. WA. He had two or more brothers ; Jiicoli, Ixiru 1 1 Slay, UiM, and Finiici.i, H Jan. Kili.*? — k Hence it is not prol)al)le that Fraiirii; was a soldier al'this lime, as he was only in his 13th year. I Col. Mil.l.s. Hist. jS'df. iv. (i:l. ^ Eighteen Enu;lish arid Iweiily-lwo Indians ronstilulrd liis army a week before; but wc know not how manv w re at the lakins; of I'liil!/>, though we may suppose about the smne number. Hvnco tins expedition cost the colony £'J, ciiAP. n.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 43 some by liis small breeches, being oflicrwise naked, and drew him tlirough the mud into the ui)land ; and a doleful, great, naked dirty beast, he looked like." Captain Church then said, ^^ Forasmuch as he luis reused many an Eng- lishman's body to lie unburied and rot above ground, not one of his bones shall oe buried!" With the great chief, fell five of his most trusty followers, one of whom was his chief captain's son,* and the very Indian who iired the first gun at the commencement of the war. ^^ Philip having one very remarkable hand, being much scarred, occasioned by the splitting of a pistol in it formerly, Capt. Church gave the head and that hand to Alderman, the Indian who shot him, to show to such gentlemen as would bestow gratuities upon him ; and accordingly lie got many a penny by it." f • The barbarous usage of beheading and quartering traitors was now exe- cuted upon the fallen Philip. Church, "calling his old Indian executioner, I>id him behead and quarter him. Accordingly, he came with his hatchet, and stood over him, but before he struck, ho made a small speech, directing it to Philip," saying, " You have been a very great man, and have made many a man afraid of you ; but so big as you be I toill noiv chop your ass for you" He then proceeded to the execution of his orders. His liead was sent to Plimouth, where it was exposed upon a gibbet for 20 years, and one of his hands to Boston, where it was exhibited in savage triumph, and his mangled body was deni(;d the right of sepulture. It having been quartci-ed, was hung upon four trees, and there left as a monument of shocking barbarity. ■ Church and his company returned to the island the same day, and an-ived with the prisoners at Plimouth two days after, namely, Tuesday, August 15, "ranging through all the woods in their way." They now "received their premium, which was 30 shillings per head," for all enemies killed or taken, " instead of all wages, and Philiph head went at the bamc price." This amounted to only four and sixpence a-piece, " which was all the reward they had, except the honor of killing Philip." Having in the year 1824 visited the memorable retreat of the Wampanoag sachems, we can give the reader some idea of its situation. There is a natural angular excavation, in an almost perpendicular rock, about 6 or 7 feet from its base, where it is said Philip and some of his chief men weresur- ])rised on the morning of the 12 August. We have in the Life of Massasoit described Mount Hope, and it is at the north part of it that the high rock is situated ; variously estimated from 30 to 50 feet in height, and is nearly 2 miles from the village of Bristol. From the seat, or throne of King Philip, as some have called it, a fine view of Mount Hope Bay opens upon us. Near the foot of the rock is a fine spring of water, known to this day by the name of Philip's Spring. Mr. Jlldeji, the curious collector of epitaphs, says " the late Lieut. Gov. Bradford, [who died at Bristol in 1808,1 in early life, knew an aged squaw, who was one of Pkilip's tribe, was well acquainted with this sagamore in l»cr youthful days, and had often been in his wigwam. The information, through her, is, therefore, very direct, as to the identical spot, where he fixed Iris abode. It was a few steps south of Capt. James Be fVolfe's summer Jiouse, near the brow of a hill, but no vestige of the wig\vam remains. The eastern side of this hill is veiy steep, vastly more so than that at Horee Neck, down which the intrepid Pvinam trotted his sure-footed steed, in a manner worthy of a knight of the tenth century." "Wlien Church's men \ver(! about to rush upon Philip, he is said to have evaded them by spring- ing from his wig\vam as they were entering it, and rolling, like a hogshead, down the precipice, which looks towards the bay. Having reached the • lower part of this frightful ledge of rocks, Avithout breaking his bones, he got upon his feet, and ran along the shore in a north-eastern direction, about 100 rods, and endeavored to screen himself in a swamp, then a quagmire, but now terra firma." ' Very probably a son of Uncompoin, or Woonaslmm. \ Philip's War. LIFE OP KING PHILIP. [Book III. How much of the above is apocryphal is uncertain, but that a part of it 18 I have no doubt. Tliat Philips camp was near the top of Mount Ho[)e at the time he was surprised, is contrary to rational conclusion, but Hccins rather to have been fixed there by the imagination of some one, for the pleasure it might afford them in contemplating the manner of the chiers escape by rolling down a rugged precipice. During the bloody contest, the pious fathers wrestled long and of\en with their God, in prayer, that he would prosper their arms and deliver their enemies into their hands ; and when, upon stated days of prayer, the Indians gained advantage, it was looked upon as a rebuke of Providence, and ani- mated them to greater sincerity and fervor ; and on the contrary, when their arms prevailed upon such days, it was viewed as an inunediate interposition in their favor. The philosophic mind will be shocked at the expressions of some, very eminent in that day for piety and excellence of moral life. Dr. Increase Mather,* in speaking of the efficacy of prayer, in bringing about the destruction of the Indians, soys, "^Nor could they [the English] cease ciying to the Lord against Philip, until tliey had prayed the bullet into his heart." And in speaking of the slaughter of Philip's people, at Narraeanset, he says, " We have heard of two-and-twenty Indian captains, slain all of them, and brought down to hell in one day." Again, in speaking of a chief who had sneered at the English raligion, and who had, " withal, added a most hideous l)lasphemy, immediately upon which a bullet took him in the head, and dashed out his brains, sending his cursed soul in a moment amongst the devils, and blasphemers, in hell forever." f The low and vulgar epithets J sneeringly cast upon the Indians by their English contemporaries are not to be attributed to a suigle individual, but to the English in general.^ It is too obvious that the early historians viewed the Indians as Lrferior beings, and some went so far as hardly to allow them to he human. > Like Massasoit, Philip always opposed the inti-oduction of Chri8tia»*Hy among his people. When Mr. Eliot urged upon him its great importance, he said he cared no more for the gospel than he did for a button upon his coat. II This does not very well agree with the account of Mr. Gookin, respecting Philip''s feelings upon religious matters; at least, it shows that there was a time when he was willing to list^ to such men as the excellent and benevolent Gookin. In speakuig of the Wampanoags, he says, " There are some that have hopes of their greatest and chiefest sachem, named Philip, living at Pawkunnawkutt. Some of his chief men, as I hear, stand well inclined to hear the gospel : and himself is a person r f good understanding and knowledge in the best things. I have heard him speiui very good words, arguing that his conscience is convicted : but yet, though his will is bowed to embrace Jesus Christ, his sensual and coi'nal lusts are strong bands to hold him fast under Satavfs dominions." IT And Dr. Mather adds, " It was not long, before the hand which now writes, [1700,] upon a certain occasion took off the jaw from the exposed skull of that blasphemous leviathan; and tlie re- nowned Samuel Lee hath suice been a i)astor to an English congregation, sounding and showing the praises of heaven, upon that very spot of ground, where Philip and his Indians were lately worshipping of the devil." ** The error that Philip was grandson to Massasoit, is so well known to be such, that it would hardly seem to have required notice, but to inform the Ml * In his " Prcvalency of Prayer," page 10. t Ibid, page 7. X Such as dogs, wolves, blood-hounds, demons, devils-incarTUUe, caitiffs, heU-hoimas, fiends, monsters, beasts, &c. Occasional quotations will show what authors have used these. 5 The author of " Indian Tales" has fathered all he could think of upon Mr. Hubbard. He mail be called upon to point out the passage in that valuable author'i works where he has called one or any of the Indians " hell-hounds," Such loose, gratuitous expressions will not do at the bar of history. II Magnalia. fr 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 200. "* Mr. Lee was taken by the French in a voyage to England, and carried into their country, whcrn he died, in 1691. This event, it was thought, hastened his end. Perhaps the sur- viving natives did not attribute the disaster to his usurping their territory, and teaching a religion they could not believe ; but might they not with equal propriety 1 Chap. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 45 one, for the f the chiers reader of its origin. The following passage from John Jossehjii's work * will, besides i)n)\ ing hiai to be the author of the error, at least the first writer that so ilenominiites him, furnish some valuable information. Speakuig of the Indians ui general, ho says, " Their beads ai-e their money ; of these, there are two sorts, blue beads and white beads ; the first is their gold, the last their silver. These they work out of certain shells, so cunningly, that neither Jew nor Devil can counterfeit, f They drill them and string them, and make many curious works witii them, to adorn the persons of their sag- amores and principal men, and young women, as belts, girdles, tablets, bordei-a for their women's hair, bracelets, necklaces, and links to hang in their ears. Prince Philip, a.little l)cfore I came for England, [1671,] coming to Boston, had a coat on and buskins set thick with these beads, in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt of the same ; his accoutrements were valued at £20. The English nuTcIitint givelh them 10s. a fathom for their white, and as much more, or near upon, for their blue beads." " The roytelet now of the Pocan- akets is prince Philip, alias Mctacon, the grandson of Masscaoit" 1^ While Mrs. Rowlandson was a captive in the wilderness with the allies of Philip, she mentions meeting with him ; and although she speaks oflen with bitterness of the Indians in general, yet of him nothing of that nature appeojs in her jom'ual. The party she was with visited PHtp on the west side of tlie Connecticut, about five miles above Northfield, tnen called Squakeag. Having arrived at the point of crossing, Mi-s. Rowlandson says, " We must go over the river to Philip's crew. When I was in the canoe, I could not but be amazed at the numerous crew of pagans that were on the bank on the other side." She was nmcli afraid they meant to kill her here, but, being-assured to the contrary, become more resigned to her fate. "Then came one of them, (fhe says,) and gave me two spoonfuls of meal (to comfort me,) and another gave me lialf a pint of peas, Avhich was v. orth more than many bushels at another time. Then I went to see King Philip ; he bade me come in and sit down ; and asked me whether I would smoke it ; (a usual compli- ment now a days, among the saints and sinners ;) but tliis no ways suited me." § " During my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shirt for his hoy, which I did ; for which he gave me a shilling." " Afterward he asked me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited me to dinner; I went, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bears' grease ; but I thought I never tasted pleasanter meat in my life." || It is extremely gratifying to hear any testimony in favor of the humanity of a chief who in his time was so much execrated. To say the least of Philip^s humanity, it was as great towards captives, so far as we have any knowledge, as was that of any of the English to the captive Indians. As the Indians were returning from their recesses upon the Connecticut, (in what is now New Ham{)shire and Vermont,) towards Wachusct, " having indeed mylife, (says Mrs. iloMJancfaQn,) but little spirit, PhUip, who was in the compariY, came uj), and took me by the hand, and said, ' Ttvo loeeks more and i/oti shdlihe mistress again,^ I asked him if he sj)oke true : he said, ' Yes, and quickly you sliall come to your master^ again,^ who had been gone from us three weeks," ** In bringing our account of this truly great man towards a close, we must not forget to present the reader with a specimen of the language in which he spoke. The following is the Lord's prayer in Wampanoag : — JVoo-shun kes-uk-qut, qiit-tian-at-am-unch koo-we-su-onk, kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- oonk pey-au-noo-utch, kut-te-nan-tam-oo-onk ne nai, ive-ya-ne kc-suk-qut ^ Account of two Voyacfcs to New EiiKlaiul, 112, llo. t or lliis lie was iiiisiiil'ormed. TIuto was mucli spurious wampum, whiclj became a sub- ject ()rioi;islaliori. See Ifmard's Hist. Cot. vol. ii. t Acciiuiit ol'two Voyairi.'s to New Enslaiicl, IKt. lie is also called {jramUon ot' il/awrt- sr>it, in llit> work entitled Pnwiit Stii/i' i Narrative of Mr&. RowhtKi^on, (J3. i ill 't I nn 46 LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS.— XANUNTKXOO. [Dook IH. kah oh-he-U. w2f-sa-ma-wn-ne-an ko-ko-ke-suk-o-da-t nut-aa-e-suk-ok-ke pt' tuk-qun-neg. Kak ah-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an num-match-e-ae-one-an-on-uth, ne-unttch-e ne-na-umn teonk nut-ah-quo-an-tam-au-o-un-non-og nisn-nok jxuvk Two-na-num-tuk-quoh-who-nan, kah dhque tag-kom-pa-gin-ne-an en qutch-e-het' tu-ong-a^nit, qtit poh-qxta-wus-ain-ne-an tinUch maiai-i-tut.* Since we are upon curiosities, the following may very properly be added. There is to be seen in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society a large skimmer, which some have mistaken for a bowl, cut out of the root of ash, that will hold about two quarts. On this article is this historical inscription, in gilt letters : " .4 trophy from the wigwam of Kino Philip ; taken he was slain in 1676, by Richard ; presented by Lbenezer Richard, his grandson." i 9i0te i II CHAPTER m. LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS. Nanuntenoo — Reasons for his aiding Philip — His former name — Meets the English and Indians under Captain Peirse — Fights and destroys his ickole company at Paw- tucket — Incidents relating to tltat fight — Notice of Captain Peirse — J^anuntenoo sur- prised and taken — His magnanimity — Speetli to his captors — Is executed and his oody burnt — Cassassinnamon — Catapazet — r Monopoide — Anna won — His escape from the swamp when Philip was kiUed — Captain Church sent out to capture hi%n— Discovers his retreat — Takes him prisoner — His magnanimous behavior — His speech to Church — Presents him with Philip's ornaments — Description of them — Church takes Annawon to Plimouth, where he is put to death — Qi'in.napin — His connections and marriage — M the capture of Lancaster — Account of his wives — Weetamoo — He is taken and shot — Tuspaquin — His sales of lands — His opera- tions in Philip's War — Surrenders himself, and is put to death — Reflections upon his executioners — Tatoson — Early notices of — Captures a garrison in Plim- outh — Trial and execution of Kewecnam — Totoson dits of a broken heart — Bar- row cruelly murdered — Tyasks. NANUNTENOO* son of Miantunnomoh, " waa chief sachem of all the Narragansets, and heir of all his father's pride and insolency, as well as of his malice against the English." | Notwithstanding this branding character, drawn by a contemporary, we need only look into the life of Miantunnomoh, to find excuse for " malice and msoleucy " tenfold more than was contahied in the breast of JSTanunlenoo, The English had cut to pieces the women and children of his tribe, burned them to death in their wigwams, and left their mangled bodies bleaching in the wintry blast ! The swamp fight of the 19 Dec. 1675, could not be for- gotten ! JVanuntenoo escaped from this scene, but we cannot doubt that he acquitted himself agreeably to the character we have of him. The first name by which he was known to the English was Canonchet, though, like others, his name was written with many variations. In 1674, he was styled " chief sujrviving sachem of Narraganset," and in a deed in which he was so styled his name is written " JS/awnawnoantonnew alias Quananchity eldest son now living of MKarUomomio.^ § He had been in Boston the Octo- ber before the war, upon a treaty, at which time he received, among other presents, a silver-laced coat. Dr. Mather says, speaking of tlie Narragansets, •*' their great sachem called Quanonchet, was a principal ringleader in the Narraganset war, and had as great nn interest and influence, as can be said of * Eliot's Indian Bible, Luke xi. 2 — 4.. t No mention is made to whom, or when it was presented. It does not appear to us to be of such antiquity as its inscription pretends ; and the trulii of which may very reasonably be questioned, in this particular, when the more glaring error of the name of the person said to nave killed Philip, is staring us in the face. X Hubbard, 67.— -Mr. Olamixon calls him " the mighty sachem of Narraganset."— £W(. Empirf. } Potter's Hist. Narraganset, Coll. R. Hist. Soc. iii. 172, 30. [Cook III. Chap. III.] NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET FIGHT. 47 riptioD, in gilt he was slain in aganset."— Brit, any among the Indians ;" * and that, •* whon he was taken and slain, it was an amazing stroke to the enemy." f The name of Canonchet stands first to the treaty, to which we have just alluded, which was entered into at Boston, 18 Oct 1675. By that treaty, the Narragansets agreed to deliver to the English in 10 days, " all and euery one of the said Indians, whether belonging vnto Philip, the Pocasset Sqva, or the Saconett Indians, Quabaug, Hadley, or any other sachems or people that liaue bin or are in hostillitie with the English, or any of their allies or abet- tors." J The names to the treaty are as follows : " Qcananchett's \/ mark, sachem in behalf of himself and Cononacus and the Old Queen and Pomhani and Quaunapeen, (seol) Manatannoo cotMiceHer his -j- mark, and Connonacus in his behalf, (seal) Ahanmanpowett's -\- mark, Witnesse.s. Richard Smith, James Browne, Samdel Gorton, Jr. Interpreters. John Nowhenett's X mark, Indian interpreter. counceller and Ats (seal) CoRNMAN, cheiffe counceller to Ninnegrett, in his behalfe, and a seal (S.)" The Indians having carried their whirlwind of war to the very doors of Plimouth, caused the sending out of Captain Peirce, (or as his name is uni- formly in the records, PeirseA to divert them from these ravages, and destroy as many of them as he was able. He had a large company, consisting of 70 men, 20 of whom were friendly Indians. With these, no doubt, Peirsc thought himself safe against any power of the Indians in that region. Meanwhile this most valiant chief captain of the Narragansets, JVbnwn/e- noo,^ learning, we presume, by his spies, the direction the English were tak- ing assembled his warriors ot a crossing place on Pawtucket River, at a point adjacent to a place since called Altlehorough- Gore, and not far distant from Pawtucket falls. It is judged that JVanuntenoo was upon an expedition to attack Plimouth, or some of the adjacent towns, for his force was estimated at upwards of 300 men. On arriving at this fatal place, some of JSTanuntenoo's men showed them- selves retiring, on the opposite side of the river. This stratagem succeed- ed, — Peirse followed. || No sooner was he upon the western side, than the warriors o{ J^annntenoo, like an avalanche from a mountain, rushed down upon him ; nor striving for coverts from which to fight, more than their foes, fought them face to face with the most determined bravery. A part of JVanujifenoo's force remained on the east side of the river, to pre- vent the retreat of the English, which they most effectually did, as in the event will appear. When Captain Peirse saw himself hemmed in by num- bers on every side, he drew up his men upon the margin of the river, in two ranks, back to back,ir and in this manner fought until nearly all his men were slain. Peirse had timely sent a messenger to Providence for assistance, and although the distance could not have been more than six or eight miles, from some inexplicable cause, no succor arrived ; and Mr. Hubbard** adds, "As Solomon saith, a faithful messenger is as snow in harvest." This dreadful fight was on Sunday, 26 March, 1676, when, as Dr. Mather says, "Capt Peirse was slain and forty and nine English with him, and eight, (or more,) Indians, who did assist the English." The Rev. Mr. Newman of Kehoboth wrote a letter to Plimouth, dated the day after the slaughter, in * Brief Hist. W. t Prevalency of Prayer, 11. t It may be seen at 1arg« in Hazard's Collections, i. 53G, 537. $ That Nanuntenoo commanded in person in the fight with the force under Capt. Peirse has been a tjucsticu ; indeed, our only authority is not very explicit upon the matter, (Hnhbard, Postscript 7.) who observes that when Denison surprised him, he " was, at that moment, divertizmg himself with the recital of Capt. Peirse's slaughter, surprized by his men a few davs before." jl Dr. Mather (Brief Hist. 24.) says, " a small number of the enemy who in desperate subtlety ran away from them, and they went limping to make the English believe they were lame/' and thus effected their object. IT Deane's Hist, Scituate, 121. *• Narrative, G4. ^ 43 NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET FIGHT. [fiooK 111. ^vh^ch he says, "52 of our Englisli, and 11 Indians," were slain.* The com- pany was, no doubt, increased by some wlio volunteered as they marched through the country, or by such as were taken for pilots. JVanuntenoo^s victory was complete, but, as usual on such occasions, the English consoled themselves by making the loss of the Indians appear as large as possible. Dr. Mather says, that some Indians that were allerwards taken confessed they lost 140, which, no doubt, is not far from the truth, f An Englisiiman, and periiajis tiie only one who escaped from tliis disas- trous fight, was saved by one of tlie friendly Indians in this manner : The friendly Indian being taken for a Narniganset, as he was pursuing with an uplifted tomahawk the English soldier, no one interfered, seeing him pursue an unarmed Englisinnan at such gicat advantage. In this manner, covering themselves in the woods, they escaped. A friendly Indian, being jjursued by one of J\''annnenoo^s men, got behind the roots of a fallen tree. Thus screened by the eartli raised ujion them, the Indian tliat ])ursued waited Ibr him to run tiom his natural fort, knowing he would not dare to maintain it long. The otlier soon thought of an expe- dient, which was to make a i)ort-liole in liis lireast-work, whicli he easily did by digging tlu'ougli the dirt. When he liud done this, he jiut liis gun through, and shot his pursuer, tlien fled in perfect satisty. Another escaped in a manner very similar. In his flight he got behind a large rock. This afibrded him a good slielter, but in the end he saw nothing but certain death, and the longer he held out the? more misery ho nnist sutler. In this deploralile situation, he lietliought himself to try the fi)llowing device. Tutting ills cap upon his gun, he raised it very gradually above the rock, as though to discover the position of his enemy : it had tlie desired effect — he fired uj)on it. The one behind the rock now rushed uj)on liiui, before he could reload his gun, and desi)fitelK!d him. Tims, as Mr. Hubbard sfiys, "it is worth the noting, what faithfulness and couriig(! some of the Christian Lidians showed in this fight." That this most excellent luitlior ing to i'limouth. Mr. Deane, in his Hislorij of Scittidlc, gives a genealogical account of his family, from which we learn that he had a siH'ond wi(i', and several sons luid daughters. Of what family la^ was, lhi>re is no meiuion.| H(! possessed considerabk! estate, uikl made his will on engaging in the war with the Indians. TIk! "son; deleat" of Captain Pvtrsc, and the tide of the Indians' succoss(;s about this time, caused the United Colonies to send out almost their wiiole tstrength. ^Yitnunknoo came down from the country iiiion Connecticut River, early in March, fur (he purpose of' cullecting seed corn to plant such gromid ns the English had hern driven fi-om, and to elli'ct anv other object he might meet with. Whether he had effected th(> first-named object before liilling in with Pdrse, we im; not able to state ; but ceHain it is, that he was but few days nflcr encamped veiy near the grouiul where the fight had been, and wns there fallen * Spo llin Irllpr (fiving tliu imincii of tlie eompuiiy in Dfaiif.'s Sclluatc, 122, 123. t Mr. tfiil'linrd's arcoiml is tlip somr. till llic lliiMilcil jM the rnurl fur viiscctnly rnrrinijrs liiwnrds .'>I(()vi/i Kirlm/s iif ."^ritumii'." mill " fi)riisniiicli iis (licri- ii|i|iriirL'il lnit oiio losliiiiiniv li> llii' |i'«Miliiifiil. mid y immediately followed him with that cMgi-rucss flieir inqiortant objiH't was calciduK'd to inspire. The pursuers of the Hying chief wen^ Catapazet ni\i\ his Nianticks, "and a l(>w of the I'jiglish lightest of foot." Seeing tlii'si; were gaining upon him, he lirst cast otf his blanket, then his silver-laced coat, anil lastly his belt of j)eag. On seeing these, a doubt no longer remainr-d of its being ^Yanvntcnoo, which urged them, if |)(»ssilile, fa-tcr in thi' cha-sc. There was in tlu; company of CoUtjHtzrt, one Monopoide, a Pequot, who outran all his coiupanions, and who, gaining upon ^J'annntcnoo, as lu^ fled n|)on the side of the river, obliged him to attempt to cross it .sooner than he intended. Nevertheles.s, but for an accident in his |iiissagi'. hi! would doubtless have elli'cted his escape. As he was wa- ding through the river, bis f)ot slip|)ed upon a stone, which brought bis gim underwater. Thus losing some time in recovering jiimself, and also the use of his gun, it prol);il>ly mail(» him despiiir of escaping; for Monopnide came \\[) a:i(l seized upon him, " within 30 rods of the river side." ^Yauuntnioo, Imximr madi' up his mind to surrender, niad(! no resistance, iilthoiigh he was ;i man ot' great physical streiifrth, of superior stature, and acknowledfred bravery ; luid th(> oniMvho scIzimI upon him very ordinary in that respect. One of the first Englishmen that came up was Itoheii Staunton, n young man, who presutued to ask tlie captured chirf mime l I WILL ANSWi'in." And, adds i\Ir. //ufcifin/, he " was as good us his word: acting herein, as if, by a Pijlhiii(niraii metenqHychosis, sonu! old |{i>nian ghost liad posHcssed the body of tni.s western pajtaii. And, like ,'ltlilius Hci(idu3,\ ho * Tlii< plcirniil pn^^ngo of Mr. Ifiititmril liriiiif< tn our minil llml liiimilnlilo one of (\'.iriv,-';t, in hit niioiiiii oC lli(> woliil (liivs of llir .Mexioiins ; " Tlii-y litiil iicillicr nrmi to rcpi'l iIh- ninlliliiilc :mi(I fiiiv of tlicir tMii'iiiiis. stri'iii.Mli lo i' 'fi'ihl i1ii''iii-i'Iv(m, nor s|i;iit Id tiulil u|iciii ; llio uroimil of the rily wns ruvrri-d willi (lend Ixiilics, iiikI llic wilier of every (i.li'li .iii'l iiin;il |nir|ili'il wiili lilooil. I list. .IT nVi., iii, *.>. t jy.Mi/v ,l//iV//.> tif^iiliin, u Iloiiiuii consul iiiui gt'iiurnl, lakrii prisoner liy the (.'urllia* 60 NANUNTENOC). [Book in. is would not accept of liis own lift', wlion it was teiKlerod lirni." Tliis tender of lite to .Yanunteiwo was, no (l(>nl)t, ii|u)ii the roiiditiou of iii.sol)taininn; tiic! sub- mission of Ids nation, lie met the idea with indifrnation ; and when thr* English told liim that he should be ])Ut to deatii if lie tlid not comply, in tlye most composed niiuiner h(! replied, that killinir him would not end the war. Some of his caiUors endeavored to redeet njion him, by telling him, that \w had said he would bum the iinsclish in their house.i, and that he had l)oaste(l, in r the masrnanimoiis J\'amtvtenoo ? So indignant was he at tliiiir conduct, that he would hear nothing abotit |)eace; "refusing to send an old counsellor of his to make any motion that way," on a pronnisi! of lili; if he; would do so. Under the eye of Denieon, JSfaminienoo was taken to Stoinngton, where, by the "mlvici* of th(> English commanders, he wa« shot." His head was cut olf and carried to Hartford, and his body consumed by lire. The English K-evailed upon some of each tribe of their allies, viz. Pcquots, fllohegans and ianticks, to i)e his executioners, '* thereby the more firmly to engage the said Indians against the treaeherous Narragansets." * "Herein," says another writerf of tliat day, "the Kiigli,~h dealt wisely, for l)y this means tiie three Indian nations jire licc reader to be informed " of the fiit(' of JVamintenoo ! When it was amiounced to i!ie noble (dii(!f that be muM be ).> <>, <•. h, he was not in the least dauntrd, and all he is reported to hav(' said ...•>: — "I l.IKi: IT WEE!,; I SHALL DIK RKroRE MV IIKART IS SOFT, OR HAVE SAID ANY TlllMJ INWORTIIY OF MYSELF." With ,V«»ii(»i/w "connuanded by that (iunous bnl vi'ry bloiuly and erui-l siichem, ({iwnonshot, otherwise enlled JMi/dulonomi/" whose "carriage was strangely ))naid ami lotVy afVcr he was taken ; being r\,iinitied why he did foment that war, which woidd certaihiy Im> the dcsiructiiii of him and all the heathen Inilians in the couniry, iVc, he would make no other reply to any interrogatories, hi it this : that be wiis born a prince, .-niil if princes came to speak with him he would answc)-. but noni^ present bring such, b(> lliought himself obliged, in honor, to hold his tongue;" ainl tiiat he said hv. would rather die than remain a prisoner, and reipicsted that OacA'o might ])Ut hitu to ileatli, as h<^ Was ol' I'ljUfil rank. " Vet witiiall threateiu'd, he had '2000 men, [who] would ri'\enge his death severely. Whereliire om" forces, ti'aring an escape, put lliy nin -tolpmn prntiii^c I" rcliirii ullliiii 11 •r'ncii prrioil. Tlii" innsl cxcnii'iiiliiisf lortiircn iiwiiilcd liim. MiDilliI lie not exccnlc liin ini, iin hidiaji iinlioii I'vcr tortiiri'd a prisoiuT, licyniid what the Cnrtlia- giniaiis iiillirird iipmi Miirnis Alliliiis Uf'sidiis. St'f l'.ilh>nl's Uminvi Kint. i. I'll!—!!. • Hiilibarit. t /. MiUhr. \ l),;„ir. Hist. Mritiialo, 121. ^ Mniniirripl K'tlpr in Hist. Lilirary. llnth Itublhxrd ami Mi'thir say U; perhaps ihi'V iti- cIikIpiI A'liniiitti'iimi. II EUewhcrt' ciictl iis Thv (Kil Imlitin Chnmhk, [Book irL riiis tendor of lining tiii! siii)- und wlu'n tlur •oniply, in tbn eiui tlic wnr. f him, tlmt ini ; had hoastod, to deliver tlii' Cf or iht fnrint!^ ^ VVEUK AS E TO HKAll Did thoy ovrr ^anscts? No! nniienoo? fin ; al)oiit pcaoo ; that AM\v," on inwton, whnrc. His iioad amis The Kiifrlisii ftloiieirans and to tMifrnpo tht? Hnroiii," nays this means thi; icii" " And !i f tc ' ^ n'ader IV ).' II. !• h, said ...-•: — iRTlHSOFT, i;i-V'." Witii • In»ha)is \v"ro I, (^iionon.ihoi, ly |)nind and at war, which ■n Indians in 'oj^atories, hi!t wi(h iiini he i ihi'y iri- Chap. HIl ANNAWON. >i have peace with liini,) he very porni(!ious to those Indians tlmt now assisted UH, the said Indijins, (on these considerations, and the inischiers and mm-- thers he had done dnrini^ this war,) i)ermitted to put him to death.* And that all mififht share in the f,dory of destroying so great a prince, and come under the ohliga'tion of fidelity, each to other, the Peipiods shot liim, the Mohegins cut off his head and quartered his hody, and the jYinnwroJls men niaile the fire and l)urned his q\iarters, and, as a token of their love and fidelity to the English, presented his head to the council at Hartford! " AJ^JVAl^^OX was a Wampanoag, and one of Philip's most famous coun- sellors and ca])tains. He was his iiist friend, and resisted as long as there was a heam of hope ; and wlien at last every chance of success had failed, lie gave hinjself up in the most heroic manner, as will appear in the follow- ing account. At the swamp, when Philip was killed, he escaped with most of his men, as has heen related, hy his thoroughly miderstanding tlu; situation of hia enemies, " Perceiving (says Church) they were waylaid on the cast side of the swamp, tacked short ahout. One of the enemy, who suen;ed to he a great stirly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and often called out, I-oo- tash, I-oo-tash. Captain Church called to his Indian Peter, f and asked him who that was that called so. He answered that it was old Annawon, Philip's gn;af captain, calling on his soldiers to stand to it, and figlit stoutly." "Captain C'AurcA had Ix.'en hut little while at Plimoutli, [atler the the woods. He moved and ranged through the woods to Pocassct." In th(! ejirly part of this exiicdition, some of Captain Churches Indian f^couls captured a mnnher of AHn(ncon''s comi»any, hut fivun whom they could learn nothing of the old chief, oidy that he did not lodge "twice ill a plac." '• \o\v a certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church h;ul gained over to lie on his side, prayed that he might have; liherty to go a)id li'tch in his i!iliier. who, he said, was ahout foiu' miles from that iilace, in a swamp, with no other than a young s(|uaw. Captain Church imdined to go with iiim, tiiiiikiiig it might he in his way to gain some intelligence of Jlnnawon; and >o taking one Englishman and a few Indians witli him, leaving tla; rest llicre, he went with his ucw soldier lo look his liither. When he came to the t'wanip, he bid the Indian go and see if he could find his liilluu'. He Was no sooner gone, hiil (^ai)tain Church discovered a track coming down out of the woods, upon which he and his little company lay close, some on one ficle of the track, and some on the oilier. They heard tin; Iiulian .soldier making a howling for his father, and at length somehody answered him ; hut while they were Jist<>niug, they thought they heard somtdiody com- ing towards them. Presently they saw im old man ciiujinLT up, with a giui on hi-< siioidder, tuul a young woukui following in the track wliich they lay 1)\. Tiiey let them come hetween them, and then ^tarted up and laid liidd ol lliem hotli. Captain Church immediately e\amines, hut lie was np ill Siiiiaiiiiacoiik swamp. The oh! man, wlio had hceii one of Philip's conncil, upon examination, gave exactly the same accoimt." On being asked whether they could get there tliat night, answered, " If we go pres- ently, and travel stoutly, we may g(!t there hy siuiset." The old man said lie was of ./2n7irtwon'* comj)any, and that ./?n?i«if0Ji had sent him down to find some Indians that were gone down into Mount Tlojie neck to kill pro- visions. Captain Church let him know that that company were all his prisoners. The Indian who had been permitted to go after his father, now returned with him and another man. Cafitain Church was now at great loss what he should do. He was imwilling to miss of so good an o]>portuiiity of giving a finishing hlow to the Indian power. He had, as himself says, liiit "half a dozen men heside himself," and y(!t was under the necessity of sending some one hack to givt; Lieutenant Howlmuf, wliom he lefV at the old fort in Pocassiit, noti'-e, if he should proceed. But, without wasting time in jjon- dering nj»on what course to jjursue, he put the nucstion to his men, "wh(;ther they would willingly go with him and give ^'^/nirticon a visit." All answered in tlie affirmative, hut rcmindcMl him "that they knew this Captain Jlnnawon was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant captain under .Isnhnmjuin, [IVoosamcquin,] Philip's father; and that he had been Philip's chiefhiin all this war." And they ftirther told (^aptain Church, (and these men ku(!W him widi,) that he was "a very siditle man, of great resolu- tion, and had often said that he would never be taken alive hy tlie English." They alsorcminded him that those with Annnwon wen; "resolute fidlows, some of Philip^s chief soldiers," and very much fearcvl that to make the atten'.[)t witli such a handl'ul of soldiers, would he hazardous in the extreme. IJut nothing could shake the resolution of Captain Church, who remarked to them, " that he had a hmg time sought for Jlnnmvou, hut in vain," and doubted not in tlu! hvist Itut Providence would protect them. All with ono consent now desired to proceed. A nuui by the name of Cook,* belonging to Plimouth, was the only Knglishman in the comjianv, except the captain. (Captain Church asked Mr. Cook what his opinion ot the undertaking was. He made no other reply than this: "I am never afraid of going any where when you arc; with me." The Indian who brought in his father informed Captain Church, that it ^va9 impossible t()r him to tak(! his horse with him, which he had brought thus liir. He tlierelt)re sent him and his father, with the horse, hack to liieut(>n- ant Hou'laml, and ordered them to tell him to take liis i)risoncrs immediately to Taunton, and then to come out the next morning in the llehohoth road, where, if alive, he hoped to meet him. ' 'I'liings being thus settled, all wen; ready for the journey. Captain Church turned to the old man, whom he took with the yoimg woman, .uid asked him wiiether he woidd be their pilot. H<* saiil, "Yon having given me my life, I am under t)br!gations to serve you." They now marched f()r Sipian- iiaconk. In leading tlu; way, this old man would travel ho much liister than the rest, as sometimes to be nearly out of sight, and conse(|ueutly might have escaped without fear of being recajitiired, but he was true to his word, and \V(Mil(l stop until his weaned followers came up. Having trnvelleil tl, rough swamjis and thickets mitil the sun was setting, the pih)t ordi-red a stop Tin; captain asked him if he had made any dis- covery. He said, "About that hour of tin; day, .//i/iaico/i usually sent out his scouts to see if llie coast was dear, and as soon as it liegan to grow dark llie scouts returned, and then we may move securely." NVhen it was siitiiriently dark, and they were about to proceed, Captain Church asked the old iiiMii ii" lie wiiiild take a gun and light for him. He bowed very low, and said, " I pniy yon not to iiimose such a tiling upon me as to liglit against Captain . huniuvii, my ohi friend, lint I will go along with you, and be helpful to you, and will lay hands on any man that shall oft'er to hurt you." Ihey • Cu/i'A, (loiilitk'sa, wim wot pri'si'iii nl lliu liino Philip wan killnil. Chap. III.] ANNAWON.— HIS CAPTURE AND DEATH. 53 f." On beiiiff had proceeded but a .sliort space, wlieu tliey lieard a noise, wliich tliey concluded to he tlie j)ounding of a mortar, Tliiw warned them that they were in the vicinity oi" Jlnnawoti's reti i at. And here it ^vill be very proper to give a description of it. It i.s situated in the soutii-easteriy corner oC Rehobotli, about ciglit miles from Taunton Green, a few rods from tlui road which leads to Providence, and on the south-easterly side of it. If a straigiit line were drawn fr(jm Taunton to Providence, it would jiass very ueaiiy over this place. Within the limits of an immense swamp of nearly IJOOO acres, there is a small piece of upland, scparaK.'d i'rom the niain only by a brook, which in some seasons is dry. This island, as we may call it, is nearly covered vvitli an enormous rock, which to this day is called Annawon^s Rock. Its south-east side presents an almost perpendicular precipice, and rises to the height of 25 or ^0 feet. The north-west side is very sloping, and easy of ascent, being at aa angle of not more than 35 or 40°. A more gloomy and hidden recess, even now, although the forest tree no longer waves over it, could hiu-dly be found by any inhabitant of the wilderness. When they arrived near the foot of the rock, Captain Churcli, with two of his Indian soldiers, crept to the top of it, from whence they could see distinctly the situation of the whole company, by the light of their tires. They were divided into three bodies, and lodged a short distance from one another. Annawon^s camp wus formed by felling a tree against the rock, with bushes set up on eacii side. " He passcil, ill tlio licnrt of that ancient wood — * -v: ■* * ^ * -f: Nor paused, till the rock where a vauhed bed Had beea hewn of old for the kingly dead Arose on his mi/6." which signified, 'Weleom.'"* All hope of escajio was now tied forever, and he niiule no effort, hut laid himself down again in jierli-ct silence, whih; his ca|)tors si-cured the rest ol' the comi»any. For he supposed the English were liir nion; numerous than tlit^y were, and befJire ho was undeceived, his company were idl secin-ed. * ll \% u eiirioiis fuel, lliul uinoiic the tribes of the wi;st, the same word is used to sipiifv approbalion ; thus, when a spceeli had lieen made to some m that region, which nieiispll Ihem, at the end of each para<;raph they would exclaim, " iSoah ! Iloali! "— W'lhfs TramU in Atmrira. The fact becomes still more curious wiien we find the same word used yet farther wi.-st— . ••veil on the North-west ("oast, and with very nearly the same sipnilicnlion. 8ce />/.ffi«'.v V'owin--', Ili'.l, 4to. bon, ami VMin's Five Nuiious, ii. "Jd. 5* 54 ANNAWON. fBooK III. i! ii' (' One circumstance much facilitated this daring project. It has been before mentioned, tliat they heard the pounding of a moitar, on their approach. Tliis continued during tJicir descent down the rock. A squaw was jjounding green dried corn for tlieir supper, and when she ceased pounding, to turn the corn, they ceased to proceed, and when she pounded again, tiiey moved. This was tlie reason tliey were not heard as they lowered themselves do%Mi, from crag to crag, supported by small bushes that grew from the seams of the rock. The [wunded corn served afterwards for a supper to the captors. Annawon would not have been taken at this time but for the treachery of those of his own company. And well may fhevr Lucan exclaim, as did tlie Roman, " A race renowned, the world's victorious lords, Turned on themselves with their own hostile s^vords."— i?oitt's Trans, The two companies situated at a sliort distance from the rock knew not the fate of theu* ca|)tain, until those sent by Church announced it to them. And, to prevent their making resistance, they were told, that Captain Church had encompassed them with his army, and that to make resistance would be immediate death ; but if they all submitted peaceably, they shoidd have good quarter. " Now they being old acquaintance, and many of them relations," readily consented : delivering up their guua and hatchets, they were all con- ducted to head-quarters. "Things being tlius far settled, Cajitain Church asked Jlnnaivon what he had for supper, ' for,' said he, 'I am come to sup with you.'" Annawon replied, " TaubiU" with a " big voice," and, looking around uj)on his women, ordered them to hasten and provide Captain Church and his company some supper. He asked Captain Church " whether he would eat cow beef or horse beef." Church said he would [)refor cow beef. It was soon ready, and, by the aid of some salt he had in his pocket, he made a good meal. And here it sliould be told, that a small bag of salt (whicii he carried in his pocket) was the only provision lie took witli him upon this rx|)edition. When supper was over. Captain Church set his men to watch, telling tlicm if they would let him sleep two hours, thoy sliould sleep all the rest of the night, he not having slejit any for 36 hours before ; but after laying a half hour, and fi;eling no disposition to sleeji, from the momentous cares upon his mind, — lor, as l)r. Yotmg suys in the Revenge, " The dead alone, in such a. night, can rest, — " he looked to see if his watch were at their ])osts, but they were all Gxft asleep. Annawon felt no more like sleeping than Church, and they lay for some time looking one upon the other. Church spoke not to Annawon, because he could not sjieak Indian, luid thought .^rjnaifon could not speak English, but it now appeared tliat he eoidd, from e conversation they held togeth(!r. Church hud laid down with Annawon to prevent his escape, of wliieli, however, he did not seem much afraid, for after they had laid a considerable time, Annatcon got up and walkt^d away out of sight, which Church considered was on a common occr.sion ; but being gone some time, "he began to Hiis|)ect some ill design." He therefore gathered all the guns close to hinisi lt| and lay as close as he jiossibly could under young Annattmi's sidr-, that if a shot sliould be made at him, i' must endtuiger the life of young Annuwon also. After laying a whih; in great suspense, he saw, by the light of tiie union, Amviwon coming with someliiiiig in his hands. When he had got lo ('ai)t;iin Church, he knelt down before liiin, and, after presenting him wliMt he had broimiit, spoke ill English iis follows: — " Creat captain, ymt have killed Philip, and con- quered his countn/. For I believe that I and mj/ compamj arc the last that war ae;ainst the Enirhsh, so suppose the war is ended hy your means, and therefore these thin/rs belone unto you." lie tiien took out oi' his pack a beautifully wrought belt, which belougt'd to Philip. It was nine inches in breadth, and of such length, as when put about the shoulders of Captain Church, it reached to his ankles. This was considered, at that tinn;, of great value, Chap. III.] QUTNNAPIN. 65 being embroidered nil over with money, timt is, wampiimp(>£ur,* of various color?, curiously wrought, into fisruroH of birds, bensts and flowers. A second belt, of no less exquisite Avorkninnship, was next presented, which belonged also to Philip. Tliis, that chief used to ornament his head with ; from the , back pait of whicli flowed two flags, which decorated his back. A third was a smaller one, with a star upon tiie end of it, which Ire wore upon his breast. All three were edged with red hair, which, Annawon said, was got in the country of the Mohawks. These belts, or some of them, it is believed, re- main, at this day, the property of a family in Swansey. He next took froin his pack two horns of glazed j)owder, and a red cloth blanket. These, it ai)pears, were all tliat remained of the effiicts of the great chief He told Captain Church that those were P/itYip's royalties, which he was wont to adorn liimself with, when he sat in state, and he thought himself happy in having an opportiniity to present them to him. The remainder of the night they spent in *l, ourse, in which Annawon "gave an account of what mighty success he had had formerly in wars airainsl many nations of Indians, when he served Asuhmequin, PA,tllpK fatlier." _ 4 Morning being come, they took up their march for Tamiton. In the way they met Lieutenant Hoidand, according to appointment, at his no small sur- prise. Tliey lodged at Taunton that night. The next day " Capt. Church took old Annawon, and half a dozen Indian soldiers, and his own men, and went to Rhode Island ; the rest were sent to Plimouth, under Lieutenant Howland, Annaicon,'it is said, had confessed <' that he had put to death several of the English, tiiat had been taken alive ; ten in one day, and could not deny but that some of them had been tortured ;"t and therefore no mercy was to be expected from those into whose hands he had now fallen. Ilis captor, Captain Church, did not mean that he slioidd have been put to death, and had en- treated hard for him ; but hi his absence from Plimouth, not long after, he was remorselessly executed. We shall again have occasion to advert to the execution ol' Annaioon, and shall now jjass to consider the events iu the life of a sachem of nearly equal interest. (^UI.YXAPIJV was by birth a noble Narraganset, being the son of Cogirm- qiian, otherwise Conjannquond, who was nephew to Canonicm. Therefore Mianhmnomoh was uncle to Quinnaptn, and Canoniciis was his great luicle. Wo find his name spelletl in almost every jiossiblc way, and for the amusement of tlie reader will offer a few of them — Quanopin, Q^iwnopin, (lunnnpin, (luannopin, Qtienoqtiin, Panoqvin, Sowapronish, and Quanepin. Hi.'J name has also been confounded with tliat of Quaiapen, the "old (jueen " of Narraganset. In l(i7y, (luinnapin confirmed, by a writing, the sale of a tract of land pre- viously granted by Cos^naquan, his fiuher. This sai'liem took part with the Wampanoags in PhUip^» war, and from the puHishment which the Englisli executed upon him, on his iailing into their hands, we may suppose he acted well his part in that w.-ir, altiu)iigii l)ut littli! is recorded of him by the historians of that period. From Mrs. Row- Imulson^s account of him, >m' must conclude he was not wanting in attentions to the liiir s(!.x, as he had certainly three wives, one of whom was a sister of If'ootonekaniuike ; consequently he was, according to the English method of caleidating»i('lationshi|)s, brother-in-law to the fluuous Mdacomet himself. (^uinnnpin was one of the chiefs who directed the attack on Lancaster, tlie 10 V'eli. 1(i7.%, O. t*., and lie piu-chascd Mrs. Itowlandson from a Nunigau- set Indian who liad seized her when she came out of tiie garrison, among the captives of that )»lac(!. And it was this ciriMunstance which cau.sed her to notice him in her Narrative. | fCeUimore, w liom she mentions in the follow- ing extract, as his wife, we have said, was ft'eetamoo, t\\ti " queen of I'ocasset." In the winter of 1(>7(!, when tiie Narraguiisets were at such " great straits," from the loss of their [irovisiona, ia the great swuinp light, ("corn being two * All Irdqiiols wnrd signifying ii mM.tr/.'. donlim's Itlsl. PcnnsylvnniR, pnpc 59H. \ llnbhard, Nut: 1013. \ Mr. Willanl's ediiion of it, (p. 26.) Luncusler, 1828. 66 QUINNAPIN. [Book III. IIJ •|((V sliillingH a i)int with them,") tlin English tried to Ijiiiig ahoiit a peace with thcin ; hut tlieir terms wore too liurd, or some other cause prevented. " Ca- nonchtt and Panoquin said they wouhl fight it out, to tlie last man, rather than tiiey would hecome servants to the English." * A truly nohle resolution, and well worthy ortiie character we have of Canondiet. "My master (says Mrs. Rowtundson) had three squaws, living sometimes with one and sometimes w ith another. Oniix, this old squaw at whose wig- wam I was, and with whom my master [Qidimapiiij had heen these three •weeks. Another was Wetthmre, with whom I had lived and sei-ved all this while. A severe and jiroud dame she was ; hestowing every day in dressing herself near as nuich time as any of the gentry of the laud — powdcrmg her hair and painting her iiice, going with her necklaces, with jewels in her ears, and hracolets upon her hands. Wiien she had dressed herself, her work was to make girdles of wampum and heads. The third squaw [or wife] was a yomiff one, hy whom he had two j)ai)ooses."t ^^liile the Narragansets and Ni))nuicks were encamped at a place on Con- jRlcut River at considerahle distance above Northami)ton, j)erha])s near as iftfat as Bellows Falls, Mrs. Rowlandson says, "My master's maid came home: she had heen gone three weeks into the Narragauset coujitry to letch corn, where they had stored up some in the ground. Sht brought Iwme about a peck and a half of corn " .' We shall relate, in the Life f^[' Xepamt, the mission of Mr. Hoar io Philip's «|uarters lor the redemjttion of Mrs. Rotulandaon. This was not long alter Sudhury fight, and the hidians were preparing to commemorate it by a great buildings in Scituate were burnt on 20 April ; and on the 8 May, had not a shower pre- vented, most, if not all, the houses in Bridgewater would have shared the same fate. Tuspaquin was known to have led his men in this attack.| The inhabitants exerteil themselves to repel the Indians, but, conscious of tlieir strength, they maintained their ground until the next day, when they retreated. Notwithstanding the rain, they succeeded in burning 17 buildings before tluw decamped. On 11 May, l(i7(>, there were eleven houses and live bainis liiirnt in Plini- outh, and a few weeks after, seven houses more and two barns. These * Two names, probahly ; but in ilie Ms5. llicre is no connna between, ns is often the case, t Titiciit, proljnbly, now. X .Mr. Iluhhard stiy,, (Nnr. '!.) l!io Lillians were led by one Ttis^vogcn, but we are satis- fied Ttispaqiiiii is meaul. Chap. Ill] Tl'SPAQUIN.— Ills COMPANY SURPRISED. 59 llmie" the wilb wore prolxilily siicli as were at a considorablo distance from tlje village, and liad cliiefiy been deserted. This " iniscliief" -vvas attributed to Tuspaqiiin and Jiis in(!n. About tills time, Benjamin Church was commissioned by the government of Plimoutli to had panics in different directions over the colony ; and from the time he commenced o])erations, tlie Indians found but few opportunities to do mischief in Plimoutli colony. Tuspitquin still kept his ground in the Assawomsot country, and for a long time baffled all the skill Captain Church was master of in his endeavors to take him prisoner. Church received his commission 24 July, 107(5, and the same night set out on an expedition against Tuspaquin. His Indian scouts brought him before day upon a company of his people in Middleborough, every one of whom fell into his hands. How many there were. Church does not say. He took them directly to Plimouth, "and disposed of them all," except "one Jrffenj, who, proving very ingenious and faithful to him in informing where other parcels of the Indians liarliorcd, Capt. Church promised him, that if he continued to be faithful to liim, he should not be sold out of the coiwltt'y, l)Ut should be liis waiting man, to take care of his horse, &c., and accord- ingly he served him faithfidly as long as he lived."* Thus strengthened by Tu^aquin's own men, Church pursued his successes with manifold advantage. There was a small tribe residing near Munponset Pond, which was next cajjtured without loss on either side, and there was henceforth scarcely a week passed wherein he did not capture some of these l)C0|)lc. Not long after this, it "was found that Tuspaquin had encamped about Assawornset, and Church sot out on an expedition there ; but finding Old Tuspaquin was ready for him at the neck between the two great ponds, f he Mils glad to make the best of his way on towards Acushnet and Dartmouth. As he was crossing Assawomset neck, a scout from Ttispaquin's camp fired u])on him, but did liim no injury. Meanwhile the great Annawon having been surprised by the indefatigable Church, Tuspaquin saw no chajice of holding out long; he therefore appears afterwards only intent ui>on keeping out oftho way of the English. This could not be long reasonably expected, as their scouts were ranging in every direction. On 4 Sept. 1G76, according to Churches account, Tuspaquin^s company were encamped near Sippican, doing "great damage to the English in kill- ing their cattle, horses and swine." The next day. Church and his rangers were in their neighborhood, and, after observing their situation, which was "sitting round their fires in a thick jilace of brucli,"J in seeming safety, the captain "ordered every man to creep as he did; and surrounded them by creeping as near as they could, till they should be discovered, and then to run on upon them, and take them alive, if jiossiblo, (for their prisoners were tiiolr pay.) They did so, taking every one that was at the fires, not one escaping. Upon examination, they agreed in their story, that they belonged to Tispaquin, who was gone with John Bump and one more to Agawoin a.id Hipicaii to kill horses, and were not exj)ected back in two or three davs."§ C/iu)t/i proceeds : "Tins sanae Tispaquin had been a great captain, anc^. the Indians reported tliat he was such a great pouwau, [priest or conjurer,] that no bullet could enter him. Capt. Church said he would not have him killed, for there was a war broke out in the eastern part of the countiy, and ho would have him saved to go with them to fight the eastern Indians. Agree- ably, he left two old stpiaws of the jjri.'soners, and bid them tarry there until their Captain Tispaquin returned, and to tell him, that Church had been there, and had talccn his wife, children and company, and carried them down to Plymouth ; and would spare all their lives, and his too, if he would * C/i«;T/i, Narrative, 31. t Ju3l below wliiTc^ Suiiiason'i tavern now stoiids. t I suspect Mr. Huhhnnl mistakes the situation of this plare, in sayinsf it was " in Laken- liam, upon Pocassot ncrk."' Church is so unres^nrding of all ;^eoijrapliy, tliat it is ()uile un- certain where it was. If it were near Sippican, It was a Ion? way (rom any pari of Pocasset. $ By this it seems the place iniglu have been as far offos Pocussei. % 60 TUSPAQUIN MURDERED AT PLIHIOUTH.— TATOSON. [Book III. '■L' ',,'1! I i # come down to them and briiiji the otlier two tliat were with hhn, and they should ho his solcUers, &c. C'apt. Church tlien returned to Plynioiitii, leav- ing the old squaws well provided lor, and biski't lor Tispaquin when ho returned." This Church called laying a traj) lor Tvspaqum, and it tm-ned ont as he expected. We shall now sen with what tuitli tlie English acted on this occasion. Church had assured him thiit, if he gave himself tip, he should not be killed, but he was not at Plimouth when Tuspaquin cunio in, having gone to Boston on business for a kw days ; " but when he returned he found, to his grief, the lujads of Jlnnamn, Tispaquin, &c. cut off, which were the last of Philip's iriends" ! It is true that those who \vorc known to have been personally engaged in killing the English were, iii the time of the greatest danger, cut off from f)ardon by a law; that time had uovf passed away, and, like many other aws of exigency, it should then have been considered a dead Icttpr ; leaving out of the case the faith and promise of their best ser\'ant, Church. View it, therefore, in any light, and nothing can bo found to justify this flagrant inroad upon that promise. To give to the conduct of the Plimouth govern- ment a pretext for this murder, (a milder expression 1 cannot use,) Mr. Hubbard says, Tuspaquin having pretended that a bullet could not iienetrate him, trial of his invulnerableness was resolved upon. So he was placed as a mark to shoot at, and " he fell down at the first shot" ! This was doubtless the end of numerous others, as vm infer from the following j)assage in Dr. Mathrr^s Pkevalkncy or Prayer. He asks, "Where are the six Narragansct sachems, with all their cajjtains and coun- sellors ? Where are the Nipmuck sachems, with their captains and coun- sellors ? Where is Philip and Sqiiaw-sachem of Pocassct, with all their captains and counsellors.' G9d do so to all the implacable enemies of Christ, and of his peoi)le in N. England"! ! Tlie next of Philip^s captains, in our arrangement, is TATOSOJV, also a great cajitain in the war of 1075. It seems rather un- certain whether he were a Narragansct or Wampanoag. He (or one bearing the same name) signed the treaty made with the Narragansets in the beginning of the war. It is (piito certain that his residence allerwards was in Sandwich, since Rochester;* and when he signed the treaty just named, it is probable he was only among the Narragansets upon a mission or visit. He was a son of the " iiot<;d Sam Barrow," but of iiis own family, or whether he had any, we are not informed. We first meet with Tatoson,\ or, as his name is commonly printed, Toto- son, in KSfiO, in the resi)ectable com[)any of flir. Secretary Morton of Plim- outh, and Jlcanootns, W«nnoo, two "grauo and sage Indians,", and a number more, of whose characters we aro not so well prepared to speak. Among this assemblage he is only conspicuous, however, as a witness to a deed of the lands ujion Weequanceil neck. Mr. Morton^s name follows Taioson% on this instrument. There was a general disarming of the Indians in 1671, as will elsewhere be mentioned. Among a great number ordered to appear at Plimouth the same year, to bind themselves more strongly in allegiance to the English, %vc find the name of Tatoson, or, as his name was then written, Tautozeii, Also Toby, alias JVauhnocomtoit, X and Will, alias JVashaivanna. On the 12th of June, 1676, several Indians, who had been sent in by Bradford and Church, were " convented before the councell " at Plimouth ; being " such of them as were accused of working vnsufferable mischeifte vpon some of ours." Among them was one named Watukpoo, or, as he * On the rif!;lit of the main road, as you pass from I\Ialapoisct to Rochester village, and about two niilos from the former, at a small distance from the road, is a kind of island in a mii3' swamp. Upon this, it is said, was Taloson's camp. This island is coimectcd by an isthmus to the main land. t So almost always in the MSS. X Somrlimcs called Tohtj Cole. The same, we conclude, who joined Philip afterwards, and full into the hands of Captain Cliurch, as did his mother, and many more at the same time. Chap. III.] T.VTOSON.— TAKES A GARRISON AT PLIMOUTII. 61 •was often called, Tiikpoo.* Against him, several charges were brought, siifli as his going off to the enemy, and trying to deceive the governor about the Iirospect of war ; telling him that Philip's men had deserted him, and tbat 10 had only a few old msn and boys remaining. At this time were present tliree other Indians, Avhose names were Woodcock, Quanapawhan and John- num. The two first were accused by a squaw of destroying Clark's garrison at Eel River in Plimouth, and murdering the inhabitants. This had been done on the 12 March previous, and witli such secrecy and effect, tiiat the English knew not whom to accuse of it. Many supposed that fFutuspaquin conducted the affair, and Mr. Hubbard charges it upon him without liesLta- tion, but it is now quite certain that he had nothing to do with it, as in the sequel we shall show. The two just ment'oned, finding themselves detected, accused their fellow prisoner, John-num. It appears that JVum not only owned himself guilty of this charge, but acknowledged, also, that he was concerned in the murder of " Jacob Jmtchd and his wife, and John Popt, f ai I soe centance ol" death was pronounced again.st them, hich accordingly en:odiately was executed." Before these were e.xeci. ed, tlutin set the expedition on foot He lived at Sandwich, and was probab'y one of Tatosons ni-ii:. However, on Saturday, the 1 1 March, he was at Mr. h'illiam Cork's, ; "d observed how every part of tiie garrison was condi;> ned. H. hen went to his chief, Taloaon, anA told him that it could be easily takr>: as it was but slightly fortified; and that the next day, being Sunday " f. lia be the proper time to execute their jilan, as the residents would most v be gone to meeting; "and in case they leit a man at home, or so. they might soon disr ch him." This intelligence was jjleasing to T''.'Jon, and he foui." himself at tlie licad of ten warriors the same day. 'I'h 'r names were as follows : iVoo- nashenah, Musquash, JVapanpoicett, .i.''om, ''the son of Tatoson's hr fir r." Uttsooweest, and Tom Plant; which, with the three before named, Uiavif uj' the whole comjiany. Commencing li.jir march before night, they arrived in the borders of Plimouth, where they lr\y concealed until the people liad gone to public woiship. About 10 o'clock in the morning, they came ii\mii the garrison, which fell easily into their hands. After killing all they met with, they took what plunder they i /i;Id carry, and burned the buildings ; then agaui dispersed into the woods. There were some of two other families in this garrison, mostly women and children. Three only were of Mr. Clark's family, but there were eight others belonging to the other t\vo. Mrs. Elizahdh Clark, t one of the heada of the family, was among the slain. § * This Indian, wliom we -^liall have occasion several times to mention, was not one of tiiose sent in by TJ/'arf/orrf, as ap(.-ai. ""rom Matlier, (Brief Hist. '10. ) but ihey "informed that a bloudy liidian called T^tck--' -ho the last summer murdered a man of Boston, at Nanias- ket,) with about 20 Indians i.-.ore, was at a place within 16 miles of Plimouth." Eight English and fourteen Indians succeeded iii taking them all, and Tuckpoo was immediately executed. t The murder of thnse people is supposed to be referred to by Mr. Hubbard in his " Table." The pasi ;• j,i; follows : " In June, 1676, [1675 ?] a man and a woman were slain by the Indians ; ano*'-. , woman was wounded and taken ; but because she had kept an Indian child before, • i juta , kindness was showed her, as that she was sent back, after they had dressed her wound ; the Indians guarded her till she came within sight of th« English." Mr. Milchd informs us that the name of the wounded woman was Dorothy Haywood. See 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. vii. 159. i " Who was the daughter of a godly father and mother, that came to N. England on the account of religion." " They also killed her sucking child, and knocked anotlier child hvho was about eight years old) in the head, supposing they had kHIed him, but afterwaras he came to himself." /. Matlier, Brief Hist. 24. § We relate all that is to be found in the MS. records, but the author of the Present Slate, &c. furnishes the following valuable facts : " About this time, [his last dale mentioned being 14 March,] one Mr. Clarke's wife, children, and all his family, at his farm-house, two miles from Plimouth, were surprised and killed, except one boy, who was kuockt down, and left for dead, but afterwards taken up and revived. The house they plundered of provision and goods to a great value ; eight complete arms, 30^ [lb.] of powder, with an answerable quaa- 6 % h ,ti 62 TATOSON.— SVVAHIP FlfJllT. t>iiM r IIJooK llf. Keweennin wns bplion(Jf'il, but liow tlio otlicr tliiro worn (liHjtospd of, ^sn an; not iiiroriiu-d ; jt is mtv ]tr()l).i!ili' that tlii' wlioli! iiiinihi.T siiU'crctl in duo time. At tlio trial of Kcweeiuim and thi; other three, some of them |)lea(hd tiiat tiio irovernor'rt in-ochiniation was now their ])i-oteetion ; ii-oni whieh it would seem tiiat they iiad surrendered themselves. Hut then; was none to l)lead their ease, (>\ee])t their aeeusers, and they e.\|)lained thin^iH in their own way. 'J'lie court said, " I'orasmueh as th(! eoimeil had l)e(()r(^ thin en^'ajjed to sevciral Indians desirous to eomo iu and tender themselves to nierey, thnt they should find liivor in so doin;;: it was lidly madt; known to such Indinns as were then present, that the sjiid enf:n war, they had no liirlit to expect but that ii woidd bo prosecuteii by the iudians in ail the ways at their coimnand. Oil this ground the philanthropist will (m er eondrum the severity of the English. When (':())tain Vltuirh came upon Philip and a great ntmd)er of his jieople, the ;{d of Atigust, ltl7(>, '■^Tispmiuin, 1 oloson, titc." ])revente(l the enlin; destruction of some of them, by combating tlu; English whih; their chief and others extricated themselves from a small swamp into which they had lied. "In this swamp skirmish (/apt. Cliurcb with his two men which always ran by his side as his guard, met with three of the enemy, two of which .siirrenilered lliemselves, and the captain's guard seized tiiein ; but the other, being a great stout siirlv fellow, with his two locks ty'd up with re, till, coming pretty near up wi'li bim, presente," says CViurc/i ; there wi!re others also said to be " next to him," and it may be all reconciled by supposing these chiefs as having the chief eonunand over jmrticular tribes. Mr. lluhhaHX says only this ol'tJie famous Tiaslu/: "In Jiuie last, [ly bud been seeking Indians about Aponaganset Kiver, and discovered that a large com- pany of tli"m had just been gathc^ring the ap|)les at a deserted settlement on the ea.st side of it. The Kuglish and Indians innnediately pursued in their track. II "Traveling three miles or more, they came into the country roud, V hen! the track (larted : on(! (mrcel steered t<)wards the west -end of the grriit cedar swamp, and tin- other to the east end. The captain halted and tolil his Indian souliliers that they had heard as well as he what some men had said at I'lymouth aboiU them,*! &.c., that now was a good opjtortunity fi)r each party to provt^ themselves. The track being divided, they should fol- low one, and the Knglish th(^ other, being e(pialin ninnher. The Indians declined the motion, and were not willing to move any wiicre witht *' Ibi the iilace to mei't at, ea<'h company set out briskly to try their litrtimes." ft When the parties met, "they very remark- nlily tiiund that the number tiiat each company had taken and slain was eipial. The Indians had killed three of the eiiemv, and taken (».'l |)risoners, lis tlie Miiglisii had done beliire tliein."|t Jinlh parties were much rejfiiced iit their successes, but the Indians, told ('aptiu:\ fViior/i " that they hud missed a brave opportunity l»y parting. They came upon a great town of the enemy, viz: Captain Ti/asks' vomimuy. [Tynak^ wan the next man to liimsclf narrowly • lliihh.inl, Milker. t Church. t Nnrrnlivc, lOfi. vS Uriel' llisl.4J. ■* II rhnr. *' Aliliroxiali'd linin Aiiiii[/ii\s, ■">>iiniiiiarv. i. K);), who wrilct it Ariiishiiol Tims iiiaiiv liKliiiii iiiiiiu's aro r|iaii;.i d. bisica I of AMonniriinsri. we linir I'oDtu^nnsil, ainl Ji't AMiiiet, Simil, \c. (■'■.•liiirl is ilic iimt on which Si w Hcdlnnl i>n'\ I'.iirhaxcii slaiid. 1) C!iii.ih,M. j{ ll.id. ;>i. t 64 MAGNUS.— HER SURPRISE .»ND DEATH, [Book HI. Philip.) They fired upon the enemy hefore tliey were (iiscoveretl, and ran upon them with a sliout. The men ran and left their wives and children, and many of them their guns. They took Tyasks' wife and son, and thonj^ht that if their captain and tlie Enghsh conii)any liad been with them they might have taken some hiuidreds of tliem, and now they determined not to part any more." * This transaction, in the opinion of Captain Church, was a "remarkable providence," inasmuch, pcrliaps, as the equality of their suc- cesses prevented either ])aify from boasting, or claiming superiority over the other. Nevertheless, Church adrls, — "But the Indians had the ttrtun(! to take more arms than the English." It would add not a little, perhaps, to the gratification of the reader, could he know the name of the Indian captain in tliis far-famed exploit, or even that of one of hia men; but at present they are hid alike from us and from him. CHAPTER IV. Chief women consincmnts in Philip's tmr — Magnus — Tfcr country and relations-^ Her capture ami death — Awashonks — Is greatly annoyed in the ertnls of 1()71 — Her men disarmed — Philip's endeavors to engage her against the English— Church prerents her — Is finally in the power of Philip — Reclaimed by Church — Some par- ticulars of iter family. Although, before wc had finished the life of Heclamo, \Vc deemed it proper to have deferred it to this chapter, but as we had been led rather im- perceptibly into n»any particuhu-s cuncerning her in that plarc,t we could not break ofl" our •>»rr;'.llVe '.vithout u greater nnproprieiy than an omission iiere would have been, and shall therefore begin hero with one of her con- temporaries, the bare diets in whose life are sufHcient to maintain a high interest, we believe, iu the mind of every reader. M^WjVUS was stjuaw-sachem of Kome part of the extensive country of the Narraganscts, and was known by several names at different and the same times ; as Old Qiieen, Sunk Si/wtWyl (^uainpeti, and Matanluck, She married Mriksnh, or Mexam, a son at' Cnnonicu.% and was sister to .Vtrtigrd. She hud two sous, Scuttup iuid tlucmuuiuenuci otherwise ({tuquegunent, called by the Euglisli Gideon, liUil a dauglit(!r named (^uincmi(jiiel. 'I'hese two «lied young. Gideon was alive us late us WMl ; Scuttup, and a sister also, in l(j(J4. Hhe was, iu 1()75, one "of the six present sachems of the wiiolo Narraganset country." In till! beginning of Philip''s war, the English army, to cause the Narragan- scts to fight for them, whom they liad always abused und treated with con- tempt, since before the cutting ofl' of jWanlunnomoh^s lieiul, marclHul into their country, but could not meet with a singlt; stirlicui of the nation. They feU in with a fi'W of their peo|>le, who could not well secrete themselves, und who c(in('liid('d a long treaty of mere verbosity, the import of which they could know but little, and doubtless cared less; tor when the urmy lefl their coimtry, tli*>y join<>d tigaiu in the war. W(! hear no more of Uvr until the next yeiu', when herself and a largo company of her uiiiu were discovered by Major Talrol, on the 2 Jidy, iu Narraganset. Tht; English scouts discovered them from a hill, having pitched their tents iu a vallev in the vicinity of a swani|>, as was usually their cnslom. About liOOof tlie English, nuMUited u|>on fleet horses, divided into two simadrons, and I'ell upon them liefore they were aware of their ap- pK'.ich, and iriade a great slaugiiter of tliem. The IMulicgansand I'equotscamo upon them in the centre, white tht^ liorHcnu'U beset them on each side, anil * Chiirrh, .'Mi. f HiMik iii. rlinji. 1. t Tiumtiutl, i. ;H7. from Iluhhitnl, I «ii|i|i(i>o, i. ,■)!. rciiiiilc • ' loT. were pbIIpiI miuiUc* liy thf lrnlinii."rln'ni ; l>iil wriliT". I lum ieimrniit of Ihni fiirt, Oionifht it II |iro|ii'r iiiiini! of ii pnrliciilur |icr<>'>ii, und liciu'u thu upix llnliitiit oi Snuki\ tHunk*. l^tutkf, \c, i\|i|ilii'il to .W(i;r""'. Chap. IV.] AWASHONKS.— TREATS WITH THE ENGLISH. C* tlnis prevenled many from escaping into the swamp. Wiien all wero killed and taken within the eucanipnient, Captain JVewbun/, who commanded the horsemen, di.smonnted, and with his men nished into the swamp, where, witliout resistance, they killed a hmiJred, and made many prisoners. In all, thov killed and took 171 * in this swamp fight, or rather msussacre. Not an Englishman was hurt in the aftiiir, and but one Moliegan killed, and one wounded, which we can hardly suppose was done by JfagHwa's people, as they made no resistance, l)ut rather by themselves, in their fury mistaking one another. Ninety of the captives were put to death ! among whom was Mag- nus.\ The swamp where this affiiir took place is near the present town of Warwick, in Rhode Island ; and thus ends our short histoiy of Maspius. AH'^SHOjVKS, squaw-sachem of Sogkonate,| was the wii'e of an Indiim called ToLONY, but of him we learn very little. From her iuiportant stand- ing among the Indians, few desene a more particular attention ; and we shall, therefore, go as minutely uito iier history as our documents will enable us. Tin; first notice we have of Awashon^s is in 1671, whea she entered into articles of agreement with the court of Plimoiuh as follows: — "In achnitting that the court are in some measure satisfied with your voluntary coining in now at last, and submission of herself unto us; yet this ive expect that she give some meet satisfaction for the ciiarge and troid)le she has put us upon by lier too long standing out against the many tenders of peace we have made to her and her people. And that we yet see an intention to endeavor tlie reduci'inent of such as have buen the incendiaries of the trouble and disturbance of her people and ours. And as many of her people as shall give themselves and arms unto u.s, at the time appointed, shall receive no damage or hurt from us, which time appointed is ten days from the date Jiercof. Thus we may the bettor keep off" such from her lands as may hereafter bring upon her and us the like trouble, and to regulate such an vvifl not be governed by her, she having submitted her lauds to the authority of the government. And that, if the lands and estates of such as we ore neces- sitated to take arms against, will not defray the charge of the expedition, that she shall bear some due proportion of the charge. In witness whereof, and in testimony of the sachem, lier agreement hereunto, she hath subscribed her hand in presence of Samuel Barker and John Almty. Mark X of the squaw-sachem Awasuncks ; tJie mark X 72, the ilillowing writing ajinears on record : "Whereas t'lwnDhitnckfD, s(|ua-sachem, stand indebted viilo Mr. John Jllmei/ the siiine of £2r» to be paid in porke att three |>ence a pound, or peage att It! |ieiiev, and 20 pole of stone wall att £4, which stone wall, or £4, is to be vndeistood to b(! |>rte of the tine and twenty jionnd," theretiire ./Iwiwhonks, having liiiled to pay agreeably to her promise, agrees to set otV land on the north side of "the Indian field," next I'unkateesett, on th(^ east line till it meets with "a great riming brooke," thence northerly to afresh meadov\, thenc(> boiitided to the river by a salt cove: — this "isniorgaged vnto tht^ court of Plymouth" for the payment of said debt, which di^bt is to bei»ai72, O. S. " The inark X i»rehended a war ; at which she seemed some- what convinced. .'Iwiuthoiiks then ordered the six Pokanokets into their jiresence. Tlies(! made an imposing a|)pearance, having their faces jiainted, and their hair so cut as to rejiresent a cock's comb; it being all shaved from each si(l(( of the head, let\ only a tult U|ioii the crown, which extended from the foreheiul to the occiput. I'liey had powder-hornB and shot-bags at their * Or Tokiimmui, killed l)y tlii! NiirnisaiistMs, not long nO'T. prohnlily in lfi7t. + After nn active litb, .spent cliieliy in his rountrv's sorvue, liu died sudilenly at his rcfi- denre in Coniplon, then i'i!lle(l Litilo Conipton, 17 Jiui. 1710, in the 78 ycnr of his hkc. He hud heconie rorpiileiit, nnd seemed inij)rcss«(l with the iilcii that he should not live long. The niorninp hel'ore his de.ilh, he rode '1 miles to visit nn only sister. On lenvinjf her, he hid her " a last liirewell.'" As he was returnin){ home, his horso stumbled and threw him. In iho tall a blood-vessel was niplnred, nnd he die. In his way to Piimouth, he met, at Pocasset, the husband of Weelnmoo. He was just returned from the neigliboriiood of Mount Ho])e, and confirmed all that had been said about Philip'a intentions to begin a war. But before BIr. Church could return again to Awushonks, the war conunenced, and all com- munication was at an end. This he veryjiiu(!h regretted, and the benevolent Awaslwnks was carried away in tins tide of Philip'a successes, wliich, as she was circumstanced, was her only alternative. Mr. Church was wounded at the; great swamp fight, 19 December follow- ing, and remained upon Rhode Island until about the nfiddle of May Ki/G. He now resolved to engage again in the war, and, taking passage in a sloop bound to Barnstablt!, arrived at Plimoutli tiie first Tuesday in June. The governor and other officers of govermneut were highly pleased to see him, and desired him to take tiie command of a cor^puny of men to be inune- d"''it('ly s(^nf out, t(» which he consented. We thus notice Church's pi-oceed- ing, because it led to im|)ortant matters connected with the history of Awa- shoiiks. Betbre he set out with the soldiers raised at Piimouth, it was agreed that he should first return to Ilh(t(l(! Island, for the; piuposc! of raising other forces to be joineii with them. In his return to tlm island, as he passed ii'om SogkonesMef, now called IVimVs Hole, to the island, and when he ^aln(^ against Sogkonate Point, some of the enemy wi-re seen fishing upon tht; rocks. He was now in an open i-anoe, which he had hired at Sogkoiiesst^t, and two Indians to paddle it. He ordered them to go so near the rocks that he might 8|H'ak with those upon th<-m ; being p(>rsuu country." This, Church told her he did not doubt in the least but Plimouth woidd consent to. Things being thus matured, the cliief captam stood up, and, after express- ing tlui great rcispect he had for Mr. Churchy said, " Sir, if you will i)leaso accept of me and my nuiu, and will head us, wc will fight for you, and \ill lielp you to PhilijPs head before the Indian corn be rii)e." We do not ex- pect that this ciiitif jjretended to jiossess tlas spirit of pro|)hecy, but certainly lie was a triKsr prophet than many wiio have made the pretension. Mr, Church would have taken a lew of the men with him, and gone di- rectly throi;gh the woods to Plimoutli ; but ,'lw(tshonki insistecl that it would be very hazardous. He therefore agreed to return to the island and jiroceed by water, and so would take; in some of their company at Sogkonate Point, which was accordingly brought about. And here it should be mentioned tliat tlu! Iriendship, now riMUiwed by the industry of Mr. Church, was never ail(!rward broken. Many of these; Indians always accompanied Church in his memornbli! expeditions, and rendered great service to the Englisli. When Philii)\i war was over. Church went to reside again among them, and the greatest harmony always prevailed. Hut to return to the thread of our nar- rativf?: — On returning to the island, Mr. Church "was at great pains and charge to get a vessel, but with una(;counfable disa|»i)ointments; sometimes by the iiilseness, and sometimes by the fiiint-heartedness of men that he bargained with, and sometimes by wind and weather, &c." he was bindend a long time. At length, Mr. .'//i//i(»i// /yoir, of Swansey, hajipening to put into tiie harbor, and altliongii boimd to the westward, on being made acipiainted with Mr. Church\i I'ase, said lu; would run the venture of his vessel and cargo to wait upon him. Ihit \\ hen they arrived at r^niikonate Point, altliougii the Ijidians were then* according to agn.'enient waiting upon the rocks, they met * ."^lio lind |>!i, upon the bank, were pres- * Out of a curious book we take tlie follouing note, as, besides giving us an intercstin;^ fact concerning the major, it contains others of value. It was written in 1697. At that time, some pretended that tlie age of people was much sltorter in America than in Europe ; wliicli cave rise to what wo are about to extract. — Mary Brown was the first-born of New- bury, Mass., who married a (Hodfi-y ; and, says our book, she " is yet alive, and is bccoino the mother and grandmother of many children." " The mention of Atanj Hruwn brings to our mind an idle whimsey, as if persons born in New England would l)e short-lived; whereas, the natives live long. And a jiKlgment concerning Englishmen cannot well be made till -0 or 30 years hence. C:apt. Peregrine. Wliite, born [on board the Mayflower^ Nov. KJiO, is yet alive, and like to live. [He died 7 years after, in I7W.] Major William liradl'urd is more than 73 years old, and hath worn a bullet in hi ; (lesh above 20 of lliem, [wliidi ho doubtless received in Philip's war. He died age»■ (iO, f\) aiul lOO.C. Tlic ri'iiicdy in, (ill icr (iod,) (inly your jileiisiiri! tlitit Ptd, tliM wlseu Warwiek was ])rirciiaw!d, Pumliaiii and some other inl(;ri(ii'saelieiiis rceeived jiri'seiits i'or their i);irti(;iilar interests in wliat was sold, ai,'reeal)ly to the law.s jiiid iisiij^es oC the Indians. The I'liiiionth pcoiile had their sliare iti the Warwick eontroverisy, having caiis(!d Ousctmuqum to lay claim to the i-;.me place, or a sachem who liv<;u with him, namt.'d Xnirwushmusuck ; hetweeii whom and Pumham the quarrel ran so hifjii that the Jonner stnlihcd the latter. TJie afliiii-s of Warwick had lieeii under consideration liy the commis- sioners of the United Colonies for sev(M'al years hefbre this, and in 1049, they say, " Vpiion a (iiiestion hetwixt the two eollonies of the iMa.ssachiiscts and Plymoiilli, ibniierly iiropoiinded, and now aj^^ain renewed hy the com- missioners of the I\!assaehnsetts, conccrninjr a tract ol' land now or lately belonirini,' to Pamham and Samnoco, two Jiidian saj-amores who had sub- mitted themselves and their people to the Massachusetts governumt, v])|ion part ol" which land som ICnglish, (besides the said Indians,) in anno Kjl.'j, were planted and settled." TIk^ decision was, that thoiij;h the said tract of land iiill within Plimoiitii liounds, it should heiicetbrth belon;,ao iMassachusotts. About l(>-4(>. we tind the ioUowinji ro'eord f of these cjiicfs : — '■'•Pomihom and Snconanom com|ilainin!,' to tis [the court of Mass.] that many Indians dwj'llin^ '20 riiles beyond them, (beinij iriends and heljiers to the Narragan- setts in tiieir presi'iit wars with Uncn.%) are come njion their lands, and planted umu ti'.e same against tlieir \\ills, they net being able of themselves to remove them, and therefore desire our eomisel and help. Wc shall therefore advise them, if the deputies agree thereunto, to send a messenger to the sachem of those intriiderf! to come to us to give an account of such his intention ; aiul if ho come to us, then to offer him ))rotectiou upon the same terms that Pumham hath It, j)rovided they satisfy Unrns tor any injuiy they have done him. If be reliise to come, then we would liave our mes- senger (•barge them to depart irom Pomhani and H'oconanodw their lands, which ah'o if they refuse, IIkmi we shall account them our enemies."f Though, liy the aid of the J]nglisli, Pumham had been able to maintain a kind of independence for somi; years alter the death of the chief sachem, yet he vvas aniong the first who esiioused the cause of Philip in his war, as it would seem from bis not attending at the treaty in June, immediately after hostilities commeneed. The army Avho went to make that treaty jiai-sed through his country in their march, and, as 3Tr. Huhhnrd states, "Th(5y Ibund the Indians in Ponthmii's country (iie.xt adjoining to Pltilip''s borders) all fled, and their wigwams without any people in tlieu)." The Knglish arnij'also mtirch- ed through bis country, in their return from the attack on Philip and his con- federates in Nar^aganset, in ]>eeember, l(i7j. At this time a small fight took place between some of the English and u number of Pumham^s men, under a chief whose name was (il'ACil' ALII, who gained some advantage of the English, wouuding lour of their men. The whites, however, report thattliey killed five ol" the Indians. Qmqunlh himself -was wounded in the knee. At the same time they burnt P!»«/w»?/t',9 town, | ■which contained near 100 wig- wams. The English were commanded by Captain Prentice. § Pumham was not the chief captain in the fight at the great iidls in the Con- necticut, which took place If) May, 1070, although we presume, from the known character of him, that he was the most conspicuous in it on the side of the Indians ; being a man of vast physical powers and of extraordinaiy bravery. Li this affair the English acted a most cowardly piu't, having every advantage of their enemy, who acquired credit upon the occasion, even at the time, from the historian. The English came upon them before day, while none were awake to give the alarm, and, "finding them secure indeed, yea, all asleep, without having any scouts abroad, so that our soldiers came * Hutchinson's papers, and HaTard. t III mintimcnpt, among' the papers on file in llii; sf^cretary's office, Mass. without dale. I Old Jiidlan Cliron. 58. This aiulior luis his name liiimham. Tliere wore many in- stances, al tliis lime, of the use of B. for P. § Hubbard, Nat. 67. Chap, v.] rU.MIIAM.— THE FALL FIGHT. 76 and i)ut tlieir guns into tlieir ui^rwanis, lieibro tlio Iiidiiin.s wcri; aware ol' them, and made a groat and iiotaljlt; nlaiiglitor amongst tlieni." * iMany iti tlioir fright run into tiio river, and were liuricd down tlic falls,f sonic of wJioni, doid)tl«!ss, were drowned. As soon as tiio English, who were led by Cuptaina Turner nwd Holioke, had murdered the unresisting, and the Indians liavijig begun to rally to oppose tlnjni, they lied iu the greatest confusion, ultluiugh they had "about an luuidn-d and foiu- seore" men, J of whom hut one was wounded when tiie llight began. This eniianees the valor of tlie Indians, in our mind, esj)ccially as we read the following jjassagc, in Mr. Mallter's Krief History : — "In the mean while, a party of Indians from an island, (whoso coming on shore miglit. easily have been ])revented, and the soldiers, befbrp tiiey set out from lladley, were earnestly admonished to take care about that matter,) assaulted our men ; yea, totiic great dishonor of the English, u few Indians jjursiied oin* soldiers Ibm- or five nfdes, who wore in number near twice as many as the enemy." In tiiis fligiit Captain Turner was killed, as ho was crossing Green River. Holioke cxezted himself with great valor, and seems well calcidated to opjjose such a chief as Pumham. We ]iear of no other bravery amqng the i^nglish in this massacre, but the follow- ing i)assage concerning Holioke, which wo are sorry is so sadly eclij)S('(l. During the fight, some old persoius, (whetlier men or women is not men- tioned,) and children, had hid themselves under the bank of tlie river. (Jaj)taiM Holioke discovered tliem, and with his own hands put five of them, "young and old," to death. § This English cajUain did not long survive his antago- nist, lor, by his great exertions in this fight, a lever was l)rought upon him, of which ho died in Septendjor following, " aliont I{oston."|| It would seem from the several accounts, that, although the English were sadly distressed in this fight, the Indians could never have rei)aired their loss ; which, says the author of tb.c Puf.sk.nt Statk, "was almost as nuich, nay, in some rcsj)ects more considerable, than tli;Mr lives." He continues, '• ^Ve destroyed all their annnuuition and provision, which we think they can hardly be so soon and easily recruited with, as possibly they may be with men. We likewise here demolished two ibrges they had to mend their arms, took away all their materials and tools, and drove nvuiy of them into the river, where they were drowned, and threw two great ])igs of lead of theirs, (intended for making of bidlets,) into the said river." H — " As our men were returning to Hadley, in a dangerous i)ass, which tliov were not suliicienfly aware of, the skulking Indians, (out of the woods,) killed, at one volley, the sigd captain, and eight-and-thirty of his men, but immediately after they had discharged, they fled." In relating the capture and (\cixth of Ptimham, Mr. Hubbard says,** "He was one of the stoutest and most valiant sachems that belonged to the Nar- ragansets ; whose courage and strength was so great that, after he had been morlally vvounded in the fight, so as him.«elf coidd not stand ; yet catching hold ot" an Englishman that by accident came near him, bad done him mischief, if lie hud not been i)resently rescued by one of his fellows." This was on 25 July, in7(), Pumham, with a few Ibllowcvs, had ibr sonic time secreted themselves in Dedhrun woods, where it was supposed they wcr.5 " almost stiUTcd Ibr want of victuals." In this sad condition, they were fallen upon by the English mulcr Captain Hunting, who killed fifteen * r. Mather, 30. t Wo cannot ngrco willi otir friend Gen. Hnut, llint llicsc (alls slionld bo named Tiirncr's Ftills, altli(Hiy;li wo once thon-flil it well enough. We would rallier call tlieni llie Ma.t.incre Falls, IK. indeed, tlieir bidian name cannot 1)0 recovered. A bcautilul view of these cele- brated falls is ffiveu by Professor Hitchcock, in the volume of plates accompanying his Cieol'ifj;v of Mass. i I.',)L!lhfr, 30. ^ Hiihbard, \ar. 8f!. |l Ibid. "[ -Many of the Indians learned trades of the Knfilisli, and in the wars turnoil iheir knowl- edge 111 good account. 'I'liey had a forgo in iheir fort at .Narraganset, and the bidian black- MLilli Wiis killed when that was Inken. The aullior of the I'ri'.ieiit State, &c. says, lie was fill.' only man amongst ihiMii liiat filled (heir iruns and arrow-heads ; that among oilier liousos iliev l.iuiit his, demiilishcd his forge, and carried nway his tools. ** Narrative, 100. -llo. edition.' Jm^ *(* 'f' m m ) r I \ i i <'::y 76 rOTOK.— DEATH OF TUMIIAU [iVioK i:r. and took tliirty-fivc of tlicm without resistance.* Tliey found licre roii- sideruble plunder; "besides kettles, there was about half a bushel ol' wan;- j)unii)eaic, whieh the enemy lost, and twelve pounds ol' jiowder, wiiich ilio captives say they had received Irom Albany but two days belbre."f A sou of Puinham was among the caj)tives, " a very likely youth," says Huhlanl,] "and one whose countenance would have bespoke favor for him, had Ik; not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an Indian as his fatlKU" was." it would seem from this imteeling account that he was put to death. Dr. Mather says ho was carried ])risoner to JJoston. From the same author we must add to the revolting picture of the father's death, "This Pwnliam, niter ho was wcjunded so as that he could not stand u-ion his legs, and was- thought to have been deail, made a shift, (as the solt.iers were jiursuing others,) to crawl a little out of the way, but was found again, and ordered it so that he had a sudden revival, and took couragt; and grap|)led with him, [Pumham,] and thri'W him under him, and others coming in to his assistance, Pumham was soon despatched. There was about £20 of inditm money found in their l)askels," w liich the English gave to their Indian friends, and their guns they took to llieinsehes, A short lime before this, a grandson of this chief was killed by a party under Utni.iun,^ "who was also a sacheni, and another sachem called Chhkon." I'O'J'OK, a Narraganset chief, we may jtroperly, in the next jtlace, notice. None of his ads in Philiji'n war are recorded, at least none iiave come to oin- knowledge, but they coidd not have been inconsiderable, in the opinion of his enemies, as his lilt- atoned liir them. \Ve tind him iirst tiieiiliiuied, on account of his upposition to the introiluction of (Christianity into his nation. When, in the beginning of l'hiilii\H war, the l''uglish army marched into tiie Xarrayaiiset country, to treat or light with that nation, as tiiey might b(! fouiid inclined, I'lilol; appeared as the principal chief. In tiie treaty which was ciinchided at that time, a condition was urged by him, " that the English should not send any among them to preach the gospel or call upon them to |iray to (iod." lint the ICnglish would not admit such an article ; but if an article ot' this character had been urged on the other hand, we doubt whether there would have been any objection urged by the Indians. On this iiolicy of the I'nglish Hoixir IHIIIams should be heard, a^:, at this day e\('n, wo n 1 no better conmientarv on the mattei' in hand. It is con- tained in a leftcrll to the govermu' of IMacsachusells, and is as I'ollow-'" — "At my Inst deparluie liir llnglMid, i was iriporluned by y iNarragaiisct 8uchems, and especially by AV/ircKmr/, to preseni ;!'eir petition to the hl^^h t Malhot's ilrii-( Hist. U. * MS. Niirraiivp of Hov. T. CMi,l. 1 Niiiriilivr. I't tiijirii. tt .M;iiiy uTilc li-iiiiismi. bill lii< nwii «iiiinliiro, in iiiy |iossv<)!iiun, it o» i» llio lexl. il 111 MS. iliilnl rriivi.lciicc, .), u IiijI. [Hook Tjr. nd licro roii- slicl ol' v,;iir.- (■r, wliicli i!u! re."t A s.m lyH Huhl(m{,\ liini, Imil ]i(; tlicr was." it ) (loutli. Or. IK! author wo 'liis Pumluim, lo<,'s, ami was ere pursiiiiii^ uiul wlicn ail e did, (like ii lid liud ii,'-un(l in their leir guns they led by a party aelieni ealled : place, notice, iiave cmiie to in the ()|iinion rst mentioned, inity into his iniiy marched as they might In the treaty liini, "that the 'I or call upon icli an article ; her hand, we V the Indians, ird, as, at this (I. It is con- as tolliiw-'* — <■ iNiu'ragansel II to the lii(.'li Hricl Ilk. 13. Iio text. CuAP. v.] STONE- WALL-JOILN.— OLIVERS JuLll.N.VL. 1 I i sachems oi" i'liijiland, that they iiiiglit not Ik; I'orccd li-om tiicir icligi nn 4 I '.nd. lor not changing their religion, he invaded hy war. tor tiiey said they wen; daily visited with threaten iiigs by Indians, that caiiic! from aliout the Massa- t'husetts; that if they would not pray, they should he destroyed by war." Aiitv, was brought prisoner into Uhode Island." in till! account carried to London by Cajitnin More, mentioned in the last cliajiter, is this notice of J^otofr; — '•There is one A*i'urA', a mischievous lOn- giiie, and a < "oimsellour, taken formerly, said to be in (ioal at idiodc! Island, is now sent to IJostiiii, and there siiot to death." f In tlir that, bf^ing an active, ingenimis fellow, he had learned i mason s trade, and was of great use to the Indians in iiuildiiig their liirts, > -c." Hence we may hazard but little in tiie conjecture that he Was the cliiel' engineer ill the erection of the great Xarraganset fort, whicii has been i' Phil i/t. Although but little is known ot' him, he was doiibtl»!ss one of the most distinguished N'arragansel captains. The lirst notice ol" Slour-laiiir-John, which we now remember, is coii- taiiieil in a letter of Captain Ul\\rr,\ whicli he wrote while on his niareli with the I'.nglish aimy to atui.-k the fort, Aviiich we hive iii>t mentioned. Me .^ays, " Dec. IT) ca|iiie 'u\] John ii ••iigne, with a pretence of jieace, and was dismissed with [this] erraml : That we might speak witli sachems. That <'\ciiing, ho not being gone a (|uart<'r of an hour, his company, tli;it lay hid behind a hill ot' our (|uarl<'rs, killed two Salem men, and woimded a third within a mill! of n^^, that he is d.'ad. Ami at a house three miles o(I| where 1 had ten men, they killed t>vo ol" them. Instantly ('apt. Mosilji, my<''lt" iiiid ('apt. (iiirihirr were sent to li-tch in Major .Iftjildon^t company, ihiit kept three miles and u half off, and coining, they lay behind a stone wall, and fired on us in sight ol" the gariisoi,, we killed the captain that killed (Uie ot" ihr Salem men, and had liis cap." Mr. Hiililmril says, "A t"'W (lc-|ierato Indians, cree|)ing under a stone-wall, tired Mventy or thirty guns at .Mosdjf in jiarticular, a commaiiiler well known amongst them, but tiie re.'^t ot'thi' com- " MS. Slalo Pnpprs. t Ul.l lii.li.iM('liruiiirlc, 111. \ III nidiiiisiripl. ^^cc an ucoouiit of it in u nolo to ilic life of Philip. 7* 78 STONE-WALL-JOHN.— PROVIDENCE, &c. IIURNT. [Hook IIL pauy running down uj)on tlieni, killed one of them and scattered the rest." riiuw did die scoiils Ironi the main ixidy of the Indians, under such captains as the Stonc-laijcr, annoy the Enj^liwh in their march into their country. Im- mediately after thesi! skirmislies, "tht;y burnt Jerry BiUVs* house, and killed seventeen [persons.]! ■L'^'c. J(i, came that news. Dec. 17, came news that Connecticut l()r(U's were at Peta(|uaniscut; killed four Indians and took six prisoners. That day we sold Ca])t. Davenport 47 Indians, young and old, lor JCriO in money." J How nmth John ht.d to do in the devastations which had been i)erj)etrated the previous season, 's unknown, but we are told that he had no small agency in "tiie sackijig of Providence," § and Rehoboth also, without doubt. Li the former about ;io houst^s || were burned, and in the latter place "near upon 40 " houses and .'10 barns. Stone-wall-Jolin was doubtless one who conversed with the Reverend 3Ir. WUUams at the time Providence was burned. The substance of that conver- sation is related by oiu' anonymous author, already cited, in these words: — "But indeetl the reason tiiat the iidiabitants of the towns of Seaeonick and Providence generally esca|)ed with tluur lives, is not to be attributed to any compassion or good nature of tiie Indians, (whose very mercies are iuhumano cruelties,) bin, [tlic! author soon contradicts himself, as will be seen,] next to God's providence, to their own jnudence in avoiding their fury, when they found themselves too weak, and unable to resist it, by a tinudy fligi * into Rhode Island, which now becami! tlie conunon Zom\ or place of refuge li)r the distressed ; yet some remained till their confuig to destroy the said towns; as iji particular "Sh: I'iliuims, at l'rovideiic(>, who, knowing several of tlie chief Indians that came to tir(i that town, discoursed with tiiem a consider- able time, wlio pretended, tlieii- greatest (piarrel was against Plimouth ; and as lor wiiat they atti'mpted against the other colonies, they weri^ constrainetl to it, by the spoil that was done them at Narraganset.H 'I'hey told him, that when Caittain I'iirce engaged tiiem near Mr. lilackstonv's, tiiey were bound ibr Pliniouth. They gloried nnieh in their suei'ess, pronfising tlieiusel\(!s tho cojKiuest of the wliole country, and rooting out of all the l!!i;:lish. Mr. U'il- tlanus reproNcd their eonfideiiee, nfuided them of their cruelties, and told them, that the Hay, viz. J{(jstoii, could yet spare l(),()t)() men ; and, if they should destroy all them, yet it was not U> be doidited, but our king would send as many every year from Old Dngland, rather than they should share the country.** They answered |in/udly, that they shouhl be re.idy for them, or to that elliict, but told .Mr. It illiaws that he was a g»iod man, and had been kind to them Ibnnerly, and tlier<'fore they would not hurt him." This agrees well with Mr. Uuhlxtrd's account of the carriage oi'Jolin at the time he went to the I'.nglish army to talk ab.nit peace, already mentioned. His words are. "yet coulil the messenger, [7(y/ti,] hardly forbear threatening, vajtoring of their munbers and strength, adding, withal, that the Knglisli durst not tight them." We iiave now to close th(> career of this Indian ca|>tain, fur w hicli it rc- ((Uires but a word, as he was killed on the "2 July, l(i7(>, at the same liini^ iho old s(|uavv-saehem ({uolajun and most o)' her people were fallen upon by Major Tiilidt, as we have related iii a llii'mer chapter. .Slany Indians bore the name of John, but when they were any ways con- spicuiMis, some distinguishing |)reti.\ or atilK w;. generally added, as wo have seen in several instances in the p eceiling cl .ijiterk!. \Ve have already • J-'rali wns |irol)i\My lii^ iiiiiiii'. * Tni men .mil inr" \<(iiiu'ii iiml cliililrcii. Ilnhhiird, M. •' Aluml II." /. .lAi/Zic;', ''0. " I'.ijriilr.'ii. iiini, women iinil cliililri'U." Chronicle, -U. I ('n|iluiii (Hirn's MS, IcUcr. & Ol.ll ImHAN ('HItliNK if. '.)!). |] '1 lie liiiililiiiK tionun- war, he wonid hanlly liiivc iii'tiiil so, whulevcr lie miglil have .«niJ. Chap. V.] JIATOONAS.— EXECUTED AT DOSTOX. 79 fi;ivcn tlio life of one Sus^mnore-John, but another of that name, still more eonspiciious, (for liis treachery to his own iiution,) liero ])rcsents himself. This Sagamore -John was a Ni])nnik sachem, and a traitor to his country. On the 27th of July, 1()7(), douhtless I'rom a conviction of the hopelessness ol' his cause, ho cunie to Boston, and threw himself on the mercy of the English. They pardoned him, as he enticed along willi him ahout 180 others. And, that he might have a stronger claim on their clemency, he seized Matoonas, and his son, against whom he knew the English to he great- ly enraged, and delivered them up at tiie same time. On death's heing im- mediately assigned as the lot of Matoonas, Sagamore-John reciuested that he Might execute him witii his own hands. To render still more horrid thie story of blood, his refjuest was granted ; and he took Matoonas into the com- mon, bound him to a tree, and there "shot him to death." To the above Dr. Mather adds,* "Thus did the l^ord retaliate ujion him the innocent blood which he had slu'd ; as lu; had done, so Clod rcMpiited him." Akhoiigh much had l)een alleged against John, before he came in, af>cr- wanls the most fiivoralile construction was put upon his conduct. Mr. Hith- harii says, ho "allirmed that he had never intended any nfischief to the Eng- lisii at JJrookfield, the last year, (near which village it seems his place was,) Ijiit that Pliilip, (Miming over nigi.t amongst them, he was forced, tor fear of his own lili;, to jcjin with tliem against, th(! English." f MATOONAS was also a Nipnuik chief. A son of his was siiid to have nnirdijred an Englishman in Ki/l, when "traveling along the road," which i)Ir. Hubbard says was " out ot" mere malice and spite," because; he was " vexed in his mind that tin; design against the English, intetided to begin in that year, did not take plac(,'." Thi.s son of Matoonas was hanged, and afterwards beheiided, and his licad set u|ton a l)ole, wliere it was to be seen six years alter. The name of the murdered llnglisinnan was Zmhanj SmillL, a young man, who, as he was passing throuiji Dedhain, in th(! month of Aiiril, put up at the house of 31r. Caleb Church. About half an hour alter he waa gone, the ne\t morning, three; Indians jmssed the same way ; who, as they passed by Church\'i house, beliaved in a very insolent mami(!r. They had been employed as laborers in Dorchester, and said thi'y belonged to Philip; they lelt their masters imder a suspicious pretence. TIh^ body of tht> nnirdered man was soon alter found near the saw-mill in J)eilliain, and these Indians Were appr(>hended, and one |tut to deatli, as is stated above. \ Mv. Hubbard sup|)oses that the liitiier, "an old malicious villain," bore "an old grudge against tiiem," on the ac<'oimt of the execution of his son. And the first mischief that was cdiiiiiii. If lliis l)c Inic, PhiiiphnA llin rhiof direclion in lhcnmbi.^iiini; of ftiililiinxKii iiiid yyiiifliT lit Wii'knliiiuir, US ri'liiliMl in llic lifo of Philip , lull in our op iiiuit iiot iiiiirli rrcilll slioiilil lii! );lvcu in anv thing roiniiii; fnun ii irailur. ] Ma'in^rripl anions H"-' lili'» in llio oltii-e of tlic siMrclary of the stale of MaMnrbiisolU. 6 Hriy souw! luiliiuis in llivir (iraakca liiinuirs '1|k)» .i iiiaiil scrvaiU iir two, ulio (Iriilod ilii.'iii diiiik." • KluUliirk's Uisl. (•.iiK'ord, 31. t I C"IL M<:ss. Hist. Sor. vi.20t.. { The Niiniiuks wrrc ;it (liis limn rhietly imiUr five siiclirnis, wliicli, Mr. y/w/i/OTx/ fhvs. \vi.iinc luillior says, " The Ni|>iu'(s wercvaider the rommaiid of the siii-licm of Sloinil llci|)<'," «liiili fad is vpnficd liv niniR'roiis passnfrcs of our history. The names ofllie live priiicipal sachems wer« MoNOCO, BIautamp, Shoshanim, Matoonas. and .Saiiamokk, JoUN. ^ According to the Ci'llcii MSS. seven v\err killed mid two rhildrPti only Inkrn. Thisn^rrrs uilh oar Cukonki.k, 77. where it is said ' lliev kihed seven people in a luirharoiis niaiiner, hikI ciiiried some iiwiiv niplive." Iluhhuni. lU and Talile. says En mis' «ife was killed, and his soifs wife (lied die next day, bat siivs nollmifj ofllie niiiiiber killed or taken. II ("onipurc i/wWrnn/, 71) aiid 111.— 'I'his was the jiHiiir «hirli lie siiys wiis done "when It was so dark that an liidiuii roi.ld hardly be (jiscenied from a better man." Hen 11 iOK 111. Chap, II. <»n 'Jl Hept. Ibllowin^s three" Indiaiii were hiin((ed b» roiiccrncd in the murder of £unu$'s faaiily. Chap. V.] IMON'OCO.— PRAYING INDIANS PERSECUTED, 81 and two cliildrcii were killed at that place.* At this time the Hassanamesit praying Indians wi.-ro placed ut Alarlboi-ough by authority. No sooner v -J it known that ii nnnder was coniniitted ai Lancaster, than not a few were wanting to charge it upon the llassanainesits. Captain Mosely, who it seema was in the neighborhood, sent to their quarters, and found "much suspicion against eleven of them, lor singing and dancing, and having bullets and slugs, and nuich .owdor hid in tiieir baskets." For t'l;.? q^ence, these eleven were sent to Boston 30 August, on suspicion, and iiiero tritil. " But upon trial, the said prisoners were all of them acquitted fron^ the i'act, and were either released, or else were, with others of that fort, sent fov better se -urity, and for preventing future trouble in tlic like kind, to some of the islands below Boston, towards Nantasket." Fifteen wtis the number brought down to Boston, but eleven only were suspected of the alleged offunce. The others, among whom were Jlbmm Speen and John C'lioo, were taken along and imprisoned, for no other reason but tlunr being accitlentally, at that time, at Marlborough, or the critne of being Indians. It appears sonu! time had elapsed alter tlie murder was comnfittcd, before they wore svut down for trial, or more probably they were Mulfered to return lionii! before being sent to Deer Island. For Kvluraim Turner ami fV'dliam Kent were not sent up to find out where "they all \."re," and wliiU answers they coidd get from those they siiould meet, until the beginning of October; at wifich time tln'se f'leven Indians were scattered in various dirt!Ctions, about their daily callings. And all the information Turner and Kent handed into coiu't was, that they were thus disjiersed. ft'ahan and Mr. John H'nt.ion, vviuj liad been .-iiJiJointed to reside among those Indians, were the; only persons (luestioucd. What steeps the court took u|)on this information, wc; are not informed, but they were about this time sent to Deer Island. The nam(!s of these Indians, concerning whom more particular inrpiiry may lierealter bi; made by the benevolent antiquary, it is thought should be given ; especially as they may not elsewhere be jjreservc'. They were, Old-jtthro and two mma, Jtmws-thr printer, JumesJlcompan(i,Danicl Mumips, Johu Cijudsqudconct, John .Isqur.ncl, (ito-ri^f JVons(fiue,iewit, Thomas Mamuxon- iput, and Joseph Iflitapiiroson, alias Joseph Spoomut. After a trial multitude; alter ho hail Ihm'U once acquitted, a new trial was got up, iuid a new jury for this pcrtieidar end.f .Intlnu'n liistory is as follows: He had been gone fr)r some time before tlio war, (Ml a hunting Mtvnure t(twar(ls tin- lakes; and on his return homeward, he tell in among I'hiiiiis men about C|uabaog. This was about a month • Tlio nlxivo \i Mr. Ifiilili:! ■(/■« iicciiiml. Mr. Williint, in his cxrrlloiit liistory of Liin- rnsUr, y'ves Us llio iii\mi-^ of six. iiinl snvs fit;lil were killcil. lliil in liis ciiimioraliuu I count ..!< .' . :iiiil (Imhiii s:>ys si-vi'ii. Our Icvl is iircorcl'ii); lo Hnbliani, Nar, 30, t 'i«:i{iii, .Maiiuseript Hist. Pfiiyini; Iiiiliwin. mk m ^:i 'i ! '^m 'j'L • it . ml g. MONOCO.— F I\ E CHIEFS EXECUTr^U. [Book III. IWiO.*: 1 .: .. iftuir at Lancaster. Tlio reason lie staid anioni; tlic hostile Indiaus is vOk-y obvious: he vva:^ alVaid to ventufi; into the vieiuity of the whites, le«t they sliould treat liiin as an enemy. IJnt as his ill lortune fell out, he vas I'ounil in the woods, by his counlrymen ol" Marlborouj,di, who conducted liiiu to tlie En<,'lish, by whom he was siiot, as wo have just related. The ofli- cor who i)resided over and directed this allair, would, no doubt, at any other time, have received a reward jjroportionato to t!ie malignity of the offenct! ; but ill this horrid storm of war, many were suliered to transgress the laws with impunity. From one account of this affair,* it would seem that one of the Indians seized by Moidij at this time was actually eariug according to agriM^nu^nt Captain /^idWii'/woH was sent out * 111 tlie Indian CnuoNicr.K, iJli, '27. f ('( 'ipnri' lliililhinl. A't ami 7.j. — 'I'hc sunn', proliiilily, railed Matlawdiiijijir, wlin. in Ifirt'). \vi,:ie>ci r,ir as 'l !;"""■. a.:reps willi an nilry in fipxruH's iMS INary, filrd in l Concord, I i.' — ■• Siiiriiiiii'i'i' Sinn ifot's, Oik-vi/iI Juliii, Miil'.'iiiin [Minitdiii])] Sajfainore ol' linalini)!;-. IJi'iicral al l.anraslcr. &o. ./.V/im (llip CiiiiiT) walkcil lo tlie ^jallows Onc-iifil Jii'iii ail' .OS y.i-i(wi";-c Jo'iii lo liaw lircd ilio lirsl •jiiii ut tiuahaog and killed ''apt. Hutch' imon." _ '^:m Chap. V.] SIIOSTIANIM.— OLD JETIIRO. S3 to ascertain tlic causp, and was nnibusliod by them, as we have in the life of Philip related. At this time, " Sam, Hacheni of W( haenm," and Netaump, are particular!}' mentioned as having' been Jinnged ai IJoston. It was reported, (no doubt i)y tli<: Indians, to vex tlieir enemies,) that Mrs. Rowlandson kad married .Wo/foco. " JJiit," the autiior of the Prksk.nt State, &e, says, "it was soon contradicted," and, "that she appeared and behaved Iifrself amongst them with so nincli courage and majestic gravity, that none durst otfcr any violence to her, but on the contrary, (in their rude manner) seemed to show her gri\'U respect." In the above <|uotation iVom iMr. Tluhharil, we linvo sliown at what timo several of the Nipmuck chiefs were jiut to death beside Munoco. OliD-JIiTllUO was little lesn noted, thougii of (piito a diflerent character. Hi:f Indian name was Timlammii. lie was present at the sale of Concord (Mass.) to the En;,dish, about which time he lived at Natick. In 1G74, he was ! ppciiiited a missionary to the Nipmiiks living at Wcshakim, eince Sterling, but his :-tay there was short.* He and his liunily (of about ]'2 persons) Avr'n; among thos'.i ordered to Deer Island, on the breaking out of the war the next yo;n% Their rcsidtnice then was at Nobscut Hill, near Sudbury iJis spirit could not brool; the indignity "lii>. in idimI SIkiI- av. — llov. " The first Letter, Jidy the 6th, ir.7fl.t " i\Ir. John Leverelt, my Lord, IMr. K'ahan, and nil the chief men our Breth- ren, I'raying to (lod : [T/ii's .Vr. Waban ,*,'} a Prai/Insr Indian, faithful, and a Ruhr amonst them ; In/ their lirtlhroi prai/inir to God, the;/ nuan those of the samo .Vd/iod.] We beseech you all to help ns ; my wife she is but one, but there be more Prisoners, which W(! pray you keep wi II : Mattainuck his wiii>, we entreat you for her, and not onely that man, but it is the Ilecpiest of two Sa- chems, Sam Sachem of ffeshid;uni, and the Paknslwafr Sachem. " And that further you will consider about tht; making i'eace: We l)ave 8i)oken to the People of Nashobah (viz. Tom Duhler lunl Pc/er,) that we woidd agice with you, and make a ("ovenaiit of Peace with you. We have been destroyed by your Souldiers, but still wc Remember it now, to sit still ; do « Mr. fflialliirk's Hist. Concord, .TO. t Tilt! lonor of Ihe tbllowiiiK lellors, is very (litTi-rciil from tiio

nothiu;; now reniainoitsoii'.s fam- it these kind lok ii. Chap. Chap. VLJ SIIO.SHANIM.— AMOS. 85 10 same ni jveral ollii icr- joyned so many to himself without cause : In like manner 1 said so too. Tlien had you formerly .said be at j)eace, and if the Comicil had sunt word to kill Philip we siioiild have done it : then let us clearly s[)cak, wliat you and we shall do O let it be so sjieedily, and answer us clearly. PUMKAMUN, Po.VNAKPCKUJV, or, Jacob Muttajiakooo." "Tlie answer the Council made them, was, 'That treacherous j)cr,sons who began the war and luoae that have been barbarously bloody, niii.st not expect to have their lives spared, but others that have been dra^vn into tlio war, and acting onlyas Souldiers sulmiitting to be without arms, and to live quietly and peaceably 4br tlie future siiall have their lives spared.'" Sagamore Sam was one of those that saclced Lancaster, 10 February, .107G. His Indian name was at one time Shoshanim, but in PhUip''s war it appears to have lx?en changed to Uskatuhgim ; at least, if Ik; be the same, it was so subscribed by Pekr-jethro, when the letter was sent l)y the Indians to tlie English about the exchange of Mrs. Ttowlandson and others, as will be found in the lil'e of J\l'cpand. He was hanged, as has been before noted. Shoshanim was successor to Mntlhew, who succeeded Sitolan, This last-mentioned sachem is jirobably referred to by the author quoted in Mr. Tlwrowgooifs curious book. In tlic smniiier of IGo'i, Xleverend John Eliot intended to visit thcNasIiuas, in his evangelical capacity, but un(I(.'rstanding there was war in that direction among tlie Indians,* delayed his journey for a time. The ,«aciiem of Nashua, hearing of Mr. ElioCs intention, "took 20 men, armed after their manner," as his guard, with many others, and con- ducted him to his country. And my author adds, "this wa.s a long journey into tlie wilderness of (iO miles: it proved very wet and tedious, so that he was not dry three or four days together, riight nor day." f One of tiic Indians at this time jtskcd Sir. Eliot wl y those who prayed to (Jod among the English loved the Indians thati-'ayed to d'od " more than their own breth- ren." The good man seemed some at a loss for an answer, and waived the subject by several scriptural quotations. AV(! may be incorrect in the siq)i)osition that the sachem who conducted Mr. Eliot on this occasion was Sholan, as perhaps Passaconaway would suit tJie time as well. CHAPTER VI. Fricmllij Indiana — CatTain Amo.s — Pursues Taloson and Pcnarhason — Escapes the shiiiglUcr at Pnwtuckrt — Commands a rnmpanij in tlir, eastern irar — Cattain Lir. iiTi-oor — His srrrircs in Philip's irnr — In the eastern war — Kkttf.nanit — His srreires — Qiannapoiht — His important services as a- spy — Mautamp — Monaco — Nkpankt — Emploi/id to trcatvilh the enemy — lirimfs letters from them — Effects an exchange of prisoners — Pkikk Co.nway — Petek Ephraim. commonly called Captain .^mos, was a Wampanoag, whose residence Cai)e Cod. We have no notice of him imtil Philip\i war, at which AMOS, com tiin(! he was entirely devoted to the service of the English. After the Plim- oiith people had f()und that Taloson was concerned in the destruction of Clark\'i garrison, they sought for some li'iendly Indians who would under- take to d(!liv(!r him and his abettors into their hands. Captain ,^mos ten- dered his services, and was duly commissioned to prosecute the enterprise, * hi Kin, throe biilians wore killed between Qiiabaog and SprinsTfiold. by otlicr bidians. Tlio M(-\l year, fivi' nihris wire lvi!locl alxnit iiiiiUwiy bolwooii (iiiii!iao!f aiKl l.iinoiisler. — i\'intlirnp'.i Ji.nnnl, {^uriiiir'x eil.) Surli inslaiioos wore coniiiion aniony Iho Indians. t Sure Ar^iiinonl-; 1(1 prove that tlie .lew-i inhaliit now in .\\norira.— Hv Tlwimis Tltnrow- ■: -tell' jrnod, llo. i.oiidon. Itj.j.'. ?>ir Ji THE Americans no Jews. L'Estr uiibwcrcd this hook by uiiolhcr, entitled 80 TN'Di.w srt! \T\(;inis,— i,t(;ff TiYio: fn.x.K rii. and to t(ilu> into tlint .-(Mvii-c miiv <>\' his iViriHls. I\Ic7iiifiiii( , Tiilimm \\m\ fled. f<» l'!li/:ilictll Isl.Miul, ill coiiiiiMliy witli I'diarhnnoti, !iii \vii« nisii lo Ito tdkt'ii, \\' lie cniild In- ruiiiid. 'I'liiH I'diiirhmtdn wiiH proliiililv Tdlo- ii()ii\i linillicr's son, soiiiclinics cmINmI Tom, who, if thi> hjiimc, whs iiIso fit fho ih'Hlioyinif ol" Clntl's ;,f;in-isiiM. Xrt the wily rhirls rhidcd the vifrihiiicr of ('iilitnin ./mo.'!, hy llyiiii; (ri)!M th'it ri'v,ioii iiiti) llir NipmiikM" I'oimtry, whcro they joined /'hlli/i. 'I'll ciironniiic :;n>tit('r cxcilion on Ihc jiiirt of th(^ CrM'iully Indiiiii.w, to cxciMitc llicir coiiimissioii, il \v;is ordered, thiit in eiise they ciiiiliired iiiiil I'ronsrht in .ither Taloxon or I'cii'irliu.idii, "ihey niiiy <'\|)ect for their rewiird, lor eiieh wf them I'oin' eojils, mid ii eoat apiece (or every other liidiiiu that shall prov<< inereliaiitalile." We jifive mentioned in a li)riiier ',s' warriors hud hlackened their faces, wliiidi ('aplnin .Imos had ohserved, and hy means of po>\der contrived lo discolor his own niKdiservcil hy them. Wlii'ii he had done this, he nianaired, hy a dextrous iiiaiMeiivre, lo pass amoiii,' the enemy for one ot' them, and hy thesis means escaped. What were (\')plain .linos's other acts in this war, if .•my, we have not hviriied ; »ior do we meet aj^Min with him until lt!H!>. In that year, he went ^ithCol. <7u(»vA air.'iinsl tiie eastern Indians and l'"reiicii, in whi(»»n7, out ol' \>hieh one man was killed, who was i}^ ^"a^ml)nth on ("ape Cod.-t- M( J iriT'( )()'!', of the trihe of the Siykonates, .xlrHordiiiary mid iMiaccountahle ocei'.rreiice. and srr(>at hianie was charjjeahle somewhere, la this wretched dilemma, the fiirht liaviiiir already hetinii, Clntirh set some at work makinir the hiillels into shins, liy which resort he was ahle lo coiitiniie the linht. It heinj; lii^rh water at tlie time, an estuary separated the hattle-iironiid tiom the town. The hnllets were to he carried to the army eii l''iii;lisli, lit . //(I licC who WHS ohiihly I'alo- IIM nIsK (if (lie vii,nliiMcc of iiiilrv, \vli(Tn y liiiliiiiis, to tipliii'cil iiriil llicir iTwiird, liiiliiiii tli.'it t;istrr>|i|i(' of sc;i|ic(l lliiil. s, iiiid wlii'ii ill till' tliiirli, ( !i i;'l''aiii of lilc |in'S('iici> lin .■ImoH liiiil I iinoliHci'vcil lllillldMh I'C, I'scnpcd. vc liMvc not ciir, lie went: liicli <'\|i('(li- <'il with iii.s crclly iiikIci- Mil- iiiiiiih'cd liiiiiH did nut -tiTii coiiiitiy ;lit at ("jisco, 1(1. Two of thcr (Viriidly ■i ('.NiicdilioM, I'd, wlut was I in rhtll/i'.i 1' fxpcdition, it well niirh lornitijr, alicr iii('.\'|ir('Hsilii(! U'T than thi- laccoiiMtalilc lis \Mi'tclii'd ■oi'i< iiiakiiii; he li-;!!!. Jt lid ri'Diii tlic iickcts, alii-r lip, Colonel (' hiinsclt' to laki! it over isly repassed tic "of biil- leniy put lo tins, hilt few Kiijflish, at riieii Lilllc- to wliiit is ! expcdilioii. now ciilifd Pidnwr^H Islamic niiiir IIk; iiiontli of (yiisliiKJt River, wlioro Ih; lield liiiii ill fjiiiird until lie could Ik; safely ei)iidiu;ted to Fiiinoiitli. About tlio tiiiii; Jlkkompoin was killed, and J'hillji'n wU'f iiiul won wiin; liikeii, ('hurch ^'iivi; liiiii II ('ii|itaiii'H <-<>iniiiiHsioii, itihr wliirli In; iiukU; hcvim'uI HiiceesHfiil t'xpeditionH. — VVc now pass toi-liarai'tei'H liilli(;i'ti) lij.sis known, tlioiif^h perhupH of nion; inti^n^st. Very little was known of (•(Mtain iiiiporlaiil cliaracterH anioiif^ tlio friondly Indians of MasMaeliusetls, which slioiih'. Imvc by no Mieaiis biien ovorlook(!(l, until tJH! discovery of !\lr. (Idohiri's iiiannscript iiistory of tlio (iriiyinf^ Indiiins, not lonf( sinctj, and to wliicii wo iiavo ollen nifiirriid iiircudy. Wo hIihII, tlierel(>re, devote; the n;inaind(;r of tlio present clmjiter to their history. JOU KA'l"rKNANIT seems first to doinaud uttention. lie was u (Jhristiiin Indian, and lived hoiih; time at Natick, lint was ut one time a preach(;r ut iMaj^'iinko;;, and bek»n},'e(l oriffinally, wo believi), to HaHsanainosit. However that may havi; been, it is cenaiii he lived jIkm'o in the lM;f;iiininji; of PAi/t/)',t war, when that chief's nun mMd(; a d(;sceiit ii|ion tlio |)lii(re, with tin; intention of carryinj? away those (,'liristian Indians prisoners. Jolt iiinde his escajie from them at this tiiii< . and came in to the ICn^dish at JVlendon. lie had still three children in ti leiny's IimikIs, and lu; was willin;,' to run any v<;ntiire to release lliem. . iieri lore applied tiir and obtained a pass, assiirin;^' liiiri .saliily, jirovided that, in his return, he should liill into tin; IiiiikIs of the I'iiif?- lisli scouts. IJi'sides liheratiii;; his children, considerablo hopes were enter- 'aincd, that he mi<.di( be enabled to furnish information of tin; enemy. It nnliii'tunately happen(;d, that, lielon; he had passed tin; i'rontier, lie li.;ll in with some I'lnfflii'h soldiers, who tn'at(;d him as a jirisoner, and iv* enemy, oven liikiii!!; fi-oni him his clothes and ffiin, si'iidin^ him to the st>Vf"'"<"' of Uosion ; '■ who, more to satisly tiii! clamors of the ju;opJe than for any otiiineo coinmifted," assifrned him to the common jail, wli(;r(; ho suiferedexeeediiif^ly; liinisclf and many oth(;rs beiiifr crowded info a narrow and filthy jiIium;. Af- t(;r about lhr(;e W(;eks, h • was taken out and sent to Deer Island. The (rlani- ■ors of tin; jieoph; wen; indeed liiffh at this time, and many accused Major December, Ki/.'i, the I'iiif^lish were very nnxious to <\ 1. vi. JOS— 2()8. t 'I'lio SiUiu'. i)ri)l>eilily, ciillod .\iiiiiiiiip. wlio was at'tcrwards executed at liiislon, at the »mi)'.' liiiu' ivilli t^<\::^niiiort-Siun. Wee UiuutirJ, 'io. s>rvj IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) .4. 1.0 I.I [f i^ IIIIIM •^ 1^ III 2.2 ^ 1^ 12.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 ^1 6" - ► % V] >> ">> Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRHT WBBSTER.N.Y. 14580 (716) 672-4S03 i/j 88 KATTENANIT. [Book hi. intended shortly to visit Philip; and insisted that QuannapoTiit shijld ac- company him, and it was witli no small difficulty he was ahle to elude the vigilant eye of Mautamp, and make his escape, which, however, was effected only hy a cunning stratagem, as follows: — He told Mavlamp that he had fbught against Philip in the commencement of the war, and that Philip knew him, and that, unless he could go to him with some important trophy, Philip would not believe him, and would immediately kill him. And moreover, Tukapeidllin had privately told him that Philip had given out word that cer- tain praying Indians ehoidd be sought after, and, if possible, seized and brought to him; for he wanted to put them to death in a cruel manner, with his own hands, and that he was one of them. He therefore told Maviamp that he wonld go, iii tiie first place, and kill some English, and take their heads along with him, and then he should consider himself safe. This being consented to, he lost no time in retracing liis steps to the frontiers of the English. He mentions Monaco, ov One-eyed-john, as a great captain among the ene- my, who also treated him kindly, and entertained him iu his wigwam during his stay there ; they being old acquaintance, having served together in their wars against the Mohawks, ten years before.* And here also Mr. Gookin gives a favorable account of .Wonoco. Philip had ordered that the jiersons above named should be brought to him, if taken alive, "that he might put them to some tormenting death, which had hitherto been prevented by the care and kindness of a great captain among ihem, named John-mth-one-eye, belonging to Nashua,f who had civilly treated and Erotected James, and entertained him at his wigwam, all the time of his eing there." f Job was requested to come away with Q^uanapohit, but saw no way of getting away his children, which was a main object with him. He knew, too, that James could give all the information they both possessed at that Iieriod, and not considering himself in imminent danger, preferred to tarry onger. At Wancxit, or Manexit, they fell in with seven Indians, who took them and conveyed them about twenty miles, across the path leading to Connecti- cut, northward from Uuabaog. These were some of the Quahmsits and Seguncsits. At' this place were throe towns which contained about 300 warriors well armed. Here they were threatened with death, their mission being truly guessed. But going to the wigwam of One-eyed-john, " Sagamore of Nashua," or Monaco, ho charged his gun and said, "I will kill whom- Boever shall kill (^utnapohit." § Some said he had killed one of Philip's couMsclloi-s 11 at Mount Hope, and Philip had hired some to kill him; also James Speen, Andrew Pitimy, Cajitain Hunter, Tlwmas Quanapohit, and Peter Ephrmm. On being ordered to visit Philip, ^^Job and he pret«!nded to go out ununting, killed three dear (piickly, and j)erceiving they were dogged by some other Indians, went over a pond and lay in a swamp till before day, and when they had prayt-d together he ran away." Job was to return to tho enemy, and tell them that James ran away becatise they had threatened to kill him. Job, not being particularly obnoxious to them, concluded to remain longer for the end of ransoming his children, as we have said. Ho retiu-ned to the English in the night of the J)th of Ftibruary, and said, as Jamrs had before, tliat on the next day Lancaster woidd be attacked, for he kn(!W about four biuidred of the enemy were aln^ady on their march, and it so resulted. He further informed the English, that the enemy would shortly attack Medfield, Grotou, Marlborough, and oth(si' places, and that the Nar- rugansets had joined Philip and tho Nipmuks. While Jams was there, " a Narrogans«'t brought to them one English head : they shot at him, and said the Narragauseta were the English friends ull last • Of lliis war we Imvo (riven nn ncroiinl in Book II. clinp. III. t Ciilk'il siifjuiiKiro of Nnsliua, ill llii; Cotton muiiusinpls. i Hi!ctwcen )ably taken Chap. VI.J NEPANET.— SECOND EMBASSY. 91 acquaintance. Tiiey said they were well, but very melancholy." They brought her two biscuits and a pound of tobacco. The tobacco she gave to the Indians, and, when it was all gone, one threatened her because she had no more to give ; probably not believing her. F^he told him when her husband came, she would give him some. " Hang him, rogue, says he, 1 will knock out his brains, if he conies here." "Agaiu, at the same breath, they would say, if there should come an hundred without guns they would do them no hurt. So unstable and like madmen they were." * There had been somediing talked about Mr. Rowlamlaon's going himself to ransom his wife, but she says she dared not send for him, " for there was little more trust to them than to the master they served." * JVt panel learned by the enemy that they lost in the fight when Capt. Peirse was killed, " scores of their men that sabbath day." f As they refused to treat with Tom JVepanet alone, Peter Conway was joined with him on a second expedition, as we have seen, which led to several others, to which some English ventured to add themselves, which resulted in the redemption of Mrs. Roiolandson and several others. "When the letter was come, (says Mrs. R.\ the saggamores met to consult about the captives, and called me to them, to inquire how niucli my husband would give to redeem me : When I came and sat down among them, as I was wont to do, as their manner is : Then they bid me stand up, and said they tcere the general court. They bid me speak what I thought he would ^ive. Now knowing that all that we had was destroyed by the Indians, I was in a great strait." J She ventured, however, to say £20, and Tom and Peter bore the offer to Boston. Of their return the same writer proceeds: "On a sabbath day, the sun being about an hour high in the afternoon, came Mr John Hoar, (the council permitting him, and his own forward spirit inclining him,) together with the two fore-mentioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with the tliird letter from the council. When they came near, I wus abroad ; they presently called uie in, and bid mo sit down, and not stir. Then they catched up their guns and away they ran, as if an enemy had been at hand, and the guns went off apace. I manifested some great trouble, and asked them what was the matter. I told them I thought they had killed the Englishman ; (for they had in the mean time tohl me that an Englishman had come ;) they said, Ab, tkeij shot over his horse, and under, and before his horse, and tliey pushed him this way and tluit way, at their pleasure, showing ium what they could do."§ Tliey would not at first suffer her to see Mr. Hoar, but when they had gratified their tantalizing whim sufficiently, she wtis permitted to see him. He brought her a pound ol' tobacco, whicii she sold for nine shillings. "The next morning, Mr. Hoar invited the saggamores to dinner; but when we went to get it ri'ady, we found they hiid stolen the greatest jiait of the provis- ions Mr. Hoar had brought. And we may see the wonderful jiower of God, in that one passage, in that, when there wus such a number of them together, and so gr(>edy ot a little good food, and no English there but Mr. Hoar and myselfj that there they did not knock us on the head, ai:ii take what we had ; there being not only some provision, but also trading cloth, a part of the 20 pounds agreed uiion : But instead of doing us any mischief, they seemed to be ashamed of tlio fact, aud said it was the matchit [bad] Indians that did it." II \i is now certain that this negotiation wus the immediate cause of their final, overthrow. For before this time the Pokanokets and Narrnsransetts went hand in hand against their common enemy, and they were the most powirliil tribes. This parleying with the English wus so detestable to Philip, that 11 se|)aration took place among these tribes in consequence, and he and the Xarnigaiisets scpuruted themselves from the Nipmuks, and other inland trilics, and went off to their own country. This wus thfl reason they were HO ciMily subdued after the separation took place. • Nnrriiiivp of lior Caplivily, 6t, 6*. \ }\MnUi\v, lU supra, (}6. t Manuicripts of Rev. / Cotton. H'>id.7J,72. II Ibid. 72, 73. OS PETER EPIIRAIM-QUANAPOHIT. [Book III. It wns tliroii{,'h JWpancfs rnrnns that a i)nrty of EnjrIi«I>, under Captain //encAwMin, wen! enabled to snrj)iirt(! a body ofiiis countrymen at Wesliakom* Ponds near Lancaster, ;{0 May, 1()7(>. Following in a traek pointed out by JVepanet, the Indians were liillen upon while fishing, and, Innng entirely un- jjrepared, seven were killed, and '-iit taken, ehii'ilv wonuui and children. PETER-EPHRAIM and ANDREVV-PITYME were also two other considerably distinvnished Ni|)nink Indians. They rendenul nuich service to the English in Philip's war. They went out in January, 1G7G, and brouglit in tnnny of the Nipnets, who had endeavored to shelter themselves under Uiicas. But, Mr. Hubbard observes, that Uncas, having "shabbed" them off, "they were, in the begiiming of the winter, [lfi7(),] brought in to Boston, many of them, by Peter-ephrainmiid Andnw-pibpne" Ephraim commanded an Indian company, and had a commission from government. The news that many of the enetny were doing mischit^f about Rehobolh caused u party of English of Medrield to march out to tlunr relief; Ephruim went with than, with his company, which consisted of 29. The snow being deej), the English soon grew dis(!ouraged,and returned, but Captain J5p/imim continued the inarch, and came upon u body of them, encani])ed, in tlie night. Early the next morning, he successftillv surrounded thcni, and oftisrcd them quar- ter. "Eight resolute fellows retiised, wlio were presently shot;" the others yieldere(ore, could only save them. The wigwam was situated upon an eminence ; and some were standing in tiio door, when they approached, who discovered them ns soon as they came in sight. One prescmted his gun, but, the weather being stormy, it did not go oil'. At this moment our chief, looking back, called, and mad<' many gestures, as though he were dis- posing of u large force to encompass them. At this munwuvre they all fled, • Roger Williams scls down sea as ilic dctiaiiion tf W'echkum, [Book III. 3r Cnptam eHlmkom * ;e(l out by iitirnly lui- Iron. wo other ch service id brought Ives under " them off, to Boston, imnmnded Tlie news *ed u [)arty went with 3; deep, the I contnmed rlit. Early them quor- tlie others exploits of brother of f hostilities of praying mmediately It Hope by icers under et many of into disre- y conclude, ic contrary, s. Qiiana- Iho scalps St be men- ginning of one of the being ex- and struck luiscd it to itiistanding in tiie war ervcd, shall comitry, he about ten cbtul again ()ver("d that nstnictions. fit. They an old wig- vered some I them, and have been I occasion ; [uatcd upon pproaclied, stuitod his loinont our were dis- iiey all fled, Chap. VII.] PASSAC^NAWAY. 93 being six in number, leaving our heroes to pursue their object Thus their preservation was due to Quanapohit ; and is the more to be admired, as they were in so far destitute of the moans of defence. Captain ^uanapohit had liimself only a pistol, and one of his men a gun without a flint, and tlie other no gun at all.* It was about the time these events occurred, that Captain Tom, of whom wo have spoken, his daughter, and two children, were taken by a scout sent out by Captain Henchman, about 10 miles south-east of Marlborough. They appear to have been taken on the 11 June, and on the 26 of the same month Captain Tom was executed. CHAPTER Vn. Of the Indians in J^ero Hampshire tiiid Maine prerlmis to their wars with the whites^ Dominions of the bashaba — Priinlms in war — I'AssACONAWAy — His dominions — His last speech to his people — His life. — U's daughter vuirries Winnapurket — Peti- tions the court of Massachusetts — Lands allutted to him — English send a force to ■ disarm him — Their fears of his enmity unfounded — they seize and illtreat his son — He escapes — Passaconaway delivers his arms, and makes pence with the English- Traditions concerning — L//"e 0/ Wannalanckt — His situation in Philip's tear — . Messengers and letters sent him by the English — Leaves his residence — His humanity — fate of JosiAH NouEL — fVannalancet returns to his country — His lands seized in his absence — He again retires into the wilderness — Mosely destroys his village, fyc. — Imprisoned for debt — Favors Christianity — ^ speech — WEHANOWiNowiT, sachem of A'ew Hampshire — Rodiniiood — His sales of land in Maine — Monciuine — Kknnf.bis — AssiMiNASftUA — Abbioauasset — Their residences and sides of land — Melancholy fate of Chocorua. Some knowledge of the Indians eastward of tho Massachusetts was very early obtained by Captain John Smith, which, however, was very general ; as that they were divided into several tribes, each of which had their own sachem, or, as these more northern Indians pronounced that word, sachemo, which the English understood sagamore ; and yet all the sachemos acknowledge 1 subjection to one still greater, which they colled bashaia. Of the dominions of the bashaba, writers difftu* much in respect to their extent. Some supj^ose that his autliority did not extend this side tlie Pas- , cataqua, but it is evident that it did, from C'untain Smith's accountf Wars and pestilence had jjreatly wasted the eastern Indians but a short time before the English settled ni tho country ; and it was thou difficult to determine the relation the tribes had stood in one to the other. As to the bashaba of Penob- scot, tradition states that he was killed by the Tarratiucs, who lived still farther east, in a war which was at its height in 1G15. PASSACONAWAY seems to have been a bashaba. He lived upon the Merrimack River, at a place called Pennakook, and his dominions, at the period of the English settlements, were very extensive, even over the sachems living upon tho Poscataqua and its branches. The Abenaques inhabited between the Pascataqua and Penobscot, and the residence of the chief sachem was upon Indian Island.| Fluellen and Captain Sunday were early known as chiefs among the Abenaques, and Squando at a later period; but * Gnokin's MS. Hist. Prayiiiij Indians. t " The principal luibitnlioiiM I saw at northward, was Penobscot, who are in wars with the Toreiitines, their next northerly noijfhbors. Southerly iip the rivers, and along the coast, we found Mecadacul, Seffockel, Pcmmn'idid, Nusoonciis, So^adahock, Satqiiin, Aumauirhcaw- fen and Kcnabeca. I'o those belonir the coiuitries and people of Scgota^ro, Pauhunlaimck, 'ocopassuni, Taiightanukngnct, \\^ibi(r(raniis, Nassnquc, Mashcrosqueck, Wawripvick, MoshiKiuen, Wnccogo, Pasharniinck, &.c. To those aro allied in confederacy, the countries of Aiirooisco, Accoininticus, Pa.Hsata(|uak, Auj^awonm and Nacmkenk, all these, for any thinjf I could perceive, ditfcr little in lan<;iiHno or any ihini; ; thousjh most of Ihcm be sagamoj and lords of themselves, yet they li. ' ' the bnslmbes of Penobscot the chief and gtC3tcs( iinionirsi Ihem." .'{ Coll Mass. Hist. >Vc. iii. 21, 22. \ WiUiainaon's Hist. Maine, ii, 1. 04 PASSACONAWAY. [Book III. of these we sball be more pai-ticular liereafter : the first snchcm we should notice is Passaconaway. He '• lived to a very great age ; for," says tJie aiitlior of my manuscript, "1 saw him alive at Pawtucket, when he was about a hundred and twenty years old."* Before his death, he delivered the follow- ing speech to his children and friends : " / am noio going the way ofalljiesli, or ready to die, and not lihdy to see you ever meet togetlier any more. Jtmtt now leave this tcord of counad with youjtfiat you may take heed Iiow you quan'elmthtlie English, for though you may do them much mischief, yet assuredly you will all be destroyed, and rooted off the earth if you do ; for, I was as much an enemy to the English, at their first coming into tliese parts, as any one whatsoever, and did try all ways ami means possible, to have destroyed them, at least to Imve prevented them settling dotvn here, but I could no way effect it ; therefore I advise you never to contend with the English, nor make war iinth them„" And Rlr. Huhbard adds, " it is to be noted, that this Passaconawa was the most noted powow and sorcerer of all the country." A story of the maiTiage of a daughter of Passaccnaway, in 1G62, is thus related. Winnepurket, commonly called George, sachem of Saugus, made known to the cliief of Peunakook, that he desired to marry his daughter, which, being agreeable to all parties, was soon consummated, at the resi- dence of Passaconaway, and the hilarity was closed with a great feast. Ac- cording to the usages of the chiefs, Passaconaway ordered a select number ol" his men to accompany the new-married coujjle to tiic dwelling of the husband. When they had arrived there, several days of feasting followed, for the entertainment of his friends, who could not be present at the con- summation at the bride's father's, as well as for the escort ; who, when this was ended, returned to Peniiakook. Some time after, the wife of ffinnepurket, expressing a desire to visit her father's house and friends, was permitted to go, and a clioice company con- ducted her. When she wished to return to her husband, her father, instead of conveying her as before, sent to the young sachem to come and take her away. He took this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in-law this answer: ■" When she departed from me, I caused my men to escort her to your dwell- ing, as became a chief She now hidving an intention to return to me, I did expect the same." The elder sachem was now in his turn angry, and returned an answer which only increased the ditlei-ence ; and it is believed tliat thus terminated the connection of the new husband and v.ife.f This same year, [10()2,^ we find the general court acting upon a petition of Passaconaway, or, as his name is spelt in the records themselves, Papisse- coneway. The petition we have not met with, but from the answer given to it, we learn its nature. The court say : " In answer to the petition of Papisseconeway, this court ^udgeth it meete to gruinit to the said Papiasecone- way and his men or associates about Naticot, I above Mr. BrerUon's lands, where it is free, a mile and a half on either side RIerremack Riuer in breadth, three miles on either side in length : provided he nor they do not alienate any part of this grant without leave and license from this court, first obtained." Governor fVinthrop mentions this chief as early as 1()02. One of his men, having gone with a white man into the country to trade, was killed by another Indian " dwelling near the Mohawks country, who fled away with his goods ; " but it seems from the same account, that Passaconatvay pursued and took the murderer. Li 1(542, there was great alarm throughout tlio English settlements, from the belief that all the Indians in the country were about to make a general massacre of the whites. The government of Mas- sachusetts took prompt measures " to strike a terror into the Indians." They tiierefore " sent men to Cutshamekin, at Braintree, to fetch him and his guns, * Oookin's Hist, of Prnijiug Indians. Tliis history was drawn up during liic year 1077, and liow long buforc this ilie author saw him, is unknown ; hut there ran be no douht but ho wiis dead some ^ears hcliire Philip's war. Nevertheless, wiih Mr. Hubbard and our text Ix'liirc hiin, the author of Tales of thf Imtians has niudo Passaconaway appear in the i>crEon oC Asi)i)iqiiid, in Mil'i, at Atrnmentacns in Maine. \ W'l'.uivA Croin I'acls in .'/drton's A'. Canaan, •t .VnuiiiiT versiun ol .Vi(/i«<;i-/idi^-, [Book III. Chap. VII.] WANNALANCET MADE PRISONER BY THE ENGLISH. 95 ve should lie uutlior 8 about a he foUow- allfesli, or \ now leave he English, ; destroyed, English, at ways ami tling down id with the I be noted, of all the 32, is thus gus, made daughter, t the resi- east. Ap- iiuinber ol" ig of the ; followed, t the con- when this o visit her ipany con- ler, instead d take her lis answer : [our dwell- i me, I did ngry, and is believed a petition s, Papisse- 3r given to letition of apissecone- on'a lands, in breadth, ot alienate jouit, first f bis men, killed by away with ly pursued ghout tlio »iti7 were it of Mas- ." They his guns, ! year IfiTT, oubl bui ho iiul our ti'xt I ihc person bows, &c., which was done ; and he came willingly : And being idte in the night when they came to Boston, he was put into the prison ; but the next morning, finding, upon examination of him and divers of his men, no ground of suspicion of his partaking in any such conspiracy, he was dismissed. Upon the warrant which went to Ipswich, Rowley and Newbury, to disarm Passaconamy, who lived by Merrimack, they sent forth 40 men armed the next day." These English were hindered from visiting the wigwam of Passaconaway, by rainy weather, " but they came to his son's and took him." This son we jiresuine' was Wannalancet. This they had orders to do ; but for taking a squaw and her child, they had none, and were orderqd to send them back again immediately. Fearing fVannalancefs escape, they "led him in a line, but lie taking an opportunity, slipped his line and escaped from them, but one very indiscreetly made a shot at him, and missed him nar- rowly." These were called, then, "unwarranted proceedings," as we should say they very well might have been. The English now had some actual reason to fofu* that Passaconaway would resent this outrage, and therefore " sent Cutshainekin to him to let hiia know that what was done to his son and squaw was without order," and to invite him to a parley at Boston; also, " to show him the occassion wliei'eupon we had sent to disarm all the In- dians, and that when we slioidd find that they were innocent of any such conspiracy, wo would restore all their arms again." Passaconaway said when he siiould have his son and squaw returned safe, he would go and speak with them. The squaw was so much frightened, that she ran away into the Avoods, and was absi-iit ten days. It seems that Wannalancet was soon lib- erated, as lie witliiii a short time went to the English, "and delivered up his giuii- &( no Thcs • were the circumstances to which Miantunnomoh alluded "together with their lands and so hajjpily athn'wards. At a court in Mat^.iacliiisetts in 1(544, it is said, " Passaconatoay, the Merri- mack s;i(li(Mn, came in and submitted to our government, as Pumhain, &c. had doiio helbro ;" and the next year tlie same entry occurs again, with the addition of his son's submission also, peo]ile." t This cliief is supj)osed to have died about the same time with Massasoit, a sachem whom in many respects^he seems to have much resembled. I Ho Avas often styled the great sachem, and, according to Mr. Hubbard, was con- sidered a great jiowwow or sorcerer among his people, and his fame in this respect was very extensive ; and we know not that there was any thing that they thought him not able to jici Ibrm : that he could cause a green leaf to grow in winter, trees to danc(>, and water to burn, sccin to have been feats of common notorietv in his time. WANNALANCF5T, or Womlancet, in obedience to the advice of his father, always kept peace witli the English. He resided at an ancient seat of the sagamores, upon the Mi rrimack, called at that time N'aamkeke, but from whence he withdrew, in the time of the war with Philip, and took up his quarters among the Pennakooks, who were also his people. About tiie beginning of September, 1G75, Captain Mosely, with about 100 men, was ordered to miu-ch up into the country of the Merrimack to ascertain the state of affairs under Wannalancet. These men scouted in warlike an'ay as far as Pemiakook, now Concord, N. II. They could not find an Indian, but came upon their wigwams, and burned them, and also a quantity of dried fish and other articles. Although this was a most wanton and unwarrantable, not to say unnecessary act of these whites, yet no retaliation took place on the jiart of the Indians. And whether to attribute their forbearance to cow- ardice, or to the great respect in which the dying advice of Passaconaway was * Winthrop's Journal. f Ibid, X Among other slaii7.ns in Farmei ami Moore's Collections, the following very happily introduces Passaconaway : — " Once did my throbbing bosom deep receive » The sketch, \\\\\c\i one. o( Passaconaway drew. Well may the muse liis memory retrieve From dark oblivion, and, with pencil true, Retoucii that picture strange, with lints and honors due." 96 WANNALANCET.-INDIANS SEIZED AT DOVER. [Book III.' lield, is not certnin ; for IVarudancet and his men liad notice of tlie approach-' of Mostly, and Jay concealed while he was destroying their effects ; and might have cutoff his company, which the young wai-riors advised, but. WanndaruxtwouUX not permit a gun to ho fired. Having abundant reason now to icar the resentment of the Pawtuckett and- Pennakook Indians, the council of Massachusetts, 7 September, 1675, ordered that Lieutenant Thomas Henchman, of Chelmsford, should send some messen-< gers to find him, and persuade him of their friendship, and urge hia return to his place of residence. With this order, a letter was sent to pFannalancet at the same time. They are as follows : "It is ordered by the council that Lieut.' Tho'. Henchman do forthwith endeavor to j)rocure by hire, one or two- suitable Indians of Wainesit, to travel and seek to find out and spealc with IVannalancet the sachem, and carry with tiicm a writing from the council, being tt safe conduct uiUo the said sachem, or any other principal men be- longing to Natahook, Penagooge, or other ]}eople of those northern Indians, = giving (not exceeding six persons) fi*ee liberty to come into the house of tho said Henchman, where the council will appoint Capt. Gookin and Mr. Eliot to" treat witii them about terms of amity and peace between them and the Eng- lish; and in case agreements and conclusions be not made to mutual satis-' faction, then the said sachem and all otiiers tliat accompany him shall have free liberty to return back again; and this ofler the council are induced to> make, because the said Wannalancet sachem, as they are informed, hath de- clared himself that the English r.ever did any wrong to him, or his father Passaconaway,h\\\. always lived in amity, and tliat his tiither charged him so to do, and that said Wannalancet will not begin to do any wrong to the English." The following is the letter to Wannalancet : — "This our writing or safe conduct doth declare, that the governor and council of Massachusetts do give you and every of you, provided you exceed not six persons, free hberty of coming luito and returning in safety from the house of Lieut. T. Henchman at Naamkeake, and there to treat with Capt. Daniel Gookin and Mr. John Eliot, whom you know, and [whom] we will fully empower to treat and conclude with you, upon such meet terms and articles of friendship, amity and subjection, as were formerly made and concluded between the Englisii and old Passaconaway, your father, and his sons and people ; and for this end wo have sent these messengers [blank in the MS.] to convey these imto you, and to bring your answer, whom we desire you to treat kindly, and speeilily to despatch them back to us with- your answer. Dated in Bostcui, 1 Oct. 1G75. Signed by order of the. council. JoH» Leverett, Gov'. Ediai. Rawson, Seer." . • The messengers who went out with tliis letter, to find Warincdancet, could* not meet with him, but employetl tuiother to find him, and returned ; and whether he ever received it is not distinctly stated. However, with a few followers, he retired into the wilderness near the source of tho Connecticut/ and there passed the winter. The next summer he was joined by parties of Nipmuks under Sammore sam, One-eyed-john, and others, who, coming in' with him, were in liopes of receiving pardon, but their fate has b^en* stated. Major WW-'-oji of Cochccho had many Indians in his interest during the war with Philip, Some of these were employed to entice men from the enemy's ranks, and they succeeded to a great extent. And by the Ireginning of September, 1(576, about 400 Indians, from various clans far and near, had been mduced to come into Dover. Among these was Wannalancet and his company. They came without hesitation, as they had never been engaged in the war ; and many who had been engaged in hostility came along with them, presuming thoy might be overlooked in the crowd, imd so escaj)e the vengeance of their enemies ; but tlicy were all made prisoners on the 6 Sep- tember by a stratagem devised by si-veral officers, who with their men hap- j)ened then to be at Dover with If'nlilmn, and somewhat more than half of the whole were sold iiUo foreign slavery or executed at Boston: about 200 were of the former number. Chap. VII.] tVANNALANCET RETIRES TO CANADA. 9T The stratagem made use of to trepan those Indians was as follows: It was proposed by the English that they should join with tlie Indians in a training, and have sham-fights. Wliile performing their evolutions, a movement was made by the whites, which entirely surrounded the Indians, and they were all secured witliout violence or bloodshed. On the 3 May, 1076, Thomas Kimhal of Bradford was killed, and his wife and five children carried into the wilderness. From the circumstance that fFantuUancel caused them to be sent home to their fi'icnds again, it would 8eem that they were token by some of the enemy within his sachemdom, or by some over whom he had some control. From a manuscript written about the time,* wo are able to make the following extract, which goes to show that fVannalancet was ever the friend of the English, and also his disposition to humane actions. Mr. Cobbet says, " though she [Mrs. Kimbal,] and her sucking child were twice condemned by the Indians, and the fires ready, made to burn them, yet, both times^ saved by the request of one of their own grandees ; and afterwards by the intercession of the sachem of Pennicook, stirred uj) tliereunto by Major fValdron, was she and iicr five children, together with Philip Eastman of Haverhill, taken captive when she and her children were, set at liberty, without ransom." The 400 Indians surprised at Cochecho,by Hathome, Frost, Sill, and Wal- dron, included tf^annalancet with his people, who did not probably exceed 100. This chief, then, with a few of his people, being set at liberty, was per- suaded to return to his former residence at Naanikeke, but he never felt rec- onciled here afterwards, for it had become almost as another place : some lawless whites had seized upon his lands, and looked upon him with envious eyes, as though he had liecn an intruder and had no right there. He, howe\er, continued for about a year afterwards, when, upon tlie 19 September, 1G77, he was visited by a party of Indians from Canada, who urged him to accom- pany them to th(!ir country. He finally consentci, and with all of his people, except two, in number about 50, of whom not above eight were men, dejjart- ed lor Canada, and was not heard of after, f It was on this very same day, viz. 19 September, that a party of Indians fell upon Hatfield, the particulars of which irruption, though in one view of the case does not strictly belong to the life of nannalancet, we give here in the words of Mr. Hubbard. X " About Sept. 19th, 40 or 50 River Indians § fell sud- denly upon the town of Hatfield, whose inhabitants were a little too secure, and too ready to say the bitterness of death was past, because they had neither seen nor heard of an enemy in those parts for half a year before. But at this time, as a considerable number of the inhabitants of that small village were employed in raising the frame of an house without the palisadoes, that defend- ed their houses from any sudden incursions of the enemy, they were violent- ly and suddenly assaulted by 40 or 50 Indians, whom they wei'e in no capacity to resist or defend themselves, so as several were shot down from the top of the house which they vvere raising, and sundry were carried away captive, to the number of 20 or more, which was made up 24 with them they carried away the same or the next day from Deerficld, whither some of the inhabitants had unadvisedly too soon returned. One of the company escaped out of their hands two or three days after, who informed that they had passed with their poor cai)tivrs two or three times over the Connecticut to prevent being pursued." At first this attack was supposed to have been made by a party of Mohawks, according to Gookin, because it took place the next day after some, of that nation had passed through the place with some Christian Indians prisoners, and a scalp, which was afterwards found to have been taken from the head of an Indian named Josiah JVauel, If near Sudbury. But one of the captives * By Rev. T. CoAAcf ef Ipswich. t GooKfN's MS. Hist. Praying Fndians. t Hist. N. England, G36. 5 They inliahitcd rhiolly in New York nlon|j the Hudson ; a frw in llie N. Vv. corner of Connecticut, and a few on the Housatunnuk River. Hopkf.v's Memoir of the Hmisatnnnuk Indians, p. 1. — " The Wabiiiga, sometimes called River Indians, sometimes Mohicanders, and who had their dwellings between the west branch of Delaware and Hudson's River, from the Kitlntinney ridge down to the Rarilon." Jefferson's Notes, .WS. II By his death four small childrea were If ^ fatherless. Ntmel and James Seen had been 9 08 ASIIPELON.— STOCKWELI/S CAPTIVITY. [Book III. taken at Hatfield escaped, and rotiirnod soon after, and reported thattlie rom- puny of Indians tl-Ht attacked Hatfield consisted of 23 men and four women, and were some of those who had l)oh)n>red to Philip's party, l)Ut had taken up their residence in Canada, from whence tiiey made tiiis exjiedition.* Another party left Canada at tiie same time, who, after separating ii'oni the former, directed theic course towards ftlcrrimack, and this was the company who {)er8iiaded or comjjellod fi'annalnncet to go with them. That he went not by compulsion is very prohable ; for the i)arty with whom lie went oflf "were his kindred and relations, one of them was his wife's brother, and his eldest son also lived with the French " in Canada, f While at Pawtncket, and not long belijro his final departure, Wannalancet went to the Reverend Mr. Fiske of Chelmsford, and inquircul of him con- cerning the welfiire of his former acquaintances, and whether the place had snftercd much during the war. Mr. Mske answered that they had been highly favored in that resi)ect, and for which he thanked God. " Me next," said the chief, thereby intimating that ho was conscious of having prevented mischief from falling upon them. \ In 1059, Wannalnnsit was thrown into prison for a debt of about £45. IIi» people, who owned an island in 3Ierrimack River, three miles above Paw- tuckett Falls, containing 60 acres, half of which was under cultivation, relinquished it, to obtain his release. About 1G70, ho removed to PawtucJcett Falls, where, upon an eminence, he built a fort, and resided until Philip's ■war. He was about 55 years of age in 1()74 ; always friendly to the English, but unwilling to bo importuned about adopting tlieir religion. When he hacl pot to be very old, however, he submitted to their desires in that respect. Upon that occasion he is reported to have said, " I must acknowledge I have all mif days been used to pass in an old canoe, and now you exhort rne to change and leave my old canoe and embark in a new one, to which I have hitherto been umvill- ing, bid now I yield up myself (o your advice, and enter into a ncio canoe, and do engage to pray to God litreafUrf* Reverend John Eliot thus writes to the Honorable Robert Boyle § in England, together but half an hour before the former was killed, and by appointment were to have met again. But ivlieii Ifpceit came to the place, he could tiiid nothing of his friend. Tlioy were brolhers-in-taw. * It seems from the narrative of Quint'm StockireH, that the party who oommiltrd this depredation was lorl liy a groa< and magnanimous saehem railed ASHPELON, of whom, further than the events of this famous expedition, I have learned nothing. " Sept. 19, J()77, about sunset," saya Stoctwell, "land another man being together, the Indians with great shouting and shooting came upon us, [at Decrfield,] and some other of the English hard by, at which we ran to a swamp for refuge ; which they perceiving, made after us, and shot at us, three guns being discharged upon me. The swamp being miry I slipt in and fell down ; whereupon an Indian slept to me, with his hatchet lifted up to knock me on the head, sup- posing 1 was wounded, and unfit for travel. It happened I had a pistol in my pockel, which though uncharged, I presented to him, who presently stept back, and told me, if 1 would yield I should liave no iiurt ; boasted that they had destroyed all Hatiield, and that the woods were full of Indians ; wheronpon I yielded myself" He was then taken back to Decrfield, where he was pinioned, and with other captives marched into the wilderness. Their siiller- ings, as usual m Indian captivity, were most cruel and severe ; for many nights together they were " staked dovfn " to tlie cold ground, in this manner : The captive being lain back, his arms and feet were extended, and with cords or withes lashed to upon his strikes driven into the ground for thai purpose. Uesider, lashing the arms and lees, the neck and body were also secured in the same way, and often so tight as to cause swelfings and the most excruci- ating pains. While on their march, the captives had frequent opportunities of escaping singTy, but would not, lor fear of endangering the lives of the rest ; but at length Bevjamin Stebhins, in a journey whh his Indian master to VVachuset hill, made his escape. When the rest knew this, they were for burning the remaining captives, but .some being opposed te the measure, they agreed to have a cmirt and debate tlie suoject. Ashpelon told the English not to fear, for he would speak last, and would frustrate the design of burning, for he would show that it was not Stebbins's fault (or running away, but the fault of the Indian who had him in charge ; and he brought it to pass, as he had promised. Having at length arrived among the French, Stockwell was pawned to one of them, and in the end sold for 21 beaver skins, and some time the next year got home again. Remarkable Proridences. Dlome's America, 221. t Gonkin's MS. History. i Allen's Hist. Chelmsford, 157. ^ For many years at the head of the Society for Proi^agating the Gospel among the Indians. He was a great benefactor of N. England, and one of the foimders of the Roval Society of Loudon. He was by birth an Irishman, but settled finally at Oxford, England. lie died in Loii- [Book III, nttliecom- iir womon, liad taken xpedition.* J iioni tha e company it lie went I went off er, and lii» ^annalancet ' liim con- I place had had been Me next," : prevented £45. His bove Paw- cultivation, 'awtiickett itil Philip's le. English, len he hatl at rcspectr e / httve all :hange and sen nnurill- canoe, and a England, to have met Tliey were Timittrd this of whom, 19, lfi77, with great hard by, at shot at us, fell down ; head, sii;)- kcl, which if 1 would the woods Decrfield, heir sullbr- a'ther they upon his kcs driven body were >st cxTruci- esrapinp;' Benjamin VVhoii the osed te the nglish not ould sliow lad him in among the skins, and erica, 221. rd, 157. ie Indians, jociety of ed in Lou- Chap. VII.] WANNALANCET. in 1677 : — " We had a sachem of the gi-eateat blood in die coimtry submitted to pray to God, a little belbre tlie wars : his name is Wanalauncet : in the time of the wars he fled, by rea.son of the wicked actings of some English youth, who causelessly and basely killed imd wounded soine of them. He was persuaded to come in again. But tiie English having plowed and sown with ry« all their lands, they had but little corn to subsist by. A party of French Indians, (of whom some were of the kindred of this sachem's wife,) very lately fell upon this peoj)le, being but few and unarmed, and partly by perauBsion, partly by force, carried them away. One, with his wife, child and kinswoman, who were of om* praying Indians, made their escape, came in to the English, and discovered what was done. These things keep some in a continual disgust and jealousy of all the Indians." * It may be proper to add a word upon the name of the place which we liave often mentioned in this life, as the same word, differently pronounced, was applied to a great many places by the Indians, and is the same word which Dr. /. Mather and some others made many believe was made up of two Hebrew words, to prove that the Indians were really the descendants of the diBjjersed Jews ; but for which purpose, if we are not misinfornjied, any other Indian word would answer the same purpose. The doctor writes the name JVehumkdk, and adds that JSTahum signifies consolation, and kdk a hosom, or heaven ; and hence tiie settlers of places bearing this name were seated in the bosom of consolation, f He points out this etymological anal- ogy in speaking of the settlement of Salem, which was called by the Indians J^aumkeag, JVumkeg, JVaamhok, JVaumkuJc, or something a little somewhat like it. A sad bosome of consolation, did it prove in the days of Tituha, (to .say nothing of some more modern events,) and even in Dr. Mather's own days. [Though a digression, we shall, I doubt not, be pardoned for uiseiting here Th: C. Mather's account of a curiosity at Ainoskeag Falls, which he gave in a letter to London, and which atlerwai'ds appeared in the Philosophical Transactions : t " At a i)!ace called Aniuuskeag, a liiile above the hideous § falls of Merimack River, there is a huge rock in the midst of the stream, on the top of which are a great number of pits, made exactly round, like barrels or hogsheads of different capacities, some so large as to hold several tuns. The natives know nothing of the time they were made ; but the neighboring Indians htive been wont to hide their provisions in them, in their wars with tlm ]Maquus ; affirming, God had cut them out lor that use for them. They seem plainly to be urtificiid." It could certainly have required no great sagacity to have supposed that one stone placed upon another in the water, so as to have been constantly rolled from side to side by the current, would, in time, occasion such cavities. One quite as remarkable we have seen near the source of this river, in its descent from the Franconia Mountains ; also upon the Mohawk, a short distance below Little Falls. They may be seen as you puss upon the canal. Eai'ly purchases of lands bring to our notice a host of Indians, many of don, IfiOl, aged fi4 years. The following lines are no less well conceived by the poet than dtiscrviid by tliis benevolent philosopher : How much to BovLE the learned world does owe, • The learned world does only know. He traced great nature's scciel springs ; '^ . The causes and the seeds of things } i What strange elastic power the air contains, What mother earth secures within her secret veins. Atlienian Oracle, i. 67. • 1 Coll. Slass. Hist. Soc. iii. 179. t Relation of the Troubles, &c. 20. Dr. Increase Matlier was the author of a great many works, chiefly sermons, many of which have become curious for their singularity, and some others valuable for the facts they contain. His sermons, like many others of that day, had very little meaning in them, anJ consequently are now forgotten. He was son of Ricltard Mather, preached m ISostoii above 60 years, died in 1723, aged 84 years. See his life, by his son, Dr. Cotton Mather, who was born 12 Feb, 1G62— d, died 13 Feb. 1727—8, aged 65. See his life by Santiirl Mather. I Vol. v. of Jones's Al)ridgement, part ii. 164. ^ \Vc cannot say what they were in those days, but s'houid expect to be laughed at if w« jsbotjld call them hidetms at the present time. 100 WEHANOWNOWIT.— ROBINHOOD. [Book HI. whom, though snchems, but for such circumstances of trade, would never liuvo come to our kiiowledire. There are some, however, of whom we shall in this chapter take notice, as such notices assist in enabling us to judge how the natives regarded theii" lands, and the territories of their neighboring countrymen. WEHiVNOWNOWIT was a New Hampshire sachem, whose name has been considerably handled within a few years, from its being found to the much-talked-of (lo.ed conveyijig lands in New Hampshire to the Reverend John Wlieelwri^lit, and others, 3 April, 1G38. If ff'ehanownoimt were sachem of the tract said to have been by him conveyed, his " kingdom " was larger than some can boast of at this day who call themselves kings. It was to contain '30 miles siiuare, and its boundaries were thus de8cri!)cd : " lying and situate within three miles on the northerne side of y" River Meremoke, extending thirty miles along by the river from the sea side, and from the sayd river side to Pisscutacpia Patents, 30 miles up into the countrey north- west, and so Irom the fiills of Piscataqua to Oy^^ter River, 30 miles square every way." The original is in possession of Mr. John Farmer, of Concord, N- II. * TuMMADOCKYOjv was a son of Wehanoumotrnt, and his name is also to till! deed above mentioned ; and another Indian, belonging to that tract of country, named fVatchenowd : these both relinquished their title to, or con- curred in the sale of said tract. lloBi.NHooD t was the liitiier of a more noted chief, whose Indian name was Wohawa, but connnonly known among the English as Hopehood. His territories, as will appear, were upon the Kennebeck River in the first settle- ment of N. England. Our first notice of Robinhood vans as follows: "Be it known" — "that I, itaj«f£ft/i, I soe called by my Indian name, or Robinhood, soe called by English name, sagamore of Negusset, [or Neguasseag,] doe freely sell vnto James Smitli," — "part of my land, beginning att Merry-meeting Cove, and soe dowjiward the maine riuer vnto a rocke, called H'inshwe's Rocke, in the longe reach, and in breadtii eastward oner the little riuer, runinge tlirough the great niersh, with the priuilidges [reserved to me] as hunting, fbwlinge, fishing, and other games." Smith was to pay him or liis heirs, on the 1 No- vember annually, "one peek of Indian corn." This deed bears date 8 May, lt>48, and is signed and witnessed as follows : — § Negwinis his -j- rnark. Robinhood VJ his mark. So.vtiRKEHooD /lis \' nutrk Mr.TiioMAS ^ his mark, and two English. Pewazeosakk Q^his mark. The mark ^^ oj Robin. The next year, KMO, he sold the island of Jen>my8l we find him selling his place of residence, vfrhich was in what is now Woolwich, to Edward Bateman and John Brown. In 1(>03, liohiidiood is mentioned as one of the principal chiefs among the eastern Inilians. || In M\7, the inhabitants upon Connecticut River, about lladley, sustained some injmy fi-om IndiariH, iu their lands and domestic animals, and Niitistac- tion thereti)r was ilemanded of Robinhood; at tlu; same tiiue threatening him witii the utmost severity, If the like should be repeated. But whether his people were tla; perpetrators we are not told ; but from the following fiicts it may hi; thtiught otherwise. "'l"o promote amity with them, license was at ' Icngtii given to the trtulers in fur and in peltries, to sell unto Indian friends * MS. roinimuiicnliein of tbnt gcnilcmnii. i 'I'lii'* iiiiim^ was iidiiptod, I li.ivc ii« doiihl, as it ramc somolhinif nrar iho snund of his Indinii 11,11111', as wns llii,' case in scvi'ral uisliiiici'S wliicii we liiivc ulroiuly rcoordod : ihc old Kiii^IImIi riililxT uf dial iiaiiif, or f'lihlcs roiirrrninf; liiin, an; uiiiiiiig tlio iirsl in tlio nurspry. Uvi'ji at litis dav, llii- I'lirimis adult will di!i|)oiiso with Mr. KUsun'n collucliuiitl of legt:uds con- ccniin;; liiin willi |M'('iiliar rf|;rt't. i 'I'lic same, I Mippiisp, railed in S'lllivuii'ii Hist. Rof^nmok, Jl-'roiM a iiiiiniisiripl copy of tlio orii;iiiBl dct'd. Hy Ji'SfltjH, who xii,iiL'il ''■- c """y »• this lime. Sco his V(i yyagei. [Book HI. Chap. VIL] KENNEBIS.— CHOCORUA. 101 TOiild never om we shall J judge how neighboring e name has )und to the e Reverend e sacliem of ' was larger It was to " lying and Meremoke, id from the iitrey north- liles square of Concord, amc is also hat tract of to, or con- idian name lehood. His first settie- "— "thati, ) called by ly sell vnto f Cove, and %cke, in the ige tlirough g, fowlinge, II the 1 No- date 8 May, wrk, nark, ia mark. BIN. ic east side residonce, ohn Broum, among the 1(1 HiiHtainnd satJHfac- tening him u'ther his wing facts 80 was at 'an Jriemls guns aiid ammunUion." * Hence tliese friends could see no reason, after- wards, why arms were prohibited thein, us we shall again have occasion to notice. On the breaking out of Philip's wai-, Rohinhood was in no wise inclined to join in it, and when a piuty of English was sent at that time to learn the feelings of his people in that res])ect, he made a great dance, and by songs and shouts expresHcd his satisfaction tluit the English were disposed to maintain peace. MoNQDiNE, "alias JVatahanada, the son of old JValawortnett, sagamore of Kcnnebeck River," sold to IftUiani Bradford and others, all the land on both sides of ^aid river, " I'rom Cussenocke upwards to We^serunsicke." This sale bore date 8 August, 1(>48. The signature is "Monquine, alias Dum- Jianadd.^' Then follows : " We, Jigodoademago, the sonne of WaasluenmlU 'i" J Tassiocke, the brother of JVataliunada, f do consent freely unto the sale to Bnulford, Paddy, and others." J lvE>.NKBis was a sachem from whom it has been supposed that the Ken- neheck River derived its name. But whetlier there were a line of eaga- niorcis of this name, li'om whom the river was so called, or whether sachems were so called troui their living at a certain place upon it, is unceitain. Ix is ccrtiiin, however, that there was one of this naine residing there, conteni- ])oraneously with Rohinhood, who, besides several others, deeded and ledcoded the lands up and down in the country. He was sometimes asso- ciated in his sales with jlbbigadasset, and sometimes with others. In l(i49, he sold to Chriaioplier Lawson all tlie laud on the Kennebeck River up as hijr'i as Taconnet liills, now Whislow, which was the residence of the great «;!)i(t' Essiminasqua, or Jlssinmutsqua, elsewhere mentioned. About the BiniH'. time, he sold tjie same tract, or a jjart of it, to Spencer and Clark. The r;'s'dt!uce of Kcnnchis was \i\mi\ Swan Isliuid, "in a delightful situation, and that of Ahblgadassd between a river of his name and the Kennebeck, Jipon tlie northern borders of Merry-meeting Bay." § Swan Island was purchasetl ot" .ibbigadassel in 1007, by Humphry Dame, and al'tervvards claimed by Sir John Davy, a serjeant at law. {| We shall prt)ceed to notice hero one, of anotlier age, whose melancholy fate has Jong since commanded the attention of writers. Some time previous to the settlement of Bui'ton, N. II., that is, previous to 17(>0, there resided in that region a small tribe of Indians, among whom was one named CimcoRUA, and he was the last of the primitives of tliose romantic scenes. This region was attracting to them on account of the beaver which were fomid ill its pellucid waters, and its cragged cliflij atlbrded safe retreats to a pliMitifiil game. It ie handed to us by tradition, that Chocoriia was the last oi' tills region, and that he was murdered by a miserable wiiite hunter, who, with others of his complexion, had wandered here in (piest of game. This solitary man hud retir4>d to a neighboring mountain, and was there discovered and siiot. The eniiimnce to which it is said this Indian had rctinul, is the highest mountain in iUirtoii, and commands u beautiful view of u great extent of surrouuiling country. One of the most superb engravings that has appeared in all uur annuals, is tliat representuig Chocorua in Lis last retreat. It is a fiict wi^ll known in all the mughboring parts of the country, that cattle cannot long survive in Burton, idthough there appears abiiiidan(;e of all that is necessary ibr their support. They Jose their a|)|K tite, pine and ioimd of his 7. II W'illiiiinsoH, i. liiil, Dr. Holiiui, in hit Animis, places ilio sale of Swan Island under u;i;;!. 0* 102 SQUANDO.— BURNING O* SACO. [Book III. die. It is said that Chocorua cursed the English before he expired, and the superstitious, to this day, attribute the disease of cattle to the curse of ChO' coma. But a much more rational one, we apprehend, will be found in the affection of the waters by minerals. be fe< ho ne Sq CHAPTER Vm. S^CANDO, sachem ofSaco — Attacks the town of Saco — Singular accovnt of him by a contemporary — The ill treatment of his wife a causeof war — His humanity in restor- ing a captive — Madokawando — Causes of his hostility — Assiminasqua — His speech — Speech of Tarumkin — Mb'oo — Is carried to Boston to execute a treaty — Is Madokawando' s ambassador — Release of Thomas Cobbet — Madok/ncando's kindness to prisoners — Mows attacks Wells and is beaten off — Attacked the next year by the Indians under Madokawando and a. company of Frenchmen — Jlrc repulsed with great loss — Incidents of the siege — Mons. Casteins — Jl further account of Moxus — Wanunconet — AssAcoMDUiT — Further account of Miigg — His death — Svmon, Andrew, Jeoffrev, Peter and Joseph — Account of their depredations — Lift of Kankamaous — Treated with neglect- -Flies his country — Becomes an enemy — Surprijie of Dover and murder of Mtij. Wuldron — Masandowet — Worombo — His fort captured by Church — Kankamagus's wife and children taken — Hopehood — Conspicuous in the massacre at Salmon Falls — His death — Mattahando — Megunneway. The first chief which will here be properly noticed is S(f .,tdo, a Tar- ratine, sachem of the Socnkis, commonly called saframore of Snco. He is mentioned with a good deal of singularity by the writers of liis times. Anil we will here, by way of exordium, extract what Mr, Mather, in his Brief History, &c., says of him. " Aflcr this, [the burning of Cnsco,] tlioy [the Indians] s«!t upon Saco, where they slew 13 men, and at lest burnt the town. A principal actor in the destruction of Saco was a strange enlh.mnslical saga- more called Sqnando, who, some years before, pretended that God appeared to him in the form of a tall man, in black clothes, declaring to him that he was God, and conunanded him to leave his drinking of strong li(]uor8, and to pray, and to kcej) sabbaths, and to go to hear the word ])r('uclied ; all which things the Indian did lor some years, with great seeming devotion and conscience, observe. But the God which appeared to him said nothing to him about Jems Christ; and therefore it is not to be marvelled at, tiint at last he discovered himself to be no otherwise than a child of him that was a murderer and a liiu" from the beginning." Mr. Huhbard sajs that he was "the chief actor or rather tiie begiimer" of the eastern war of ](i7.5 — (i; but ratiier contradicts the statement, as we apprehend, in the same para- jraph, by attributing the same cavse to the "rune and indiscrete act of some '•English seamen," who either for mischief overset a canoe in wliich was Squandd's wife and child, or to see if young Indians could swim naturally like animals of tin; brutt^ creation, as some had rej»orted. * Tiie child went to the bottom, but was saved from drowning by the mother's diving down and bringing it up, yet "within a while alter the said child died." "The said Squando, fiitlier of the child, hath been so provoked th(>reat, that he hath ever sine(» set himself to di> all tlie mischief he can to the Kngiish." The whites (lid not helieve tiiat the death of the child was owing to its iiiimer- sion; still we mu^t allow the Indians to know as well as tliey. As the most memoralile exploit in wliich Squando was engaged was tlH> biu'ning of Saco, it will he proper to enter hen! nion; in detail into it. The two prin- cijial inhabitants of the place were Gaptaui Bonithon and Major Phillips, whose dwellings were situated on opposite sides of Saco River; the former on the east and the latter on the west. On IH Se|)temlMT, 1fi7r>, ('aptain Hon- Uhon^s house was discovered to be on i^re, but himself and fiiinily had just If * " They run swim nniiiriilly, •ilrikiiiir ilx 'r pnws under Ihrir lliroal like a dog, and uol iprcadiiig tliuir ariiu Uii wu do." Jonailyn's Vnyiige to N, E. Hi. Chap. VIII,] BURNING OF SACO. 103 before escaped across the river to Major Phillip's, and thus fortunately de- feated a part of the design of their ene">ies. For this fortunate escape, however, tliey were under deep obligation to a friendly hidian who lived near by ; he having been some how made acquainted with the design of Squanto, immediutely imparted his information to the English. The fire of Bouithon's house, says Mr. Hubbard, " was to tliem [at Phillips's gan'ison,] as the firing of a beacon," which gave them "time to look to them- selves." A sentinel in the chanil)er soon gave notice that he saw an Indian near at hand, and Major Phillips going into the top of the house to make further discoveiy, received a shot in the shoulder ; but It proved to be only a flesh wound. Knowing Phillips, and supposing him to be slain, the Indians raised a great shout, and instantly discovered themselves on all sides of the garrison ; but the FiUglish, being well prepared, tired upon them from all quarters of their works, killing some and wounding others. Among the latter was a chief who died in his retreat, three or four miles from the place. He advised his fellows to desist from the enterprise, but they refused, and afler continuing tiie siege for about an hour longer, they began to devise some means to set the garrison on fire. But in order to draw out the men from it in the first place, they set a house on fire near it, and also a saw and grist mill ; that not having the desired eflect, they called to them in an exulting tone, and said, " i'ou cowardly English dogs, come out and put out the JireJ " The attack had begun about 11 o'clock in the day, and though the night partially put an end to it, yet the English were alarnn-d every half hour, nnril about four or five o'clock in the morning, when the work of the preced- ing night discovered itself A noise of axes and other tools had been heard in the neighborhood of the saw-mill, and it was expected the Indians were preparing some engine with which to accomplish their object, and it proved true. A cart with four wheels had been constructed, and on one end they had erected a breastwork, while tins body of the cart was tilled with birch, straw, powder, and such like mat'ers for the ready coiisiunniation of their stratagem. The approach of this formidable machine dismayed some of the Englishmen in tiie gairison ; bu, being encouraged by their otlicers, they stood to their quarters, and awaited its a()proach. Their orders were not to fire until it came within pistol shot. When it had got within about that distance, one of the wheels stuck fast in a gutter, which its impellers not observing in season, they forced the other wheels onward, and brought them- selves into a position to be eft'ectually niked by the right flank of the garri- soM. This mistake of the enemy was improved to great advantage by the English. Thev poured in a sudden fire upon them, killing six and wound- ing 15 more. 'This sudden and unexpected reverse decided the fate of the garrison. The Indians immediately retreated, and the garrison received no further molestation. As was gen(Mally the case in sieges of this kind, the Englisli learned what damage they divolling manner. The " old mini," his son, and his daughter-in-law, then fiKfiH/f, with throe grandihildren, were all murdered, and when discovenMl by their neighbors, partly liurned in the ruins of their habitation, to which the Indians haith to prevvnt it. If you Entrlish war ourfricnd.% as you pretend i/oii are, you uvidd not suffer us to starve as rrc did." "However," says Mr. Hubbard, "the said agent, mrtAin^ eace with the eastern hxliaiiH. This talk, it was wu«l, tlM\v received with joy. " Yet," ad0 lOnglish captives. When it was known to him that the Eng- lish desired to treat about peace, he sent Mugg, one of his chiefs, to I'ascata- (|iia, to receive projiosals; and, that he might meet with good acceptance, sent along with him a ca|ttive to his home. (Seucral Vcndal, of Massachu- si'tts, Ikmiut there, fon'cd Musg on Imard his vessel, and carried him to IJos- ton, for wliii'h trejiclieroun act an excuse! was pleaded, that he was not vestcnl with Kiirticietit authority to treat witli hiui. Mivlokawaiulo's ambassador, being now in the jiowtjr of llu! Kuglish, was obliged to agree to such terms That ia, those wUu liiul kidniippud ihoir frivmls. t Hubbard, part ii, 38. 106 MADOKAWANDO.— DESTRUCTION OF YORK. [Book III. Chap as the English dictated.* It is no wonder, therefore, if the great chief soon api)ears again their enemy. Still, when Mugg was sent home, Madokawando agreed to the treaty, more readily, perhaps, as two armed vessels of the Eng- lish conveyed him. A son olReverend Thomas Cohbd had been taken, and was among the Indians at Mount Desert. It so happened that his master had at that time sent him down to Cewfein's trading-house, to buy powder for him. Mugg took him by the hand, and told him he had been at his father's house, and liad promised to send him home. Madokawando demanded a ransom, probably to satisfy the owner of the captive, "fearing" he said " to be killed by him, if lie yielded him up tvithovi he ivere there to consent; for he was a desperate man, if crossed, and had cramhdf two or three in that way." Ueing on board one of the vessels, and treated to some liquor, " he walked awhile," says Cobbet, " to and again on the deck, and on a sudden made a staild, and said to Cajrtam Moore, ' Well captain, since it is so, take this man : I freely give hi^n up to you ; cariy him home to his friends.' " + A red coat was given to Madokawando, which gave him great satisfaction. The historians of the war have all observed that the prisoners under Ma- dokawando were remarkably well treated. In February, 1(577, Major Waldron, and Cajjtain Frost, with a body of men, were sent into the eastern coast to observe the motions of the Indians, who still remained hostile. At Pemmaquid, they were invited on shore to liold a treaty, but the English finding some weapons concealed among them, thought it a sulhcieut umbrage to treat them as enemies, and a consideiablc fight ensued, in which many of the Indians were killed, njid several taken jjrison- ers ; among whom was a sister of Madokawaiuio. lie had no knowledge of the afitiir, having been gone for several mouths at a gieat distance into the country, on a hunting voyage. We hear no more of Madokawando until 1G91. It will be found mentioned in the account of Egeremet, that in that year a treaty was made with him and other eastern chiefs. This was in November, mid it was agreed by them, that, on the first of May following, they would deliver all the captives in their possession, at Wells. "But," says Dr. Mather,^ "as it was not upon the frm land, but hi their canoes upon the icater, that they signed and sealed this in- strument ; so, reader, we will be jealous that it w ill prove but a fluctuating and unstable sort of business ; and that tlie Indians will do a lie as they used to do." Meanwhile Madokawando, among other important expeditions which he planned, attompteil one upon York, in which ho succeeded nearly to his wishes, if not beyond his expectations. Such was his manner of attack, that the English scarce knew their enemy; from whence they came, or their numbers. But it was afterwards found by the Indians' own confession, and some captives they had liberated, that Madokawandt Avas the leader in the business. Whether ho had during the winter been to Canada, and got the assistance of some Fienclmien, or whether Castiens, his son-in-law, and sorao other Frenrhmen who thou resided among his jieople at Penobscot, were with him, we cannot take it u|»ou us to state; but certain it is, some French were in his com|miiy, but how many is also imrcrtuiii, but tlic lumiber of Indians was stated at about 'i.TO. It was on Mondiiy, February 5, in the year lOJty, eiuiy in the morning, that York was laid in ashes, all excejit three or four garrisoned houses, and about 75 of its inhabitants killed, and 85 taken captive. Such only escaped as reached the garrisons, and these were summoned to surrender, but the besiegers dared not to continue long enough to make any effectual assault ujiou them, and thus they escaped. The wretched captives * A Ircniy was siifiKHl illli of Doc. Ili7(). Manuscript A\tv. of Rev, T. Cobbet, It may b« seen in Hiilihnrd's Narrnlivc. t Tilt' Indian word for kilti'il. ^VomVs .V. Fi. Prospect. X iMnniiscripl Narrativi;, liclore riled. l'('rlin|)>i lliis was llic same Paplain Moore wlin car- ried tlir iii'vvs of I'liilip's defeat and death lo I..uMdon allcrwards, fcjcc Old Indian Chro»- ici.K. wry ( i!IIu.t(naliaj vii, 7G. Chap. VIII.] MADOKAWANDO. 107 were hurried into the wilderness, and many suffered and died hy the way. The Reverend Shubael Diimmcr, minister ol" the place, a man in high estima- tion for his virtues, was about the first victim ; he was shot as he was mount- ing his horse at his own door ; his wife was among the captives, and died in captivity. York was at this time one of the most important towns in the country.* Circumstances having thus transpired, the English had very little reason to expect an obser\'ance of the articles of the treaty before alluded to, yet per- sons were sent to Wells to receive the captives, provided they should be of- fered. They took care to be provided with on armed ibrce, and to have the place of meeting nt a strong place, which was Storer's garrison-house. But, as the author just cited observes, " The Indians being poor musicians lor keep- ing of time, came not according to their articles." The reason of this we cannot explain, unless the Avarlike a[)pearauce of the English deterred them. After waiting a while. Captain Converse surprised some of them, and brought tlio"! in by lorce, and having reason to believe the Indians provoked by this time, immediately added 35 men to his force. These, says Mather, "were not come half an hour to Storer's house, on the 9th of June, 1691, nor had tliey got their Indian weed fairly lighted, into their mouths, before fierce Moxus, with 200 Indians, made an attack upon the garrison," f but were re- I)ulsed and soon drew off'. Madokawando was not here in person, but when he knew of the disaster of his chief captain, he said, " My brother Moxus has 7iiis>ied it now, bid I ivill go myself the tiext year, and have the dog Converse out of his hole." The old chief wiis as good as his word, and appeared before the garri- son ya June, 1G!]2. He was joined ])y Portneuf and Labrocre, two French officers, with a body of their soldiers, and their united strength was esti- m:itcd at about 500 men. They were so confident of success, that they agreed before the attack, how the prisoners and property should be divided. Converse iiad but 15 men, but fortunately there an'ived two sloops with about a? iiiiuiy more, and supplies, the d;iy before the battle. Madokawando\'i men had imwisely given notice of their approach, by firing upon some cattle they met in the woods, which running m wounded, gave the inhabitants time to fly to the garrison. The Indians were not only socdnded by the two French officers and a company of their men, as before observed, but Moxus, Egeremet and Worombo were also among them. Tlioy began the attack beiiire d.iy, with gi'cat fierceness, but after continu- ing it tor some time without success, they loll upon the vessels in the river; and here, nliiiougli the river was not c.bove twenty or thirty feet broad, yet tliey met witli no Ijetter success than at the gnrrison. They tried many strattigems, and succeeded in settinir fire to tlie sloops several tunes, by mrans of fire arrows, but it was cxtinfiuisiied wiihout great damage. Tired of thus ex|)osing tlicmselves and throwing away tlicir anunimition, they return- id again to the garrison, resolving to practice a stratagem upon that, and thus ended tlio first day oi" the i.ttiick. They tried to persuade tlie English to sin render, bui finding they could not prevail, made several desperate charges, in which they lost many. Bejiinning now to grow discouraged, they sont a flag to tlie garrison to effect a capitulation, but Converse, being a man of great resolution, replied, " that he waiitcd nothing but men to come and fight him." To Mliich tlie bearer of the flag said, " Being you are. so slant, why donH yon come and fight in the cpcn feld like a man, and vulfght in a garrisnn like a squaw ? " 'fhis attempt pn ving ineffectual also, they cast out many threats, oue of which was, " He will cut you as snudl as tobbaro, before to-monow morning." The captain ordired them " to come on, for he wanted work." Having nearly spent their ammunition, and General Labrocre being slain, they retired in the night, after two days' siege, leaving several of their dead behind; among whom was tlie general just named, who was shot through the head. They took one Englishman, named John Diamond, who had ven- * Mtt/(nalia, vii. 77.— H'j'Wia»iioH, Iligl. Maine 1. G2Q — 9. t Mngnalia, vii. 7C. 108 MADOKAWANDO. [Book IU. tured out of the garrison on some occasion, whom they tortured in a most barbarous manner. About tl»e time of tlieir retreating, tliey fired upon the sloops, and i(illed tlie only man lost by the vessels during the assault. In the attack upon the vessels, among other stratagems, they prepared u breast- work upon wheelsj which, iiotwithstanduig their previous experience in this kind of engine, at Brookfield and Saco, tliey again resolved to try, and there- fore endeavored to bring it close to the edge of the river. When they had got it pretty near, one wheel sunk iu the ground, and u French soldier,, endeavoring to lill it out with liis shouldir, was shot down ; a second was also killed in the like attempt, and it was abandoned. They also built a raft in the creek above the vessels, and placed on it an immense pile of combus- tibles, and, setting them on fire, floated it down towards them. But when within a lew rods of the sloops, the wind drove it on shore, and thus they were delivered from the most dangerous artifice of tiie whole. For it was said that, had it come down agauist tliem, they could not Iiave saved them- selves from the fury of its flames. As late as 173U an attempt was made to prove that Madokauando was not chief sachem of the Penobscots, which it seems no one in his lifetime thought of questionhig. Nor had the fact at this time been ijuestioned but from mercenai-y motives. A claim havuig been set up to lands upon St. George's River, in op{)osition to that of the heirs of Governor Leverttt, that falsehood was resorted to, to maintain it. The foundation of Leverett's claim was in a deed dated Pemmaquid, J) May, 1G1)4, by which Madolaiwando con- veyed to Sir Willia7n Phips the tract of land on both sides of St. George's River, bounded east by Wessamesskek River, west by Ilatthclt's Cove Island, thence by a line to the upper falls of St. George's River ; also IVlastomquoog Island in the mouth of said river, and St. George's Islands. A valuable con- sideration is said to have been paid, but what it was does not ajjiiear liom the deed. The deponents called uj)on afterwards to prove Madolcawando's power to sell that tract, state the consideration variously, though none of them defi- nitely ; some said Sir WUliam Phips gave a large amount in money,** and one that he gave a hatfull.\ To this deed were the following signatures : — The mark of Madokawando, ^ Sagamore of Penobscot, ^ and a seal. Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of The mark 21 of Edgar Emit, Sagamore of Kennehek. The mark fl: o/'Wenemouet, cozin to Madokawando, The mark X o/"Johm Saugmore, of Sheepsgid River, interpreter^ Also 6 or 7 whites. From an examination of the variorus affidavits before mentioned we derive the following interesting historical facts in the life of Madokawando ; viz, that he died in llittB, and was succeeded by fVenamoitet, or, as his name is sometimes spelled, Wenoggonet. This ap[)eiirs liom the deposition of Cap- tain Cyprian Sott/AacA:, who further says "that he was with Madokawando, when a })reBcnt of 10 barrels of guif|)oWder, a quantity of fire-arms, and some clothes, were delivered him by Governor Wilhhone,v,\\\ch was a present sent him by the King of Frraicc." "And that Monsieur Castain married the said Madokawando's daughter." Joseph Bane dei)Osed, " that, in lCi)l, he was with Theodore Jltkinson, late of Newcastle, in N. Hampshire, Esq., said Jllkinson^s wife, and Mrs. Elizabeth Mcock of I*ortsmouth, widow, and many others at the house of Joseph Moulton of York in the county of York, when they were taken captive oy a large number of Indians," that Madokawando was then commander of said Indians, and was then reputed chief sachem of Penobscot. Bane further relates that he was sold to an Amaroscoggen Indian, with whom ho lived till liMi, and that he was present when Madokawando ordered Theodm-t Duposition otJulin Phillips, 2 July, 1736. — Waldo's Defence, 3. i Ibid. 32. Chap. VIIL] MADOKAWANDO.— BARON CASTEINS. 109 Atkimon, who was his captive, to wi'ite to the governor of Massachusetts to send a vessel to Sagadahok with goods to redeem the captives ; timt it was accordingly sent there, and Atkinson, his wile, and about 40 others were redeemed. John Longley was taken prisoner at Groton in July, 1694, and was servant to Madokawamo two years and a half. The inhabitants of Black Point gave, yearly, a peck of corn each to Ma- dokatvando, as, on acknowledgment that he was sachem of Penobscot. Ill 1690 Tobias Oakman was taken by the Indians at Black Point. At which time he says he " personally knew Edgar Emtt who was then chief sachem of Kenebeck and Squando who was then chief sachem of Saco, and Morus who was then chief sachem of Noridgawock, and Shepcot John Avho was then chief sachem of Shepscot and with Ooru.nhy, who was then chief sachem of Pejeniscot." Oakman was taken prisoner by ;iO Indians in 3 parties under 3 chiefs ; one from Penobscot, one from Norridgcwok and the other from Pejcpscot ; Madokawando, Moxus and Oonimby being the respec- tive sachems ; hence Madokawrmdo was sachem of Penobscot at that time. In the treaty which the eastern chiefs made with Sir. William Phipa at Pemma«}uid, 11 August, 1693, the following hostages were delivered to the English to ensure its observance. " Ahassamhamet, brother to Edger Emet; Wenomouett, cousin to Madokawando ; Bagatawawongoiv, and Sheepscott John." * A daughter of Madokawando, as we have seen, married the Baron De Cas- teins, by whom he had several children. Liallof our former editions we gave Lahontan^s account of Casieins in a note, and in the French language ; but it having been suggested by friends, that it should not only occupy a place in the text, but be rendered in English, I improve tlie opportunity to make the change. The Baroiv De St. Custdns, a gentleman of Oleron in Beam, having for about 20 years resided among tlie Abcnakis, gained so much of their esteem, tliat they regarded him as their tutelar deity. He had been an officer of the C^rignan regiment in Canada ; but when that regiment was disbanded, he cast hiiuself among the savages, of whom he learned their language. He took from thom a wife after tlieir manner, preferring the forests of Acadie, to the Pyrenean mountains, which environ his native country. lie lived, during the first years of his abode with the Indians, in such a manner as to gain a res|)ect from tiiem, above what can be imagined. They made him frreat chief; which is the same as sovereign of the nation, and by little and ittle he has worked up a fortune, which any other man would have turned to good accomit, and withdrawn from the country with two or three hundred thousand crowns of gold in his coffers. However, he only uses it to buy merchandise, with which to make presents to his Indian brethren, who, when they return from their hunting excursions, reimbjirse him for his presents with a triple amount in beaver.f Tlie governors of Canada direct him, and those of New England fear him. He has several daughters, all of whom are advantageously married to Frenchmen, with each a rich dowry. He has never changed his wife,t showing the Indians by his cxamj)le that God is not pleased with inconstant men. It is said t^iat he has endeavored to convert these poor people, but that his words produce no good fruit, and hence it is of no use for the Jesuits to preach the truths of Christianity to them ; yet these fathers relax not their lalwrs, and consider that to confer baptism ui)on a dying infant repays them ten fold for the suf- ferings and privations they experience in living among that people.§ * Wdlilu's Defoncc, 39. — The names of tliese hostages differ maleiiaHy from lliose in the Mjposite shore of the bay, a distance of eight or nine miles, in safety. They hardly could have expected but what, on landing near Black Point, they would have been in the veiy presence of In- dians, yet it so happened that although they had but just desti'oyed the settle- ments there, they had all left the place. And a vessel, which happened very fortunately in that neighborhood, took them in safety to Portsmouth. The wife of Captain Anthony Brackett should not be overlooked in enume- rating the heroines of our country. Her name was Ann. She died after this war, but the time is not ascertained. Her husband married again, a daughter o{ Ahralmm Drake, Senior, of Hampton, whose name was Susannah,'^ by whom he had several children. When Colonel Church had the memorable fight vvitli the Indians at Casco, 21 September, 1(jB!), Captain Brackett was killed. Alter this his wife and children went to her father's at Hampton, but finally returned to their possessions. AVe are now to commence upon the recital of one of the most horrid mas- sacres any wlii-re recorded — the sacking of Dover by the famous chiefs A*a?i- IHst. N. England, i. 1 JU. t IJubbanl's Nar. and Wiilis's Portland, i. 143 — 155. [Book III, 'ed of par- Chap. VUI.] KANKAMAGU3.-.INDIAN LETTERS. 113 kamagua and Mcusandowet, and the barbai-oua murder of Major JValdwn and many of liis people. KANKAAIAGUS, commonly in tUe histories culled Hogkim, TJaulnns, or Hakins, was a Pennakook sachem, and an artful, persev< ring, faitliiul n m, as long us lie conld depend upon the English for protection. JJnt wlien Govi-riior Cranjvtld, of New Hampshire, u^ed his endeavors to 'iring down (h«i Mohawks to destroy the eastern Indians, in 1684, who were constantly stirred up by the French to commit depredations upon the English, Kankamne^us, knowing tin; Mohawks tnade no distinction where they came, fled to tlm ea.>itward, and joined the Androscoggins. He had a fort upon that river, where his family and that of another sachem, called Woromhos, or IforombQ, lived. But beibre he fled his country, he addressed several letters to the governor, which din- cover his fidelity as well as his fears ; and from >vhich there is no doUbt but he would always glad'y have lived in his own country, and on the jiiost inti- mate and friendly terms with the English, to whom he had become attached, and had adopted much of their manner, and could read and Avi-ite, but for the reasons just stated. The following letters fully explain the situation of his mind and his feelings, at the time he expected the Mohawks would ravage Ills country: — , * " May 15th, 1685. Honor governor my friend. You my friend I desire, your tvorship and your power, because I hope you can do sow, great Tnalters this one. J am poor ana naked, and have no men at my place because I afraid, allways Mohogs he toill kill me every day and niglU. If your worship when please pray help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my .place at Malamaice River called Panukkog and Jva- tukkog, I will submit your worship and you,r power. And now I want pouder and such alminishon, sluttt and guns, because I havfi forth at my horn, and J plant iheare." This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your humble servant. Simon Dstogkom,* Joseph X Trask, * King ^ Harry, ■Sam c^ LiNia, Wapequanat tijj Sagd^chuwashat, Old X Robin., JMamanosgues f Andra. JOHN HOGKINS, PETEr olo Robin, Mr. Jorge X Rodunnonukous, Mr. Hope X HoTH,t John Tonep, John X Canowa, John X Ova^osimmin, Naxobij,!, i{ Indian. The same day, as appears by the date of it, Hogkins wrote the following letter, which bears the same signature as the aboye :—r " Honor Mr. Gov€mor,-^-JVow this day f com your hotise, I vant se you, and I bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to you if your toorship lohen please, then receive my hand then shake your hand aiul jny hand. You my friend because I remeitiber at old. time when live my grant father and grant mother then English- men com this cauntrif, then my grant father and Er^lishmen they make a good government, they friend alhoayes, my grant father living at place called Malamake- rever, other nanie chef JVatumo and Panukkog, that one rever great many names and I bring you this few skins at this first time Iwill^ue myfnend. > " This all Indian hand." TJie two following are from the same. " Please your worship, — / toill intreat you matther you my friend now '[ ] this if my Indian he do you long pray you no put your law, because som my Indiajns fool, som men much love drutik then he no know toliot he do, may belie do mischief when he drunk if so pray you must let me know lokat he done because I will ponis * The same called Betokem in Qookin, probably. — See aiUe, Book ii. Chap, vii. ■t Perhaps Hoptlwod. W« 114 KANKAMAGUS.-INDIAM TREATY. [Book IIT. Mm about what he haue done, you, you my friend if you desire my htsiness, then . 9ent me I xvill help you if I can. John Hogkins." -Pray I loant speak you a few icords if your worship when please because I coin parf as I u'" "Mr.Mason,- ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ . , will speake this governor but he so away so he say at last night, and so far I uiulerstand this governor his poiver that your power now, so he speak his own nwuih. Pray if you take what 1 icant pray com to me because I - Yo ^ ^' want go Iwm at this day. Your humble servant. 'May 1(J, KJH5, John Hogkins, Indian sagnwr." About tlie time these letters were written, persons were sent among the Indiuiis to ascertain whether, us was reported, they were nssmning n warlike attitude. TIiosc to whom the intpiiry was intrusted, on their return report- ed, "that four Iiidiiuis came from fort Albany to the fort at Penacook,and in- formed them [tlio Indians then;] that nil the Mohawks did declare they would kill all Intlians from Uncus at Mount Hope to the eastward as tiir as Pejrjpscot. " The reason of JVuiombajnat, sagamore of Saco, dq)arted his place was, be- cause the same news was brougiit there, as himself declared, upon reading my orders at I'enacook. JVatombamat is gone to cuiiy the Indians down to the same place, where they were before departed from us on Siniday morn- ing, and desired Cajitain Hooke to meet him at Saco five days after. Both sagamores of Pcnacook, viz. Wonalanset and Mcsandoivit, tlie latter of which is come do\^ n, did then declare they had no intention of war, neither indeed are they in any posture for war, being about 24 men, besides s(iuaws and papooses. The reason, they said, why they did not come among the Knglish as formerly, was, tln-ir fear, that if the Blohawks came and foujilit tliem, and they should fly for succor to the English, that then the Mohawks would kill all the English for harboring them." Notwitlistaiiiling tiiis state of affairs, commissioners met the Indians on the 8 Sei)tend)er, 1(185, ami a peace was concluded "between the subjects of his Majesty King Jamts II, inlud)iting N. Hampshire and Maine, and the In- dians iniiabitiiig tlie said provinces." The articles were subscribed on the part of the Indians by The nmrk ^ of Mesanpowit. " X of Wahowah, alias HopEHOOD. " ^ of Tecamorisick, alias JosiAS. Tlie mark ^ of John Nomony, alias I'l'SAWAH. " Q of Umbrsmtwith, alias Robin. Tlie following signers agree to comply with tho terms of the treaty " as their neighbors have done." The mark '\S of Netambomet. " of Wahowah, a/u« Hope noon, of Ned HiciooN of Newcome u C KANCAMAGUS, alias John Hawkins, sagamore, signed this instrununt, VMh 7ber, lliB.'), his □ mark. Bac.esson, ft/i(is .losEPH Traske, his ^ mark. And agreed to all within written. W.r't'MT Ungkins were among the Peiiakooks s(Mzed by Major Italdron about ten years b('ti)re, is not certain, or, if \w were, it is not probable any reseiitiiK'iit remained in his breast against him on that accoinit, as tlu* I'en- nakdoks ^cre all pennittcd to relin-ii home; but it is certain that he was tho director and bader in the dreaiilid calamity which fi-ll upon H'aldron not long atb'iward, and wliicli is as much chargeable upon the maltreatment tliey received fi-oni the English, at least, as u|ton any agency of tlie French. It may be true tiiat manv belonging to llie eastward, who were seized with tlie Pennakuoks, and sold or left in foreign countries, had found their way Imck among their friends again, and were glad of the first opiiortunity of revenging themselves upon the author of their unjiist twpatriation. Major H'aldrun lived at Dover, tllien called by its Indian name, ({uochecho, Chap. VIII.] KANKAM.\GU.S.— DESTRUCTION OF DOVER. 115 as ff iihlron li.'c itiiy I'cil- V.IM tllO '•<(« I Kit 'ntmciit 'Vpiioh. (I with ir way iiity of KhechOf in New Ilainpsliire, in a strong pnrrison-IiotiPC, at wliich place vero also ibur otlicrs. Kankamagus had artfully contrived a stratagem to eftcct the surprise of the placo, and had otlicrs beside the Pennakooks from different places rf'uily in great numbers, to })rosccutc the undertakinjr. The plan was this. Two squaws were sent to each gurrison-house to get liberty to stay for the night, and when all should he asleep, they were to open the iiatcs to the warriors. Masandowet, wlio was next to Kanhtmagtis, went to Major Wal- dron's, and informed him that the Indians would come the next day and trade M'ith him. While at supper witli the major, Masmxdowd said to him, with an air of familiarity, "Brother /faZrfron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come?" To wliich he vauntingly replied, " that he could assemble an Inuidred num by liiling up his linger." In this security the gates were opened at midnight, and the work of death raged in all its iin-y. One garri- son only escaped, who would not admit the squaws. They rushed into IVttldron^s house in great nuiuheis, and while some guarded the door, others commenced the slaughter of ull wiio resisted. ff'aUlron was now 80 yeiirs of age, yet, seizing his sword, defended himself with great resolution, and at rirst drove the Indians before him from room to room, until one gcttin.<< be- hind him, knocked him down with his hatchet. Ths^y now seized upo»\ and dragged him into the great room, and placed him in an armed chair u veral were kilh-d nt each of the garrison-houses that fell into their hands. They kejit liic place until the next morning, when, after collecting all llio ])hin(ler tliey could carry, took up their march, with 2i> cajitives, into the wil- ♦lerness towards Canada ; where the chief of them were bought by the I'Voiieh, and in time got home to their country again. Twenty-three were killed hv- fore they lift (he place. This affair took place on the night of tlie iiTth of Jmie, 1()H!). Several friendly Indians inlormi'd the Knglish at Chelmsford of the certainty of an attack upon Dover, and they caused n loiter to bo de- * Huhhard, ii. Tl.—TlionKu Piirrliiis:e'ii Iioihi> ill I'rifyiwcnt was niiinn)( llie fir?! tlitit fell a proy lo ihi? costem Imliiiiis in Philip's war. In llic licKiiininff (it'8r|>U'inlnT, alxxit iO nriliem wonl lIuTi', aiKJ at first offmcd lo iradc, l)nt Mr. I'lirrhasr anil liis sun licinn frnin home, ihey loiik what Ihry liked without even asking the price i)f' it, killed u few sheep ajiil culves, euiil deported, ibid, 14, 16. 116 HOPEHOOD.— ATTACK ON NEWICHEWANNOK. [Book 111. \ \ \ spatched in season to have notified tlie people, but on account of sonic delay at Newbury ferry, the benefit of that information was lost. Four years after. Colonel Church took Worombd's fort, in which were Kan- hamagua's wife and children. This fort was upon the Androscoggin, about 25 or 30 miles from its mouth. In another place, we have given a history of Churches ex{)edition to this fort. The prisoners taken liore informed Church that there had been lately a groat council held tiiere by the Indians, in which "many were for peace and niany against it;" but they finally agreed to go with 300 warriors to Wells with a flag of truce, and to om-r the English peace, which if not acccjited, they would then fall upon them. " If they could not take Wells, tiion they resolved to attack Piscatnqua. The which, says Church, when wo were well informed of, we left two old squaws that were not able to march, gaue them victuals enough for one week of their own corn, boiled, and a little of our jiruisions, and buried their dead, and left them clothes enough to keep them warme, and left the wigwams for them to lye in : gaue them orders to tell their friends how kind we were to them, biding them doe the like to ours. Also if they were for peace to come to goodman SmalPs, att Barwick, within 14 days, who would attend to discourse them ; then we came away with our own five captiues, [English tliat they had de- livered,] and nine of theirs."* In the same letter we are informed that among these prisoners were Kankainagus's wife and four children. His brother-in-law was tidien, but he " ran away liom them." Among tiic slain was A«7iArtmajafiM'« own sister. A girl was brought away whose fiithor and mother had been slain before her eyes. Two of the children of If'orombo were also airiong the prisoners, all of whom were carried to I'limouth. This exi)edition upon the Androscoggin was on Sunday, 14 September, KilJO. A few days after this. Church landed at Casco, where the Indians fell upon him by surprise, and were 'not beaten off for some time, and then only by hard fighting. This was on the 21 S(!|)temher. Church had seven men kdled and 24 wouuded,.two of whom died in a day or two after. The Indians who made this attack were probably led by Kankamagus and Woromho. HoPEHOoD was a chief nearly as celebrated, and as much detested in his time, as the chiefs of whom we have just spoken. He was chief of the tribe of the Kenuebecks generally known as the Nerigwoks. He was the son of Hobinhood, a sachem of whom we have spoken in a former chanter. Accord- ing to some writers Hopehood was also known by the name Hohawa,^ The career of his warlike ex|)loits was long i^nd bloody. Our first notice of him is in Philip's war, at the attack of a house at Newichewamiok, since Berwick, in Maine. FilVeen persons, all women and children, were in the house, and Hopehood, with one only beside himself, Andrew of Saco, whom we have be- fore mentioned as an accomplice with Synwn, thought to surprise tlieni, imd but for the timely discovery of their approach by a young woman within, would have eft'ected their purpose. She fiistem^d and held the door, while all th(! others escaped unobserved. Hopehood and his companio!i hewed ot by (iovernor /•Vo»/(;w»r, tlu; troo|)s for which had been raisetl lit three places, Montreal, Three Kivers, ' iid tiuebeck. Tiiosts raised at Three Rivers were ordered against New ihiglaiul ; and such was the insig- nificance of that place, that but .Vi men could be raised, including ft Algon- quins and 20 Sokokis : these Indians had lately returned from an eastern expedition. They had nt their head one of the officers of the colony, to * MnmiM-ri|it Icttor writlon nl llie liino liy Church, hiuI tcilt to Uovcriior Hirtckleij of Plimonll). t Hitrrit, in lii« VoyBiTP'. ii- •TO'i, who «ny« he was a Huron ) but ag he citei no outhoriliet, wc knuw not how lie cunic hv his infurnuUiun. \ V Chap. VIII.] HOPEHOOD.— DESTRUCTION OF SALMON FALLS. 117 ill Ilia tribe son of Lccortl- Tiio f him rwick, se, uihI be- I, and itiiiii, wiiilo it'Wfd iidin^ iVoiu .yoii'iK was .•d l.y H iuui •ftiscd od nt insij;- l>{on- antorn iiy, to ioritiei, whom could be intrusted tlio execution of an enterprise of such a nature, with the greatest conlidence ; sucli is the testimony wliicli Count Frontenac gave in a letter which he wrote at the time to M. rfe Seignelay. That officer was the Sio\ir Hcrtd, Li the small company which he commanded, he had three of his sons and two of his nejihews ; viz. The Sieur Crevier, Lord of S. Francois, and the Siem* Gatineau. He left Three Rivers the '28 January 1G90, proceeding directly south into the country, leaving Lake Chaniplain to his left, then turning to the east, and after a long and rugged march he arrived ou the 27 * Marcli, near Salmon Falls,! which he had reconnoitred by liis spies. He then divided his men into three companies ; the fii-st, composed of 15 men, was ordered to attack a large fortified house. The second, consisting of 11 men, was ordered to seize U|)on a fort, defended by four bastions. The third, which Hertd com- manded in person, marched to uttsek a still greater fort, which was deicndtd by cannon. All was executed with a conduct and bravery which astonished tiie J'^nglish, who made at first stout resi>tance ; but they could not with- yt;ind the firo of the assailants: the brr.vi'st were cut to pieces, J and the rest, to tiic number of 54, wore iii:ule prLsonerH of war. It cost the victors but one Frencluiiun, who had his tliij,'ii broken, and who died the next day : 27 houses were reduced to ashes, and 2000 ■§ domestic uniinals perished in tlie barns, wliicli had been set on fire. Salmon Falls was but six leagues from a great town called Pascataqua,|! from whence men enough might be sent to swallow up Hertd, and cut ofi iii.i retreat. In fact, upon the evening of the saitie day two savages gave no"ti('o t!iat2001[ Englisli were advancing to attack them. Hertel expected it, and had taken his measures to frustrate those of his enemy, lie drew lip his men in order of battle upon the edge of a river,** over which there was a very narrow bridge, one extremity of which he had secured, and it was impossible for the English to come upon him at any other point. They, however, attemiited it, despising the small numbers of tlie French, whom they engaged with great confidence. Htrtel suffered them to advance with- out firing a gun, aud all at once fell upon them, sword in hand ; 8 were killed and 10 wounded in the first shock, and the rest fled with j)recipita- tion. ft Ho lost in this encounter the brave Crevier, his nephew, and one of the Sokokis. La Presniere, bis elder son, was shot in the knee; the scar of which wound he bore for 50 years. || As Heiid §§ was returning to Canada, he fell in with another party of his countrymen, which proved to be that raised at (.Juebec, l)efore mentioned, under M. dc Portneuf,\\\\ and with him agreed upon un expedition ogainst * lielhinp, Hist. N. II i. 132, following Mather, Mnfjimlin, vii. (18, tlntcs lliis nfluir 18 iMiirrli ; iIuto is in ronlily no error, allowing ("or tlio (iifforunco of sivie, (except one jlay ;) liio Kn"lisli not yot having uilopteil the (Jregormn method, wliicli the I'reiicli luul. — Sec IJooK II. ("vr. II. t I'res (I'lmc bonrtratlo Angloiso. appclli^c ;SVmcn/r/.«. X Alioiil ;f() were killed, according to Itelkmip, Hist. N. \\. i. 132. ^S ('lidrlrniix has lieeii luisconslrued by some authors, and made to say 2000 head of callln were hurned. — Sec M7//i(im,von, Hist. Maine, i. (il'.l, who prdlmlily did not refer to the text of Chiirlivdi.i-, or jierhnps used an exceptionable translation. " Diiix mille pUcesde hetail peri' rent ilciii.i Its rtiihli's, oil I'on avoit mis It feu." Nouvellf France, ii. 61. Il .'"ienieiilels ii'eloit qu'i six liciiPs d'uno assez grossu bourgaiie de la Nouvcllc Anglctcrrc, iioniHiee 1'isc(kI(l. fell suddenly upon Halmon-falls," iVc. Ma^nalia, vii. (i8. (i^ The Knuli^h called liiin Artel, as his name was pronounced. See Miifptalia, ibid. |1 II The French wrote I'.iiijlish names i|Ueer enough, but really I should bo sadly pu//leil lo tell which should laiiirh at the ollu-r : however, moileru writers should not coiiv c)ld errtiMof ilfiioraiicc II is easy to see how we coiue by the immu of Uunirffe in out lliiitotius ot AVu» EriglatiJ.—iivQ Iliii.Mtdm,'\.ti2l. '1 US HOPEHOOD.— DESTRUCTION OF CASCO. [Book III. Cf ('asco. As Porhieuf marclipd tliroiigb the couiiti-y of tlic Abenakis, many vt' tliem joined liini, and he came into tiie neigliborhood of Casco, accord- ing to tlie French account, on tlie ^5 ftlny. On tlie ibllowing night, lie i)re- j)ared an ambusli, aiid towards morning un Englisinnan fell into it and was killed. The Indians then raised the war-whoop, and about noon 50 English marched out from the garrison to learn what was the occasion of it ; they made no discovery until they were within a few puces of the ambush, when they were fired upon : and before they could resist were fallen upon by the French and Indians with their swords and tonudmwks with great slaughter : but four escaped, and these were badly wounded. The English seeing now they must stand a siege, abandoned four ganl- sons, and all retired into one, which was provided with cannon. Before these were abandoned, an attack was made upon one of them, in which the French were repulsed, with the loss of one Indian killed and one Frencii- nian wounded. Portneiif begun now to doubt of his ability to take Casco, fearing the issue ; for his commission only ordered him to lay waste the English settlements, and not to attempt fortified places ; but in this dileninia /feWeZ and HoPEHOOD aiTived.* It was now determined to jness the siege. Ill the deserted forts they found all tlie necessary tools for carrying on tlio work, and tJiey began a mine within 50 feet of the fort, imder a steep bank, which entirely protected thcni from its guns. The English became diw- couraged, and on the 28 f May surrendered themselves prisoners of w;,r. There were 70 men, and probably a much greater mnnber of women and children. All of whom, except Captain Z>ffi)i.9, who connnanded the garrison, and three or four others, were given uj> to the Indians, who murdered most of them in their cruel manner; and if tiie accounts be true, Hopehood ■excelled all other savages in acts of cruelty. In the course of tiie same month, wth a small party he fell upon F'ox Point, in New Ilaini)shire, killed about fourteen persons, and' carried away six, alter burning several' houses. This was as easily ''' Loskiel, ii, 214. At lii< lmli^■t• place, f .bily, l(i!l7. J/N. kltur oj' Julin I'linitrr, £,'.«(/. an Gi ki or CO to thi till in II wi Chap. IX.] BOMAZEEN. 119 and saw that brave and resolute Capt. Turner, when he was slain about Green River; and helped to kill Thomas Bracket* at Casco, [11th] August last, [167(i.] And with the help of Lieut. J^Tutter, accordinff to the major's order, cai-ned him aboard " their vessel. " By this time," the same author continues, " some of the soldiers were got ashore, and instantly, according to their major's command, pui|'sued the enemy towards their canoes. In the chase, several of the enemy were slain, whose bodies these [soldiers] found at their return, to the number of seven ; amongst whom was Matidlmndo, the sagamore, wit!i an old powow, to whom the Devil had revealed, as some- times he did to Said, that on tho same day he should be with hiiu ; for he had a little before told tiie Indians, that within two days tho English would come and kill them ah, which was at the very same time verified upon himself." Here we must acknowledge, notwithstanding our great respect for tills author, tliat his commentary upon that passage was rather gratuitous. He migiit have considered that Sauls among the English would not be want- ing of whom parallels might be made. Indeed, the historian of Kankamagus might say the Devil was less decciti'ul with this powwow than he was after- wards in the case of Major Waldron. The English took much plunder from the Indians at this time, among which were about 1000 li)s. of dried beef, and various other commodities. Mes^unnewmi, after having fallen into their hands as we have stated, was shot without ceremony. CHAPTER rX. BoMAZEKN — Treachery of the tehitrs towards him — Is imprisoned at Boston — Saves the life of a female, captive — Captures Siico — Is killed — Arruiiavvikwabemt — His capture neclj, where liiey shot John Miiiijoii uiid Inaac Wakety. Three men. who were poin^ to ronp at AtUhimij Bracket's, \mv'u\; lieen killeil nnd carried into caplivitv. t NrrisTxeok is helieved lo l)e the nios' proper way of spellin"' the name of tlii« place, ns agreeing; best with its orlhot'ny i at least, with that heard at and in the vicinity of it, at Ihii day, as pronounced by tho oldest inhabitants. It is n delightful place, nnd will" be found el«e- where described. 120 ARRUIIAWIKWABEMT.— TAKEN AND KILLED. [Book IIL Englisli," after tlie treaty which he had made with Governor Phips, in IfiPS. In 1G94, he came to the fort at Pommaciuid with a flog of truce, and was treacherously seized by those who commanded, and sent prisoner to Boston, where he remained some months, in a loatlisome prison. In 170(5, new bar- barities were committed. Chehnslbrd, Siuibury, Groton, Exeter, Dover, and nlany other places, siiftered more or less.* Many captives were taken and carried to Canada, and many killed on the way. A poor woman, one Rebecca Taylor, who had arrived at the River St. Lawrence, was about to be hanged by her master, an "overgrown Indian," named Sampson. The limb of the tree on which he was executing his jjurpose gave way, and, while he was making a second attempt, Bomazeen happened to be passing, and i*es- cued her. We hear of him just after the death of Arnihatcikwahevit, in October, 1710, when he fell upon Saco with (JO or 70 men, and killed several jjcople, and carried away some captives. He is mentioned as a " notorious fellow," and yet but few of his acts ai'e upon record. Some time after the ])eace of 1701, it seemed to be confirmed hy the appearance of Bomazeen, and another principal chief, who said the French friars were urging them to break their union with the English, " hut that they had made no impression on them, for they were nsfirm as the mountains, and shoidd continue so as long as the sun and moon endured." On peace being made known to the Indians, as having taken j)lace between the French and English nations, they came into Casco, with a flag of truce, and soon after concluded a treaty at Portsmouth, N. H., dated 13 Jidy, 17J8. Bomazecn's name and mark are to this treaty. When Captain Moidton was sent up to Nerigwok, in 1724, they fell in with Bonmzeen about Taconnet, where they shot him as he was escaping through the river. Near the town of Nerigwok, his wife and daughter were, in a barbarous manner, fired upon, the daughter killed, and the mother taken. We purposely omit Dr. C. Mather^s account of Bomnzeen^s conversation with a minister of Boston, while a prisoner there, wliich amounts to little else than his recounting sonic of the extravagant notions wliich the French of Canada had made many Indiuhs believe, to their great detriment, as he said ; as that Jestis Christ was a French man, and the ^'irgin Mary :i French woman ; that th(; French gav(! them ])oi.ath in London. Arruhawikwabkmt, just mentioned, was a sachem of the same tribe, and was said to be of Norridgcswock also. We can find but very few particulars of him, hut, li'om the fate he met with, it is jiresumed lie had been very insfruuie^ital in continuing or bringing about the eastern war of 1710. In that year, Colonel IValton made an ex|u>dition to the east(!rn coast of Maine with 170 men. As they were eucamiied upon an island, the smoke of their fires decoyed some of the Indians into their hands, among whom was Jlnii- hnwiktvitbimt. Pcnhallotv says, Ik; was "an active, bold fidlow, and one of an imdaunted spirit ; for when tliey askcMl him several questions, he made them 110 r(;])ly, and when they tlireati'iied him with (hmth, he laughed at it with con- tempt! At which they delivenul him u|) luito our friendly Indians, who soon became his executioners. But when the squaw saw the destiny of her liusband, she became more flexible, and freely discovered where each party oi" them encamped." The savugc! perpetrators of this act called themselves Christian warriors ! and it must hr acknowledged that civilization gains nothing in contrasting the conduct of the whites, under Walton, and that of Bomazeen towards j, cajitive, just related. EoKKi'.MK.T, as we have seen, was chief sachem of Kennebcck in ] GOO, and his priucijial residence apjK nrs to have been at Machias. This chief, and HoNtji ii», with three or four others, having been invited to a conferenci^ at PemiMiuiuid, were treMcheroiisly iiiunleri'd there, K! February, KiJHi. Their eeizure and murder coidd not have been outdone, by the greatest barbarians, • /?();/i(i!('<'u win ^iipiKisnl In linvo Icil llic |iiirlv lluil iillnrkc'l ilir sniilli|inrl of Ovsirr River, now Durliaiii, in «liicli 10 jhtmhis woro killiil. 'I'liis wiis on ^1 Ajiril. Chap. IX] EGEREMET. 12J for faithlcHsness ; and vm shall learn that its author paid for it in due time with his life. We are not disposed to add to transactions which are in themselves sufficiently horrible, but we will venture to give the account as we find it in Dr. C, Mather's decennium liictuosum ;— ^ * " Let us, before the year bo quite gone, see some vengeance taken upon the heads in the house of the wicked. Know then, reader, that Capt. March petitioning to be dismissed from his command of the fort at Femmaquid, one Chub succeeded him. This Chib found an opportunity, in a pretty <:hubbed manner, to kill the famous Edgtremet and Jlhenquid, a couple of principal sagamores, with one or two other Indians, on a Lord's day. Some that well enough liked the thing which was now done, did not altogether like the manner of doing it, because there was a pretence of treaty between Chub and the sagamores, whereof he took his advantage to lay violent Imnds t)n them." Thus the viummr is seen in which this horrid and cold-Wooded act is related ! ! Few are the instances that we meet with in history, where Indian treachery, as it is termed, can go before this. The reverend author adds, " If there were any unfau' dealing (which I know not) in this action of Chub, there will be another February not far off, wherein the avengers of bloodwill take their satisfaction.^^ By this innuendo, what befell Captain Vhuhb after- wards is understood, and of which we shall presently give an account The point of laud called TrotVs JVeck, in Woolwich, in the state of Maine, was sold, in 1685, by Egertmet and several other sachems. In 1093, on the 11 August, with 12 other chiefs, he madis a treaty f with Sir fVilliam Phips, at Pemmaquid, to which their names stood as follows, and without marks, in the printed account. EdgISremett. Madockawando. Wassambomet^ JVoridgwoclL Wenobson of Teconnet, in behalf of Moxus. Ketterramocis of JVdrridgivocL AHANquiD of Penobscot. BoMASEfiN. Nitamemet. Webenes. awansomeck. Robin Doney. Madaumbis. Paquaharet, alias Nathaniel. Jolm Hornybrook. -John BagataWawongo, alUa Sheo[J8cott John. Phill, Dunsakis, Squaw, in» teriM-eters. Before this, in 1691, "New England being quite out of breath," says Dr. C Mather, a treaty, or truce, was entered into between the eastern sachems and Messrs. Hutchinson and Townsend, of Boston, and others of the eastern coast, at Sagudahock. Here ten captives were given up by them, and the English gave up eight captive Indians. One was a woman by the name of HiUl, who had been of great service to them, having written letters on various occasions, such as their affairs required, and with whom they re- gretted much to part. Another was J'^athaniel JVhile, who had been bound and tortured in a wretched manner. His ears were cut off, and, instead of food, ho was ibrced to cat them, after which, but for this timely treaty, the sentence of burning would have been etecuted upon him. This truce Biipulated that no hurt should be done the English until May, 1692, and that, on the first of that mouth, they would deliver, at Wells, all English captives in their liands, and, in the mean time, would inform of any plots that they might know of the French against the English. Egeremct being the chief .acliem, and most forward in this business, Dr. jllako' uttore iiis contempt *cr him by saying, "To this instrument were set the ^a«;s of U^ereffiet, and five more of their sagamores and noblemen." \ This treaty may be seen at length in the Collections of the Mass. Hist. Soc., but is dated one year earlier than it is in the Magnalia. The tiict that it was made upon the water, as Dr. C. Mather says, and as we have cjuoted in the life of Madokawando, a])peara from the last paragraph of that instrument, • Magnalia, 1). vii. Gil. f Ii may bo seen in the .Va^tic.Hj, vii. W. I MugiioJia Clirisi. Americana, bouk vii. art. xxviii. p. 'J4. * 11 122 EGEREMET.— KILLTID AT TEMAQUID. [Book Iir. which is in these words: — "Signed nnd sealed intcrdiniigenhly, upon tlio wuter, in canoes, at Suckutehock, when the loind blew." It wiis lieuded, "At a treaty of peace with tlie eastward Indian enemy snganiorcs." Tlie otiier five sarhenjs, beside Eixerenict, were Toqvelmiit, IVatumhomt, Watornibarmt, fValumhe, [fyoromhos,] and Johi Hawkins, [or Katikamagus.] The places for which they stipulated are, according to the treaty, " Pennecook,VViiniepisseockeege, Ossepe, Pigwocket, Aruoscongcn, Pechepscut, Kcnnebeck River, and all other ])laces adjacent, within tiic territory and dominions of the above-named sagamores." The witnesses were, Dcwmido, [the same called Miwando, by Penhalloic, probably,] JVerf Higon, John Jllden, jr., and JVathaniel Jildtn. The next year, Egeremet was with Madokawanao, Moxus, and a body of French under Lubrocre, and made the notable attack upon the garrison at Wells, which will be found recorded in the last cliapter. We will now inform the reader of tiic wretched fate of Captain Pasco Chub. It was not long after he committed the bloody deed of killing the Indian sag- amores, before he And the fort were taken by tlie' French luid Indians. He was exchanged, and returned to Boston, where lie sufiered much disgrace for his trcacTifM-y with the Indians.* He lived at Audover in Massacliusetts, where about 30 Indians made an attack in 1098, on 22 Fel)ruary, in which he, with otliera, was killed, and five were captivated. It was not thought that they expected to find him there; but when they found they had killed him, it gave them as nuich joy, says HidchinsoUy " as the destruction of a whole town, because they had taken their beloved vengeance of him for his perfidy and barbarity to their countrymen." They shot him through several times after he was dead. In his characteristic style, Mr. Oldinimn speaks of this event.f He says, "Nor must we forget Chub, tha false wretch who surrendered Pemmaquid Fort. Tiie governor kept l cilable. Three men-of-war were sent out in pursuit of the French, " but meeting with con- trary winds, they could never pel sight of them." Am/, His. N. Eng. ii. 651. t British Empire in America, i. !(, Tfi. X Manuscript letter in library Mass. Hist. Hoc. written in the fiillowing month. As it wag written at a irrnal distance from the niace, and from a report of the day, little reliance can be olaced ii|)on it. Jt nia\- have been Chub's rcj)ort of the case. Chap. IX.] CAPTAIN TOM.— DONEY. 133 [ii tlio Indian war of 1703, tliere was a great Indian captain who resided somewliero to the cast of Pascutaqua River, who made his name dreaded among the settlements in that region, by some bloody expeditions which he conducted. He was called, by the English, Captain Tom. On 17 August 6f this year, this daring war-captain, with about 30 others, surprised a part of Hampton, killed five persons, whereof one was a widow Hussey, " who was a remarkable speaking Quaker, and much lamented by her sect." After sacking two houses near the garrison, they drew off.* Many Indians bore the name of Tom. Indian Hill, in Newbury, was owned by Great Tom. He is supposed to have been the last Indian proprietor of lands in that town. In written instruments, he styles himself, " / Grtat Tom Indian." \ We come, in the next place, to an interesting portion of our eastern history. It, has been generally supposed that the name Dony, or Doney, was the name of an Indian chief, but it is now quite certain that he was a Frenchman, who took up his residence among the Indians, as Baron de St Casteins did. There uppeai-8 in our history, in 1645, a " Monsieur Dony," who had some difficulty with Lord de la Tour, about their eastern possessions, and he was, doubtless, the same of whom we have an account afterwards, in the war of 1690, with the eastern Indians. At this time, there were two of the name in Maine, father and son. The son, perhaps, like Casteins the younger, was half Indian, but of this we are not sure ; nevertheless, to preseiTe our narrative of the events of Colonel ChurcKs expedition of 1690, we shall notice them among others. Church landed at Maquait, 12 September, before day, and, after a wet, fatiguing inarch into the woods of about two days, on the south-west side of the Androscoggin, came into the neighborhood of a fort. They came upon an Indian afld^ his wife who were leading two captives : and immediately pur- suing and,ji|^6^'iipou them, killed the ludian woman, who proved to be the wife of Yauv^ Doney.\ We can only hope it was not their design thus to have killed an innocent woman. Which party it was that fired upon them (for they divided themselves into three) is unknown, and we in charity must suppose that, at considerable distance, and in much confusion, it was difficult to know nn Indian i^on from a woman. As Cliurch expected, Doney ran into one gate of the fort, and out at the other, giving the alarm so effectually, that nearly all withhi it escaped. They found and took prisoners "but two men and a lad of about 18, with some women and children. Five ran into the river, three or four of which were killed. The lad of 18 made his escape up the river." The whole number killed in this action was " six or seven." The English hatl but one wounded. They took here, at this tiine,§ a considerable quantity of corn,gtins, and ammu- niiion, and liberated Mrs. Hwkings, widow of Lieutenant Hohert HncMngs, taken at Oyster River, Mrs. Barnard, wife of Benjamin Barnard, of Salmon I'^ills, Jlnne Heard, of Cocheco, a young woman, daughter of one Willis, of Oyster Uivci', unci a boy belonging to Exciter. These captives, says Church, " were in a iiiisijrable condition." They learned by them that most of their men were gone to Winter Harbor to get provisions for the Bay of Fiuuly In- •liauH. This information was given by a prisoner taken hi the fort, who also said that the Bay of Fiindy Indians were to join them against the English, in the spring. " The soldiers, being very rude, would hardly spare the Indian's life, while in exumination ; intending, when he had done, that he should be exe- cuted. But Capt. Hucking's wife^and another woman, down on their knees and begg(^y the Mohawks) for the Nerigwoks, Boma- zeen and Captain Samml for liie Kennebecks, and Warrungunt and JVanadu- • Bon ol A)Uhomi, who was killed by tlie Indians, as we have related, ante. t Omciiil letter in MS. from the expedition. Chap. IX] CAPTAIN SAMUEL. 125 gunhmmt for the Penobscots. After a short speech to them, in whicli the governor expressed brotherly affection, and a desire to settle every difficulty "which had happened since the last treaty," Captain Simmo replied as follows: — " fVe thank you, good brother, for coming so far to talk vnth us. It is a great favor. The clouds fly and darken — hut we still sing unth love the songs of peace. Believe my words. — So far as the sun is above the earth are our THOUGHTS FROM WAR, OR THE LEAST RUPTURE BETWEEN US," * The governor was then presented with a belt of wampum, was to confirm the truth of what had been said. At a previous treaty, two heaps of small stones had been thrown together, near by the treaty ground, and called the Tioo-hrothers, to signify that the Indians and English were brothers, and were considered by the parties in the light of seals to their treaties. They now repaired to these heaps of stones, and each increased their magnitude, by the addition of other stones. Thus was happily terminated this famous treaty. Some parade and rejoicing now commenced, and a circumstance transpired which threw tlie English into great fear, and, perhaps, greater suspicion. A grand salute was to be fired upon each side,'' at parting, and the English, ad- visedly, and very warily, it mtist be confessed, but in appeai-ance compliment- ary, expressed their desire that the Indians would fire first The Indians received the compliment, and discharged their guns ; to their great surprise, tlie English found they had been loaded with btdlets. They had before doubted of their sincerity, but, owing to this discovery, considered their treachery certain, and marvelled at their escape. However, it can only be presumed, that, according to the maxim of the whites, the Indians had come prepared to treat or fight, as the case might require ; for no doubt their guns were charged when they came to the treaty, othei-wise why did they not fire upon the English when they saluted them ? What became of Captain Simmo we have as yet no account. Several of the other chiefs who attended tliis comicil were, perhaps, equally con- spicuous. Wattanummon being absent when the council first met on the 20 Jime, no business was entered upon for several days. However, the English afterwards said it was confii'med that it was not on that account that they delayed the conference, but that tliey expected daily a reinforcement of 200 French and Indians, and then they were to seize upon the English, and ravage the country. Whether this were merely a rumor, or the real state of the case, we have no means of knowing. WaManummx)n was supposed to have been once a Pennakook, as an eminence still bears his name alraut a mile from the state-house iu New Hampshire,f Captain Samuel was an Indian of great bravery, and one of the most for- wai'd in endeavoring to lull the fears of the Englisii at the great council just mentioned. What gave his pretensions the air of sincerity was his coming with Bomazeen, and giving some information about the designs of the French. They said, " Although several missionaries liave come among us, sent by the Frenchfriars to break the peace between the English and us, yet their words have made no impres- aionupon us. We are as firm as the mountains, and will so cojvtinue, AS long as THE SUN AND MOON ENDURES." Notwithstanding these Strong expressions of friendsliip, "within six weeks after," says Penhollow, " the whole eastern country was in a conflagration, no house standing nor garrison unattacked." The Indians were no doubt induced to commit this depredation from the influence of the French, many of whom assisted them in the work. And it is not probable that those Indians who had just entered into the treaty were idle spectators of the scene ; but who of them, or whether all were engaged in the affair, we know not. A hundred and thirty people were said to have been killed and taken, within that time. Captain Samuel was either alive 20 years after these transactions, or tuiotlier * This is Mr. Williamsons version of tlic speech, Hist. Maine, ii, 3G. t MS. communication o(J. Farmer, Esq. 11* 126 HEGAN.— SIOGG. [Book III. of the name made himself conspicuous. In June, 1722, this warrior ciiief, at the head of five others, boarded Lieutenant TV/ton, as he lay at anchor a fishing, near Damaris Cove. They pinioned him and his brother, and beat them very sorely ; but, at last, one got clear and released the other, who then fell with great fury ujion the Indians, threw one overboard, and mortally wound- ed two more.* Whether Captain Samud were among those killed is not mentioned. There was a Captain Sam in the wars of 1745. In the vicinity of St. George's, Lieutenant Proctor, at the head of 19 militia, had a skirmish with the Indians, 5 Sept., in which two of their leaders were killed, viz. Colonel Morris and Captain Sam, and one Colonel Joh was taken captive ; the latter being sent to Boston, he died in prison. To quiet the resentment of his ,relative8, the government made his widow a valuable present after the peace, f We should not, perhaps, omit to speak separately of another chief, who was present at the famous treaty mentioned above ; we refer to Hegan. His name is also spelt Hegon and Heigon. There were several of the name. One, called Moggheigon, son of Walter, was a sachem at Saco, in 1G(>4. This chief, in that year, sold to fVm. Phillips, ^^ & tract of land, bemg bounded with Saco River on the N. E. side, and Kennebunk River on the S. W. side." To extend from the sea up Saco River to Salmon Falls, and up the Kennebunk to a point opposite the former. No amount is mentioned for which the land was sold, but merely "a certain sum in goods." I One Sampson Hegon attended the treaty of Pemmaquid, in 1698 ; John, that at Casco, in 1727 ; JVed was a Pennakook ; Walter, brother of Mogg ; § The fate of one of the name of Hegon is remembered among the inhabitants of some parts of Maine to this day. He was tied upon a horse with spurs on his heels, in such a manner that the spurs continually goaded the animal. When the horsa was set at liberty, he ran furiously through an orchard, and the craggy limos of the trees tore him to pieces. Mather, in his Decennium Luctuosum, || seems to confirm something of the kind, which took place at Casco, in 1694, where tlie Indians, having taken some horses, made a bridle of the mane and tail of one, oil which " a son of the famous Hegon was ambitious to mount." "But being a pitiful horseman, he ordered them, for fear of his falling, to tie his legs fast under the horse's belly. No sooner was this beggar set o?i horseback, and the spark, in his own opinion, thoroughly equipped, but the nettlesome horse furiously and presently ran with, him out of sight. Neither horse nor mail was ever seen any more. The astonished tawnies howled after one of their nobility, disappearing by such an unexpected accident. A few days after, they found one of his legs, (and that was all,) which they buried in Capt. Bracid s cellar, with abundance of lamentation." Here we cannot but too plainly discover the same spirit in the narrator, which must have actuated the authors of the deed. He who laughs at crime is a participator in it. — From these, we pass to aflTairs of far greater notoriety in our eastern history ; and shall close this chapter with two of the most memorable events in its Indian warfare. MocG, the chief sachem of Norridgewok in 1724, may very appropri- ately stand at the head of the history of the first event How long he had been sachem at that period, we have not discovered, but he is mentioned by the English historians, as the old chief of Norridgewok at that time. Notwithstanding Mogg was the chief Indian of the village of Nerigwok, or, as Father Cliarlevoix writes it, Narantsoak, tliere was a French priest settled here, to whom the Indians were all devotedness ; and it is believed that they undertook no enterprise without his knowledge and consent. The name of this man, according to our English authors, was Rdli, but accord- ing to his own historian, Charlevoix, it was Rasle.^ The depredations of the Abenaquis, as these Indians were called by those who lived among them, * PenliaUmo's Ind. Wars, 86. t AfS. among the files ia our State-house. IMagnalia, vii. 87. Hist. Gen. de la Nouv. Fr. ii. 380, et suiv. t Williamon's Hist. Me. ii. 241. $ MS. letter of John Farmer, Esq. Chap. IX.] MOGG.— DESTRUCTION OP NERIDGWOK. K7 were, therefore, directly charged by the English upon Father Baste; lience their first step was to offer a reward for his heud.* The object of the expe- dition of Colonel Wesihrook, in 17"22, was ostensibly to seize upen him, but he found the village deserted, and nothing was effected by the expedition but the burning of the place. Fn ler Rash was the last that left it, which he did at the same time it was pnt(!red by the enemy; having first secured the sacred vases of his temple and the ornaments of its altar. The English made search for the fugitives, but without success, although, at one time, they were within about eight feet of the very tree that screened tlie object for which they sought. Tlius the French considered that it was by a remark- able interposition of Providence, or, as Charlevoix expresses it, par unt vmin invxphle, that Father Rnsk did not full into their handst Determined on destroying this assemblage of Indians, which was the head-quarters of the whole eastern counti-y, at this time, the English, two years after, 1724, sent out a force, consisting of 208 men and three Mohawk Indians, under Captains Movlton, Harman, ajid Bourne, to humble them. They came upon the village, the 23 August, when there was not a man in ai-ms to oppose them. They had left; 40 of their men at Teconet P^allsj which is now within the town of Winslow, upon tlie Kennebeck, and about two miles below Waterville college, upon the opposite side of the river. The English had divided themselves into three squadrons : 80, under Har- man, proceeded by a circuitous route, thinking to surprise some in their corn-fields, while Moulton, with 80 more, proceeded directly for the village, which, being surrounded by trees, could not be seen until they were close upon it. All were in their wigwams, and the English advanced slowly and in perfect silence. When pretty near, an Indian came out of his wigwam, and, accidently discovering the English, ran in and seized his gun, and giving the war-whoop, in a few minutes the warriors were all in arms, and advancing to meet them. Moulton ordered his men not to fire until the Indians had made the first discliarge. This order was obeyed, and, as ho expected, they overshot the English, who then fired upon them, in their turn, nud did great execution. When the Indians had given another volley, they fled with great precijjitation to the river, whither the chief of their women and children had also fled durmg the fight Some of the English pursued and killed many of them in the river, and others fell to pillaging and burning the village. Mogg disdained to fly with the rest, but kept i)os- scssion of a wigwam, from which he fired upon the pillagers. In one of his discharges he killed a Mohawk, whose brother observing it, rushed upon and killed him ; and thus ended the strife. There were about GO warriors in the place, about one half of whom were killed. The famous Rasle shut himself up in his house, from which he fu-ed upon the English ; and, liaving wounded one, Lieutenant Jaquea,] of Newbury, J burst open the door, and shot him through the head ; although Moulton had given orders that none should kill him. He had an English boy with him, about 14 years old,, who had been taken some time before from the frontiers, and >yhom the English rejrorted Rasle was about to kill. Great brutality and ferocity are chargeable to the English in this aftliir, according to their own account ; such us killing women and children, and scalping and mangling the body of Father Rasle. There was here a handsome church, with a bell, on which the English committed a double sacrilege, firet robbing it, then setting it on fire ; herein surpassing the act of the first English circumnavigator, in his depredations upon the Spaniards in South Afnerica ; for he only took away the gold and * " Apres ptusieitrs tentatires, d'abord pottr engager ces sauvages p-ir les offres et les proniesses les plus st^duisaTites a le livrer atix Anglois, ou du moins a It renvoyer h Quebec, et a prendre en sa place un de leurs ministres ; ensuite pour le surpendre et pour I'entever, les Anglois resolui dr. s'en defaire, quoiqu'il leur en dM cofUer, mirent sa i(te it prix, et promirent miUe livres sterling h celui,qui la. leur porteroU." Cliarlevoix, ut supra. t VVlio, I conclude, was a volunteer, as I do not find his name upon the return made by Moulton, which is upon file in the g^arrel, west wing of our state-house. t Manuscript History of Newbury, by Joshua Coffin, S. H. S.. which, should the world ever be so fortunate as to see in print, we will insure them not only great gratification, but a fund of amusement. 128 PAUGUS.— LOVE^\•ELL'S FIGHT. [Book III. silver vessels of a church, and its crucifix, because it w.ns of massy gold, set about with diamonds, and that, too, upon tlic advice of his chaplain. "This might pass," says a reverend author, " for sea divinity, but justice is quite another thing." Perhaps it will be as well not to inquire here what kind of divinitif would authorize the acts recorded in tliese wiu's, or indeed any wars. Upon this memorable event in our early annals. Father Charlevoix should be heard. There were not, says he, at the time the attack was made, above 50 warriors at Neridgewok ; these seized their arms, and run in disorder, not to defend tlie place against an enemy, who ^vas already in it, but to Itivor the flight of the women, the old men and tlie children, and to give them time to fam the side of the river, whicli was not yet in possession of the English, 'atlier Rasle, warned by the clamors and tumult, and the danger in which he found his proselytes, ran to present himself to the assailants, hoping to draw all their fury upon him, that thereby he might prove the salvation of his flock. His hope was vain ; for hai'dly had he discovered himself wher the English raised a great shout, which was followed by a shower of shot, by which he fell dead near to the cro.ss which he had erected in the centre of the village : seven Indians who attended him, and who endeavored to shield him with their own bodies, (ell dead at. liis side. Thus died this charitable pastor, giving his life lor his sheep, alter 37 years of painful labors. Although the English shot near 2000 muskets, they killed but 30 and wounded 40. They spared not the church, which, after they had indignimtly prolimed its sacred vases, and the adorable body of Jesus Christ, they set on fii'e. They then retired with |)rucipitation,* having been seized with a sud- den panic. The Indians returned iimnediatcly into the village ; and their lu'st care, while the women sought jilants and herbs proper to heal the wounded, was to shed tears upon the body of their holy missionary. They found him pierced with a thousand shot, his seal)) biken ofi| his skull frac- tured with hatchets, his lAouth and eyes lilled with dirt, the hones of his legs broken, and jdl his niem!)t:rs mutilated in a hundred difteriuit ways, f Such is the account of the lidl of 7iWc, by a brother of the faith ; a deplo- rable picture, by whomsoever related! Ufth's sou-iu-hiw, all fuuious warriors." The inhinnauity of the English on this occasion, espeeiallv to the women and cliildren, cannot be excused. It greatly eclipses the lustre of the victory. Harman was the general in llus exjxdition, \ and, lor a time, had the honor of it ; but Moulton, according to (Jovernor Hutchinson, achieved the victory, and it was afterward acknowledged by the countiy. He was a prisoner, when a small boy, among the eastern Indians, being among those takcui at the destruction of York, in IGDi He died at York, 20 July, 17t;5, aged 77. The township of Moultonborough, in New Ilamjishirc, was named from him, and many of hin j)08teiity reside llwiv at the present day. Under the head I'tmirus, we shall proceed to narrate oin* last event in tlic present chaj'ter, than which, may be, ivw, if any, are oftenvr mentioned in New England story. i'Atuis, slain in the memorable battle with the English under (Captain Loviicell, in 172."), was chief of the I'equawkets. Eiyeburg, in Maine, now includes the principal place of their former residence, and the place where the liallle was (ought. It was near a considtjrable body of water, i'alled Stico J'oiul, \\ liich is the source of the river nf the sami! name. The cruel and liarbarous inurders ahiiot^t daily t'onuuitted by the Indians iq)on the nly 40 Uchin- performed l)y Lovewdl, previous to that in which he was killed, the most miportant was tiiat to the head of Salmon-fall River, now Wakefield, in New Hampshire. * With 40 men, he came upon a small company of ten Indians, who were asleep hy their fires, and, by stationing his men advan- tageously, killed all of them. This bloody deed was performed near the shore of a pond, which has ever since borne the name of LoveweWs Pond. After taking off their scalps, these 40 warriors marched to Boston in great triumph, with the ten scalps extended upon hoops, displayed in the Indian manner, and for which they received £1000. This exploit was the more lauded, as it was supposed that these ten Indians were upon an expedition against the English upon the frontiers; having new guns, much ammuni- tion, and spai'e blankets and moccasous, to accommodate captives. This, however, was mere conjecture; and whether they had killed friends or enemies, was not quite so certain us that they had killed Indians. It is said that Paugus Avas well known to many of the English, and per- sonally to njiany of LoveweWs luen. Tliat his name was a terror to the frontiers, we have no doubt; and tliat his appearance at Pequawket, when met by Lovewell, was enough to hiiv(! sti-Li.;k terror into all that beheld him, may not be questioned, we will let the {joet f describe him. 1. 'Twas Paugtis led the Pcqu'k't tribe : As mils the I'ox, would Paiigiis run ; As howls the wild wolf, would he howl ; A huge bear-skin had Paugus on. . But C/uim&ef/ain, of Dunstable, One whom a savage ne'er shall slay, Met Paugus by the water-side, And shot him dead upon that day. The second in command among the Indians on that memorable day was named Wahwa, but of him we have no jtaiticulars. Captain Lovetcell marched out from Dunstable witli 46 men, about the IG April, 1725, of which event the poet thus speaks : — 3. What time the noble LoreiceU came, ■ Widi fifty men from Dunstable, The ciucl Pequ'k'l tribe to lame. With arms and bloodshed terrible. X. With Lovewell brave John Ilanrond c^mc ; From wife and babes' twas hard to part 3 Young Harwood look her l>y the hand, And bound the weeper to his heart. 5. " Repress that tear, my Mary, dear. Said Harwood to his loving wife ; It tries mc hard to leave thee here. And seek in distant woods the strife. fi. " When gone, mv Marv, ihink of me, And pray to tJod that 1 may be SupIi as one ought (hat lives forlhce, And come at lust in victory." ' 7. Thus left young Harwood, babe and wife ; With accent wild she bade adieu : it grieved those lovers much to part, So fond and fair, so kind and true. 8. Jolin Har.pood died all bathed in blood, When he had fought till set of day ; AikI many more we may not name, Fell in that bloody battle fray. 9. When news did come to Hartvood's wife, That he with Lovewell fought and died ; Far ip the wilds had given his life Nor more would in this home abide ; 10. Such grief did seize upon her mind. Such sorrow filled her faithful breast, On earth she ne'er found peace again, Dul followed Hanvood lo his rest. Th(!y arrived near the j)lace where tlie^ cyperted to find Indians, on the 7 May ; atid, early the next morning,' while at prayers, heard a gun, which they rightly suspected to be fired by some of Pduiriul'a men, and imme- diately iiieparod for an encounter. Divesting tiicmselves of their packs, they marched forward lo discover the enemy. Hut not knowing in wiiat thicctiou to proceed, they marched in an opposite direction fVom the In- dians. This pave Paugus greot odvaiiUige ; who, following their tracks, soon fell ill with ilioir packs, from wliirh he learned their strength, Iteing encouraged bv his nuperior nuni!)erH, Pnusc^ia courted the conflict, and pur- eiied the English with ardor. His number of men was said to have been to For • In December of tin- previous year, (1721.) willi a few followers, he made an ex^wdition the norili-cnsj of Wiiniipisiogee !,iiko, in which he killed one and look another prisoner. F these he rerclved the linnuty olTcred by Koverimicnt. ♦ The ediiors or jniblislitTs of the" N. II. collertions have inverled ihe above lines, in imitation of the ancient Chevy t'Imse; but wheiico lliev were oblnined. or who was their author, till v do mil iiiforni us ;' prrliiips, like that of which llicy are un imilaiion, Iho aullior. remains linlinown. \\« give it entire. #■ mf PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. IIJOOK III. 80, while that of the English consisted of no more than 34, havinj' left ten in u fort, which they built at Ossiijci^ ; unti one, an Indiun named Toby, had before returned home, on account of lameness. The fort at Ossipee was for a retreat in case of emergency, and to seiTO as n deposit of part of tJieir provisions, of which they disencumbered themselves before leaving it. After marching a considerable distance from the place of their encamp- ment on the morning of the 8 * May, Ensign H'yman discovered an Indian, who was out hunting, having in one hand some Ibwls ho had just killed, and in the other, two guns. There cau be no probability that ho thought of meeting an enemy, liut no sooner was he discovered by the English, than several guns were fired at him, but missed him. Seeing that sure death was his lot, this valiant Indian resolved to deiiuid himsell"to his last breath ; and the actioji was as speedy as tlie thought : his gun was levelled at the English, and Lovewell was mortally wnmded. Ensign Hijuuin, taking deliberate aim, killed the poor hunter; which action our jwet describes in glowing terms as follows : II. Seth Wtjmaii, wlio in Woburn lived, A marksnian tio r.f courage true, Shot (he lirst Imliaii wlioni lliuy saw ; Sheer througii his heart tliu bullet Hew. He was scalped by the chaplain and another, and then they marched again by tlie way they came, to recover their packs. This movement was expected by the wilv Paugus, and he accordingly prepared an ambush to cut them off, or to take them prisoners, as fortune shotdd will. 12. The snvnge had been seekinff {jnine ; Two tfiiiis, and eke a knilb, he boro, And two black ducks were in lii.s hand; He shrieked, and lell to rijic no more. 13. Anon, there < Ighly Indians rose, Who'd hid themselves in ambush (bead ; Their knives they shook, their ^'uns ihcy aimed, ' The famous Vaujnis at their head. \\. Jiihn Lnvfxrell, captain of the band, His sword he waved, that ijliltcred bright, I'or the last lime he cheered his men, And led them onward to the tight. When the Indians rose from tht^ir coverts, they nearly encircled the English, but seemed loath tf) begin the fight; and were, no doubt, in hopes that the English, seeing their ntmibers, wouhl yield witii' ut a battle; and, therefore, made towards them with their guns nresenttul, and threw away their first fire. They tlmn held up ropes which tliey had provided for secur- ing caj)tives, and atsked them if tlniy would have (iiiarter. This only encour- aged the English, who answered "only at the muzzles of their guns;" and they rushed toward the Indian.s, fired as they pressed on, and, killing man^y, drove them severid rods. Ihit they soon riUlied and fired vigorously in their turn, an{ht on, fight on," brave Lm-iwell said ; "Fi(;hl on, while Heaven .shall give you breath!" An Inilinn ball then pierced him through, And iMvtwell closed his eyes in death. In this Kith verso the poet, perhaps, had reference to the morning prayer, which Mr. ^Vyr, the (;lia|ilain, ma(ie iHtfore miirching, on tiie day of the btlTtle; m; |>er(iaps, more luobablv, to the ejncidatioiis Ik; miidt^ on the field after he was mortally wmmded. In the morning lu> |)rayed thus patrioticttlly: " We citmiMiiit to meet tiie enemy; we liavt! all along jirayed (lOil we might find them ; we had rather trust Providence willi oiir livt .'^; yea, die for our connirv, tiian try to return wiilmut seeing them, if we might; mid be called cowards (()r our pains." f IG. (iood heavens ! is this a time for prayer ? Is this a time to worship (iod ; When iMvrirrU's iiii'ii are dyin;( fast, .Vuil I'aii"iis' tribe hatli lell" the rod ( ■• This was »). ,*J. ami corKsiMiiils to .May II'. N. .S. — .'^(•c rolr in lust cliapler. f .^ddr.'ss (if v. ."'. /'(■ i.v, (|i. I (,) ili'llvured at I'ryelnii^, KKJ \car» aller the figlll. Chap. IX.] PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. 131 17. The chapla'm's name was Jonathan Frye ; In Aiitlover his father dwell, And oft v.ilh Lowweti's men he'd prayed, Before the mortal wound he fell. 18. A man was he of comely form. Polished and brave, well learnt and kind ; Old Harvard's learned halls he left, Far in the wilds a grave to find. 19. Ah ! now his blood-red arm lie lifts, His closing lids he tries to raise ; And spea! once more before he dies, In supplication and in praise. 20. He prays kind Heaven to grant success, Brave I.orewetl's men to guide and bless, And when they've shed their hearls'-blood true, 'I o raise ihem all to happiness. 21 . " Come hither, Farwell," said young Frye, " You see that I'm about to die ; Now for the love 1 bear to you. When cold in death my bones shall lie ; 22. " Go thou and see my parents dear, And tell them you stood by me here ; Console them when they cry, Alas! And wipe away the falling tear." 23. Lieutenant Farwdl took his hand, His arm around his neck he threw, Anil said, "Brave chaplain, I' could wish That Heaven had made me die for you." 24. The chaplain on kind FaneeU'a breast, Bloody, and lanc^iiishing, he fell ; Nor atler that, said more but this, " I love thee, soldier ; fare thee well ! " " Tlic li^iit continued," says the Reverend Mr. Sijmmes, " very furious and ol)stiiiute still towards nijiiit. The Indians roaring and yelling and fowling like wolves, burking like dogs, imd making all sorts of hideous noises: the Englisii tVe(]uently shouting and huzzaing, as they did after tlie first round. At one timt! Ciiptuin ffi/mnn is confident they were got to Powawing, by tiicir striking on tiie ground, and otiier odd motions; hut at length Jf'i/man crept up towards tiiein, and, firing uinongst them, shot tho chief I'ovvuw, and broke up their meeting."* 25. Good hcivvens I they dance the powow 2G. " What means this dance, this powow (laiico, dance?" Wh;il liorriil yolls the forest fill ! Stern Wyimm said ; with wondrous art, 'i'lio ^riiii bciir crouches in his don, He crept fiill noitr, his rifle aimed, Tliu easjiu seeks the distant hill. And shot the leader through the heart. The first of tho following stanzas is very happily conceived, and although not in the order of the poet, is as ai)propriate here, as where it originally stood. 1 27. Then ditl the crimson streams, that flow'd, yccni like the waters of llio brook. That brifihlly sliinc, that loully dash. Far down the clilJs of Agiochook. t 28. Ah ! many a wife shall rend her hair. And many a child cry, " Woe is me," When messengers the news shall bear, Of LoveweWs dear-bought victory. * Narrative of the fight at Piggwncket, vii. t Tho Indiiiii name of the While ^Mountains, or, as the people of New Hampshire would say, M'liile Mills. The natives believed the summits of these mountains to be inhabited by inv' ibie beings, but whether good or evil we arc not infiirined. Nor is it of much importance, since they reverenced the one as iiiiieh as the other. It is always higlily gralilying to the curious to observe how people primitively viewed objects which have bocinne familiar to them. We will here present the reader with Mr. Junsdyn's ilescription of the While Mountains, not for its arrnrarit, but for its curious extrava- gance. " Four score miles, (iiipon a direct line,) to the N. VV. of Scnrborow, a ridge of inoiuitains run N. W. nml N. 1,. nn hundred leagues, known by llie name of the White Mtiiiiilnins, u|K)n which liclh snow all the year, and is a landmark twenty miles offal sea. It ia a rising ground from the sea shore to these hills, and they are inaccessible but by the gul- lies wliicli tlie dissolved snow hath made, hi these gullies crow savcn bushes, which boinjf taken hold of, are a good help to the climbing discoverer. Upon the top of the highest ol these mountains, is a large level, or jilain, of a " This rogue is to decoy us, 1 very plainly see. occasioned bv an avalaiuhc nl the rclrbraled Notch, in IR'Jf), will not soon be forgotten. Mr. Moore, of Concord, has published an interesting account of it in the Cull. N, H. Hist. Soc. f ol. ill. Chap. IX.] PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S FIGHT. 1B8 4. " The Indians lie in ambusii, in some place nigh at hand, In order to surround us upon this neck of land ; Therefore we'll march in order, and each man leave his pack. That we may briskly fight them when they shall us attack." , , 5. They came unto this Indian, who did them thus defy ; As soon as they came aigh him, two giuis he did let fly, Which wounded Captaiu ZiOivwell, ancl likewise one man more ; But when this rogue was running, they laid him in his gore. 6. Then having scalped (he Indian, they went back to the spot. Where they had laid their packs down, but there they found them not ; For the Indians having spied them, when they them down did lay, Iheir plunder, and carry them away. Did seize them for their 7. These rebels lay in ambush, this very place hard by, So that an English soldier did one of them espy. And cried out, •' Here's an Indian ! " with that they started out, As fiercely as old lions, and hideously did shout. 8. With that our valiant English all gave a louJ huzza. To shew the rebel Indians they feared them not a straw ; So now the fight began, as fiercely as could be. The Indians ran up to them, but soon were forced to flee. 9. Then spake up Captain Lovewell, when first the fight beg>an, " Fight on, my valiant heroes '. you see they fall like rain." For, as we are informed, the Indians were so thick, A man could scarcely fire a gun and not some of them hit. 10. Then did the rebels try their best our soldiers to surround But they could not accomplish it, because there was a pond. To which our men retreated, and covered all the rear; The rogues were forced to flee them, although they skulked for fear. 11. Two logs there were behind them that close together lay, Without being discovered, they could not get away; Therefore our valiant English tlicy travelled in a row, And at a handsome distance as they were wont to go. 12. 'Twas ten o'olock in the morning when first the fight begun, And fiercely did continue till the setting of the sun, ^ Exceptini^ that the Indians, some hours before, twas ni{ ht. Drew ofl'into the bushes and ceased awhile to fight. 13. But soon again returned in fierce and furious mood. Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so loua. For, as we are informed, so thick and fast they fell, Scarce twenty of their number, at night did get home well. 14. And that our valiant Enc^lish, till midnight there did stay, To see whether the rebels would have another fray ; But they no more returning, they made ofl" towards their home, And brought away their wounded as far as they could come. 15. Of all our valiant English, there were but thirty-four, And of the rebel Indians, there were about four score, And sixteen of our English did safely home return : The rest were killed and wounded, for which we all must mourn. 16. Our worthy Captain Lovnrcll among them there did die ; They killed Lieutenant Robbint, and wounded good young Fryt, Who was our Englisli chaplain ; he many Indians slew. And some of them he scalped when bullets round him flew. 17. Young Fullam too I'll mention, because he fought so well ; Endeavoring to save a man, a sacrifice he fell, And yet our valinni Englishmen in fight were ne'er dismayed, But still they kept their motion, nnd Wyman captain made ; 18. Who shot the old chief Pauovs, which did the foe defeat, Then set his men in order, and brought ofltihe retreat; And braving manv dangers and hardships in the way, They safe arrivccf lit Dunstable, the thirteenth day of May. 12 it 134 ST. FRANCIS DESTROYED, [Book III. CHAPTER X. Tho St. Francis Indians — Rogers' expedition against them — Philip — Subatis— * Arnold's rrpedition — Natanis — Tlie modrrn Penobscols — Aitteon — Neptune — Captain Francis — Susl'p murders on Englishman — Specimen of the Penobscot Uinguagc. — Rowi.ES — his jnophecij — Blind Wii.i, — Killed Oy the Mohawks — As- SACASiBijiT — Visits Franre and is knighted by the Icing — Attacks and burns Haver- hill — His death. Towards tho clo.se of the last chapter, mention was made of tlie St' Francis Indians, and, as they were, a part of them, tlie remnaut of the once resjiectable Andioscoggins,* tlicir liistory will here be resumed. We have already related some of their hardships and sufferings, both in Philip's war and tlie French wars allerwards, when they had to contend with the old experienced chief, Colonel Church ; and also their severe disaster in opposing LovrweU. Ailer their arrival upon the Lake St. Francis, from which their village took its name, they were mider the influence and guidance of French ecclesias- tics. Their village, in 1755, consisted of about 40 wigwams and a church, and a friar resided among them. What time the Androscoggins joined the St. Francis tribe has not been discovered ; but whenever war existed between France and I'^ngland, tiiey generally had some participation in it, the fre- quent occurrence of whicii at length ended in their almost total destruction, in 175y. Before the capture of Quebec, in tliat year, and while the English army under (Teiierai ^Imhcrst lay at down Point, an expedition against St. Francia was ordered by liini; behig so "exasperated," says Colonel Rogers, "at the treatment Capt. Kenned}! '""1 received liom those Indians, to whom ho had been sent with a flag of truce, and proposals of peace, who had l)een by tliCMi made prisoner with his party, that he determined to bestow upon them a signal chastiselnent," This does not appear, however, to bo all that was charged against tljeni, for Major Rogers continues, "They had, within my own knowledge, «!uring the six years past, killed and carried away more than (iOO persons." Accordingly JMajor Rogers was despatched upon this enter- prise with 14'i efl'ective men, including officers, and a few Indians of the Pe(|uawket trilie, uniler Philip^ their chief. It was a most perilous undertak- ing ; near 300 nillea of Wild country to be passed, lato in October, 175'J. When they came in sight of the town, towards evening, on the 5 October, tlie inhabitants were dancing about in great glee, celebrating a wedding. Half an houi' bcfon? siuu'ise the next morning, the English fell suddenly upon thein, in three dis'isions, and completely surprised them, killing UOO Indians, and (;.iptin-ing a 1(!W women and children.f With such secrecy and jnomptifiide did the EngHsli act on this occasion, »iys our author, "that the ••neniy hud no time to recover themselves, or take arms in their own ilefcnce, until they 'vere mostly destroyed." Some few ran down to the river to es- cape by swimming or in their canoes, but were pursued and destroyed. Their village, excejtt thret! houses, was burnt, and many persons in it. Ily ncven o'clock the butchery was ended, and a retreat was immediately com- menced. Two Indian boys were brought away prisonci's, one of whom was ' " Al St. Friini,'i\ls, rr4)m sonip of Znuffhe'darankiac, or pi'opli' from tin' mouth of this rivrr, I Icnriidl, iliiil llioy f nil il, or rnlhcr its liank"!, Amilcuiiiit since, this number has made rapid dcrlinn, and at prtfseiil on ihe jioiiil of total di^bolution." Letter, dated Vincennet, \'t. V> April, 1836. CiTAP. X.] PHILIP OF PIGWOKET.— AIINOLD'S EXPEDITION. 135 «y nanied Sebatis. The English commaiuler says, " We found GOO scalps hang- ing upon poles over the doors of tlieir wigwams." Although tlie English had made such havoc among the Indians, yet a wretched calamity awaited them ui their homeward inarch. They had but one of their number killed, who was an Indian, and six wounded, during the massacre, but on their return many were lost ui the wilderness, starved and frozen to death. The scenes of individual suffering, could they be known, would probably exceed those which followed LoveweWs fight. Having mis- taken the Upper for the Lower Coos, some set off by j)oint of compass, and were never heard of afler, and the enemy followed and cut off others. But Philip, at the head of his company, made good his retret^ without losing u man m the way. Besides this expedition, hi whwh Philip was one of " Rogers' rangers," he was at the capture of Louisburgh, under General Amherst, and was the first man that took |X)ssession of the fortress.* In the winter of 1757, when the English and French armies had gone into winter quarters, Colonel Rof^ert was leil in -command of Fort Edward, and had several severe battles with the French and Indians in scouting expeditions. In one of these, he fell in with a superior force to his own, near Ticonderoga, and lost many of his men, in killed and prisoners. This was tHi 21 January. The chief, Philip, was in that affair, and acted as ser- geant. Concerning this ciiief, it is further said that he was but " half Indian," and that in the revolution, he joined the Americans, string " he was a whig Indian." Mention has been made of an Lidian of the name of Sebatis or Sabatis. Tlierc were several of tlic name, and doubtless it was peculiar to the Ahena- quies ; and hence that Sabatis, captured at St. Francis, was descended from an Abenaquis family, wlio had settled there. It is possible also, that lie may bo the same who afterwards resided, near the head waters of the Kennebeck, with a brother named JVatamis, who is brought to our notice in the accounts f of General JlmoWa expedition through that region in the fall of 1775 ; but this is conjecture. However, what is known ol' these two brothers follows. General Arnold having, on his arrival in the Kennebeck River, ordered a email baud to proceed m advance of the army, to discover and mark out a route for it, gave strict orders that JVatanis should l>e captured or killed. This order had lieen given, because the general had been intbrnied that he liad been fixed there by the English of Canada, as a spy, to give information if an enemy should approach in that direction. But <\m, as it proved, was falsi! information, and JVatania was the friend of the ^\mericans, as also wap his brother Sabalis, who lived about seven miles higher up the river, above him. Tiie residence of .Yatanis was a lonesome place, upon the bank of the liver ; his cabin, situated in the centre of a green, the border of which was bevoud unisket shot from it, was a discovery which added to the suspicions of the party, wlio, having arrived in the neighborhood, 4 October, surrounded it nt every point, and run in upon it with great eagerness; expecting, without doubt, to have taken hii.i prisoner. In this they were disappointed, for it ap- peared tliiit the ]»hu'c had Ix^cn deserted a week. Near by, at the shore of the river, a map drawn upon birch bark, was found in the top of a Ktako, vei7 ucciu'ately delineating tlie courses of, the rivers towards Caiuul;), and lines «U'noting ])lace8 of crossing from one to another. This p-catly Hurpiihcd them, hut they i»rofited juuch by it. Nothing was seen of any Iiidiaiis during the excursion of the exploring party, who, afler about 2*2 (lavH, ill w hirh they siiO'enMl every thing but death, rejonuMl the army. Wlicii the army liiul arrived within the hounds of Cuimda, which was on the 1 Novejnber, "we for lh(! firet time," says Mr. Henrif, "luul tins jileasiire of seeing liie worthy and respectable Indian, .Vatanig, and his bixjther, Saba^ ! • A'(i;r"i>' Ilcmiiiiscciiocs, Apjinulix lii iimv cdilion. t NlP lli.il of '.liiiljTf .Ic'iii J. Ilnrti. ;C, lo Ju mid 71, &,c. 609, m\ Cul. Maiuo Uisi. Soc. i. 3'ji. Sec also tSVia//;/'* Tables, ii. 136 NATANIS.-SABATIS.— PENOBSCOT INDIANS. [Book IH. tis, with some others of thoir tribe." J^ntanis went to each of the ecnipanies of spies, and shook them by the hand, us though he had been formerly acquainted with them. He explained himself by telling tJiem, that he had kept close to them all the time they were making their discovery beyond his residence, and until they returned, but did not daro to make, himself known, for fear they would kill him — a wise resolution. Natanis and Sabatis, with 17 others of their tribe, joined the army on the River Chaudiere, and marched with it to Canada. When the attack on Quebec was made, 31 December, 1775, JVatanis was wounded by a shot through the wrist, and fell into the hands of the British general, Catieton, who immediately set hrm at liberty. These were the first Indians employed in the revolutionary contest by the Americans.* We cannot pass over the momentous undertaking of Arnold, wthout re- questing the reoder to notice how many men of note and eminence survived its ruins — General Daniel Morgan of Virginia, then a cai)tiiin — GJeneral Henry Dearborn of Massachusetts, of like rank — Timothy Bigetow of Massachusetts, a major — Return J. Mei^s, father of the late postmaster-general, of the same rank — Samuel Spring, 1). D. of Newburvport, a chaplain— v3aron Burr of New Jersey, and General Benedict ^mo/rf ot'Connecticutf Numerous others de- serve equal notice ; but it is not our province to enumerate them here. And from this digression we return to notice another chief nearly similar in name to the last At the treaty of Gfeorgetown, on Arrowsik Island, held by the eastern tribes with the English, 9 August, 1717, Sabhadis, as his name was then writ- ten, appeared for the Androscogghis. Also it the treaty of Casco, dated 25 July, 1727, we find omong the signers Sabatists of Arresagontacook.}: Wl)at piut Sabatis acted in the tragedies from 1722 to 1725, does not- appear. In the History of Maine'J we find the following passage concerning iSai- baiisl, as he is there called. " Li 1730, a chaplain was allowed at Fort George ; and it wos in this place, where Sahbatist, tlie Anasagunticook sagamore, re- quested govermncnt to keep some supplies: for,«aid he, in ^cotd winters and deep snotcs, my Indians, unable to go to Fort Richmo7id, sometimes suffer.^ " We now pass to our own times to notice some modern Indians in the state of Maine. In 1816, the Penobscot tribe at Old Town,|| having lost its sachem, entered upon the election of another. It was some months before they could agree iq)on a successor, although it is their custom to elect a near relation of the deceased. At length party spirit having run unreasonably high, th^ir priest, who is a Roman Catholic, interfered, and they forsook the rival candidates, and elected John Jlitteon. This man, it is said, was a dc- -scendaut of Baron do Saint Castiens. The induction -nto office took place 19 September, 181(J. At the same time John JVeptime was constituted his lieutenant, and Captain t^ancis and another were confirmed as chief captains. A specimen of modem oratory among these Indiana is given by Mr. Wil- liamson, who heard it, in his History of Maine, It was made in a court, by John JVeptune, in extenuation of the murder of one Knight, by Peol Susup. The case was nearly as follows : In the evoning of 28 June, 18I(>, this Indian was intoxicated, and at the tavern of said Knight at Bangor, (whether he had procured liquor there with which to intoxicate himself, we a-o not informed,) and being noisy and turbulent, Knight endeavored to exj)el him from his house. * Having thrust him out of door, ho endeavored to drive him away, uud in th(( attempt was Btubl)ed, and immediately died. On his arrest, Su^up acknowledged his guilt, but said he was in liquor, and that Knight abused * Jmlffc Ifmni, 15. t Hennj, our niillmrilv before moiilioncd, wns a privalc, ngp.b ; Jicurbom in 1029, ivt. 70; Meigs in lB23i Spring in IHVJ, «t. 73 j Arnold in UHH. nt I.onilon, ipl. (il ; liitrr died in New York, in 1836. ♦ Coll. N. H. Hisi. Soc. ii. 24i!. i!(iO. \S Williamson, ii. 159. I| In ll!l 1, ilils irilie consisted of but 57 faniilii's, and 2H persons. In Ifi'io tlieri were 277 soiil<. Tlieir increase, says Dr. Mor.lets, quos'^-qtte.* In speaking of the New Hampshire sachems, it was not intended that so conspicuous a diief as Roivls should have heen silently passed over, and therefore wo will give him a j)lace here. This chief has of latfc years l)ecoine noted, from the eircumstinice of his name's being found to the celebrated Whedtoright dceA of IGQD. That deed, it maybe proper to remark, purported to have been given by Passaconaway, Runaaimtt, fVehanownotmt, and Rowls. The tract of country conveyed was included between the Paseataqua and Merrimack Rivers, and bounded inland by a line from '' Pawtucket" Falls in the latter, and Newichawannok in the former. It is pretty certain, now, tliat these sachems gave no such deed at the time specified. ■ Rowls was sachem of the Ncwichawannoks, and his dwelling-place was upon the north sile of the Paseataqua, not far from Quampeagan Falls, in Berwick, then Kittory. " In 1G43, he conveyed the lands of his vicinity to Humphrey ChadJmurn ; and others afterwards, to Spencer ; the former being tlie earliest Indian deed found upon our records. It is certain that all the Indians upon the river to its mouth, were his subjects, though he was under Passaconaway ."t Mr. Hubbard J says, " There was within the compass of the seven years now current, [about 1070,] a sagamore about Kittary, called Rouls or Rolles: who laying very sick, and bedrid, (being an old man,) he e.\- fjected some of the Englisii, that seized upon his land, should have shown lim that civility, as to have given him a visit in his aged infirmities and sick- ness. It matters not much whether it was totally neglected or not ; to ba sure at tlie lasst, he sent for the chkfs of the town and desired a favor of thcni, viz. that though he might, as he said, challenge [claim] all the plantation for his own, where they dwelt, that yet they would please to sell or give him a small tract ot land, possiblj^ an hundred or two of acres, and withall desired it might be recorded in the town book, as a public act, that so his childreii, which he left behind, might not be turned out, like vagabonds, as destitute of an liabitation amongst, or near the English, adding this as a reason : That lie knew there would shortly fall out a war between the Indians and the? English, all over the country, and that the Indians at the first should prevail, and do much mischief to the English, and kill many of them : But after the third year, or after three years, all the Indians whicli so did, should be rooted out, and utterly destroyed." Thi*; account, the same author says, " is reported by Maj. Waldron, aVIr. Joshua Moody, Capt, Frost, that live upon, or near the place." A chief named Blind-icill was successor to Rolls, and in PfttVtp's war served the English. Why the wo'-d blind was j)refixed to his name is not mentioned, but probably he had lost an eye. In 1G77, the wretched expeilient was resorted to by the whites, of ernploying the Mohawks against the Tarratines, and two messengers. Majors Pinchon and Richards, were despatched to their country. They were kindly received by them, and promised their assistance. "Accordingly some parties of them came down the country, about he middle of March, and the first alarm was given at Amuskeeg Falls; where the eon of fV-onolnnset being hunting, discovered 1.5 Indians on the other side, who called to him in a lan- guage which he did not understand; upon which he fled, and they fired near 30 guns at him without elleet. Presently after this they were discovered in the woods near Cochecho. Major Waldron sent out eight of his Indians', whereof Blind-toill was one, to make further discovery. They were all surprised togiither by a comj)any of the Mohawks ; two or three escaped, the others were either killed or taken. H'ill was dragged away by his hair ; and being wounded, perished in the woods, on a neck of land, formed by the confluence of Cochecho and Ising-glass Rivers, which still bears the name of Blind-tmWs Neck."§ Such were the exploits of the allies of ihe English * Williamson's Maine, i. 513. $ Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 125. t Williamson, i. 460. \ Indian Wart, ii. 81. Chap. X.] ASSACAMBUIT, 199 lish at this time ; nor do we find tlmt any others were performed of a different ciiaracter. Notwitlistanding, the same miserable policy was talked of again about nine years after ; but we do not learn that it was carried into i)riictici'. It was, i)orhaps, at the time of which we have been si)C!iking, that the Nar- raganset chiel" Peasncua was murdered, as has been mentioned.* We had not thus long delayed our notice of one of the most renowned chiefs, but from the untoward circumstance of having mislaid u valuable communication concerning hini.t 'fhe sachem of whom \ve are now to speak was known among the French by the name of JVCscamlnoiiit, but among the English he was called AssACAMBUiT,! and ^ssacombuit.\ This chief was as faithful to the French as one of their own nation ; and our account of him beghis in 1696, when, witii Iberville and the famous Montigny, he rendered imjjortant service in the reduction of the English Fort St. Johns, 30 November, of tiiat year. Being apprized of the approach of the French and Indians, the English sent out 88 men to o{)pose them, who, on tiio 28, wore met and attacked by a part of /6cryj7/c's army, under Montigny wad jYescamhioilit, and defeated .with the loss of 55 men. On the night before St. Johns capitulated, Iberville, with JVescambioilit as his second, at the head of 30 men, njade a sally to burn one part of tlie town, while D'Muijs and Montigny, with 60 others, were ordered to fire it at another point. Both part: s succeeded. § In 1691), he is noticed for some cruelty, which, it was said, he inflicted upon a child, named Thomasin Rouse. He having ordered it to cany something to the water side, it cried ; he took a stick and struck her down, and she lay for dead. He then threw her into the water, but she was saved by another Indian. She was an English captive, and was soon alter reatored. This account was handed Dr. Mattier, by one who had just returned from Casco Bay, where he had been to hold a treaty with the Indians. The account closes in these wor s : "This Jssacomluit hath killed and taken this war, (they tell me,| 150 men, women and children.- A bloody Devil." || It is said tiiat Mauxis, JVanungonet, and Jlssacombuit, Avere " three of the most valiant and puissant sachems" of the east.li Their attack u{)oii the fort at Casco, in August, 1703, has been mentioned.** In 1704, some of the Abe- naquis, having established themselves in Newfoundland, were attacked by the English, and some of them killed. Whereupon they applied to Governor VaudreuU for assistance to repel them, and he sent Montigny with a few Canadians, who joined themselves with about 50 Abenaquis under JVescambi- oiiit, and attacked the English with great success. They pillaged and burnt one fort, and took many prisoners, ft In 1705, M, Subercase, having succeeded M. Brouillon in the government of Newfoundland, endeavored to make thorough work with the remaining English there. Their success was nearly complete, and here again J^fescam- biouit is noticed as acting a conspicuous part. Subcrcase's army consisted of 400 men,tt in all, and they set out from Placentia 15 January, upon snow- shoes, Avith 20 days' provisions. They suffered much fi-om the rigor of the weather, and did not llill upon the English until the 26, which was at a place called Rebou. They next took Petit Havre. At St. Johns they fouiid some resistance, where the English now had two forts, which were 8upi)lied with cannon and mortars, and, after losing five men in killed and wounded, were obliged to raise the siege, in consequence of want of powder; having dam- aged much of what they brought with them in wading rivei-s. They next attacked Forrillon and took it. f§ This was 5 March. Here was olso a fort, * Sec n. n. p. .59. note 11. f From Rev. Mr. Felt, of Hamilton. t PenJiatlow. 6 CharUroix, ii. 193. 11 Mogilalia, vii. 95. IT Penhallow, 6. ** Page IM, lib. iii. , +t CAaWei'oir, ii. SM. tt This is according to Charlevoix, hnl Peiiliallmv says 600, and jl;wpuc/i, (Hist. Newfound- land, 123.) aAo«< 500. Charlmoix is, doubtless, nearest the truth. JiJ Le botirgfiU brIUi', aprh qnoi Montigny, qui avint ameni ii cette expedition sonJidMe NESCAMBiouiTf^t dHacliA a"ec lea sauiyafces, et une partie des Canadiens, peur oiler du c6ti de Carbonrdere, et de Bonnerinte, avec order de brtder et de detruire toute le cdt^, ce qu'il ex^ctUa sam jierdre un seul homme, tant la terrcur itmt grande parmi les Anglois, N. France, ii. .WO. ) 140 ASSACAMBUIT. [Book III. into whicli the iuhttl)itaiit8 nt first retired, and endeavored to defend tlieniselvcs, ■but.fioon surrendered prisoners of war.* Not lonjj'uller tliese services jyescambioiiit sailed for France, and in 170G visited liis luujesty, King Louis XIV, ut Versailles. Here, among other emi- nent personages, lie became known to the historian CiiAnLEvoix.f The king having presented hini tui elegant sword, he is reported to have said, holding up Ins hand, "7Vtis hand Juxs slain one hundred amfoiiifofyour majes- tjfs enemies in JVew Eiu^land ; " J and that whereupon, the king forthwith knighted him, and ordered that henceforth a pension of eight livres a day bo allowed him for life. JSTescambioiJnt returned to America in 1707, and the next year accompanied Rouville to attack Haverhill in Massachusetts. The French had intended a much more formidable conijuest, and had engaged bands of Indians from four nations to cooperate with them, and all were to rendezvous at Lake Nikisipique, as they called Winnipesauko or Winnipisiogee. Ikit all except the AlgonquinsaiulAbenaquis under J\'cscainbiouit, having failed and deserted them, thoy were on the point of abandoning their enterprise altogether. Having made known their situation to Governor Vaudreuil, and recpiested liis orders, he directed, that though all the Indians deserted them, they should not give over the expedition. Dcs Chaillons having comnnmicated this intel- ligence to the Indians, they entreated him to lead them forwai'd, and said they would follow him wherever he chose to go. From Nikisipique thev maiched, at lust, with 800 men, fell upon Haver- hill,§ and sacked it. I'he attack was made, sun about an hour high, 29 Augu8t,'1708. The contest was short as the opposition was feeble. The English lost about 100 persons by this irruption, 40 or 50 of whom were killed at Haverhill. JS/'eacamhioiiit, in this afiiiir, fought by the side of the connnander-in-chief; and perlbrmed prodigies of valor with the sword which lie brought from France. Having burned the fort and many of the buildings in the village,|| they began to retrace their steps, with precipitation. ThO English, having rallied, formed an ambush in the edge of the woods, about a mile and u ha)*" from the town, attacked them vigorously, killing and woiniding many of them. In the ambush were GO or 70 English, who, after hanging upon their flanks for near au hour, retreated. In this last affair the French suffered most. In both encounters, 18 men were wounded, three Indians and five Freiiehmen killed. In tlie ambush fell Heiicl of Chambly, and Vercheres, both officers of experience ; and the renowned ..issacambuit, us though, elsewhere, like Achil- les, invulnerable, was wounded by a shot in the foot. This last attack had ■the happy effect of immediately restoring many of the prisoners. From 1708 to 1727, we hear nothing oi\lssac(tmbuit. In June of the latter year, his death is recorded, accompanied with a short account of him, in a newspaper of that time. Mention is made, aiiion^ other tilings, that, like Herculee, he liad a "famous club" which lie always carried witli him, on which were 98 notches, denoting the number of " English " he had killed ; that he was knighted while in Friuice, the insignia of which, on his return lioino, he wore upon his breast in largo letters. In this newspajier commu- nication he is styled " Old Es'camlmit" " formerly the principal sagamore of (the now dispersed) tribe of the Saco or Pigwacket Indians." He probably ■went to reside among the St Francis tribe about 1700. lie was restless when .there was no war, and our account says, " when there was something of a ^irosjiect of settled peace, about 30 years ago, [1700,] he moi'ched off the * Anspach, 124. ' t Hist. Gen. ilc la Nouv. France, ii. 326. i Peiiudlow, 40. Tiiis must be, we think, a great misrepresentation of iiis real sjjcecli, as subsequent details will lead one to suppose. Perhaps he might have sa\A forty. ^ " Ms priretit alors te miti de marcher coiUre un village appeUi' Hxwrkvu., compose bing another, which so exasperated those of tlieir relations, that they sought revenge, and would have instantly exe- cuted it, but that he fled his country, and never returned after." CHAPTER XI. . , Destruction of :Dccrfield, and captimttj of Reverend Jafm Williams and family, ill 1704. Sometimes in a volume, and sometimes in a pamphlet, the narraiive of this affair had.often been given to the world previous to 1774, by one of the principal actors in it, whose name is at the beginning of this chapter, and which is doubtless familiar to evevy reader of Now England legends. The edition of Mr. JVilliams's work, out of which 1 take this, was prepared by the renowned New England annalist, the Reverend Thamas Prince, and was the .5th, printed at Boston " by John Boult, next door to the Three Doves in Marl- borough Street, 1774." It was a closely printed 8vo. pamphlet of 70 pages. It will be necessary to relate some important facts of historical value before proceeding with the nai-rative. As at several other times, the plan was laid eai'ly in 1703, in Canada, for laying waste the whole English fron- tier, but like former and later plans, laid in that region, this but paitially succeeded. Though the eastern settlements from Casco to Wells were 'destroyed, and 130 people killed and captivated, the summer before, yet the towns on the Connecticut had neglected their precautionary duty. And although Governor Dudley of Massachusetts had but little while before beea notified of the design ot the French, yet it was impossible to guard the eastern coast against tlie attack. Deei-field had been palisaded and 20 soldiers placed in it, but had been quartered about in different houses, and, entirely forgetting their duty as soldiers, wei'e surprised witli the rest of the town. The snow was deep, which gave the enemy an easy entrance over the pickets. The French were commanded by HeHel de RouviUe, but the commanders of the Lidians remain unknown. Mr. Williams thus begins his narrative : " On Tuesday the 29th of Feb- ruary, 1703-4, not long before breali of day, the enemy came in like a flood upon us ; our watch being unfaithful : an evil, whonc awful effects, in a sur- prizal of our fort,- should besjjcak all watchmen to avoid, as they would not liring the charge of blood upon themselves. They came to my house in the beginning of tlio onset, and by their violent endeavors to break open doors and windows, with axes and hatchets, awakened mo out of sleep ; on which I leaped out of bed, and rmining towards the dooi", perceived the enemy making their entrance inio the house. I called to awaken two soldiers in the chamber ; and returning toward niy bedside for my arms, the enemy immediately brake into my room, I judge to the number of 20, with painted faces, and hideous acclamations. I reached up my liands to the bed-tester, for my pistol, uttering a short petition to God, expecting a present passage through the valley of the shadow of death." "TiUiing down my pistol, I (•ocked it, and jjut it to the breast of the first Indian who came up ; but my l)istol missing fire, I was seized by 3 Indians who disarmed me, and bound me nuked, as I was, in my shirt, and so I stood for near the space of an hour." Meanwhile the work of destruction and pillage was carried on with treat fury. One of the tlu'oc who CHj>tiu-ed Mr. Williams was u captain, 142 DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIF-LD, [Cook III. against whom, says our captive, "the jiidgment of God did not long slumlwr ; for by sun-rising be received a mortal sliot from my next neighbor's house." This, though not a garrison, aiul containing but seven men, withstood tiie efforts ol" the 300 French and Lidians wliicli now beset them. That house remains to this day, bearing upon its front door the mai'ks of the hatcliet.* After about two hours the enemy took up their march from the town, having plundered and burnt it, and put 47 jjcrsous to death, including those killed in making defence. Mrs. mlliairis having lately lain in, was feeble, which, without the scene now acting belbre her, rendered her case hopeless ; but to this was added the most shocking jmurders in her presence — two of her children were taken to the door ajid killed, also a black wouiau be- longing to the family. "About sun an hour high," continues tlie redeemed captive, "we were nil carried out of the house for a march, and saw many of the houses of my neighbors in flames, perceiving tiie whole ibit, one house excejjtcd, to be taken !" "We were carried over the river, to the foot of the mountain, about a mile from my house, where we found a groat number of our christian neighbors, men, women, and children, to the number of 100 ; nineteen of whom were afterward murdered by the way, and two starved to death near Coos, in a time of great scarcity, or famine, the savages undenvent there. Wheti we came to the foot of our mountain, they took away our slioes, and gave us Indian shoes, to prepare us lor onr journey." The army had kilt their packs at this place, and while they were getting ready to decamjt, iIm'. few Luglish that had escaped at the town, and a lew from Hatfield, wlio luul been notified of the fate of Deei-field by one or two, who liad escaped tlicre, pursued, tuid in a meadow between the town and the main Iwdy, met a party of the enemy, and a sharp fight ensued. The small band of EnglisiuMen arly in tli(> language of lier husband. At llie up|i(>r ]iart of l)(M-rliehl niendow it l»«c»me necessary to cross (Jrcen Uivcr. The Indian liiat ca|i- tured Mr. ft'illiams was unwilling that he slionlil speak to tlie other captives; ))Ut on the morning of the second day, that Indian ca|>tiv( », hueli cases could hardly have occurred. This young woman, being citceinte, and wnlkin"; upon tiic ice in the river, often fell down upon it, l)roI)Hlily witii a burthen upon her; which caused premature labor the fol- lowing ni'dit. Being now unlittcid for the journey, her master deliberately told her bTic must be put to death. \Vith great composure she got liberty of him to go and take h-ave of her minister. She told him she was not afraid of «I(>atli, and ader some consoling conversation, she returned and was executed ! This was March 78. At th(! mouth of a river since known as Wi7/jflnis'« River, upon a Sunday, the captives were permitted to artsend)le around their minister, and he |ireaclieda sermon to tiiem from Lam. i. lf<. At the mouth of White River Rouvtlle divided his force itilo several parties, and they took diffirent routes to the St. LawrtMico. In a lew instanccH the captives were purchased of the Indians, by the rreneli, and the others were at the difT'eront lodges of the Indians. Dining his ca))tivity, IMr. ff'illiams visited various places on the St. Law- rence. At Montreal he was humtuiely treated by Governor VaudreuU. In his iiitervi(!ws with the French Jesuits he uniforndy found them using every endeavor to convert him and otherfl to their religion. However, most nf the captives remained steady in the Protestant faith. And in ITlXl, fifty-seveu of tln'tn were by n llag-ship conveyed to Boston. A considerable number remained in Canada, and ne>er returned, among whom was Eunice HUliams, daughter of the minister. She became n firm catholic, married an Indian, by whom siie had several children, and spent her days in a wigwam. She visited Deertield with her Indian husband, dressed in Indian style, and was kindly received by her friends. All attempts to regain her were ineffectual. Reverend Elrnzrr It'iUinmn, late a missionary to the Greenbay Indians, is a descendant, lie was edneated by the friends of missions in New England. In tln! History of Canada iiy f.'Artr/croix, th(! incursions undertaken bv tlie French and Indians are generally minutely recorded; but this against l)eer- field he has unaeeountably sununed up in u dozen lines of his work. The following is the whole passage: lu the end of autunm, 1703, th;* English, despairing of securing the la- 1^ I 144 DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD. [Book III. dians, made several excursions into their country, and massacred all such as they could surprise. Upon this, the chiefs demanded aid of M. de VaudreuU, and he sent them during the winter 250 men under the command of the Sieur HerUl de iZouvtUe, a reformed lieutenant, who took the place of hia already renowned father, whose age and infirmities prevented his under- taking such great expeditions. Four others of his children accompanied Rouvdle, who in their tour surprised the English, killed many of them, and made 140 of them prisoners. The French lost but three soldiers, and some savages, but RouviUe was himself wounded. * * HUtoire Generale d« l»Nouv. France, ii. 290. ■vl * / fND OF BOOK THIRD. ■ r i j i - > J 1 . - \ ' ! ; i , .; -I'.l .., J .' ."i" z*-^^ t ji * !. -. - 1 A Ml f\ 9 few MuiiiKT of Carrying Game ■-■-■■•'■.:;;'"'!'■•'■'>■■■ ^^^M t A lliinU-r roturniiig to liis Camily, > 1 ;.'' ?: t"j rr • *' 3 BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OP THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. BOOK IV. ^ jM '. -.i:- At - I r >■ 3 U-^i! ■v^tl >/.l BOOK IV. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. ''* f I .*■'.' > I will g9 to my tent, and lie down in deipair ; I will paint me with black, and will sever mv hair ; I will sit on the shore whore the hurricane blows, And reve«l to the God of the tempest my woes ; I will weep for a season, on bitterness fed. For my kindred are gone to the mounds of the dead ; But they died not by hunger, or wasting decay : The steel of the white man hath swept them away." AnoztTMOCi '•( .-h ^(J i: -Ui- CHAPTER L Prdiminary observations respecting the country of the southern iTidians — Wiroiha, the first Virginia chief known to the English — Destroys the first colony settled : there — Mewatonon — Skiko — Ensenore — Second colony abandons the country — Tobacco first carried to England by them — Curious account of prejudices against it < — Qranganeheo — His kindnesses — His familyr—His death — P.owhatan — fioun- daries of his country — Surprises the Payankatanks — Captain Smith fights his people — Opekaukanough takes Smitlt prisoner — The particulars of that affair — He marches him about the country — Takes him, at length, to Powhatan, who condemns him to be put to death — Smith's life saved at the intercession of Pocahontas — Insolence of Powhatan increased by JfewporV s folhj— Smith brings him to terms — A crown sent ■ over to him from England — Is croiened emperor — Speech — Uses every stratagem to kill Smith — Is baffled in every attempt — Smith visits him — Speuhes — PocMontas again saves Smith and his comrades from being murdered by her father — ToMACOMO. ^ The difficulty of rightly partitioning between the southern nntions and tlie Irot^iiois, or Five Nations, can easily be seen by all such as have but very nartiaily taken a survey of them, and considered their wandering habits. Therefore, should we, in this book, not always assign a sachem to his original I'uniily or nation, we can only plead i)i excuse, that wo have gone accordinff 10 our best information. But we have endeavored to draw a kind of natund boundary between the above-mentioned nations, distinguishing those people beyond the Chesapeake and some of its tributaries, as thQ southern Indiana, and those between that lioundary and the Hudson, by the name Iroquois. To their respeclive territories inland, we shall not, nor is it necessary to, fix bounds, ill our present business. We are aware that some writers suppose that nil the Indians, from the Mississippi to the vicinity of tlie Hudson, and i;vcn to the Connecticut, were originally of the same stock. If this were the c.'use, the [)oriod is so remote when thoy spread themselves over the country, that these great natural divisions had long since caused (juite a difference . la tliii ii, habitants which they seporuted; and hence the propriety of ijotici^ig tivcm af cording to our plon. , . 4 WINGINA— SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA. [Book IV. I It is said that the territory from the sea-coast to the River Alleghany, and from the most southern waters of James River up to Patuxent, in the state of Maryland, was inhabited by three different nations, and that the language of each differed essentially from the others. The English called these nations by the names Powhatans, Manahoacs, and Moruicans ; these were the Tuscaroras. The Powhatans were the most powerful, and consisted of several tribes, or communitfes, who possessed the country from the aea-coast to the falls of the rivers.* To give a tolerable catalogue of the names of the various nations of Virginia, the Carolinas, and thence to the Mississippi, would far exceed onr plan. We shall, therefore, pass to notice the chiefs of such of those nations as are distinguished in history, pointing out, by the way, their localities, and whatever shall appear necessary in way of elucidation, as we pass, and as we have done in the preceding books. WiNGiNA was first known to the English voyagers Amidas and Barlow, who landed in Virginia in the summer of 1584, upon ap island called, by the Indians, Wokokcm. They saxv none of the natives until the third d.iy, when three were observed in a canoe. One of tliem got on shore, and the English went to him. He showed no signs of fern-, "but sjwke much to them," then went boldly on hoaxA the vessels. After they had given hixn a shirt, hat, wine, and some meat, "he went iiiway, and in half an hour he had loaded his canoe with fish,^' which he immediately brought, and gave to the Englisli. Wingina, at this tiine, was confined to his cabin from wounds he had lately received in battle, probably in his war with Piamacum, a desperate and bloody ■chief. Upon the death of Granganemeo, in 1585, Wingina changed his name to Pemissapan. He never had much faith in the good hitentions of the Epgli^, and to liim was mainly attributed the breaking up of the first colony which settled in Virginia. ' It was upon the return to England of the Captains Amidas and Barlow, from tlie country of Wingina^ that Queen Elizabdli, from the wonderftfl accounts of that fi-uitful and delightful place, nained it, out of respect to herself Virginia ; she being called the virgin queen, fix)m her living unmar- ried. But, with more honor to her, some have said, " Because it still seemed to rett;ui the virgin purity and plenty of the first creation, and the people their primitive innocency of life and manners." f Waller referred to this country when he wrote this : — " So sweet the air, so iqoderate the clime, ,, •• > i ^ ., . None sickly lives, or dies before his time. Hcav'n sarc has kept tliis spot of earth uncurst. To show how all thiu^v were created first." Sir Richard Gremvil, stimulated by tlie love of gain, next intruded himself upon the shores of Wingina. It was he who committed the first outrage upon tho natives, whicii occasioned the breaking up of the colony which he left behind him. He made but one short excursion into the countrj', duniig whicii, by foolishly exposing his commodities, some native took from him a silver cup, to revenge the loss of which, a town was burned. He left 108 men, who seated themselves upon tho island of Roanoke. Ralph Lane, a military character of note, was governor, and Captain Philip Amidas, lieutenant- governor of this polony. They made various excursions about the country, in hopes of discovering mines of precious metals; in which they were a long time duped by the Indians, for their ill conduct towards them, in compelling them to pilot them about. Wingina bore, as well as he could, the provoca- tions of the intruders, until the death of tho old chief Ensenorc, his father. Under pretence of honoring his fiuieral, he assembled IgOO of his people, wth the intention, ns the English sav, of destroying them. They, therefore, upon the information of Skiko, s(m ot'tlie chief Menatonon, | fell upon them, and, after kiUing five or six, tho rest made their escape into the woods. This * From a rniiinuinicnlioii of Secretary Tliompsnn to Mr. Jiffcvsmi, and appended to tho NotM on Virginia, cd. of IROl. t Slith, 11. \ Smith colls him the " lema kinf; of Moraioc." Chap. I.] WINGINA—DEATH OF ENSENORE. ft then ;o tho , » was done upon the island where Wingina lived, and the English tii-st seized upon the boats of his visitants, to prevent their escape from the island, with the intention, no doubt, of murdering them all. Not long after, " fVingina was enu-apped by the English, and slain, with eight of his chief men." . Menatonon was king of the Chawonocks, and Okisko of the Weopo- meokes, "a powerful nation, possessing all that country from Albemarle 8ound and Chowan River, quite to the Chesapeakes and our bay," * At this time, Menatonon was lainc, and is mentioned as,the most sensible and/under- standing Indian with whom the English were at first acquaiAted. It was lio that made Lane and his followers believe in the existence of the mine ulroiuly mentioned. " So eager were they," says Mr. SlUh, "and resolutely bent ii])oii this golden discovery, that they could not be jiersuaded to return, as long as they had one pint of com a man left, and two m^tiff dogs, wliicl^ biji)^ boiled with sassafras leavesi, might afford them some, sustenance in t\mv way back." After great sufferings, they ar; ived upon the coast ftgaiu. The reason why Menatonon deceived the English, was b«cttUf«o liiey luiidii him a prisoner for the purpose of assisting them in' mjiking di.scoveople of DjLssamonjteak, on what is now Alligator River, lia/1 attacked theii), killed one, and driven the others away, but whither tliey had gone none could tell. One of their present company, a principal man of their government, had also been killed by the same Indians. This tribe and several others had agreed to come to Roanoke, and submit themselves to the English ; but not coming according to appointment, gave the English an opportunity to take revenge for former injuries. Therefore, Captain Stafford and 24 men, with Manteo as a guide, set out upon that business. Ou coming to their village, " where seeing them sit by the fire, we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed, fled into the reeds, where one was shcit through, and we thought to have been fully revenged, hut we were deceived, ibr they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corn ! " " Being thus disappointed of our pur{>ose, we gatliered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoiled, and took Menatonon^ his wife with her .child, and tiie rest ^vith us to Roonoak." f But to return to Wingina, While the English were upon the errand we have been speakuig of, Jf'in- pna pretended to be their friend, but deceived liiein on every opportunity, by giving notice to his countrymen of their couKse and purpose, and urging them to cut them off*. He thought, at one time, that the English were destroyed, and thereupon scoffed and mocked at such a God as theirs, who would suffer it. This caused his son Ensenore to join thek enemies, but ou their return he was their friend again. He, and many of his people, now belicvejl, say the voyagers, that "we could do them more hurt being dead, tliHii liiung, atui that, being an hundred myles from tliem, nhot, aiid struck tliem sick to death, and that when wo die it is but for a time, then we return again." Many of the chiefs now came and submitted themselves to the Eng-. lish, and, among others, Enasnore persuaded his father to become their friend, who, when they were m great -etraits for provisions, came and planted their fields, and made wears iji the streams to catch fisli, which were of infinite benefit to them. This was in the epriugof i58(i, and, says Lane, " we not having one corn till the next Itonvest to sustain U9." What added greatly to their distresses, was the death of their excelletU friend Enaenore, who died 20tli of April thllowing. The Indians began anew their conspiracii^e, and tho cuiouy availed themselves of tlie first opportunity of returnmg to England, * Stith'M Virf^iBj 14. By "our bay " is, meant Javut Biver Hay. t Smith's Hist. Viwinia. 1* - 1/ » GRANGANEMEO.— HIS KINDNESS TO THE ENGLISH. [Book IV. which was in the flcnt of Sir Fmncu Drake^ which touched there in its way from tin eKfteciition ngalnfit the Spnniiinls in the West Indies.* The coiidntn nt' Lane nnd his coin]Miny in this truitleHS attempt to establish tlieuiselvos in Virfrinia, was, in the highest degree, reprehensible. They put to death some of the natives on the most frivolous charges, and no wonder tiiey wei-e driven out of tlio country, as tliejyf ought to have been, f While they wore there, they became acquainted with the use of tobacco, and, taking it to England, its introduction into general use soon rendered it a great article of commente. And here it will not Iw improper to notice how many different persons have had the credit, or, [jcrhaps, I should say discredit, of intro known to him, he visited them with about 40 of his men, who were very civil, and of a remarkably robust and line appearance. When they had left their Itoat, and camo upon the shore near the ship, Granganeineo spread a mat and sat down upon it. The English went to bun ai'med, but he tliscovered no iear, and invited them to sit down ; after which he pertbrmed some tokens of friendship; then making a speech to them, they presented him with s'atfa admiratiou ! " Yet, notwithstanding he had such success in explaining to t'.em his knowledge of geography and astronomy, (how much of it they undorstood we will not undertake to say,) within an hour after, they tied him to a tree, and a multitude of diem seemed prepared to shoot him. But when their bows were bent, Qpekankaiuntgh held up his compass, and they all laid down tht r weapons. Tney now 1^ him to Orapakas, or Orakakes, a temporary seat o; Powkatati, on the north side of Chikdhominy swamp, in what is now Glouc^ater ccmty on York river.* Here they feasted him, and treated him well. When they marched him, they drew themselves up in a row, with U y\r chief in the midst, before whom the guns and swords they had taken from the English were borne. SmUh came next, led by three great men hol;i of each arm, and on each side six more, with their arrows notched, and ready, if he should attempt to escape. At the town, they danced and sung about him, and then put him into a large house, or wigwam. Here they kept him so well, that he thought they were fatting him to kill and eat. They took him to i sick man to cure him ; but he t(& them he could not, unless they would ht him go to Jamestown, and get something with which he could do it. Tils they would not ccms^t to. Tfafe taking of Jamestown was now resolved upon, and they made gre^it preparations for it To thia eflicl, they endeavored to get Smith's assistance, by making large promises of luid and women,; but he told them it could not be done, and described to them tlie great difficulty of the undertaking in such a manner that they were greatly temfied. With the idea of procuring some- thing curious, Smith prevailed upon some of them to go to Jamestown ; whic.i journey they performed in the most severe frosty and snowy weather. By itiis means, ne gave the peoplq there to understand what his situation was, and what was intended against theni, by sending a leaf from his pocket-book, with a few words wi-itten upon it. lie wrote, also, for a few articl !S to be sent, which were duly brought by the messengers. Nothing had caused such astonishment as their bringing the very articles Smith had rromised them. That he could talk to his friends, at so great a distance, was utterly incompre- hensible to them. Being obliged to give up the idea of destroying Jamesto ': hey amused themselves by taking their captive from place to place, in great pomp aud triumph, and showing him to the different nations of the dominions of Poio- hatan. They took him to Youghtannund, since called Pumunkey River, the country over which Opekankanmgh was cliief, whc-u principal residence was where the town of Paniunkey since was; th •: vse to the Mattaponies, Piaukatanks, the Nautaughtacunds, on Rappaliautck, the Nomuiies, on the Putowmack River ; thence, in a curcuitous course, through several other nations, back again to the residence of OpefMnkanough. Here they practised conjurations upon him for three suGc^jssive days ; to ascertain, as they said, whetlif r ho intended them good or evil. This proves they viewed him as a kind of god. A bag of gunpowder having fallen into their hands, they pre- served it with great care, thinking it to be a grain, intending, in the spring, to plant it, as they did com. He was here again feasted, and none could eat until he bad done. Being now satisfied, having gone through all tlic manceuvres and pranks with liiin they could think of, they proteeded to Powhatan, " Here more than 200 of those grim courtiers stood wondering at him, as he had been a monster, .* Dmcroffs Hist. U. States, i. llfi. '. :<•■ i ^, 10 POCAHONTAS SAVES THE LIFE OF SMITH. [Book IT. till Powhatan and liis trayne had put themselves in their greatest hraveries." He was seated before a fire, upon a seat like a bedstead, having on a robe of raccoon skins, *< and all the tayles hanging by." On each side of him eat a young woman ; and upon each side of the house two rows Of men, and with as many women behmd them. These last had their heads and shoulders painted red^some of whose h^ids were adorned with white down ; and about their necks white beads. On SmitVa being brought into the presence of Poiehalan, ull present joined in a great shout "The queen of Apamatubk was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them." Then, having feasted him again, "ader their best barbarous manner they could, a long conmhatHiii^ was held, but the conclusion was, two ^eat stones were brought before PMDhakm — >tlien as many as could lay hands on him, dragged him to them and thereon laid his head, and being ready, witli their clubs, to beat out his brains, Poca- hontaa, the king's dearest daughter, when no entreaty could prevail, jot hifl head in her armes, and laid her own upon his, to save him from death." Potohatan was unable to resist the extraordinary*1|olicitation8 and sympathetic entreaties of hie kind-hearted little daughter, and* thus was saved the life of Captain Smtlh ; a c'aoracter, who, without this astonishing deliverance, was Humciently renowned for escapes and adventures. The old sachem, having set the sentence of death aside, made up his mind to employ Smith as an artisan ; to make, for himself, robes, shoes, bows, arrows, and pots ; and, for Pocahardaa, bells, beads, and copper trinkets. PmohatarCs eon, named J^antatptaua, was very friendly to Smiih, and rendered him many important services, as well after as during his captivity. " Two days after, Powhatan, having disguised himself in the most fearfuUest manner he could, caused Captain Sm%ih to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there, upon a mat by the fire, to be left alone. Not long after, fi-om behinde a mat tnat divided the house, was made the most doleftillest noyse he ever heard ; then Powhatan, more like a Devill than a man, with some 200 more, as black as himselfe, came unto him, and told him, now they were fiiends ; and preseudy he should go to Jamestowne, to send him two great gunncs, and a gryndestone, for which he would give him the country of C<4>ahowo8ick [Cap^owsick], and forever esteem him his sonne, N'oatuqwrnd. So to Jamestowne, with 12 guides, Powhatan sent him. That night they quartered in the woods, he still ex))ecting, (as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment,) every hour to be put to one death or another." Early the next morning, they came to the fort at Jamestown. Here he treated his guides with the greatest attention and kindness, and ofl^ered Rawhutd, in a jesting manner, and for the sake of a little sport, a huge mill-stone, and two demi-culvcrins, or nine pound cannons, to take to Powhatan, his master ; thus fuyUling his engagement to send him a grindstone and two guns. This Rawhunt was a sachem under Powhatan, and one of his most faithful captains, and who, it sceiria, accom|)anied Smith in his return out of captivity. " They found them somewhat too hcavie, but when tliey did see him dis- charge them, b«nng loaded with stones, among the tK^iighs of a great tree loaded with isickles, the yce and branches came so tumming down, that the poore salvages ran away half dead witli fenr. But, at \tuit, we regained some conference with them, and gave them such toyes, and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children, sueh presents, and gav" them in generall full content." * Poiehatan was now completely in the English Interest, and almost every other day rn'ut his daughter, Pocahoniaa, with victuals, to Jameetown, of which they were greatly in need. SmUh had told Powhatan that a great chief, which was Captaui J\i"e.ipport, would arrive from England ulniut that time, which coming to \wnn hm ho had itaid, gnmtly increased his miiriiration of the wisdom of the KntilJMli, and he was ready to do as they desired in every thing ; and, but for tho vanity niul oHtentation of JSTcwpori, nialters would have gone on well, ui)d tmde flonrislied greatly to their advantage. But he lavislif him eat a en, and with id shoulders I ; and about presenile of matu^k was •ught him a feasted bim uhatm^ WHS uid thereon rains, />oca. vail, jfot fais ath.'*^ sympathetic the life of 9raDce, was ip his mind iws, arrows, Powhatan's him many t fearfuUest at house in ; long after, dolefuUest man, with I, now they 1 him two country of aniuqwmd. light they ug time of Early the reated his •hunt, in a B, and two ster; thus Da This I captains, him dis- ?reat tree I, that tlie led some hatfin, bis ontent." * t)8t every of which ef, which e, which wisdom ng; and, gone on HO many md soon lionally- Kin,} Ftiwlutau c'niiiiiiii t'.\iiiit/i i. • hf /Ko-ni; his (/f'''''///^/ l>ik«lunil«»/v.'.'f ///>///,'• A/.i thiilih^iiltnefi i£2' itlt'l li.'if lie tiil'ifitfil . lyiy'lluil /;iii,n fi-iiitf / /li/trrv Fntnntvtt fhvii thf ivtifinaf us I'liMuAnf It/ rjir smiiv fiit»st/i'. 5» . > - iFk'* , ^ r .. i\ v.- «♦ tkur. I.}. JPOVJfHAlAN.-*«EWPORT'S FOLLY. 11 » e began to show his haughtinesr,, In- il<)Hianding five times the value of an article, began to show be haugBtinesr,, in- .i><)Hi prmfi '^ntempt for whiftt Wis ifiT jd. By JVewpotft iniprudence and fblly, What had cost Smith so much toil and yutoB to achieve, vraft bloWn 'away by a slkigle bteath of vanity, < Nevertheless, Ilia great mind, continuftllly''exerciBeid in (fiffiCult matters, brought the subtle chief again to his o^ terms. Himself, With JVkiM&rty and about 20 others, went to PmahatarCa i^idence to trade.wkh him. " Wherein Powhatan carried himself so prou(lly,''vet di&creetly, (in hid salvdge manher,) as made os all tc; admire his natural gifts." He pretended that it 'Was fir'beneath ^Ct dignity to iHtJk aft his tnen did. ThuB tiid craft to 6btain ftom Ifdufpori his goods for whatever he pleased to give in return. SmiHh saw tlirough Powhatan^s craft, and told ^/heport how it would ttUtt bat, but beltig determitaed to show him* self aa dignified as the Indian chief, repented of his fblly, lik6 too mady others, when it was too late. Smiik was the idlerpreter ifi the bdsiness, and JVeiopurt the chief. PowhOtdH made a speech fo him, when they wefe about to enter upon tnuling. He said, " Captaai'jVewpoit it is not agreeable to my greatness, in this peddlinff niliAner, to trade fbr trifles; ahd I esteem you also a great weroWahce. Therefore, lay me doWn alt your Jbtninoditie^ iogetber ; what I like I will take, and iU recotApense give? you what I think fitting their Value.** Accordingly, Aeuport''|(ave' him all his goods, and received in return only about three busheu of corh ; whereas they expectfed to have obtained twenty hogsh^ids. This trtinsaction created Isortie hard thoughti betweeb Smith and JSTeiopdrt: If it adfl to raise PiaJuOan hi our fldmlititiorB, it can detract nothing fh>m the character of Sinitk, to say, that he was as Wily as the great Indian chieft For, with a feW blue beadi^'wh'-*h he pretended that he had 'shown him obly by accident, and which he would hardly part with, as he preterided, because they wej'A bf great' price, and worn only by'^reat kings, he completely got his end, at this time, answered. Tantali^&tiodliad The dcsifcd effect, and Powhatan was so iufdtuated with the Inre, that he Watr almost beside himself, and was ready to give all he had td possess them. ' " So diat, ere We departed," says my relation, " fbr a pound or two of" blew beadbs, he brought over my king fbr 3 or 300 bushells of cot^e." An Engiil^ bby was left with Potohataii, hy Captain JVeibport, to leatn the language, manners, custunls and geography of his country ; and, in return, Pou^Man gave him ^^am(Mtack, bne of hia servarltS, of a shrewd and subtle capacity, whom he afterwards carried to England. Powhatan became offended With Captain Smith, when J^wport left the country, in 1608 ; at whose deptut' ure he sent hihi 90 turkeys, and demanded, in retunt, 20 sWords, which Were granted. Shortly after, he sent the same numbrr to Snuth, expecting the like ret\ini ; but, beinr disSbpoibted. ordered his men to seize the Engfish wher* ever thev could find Inem. This caused difficulty— many of the English Ixjing, robbed of their swords, in the Ticinlty 6f their forts. They continued tlielr depredations tmtll Smith sitrprised S nutnber of them, tirotn whom he learned that Powhatan was endeavoring to get all the afms in his power, to be able to massacre th« Entflish. When he found thst his plot was discovered, ho sent PoeaktitiMf, With presents, to excuse himself, and nretended that the mischief Was done by sOtne of his ungovernable chiefe. He directed her to endeavor to effect the release of his men that Were prisoners, which Sthilh consented to, Wholly, as he pretended, on her account; and thus peace was restored, which had been conttnualhr Intemipted for a considerable time befbre. On the 10th of September, 1808, Smith Was elected governor of Virginia. JWwporf, going often to England, had a larfe shnro in directhig the affairs of the colony, flrom his interest with the proprietors. He arrived about this time, and. among other baubles, brought over a crown fur Powhatan, with directions for ills coronation ; which had the ill ctfhct to make him valae himself more than ever. Mhepoii was instructed to discover the country of the MonnrarM^ a nation with whom Powhatan was at war, and whom they would assJHt likn against, if hn would aid in the business. Captain Smith was sent to him to invho him to Jamestown to receive presents, and to trade for corn. On srriv- ing at Werowo<'.omoco, and delivering hia mmaage to the old chief, ho replied, " ft* your king have sent nie presents, I also am a king, and this is my land. 12 POWHATAN.-^RDERS THE DEATH OF SSHTH. [Boo» IV. Eight day* I will stay to receive them. Your Ather rmemiing JVeipporfJ^u to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort — neither will! bite at such a bate. As fbr the Monacans, I can revenge my own injuriefl; and as for M' qtumachvck, vdiere you say your brother was slaui, it is a contrairy vfsy from those parts yon suppose it ; but, for any sah water b^ond the mountains, the relations you have had from my people are fhlse." Some of the fodbuas had made the English believe that the South Sea, now called the Pacifie Ocean, was but a short distance back. To show Smith the absurdity of the stoj-y, he <\vew a map of the country, upon the ground. Smith returned as yfiae as he \wnt A house was built for Powhatan, about this time, by some Germans, who came over with JSTturpori. These menf thinking tliat the English couid not subost in the country, wantonly betrayed all the secrete of the English to Powhatan^ which VfSB again the source of much trouble. They even ureed him to put all the Engli^ 1 to death, agreeing to live with him, and assist nim in the exe- cution of the horrible project Pc/iehatan was pleased at the proposition, and thought, Inr their assistance, ito effect what he had formerly noped to do by engaging Smith in such an enlerprise. Their first object was to kill Captain Smith; by which act, the chief obstacle to success would be removed; ajid, accordinghr, they took every means in their power to effect it In the first place, he invited him to come and trade for com, hoping an opportunity, in that business, would ofier. That his design laight not oe mis- trusted, Powhatan promised to load his ship with com, if be would biinff him a grindstone, 50 swords, sotne muskets, a conk and a hen, and a quantity of copper and beads. Smith went accordingly, but guarded, aa though sore of meeting an enemy. In their way, the English stopped at Warrasqueake, and were iiirormed, by the sachem of that plac^, ^f Potohotan^a intentions. That saehem kindly entertained them, and, when they depvted, furnished thom with guides. On account of extreme Imd weather, they were obliged to spend near a week at Kicquotan. This obliged tliem to keep their Christmas among the Indians, and, according to our authorities, a merry Christmas it was ; having been "never more merry in their lives, lodged by better fires, or fed with greater plenty of good bread, oysters, fieh, fiesli, and wild fowl." Having arrived at Werowocomoco, afVtr much hardship, they sent to Paw Hatan for provinions, being in great want, not having taken but three or four days' supply filong witli thcin. The old chief sent them immediately a supply of bread, turl ys, and venison, and soon- after made a feast for them, accord-' ing to custom. Meanwhile, Powhatan pretended he hod not sent for tlic English ; tellins them he had no corn, " and his people much less," * and, therefore, intimated tiiat be wished they would go on again. But Smith produced the messenger that he had sent, and so confronted him : Powht^m then laughed heartily, and thus it paaaed for a joke. Re tlien asked for their cotninoditieB, " but he liked nothing, except guns and swords, and valued a basket of corn higher than a basket of copper ; saying, he could rate his com, but not the copper.". Captain Smith then made a speech to him, in which he endeavored to work upon his feelings and qenso of honor ; said he had sent his men to build him a house while his own was neglected ^ that, because of his promising to sup- ply him with com, he had negkcted to supply himself with proviitionB when he might liave done it Finally, SmiOi re])roached bun of divers negligences, decepttona, and prevarications ; but the main cause of Potohatan'a refustlig to trade aeemB to have been because the English did not brmg the articles he moat wanted. When Smith had done, Powhatan answered him as follows: — "We hate but little com, fa«it what we eon spurn shall be brought two i\aj» hence. A» to your coming bere, I have some doubt about tlie reason of it> I am told, by n\y men, that you came, not to ,tr8de, but to Invade my people, and to powess my country. This make* me leu ready to relieve you, and fHghteaa my "» The reader may wonder how Utii couW be, but it if so in the old hitlory, by /SWiA, 96, ;& t m ^- n p m 3 a. 13 -A .w. CltJLt. i.T POWHATAN.— HIS SPEECHES. 13 ** .W people from bringing in their corn* And, tlierefore, to relieve them of that fear, leave your arms aboard your boats, since they are needless here, where we are all friends, and forever Powhatans." In these, and other speeches of like amount, they spent the first day. " But, whilst they expected the coming in of the country, they wrangled Powhatan out of 80 bushels of corn, for a copper kettle ; which the president seeing him much affect, [value,} he told him it was of much greater value ; yet, in regard of his scarcity, he would accept that quantity at present ; provided he should have as much more the next year, or the Maiiokin counti-y," were that condition not complied with. Tins transaction will equal any thing of the kind in the history of New England, biit we will leave the reader to riiake his own comment At the same time, Powhatan made another speech, in which w'ere some very singular passages, as rejjorted by Smith. One was, that he had seen the death of all his people three times ; and that none of those three generations was then living, except himself. This was evidently only to make the Eng- lish think him something more than human. The old chief then went on and said, " I am now grown old, and must soon die ; and the succession must de- scend, in order, to my brothers, Opitchapan, Opekankanough, and Catafaitgh,* and then to my two sisters, acd their two daugnters. I wish their experience was equal to mine ; and tliat your love to us might not be less than ours to you. Why^shoTild you take by force that from us which you can have by love ? Why should you destroy us, who have provided you with food ? What can you get by war .' We can hide . our provisions, and fly into the w oofls ; and tlien you must consequently famish by wronging your friends. Wiiat is the cause of y>)ur jealousy ? Yon see us unarmed, and willing to KU|)ply your wants, if you will come in a friendly manner, and not with swords and guns, as to invade an enemy. I am not so sim])le, as not to know it is better to eat good meat, lie well, and sleep quietly with my women and children ; to laugh and be merry with the English ; and, being their friend, to hnvo copper, 'latcliets, and whatever else I want, than to fly from all, to lie cold ill tiie woods, feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, and to be so hunted, that 1 cannot rest, oat, or sleep. In such circumstances, my men must watch, and if a twig sliould biu break, all would cry out, ' Here comes Capt. Smith ;^ and so, in this miserable manner, to end my miserable life; and, Capt. Smith, this viifcht be soon your fate too, through yoiu* rashness and imadvisodness. J, therclbre, exhort yon to po.'iceal)le councils ;, and, above all, I insist that the guns and swords, tl^e cause of all our jealousy and uneasiness, be removed and sent away." Smith inteipretcd this speech to mean directly contrary to what it expressed, and it rather confirmed, than lessened, his former svispicions. He, however, made a speech to Powhatan, in his turn, in which he endeavored to contince him that the English intended him no hurt ; urghig, that, if they Itnd, how easily they might have effected it long l)elbre ; and that, as to their pcriahing with wanf, he wonlil have him to understand that the EngliBh had ways to mn)j)ly themselves luikno'kvn to the Indians; that n» to his sending away the arms, there was no reason in that, since the Indians were always allowed to bring theirs to Jamt.^stown, and to keep them in their hands, treeing SmUh'a inflexibility, and despairing of accomplishing his intended massacre, he spoke again to Smith as follows :— "Capt. Smith, I never use any werowance so kindly as yonruclf; yet from you I receive the least kindness of any. Capt. JVewport gave me swords, co|»- per, clothes, or whatever else I desired, ever accepting what I offered him; and would send away his guns when requested. No one refuses to lie at my feet, or do what I demand, but yon only. Of you I can have nothing, but what you value not ; and yet, you will have whatawjver you please. Capt. JVhcpnrt you call iiither,^ ami so you call me ; but t see, in spite of us Iroth, you will do what you will, and we must both study to humor and content you. liut il' you intentl so friendly, as you sjiy, send away your arms ; for you see ^. Cataauugh, Siith. LI POWHATAN.— HIS INSTRUCTIONS TO TOMOCOMO. [Book IV: my iimlesignirr]? simplicity and friendship cause me thus nakedly to forget myself." Smith now was out of all patience, seeing Powltatan only trifled away the time, that he might, by some means, accomplish his design. The boats of the English were kept nt a distance from the shore, by reason of ice. Smith, therefore, resorted to deception ; lie got the Indians to break the ice, that his men might come in and take on board the corn thoy had bought, and, at the same time, gave ordere to thoni to seize Powhatan ; Smithy in the mean time, was to anuise him with false promises. But Smith's talk was too full of .'attery not to be seen through by the sagacious sachem; and, before it was too late, he conveyed himself, his women, children, and effects, into the woods; having succeeded in his deception better than Smith; for two oi' three squaws amused him while Powhatan and the rest cscapcjd. Unwilling, however, to renounce his purpose, Potvhatan sent Smith, soon after, a valuable bracelet, as a present, by an old orator of his, who tried to excuse the conduct of Ids sachein ; he said Powhatan ran off because he was afraid of the Eng- lish arms, and said, if they could be laid aside, he would come with his peo- ple, and bring corn in ai)undancc. At length, finding all artifices vain, PoW' hatan resolved to fall upon the English, in their cabins, on the following night. But here, again, PocaJiontas saved the life of Smith and his attendants. Hhe came alone, in a dismal night, through the woods, and informed Smith of her father's design. For this most signal favor, he offered her such articles as he thought would pl(;ase her; but she would accept of nothing, and, with teai-s standing in her eyes, said if her father should see her with any thing, ho would mistrust what she had dojie, and instant death woidd be her reward ; and she retired by herself into the woods, as she came. Pozvhatan was so oxasp(!rated at the fiiilure of his [)lots, that he threatened deatli to his men if they did not kill Smith by some means or other. Not long after, a circimistance occuiTcd, which gave him security the rest of his administration. One of Powhatan's men, having, by some means, got a quantity of powder, pretended that ho could manage it like the English, Several came about him, to witness his exploits with the strange commodity,, when, by some means, it took fire, "and blew him, with one or two more, to death." This struck such a dread into the Indians, ajid so amazed and frightened Powhatan, that his i)eople came from all directions, and desired j)eace;* many of whom returned stolen articles that the English had never before missed. Powhatan would now send to .lamestown such of his men as had injured the English, that they might be dealt with as they deserved. The saiae year, 1(509, lie sent them nearly half his croj) of corn, knowing tliem to be in great want. Capmin Smithy having, by accident, been shockingly burned by his powder- bags takuig fire, for want of surgical aid, was obliged to leave the country and go to England, from whence he never returned. He published the account of the first voyages to Virginia, and his own adventures, whir h is almost the oidy authority for the early history of that country. He died in London, in l(>31,t in the'n2d year of his age. The Dutchmen of whom we have spoken, and who had been so assiduous to bring niin upon the colony, came to a miserable end. One of them died in wrctchetlness, and two others had their brains beat out by ordcir of Powha- tan, for their deception. After Smith had lefl Virgiiua, the Indians were made to bdii've that he was dead. Powhatan doubted the report, and, some time af\er, ordered one of his counsellore, named Utiamafomahn, | or Tomoconw, § whom he sent to England, to find out, if possible, where he was. He instnicted him, also, to note the number of the people, to learn the state of die country, and, if he found Smith, to make him show him the Go>untrymen; the result of which he after- wards published in his Pilgrims ■( The difficulties were almost perpetual between Powhatan and the English ; very little time passed, while he lived, but what was full of broils and dissatis- iaction, on the one j)ait or the other. Few Indian chiefs have fallen under our notice, possessing such extraordinary characteristics as Potcliaian. He died at peace with the English, in April, 1618, and was succeeded by Opitcha- pan, liis second brother, who was known afterwards by the name Itopatm, Our readers will be compelled to acknowledge that Captain Smith was biu-barous enough towards the Indians, but we have not met with any thing quite so hoiTibfe, in the course of his proceedings, as was exhibited by his successor. Lord De La War. This gentleman, instead of taking a mean course between tlie practices of Smith and JVewport, went into the woi>;t extreme. Finding Powhatan insolent, on his arrival in the country, he determined, by severity, to bring him to unconditional submission. Having, tJierelbre, got into his bunds an Indian prisoner, his lordship caused his right hand to be cut off. In this maimed and horrid condition, lie sent him to Powliatan ; at the same time giving the sachem to understand, that all his Bulijects would be served in this manner, if he refused obedience any longer ; telling him, also, that all the corn in the country should be immediately (let^troyed, which was just then ripe. J This wretched act mcreased, as reasonably it should, the indignation of Poivhatan, m\A his acts were governed accordingly. . ,. .... . ,. . , ... CHAPTER II. -I! 1 Ilrflectiun upon the character of Powhatan — Pocahontas — She singularly entertains Captain Smith — Disaster of a hoai's creie — Smith's attevipt to surprise Powhatan frustrated in consetjuence — Pocahontas saves the life of Wijffi.n — Betrayed into the hands of the English — Japazaws — Mr. Kolfc marries Pocahontas — Opachisco — Pocahontas visits England — Her interview toith Smith — Dies at Grnvesend — Her son — Opekankawouch — Made prisoner by Smith — Is set at liberty — Nemattanow • — Murders an Englishman — Is murdered j»i his turn — His singular conduct at his itrnth — Conducts the massacre of l(i22 — Plots the extirpation of the English — Con- ■tlucts the horrid massacre of 1644 — Is taken prisoner — His conduct upon the occasion- -liarbarously wounded by the guard — Dist speech, and magnanimity in death — Reflections — Nickotawancf, — Totopotomoi — Joins the English against the Rechahccrians — Is defeated and slain. , ( y*v .1*' It is impossible to say what would have been tlie conduct of tlie great Powhatan towards the English, had he been treated by them as he ought to have been. The micouuiiotdy amiable, virtuous, and feeling disposition of hi.s diiuglitor, will always be brought to mind in reading his history ; and, not- withstaiKliiig ho is descrilH>d by the historians an possessing a som*, morose, 4Ui(i suvni^i' disposition, full of treachery, deceit and cuiming — and whobe W(H'(I waH never to be depended ujMin — yet, on the very page that he is thus * Mr. Olflwiran {\\r\\. F.m|)iro, i. SfW.) says, " That wlioii iJio princess Porohontn.1 raum for r.iintiuul, II loiRiiroiisu, or lorM of I'.or own uiiliou, uttcudod licr; liis name was Vltamaccu- t \'ol. V. b. viii. cliep. VI. pajje 055. } Harris, Voyages, ii, 226. IG POCAHONTAS— SAVES THE LIFE OF A CAPTIVE. [Book IV. I represented, we shall find the same faults set him as examples by the English themselves. The first and most memorable events in tlie life of Pocahontas have neces- sarily be(!n detailed in the ac(;ount of her father ; therefore we shall, under her own name, give those which are more disconnected with his. POCAjilONTAS was fjorn about the year 1594 or 5, and hence was no more than 12 or 13 years old when she saved the life of Captain Smith, in 1607. Every particular of that most extraordinary scene has been exhibited. The name PocoMntes or Pockohdnt^s, says Hecke welder, means a run between two hills. It has been mentioned, that, at the suggestion of Captain JVetvport, Smith went with a few men to Werowocomoco, to invite Powhatan to Jamestown to reoive presents, hoping thereby to influence hun to open a trade in corn with them. When he arrived at that place, Powhatan was not at home, but was at the distance of 30 miles off. Pocahontas and her women received hitn, and while he waited for her lather, they thus entertained him; — " In a fayre pjaine field, (says SmWi,) they made a fire, before which, he sitting upon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and shrecking, that the English btitooke themselves to their arms, and seized on two or three old men by vhcm, 8iip[)osing Powhatan, with all his power, was come to surprise them. 13iit presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended ; and the beholders, which were men, women and children, satisfied the captain there was no such matter. Then presently they were presented with this anticke ; 30 young women came naked out of the woods, onely coven d behind and before witli a few greene leaues, their bodies all piinted, some of one color, some of another, but all differing. Their leader liad a fayre i)ayre of buck's homes on her head, and an otter-skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrows in her hand. Tlie next had in her hand a sword, and another a club, another a pot-sticke, all horned alike : the rest every one with their seuerall devises. These fiends, with most hellish shouts and cryes, i-ushing from among the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing with most excellent ill varietie, oft falling uito their infernall jjassions, and solenuily again to sing and daunce. Having spent iieare an houre in this mascarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed." After a short time, they came and took the English to their wigwams. Here they were more tormented than l)efore, " with crowding, pressing, hanging about them, most tediously crying, ' Love you not me ? love you not me ? ' " When they had finished their caresses, they set before them the best victuals their country afforded, and then showed them to their lodgings. While Cajttain Smith was upon an expedition into the country, with an intention of surprising Powhatan, there happened a melancholy accident at home, to a boat's crew, which had been sent out in very severe weather, by one who was impatient to have the direction of matters. In the boat were Captain ffaldo, Master Scrivener, the projector of the expedition, Mr. Anthony Gosnold, brother of the well-known Bartholomew Gosnold,* and eight others. By the sinking of the boat, these all perished, and none knew what had become of them, until their bodies were found by the Indians. The very men on whom Smith depended to remain at the fort for his succor, in case he sent for them, were among the number. Therefore, to prevent the failure of this expedition, somebody must be sent to apprize SmUh of the catastrophe. None ^•ohmteer(!d for tins hazardous service, but Mr. Richard JViiffin, who was obliged to undertake it alone. This was a time when Pow)ujtan was very insolent, and lugod daily the killing of Smith upon his men. Nevertheless, after many difficulties, he arrived at Werowocomoco. Here he found himself amidst preparations for wiu", and in still greater danger than he had yet been. Rut Pomhontas ajjpearcd as his savior. Knowing the intention of the war- riors lo kill liim, sIk; first secn^ted him in the woods, and then directed those who sought hiiij iu an opposite direction from that he had gone ; so, by this * Who liad mi.'ornbly niTislioil l)v disease and faniiue at Jamcstowii, 22 Aug., Ifi07. Bancroft, U. Stales, i." 114. See Chap. II.] POCAHONTAS.— BETRAYED TO THE ENGLISH. 17 TiiPJins, Iif cpi'aped, and got safe to Smith at Parnunkey, This was in the wintor of 1()09. We next hear of her saving the Hfe of Henry Spilman, who was one of 31 tl\at went to trade, H|)on the confidence of Powhatan, but whto were all, except tSpUman, killed by his people. Such was the wretched state to which the colony of Virginia was now reduced, that scarce a parallel in the annals of the world can be founcL No sooner had Smith left the country, but all was in confusion. Officers spent their time in rioting^, wliile the men seetn to have taken no means for defence or j>reservation ; so that the Indians made constant spoil upon their domestic animals, and whatever else had been ))rovided for their support. lusonaucli, that when Captain Smith had been gone six months, the colony was reducetl from above 500 to about 60 persons. Herbs and roots were eaten to sustain life, in the early part of their (listrcsses ; but as the famine increased, the skins of horses were eagerly devoured, and an Indian, who had been some time dead, was disinterred and eaten by these miserable creatuies. In one instance, a wretched man killed his own wife, and preserved the body by salt, which enormity was not discovered until it had been chiefly devoured.* It was during this season of horror that Captain Ratcliff went out with 30 men, Avho were trepanm d as we have related. This was in the beginning of the year 1610. Spilman lived many years afterwards among the Patowamack Indians, by the care of Pocahontas, f From 1609, the time Smith left, iIk? country, until 1611, Pocahontas was not seen at Jamestown. In the latter year, she was treacherously ttiken prisener i)y Captain Argal, and kept by the English to prevent Powhatan from doing them injurj', and to extort a great ransom from him, and such terms of jieace as tlioy should dictate. At the time she was betrayed into the hands of Caj)- tain .^r^fl?, she was in the neighborhoodof the chief of Potomack, whose name was Japazaws, a particular friend of the English, and an old acquaintance of Captain Smith. Whether she had taken up her residence here, or whether she was here only U|)on a visit, we are not informed. But some have conjectured, that she retired here soon after Smithes departure, that she might not witness the frequent rmirdera of the ill-governed P^nglish, at Jamestown. Captain ^rgal was in the Potomack River, for the purpose of trade, with his ship, when he learned that Pocahontas was in the neighborhood. Whether Japa- zaws had acquired his treachery from his intercourse with the English, or whether it were natural to his disposition, we will not undertake to decide here ; but certain it is, that he was ready to (wactise it, at the instigation of Arpral. And for a copper kettle for himself, and a few toys for his squaw, he enticed the innocent girl on board Argai's sliip, and betrayed her into his hands. It was efFectecl, however, without compulsion, by the aid of his squaw. The captain had previously promised that no hurt should befall her, and that she should be treated with all tenderness. This circumstance should go lus fiir as it may to excuse Japtizaivs. The plot to get her on board was well contrived. Knowing that she had no curiosity to see a ship, having before seen man) , Japazaws'' witi- pretended a great anxiety to see one, but would not go on board unless Pocahontas would accompany her. To this she <;onsented, but witli some hesitation. The attention with which they were received on board soon (li.>*si|«ited all feai-s, and Pjcahonlas soon strayed from her betrayers into tlie gun-room. The captain, watching his opportunity, told her she was a prisoner. When her confinement was known to Japazaws and liis wife, they feigned itiore lamentation than she did, to keep her in ignorance of the [)lot ; uiui, after receiving the jirice of their perfidy, were sent ashore, and Argal, with his pearl of great price, sailed for Jamestown. On being informed of the reason why she was thus caj)tivated, her grief, by degrees, subsided. The first step of the English was to inform Powhatan of die captivity of his daughter, and to demand of him their men, guns and tools, which he and his peojjle had, from time to lime, taken and stolen from them. This miexpected news threw the old, stern, calculating chief iirto a great dilemma, and wiuu course to take he knew not; and it was three months before he returned any * Keith's Hiai. Virginia, 121. 2* t Stilh, Hist. Virginia, 116. 18 POCAHONTAS —MARRIES AN ENGLISHMAN. V r. iV. answer. At tlie end of this time, by the advice of his council, he sent back seven Englishmen, with eacli a gun wliich had been spoiled, and this answer : that when they should return his daughter, he would make full satisfaction, and give them 500 bushels of com, and be their friend forever ; that he had no more guns to return, the rest being lost. They sent him word, that they would not restore her, until he had complied with their demand ; and that, as for the guns, they did not believe they were lost Seeing the determination of the English, or his inability to satisfy them, was, we apprehend, why they " heard no more from him for a long time after." In the spring of the year 1613, Sir Thomas Dale took Pocahontas, and went, with a ship, up Powhatati's River to Werowocomoco, the residence of her father, in hopes to effect an . exchange, aud bring about a peace. Powhatan was not at home, and they met with nothing but bravadoes, and a dis|K>sition to fight from all the Indians they saw. After burning many of their habita- tions, and giving out tlireats, some of the Indians came and made peace, as they called it, which opened the way for two of Pocahontas^s brothers to come on board the ship. Their joy at seeing their sister may be imagined. A particular friendship had some time existed between Pocahontas and a worthy young Englishman, by the name of John Rolfe ; wliich, at lengtii, growing into a sincere attachment, and being mutual between them, he made known his desire to take her for his companion. This being highly approved of by Sir Thomas Dale, and other gentlemen of high standing and authority, a consummation was soon agreed upon. Acquaititing her brother with her determination, it soon came to the knowledge of her father also; who, as high'./ approving of it as the English, imniediately sent Opachisco, her uncle, and two of his sons, to witness the performance, and to act as her servants upon the occasion ; and, in the beginning of April, 1613, the marriage was solemnized according to appointment. Poiohatan was now their friend in reality ; and a friendly' intercourse commenced, which was, without mucii interruption, continued until his death. Pocahontas lived ha[)pily with her husband, and became a believer in the English i-eligion, and expressed no desire to live again among those of her own nation. When Sir Thomas Dale returned to England, in 1616, Pocahon- tas accompanied him, with her husband, and several other young natives. They arrived at Plimouth on the 12th of June of that year. She met witii much attention in that country, being taken to court by the Lord and Lady Delaware, and others of distinction. She was, at this time, called the Lady Rebecca. Her meeting with Captain Smith was afiecting ; more especially as she thought herself, and very justly, no doubt, too slightly noticed by him, which caused her much grief. Owing to the barbarous nonsense of the times, Smith did not wish her to call him father, being afraid of giving offence to royalty, by assjiming to be the father of a king's daughter. Yet he did not intend any cause of offence, and did all in his power to make her ha|)py. At their first interview, after remaining silent some time, she said to him, " You promised my father, that what tvas yours should be his ; and that you and he tooxdd be all one. ' Being a stranger in our country, you called Powliatan /ar, Ml less timn two years after Sir Walter Raleigh."— Prince^B Worthies both mad and a begga of Devon, 677.— Harding's Naval Biography, i 330. :iV. Chap. II,] OPEKANKANOUGH.— SEIZED BY CAPTAIN SMITH. 19 desired to be left with him, that he might direct his education. But, from the unmaidy piirt this guntlenmu took against the unlbrtutiute Ralegh, he was brougiit into sucli merited disrepute, that he found liiniseH" obhged to turn, all his attention to liis own preservation ; and the son of PocalwiiUes was taken to London, and there educated by his uncle, Mr. Henry Rolfe. He allerwoi-ds came to America, to the .native country of his mother, where lie became a gentleman of great distinction, and possessed an ample fortune. He left an only daugliter, who married Colonel Robed Boiling, and died, leaving un only son, Major John Boiling, who was the father of Colonel John Boiling, and several daughters ; one of whom married Colonel Riqkard Randolph, lioiii whom ore descended the distinguished John Randolfii, and those bearing that name in Virginia, at this day.* . r, -^ . Barlow thus notices Pocahontaa : — . -^f /i . / ■. * • ■w ver in the ose of her Pocahon- natives. met with and Ltidy the Lady cially as by hitn, the times, f Fence to did not ppy. At mi, " ion he woidd KT ,* and I, into my lere afraid shall call hoays told dh. But h, because for lier «nd, and )se name limouth, aken soon roduce of irt to raise ; he died, Worthies " Ulcst /'oca/it>n design was now answered ; for Opekankmiovffh\ies('nts to ransom their chief, until his boats were completely tilled. News being brought of a disaster at Jamestown, he was set at liberty. Nkmatta.now, a renowned warrior, we have to introduce here, as well on account of his supposed agency in bringing about the great massacre ot'l(W2, as for the object of exhibiting a trait e4' character ecpially to be adminHl and laniented. \Ve are not certain- that he belonged to the people of Opekanka- nouffh, but it is storied that a jealousy existed between th(;m, and that tin; chief luuj informed rfir (korge Yeanlley that he wished JVemaltnnoio^s throat were '•Sit, some time liel()r(^ the niassa<'re took [dace, to which we have alluded. However, (Ipekavkaiwusrh dvnmi it allerw.irds, and atiected great indignation at his munler, and the Indians said the massacre was begun by him, to revenge jYemallauoiv^s death. Jhit our present object is to portray the character of JVematttinnu', who was both ecentric and vain, and " who was wont, out of bravery and parade, to dress hims('lf up, in a strange, antic, and barbaric liishion, with feathers, which, therelbre, obtained him the name oi' Jnck-qf-the- fealhir." lie was even more popular among his coiuitrymen than (};^tknnkn- ??0M^A, which, iiglish, fdways exposing hinis<'lf to tlie greau'st danger, and yet was never wounded in any of them. This circum- stance caused the Indians to beiie\«( in his invulnerability, and heiu'e he was by them considered sn|)erbnnian. Only about 14 days before the massacre, Jark-qf-the- feather went to tlii' house of one .l/org«;>, where he saw iniuiysuch Jirticles exliiltited as were calculated to excite acimiration in such jieofde. Jarf:'. perhaps, had not the means to purchase, but, H seems, he was resolved, some liow or other, to poss<'ss them, lie, therefore, told jV/orgrtn, that if Im would take his eoniniodities to I'aiiiunki'y. llii- Indians would give him a great price for them. Not in the least mistrusting the design of .V(>/irt//rt»r>ic. t lie simple Knglishman set out tiir l'amuni\(>y, in company with this Indian. This was tlie last the Mnglish heard of Mortrny.. lloW(;ver, strange as it /nay seem, Jack^s ill-directing fiite sent him to the same place again, an warrior becani(> salin- (ii'd tliut he must die, nnd, with the most extraordinary earnestness, besought that two things might be gninted him. One was, that it should never be tohl to his countrymen that h<' was killed by a bullet; and the other, that he should b(^ buried among the I'lnglish, so that it should ne>er b.' discovei-ed that he had died, or was subject to death like other men. Such was tlu^ ))ride and vanity t>xlubited by an Indiiui at his diath. The li>llowing infi-ri-nce, tbere- fiu'e, is naturally to lu^ drawn ; that n desire to be renowned, and held in veneration by jiosterity, is not confmed to the civilized nnd learned of any uge or nation. '' l'i'rlinpr liit* lyi't to lit) i^lit, and It |II'(IC('<'(| in<> salif^- |l)rsiin slxmld tiiat lin I'idi' mid C, tllCIT- lii'iil in any u^t; »fAlex- Meanwhile, Opekankarwup;h, the hotter to increase the rage of his warriors, aff'e(;ted great ^rief at JVemaltanow^s death, wliicii had tlie ertect he intended; owing, especially, to the favor in which that warrior had stood among the Indians. But the English were satisfied that this was only pretence, as we have hefore observed ; because they were informed of his trying to engage some of his nciglibora against them, and otherwise acted suspicio^isly, some time before M:maltanow^s drutli ; of the justice of which, however, the Eng- lish tried arguments at first, and threats afterwards, to convince vhem. By his dissimulation, Ouekankanough completely deceived them, and, just before the massacre, treated a mes.scngcr that was sent to him, with niucli kindness ■ nd civility ; and assured him that the peace, which had been some time belbro concluded, was held so firm by hhn, that tiie sky should fall sooner than it should ho violated on his part. And such was the concert and secrecy among all the Iiu'.'ins, that, only two days before the Ihtal ii2 March, some kindly conductod the English thronjrli the woods, and sent one of their youth f.o live with the English, and learn their language. Moreover, on the morn- ing of that v(My 'lay, they came iiiiarined among tlicni, and traded its usual, and (!vcn sat down to Imsakfast wiili their victims, in several ini^tances. Never, perliu|K>i, was a massacre so W(;ll contrived and condiicttnl, to ensure success, j- seven men, women, and childrei.. By this horrid calamity, out of 80 planta- tions, six only W(;re lelt uninjuied. And these were saved liy the timely information of a Christian Iiidiai. called Clianco, The ensiling summer was spent, by tla; surviving English, in strengthening themselves against tiirther attac/s, and pre|)arations litr taking viingeiuiee on the Indians; wholly neglecting all improvements, works of utility, and evcsn their planting. Every thing wis lost sight of in their Ixsloviid project of reveng(^ ; and the I'liglish, in tin ir turn, showed i niselves more treacherous, if not more barbarous, than their (Ukmiiv. For, under iireteiice of making p(!ace again with tliciii, they lill ipon them at unawares, and iiiiirdcnMl many without mercy. This ciime was vastly aggravated, in that, to induce the Indians to come fiirward and make |)eace, tin; Knglish liad iioi only solemnly assured them Hirgiveiiess, but likewise security and safety in their persons. i; was, liir some lime, suppiis(\l that (f/ickiinkiiiiouii^h wm'* among llit! slain, lull, if Ml', lifvrrlj) was not misiiiliirmed, tin; same sachem, li'i yeai.< atter- wards, eveciiied a still greater massacre upon the English, as, in the next place, we shall relate. How long Ojiekniikanouf;/! had been ^■eeretly plotting to cut oH'tlii' intruderrt of his soil cannot be known; but, in Kill, all the Indians, '>ver a space of country ol'dOO miles in extent, were leai^ned in the enierprise. The old chief at this lime, was su|ipo.-'ed to be near IdO years nf age, and, though miahle to walk, would be ))reseiit in the i>vecution ot' his beloved project. It was upon the IH April, when l)pthtnkuHoufilu borne in a litter, led his warriors for- ward, and coiiimenci'd t!ie bloody work. They began at the ti'oiiiiers, wiili ii (letermiiiation to slay nil befere them, to the sea. Alier continuing the mas- nacre two days, ill uliieli time about .")(KI * persons were murdered. Sir H'illiain Jlirkelti/, at tlie head ol an armeil force, checked their progress. TIk; destii'iv tion of the inliabitants was the greatest upon York and ramunkey lliveis, where Oj)ikiti>kiiiwiii!;h comniaiided in person. The Indians now, in their turn, wen- dri^ ni to great extremily, and their old chiet" wiis taken prisoner, ' Tlii» \h ilii' nil Mr. Hancn-n. Hi 'iiticr ifoiicnilly noI tliuvn in the hlHiorio*, litii iliii |)rol.,.l>ly just scrutiny of i|. U. t'. i, '.iH, cauiiCHi liiiii to ii.\ iijitm ilio iiuiubLT JOO. ( 2a DEATH OF OPEKANKANOUGH — TOTOPOTOMOI. [Book IV. w nnd carried in triumph to Jamestown. How long after the mnssarre tiiis hncpened, we are not informed ; hut it is said tliat the iiitigues he liad pre- viously undergone iiad wasted away his flesli, aiul destroyed the elasticity of his muscles to t}iat degree, that he was no longer able to raise the eyelids from his eyes ; and it was in this forlorn condition, that he fell into the hands of his enemies. A soldier, who had heen ajjpointed to guard him, harharously fired ujjon him, and inflict«;d a mortal wound. He was supposed to have been prompted to the bloody deed, from a recollection of the old chief's agency in the massacre. Just before he expired, hearing a great hustle nnd crowcl about him, hi; ordered an attendant to )ift up his eyelids; when he discovered a midtitude |)rcssing aroimd, to gratify the untimely curiosity of beholding a dying sachem. Undaunted in death, and roused, as it were, fron; sleep, at the conduct of the confused nndtitude, ho deigned not to observe them ; hut, raising himself from the ground, with the expiring breath of authority, commanded that the governor should be called to liini. When the governor came, Opeknnknnoiigh said, with indignation, " H(td it been my for- tune to have taken Sir Wm. IJerkf.i.ky prisoner, I would not ineanli/ have exposed him ns a ^now to my people ;"* and soon after expired. It is said, and we have no reason to doubt the fiict, that it was owing to the encroachments upon his lands, that caused Opckankxmouich to d(!termine upon a iiKissaere of the whites. These intrusions were, nevertheless, contiirniabie to the giants of the proprietors, lie could hardly have ex])ected eiuire cou- <[iu'st, as his |)eoi»le had alnnidy begun to wasti; away, nnd Knglish villages were springing u|) over an extent of country "f more than .500 miles, with a popidousness beyond any I>re('ediiig exauijih! ; still, he was determined upon the vast inidertuking, and sacritict.'d himself with as much Iwnor, it will, i)er- haps, be acknowledged, as did Leonidits at Theruioi)yliu. Sir lyilliam Berkeley intended to have sent him, as a present, to the king 41, yet lu! relates it under the date J(i4(). And we arc not certain that the real date would ever hav(! been fixed, but for the inestimabh- treasury of New England history, //7;i, peti- tioned the governor liir permission to visit his kinsiiian, <)pii'ii' Pi'srriplinn el' VIrfinid. (J Cull. Mii«s. Hisi. .Soi". ix. III.) «|»<'iik'4 111' llic liiiliiiiis in liTiii'* (lirlalnl liy iMcliiriiiuiini. " Tlirir UriMl kiiisf," III' says, " < tjiiiikriiiw\ llwit lilnoilv ninii^lir imiiii 11 liiiiiilml vi-nis nlil, win tiiki'ii l>y !^ir H'i7/'iii«» Uerkitii," 'I'liis iriicl vvin |iiiMislii'i| m U'tb'J, ImiI no "iitte u pivcii u> till' niiiNsiirru. Chap. III.] THE CREEK NATION.— ORIGIN OF THE NAME. 23 possesced tliemselvea of the country al)oiit the falls of James River. The legislature of Virginia was in session, when the news of their coming was received. What cause the English had to send out an army against them, our scanty records do not satisfactorily show;* but, at all events, they determined at once to dispossefe.=< them. To that end, an army of about 100 men was I'uised, and put under the direction of Colonel Edward Hill, wi)0 was joincid l)y Totopolomoi, with 100 of his warriors. They did not find the R;cha]iecri;ins unjircpared, but of the particulars of the meeting of the ad- verse parties we are not informed. 'Iho event, however, was, to the allies, mo^it disiisirous. Totopotomni, with the most of his men, was slain, and the l^.nglish .sull'ered a total defeat, owing, it is said, to the criminal management (li* Colonel Ilill. This officer lost his coniniission, and his property was taken to defray the losses sustained by the country. A peace seems to have been coiicldilcd with the Indians soon after. 9eife CHAPTER III. I'.nglish. 1(1 heavi'r he coii- Idsc their |)rc hcri'- L^ of Pa- is, railed forcibly IW. 1. ['(I It, Irdiii jr. (2 ("oil. ■Tli.'ir lllll, WiK Oflhr Cm-h Inilinns — J^fiisl.n^rcs — Prohiliit the v.ic of ardent spirits — Tficir rise and iin/inrfinirr — T/irir arlir'n — Cnlaidias — Cliiliiisiiiis — (.'lirrnlicis — A mode (rfjhittenins^ their hrails — Ciiiii/ih.iinn lighter Ihiiii other Indians — Semhwles — Ruins at Oak- wiifiree Fields — Expedition of iiotu — Kills '^liOd Indians — Laiidonniire — fionri^es' c.rpe.dition — (irijalni — Movtov made emperor of the. Chcrokees — Sir Jlle.xander Cumniinir — Ills trnrels iinionir the Cheroheis — Sn-en chiefs aceovipnny him to Kng- liiid. — . Itlidnllaknlla — Skuaoistah — His speieh to the king — His death. In tiic I'reci-diuir chaptci-s of this book, much has been iiarn\f(?d of the Fnutlieni nalions iu gc .eral ; and, in |)articnlar, of many i)roiuinont indi- viduals and events. It is designed, in the present chapter, to .^^pe'ak more l)artieularly upon the (;vents of tins great nation of (^roek Indian.s. It ^\ ill 111" piojier, in the first place, to gi\ (^ some general account of tlic nation, v,lii).-M> men of eMiitieiic(^ ha\e been, and are to lie, noticed ; for there luc some fiii-ts that Mill not necessarily IJdl in otherwise; but, in such di- 'gression, if so it should be termed, oiu' chief ;i.\ioui is not overturned, which is, that to Viiite tiie history of the meu of a country, is to write llm history of such country. The reader, however, should be remitided, that a general history of a people at one period, will not exactly apply to them at unother. 'J*his observation is not only true with regard ti. their political imd civil his- tory, but alii) ill reg.ird to the inanneis and customs of tlii' same nations; these liicN are triu", both as tiiey reffard people called civili/cd, as Well as tl lose called savagi Men at inie time, dilliT li'om il 'criptions of tribes or nations by one observer, if another at a difll-renf period ; and yet both may be true in the main | articiilars. Students, therefiire, not .aware of this fiu't, may be disponed to discredit writers fiir such disagreements, which, in fief, are altegeiher imaginary. Hut it is lime to coimnence upon tin; imme- diate bu«iiie!»s of the present ch.'lpter. The Creek Iiidiafi-: l.ike their iitune fmm that of the country in whicli they live; that i>, tiie I'liglish gave them the name of (^nn-ks, because their countrv i^ fiill of creeks. »>• llie liHuwliuv |irp.iinl>lf! imcl ri'snlve of llie Ic^ishilurc, nil \v(> possess, tuiirliiiiir lliis mnllcr. is le 1 e ..',:iiImt"iI ; — " W'l iiil.'liiil biiliiilis lire iIr;i\Mi Ci iiliiriiKilioii liiilli Ik-cii ri'ccivril, lli:U miiiiv wcslern or iiin lllr Inoiiiil. lillL'h St' t (l liills of .ImiiiiI!* River. Ill till' iiiiiiilicr of li or 71)0, whorcliy, iipoii n..iiiy srxcrnl ooiisiilrrnfioiis hcini; hiu\. it ii roiirciveil uri-nl (limiirr mifflil cnsin- lu ihU rtiloiiv. TIm iHMTiililv. tlirrcrirc, do lliiiik fil iiiiil rrsolvo. Ilmt IIm"<- new come biy im rescrv>'d, »t till' ei)iirliisioii 111 I'iMii', Willi ilie bidiuiis Hiirk, lllsi. s ir;;iiiiu llO. Il ni iji 24 CREEK LANGUAGE.— CIIEUOKEE INVENTION. [Cook IV. Tho nation of most irnpoitaneo ainon^r tlie Crocks was, in 1775, the Mnskogecs. Tlint community, or nation, like tlic, Iroquois, was more politic than their neighbors, and va.stly increased their strength and importance by encouraging sn all declining tribes to incorporate tlKMiiselves with tliem. At one. time, anotiier most wise resolution was adopted among tiicm, which, above all others, should be mentioned ; that was a prohibition of the hnportation of all kinds of ardent spirits into tiieir country. How long this resolution rtas main- tained, or at what period, cannot, at this time, be staled. It was very probably at th(! j)eriod of their greatest ])r()siierity, which was just before the breaking out of the revolutionarj' war. 'i'he Mnskogces had another excellent regulation, namely, the men assisted their women in their planting before setting out on their warlike and other expeditions. This was called the Creek nation, which, in what was calhul its best days, about 178(), contained 17,000 souls ; * but they were reckoned, in ii^'ii), at 20,000. Sonic have, latterly, given the name of Creeks only to a part of the nations of which we have bi'gun to treat; but it is h'jn- inteiided to include under that head, all the tribes belween the ir^avannah on tlu; I'ast, the Rlississip|)i on th(^ west, and the country bordering on the Ohio on the north. The fi)Ilowing is a specimen of their language, which will answer tolerably well as a specimen of all tin! southern languages, from Carolina to the Mississippi : — L«ti tsuklivlhpi laksakat Tshihofv inhomitsi tomis; momais fvtsv opunalio- yan im afVlski tomis. f In r^iiglisli, Li/inii; lips are an abomination to the Lord ; hut they that deal truly nrr his delight. The following is Choktau reckoniMg: Achvlii, 1, Tuklo, 2, Tuchina, H, Ushta, 4, Tahlapi, r>, llanaii, (>, I'ntuklo, 7, Untuchina, 8,Chakali, !>, I'okoli, 10, lly i>refi.\ing nuh to the names of the digits, iliey arrive at 20; thi'ii, by pre- fi.xing Pokoli (10) to the series of (lij.'its, they arrive at 150, and so ou.f The Clierokees have now a v\ritteu language, and, before the late troubles with Ceorgia, were making good adxancemciil iu all the ii.seful arts. One of the most remarkable discoveries of modern times has been made by a Cherokee Indian, named («K0iuiK Cukss. I lis inveuliun was that of a syllabic alphabet of the language t)f his nation, which he applied tit writing with un|un'alleled success. Yoimg (Jherokcrs learned by it to write letters to their fi'iends in three days' liu'e; and although tlu! inventor us(>d a part of tiie English alphabet in making uj) his own, yet he was ac(|uaint(Ml with no other language bin the Cheroki c. This inxenlion was brought to maturity in If^'Jtl. Two years after, a news|iaper, called the Chkrokkk IMkk.nix, was established in the ('herokee nation, printed chielly in Indiaim them- wlves believe, or jireteiid to believe, that they came from the east, or place of the siinV rising: cuiicerning which ooinioii we may observe once iitr all, that it most pmluibly had ili* same origin among all ignorant people, which nrosu tWtiii no nlh«>r tlian n denire that othert* nhonld think them descended from the * Il id pnminoM Id rt^kon ii lliiril wnrrior^. ♦ 'I'lii* spci iiiii'ii I inki- IriMii n 'illlo voliimp, rii'Ipfl tlirt " Miiskn|;re (Creek) Assistant," piihli-.lii"! ill K(i*.liin. 18,15, hy Idc Am. nourd of Com. lor Forcijfii iMissioin, J Clioldmi A'''tlimctii'. |>rilllril »•< lilmvo. (i Hi'f AUxjf'ti li, Xtl.—'Alitsiimt'ii/ lltrald. C»AP. Ill ] COUNTRY OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. 25 to tlii'ir of the no other in lr^"J(>. r a tiiiin ate; lint liccaniu nation, minions 50 con- IWIUICHP. L|i!ila<'iii- Tiiis,. |)0?l('li to m llicin- >lac(! of ail, llmt 1) nroHt) Iroin the .tsiiiant," HUii; that being tlie most gloi-ions and nol)h' origin of wliicli tlicy roiild con- ceive. Indeed, sucii is not altogether nnnatnral ; for tiiat iinninary (luickens nnd enlivens every thing that has life, whether aninia! or vcgctalile. Beside tlio Mnskogoos, the Katanhahs, or Catawhus, Clierokcies, ChoktaHS, and ('hikasjius, wen; other numerous tribes s|';'ead over Jhe great country of whi('h \v(! havt! spoken. The Kataubahs and the Chikasaus were very warlike ; but their vicinity to Eiiro])eans was as detrimental to them, and even inori! so, than timir own exterminating wars ; for, as in other (uises. us soon as an intercourse com- menced, degradation and ruin followed. The Cherokees have withstood the deliitfcry effects of civili/.ation much beyond what can bo said of any other tribe of Indians. Tlniir country is chiefly in Alabama, Mississijipi, and TcMUiessec ; but they occupy also the western jiart of the state of G(!orgia. IJetbn' the war of 181'2, their coimtry covered '24,000 siiuare niilei^.* Numbers of this tribe have; emigrated to Arka^"^untr_V hot so filled with creeks and riv(-rs as the iMuskogees. This circumst;uic(!, it is said, was a great hiuderanci! to their |)rosprrity ; tiir in their wars with their neighhors, they sidi'end gn>;itly li'oni their ignorance ol'swiimning. There were IJppi'r and Lower (Jhoktan towns; the tiirnier were situated about 100 miles fi'om thi- ( 'liikasaiis, and tln^ latter .•ibout '2()()abovti \ew Orleans. TIk? ))eopir of this nation ilattciicd their hiuida by vveai-iug bags of sand on them,t and, accortling to I'aibcr Heuncit!n,l the heads t)f ail the Indians upon the Mississippi are flatter than those orCanada, It is said also thai they are of .-I !ighl<'r coMi|ilexion : hut this has reiiu'ence only to the .Miiskogees, according to some; writers. The (.'lioktans princi- jtaliy inhabit .Mississippi. They were, in 1820, set down at xi.";,()00 souls, and are rather increasing. Till' Chikasaus are supj'osed to have come from tlie west of the Mississippi, nnd as it whs a custom among the Creeks liir their unoccupiiMl lands to !;,• taken by any tliat cnne among them, as emigrants, the Chikasaus found no obstacles in the way of establi-iliing themselves on tliis sidi; lli' iMississipjii. Where they tir>it estaiilished themselves is nnktiowu, but in 1770 they were ii l)o\\i'rfiil and wurjikc niition, and were seated upon tiie west'rn liranches of the Moiiile. Tli.' tribe of Vazoos belonged to this nation. The ('hikasaus reside in .Mississip|ii, Kentucky, and Tennessee, fhey do not excivd 4!'00 in inmibi'r. 'I'he Seminoles were a nation made up siimi.'.r li- ninny oiliers, and chiefly .if Miiskogees. The (.'reeks called them Seminoles, which signified U'il '., iiccaiise they had estranged themselves from their former country, '^iiix imtion wtis priii'iiilly seated, 40 M'ars ago, upon slie rivers Xp.dach'.-ol i and I'Tint, and had large town on Calos Hay, on the \vesf side of lla -l Florida. 'I'liey now re.-ide in rim-idii, a scattered rnnnaut of aliont !'2()l). The iij.mes iilone of the difVerent clans or tribes ot' tin -;• nations would till H 'veral pages, and it is not iici-essiuT here to enumerate them ; ue shell there- fore, at! 'r some general ohserviitions. puss to the consideration of those chiefs who have been conspicuoiis. Th ere in V niiiin the east Irml ■t here was the place wlii-re they lirst set down idb"' crossinur the Missis-;ippi ; that their journey from the \ 'est had been otiendi'd with incredible sullering, and that ihey wero opposed nt every step by vurio is hostile biuids of Indians, and that on rcnch- * Dr. Morse'. 1 Hi'iiorl. t Ailiiir. — '• .\'^ -omn nli'iiiiril. Ill riM'ciVi' th;' iiir.iii', JMii.; iin>-'i I'e nil IN luirk, lli.il |i;irl nl' llic rn'^e wliort* llii> liiMil rr)i(i^<'.<. lii'iiiK I'lixliioiii-il like a l>i 'v-iiioiil.\. [Hook IV ♦f !;iji '.p' iiiy: lliiH pliirc tli(\\ lijrtiticd lliciiisi'ivcs, am! ciiuld proccctl no (iirllier, am! lit l('iiu:ili u.'iiiii'd ;-eiitleinan, and liad Ix^en \> illi PIzitrri) ]t\ 'lie coiiniiest (as il is called) of I'ern. His commission eou- i-titnfed him uuverniir of Cnlia and general uC l''lorida.t AItlion;ih he sailed Ihim St. Lncar in l.'WiS, he did not land in I'Morida f until May, l.Vi:'. Willi a'mi I 1{)(!I) mi-n, VJI.'! ol' wliom were prosided with horses, he undertook llie cni.Hoest of I'lorida and countries adjacent. After cntliii'; theic way in vari- uiis directions lhri)ji;h numerous irihis of Indians, ira\(v-^in;:- nearly i(1()0 miles of coiin'ry, losinir a f.'rcat |>art of tlnir army, thei- •;eiiera! dieil upon tlie hanks of iot- i\lississip|ii, and the survivors were ohliireil to hnild vess( !s iti whicji to descend '111' ri\cr ; whicli, when they h;ul done, they sailed for ^Icviro. 'I'his expedition \\i\t live years in comiiij; to n<^tliiii.:i', and liriniiinvf nil! npon its |)erfor'riers. A populous li;di;io towii at this time stood at or i.'iir the nioutli i.j'the ."Mohilcjorw hicli .S'o/o'.v army had possessed themsetves. ■j'j., ii- ii.'-i-ci.m-se with 'h.; Indians vas .'it 'ir-^t friendly, lini at len,;:lh a idiicf »^•a.s i'.sidii il. \\hicli liro^mhf on JKHtilities. A battle was fought, in which, it. is si.id, "JilOO Indians \M.'re killed, and K'{ i-ipaniards. We .sliall not attempf here to •;() mere into det.iil cdncerniiig the liand ol" maraiidiii':!' Spaniards under Solo, as it wijl answer th<' present pnrp<>se to oliseiM', that what has just hi-en related, is hut one of the many hutcheries eommitled liy Ihni hand", and, inoreoNer, our accounts are rather indistinct ii|>on the whole all'iir, and -■a\or nnich of e.\a«;i;(i'atio'i. The l''rcnch. mnier Iti'ur ilr Liiinldinui ir, >i'l\\\'A in I'liuida in lodl, near •where l'en; times nearer our own. ' o the year I7;ll), Sir. '' nimlii Ciinunliiii' travelled anionic the sontliern Indians, and I'rom whose aceM,i;,i we a -e able to uive fii'vcral interestiiifr par- lienlnrs. \l this period, he I'ei'ites that ihe ( ^i-erokee natiiin was ^overmd li\ s.\en Molliir Towi s, eac'ii <.f which eliosi' a Uiujr lo preside over tliem •liid their deiiendaiifs. lie wm* > lecied out ofcertiaii liimili' s, !Uid the descent • II7/rtiw.«'.v\V. noii>lii,;t;. t Chniiilcu (!,■ Ihliiiiiliiii, Neiivi'itil Pirl. Iti. art. ScTo. ■ Sii i-!i|lriii>riil/, i. 1 — .1. ./(/im ('•' /7r"7('/'M (iisiMveri'd llic ro'iuli v upon llii- (iiilf of Moxico in lai'i, (//''rrcru, ii. I".'!*,) and sonic report llnil lie c.irriril olf intlinn^ as skivvs. (See M'lV- //iiHtA.v rioriilii. !'n. ) Hill we lee not awnre lli.il lli«« liii'l is rlscwlirrr rpoordpd. Herrn'ti. llionijli vory inn.ulc. dins not iiamc ii, i'linihi-- ['li) ii^rccs wiili linn. Chap. Ill ] MOYTOY MADE KING OF THE CREEKS. 27 l.")(!l, iii'.'ir iiiitry, ;iii(I I'^i'f'iii'li, ;• lliry, (iiiy. A s olitlVlUO "rolii llic til.Ts Ik: > Miiliitiit ■••i of tin- .■iri'f our Miiiilicrii liii;;- ii.'ir- ;i>\ fiiird ri' liii'lii (ll',«lCt'III uiv, or. .-iv ■■' wriiftli. "oiild tlo Mrxiro in .s,-,- Mil. Hi'riffd. Wit" rci^arcltul only on tin; jnotlior's side. Thoso violher Unvvs won!, according To ti'w jlk'Xitnder, Tanimwsi<:, Kcttoouli, UKtcnary, Ti'lli(|no, l^stootovvii;, Ki^yo- wci!, and Nocycocc. Four ol" iIkwi- town.s won; without, kingH at this time, llicy havinf^ (liod. Sonit; towns liad j)rinc(!s, as our autiior called them ; namely, Touiasso, otui ; Setteclio, on(! ; Tassetti-hec, one ; Iwussee, one ; Tel- TkIUo, two; Tannassie, two ; CannoKtee, one ; ('owee, one;. The <;hia\ { May, and arrived at Dover .'") June; thus performing a passagi; across tlic Ailaiilic in a month and a day, in I7M(', not much iiili'iior to what is done iiovv-a-days. .Vt Dover Sir .Heiaiutir " took post to London, w ith the crown ■ Tlii'. jiiirt ipI' llio M-iilcnct' is upon the iuuhorily "la good wrilnr, {Ifumil, llisl. f'aroliiiii. ii. ,">,) lull Sir Al'Xaii'Icr iiol siiy (iiiilc as iniifli in liis nccoiint. t .»/<",'<"/ w MS II liitlor I'lii'inv iillc-rwiirds. In 176!) ho went willi his warriors lo a place oallcd Si,iiii|iio, anil killed several vNJnlcs, xvillioiil, as was said, itHi/ provoculiulicvc nl this limi': llicv make up ihi; niimlii'r .tcrcri, willi liiosc; iiaincd in Ins o«n n.irralivc. ')'li;il All'i!,iill'ikiiU,t was, SOI' lliiciill. ii. iJI. and l\'iiiiiii!; Ilial Sir AlrrtinUn's amnnin'iisis diil nol midiTslnnd him, (lor In- did iim wrilo hinci'll.) ami die I'limncralioii of the chii-Cs wliirli lie look with him, i.s very Mniidcriii^. 'riiiis alter naniiiif; one only, il is siM down, '• and ■ a third warrior " iVc. ^ {'oihuns Oi/iVtnoli'l ', who Wiis cdlcil ihi' gival w.irrior ol' ilu- ('in rokci' iiulion. lIeu:aU, .i. jn. 28 ruF.EK rniF.Fs visit englanr [Book IV. of tho Cliorokoo iiiilioii, Icnvirifr tlic Tiidiaiis bcliiiid to como up witli the man- of-war. lie let till' secretary of state; imiiit'iliatcly know tliat In; had full power from tliat nation to lay thrir crown at liis majesty's feet, and tliat lie had hron^'ht over sc^vcM Indian ehicts, as an evidence of the Irntli. Ills majesty was fira- cionsly plea.sed to order Sir .///<.n(»(/(T to lirinif in his i»(M)|»le to ihi! in.slullation, tlie IHth of Jnne, whcri! they W(M-<; extremely surprised at the maf^nificcnct; of every thin liv(! eagles' tails, as an enihlemof his majesty's soven^ignty, luid four scalps of Indian enemies; all which his majesty was graciously i)leMsed to accept of" While in I'lngland, they made a treaty with the king, every article of which was accompanied, on his part, with presents of sonu; sort or other: such as cloth, trims, vermilion, hatchets, knives, &c. This treaty was dated at Wliite- liall, 7 Sei)tend)er, IT.'JO, and from it we get the names ot' tlu! seven chiefs. It b( gins, "Whereas vou, S(\Y.\(ii;sr.\ Oukau, chief of the town of Tasseta ; you, ScAi.M.osKF.N IvKTAcu'sTA ; you, Tktiitoui: ; you, (^locioittau ; you, Coi.\.Ni\Au; you, l!\.\At:0N0Y ; you, Oucounacoi, have het'u deputed by the whole nation of the Cherokee Indians, to come to (Jreat Hrilain,"* left preserves his memory among us. We look U]ion you as if the great kingVM're presi nt ; we love you as representing the great king. We shall di(< in the same way of ihiuking. The crown of our nation is different Irom that which the great King (iKoiKiK wears, and from that we saw in the tower. Hut to us il is all one. The chain of friendshi)* shall bo carried to our peo|>le. We look upon the gi'cat King (/rorgc as thi! sun, and ns our father, and upon ourselves iis his children. For though W(> are red, and you are white, _\ei our hands and hearts are joined ttigether. When we sludl have; nc(piainled our people \\ iili what we have seen, our children ti'oni generation to generation will always rememb(M' it. In war we shall alw.>ys lie one with you. The enemies of the great king shall be our enemies. Mis peo|)l(! and ours shall he one, and shall die togeiher. We came hither naked and poor as the worms of the carlh, hut you have every thing, and we that have nothing must lo\(; y(»u, and will never break tlu^ I'liain of triendship w liich is between tis. Hen; stands the governor of Carolina, whom we know.f This small rope J we show yon is all that wt- hav<' to bind our slaves with, and il may he broken. Ihu have iron chains for yours. However if we catch your slaves, we will hind ihem as well as we can, and deliver them to oiu' Iriends, and take no pay liir it. We have looked round for the person that was i;i our country — he is not here: llowe\er, we nnist say he talked uprightly to us, and we shall never I'orget him. ^'our white jieople niay very safely build houses near ns. We shall hurl nothing that belongs to them, tor we are children of one father, the great king, and shall live and die togeiher." When Skijiifriisliih had proceeded thus far, he laid his feathi'cs upon a table, and sed as follow? * Kp|)orr of tin- CoinmissioiHTs (17:!()) on (lie AlViilrs <>t" ficorijiii, p. .W.— It" .MliikullnhiUa wore iiMidng those oiiicls. lie wiiil midor iinollier iiiinic, us diil hNo Oiilacilf. Sue ii tbw pages forwiiiil. t 'riuri' \v;h ;\t iliis time no governor, ihonirli liohfrt Joliii.inn \v;is iiomiiinlly sncli. In I7'i^9 l!ie ijuM rnnniil ol (\irolin;i «;!•; ilelivered lo tlio crown ol' Kn^luml. Cur ahoiil jCn,000. Jc/in- foii Wiis reapjioiuH'tl in I7.il. ; S'.rinj ol Wiimpiiin. pniliaMy. Chap. IV.] TOMOCHICHI. 29 " Tli'iH is our way of talking, wliicli is tlie same tiling to us as yoin* lettei-s in the book arc to you, and to you, beloved men, we deliver these feathers in confirmation of all we have said." In October, the Indians embarked at Portsmouth with Mr. Johnson, the governor of Ciu'olina, for their own country, and in the same ship in which they went over. , Skijaffmtah, or, as he was sometimes called, KUta^ista, "was brother of Oucconnostota, or the great warrior, and also chief of Cliote. He lived to be very old, and died in May, 17(58. CHAPTER IV. ,. Scttleinr.ntof Carolina and Georgia — Tomochichi receives the English — Goes to Eng- land icith General Oglethorp(! — Makes a sjieech to the King — Ww death — War with the Siiaai):rds — OuTAtrriE — Mai.acuty — Attakui.i.akiim.a — Indians murdered — Attakhi.i.akiii.i.a prevents retaliation u/jon whites in his power — Cherokee War liegins — Governor Littli>t()n'B expedition — Imprisons their JJiiibassadors — They are, massacred — Colonel Montgomery sent against them — Battle near Keowee — Chero- l;ces talr their arrival. "They were as follows: From th(^ tribe of (^loweeta, Yahan-lakee, their king, or mico; Essahoo, their warrior, llie son of Old-lmm, lately dead, whom the S|)aniards called emperor of the ( reeks, with eight men and two women attciiulants. From the tribe of Cusse- (ns, (Jusscta, their mico ; Tatchiqualchi, their head warrior, with four attendants. I'rom the tribe of Owseecheys, Ogeese, the mico, or war king ; J\'eal!Uoulh- ko and Ougachi, two chief men, with three attendants. From the tribe of Clieecliasvs, Outhlrtchod, tlit.'ir mico, Thliiulho-thluket, t^geer, Sootamilla, war captains, with tliitu! attendants. From the tribe of lOchetas, ChiUabeeche and Robin, two war cai)t«ins, (tin; latter was bred among the English,) with four attendants. From the trilie of IVilachucolas, Gillaltee, thtjir head warrior, and five attendants. I'Vom the tribe of Oconas, Oueekachumpa, called by the Eng- lish Long-king, Koowoo, a warrior. From the tribe of Eufaule, Tomaumi, head warrior, and three attendants. * Mniiv gcnilciiKMi in Kjif>laii<1 ooiilrihulcd, in various ways, lliis year, Hir llic ailvaiicoinent of tlic colony ; some in ratllc, some in iaUor, some in provisions, iiinl oiIiits as soldiers, 'i'lie conlril)ulioii of one frcntluinnn, for its siiijrularity, shall l)e meiaioncd. "Air. Ilniiif i^ave a silver boat and spoon for llin first child horn in Georgia, which hcing horn ui Jlrs. (.'Ivsf, w t ro given Bccordinffly."— CmHmmiwier.'i' Report on Gfi'v/ria AJ'airs, p. 111). t Report of the Oommissioners, ut tupra, 11, IIU, 117, 30 TOMOCHICIII AND OTHERS VISIT ENGLAND. [Rook IV. K t'^ " Thn iMdiniis liciiif.'- all seated, Oueckachumpa, n vciy tall old man, stood, and iiiiide a .•<|iieeli, wiiieli was interpreled by Mr. Ifif^gnn and !\lr. .UuacroiT,* ill wliicli lie said all tlie lands to the suutliward of Suvaininli River beTonged to the Creeks. lit; said, the Indians Were poor, but the same Power that gave the r,nglish brearli, gavt; them breath also. That that Power iiad ,i;'ven the English the most wis(lr)ni. That, as they had eonu; to instruct them, i('. y should have all the lands whicdi they did not use them.selvcs. That this was not only his mind, but ihe minds of the eight towns of Creeks, who liad, aOer consull- ing tog( tlitr -ent some of their ehief men with skinfi, which was their wealth. At this penod of Ou('ckaclniinpa''s speecli, some of the chiefs of the eight towns brought each a buiulle of buck's skins, and laid them down before Mr. Ofrldhorfie, Tiion the ehief said, " These are the best lhuif!;,i we jws.ic.is, hul we i^ive them icith a f;ood heiirl. I thank you for your kindness to 'J'omociiiclii, and /lis people. Ilv is my kinsman, and, though he tvas banished from his nation, he is a good man and a great warrior. It was on aceount of Ids wisilom and justice, that the banished men chose him their king. 1 hear that the Cherokccs Imve killed some Englishmen. If you [addressing IMr. Oglethorpi"] will command vs, we will go against them ii'i'th all our force, kill their people, and destroy their living." When Oueckachumpa had done si)eakiiig, Tomochichi drew near with his men, and, ath>r ijiakiug a low boAV, said, — "/ ivas a banished man, and I came here poor and helpless to look for good land near the tombs of my ancestors, and when yon came to this placi, I feared you would drive us away ; for we were weak and wanted corn. Hut yoh confirmed our land to iw, and gave us food." The other chiefs spoke in the sine manner as Oueekachutnpa had, and then agreed upon and executed an amical.'(^ treaty. IJy the assi.putation of iliem to England, hojiing what they might witness and expcn'-enee there, would result in lasting beiielits to both th»!ir nations aiul the Ijiglisl;. Accordingly, measures having been taken for the fiu'lheranci^ of iliis iiroject, thi; general and the Indian ehiel's end)arked fc!* I'^ugland, in tlu^ Aldborough man-of-war, and arrived at !~t. 1 lellens, in tlio Isle of Vv'ighl, l(i June, I7;{4. 'J'Ik; names of the Indians were Tomo- chichi, Sx.NAWKi, his consort, and Too.nakowi, the prince, his nep'"w; also liiLLispiLLi, .'I war captain, and Ai'akowtski, Sti.m.^i.f.ciii, Hi.ntoli hi, HiNGi rniT, and I'mi'mvciii, five other chiefs, with their interpreter. Immediately after th(>ir arrivtil, ordeiM were given for preparing iiroper liabits for them, in order to their being introduced at coiut. This having been done. Sir Clement Colli nl, knight, master of the ceremonies, was sent, August J, with three ol" the king's coaches, drawn by si.\ horses each, to the (Jeorgia olfice, wiicre the chiels, all except one, were taken in and carried to Kensington, \> here their introduction to his majesty. King George ]}., took I'llace. The oui' left at the (ieorgla olliee was sick with the sniall-po.\, of which III- (lied the next day. 'f'o.Mocuicui, alier ])resenting the king with sev- eral eagle's (i>atlier,s which were considen il, by his tuition, the most respectful present they could send, delivered the f'oliowing speech to his majesty; — "This (lay 1 sec thi; majesty ol" your l:ice, the greatness of your house, and the number of your peojde. 1 am conn; for the good of the wlioh; nation of the Creeks, to renew the peace iliey had long ago made willi the i'lnglish. 1 am come over in my old days ; ami, though 1 cannot live to s»!c any advantage- to myself, 1 am come for the good of the chihlren of all the nations of tlio Upjier and Lower Creeks, that they may be instructed in the knowledge of the English. These are the feathers of the eagle, which is the swillest of birds, and who flieth all round our nations. These fi-athei-s are a sign of jieaee in our land, and we have l)rought them over to leave them with you, great king, as a sign of i;verlasting j)eace. O ! great king, whatsoever words * His wife was (lie inlerpretcr, according lo APCall, i. 3."), who was a half breed named Mary. Oglethorpe first piirchastHl licr friendship with presents, and afterwards allowed her a hundred pounds a year lor her services. — Commissiomrs' Report on (ieorgio Affairs. % lis lijiviiig' .V(1H ISClIt, I, to tlic •iirricd to II., took |l-|)ox, di' ]\illi si'V- )PC'tllll list", mid jatioii ot' lisii. 1 vaiitajjo |s of tlie ^(igc of illSt 111" Iwijjii of itli you, r words Chap, IV] TOMOCIIICHI AND OTHERS VISIT ENGLAND. 31 t!i< Id named Ved he» a yoii slmll K(iy unto me, I will tell tliem fiiitlifully to nil tlu; kiiifj.s of tlio Crcok ii.itioiis." 'I'Ik! king's aiiHwc^r, tlioiif?li siiort, wuh, in the liigliest (iogn;c, coii- ciiiatoiy, and what was torincd graciouH.* When tlio chii'ls were introduced at court, liJH majesty ivceivnd them upon liis tinone, in the presence chamber, attended by the officers of state, iuid a mimcrous conrt. Tliey were introduced by the Duke of Gniflun, chamberluin f)f ids inajcsly's household ; and, nfler the ceremonies, they returned to tiioir anartments, at the G(!orgia office. Tiieir liist care, after returning from court, was to inter tiieir deceased companion, wiiicii was accordingly done with great ceremony, in the buriul- ground of St. John the I'lvangelist, Westminster, according to tiie custom of til!" "(Iierokee Creeks," whieii wa.s in the following manner : — "The deceased bring s(!W(;(l up in two blankets, witii one deal board under and anothiu' over liiiii, and tied down with a cord, \^as placed upon a bier, and carried to the pliicc of interm<;nt. Then; were oidy present at the time of ids being [)ut i)it(» tlie gravi', King Tomo, and some of the chiet5«, the npn'i- church warden of pai'isli, and tlu! gravi; digger. When the corpse lid in the earth, the olhcs of th(! deceased Were thrown into the grnvi .r this a <|uantity of glass beads were cast in, and them some pieces of silvci ; the custom of those Indians being to bniy ."di the deceased's eflijcfs with him." Alfliough we have the names of all the chiefs given us tliat went over witli ]\lr. Offldliorjjc, W(! have not the means of knowing which it was that died. Indians ofh'n died on their visits to ICnrope. One of the five Iroijuois chiefs died in Mngiand,! in 1710, and ol" his name too we are ignorant. I\lr. Osxhtlwrpt's chiefs, afler having been showed the chief curiosities in and .ibiHil London, wei-e tak«;n to Spithead, where the English fleet lay, that they niiglit go on board and view the tremendous ship Britannia, and sonic others of great magnitude. On the liO October, 1734, a little past noon, they end)urked at Gravesend, on board the Prince of Wales, for Georgia. Of Tomochichi, who was the most prominent character among them, we have yet a little to add. He lived mitil he had attained his 97th year, and died M OctolK-r, 17'>Y.\ five yeai-s, wanting 15 days, after he sailed from England.. He resided, at the time of his death, about lour miles from Savannah. He Avas highly beloved by the English, having always been their particudar friend, fought lor them in war, and aided them by Ins counsel in peace. He was aware of the approach of death, and expressed but little desire to live longer, as he should ho unable to aid his allies any more against the Spaniards. For General Oti;lelhorpe he expressturn to Americii, they brought presents to the amount of £400 slerling. Afier remaining in England ft)m' months, tJiey embarked at Grave- send ibr Georgia. They were conveyed to the i)lace of embarkation in his majesty's carriages. § In the invasion of Georgia by the Spaniards, in 1743, nuuiy Indians were drawn into the controversy, on both sides, Tomnoeowi, \\ or Tooanohowi, a nephew of Tomochichi, was shot through the right arm, in an encounter with * Harris, Voyages. t M'Call, Hist. Georgia, i. 190, 197, t Kalm's Travels in Amciica, i. 210. § lb. i. '13. II Harris. ^^ X<^.:m IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I if 1^ 1^ ^ 1^ III 2.2 ^ ta lllllio 1.8 L25 1.4 M= 'm 6" - ► m Va A ^ > V /A Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WIST MAIN STRUT WeiSTIR.N.Y. I4SI0 (716) •7a-4S03 « -u ^ ^v iV '^y « kind r.f rcvofiiticinBrv ipirit. See Oldmiron, who is ftir nwire pnrticulnr, 1. MR.— Moore wns picrto.l in 1701. The niuhor of " The British Dominions," (142,) says the InHinns were criiolly ircnied (hiring bis administralion. There were wverBl other ^vem- un before Nicholton, beside Moort. «. [Book IV. I with his loft Jon the other, became sub- uations eave , Wootassitaw, of tlie Lower be tiie same ed, and from nt. In 1721, B said to have oon after his adjust some another more d the council e Lower and slivered theu' t, " tho other leir chiefs for represented, luyuig nmcli 3 speaks thus me discovers >n should be n made that traders, and packs, when I never been u, to take all pc. " And to lich appoints Gina garrison, given fre- rnmont, and )rovince; so rcgai-d to so lat I would Woosataaate, lents of the broad seal ', do, within district, and to you, aiul inongst you reston-d, I ley UH'd to the date to it was tlio tiiis place, ^tinguished osition In the « pnrticulor, >lh«r govern- y OlTTACITE, chid of llic CIIRROKEES 1^' Chap. IV.] ATTAKULLAKULLA. ATTAKULLAKULLA and OCKONOSTOTA.* The fame of Carolina had, in 1753, drawn a multitude of Europeans to her shores. The same year, on the 26 May, Malachty, attended by the Wolf-king and the Ottnsee chief, with about 20 others, and above a hundred of their people, came to Charleston. They were met, on their way, by a troop of horsemen, who conducted them to the town, by the governor's order, in great state. This was to induce them to make peace and remain theii* allies, and, to this end, the governor, Gknn, made a very pacific speech, in the Indian manner. MalacUy, who, at this time, seems to have been the head'ohief among the Creeks, presented the fovernor with a quantity of skins, and readily consented to a peace with the Inglish ; but, in regui'd to a jioace with the Cherokees, he said, that was a matter of great moment, and he must deliberate with his people, before he could give an answer. The Cherokees were already under the protection of the English, and some of them had, not long before, been killed by the Creeks, hi the very neighborhood of Churlston. The paity which committed this outrage was led by Malachty. Notwitlistanding, a cessation of hostilities seems to have taken place, tor numbers of each nation joined the English immediately after the capture of Oswego, by the Frciicli, in 1756. The Cherokees are particularly named, as having renderod essential service in the expedition against Fort Du(iuesne ; but u circumstance happened, while tliose warriors were returning home from that expedition, which involved them in an imme- diate war with the English, in whose senice they had been engaged. Having lost their horses, and being worn out with toil and fatigue, on coming to the frontiers of Virginia, they picked up several of those animals, which belonged to the inhabitants of the jjlaces through which they travelled. This, Dr. Ram- say f says, was the cause of the massacre which they suffered at that time. But Mr. JUair,X who lived then among the Indians in those parts, says, — " Several companies of the Cheerake, who joined our forces imder Gen. Stanwix, at the unfortunate Ohio, affirmed that their alienation from us was because they were confined to our martial arrangement, by unjust suspicion of them — were very much contemned, — and halt starved at the main camp : their heaits told them, therefore, to return home, as freemen and injured allies, though without a supply of provisions. This they die' and pinching hunger forced them to take as much as barely supported nature, when returning to their own country. In their journey, the Gferman inhabitants, without any provocation, killed, in cool blood, about 40 of their warriors, in l. Ainer. Indians, '2Ui. 'riial llie Indiuns' taking horne* wb» no nrelMt for ih* murders, even nt llic liinc, HpiMMirH evideiil. "Am (hbvs Cnplniii M'Call, i. '231.) the hoisei in llio»e pans r:in wild in lint woitds.ii uos c'ui.itli iiinon^ the Indians luid while people on tb« iroiiii'Tii, to rutcli tluMii uiut ii|>jir(i|iriuto iliciii to tlieir own uue," #. 34 ATTAKULLARULLA.— LITTLETON'S ILL CONDUCT. [Book IV. i k of vengeance. He therefore goes immediately to them, and informed them of their danger, and assisted them to secrete tiieniselves ; then, without loss of time, he assembled his warriors, and made a speech to tiiem, in which lie inveighed, with great bitterness, igainst the murderous English, and urged immediate war against them; ^^c nil never (said he) shall the hatchet be buried, until the blood of our countr;/men be atoned for. Let us not (he continued) violate our faith, or the laws of hospitality, by inwruing our hands in the blood of those wha are note in our power. They came to us in the confidence of friendship, with belts of wampum to cement a perpetual qfliance loith us. Let us carry them back t6 their oton settlements ; conduct them safely ivithin tlieir confines, and then take up the hatchet, and endeavor to exterminate the whole race of them." This couriKcl was adopted. Before conmieucing hostilities, however, the murderers were demanded, but were blindly refused them, and we have related the conse- quences. The French, ii was said, used their influence to enrage the Indians ; but if that were the case, we should not deem it wortii naming, as it appears to us that nothing more could be necessary to inflame them than the horrid out- rages of which we have spoken. It appeju-s from another source,* that Governor Littleton was met at Charles- ton by a deputation of iJ2 Cherokee cliiefs, among whom was Ockonostota, who, on hearing of the warlike movements at that place, had set out to visit the English, and if possible to prevent a war with them. For although some of their young warriors had counnitted several acts of violence, y nation, or the best friend to the I'nglish, request- ing him to come to Fort George. He immediately came; aid to show the English he was their friend, jiroduced a French jirisoiier whom he had just taken in an expedition against that nation, and whom he jiresented to Cfov- ernor Littleton. A "congress" was now (about 18 Deeembtsr, 175!)) held with JlttakxdlakuUa^ in which a long speech, in which all the grievances he could think of were enumtrated by the governor ; after which the chief made another, in whieii Ik; piomisiid to do all he could to ])ersuade his coun- ti-y men to give; the governor the satisfaction he demanded ; yet he said, " it * Hewatt, Hisl. rnroliim, ii. '21(i. t Tliix liirl was iipoii llie JSiivHiiiiuli River, iicnr tlic Ciicnikce town called Kcowcc. J tfnriitt, Hisl, CuroliiiH, ii, lU, \ r. [Book IV. med them of thout loss of in which he II, and ur^ed diet he buried, iniied) violate blood of those ieiidship, with irry them back and then take Tliis counsel arderers were ;d the couso- idians ; hut if ui)i)cnrs to us ic horrid out- let at Charles- i Ockonostota, 5et out to visit ilthough some , y(!t tlie great lesired peace, the chiefs, he )untry, where 1 to speak in d jjreveiit his make, neither peace." The md urged the hf was called, had no effect ew days after, •ce amo\inted marched with leir treatment, bouttomarcli W(!re all made »V such hase tliat "they I .satisfaction nd himself in . Indians; he resent, hut to to insure its 'ho was reck- ish, request- to show the he had just nted to Gov- , 175!)) held jfrievances he ■■h the chief ide his coun- he snid, " it kcowce. Chap. IV.] ATTAKULLAKULLA.— IMPRISliNMENT OF HOSTAGES. 35 neither would nor could be complied with, as they had no coercive authority, one over another." He desired that some of the chiefs tiien confined might be liberated to aid him in restoruig ti-anquiliity ; and accorduigly Ockonostota, Fyioe, chief of Keowee, and the head warrior of Eetatoe, were given up, and two Indians were taken in exchange and put in irons. The other Cherokees present, observing what was going forward, withdi-ew into the woods, and At- taiuUakuUa, presuming the business must end here, withdrew also. It had been premised, or rather demanded, in the governor's speech, that 24 Indians, who were known to have killed white people, should be given into his hands to b«} put to death, or otherwise disposed of. Two only hud been delivered, and 22 yet remained of the number of the murderere, in their own native forests. As soon as lAtlleton knew o( MtakullakulMs de{)arturb, he sent for him, and he immediately returned, and the business of a treaty was renewed, and on the 2G December, 1759, it was signed by Attakull^kulla, Otassite, Oconnoeca, and OUCONNOSTOTA, KiTAGUSTA, KiLLCAINNOKEA. By article III. of the treaty,* it was agreed that 22 cliief>», (those who had been treacherously seized,) should remain us hostages, to ensure the delivery of the like number of murderera to the English. There seems, however, to have been but 21 retained, whose names we are able to give below, and who, under the name of hostages, were thrown into a dismal, close prison, scarce large enough lor six men, where they remained about two months, and were then ma.saered, as in the sequel we shall show: — Chcnohe, Ousanatanah, Tallichama, Tallitahe, Q^Mrraaaltahe, Connasaratah, Katadoi, Otassite of Watogo, Otisanoletah of Jore, Kataeletah of Cowetche, C'hisqtitttalom; Skiagusta of Sticoe, Tanaesto, Wohaiche, ffyejah, Oucahchista- nnh, ^Vicolclie, Tony, Toatiahoi, Shallisloske, and Chistie. \ Things having been thus settled, Mr. lAttltlon returned to Charleston, where he was received like a conqueror, although what he had done, it will appear, \vns worse than if he had done nothing. Ockonostota, for good reason, no doubt, entertained a deep-rooted hatred against Captain Cotymore, an officer of the garrison, and the army had but just left the country, when it was found tiiat ho was hovering about the garrison with a lurge number of warriors. But it was uncertain, for some time, wheth- er they intended to attack the I'ort, or whether they wished to continue near their friends, who were inq)risone(l iu it. However, it is said, that, by some means, a i)lan was concerted between the Indians without and those confined :vlthin the fort, for surprising it. lie this as it may, Ockonostota, on the 1(3 February, 17ti0, practised the following wile to effect the object. Having placed a party of his warriore in a dark canc-brnko near at hand, he sent u s(|uuw to the garrison to invite the ponunnnder to come out, for ho had some- thing of importance to connniuiicate to him. Captain Cotipnort imprudently went out, ucconi|>anicd by two of his officers, and Ockonostota appeured u|)ou the opposite bunk of the Savannah, with a bridle in hia hand, the better to conceal his intentions. He told the captain he was going to Charleston to effect the release of the hostages, and requested that a white man might accompany him ; and that, as the (listance was great, he would go and try to catch a hoi-se. The captain promised him a guard, and hoped he would succeed in finding a horse. Ockonostota then quicklv turned himself about, and swinging his bridle thrice over his head, which was the signal to his men, and tlu^y promptly obeying it, about 30 guns wera dischargt>a u|ion the ofRcera at the sjuno moment. Captain Cotymore ivceivcd a shot in his left breast, from which he died in two or diree days after, and both the others were wounded. \ On recovering the fort, an attempt was made to put the " It is printed at leii^h in the British Emfirf., by Huddlestem Wynm, Esq. ii. 273-~ 2T7 ; an author of no inconsiderable inciit on our affairs, t Several of these "It were of the number who had been in Enjfland in 1730, and executed •A treaty with the kipij, as hn^ boon before slated, and as will bo scon by rom|nirinK' the iiamei* above with those nnnind in the troiily. t "Two Indian women appeared at Keowee, on the other side of the river. Mr. Dohertij weut out, and accostiug tlicni, aaked what news f OckmtotMa joiu«)U tltem, preteudiug soino 90 CHEROKEE WAR— MONTGOMERY'S EXPEDITION. t^obK IV, 'I' li hostages in irons. An Englishman, who laid hold on one of tliem for that purpose, was stabbed and slain ; and, in the scuffle, two or three more were ' wounded, and driven out of the place of confinement. The tragedy in the fort had now oidy commenced ; the miserable prisonere had rei>elled their assassins for the moment, and, doubtless, hoped for deliverance from their fl'iends Avithout, who had now closely besieged the place. But, ntifortunately for these poor wretches, the fort was too strong to be carried by their arts of war, and the dastanlly wJiites found time and means to murder their victims, one by one, in a manner too horrible to relate.* There were few pcreons among the Cherokees who did not lose a friend or relation by this massacre ; and, as one man, the nation took up the hatchet, and desolations quickly followed. Meanwhile, singular as it may appear, JlUakuUakidla remained the fast friend of the whitf.'S, and lised all his arts to induce his countrymen to make peace. But it was in vain he urged them to consider that they had more than revenged themselves ; they were determined to carry all before them. Attakvllakulla was now an old man, and had become much attached to the English, from several causes. On the other hand, Ockonostota was a stern AVarrior, in the vigor of manhood, and, like the renowned Pontiac, Was deter- mined to rid his country of his barbarous enemies. The leadere in every town seized the hatchet, telling thei^ follower* that the spirits of murderetl brotJiere were flyitig around them, and calling out for ven- geance. All sung the war-song, and, buniing with im|)atience to imbrue their liands in the blood of their enemies, rushed dowh among innocent and de- fenceless families on the frontiers of Carolina, where men, women, and- children, v'l'ithont distinction, fell a sacrifice to their merciless fury. Such of the whites as fled to the woodjf, and escaped the scalping-knifc, perished with hunger. Every day brought fresh accountis to the capital of their ravages and desolations.! But, while the back settlera impatiently looked to their governor for relief, the small-pox raged to such a degree in town, that few of the militia could be prevailed on to leave their distressed fiimilies tu sei-ve the i)ublic. In this extremity, an express was sent to General Amherst, the commander-in-chief in Amei-icn, for assistance, in terms too pressing to be denied. Accordingly, he ordered a battalion of Highlanders, and four^ companies of Royal Scots,t under the command of Colonel Montgomti-y,- aflerwaitls Earl Eglinton, to embark at New York for Carolina. In the mean time, Littleton, having been ap])ointed governor of Jamaica, JFUliairf Bull succeeded him ; a diange much to the advantjige of the ])rovince. Colonel Montgomery arrived in Carolina tovvards the end of April) to the great joy of the peopfr, who had talwn measures to coiipei-iite with him to the best advantage ; but, as the conquest of Canada was the grand ol)ject now, General Amherst had ortlcrcd C> lomd Montgomery to strike a sudden blow for the relief of the Carolinians, and then to return to head-quartei's at Albany, without loss of time; and we have scarce an example in military history, where an officer fulfilled his conmiission with greater promptitude. lie soon after rendezvoused at the Congarees ; and, benig joined liy many gentlemen of distinction as volunteers, besides the principal strength of the country, ho marched for the heart of the Cherokee ipountry. Afler reaching a jilaco called Twelve Mile River, he encamped upon advantageous groimd, and marched with a party to surprise ' Estatoe, about 20 miles from his camp. In the way, he took Little Keowee, and put evei^ man to the sword. Estatoe he found abandoned, except by a few that could not escape, and it was reduced to ashes, as was 'Sugar Town, and every other settlement in the lower nation. About GO Indians were- killed, and 40 taken prisoners; but the matters of business ; he drew from llie fort sevcrnl of the otiicers to converse with them." — Haywood's Hist. Tinilessec, 80. * " A bottle of poison was fonr.il with one of th'e dead lioslaces, probably intended to be dropped into the well ; and several tomahawks were fninid biiricil in the earth." Haywood, Hist. Temiessee, 30. — \ny stories would gain credence among: the whites, which went to make the Indians as bad as themselves. Whether the bolllc spoken of conlnincil poison, may be questioned ; and, if it did, it may be reasonably doubled whether the hidians knew any thitif^ about it, t I nm followin;^ Ifeira/I. liut the Annual Re/rister, ill. 62, says, " a regiment of Highland- ers, a battalion of Koyal Americans, a body of grenadiers," &c. i. t^obK IV.' tlicm for that ^e more were ' rngcdy in the rei>(!lled theif- :e from theii" mifoituriately ■ir arts of war, • ictiins, one by ^reons among nacre; and, aS followed. Incd the fast /men to make ley liad more' before them, tached to the la was a stern etc, was deter- jweft that the ig out for ven- imbrue their ocent and de- , women, and* s fury. Such iiife, jierished pital of their ntly looked to in town, that sed families to ■neral Amherst^ )0 pressing to lors, and four^ Monigomtnj^ Una. "In the iiaica, Jtllliairf fovince. April, to the ith him to the id ol>ject now, Iden blow for |ers at Albany, litary history, ide. He soon ny gentlemen country, ho ;hing a place ground, and is camp. In rd. Estatoe and it was iment in the era; but the 1 with tliem." — inlcnHcd to be Ih." tiayxcood, 1 which went to |intniiic(l poi-ioii, IiKhniis i/rd should be ]mt to death, and some waniors were (icsiiatclii'il as e.\eculionfi*s, SUimee attenih^d them ; and when liicy entered flie t;'nt, he tlu-ew iiimseif between tliem and Bijnl, and said to the warriors, ^ Tins man is uuf friend : before ijou get at liiin you mv.tt kill mc!^ On wiiich iliey r('tnrni'(l,and tlie coun- cil respected the jirincipli; so much, as to recede from their determination." A more impolitic and barharmis measure, pcrhaii.s, never entered the heart of man, than tiiat of orteriiij,' a reward for Inimaii scali).«. This was done by Virginia, as we have bt- r, iv. j:J; ll'matt, ii. 218—51. 40 MONCACHTAPE. [Book IV. a mnn posspssing n good mind, !nny fairly Ik? infoircfl from liia al)ility to witlistaiid till! tciiiptutioM of intoxicating iicpioi-s. ]Ii3 Imd been li"«"ii known to in, liutl uli hceii ur 1773, at the I of West Flor- •ned. We may Ocean — Grasd- > — Coneerts their ifslroyr.d in their Visits Xeio York lie language of this name, the u Pratz, about It that traveller 'liis man (says J elevation of , who travelled fferent nations, the knowledge he name of tlic having gained •cut endeavors r from whence rn from them thig ; and this count of their find some one )llowing is the m her, when I my village le Chicjisaws, lys, to inform whence they m came the ceded on my ards went up the Iroquois, ' ; they had a large head, and in the middle of the crown the hair was very long ; their head was wrapt in a great many folds of stutf, and their clothes seemed to he made neitlu;' of wool norsiik; they were very sofi, and of difi'erent colors. Two only, of the e'even who were slain, had fire-arms, with |)ow(ler ami hall. I tried their pieces, and found that they were much heavier than yours, and did not kill at -so great a distance. "Afier this ex[)edition, I thought of nothing hut proceeding on my jonniey, and, with that design, I let tli(> red men return home, and joined myself to those who iidiahited nsore westward on tht' coast, with whom \ travelled along the shore of tlic: great water, which hends directly hetvvixt the north and the suu-s. tting. When I arrived at the \illages of my fellow-travellei-s, where I fduud the days very long, and the nights very shf)i1, 1 was advised hy the old men to give over all thoughls of continuing my journey. They told me that the land extended still a long way in a direction hetween tin- north and sun-setting, afier which it ran was young, he knew a very old man who had seen that distant land hefore if was eat away hy the great water, and that when tin* great water was low, many rocks still appeared in those jiarts. binding it, therefore, inijinu'tieiililn to proceed much further, on acc()nnt of the severity of the climate, and the want of game, I returm'd hy the same route hy which 1 had set out; and, reducing my wJiole travels westward to days' journeys, I comi)Ute that they wduhl have employed me ;{(! moons; hut, on aceeunt of my fretiuent delays, it was five years hel'ore I returned to my relations among the ^'azoos." Thus ends the narrative* of the fimous traveller Mmic» Prah, that the Indians came from the ccmfinent of Asia, hy way of //c/iri'/ig-'.s' ."^traits. And he soon afier lefi him, and returned to hi;< own eonntrv. It WDuld have heen gratifying, could we have known more of the hi'-toiy of this verv intelligent man The same author hrings also to our knowledt'e a (duel" called (JKAND-SI'X, chief of the Natchez. Although Sun was a common name for all cliiels of that nation, this chief was partieidarly distinguished in the first war with the l''reneh, which exhihits the {-ompass of our information eoneern- ing him, and which we purpose here to sket(di. He was hrother to the grent warrior, known to the French hy the name id' Sti no-skupknt, tmd like him was a friend to the whites, until the haughty, overhearing disposition of one man hrought destruction inid ruin on their wlioh' colony. Tliis afiiiir took place in the year 17'^!'. The residence ot'the iirand-.vin wan near the IVencdi post of Natidu'Z, where he had a hrautiful village called the If'hitv .Ipplc. M. df Vhnpnrt had hi-en reinstated in the conunand of the post, whence he was f<)r a time removed hy reason of misconiluet, and his ahominahle injustice to the Indiiuis hecame more connpicuons allerwards than hefore. To gratify his [I^lOTJ rr. ado !i p'ont ird liy fi'd soiiictinicrt )w Htiiikiiijr M, iii;it: tiny (1 of trcrs. llicr ivoiid, 1 iiiid being I ill niukiii!^ )\viMg .sniii- (' lonji di\ y>'' (led, wlicro my ndvico, icronliiifrly I eleven of !,mid (lying iicli siiialier ' middle of many ibids r siik ; they I who wero and fo'ind iiy jonniey, I myself to I travelled t the north v-t rave Hers, advised liv They tol.'l I the north nit liy tlin len he A\as fore it was low, many ctieiihlo to (I the want , rednciiijr ley would ays, if was llieli seems lilt of Asia, rneil to \\h III more of [ilso to onr lion name liii the fii-st |i eoiii'ern- llie n-reat like' him lion of onn llDiir took lie I'Veiicli \l>l>li: M. Te ho was mistice to rratify liis Chap. V.] GRAND-SUN.—MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN NATCHEZ. 43 pride and avarice, lie had projected the buildinji of nn elegant villaj^e, and iioiio appeanvl to suit his [lurpose po well as the White Apple of the Grand' aim. He sent for the chief to his fort, and unhesitatuigly told him that lii« village must be imiuediately given up to him, for he had resolviMl to ereet one a league sqnare upon the same ground, and that he must reniovt; elKCwhero. The great chief stifled his surprise, anil modestly replied, "That his ancestors liad lived in that village for as many years us there were hairs in his double cue, and, therefore, it was good that they should eontiniie there still." When this was inti!rpr(>t('d to the commandaiit, he showed himself in a rage, aiul threatened the chief, that, unless he moved from hi.s villa;re speeilily, ho would have Liuse of repentance. Gmnil-sun letl the fort, and said he would assemble his counsellors, and hold ii talk upon it. In this council, which actually assembled, it was proposed to lay before the coimiiaiidaut thi'ir hard situation, if tliey should be oblifred to abandon their corn, which then was just beginning to sluMt from the ground, and many other artiirles on which tliciy were to depend liir subsistence. I5ut, on urging tliv'se sintng reasons, they met only with abuse, and a more jieremptory order to remove immediately. 'I'liis the Grnii'l-sttn re|)orted to the council, and they saw all was lost, unless, by some stratagem, they should rid themselveB of the tyrant Clwpmi, which was their tiiial di'cision. The secret was con- fid d lo none but the old men. To gain time, an otVer was to hi! made to the avarieioii.s commandant, of tribute, in case lii^ would permit them to remain on their land until their harvest. The ofK'r was accepted, and the Indiana set about maturing their plan with the greatest avidity. Uundles of sticks were sent to the suns of iIk; neighboring tribes, and their import explained to them In the faithful messengers. Eiich bundle contained as many .sticks as days wliicli were to pass before the massacre of all the French in the Natchez. And that no mistake should arise in regard to the fixed day, every morning a Btick was drawn from the bundle and l)roken in [lieces, and the day of the last stick was that of the execution. The security of the wicked, in the midst of thi.'ir wickedness, and their deatiiess to repeated warnings, though a standing example bet'ore them upon tlu! pages of all history, yet we know of but linv instaiiees where they have prolited by it. I neeil cite no examples; our pages are full of them. The breast of women, whether (Civilized or imcivili/ed, cannot bear the thoughts of nivenge and death to prey iiimui them liir so griMt a length of time as men. And, as in the last case, I need not produc(! examples; on our pages will be Ibnnd many. A li'iiiale sun having, by accident, understood the secret design of her pco- f)le, partly out of resentment for their keeping it from her, ami p.artlv from ler attachment to th(^ French, resolved to make it known to them. Ilut so fatally secure was the commandant, tliat he would not hearken to her messen- gers, and threatened others of his own |>eople with ehastiseiiieiit, if they con- tinued sneb intimations. Hut tiie great council of so many suns, and other motions of their wisiMiK-n, justly alariiieil many, and their comjihunts to the commandant were urged, until seven of his own people- were put in irons, to dispel their li-ars. And that he might the more vaunt himself niion their fears, lie sent his interpreter to demand of the Grmvf-sun, whether he was about to fall upon the French with bis warriors. To dissemble, in such a case, was only to be expected from the chief, and the interpn>ter reported to the com- mandant as h(^ desiri-d, which causiul him to value himself upon his fiirmer contempt of his jieople's feai*s. The ;U)th of November, 17'cy had crossed the Mississippi, and settled upon the west side, neiu* 180 miles above the mouth of Red River. Here they built a fort, and remained (piietly until the next year. Tlie weakness of the colony caused the hihabitants to resign themselves into the hands of the king, who soon si-nt over a sufficient force, added to those Btill in the country, to laniible the Natchez. They were accordingly invested in their fort, and, struck with consternation at the sudden apjtroach of the French, seem to have lost their Ibrmcr prudence. They made a desperate sally upon the camp of the enemy, but were re|)ulsed with great loss. They then attejupted to gain tijne by negotiation, as they had the year before, but could not esca[)e from the vigilance of the French officer; yet the attempt was made, and many were killed, very few escaped, and the greater number driven within their tort. IMortar? were used by their enemies in this siege, and the third bomb, falling in tlie centre of the fort, made great havoc, but still greatisr consternation. Drowned by the cries of the women and children, Grand-sun caused the sign of capitulation to be given. Himself, with the rest of his company, were carried |)risoners to New Orleans, and thrown into prison. An increasing infection caused the women and children to be taken out and employed as slaves on the king's plantations ; among whom was the woman who had used every endeavor to notify the command- ant, Choparl, of the intended massacn,', and from whom the |)articulars of the affair were learned. Her name was Slung-ann. These slaves wer<: -'lortly afler embarked for St. Domingo, entirely to rid the country of the Natouez.* The men, it is probable, were all put to death. (iRFAT-MORTAK, or Yah-i/alt-iustanagf, was a very celebi'ated Muskogee chief, who, before the revoliuioniuy war, was in the French interest, and received bis supnlie's from their garrison at Alabama, which was not far dis- tant from bis placi- of abode, called Okchai. There was a time when he inclined to the English, and but for the very haughty and imprudent conduct of the superintendent of Indian alliiirs, anH)ng them, might have been re- claimed, and the disnuil period of massacres which ensued averted. At a great council, appointe.ked up this Bohon upas before its branches were yet extended. They fell upon tliem by suri)rise, killed the brother of Great-mortar, and completely destroyed the design. He fled, not to his native place, but to one from whence he could best annoy the English settlements, and commenced anew the work of death. Augusta, in Georgia, and many scattering settlements >vere destroyed.* Those ravages were continued until their united forces were defeated by the Americans under Gfeneral Grant, in 1761, as we have narrated. Wc have next to notice a chief, king, or emperor, as he was at different times entitled, whose omission, in a biographical work upon the Indians, would incur as much criminality, on the part of the biographer, as an omission of Buokon^dielas, fVhite-eyes, Pipe, or Ockonostota ; yea, even more. W(! mean ALEXANDER M'GILLIN RAY, who was, perliaps, one of the most con- sjiicuous, if not one of the greatest, cliiofs that has ever borne that title among the Creeks ; at least, since they have been known to the Europeans. He flourished during half of the last century, and such was the exalted pjiinion entertained of him by his countrymen, that liiey styled him "king of kings." His motiicr was his predecessor, and tli(! governess of the nation, and he had several sisters, who married leading men. On the death of his tnother, ho came in chief sachem by the usages of his ancestors, but sucli was his disinter- ested |)atriotism, that he left it to the nation to say whether he shoidd succeed to the siichemship. The people elected him " emperor." He was at the head of the Creeks during the revolutionaiy war, and was in the British interest. After the peace, he became reconciled to the Americans, and expressed a desire to renounce his i)ublic life, and reside in the U. States, but was hindered by the earnest solicitations of his countrymen, to remain among them, and direct their aft'au^. His residence, accordiiig to General Milfort,^ who mamed his sister, was near Tallahassee, about half a league from wiat was formerly Fort Toulouse. He lived in a handsome house, aiul owned 60 negroes, eacii of whom he pro- vided with a separate habitation, wliicli gave his estate the appeanuice of n little town. { JW Gillmau was a son of an Engiishman of that name who married a Creok woman, and hence was what is called a half breed. He was born about 17;{!), and, at the age often, was sent by his father to school in Charleston, wlujre ho was in the care of Mr. t\trquhar M^GUliirnj/, who was a relation of his father. His tutor was a Mr. iS/trrf/. H(; learned the l/ilin language under the tuition of Mr. lyUliam Henderson, aflerwanis somewhat iMiiinent among tli(^ critics in London. When yoiuig AVGilHvraii was 17, he was |)ut into a counting-house in Savannah, but mercantile alfairs iiad not so many charms as books, and ho spent (dl tli(! time lie could gi't, in reading histories and otiitr works of nsetid- ness. After a short time, his iiither took him home, wiiere his superior talents soon began to develop tliemselvi's, and his |ir arrival, aiul expressed a hope that th(! interview would jjrove beneficial both to the U. States and to the Creek nation." They next visited the governor of the state, from whom they received a most cordial welcome. They then proceeded to the City Tavern, where they dined in company with General KnoT, and other ofHcei-s of government. A correspondence l)etwecn (iiovernt)r Telfair, of Georgia, and '■'■ AkTanikr M'Gillvani, Es(|." jirolmbly o|)ened the way for a negotiation, whicli terminated in a settlement of difticidties. From the following extract fiom J\r Gitlivrmfs letter, n very just idea may be formed of the stat(! of the afliiirs of Jiis nation previous to his visit to New York. "In answer to yours, I have to observe, that, as a peace was not concluded on between us at the Hock-lahding meeting, your demand for property taken by our warriors from olf the disputed lands cannot be admitted. We, also, have had our losses, by captm-es madt; by your people. We are willing to coneiudo a pence with you, but you must not expect extraordinary concessions from us. In order to spare the further efl'usion of human blood, and to finally determine the war, I am willing to concede, in some measure, if you are disposed to treat on the ground of mutual concession. It will sav<^ trouble and expense, if the negotiations an; managed in the nation. Any person fi'om you can'be assm-ed of personal saft-ty and friendly treatment in thi.s country." It was dated at Little Tellassee, ';{() iMarch, 17!»0, and directed to "llis Excellency Edward Telfair, Es(|." and signed ".'//«!•. ArGillirraif." 'J'liis chief seems afterwards to hav(^ met with the censure of his peo|)le, at least some of the;n, in a manner similar to that ot'AV Intnsh recently ; and was doubtless ovcM'come by the |)ersnasions of designing whites, to treat for the (iisposjil of his lands, against the general voice of his nation. Om; liowlrs, a white man, led the councils in o|)position to his proceedings, and, for a time, JiVGillivray absented himself fi-om his own tribe. In l/il'i, his party look liowli's pri,M)ner, and sent him out of the country, and .solicited the geiienil to return, v^ To this lie consented, and they became more attached to him tlian ever, lie now endeavored to better their condition by the introduction of teachers among them, in an advertisement fitr a teacher, in the simimer of I7!I'J, \\v styles himself em|teror ol' tlie Creek nation. Iliij (juiet wa.s soon disimbed, and the tluiious Jidm fi'ath, the same summer, with .lOO warriors, Creiks, and tive towns of the Chickiunawagas, coimnilted niMiiy de)>redations. The Spaniards were supposed to be the movers of the hostile pin-ty. M^Gil- lirrai/ died at I'eiisncola, l''ebniary 17, 17ItM, || luid is thus noticed in the J'emisyhania (Ja/ette: — "This idoli/ed chief of the Creeks styled himself king of kings. Hut, alas, he could neither restrain the meanest ftdlow of his * M^lthrl. X:l .'VM. f S.'.> Unlmr,. Aiiirr. Amnil*. ii. .Wt. + (Nilniicl Wil/il's Nnrriilivc, Hi. " TIh'V wrn- received wiili ureiil spleiiilor liy llle Tain- niiiiiy Siirlrly, in the dross ol'lljeir order." on llieir liiiidiii;;. Ih. V\ III I7'.l|, lliii /('iii(7(v. widi live iliier>i, wii.s in I'.iiyliuid, iind «e (hid tliin notice of liim ill llie l"'n(i| n Mi\;j;i/iiii' III' iIkiI viMr, \'<\. V.K p. '.'(iil : — " Tlie iiniliiissi'dori ronsisled of two Creel.-, ^iiid ef Mr. //.kcA.v, (,i unlive of Miirylniid, who is it ("rock I'y ndoplion. nnd Ihe pros- PDl iN'iirriil iif ihiil niilinn,) nnd three ClierokifS. || MilJ'ort,ti\^. Chap. V.] MADDOG.— THE SOUTHERN BOUNDARY. 47 r liini ill I (,!' two I ilic prcs- nation from the commission of a crime, nor punish him after he had coiiiinit- tedit! He might ))cr! uade or advise, ail the good an Indian king or cliict* can do." Tliis is, generally speaking, a tolerably correct estimate of the extent of the power of chiels; but it should be remembered that the chiefs of diff'ensnt tribes exercise very different sway over their people, according aa such chief is endowed with tiie spirit of government, by nature or circuni- stauce. There is gnat absurdity in ap|)lying the name or title of king to Indian chiefs, as that title is conmionly understood. The firet Europeans conferred the title upon tliose who appeared most prominent, in their fii-st discoveries, for want of another more ap|)ropriate ; or, perhaps, they had another reason, namely, that of magiiifyiiig their own exploits on their return to their own countries, by reporting their interviews with, or conquests over, "many kings of an unknown country." Contemporary with (xeueral jWGillivray was a chief called the TAME-KING, whose residence was among the Upper Creeks, in 1791; and he is noticed in our public dociunents of that year, as a conspicuous' chief in matters coiuiected with establishing the southern boundary. At this time, one Bowles, an English trader, had great influence among the Lower Cre(;ks, and used great endeavors, by putting himself forward as their chief, to enlist all the nations in opposition to the Americans. He had made large promises to the Upper Creeks, to induce them not to hear to the American connnissioners. They so far listened to him, as to consent to receive his talk, and accordingly the chiefs of the upper and lower towns met at a place called the Half-ivm/- /ioi«f, where tlu!y cxitL'cted Bowles in person, or some letters containing definite statements. When the (chiefs had assembled, Taine-khxg and Mad-dog, of the upper towns, ask(!(l the chiefs of the lower, "whether they had taken Boivles^s talks, anil where the letters were which this great man had sent tJHMn, and wlirre tli(! white man wiis, to read them." An Indian in Bowles\s em|)loy said, "he was to give them the talk." They laughed at this, and said, " lliey eonicl hear his mouth every day; that they had come there to see those letters and hear them nvul." IMost of the chiefs of the upper towns now lefl the coun- cil, which was al)out the ternnnation of Bowleses successes. He was shortly afterwards obliged tn abdicate, as we have already (hndared in the life of flVGillivrny. He returned again, however, after visiting Spain and England, and spending some time in prison.* i\lr. Ellicoll observes, t that, at the close of a conference with sinulry tribes, held 15 August, 17!K), in which objects were discussed concerning his j)assuge through their country, that "the business appeared to terminate ils favorably as could be expected, and the Indians declared themselves perfectly satisfied; but 1 nevertJKiless had my doubts of their sincerity, fi*om the diprcidations they w(!re (constantly making upon our horses, which began upon tho Coeneuck, and had continued (!ver since; and a(hled to their insoleiice, from their stealing every article in oin- camp thi-y could lay their hands on." Mr. EUicolt excepts the Upper Creeks, genin-ally, from participating in these rob- beries, all but Tnme-k'mg and his [)eople. Tlmugh we havi; named Tame-king first, yet Mad-dog was rpiite as con- spicuous at this time. His son fought f()r the Americans in the last war, and was mentioned by (Jeueral Jnrkson as an active and valuable chief in his exiM'diiious. His real name we have not learned, and the gtiueral mentions him only ,as Mud-dog's sou. In the case of the boundary already mentioned, tho surveyors met with fre- quent ditlicullii'S from the various tiilics of Indians, some of whom wero influi.'iiced by the S|»anish govc-rnor, Folrii, of liouisiana. Mad-dog appeared their friend, and undt^'eived them resjiecting the governor's pretensions. A conference was to be held about the 4 May, between the Indians, Covernor Fokh, and the American commissioners, 'i'he plai'e of meeting was to Im! upon Coeiu!cuh River, near the southern estimry of the Iwy of Pensucola. wlion * Hi' wiw confiiiod in llic iMciro riisllt; In ttio lliivnnn, willi lliroc ( 'In-rokfi's thai arrom- panlcci liini. 'I'his \va-< in \TM. It was said that (liis invcloralt! cniMny of llio Unituil Slulos, IJowles. was with llic Indiunii, at St. Clair's dclcal. — Carey'i Museum^ x\. W \. t In ilia Jouniul, 214. A ."tiJt f ( jd .. - 48 WEATHEllFORD. [Rook IV, the! Ainuricaiw arrived then;, Mad-dog met tliom, ami iiiforniexecute them; while eloqmuice, bold, impressive;, and figurative, fiirnished him with a pass- port to the fiivor of his countrymen and followers. Silent and reserved, unless when excited by some great occasion, and superior to the weakness of rendering himself cheap by the frecpieiicy of his addresses, lu; delivered Ida opinions but seldom iu council ; but when he did so, ho was listened to with delight and approbation. His judjrment and elo(|uenee had secinrd the resnect of the old; his vices made hmi the idol of the young and the ini|)rin- ••ipled." " In his jjerson, tall, straight, and well proportioned ; his eye black, lively, and penetrating, and indicative of courage and enterprise ; his nose prominent, thin, and elegant in its formation ; while all the features of Ida • i:ilicoU\i Joiinml, 203, &c. t Tlic ri'iidcr slioiilil he early npprizod that this was wrillen at a time when some prejudice migid have iiilevtud ilio uiiucl uf the writer. [Book IV. u'd ColoiK.'l 10 Talli'Shces not li(! pos- Ellicott, tlie it till! tronty ; not attend, he lie is forked, what he has >e marked, he It turned out il not attend, t'plensantry, . two tongues to tlio gov- not to suffer ) the Anicri- e. Creek confed' )reiulfid mas- lis s/iccrhes — nf the Indians Intosli makes -Mknawway irriage of Ids if the Creek the late war. ns us tliat, isioners was nation, and revengeful ; He partook irents,f and e peculiarly inhines lust, Fortune, ii> )n of mind, eiouB.) Oil ' irst of these (•ut(( them ; with a puss- rved, unless eakness of elivcred liia lied to with leeured the the unprin- 8 eye hiark, )iis noso ures of hia ome prejudice Chap. VI] WEATHERFORD.— MASSACRE AT FORT MIMMS. 49 face, harmoniously arranged, spcnk an active and disciplined mind. Pas- sionately devoted to wealth, he had appropriated to himself a fini! tract of land, improved and settled it; and from the profits of his fatlKu's jiack, had decorated and emhellished it. To it he retired occasionally, and, r'daxing from the cares of state, he indulged in pleasures which are hut rarely found to afford satisfaction to the devotees of ambition and fame. Such wiire the opposite and sometimes disgusting traits of character in the celebrated Weatherford, the key and corner-stone of the Creek confederacy!" It is said that this chief had entered fully into the views of Tccunvteh, and that, if h(! had entered upon his (h'signs without delay, he would have hceu amply able to have overrun th(! Avhole Mississi|)pi territory. Hut this fortu- nate moment was lost, and, in the end, his plans came to ruin. Not long before the wretchiHl butchery at Fort Mimms, General Cldiborne visited that j)ost, and vei^ jiarticularly warned its possessors against a surprise. After giving orders for the construction of two additional block-houses, he con- cluded the Older with these words: — "To respect an enemy, and |>repare in the best possilile way to meet him, is the certain means to ensure success." It was expected that Weatherford would soon attack »m\w of the lorts, and General Claiborne marched to Fort I'-arly, as that was XW firthest advanced into the enemy's country. On iTis way, he wrote to Major Ueanley, the coin- luander of IVlimms, informing him of the danger of an attack : and, strange ns it may ap|)ear, the next day after the letter was received, (:J0 August, 161:5,) IVeatheiford, at the head of about I.'jOO warriors, entered the fort lit noon-day, when a shocking carnage ensued. The gate had heen left ojien niid miguanleil ; but, before many of the warriors had (Mitered, they were met by Major Ika.ile}), at the head of his men, and for some; tinu! the contest was blooily and doubtful; each striving for tins mastery of the entrance. Here, man to man, the fight contituied for a (piarter of iui hour, with toma- liawks, knives, swords and bayon(!ts: a scene there pnjsented itself almost vvitiioiit a parallel in the annals of Indian warfare ! The garrison consisted of '275: of these oidy KiO W(U'(! soldiers; the rest were old men, women and children, who had here takcm refuge. It is worthy of very emphatical roniMrk, that every oHicer expired fighting at the gate. A lieutenant, having been badly wounded, was carried by two women to a block-house, but when lie was a iitth; revived, he insisted on being carried back to the fiital scene, which was done by the same heroines, who jjlaccd him by tiie side of a deacl companiim, where he was soon despatched. Tlu! defenders of the garrison being now nearly all slain, the women and cliildnMi shut thems(!lves up in the block-houses, and, seizing upon what weapons they coidd find, began, in that perilous and hopeless situation, to defend themselv(!S. IJut the Indians soon succeeded in setting these houses on fire, and all such as refused to meet death without, perished in the flames within!! Sevoiiti'cn oidy escaped of all the garrison, and many of those were desperately wounded. It vras judged that, during th(^ contest at the gate, near 400 of IVeatherfonVs wa -rior' were wounded and slain. The horrid calamity at Fort Mimnifi, in the Tensiui settlement, ns it is railed, was not the commencement of the bloody war M'itli the Creek Indians. 'I'lie motions of \\w t^hawanee Prophet had bet'ii scrutinized by |)eople upon the frontiers of severid states, anil memorials from Indiana and Illinois had been sent to the pn'sident of the United States by some of their princijml inhabitants, in 181 1, calling on him to send out an armed force (Rir their security. In the smnmcr of 1812, some fiunilies were cut off near the mouth of the Ohio, and soon after, upon the border of Teimessee, two other fimiilies, consisting of women aiKl chiKlren, were butchered in a manner too shocking for description ! (Jeorgia was also a siifftirer in the same kind. In respect to tin- bloody affair at Foit Miinms, a different aspect has boon thrown arouiul it I'roin that geiieraJly given in the histories of the war. 'I'he severe, thotiirli probably just reflections (>♦" .ludgt; Martin U|)on the conduct of the \inli)nunate Heasley, has passed without contradiction. Not only hud that ollicer been warn(>il by General Claiborne of his danger, as already stated, but a Creek lialian informed liiiii iu u friendly uituiner that lie muttt 5 •ii!-f P .'>0 WE.yrHKRFORD SURRENDERS.— HIS SPEECIT. [ITboTt TV. oxpnct nn jittnrk in loss tlmn two dnys. Wlion lie Iiad mado liis pomnmnif a- tioii, lie led tlio i)laco, "and %va.s Jiiirdly out of sight, when 20 or MO of liis countrymen came in view, uird forcihij"' entered the fort. In tlie attempt to simt th(! iiiiW, Bcn-ilcy MRS killed: the' garrison revenged his death by that of all tli(! assailants. This first party was, however, soon followed by a body of about ^"00.• the garrison ^vas oviri)owereil, the ibrt taken, and every man, woman and child in it, slaughtered, with the exception of four jnivateH, who, though sev(!rely wounded, ertlvtfMl their eseajje, and reached Fort Stod- ward."* Benslcy himself was carried into the kitclKUi of one of the houses "vithin the fort, and Was there, with many others, consumed in the burning ruins !f WIk'u the news of this aftair was circulated through the country, many cried aloud fi)r vengeance, and two jwwerful armies were soon upon their march ijito the Indian cotmtrv, and the complete destruction of the Indian power soon followed. The Indians seeing all resistance was at an end, grc'at numbers of them came forward and made their submission. Ji'eather- ./br//, how.'ver, .ind many who were known to be desperate, still stood out; perhaps from iear. (Jr.icral Jackxon dt'termined to test the fidelity of those ehii.'fs who had submitted, and, therefore, ordered them to deliver, without dtday, H'ealherford, bound, into his hands, that he might be dealt with as he deserved. When they had made known to the sachem what was required of them, his noble s[»irit would not submit to such degradation ; and, to hold them harmless, he resolved to give himself up without compulsion. Accord- ingly, he proceeded to the American camp, unknown, until he appeared beibre the commamling general, to whose fircsenee, under some pretence, he gained admission, (jfeueral Jackson was greatly surprised, wli(>n the chief yaid, "J am JVvntherJhrd^tht clihf iclio commanded at the capture of Fort Mimms. I desire peace for my peopli, and have come to ask j7." Jackson had, doubtless, dotermined upon his execution when he should be brought hound, as ho liad directed; but his sudden and unexpected ajijiearance, in this manner, waved him. The general said he was astonished that he should venture to appear in his presence, as he was not ignorant of his having been at Fort Mimms, nor of his inhuman conduct there, (or which he so well deserved to die. "1 ordered," continued the geiiend, "that you should be brought to mer bound; and, had you lucm brought in that manner, I should have known how to have triNited you." In answer to this, H'entherford made the follow- ing fiimotis s]ieecli : — " / am in yorir power — do toUh mc as you please — / am n soldier, f have done the whites all the harm I could. I have foutrht them, and fought them bravely. If I had an army, I would yctfis:ht — I woidd contend to the last : but I have none. My people are all ii;oiie. I can only weep over the misfortunes of my ?m/?o/f." General Jackson was pleased vith his boldness, and told hhii that though he was in his power, yet he wouhl take no advantage; that he might yet join the war party, and contend against the Americans, if he chose, but to depend upon no ([uarter if taken afterward; and that unconditional submission was his ami his people's only s^afi'tj'. Weatherford rejoined, in a tone as dignified as it was indignant, — " You can safely address me in such terms now. Tin re was a time when I could have answered you — there was a time when I had a choice — I have none now. f have not even a hope. / coulil once animate my warriors to battle — hid f cannot animate the dead. My warriors can no longer hear my voice. Their bones are at Talladega, Talhishntches, Emuck/'aw and Tohopeka. I have not surrendered myself withoid thought. IHiile there ivas a sin/rle chance of success, I nei^er left my post, nor supplicated peace. Bid my people are pone^ and I nmv ask it for my nation, not for myself. I look back with deep sorrow, ami wish to crveii still greater calamities. If I had been left to contend with the Georgia army, I would have rained my com on one bank of the river, and fought them on the other. But your people have destroyed my nation. You are a lirnve man. I rely upon your generosity. You tvill exact no terms of a rompiered people, but snch as they should accede to. Whatever they may be, it woxdd now be madness and folly to oppose litem. If they are opposed, you sluill find me * Martin's Hist. Louiiiaiui, ii. oIC. t Pcikitts'a Late War, 198. Chap. VI.] BATTLE OT AUTOSSEE AND OF TOHOPEKA. 51 burning amongst tlie sternest enforcers of obedience. Tliose tvho would still hold out, can be iiifluenced onhf by a mean spirit of revenge. To this tlieij must not, and shall not sacrifice tlie last remnant of their country. You have told our nation where we migld go and lie safe. This is good talk, and tliej/ ought to listen to it. They shall listen to U," And hero we must close our iireseiit account of Meaiherford, and enter upon that of a character opposed to liim in the fiehl, antl, if we can believe the writers of tlieir times, opposite in ahnost all the affaii-s of Ufe. This was tiie celebrated and truly unfortunate General WILLLIAM M'lNTOSH, a Creek cjiief of the tribe of Cowetaw. He was, like M'GiUivray, a hali-breed, whom he considerably resembled in several particulars, as by his history will appear. He was a prominent leader of such of his countrymen as joined the Americans in the war of 1812, 13, and 14, and is iirst mentioned by (jJeneral Fioyd* in his account of the battle, im he called it, of Autossec, whcu-e he assisted in the brutal destruction of 200 of his nation. Tliere was nothing like lighting on the j)art of the people of the place, a.s we can learn, being surprised in their wigwams, and hewn to pieces. " The Coweta ws," says ilie general, " under JW'/)i/os/t, and Tookaubutchians,t und(?r Mud-dog' s-son, fi^U in on our flanks, and ibught with an intrepidity worthy of any troops." And alter relating the burning of the place, he thus })roceeds: — "It is difficult to determine the strength of the enemy, but from the informatioji of some of the chiefs, which it is said can be relied on, there were assembled at Autossee, warriors from eight towns, for it.s defence ; it being their beloved ground, on which tiiey proclaimed no white man «!0uld apj)n)jicli without inevitable destruction. It is dilficiilt to give a j)re(;iso account of the loss of the enemy ; l)ut from the number which were lying scatt('2ed ovHir the field, togetiier with those destroyed in the towns, and the many slain on the bank of the river, which respectable officers aflirm that they saw lying in heaps at the water's edge, where they had been precipitated by thi.'ii- surviving friends, [! !] their loss in killed, independent of their wound- rtl, must have been at least 200, (among whom wen; the Autossee and Tallassee kings,) and from the circumstance of their making no efforts to inole.st our return, probably greater. The number of buildings burnt, some of a superior onh'r i'or the dwellings of savases, and filled with valuable articles, is supposed to be 400." This was on tiie 2J) November, 1813. MUnlosli was also very cons|)icuous in the memorable battle of the Horse- shoe-bend, in the Tallapoosie lliver. At this place the disconsolate tribes of tlip .soiitli had made a last great stand, and had a toleralily regular fortified camp. It was said that they were 1000 strong. They had constructed their works wiiii such ingenuity, that little could be effected against them but by storm. " Determined to exterminate them," says General /ac/iSOJi, " 1 detached General Coffee with the mounted, and nearly the wliole of the Indian force, e; rly on the morning of yesterday, [March 27, 1814,1 to cross the ri^cr about two miles below their encampment, and to surround the bend, in such a manner, as that none of them shoidd escape by attempting to cross the river." ^'■Bean's company of spi ' |i 1 52 M'IN'TOSirS TREATIES. [Book IV. tinned to destroy many of tlieni, wlio liml concealed tlicinselvea nnder the banks of the river, until we were prevented by tlie night. This morning we killed 1(> who hud been (loncetiled. We to(jk about 250 prisonei-s, all women and eiiiidren, except two or three. Oin* loss is lOfi wonndcMl, and 2.'» killed. Major AVInlosh, the Cowetaii, who joined my army with a jmrt of his tribe. frreatly distinguished himself."* Truly, this was a war of extermination ! ! The iViend of hmnanity may in(|uire wiiether all those poor wretches who had secreted iheinselves here and there in the "caves and reeds," had deserved death ? The most melancholy part of the life of the unfortunate Mcintosh remains to be recorded. The late trouitles of the Cnjek nation have drawn forth many a sympathetic tear from the eye of the philantJu'opist. These troubles were only the coiiseiiueuees of those of a higher date. Those of 1825, we thought, completed the climax of their atHiction, but 1832 must sully her annals with records of their o|)prcssioa also. It is the former period witli which our article I)rings IIS in collision in closing this account. In Uiat year, the government of the U. States, by its agents, sciemed determiued on possessing a large tract of their eoiintiy, to satisfy the state of Georgia, JM'Intosh, and a small part of the nation, were for conceding to their wishes, but a large majority of bis countrymen would not hear to the proposal. The connnissioners employed were satisfied of the fact, and communicated to the president the result of a meeting they bad had for the purpose. He was well satisfied, also, that .M'lntosk could not convey the lands, as he represented but a small jmrt of his nation, but still the negotiation was ordered to be renewed. A council was called l)y the eommissionei*s, (who were Georgians,) which assembled at a ])lace called Iiuiian-spriug. Here the chief of the Tuckaiibatcheese spoke to them as follows : " \Ve met you at Broken Arrow, and then told you we had no land to sell. I then lleard of no claims against the nation, nor have I since. AVe have met you here at a veiy short notic(^, and do not think that the chiefs who are here have any authority to treat. General J\rintosh knows that we arc l)ound by our laws, and that what is not done in the public square, in the general council, is not binding on the nation. I am, dierelbre, under the necessity of repeating the same answer as given at Broken Arrow, that we liave no land to sell. I know that there are but few hero from the upper towns, and many ar of th(! United States. The treaty of [mlinn-sprinfc, dated 8 January, 1821, gave universal uneasi- ness ; and, from that day, M'lntosk lost ijojinlarity. It was generally believed that he tuid been tampered with by the whitt's to convey to them the inher- itance of his nation ! and the fbilowing leitiM* })retty cli.'arly proves such suspicions had been justly grounded. It is dated "Nkwtow.n, 2\st October, 1823. ' " jMv FaiKM) ; / nni ^oHiir to inform yon a few lines, ns a friend. I want you to give me your opinion about Ike treaty ; \ whether the ehiifs will be tvilliKg or not. I Bruniiaii, itl .supra. t Tliiil ill bidimi-spriiig, 8 January, 1821. Ch (T toi A. sh( isfi [is At Chap. VI.] M'INTOSH.— HIS \1LLANY DETECTED. 53 If' the chiefs feel ditposed to let the United Stales Juive the land, part of if, I want you to let me know ;' I ivill make the U. States commissioners f^ive you 2000 dollars, A. M'Coy Vie same, and Charles Hicks 3000 dollars, J'or present, and nobody shall /enow it ; and if you think the land woulden [should^nt f] sold, 1 will be sat- isfied. If the land should be sold, I will get you the amount before the treaty sign [is signed ;] and if you get any friend ^ou want him to received, they shall receive. .Vothing more to inform you at present. *^ I remain your affectionate friend, WM. McINTOSH. "John Ross.* " An answer return. " N, JJ. The wliole amount is $12,000, you coji divide among your friends, exclusive, $7,000." 1 [ence there can be no question as to the guilty •onsciencn of jWlntosh, although some parts of the above letter are scarcely intelligible. He had mistaken his friend i Ross was not to be bought; lor three days after die letter was written, viz. 24 October, n council was held, and AVhdosh was present ; the hitter wtis read, and he was publicly exposed. • Notwithstanding what had been done at Indian-Spring, it appears, from the above letter, that another attempt nt selling land was made in 1823, but could not be carried into effect, the viiiany of Mlntosh was so apparent ; and it appears that it could not be brought about until 12 February, 1825, whicli is the date of the last treaty made by J^PIntosh. " JWlntosh was aware, that, aftor signing the treaty, his life was forfeited. He, and others of his coadjutors, repaired to Milledgeville, stated tlieir feare, nncl claimed the protection of Georgia, which was promised by Gov. Troup." It nuist be observed that the greater part of the purchased territory was within the claimed limits of Georgia;! and that the Georgians had no small shai-e in the whole transaction. It is not stranger that the people of Georgia should conduct as they have, than that the United States' government^should jjlace it in her {)ower so to act. To take, therefore, into account the whole merits of the case, it must be remembered, that, by a compact betweiin the two ])arties in 1802, the former, in consideration of the latter's relinquishing her claim to the Mississippi territory, agreed to e.Ktinguish, at the national expense, the Indian title to the lands occupied l)y them, in Georgia, tohenever U could be done, upon reasonable terms. \ Who was to decide lohen the [)racticable time had arrived, we believe was not mentioned. However, previous to 182.5, the United States had succeeded in extinguishing the aboriginal title of 15,000,000 acres, and there were yet about 10,000,000 to be bought off". ^ The change of lift! from wandering to stationary, which the arts of civilization had effected among the Indians, made them prize their possessions far more highly thaxi heretofore, and hence their reluctance and opposition to relinquish them. Thus nuich it seemed necessary to premise, that the true cause of the fate of JWlntosh should be understood. It appears that when the whole of the nation saw that the treaty which he and his parly had made could not be jibrogatcd, forty-nine fiftieths of them were violent against them ; and there- fore resolved that the sentence of the law sliould be executed upon liim. The execution, and circumstances attending it, are thus related: || "About two houi-s before day, on Sunday morning, 1 May, II the house of Gen. JWlntosh was surrountled by JUenaw-tvay, and about 100 Oakfuskee warriors. JWlntosh was within, as likewise were his women and children, and souk; whitt! men. Menaw-ioay directed an interpreter to request the Whites, and th(! women and children, to come out, as the warriors did not wish to harm tluMU ; that Gen. JH^Intosh had broken the law that he himself had long since made, and tliey had come to execute him accordingly. They came out of tlie house, leaving JWlntosh and Etomi-tustenugge, one of his adherents, * Tliim I'resicleiil of llie Nalioiial Couiicit of Uio Crocks. t Perkins, Hist. (I. Slates, a work, by the way, of great value, ami wliicli we are surprised slioiilil have issued from the press willi little or no notice. i Amcr. All. Regr. i. t, Ibid. || In the .\nnnnl Ucgisirr, iit siijint. if ;iO April is nienlioiied>. in another part of the same work, us the dale of Uie i.'.\ccution, and so it is set down by Mr. Perkim, in liis Hist. U. S. i i .,^1 84 M'INTOSir AND OTHEUH PITT TO DEATH. [Book IV. thcrpin. Tim ^v!l^riol•s then sot firo to tlio Jiomho; nnd najyTInloak and lii» coniruilr [Tiislintiij:f^v] mti-iiiincd to conic out iit the door, tlicy Mliot tlioiu both down. Tlu! saiiio day, iihoiit \2 o'clock, llioy Imiif,' Sam Hawkins, n liulf hrctid, in tlie llnckhoHHcligu Square. On IVIon(!ny, the a May, ti purty of Ilnlihec Indians thcd on and wounded Ben Hawkins, another iialfhreed, very bndly. The chie! stated, at \\w time, tliat no danj,'er whatever was to ho apprehended hy i)orKOUs travelhng through tlie nation ; tfiat tliey were frivnds to the wiiites, and wisiied tlieni not to h(! alarmed hy tiiiH execution, which was only u couiplianct! with the laws that the great cliieis ol" the nation mndo at Pol(!cut Spring. ChiUy AVlniosh escaped from the houses witii the whites, nnd was not tired at or wouinh'd." He is now chief among the west((rn Creeks, and some time since incrcasiid his notoriety by beating a member of Congress, in Washington. The great agitation which the execution of tlio head chiels of the M'Inloah party caused was allayed only hy the interference of the United States' gov- ernment, (lovernor Troup of (ieorgia declareil vengeance against the C'reek nation, donouncing the execution of the chiefs as an act ol' murder ; however, lie, hy some means, Uiurncd that his judgluent was gratuitous, and, hy advice of I'resident Jldams, desisted froni acts of hostility, the survey of the disputed lauds, Sec. We liave not learned much of the family of Arintosh, His ]iriucipal resi- flence was on the Chattahoochif, where he had two wives, Susannah nnd Pegf^jj, oiu! a Creek, the other a Cherokee woman, nnd this is the place where ho was killed. About .50 miles from this place, on the western branch of the Tallapoosa, he hu(!r phices in Hocieiy, and the men were eukivating the tiehla. And notwitlistanding the Prophet and Tcrumsrh had used all their eloquence to engage tiiem in an early (juarrel, it was not imtil ihey heard of the success of the Uritish at Mai- den, that they decidi'd on taking up the hatchet, generally. Such wiw the ;iliiciity among the no.theru liiilians on the (;apture of General UiUl, on the 1(J August, liSl'i, that runners arriv(!d from among them lo tlie Creeks soino time liefore it was known to their white; neighhors. For the liorrid hiiteliery at Tensaii, the tt)llowers of Wmtlierford, Monohoe, liiid .Wiliiin, or .\V(^ueeii, were shortly to atone, in the most summary man- ner. There was a great encampment of Creeks under H^'eatlietforil, at tho Tidlidmssi;, or 'rtdlushattdies towns, on the Coosa Kiver, a northern branch of the Alabama. The (!yes of the south seemed to centre upon General Jackson to execute vengi'ance on the Indians, and notwithstanding he was confined to Ills room, from a wound in the arm, which he had lately received in a private quarrel, when the news of the massacre arrived in Tennessee, the governor of that stat(; issued an order to him to raise 20U0 men with all possible despatch, and rende/vouH at Fayetteville. Colonel Cuff'i-e was already in the field. Jackmii's march into the enemy's country was hastened by a tiilse alarm, and when he had got into the Indian coimtry, he found himself almost destitute of [)rovision8 lor his army, wliich caused considerable delay. At u place on the Tennessee Kiver, called Ditto's Landing, General Jackson met with Colonel Coffte^s regiuieut. Mere he riimained several days, but despatched Cojfle whh 700 men to scour i\w. Black Warrior River. At Ten Islands, on the Coosa, was a band of friiiudly Creeks, at whose Inmd was a chief named Chinnahy. This chief had a kind of Ibrt there, and was now blockaded in it by the war parly. Cliinnal);/, h»'aring of Jncksoii's j)osition, sent his son, She- lOKTA, also a i)rincipal chief, to the general's camp, for relief, who, without loss of time;, uiari-heil up the river, but was obliged to encamp at the distance of 24 miles from Dillons, from the failure of liis sui»i)lies. While here. Path- killer,* a Cherokee chief, sent two runners to Inin, confirming the former news, and that without immediate relief, they said, they should be immediate- ly cut ofl", for the hostile Indians were assembling in great force from nine towns. Jackson now resolved to move on, and told the messengers of Path- killer to speak thus to their chief from him: — " The hn.ililc Creeks will not attack you until they have had a brush with me, and that, I think, will piU them out of the notion offiglding for some time," When the army had aiTived within a few miles of the Ten Islands, it was met by Chinnahy. This old chief had succeeded in capturing two hostile Creeks, which he gave up to General Jackson. The army was yet about 16 miles from the Indian encampment, and in a lamentable condition for want of provisions ; insomuch, that almost any one but Jackson would have despaired, and given u[) the campaign ; but his resolution was not to l)e shaken, and he happily diffused his spirit intg his men. He said, in a letter to Governor Blount, that tohilst they could procure an ear of com apiece, they would not give up the ex[>edition. * We would here oliaerve that Path-killer was, in 1822, a Christian chief, and governed in the same tribe with tlie famous Mr. Cliarles Hicks ; and his residence was in that year 25 miles from Turi^ejlown. Tiie missionary, Mr. liiUrick, notes in his Journal, that Palh-killer was " the kin^ at first beloved man, of the Chcrokoo nation," and that Mr. I ticks was "the second beloved man." Palk-killer had had a son murdered by some white man, before thi* visit, and complained of the outrage, and said he had written twice to the president of the United States about it. Both these cliiefs died in the -winter of 1826. 66 PATH-KILLER.— BATTLE OP TALLUSHATCHES. [Book IV. Jti \,^ On the 28 October, Colonel Di/er rctimied from the capture of a town called Littufutche, on the head of Canoe Creek, which eMi[>ties into the Coosa from the west. His force consisted of 200 cavalry, and they brought in 29 prisoners, chiefly women and children. The Indians were now drawn oft' ti-om Ten Islands, and had taken post at Tallushatches, on the south side of the Coosa. Coffee was immediately despatched with 900 men to attack them. Tliis lie did on the 3 November, sun about an hour high in the morning. A number of men in advance of the main body, sent fbrward for the purpose, drew out the wai'riors from their cabins, who made a fierce attack upon them. The Americans gave way by fall- ing back iif)on the main body, agreeably to their preconcerted plan, which had the good effect of bringing the Indians at once into their power. Having fired upon them, they made a successful charge, and soon obliged them to shelter themselves in their wigwams. Colonel Coffee says, "The enemy retreated firing, until they got around, and in their buildings, where they made all the resistah(!e that an overpowered soldier could do — they fought as long as one existed, but theii- destruction was very soon completed. Our men rushed up to the dooi-s of the houses, and in a ievv minutes killed the last warrior of them. The enemy fought with savag(! fury, and met death with all its honoi-s, without shrinking or complaining — not one lusked to bo spared, but fought as long as they could stand or sit. In consiMjuence of their flying to their houses, and mixing with the families, our men, in killing the males, without intention killed and wounded a few of the squaws and children." In this sanguinaiy affair, 18(5 Indians were killed; and the connnunder thought, that there were enough otliera killed in the woods, which they could not find, to make up in all 200. This calculation, he observed, he thought a reasonable one. They took captive 84 women and childreh, and "not one of the warriors escaped to carry the news; a circumstance imknown heretofore!" The whites had 5 killc line; ; insomucli, that a considerable body uf militia gave way. Their places being innnediately supplied by the mounted men, the Indians fought but a short time, before they were obliged to fly for the mnuntaiiiM, about llui-e milts distant, hi their flight they were hard pressed by the right wing of the Americans, and great luunbers were rut down. In the wholi! affair, 29!) were killed, that were fiiund, of the Indians ; and the whites lost 15 in killed, and K'l wert^ wounded, several of whom ullerwarda died. Over lOHO Indians wi^n* said to have been engaged, and some of them allerwords said their losa at the battle of Talladega wan (iOO. Chap. VTI.] BATTLE OF AUTOSSEE 9t It was expected tliat a 8iipi)ly of provisions would arrive at Camp Strotlier, at Tea Islands, before tlio army should return there ; but on its arrival, a total failure was experienced by the hungry soldiers ; even what had been left behind of the general's private stores had been distributed — it was a inelan- clioly time, indeed, and reminds us of the sufferings of captives in the old Indian wars, who were obliged to subsist upon berries and roots. It was during this campaign that a circumstance occurred which has been variously related ; and, as it is an excellent anecdote, we will lay it before our readers. One morning, a soldier, with a doleful countenance, approached General Jackson, und told him bo was almost famished, and knew not what to do. The general was seated at the foot of a tree, and was observed by the poor half- starved soldier to be eating something. This no doubt caused iiini to make his complaint, thinking it a favorable time to have his wants rclievod. Tiie general observed, that it was never his custom to tinni away a imngry person, when he had it in his power to n-liovc him ; then, putting his hund into his pocket, t6ok out a handful of acorns, and, oftering them to his astonished guest, observed, tlmt such was his faro, and all he had, but to that he was welcome. The soldier went away contcnttd, and told his companions they ought no more to complain, si> long as their general was obliged to subsist upon nothing but acorns. Out of this grew the story, that the general having invited his officers to dine with him, set nothing before them but a tray ot acorns and some water. Meanwhile nuitiny after mutiny took i)lace in General Jackson's army, and the campaign came near being abimdoned. A circumstance, too, occurred about this tiuie, ever to he lamented. General Cocke, of East Tennessee, considering hiuitulf possessed of a connnand independent of Jackson, gave liis orders to some brigadiers, at the same time that General Jarkson did. General While, chose to act under General Cockers orders, and this (Kcasioncd some confusion, and, in the end, the lamentable aflair to which we have just alluded, and of which we now proceed to give im account. The llallibee Indians, who had been the )>rincipul sufferers at Talladega, had despatched ambassadors for General Jarkson\i camp, to sue for peace, wiiich they would accept ou any terms lu; might please to grant theui. At the same time these proposals were out, General H'hilc manhful against their towns, and on the 18 November completely surprised them ; killed GO war- riors, took 25(1 prisoners, and made good his retreat without tlu! loss of a man. The Indians thought they had been attacked by General Jackson's army, and that therefore they were now to expect nothing but extermination ; and this was thought to be tiio ri, being apprized of the approach of the army, had put tlieniselves into an atti|ii(l(^ of defence. On 'i.'j Di'cemher, IHIIJ, as till! army approached, they wen; met by the Indians, and a short engagement lollovved. As usual, tin- Indians gave way, and were lunsued ; but as their town was surniundiMl by fastnesses, (tnv were killed in the pui-suit. Thirty were found dead of the enemy Itidians, and of llie army, two or threi? wera killed, and as many wounded. This was (piite an Indian depot, the eaptors liaviiig found here "a large (|uantify of |irovisions, and innneiise property of various kinds." It was all destroyed with the town, which consisted of yOO houses: the women and children had only time to escape across the Alaiiaino. The next day, another town was destroyed, eight miles above, consi.sting of 60 houses. We will now proceed with General Jackson, until he ])Uts on end to the Creek war. On the 17 ■liiiniaiy. IHII, (Jeneral Jackson marched, .r the head of JKU) men, from near l''ort Strolher, for the heart of the enein\'.> conntry. In his route lay Talladega, the residence of Fife, a noted warrior, and friend of the whitoH; and here he joined the army with 'i(H) of his men. The Indians were sup- posed to lie asseinbled in great niunbers, at the (ireat Hend of the Tallajioosie, ironi It or 15 of tiieir towns upon that river; and it whs daily expected that they woulil attack I'ort Ariiistnui!.', in their vicinity, «hieh was in no stale to iiN«et iIh'ui, It was the news ol' its situation, that caused Jackson to niiu'cii to its iiumediate relieli When he hail arrived ut llidhbee Crock, tlie general, Chap. VIT.] BATTLE OF EJIUKFAU. 50 •opcrly ot' from the accounts of his spies, su])posed he must he in the immediate vicinity of the enemy, and he soon after encamped at a small Hallibee village, called Enotocho|)ko. Here he discovered that he was 12 niiles from the enemy, who were upon an island in the Tallapoosie, near the mouth of a creek called Emukfau. The next day the army encamped very near Emukfau, and had eveiy sign of being hard by the advereo Lidians. The order of encampment was that of battle, and eveiy i)recaution was taken to guard against surprise. About (i in the moniing of the 22d, the warriors from Emukfau fell with great force ii[)on Jackson^s left flank, and the left of his rear ; and although the attack was made in full confidence that they should rout tiieir adversaries, yet tliey were disappointed, and no ground was gained by the onset. The assjiil- iuits fought with a determined braverj'^, and it was near half an hour before they could be made to retire. The Americans, having encamped in a hollow square, met the attack at advantage, but it was only at the point of the Imyonet, tliat the Indians were put to flight. Fife, at the head of his warriors, joined in the pursuit, which continued about two miles, witii considerable havoc. Matters did not end here ; for, in a short time, the Indians returned again to the attack, and with greater success than before. They attacked a picket at advantage, at a small distance from the main body, and Genend Coffee, in his turn, attacked the left ilank of the attacking party. As his number of nren was .small, he soon found himself in imminent danger of being entirely cut offV (Jeneral Jackson, seeing this, ordered Fife to advance to his rescue, which he (lid with the utmost pronijititude. This attack of the enemy was upon the right fljink, and was, as it turned out, only a feint to weaken the left by draw- ing the force li"om that quarter to its sujiporf, but the general was not to Ihj outwitted by such a niaiiunivre. lie kept the left flank firm, and the alarn» i.nm soon gave notice, that that part was assailed. The general here met the enemy in person, seconded by Colonel Carroll, who ordered the charge, and led on tiie [jiuf uei>. The friendly Indians were succtissful at this time also, slaying many of their countrymen as they fled. Rleanwhilo General Coffee had got deeper into diflicidty, and was contend- ing at fearful odds with a brave hand of warriors, and was again relieved by the Indians under Captain Fife. This, Fife was enabled to do, only by charg- ing them with the bayoiu^t. The enemy seemed determinegaii a retreat to I''ort Strotlier. The nmst memorable part of this e\|)edition is yet to be related. The Indians now 8U|)poscd the Americans were beaten, or they would not retreat. They therefore n^solved to pursue and harass them. Jitcknon exjiected this, and marched, in order of battle, through one dangerous dclile after another. At length, on the morning of the y I, after having nearly |)assed one of the most dangeiiius plaeiifi, at I'lnotochopko Creek, his rear was attacked in a si)irited manner ; and although it was not at all unexpected, yet the colmnns gave way, and a gtmd deal of confusion and slaughter ensued. At length, a six-poimder was, with great tlitHculty, dragged up a small eminence which eonnnanded th(! battle-ground, and being charged with grape*hhot, did griMit (execution, and was a priiicipat means of putting tlu^ enemy to flight. The g(>ning tlie cannon up the hill was done at the greatest |H'ril ; the men who undeiiook it being nure marks for the enemy, having nifthing to scve(!ii them in the least. Hy die time they had diHchnrged it once, l.ieuimant -h-m- .tfroiitTi Cnpfnin llnmiUnn, of Ka.-st 'iVimcHSiT. CaptiiioH linilfinl m\>\ M'dnrfrl;, had all fallen, lirnitford txelainu-d, as he lay, ".l/_i/ brave ftllown, some nf rfou may /'all, hut j/ou must save the eanuon." Till? army having, nieantim(>, recovered IVoiu their panic, attacked in their 60 DEATH or njoxoiior: tiif, rnopiiET. [Booit IV. i," turn, nnd the Indinns wcw, every wliccc i)nt to llijjlit, nnd ])iiif?iio(l alM)m two inilcH. Tlie Indians' loss in this battle; was 18!t, that were found. The Amer- icans had, in l)otli days' figlits, 'i4 kiihul, and 71 wonnded. It was evident now, that the Indians were satisfied tiiat they wen; not victoi-s, for in tiieir flight tliey threw away their packs and arms in ahundunce, and tlie army tnet witli no further molestation (hn-ing their return niurrli. Wo have now arrived to tlie termination of the Creel< war. It ended in the battle of the ihviii Bmid of the Taliapoosie, iw we Jiavc related in the iifi; of Mcintosh. Tiiis heiid. nsiialiy called the lIousK-SnoE, hy the whites, was called l)y the Indians l\)ho|)eka, which, in their language, it is said, signified a horse-shoe : therefore the battle of Tolio|)eka, the Grout Bend, and tlm Home- Shoe, are one and the same. Nothing eould he more disastrous to the delyded Creeks than this battle. The loss of their great propliels was, however, tlu; least. Thre(vof them, and tlie last u|)on the Taliapoosie, fell among those whom they had made believe that no wounds could he inflicted upon them by the whites ; and incredible as it may seem, that although they had witneRs(>d a total fiiihu'e of all (heir prophecies hitlicrlo, such was the inllueni-e thosf? miserable iuipostors held over the minds of th(! warriors, that they still believed in their soothsayings, and that their incantations would at last save them, anf elivination, mutte'ring te) the Bini, with e'ye's almost straine'el fVe)in tlu'ir se)e'ke'ts, luiel his limbs elistorte'et in every possible; nnnatimd e1ire'e'tie)n, ree-eive'el his eleatli wounel. The; faith of the warrioi-s in siie-li abe)iuinable; fbeile-rie's must neiw have) l)e'e'n sliake-ri ; but the Hallibe'e' massae-re' was alone' sufficie-nt to ae'e-ount for the'ir elespe'ratie)n — as we have se;e'n, the'ir me)st submissive* eitlers e»f pe'ace' hael be'eTi me-t by the fiworel — all e-emfide'nce' the're'lJire' in the hiimiuiily and integrity eif the' whites, bael, in the'ir minels, l)ee'n fbrteite'el. From e-ve-ry ap|)earMnce; it was e'vielent that the'y hael ele-termine'el te) e-einepu'r at Toheipeka, e)r ne'ver te) survive; !i ele'feat ; fe»r they elid neit, as on fi)rmer eiccasioiis, send away tiieir women and e-hilelren : about ikX) of the'sei were take-n. Whether the; fame)us pre)phe't Hillishnfco, or Franris, we're in this battle, i« not known. On 18 April, IHM, (ieneral Jnrkson wre)te' from his e-amp, at the jmictie)!! e)f the Ce)e)sa anel Tallai)e)ejsie', saying, " VvWr M' (^\mi has lie'e'ii taken, but e'scupe'el ; he must be take'ii again. HilUsha^ee, their gre-at prophe't, has also abscetneleel ; but he will Ite' fbuiiel." In this, he)we'ver, as will be se'e>n, the; general w.is iiei pie)phet ; for hYmms anel .l/'(^i(f(7J we're both alive in J8I7. The frienelly Inelians re'nele-re'el the' Ame'iie-ans most eflie-ie'iit aiel in this battle', anel the'ir leiss hi kille'd anel weimiele'el was gieafe'r in pre)pe)rlie)n to their numl)e'is than that e)f the whites. In all ii:} were killed, anel many more were we)unele'el. It was siippnseel by (Jeneral f7oi/'/, that in the' battle of Anfosse'e he hnel kilh'el the- flmie)us pre)phi't anel king of Tallassee", but it turneel e)Mt iieit te) lie so, fe)r he- fell into ihe iianels eif the- Amerie-ans ath-ruarels. lie was snppose-d to be a huiielre-el ve'ars etlel, his he-ad be-iiig e-nlinly while-, and buwe'el almost to the' grejiniel. I lis name-, wi' believe', was Enriili-llihikkolioiioirr. lie- was taken about till' lime- eif n'ratlirr/onrs smreneler ; anel but liir the pre)te'ctie)n afiiirele'd iiitii by the whites, their' friends, the Creeks, would have put him to death [liooir IV. Chap. VII] COLBERT.— PIAMINGO. 61 witiiout mercy. But ffealherford had notliiiifr to fcnr from them: tJioy cnrr- fully uvoidcd meeting, and when any by uceidont or neeeMwily came into liis I)reHcnc(!, tlioy were observed to tremble with fear. Sucli is the difference in the carriage and aspect of men. We will close the present chajUer by detailing some particulars in the lives of several distiiiirnislKMl chiijfs. It was v(;ry seldom that the names of any chitifs appeared in the acconnLs of the lat(! war, but they were many, esp(!cially in tlu; south, and deserved as much notice, and olten more than many that did nn-eive it. When the war w s over, some of them occasionally visited WasJiington, and tiie novelty of their appearance sometimes caused them to r:o, the great warrior; .l/iixtfumtiibbee, a. chief; Chasltiiinji and Cnlkdrhrc, warriors. IVIost of these louglit for the whites in the south. (Joneral Colbert was now ag(Ml, having fi)ught with the Americans in SI. Clair's army, with seven others of his countrymen; one of whose namrs was Piomiiigo, or the Mounlain-lader, of whom we shall pres- ently speak. In the late war, while his men were |)reparing to join the Americans, Col- hcrt, impatient to be unemployed, joined the third regiment of tht; IJiuled States iidimtry. When he had served with them nine iiioiuhs, he returned to his ntUion, collected his wiu'riors, and marched to Tort Montgomery on the Alabama, I'rom thence against Pens-acola, crossed the I'.saiiibia, tuul pursued the hostile ("rei ks almost to Apalachicola, killing many of liiem, and return- ing to I'ort Montgomery with H.") prisoners. He and his comrades wrvv. now at Washington, to obtain ii settlem(!nt of the boundarii's of their coimtry. Accordingly conimissioners werc! sent into their country, and on the 520 Sep- tember following, [IHK;,] a treaty was entercil into. In' this treaty Colbert i>< styled i\lajor-(;i'iiei'al, and by the sixth article of it he wtis allowed an amniity of KK) dollars during life. I'lis name is not to the treaty of Jlopewell, made 10 .lamiary, J7Hi;, but that of Pinmimro is. To that 'of Chikasaw Hhitfs, yj October, b'^'Ol, instead of his mark, we find W. ('., which shows that he had been paying soiih! attention to learning; but in subseiiuent tniuties his iniu'k again appeai-s. I'roni the ciniimsfanPe that the name ofPi'omnigo is not seen to any of the treaties after that of Colhrrt appears, induces the belief that he is the same I»erson, and that, froiij his attju-lunent to the whites, he took one of their names. Piomlmro is thus mentioned by (Jt'iieml St, Clnir, on his arrival ut his quarter.*. "Oct. UT. I'liiiamimra lurived in cimip witli his warriors. I was so miwell, could oidy see him an!•. Payaniinfco tuid his people, aecompimied by (-ajitain Sixirks, and Ibiu' good riflemtni, going on a scDut ; they do not propose to return under 10 days." We have no account of the success of the excursion, but they did not join the army again until after the deteal, which took place six class atier. As they were proceeding to I'ort JetVerson, one of the enemy mistodk them fi)r his com- panions, and was ca|)tured before he discovered his mistake. Piominffo accosted him with hiush language, saying, " Itasral, fjou hnvv bcrn killivf: white jiirn!" He then ordered two of his men to eMeml his arms, and a third to shoot hmi. When this was done, and !us scidp ti ken, they proceeded to join th)^ army. Wo Iturn the numo of ono otlicr who was with St. CUitr. Ho was culled U 62 Mi:SIL\LATUBEE.— PUSHAMATA. {Book IV, Jnines ./Indirson, and was brother to tlic chief John Morris, wlio, 23 Jtinc^ 17!*;), was jiiiirdenMl not .".l)ovo 000 piicca from Governor Blounfs liouse, in Knoxvillo. Jle was shot by sonte unknown persona. Tlie f^overnor ordered him to be liuricd in tlio binyinij--■!"■''' '*^ill li!>if "« forever." "In pronouncing these last words, the old Indian had in his maimer and voice somci.hing very solemn. He seemed agitated by some ,sad jireseiiti' ments. We lu'uvd of his death a tt!W days after; he was takt'n sick, anil dl<-d before he cntilil set out to return to his own peopli'. When satisfied that his end wa? aiiproachiug, he caused all his companions to be assembled, and hi" desired tlieie to raise him tip, and to put upon him all his ornaments, And bring to him liis arms, that his deatli should be tlmt of a tnan's. He mimifcsted a desire that at his interment the Americans would do him mili- larv honors, tuid that they would discharge camion over his grave. They promised him that it should be done; he then talked freely with his friends, and expired without a groan in the midst of conversation." His monument occupies a place among the great men in the cemetery at WaHliington. Upon one side is this hiscri|Mion:— M HI GC ♦ Tlicy tiiifilit not luive bcoii iiilrodiici-il to llic gfiiiernl wlion lie siiw tlicm ol Mr. Jrlt'erson's. M. lyidssrnr siivn. in spcaKiiif; "I '!»! hii'i in (li'niilnlioii, " vf liiir h'tr lininit lUiix rUifc nuf nnm \ivions vims a'assfoir uii Jour h lit tulih- il- .U.Jffftrsdn, pendant noire si>Jnvr(i Mmilicelh. J( les recimnnti a Uiirs oreilkt draniprcs en /y/ync'v Uimi:irii. irarnien n. (Jpoii Jiffprsoti's. X ilirf: (lUi- MmiUcelln. ?v lamea dt "PUSH-MA-TAHA, A ChOCTAW CHIEF, LIES HERE. ThIS MQNUMENT TO HIS MEMORY IS ERECTED BY HIS BROTHER CHIEFS, WHO WERE ASSOCIATED WITH «IM IN A DELEGATION FROM THEIR NATION IN THE YEAR 1824, TO THE GENERAL QOVERNMKNT OF THE UnITED StATES." Aiulon the otiioi": "PuSH-MA-TAHA was a WARRIOR OF GREAT DISTINCTION. He WAS WISE IN COUNCIL, ELOqUENT IN AN EXTr.AOIlDlNARY DEGREE ; AND ON ALL OCCA- SIONS, AND UNDER ALL CIRCUMSTANCES, THE WHITE MAn's FRIENL. He DIED IN Washington, on the 24th of December, 1824, of the champ, in the 60th year of his age." / ' That Piishamata, or Pushmataha, was a warrior, lias lK>en said. In tlie lute war with S^iiglund, Ik' ussistcd in subduing his countrymen ut the south. In CJeneral Claibome^a army he distinguished himself, jturticularly in the battle of the Holy Ground, (called by the ludiuiis Eceaiiacliaca,) upon the Alabama River, 80 miles from Fort Claiborne. Merc the celebrated JVeallierford re- Bided, also H'dlishas;o the propli(!t. In the tr(;aty which the chiefs and warriors of the Choktaus held with the U. S. commissioners, 18 October, 1820, "at the treaty ground, in said nation, near Douk's Stand, on the Natchcs Roud," the following jmssagc? occurs: "WhiMeas the liither of the beloved chief MushiUutuhee, of the lower towns, for and rluring his life, did receive from the United States the sum of 150 dollars, annually ; it is hereby stipuhited, that his son and successor, Mushula- itelief was imi)oscd upon him by s(»me abandoned English tradi>rs, that there was a provision in the treaty of Ghent for the restoration of tluiir country. 1I(! received nnicb attention while in England, and some encouragement, but nothing absolute. An English journal thus meutioiw bis arrival: — "The sound of trumpets aiuioimeed the ;ipiiroach of the patriot l-htncis, who fought so giori(»usly in our cause in America during the late war. Heing drest in a most splendid suit of red and gold, and wearing a tomahawk set with gold, gave him a highly inijujsing appearance." H" n'ceiv d large jirescnts from tla* king's stores, but, it is said, that of tlnda he was chietly defrauded afterwards by tlie notorious lyoodbinr, who, jt seemK, accompaiiie(l him in bis travels.* Alioiu the end of iNovember, or begiiming of December, 1817, a war party of Scminolcs captured lui American, luid conveyey order of coiifficss. 64 HORNOTLIMED.— NEAMATHLA. IBooK IV. ;; ;i 'ii. shavetl, was bound to it, and wood was piled up about bim. When the Lidians bad finislicd their dance, and the fire was about to he kindled, a daughter oftlie chief, named Milbj, who had been witnessing the ))reparation8 with a saayonets in his body before he fell, and eneouraged his warriors to the last. VVlien he beiran to faint, he retired a few steps, and calmly layinff liiiiiself down, bnnithed his last without a "jroan or stnif.'},de. This chief was six feet three inches hifrh, weisrhinf,' a! t 'i20 pounds, bear- ing a manly and expressive countenance, and .'H) years of age ; and (Jeneral Jtce adds, " Giirislersiiro di(Ml, as he had lived, the renowned warrior of the Overhill Creeks." la this sinfridar atliiir but 12 Americans were killed and wounded. Among the plunder taken from the Indians were 117 packhorses, laden with peltry. Exertions were madt; to cafituni those warriors that i'.s- ca|)e(l from the attack on Waym'\i camp, but so well (Ud they understand the country, that not one of them was taktm. Althoujifh not in the order of time, w(! will infoduce here one of tlic earliest advocates for temperances tliat wv. havi; met with amonjj the Indians. This person, tliou:lik(tll)i(l(iwwi/-s;rnn!!^itliiko})ak. All we know of his history, can be told in a li'w words, and but l()r one speech of his which happened to be preserved, even his name we had never j)erhaps heard. That ho lived in 174f^, and was eminent for his flood morals, except the speech, betiire mentioned, is all we know of him. As to thi> speech, which is so liighly extolled, it has, like numerous othiMS, we are of opinion, passiul through too niany hands to be; considered by all who may meet with it as genuine; never- tiieless, throwing aside all tli(> unmeaning verbiage '.villi which it is encimd)cred, an Indian s|)eech might remain that wh, contains chief of all that was intended to be conveyed in several pages. A true Indian speech la-ed not \\oyo be presented to show the dilK'reiice of slyh^ between them ; but as we ha\e a very good one, by the famous Creek chiet", ISi(i-WAUKioii, net elsewhere noticed, it shidi i)e laid bet()re tin' reader. It was delivered at the time d'en- erid Jark^on was treating with the Creeks, about the close of the last war with England, and was in reli'rence, as wi'I bo seen, to the coiwlitions tU'inanded o)' the vanipiisbed. And, although IHf(-warrior was the friend of the Americiuis, yet he now ii promises lie made w('re never kept. We we-n; young and foolish, and fought with hint. Tiu; Hriiish can no more persuade ns to do wrong. They hav(! deceived us once, and can do it no mon;. Von (U'(! two great peoi)le. If yon go to war, we will have no concern in it ; for we are not able to fight. \Vv wish to be at peace with cNcry nation. If they offer nu; arms, I will say to tiiem, ^'^IU |iut mi^ in danger, to war against a |)eo|»l(! born in our own land. They shall never (iirce us into danger, ^'ou shall never sec; that our clfasls aw boys in coinicil, wiio will be forced to do any thing. I talk thus, knowing that fiither \VAsm\(fTON advised us never to iuterli'n; in wars. He told ns that those in p<'ac(! were the ba])piest people. I li; told us, that if an enemy attacked him, li<^ bad warriors enough, and did not wish his red children to help him. If tiie IJritisii advise us to any tiling, I will tell you — not hide it from you. If they say wt; iim.st fight, I will tell them, No." He had previously sfiokeii o:' the caiisea of the war, niid of tho siifii-riiigs it liad brougiit upon thiMii, but asked indulgence from compassion. Tin; fiiu; tract of country, now tlie state of' Alabama, was argued fiir by Slwloklti, another fimions chief, who bad large claiiiis on tiie whites, but Jackson would not concede. 'I'his chief had rendered them the greatest ser\ ices in the war, and appeuk'il to Jdii.vnAt feelings, by portraying the dangers they had passed together, luid his fiiithfulness to him in the most trying scenes; but all availed nothing. llio WvnnioR wa.s a conspicuons chief for many years. In 1H'.JI, one of his nation undertook to aci'onipany a .Mr. Lunin as a giiiih*, and killed him by tlio way. ('oiiiplaint was immediately inade to llii<;-mirru>r, who ordered him to be executed without delay. In h^'ii he was the most noted among the opposers ol'tlie missionaries. In this ii was thought be was influenced by tho Indian agents, \\hi('li opinion was perhaps strengthened from tlie fitet that R snb-ageiit. Captain //Vf/A'cr, had married his dau;,'iiier. He was lieail chief of the nation when (General Mlutosh fiirfJited his liti' by breaking the law of the nation in selling a part of' the Creek country. The troubles of his nation having brought him to Washington, at the head of a delegation, he ti'll sick and died there, H iMarcli, l!^'i."i.* He was a man of' colossal stature, and pro- fiortionale physical powers; and it is said "his mind was as colossal as his iHidy," and that he liad doni* tiiiich towards improving the condition of his connlrvmeii. He had a son named Tiiskihnmhn. " Milrs's |{ri;i,re(l them a mere oiiteast remnant, too miieh enfeebled ity their proximity to flio whites, to be in the least dreaded in a war. Indeed, siieh conchisioii was in perli'ct accordance witii tlie accounts which wen; circnlated amoni;' intclli- srent jteople ; but the Irntli seems to be, jieople have always been misint'oriiied on the subject, owinjr chietly to the ignorance of their informers. .\or is it Biranjte that misiid'ormation should be circulated, when it is considered that the very ajrents who lived amoiifr them, and those who made treaties with them, r-oidd not jiivo any satisliielory account as to their nmnbers or oilier circmnstance,'*. (ieneral Jaclisou, in IHI7 and IH, made an easy matter of rava<;in!i a j tart of Florida. His beinj; opjiosed but by very few Indi.ins, led to the belief that th(>re were but few in the coimlry. The war of 181 I was then too li'csh in their recollectioiiH to suffer them to adventure too mia-h, and the probability is, that but few coidd bo prevailed upon to join in n war a^ain fit soon. Heni'e, one of two conclusions must now evidently be lived upi i, — cither that tho Seminole Indians were much more mmierous, UO yr'ars a^o, than what was supposed, or that they have increased very considerably within that time. l''or my jiart, 1 am convinced that both eonehisioiis are correct. When we are told, that at such a time, and such a place, commissioners of the Fnited States jioverimient met a di'lejuration of the principal chiefs ot'thn >:^oulherii Indiiuis, and made a treaty, the articles of which were satisfactory to the Indians, two or three and (I, th There ciMi be but one opinion, amoiii; discernini; people, ot' the juslness of present v,ar, as it app ars to me ; nevertheless, howe\er imjusllv I'roated, on the p.'iri of the whiles, the most efiicieiit ineasiiri's should haxi' been taken, in its earliest staps, for its simpre.ssion ; because, the sooner it is eiiiled, tho fewiM" will be the .sacrifices of li\e8; to sjiy nothiii^r of the concomitant suffer- inirs of individuals, and deslriieiions of property. It has been freipuntlv iiskeart of pine barrens of the worst des(!ription, and terminating towards the south in unex; iored and imi)as.sable marshes. When the time canii! for tlie execution of the treaty, old JVcha Mnthla, the head of the tribe, thoujjjht it sjivorcd too nuich of the cimning imd whiskey of the white man, and summoned his warriors to resist it. (iov. Duval, who succeeded (ien. Jackson in the chief magistracy of this territory, broke in upon his warcoimcil, deposed the war leailers, ami elevated the ))eaco party to the (Oiieflaincies, 'I'lie Seminoles retired jmac'eably to the t(!rrilory assigned them, and old .Wha Matliln retired to the (.'reeks, by whom he was raised to the dignity of ik chief." The next event of considerable mom(!nt in the; history of the Seminoles, is the treaty ol' Pmjnv^s Latxtitis;. Of this aftliir 1 am able to s|)eak in the lan- guage of the principal agent in it, on the part of the whites. The individual to whom 1 reti'r, (icneral If'ilvi/ Thompson, will be i)articularly noticed here- nltcr, from the melancholy fate' which h(^ met in the progress oi" this war. I have, in a previous chapter, spoken of the treaty at JNIonltric Crijek ; but, betiire going into the ])articidars of that at I'ayne's Landing, it will be neces- s.iry to niakrvations. The Indians who consented to that tre.ity, by such coiisiMit agreed "to come imder the protection of the U. States, to give U|) their i>ossessions, and remove to certain restricted boundaries in the territory, tiu! extreme point of which was not to be nearer than ].") miles to the sea coast of tln' tJidf of JMexico. For any losses to which they might be subjected by their removal, the go\-eriniient agreed to make liberal donations, also to provide implements of husbandry, schools, \:c., and pay an aniuiity of .')()()0 dollars for "JO years; besides which there wer, mi the )>tli oi" May, a treaty was entered into "on Ocklawaha |{i\er, known by the name oi' the treaty of I'ayne's l,iindiii]tl(^ in it, — and, conseqnently, a difiiculty wonld ensne, let tiie matter l)e nrged wiiini it wonld. Geji(>ral Thompson was the govennnent agent in Florida, and In; (whether with advice or withont, I am not informed) thonght it best to have a talk with some of the real head men of the nation, npon the sniyect of removal, which he eflijcted about a year before tiic time of removal expired, nameiv, in the fall of 1834. Meanwhile, the chief who had been i)nt in the place of JVca/tt«/W«, by (if)v- crnor Duval, had been executed, by some of the nation, for adhering >■< the whites, and advocating a removal beyond the iMis.-^issippi. The name of the chief executed npon this account was HicLs. To him succtnjded one nainml C/iar/es, or, as he is sometimes called, Charles Oinalhla, mu\ he siiared tin; ^ame fate not long after. Nine warriors cauK? into his council, juid learning that he insisted npon a removal, shot nine bullets through his heart! No more doubt- ful charactiM's were now raised to the chiei'taincy, but a warrior, named Louis, well known for his hostility to the whites, was made chief. In the council which (ieneral Thompson got togotlxjr for the ]inr))ose of holding a talk, as has been reniMrked, appeari'd f )sckola, and several other ilistinguished chiefs. Thi.s council was held at Fort King, and was uprni'd by (jreneral Thompson in a considerable speech, wherein he ende'avorcd to convict the Indians of the necessity of a speedy removal ; urging, at the sann! time, that their own safety, as well as that of their |)roperty, rcfiuired it ; and recpiested their answer to the subject of bis discourse, which hi; preseutinl in form of i)ropositions. " Tlie Indians retired to private coimcil, to discuss the subject, when the present young and daring chief ,'ktola {Powtil) [<)sci;or..\] addressiid the council, in an animated strain, against emigration, and said that any one who should dare to reconunend it should be looked upon as an eiuwoy. and held res|)onsil)le to thi; nation. There was something in his niMuner so im;)ressive and bold, that it alarmed the timid of the coimcil ; and it was agreed, in jirivate talk,tiiat tin; treaty slioidd be resisted. When thi.s was made known to the agcnit, he made them a long and eloipient harangue, setting l()ilh tiie dangers that surrounded them if thi'y wen; sidyected to X\w laws of the palcfacvs, where a red man's word would not be taken ; that the whites might make llilse charg"s against tlicm, and deprive tiieni of their negrors, hor>es, lands, &(•. All thi. time .Inoln was silting by, begging the chiefs to nunain firm." When this was tiiushed, a chief, named "Iloi.ATKr. !\lieo, said the great S|)irif madt! them ail — thry had com<' from one woman — inid he liopi'd they would not (piiuTel, but talk until they got thnMigh." The next chief who spoke was nameil MieA>oi"f;. lie was the king of the nation. .Vll he is re|H)rted to have said was, that he had lui intention to I'emove. "Powkli. then told the agent he had the decision nt° the chii'ls, and that the council was broken up. In a privati; talk, an old cliief said he had heard nnadi of his grt-ut liilhei's regard i'or his rid cliililren. It hiul <-ome npon his ears, but had <:one through them; he wanted to si'e il wiiji his eyes: — that la; Kaik land li'om other red skins to jiay them for theirs, and by and by be wonld take that also. The while skins had liirked tongues, and Imwks' fingers; that Ihivid lilonnt told him the peojile in the great city made an Indian out of paint, and then sent aiier him and took his lauds, (alluding to the likene.s.ses of the chiefs, in tlu; war department, at Washiiigtciu.) lie wanted, he siiid, to sleep in the .«amo land ^vitli his (iitlien<, and ^vished his <-liil(hen to sleep l)y his side." The plea set up, that Spaii led Florida to liie I'nited States in IHIK, withoiU any iirovision tl' tint liK l.y i>r tliut of the United States, by taking imrerenionious possession. This can be accounted for in the samb way that we account tor one's buying an article that he desires, because lie dares not talie it witliout. Wiien a removal was first urged upon the Seminole Indians, their chiefs said, "Let us see what kind of a country this is of which you talk, then if we like it, it is \im(! enough to exchange ours for it." 15ut it is said, the govern- ment agout had no authority to authorize a deputation of Lidians to visit the promised land, and here the matter rested awhile. How long aft(>r this it was, I shall not undertake to stJite, that the Indians made known their desire of exchanging their country ; but this was said to have been the fact, and the result was the treaty of Payne's Landing, already describetl. It appears that General Thmnpson, nothing discouraged at the result of tho council which had been terminated by the wisdom of Osceola, without the slightest con(;urreni;e in any of his measures, by unceasing (jfforts had ])re- vailed U|)on a cDusideralile number of "chiefs and sub-ehii.'fs to meet him afterwards ami exceute a writing, agreeing to comply with the treaty of 18;J2." This was evidently dune without Osceola's consent, but its being done l)y some whom he had considered his ])artisans, irritateil him exceedingly. He now saw that iu spite of all he could do or say, the whit(!S would get terms of agreement of some of the Indians; enough, at least, for a pretence lor their di'signs of a nniu'val. In this state of things, Osceola remonstrated strongly with the agent for thus taking the advanlagc; of a few of his people, who doubtless were under much greater obligal inn to him than to the ])eople of the United States. Remon- strance soon grew into alten-ation, which endeil in a ruse de y;uerre, by which Osceola was made prisoner by the agent, and put in irons, in which situation he was kept one night and |)art of two days. Hi're tiien we si-e the origin of Osceoia^s strong hativd to General Thompson, While lying in chains he no doubt came to the fixed resolution to resist tho whites to his utmost ability, and therefore, with perfect couuaand over himself, (lissi'nd)led his indignation, and deciiived the agent by a pretended compliance witii his demands. The better to blind the whites, Ik; not only i)romiscd to sign tlie submis.-ioii which he had so strongly objected to, but promised that his friends siioiild do so, at a stated time;; and his word was ke|)t >\ith tl.a strictest accuracy. He came to Fort King with /!• of his jicople, nien, women, and children, and then the signing took place. This puiicluality, accompanied with the most jierfect dissimulation, had th(; eli'ect that tiie chiiif intended it should — the dissipaiion of all the fi;ars of the whites. These transactions were in the end of .May ami begimiing of June, It!:}."). Thus we hav(! an'i\ed very n''ar the pei'iod ol' open hostilities and blood- sheil ; but belbr(> in'oceeduig in the details of these sanguinary ('vents, it may not be imjiropi'r to i)ause a moment in niviewiiig soum^ of the matters already touched upon. The first to which tlie attention is naturally called, is so prominent as scarcely to need being presented, but I cannot refrain asking attention to a comparison lu'tween the number of "chiefs and sub-chiefs, (which was Hixtkkn) who on the '-i'J April, IHI},*, agreed to "acknowledge tho validity of the treaty of !• May, IH.'J'i," and the numiier of warriors and chiefs now in open hostility. These liavt^ not hi'cn rated below ;2()00 able men. Does any body snpfM)se that thost; l(! "chiefs and sub-chiefs," (among whom was iiol the "king of the nation" nor Osceola,) had full iM)wer to act lor iiOOO warriors on so extraordinary an occasion? The (lueslion, in my nnnd, need only 111! stated ; especially when it is considered how ignorant every body was of the actual force of these Indians. It \\ ill doubtless In; asked, how it happens that tin; linlians of Florida, who, !i lew years sim-e, were kept from starving by an appropriation of cougress, shoulil now be aiile to maiiUain theinmdves so comfortably in their fastnesHt!8. The truth undoubtedly is. th.nt the "starving Indian'^" were those then lately llircid down into the peninsula, who had not yi t learned the resources of tho country; llir not mucii has been said about tlie "starving Indians of Florida' I'or several years past. ill uddiii'Mi to lh(! great amount of calllo, hogs, corn, grain, &ic. lakcii H ' 'I m 74 DEVASTATIONS BEOrX. [Book TV. from tlie wliitos, frniii tlio roniiMCiieeincnt of the wnr to the profciit time, tlie Sciiiiiidk's iiiJiUo tloiir ot" a txi'tiiiu root, called cooiity, upon which they cuir Biibsist without iiicoiivciiiciicu for a considerable leitfr'th of time, which is of iticalculalrh'; advaitfago to them in their war operations. The strength of tin; Indians has hoen not a little augmented by the blacks. Some accounts say there are t>00 among them, some of whom have joined iheiii, on absconding from their white ownei-s; but it is well known that the Florida Indians own many slaves. Old Micanopy is said to linve 80. ••^tiies^ CHAPTER IX. The Indians [H'fpcrr. for leiir — .Iffiilr of Hogt.own — .1 vwil-ciirricr liillcil — Sr, as the lIMnire, IHIJ"), a serions affray took j)hice between some whites and Indians, at a place called llogtown, not liirh'om Mickasanky, in which the former were altogether the aggressors. The Indians, about seven in immbcr, were discovered by a gang of whites, hunting " beyond their bounds," upon whom they midertook to inflict corporal punishment. Two of the Indians were absent when the- whites came np to them, aiul they ^'ei/ed and disarmed them, and then In^gan to whip tiiem \\\\\\ cowhide whips. They had whi)iped f<)iir, and were in the act of wiiipping the (iltli, when the other two Indians canu; nji. On seeing what was going on, they raised t!ie war-whoop and fired upon the whites, but whether they receivecl any injury, W(! are tiot told ; but they innnediateiy retui'Mcd the tire, and killiMl both the Indians. Wlii'ii (Mineral Thompson was made acMpiainted with the afiiiir, he summoned the chiefs togethiu', and stated the liicts to them, and they disclaimed all knowledge of it, and, it is said, agreed to deliver the oIltjnderM into the hands of tin; whites, to be dealt wiih according to their laws. This nnist be taken as the story of the whites; for in this ca;repare fiir their journey over the Mississijipi, nnd to that end must bring >n their catrle and hoi-ses according to the terms of tlw trenty. And so conlident was he that they would be brought in, that lit' had advertiwii xfyHM l»i? ^il**; ""«' l'''- l^t and lolh of the uiuiith were the Chap. IX.] ESC.VrE OF MKS. GODFREY. 70 days ill whicli the salos W(M'e to l)0 made. Tlio appoiiitiMl daj-.s jmsscd, and no Indians appoarod ; and it was inipu'diately discovert'd that tlicy liad sont their women and cliiKh'on into thi; interior, and tiie waiTioi"s were niarcJiing from place to place witii arms in tiioir iiands, ready to strike. Consternation and dismay was dtjpicted on tlio connt(!uan(;es of the bor- dering whites, and tiu^y began to fly Ironi their dwellings, which were imme- diately destroy(!d by the Indians. One of the first places attacked was the plantation of Captain Priest, th(! buildings on Nvliich were ixwned. Small compani(!s of whites were immediately organized Ibr scouring the country. One of these was fired uj)on by sonu; Indians in ambush, who wounded two, one supposed mortally, and a son oi"(Jii[)tain Priest had his horsi; killed inider him. Soon alter, as ."30 or 40 men were at work getting out .shi|)-tiniber on Drayton's Island, in Lake George, they were fired upon and driven from the place. Nont! wcsre wounded, although the bnlhits passed through the clothes of some ol' them. On the ;■) of December, a small party, supposcjd to be about .'{0, of Indians struck a liital blow on a poor faujily at N(!W Kiver, which is about 22 miles to the north of Cape Florida. It was tla; liunily of the light-house keeper of this place, named Cooln/. And what renders the case peculiarly aggravating is, that this liunily, like that of Clark, at Eel River near I'liniouth, in Philip^s war, were, and had always been, on terms of gr(!at intimacy with the very Indians wlio dc.sti'oyed ilivm. ,Mr. f 'oo/i.y, Ixiing absent when the attack was ]na(le, eseapi'd tli(^ butchery. 'J'he nuMd)er nuinh^red was six, one of whom was a nia)i named Flintnn, iVom Cecil county, Maryland, who had been hired as a liunily tejicher, his inother, wit'e, and three children. Flintoii he found shockingly mntilat(!d, ajjparently with an axe; his two older children were lying iH'.ur him shot lln'ough the lieai't, with the books they were using at the time they \\<;re nun-dered by their sides; from ^vhi(•h circumstance it is evident they met death at the same momiMit they knew of the vicinity of the foe. Mis witi', with iIk; oilier ehilil at her breast, he found about TOO yards ii-oin the others, both a|tj)arently killeil by the same bullet. i\Irs. Cooky had l()rmeily been a eaptivc! among tin; Indiaiin, undcu'stood their language, as did one of the children, a boy, and both were much liked by tli(!m. Here the Indians found a rich booty, 'i'liey carried off about 12 barrels of ])rovision.s lU) hogs, .'{ horses, -IHO dollars in silver, one keg of powder, above 200 ptjimds of lead, and 700 tlollars worth of dry goods, A tiimily of several "iiersons in Xhv. neigiiborhood oi' Cooleifs, witnes.sud the muiilfr, and barely inaih; their escape. Also anolh(;r, that of the widow Rig- It ij ; herself, two (laughters mid a son ; thesi! escajied by flight to Cape Florida, liere were soon gathered about (10 persoii.s, who had escaped fi"om along the coast, and luit being able to subsist long tJir want of jirovisioiis, made a signal of distress, ami were soon disco\ered by a vi'ssel, which look tlu^ni to St. Augustine, There was, omoiig the liimilies who rt(!d to save liieir lives about this time, one, very reniarkaiily preserved. The fiunily of Thiimui CoilJ'rcif, viz. his wife and liuir female chililren, having escaped to a swamp nnobserv(.'(l, worn relieved by a negro, about the end of the fourth day. This man was drawn to the sjiot by the moans of om^ of the ehildniii, whose poor fiimished niotlii^r eoiiiil no longer give it its usual supjiort at the bn'a's nearly encircled, and although at tirst no Indians were seen, yet the flashes of their guns soon Iiointed out their hidiiig-[)laces, and considerable firing ensued on both sides ; nit the fire of ilu; Indians was soon silenced, and on searching the bog four Indians were found, dead, but all the others, if there were any more, had cfl'ected their escaj)e. In this swamp fight, three whites were badly wounded, and ()w kiliiHl. On the 2t) of December, a band of about 100 Indians, under a chief named Philii', and a nundier of Indian negroes, made an attack on New Smyrna, to the south of Mosipiito Inlet, on the east side of the Peninsula, where they found nothing to obstruct the'ir ravages. They began with the house of Mr. Z>itn/irtm, which when they had plundered, " parties of them scattered about the neighboring |)lantatioiis of Cniger, Depcyster, and Hunter. The Indian negro, John Cri'snr, endea\ ored to decoy I\Ir. Huntff from his house, on pre- tence of selling him cattle and Intrses; he, however, having heard by his negroes that large numbers of Indians were about, and in the arternoon he crossed the river to Colonel Dummcfs. The Indians held possession of Dun- ham's house all day, and about out; the next morning set it on fire, together with all the out-buildings. In the course of the 27, they burned and destroyetl all the buililings on Cnigcr's and Depvysttr''s jdantations except a corn-house, and, on Hunters, all except a corn-house. They now crossed over the river to Colonel Bummers house, and after destroying every thing in it, set that on fire, but from some cause the fire did not burn it. They next burnt the house of Mr. Rntdiff, u little to the north of Colonel Dummtfs, and broke and destroyed tli(! lantern and every thing belonging to the light-house." The war having now become serious, and the Indiana no longer looked upon as a despicabh; foe, the most melancholy forebodings were entertained for the very existence of the strongest places in Florida, and the call for protection fiom that quarter had become loud and fretpu^nt ; but notwith- standing war had been exj)ected all the preceding autunm, no etVectual meas- lu'es had beer, taken by the proper authorities to check the Indians in such an event. Tlier(! had, however, late in December, arrived at Fort Brooke a small number of I'nited States' troops under Major Dade, of the 5 regiment of inliuury, the olficial account of whose operations and d(>feat, I give as follows, in the language of .Major Helton. It should be observed, that iMajor .W«(/e was detached for ihe relief of Ceneral Clinch at Camp King, who was supposed to !)e in the most inuninent danger from the Indians, and also in great want of supplies. His despatch was dated at Fort Brooke, 1 Jamiary, IH.If!, and proceeds as follows: — "The schooner Motto arrived on the 21 December from Key West, with breviJt Major Jhulv and his company, A infantry, 3!) strong, with a small su|)pl\ of musket-ball cartridges, afier looking in at several jjoints lietween the Ivey and this i)laee. I?eitig th'is reiidbrced, I hesita'ed no longer to put (Innliiiers company, C 2(1 ariillery, and Frnzer\t company, B Hd intimtry, in motion fiir l''ort King, pm-suant to (icneral C/i/if/i'» orders; which movement had been ordered on ilii' Kill), and suspended the same day, on accoimt of int<'lligen('e I had received of the llirce ol" the Alickasukies, and their strong liosition, near th(> forks ol' the Wythlacoochee. I despatched the jiublic schooner Motto on 2IM, with l.ieut("naut Duncan, 2d artillery, to Key West, f(j bl ol [Hook IV. s tliere was iialJ iletnch- lojulfd with which was inarch they t' tlifiri, and t to relieve, akiiig frimi "ida troopp, Jiisc; on tiro ond, whicli ii'fled, uml ginis soon Ijotli sides ; 10 hog four more, Ijad wounded, lief named Smyrna, to there they use of Mr. ^'red ahout 'lie Indian c, on j)re- ard l)y liis s'rnoon lie 11 of Dun- ', together destroyed 3rii-hoiise, tlio river «!t tiiat on the iiouse •roke and er looked iteitained ; eall lor iiotwith- iial nieiis- 1 such an :o a small imeiit of < follows, ')mle was 5ii|)I)08ed <;nt want ceods as i-y West, I a small Ix'tween r to put iintry, in nemeiit 'oiint of • strong •' pnhlic V West, Chap. IX.] DEFEAT OF JIAJOR DADE. 77 for a buttery of two twelvo-pouuders, and such stores as could bo serviceable ; and (It (i o'clock, on 24th, the companies, Gardiner's and Frazier's, made filly bayoiK^fs eacli, by details from tlio.se companies remaining here, and with one of the two six-pounders of this post with four oxen, 1 had ordered to be purchased, one light wagon and ton days' provisions were put in marcu. " The first halt of this eommand was at Little Hillsboro' River, seven miles fiom this post, the bridge of which I had reconnoitred by Indians of EmatlUa's baiul the day before. From this I heard from Maj. Dade iin.ssing 1110 to forward the six-])ounder, by all means, it having been lell bytlit; iiiilure ol" the team lour miles out. I accordingly ordered the purchase of tlire(< horses and harness, and it joined the column at nine that night. On tin; night of the 24th, I heard that the transport with Maj. Mountford and com- pany, long and an,\ioiisly expected, was in the bay. I sent at one o'clock a letter to him, (received at day-light) by an Indian express, m'ging liim oji. lie landed with his strong company on the 25th about noon, and inlijriiied me that Legatees company, under Lieut. Grayson, nearly full, must be near at hand. Of this Maj. Dade was informed by a gallant vohinteer, Jewell, C company, 2d artillery, who had loll the detachment with the news of the burning of Big Hillsboro' bridge, near which Maj. D, had halted the second day, 25tli. I also informed him that I was using every exertion to push on about thirteen hundred rations on pack-horses, with what ammimi- tion could be spai'ed. A duplicate of this was sent the next day by a young Indian, who became lame and could not overtake the column, and returned with his letters. Pr. JeiocW joined Maj. Dade about 11 o'clock on the night of the aSth. " In the chain of events, it is proper that I shoidd mention, that tliree Tallidiussee Indians came in on the evening of the 22d, and caused great excitement in Ilolase Ematlda's camp. They brought a talk of Inkanopas of a pacific or neutral character, or they attected it; but I believe not dis- tinctly, until after I had made them prisoners, while in full council with KmaMCs warriors, which ste[) I considaily were. They ail came in separately, sorely wounded, — one of them witii no less tiian eight wounds. lie was supposed to he dead, and was thrown |)roniiscuously into a heap of the slain, about which a dance was held by th(; Indians, ijciore leaving the ground. This man crawled mvay in the following niglit, and thus etiected his escape. 9iife CII.APTER X. Of the princl/ml chltfs and tatr lenders of the Seminoles — Osceola — Micanopy — Jdmpkk — Massacre of Gonoral Thompson and others at Fort Kinfr — IJatti.k of THK OiJiTULKCoocHK — Fiirht near Wetumka — Great distress of the cmintn/ — .Action of CiiHgrrss upon, it — Batth at Jilusijnito — Many Creeks join the Seminoles — Fight . on the Suance River. There has been occasion already pnuty fully to sketch the character of the chief generally called Powell by tla; wliites, but who.se real name is Osckola, or Oseola. This cliief has shown himself to be, thus far, e(]ual to the despcjrate cause in which he is engaged. \V(!, at a distance from the Indians, marvel that they should be so short-siglited as not to see that to wage a war is only to hasten their ruin ; but, when we thus reflect, we do not consider the scanty information which the Indians have of the real strength of the whites. Oiu' means of getting a knowledge of the Indians, is incalculably greater than theira is of getting a knowledge of us. They cannot read, neither can they converse (or but very few of them) with iutc'lligent white men ; therefore, that they know much less of us than we do of them, must be very a])parent. They know nothing of geograjihy. If an Indian, in the interior of Florida, shoidd be told that New England was a great place, without considerable tronI)le he could not be made to understand whether it were a great town, as large as a village of 50 wigwams in his own country, or as large as the whole of Florida. We learn every thing of this nature by comparison ; and how .shall the Indian ■comprehend our terms, but by comparing them with his own ? Hence it is owing, mainlj', to the unavoidable ignorance of the Indians of our actual con- dition, that induces them to hazard a war with us. I know, from the best authority, that the western Indians, i)revious to Black Hawk's war, were gen- erally of the opinion that they were far more numerous than the whites ; and when a trader told them they certainly were; not, they laughed at him with scornful gestui-es. We have no reason to believe the Florida Indians any better informed ; and, besides, they are cheated and baffled so often by knaves who go among them for that j)urpose, that they imagine all the whites to Ikj of the same character, and they cannot tell whether a talk really comes from their great father, the i)re6ident, or whether some impostor be cheating tliem with one of his own, to get their lands for his particular benefit. With this view of the case before us, it will not appear altogether unac- countable that a daring chief, like Osceola^ should engage iu a war. He is said not to be a chief by birth, but has raised himself by his courage and peculiar abilities to that station. His father is said to have been an Englishman, and Chap. X] MASSACRE OF GENERAL TIIOliPSON AND OTHERS. 81 his iiiotlinr n Creek wnniiiii. IIo licloiif^f; to tlio Red Stirk tribe. In person he is slt'iider, hut w(;ll tunned, iMii.sculur, nnd ciipiildu of endiirin^j^ great fdtiffiK!; is Jill exceileiit t.'tctici.in, and an admirer of order and discipline. He wonid iVecinentiy practise military manonivres witii the wliites, and none of them, it was ohserved, could excel him. His comple.xion is rather ligiit, deep restlesH <'yes, clear and shrill voice, and not more than about ;j5 years of ago. He is said to have conducted in ]»erson every important action iVom the time of tVairen^s defeat to the battle; of the (Juithlccoociiec. General Thompson inii)risoned him, as wo havt! before rclatixl, because lie would not acknowl- edge his autiiority, and for asserting that the country was the Indians', "that they wanti^d no agent, and that he had better take care of himself." Of old Miatnopif as well as Osceola 1 hav(! already had occtuiion to speak. He was .said to have joined the latter with 500 men : he is a short, lhick-s(;t, "ugly-looking Indian, and much given to intoxication." Jumper is jl/icano- py's chiei' counsellor, and a warrior of great perseverance, activity, and courage. We shall now take up tin- nurrative of events in the order of their occurrence, and the next of imporiance was the massacre near Cam[) King, which ha|)pened on the same day, hat at a kiter hour than the destruction of the detacliment luider Major Ihuk. Osceola, it will bo remembereii, had been roughly treated at this ])lace, not many months before, and had \u'.v.n by coercion obliged to comply with the demands of Mr. Agent Thompson, about a removal, &c. He was known afterwards to declare that Thompson should i)ay with his life for his conduct. Accordingly, with a small band of warriors, at noon day, on the 28 of Decem- ber, he ai»|)roach(!d Camp King lor this avowed purpose. Thompson resided here, and was in the employ of tiic United States' government, as agent for the removal of the Seminole Indians, and other afiairs concerning them. He was a man of considerable conseipience, and had formerly, it is believed, been a mendjer of congress. Whether it was his usual custom to dine out of the fort, we are not inibrnied, but on this fatal day, it seems, he, with nine other gentlemen, met at the store house of i\lr. Ro<^crs, which was but S.'jO yards from the fort, and while seated at dinner there, they were attacked by Osceola ; and what was remarked, at the time, as very singular, was, that those people should be beset and slain, and all scalped, within reach of two six-pound cannon then mounted npon the fiirt, which was garrisoned with 50 men ; but snch are the liicts upon record. Mr. Ro'^ers was sitting at the head of his table, and the first intimation of the |)resence of Indians was a volley of, as was judged, 100 guns. The door of tlie house being open, nothing prevcnt(!d tli(! deadly aim of the foe, who, after the first discharge, rushed upon the house with savage liu'y. Those who were not killed jumped out ofilie window.^, on each side, and fied; live, who ran to the l()rt, escai)(!d; tla; other.*, in running for a hannnock near by, were shot down. The negro woman, a cook, ran behind ilie coiuiter and hid behind a barrel. Osceola, at the head of his warrior.«, rushed into the house, but did not discover her, and inunediatcly left it. The names of the five that were killed, were, (ieiieral Thompson, Lieutenant Conslantinc Sndlh, Erastus RofTcrs, sutler, a Mr. Stii^frs and Hilzlcr. Fifteen bullets were Ibimd to have been shot through Ceneral Thompson, and l(i through Mr. Rogers. Their heads were scalped all over, as far as the hair extended. Bloody events now followed each other in {[luck succession. We have seen that upon the same day happened the two massacres last related, and scarcely had the news of them ceased vibrating' on the ear, when the battle of the Ouithlecooeluie wtis announced. The movements of (kMun'al Clitich, in the very end of the year IH.'!.'), brought about this event, wiiieh will presently be detailed in his own words. He was lying in garrison at Fort Dranc> a stockade about !iO miles from Camp King. He had here a plantation, upon which was a large crop of corn ; this he liberally dealt out to the soldiers ; other suiiplies having failed. Un the arrival of General C'«//, an expedition was innnediately .set on l()ot for ll'.;" head-ipiarters of th<' Indians. As the narrative of (.-very transaction is of increased importance and value, in proportion to the means of knowledge and veracity of the narrator, we are always led to a desire to hear the history of such transactions from the very 82 BATTLE OF THE OUITIILECOOCHE. [Book IV. ar.lors in them; because, lioiii sr.cli sources, we seldom fail of niTi\iii'r at the trutli. A commuuder or leader in a buttle or expedition, if lie would wish to misrepresent a transaction, woidd, in scai'ce one time in a thousand, dare to out WO men, wen; attacked by the eiieiuy, who wert! strongly posted in the svMunp and scrub, w Inch extended from the river. TliiH little band, however, aided by ('ol. Warrcu, jMaj. Coojier, and Lieut. Yeoman, with 27 vcdunteers, met tla; attack of a savage enemy, nearly three times tln'ir mimber, headed by the chief ()si:ot,.\, with Spartan \alor. The action lasted nearly an hour, during which tlmi^ the troops made threi? brilliimt charges into the swamp tnid scrub, and drove the enemy in every direction. And alter the third charge, altliough nearly one third of their number had been cut down, they w(>re llmnd sidlicieiitly tirm and steady to I'ortifv the formation of a new line ol" battle, which gave entire protection to the l1aid\S, as well as the position s<'lected for recrossing the tr(io|is. Itriir. (icn. (V(//, alb'r using every elliirt to induce the vohuueers remaining on the east bank, when the action commi need, to cross the river, luid in arranging the troops still reminnimr on that haidv, crossed over and reuil(t artillery, and cor- I)oral Chapin, C com[)any, yd artillery. Colonel John Warner, commandant J St regiment volunteers, Maj. Cooper, and Lieut. Yeoman of same corps, who had foruKMl on the letl flank, were all severely wounded, while leading their litlK' hand to the charge, and all behaviul with great bnivery, as well as adjutant Phillips. Lieut. Col. Mills displayed great coolness and judgment (luring the action, and in rccrossing the river with his connnand. Lients, Stewart and Hunter of the 2d regiment, with a few men of that regiment, were jiuliciously posted on the right, and, from their reputation for firmness, would have given a good account of the en(!my, had he made his appearance; in that (piarter. Col. Parkill, of the F. voluntc^ers, who performed the duties of adjutant-general, dis|ilnyed much military skill and the utmost coolness ami couriige thronglioiit the whole action ; and his si-rvices were of the first iinportaiu'i'. Col. Reid, iiis|)t'ctor-gen('ral, displayed much firmness, but lit; had his horse .•^hut, and receiv(;d a slight wound early in the engagomeift, and was sent with orders to the volunteers. My volunteer aid, Maj. Ljiilc, and Maj. IVdford, aid to Hrig. tJen. C(dl, were near rni; throughout the action, and (lispliiyeil the most intrepid courage aixl coolness. Col. J. H. Mcintosh, one of my aids, and Maj. Camhlc, aid to Ceii. Call, both displayed much firmness and coiu'age, and \v(>re actively ein])loy<'(l on the lefl flank. I also feel it duo to Ijii'ut. Col. linilii/, Capt. Scoll, and liieut. Cuthhrrt, to sny, that, although tli(! action was nearly over before they could cross the river with a few of the 2d regiment, they took a judicious |)osition, and showed much finnm-ss. (Japt. Il';/att, of the same corfis, was entirely employed in encting a tempora- ry bridge, and manitesti'd much tirniness. Much credit is also due to the itiedieal department, composed ol' Doctors Ifightman, Hamilton, Randolph, and Jinnlon, i'nv tiicir activity and attention to the wounded. "The time ot' service of the volunteers having expired, and most of fheni having expressed im unwillingness to remain longer in lh di'a' tl'W men 'o guard this extensive li'onticr. I am now (iilly convinced tlmt there has been n great defi'ction aiiKUig tlu! i'lorida Indians, and fliat a great many Cr .,ks have imited with thetn ; conse(ineiuly it will rmpiire a strong fiirce .o ])nt them down. you a list of the killed and w unded of 1 am, sir, with high res[)ect your most "1 also have the honor to enclose the respective regiments and corps. 4)bedient, D. L. Clinci?, Tfrrvrf It. Cineral U, S, Army, Jommandina;. " II. Jones, .'Idjutnnl-dcniral I '. S. .Irmi/." "Rt^ttim of the killed anr him in two jilaces, neck and hip. A i>all passed through his cap, entering tin; front, and jiassing out at the back part ot tiie top. An- other ball i)assed through the sle(;ve of the bridli'-arm of his coat. This was my first battle, and I may not be the best judge, but I do not believe that any man ever displayed more intrepid courage than Gen. Clinch did on this occasion. At one moment a littlii confusion occurred among the troojts, in conse(|uenc(^ of some soldiers giving the word '■''Ilclircl" Tlie general iinmediat(^ly threw himself in front of the men, and his horse staggering tuuler him, he dismounted, advaiu'ed to iIk- front, and, amidst a sliower ol bullets from the Imbans, said, that before he would show his back to the •■nemy, he would die upon the field. The high anil chivalric bearing of the general kindie'd among the men an enthusiii.'-m, which, I believe, was never Hurpassed. A gallant charge followed, which routed and drove the enemy from tilt! field, and they did not again slu)W themselves. We kept the field about three hours, and then recrossed the river in good order, a?id wilhoiif disturbance." The next events which occurred were not of so much moment as tlioso immediately preceding them ; but it is our duty to notice idl, which we will do in the order of time. On the Vi January, "Col. Parish, at the head of 200 mounted volunteers, composed of tht^ cotnpanies ()fCn\^\..1lston, Ihlhtm;/, ami Caswell, had a sharp encounter with a large body of Indians near Wetiunka, in Middle I'lorida. 'J'he attack conimenced with the advanced guaril under ('apt. IMIamii, who had been allowed by the enemy to pass their main boilv. Gol. Parish mune- (liately hasteru'd forward to his support, when suddenly he was attacked on both flanks !iy 'he enemy in ambush. The volunteers made an unsuccessfid attenijtt t<. charge on horsi'bai'k ; they weni then dismoiuited and formed in admirable order. They then chargi'd the enemy in a maimer Worthy of veteran:!. In the mean lime, Capt. Ucllamij. having routed the attacking party oppose 1 to him, ti'll ba<'k on the main body. The enemy were soon fi)rced toli'!>e shelter in • .int I et. My this time, night comnig on, it was not thought prndont to follow them, where the localities of the place and the darkneBH would have gi\eii them gri-at advantages. Our men rested on tlieir arms in the open pine woods, prepared to renew thi' action at day-light; but during llie nurht the savages eflecied their retreat. Their loss must \\n\v been con- siderable, u» six dead bodies were count) d in one part of the field of battle. Cha Tw( safe The T ibis beci coni illte ti.e f the nation. J5ut on the DO .lanuary, 3Ir. IVh'dc, in the house of represe^-!: "s, asked leave to introduce the fol- lowing resolution : — " JJcsolved by the senate and hous , .resentnfives of the I^nit(!d States of America, in Congress as.send)li'd. That the president of the U. Stales 1)0 authorized to cause rations to be delivered from the pul)lic stores to tin; tmt'orluriati! sullJ'rers who hav(! lni'U driven from their homes by Indian depredations, until they can bt; re-esta!>lished in their possessions, and e'!able guard, saw two Indians approaching, upon whom they tired, killing one and* wm 'iit the whol(! bodj of the Indians rushed out of a scrub, distant a little inoro tli.iii mu-ket shot, Mild coniinenceil a liirious att:ick upon 'MVijor /'r'/m//;iN men, who, from Iv^hind the fragments and broken walls of the burnl buildings, gave llie Indiaii-^ a warm reception; find .-illlioii^ih litit 10 in niniilMT, having CuverlM fruiii which to tight, and the Iniiiuiia beiii:; in o])en Hpuce, they kept n 80 (M)NGRESS AND THE SEMINOLE WAR. fnooK IV. ChaJ tlioin at buy for nl)()iitnn lir. r. Diiriiiir this fiim; hut one lind hocn wouiulcd. The Indians nuw cliar-icd ihciii wilii siicli ddti^niiiiicd fury upon tlicir Hunks, that they well! ohii^ivd to (ly to llicir boats, which w-rc at considcrahio distance Ironi the shore, and 'wen- rh)scly iinrsiicil hy tho Indians. In their hiHTV, the whites rendered all their <.nnis, hut one, useless, by welting them ; with this one, however, they fir(!(l as ollen as j)ossihle, and |»ushed oH" with en(!rgy ; but tlu! water heiiij,' shallow Cor a f;reat distanee, they were in tin; most imminent daiifier of beinj,' hoarded by the numerous Ind'ians; in such event, every man nnist have jjurisiied. However, they escaped with lit badly wounded, and several of these mortally. One boat fell into tht! hands oi" tiie Jndians, in which wen? eight or ten men, who all jumped overboard and escaped, except one, a Mr. Edward Gould, who swam to J'elican Island, and was tli(!re lell; nor was it in the power of the others to relieve him, ihey being pm-sued iiy the Indians in the boat which they had just taken. He was iiol Jieard of afterwards, and was supposed to have been ilrowned alh^rwards in endeavoring to swim from the island. A Mr. Mttrk.i swam to the opposite beach, au Seminoles would be aided hy (he (^-ecks, it is now confidently allirmed that at least 1000 of them iiave gone of thc preceding chapter, noticn was taken of the delay in <-ongress, and by the executive of the nation, to agitate the subject of this war. At length .Mr. ffrltsUr of the si'uate, iVoin the committee on finance, ie|H)rteil, without amiMidment, a bill making further ap|)i'oprialion for sup- pressing Jiostilities with the Seminole Indians, and asked liir its immediati! consideratiini, as the stale of" the ccauUry reipiired its passage with the inmost tlospalcji. T! e airaumt of the a|)propri.ition was r)l)(),0()() (lolliMs, and the hill was passed atic'' some explanatory remarks; which remarks, as they not only set the atliiirs of tlu! war forth as they were known in Washington at that period, but disenVei" to us something by which we can judge? who has been in fault there, shall here be laid hi fore the reader. "Mr. rVrtiy ^aid he should be glad to hear ihe conununications from the dopartmonts read, in order to see whether they gave any ai'count of' the cniiseK of this war. \o doubt, \u\ said, whatever may have been the causes, it wai4 necfssary to put an end to the war itsell| by all the possible mcaiin within our |M>wer. Ihit it wnn ii condition, altogether without precedent, in wiiicli the country was now [)lured. A war was raging with the most ran- coron.x violence within our borders; congress had Iicen in session nearly two inontlis, liining which time this conflict was raging ; yet of the causes of Chap. XI,] C;ONGRKSS AND THE SEMINOLE WAR. 87 tlio wur, liow it wns in'odiictMl, iftlu! iaultwiis on one side or on both sidos, in .sliort, wlmt luul liglitod np tin; torch, conf^njsa wiisj altof^otlior iininfornied, and no incjuiry m> tlus snhjtfct luul hccn niadt! by cither Ijrandi of tlio l«;fi;is- laturo. lloKliould be glad, iio said, if tiie rhainnan of tlio coniinittce on finance, or of tin! eoniiniltec on Jndialf ailiiirs, or any one cIkc, would toll him liow this war had burst forth, and what were -its causes, and to whom the blame of it wa.s to bo charged. "Mr. Wthskr i'c|)liod, that \w could not giv'part- 8^ FUaiT AT RRVANT'S FERRY. [nooK IV'. JMi'iiN, or iijiciii ilio conmiiimliiig oflicer in Florida, tliis house and tlio other Lraiicli di" i!ic li'iiislaliin; have s"tf|i|t('d lorwanl to sustain tliia war, altliough 111) rciini.-^ilion lias hvvAi niadi! hy tliu cliiuf magistrate ot" the nation. Sir, I rL'Joicc that they liavo done so. " .Mr. Cunihn'hng rosi; to explain, and Mr. Granger yielded the floor. "Mr. Camhrehng said, that gnat injustice had heen done in the newsjjapoj-g to the conduct pursued hy tiie departments. The conunittee of ways and means had been furnished with the first comnumication on which they acted by the secretin-y of war. They ne.\t day received a second comniutiicatioa with all the documents relating to the Indian war, and which contuined all the information that wiw reipiisite. The documents had not gone forth to the puhlic — which was an cAtraonlinary circumstance. They certainly wen; sent ny the committee to this house, and o ght to have accompanied the hill and be(!n printed and sent to tin; senate. If they had, the erroneous impression as to the remi.'n. I believ(! that the existence of this govern- ment dept'Mils upon its extending its fostering hand to the ind'ortunute when- ever it <'au be (hnie within the limits of the constitution. Especially slioidd this be tile case, where the suflercrs reside within a territory, and have no state government to which they can look for succor. ".'^iich is the true ciunve to he pni-sued in this nation; and then oiu' jieople will ferl that they are indeed mendiers of one connnon family, and that, whilst they bear e(|ual burdens, they are the equal recipients ot the bounty and protection of the government. "On nioti(;:i of Mr. Ifhilr, the resolution was rend a third time and jiassed." We have now to return to ihi^ recital of warlike operations. Alxiut the middle of January, great alarm spread through the conlines of (Jeorgia, that the Creek Indians were imbodyiiig in various parts of their cotintry, antl the utmost eonst.ernniion |irevailed. On the '.2.') .(anuary, it being rei)orted at Colnnilius, that the Indians were in force at Ibyant's Ferry, I.'j miles below that place, a company of whins, consisting ol about '20 or !K) men, under Captain (I'al.soit, inaiclied ilnwn upon discovery. They discovered HO or 10 Indians, some oi'whojn had rilles, but if does not a|)pear that they bad doni', or int.'iided, any miscbiif. However, (he wliites pursued them, and |>retty M(on a tiring coHimenced, and, though ot" slmrt duration, two wcii- killed ou ei tl ( c Chap. XI.] GAINES'S SEMINOLE CAMPAIGN. 89 IV. Sir, I eacli side, and tlio wliitcs were driven from tlie ground, having several of their nunihcr wounded. The next operations of importance were those hetween the forces under General Guinea and Osceola, and upon the memorable Ouithlecoochee. Gen- eral Gaines was upon a tour of inspection and duty, when he first learned that serious disturhances liad occurred between the wliites and Seniinoles. Thif was about tlie 15 January, and the general was amved at New Orleans. His previous head-quarters had been at Memphis, in Tennessee. He tlierefon; called on tlie governor of Louisiana, to have a body of volunteers in readiiu^ss for military service, and set out himself immediately for the scene of hostilities. At Pensacola he found some vessels of war, under Commodores Dallas and Bolton, and Captain IVebb, who had already commenced operations in the neighborhood of Tampa Bay, and other adjacent inlets. Colonel Twiggs had been ordered to receive into service eight companies of volunteers, to he raised by the governor of Louisiana, and the regular force at Baton Rouge, New Orleans, and other stations in the immediate vicinity of New Orleans, and to hold himself in readiness for a movement towards Tampa. Tiiis force con- sisted of about 1100 men. That no time should be lost, General Gaines returned immediately to New Orleans (about '^(i .raiiiiary), and, on the 4 February, was under way again for Florida, with his ibrees organized. He arrived at Tanijia, with his forces, in three steam-boats, on the Uth, and, on the Kkh began to proceed into tlie In- dian country. His first movenicpt was to the east, on the Alafia River, having imder.stood there had hetm a fight in that direction, near Fort Brooke, between the hostile and friendly Indians ; but afler two days, no enemy being discov- ered, th(! line of march was alKired for J'^ort King. General Gaines's army had but ten days' rations; but, by advices, ho was assured that tliere was jilenty at Fort King. On the 90 Febniaiy, the army jiassed Major Dade's fntnl field, on which was found 10(i men, all of whom they decently interred. All the officers who f(!ll in that disastrous fight were identified, aiul, what was very reinarkaiile, every man was accoiint(;d for ; but what struck ev«',ry one with the greatest surprise, was, that the dtiad were in no instance pillaged ; articles the most esteemed by savages were untouched ; the officers' bosom-pins remained in their places ; their watches were tbiuul in their pockets, niul money, in silver and gold, was left to d(!cay with it« owner, — a lesson to all the world — a testi- mony that th(> Indians are not fijjiiting for plunder! — nay, they are fighting for their rights, their country, their homes, their very existence ! The arms and aiumunition were all that had lieen taken, except the unifonn coat of Major Dade. On the 2'2 I'^ibruary, the army arrived at Fort King, much to the agreeable surjiriseof the garrison, which it had been re[torted was cut off by the Indians. Owing to the fountry's being in jiossessioii of tht; Indians, no sup|»lies had arrived ; and, the ne.xt day, a troop of hon? make any material impression, althougli they continued iIk; fight for about half an hour. 'I he whites lost one killed, and eight wounded. On the 2Hth, the ami}-, having resumed its march, was again attacked, about two miles from its former position, and a lire was ke[)t up about half of ttir day. At the commtMcenK.'nt of tlie action. Lieutenant Izard, of the I'liiti d folates dragoons, lell, mortally wounded. In the course of the fight, anotle c was killed, and two woiuided. In the evening, express was sent to Foil Drane, with directions for the commanding ollicer to marcli down with a force upon tlie opposite side of thu Ouitlilecoochuu, and tints come upon the 8« 1 JO GAINES'S SEMINOLE CAMPAIGN. [Book IV. rear of the Indians ; which movement, should it succeed, it was hoped, would finisli the war. Oil tlie morning of the 2yth, no Indians were to l)e seen ; but tiie general did not relax his i)rfcautions. A party was preparing timber and canoes for cross- ing the river, when, about L) o'clock, they were sharply fired upon, and, at the same time, tlie cni.'ampment was attacked upon every side, but that towards the river. TJie Indians now seemed in great force, (12 or 1500, as was supposed,) having been colle<;ting, from all (|uartei-s, since the fight on the jjrevious day. They continued the contest two hours, in which time one man was killed and 33 wounded. Among the latter was the general himself, — a rifle ball having passed through his lower lip, knocked out one tooth, and tlamaged two others. When it was found that the general was woimded, his companions expressed much regret ; but he talked of it as a matter of small moment ; said " it was very unkind in the rascals to take away a tooth which he valued so highly." On reconnoitcring the enemy's ground, after he had fled, Gaines's men i'ouml one of their dead, which had been draggetl a considerable distance and left unburied, from which circumstance they conjectured he had fled in haste. His rifle had been taken away, but he was found to be well provided witli ammunition, having plenty of |)owder and sixty bullets. The place of this' attack Gauics called Camp Izard. The flight of the Indians was no secin-ity for their not appearing again ; for, on the 2d of March, they returned, and conunenced pouring in their shot u])ou the whites, which, at intervals, tlx'y contiimed to do until the 5th. Meantime all of their i)rovisions were exhausted, and they began the slaughter of their hoi"ses to sustain life. But it is said that, during all this time, no one was heard to murmur or complain. On the night of the 5t!i, about 10 o'clock, a call was heard from the woods, and some one requested a pai;ley. On the oflicer of the guard's demanding what was wanted, it was answered tiiat the Indians were tiretl of fighting, and wished for peace. The gent.'ral ordered the oflicer of the guard to answer, that if the In- dians wished to treat, to send a messenger the next morning, with a white flag, and he should come and go in safety. He replied, "very well," and ailded tliat " he desired to have a friiuidly talk, and to shake hands." Accordingly, on the morning of the Gth, about 3ro Indians filed out from the river, and took a position hi the rear of the ^vhitcs, about 500 yards off*. They expected nothing now but a most blocrly contest, supposing the main body of the Indians to bo concealed hi a neighi)()ring hammock. IJoth parties remained a short time in suspense, each iloubting what the other would di At length, one or two advanced within hailing distance, and, being joined with othere, repeated what liad been said the night bi;for(>. The general now sent out to them a statT oflicer, and they told hiiu they did not wish to fight any more, but re(iuested that the army should withdraw Ironi the Ouithlecoochec. Osceola was at the head of the Indian deputation. AV'htm the officer who had met the Iniliaus rcport(,'(l this talk to Haines, he ordered him to return to Osceo/rt, and to infoi-ui him, iii the plainest terms, that they would be subdued, that a large force was on tiie way into their country, and that, unless they submitted, every Indian found in arms would be shot. \Vh(Mi this wits communicated to the [ndian.s, they said they would go and hold a council, and would meet them again in the afternoon. Tiie uuM'tiiig in tlie afternoon, accordingly, took place, and the Indians urged what tin y had said in the morning, and added that they hail lost many of tlieir men liy tloatji and wounds, and were tiii'd of the war; but as their governor (as tiiey styled Mkanopi/) was not there, they must first con- sult him, and asked to have the war suspended until he could be consulted. They were told that if th(!y wou'il cease Ironi acts of hostility, go south of the Onithlacoochee, ami attend a eouiieil when called upon by the United States commissioners, they should not be molested. This thoy agreed to, and, at the same moment, (Jmc nil Clinrh came ujmn the main b()dy of the Indians, and they all fled with lUr. utmost |ireeipiUition, probably concluding this was a stratagem which the whites had prepar which they disj)Iayed their 92 DEATH OF MAD WOLF. fHooK IV. ingenuity by shooting fire-arrows on fire upon tlio roof of the house, which destroyed tlie roof and loll us ex|)Oscd to th(! iiicleinency of the weatlier. This urrow-tiring was porfonnnl hy 2(i of tlieir uum, whilHt about \i to 500 used tlieir guns. We had, on this occasion, two or three of our men wouny arrived at Tallahassee in a canoe, about the l(i April. This circumstance, in all |)n)bability, ])roved the safi-ty of their fellows, as well as themselves. A company was madi; up at St. Marks, and under Captain Leigh Read, procee;y. When they had proceeded about six miles, their advanced guard received a sharp fire from a hammock on the left, but were soon dislodged by a charge from the main body. Two of the whites were badly wounded, one horse killed, and four woundcMl. After another consii', who were oil the 12 April shipped off" for "beyond the Mississippi" by General Scull. ) \ CHAPTER XII. Crekk War — Murders anii, devastations begin — Eleren persons killed near Colum bus — Mitil routes in possession of the liidinns — Jl steam-bout attacked and men killed — Chiefs of the war parties — Mail staires dcsiroijed — The town of Roanoak burnt — Colonel Lindsay's Florida affair — Kxcessirc dismaij of the jieoplc of Geor- gia — Murder of families — Fight on tlic Chaltahoor.hic — Capture uf Jim Henry and Neamathla — Account of the chiefs — Surrender of the Indians. AnJUTAN t-Generai. Mcintosh wrote from Fort Mitchel, Alabama, (on tho Cliattahoochic, I') miles above Columbus,) 7 May last, as follows: — "It has just l)(!en report(!d to me, that (^ol. Flournoy was shot dead by the Indians on the .Ith instant, about 15 miles below this post. I am also informed that a rc|)ort is currently circulating among the Creeks, that the Seminole Indians have dcf(!ated the whites in Florida, This report will no doubt imbolden them to many acts of hostility that they would not otlujrwise dare commit. A constant communiiration must be kept u|) between them, as the Creeks are conversant with every transaction that occiiis in Florida. .Marshal, the half- breed, says he is a|»prehensive mischief will be done by the Indians before long. Other friendly Indians are of this o|)inion. Opotldeyohola, principal of the upi»er Creeks, says he cannot keep his people together, or restrain them." At the same time Colonel F/oi(rno?/ was killed, ten others met a like fate, some of them within 12 miles lA' Columbus, at the Ochee Ilridge on the Old Federal Road. "The Indians have entire posses.-ioii of that road, and all the settli'is hav(! fled. A train consisting of 1.50 wagons, with about 150 fugitives, on their way to Columbus, were flred upon, on the 10 A[)nl." Up to the IS May, at Augusta, (Gn.) it was reported that all the southern mail routes w(!re in ])Ossessiou of tlie Indians, excejjt that to Mobile. The day before, all the mails were brought back. Colonel VroweWs |)lantation, and many othei*s, had been burnt, and a stage agent and two drivers had been killed. The governor of Georgia had ord(!red two regiments of volunteers to take the fmld. About tliis time the steam-boat Hyperion was attacked on her passage; up thi; (Cliattahoochic, and two pilots and one passenger were killed. She svas then run on sliorc on the Gciorgia side, and alti-r being abandoned, was taki.Mi and destroyed by the Indians. The Crock tuwii:; and tribes wliicii have dedartMl tlieiiisclves hostile are a 94 CRF.rilC WAR.— STEAiM-BOAT Di:.STROVi:i). [Hook IV. part of tlio OcluM^s, tlin llitclietas, tli<' I'ali-ld-clio-ko-los, llic So-wok-ko-los, 1111(1 II part ot'tlio I tiillay.s. Tim jfiiiicipal i-liicls who have .sliDWcd tliciiisclvcH as tlusir li'a(l«!rs, nro old NKAiMATiii.A, of wiioiii wo liavf already scMral times Npokon, ('iiifl' of the Hitclietii.s, .li.M IIk.miy, and Nko Mico. jMaiiy friendly liidiaiiis iiiiiiiediatcly Joined the whiten, one of iik^ |)rineipal leader.s of whom is ii chief called Jim JJov. The war party have discovered f^reat boldness. About the 10 May u |tarty oamo within ;l0 or 40 yards of Fort Mitchell, a strong and well-(lofended jdace, entered the hospital, and earrit! off what they pleased, and the garrison thought it not best to disturb them. On the 14 following, tlu^ mail from Montgomery tuColinnbus was attacked about 20 miles from the latter place. A driver on tlitit route was riding along tlie road on horseback, about .10 ytirils ahead of thi! stage, when he was liriul upon by about 80 Indiiuis, yet he unaccountably escaped injiny. His horse took fright and throw him, and he escaped into ii thicket. When he iu-rived at the next sUige relay, llu! Iior.-cs had got there, but without any carriage, but had about them some i'ragnients of their hariK'sscs. Mr. Jlilams, who was in the stage, made his escape by leaping into the wooils when the stage upset. A driver and two i)thers were killed. There were J!) horses belonging to the line in the companj', of vhicli but three were recovered, and these were wounded. About this time the old steiun-boat (Georgian was burnt while lying at Roanoak, and all on board, except the engineer, |)erished. The town of Koanoak was at thi; same time laid in ashes, but the citizens escaped to a ibrt. Irwinton, a tlom'ishing town on the (jleorgiiv side ol'the river, soon aller shared the same fate. Meanwhile souk! ali'airs of considerid>l(! monic lit W(>re transpiring in Flori- da, ("olonel Lhulmij had been despatched, at tlu^ head oi" about 750 men, from Fort Brooke, with orders to jiroceed to Fort Alabama, to destroy it, and bring away the sick, wounded, and provisions. Having proceculed there, uikI oiiectcd their object, the forces marched again for Fort Urooke. Hefore leaving the tort, a mine was ])re|)are(l, by leaving powder in tin; inagazinr-, which should explode on its being oiieiK-d. Tliey had got but n mile or two, when the mine was sprung with a li-ariiil noise, but what effect it luut jiro- duced was not known. The whites had missed two of their number the day before, wIkuu they found on their return marcli, about I'i miles from Fort Alabama, killed in the way, and oiu; shockingly mangled. AVhile the army Avas contemplating this spectacle, it was finMl U])()n by .'jOO Indians, as was supposed, fi-oni a hammoek, no more than MO yards oir. The whites inimedi- ately formed, and fired in their turn, and a regular fight ensued. The Indians eoiild not be dislodged until sexeral roiuids of grape shot from the artillery liad been poured in upon them. This was a bloody affray for them, but their loss was not fully known ; several were found dead on the field, and numerous traces of others who had been dragged oH' dead or severely wounded were discovered. The whites had '\ killed anil 2'2 wounded. A letter addressed to the editor of the Richindud l'',nquirer gives a fearful picture of the affairs in the Creek country. It was written at Tulbotton, ((!a.] 11 May, and is in these words: — "I wrote you jesterday, informing you of the hostile movements of the Creek Indians, and the coinmenceinent of their inurderous career. We have full infiirmation here to-day of the distressing etatt them dogs and cowards, and the most the whites could do was to retei'm e in the same sort of language. About the end of June, a party of whites, who were scouting on Flint River, accidentally found a young woman about three miles from Cambridge, who had been wo>mded by a shot in the breast. She stated that, on the 26 of June, about 300 Indians killed all the family to which she belonged, 13 in ninnber, excej)! herself, and her father, who made his escape. After l)eing shot, she feigned deatli, and as the murdered were not scalped, she made her escape afler the Indians lefl the scene of butchery. Up to the 16 June, all the houses of the whites in the Creek country had been burned. On the 13th, in an attack on an Indian town by some whites, 24 persons were taken, among whom were three chiefs. These were held as hostages at Fort Mitchell, and word was sent to the hostile party, that if they did not come iu and surrender tiiey should be put to death. Tlic next day, ; v» oe> CAPTURE OF JIM HEMIY AND NEAMATIILA. [Book IV. 120 cnine in nlid ileclarcd tlicmsclves rnoiidly. As late us tljo 28tli of June, it wns reported at ('oliiinhiis, Ga., that tln! Creek war was i)roI)al)ly at an end, "as lur as rijjiiting was coneerned. Jim Heiuys party liavo nearly all Ixjeii taken. They were eon'eliack. He liad concluded to surrender, nnil bad a white cloth tied about his head, and some white garment for a ting, extended upon ii stick, and N\as ap])r(iaching towards them. 'I'hey onhu-ed lum to halt, but he gave no heed to them, until- within a few paces. He was taken to (Jen. Jcmk/Z.v camp, and made prisoner. With him were his sou and (laughter, and a nic-ci- of .Vta JMiro. 'I'lie two females were releas«'d, but Ijis sou was coufiiu'd with him at Fort IMilchell. On being asked where ho wiis going wiien Ik; was taken, he said his life had been tlireaten(!d by his own peo|»le, and lie was liastening to Fort Mitchell, to give himself up. JVea Mico liad some days before given himself uj). He was considered a great (diief Dnvid Hartlii^F, a half-briM'd, was taken by surprise, with ai)out a hundred of his men, with their women lunl children. Hy the 8th of June, therft had been secured botW( en M and 4000 Indians, which were despatched for the west as fast as circiuustaiices would admit. A j)arty of about (iO warriors, who were endeavoring to escape into Florida, were overtaken by ('ol. Heal, in Chickasatchic Swamp, Maker county, Alabama, and n considerable skirmish ensued. Nine liuliaiis were killed ar.(l '20 wound- ed. Of Col. Ural's men, two were killed and seven wounded. The Indians were lelV in possession of the swamp. TJie folltiwing account was published in the (leorgia Herald of the 'JH .luue^ at Columbus. It is headi-d, "(iKA>o Fntrf.k i>to Foiit Mitchei.i.," anil then jiroceeds : — "On th«' yi .Iiine, we witnessed the frrnnd entire, of a drovo of snviig^'s into the Fort [Mitchell] consisting ot" men, women imd childr<'n, in all about 1000; among them 200 warriors; they were iiroiight in by a bat- talion of Alabama eavidry, muler the conunimd of Maj. (icn. Paller.inii. Thn men were ]ilaced within the walls of the fort, while the wiiiuen tuid children were enciunped on the outside. It was an assend)lage of human beings, such as we had never before witnessed, and the sight tilled us with tlioughlsand feel- ings to w liicli we shall not give vent at Ibis time. They were of all ages, from » month ohl to a hlmdred years,— of nl' sizes, from the little pa|toosie to the giant warrior. The old " Ulinil hiuff" as he is called, rode in the centre of the throng, and although it has been many years since he iiehchl the light of day, yet has the ttelings of hostility eonliiuied to riuikle at his heart. The namt>s of the hostile chiels who have been taken and have come in, are jYea K-.Mnthln, (Mn jlrrho-Hmnlhln, [probably sou (fiWeamittlila,] Miccocholty, or Blind King, TSialee-JVugf^ee, Vhopho-Wir-har-Hailjo.'" END OK HOOK I'OlltTII. ^ © c p s u C ^ o W5 BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE , ■, s INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. ^^ BOOK V. BOOK V. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE IROQUOIS OR FIVE NATIONS, AND OTHER NEIGHBORING TRIBES OF THE WEST. Nurslings ofnntuie, I mark your bold boaring, Pride in each oapact and strength in each form, Hearts of warm impulse, and souls ofhigh daring. Born in the battle and roared in the storm. The red levin flash and the thunder's dread rattle, The rock-riven wave and the war trumpet's breatli, The din of the tempest, the yell of the battle, Nerve your steeled bosoms to danger and death. — J. R. Drake, CHi.PTER L Particulars in the history of the Iroquois or Five Nations — Extent of their domin- ions — Antiquities and traditions — Destroy the Eries — War with the Aderondaks — Specimen of their language — Account of the chiefs — Grangukle — Black- kettle — His bloody wars with Uie French — Apauio — Ilis singular stratagem to unite his countrymen against the French — Destroys Montreal and neur a, thousand inhabitants — Dies in peace with the French — Uekamsora a renowned orator — Peiskaret — The miraculims stories concerning him. History of the journey of Five Iroquois chiefs to England. The grout westcni confodorncy of Indian nations has generally been styled liy tin; I'reiicli, /roiiiii/olliiii.\\ li\i (IdDoiroiiis, /c.v OiimttiXiniix, les Onoyoutl, .;tlfs Agnii'n.'' (Laliolilnii, i. 3.'j.) Ily tliu .ij!7i(V» we arc lo iiuderataiid Mohaxeka, 4 COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOIS. [Book V. proves nothing of their origin ; for there may liave been a time when their ancestors went from this side to the country beyond, and so on. The Mo- haw].e almost de- stroyed. Th(! Six Nations did not know themselves by such names as the Engljsh ap|)ly to them, but the name Aquanuschioni,§ which signified united people, was used by them.|| This term, as is the case with most Indian words, is defined hy a knowledge of its etymology. A knowledge of the Indian lan- guages would enable us to know what almost every place in the country has * In the lirilish Empire, ii same trieiKisliii) with them." t Selt'i'lcd lioiii the wdl-ic I ( 'lutrli'vtrix. ^ l.oskiil, Hist. Mis. 1.2. (hut very phioe, hke the very iiHeii ifiive themselves was, Ilial. liril. Ihiminiou.i ill .V. II Al ii fjrent nssenil>laK'e of fil'ihe Six NHtidiis inliirineil biiyiius as ti icvuiitii imiiun. ofi, it is spiel, " Tho Cowctas also, or Creek Iiulinns, are in the lectcd notes to Sears's Pociii, entitled Mineral Waters. " They sny themselves, that they have spniiijf and {frown up in trees of the wilderness." Willidin's Key. Another jiame they Origve-homi'e, whirh siijnified, a people surpassin«r q|| others. Americn, (look iii. iiH. (cd. Ilo. I.oiid. 1773.) feliief's and warriors at Alliniiy,iii August. I71(i, the oliief spcnker the Ijiijlisli eoiiMiiissiiuuTs thai tliey had Inkoii ill the Mcsse» Vvldcii, Hist F. Nations, ii. nj, b( ( St a th ri i 1 1. Chap. I.] GRANGULA.-DE LA BARRE'S EXPEDITION. and (1.;. oihers. been noted for ; whether hill or mountain, brook or river. It is said by Cotden,* that New England was called Kinshon, by the Indians, which, he says, means a fish ; \ and that the New England Indians sent to the Iro(iuois a " model of a fish, as a token of their adliering to the general covenant" The waters of New England are certainly abundantly stored with fish ; hence the name of " les in the way of the French expedi- lion. Instead of regarding this order, whicii was from his master, the Duke of York, he sent interpreters to the Five Nations to encourage them, whh ottl'rs to assist them. Dc la Jiarre, in hopes to effect something by this expensive undertaking, (Crossed Lake Ontario, and held a talk with such of the Five Nations as would meet liiin.§ To keep up the appearance of j)ower, he made a high-toned s])('ecli to Gmngula, in which he observed, that the nations had often infringed n|)on the peace ; tliat he wished now for peace ; but on the condition that they should make full satisliiction for all the injuries they had done the French, and for the future never to disturb tiiem. That they, the &^necas, Cayugaa, Onondagos. Oncidas, and Mohawks, had abused and robbed all their ti'aders, and unless they gave satisfaction, he should declare war. That they had conducted the English into their country to get away their trailc heretofore, but the past he would overlook, if tliey would offend no more ; yet, if ever the like should happen again, lie had express orders from the king, his master, to declare war. * Hist. Five Nations, i. 109. t Klcknns. iii Alffonkiii ; Keirniirp, in Cliippoway. Loiic's Voyorter ioi aveo luie escorte, et d'eiivoier Akoiiessaii au village dos Oiinatagui'- pour inviter les priucipanx clicl's a nie vcnir voir, l/intoiilioii de co grand uioii;iri|ue est qui' nous f'uniious toi et nioi ensenihle dans le griind cahuiiot de pai.v ; pourv.n \ We may go where we please, and carry with us whom we pleast>, and buy and sell what we please. If your allies be your slaves, use them as such, connnaiid them to receive no other but your people. This belt jtreserves my words. "We knock the Twiglitwies and Ciiictaghicks on the head, because they luid cut down the trees of pe.ice, which were the limits of oiir country. They have limited beaver on our lands. They have acted contrary to the customs of all Indians, for they left none of the beavers alive, they killed both male and female. They brought the Satanas into their country, to take part with them, after they had concerted ill designs against us. Wii liave done * " Gra/igula, qiii pendaiil lout le descoiirs avoil cu los yciix fixamcut attacliez snr le bout de sa pipe, m love, v[ soil par uuc civilltc Msarre, ou pour sc (ioiiiier sons t'a(,'i)ii le lems de inrdilcr sa rcpouscs il fail riiu) ou six lours dans ii6lre cercle compose de sauvages et de Fraii9ois. Kovimui cu sa place il resia debout dcvaut lo {jt'iicrai assis dans uu boii fauteOil, ct lo rcgaraul il liii ilit." I.ahoiitaii, (i. (51, 1)2.) who was one of lliose present. + Tliename llicy i;iivc llic ifovornors ofCanada. Spelt in Lnhontan, OHnontin. X 1'lie name llicy gave Mr. J^e Maine, wliicli signified a partridge Up ' Iwiklies, Co/den. The name ihey gave the governors of New York. II Chictaghicks, Cdden. [Book V, Chap. I.] BLACK-KETTLE.— HIS WARS WITH THE FRENCH. I), il" our loss than citlier the English or French, that have usurped tlie lands of so ninuy Indian nations, and chased thuni from their own country. This helt pruservcs my words. " Hear, Yonnondio ; what I say is the voice of all the Five Natious. Hear what they answer. Open your ears to what they s|)eak. The Scuecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas and Moiiuwks say, that when tliey huritid the hatchet at Cadurackui, in tlie presence of your predecessor, in the middle of the fort, tlioy plantcoor prisoner to be put to death. The news of this affair, the cunning chief caused to be made known among the cantons, by an old captive he had held a long time in bondage at his village, whom he now set at liberty for this purpose. The catasfroj ties that befell the French not long after, and the suffering they endure (, are almost vyithout a parallel, f About lyOO of the chief warriors of the Five Nations landed upon the Island of Montreal, 25 August, 1(M\ while the French were in perfect secu- rity, burnt their houses, sacked their plantations, and slew a vast number of the inhabitants. The English accounts say a thousand j)er8ons perished, but tliis nunjber was no doubt far greater than the truth. In October fol- lowing they attacke tiie Indians present with a conviction of the great respect in which ho WOK held. On iiis tomb-stone were engraved those words, * " .11 ri'povdit (jii'il x-enoit de. teur la paix ; et qn'il aJolUa, nous verrons comment Ononlhio sc tinru di' vi'llc iithiin-." t I'Vw woul, for in this year he was at Albany with six other ambassadors, where, on the 14 September, they executed nn agreement with the English ; the conditions of which were that they should surrender al' their hunting-grounds into the hands of Coorukhoo, as diey called the King of England, " to be i)rotected and defended by his said majesty, his heirs and su< cessors, to and for the USE of us, our heii-s, and the said three Nations." These had before been enumerated, as follows: " Kanakarighton and Shanintsaronwe, Sinnekb sachems ; Ottsoghkoree, Dekanisoree imd Aenjcucrait, C/.youge sachems ; Raclxj' akadorodon and Sadageenaghtie, Onondaqo sachems, 'f Charlevoix was unable to ascertain the time of De.'anisura's death, although he learned that it happened at the Falls of St. Loui ). Under (kte KiiX), he speaks in iiigh terms of him, Oureouhari and Garakovlhii, Ivofjuois Cliristians, whom Dekanisora lu;d employed secretly to bring i bout a peace v ith that nation ; but knew not, as to his Christianity, he said, at that time ; . it was ceitain that he had profoesed it. He probably died about 1730. We will go a little back in this place, to notice a chief of the Adirondoks, of whom the most extraordinary stories are told ; even tliost; of Jack-the- giant' killer ore but little more aicredible. And even though Father Chanevoix was familiar with fhom, yet he deemed them as ficHon, it will be inuigined, from his not relating them in his minute history. The name of PEISKAllET was, for sundry years previous to 1(5 Ui, terrible to the enemies of the Adiron- daks. This nation, when Canada was settled by tlie French, in l(i03, resided nbout 300 miles to the westward of Three Rivers. How long tlicy had been at war with the Iromiois at this time, is not mentiotied, l)Ut it was conthiued until the doatli of Peiskaret in HUC), though with interruption and various success; but with this chief perished all opposition, una the Adiroudaks figured no more us a nation. As we have put the reader upon his guard, about receiving the huge Btoriea about Peiskaret with too nnich confidence, it will be expected at our liunda, pcrha|>8, that we give a sample of the.ii, as it may be said, " jjossibly they are ti-ue." We might have done this without thus premising, as others have done, upon the authrrity of Colden, (an author of small vaiite, comparatively speaking.) His riilationjuroceotls : — " An Lidian named Piskaret was at this time i one of tlie captains of Hial. FivB NATioNg, i. IfiC, ' Hia>. f IVB [^ATlONg, I. 100, t Oovcrnor Tlionutu Pownnl, A. ) 111- iiiriilioni III) |iiTar ol whi«h wo hnvr <'(i9keu iiHut b« unckntood. but »oina IS PEI9KARET. [Book V, greatest fame among tlie Adirondacks ; this bold man, with four other cap- tains, 8et oiii lor 'Irois Rivieres in one cauoe, each of tliem being pro- vided with three muskets, wliich they loaded with two buUeta apiece, jomed with a small chain ten inches long. They met witli five canoes in Sorel River, each liaviiig 10 men of the Five Nations on board. Piskaret and hi» cui)taius, as soon as tiiose of the Five Nations drew near, pretended to give themselves up lor lost, and sung their death-song, then suddenly fired upon the canoes, which they repeated with the arms that lay ready loaded, and tore those birch vessels betwixt wind and water.* The men of the Five Nations were so wiirprised, that they tumbled out of their canoes, and gave Piskarc* and his coiiij)anions the oi)portiuiity of knocking as many of them on tiie head us they pitsascd, and saving the others, to feed their revenge, which they did by burning them alive with the most cruel torments. This, however, was so fiir Irom glutthig Piskarefs r»;venge, that it seemed rather to give a keener edge to it ; tor he soon after undertook another enterprise, in which none of iiis countrynien durst accoirijmny him. He was well acquainted with tiie comitiy of the Five Nations, and set out about the time the snow be- gan to molt, with the jirccaution of j)mtingthe hinder j)ait of his snow-shoes forward, that 'i any sl-.ould happen iijjon his Ibotstejjs, they might think he was gone theckJM'ruiy way; and for further security, went along the ridges and high grounds, where the snow was melted, that his track might be often lost. Wlien he came nedititins of tlie Inxpiois against the Adirondaks. The French took jtnrt with the latter from the begitniing, and when Vlmmplain visited the coimtrj', he joined a party of them, and went iigainst the Ircipajis, and, with the aid of his lire-arms, overcame lluim in a battle near Lidarent; for they treated the Jesuit missioiiari«>8 only as hosUiges, luid this was the ineanu of making them statu! neutral while they carried on their war with the Adi- nuuhiks and Cluatoghies or Hiirons, whom they soon atler defeated "in a dreadfiil battle tbught within two leagues of Uiiobeck." This expedition turned out so much to their advantage, "Uie Five Nationi ' 'I'lio auUiur ui ItuiiaH 'faltu !.u cuiii««i llii* clo»«ly, but givn no ertdtt. 2Uw, iu 36, &c. [Book V, Chap. I.] FIVE IROQUOIS CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND. 13 for gave out, that they intended ne.xt winter * to visit tlie fjovcrnor of Canada: tliese visits arc always made with niueh sliow. Under this pn^tcnce they gathei-ed together 1000 or 1200 men. Tlicjir outscouts niet with Piskard near Nicoiet River, and still pretending a friendly visit to the governor of Canada, as their only design, he told thein, that the Adiron.'acks were divided into two hodies, one ol" whicli hunted on the north side of St. Lawrenee River at Wnbmake, three leagues above Trois Rivieres, and tlie otiier at Nicoiet. As soon as they had j;,fiined this information, they killed him, and retiu'iied with his head to the army. Tiie Five Nations divided 'ikewise into two hodies: tiicy surprised the Adirondacks, in both places, and in both cut them in ])ieccs." This account is more circumstantial than tiuit given by Cliarkvoix, but, as we have s(!en, would have been without any value, but for his chronology'. He states that, by their previous conduct, the Mohawks had reason to expect, that all the neighboring nations would join to oppose them, and that tiiey sent out parties to ob.serve what was jiassing among them ; that one of these scouts met Priskard alone, i)Ut dared not attack iiim ; being persiiaihMl ho would kill at least half of them, as lie had otlen (h)ne befon;. They there- fore accosti'd him as a triend, wliile some came up behind him, and stabbed him to the heart. IJut for the French, the Iro., lois had now been complete masters of all the northern and western regions; and some have observtHJ, that had they known the weakness of rhose white I'eighbors, at the time they over- came the Aigoiupiins, near Quebec, they might eiusily have cleared tho Cumilrj' of them also. We will close this chapter with an account of the visit of liv(! Iroquois chiefs to Fnglaiid. Tlus I'hiulish in America had sujiposed that if they could convince tlie Indian nations of the power and grcatnciss of their mother country, they should be able to detach them Ibrever from the in- lluence of flic French. To acconi]»lish tlfis object, tliese ciiiefs were [ire- vailed upon to make the voyage. They vir ted tlie court of (iiieeii Jtnnc iu theytjar 1710. None of tin; American historians seem to have known tho names of these chiefs, or, if they did, liave not thought it |)rop(;r to transmit them. Sinilli, in his history of iN'ew Vork, mentions the liict of their having visited l-'ngland, and give-f the s|)(>eeli which thry madi- to tl:(\ (|ueeii, aiut says it is presirvtul "'in Oldmi.ron" perh;i[>s in the "-id edition ol' his lliirrisit Hmimiik. in AMK.aic.v,! as nothing of tin! kind is Ibmid in his history of Fng- land, altliough lii^ records tla; I'ircumstance, and ill-naturedly enough too. We tliii k he would hardly have done even this, but for flie pm'|josi! of ritli- cnliiig '.he friends of iIk! (pieen. The following is all that he says of tiiein :J: "Thne weeks atler the battle (»f SaiTag<(ssa was liiught by (ienci.d Sliinhope, whose victoiy made way for the march to iMadrid, the news ol' the victory was brought to the (pieen by Colonel Ifamsoti, the 1.') September, O. S., ut wiiich U)\\v the liigh-ciiurcb riibbli! were pelting (ieneral Stanliopt^H l>roxy, and kiiocliing down his frii^nds at th(^ Westminster election. I lowever, t()r till! siici-i'.-ses in Spain, imd titr tlie taking of Doway, IJc^thune luul Aire, by the duke niWIiirlhoivuirh in I'Manders, there was" a thaid<,- ii's"i) WHS ]»riiilrrl in 1701). t llht. lUi'il.iml.W. 1..VJ. (F,,l. LmidcM, I7.1.">.) 4 llr s.iys /('re, ii few lint's oiiwnnl, in his iixiinl random nioilc ot'cxprv^isinn, siippoiuiif it all till- siiiiie, ikMilitloss, IU hn kku oniii timtuUrinz /'Win;** .' It will In; sffii lliul live was llio real uumlx.'r. ;!i I i 14 FIVE IROaUOIS CHIEFS VISIT ENGI-AND [Book V. pliiy-lioiiao tailor, like otlior kiiif,'H of tlin tlicatn; ; flii-y worn coiHlnctrd to midii'iKT hy Sir Vlmrlcs Cutlcrel ; tlinrc was a .sj)et'cli iiiatlo lor tlicm, and ii()tirui<>' oiiiittcil lo do lioiiur to tlit'sf live iiioiiarclis, wliosc pn-sciico did ho iiiiicli lioiior lo till! ii(!\v iiiiiii.>jtry ; wliicli tlu; latter s^oiiumI to bo cxtreiiioly li'iid oi; and dcifraycd ail tiicir »'\|u,'nt-(;s diiriiii;- llieir stay Jicrt;. Tiioy wci-e till' raptains ol' tlm I'oiir nations, [i''iv(! iNafions,] in Ica^iii; willi tlio J']ui;iish at Now York and Now Jinfj;l;ui(l, and caMio in porson to treat of niattors concerninn' tra(l(! with tlio lords (■i)nimi.s.--ionors of plantations; as also ol" an onlerjirise iigainst llio l'"ronoli, and their ei)nfiMlorat(! Indiaiis in tlioso parts." Sir /{Irhiinl S/cele mentions tliosi' Ciiiiels in his 'i'atlor oi' iVlay l:{, 1710, and .lildison makes tiiom the stiliject of a niimher of the Sp«H;tator tlio n(>.\t year, at a siiii'irestion of Dean Sivifl* N(^itlier of these pa|)eis, how- I'ver, oontain many litets respecting ihoni. In the former il is nuMitioiied that one o|" them was taken siekf at iIk- house where they \\('ve aceonniio- dated dnrin^' their stay in liOn April 7V Vee ^\'eni tin (la t'nnr, antl Sii (lit )e(in ({ua Pinh Tail, ol' till' iM.-epias; I'lluir l)h Koaiii, and (Vi ^Vee Ici//// 'J'oii Ah ''r.'fc, || of til' river sachem,*; and the (JaiiMJoh-hore saciif m, * four kiiii;s, or cliief>- ot'tht! Six Nations tf in the WCst indies, {]: which .ie lietwoeii New l',ii^!;!! '• and New Franco, or Canada: who lately canu; over v\ithtlio V^v-^t |i;;iia Hoot, and wi'Vi' cloatliod and ontertainod at the tpioi m''' : \poiisc, lind ;'. imlilic audience of her majesty at the palace of St. Jiimei>, lieiiii; condiictod thither in two of !ior inaiosty's coatdios, hy Sir Clutflea Cullerel, nmsler ol" the cere- monies, and iuirodiiced liy the diiko of Slur : mini ni, lord olianiherlain. They made a speech le their intrepreler, whicii Major /'i(/i;T(;f(, w ho was one <»!' the oiiicers that oame with tlieiii, rt-ad in laif^lish to her majesty, heiiig )18 follows : — " (Jroat tinoon — Wo have iindiM'takon a lonif and tedious Ntiyaire, whiidi iiono of our predecessors •^^^ could lie juevailed upon to luidi'rtako. The motive that indiioerl ns was, that w(! mi/ilit see our <:reat (|ueen, and n-late lo her those thinjxs we tliouijfht al..olutel}- necessary, for the irood of her, and '!■', her allies, oii the other side the j;real water. We douht not hut our ;^roat ■ •• I iiiU'iiiii'il Id liavc wiiUi-n a liciok on lliat siiliji'd. 1 bi'llovc ho [Aililinnii] li;is simmiI it ■'II ill one |':!|)or, aiul all lln' mikUt liiiils llicrc uio iiiiLic tiiii.'' t'^irif/'.i I.itit r In Mis. Jnliii.itiu, d.l.d /..■.7./.in.'i3 April, 1711. t Tlii* w;is priilialily the imc tlint died, ol' wiiom K'tim, in liis Irnvcls in Anu'ririi, i. 210, imiki'S inc'iilioii ; tlionuli 1 ilo not liiid a n'ronl ol' Il la luiy pciiodii'ul of llial day. I Noii-i 1(1 Uio Spi'cliiliir. t'd. in li vols. llvo. London. I /llil. vS "'{'lie Ainiids olHuci-n .l/j/.'i 'v l!«ii;ii, Year llio i\. lor filO," lllll— liM. This is a >V(>rk i-oMi,\iiiiii';' A ino'il valn.iMi- I'lind of iiit'oniiinioii. iiiid i'^. will) its I'onliiniulion, .i lii.sliiii^ iiioininii'iit lo li-i Iciinu'il piMisher ; lii> luMng drajf^i'il iiiui die Diimiiid in om of {'ope h Iroiiks noiwiihslimdinf;. II \Vc linvc ilic'jc iiunics in ihc Toiler, .••pell 'IW I'li A'fcH Ifo (in lime, Sa Ga Yatlli Rita OfHi Ten. E Tfir (Jh Kiuim, Hiid Ih .V.r y,lli Taie Xo line. '. Il is ditlidilt lo cimceivo wlirtt is iiifanl !iv liiiir linliiiiis I'roni innny of our niilliors. In llic Appendix lo //^ cvih',* AWfv, 30lt, tlii'v i\rt' culled |{ivi-r Irdiiins. or Moliickniidcrs, • who li:i I their dwcllinirs licUvfcii Ihc west l>r;iiicli of Drluwarc ni'd lliidxin's river, from the Kiiiiiiinny ridxe down to llic liuriluu." Tin' ■• Moliiccoiiii " won niiulhi'r trilic ahoiil the Kilaiids iiiiil nioiaii tif llic liiidson. '* l'rnh»t''v Ihc rliicl'of ('iiii!i|oliar(i. tt Qiifiii. It', Brnirdiiii; lo f'olilfn and oilier*, the Tuscarorns did mil join llio Iroqiioil iinlil 1 hi. iiii<< inilil ilmt iiiin' dioso vvitc rulloil thn FIvo Niiliiiiis, liow cuines it Ihal llioy were luiovvii III Eiiiflaiid liv llic iiiiiin' of >'' I Siilifuis in 1710 f il .No one t'un lie inislod liy litis error, any iiuiio ihiiii iin Kiif{lishinnn would iio l>y lieiiig lold llnil l.ond iir; i« iiiiHlod e ilin U»<' of the Hoc l>v ,Moiiiil;iiiis, ^Sji NoiiL- u. ilii' .'Six >ulio:i>, iiiuat bo uiiderstuod. [Book V. Chap. I.] nvi: iiioQUois cim;i',s visit i:N(iLANi). quocu lias luion iiccniniiitcil witii our loiii^ and Kulious war, in coiijimctioii witli hiir cliildrcn, auaiii.st lior ciioiiiiL'S tlio Frciadi : and tluit wo liavo hrcni as a slroii^^ wall lur tli:'ir sciMirity, ovt'ii to tlio loss of our best, nioii. 'I'lic. triitli of wli'Kdi our hrotlicr (^lutiia; Colonel j^/'e/crj Sclmyler, and JInaila>s prevented in her desijiu for that season. This made us t!\tremo sorrowful, lest the Kreiieh, who hitherto hail droadd us. should now tliink us unable to make war as;ainst tlioni. TIk! reduction ol' Canada is of such weijjfht, that after the elli'ciirif^' theroof, we should hav(? free hiMitin;,', and a groat trade with our ;,Teat (|ueou's children ; and as a tokcui of the sincerity of th(! Siv Nations, we do lusre, in Hit; name of all, jiresinit our jiroal (pioen with thi! belts of wani|Mim. We need not lU'ge to our fji'eat (|uoon, mori^ tiian tlie niicessity \\r. really lahiii- under obliii'es us, tiiat in case our j^reat (|ui;en siiii.ild not he mindfid of us, we must, \\ ilh our liuuilies, l<)rsak(! our country, and seek other habitatiouH, or stand ncniter; eithi-r of which will his much against oiu" incrmutioiis. Since we have beiMi in alliancis with oiu* gre.it (pieen's childriui, wo have had Homi/ luiowledge of thi,' Savior of tlit? world ; and ha\e often be<'n impor- tuned by tiio Frencli, both by th(? insinnatioiis of their ))rir?sts, and by ]>reseuts, to coiue over to their interest, hut have always estiv'i'ied them uieu of lidsehood ; Itui ii' our great (pioon will Ik; |>leased to send r>v( r some persons i(» instruct us, they shall find a most boarty widcome. \V<^ now close, with hopes of our great ijuooii's favor, uud leiivo it to her most gniriou.-t consideration." VVi' camiot but respoiul nnuni to ulr. Olilini.mn\i ojiinion of this i|)eech, namely, that if was made /or instead of/','/ the chiels ; still we Ihoughi it jM'opor to print it, !md that by so doing we slioidd give satisfacnou u) iriore tli.ni by withiioldiug it. Our accomil n(?.\t proctieds : "On I'riday, tlie "'I April, th(! |()Ur liidiui princes W(^nl to see Dr. Finmili'irPn bouse, luid maii.e- juatical instruHieuts, iu (ireenvi- ■ I'ark ; afu'r whiiji they >ve\f nobly treati'd by some of the lords co:....,issioners of the admiralty, in oi.e of her majesty's jai'hts. They slaiil about a liirlniuhl longer in l.oudoii, wliereth'^y AVer ' eut(UMained by several persons of dislincti(Mi, particiihu'ly by th<; duko of Onnond, who reg ded them lik^-'.vlse with a review ■ of the tiMU' troops of life-guards; and basing setui all tlie em'iosilies iu and about this metropolis, t!i(!y went down to I'orts'uouth, through llamp*.).' ''ouri and W^indsor, und embarked on board the Dragon, one of her ni;;';.' . ■ s ships, Caplain Mirlin, commodore, loijether with Colonel hV'mris ,\'i uils'iii, eonuniiuder-iu-i'!iief of the forces designed tor au exprdit'Min in .\merii'a. On the H May, the Dragon and I'almouth sailed from Spilhead, having under convoy aiiout IH sail, ei)MS'stin<; of merelianimon, n boinh-ship ami tender, and several transports, witii llritish ollici rs, a regiiifnt of i larines. piovisions and stores of war; ami on the I.') July arri\od at llo.-toii in New I'.njfland." Ijiltle is to be "'atiiered fnuii .S'/«i7A',t hisioi-y of New \'oik relative to th •hem lie nj 'cb which they made !o the ipieeii, but it is a UMiagre abridgment ol" le>>' than hiif of th,' one above, luid iho ■• .Villi ilie cliii'ft inadi- a «iifiil our niiilior iiraki iIiIh note iipim li ■N. I». Tl Uul;'- ol' Ormimil, ii -^iw rli w'liili wns -wiA Id li.ivo lii'i'M luiu'' hv tliem, en ilru (icciisiitii, to llio II .'ll« :i 16 TA.MANV. [Book V. rest is oinitted entiroly. "Tlio arrival of the five saclietns in England made a {>rt>at bruit tinDiiglioiit tlio wliolo kingdom. Tlio mob ibilovved wlierovcr tliey went, and small ents ortlicni were sold among the peoijle." * The main object of their visit to Kngland was not, nor, in the nature of tilings, could it be eHected. 1 mean the intiodnction of Christianity among them. Eviui these very sachems, wiio, according to the stories of that day, re(]nested to have missionaries sent among tluMn, were among the first to neglect them when settled among them.f "It might have been imagined," s:iys the author just cited, " the sachems, those petty kings, who were in Engla;'d in the late Queen's time, should have been so strongly affected with seeing the grandeur, pleasure, ami ,i'(!nty of this nation, that when they cinie to their own countries, they would liavc tried to reduce their jieojilc! to a ]K)lit(' life ; would have employed their whole power to expel that rude bar- barism, and introduce arts, manners, and religion : but the contrary lia|)i)en- ed ; thej' sunk themselves into their old brutal life, and though they had seen this great city, [J,('iidon,] when they came to their own woods, they wer(! all sava.es again." There camiiit ''.: a wider difference than the two nations, English and French, mak'- . their accounts of the original condition, manners and cus- toms of th' Imijiois. While tl ; writtM's of the fas a name nnich in |(riiil, fifty yeju's since, but of what nation or country, or wlicther apjiHed *■■ lUi iuuiginary or real personage, by ai:y ac- count accompanying it, no one coidd determine. The truth respecting this lias at length come to light. lie was a Delaware chiei, of .-iinilar renown to the lietshebu of Keniiebeck, luid .V(;»(y((/,v/i(7H(/ of Mil sacliusetfs ; and we i'lfer f^i^m Vnthriel Tlwnws,\ that p<)s-;ili!y he might 'lave been alive as lat ; u"? IGeO cr l(i!>0. Ho wrote the name Temenij, Mr. Ihrkeiirliler, in his Historical Account of tuf. Indian Nati.ivs, de- votes a ciiaplcr to this chief and Tit'n\s, '' yn white man who reganis their It' 'litigs, will introduce such Mubjecta in eonversiition with them." This reluctance to speak of the de- ' llisl. New York, Vi'i. Od. ho. LoikIom, H.')?. Hoi\uliriil f'iill-U'iif;iii |«irtrails of four of (licsc chiefs vvcrr iloiic ill mcz/olinlo iil llir lime lliev were in jjiuliincl. lull lliey werP loiij|r sini'i' lit M'lV r.iii- Dcciirri'iiee. I |his»cns llie liesi si'l ol'lhem whirli I iiiive ever seen. 'I'liev are iiiimllv liini I in l)l;\ik lViinie>, aiil are nlxml '-'(I iiirhes in lieiylil liy I'J in hreRillh. 'I'lio |iorlr lit oi III'' <■ le lliiit dieil was iiol |ir«l>alily taken, wliirli aeeoiinls I'nr otir liiivilig but four. t Hi'Mi'ilKi \N llislorii il AeeoMiit Soe. for Prop, (iospel, .'SO!!, ;)|ll. t " Who r."-aleil there (in Peiia-vlv.inial aliiml l.'i year^," ami who piiMishcd " Ah Hiatoric- c7 Oiul (leii^iaphitiil Aeeoiiiil ,ij' I'a. anro|)riating thi.'ir names upon one another. Among the multitude of poems and odes to Tanmny, tho following is selected to give the reader an idea of the acts .-^aid to have been achieved by him: — " hiimorlal Tamnmj, of Iiiilian rnco, (ircal in tlic field and (breinosl in tho rhnsc I No puny siiinl was lie, with I'nslinff pale ; Ho clinilied iho nioinilain, and lie swept the vale, Unshed through the torrent with iiiie(|ijalled ini^litj Yonr ancient saints would Irenilile at the sif^ht ; Oauslit the swill hoar and flwjller deer with ease, AiKlworked a thonnand tniradcs like these. To i;ul)lic views ho added private ends, And loved liis ooinitry most, an a man in black, and Iicfran to talk to the people very angrily; 1 d\d nni initlerstand vvliat he said, hut perceiving that he looked much at me, and at Hanson, I imagined that \h'. was angry at seeing me there ; so 1 went out, sat -, and having sent over a small colony to take jjossession of it in 1()81, followed himself the next year. His fii-st care on his arrival was to establish a lasting friendship with the Indians. This he effected by the greatest possible care in rendering them strict justice and great kindness, and above all by piu'chasing the country of them, and l»aying tlnMn lo their con- * The editors of tjic vnliiabic Enoyclo))ediB I'v ,!\ensis place in that work, (i. Gj2.) Iiave llioiiglit lliis aiiccilote umlliv [Book V. lercliiuitp. (1 give lor iiikI ; but, t tof^fctlicr to my soli", Clin;;' too, fuu to talk R-rceiviiij^ s iiiipry i!t n;, iiiul \i\ o tliiit tlie the siib- iiiiax'lijuit. :Iitiii 'Is. a limn tliree jy ;ill sung it cloar to (I of'iiiect- iaiis ill the ly opinion, vo learned ■r iiractice. )nr cabins, liin if lie is il liuiifror; nothing in ictiials and yet karned in, becanse [■clbro it is se, or have n the price he Indians calls Hans cession of enormities eir historic }f William Lis taking ected with ; up to his hap|)ily we ! such, that, d liince no eiied mind ill advance 1 governed ch brought his name, ])oss('ssioii arrival was •led by the uinons, and ) liicir ('(III- lolo ^^^lllllv ■.; Chap. II.] PENN'S TREA'n^— GLIKIIIKAN. 31 tent for it. Penn landed at what is now Newcastle, 24 October, and soon began to exchiuigo goods for lands with the Indians. By this intercourse he learned their language,* and thus (pialifiiMl himself to render them justice in nil cases. The first i()nTied treaty entered into between Penn and the Indians bears date 2.3 June, lGd3, and took place almost two miles above what is now Chestnut Street, on the same side of the Delaware, in the present township of Kensington, under the wide-spreading branches of an elm-tree, aged at that time 155 years, as since ascertained.f A small cubical marble monument now marks the spot, which, with the adjacent neighborhood, in the days of Penn, was called Shakmnaxon. A street perpetuates this name, not far dis- tant, whicii runs at right angles to the river. The little monument of which we have made mention, was almost invisible from piles of rubbish, when visited by the writer in April, 1834.^ In reference to Penii's Treaty, so ollen the subject of prose in both hemi- spheres, Voltaire has in his peculiar vein observed, that it was the only one mad(! witiiout an oath, and the only one which had not been broken.§ An admirable painting of this treaty, by Sir Benjamin Wesl, has often been •sketched upon cOppcr, and impr(;ssions circulated in various works; then- is, however, in most of them, a very glaring want of taste or judgment, arising probably from the ignorance of the engraver, which is the appeai-anco of handsome houses in the back-ground. There is one of the best sketches of an ludiun treaty jiainted upon the sign of an inn in Beach Street, near the old treaty ground, whicli I have seen. It is no wonder the Indians remembered Penn so long, and so affection- iitely, for it was not uncommon for him to perform the engagements of others, who purposely set out upon wronging them. In a speech which a chief of the Six ^fations made at a conlerence, at Lancaster, in June, 1744, he gives the following narrative of one of Pcjin's generous acts in these words: — "When our brother Onas, n great while ago, came to Albany to Iniy the Susquehannah lauds of us, our brother the governor of N. York, who, as we sup|)ose, had not a good understanding with our brother Onas, advised us not to sell him any land, for he would make a bad use of it, and pretending to be our I'riend, he advised us, in order to ])revent Onas's, or any other per- sons, imposing on us, and that we might always have our land when we wanted it, to put it into his hands ; and he told us he would keep it for our use, and never open his hands, but keep them close shut, and not part with any of it, Ixit at our reijuest. Accordingly we trusted him, and put our lands into his hands, and (diarged him to keep them sate for our use. But some time after he went to iviigland, and carried our land with him, and there sold it to our brother Onas for a large sum of moiiej-. And when at the instance of our brother Onas we were minded to sell him some lands, he told us we had sold tli(! Sus(iU!'liaimah lands already to the governor of N. York, and that lie had bought them from him in England; though wli(!ii he came to under- stand how the governor of N. York had deceived us, he very generously paid us for our lands over again."|| There were several chiefs very noted about this period, on account of their connection with the iNloravian Brethren. Among the most noted was GLIKHIKAN,1[ or Glikhickan,** "an eminent captain and warrior, counsel- lorand speaker of the Delaware chief [Pakanke] in Kaskaskunk." It is said that he had disputed with the French Catholic priests in Canada, and coi>- 3 * His own leUor, dalcil llio year following, giving an account of the country, its products, inlialiiliinU, &c. ito. (l;it(Ml 10 August, I(ii!3, and prnitod in lilome't America, 9(5. + Hiilnius's Annals, i. K)j. Tiie old elin was l)lown down by a tempest in 1810, and was then 2!);i years old. lb. Pieces of its stump arc preserved in the cal)inots of the curious, along with fragnumls of the Plymouth Rock, &c. t I was lately informed liy Mr. Diiponceim of Philadelphia, that some important errors existed in the printed acciiunls i.tf Peiiii'n T/viilij, and he showed me some manuscripts concerning il which he had lately discovered, and was preparing lo have them printed in the Hist. Colls, of Pennsylvania. ^\ C^'esl le seul trait(- eiitre ces peuples ct les Chretiens qui n'ait point Ate jure et qui nait ponit ( te rompu. (Eiirrfs, vol. hv. Ho, ed. of 17l!."j. in lU vols. l'.2mo. I| An iliiiiuiry into the Causes, &c. of the Alienation of die Shawanese and Detawares, 51. tl Los/ticl. ** Ileckewckler. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I .25 hi ■10 112.8 |5e I^Z Ui us 1^ 1.4 2.5 iiii 1.6 ^ « Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WIST MAIN STRUT WEBSTIR.N.Y MSSO (716) S73-4503 1/ Jb^ 22 GIJKHIKAN.— HIS SPEECH TO HALF-KING. fHpoK V. I I » I 1:' founded them, uud now (17G9) niiule liis appearance among the United Brethren for the purpose of achieving a like victory; hut as the Brethren's account lias it, his heart failed him, and he hecame a convict to their doctrines. In 1770, he cpiitted Kaskaskunk, to live with the Brethren, greatly against the minds of his friends and his chief. This occasioned great trouble, and some endeavored to take his life. Pakanke's 8j)eech to him upon the occasion will be seen when we come to the account of that chief. At the time of his bap- tism, Glikhikan received the name of Isaac. , Tlie period of the revolutionary war was a distressing time for the Brethren and those Indians who had adhered to tiieir cause. VVai- jHUties from the hostile ti'ibes were continually passing and repassing their settlements, and often in the most suspicious manner. It was to the famous chief Glikhikan that tliey owed their preservation on more than one occasion. The Indians about Xhii lakes sent de|)utios to draw the Doiawares into the war against the Americans, hut tljey were not received by tiiem. Shortly alter, in the year 1777, 200 Iliu'on warriqrs, with Half-king at their head, a|)proached tl^e JMo- ravian settlement of Lichtenau, in tiieir way to attack the settlements upon the Irontiers, aiid caused great consternation among the Brethren ; but resolv- ing to show no signs of feai', victuals were jjrepaied for them, jmd stmt out by some of the Christian Indians to meet them. The reception of those sent out was fiu" more promising than was anticipated, and soon after was " sent a solenui embassy to the Half-king and other chiefs of the Ilurons." Glikhi- kan was at the head of this embassy, and the following is his speech to Half-kiiig: — "Uncle! We, your cousins, tlie congregation of believing Lidians at Lichtenau and Guadenhuetten, rojoice at this opportunity to see and sj)eak with yon. We cleanse your eyes irotu all the dust, and whatever the wind may have carried into them, tliat you may see your cousin with clear eyes andu serene cotnitenance. We cleanse your ears and hearts from all evil reports which an evil wind may have conveyed into your ears and even into your hearts on the journey, that our words may find entrance into yoiT ears and a jjlace in your hearts. [Here a string of tvampum was pre- sented hj Glikhikan.] Uncle! hear tiio words of the believing Indians, your cousins, at Lichtenau and Guadenhuetten. We would have you know, that we have received and believed in the word of God for 'M years mid upwards, and meet daily to hear it, morning and evening. You must also know, that we have our teachers dwelling amongst iis, who instruct nsaiid our cliildrcii. By this word of (Jod, pieached to us by our teaclieis, we are tiiuglit to keep peace with all men, and to consider tlicni as friends; for tints (Jod has coni- inmid<'d us, and tlicn.lbre we are h)veis of peace. These our treachers arc not only our friends, but we consider and love tlicm as onr own flesh and blood. Now as we are your cousin, we most cMnicstiy beg vt' yon, uncle, that you also would considt r them as your own body, and as your coiiHin. We and they maki; but one body, and tin relijic ciuinot be separated, and whatever yon do mito them, you do unto us, whether it be good or evil." Then several fiithoms of waiii|iuin were deliveicd. Htlfking ii'ceivcd this ^])(;ecli with attention, and said it had ptMictrat' d his iniirt, and after Im* had consulted with his captains, he s|iok»! as (bllows iiianswer: — "C\)usins! I nm very glad and (tM'l gn^it satisfaction that yon havti cleans d my eyes, ears and heart (i-Dm all evil, convcyod into me by fiie wind on tiiis journey. Iain U|)on an expedition of an unusual kind: for I am a warrior and am going to war, and therefore iniiuy evil things and evil thituglits enter into my head, and even into my heart. Mut thanks to my cousin, my eyes are now clear, so that I can behold my cousin with a serene countenance. I rejoice, that 1 can hear my cousins witliopen ears, and taki; their words to heart." He then delivered a string of wampum, and aHer repeating the part of (llikhikan\i ppeecli relating; to the mis-ionaries, proceeded : " ( timn as hithert(», and suffer no one to molest you. Obey your teacjiers, who ."peak nothing but good unto you, tuid instruct you in the ways of (iod, and be not afraid that any harm shidl be (lone unto tlieni. No creature shidi hurt them. Attend to your worship, and nev<'r mind other afliiirs. hideeil, yii, iinrlo, our ('(i;i.-iiii. iiirated, and id or »!vii." ccived this Iter ho had '(iiisuik! I ,' eyes, ears IKV. lain III ^oing to to my liead, now clear, lice, that I ' He then (Uikhikaii's ndHnfrcrm* p)nd unto t any harm lid to your iiir I" war; II it, &-C." mute like Chap. II.] GLIKHIKAN —TROUBLES OF THE MISSIONARIES. 23 that of one of the European Brethren, but the veracity o{ Loskiel will not be questioned. Some time after this, a circumstance occuiTed which threw Glikhikan into much trouble and danger. A band of Huron warriors seized upon the mis- sionaries at Sal(!m and Gnadenhuctten, and confined them, and did much mischief. Michael June(l the first night on the Mingo Bottom, on tiie west side of tho Ohio Jliv«r.§ • I linve liiM-:) i>;irti('iil;ir in iKilicinif this affnir, as it is not found in such cxlcinivcly circU' lalod works m llic Ainnirun Aiiimls. t He iifteiwnrds niiiilo Iih rsciiix- iil (frnit peril. \ Doddridgt'a Nuloi on llio Indian W urs, %\!i, 'iiH. ^ Ibid. q I m 34 MASSACRE AT GNADENHUETTEN. [Book V- Meanwliile Colonel Gibson, at Pittsburgh, understanding the object of tho crew who had gone forth under Williamson, despatched niessengerss to alarm the Christian Indians, but they ai-rived too late. However, they received timely notice from another quarter, but their trusting to their inno>;ence to protect them, did in this case prove a fatal error : n white man, who had narrowly escaped from the hands of some wan-iors, warned them with great earnestness to fly for their lives. These warriors, who had " murdered and impaled a woman and a child, not far from the Oliio, arrived soon alter at Gnadenhuetten," where they expressed their well-grounded fears to the Chris- tians, that a party of white people, who were pursuing them, would surely kill them all.* AH these warnings were not enough to shake their faith in theprotecting ami of their own mnocence. Trie second day's march of the band of murderers, brought thorn within one mile of the middle Moravian town, where they again encamped for the night. This was on the 6th day of March. The next morning the party Was divided into tlu-ee equal divisions, " one of which was to cross the river about a mile above the town ; their videttes having reported that there were Indians on both sides of the river. The other party was divided into three divisions, one of which was to take a cu'cuit in the woods, and reach the river a little distance below the town, on the west side. Another division was to fall into the middle of the town, and the third upon its upper end. When the party designed to make the attack on the west sidi?, had reached the river, they found no boats to take them over ; but something like a canoe was seen on the opj)osite bank. The river was high, with some floating ice. A young man of the name o( Slaughter swOim the river, and brought over, not a canoe, but a trough designed for holding sugar water. This trough could carry but two men at a time. In <)rder to expedite their passage, a niiniber of men stripped off their clothes, put them into the trough, together with their guns, and swam by its^ides, holding its edges with their hards. When about IG had' crossed the river, the two centineis, who had been posted in advance,"! "met young Schehosch in the woods, fued at and wounded him so mueli that he could not escape. He then, according to the account of the murderem themselves, begged for his life, representing that he was Schehosch, the son of a white Christian man : But tiiey paid no attention to his entreaties, and cut him in pieces with their hatchets." " One of them broke one of his arms by a shot. A shot from the other ceiitinel killed him. Tliese heroes X then scalped and tomaiiawked him. "By this time, about 1(5 men had got over the river, and supposing the firing of the guns, which killed Shahosh, would lead to an instant discovery, they sent word to the party designed to attack fhe town on the east side of the river, to move on instantly, which they did. " In the mean time, the snmll party which had crossed the river, marched with all speed, to the main town on the west side of the riv". Here they found n large company of Indians gathering the corn, whic'i they had lefl in their fields the pn-ceding fiill, when they removed to Sandusky. On tho arrival of die men at the town, they professed peace and good will to the Moravii'iis, and informed them that they had come to take tlieni to fort Pitt, l(»r their safety. Tho Indians surrendered, delivered up their arms, and ap- peoi'ed highly delighted with the prospect of their removal, and began witli all speed to prepare food for the white men, and lor themselves on their journey. "A party of white men and Indians was immediately despatched to Salem, a short distance from Gnadenhuetten, where the Indians were gathering in their corn, to bring theni in to Giiadenhuetten. Tlie jmrty soon arrived with the whole number of the Indians ti-om Salem. In the mean time the Indians at Gnadenhuetten Were confined in two houses some distance apart, and placed • Lnnkiel. Hist. Mnrnviniw, iii. \1Ci. t I Hill loiliminK Ihxlilnili^f'n Nnrrnlivo, but the next quotation is fmm Loikiel, iii. 177, bikI tlii'ii rdiiliiini's OiHlilrid'sf williiiiil niiy omission. \ Mv millior titles iKil iliilii'i/i> this wnrd, hut lit- ilniilillrss woulil, if lie were to givo UA a iiuw utiiiiiiii xl'lii^ Imok, il liu did not udd at least a iinlf u dozen exciumution!) to it. [Book V- jcct of th(! s to alarm y recfiivcrt uqceiice to 1, Avho had with great •dered and on alter at ) tlie Cliris- auld surely eir faith in lem within ped for the g the party ■iS die river there were d into tliree ch tlie river sion was to ind. When cd the river, DC was seen ?. A young a canoe, but irry but two nenstrii)ped r guns, and l)out 16 had nce,"i "met lucli tiiat he b nuirderem ., tiie son of ies, and cut his arms by then scalped ingthe firing covery, th(!y t side of the ^cr, marched > they found iiud icll in ky. On the will to the to fort Pitt, tiiH, and ap- begun with cs on their ■d to Salem, gathering in arrived with he Indians at and placed Chap. II] PAKANKE.— NETAWATWEES. 25 .oskiel, iii. VTI, ■re lo give us a lo it. under guards ; and when those from Salem arrived, thoy were divided, and placed in the same houses, with their brethren of 'jnadeiilnit-tten. "The prisoners being thus secured, a council of war was hdd to decide on their liite. The officei's, unwilling to take on themselves the whole re- s[)onsibility of the awful decision, agreed to refer the (|uestioi: to the whole number of the men. The men w«!re accordingly drawn up in a line. The commandant of the party, Colonel David Williamson, then put the question to them in form, 'whether the Moravian Indians should be taken prisoners to Pittsburgh, or put to death ? ' requesting all who were in favor of saving their lives to step out of the line, and form a second rank. On this, 10, some say 18, stepped out of the rank, and formed themselves into a second line ; but alas ! this line of mercy was far too siiort for that of vengeance." Thus was the fate of the Moravian Lidians decided on, and they were ordered to pre- pare for de«th. " From the time they were placed in the guard-houses, the prisoners fore- 8JIW their fate, and l)egiin their devotions of singing hymns, praying and ex- horting each other to place a firm reliance in the mercy of the Savior of men." "The particulars of this di-eadful catastrophe are too iiorrid to relate. Suffice it to say, that in a few niinutcs these two slaughter-houses, as they were then called, exhibited in their ghastly interior, tlie mangled, bleeding remains, of those poor unfortunates people, of all ages and sexes; from the iiged grey-headed, down to the lielpless infant at its mother's breast ; dishonored by the liital wounds of the tomahawk, mallet, war-club, sj>ear and eculping-knife!" 'Hi us was tiie 8th day of Alarch spent at Gnadenliuetten, in the year 1782 ! Only two, who were young persons, escaped tliis dreadful day's slaughter. One of whom had been knocked down iuid scalped, and iiy counterfeiting himself dead, while the murderers had Iclt the place, was enabled to save his lile; The other crejit unobserved kito a cellar, and in the night escaped to the woods. Whether any of the murderers were called to an account for what they did I do not learn, tiiongh tliey pmbably were not, ov ing to the state of anai'chy occasioned by the revolutionary war. PAKANKE was a powerful Dchuvure chief, whose residence, in 1770, was nt a |)la((! calk'd Kaskaskunk, about 40 miles north of Pittsburgh. He i» brought to iiur notice by the agency of tlu; missionary Lo.i/ciel, from whom it apjieais that he was very friendly to the Ihethnii at first, and invited them into hJH country, but when Glikhikan, his chief captain and speaker, forsook him, ami went to live with them, lie was so disconcBi ted, that he turned against them, and for a time caused them mueli difficulty. Meeting with Glik- hikan afterward in public, he spoke to him in an angry tone as follows: " And even you have gone over from tins council to them. I suppose yon mean to g<'t a white skin ! But I tell you, not even one of your Icet will turn w liitf!, much less your body. Was yon not a brave and honored man, sitting next to me in council, when we spread the blanket and considered the belts of wamiHim lying befiire us? Now you pretend to despise all this, and think to have fonn years.* The missionario.-, es|)ecially, felt bis loss with great severity, for his coun- cil wac of the greatest benefit to them on nil tO'ing occasions. WHITE-EYES, or, as some write, lUiite-tye, was "the first captain among the Delawares." Then; was always great 'o|>position among the Indians against missionaries settling in their country ; who, in the language m( one of the Moravians, "were a stone of offence to many of the chiefs and to a. liueek, and it was several times man (Captain White-eyes] kept great iwirt of the couiicH at (Jekelen)iiU])ecb proposed to expel tiieni by force." ibit " this 'Hcckeiceldei-'s Bingrapiiies, &;c., in Philns. Trari.i. [Book V- t advnntnf^e. r conwidcrn- liiiii tlioir iii(!il«lni('iits, liitioii,it\vas ires; uiui h« )iiet<)iinolh- oniviaii inis- iiiiotli(!r iiiis- 1 acoiifiriii!!- ' liiiii and Ills lie old rliioi" lie can teach to ^(wo ilia \^m^ religion. i!li to Ills old ve shnll live, linwny to our i this he oKr liiis to send oninniniciifo oso of 177(). ic yciu' 1718, le tribe waa isagcs, cliieil ilts of waiu- , uiul otiicrs I leave their lit lor eorii- he west, lin liad stitH're«l. aluifiulliver, r his nation 0. And this tlu) 'J'nrkcy lis. or 1 1 lis I!. ing into tlio iiicd tor his kith ('oU)ni'l other cliiciis iriny, he too h('in;j;' intor- th(^ coloiiei, lint, and put eo, however, rt'as to ri'in- of the oliiro hition, 1770, 'or liis eonn- ptain aniojij,' the Indians fuajjo «(' ono ct's and to ii overul times Ue-eyes] kept Chap. II.] WHITE-EYES. 27 the chiefs and council in nwe, and would not HufFer tinuii to injure the mis- sionaries, hein^ in ids own heart convinced of the triiihs of the gospel. This was evident in all his speeches, iield helore the chiefs and council in behalf of the ludiaji conj-ref^ation and their teachers." * Upon the death of JVdawatwces, in 177(), Captain fVhUe-cyes became chief sachem, to which jdaco Ids Ibriner situation of first coiinsdlor to that chief rendered him hijihly qualified. But as he was not ciiief by regular descent, lie only accepiod the office until a young ciiief should be of age, wiio, it seems, was heir apparent, it is said Ih; iiad long looked forward with anxiety to the time when his countrymen should become Christians, and enjoy the benefits of civilization; "hut he S(r from the follow- ing circumstance that he did: The Iroipiois, Ik iiig (dnel'y in the Mnglish inUirest, and considering the Did'iw.ires bound lo opisiate with them, onhsred them to be in rea, being then a boy. Altlio;iyh //7i//f-fi/M was so fiiendly to tiie brethren, yet ho never fiilly joined tlann, stating his |)olitical station as a. reason. The Di'liiware nation perpetuated his name ; a chief signed a treaty in » LosKM, iii. ini— ■:. I Loskid, iii, 101— «, t IlKkeictUter's Diogriiphii.-*, Ar., in I'hilnx. Trans. y llevkewitd.'i; Hist, 22. 28 PAXNOUS.— TADEUSKUND. IBooK V. 1814, at Greenville, in Ohio, bearing it.* White-eyes' town is frequently men- tioned in history. It was tiie place of iiis residence, which was near the falla of the Muskingum. PAXNOUS was head chief of tlie Sliawanese in 1754. At this time, the Christian Indians of the Moraviaji settlement, Gnadeuhuetten, were oppress- ed by a tribute to the Hurons. This year, Paxnous and Gideon Tadeuskuml, who had become dissenters, came to them, and delivered the following message : " The great head, that is, the council of the Iroquois in Onondago, speak the truth and lie not : tiiey rejoice that some of the believing Indians have moved to Wajomick, [near VVilksluirg and the Suequehannah,] but now they lilt up the remaining Mahikans and Delawares, and set them also down in Wajomick ; for there a fire is kindled for them, and there they may plant and think of God. But if tliey will not hear, the great head, or comicil, will coine and clean their eiu's with a red-hot iron ; " that is, set their houses on fire, and send bullets through their heads. The next year, Paxnous and 13 others came again, and in the name of the Hurons demanded an answer to the sunnnons he had delivered last year. His wife attended him, and for whom he had great affection, having then lived with her 38 years. She, being touched by the preaching of the Bretiu'en, was no doubt the cause of softening the heart of Paxnous, and causing him thenceforth to do much for them. This answer was returned to him to bear to the Hurons : " The Brethren will confer with the Iroquois themselves, concerning the intended removal of the Indians irom Gnadeuhuetten to Wajomick." Paxnous, "being only an andjassador in this business, was satisfyed, and even formed a closer acquaintance with the Brethren." This is sufficient to explain Paxnous'' par- tiality for t!ic Brethren. Before they de])arted, his wife was baptized, and all present, among ^hom was her husband, were much affected. She declared, as she returned home, "that she feit as happy as u child new born." Paxnous also had two sons, who did much for the Brethren. TADEUSKUND, a noted chief among the Delawiu'es, may be considered next in importance to those above named. He was known among the English, previous to 1750, by the name Honest-John. About tiiis time, he was received into the Moravian conmumity, and after some delay, " owing to his wavering disposition," was baptized, and received into fellowship. His baptismal name was Gideon. He adhered to the missionaries just as long as his condition ap|)eared to bo better, -but when any tiling more favorable offer- ed, he stood ready to embark in it. The Christian Indians at Gnadenhuetten were desirous of removing to Wajomick, which offered more advantages than that place, and this was a secret desire of the wild Indians ; for they, intending to join the French of Canada, wished to have tliem out of the way of their excursions, that they might with more secrecy iiill upon the English frontiers. It was now 1754. Meanwhile Tadeuskund had had the offer of leading tiie Delawares in the war, and hence he had been a chief promoter of a removal to Wajomick. The missionaries saw through the plot, and refused to move ; but quite a comi)any of their followers, to the nuudier of about 70, went thither, agree- ably to the .vishes of Taikuskund and his party, and some went oft" to other places. Tadeitskund was now in his element, marching to and from the French in warlike style. When Paxnous, as has been related, summoned the remain- ing believers at Gnadenhuetten to remove to Wajomick, Tadeuskund accom- f)anied him. As the interest of the French began to decline, Tadeuskund )egan to think al)nut making a shift again, llaving lived a considerable part of the year 1758 not far from Bethlehem, with about 100 of his follow- ers, he gave the Brethren there intimations that he wished again to join them; and even requested that some one would preach on his side of the Lehigh. But the hopes of his reclaim were soon after dissipated. And " he now even endeavored to destroy the peace and comfort of the Indian con- regation." From the discouraging nature of the aftiiirs of the Fren h, ten tidian nations were induced to send deputies to tniat with the English at * Sec Ilist. Secoiitl War, by ,S'. A', lirown, Appendix, 105. tBooK V. Chap. II.] MASSACRE AT GiNADENHUETTEN.— SKENANDO. 29 uiiswer .., "heiiig " owing Easton, wiiich eveiitimtecl in a treaty of peace. Tadeuakund pretended tliat this treaty liud been agreed to on condition that government should build a town ou the Susquehauuali lor the Indians, and cause those living with, tlie Bretliren to remove to it. This his enemies denied. There was some foun- dation, from tluiir own account, tor Tadeitskund's ()reteuding to have received full commission to conduct all the Indians within certain limits, which included those of Bethlehem, to Wajomick ; and therefore demanded their compliance with his commands. He was liberal in his promises, provided they would comply ; saying, the;,' should have fields cleai'ed and ploughed, houses built, and [)rovisions provided : not only so, but their teacliers should attend them, to live there unmolested, and the believers entirely by them- selves. But, through the influence of their priests, they would not com|)ly, which occasioned some threats fiom Tadeuakund, and he immediately set oft' for Philadelphia, considerably irritated. Tadeuskund went to riiiladelphia in consequence of an intended general congress of tiie Lidians and English, including all those who did not attend at Easton. When he returned, he demanded a positive answer, and they replied that they would not remove unless the governor and all the chiefs so determined, for tiiat they could not without the greatest inconvenience. This seemed to satisfy him, and ho left them. The great council or congress of English and Indians at Easton above referred to, being of much importance in Indian liistory, as also illustrative of other emuient characters as well as that of Tadeuskund, we will refer its details to a separate chajjter. Tadeuskund was burnt to death in his own house at Wajomick in April, 1703. Of an execrable murder at Gnadenhuetteu we have not spoken, as we have not learned the name of the leaders in or instigators of it ; however, it will not be i)ro|)er to pass it over in detailing the events of our histoiy. It hap- pened in the time of the French and Indian wars, in 1755. Althougii it is generally spoken of sis the massacre of Gnadenhuetteu, yet it did not happen in that town, but in a small village on Mahony Creek, about a half a mile from it. On the 24 November, a band ol" Indians, (their numbers unknown,) who came from the French, fell suddeidy upon the place, wliile the Brethren were at supper, and killed eleven persons ; namely, seven men, three womeu, and one ciiild 15 months old. Only two men, one woman, and a boy, escaped. The slaughter would have been lar greater, if the Christian Lidians had not been away at that time upon u hunting excursion. Had not a dog given the alarm, as the Indians approached, they would probably have taken all the whites jirisoners ; but the moment the dog gave the alarm, those within the house sprung to the doors and windows to secure them, which being open, the Indians fired into them, killing one man and wounding several other [jcrsoiis. The poor people succeeded in securing the doors and wuidows, and then retreated into tJie garret of the house. Ihis, as they must have expected, they found a >vretched retreat ! the roof over their heads was soon in flames, and the only persons tliat escaped were a man and his wife, and a boy, which they effected through the burning roof! One more, a man who had been confined in an out-house by sickness, escaped from a window. AH tlie buildings in the village, the cattle and other animals in the barns, were consumed in the flames!* The leader of this party, whose name it is as well I cpnnot give, soon met with a re>A CaP- TAIN Jacobs — Hkniiiiick — Hi.s hisloni — Curioim aniediitc /;ii/'i(//iV ul' X'irtrinia. He kept an accurate journal of his travels, which, on his return to Virginia, was published, and, not long aller, llic same was republished in l.tuidon, with a map; the substancu ot' this journal was copied into almost every perioilical of iniportaiici; of that dav. • ('iiii«e» of llio iton, m'J. Aliemilioii uC lliu Doiaworv- iiiul Sliiiwancso Imliiiiis, &.c., Uvo. I.oii- [Rook V. Chap. III.] WASHINGTON'S JOURNEY AMONG THE INDIANS. 35 SHINGIS was the first cliief he visited, who lived in the forks of the Alleghany and Monongahela Rivers, wliere Pittsburgh now stands. He intend- ed holding a council with the celebrated Half-kin^* already mentioned, at Loggstown, and such others as could be assembled at short notice, to strengthen them in the English interest. He theretbre invited Shins^is to attend the council, and he accordingly accompanied him to Loggstown, " As soon as I came into town," says I^Fashinglon, " 1 went to Monakaiooclia, (as the Half- king was out at his hunting cabin, on Little Beaver Creek, about 15 miles off,) and info. -med him by John Davidson, my Indian interpreter, that I was sent a messengt'i to the French general, and was ordered to call upon the sachems of tlie Six Nations to acquaint them with it. I gave him a string of wampum and a twist of tobacco, and desired him to send for the half-king, which he ])romised to do by a runner in the morning, and for other sachems. I in- vited him and the other great men present to my tent, where they stayed about an hour, and returned." This place was about 140 miles, "as we went, and comi)uted it," says the great writer, "Irom our back settlemenis, where Wi^ arrived between sunsetting and dark, the twenty-fifth day after I lef\ VViliiamsb\irgh." Hnlf-kint^, it seems, had, not long before, visited the same i)lace to which Washin^on was now destined ; lor as soon as he returned to his town, Wash- ington invited him privately to his tent, "and desired him to relate some of tlic i)articulars of his journey to the French commandant," the best way for him to go, and the distance from that jilaco. "He told me," says Washington, "thit tlie nearest and levelest way was now imimssable, by reason of many large jniry savannas; that we must be obliged to go by Venango, and ."^liould not get to the near fort in less than five or six nights' sleep, good trjiveilinii." Half-king further informed him that he met with a cold recep- tion ; that the French oliicer st(M-nly ordered him to declare his business, which he did, he ?aid, in the following speech: — "Fathers, 1 am come to tell you your own speeches ; what your own mouths have di'dared. You, in former days, set a silver basin before us, wherein tliere was the leg of a beaver, and desired all tlie nations to come and eat of it ; to eat in jieaee and j»lenty, and not to be churlish to one another : and that if any sncli person should be found to bo a disturbi r, I here lay down by the edge of the dinh a rod, which you mu.st s(;oinge them with; and if your fiither ••^liould get foolish, in my old days, I dfsiro you may use it upon me as well as others. — Now, fathers, it is you wlio lue tlie (listurb(>rs in this land, by coming and building your towns ; and taking it away unknown to ns, and by force. — We kindled a lire, a long time ago, at a place called Montreal, where v,e desired you to stay, (uid not to coniC! and intrude upon our land. 1 now desire yon may despatch to that plact;; t'or, \m it known to you, ttitliers, that this is om* land, and not yours. — I desire you may hear me in civiiness; if not, we MUist handle; that rod wiiicii was laid down f()r the use of the obstrep- erous. If you had come in a peaceable manner, like our brotlicrs tin; i'lnglish, we would not have been against your trading with us, as tiieydo; but to come, liith(M-s, and build houses ujion our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to." Half-king then repeated what was said to iiim in reply by tin; French, wiiich, wiu>n he had done, Wasliiiigton made a spiM'cli to him mid iiiscoimcil. 111! actpuiintiul thitm with the riMison of his visit, and told them he was in- structed to call U|)on them by the governor of Virginia, to advise witii them, to nssm°e them of the lovi; of the Knglisli, and to ask the assistance of some of their young men, to conduct him through tiie wilderness, to the French, to whom he had a letter fi-om his governor. Half-king made this renly: — "In regard to what my brother the governor liacl desired of mo, 1 return • He it rallril n Huron by Lonkifl, Hist. Missions, iii. 123. Ho wiis nillrd liy (lie Dclix- WBrcii I'omoiinm, which in Knjflisli inpnti» tiirrrt-hniuf, HirkfiicHfr, Nnr. it.'). In llw Ifller, or S[MH'i"h, lis Wnxhitislon vnWni i(, wliirli this rhioC sent to the (jovcrnors of \ irifiriia nnd IVinisvlviiniii, in 17.')t, liis niiiiir is set dnwii Si'miiiijiilllni. Sfc 1 Ciill. Mn.ix. Hist. Soc, vi. 11.1. — I'will licre note, Ihnl my frirnd, Jamkd SpAKits, K!nlly informs me, that he i) of o|iinioii, llmt this is not lh» game Uttlf-kiiirr nii'miuned in l.otkitl. i am now of lh«r lamo bcliof, although it is po»iblo. 36 HALF KING.— BATTLE NEAR GREAT aiL'ADOWri. [Huok V you this answer.'* "I rely upon you as a brotlier oujflit to do, us you say we ure brotliors, and- one people." " Brotlier, as you liavc asked my advice, I hope you will he ruled by it, and stay until I ean provide a eonipnny to ffo with you. The French speech belt is not here; I liavo it to go (or to my hunting cabin. Likewise the i)eople, whom I liave ordered in, are not yet come, and cannot until the third night irom this; until which time, Inother, 1 must beg you to stay." When Washington told him that his business would not admit of so much delay, the chief si;cined displeased, and said it was "a mailer of »io small mo- vmnt, and mttst not be entered withoid due consideration." I'tM-hajts it will not be too much, to give this Indian chiei' credit for some of that (iiiaracter which Mas so well exemj)lified by H'ashiiurlon in all his after-liie. And "as 1 iound it iin|)ossihle," says the narrator, "to pet off, witliout allionting them in the most egregious manner, I consented to stay." Accordingly, HalJ'-kins; gave orders to King Shingis, who was i)resent, to attend on We(iiieirise of M. de Jumonville, f»n the 5J8 May previous, he led a company of his warriors, and piloted the English under ff'ashington to the place wiien; he was en(!amped, which was but a few miles from (ireat Meadows, Jumonvltle's force was small, consisting of but about 'M men. Tlu^ night previous to the attack, Half-king, who was encamped six miles from CJreat !\lea(lo\\s, having made a discovery of the a|)proMch of the French force, sent an express to Hashing- ton, to inliirm him that the f-'rench w^re discovered in an obscure retreat. The colonel inunediately marched out \ ith 40 men and reached H(df-king\i quarters a liule before sunrise. A coun il was now held by tlie chiefs of the jmrties, and it was agreed that the English and Indians slioidd march togetlier and attark the French. They marched in single file through the woods, in the Indian tnanner, in a most distnal storm of raui ; and fullowing the track just explorc'd by Half-hing^a spies, .suon foutid themselves neiu" the party. Junwnvtile was in a secure place, half a mile from a road, and surrounded by rocks, and had he not bijcn tidlen u|>on by surprist?, it is doubtful whether the attacking party had not found it ditlicuft to have contended auccesBfully • We hcBr nsfnin of this rliiof in 1794, when, with 68 others, he siffned b Irenly with the Unili'il Suites iil Fori Stuiiwix. lim iiinne i« Ihcre written Jhlikanga, wiiich ttignlliod agreen grasshopper. Ho wiu loiiietiincs called LitlU-BiHij. fUuOK V- you say we ly advico, I HJiiiiy to go (or to my nro not yet lie, lnotlier, oi' so much 10 sinn'd mo- lt will not uctur w liicli " IIS 1 found licm in the f-liins; gave y niglit with set out with s the chicts ! sent ; and, L't out," says hite-Uiunder, arrived the onch Creek lort distance < nortlMvard, ?!"• to desert iicce(;d('d in ig tlic chiels tliey should rs, and " got narrator, " to itld me that )le to walk ; ivitlistanding iitioned him i-ndship, and account ot' in's journey, anii'd H'ash- cd territory uri'uder of nrjirise of M. s warriors, s en(;am|)ed, s i'orce was the atUick, laving made to Hashing-^ vwrv retreat, I Hitlf-hinff's duels of the nil together he woods, in nu the track lir tilt! party. siirroiUHh>d tl'ul whether successfully Irenty with Itie igiiilioil a green Chap. 111.] SHINGIS— KUSTALOGA. m against him. But not heing di.scovorcd, Washington made a good disposition of his men ; himself with the English formed tlie right wing, and Ha(f-king lit the head of the Indians, the left. The French were found without their arms in their hands, hut they flew to them, and a fight of ahout J 5 minutes ensued. None of the party esca|)ed. Eleven of the French were killed, among whom was M. de JuvwnviUe ; one wounded, and 'il taken jirisoncrs. Washington lost but one man, and two or three only were wounded.* We now retm*n to the narrative of Washington, wliich we had found it necessary abruptly to interrupt He now set out for the frontiers with all expedition. ITo had, he says, the " most iiuiguing journey jiossible to cojiceive of. From tlu; 1st to the l.'ith December, there was bin one day on wliich it did not rain or snow inces- wmtly; and through the whole journey, we met with nothing but one tiontin*. tied scries of cold, wet weather." This expedition of Washington has in it great interest, more especially from his sujierior eminence afterwards. It is |)leasing to coiitem]ilate the "savior of his country" in every adventure and circumstance of his life; and even gratifying to view him with a gun in one hand, a staff in the other, and a ]iack ujion his back; wading through rivers, oncoimtering storms of sleet and snow, and sleeping upon the ground, thus early, for his country's good. He had sonu; very narrow es(-a|)es, and, diu'ing part of the way on his return, he )iad but one attendant. One day, as they vfbre passing a |»laee called Mur- dering Town, tli(;y were fired Uj)On by one of a war-party of French Imlians, who had waited in ambush for them; and although tliey were withiii filtecn paces of him, yet they esca|)ed unhurt. Tln-y captured the fellow that fired upon them, and kept him until nine at night, then dismissed him, and trav- elled all night, "without makhig any stoj)," fearing they sliould l)e pursued the next moniing by his party. Continuing their course all the next day, lliey came to the river where they intended to cross. Here tlie firmness of Washington and his coiniianioii was thoroughly tri(»d. The river was very high, and filled with floating ice, and there was no way to pass it but by a iiilt. They had "but one poor hatclK^t," with the assistance of which, alter laboring fiom morning till sunset, they had a raft ready to launch ; on this they set out, but it was soon crushed between the lloatiiig ice, and they very narrowly escajicd perishing. Washington was himself precipitat(;d into the river, where tlie water was ten fs below the mouth of the V'ohogany, where an Indian r a present of a watcli coat, and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought iiiiKrh the best present of the two." Her niuue was .illicjvi/tpa. From this iilace, he pursued his journey home without Hirtlier .MCcident. VV(! have un'ntioncil the friendly attention of .S'/iiHi!7",i to onriidventuror, who had probably evpicti'd he would have attended him ou his journey; but Shin- gis went to collect in his men, and did not return. The liiiliHiis said it was owing to the sickness of his wifh, but Washington thought it was fear of the I'leuch, which prevented him. But this conjecture does not sciMn wt'll liHuideil, fiir he ordered Krtstalogn, who lived at Venango, to j)roceed to the Fntnch and return the wampum, which Was as much as to tell them they wished no Hirther li'llowship with them. The iim.ssacreH which followed Uraddork^s defeat were horrible l»eyond description. Sliingis and Caplniu Jnrolis were siijiposed to have been the principal instigatoi's of tliein, nnii'$ Aiiiiuiii urnuiaat(Hl, himself and (Captain Mercer (aiterwards General ATcrctr, who ii;ll at Priucc^ton) -severely wounded. At the lii"st fire Hogg's party killed 3 of the Indians, wlio, after maintaining the fight l«)r an hour, killed but 3 of the whiti-s. Hogg, being now wounded, was abandoned by his men, hut was Ibrtnnate enough to iti' tiumd by the army.* It was at this period, that tin; dead bodies of M)nie that had been nnirdered and muugleil were sent fnun the (iontiers to I'hila- delphia, and luuded about the streets, to intlanie thi^ people against the Indians, and also against the (.inakers, to whose mild forbearance was attiili- nfed ;i laxity in sending out troOps. TIk^ mob siurouiided the lionst^ of assemi)ly, having ])laccd the dead bodies at its enlrauee, and demanded im- mi-diate succor. At this tinu- the above reward was otfered. "SXr. Heckewvlder V.\w\\ Shingis, ov, n» he wrote his naiue, .S7(i«gn,5A, f and gave him a good character. He was brother to King-benver, and in tht; French war was consid<'red the great(!st Indian warrior of the day. H(! was a tt-rror to the whole frontier of I'enn.sylvania. " Passing one day with him," says Mr. Heckeweider, "in the suunner of i7(i"2, near by wliere his two prisontjr boys (alioiit 12 yeai^s of age) were annming tliemrelves with his own boys, and he ohHcrving me looking that way, imiuiifd what I was looking at. Oii my replying that 1 was looking at his prisoners, he said. When I first took them • Cofl. IV. y. IHsi. fi.'c. ill. 398—9. t Leui'l, or //('jj-mtKi/oic. 3 Coll. Mass. nut. Soc. iv. 298—0. [Book V. Chap. III.) SHINGIS.— IlKNDmcK. they ivere such; l)iit tliey are now mij diildreu; cut their victuals out of oiiu and the same l)ovvl ! wliich was saying as niucii as, that they, in all respects, were on an eciual looting witli /lisoion ciiikh'tn — alike detu* to him." Though of small stature, the same author ohscrves, he had a great mind. The wife of this chief died in 17(i2. HJie was of the highest I'aiik and re- spectability; and the ceremonies at her I'uneral, and manner of decoration and interment, described liere, would occnipy several jjages.* In the time of the Frencli war, when tlu^ governor of Pennsylvania sent C F. Post to the distant tribi s to per-uade them fiom aiding the French, men- tion is often made in tiic journal a l.icli he kept,t of Shingi^, and uniformly to his advantage. Tiie Reverend r.lc. Po«/ perlbrmed two missions, the first at the close ot ITHS, and the second in 175!). Under date of 28 August, 1758, he writes, "We set out from Sawcuuk in company with 20, for Kushcushkec; on the road Shins^as addressed himself to me, and asked, if I did not think, that if he came to tiio Ihiglisli tiiey would hang him, as they hud offered a great reward for his head. 1 told him that was a great while ago, 'twas all Ibrgotten and wiped away now." An Indian in the company, called Skamo- kin Daniel, who had been tampered with by the French, underatanding what was said, intorruptod and said, "Don't l)elieve him, he tells nothing but idle lying stories," and asked, " Why then did the English hire 1200 Indiujis [meaning the Cherokecs] to kill us ? " Mr. Post protesting it was false, IJanitl vociferat.'d, G — d d — n you for .-i fool ; did you not set; the woman lying in the road that wi'iS killed In' the Indians that the English hired .5"' After a tow other harsh exi)ressioiis, Shingis told him to be still, tor he did not know what he sdid." Mr. Post dined with Sldnffis on the 2!> August, at which time he observed to him, that although the Knglish had offi'red a great reward fordiis head, yet he had never tliought to revenge himself, but was always vi'ry kind to such i)ris- oncrs as were brought in, and that he would do all in his power to bring obont u peace, and wished he could bo sure the English were in earnest for peace also. Although die name of Shlns^s has }iot generally been as conspicuous as that of Caj)tain Jacobs, yet he is said to have been ""the greatest Delaware warrior of his time," aiid tiiat, "wen; his war exploit.s on record, they would ibrm an interesting doi-ument, thougli a shocking one."t Hmdrick was a gallant Mohawk cliietj who took part, with many of his men, against tiie I'rench, in the year 175.^. The French were encouraged bv the dt;feat of (iemsral liraddock, imd were in high expectation of carrying afl before them. //em/nV/^ Joined ihe English army at flu' 'criuest of (leneral Johnson, and met the Fren<-li, consisting otfiOOO men, nnd' r (Jeiieral Dieskau at Lake (ieorge. Wiiiie the lOnidish and Indians were encamped in a slight work, their scouts broiiglit news of the apiiroach of the rrench, with a great body of Indians upon ijicir Hanks. (General Johnson despatched Colonel I'illuuns of ;\la:isaclMi.»i'tls, wirli 1000 men, and Hvii'lrii!; witii '200 of his war- rior.-*, )o give; them battle ; but iidliiig in with them aliont (imr miles from camit nnex|ieetedly, Colom Is ICillinins and Hvnilrirk were killed, with many other ofiicers luid privatesof tlu; detaclniient. The rest iled to tiie main bod\ with great pn-cipitation, infusing constrniation into the whole army.'5 The I rejich (blloweil closi'ly, and jionred in a tremendous fire, which did very little e.xe- cnliiin, from tlic prccanli(vn of the En;:lish in (idling Hat upon their fiices. 'i'hey soon reco\('iTd fnim th( ir snrpris!', and limglit with bravery, having advaiitiigi' not only in niinibers, lint artillery, of whicii the I'Vi'iich had none.|| At leii;:i!i the bi.ive /Jicshttu Was wonndi'd in iIk^ thigh, and his Indians, be- ing tei'ritied at the havoc made by the camion of the Englisii, tied to the by their g III in tin; Supposing plunder to be the first objf'ct of woods, and the regulars were ordered to retreat by their general, which they did in gri at disorder. (Jenend Dirshtn was found in Ihe pursuit, supportinjj Jiiniselfby the s!nmj> of a tree, * Fur wliicli Bci' ({rrtrirdili'f's Hist. bid. .Nntinns, 21)4, &c, t Ur|>iiiii»il ill •• T'lr Ciiisi.': i-j'/ltc .ItiiiKttioti,'' iic, Biicl ProwVa Pn., vol. 2(1. I I f' (■/,,■ r, 1,1. !■'.<: \;,inill\c. ill. kS 'I'll ■ llji';l'r-li i.i-l aipciil J'K.1 in l)i:< nialni.ili. (liillirii-'n Universal Ibstorv, x. III. I) lliiil. 40 IIENDRK'K— KILLED IN BATTLE.— ANECDOTE. fBooK V. liis captors, as he was attciiii)tin'or, t Ibid. } lbiit may break ige seems to Died, and 1^2 obably coii- jrgotten. At l)y the death liaii warrior ) slain in the giving the MS hand on ood there in •evented the ,'enerak"t !8 in various , to condole jje welcome ve 80 8cul[)8 hed with an en fostered, s auxiliaries — they were md preveut- experienco )erintendent some richly ^y were re- i them. He ed upon Sir I very con- :old him he I one ol' his "the elegant ) show his his frifiids. I dreamed a taken in his rthat it was, lat Hendrick ed, (consist- lie Mohawk , said, " Sir let, and ho I cliief, and a letter to is passage : X Ibi.l. Chap. HI] LOGAN.— CRESAP'S MURDERS. 41 " Among Johison's Mohawks, Abraham ajid Hendrick were the oldest of their tribe, when they died, and neither of them was 70, at their deaths. I saw a sister of theirs in 1765, who ap[)eared to be several years above 70. At Stockbridge, Captain Kunkapot was for many years the oldest man in his tribe." * '\V& have now come to one of the moat noted chiefs in Indian stoiy. Logan was called a Mingo f chielj whose father, Shikellimusf was chief of the Cayugas, whom he succeeded. ShikeUimus was attached in a remark-^ able degree to the benevolent James Logan, from which circumstance, it is firobable, his son bore his name. The natne is still perpetuated among the ndians. For magnanimity in war, and greatness of soul in peace, few, if any, in any nation, ever surpassed Logan. He took no part in the F'rench wars which ended in 1760, except that of a peacemaker ; was always acknowl- edged the friend of the white people, until the year 1774, when his brother and several othei-s of his family were murdered, the particulars of which follow. In the spring of 1774, some Indians robbed the people upon the Ohio River,! who Avere in that country exploring the I{mds, and preparing for settlements. These land-jobbers were alarmed at this hostile carriage of the Indians, as they considered it, and collected themselves at a place called W^iieoliug Creek, the site on which Wheeling is now built, and, learning that there were two Indians on the river a little above, one Captain Michael Cresav, belonging to the exploring party, propo.sed to liill upon and kill them. His advice, although opposed at first, was followed, and a party led by Cresap proceeded and killed the two Indians. The same day, it being reported that some Indians were discovered below Wheeling upon the river, Cresap and his party immediately marched to the place, and at first appeared to show themselves friendly, and suffered the Indians to pass by th(!m unmolested, to encamp still lower down, at the mouth of Grave Creek. Cresap soon followed, attacked and killed several of them, having one of Ins own men womided by the fire of the Indians. Here some of the family of Logan were slain. The circumstance of the affair was exceeding aggravating, inas- much us the whites pretended no provocation. Soon alter this, some other monsters in human shape, at whose head were Daniel Gredthouse and one Tomlinson, committed a horrid mnrder ujion a company of Indians about thirty miles above Wheeling. Greathouse resided at the same place, but on the opposite side of the river from the Indian en- campment. A party of thirty-two men were collected for this object, who secreted themselves, while Greathouse, under a pretence of friendship, crossed the river and visited them, to ascertain their strength ; on counting them, he found they were too numerous for his force in an open attack. These Indians, having heard of the late murder of their relation.s, had determined to be avenged of the whites, and Greathouse did not know the danger he was in, until a scpiaw advised him of it, in a friendly caution, "to go home." The sad recpiital this poor woman met with will presently appear. This aljomi- nable fellow invited the Indians to come over the river and drink rum with him ; this being a part of his plot to separate them, that they might l)e the easier de- stroyed. The ojtportunity soon offered ;.a number being collected at a tavern in the wiiite settlement, and considerably intoxicated, were fallen upon, and all murdered, except a littU; girl. Among the murdered was a brotlier of Logan, and liis sister, whose delicate situation greatly aggravated the horrid crime. The remaining Indiiuis, upou the other side of the river, on hearinjr the firing, s(!t off two canoes with armed warriors, wiio, as they ap|)roaehl)rrs on llio Oliio anil KoiiUicky Rivers ; no evidoiico* of llio fact having iM-tii adduced, lead to the conclusion that the" report was false." Doddridi^e't Notcn, 2Syj--(), { Facts publislipil in Ji]fftr»mCs Notes. 42 LOGAN.— SAVES THE LIFE OF A CAPTIVE. [Book V, war, in which many innocent families were sacrificed to satisfy the ven- geance of an incensed and injured ])eo|)le. A cahn followed these trouhles, but it was only such ns goes before the storm, and lasted only while the tocsin of war could be sounded aiqong the distant Indians. On the 12 July, 1774, Logan, at the head of a small party of only eight warriors, struck a blow on some inhabitants upon the Muskin- gum, Avhere no one expected it. lie had left the settlements on the Ohio imdisturbed, which every one supposed would be the first attacked, in case of war, and hence the reason of his great successes. His first attack was upon three men who were ])ulliug flax in a field. One was shot down, and the two others taken. These were marched into the wihleriiess, and, as they approached the Indian town, Logan gave the scalp halloo, and they ^vere met by the inhabitants, who conducted them in. Running the gantlet was next to be performed. Logan took no delight in tortures, and he in the most friendly manner instructed one of the captives how to ])rocced to escape the severities of the gantlet. This same captive, whose name was Robinson, was afterwards sentenced to be burned ; but Logan, though not able to rescue him by his eloquence, with his own hand cut the cords that bound him to the stake, and caused him to be adopted into an Indian family. He became afterwards Logaii's scribe, and wrote the letter that was tied to a wai* club, the |)aiaicuhns of which we shall relate fiirther onward. There was a chief among the Shawanese more renowned ns a warrior than even Logan himself at this time. CORN STOCK * was his name, and to him seems to have fallen the chief din^ction of the war that was now ]>egun ; the causes of which were doubtless owing to the outrages already detailed, committed by Crcsap and Greathouse, but there can l)e but litth; if any doid>t, that the several tribes engaged in it, had each been sufficiently injured to justify thMr participation also. The history of the nnnder of Bald Eagle is more than sufficient to account for the part acted by the Dela- wares. What this man had been in his younger days is unknown to history, but at this time he was an old inoffensive Delaware chief, who wandered harmlessly up and down among the whites, visiting tlinsi; most frequently who would entertain him best. Having been on a \isit to the fort at the mouth of Kanhawu, he was met, as he was asceiuling alone upon the river in his canoe, by a man, who, it is said, had sufi'ered much tiom the Indians. It was in the evening, and whether any thing happened to justify violence on the part of either, we have no evidence, but certain it is, the white man killed the chief, and sculped him, and, to give his abominable criino pub- licity, set the dead body upright in the canoe, and in this maimer caused it to drift down the river, where it was beheld by many as it jtassed them. From the appearance of the old chief, no one susi»ectt'd he was dead, but very naturally concluded he was upon one of his ordinary visits. The truth of the affair, however, soon got to his nation, and they (piickly avowed ven- geance for the outrage, f The Virginia legislature was in session wlieu the news of an Indian xmi' was received at the seat of govermnent. Governor Dnnmore imnnMlifttely gave orders for the assembling of 3000 men ; one half of whom were to march for the mouth of the great Kanhawa under the commaml of (Jenenil Andrew Lenn8,\ and the remainder, under the governor in person, was to proceed to some point on the Ohio, aliove the former, in order to fall U]»on the Indian towns between, while the warriors shotdd be drawn off by the approach of Lexeia in the opposite direction. He was then to proceed down the Ohio, and form a junction with General Leuis at Point Pleasant, from whence they were to march according to circumstances. * Generally writton Cnrrulalk, but in our oldest printed account, it is as in llie text. There is no liarm in chan);iiig llie orthography of a word, when we use it for a projjer instead of a common substantive. t At'Clwig. j His rank was that of colonel, but, beingcommander-in-chief of that division, was properly called general, to distinguish him from his brother, who was also a colonel, and as having the chief command. Chap. III.] LOG AN. -BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT. On the 11 September, the forces under General Leiois, amotniting to 1100 men, connnonced their march I'roni Camj) Union for I'oint Pleasant on the Great Kanhuway, distant ItJO miles. The country between was a truck- less wilderness. The army was piloted by Captahi Matthew ^'hbuckle, by the nearest practicalilc route. The baggage was all traiiKported on pack- horses, and their juarch took U|» W days.* Having arrived there upon the last day of" the month, an encampment was commenced on the *first of October. Here General Lewis waited with anxiety to get some tidings of Dunmore, for eight or nine days. At the end of this time, no prospect of a junction appearing, news was brought into camp in the morning of the 10 Octolier, by one of two pei"sons who had escaped the rifles of a great body of Indians about tvt^o miles up the Ohio, that an attack would be innaediately made. These two men were upon a detu" hunt, and came u|)on the Indians without observing them, when one was shot down, and the other escaped to the camp with difficulty. Ho re- portetl " that he had seen a body of the enemy, covering four acres of ground, as closely as they could stand by the side of each other," \ Ufion this intelligence, (ieneral Lewii, "uller having delil»erately lighted his pipe," X gave orders to his brother. Colonel Charles Lewis, to march with his own regiment, and another under Colonel fVUlinm Fleming, to recon- noitre the enemy, wiiile ho put the remainder in a posture to support them. These marched without loss of time, and about 400 yards from camp met the Indians intent upoir the same object. Their meeting was somewhere between sun's rising and sun an hour high,§ and the fight in a moment began. The V^irginians, like their opponents, covered themselves with trees ■or whatever else offered, but the latter were more than a mutch for them, and put them to flight with great slaughter. Colonel Lewis was in full uni- form, and being, from the nature of his duties, exposed at every point, soon fell mortally wounded.|| There was no result for which the commander-in- chief was not jirepared ; for at this critical moment he had ordered up Colonel Field with his regiment, which, coming with great resolution and firnmess into action, saved the two retreating regiments, and efTectually checked the impetuosity of the Imlians, who, in their turn, were obliged to retreat behind a rough breastwork, which tlioy had taken the precaution to construct from logs and brush for the occasion. The i)oiiit of land on which the battle was fought was narrow, and the Indians' breastwork extended from river to river : their plan of attack was the best that toidd be conceived ; for in the event of victory on their part, not a Virginian could have escaped. They had stationed men on both sides of the river to prevent any that might attempt flight by swinmiing from the apex of the triangle made by the confluence of the two rivers. Never was ground maintained with more obstinacy ; for it was slowly, and with no precipitancy, that the Indians retired to their breastwork. The divis- ion under Lewis was first broken, although that tinder Fleming was nearly at the same moment attacked. This heroic oflicer first received two balls through his lefl wrist, but continued to exercise his command with the great- est coolness and presence of mind. His voice was continually heard, " Don't lose an inch of ground. Advance, outflank the enemy, and get between them and the river." But his men were about to be outflanked by the body that had just «lefeated Lewis ; meanwhile the arrival of Colonel IHeld turned the fortune of the day, but not without a severe loss ; Colonel Fleming was again wouuded,1I by a shot through the lungs ; ** yet he would not retire^ and Colonel Field was killed as he was leading on his men. I propcrlj I as having Doddridge, 280. t Withers, 126. t M' Clung, 321. 6 At siui-rise, Burk, iii. 393.— Sun an hour high, Royal Amer. Magatinefor NovemSer, lTf4. —A little after .sunrise, Doddridge, 231.— Tiie sun was just rising, M'Clung, 322.— Sunrise, Withers, 127. ^He waliced into camp, and cxnired in his own tent. Doddridge. Mr. M'Clung says no was killed, l)Ut wo cannot find any authority to agree with him. Mr. Withtrt sayg he was " aa active governor of Virginia during the revolutionary war." Chronicles, 130. •• Burk, iii. 394. . 44 LOGAN.— BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT. [Book V. The whole Ihie of the hrcastwork now became as a blaze of fire, which lasted nearly till the close of the day. Here tiie Indians muler Logan, Corn- stock, Eknipsico, Red-Eaak, and other mighty chiefs of the tribes of the Shawuuese, Delavvares, Minjjoes, VVyandots and Cuyugas, amounting, as was supposed, to 1500 woi'riors, fouglit, a.s men will ever do for their country's wrong,s, with u bravery which could only be equalled. Thd voice of the mighty Cornstock was oiteu heard during the day, above the din of strife, calling on his men in these woriis : " Be strong ! Jjc strong ! " And when by the repeated charges of the whites, some of his warriors began to waver, he is said to have sunk his tomaliawk into the head of one who was cowardly endeavoring to desert. General Lewis, fmding at length that eveiy charge upon the lines of the Indians lessened the number of his ibrces to an alarming degree, and rightly judging that if the Indians were not routed before it was dark, a day of more doubt might follow, iie resolved to throw u bodv, if possible, into their rear. As the good fortune of the Virginians turned, the bank of the river fuvorud this project, and Ibrthwith three companies wore detached upon the enterprise, under the three captains, Isattc Shtlby, (alterwards renowned in the revolution, and since in the war with Canada,) George Matthews, * and John Sleuart. These companies got unobsei*ved to their i)lace of destination upon Crooked Creek, which runs into the Kanhawa.t From the high weeds ui)on the banks of this little stream, they rushed upon the backs of the Indians with such fury, as to drive them Irom their works with precipitation. The day was now decided. The Indians, thus beset from a quarter tiiey did not expect, were ready to conclude that a reinforcement had arrived. It was about sunset when they fled across the Ohio, and unmediately took up their miu'ch for their towns on tlie Scioto. As is common, in reviewing past events, we find much difference of opinion in regard to many of the facts ; the loss of the whites in this battle is vei-y variously stated, but that of the Indians no one has presumed to set down but by inference. The morning alter the battle. Colonel Christiant marched to the battle-ground ; where his men found and scalped § 21 of their dead, and 12 others were found in places where they were placed for concealment ; that many were also thrown into tiie river is said to have been at the time known. In an account puidished at the time, it is set down that the killed of the Virginians were "Col. Cliarles Lewis, Major John Field, Capt. John Murray, Robert Mc Clenechan, Samuel WUson, James Ward, Lieut. Hugh Allen, Ensigns, Candiff, Baker, and 44 privates ; " making tlie whole number of the killed 5.5. " VVounded, Captain fV, Fleming, since dead, Y. Dickinson, Thomas Blucford, John Stidman, Lieuts. GooAman, Robeson, Lavd-, Vannes, and 79 Ptivales ; " making in all 87 wounded. We are awai'e that neither the names or numbers agree with accounts since published, but we have taken the above from the Royal American Magazine, which was published the following month at Boston, into which it seems to have been copied from a Philadelphia print.{| There was a kind of stratagem used by the whites in this battle which reminds us of that practised at the Pawtucket fight, related in Book III. of our history. The soldiers in Colonel Fteming''s regiment would conceal themselves behind a tree or some other shelter, and tlien hold out their hats from behind, which the Indians seeing, would mistake as covering the heads * Prol)ably the .same who was a colonel in the Virgmia line during iho revolulicu, and once a prisoner. See Contin. Burk, 107, 358, also VVilliers, 130. t VVilhers, 127. j He was not present at tl)e fight, but arrived with a reinforcement, which he had raised from Hoiston, immediately after it was over. It was this force, it is supposed, that the Indians expected were surrounding them in the rear. They were said to nave been ac- quainted with all circumstances connected with the operations of the Virginians. ft Royal Amer. Mas:azine for November, 1774. I" " ■••• ^- Pr. Doddridrp, ^3] , sets down the killed at 75, and the wounded at 140, and he is, doubtless, Mr. Williers^s authority, who says the same. His list of killed and wounded are also verbatim from Doddridge. Burk, who wrote twenty years before either, agrees with the Royal American Magazine very nearly. [Book V. Chap. Ill] LOGAN.-.DATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT. 45 of their enemies, and slioot at them. The hat being at once dropped, the Indian would run out from liis covert to scalp his victim, and thus met a sure death from the tomahawk of his adversary. The chief of the men raised lor this service, were, as Burk expresses him- seltj " prime riflemen," and the " most expert woodsmen in Virginia." They were principally fi*om the counties of Augusta, Botetourt, Bedtord and Fin- castle, and from the enraged settlers who had fled irom their frontier settle- ments to escape the vengeance of the injured Indians. For reasons which were not perfectly understood at that time. Lord Dunntore divided the army into two parts, as already stated. The part which Dunmore soon alter took in the revolutionary eventa, discovered the real cause of his preposterous pro- ceedings. His pretence of falling upon the backs of the Indians, and coop- erating with General Lewis, was soon detected as such ; for it needed only to be known that he was moving no less than 75 miles from him, and that, thcretbre, no. cooperation could be had. The imputation, however, of the historian Burk* "that the division under Leiins was devoted to destruction, for the pur|)ose of breaking the si)irits of the Virginians," to render his own influence and reputation brighter and mori) efficieiit, is unnatural, and with- out liicts to warrant it. To our mind a worse policy to raise himself could not have been devised. There are two other, far more reasonable conclu- sions, which might have been offered: The governor, seeing the justness of the Indians' cause, might have adopted the plan which was followed, to bring them to a peace with the least possible destruction of them. This would have been the course of a humane philosophy ; or he might have exercised his abilities to gain them to the British interest, in case of a rup- ture between them and the colonies, which the heads of government must clearly have by this time Ibreseen wouhl pretty soouxfoUow. Another ex- traonfinary manoBuvre of Governor Dunmore betrayed either a great want of experience, generalship, or a far more reprehensible charge ; lor he had, before the battle of Point Pleasant, sent an express f to Colonel Lewis, with orders that he should join him near the Shawuuee towns, with all possible despatch. These instructions were looked upon asisingularly unaccountable, inasmuch as it was considered a thing almost im])ossible to be accomplished, had there not been an enemy to fear ; for the distance was near 80 miles, and the route was through a country extremely difiicult to be traversed, and, to use the words of Mr. Burk, " swarming with Indians."t The express did not arrive at Point Pleasant until the evening aflcr the battle ; § but that it had been fought was unknown to the governor, and coidd in no wise excuse his sending such orders, although the power of the Indians was now broken. The day after the battle. General Lewis caused his dead- to be buried, and entrenchments to be thrown up about his cunij) for the protection of his sick and wounded ; and the day following, he took up his line of march, in compliance with the orders of Governor Dunmore. This march was attended with great privations and almost insurmountable difficulties. Meanwhile Governor Dunmore descended with his forces down the river, from Fort Pitt to Wheeling, where he halted for a few days. He then proceeded down to the mouth of Hockhocking, thence over land to within 8 miles of the Shaw- anee town Chilicothe, on the Scioto. Here he made preparations for treat- ing with the Indians. Before reaching this place lie had received several messages from the Indians with otters of peace, and having now determined to comply, he sent an express to General Lewis with an order that he should immediately retreat. This was entirely disregarded by the general, and he continued his march until his lordship in ])erson visited the general in his camp, and gave the order to the troops hunself. Lewis's troops complied * Hist. Virginia, iiii .'59G. t The famous pioiioer, Siiium Kenton, alias Butler, was tlie person sent !)>" Dunmore at thiii lime. % Hist. Virginia, iii. .IM. \ This is not a^jreeablo lo the' statement of Dr. Doddridjre, wlio says their arrival was be-. (ore tlu! Iieilllo, nnd Mr. Witliers follows him ; but 1 follow Mr. Uiirk, who doubtless had the best means of giving- the truth. Marshall [Ky. i. W] agrees with the former. 46 CORNSTOCK TREATS WITH DUNMORE. [Book V. Ci with great reluctance, for they had detcrniined on a general destruction of the Indians. A treaty was now commenced, and conducted on tlio part of the whites with great dititrust, never {idniitting but a small number of Indians within their encampment at u time. Tlie business was connnenced by Cornatock in a speech of great length, in the course of wliich he did not fail to charge upon the whites the whole cause of tiio wai" ; and n)aiidy in consequence of the murder of LogarCs limiily. A treaty, however, was the result of this conference ; and this confercntu) was the residt of the far-fimied speecli of LOGAN, the Mingo chief; since known in every hemisphere. It was not delivered in the camp of l^ord Dunmore, Tor, altiiougli desiring peace, Lo^an would not meet the whites in council, but renuiined in his cabin in sullen silence, until a messenger was sent to him to know whether he would accede to the proposids it contained. What the distance was irom the treaty-ground to Logan^ s cn\m\, we are not told ; but of such importance waw his name considered, tluit he was waited on by a messenger * from Lord Dunmore, who requested his assent to the articles of the treaty. Logan had too much at heart tlie wrongs lately done him to a(!cede without giving the messenger to understand fully the grounds uj)on which ho acceded ; ho therefore invited hun into an adjacent wood, where they sat down together. Here he relate-^. f is MATH OF LOGAN— CORNSTOCK. {Book V, We have been more minute and particular in ihcse events, in which Logan and Cornstock were engaged, than in many others ; but I trust the reader of* this history will not be displeased with sucli minuteness upon so iniportant an event ; especially as no work with w hich I am acquainted does the subject justice. It was truly a great event, l)oth in res|ject to tiic j)urties engaged, and the consequences necessarily growing out ot' it, and it has been passed over^too slightly by historians. In respect to the speech of Logan, it would be highly gratifying if a few matters connected with it could bo si;ttled ; but whether they ever will, time only can determine. From the statement of Dr. Barton,* before cited, we are led to expect that he had other docutnents than those he at that time ))ublished, going to show that Cresap was not the nuirderer of Lo;"";!?!'* family, but he never })ublished tliem, as I can learn, and he has led us to conjecture upon such as we have. Another author, j upon the authority of an officer who was at the time with Lord Dunmorc, states that lie heard nothing ol^ Logan's charging Vresap with the nnirder of hife kindred during tiie whole campaign, nor until a long time ailer. That it was not publicly talked of among the officc^-s is in no wise strange, as Cresap himself was one of them; therefore, that this is evidenire that no such charge was made by Logan, we think unworthy consideration. Among other j>roofs, that the chief guilt lay upon the head of Cresap of bringing about a bloody war, since well known by his name, Judge Lines of Frankfort, K(mtucky, wrote to Mr. Jefferson, 2 March, 17!H), that he Was, hfi thought, able to give him more particidars of that affair than, jierhap.s, any other person ; that, in 1774, while at the house of Colonel Preston, in Fin- castle county, V^a., there arrived an ex|)re»s, calling upon hini to order out the militia, "for the pi,"otection of the inhabitants residing low down on the north fork of Holston River. The express brought with him a war club, and a note tied to it, which was left at the house of one lioherison, whose family were cut off by tlie Indians, and gave rise for the application td Colonel Preston." Here lollows the letter or note, of which Mr. Inncs then made u copy, in Lis ineniorandum-book: — " Captain Cresaj), IVkat did you kill my people 6n Yelloiv Creek for ? Tlie white people killed my kin at Conestoga, t a great while ago ; and I thoiigfit noth- ing of that. But you killed my kin again, on Yellow Creek, and took my cousin Then t thought I must kill too; and 1 have been three times to teaf jn-isoncr since rce ; but the Indians are not angiy ; only myself." It was signed, " Captain Joh.t Loums. Not long ailer these timi's of calamities, which we have recorded in the life of Logan, he was cruelly nuinhavd, as he wns on his way home froirt Detroit. l''or a time |)revi()iis to his death, he gave himself up to infoxica* tioii, which in a short time ni>arly oiiliterated all marks of the great man ! The fate of Cornstock is erpially deplorable, although in the contcMUjtlation of which, his character does not suH'er, as docs that of Logan. He wan cnudly murdered by some white soldiers, while a hostage among them. Aiul there is as much, nay, liir more, to carry down his remembrance to pos- te-ity, as iini of tin- tragical death of ^hrhimedes. lie was not murdered while actually drawing geometrical (igiu'cs upon tin; ground, but, while ho was explaining the g(vigrii|ihy of his country bv drawings U|)on th«^ floor, an alarm was given, which, in d h'W minut<>s alter, eventuated in his death. We will now go into an explanation of the caus<' and manner of the nuirdel* of Com.'itork. It is well known that the war of the revolution had involved nil, or nearly all, of the Indians in drtadliil calamities. In couHccpii^nce of murders committed by the liulians on the fi'outiers of Virginia, several coiin iianics marched to I'oint IMiasant, where there had been a l()rt since tho irnttle there in 1774. Most of the tribes of the north-west, except the Shaw- ancM-s, were determined to light against the Americans. Cornstock wished • Mill, ami Phijs. Jour, pnrt ii. p. \ diiy, an he was delineating a map of it upon the floor, for tiie gratification of those ])rcsent, a call was heanl on th(! opi»osit(! side of the Ohio, whicli he at oiico recognized as the voice of liis son, Ellinlpsico, who had ibught at his r^.wle in the himons battle of P»)int Pleasant, in 1774, of which we have spoken. At the request of his fiither, Ellinipsim cami.'>Hpeaksn8 f'JIowg «»t'him: "Thus perished the mighty Cornstalk, sachem of tin; f^li'AVnn(^(«a,'>»ui}T"kih» of the nortlKMii conli-deracy, in 177-4,— a chief remarkable for inaii5*gmjt auf good qnalitie.s. He was disposed to be at all tinuK lh(« liiend n,-" n-|iif(> me/ as he ever was ih-- advocate of hoiii»rable peace, itnt wlici Ms countr? wrongs 'called aloud (or battle,' he became the thimderbult (»f war. and mo' Iier o|ipressorH (i^el the weight of bis uplilhd arm." '•ills nnble' bearui/ liiH generous tuid disinterested nttaclnnent to tla^ colonicH, when tlio Ikur • In Ml " CItrowIrs," a work, it is our (iiit;r to remnrk, written wiili cnudor wiil judnp I It do .der BttU il 50 WOLF— PONTIAK. [Book V. of British cniinoTi wns reverberating tiiroiigli tlio land — his anxiety to preserve the frontier ol" \'iryi!iiii from desojation and dcatli, (the object of his visit to Point Pleasant,) ail cons])iri d to win for liini the esteem and respect of otli- ers; while tlie iintiuiely and perfi(Hons manner of his death, caused a deep and lasting regret to j)prvade the bosoms even of tI;ose who were enemies to his nation ; ami excited the jiist indignation of all towards his inhuman and barbarous murderers." .Colonel fVilson, |)reseut at tlie interview between the chiefs and Governor Dunmore in 1774, thus sjieaks of Cormtock: — " Wlien he arose, he was in no wise confused or daiuitcd, but spoke in a distinct and audible voice, without Vtannnering or rcjietition, and witli jx-culiar eni})liasis. His looks, while ad- dressing Diinmore, wero truly grand and majestic; yet gracefiii and attractive. 1 have lieard the first orators in Virginia, — Patnck Hsnn/ and Richard Henrt/ Lee, — but never iiave f lieard one whose powers of df.hvery surpassed those of Cornstalk." Ten years after the bloody affair above related, an able writer* up«)n tjiof^^e times says, "Tlie blood of the great Cor.nstock and of his gallant son wiva mingled Avitb the dust, but their memory is not lost in oblivion." But how few at this day know of his flite, or even that such a chief ever existed ! and, at the same time, the same ))ei"sons woidd be indignant, were we to suppose them ignorant of the fiite of the monster Pizarro. We hear of one sOn who survived Comslock, who was conspicuoiis in some early events of the revolution. Hi; was a chief, and known among the whites by the name of the Woi.k. He wan a hostage, with thn^e others, at Williams- l)urgli, M'heii (Jovernor Dunmore fled on board a man-of-war to escape the fury of the risvohitionists. Aiier the governor had gat off, he sent for the Indians to come to jiim, whi<'h fliey did. He then exjdained to them fli(? reason of his flight, and directed them to fly also, or they would surely be nun-deretl tlie next day. They fled into the woods, and owmg to th(^ dju'kness of the night, lost onire, and the emperor i.'. elected from t!i(! eldest trilc, which is the Ottawawas, some of whom inhabit near our liirt at Detroit, but are mostly t'urther westward, towards lli(> i\iissl>;- sippi. Pontmrk is their pn s(>ut kingoreui|)eror, who has certaiidy (lie large^:t eiii|iir(! and greatest authority of any Indian chief that has ajijienred on ll!i> ; ontineut since; om- ae(iuaijitance with it. [[c. ))uls on an air of uiajesiy and p'iiicely trrandeur, and is irr.'aJly honored and revered by his suliiects."f In 17(10, IMajor Rotrtrs marched into his country, in fiillilling' his orders of tiiFldacing the Freiudi, al^er (lie fidl of Uueliec.t A))pri/ed of his approach. Foi link sent ambassadors to inlorm him that their chief was not liir ofli and desired him to halt until he could see him "wi(h his own eyes," and (o in- form him that lu^ was the king ant. Having been despatched thither by (iencral . Iinlnryt, he had b< ci iiili'rmed by connnissioiiers ^vllo had been explorini.' the countiy, tiial hostile feerm;;s were miiiiili'sied among 'ho Indians, and In- sent mer on purpom- lo ascertain the (l»ct, who, on their re- turn, dissipated all (i-art. "In l/tn," says .Major /fo;crr«, "wlieiil went to throw provisionH into the Jiojri^'t Coiiriti' ArrouKt of Xortli Amrricu, .11. I 52 PONTIAK CAPTURES MICHILIMAKINAK. {Book V garrison at Detroit, I sent this Indian a bottle of brandy by a Frenchman. His counsolloi-s advised him not to taste if, insinuating that it was poisoned, and sent with a design to iers were so diminished, that they npprelii'udi (I nothing from their resistance ; many of whom were ran- somed at .'Montreal afh'rwards, at a great |)rice. Seventy were put to death, and the other twenty r( s(>i;ved fiir slaves. A few ihiys alh>r, a boat from Montreal, without knowing what had ha|)|)eiied, came ashore with Knglish j)assengers, wUn all till into the hands of the Indians. Poiiliak was not per- sonally concerned in this affair, but it was a ])art of his design, and, there- fore, is \ery properly here related. A chief named Menehwehna was the commimiler in that afiiiir. § It was oidy l.l days from the time the first blow was struck, before Pontiak had taken p<>ssession of every garrison in the west exctspt three. No loM * Till- AMii- It'iiinnl. wliimi wt- rullciwcd in llu- (ornicr ('dilioiH, (not then posiscMing Rogers's own ii<-iiiiiiil.) (IcM's not niirralr lliis circiMnsliinic lailliliilly, t TrincK in Ciiiiiiilii, l)y .Mfimid r lliiini, \',st\., lVi)in wlilcli llio following acconnl of the chiefs, followed by a train of warriore. When the stip- ulated number had entered the garrison, the gates were closed; The chlels observed attentively the troops under arms, marching from place to place ; two columns nearly inclosing the council house, and both facing towards it. On Pontiiic's entering it, lie demanded of Major Gladwin tlie cause of so nnich parade, and why his men were under arms ; lie said it was an odd manner of liolding a council. The major told him it was only to exercise them. The Indians being seated u[)on the skins iirepared for them, Pontiac commenced his s[)eech, and when he came to the signal of [iresenting tiie belt, the governor and his atKMidants drawing their swords half out of their scabbards, and tlu; soldiers ctiiiching their guns with firnniess, discovered to the chiefs, !)y their i)ieuiiar attitudes, tiiat their plot was discovered. Pontiac, with all his bravery, turned pale, and every chief showed signs of astonish- ment. To avoid an ojjen detection, tlie signal in passing the belt was not given, and Po«/jac cIos;}d his speech, which contained many professions of respect and affei-tion to the English. But when Major Gladwin commenced his, be did not iiul directly to re|)roach Pontiac with treachery; told him he could not do any t)iing to insnai'e the English, and that be knew his whole diabolical plan. Pontiac tried to excuse hiniselt) and to make Major Gladivin believe tluit hv. had Iai(^ no plot ; upon which the major step|)ed to the cin'ef nearest hinisolf, and, drawing aside his blanket, exposed his short gun, whicii completed their confusion. The governor, for such was I\Iajor Gladwin, ordered Pontine to leave the fort innnediateiVj ibr it would be with difficulty he could restrain his men from cutting jiim in pieces, should they know the circinnstances. The gov- ernor was adcrwards blamed ii)r thus suffering them to witiidraw, witiiout retaining several of them as hostages for the quiet behavior of the rest ; liiit he, having passed his word tliat they should come and go without binderanco or restraint, merit( d, perhaps, less censure for keeping it, and respecting his honor, than tiiose who reproached him. A furious attack was the next day made upon the fort. Eveiy stratagem wiLs resorted to. At one time they filled a cart with combustibles, and run it against the pickets, to set them on fire. At another, they were about to set fire to the church, by shooting f.ery arrows into it; but religious scruples averted tlu; execution, — a Ercnch priest telling Pontiac that it v/ould call down the anger of God upon him. They had frequently, during th(! siege, endeavored to cut down the pickets so as to make a breach. 3Iajor Gladwin ordered his men, at last, to cut on the inside at the same time, and assist them. This was done, and when a breach was made, there was a rush upcn the outside towards the breach, and at the same instant, a brass fbur-])oinider, whicli had Imen levelled for the purpose, was shot off, which made a dread- fid slaughter imiong them. Aller this they merely blockaded the fort, and cut ort" its supplies, and the I'.nglish were reduced to the greatest distress, and for some time subsisted upon half rations. There was great ditHi'ulty in throwing succor into the gamson at Detroit, as there was smdi an extent of country h^-tween it and the other most west- ern posts, in jiossessiiin of the I'^iUglish. !''ort Pitt and Niagara had been besii'ged, and all connnimieation for a long time cut off; the former biul been reduced to great extninities, but they were at length relieved by Colonel Bouqud. Captain l)ali)cll was at the same time sent tor the relief of Detroit, wheni he ariived on 'iH .Inly, 17(IH.* A blood^' scene was shortly to Ibllow. Captain Ihilmll, with 'i 17 men, went out of the Ibrt to surprise Pontiac in hia canqi ; but tlie wary cliitif had runners out, who gave him timely notice, and Bouquet's Expedition, Iiitrod, iv. Chap. 111.] PONTIAK.— BATTLE OF BLOODY BRIDGE. \ 55 \ he met them in an advantageous place, and, lieing vastly superior m numbers, and concealed behind a picket fence, near a bridge where the Englisli were to pass, poured in upon thcni a dreadful fire. Ulany fell at the first onset, but they kept tiieir order, and exerted themselves to regain the bridge they had just passed. They effecfcd their purpose, but many icll in the attempt, among whom was Captain DiihjdL I'hc! famous INIujor Rvgtrs, the second in command, and Lieutenant Brelnn, with about 200 others, recovered the fort. This bridge, wjierc so many brave men were slain, is called to this day Bloody Bridge. Pontiac ordered the head of Ca|)tain Dali/ell to be cut off and set upon a Cost. Between eighty and a hundred (hjad' bodies were counted upon the ridge the next morning, which entirely blocked up its passage. We have tliought proper to give tliis account as it is generally found in Qur histories, but liaving been put in po.^SiJssion of the olHcial return of Sir J''Jjenj JlmhcTstf ujimUely detailing tliis important affair of liloody Bridge, we will lay it before the reader, as it appeared at the time. From which it will be seen that the common report \a probably erroneous in some of its most important features. " On the evening of the -jOth of July, Captain Daljell, aid-de-eamj) to Gen- eral Amherst, being arrivwl here with the detachment sent under his command, and being fully persuaded that Pontiac, the Indian chief, with his tribes, would soon abaiulon his design, and retire, insisted with the commandant, that thoy might easily be surprised in their canip, totally routed, and driven out of the settlement; and it was thereupon ilefermined, that Ca])tain Dalyell should mai'ch out with 247 men. Accordi^igly, we marched about half an hour after two in the morning, two deep, along the great road by the river eide, two boats up the river along shore, with a patt.-raro in each, with orders to keep up with the line of march, cover our retreat, and take off our killed and wounded ; Lieutenant Bean, of the Qtieen's Independents, being ordered, with a rear guard, to convey the dead and wounded to the boats. About a mile and a half from the fort, wc had orders to form into platoons, and, if attacked in the front, to fin; by street-brings. We then advanced, and, in about a mile further, our advanced guard, connnanded by Lieutenant Brown, of the .')5th reginiv ', VtxA been fired upon so close to the enemy's breastworks and cover, that the fire, being very heavy, not only killed and wounded some of his jiarty, but reached the main body, which put the whole into a little confusion ; but they soon n covered their order, and gave the enemy, or rather their works, it biing \ ery dark, a discharge or two fi*om the front, connnanded by Captain Grmj. At the same tinte, the rear, coumlanded by Captain Grant, were fired upon froui a hou-sc, and some fences about twenty yards on his left; on which he ordered his own and Captain Hopkins's com- panies to face to the left, and give a fiili fire that way. After which, it appearing that the enemy gave; way every where. Captain Dahjcll sent orders to Captain Grant, to take possi;ssion of the above-said houses and fences; whicii he inunediatcly did; and found in one of the said houses two men, who told him, the enemy had been there long, and were well apprized of our design. Captain Grant then asked them the nundiera; they said, above 300; and tiuit they intended, as soon as they had attacked us in the front, to get bctwcM-n us and the fort ; which Captain Grant told Captain Dal- yell, who came to him when the firing was over. And in about an hour after, "lie cai. 1 to liiui again, and told Captaui Grant lie was to retire, and ordcsred him to march in tlu; front, and ()ost himself in an orchanl. lie then march- ed, and about half a mile farther on his retreat, he had some shots fired on his flank; but got possession of the orchard, which was well fenced; and jus' as h(! got there, he heard a warm firing in the r<>ar, having, at the same tijiie, a firing on his own post, from the fences and corn-fields behind it. Lieu- tenant .WDoutral, who acted as adjutant to the detachment, came up to him, (("a|)tain Grmi/,) and told him, that Captain Wa/i/cM was killed, anci Captain Gniii very nnicli woumh-d, in making a push on the enemj, and forcing them out ol'u strong bn^astwork ot'eord-wood, and an intrenchment which they had taken possession of; and tliat the cnrmnand then de vol »'((d upon him. Lieu- tL'uant Bean inunediately came up, and luld him, that Captain Rogers had \ Tie PONTIAK ATTACKS A VESSEL AND IS REPULSED. [Book V. desired him to tell Captain Grant, that he had taken possession of a house, and that ho had better retire with what numbers he had, as he (Ca])tain Rogers) could not get ()(?■ without the boats to cover him, he being hard pushed by the enemy from the enclosures behind him, some of which scoyred the road through which he must retire. Captain Grant then sent Ensign Pauli, with 20 men, back to attack a part of the enemy which annoyed his own [)08t a little, and galled those that were joining him, fi'om the place where Captain Dalijell was killed, and Captain Gray, Lieutenants Broim and Luke, were wounded ; which Ensign Pauli did, and killed some of the enemy in their flight. Captain Grant, at the same time, detached all the men he could get, and took possession of the enclosures, barns, fences, &c. leading from his own post to the fort, wliich posts he reinforced with the officers aud men, as they came up. Thinking the retreat then secured, he sent back to Captain Rog- ers, desiring he would come off; that the retreat was quite secured, and the C«AP. III.] PONTIAC. «7 This was heard by a Huron chief, who understood enough Euffhsh to koow what was goinjr forward, and instantly communicated it to Lis followers. They disengaged themselves irom the vessel as fust as possible, and fled from her in a great fright, at considerable distance. Meantime tlie crew took the advantage of a wind, and arrived safe at the fort. In the pursuit of the vessel, the Indians discovered extreme temerity, often coming so close to the schooner as to be severely burned by the discharge of her guns. ■ This vessel had been sent from Niagara, and was manqgd with 18 men, 12 Q'f whom were Blohawk Indians. They arrived at Detroit on the 3 Septem- ber; and thus was the garrison saved U'om certain destruction. So sensible was Major Gladwin and liis officers of their escape from a dreadful iiite by the bravci-y of the crew of this vessel, that they caused silver medals to be struck and presented to each descriptive of the event.* Jlany other circumstances are related of this famous siege, but it is believed the ])recoding ai'e all that are well authenticated. Pontiac having invested Detroit now for about twelve months, and the news of his operations having hue ii carried to various parts of the British empire, extensive ])reparations ^vcre made to put down the Indian power. Aware of the movements of General Bradslreet, who was proceeding for De- troit witli an army of 300Q incii, ho gave up, and sued for peace, wifiich was granted him, and his warriors retired to their hunting-grounds. By some it is reported that he was killed, with many others of his chief men, Ijy the loway.s, in the year 1779, in u war which at that time raged between the Ottowas and that nation. It is also said that he had a son named Shegana- BY, who was also a distinguished chief, and, who, after the death of his father, revenged his niurder by the destruction of almost the entire nation of the loways. \Vhcn the revolution commenced, the Americans sent messages to Pontiac tq meet them in council. lie was inclined to do so, but was prevented from time to time by Governor Hamilton of Detroit. He seems now to have laid aside all resentment against the English, and became their friend ; and to reward his attachment, the government granted him a liberal pension. It Ijitis also been reported that lie became inspected in the time of the war, and as he was going to hold a council among die Indians in Illinois, as an agent for the English, a spy attended him to observe his conduct ; and that, in a s[)eech, he betrayed the English, and discovered his former enmity against them. When he had finished, the Indian who had accompanied him, plunged a knife into his breast, and thus ended the days of a chief who has been renowned for singular sagacity, daring courage, great spirit of connnand, and indeed numerous other qualities, found only in those born with such elementary organizations as j)roduce them by their peculiar school of cir- tjumstanccs. * Holmes's Annals, ii. 122. 58 CAPTAIN PIPE. TBooK V CHAPTER IV. I Captain Five.— Situation of affairs on the frontiers tit thcpcriod of the revolution — Sad condition of the Moravian Indians at this period — Ilulf-liiiig' engages to take them to Canada — His speech to than — Thetj remonstrate — half-king indines not to mo- lest them, but Captain Pipe's counsel prevails, and theij are seized — Pipe's conduct thereupon — Missionaries taken to Detroit and examined — Pipe went to accuse them — Changes his conduct towards them, and they are acquitted — Remarkable dclinerancc — Captain Wiiite-i;vf.s opposes the conduct of Pipe — His speech to his people — ColonelBroadhead's expedition — Brutal wassacie of a chief — Pac hg antscuiiiit.as — Surprises the missionaries — Gklelemtond — Bvokonoaiielas — Muruier of Major Trucman and others — In the battle of Presque-Isle — His death — ///* great intrepid- ilij — Further particulars of Captain Pipe — His famous speech — Expcdilionund defeat of Colonel Crairford, icho is burnt at thestake, and nianij more — Chiktojimo — Tom LEWIS — Messhawa — King- •rank — Litti.i: turtle — Defeats General St. Clair's army — Incidents in that off a. i- — Litth-tnrllc's opinion of General Wayne — Visits Philadelphia — His interview with C. F. Volney — Aneedotes — Blue-jacket — De- feated by General Wayne in the battle of Prcsquc-Isle. PIPE, or Captain Pipe,^ as he is usually railed, from Iiis having been a most conspicuous war-captuin among tlio Delawares, duriiisr the )icn(id of the revolution, in particular, was chief of the Wolf tribe. His character is a very jtrominent one, in the memorable troubles among the frontier scttlc- nieuts, at the breaking out of the war. SituiUcil r.s were the Delawares between the English of Canada and the Americans, it was hardly to be ex- pected hut that they should be drawn into that war. They could not well weigh its merits or demerits ujion either side. A speech of the renowned Corn-plant contains the best commentary upon this matter. The English stood much the best chance of gaining the Indians to their interest, inasmuch as they were profuse in their ])resents of what was useiiil to them, as well fs ornamental, whereas the Americans reipiired all their resources to carry c» the war. The commanding officer at Detroit, believing that the Moravia''. Indians upon the Susquelmnnah favored the Americans, ordered them, dead or alive, with their priests, to be brought into Canada. The Iroquois agreed that it should be done, but, unwilling to do it themselves, sent messengers to the Chi|)pevvays and Ottawas, to intimate that, if they would do it, "they /should liuve them to make soup of." These two tribes, however, refused, and the Half-king of the llurons undertook it himself. He had been forpierly very friendly to the believing Indians, and now pretended that he only con- cluded to seize upon then), to save them from (le,-:truction ; and, Mr. Loshid adds, "even the Half-king would certainly never have agreed to commit this act of injustice, had not the Delaware, Captain Pipe, a not' d enemy of the gospel and of the believing Indians, instigated him to do it." Pipe and his conqmny of Delawares, joined by Half-king and his warriors, and some Slia- wautise, held a war-least, roasted a whole ox, and agreed u])on the manner of proceeding. The captains only of this exjjeditiim knew fully its destina- tion. AVith such secrecy did they proceed, that the Moravian settlements knew nothing of their approach, until they were in their vicinity. They bore an English flag, and an Englisli officer was among them. It was now 10 August, 17dl. Half-king sent in a tnessagc to Salem, reipiesting the inhab- * His Iiidinn name, nccordinp to Ilrckewelder, was Hoi'ocan. ninl signified a Tohacrn- pipc. This iiaiiir ho liori! mail ahoiit 17()3, when (hat of KooiKSciKiUANoiiEl. was snbsli- lulcd. 'I'his meant, Maki'r of l)aif-IJs:lit. Of the word pijn', a more exlojidcd nolirc should be taken. The French writers genorallv use tlic r.ume calumet, wliich means the same thing-, and, oC its origin, Baron l.ithmitr'}, " Voyatjcs dans l/.'Nmcriqnc," i. 401. observes a.s fol- lows: — " It is a Norman word, wliich ror.ces from rhahimeiru, and was introduced into Canada by the people of that nation, on their nrst oominp into this country, by whom it has ever since been used. The Iroquois call \i (i(iiimi.i, lit at iioschochkin^, imposing a sons; of theirs upon us, whirh sonic had niix proved our ruin. Should these birds, which on leavin-e, Notes. 291, says, this " campaign " was in the siimniRr of 17(i0. t Tho same wlio, aCterwards, as I conclude, was a parly to VVaijne's treaty. 6 62 MASSACRE OF INDIAN PRISONERS.— PETCHENANALAS. [Book V. After every thin;? had been destroyed in the Indian conntry throngh wliich the Americans i)assed, tliey retiirneil to Pittshiirfr. Bilbrc leaving- Coshoc- ton, a shocking circinnstanco occnrrcd, which alone was snfficiciit to liave taniisiied flie most brilliant exploits. An Indian came to the side of the river over aji;ainst the ciieanipmcnt, and called to the sentinels, who asked him what he wanted. He answcrcfl that he wished to see the "big captain " (the name by which Indians commonly designate the commander-in-chief). Colonel Broadhead appeared, and ask(>d him w hat he wanted, who replied, " To make peace." Then, saitl the colonel, send over some of your chiefs. The Indian interrogatively atiul, " .Uuij be you kiU'^" No, said the colonel, they shall come and go in safety. Hereupon a chief of most elegant appear- ance crossed to the encampment, and — I hesitate to relate it — while this chief was conversiiig with the colonel, a monster, of the militia, came np, and with a tomahawk, which he had concealed in his clothes, laid him dead with a single stroke ! * The name of this fiend was fFttzel. The army soon began its retreat, apd Colonel Broadhead having put his prisoners, (about 20 in miniber,) into the care of the soldiers, they immediately began to mas- sacre them ! all except a few women and children were killed. These were taken to I'ittsbm-g, and afterwards exchanged ic)r an ecpial mnnber of white prisoners.f Thus the peace which might have been concluded wasunha])pily suspended, and the wur athu-wanls might well have been expected to exhibit scenes no less bloody than before. A chief, called Pachoantscmiiiilas, distinguished himself upon the fron- tiers, inmiediatcly upon the retreat of Colonel Brondlicad^s nriny ; not as many others have, bnt by magnanimity and address. And subsequently his name was set to many treaties between his nation and the United States, fi'om that of Ceneral JVame at (Greenville to that of St. Mary's in 1818: if, indeed, Pclchenanalax, BokongcheJas, and several other variations, stand for the same person. His name, according to Hcckewclder, tih^inihd a ftdjiller, iiv one icho imcceeda in allhe undcrlakes. He was a son of a great chief whose name is written ti'ewanduchivalciid, which signified one einploi/cd on important mt.isagcs ; and who in the French war was a great captain, and in jieace a great coun- sellor. He had n|)on his under lip and chin tatooed the iignre of a water lizard, on which account he was often called Tivecgachscluisu. Bitokonixaliilas was head warrior of all the Delawares who lived on the Miami and White Rivers. Pr.T('HF.>A.\AiiAs, at the head of 80 warriors, appeared suddeidy at (ina- denhut,'tt(Mi, siu'ronnding it before day, allowing no one a chance for escape. Not knowing his object, the peo|)le u(;re filled with terror. Kut he soon dis|>elle(l their fears, by telling them that he cam(! to take the chief Gdelc- mend, and a few other head men, whom he woidd have, either dead or alive. As it ha|)|)ened, mtt f)n(! ot' those he sought afler was there at the lime. Having satisfied himself of this fact, the chief dennuided that deputies from the three Christian towns should nwet to hear what he iiad to say to them. When the deputies and others had met, h(^ s])okunishing his children, thi' Americans, who have become re- fractory, f took time to consider what I should do; whether or not I shotdd receive the hatchet of my father, to assist him. At first I looked n|)ou it as a family (piarrel,in which I wiis not interested. At length it appeared to me, that the father was in the ''(lit, and bis children deserved tf) be |tunished a little. — 'I'hat this must hi; the case, I coiicIikUmI from the many cruel acts his nft'spring had rommitted, from time to time, on his Indian children — in on- crnacbing on their lands, stealing their property — shooting at and murdering without catise, men, women, and children: — yes, even murdering those, who ttt all times liud been friendly to them, and were placed for protection uiuler • ChroiiiplMof Wrsmm !9etllenicnt8, pa«tiM. t Dmldiidgr'i Notes, 293. Chap. IV.] BUOKONGAHELAS. 63 wliich Jo.shoc- • liave of the asked tptain " iliief). cplied, cliiefs. oloiiel, I)[)ear- e this lie up, II dead ly .soon loiit 20 iiias- !0 were ' wliito lmpj)ily exhibit the roof of their fatlier's house ; * the father himself standing sentry at tlie door, at the time ! — Friends and relatives, often has the father heen obliged to settle and make amends for the wrongs and mischiefs done us, by his refractory children; yet tiiese do not grow better. No! they remain the same, and will continue to be so, as long as we have any land left us ! Look back at the murders committed by the Long-Knives on many of our relations, who lived peaceable neighbors to them on the Ohio ! Did tiicy not kill them without the least provocation? — Are they, do you tliiiik, better now, than they were then.' No! indeed not; and iiiuny days are not < lapsed, since you had a number of these very men near yoia- doors, wiio jianted to kill you, but for- tunately were prevented from so doing, by the Great Sun,f who, at that time, had by the Great Spirit lieen ordained to protect you ! " The chief tiien sjioke with resjiect of tlieir peaceable mode of life, and commended tlifir desire to live in friendsliip with all mankind; but said, they must be aware of their exposed situation — living in the very road the hostile parties must pass over, in going tn figlit each other ; that they had just es- caped destruction iroiii one; of these parties ; that therefore no time should be lost, but they should go to the country on the Miami, where they would be entirely out of danger. The Christian Indians replied, that, as they had never injured the Amer- icans, tiiey thought they need not fear injury from them; that if their friends at war wished tli(!iii well, in truth, they would not make their settlement upon the patli they took to go tn war, as it would lead their antagonists tlie same wnj'; and that they coidd not remove witliout great detriment ; and therefore, as they were then situated, they could not consent to go. PnchiranlschiliUn.t consulted in the mean time with his chief men, and answered very feelingly to what the brethren had said. He obser\'ed that he was sorry tiiat they should differ fiom him in opinion, but that he had no intention to use compulsion, and only requested that those might be permit- ted to go, wiiose fears prompted them to it. This was readily assented to, and the council broke up, and the warriors departed. At Salem they made a Bhort stay, where they conducted tlieiiL-seives as they had done at Gnaden- huetten. Here a family of old people joined diem, tln-oiigh f<>ar of what Pach- gantschihilaj) had ju'edictr I, and the event justified the jiroceeding! The inassacn- of Giiadenhuettcii will ever be remendiered with the deejiest regret and indignation. Nothing was li'aied from the good Pdchmmutlaa ; hut the prowling mon- Bters APKic, (lirti/, EHlut, and jieihaps others, calling tliemselves white, were the plotters of the ruin of the innocent people at Gnadenhuetten, wliich fol- lowed not long after. Our present design makes it expedient thiit we pass over numy events in tlie chronicles of the fVonil r wars, that we may be enaliled to jnocei'd with more minuteness of detail, in the lives of the einiMeiit cliiefs. Although >ve cannot, by any rule known to us, derive liwjkim'.;iihilnn (roiii Parhirnntsci- hilas w Prlrlitnantilit.t, \ct, lift liiey have a.^* niiieh aflinlty a^: Poinclnnna mid Mdnniiml, we shall lot them pass tiir the same piMsun, and thus continue our mnrative. limln))\f> perish before your war will be at an end ! — Father, I havcsaiil, that you may, perhaps, think me a fool, for thus thoughtlessly rushing on yom* enemy ! — Do not believe this, father : ^hink nut th(d I want sense to convince me, that althimgh you now pretend to keep vp a perpetual enmity to the Long- Knives, you may before long conclude a peace with them. — Father, you .say you love your children, the Indians. — This you have oflm told them, and indeed it is your interest to say so to them, thai you mai/ have iher,: at your .•service. But, father, who of us can believe that you can love a people of a dijflrent color from your own, better than those who have a white skin like yoursilvcs / Father, pay attention to what I am going to say. If'hile you, father, are selling mr [nieanmg th(! Indians in general] on your enemy, much in the same manner as a hunter sets his dog on the game ; while I am in the act of rushing on that enemy of yours, with the bloody destructive weapon you gave mc, I miy, perchance, happen to look back to the place from whence you started me ; and what shall I see 'J Perhaps I may see my father shaking hands with the Long- Knives ; yes, with these ven/ people he now calls his enemies. I may then see him laugh at my folly for having obeyed his orders ; and yet lam now risking mi) life at his command! Father, keep what I have .said in rrmembrance. — JVow, father, here is what has been doiw with the hatchet you gave me. [With these woVds ho handed the stick t(i the conunaiulant, with the seal]! Uj)on if, above nien- tioned.] J have done with the hatchet what you ordered me to do, and found it sharp. JVevertheless, I did not do all tluit I might have done. ,Vo, I did not. My * Aiiiiilicr ofllie sumo iiiimc is mentioned fiy Mr. Lnlroht, Rnniiiloa, ii. 118, wliom he saw at New t'liirliflil in 1332} " a voncriible " innn " wuti-liing llio bod oC his dying duiigiilcr, the last ori'2 rhildrcM." f //frtfincW^r'* Hin(fii|>tiy of iho DrinwHrcs, 4[C, iu y/ilVo*. TVaiM. ■ I Machiiigiic I'limhlh, ucinrding lo Hiikiweldcr. Chap. IV.] CAPTAIN PIPE.— CRAVVIORD S EXPEDITION. 67 heart failed uithin me. I fell compassion for your enemy. Innocence [lielpless women and diildren] had no pari in your quarrels ; therefore I distin^uislii:d — / spared. I took some live flesli, which, while I tvas bringing to you, I spied one of your large cnnoes, on which I put it for you. In a few days you will recover this nesii, andfmd that the skin is of the sarne color with your owt;. Father, I hope you will not destroy wliat I have saved. You, father, have the means of preserv- ing that which tvith me woidd perish for icant. The warrior is poor, and his cabin is (dways empty ; but your house, falher, is always full." After a hijrli eucoiuiniii npoii tliLs t-'[)oecli, wliich need not be repeated, Mr. Ileckewelder .says, "It i.s but justice liere to say, tiiat Pipe was well acciuaint- cd witii tli(! nol)le and {,'cueroiiH clianicter of tbu British officer to wliom this H|>"('cFi was addressed, lie is still livinjr in liis own country, au honor to the l^riiisli name. He obeyed the orders oi" his superiors, in employing the In- dians to tight awn was not f"ar offl To this ])lace they wen; now ordered, and Pipe told Crawford, that when he arrived there, his head should be shaved ; of vvliicb, it seems, he did not imder.stand the import. These mis- erable men were accomi)anied by Pipe and another noted Delaware chielj named It'ingenim. Several other captives iiad been sent forward; anled Indians in an earnest speech, wlii(>li when he had cloned, they all joined in a biectcd hour 68 WINGENUXD'S INTERVIEW WITH COL. CRAWFORD. [Book V- He was to be sent to the Suwiiiiee Town, and for tlii.s purpose was inti'usted to a young warrior, who watched liini incessantly. The distance was a!)Out 40 miles ; and, during their murch, he found means to knock down his driver and make good his escape. He was 21 days in the wilderness alone, and was nearly famished when he arrived at Foit M'Intosh. At the place to which lie was destined by the Indians, Colonel Crawford's son, son-in-law, and sev- eral others, were put to death about the same time. Wingenund, Winganoond, or U'ingaijnoond, had an interview with Colonel Crawford immediately before his exe(Uition, and as the substance of what pass-ed between the victim and the chief has been preserved, it shall here be given, not merely for the history which it contains, but as it strikingly brings to view the manner in which an Indian exercises his views of justice in an extraordinary case. This chief had been known to Crawford/, some time before, and had been on terms of true friendship witli him, and kindly entertained by him at his own house ; and such acts of kindness all red men remember with gratitude. Wingenund does not appear to have been present when the fii"st preparations were made for burning the prisoner, but resided not far from the fatal spot, and had retired to his cabin that he migiit not see the sentence of his nation exe- cuted ujion one calling him his friend ; but Crawford requested that he miglit be S'.nt Ibr, cheering his almost raylcss hiiud with tlie faint hope that ho would interpose and save him. Accordingly, Wingenund soon appeared in the presence of the bound and naked white man. He was asked by Crawford if he knew him, who said, he believed he did, and asked, "Are you not dolonel Crawford?" " I am," replied the colonel. The chief discovered much agi- tation and embarrasr-ment, and ejaculated — "So! — Yes! — Indeed!" "Do you not recollect the friendship that always existed between us, and that we were always glad to seeeach other?" said Crauford. "Yes," said the chiefj "i remember all this, and that we have oilen drank together, and that you have been kind tome." "Then I hope," added Crauybrrf, " the same friendship still continues." " It v/ould of cour.se," said Wingenund, " were you where you ought to be, and not here." "And why not here ?" said the colonel ; "I hope you would not desert a friend in time of ncied. Now is the time for you to exert yourself in my behalf | as I should do for you, were you in my place." "Colonel Crawford," replied Wingenwid, "you have placed yourself in a sit- uation which puts it out of my power and that of others of your friends to do any thing for you." "How so. Captain Wingenund?" s&iA the colonel. He added, " By joining yoursilf to that execiabli) man, Williamson and his Jiarty. The man who but the other day murdered such a number of the iloravian Indians, knowing them to be frimids ; knowing that he ran no ri.sk in murdering n people who would not fight, and whose only business was praying." '' But I assure you, H'ingenuml," said Crawford, " that had I been with him ut the time, this would not liave liappeiied. Not I alone, but all your friends and all good men, wherever they are, reprobate acts of this kind." "That may be," said Wingenund, "yet tliese friends, these good men did not prevent liitn from going out again, to kill the remainder of those inottensive, yet foolish Moravian Indians! I my foolish, because they believed the whites in preference to us. Wo had oflen told them that they would he one day so treated by those people who called themselves their friends ! We told them that there was no fiiitli to bo placed in what the white men said ; that their fair promises were only intended to allure us, that they might the more easily kill us, as they have done many Indians before they killed these Moravians." "I am sorry to hear you speak thus," said Crauford: "as to WUliamaon^a going out again, when it was known that he was determined on it, I went out with him, to prevent him from committing fresh murdera." "Tliis,"8iud Winge- nund, " the Indians would not believe, were even I to tell them so." Crauford then asked, "And why would they not believe it? "Because," raplied Win- f^enund, "it would have Itetni out of your power to prevent his doing what le pleased." "Out of my power?" exclaimed the colonel, and asked, "Have any Moravian Indians been killed or hurt since we came out?" "None," answered the chief; "but you went first to their town, and finding it oinptT and deserted, you turned on tiic path towards U8. If you Itad been in searou Chap. IV] COL. CRAWFORD BURM' AT THE STAKE. of Avarriors only, you would not have gone tliithor. Our spies watched you closely. They saw you wliile yon were embodying yourselves on the other side of the Ohio. They saw jon cross that river — they saw where you encamped at night — they saw yon turn off from the jiatli to the deserted Moravian town — they knew you were going out of your way — your steps were constantly watch- ed, and you were suffered quietly to proceed until you reached the spot where you were attacked." Crawford, douhtless, witii this sentence, endedjiis last rays of hope. He asked, with ftmit emotion, "What do they intend to do with me?" when fVingenund frankly replied, " I tell you with grief. As Williamson, with his whole cowardly host, ran off in the night at the whistling of our warriors' halls, bt'ing satisfied that now he had no Moravians to deal with, but men who could figlit, and with .such he did not wish to have any thing to do — I say, as he escaped, and they liave taken yon, tiiey will take revenge on you in his stead." "And is there no possibility of jjreventing this?" said Crawford — "Can you devise no way to get me off? You shall, my friend, be well rewarded if you arc instrumen- tal in saving my life." "Had Williamson been taken with you," answered the chief, "I and some friends, by nuiking use of what you have told me, might, perhaps, have succeeded in saving j'ou, ))utns the matter now stands, no man would dare to interfere in your liehalK The king of England him.seif; were he to come to tiiis spot, with all his wealth and treasure, could not effect this pur- pose. The blood of the innocent Moravians, more than half of them women and children, cruelly and wantonly nuirdered, calls aloud for revenge. The rela- tives of the slain, who are among us, ciy out and stand ready for revenge. The nation to which they belonged will have revenge. The Shawanese, our grand- children, have asked for yoiu- fellow prisoner; on him they will take revenge. All the nations connected with us cry out, revenge ! revenge ! The Moravians whom you went to destroy, having fled, insfeail of avenging their brethren, the offence is become national, and the nation itself is bound to take revenge!" "My ftite then is fixed," said the wretched man, "and I nmst prepare to meet death in its worst form." "Yes, colonel," said the chief; "I am sorry for it, but cannot do any thing for you. Had you attciiuled to the Indian l)rinciple, that as good and evil cannot dwell together in the same heart, so a good man ought not to go into evil company, you would not be in this lament- able situation. You see, now, when it is too late, after Williamson has deserted you, what a bad man he must Im.'! Nothing now remains for you but to n)eet vour fiite like a brave man. Fai'ewell, Colonel Crawford ! they are coming. 1 will retire to a solitary spot." Accordingly a host of executioners were immediately upon hitn, and ho died by their cruel haiuls, as we have already written. It is said tliat Winge- nund shed tears at j)arting with his friend, and that ever afler, when the cir- cumstance was mentioned, he seemed very sensibly affected.* Colonel Crawford's son was compelled to witness ibis cruel death of his father, and suffered the same fate innnetliately aller.t The exjtedition of Colond Crawford was not so laudably undertaken as nianv others, in as fin- as it was directed against the Moravian towns u|)on the Muskingum, where vutmi, who composed it, were determined that the Chris- TJan LkIkuis, which they there ex] ..'Cted to finil, should glut their vengeance by tluur blood, as those at CJnadenhuelten had doiu; but a short time belbre.J 'CillKATO.NlMO. In ]7!I0, this chief snceeeehd in capturing many boats upon the Ohio lliver, killing manv of those in tiicni, and taking and destroy- ing a viust amount of property. Among th(! bonts which fell into the hands of Chilaitommo wiis one in which was a iMr. Cliiirtes Johnston of Uotetouit coimty, X'irginia, and several others, anil (I'om wliosi; narrative we derive nnicli of thi< information — a book re|ili'te with iuslruclion, and one of the ?nost valuable in its kind J As this com|)any were descending the Ohio, in an un- * Ifrckrirrtdi'r'.i Iiidiiin Nnliniis, 'J81 to 2IU. + Cnliimhiiiii Mn^mUir fi>r 17H7. p. 64B. { Our c'liit^l'uulliority lor ihusc uvciils is liiu valuable (^'ukonici.ks liy Mr. Willti'is, lirCore roffrrcil lo. ^ Tlie iiiulior inipcari lo liiivo licrii proiTipIci! Iq its piililii'iilioii liy llio inisiiitrrprrlation oliiis oral tMiiimiiMiicaliuiis I)} the Duke df l.itiiwtn/it ; wlioiii, liy the uiiv, wo do not I'liul lo (.lilVcr so muturiully, ia liis uuruuiit, I'ruui tlio auilior as uuu iiiigiit npprefiLMiii from his stale- 70 CHIKATOMMO—NARRATIVE OF CIIARrjW JOHNSTON. [Bc.ok V- wielily flnt-bottoined boat, in which wen; a niiiiihi'r of hoiBCH uiul ronsiili'iu- ble luoichandisc, two whito iiicii ai)poai('(l upon the sliorc, and called to thom, uflcctiiig pvat tlistrcss, aiid hcfrgcd to he taken oti hoai'd. J!e('oro these two whites showed tlicMuselves, however, a «rnoke was seen abovo the trees, and lor some tinit! heUl them in doubt on which siilo of the river it was. They wisluid to asc(!rtain this fact, us thereby they might keep elos(! in upon the opposite shore, and so escape mischief in tiie event of an ambushment of Indians. They were thus wary, as the Indians W(u-o constantly doinL' mis- chief upon the rivers, uneforo men- tioned hailed the boat, which was salely out of the reach of fire-anns, having discovenxl the jmoko to be upon the N. VV. shore, and tlierefore they kept upon the S. W. These white men, the more eflectually to decoy the boat's crew, said they had been taken prisoners by the Indians at Keimedy's IJot- tom, and bail just escaped from tiiem, and mdess they would take them on board they must perish liom hunger and cold. The truth was, one or both of them were abimdoned wretches, who had leagued with a band of (h preda- tors under Chikatomnw, aiul thus were the uaians of destroying many inno- cent lives in the most atrocious manner. V/htMi hailed by tiiem, as we have i'ust saitl, some in die boat were for listening to them, uial some against it. n the mean time, the boat floated fast down the current, and left those on Bliore considerably in tlu; rear, although they exerted themselves to kee() abn-ast of the boat. Those who were agaiiLst taking them on board had their objections well gromided ; for when these men wine asked the occasion ol' the smoke upon their side ol" tlu; river, they deniiul that there had been any, or said they knew of, no such tiling ; and this was urged as a sufficient reason why they sliould reject the other (lartof tiioir story. Still, as the boat glided down, those on board debated tlie subject, and at length concluded, that if there were Indians where they first saw the men, they must then bo fiir up the river, as it was thought impossible that tiiey could liavi; got through the woods so fiist as tiiey iiad floated d«)wn ; and one of the company, a Mr. F^inn, whose kindness of heart brought upon them this calamity, proposed hazarding bis own person on short!, without in the least endangering the rest. His plan W(w as follows: tiiat whereas they must be now »>ut of the reach of the Indians, they should haul in, and barely touch njioii the shore, and be would Jump out, and the boat should at the same time haul olF; so that if Indians siiould be coming, the boat would have time to get ofl' safe, and as to Inmself, la; could well outrun tliiuii, and woiilil get on boafd the boat again at a certain point below. And thus was the hiinia.ie |)laii laid of relieving supposed distress, the sad recompense of which, we now proceed to relate. One circumstance bad not been taken into aceoniit l)y this devoted com- pany. The current being ra|)id, it took them much longer than they had uiiticipati'd to gain the shore ; and this gave soiik; of the iiio^t swil't-l'ooted of Chlkatommo^s party time to arrive at the point at the same time with tliein. Having arrived close to the shore, Mr. Rlnn had but barely cleared himself from the boat, when a large ntmiber of Indians, painted in tlu^ most frightful manner, canit! rushing upon them. Some of tlie boat's erew s( i/.ed their guns, and determined to resist, while thi! others used every mkmiiis to get their boat from the shore; but every thing seemed to eoiis|»ire against tluuu. Their boat became entangled in tla; branches of a large tnse, and the wholu liody of Indians, having arrived, being .')1 in mimber, gavi; a horrible yell, and poured in their whole fuv upon the boat. I'rom the pre'eetioii afliirded by the side of the boat, one only was killed, Doll;/ Flcmiii>r, and Mr. Skylcs wounded. All resistance was vain, and tlii! others lay down upon the bot- tom of the boat, to prevent being imiiK-dialely killed. 'I'he Indians kept tip their lire until all the horses w<;re shot down, which additd iiiiieh to the mciil. Till! ('Iii(^ri'isiii>i'i'i'i.ii'iil n|ini'iiis ill Midi iiiiiKir (loinls as (lie spollin;; of iianirs: '.hill, (lie |)iT'.<'ii< in|>iiMiii'(l, (iir .'Skvirs li(! wriU's >'/,»;// , lor DiilTv I'U'iniiifr, Ihty III iiiiiiiiii'.; (lie mT'.li\iilivl t'iaminiiij; : lor I'liiiii, I'hlijii, \;c. Chap. IV.] CIIIKATOMMC-^OIINSTON'S CAPTIVITY. 71 horror of tho sitimtion of tlioso upon tho bottom of tlio liont, as tJicy were ill great (lunger of huing tnini|)l(!il to deatli by tlioni before tbisy fell, and uflervvnnia from tbeir t^trivingH. Wbon tliin wiik finiHbod, the firing eeuHed, and Mr. May Htood up, and held n|i ii white cup in token of Hurreudor; but lie fell in a moment utter, with u ball t^liot through IiIh heud. Several oj' tho Indiurm now HWam to the boat, and were helped into it hy thoHe within. Having now got jiosHessiiiii of it, they niMMia-d well phuisid, und olfered no tbrthe:' violenei;. All things were now U\ko,i\ on nliore, und an immense fire kiiKUed; the deud were Hcalped, and thrown into the river, und the ea|Uiveti divested of moHt of tlitiir elothcH. As sevoral indiaMS were gathered uround Mr. Jolimlon wUvii ho was 8tii|)|)ed, one, observing that he hud una kind of red vest, approaehed and said to him in \')i\)i\iii\t, ^^ Ok! you cappatin'P* He Huid, " .Vo." Then the Jndian pointed to his own breast, und suid, "jMe vappalin — all dcse my sogers." This was Chicknlommo. An Indian, named Tom Lewis, diseovered much humanity to Mr. Johnston, in that ho covered him with his own blanket atVer he hud lost his elotheu. lieing all smtioned about tho tire, Chickalonuno was at one end of it, (it being ahont .K) feet in length,) wiio, rising up, nanle a sixieeh to the multi- tude. An old Shawanee ehietj vvhosi! name is not mentioned, made tho first speech, at the end of which CIdrkntommo conducted Johnston to another Shuwunee chief, whose name wns Mes-slMw-a, to whom he wus given or aBsigned, unr cover of the woods, that they were not discovered until-tlie cunoe wus close to tho shore, when they fired into it, und shot every one on board. As they tuinbled into the water, their little burk was overset. Two, who were not yet dead, kept themselves afloat, but were so severely wounded that they could not swim off. The Indians leaped into the river, and utter dragging them to the shore, despatclied them with the tomahawk. The bodies of tin! lour who were killed were ulso brought to land, and tho whole six wen: Hcul[ied. All were then thrown into the river. Nothing I could then leurn, or which ban since come to my knowl- edge, has enabled ine to nnderstand who these unfortunate sufferers wiire." Alier various successes and ijncountcrs upon the rivcir, Chickatommo left it, and met a tiumber of bis company nt un encampment uboiit five miles from it. Here ho lefl tho rest, tuking with him u select number and some of tho Cherokees, with Miss Fleming; and tho coni|)any with whom Johnston remained did not join liiin a|;ain for many days. After much deluy und n kING-CRANE.— RESCUES A CAPTIVE. [Hotk 7. interesting incident, they reached the Indian town of U()pnr Sandusky. Here they squandered all tlieir rich booty tor wliisidd be taken from them. He next tried to purciiase her ; but his benevolent offers were indignantly refused, and their rage was still increased. Resolved to rescue her out of their hands, King-crane repaired to their camp early the next morning, accompanied with 6 or 10 young warriors. They found the Cherokees asleep, but the captive^t is shocking to Inimanity to relate — was without the least attire ! extended and lashed to the stake ! — ready to be burned! — her body paiii^ed all over with Mack. King-crane silently cut the thongs with which she was bound, then awa'^ened the murderers, and threw down upon the ground the price of a captivi in silver broaches, (which are current money among them,) and departed. She was soon after sent forward for her home, disguised in the attire of a squaw. The Cherokees prowled about seeking vengeance upon some white person for a few days, and then disappeared. The reader may wish to know what I)ecamo of Sbjles : — he was taken to a place upon the Miami River, where he was doomed to be burnt, but made his escape the night previous to the day on which he was to have suffered. After enduring the most painful fatigues and hunger, from wandering alone in the wilderness, he met with some traders who conveyed him to Detroit, and from thence home to Virginia. • The sequel of the life of the old hard-hearted Chitkatommo is as follows * Mr. Johnston, tliroiiglioul his iiarriitive, gives him nn exrollent character, after Ihu war of 1812 bc>;an, ami was one of the followers of Terumsnh. t Ihircus and WiKnuhts are synonyninns terms with most writers. \ If ever good cnino out of evil, wc sliould expect it in a case like this. He was aliva V. Chap. IV.] LITTLE-TURTLE. 73 urged For four years succeeding the events above related, lie followed Ins depreda- ting career, and was concerned in tjpiiosiug the war parties of Americans until the time of General Wayne's famous expedition. As that veteran was advancing into the western n^gion, Chickalommo met an advance i)arty of his army at the head of a band of" his desperate warriors, who were sent forward as the Indian forlorn hope. A sharft skirmish followed, and Chickatommo was slain. This was the action near Fort Defiance. King-crane was also in arms to oppose General fVayne; but in the last war against England, ho fought for the Americans, and is supposed to have died three or four years after its close. He was one of the signers of Wayne's famous treaty at Fort Greenville, and several others. We now pass to a chief by far more prominent in Indian history than many who have received much greater notice froni historians. Tliis was MISIIIKINAKWA, (a name by no means settled in orthography,) which, inter- preted, is said to mean the Littk-turtte. To the different treaties bearing his name, we find these spellings: jT/esMujinog-A^uo/i, Greenville, 3 Aug. 1795; Meshehmnoghquoh, Fort Wayne, 7 June, 1803 ; Mashekanah/juah, Vincennes, 21 August, 1805; Meshekenoghqua, Fort Wayne, 30 September, 1809; and were we disposed to look into the various authors who have used the name. We might nearly finish out our page with its variations. LiTTLE-TURTLt was chicf of tlic Miamis, ana the scenes of his Warlike achievements were upon the country of his birth. lie liad, in conjunction with the tribes of that region, successfully fought the armies of Harmer and St. Clair ; and in the fight with the latter, he is said to have had the chief command ; hence a detailed account of that affair belongs to his life. It is well known that the Americans inveighed loudly agrinst the English of Canada, in most instances, charging them with all the guilt of the enormi- ties committed on their frontici by the Indians. It is equally well known, at this day, by every judicious i.irjuircr, that they were not so blamable as the Americans reported, nor so innocent as themselves and friends, even Jong after, pretended. That the British government encouraged depredations upon the frontiers in tinieS of jjcace, should not too easily be received for truth; still, there is reason to believe that some who held inferior offices tuider it, were secret abettoi-s of barbarities. In the attack uj)on General St. Clair's army, now about to be related, there Was much cause of suspicion against the Canadians, as it was known that many of them even exceeded in that bloody affair the Indians themselves. Mr. Wild, the intelligent traveller, says,* " A great many young Canadians, and in particular many that \vere born of Indian Women, fought on the side of the Indians in this action; a circumstance which confirmed the people of the States in the opinion they had previously formed, that the Indians were encouramd and abetted in their attacks upon them by the British. I can safely affirm, however, from having conversed with many of these young men who fought against St. Clnir, that it was with the utmost secrecy they left their homes to join the Indians, fearful lest the goYernmftnt should censure their conduct" The western Indians were only imboldened by the battles between them and detachments of General Harmer^s army, in 1790, and, under such a lead- er as Mishikinakwa, eutcrtmned sanguine hopes of bringing the Americans to their own terms. One murder fallowed another, in rapid succession, attend- ed by all the horrors peculiar to their warfare, which caused President Washington to take the earliest opportunity of recommending Congress to adopt prompt and efficient measures for checking thoise calamities ; and 2000 men were immediately raised and put under the command of General St. Clair, then governor of the North- Western Territory. He received his ap- pointment the 4th of March, 1701, and procee;) I do not learn ; but in Decend)er of that year u detachment of General Jf'aijne's army went to the place, and the account given of its ap- pearance is most truly jneluncholy. This detuehment was ordered to build a fort there, which having done, it was called Fort Recovery. Within a space of about ;}50 yards were found 500 skull bones, the most of which were gathered up and buried. For about five miles in the direiMion of the retreat of tlillowin<' song has been often reprinted, and although not the best of poetry, is considered a valuable relic of those days. It is heailed thus : — Saincl.\ire's Defeat. ^ 'Twas November the fourth, in the year oriiiiicty-one,|| Wo had a soro oiijfageinoiit near to Fori JcU'er.soii ; Siiiclairc wiis our commaiKlur, wliicli may remcmhered bo, For there we left nine liuiidred men in t' VVest'n Ter'tory. At Bunker's Hill and Quebcck, where many a hero fell, Likewise al LDiip Lslaiid, (it is I ilie truth caii tell,) But such a dreaiU'ul cariKujo may I never see ai;aiii As hap'iied near St. Mary's, upon the river plain. Our army was attacked just as tlie day did dawn, Anil soon were overpowered and driven fioin the lawn. Tliey killed Major Ontdliain, Lain and 7Jn>^-« .likewise, And horrid yells of sav'gos resounded thro' the skies. JVIn.jor liiitlci-yi was wounded the very second fire ; His manly bosom sweli'd with rage when forc'd to retire; And as he lay in anguish, nor scarcely could he see, Exdaim'd, ■■ Ye hounds of hell, O! revenged I will be." We had not !)een long broken when General Utit/er found Himself so badly wounded, was forced to quit the grumid. * Pemi. Gazcttn, of that year. t Letter from Fort IliunillDii, diiled s!\ ''v-i ;i:;ri- i!i ■ '.ii;!.'. t Massachusetts Magazine for 17;M. p. 1!)I. i When I began to copy these lines, I did not intend to change a Vvord in Ihein, but soon found my resolution shaken ; the lines were of such unequal lengths, and the rhyme so bad, I could not endure it. and, therefore, when the syllables were loo many, some were dropped, iiiid wlien too few, some w(-ro added j !)ui the souse is i.i no wise impaired. The copy I use, 1 limiid III llaltimore in 1^17. 'I'licy were printed in l;il.5. II That is, 17!n. \ Richard Buthr was of .\i>ll!ai^liiiin, i.i ?c woundeil every man j Go cliarfje them, valiant heroes, and heat Uiem if you can." He leaned his back against a t/cc, and there resigned hi$ breath,* And like a valiant soldier sunk iu the arms of death ; When blessed angels did await, his spirit to convey ; And unto the celestial fields he quickly bent his way. We charg'd again with courage firm, but soon again gave ground, The war-whoop then redoubled, as did the foes around. They killed Major Fenrimm, which caused his men to cry, " Our only safety is in flight ; or fighting here to die." v " Stand to your guns," says valiant Ford, " let's die upon them here 'Before we let the sav'gcs know we ever harbored fear.'' Our cajmon-balls exhausted, and artill'ry-men all slain, Obliged were our musketmon the cn'my to sustain. Yet three hours t more we fought them, and then were forc'cl to yield, When three hundred bloody warriors lay strelch'd upon the fielcl. Says Colonel Wi/wort to his men, "My boys, be not dismay'd; I'm sure that true Virginians were never yet afraid. •' Ten thousand deaths I'd rather die, than they should gain the field ;" With that he got a fatal shot, which caused him to yield. . Says Major Clurk, " My heroes, I can here no longer stand, We'll strive to form iu order, and retreat the best we can." The word, Retreat, being past around, there was a dismal cry, Then helter skelter through the woods, like wolves and sheep they fly. . This well-appointed army, who but a day before, .Defied and braved all danger, had like a cloud pass'd o'er. Alas ! the dyjng and wounded, how dreadful was the thought, To the tomaiftiwk and scalping-knife, in mis'ry are brought. Soma had a thigh and some an arm broke on the field that day, Who writhed in torments at the stake, to close the dire affray. To mention out brave officers, is what I wish to do ; No sons of Mnrs e'i;v fought more brave, or with more courage To (Captain Bradford 1 belonged, in his artillery, \ He foil that day amongst the slain, a valiant man was he. true. It bus Itcon genernlly said, that liati tlio advice of Little-lurlle been taken at tlie disastions lijfht nltorwurds with General Wayne, tliert; w very Httle doubt but lie liud met tw ill success § as (Jeneral St. Clair || did before liim. He was not for fiifliting General Wayne at PresquerTsle, and iticliticd rather to peace than fi^htiiif; biiii at all. In a council held the ni^dit bttfore tlie battle, lie urj(iied as follows: " We have beaten the enemy tuncc uniler separate commanders. We cannot expect the same ffood fortune always to altvnd lis. The timericans are now led by a chief ic/io nei'tr sleeps : the mshl and the day are alike to him. Jhnd durinit all the time that he has 1)etn marchini^ upon our villuifeSy notwitluitandint:: the watchfulness of our youne; /hoi, «'e have never been able to surprise kim. Think well of it. There m somethintf whis- pers me, it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." For holding this ian^iiM^t* he \mis reproached by another chief with cowardice, which put an end to all finthcr discourse. Nothing woutids the fi'elings of a warrior like the reproach of c.oen ogrccubli' if our poet had yivon us a kind of rntaloguc of all such as wiTo killed at this time, of any note. Captain Xewman was amonf( the immbcr, Elliot'* Works, 13."). \\ IMlh'-iiirtIr told Mr. Viilihii circumstances which gavo him that opinion. Sec his Triifils 111 Amirini, ed. Lond. IIUH. II tiriKT.d Arlliitr St. Cltiir wiis of Edinburgh, Sootlnn, jind having served lhri)Uj{h the revolu- ti'Miarv niid IndiiUi \v;iri, died at his fnrui near (ireeMsburgli, I'a. ;U Aug. 1111)1, Anur. Alon. .M.ij.ii. it,'.), (.\. V. lull!.) 5K V. C.Ukf. IV.l LITTLE-TURTLE AT PHILADELPHIA. 77 believed.* Ilis rc«ideiice was upon Eel River, about 20 miles iVoni Fort Wuyiie, where our goveiiiiiioiit built him a house, and lurnislied him with means of living, much to the envy ofhis countrymen. TlMsrefore what had been bestowed upon Awn, to induce others to a like mode of lil'e by their own exertions, firoved not only prejudicial to the cause, but engendered hatred against him in the minds of all the Indians. He was not a chief by birth, but was raised to tiiat standing by his superior talents. This was the cause of so much jealousy and envy at this time, as also a neglect of his counsel heretofore. The same author,t from whom we get the facts in the preceding part of this paragraph, says, ^^MeshccunncujUdj or the Liitk-lurik, was the son of a Miami chief, by a Mohecan woman. As the Indian maxim, with regai'd to descents, is precisely that of the civil law in relation to slaves, that the condition of the woman adheres to the oflspring, he was not a chief by birth," &c. LitUe-turtle was alike courageous and humane, possessing gi'eat wisdom. "And," says my author, "thero have been few individuals among aborigines who have done so much to abolish the rites of human sacrifice. The grave of tills noted warrior is shown to visitors, near Fort Wayne. It is frequently visited by tiie Indians in that part of the country, by whom his memory is cherished witli the greatest respect and veneration." if The grave of his great opponent wan also in the same region ; but his remains were not long since removed to the seat of his family. Ever after liis successful expedition, the Indians called him the Bit;-ivind ;§ ov Tor- nado ; some, however, on parlicidiu- occasions, culled him Sukach-gook, which signified, in Delaware, a hiack-suake ; because, thoy said, he pos- sessed all the art ami cunning of that rei)tile. || We hoar yet of another name, which, though it may not have been his liiult that acquired it, is less €oni|)limentary than the two just named. It is well known that the British bestowed a great many more presents upon the Indians than the Americans did ; hut souie of the latter made larg(! pretensions about what they would do. General ffayne, the Indians said, made great promises to them of goods, but ncvtr got ready to fulfil them, (proimhly from being disappointed himself by tiie failure of his govermncnt in not forwarding wluit wus jiromised; ) therefore they called him General Wabang,^ which signified General To-morrow.** When tiie philosopher and famous traveller VoItk}/ was in America, in the winter of 17t>7, LitUe-turtk came to I'hiladelphia, where he then was. I'olmy sought immediate ac<]uaintunce with tlte celebrated chief, lor highly valuai)hf purposes, which in so.'iie measure he effected. Ho made u vo<;abu- lary of his language, which he ]irhiteti in the ap|)endix to his Travels. A copy in manuscript, more e.xten^'ive than the pi'int(ul oih;, is said to be in the library of the Philosophical Society of I'emisylvaniu. Having become convinced that all resistance to the whites was vain, Little- turUe brought his nation to consent to peace, and to adopt agriculturnl |iwr- liuits. And it was with the view of soliciting Congress, and the benevolent society of Friends, for assistance to etlect thiti latter purjiose, that be now visited I'hiladelphia. While here, he was inoculated for the smull-]iox, and was also atllicted with the gout and rheumatism. At the time of Mr. Folneifs interview with him for information, he took no notice of tin? conversation while the interpreter was communittating with Mr. fohu;!, for he did not inulerskuul English, but walked about, plucking out his beard uiul eyebrows. He wus dressed now in I'Jiglisb clothes. His skin, where not exposal, Mr. /W/icy savs, wus as white lus his; and on speaking \qion the subject, Litlk-turtle tmn\, " I have seen Spuniunis in Louis- iima, and li)und no difference of color Ix^tween them and m<>. An latter went to take his tin:d lea\(' of liim, the old " war-worn soldier " and jtatriot |»re- sonted him with a beautiful pair of pistols, and an elegant rol)C made of soa- otter's skin, of the vahu; of "several" hundred dollars. Little-turtle died in the snnmier of IHI'i, at his residence, but a short time afb'r the deelaration of war against l']ngland by the Cnited States, liisjuir- trait, by Stewart, graces the walls of the war-offiee of our nation. The following notici^ appeared in the public prints at the lime of his death : "Fort Wayne, ',M .lidy, 1H1'>. On the 14 inst. the celebrated Miami eliiet; the Liltle-turth, died at this place, at the age of (15 years.|l — I'erha|is there is not 1( ll on this cuntiiK nt, one of Ids color so distinguished in coinieil and in war His disorder was the gout. He died in n cnmp, because he chose to )e in lh(! open air. ]\v met death with great firmness. The agent for [n- dian afhiirs had him buried with the iioiiors of war, and other marks of dis- • Hoc Volttftf's Travoli, uf siipra. t Memnirei lU L' Ameriqw, ii. 101). I No oi- iiri'siMiH'.t to prniinunro FiilliiT Ifrnnrpin an iiiliilel, iiiiil Im» di'uies, (ufliT living miicli ainoiifT llic In linii",) llmt llii-v Iihvc niiy iioiioii, or liclipf, of wliiil Cliristinm rail Ihilij, Hot Mr. lUrirlii (llisl. VirKiniii, l(i!l.) snvs, " Huron l.tthniiliiii, on tin- oiIkt IiiiikI, ninkrs then) liiivc siicti ri'linrd noiiooH. lis "iccni iilmosi In miifiilp his own lielicf of CliristiHiiily." 6 (Kuvrej •lo <'. F. V,>l,„;i. I. d. 1'.'!». (Purls, ll{'.!(i.) II Tlicri- was n rliirf of llic >aiiic iiainc nnioiif; llir IMiainiD in lllin, wlio is incntionril in llif liciily miiilc with lliosr linllaiis on (i (h'lolicr, iit Si. IMarys. Tlir pnssafjn in llu" trcul/ is n* tiillows:— To Mmhemuftut or tlip l.itllf-liirtif, oim nrrtinn of Innd on Ihc south lido of Uie \Viil)U!tli, wiicri; tlii' |iiiriiijrr [nilii strikes llio miiiic.'' liiilian Treatiet, 31'l. Chap. IV.] BLUE JACKET. 70 tinction suited to liis chnracter." He was, generally, in liia time, styled the Messissngo eliicf,* and a gentleman who saw him soon atler St. Clnir''s de- feat, at Montreal, says he was six feet high, " ahoiit 4.') years of age, of a very sour and nioro,se countenance, and apparently very crafty aid subtle. His dress was Indian moccasins, a blue petticoat that came half way down his thighs; an European waistcoat and suitotit; his head was hound with on Indian cap that hung half way down his back, and almost entirely filled with plain f^ilver broaches, to the number of more than 200; he had two ear-rings to each ear, the upper i)art of each was formed of three silver medals, about the size of a dollar; the lower part was formed of (piartcrs of dollars, and fell more than 12 inches from his eai-s — one from each ear over his breast, the other over his hack ; he had three very large nose jewels of silver, that were curiously jKiinted. The account he gave of the action [with the Americans, 4 Nov.] was, that they killed 1400 of them, with the loss of nine only of their parly, one of whom killed himself by accident." The person who gave this account said this chief was in Canada for the purpose of raising all the Indian force he coidd to go out again in the spring against the white.«. Mr. Dawson relates a pleasant anecdote of Little-turtle, which happened while h(! was sitting for his portrait in Philadeli)hia. A native of the Emerald Isle was sitting for his at the same time, who prided himself upon Ids ability at joking. Litlle-turlle was not backward in the same business, n;id they pas.'jed si-veral meetings very jjleasantly. One morning. Little- turtle did not take nuich notice of his friend, and seemed rather sedate, which was construed by ili" -ibernian into an ackjiowlcdgment of victory on the part of the chief, ' ■ oking game, and accordingly bi'gan to intimate as nnicli. \\'\ny ,, < le understood him, he said to the inter- preter, " //c /ai'sf the chiefs who came in to treat with (■en( ral If'ayne, The Shawanesc held out as long as they could, and came in very slowly. On the 24 .liuie, a hoy, who had been a captivtt among them, (having been lately retak<'n,) confidently asserted thatth(^ Sliawaiiese would not makep«!ace. Buton(! month alter, 2:1 .Inly, Uluc-Jarkii made his appearance, and it wasintisan, known by the name of Captain lilucoacket, was at Dt^troit, with idiout 2000 men, waiting li)r the Americans to come out intothi^ vvouds: it iri believed at Montreal, that in case the Americans do not go out, they will be divided into small parties to harass our iVontiers."| The tribes which furnished warriors to oppos(> the Americans wen; the ^VylUldr>t8, Miamis, I'oilowattomies, Delawaren, Shawnnese, Chippewnys, OttawnyH, nnd a few Senecas. lilne-Jackrt was the director and leader of this mighty band of warriors. In the treaty of 21) Hepteml»pr, 1H17, at the "Foot of the Rajtids" of tlio Miiuni of tlte Jiakes, with tho Wynndots, Henecus, Delawares, >Sliawnnoao, * 'riiiisc ot'lliis Irilif in llin viriiiilv of l.nko Oiitnrio, nrt' of n miirli dnrkrr coinploxion ihan tho oilier IikIIuiis iifllif west. IIV/i/, Truveks in America, ■151. t Sec Klliol's Works, IH. 14:. X Cx'-f/s Miistimi. .\ii. 113. I 80 WAYNES VICTORY AT MIAMI. [Book V. &c. tliere is a Jjaragraph wJiicIi it is jn-osunicd 1ms rifereiicc to a daughter of tliis cliititl It proposes to give; "To Xancy Stetoart, daugliter of the late Bhawancc chief Blue-Jacket, one section of land, to contain six hundred and 40 acres, on the Groat Miami river below Lewistowii, to inchide her present improvements, three fore the battle, (Jeiu'nd fl'ame pent a Hag of truce to tlicin, and desired them to come luid treat w ith lum. The letter which he sent was tJiken to Colonel AVKee, who, it H))pears, was their ill-adviser, and he, by ])utting a fidse constna-tion upon it, increased the rage of the Indians: he then iid()rmed thiMu that they must li>rtliwith fight the Amtiiean luiny. Home (d'the chiefs, learning the truth of the letter, were lor peace ; but it was too late. Liltle-tiirtlr was known to have been in fiivor of making peace, and seemed well aware of the abilities of the American CiiAr. V, general ; uients c where tl white m The posed at to by oti In thii number, aller the of longei what ter sioners i • latlian TrcHiOB, 90. t 3/u»»/ia//'* Wasliiiiglon, v. Wl, eil. 4lo. \ Schoolcra/l. i^ Chap. \ TIIAYANDANECA, OR BRANT. 81 Kenerul ; but such was the influence of traders among them, that no argu- ments could prevail. Tims, instances without number might be adduced, where these people have been destroyed by placing confidence in deceiving white men. The night iHjfore the battle, the cliiefs assembled in council, aiul some pro- posed attacking the army in its cncami)ment, but the proposal was objected to by othei*s; finally the proposition of fighting at Presque Isle prevailed. In this battle all th^-chiefs of the Wyandots were killed, being nine in number. Some of the nations escaped tlie slaughter by not coming up until aller the defeat. This severe blow satisfied the western Indians of the folly of longer contending against the Americans ; they therefore were glad to get what terms they could from them. The chiel's of twelve tribes met commis- sioners at Fort Greenville, 3 August, 17!J5, and, as a price of their peace, gave up an extensive tract of country south of the lakes, and west of the Ohio ; and such other tracts as com[)rehen(!ed all the military posts in the western region. The government showed Some lil)erality to these tribes, on their re- linquishing to it what they could not withiiold, and as a gratuity gave them 20,000 dollars in goods, and agreed to i)ay tiuMu 9000 dcJIars a year forever; to be divided among those tribes in proportion to. their numbers.* CHAPTER V. Z-t/e of TiiAVANDANEcA, ca/icfZ III/ thc jo/((7c.y a urcinh'iaiui, (da; rditor of \VA>.s innnediatcly from Enghuid. Colonel Guy Johnson was son-in-law of Sir If'iUianu The Ijjtter was found in an Indian jmth, and was suppose! to have been lost by the person who was intrusted with it. It was in the Mo- hawk language, the translation of which connnences tiius : " Written at Guy Johnson's, JMai/, 1775. This is your letter, you i>;reat ones or sachems. Guy Joimson says he will be g;lad if you fret this intcllis;ence, you Oneidas, how it goes with tdm noiv, and he is now more certain concerning the intention of the Boston j)eoplc, Guy Johnson is in great fear of being taken prisoner by the Bostonians. We Mohawks are obliged to ivaich him constantly," &c. Alh'r tliis. Brant accompanied Guy Johnson wJion he fled to Canada. The two Butlers were also in the train. Being now in a place of safety, and the means in their hands, plots of destruction were put in execution in rapid succession. Having had some disagreement with Johnson, Brant came again to the frontiers. Some of tlie peaceable Mohawks had been coniincMJ, to j)reveiit tlieir doing mischief, as were some of the IMassuiiliusetts Indians in Philip's war. Brant was displeasiMl at tliis, l()r he said, if tlm distant Indians should rOMie down, they would destroy theiu indiscriminately whh the whites. He was MCCompanit>d by a band of 70 or t^O warriors, who, in their rundtles, visited I'nadilhi, where tiiey assembl(>d the iidialiilants, and told them tliat they stcKid in need of provisions, and if they did not give tiiem some, tiicy siiiMild take it by force; a rcliisal, tiieref<>n!, wouIeen. That the king\, except a rough track covered with logs of from VI to 1,5 feet in length, laid trniisvcrsely,t which extended across it. Gem nil Herkimer arrived at this plnce nbout two hours before mid-day, August (5. He might reasonably have ex|)ecti'il an jiiubiish, but his first intimations of the vicinity of an enemy were? the terrifying ycdls of the Indians, and the still more lasting impressions of their rifles. The advanced guard were all cut off! Such as survived the first firt;, wcjre hewn down with thetomahiiwk. The fiital causeway was semicircular, and Brant and his i()rceH occupii'd the siUTounding heights. Th(!se are tiie principal (ivents in the battle of Oriskana. A siu-geon. Dr. Moses Yonn<<;lovc, was tak(!U prisoner in this battle, and aiVer his return from captivity, ho wrote a poem upon the affair, from which we extract tho following: — " The time nnd place of our nnli.nppy fiKht, To you lit Inrp" wen; needless lo recilo: When in the wood our fierce inhumHn foes, With pierrin<; yell from circling nmbush rose, A sudden volley rends the vnulled sky ; Their pninted bodies hideous to the eye, They rush like hellish furies on our l).nnd», Their slaughter weapons brandishVI in their hands." Riiuning down from every direction, they prevented the two regiments from forming a junction, one of tliotn not having entered the causeway ; and a part of the assailants fell upon those without, and the remainder upon those within it. The fiirmer fared worse than the latter, for in such * Their whole loss wns nbout 100. snys Mnmhnll, f.lfe Wushiniflon. v. 2fil. t All who Imve Iravellect even williiu n few years, in this pari of ilii- sinte of New York, cannot but well remember the " Corduroy" ronds. 8uch was the nnui over this memorable ravine. 84 BttANT.-^BATTLE OF 0R13KANA; [Book V.^ cases a flight has almost always been a dismal defeat. It was now the case. The other regiment, Iiemmed in as they were, saw, in a moment,- that, To fight, or not to fight, was death. Tiiey, therefore, back to back, forming a front in every direction, fought like men in despair. This, Dn Younglove thus forcibly depicts : — " Now, hand to hand, the contest is fiar Hfe, With bay 'net, lom'hawk, sword, and scalping knife: ^ Now more remote llie work of dealii wo ply, And thick as hail the show'rin^ bullets fly ; Full many a hardy warrior sinks supine ; Yells, shrieks, groans, shouts and thund'ring volleys join ; The dismaJ din the ringing forest fills, The sounding echo roars along tlie hills." "The poet thus presents to our view the attacking parties : — • " Of two departments were the assailinff foes ; Wild savage natives lead the first of those ; Their almost naked fi-ames, of various dyes. And rings of black and red surround their eyes : On one side they present a shaven head ; The naked half ot the vermilion red ; In spots the party-color'd face they drew. Beyond description horrible to view ; Theif ebon locks in braid, with paint o'erspread ; The silver'd cars depending from the head ; Their gautlry my descriptive power exceeds, In Illumes of feathers, glitt'ring plates and beads." He thus speaks of the lories : — " These for the first attack their force unite. And most sustain the fury of the fight ; Their rule of warfare, dcxmstation dire, By undistinguish'd plunder, death and fire ; They torture man and beast, with barbarous rage^ Nor tender infant spare, nor rev'rend sage." And Butler is noticed as follows : — " O'er them a horrid riionstcr bore command. Whose inauspicious birth disgrai i' our land j By malice urg'd to ev'ry baro'rous art ; Of cruel temper, but of coward heart.'' With such bravery did they fight in this forlorn condition, that the Indtant^ began to give way ; and, but for a reinforcement of tories, under Major fVat-' son, they would have been entirely dispersed.* This reinforcement is thus characterized by the surgeon :-- " The second was a renegado crew, Who aifm and dress as Christian nations do, Led by a chief who bore the first command ; A bold invader of his native land." The sight of this reinforcement greatly increased the rage of the Ameri- cans. It was composed of the very men who had left that part of the coun- try at the commencement of the war, and were held in abhorrence for their loyalty to the king. Tlic figiit was renewed with Vigor, and the reinforcement fought also with bravery, until about thirty of their number were killed. * Dr. OorJnn says the lories and tndinns got into a most wretched confusion, and fought one niiothcr; niul lliiil tlic liiiicr, nl l:Kt. iIium^Im it wiis a plot of the whites on both aides, to get them into that situation, lliat llicy mijjiil cut them nlT. Chaf. V.l BRANT.— ANECDOTE OF GEN. HERKIMER. 85 Major JVatson, their leader, was wounded and taken prisoner, but left upon the battle-ground. In the mean time, General Herkimer had got forward to the fort an express, which informed Colonel Gane»voort of his situation. He inmiedintoly de- tached Colonel Marinus WUlet with 207 men, who succeeded in rescuing the remnant of tliis brave band from destruction. He beat the enemy from the ground, and returned to the fort with considerable plunder. Such were the events of the battle of Oriskana. General Herkimer died of a wound which he received in this fight. Near its commencement, he was severely wounded in the leg, and his horse was killed. He directed his saddle to be placed upon a little knoll, and resting himself upon it, continued to issue his orders. On being advised to remove to a place of greater safety, he said, " J^o — / iinll face the enemy ; " and, adds the historian of Tryon county, " In this situation, and in th« heat of the battle, he very deliberately took from his pocket his tvnderbox, and lit his pipe, which he smoked with great composure." The Indians, as well as the Americans, suifered dreadfully in this fight. And our poet writes, " Such was llie bloody fight ; and such the foe: Our smaller force return'il them blow for blow ; By turns successfully their force defy'd. Aid conquest wav'ring seem'd from side to side." BranVs loss "being about 100 men ; We are inclined to think the loss of the Indians exaggerated in these lines : — " Not half the savages relumed from fight ; They to their native wilds had sped tlieir flight." The Senecas alone lost 30, and the tories about 100. The regiment which fled suffered severely, but would have suffered still more, had not their pur- suers been apprized of the desperate case of their fellows engaged in the ravine, which caused them to abandon the pursuit. The commanding officer, Colonel Cox, was killed, and tlie command devolved upon Lieutenant Colonel Campbell and Major Clyde, who conducted the retreat. The scene in the night following the battle is thus strikingly presented by Dr. Younglove, the eye-witness: — " Those that rcmain'd a long encampment made, And rising fires illumin'd all the shade : In vengeance for their num'roug brothers slain, For torture sundry prisoners they retain ; And three fell monsters, horrible to view, A fellow pris'ner from the sentries drew j The guards before received their chief's command, To not withhold from the slaught'ring band ; But now the suflerer's fate they sympathize. And for him supplicate with earnest cries. I saw the general * slowly passing by. The sergeant on his knees, with tearful eye, Implor'athe guards might wrest him from their hands, Since now the troops could awe their lesseu'd bands. With lifted cane t)ie gcn'ral thus replies, (While indignation sparkles from his eyes: ) ' Go ! sirrah ! mind your orders glv'n before ! ' And for infernal rebels plead no more ! ' For help the wretched victim vainly cries. With supplicating voice and ardent eyes ; With horror chill'd, I turn away my (ace, While instantly they bear him from the place. , Dread scene ! — wilh anguish slung I inly groan, To think the next hard Tot may be my own." The poet next describes Ins dream, in which he was carried to the battle- ground ; and then thus opens the morning scene :— 1 8 • BiUltr. 86 BRANT.— DESTRUCTION OF CHERRY-VALLEY. [Book V. " When savages, for horrid sjKirt prepar'd, Demand anoihcr pris'iier tiom the guard, We saw Iheir fear'd approach, witli morlal fright, Their scalping-klifvcs they sharpcit'd in our siglit, Beside the guard they sat them on tlic ground, And view'd, with piercing eyes, the prisoners round." " At length, one rising seized me by the hand ; ' By him drawn forth; on trembhng knees I stand; 1 hid my fellows all a long adieu, With answering grief, my wretched case they view. They led me bound along the winding flood, ^ Far in the gloomy bosom of the wooci ; There, (horrid sight!) a pris'nor roasted lay, The carving-knife hud cut his flesh away." After eiKhn-iiig cvcrj thing but death in liis captivity^ Dr. Younglove returned home in sulety. In 1778, a Ibrt was built at Cherry-valley, where families for considerable extent about took up their abode, or retired occasionally for safety. Brant intendeil to destroy tliis, and came into the neighborhood for the purpose. It happened that, at the time he chose to make the discovery of the strength of the garrison, the boys were assembled in n training, with wooden ginis, for amusement: not having a clear view of them from the foliage of the trees which intervened. Brant thought them to be men. It was his design to have made the attack the following night ; but on this discovei-y, he gave up the design. Ho still remained in the neighborhood ; secreted behind a large rock near the main i\md lo the Mohawk, and about two miles north of the Ibrt in the valley. Here he waited to intercept some unwary passenger, and gain more certain, intelligence. Near this place is the little cascade called by the natives, Tekaharnwa. Tlie inhaiiitants of the valley were in expectation of a cofnpany of soldiers froiri the Mohawk, to reinforce them, and the same day Lieutenant Wormwood came from thence, and informed them that Colonel Klockwm\{t\ annve the next day with the party. Near night he set out to retinu), aneoinfmnicd by one Pder Silz, the ijearer of sonie despatches. He was a young i^cer, of fine personal appearance, and was to return the next day with one ((¥ the companies of soldiers. He had been out of sight but a few minutes, A\lie)i, as he passed the ambush of Brant, his warriors fired upon him, and he fell from his horse. The chief, springing from his hiding- place, tomaliawked him with his own liands. if'ormwood and his companion were ordered to stand, but not obeying, occasioned their being fired upon. Brant was acquainted \vith Lieutenant Wormwood before the war, and after- wards expressed sorrow at his i'ate, pretending that lie took hitn to be a con- tinental officer. His hor.^e immediately running back to the fort, with blood uj)oii the saddle, gave some indication of what had happened. His compan- ion, Sitz, wiis taken iirisoner. I 1 June, the same summer, Bmnt ctune upon Sjiringfield, which ho burned, and carried off a lunnber of prisoners. I'he women and children were not maltreated, but were left in one house unmolested. About this time, great pains were taken to seize the wary c4iief, but there was no Captain Church, or, unlike Philip of Pokanoket, Brant had the reUiote nations to fly to without fear of being killed by them. Ca])tain M'Kean liunted liim for some time, and, not being able to find him, wrote an insulting letter for him, and left it in an Indian jiatli. Amdng other things, he challenged him to single combat, or to meet him with an equal number of men; and "that if he would come to Cherry-valley, and have a fair fight,' they would chdiige him from a Brant into fl Goos.'" This letter, it is sujiposed. Brant received, from an intimation *'<}»tained i!i one which he ^vTote about the same time to a tory. To this man iPardftr Can; of EdinRpton) he writes from Tuhadilla [Unadilla] under date (J July 1778, — ^ Sir :' I understand bi/tfie Indians that ivas at your house last week ' thai ow Silfiith lives ft'ear initli you, has little more com to spare, I shoidd be mwh vbUscd to ^mi, if you would be so kind as to trjf to get as much corn as Smith can spared; ht has sent me five skipples already, of which lam much oblige e.d to him, and will see him paid, and would be very glad if you could spare one or two your men to join ut, especially Elias, / would be glad to see him, and 1 Chap, v.] BRANT.— DESTRUCTION OP WYOMING. 87 wish you could sent me as many guns you have, as I linoiv you have no use for them, if you any ; as I mean now tofghl the cruel rebels as well as I can ; ivhai- erer you tvill able to senVd me, you must sent^d by the hearer, I am your sincere friend and humble ser'l. Joseph Brant. P. S. I heard that Cliemi-valley people is very bold, and intended to make nothing of us ; they called us loild geese, ovi I know the contrani." This we suppose to be u fair specituen of the corn' position of tlie cliief who afterwards translated the Gospel according to John into the Mohawk language, also the l?ook of Counuon Prayer; copies of which are in the library of Harvard college. ' The next event of importance in Aviiich Brant was engaged, was the destruc- tion of Wyoming,t one of the most heart-rending records in the annals of the x-evolutionary war. In that horrid affair, about 300 settlers v\ere killed or carried into captl'ity ; from the greater part of whom no intelligence was ever obtained. It was known early in the spring of 1778, that a lai'ge force was collecting at Niagara for the object of laying waste the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Vir- ginia and New York, and even as early as February, General Schuyler wrote to congress to inform them that such waa his belief. In March he wrote again to congress, saying, "A number- of Mohawks, aiid many of the Ononda- goes, Cayugas, and Senecas, will commence hostilities against us as soon as they can; it would be prudcjut, therefore, early to take moasnros to carry the ^var into their country; it would require no greater body of troops to destroy their towns than to |)rotect the frontier inhabitants." | Hut congress had more tlian their hands full in other diroctiony, and nothing was done. In the bf- ginning of July, the toiy and Indian force, amountiug together to about 1600 men) were discovered in possession of Fort Wuitermoot,^ a short distance from the villfige of Wyoming. Here was also a fort, at which were collected near 400 men for the defence of the country, who were mider the immediate com- mand of Colonel Zebulon Buller.\\ On the 3 July, a council of war was held upon the propriety of inarching out and attacking the tory and Indian army, and it was finally agreed that the enemy should be sought. Accorduigly the Americans marclied out upon this expedition the same day. Having sent forward spies, they had not proccedi^d fiir, when they were discovered by two Indians, who were, doubtless, upon the same business. The scouts fired each upon the other, and then hastened to their respective head-qum-ters. Both parties were immediately in motion, and joined battle near a thick swamp. The Indians and tories, being the more numerous, outflanked the Americans, and Brant, at tho head of his furious warriors, issuing from the swamp, turned their lell fiank, and creating thereby a confusion, which greatly fayored his kind of warfare, and enabled him to make dreadfiil havoc among them. The Americans were in two lines, and it was the line commanded by Col- onel Dennison that Brant successfully encountered. Butler, at the same time, was gaining sonio advantage over tin; other line, under his cousin Zebulon, Avhicli, added to the raging disaster in the left, heciune immediately a flight. Colonel jDendisou's order to fall back, by which he tlesigned to make an ad- vantageous evolution, was distorted, by the terrified troops, into an order for flight ; and all \vas in a kw moments lost. And from Judge Marshall we add as follows: — "The troops fled towards the river, which they endeavored to pass, in order to enter Fort Wilkesbarre, [in the village of that name on the opposite side of the Sustpiehannali.] The enemy pursued ' with the fury of * It would sopin from i\lr. Wel^l, (Tr.ivoU in Anioiica, lv5,) lliat lie traiisliUed tliose works l)cl'()re llic war ; hut I have heard it said that th<'y were the production of the chief John Nnrlnii ; my authority, however, I ■ 10, or to liis authority, ^ince iiriiitcl in the Trmis. Amur. Vhilois. Soc. i (t'ordon's American Uevolulion, iii. ISl. ^ This was a;arrisoiipd by a (iiuiiiaiiy of men, who had been suspected of loryi-wi, anil it now appeared lliat llicy liad not only >;"iveii up the fori, lull joined the liostile parly, ilior- slmll'.t Wdnliin'rloii,, iii. "w7. II lie wa.s cousin to Juhn Iiiii.hr.\\\v. leader of die lories, 'ifarshall, ibid. 55G, and iv. Appendix, 13, 88 BRANT.— DESTRUCTION OF WYO.AIINCi. [Book V. Chap. devils ; ' and of tlie 400 who had marched out on this unfortunate parley, only about 20 cscajicd," anion:,' whom were the commanding' officers. Tlic fort at Wyoming w.is now closely bcsioged, and scemg no chance of escape, Colonel Butler proposed a parley with hiHyneHointeil at some distance from the fort, and the Americans marched out in considerable force, to prevent treachery, to the place ai)poiiitcd ; Iwit when they crrived there, they found nobody with whom to parley. The commander of the tories has been brand- ed with gross infamy, for this piece of treachery with his kinsman; for he feigned fcur from his approach, and had retired as they advanced, displfiying meanwhile the Hag of truce. The unwaiy Americans were, by this ti'eacher- oiis stratagem, led into an ambush in nearly the same manner as were Hutch- inson and tVlicdtr, at Wickabaug Pond, in Philip's war. They were, in a moment, neiirly surroimded by BvanVs warriors, and the work of deatli raged in all its fury.* The tories " were not a whit behind the very chiefest " of them in this bloody day. A remnant only regained the ibrt, out of several hundreds that went forth. They were now more closely besieged than before ; and the more to in.sult the vanquished, a demand was sent in to them to surrender, " accompanied by 196 bloody scalps, taken from those who had just been slain." When the best terms were asked of the besiegers, the "infamous jBu//er " replied in these two words, " And smote his breast with woe-denouncing hand— ' This is no lime to fill thy joyous cup : The mnminoth comes — llie foe — the monster Braiidt, With all his howling desolating band ; — These eyes have seen their blade, and burning pine, Awake at once and silence half your land. lied is the cup they drink ; but not with wine: , Awake and watch to-night ! or see no morning shine. * Tlicrc is much incoiigruily in relation to the affairs of Wyoming. Chapman distinctly states that linnit cmninaii'lud the right wing of the army under liiUler, when lie was met by the forces that marrlicd out to meet liiom ; but it has laloly boeii denied ibat Brant was even at Wyoming during these alluirs. name. Chap. V.] BRANT.— CRUELTIES AT WYOiHiNG. 89 '■'Scornine to wield llie hntcliet for liis bribe, 'Gainst lirarull liimself I wcjit to battle forth : Accursed Brandt ! he lejl of all viy tribe Nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birlli : No ! not the do^, that watched my household hearth, Escaped, that night of blood, upon our plains ! All perished ! — 1 alone am left on earthl ^ To whom nor relative nor blood remains, No ! — not a kindred drop that runs in human veins I ' " Gertrude, of Wyoming. The lories, as wna often the case, were attired like Itidians,,ancl, frotii tvtrij account, it appears that they exceeded tliem in ferocity. Dr. Thcuhtr gives us the following examples of horror, which were of no- toriety at the time, and " promulgated Iroiii authentic sources. One of die prisoners, a Captain Bamock, was committed to torture, by having his body stuck full of splinters of pine knots, imd a fire of diy wood made round him, when his two companions, Captains Ramon and Durkec, were thrown into the same fire, and held down with pitchforks, till consumed. One Partial Terry, the son of a man of respectable character, having joined the Indian party, several times sent his father word that he hopfd to wash his tiands in his fieart's blood. The monster, with his own hands, mvrdered his father, mother, brothers and sisters, stripped off their scalps, and cut off his father's head!" * It was upon such scenes as these, that the mind of the poet just cited had dwelt, which caused him to wield the pen of denunciation with such effect upon the memory of Brant. Tliat Butler was tlie far greater savage, none Clin dispute, and Mr. Campbell has long since acknowledged his too great severity upon the character of the former. We should exjjlain here, t^at a son of Colonel Brant, a chief Mohawk, of the name of Jthyonwaeghs, called by the English John Brant, was in London in 1822, and furnished Mr. Camp- bdt with documents, which, in the poet's own words, " changed his opinion of his fathef." This passage was contained in a long and interesting letter tipon the subject, to Ahyonwaeghs, which appeared at that time in the news- papers. With Wyoming were destroyed Wilkesljarre and Kingston, upon the other side of the Susquehannah. Though Wyoming is generally understood to be the place destroyed, it should be remembered that in the valley bearing that name, there were three other towns, which were all destroyed, as well as Wyoming.f These towns were settled by emigrants from Connecticut, and ■when destroyed contained more than 1000 families, and had fiirnisherl the continental army with more than 1000 men, who were generally the young and active part of the population.}: The opposite sides which the inhabitants took in the great ••evolutionary question, created the most violent rancor in the bosoms of both parties, and hence the barbarities which ensued. In November following. Cherry- valley met with a fate similar to Wyoming. At this time. Brant was returning to winter-quarters, when he was met by u tory captain, and persuaded to engage in one expedition more. This was Walter Butler, son of John, the Iiero of Wyoming. He went to Canada with Chiy Johnson, in 1775, as has been mentioned ; and now some circumstnnces brought him among the frontier settlements of New York. What his ooject was, we are not informed; but it was, doubtless, that of a spy, Iv^vever, he was taken up on suspicion, at least, and confined in jail at Albany; falling sick, he was removed to a private dwelling, from whence he goon found means to escape. Joining his f&ther at Niagara, he succeeded in detaching a part of his regiment upon an incursion. Meeting with Brant, as was just mentioned, they returned to the frontier. It is said that Brant was at first in * 7Viae/ier'* Journal. t The settlement of Wyoming consisted of eight townsWps, each five miles square. Annual Reg. for 1779, pag* 9. " Ilach containing a square of five miles," is the language of the Register; but it is thought ' unlikely that tliese towns were so small. Writers, and good writers too, often commit mathematical errors of this kind ; not distinguishing between miles square, &tid square miles: Thus, the diflTerence between five square miles, and five miles square, i. e. 5» — 5^20 square miles, the true difference between the two quantities. 1 Manhdt, iii. 555. 8» 00 BRANT.— DESTRUCTION OF CHERRY-VALLEY [Book V. displensed witli tlio project, understanding that Captain JValter had been put in office over him by liis ohi general, ff'aiter^a fatlier, but stifled his resent- ment. Th(;ir whole Ibrco was 700 men, 500 of whom were the warriors of Brant. Colonel Ichahod Mden, of Massachusetts, was in command at Clieriy- valley, and to his misguided judgment is to be attributed the disaster whicli ensued. But, like Waldron of Cochecho, he was doomed to escape the dis- grace, lie was early a|)prizcd of the march of Brant, and when urged to receive the inhabitants into the fort, observed that there was no danger, as lie ^vould keep out scouts who would apjirize them of the approach of an enemy in sctuson to remove. Scouts were accordingly sent out; one of which, either forgetting the business they wore upon, or, what was equally reprehensil)le, made a large fire and lay down to sleep. BranTs warriors were not misled by so luminous a beacon, and tlic whole were made prison- ers. This was oii the night of tlie November, 1778. The prisoners now in the hands of Bra)it were obliged to give the most exact intelligence con- cerning the garrison. On the morning of the 11, favored by a thick and hazy ntniosi)here, they approached iJie fort. Colonels Jllden and Stada (juartered at the house of a 31r. JFclts. A Mr. Hamble was finid upon as he was coming from his house to the fort, by a scout, which gave the first notice of tho enemy. He cscaixid, and gave the alarm to Colonel Alden, who, strange an it may appear, whs still incredulous, and said it was nothing more than some straggling Indians. The last sfiaco of time was thus lost ! — and, in less than half an hour, all parts of the place were invcstctl at once. Such of the sol- diers as were coIlcrtL-d being inunediatcly all killed or taken, the poor inJiab- itants fell an easy prey. Colonel Alden was among the first victims. Like Clwpart, in the massacre at Natchez, he fled from his house, and was |)ur- 6UCU by an Jndian with his hatchet, at whom tho colonel endeavored several times to disclKUge his jiistol ; but it missing fire, and losing time in facing about for this iiurpose, the Indian was sufliciently near to throw bin toma- Jiawkwitli deadly cfi'ect. He did so. Colonel .'7/rfcrt fell upon his face, and liis scalp was in a moment born(; ofl' in triumi)h. "Atory boasted lliat he killed Mr. K'dls while at jirayor." His daughter, a young lady of great amiablent:ss, fled from the hougc to a i)ile of wood for shelti!r ; but an In- dian pursued her, who, coming near, composedly wiped his long knife, already bloody, upon Ins Icggins, then returnmg it to his belt, seized her by the aiMu, and witli a blow of his tomahawk ended her existence. She could speak some Indiim, and begged her nuirderer to spare her life, and a lory interceded, who htooil near, mging that she was his sister; but he woidd liear to neithcM-. Other transactions iu this affair, of still greater horror, wo nuist pass in sileiKV, Ik'twiM'M .'iU anil 40 prisoners were carried off; but tho fort, containing about 200 sohiiers, was not taken, although several triids were made upon it. Brant was the oidy person engaged in this tragedy of whom we hear any nets ol' clennncy ; one of which was the preservation of a {roor woman ami her <'hil(lr(-n, who, hut lor him, would havi^ met the tomahawk. He irKpiinid li)r Captain .U'A'mji, (who wrote him the letter before mentioned,) saying he had now come to accept his challengt;. lieing answered that " Capt, .M Kcnn would not turn his back u|>on an einmiy," he rephed, "1 know it. He is u brave man, and 1 would have given more to have taken him than any othct man in Cliei ry-vallcy ; but I woidil not have liurt u hair of his heiui." Brnnt had seen and ht'aril so much of what is called civtiizid warfare, that he was afraid of the traduction of his character, and always said that, in his cotmcils, he had tried to tnake his warriors humane ; and to bis honor it is said, (but in proportion as his character is rai.sed, that of the white man must -ink,) that where he had the chief command, finv barlmrities were couunittt^d. The night before Brant and Bxdltr fell upon Cherry- valley, some of tho tories who had friends there, nupicHted lilterty to go in xecretly and advise them to retire. Hiilhr, though some of his ovvn friends were among tho iidiabitants, reliised, saying, "that there were so muny fiuuiliett connected, that the one would inform the others, mid all would escape. He tlius aacri Chap. V.] BRANT.— DEFEATED BY COLONEL WILLET. 01 ficed his friends, for the suite of punisliiiig liis enemies." Tliis, wliethor reported by Brant to niugnily liis own liuuianity, by a contrast witli iho dej)ravity of Wis asbociate, is not Ituown, but it may have been the fiict. But this midniglit assassin did not escape liis retribution ; he was k'lUcd by an Oncidu Indian, on 30 October, 1781, under the followin^f circumstances : Colonel h"Ukt having been ordered with about 400 men to make an expedi- tion into l)ie country of the Mohawk, he sm'prised a party of (100 toriu^!, and 130 Iiuiians at Johnston, and drove thein into the woods, and severely distressed them by cutting off tiieir retreat to their boats. About this time Colonel ff''iUet was joined l)y (iO Oneida Indians, and he shortly after came uj) with a party which formed the rear of the British and Indians, and killed and took jirisoncrs the most ol' them. fValter Bidkr was among the van- o cmployiHl in dealroyiiii; fruit-traos, and reniou^itrulud to (ion. Sidlimn against Ibu order. He replied, " Tlin'indiaiia nhidl aer that Ihcro \* nmliro enmii^h in our hearll to deslrsy every thing that contrilxilc!) to tlirir siiiiport." (iuriion, Anwr. R«v. iii. %\, tt Gordon, Aincr. Ilov. iii. 2U7. m miANT.— DESTROYS MIMSlMv. [Book V. I'ivc Nulioiis cluistised for nctiiig as tliey Imd been laiiglit by tho white peo|(l(; ; yi'ii, by the Aiiicriciiiia tbeniHolves.* Tbi! Ibllowiiig siiiHiiier, (iW July, 177!>,) Colonel Brant, with (iO of his war- riors iiiid a? whito iiuni, rnmo suddenly upon Minisink, in Orongc county, Kew York, where they killed sundry of the inlmbitants and niude others captives. They burnt ten liouses, twelve barns, a garrison and two mills, uud then connnenced their retreat. TIk; militia from Goshen and places adjacent, to th«! number of M!>, collected, pursued, and came up with them, when a most bloody battle was fought. TIks Indians were finally victorious, and .'JO only, out ot tho 14!) whites, escaped. Some were carried into caj)- tivity, antl the rest were killed. Not being suliiciently cautious, they It'll into an (ind)ush, and so Ibuglit at great disadvnntage.f In 1821, a county meeting was held, by which it was voted that tho bones of the slain should be odlected, and deposited under a suitable monument at the same time orderer of Colonel Brant married a Frenchman, who in June, 1780, was killed by a jiarty of Indians, while peacenlily travelling up the Wabash lliver. He was in company with nine others, four of whom were killed and three woiuided. When Uie hostile party came up to them, and discovered • See the spoecli ol" Hig-lree, Coni-plaiit, niul Ilulf-tmut, to which nolhing need l>c nddcd by wiiy ol' roniincntiiry iiimu such uHiiirs. t (i'ordoriM Aincriio, in. »'i. \ (ipaffonVs Gat. SiS. 4 Hiylmes'f Aincr. Annnl^. ii. .102. 11 Kvfii the (freiil himiiiory Vulliiiie fi-ll inlii lliis error, lie snys, " Ac* lioi/uoit, ttt iturons, el loiix Ifs pfM^/f.s' iiimiit'ti lit Floridr, parunnt i'livMrex ■ "nfw attcun poil siir U ciirpn f crevt^ In leh." 'I'hi'vl in. nil frtiin llio (ilW nl' N. Intitude. Voyc/- (Eurrft nmpliif.t, iv.TW), 0(1. PBris 11117. (Ivo. H«>u iilso ff.iffHn/. viii. 210. A p^ntleman, Mr. W. J. Snrlliii^, who resided anioii|r the woslcni Indians for some lime, nay«, l< i« not hh rrmr thnt the Iiidiiiiis hiive no hoard ; lliiil the " Snques and Foxos have hut vorv few hairs upon their fiires, nor hiive (hry iiny inMriiniont Inr exlirpntin^ it ; and what maKCH llie (hcl certain is, they have no hair on the ooncealod parts nf th< ir ho«lle!i." Accord- ing to hsWiitH, Arnnint of' thr Indium ol'^orth Cirnliiui, I'NI, t'.H, the mtm* if true with rocard to lh( m. /.3. In this council it \\as agreed that peace; should be maititained ; ami "they uiumimouslv agrtied to meet the Americans in a t;rand coun(*il, to br hohlen th(.< June li)llo\\ing, npiin the south side of Lake iOrie ; and for the purpose; of making lla; peace mon; permatuMit and extensive, they have appointr'd Britnl who is now their kinged" kings, to go and convene all those tribi's win* liv(! to the north-west ol" Lake; Ontario, lie aeenrdingly, the day aller, net out for that pur|)ose." 'I'Im; ludians did \w\ assemble until July, from the dillicidty of their journeys and other causes, which is gtMierally the case with m(H!lings of tills kiinl. The council was held at Sandusky, and CoUtncd HranI set out from Niagara liir that place in IMay. Before leaving, he liiul freepient ccinversations with a gentli'man of respeetid)ility, to whom he gave it as his opinion, tiiat no peace could lake place, mitil the OI« lUals-niiis m I71l.">, ilr. Par La Uiirliifiiiiriiiilil-I.iiniroiiit. ii, "Jit. The duke was at Newark, I '. ('., at this time, wlicro lio wilncs,oil a Imsini'ss asscnit)lai;<' "' Indians. Alter n dance, ulnrli tlicy lidd licCorc llicir andicncti with (In- ircivcrnor of ('annefbrc cited, from whom we translate this. This I'rench traveller seems to have been in advance of history, in as far as he thus early sets in their proper light the characters of the heroes of Wyoming. Afler speaking of the influence of Indian agents over those people, as we have extracted in a previous note, he thus consigns to Colonel iiu^/cr the place wnieii he is doubtless to hulme Americain d'auprf's do Wilkcsharre ; [one of the towns in the vnllry of NV^'oming ;] son pr6- '.cndii loynlismc qu'il a sn se fnire payer de brevets et de Irnitemens, lui a (ait commcltre plus de barbaries, plus d'infamies contre sa patrie, mx'k qui que cc soit. (I conduisail Ics Indiens, lour indi(|iinit les fermcs, les miiisons A bruler, les virlimes a scnrpclcr, les onfans a d/'chirer. L'Angleterrc a recompense son loyalisme de dnq millr acres do terre pour lui, d'une quantity pnreilTo pour sos enfans, d'une pension dc deux a trois cents livres sterlings, d'une place d'ugcnl nupri^s di;s Indiens, qui lui en vaut rinq cents niilres, qvcc la fncilit^- dc puiscr a vo- lonto dans les inngasins dc pr^'sens." Rovhrfoiictuld. ut supra, (ii. 7(1 — !).) IF There is no name to this letter ; but it was written in .Salisbury, Eng., and thence sent to London, where it was published. tUA Chief of tlM. Senecas Chap. VI.] RED-JACKET 97 jectiiretl that his ctnbassy to the British court is of great importance. This oountry owes much to the services of Colonel JBmnit during the late war in America. He was educated at Philailelphia, [at the Moor's charity school in Lebanon, Connecticut,] is a very shrewd, intelligent person, possesses great (sonrage and abilities as a warrior, and is ihvioljlbly attached to the English rtation." It has been denied that Brant was in any way engaged in the massacres at Wyoming, but it seems hardly possible that so many should have been deceived at that time; and, moreover, we do not find that it was denied until almost every one of that age had left the stage of n''.ion. Those who deny that he was at Wyomirtg should, at least, prove ria alibi, or thfey cannot ex- pect to be believed.* Brant was said to have been 65 years old at his' death. A daughter of his mar- ried William J, Ker. Esq. of Niagara, and he had several other children besides those we have mentioned. The son who visited England in 1822, and another named Jacob, entered Moor's school at Hanover, N. H. in 1801, under the care of Dr. Wheelock. The former son, John, died about two years since, in the winter of 1831. CHAPTER Vr ■ ' Sfictiin the history bf'thk Seneca notioit— SxGoVEwXt'HA, or Red-jacket — His fa- mous speech to a missionary — His intervieto with Colonel Snelling — British invade his country — Resolves to rtpel them-^—His speech ttpon the etcnt — Governor Clinton's account ofhim—'IVitchcrujt affair — ComjAains of encroachments — Qne of his people put to death for being a. witch — He defends the executioner — His interviete with Lafayette — Council at Canandaigim — Farmers-brother — Red'jacket visits Phila- delphia — His speech to the governor of Pennsylvania— 'Speech of Jlgwelandongicas, or Good-peter— Karraiive of -his capture during the revolutionary tear — Farmers- brother, or HoNAYAWus — Visits Philadelphia — ^Petkr-jaquktte — Visits France — Account of his death-^Memorable speech of Fafmers-brother-^Hin letter to the sec- retary of war — Notice of several other Seneca chiefs — Koyhng^uatah, or You.fo- KiNG — JusKAKAKAjOf Little- ILLY — AcftiouT, or Half-town — ICiandooewa, or Big-tree — GyeNtwaia, or Corn^-plant — Address of the three latter to President Washington — Grant of land to Big-tree — His visit to Philadelphia, and deulh — Further accouftt of Corn-plant — His oiifn account of himself— -Interesting eeent.i tn his life — Hisisans. * The Senccas were the most important tribe among the Iroquois, or Five Nations, and, according to Conrad fVeiser, they Avere the fourth nation that joined that confederacy. He calls them f " leuontowanois or Sinikers," and says, "tliey arfe styled by the Mohawks and Onondagos, brothers;" and that their title in councils is Onugfikauiydaaug. The French call them Tsonnon- thouans, from their principal castle, or council-house, the name of which, according to Colden, is Sihondownns. | Other particulars of this nation will be related lis we proceed in detailing the lives of its chiefs. Among these, perhaps, the most illustrious was SAGOYEWATHA,§ called by the whites, Rcd-jackd, His place of resi- * In a late criminal trial which has much agitated New England, reasonable people said, tlie defendant, out of respect to public opinion, ought (o make it appear where he was at the time a murder was cominitted, allliough in law lie wks not boiuid so to do. An advocate for his innocence told the writer, that "ho was not obUgrd to tell where he Was," and it was nobody's business ; and, therefore, we were bound, according to law, to believe him innocent This we offer as a parallel case to the one iu hand. But it happens we are not '' bound by law ' to believe our chief entirely innocent of the blood shed at Wyoming-. t American Mag. t Hist. F'ive Nations,!. 42. j Till- common molliod of spelling. Governor Clinton writes, Saguoahu. Written to the treaty of " KonoUdal thnl of Moscow, (Sept. 1323.) Sdir"""'". Tt ^s said lo sisrnifv '■ "w who fo'i-ps ainnlcf," or simply, /Cv/wr-aiCii^''. " tfo-^ire'-i''-wnn"-liJli ; he la wide awakf and keeps e*ery body else awake, a very appropriate name for the Cicero 9S RED.JACKET.--SPEECTI TO A MrsSIONARV. [Book V. <;i dence was, for many years previous to his death, (which happened 20 January, 1830, at his own house,) about four miles from Buffalo, and one mile north of the road tliat leads through the land reserved for the remnant of the Seneca nation, called the Reservation, His house was a log-cabin, situated in a retired place. Some of hlj tribe are Christians, but Red-jacket would never licar to any thing of the kind. He was formerly considered of superior wisdom in council, and of a noble and dignified behavior, which would have honored any man. But, like nearly all his race, he could not withstand the temptation of ardent spirits, which, together with his age, rendered him latterly less worthy notice. Formerly, scarce a traveller passed near his place of resi- dence, who wou'd not go out of his way to see this wonderful jman, and to heai* his profound observations. In the year 1805, a council was held at Buffalo, in the state of New York^ at which were present many of the Seneca chiefs and warriors, assembled at the request of a missionary, Mr. Cram, from Massachusetts. It was at tliis time that Red-jacket delivered his famous speech, about which so much liaa been said and written, and which vVe i)ropose to give here at length, and cor- rectly ; as some omissions and errors were contained in it as published at the time. It may be taken as genuine, at least as nearly so as the Indian lan- guage can be translated, in which it was delivered, for Red-jacket would not speak in English, although he understood it. The missionary first made a speech to the Indians, in which he explained the object for which he had called them together; namely, to inform them that he was sent by the missionai-y society of Boston to i istruct them "how to worship the Great Spirit " ana not to get away tlieir ands and money ; that there was but one rengion, and unless they embraced it they could not be happy ; that they had lived in dai'kness and grea.t errors all their lives ; he wished that, if they had any objections to his religion, they would state them ; that he had visited some smaller tribes, who waited their decision before they would consent to receive him, as they were their " older brothers." After the missionary had done speaking, the Indians conferred together about two houi-s, by themselves, when they gave an answer by Red-jacket, which follows :— "Friend and brother, it was the will of the Great Spirit that we should meet together this day. He orders all things, and he has given us a fine day for our council. He has taken his garment from before the sun, and caused it to shine with brightness upon us ; our eyes are opened, that We see clearly ; our ears are unstopped, that we have been able to hear distinctly the words that yc*u have spoken ; for all these favors we thank the Great Spirit, and him only. " Brother, this council fire was kindled Ijy you ; it was at your request that Ve canie together at this time ; we have listened with attention to what you have said ; you requested us to speak our minds freely ; this gives us great joy, for we now consider that we stand upright before you, and can speak what we think ; all have heard yonr voice, and all speak to you as one man } our minds are agreed. " Brother, you say you want an answer to your talk before you leave thiw place. It is right you should have one, as you are a great distance from home, and we do not wish to detain you ; but we will first look back a little, and tell you what our fathers have told us, and what we have heai-d from the white people. " Brother, listen to lohat we say. There was a time when our forefathers owned this great island.* Their seats extended from the rising to the set- ting sun. The Great Spirit had niade it for the use of Indians. He had cre- ated the buffalo, the deer, and other animals for food. He made the bear and the beaver, and their skins served us for clothing. He had scattered of the west. His English appellation hnd its Wisfin from the circumstance of his wearing. whenachiUl, a red JdckH," Ahh-ii's AccninH of MinsinnSf 162. — This is a very natural derivation ; hM from what circimistance sonic of the Indians derived their names, it would be hard to divine : thus, Pnl-juclrt liad an unolo whose name meant a hfap of dogs, ib. 161. * A gi-ncral opinion among all the Indians that tiiis country was an isiiand. €hap. VI.] RED-JACKET.— SPEECH TO A MISSIONAIIY. 99 them over the country, and tauglit us how to take thum. He had caused the earth to produce corn for bread. All this he had done for Ins red chil- dren because he loved them. If we had any disjmtes about hunting grounds, they were generally settled without the shedding of much blood : but an evil day came upon us ; your forefathers crossed tlie great waters, and landed on this island. Their numbers were small ; they found friends, and not enemies ; they told us they had fled from their own country for ftsnr of wicked men, and come here to enjoy their religion. Tliey asked for a small seat; we took pity on them, granted their reipiust. and they sat down amongst us ; we gave them corn and meat; they gave u.n iioiscn* in return. The white people had now found our country, tidings were carried back, and more came amongst us ; yet we did not fear them, wo took them to be friends ; they called us brothers ; we believed them, and gave them a larger seat. At length their numbers had greatly increased; tliey wanted more land; thoy wanted our country. Our eyes were oi)ened, and our minds became uneasy. Wars took place ; Indians were hired to fight against Indians, ami many of our people were destroyed. They also brought strong liquors among us: it was strong and powerful, and has slain thousands. " Brollier, our seats were once large, and yours were very small ; you have now become a great peoplcj and wo have scarcely a place left to spread our blankets; you have got our couniiy, but are not satisfied; lyoit want to force your religion upon us. " Brother, continue to listen. You say that you are sent to instruct us how to worshi|) the Great Spirit agreeably to his mind, and if we do not take hold of the religion which you white people teach, we shall be unhapjjy here- after ; you say that you are right, and we are lost ; how do we know this to be true? We understand that your religion is written in a book ; if it was intended for us as well as you, why bus not the Great Spirit given it to us, and not only to us, but why did he not give to our Ibrefiithers the knowledge of that book, with the means of understanding it rightly ? We only know what you tell us about it ; how shall wo know when to believe, being so often deceived by the white people ? " Brother, you say there is but one way to worship and serve the Great Spirit ; if there is but one religion, why do you white people differ so much about it ? why not all agree, as you can all read the book .-' '^ BroHier, we do not understand these things; we are told that your religion was given to your forefathers, and has been handed down from father 1) son. We also have a religion which was given to our forefathers, and has been handed down to us their children. We worship that way. It teaclictk us to be thankful for all the favors we receive; to love each other, and to be united ; we never quarrel about religion. " Brotlter, the Great Spirit has made us all ; but he has made a great differ- ence between his white and red children ; ho has given us a diflerent com- l)lexion, and different customs ; to you he has given the arts ; to these he has not opened our eyes ; we know tlicsc things to be true. Since he has jnade so great a diftorouc(! between us in other tilings, why may we not con- clude that he has given us a different religion according to our understand- ing; the Great Spirit does right; he knows what is best for his children; we are satisfied. " Brother, we do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you ; we oidy want to enjoy our own. ^^ Brotlter, you say you have not come to get our land or our money, but to oulighlen our minds. I will now tell you that 1 have been at your meetings, and saw you collecting money fioni tlie meeting. I cannot tell what this money was intended for, but suppose it was lt»r your minister, and if we should conform to your way of tiiinking, perhaps you may want some from us. '^Brother, wo are told tliat you hiive been preaching to wliito peo|)lc in this plarc! ; these pcojilc are our neighbors, we are acquainted \vith them; we will wait a little while aud see what effect your i)reat;hing has upon them. R^jiuiluoiis litjuor is allui]cntion of the governor, is the depredations that are daily conunitted b\ the white jieople upon the most valuable timber on (Uir reservations. Tliis has bren a subject of complaint with us for many years ; but now, and jtarticidarly at this season of the year, it has bi'comc im alarming evil, and calls for the immediate interposition of the governor in our behalf Our next subject of complaint is, the frecpieni tiiefls of our horses and cattle by the white peo|)ie, and their habit of taking and using them whenever they please, and without our hiuc. These are evils which s<'eiii to increase upon iia witli the inereasi^ of our white neighbors, and they call loudly fi>r redress. AnoM: r «(vil arising froi''. the pressun; of tli(! whites upon us, and our unavoi I. .Mo couimunieatioii with them, is the freipiency with which our chiel's, aiu; warriors, and Indians, are thrown into jail, and that, too, for the most triHiiig cmises. 'I'his is very ga.iing to our feelings, and ought not to be permitted to the extent to which, to gratify their bad passions, onr white neiglibors now carry this practice. In our hunting and fishing, too, we are Lieatly int(iTiii)ted by tlit! whiles. Our venison is stolen fWmi the trees where we have hung it to be reclaimed alier the chase. Our limiting camps have been fired into, and wv have been warned that \\v shall no longer be |)erniitted to pursue the deer in tlios<' flirests which were so lately nil our own. The fish, which, iii the nuflalo and Tonnewanla Creeks, used to supply us with liiod, are now, bv tin? ihims and other obstniclions of the white people, prevented iV /ni multiplying, ami we an; almost entirely le on their lands, by whom they were robbed and pluiiilcrod of their property ; and that the Indians were sure to dwindle and decrease, and be driven, hack iu proportion to the Munib(;r of preachers that cnme among them. Each nation lia-i its owi! customs and its own religion. The Indians have tlicirs, given to them by the Great Ppirit, under which they were liap|)j'. It was not iu- 1eii;li'fl that they sliouli! eni!)race tlic religion of the \vhites, and he destroyed by the attemjjt to make them think dillerently on that subject from their fathers.* It is true, these i)ri'acliers have got iho con.sent of some of the' chiefs to stay and preach among us, but I and my friends know this to be Avrnng, and tliat they ought to be removed ; besides, we have Ihmmi threatened by Mr. Hj/dr, wiio came among us as a .•^chool-mastcM' and a teacher of our children, but has now become a black coat, anil refused to teach them any more, that uidess we listen to his preaching and become Christians, we will be turned off our lands. We wish to know iiom the governor if this is to l)e so ; and if Ik; has no right to say so, we think he ought to bu turned off our lands, and not allowed to ))lagne us any more. VVe shall never be at peace while he is among us. Let them be removed, and we will be hapjiy and contentiMl among ourselves. We now cry to the governor for help, and hope that lie will attend to our complaints, and sj)eedily givi; us redress. IIf.t)-.iackkt." "This letter was dictated by Red-jarhct, mu\ interpreted by Ilenn/ Obenl,\ in the iirescnce of the following Indians: Rcd-jnclivrs son, C()rn-plitnlvr,John- colib, Peter, Yoini!i;-kine;s-hrother, Tom-the-infant, [^Oniwnt^f^aiheko,] Jilue-sky, [Towiiocinaia,] Jnhn-ski/, Jcmmij-johnson, Marcus, Bis^-fire, Captain •Jemnvj" The success this peiition met with, it is iiresumed, was full and satisfactory to him, in respect to one pariiciiliir ; for no ministers, for some time nllerwartls, wer(! admitteil U|ion the reservation. In the spring of 1821, a man tA' lla{-jack(t\er, when his trial caiiK! on, lUd- jackrf appeared in court as im «'vidence. The coun.sel for the prisoner denied that the court had any juris«liction over the ca.se, and al\er it was carried through three terms, Soo-nntttr-trise was finally cleared. Red-jacket and the other witnesses K-stified tiiat the woman was a witch, and that she lind been tried, condenmed and executed in pursuance of their laws, which had been established from lime innnemorial; long before the English came; into the country. The witcli doctrine of the Renecns was much ridiculed by pome of the .Americans, to which Red-jacket thus aptly alhuUis in a speech which he made while upon the stand; — " It'hat ! do you dtiumnce us as fools and bigots, because we still contimu to htlirve thiu which mu i/ourselves sfiUUously inculcated two centuries ago ? Yotir divines have thunaered this doctrine from the pulpit, you.' judges have pronounced * A lm|>|>v illiislrnlion of llm forri- of piliirnlion. t Son of Com-pUmlir, nr Cvrn-ptittil. X hifuriimiion of ii ireiiiiciniui ( IC. ./. SitfUiiig, Ehi].) who was un Iho a|)oi, nnd inw him Hrnii|fhl to nnfTalu. 'riim waa Ihe next day oflor liio inuicler, and lli« bluud wr - yet upoo hii bauds. 104 RED-JACKET.— IxNTERVIEVV WITH LAFAYETTE. [Book V. it from Uie bench, your courts oj" Justice Iiave sanctioned it with Hie formalities of lain, and you ivoidd now punish our unfortunate brotlier for adherence to the su- perstit ions ofhisfalhers .' Go to Salem ! Look at tlie records of your govemintnl, and rou will find hundreds executed for the very crime tvhich has called forth the sentence of condemnation upon this woman, ana drawn down the arm of vengeance upon her. JVlial have our brothers done more than the rulers of your people have done ? and what crime has this man committed by executing, in a summary way, the laws of his country, and the injunctio}is of his God ? " Before Rea-jacket was admitted to give evidence in tlie ca.sc, lie was asiied if he believed in future rewards and punishments, and the existence of God. With a piercing look into the face of his iutenogatoi", and with no little indignation of expres- sion, he replied : " Yes ! much more than the white men, if we are to judge by tlieir actions." Upon the appearance of Red-jacket upon this occasion, one observes: "There is not, ])crlia|)s, in nature, a more expres.sivc eye than that of Red-jacket ; when fired by indignation or revenge, it is terrible ; and when he chooses to display his unrivalled talent f«r irony, his keen sarcastic glance is irresistible." * AVhen Lafayette, in 1825, was at Kuflalo, among the persons of distinction who called upon him, was Red-jacket. Of the old chief, M. Ltvasseur ob- serves ;f Tliis extraordiniu'y man, altliough much worn down by time and intemperance, preserves yet, in a surprising degree, tiie exercise of all his faculties. He had ever remend)ered Lafayette since 1784, at which time he, with others, met a gi'cat council of all the Indian nations at Fort Schuyler, when the interest of all those nations, friends and enemies, was regulated with the United States. He asked tiie general if he recollected that meeting. He replied that he had not forgotten that great event, and a^^ked Red-jacket if he knew what had become of the yoimg chief, who, in that council, o|)posed With such eloipience the "burying ol" the tomahawk." Red-Jacket I'cplied, "He is before you." His speech was a master-piece, and every warrior who heard him was carried away with his chMiuence. He urged a continuation of the war against the Americans, having joined against tliem in the revolution. The general observed to him that time had much changed them since that meeting. "Ah! " said Red-jacket, "tinu! has not been so severe upon you as it has upon me. It has left to you u fresh countenance, and hair to cover }'our head ; while to ni(! behold ! " and taking a handkerchief Irom lis head, with an air of much leeliiig, showed his head, which was almost entirely bald.]; At this interview, was Adly confirmed what we have before stated. Le- r«s*«!i(r continues: /icy Moiis. Lrvasseur is entirely a failure, and in very I'lid tnste. Had it had rel'erejieo to an obscure person, il wou.d have heeii ditTerciil. For a parrel of while ignorainusos to make thiMiiselvos merry at the simple hut diguilied appearance of the old chief, only shows lliem off in their true liglll ; and the assertion that he covered his own head at the ex|>ensc of that of his nei^hlmr, too nearly clas. •)» the writer with his eompiuiir>ns, ^ This wriler, I coiieliidc, wrote m 11!J'.J. 1 ropy it from Miscellaniea stlccled from Iht Pnhlir Jmimala. by Mr. liitckingham. II Hi)(iiifvinK, i» ilie Henera laii);iiairc, ic town *tt ojj'. The lake xeceiveil iU Biuuti ifou the tuwu tipuii it» t\\wii.—8pafford'i GitZi Book V. Chap. VI.] RED-JACKET.— VISIT TO PHILADELPHIA. 105 Lake. The witne&.ses of the scene will never forget tlie powers of native oratory. Two days had j)assed away in negotiation with the Indians for a cession of their lands. The contract was supposed to he nearly completed, when Red-jacket arose. With the grace nnd dignity of a Roman senator, he drew his hkmket around him, and, with a j)iei'cing eye, sui-veyed the multi- tude. All was hushed. Nothing interposed to hreak the silence, save the gende rustling of the tree tops, under whose shade they were gathered. After a long and solenm, hut not unmeaning pause, he connnenced his speech in a low voice and sententious style. Rising gradually with the suhject, he de- picted the j)rimitive simplicity and happiness of his nation, and the wrongs they had sustained I'roni the usurpations of white men, with such a hold hut faithful pencil, that every auditor was soon roused to vengeance, or melted into tears. The effect was inexpressihle. But ere the emotions of admira- tion and sympathy had suhsided, tlie white men hecanie alarmed. They were in the heart oi' an Indian country — surrounded hy more than ten times their numher, who were inflamed hy the ronienihrance of their injuries, and ex- cited to indignation hy the elo([utnce of a favorite ciiief. A|»j)alied and terrified, the white men cast a cheerlc.-'s giiz(; upon the hordes around tliem. A nod from the chier'- might ho the onset of destruction. At this portentous moment, Farmera-brc. er inter|)ose(l. He replied not to his hrother chiefj hut, with a sagacity truly ahoriginal, he caused a cessation of the council, in- troduced good cheer, connnended the elo(picnco of Red-jacket, and, hefore the meeting had reassembled, with the aid of otiier ])rudent cliiefs, he had moderated the fury of his nation to ii more salutary review of the (lucstion hefore them. Suffice it to sa\', the treaty was concluded, and the Western District, at tliis day, owes no small portion of its ]tower and influence to the counsels of a savage, in comparison with whom for genius, lieroism, virtue, or any other tjuahty that can adorn the hawhieofa diadem, not only George the IV. and Louis Ic Desiri, hut tlie (lerman emjieror and the czar of Muscovy, alike 2, as will ho foun)Ty I can't say so of every individual in it ; for there are diflerences of opinions among us, as well as iuuong our wliiio brethren." Since we have here introduced Dominie Pder, we will so far digress as to relate what follows concerning iiim. He was one of those who took part against the Americans in the revolutionary war, and when hostilities com- menced, he retired and joined the remote tribes towards Cannda. Colonel John Harper (one of the family from whom llari)eri-field. New York, takes its name) was stationed at the fort at Schorrie, in the state of New York. Early in the spring of 1777, in the season of making majili! sugar, when all ^^"re upon the look-out to avoid surprise by the Indians, Cohnu-l Harper left the gaivison and i)roceeded thniugh tlie Avoods to llarpi'rsfield ; tlunice by an Indifiii path to Clierry-valle\ . In his way, as he was turning the jioint of a hill, he saw a company oi' Indians, who, at the same time, saw him. Ho dared not attempt flight, as he coidd expect no other than to Im; shot down in Buch attem])t. He, therefore, dctermuied to arce. When they arrived at Evan's l*We, upon the Charlofle, Ifarpcr niiide known his project. They si't oflj and bej<)re day the iiivvt moniing, cmne into the neighborhood of the In- C(l CO tii nq oil And iiUoH I)oii>iiK-)'Htr, i (.'oil. .N. Y, Hist. Sol-. IV be lielcl showed iition of yetwcen otig the <• Yoii fired in wJiich > do we if^ ^reat 1 Jiavo ie Five good on our all I Chap. VI.] FARMERS-BROTHER. 107 dians' camp. From a small eminence, just at dawn of day, their fire was seen burning, and Peter, amidst his warriors, lying upon the ground. All were fast asleep. Harper and liis companions each crept silently up, with their ropes in their hands, man to man ; and each, standing in a position to grasp his adversary, waited for the word to be given by t',.eir leader. The colonel jogged his' Indian, and, as he was waking, said to him, " Come, it is tirm for men of husiness to he on their tvay,^ li.'s was the watchword; and no sooner was it {jronoiniced, than eacii Indian Ult the warm grasp of his foe. The struggle was de.sperate, though short, and resulted in the capture of every one oi" the party. When it was sufficiently light to distinguish countenances, Peter, observing Colonel Harper, said, " Ha ! Colonel Harper ! .M'ow I know you ! Why did I not know youyesterday ?" The colonel observed, " Some policy in war, Peter." To which Peter replied, "M! me find em so now. These captives were marched to Albany, and delivered up to the roinmanding officer. I5y thi.s capital exploit no doubt many lives were saved.** As has been noted. Red-jacket died at his residence near Bnffido, on the f20th of Januai-y, 1830, aged about 80 years. In 1833, a grandson of his was chosen chief of the Senecas. The famous Seneca chief, called the FARMERS-BROJIIER, is often men- tioned in the accounts of Red-jacket. His native name was Ho na-yd-wua. In 179"^ upon the shores of the we.st(rn lakes. At this time, many long and lalforious Kpeecltes were made, some t<)r aiul othi^s against tlie con- -rnl times incidentally mentioned, we will giv(! some; acccunt J)efore pr<:> iciling with Honayawm. He wa.s one of the priiu-ipal sacbeuis of the « >iieidiis. This chief died in I'lsila- delphia, II) March, 17!»'2. He had Im en taken to France by General Lafay- ette, ot the close i>f the revofntiimary war, where he received an education Mr. Jaquette, having died on Monday, was inter''"d on the following Wednes- day. "His funeral was attended iivim Oiler's hotel to the Presbyterian btirying-ground in Mulberry-street. Tne corpse was preceded by a detacli- incnt of the light inliuitry of the citj, with arms reversed, drums muffled, music playing a solenm dirge. Tlie corpse was followed by six of the • Annalii of Tryon ' n, 8vo. N. York, 18. t '■ l.r villngr iff niilTiilo cii lml)it(' par Ics Ht^iief as. l.r rlief itrs le» tribus ruiiiinu urniul jfUorri»r i Kniml politique, et tori cnre«»* A cr' tiirr pnr !<■< awiis iiii((liiis ct los iif;eiis AMU'rifiiins. lii'iri ocst !<■ rlicC lie' do Ih nation Seneca." KochiJoiiiiiutJ, Voijaj^,' ilaim I'Aiiuriquf eii 171- J, 0, and ~, 1- i. -1*1). II I' ! 108 FARMERS-BROTHER^HIS ACCOUNT OF THE MOUNDS. [Book V- chiefs as mourners, succeeded by all tlie warriors ; the reverend clergy , of all denoininutions ; secretary of war, and the gentlemen of the war de- partment ; officers of thiu federal army, and of the militia ; and a number of citizens." * One of the most celebrated speeches of Fannirs-brolher was delivered in a council at Genesee River, in 1798, and after being interpreted, was signed by the chiefs present, and sent to the legislature of Ne^v York. , It follows : — " Brothers, as you are once Tiiore assembled in council fir the purpose of doing honor to yourselves and justice to your country, we, your brothers, " the sachems, chiefs and warriors of the Seneca nation, request you to open your ears and give a lentiftn to our voice and wishes. — You will recollect the late contest between you and j'our father, the great king of England. This contest threw the inhabitants of thid wiiole island into a great tumult and commotion, like a raging whirlwind whicii tears up the trees, and tosses to and fro the leaves, so that tlo one knows from whence they come, or where thsy will full. — This whirlwind was so directed by the Great S|)irit above, as to throwinloourarms twoof your infant children, Jcw/iej' ParraA and Horatio Jonte:< We adopted them into our families, and made them our Cdildren. We. loved them and "louri.shed them. They lived with us many years. At' Itns^ih the Great SpirL spoke to the whirlwind, and it was still. A clear and >m- iui« rrnptsd sky aj»peared. The i)ath of peace was opened, and the chain of ' fiientlti'ip was once more made bright. Ththi these our adoptCvl children Icfl UR, io seek their relations ; we wished them to remain among us, and pr >jTi on, if they would return and live in our country, to give each of them a ,-en? o) !>ind '"•• them and their children to sit don 'i iipOn. — They have re- tiir"-'ff uiul ii' ve, tor several years past, beiui R;ivi';eable to us as interpret- ers. Wo .still feel our hearts beat with affection /or them, and now wish to fulfil the promise we made them, and reward fiiem for tlieir services. We have, therefore, made uj) om* minds to give thum a seat of two square miles of land, lying on the outlets of Lake J'^ric, aljour three miles below Black- rock, beguining at the montli of a crook known hy the name of Scoygitquoy- descreek, running one mih; from the l?i\er Niagara up said creek, thence northerly as the river rims two miles, thence westerly one mile to the fiver, thence up the river as the i iver runs, two mile.'*, to the place of beginning, so as to contain two square miles. — We have now made known to you our minds. We e-vjiect and earnestly recpict that yon will permit our friends to receive this our gift, inul will make the same good to them, according to the laws and customs of your nation. — Why should you hesitate to make our minds easy with regard fo f'As our request ? To you it is but a little thing ; and have you not conqilii'i' uith tiie request and confivmed the gifts of our brothers the Uneidas, the Unondagas and Cayugas to tho'r interpreters? And shall we ask ar.u jiot be heard? We send you tins our speech, to which we expect vouf answer before the breaking up our great council " fife." A gentleman t -vho visited Buffalo in 1810, observes that Farmtrs-hrolher was never knc* n to drink ardi'ut sjitits, tu d altiiough then !)4 years old, ~ Walked perllftly iq)right, and was ^■e■^l!u•kubiy straigh' mul well formed; very grave, and answered his intjuirics with great i)recixion, but though hiei interpreter. Air. /*a»rw/i, before name I. His account of v)-.' iiiounds in that' region will not give satisfaction. He t< 1,1 Dr. Kins; that they W(!rc thrown • up against the incursions of the French, and that the implements found in' them were taken from tiiem ; a great army of French having been overthrmvn and mostly cut off, tlu! Indians beoaiue possessed of tla^ir acoutrcments, which, bemg of no use to them, were buried with their owners. He was a great warrior, and although "eighty snows in years" when tho war of ISIS bcg.in, yet ho engaged in it, imd fought with the Americans. * Pennsylvania Gnzclte. t Takoii prisoners al the dcatruction of Wyoming by the torics and Indian!) under Butler Rr. ' llrant. l>r. William King, llio celebrated electrician, 'vho gives (lie author (his information verbally. \ I 1/ 1 Chaf. VI.] FARMERS-BROTHER.— SURPRISE AT DEVIL'S HOLE. 109 I He (lid not live till its close, but died at the Scueca village, just after the battle of Bridgewater, and was interred witli nulitaiy honors l>v tlie fillh regiment of United States infantry. He usually wore a an dal presented him by Gtuieral }Vashins;ton. In the revolution, he llniglit successfully against the Americans. I'erlmps there never flowed from the lii)s of man a more sublime metaphor than that made use of by this chief, in the speech given above, when alluding to the revolutionary contest. It is worth repeating : " The Great Sjyirit spoke to the whirlmnd, and il tvas slili:' This celebrated chief was engaged in the cause of the French, in the old French wur, as it is termed, and he once pointed out the spot to a traveller, where, at t.\\e head of a band of his warriors, he ambushed a guard that ac- companied the English teams, em|)loyed between the Falls of Niagara and Fort Niagara, which had then receiuly surrendered to the English under Sir William Johnson. The place of the ambush is now called the Devil's Hole, and is a very noted place to inquisitive visitors of that romantic region, as it is but three and a half miles bi:low the great Falls, and upon the Ameri- can shore. It is said of this place, tiiat " the mind can scarcely conceive of a more dismal looking den. A large ravine, made by the falling i.^ of the perpendicular banii, (larkiMied by the spreading branches of the birch and cedar, which had taken root brlow, and the low murmuring of the rapids in the chasm, added to the soknun thunder of the cataract itself, contribute to render the scene truly awful. The Engli.oiiU(!d by the great coimcil of your natiiui to manage and condiut the afliiirs of the several nations of Indians with whom you ar<; at peace and on terms of friendship, come, at this time, as children to u father, to lay before you the trouble which we have on our minds. 10 * Biwkingliam's Miscelt'Vtks, i, 33, 3-1. 110 FARMERS-BUOTHER. I [Book V "Brotlier, we do not tliiiik it best to imiltiiily words: we will, tlierefore, tell you what our coriijjlaiiit is. — Brotliur, listoii to wliat wo «iy : Some years since, we held a treaty at IJij^tree, near tlio Genesee River, Tlii.s treaty was ealledby our great llitlier, the president of the United- States, lie sunt an agent, Col. IVadsworth, to attend tiiis treaty, ibr the purpose of advising us in the business, and seeing that we had justice doi;e us. At this treaty, we sold to Robert Morris the greatest j)art of oiu' country; the sum he gave us was 100,000 dollars. The coinuiis.sioncrs who were appointed on your j)art, advised us to place this money in the hands ofotu" great fiither, tiie jjresident of the United States, lie told us our fiither loved his red children, and would take care of oin* money, and j)lant it in a field where it would hi.-ar .seed Ibrever, as long as trees grow, or waters run. Our nionndered"in that war, " aud as a jirovision lor tlie wound and disability which hv received in the perlbrmance of those services," This was in the spring of 181G. Of Pollard, or Cupt^iin Pollard, we shall have occasion elsewhere to say more. Jnck-berrif was sometimes inter|>r(;ter for Red-Jrtcket. H(df-tou'n was very conspicuous in the affiiirs of the Senecas, but as he is generally mentioned, in our ilocmnents, in connection with Corn-plant, or Corn-planter, and li\s;-trte, u(\ had designed to speak of the three collectively. We find among tlie acts of the Permsylvania legislature of 17!)1, one " for * '•■ In lieu of tlie dividemt mi ilie bank shares, held by the president of tlie U. States, la inist for the Sfiieramilion, in llic b.iiik of tlif l^ .States." t Or Khiiulii^i'ivti, Kiii/i'iiJhii'zltii', &i\ } flt'HTOM 4 .Mfmoir, before the N. \'. Hist. Soc. page 20. Also Amcr. MagaziDe. Chap. VI.] HALF-TOWN— CORN-PLANT— EIG-TREE. Ill giwiting 800 dollar.s to Cum-plnnlei; JIalf-lown ami Bisr-tree, Soneca cliiols, in trust I'or tlio Suiiceu luition." At this time luucli was apprcheruhjd f'roui an Indian war. Settlers were intruding,' tlicniselvcs upon t.'ieir country, and all experience lias .shown tliat whenever the whites have gone among them, trouljles were sure to follow. Every movement of the IndJane was looked upon with jealou,sy by tlicin at tliis period. Half-town was the "white man's friend," and conununieated to the garrisons in his country cvei-y sus- picious movement of trihtis of wiiom doubts were cnt(!rtained. Jt is evident that liostile bands, for a long time, hovered about the ])ost at Venango, and, but for the vigilance of Half-ton;:, and other frienilly chiefs, it would liave been cut off In April this year, (17i>l,) Corn-plant and Half-loion had U[>- wardsof 100 warriors in and about the garrison, and kept ruiuicrs out con- tinually, " being determined to protect it at all events." Their spies made frccpient discoveries of Wiu- parlies. On the 12 August, 1791, Half-town and JVew-arrow gave inibrmation at Fort Franklin, that a siooj) full of Indians had been seen on Lake Erie, sailing lor Presque Isle ; and their object was 8Ui)i)osed to he Fort Fraidvlin ; but the conjecture j)roved groundless. The Indian name of Half-lown was Jlchiuut, We hear of him at Fort Ilarnier, in 1789, where, with 2^3 othei-s, he executed a treaty with the United States. The connnissioners on the part of the latter were General Arthur St. Clair, Oliver ffolcuf, Jiichard Jiutler and Arthur Lee. Among the signers on the part of the SeuQcas were als(j Big-tree, or Kiandogcwa, Corn-plankr, or Gjjnrdwaia, besides several others \vhose names are familiar in histoiy. Big-I.rui was oi'ten called Crcal-trcc, which, in the language of the Five Nations, was Xihoronlagowa,* which also was the name of the Oneida nation, t Big-tree was with General Washington during the ;;;unmer of 1778, but returned to the Indian nations in tlie autumn. He proceeded to tlie S(>neciis, and used his elotpicnce to dissuade them from fighting un''.or iim)!< against the Americans. The Oneidas were friendly at this time, nd Big-tree was receivt'd among them with hospitality, in his way, upon this mission. Having .staid longer than W'as exj)ectcd among the Senecas. the Oneiihis s(.'nt a messenger to him to know the reason. He returned answer that when he nrrivever, according to our design, give an ac(;ouiit of that signal disaster, in tiiis coiin<;ction. The French having established themselves U])on the Ohio, within the territory cliiinied by the English, mid built a foit i:pou it, as low down as ihe contluence of that river with th(! j\Io- nongahela, llie latter were detcnniiied to (lis|)()ss('ss them. TJiis was inider- takcii by a force of iibout tl'HK) nun under the command of Gencnil Edward Braddoek. With about V-M) of thest- he' proceeded on tin; expedition, leaving tiu! H'st to follow under ('oloiiel Duuliar.l Througli nearly tlu; whole conrst; of his march. In- was watclicd by spies irom Fort i)u(|uesne, (the name of the l''rencli liirl on the Ohio,) and the earlii'st intelligence of his move- ments was carried there by Indian runners with the uiniost despatch. M'lien it was told among the Indians that the army was inarching upon them in solid cohimiis, lliey laughed wiili surprise, and said, one to another, " /rc'W shoot \ in diiuui, idl onc/ngvun!"^ and it will always be acknowledged that, in this, the Indians were not mistaken. The French, it sei.'ins, formed hut a small part of the force that defeated * Or Kiivirl')t>rirn, Kivinithn2:hke, !cc. t Iti'iisdii's AteiiKiir. iK'iiirc ilie N, Y. IIi--l. .Snc. p.iifi' ^0. t Ai'ogiil i)t' the Ohio Di'li'al, \i. l, 1". Ji'.vslon, I7;w. ^ Wi/lit'rs'n Vliruiiirli-f, .j;i, hi Also Amer. Mnp^azine. 11$ COUN-rLANTER.— BIIADDOCKS DKFKAT. [Book V. 'I It BraJdock\i army; tlio Iiuliniifl pliiiiiuMl and cxcciitod tlio operntions cliiofly tliemscIvi'H, and tlioir wliolo force is said not to Imvt; t-xcwHlcd 400 men; hut li-om till" afconnts of tlio Frontli tlHsnisclvoH, it is evident tlioie were about (iOO lniy on crossing the river the army were fornKid in three divisions, which was the order of march. A plain, or kind of |)rairie, which the army had to cross, extended from the river about half a mile, and then its route lay overall asc(Miding ground, of vi.-ry gentle ascent, covered with trees and Jiigli prairie grass. At the conimenci'nient of this elevation began a ravine, which, as it extended u|) the rising ground, formed a figiu'e resembling nearly tliat of u horse-shoe, and about 1.10 yards in extent. Into this inclosurc two divisions of the army had passed wl'.en the attack began. Notwithstanding ff'itsliinir'on had urged iijion the general the propriety of keeping oia s( ontiiig jiartie.s to avoid surprise, yet he would take no advice, and it is said, that on one occasion, lu; boisterously replied, "that it was high times for a young Buckskin to teach a Hritish general howtoftght!" Such Was his '^contempt for scouting p.irties, that he accepted with cold in(liff"er- cnco the services of Georire C/'()g/irt», who had oft'ered himself with 100 Indians ji)r the important business of scouring the woods. The consequence was, the Indians, oik; after ainjther, left the army in its march, iiiucli to the regret of Hnnhiiipilon and other provincial otlicers, who knew how to up- prcciato their value. VV'lieu the first division of the army had nearly ascended the hill, as the rising ground was calliul, the Indians broke the silence of the morning with a most ai»palling yell, and at the same moment poured a most deadly firo from their coverts upon the devoted cohimn. Th} were killed and wounded, of whom 2(i were ki'led. Besides those already named, there were among the wounded Colonel fhirlon, Sir John Si. Clair, Colonel Orme, and Major Sparks. Of the private soldiers there were killed ajid woumled 714, half of whom were killed, or fell into the iiands of the Indians, and sufTered a cruel death ailer- ^vardM. Mr. John Field, then a lieutenant, and Mr. Chnrlcs Jjtms, two dis- liiigiiislied officers afterwards, escajied the carnage of BraddocKs field to fill! in a more Ibrtiiimte place. They were colonels under General Andrew Lewis, and were killed in the battle of Point Pleasant, a.s will be found men- tioned in the lite of Logan. In the year 17i)0, Big-tree, Corn-plant and Half-town appeared at Philadel- phia, aiul, by their interpreter, comtnunicated to President Washington as follows : — " Father : Tho voice of the Seneca nations sjieaks to you ; the great coun- sellor, in whose heart the wise men of all the thirteen fires [V,i V. S.] have pla(!ed their wisdom. It may be very small in your ears, and we, therefore, entreat you to hearken with attention ; for we are able to speak of things which are to us very great. " When your army entered the country of the Six Nations, we called you the town destroyer ; to this day, when your name is heard, our women look behind them and turn pale, aiid our eliildren cling close to the necks of their mothers." 10* IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) % // o :/. t/i 1.0 I.I 1.25 !^ lis 1111120 .LI 1116 v^ / ^^f *<>'*>.'^ *%' 3^'^ '/ Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WIST MAIN STMIT WEBSTER, NY MS^O (716) ETS^SOa m. ■^ iV :\ V \ [V ». 4^,^- o^ 4l^ M^.i lo i/x 6 ^ 114 CORN-PLANT.— HIS SPEECH TO WASHINGTON. [nooK V. 1 1 t " When our chiefs returned from Fort Stanwix, and laid before our coun- cil wliat hud been done tliere, our nation was surprised to hear bow great u country you had compelled them to give up to you, without your paying to us any thing for it. Every one said, that your hearts were yet swelled with resentment agains* us for what had happened during tlie war, but that one day you would consider it with more kindness. We asked each otiior, IVIiat have we dqne to deserve such severe chastisement ? ^^ Father: when you kindled your 13 fires separately, the wise men assem- bled at them told us that you were all brothers ; the children of one great father, who regarded the red peojjle as his children. They called us brothers, and invited us to his jjrotection. They told us that he resided beyond the gi*eat water where the sun first rises ; and that he was a king ^^■hose power no people could resist, and that his goodness was as bright as the sun. What they said went to our hearts. We accepted the invitation, and })romised to obey him. What the Seneca nation promises, they faith- fully j)erfomi. When you refused obedience to that king, be commanded us to assist bis beloved men in making you solwr. In obeying him, we did no more than yourselves had led us to promise." " We were (leceived ; but your people teaching us to confide in that king, had helped to deceive us ; and we now appeal to your breast. Is all the blame ours ? "Father: when we saw that we had been deceived, and heard the invita- tion which you gave us to draw near to the fire you had kindled, and talk with you concerning peace, wc made haste towards it. You told us you could crush us to nothing ; and you demanded from us a great country, as the price of that peace which you had offered to us : as if our ivant of strength had destroyed our rights. Our chiefs had felt your power, and were unable to contend against you, and they therefore gave up that country. What they agreed to bins bound our nation, but your anger against us nuist by this time bo cooled, and although our strength is not increased, nor your jiowcr become les«, we ask you to consider calndy — Were the terms dictated to us by your commissioners reasonable andjmt ? " They also remind the president of the solenm promise of the counnission- ers, that they should be secured in the jieaceuble possession of what was hit to tiiem, and then ask, "Docs this jnvmise bind you'}" And that no sooner was the treaty of Fort Stanwix concluded, than connnissioimrs from Pennsylvania came to purciiuse of them what was included within the lines of then- state. Tiiese they informed that they did not wish to sell, but \w'mg further luged, consented to sell u part, Ihit tiie commissioners said that " they must have the whole;" for it was already ceded to them by the king of Eng- land, at the peace following the revohilion ; but still, as their ancestors bad always paid the Indians i()r land, they were willing to j)ay them for it. Ueing not able to contend, the land was sold. Soon afler this, tliey empowered u person to let out part of their land, who said congress hud sent him for the inu'piisi', but who, it seems, fruiiduhjutly procured a deed instead of a power to hmse ; for there soon eani(!anoth"r person claiming all their cunntry north- ward of the line of Pennsylvania, saying that h(^ purchased it of tin; other, anti lor which lu; hud paid '.20,000 dollars to him and ^0,000 more to tbo United Slates, lie now deniMndcd the land, and, on being refused, threaten- ed inmiediati! war. Knowing tlieir weak situation, they held a council, ond took the udvict! of a white man, whom they took to be their friend, but who, us it proved, had plotted with the other, luid was to receive some of the liuid for his ugmicy. lie, tlicret'ore, fold thcin they must comply. " Astonish- ed ut what W(! hein"d from every (luiuler," they suy, "with hearts aching with compassion I'or our women and children, wo weri; thiiscoinpidled to gjvii up all our coiuitry north of the line of Pennsylvunin, luid east of ''le (Jeneseo River, up to the great Ibrks, and east of a south line drawn up (Vom that f(»rk to the line of Peimsylvaniu." Kor this he agreed to give them 10,000 dollars ilown, and 1000 dollars u yi-ur forever. Instead t)f llmt, he |>aid tliem '2W0 pay some attention and plajr with the Indian boys in the neigliborhood, and they took notice of my skin lieing a tliflerent color from theirs, and spoke about it, I inquired of my mother trie cause, and she told mo that my father was a rosidenter in Albony.f I still " This wu (lie Iroquois term to iluaifrnaic a place of Ciirintiao InUiaos ; hcuce manj plHow Ix'nr i(. I( i« iIh) «nmo «» Cmigliruiviigii. \ It IS lull! (Amor. Reg. ii. 'Z'iS) thut be was an Iiiahinau. 116 CORN-PLANT.— COMPLAINT TO PENNSYLVANL\. [Book V. eat my victuals out of a liark disli. I grew up to be a young man, and mar- ried me a wife, and I had no kettle or gun. I tlien knew wjiere my fatiier Jived, and went to see him, and found lie was a white man, and spoke the English language. He gave me victuals whilst I was at his house, but when J started to return home, he gave me no provision to eat on the way. He gave me neither kettle i.or gun, ncitiier did he tell me that the United States were about to rebel against the goveniment of England. " I will now tell you, brothers, who are in session of the legislature of Pennsylvania, that the Great Spirit iius made known to me that I have been wicked ; and the cause thereof was the revolutionary war in America. The oause of Indians having been led into sin, at that time, was that many of them were in the practice of drinking and getting intoxicated. Great Britain requested us to join with them in uie conflict against the Americans, and promised the Indians land and liquor. I myself was opposed to joining in tile conflict, as I had nothing to do with the difiiculty that existed between the two parties. I have now informed you how it happened that the Indians took a part in the revolution, and will relate to you some circumstances that occurred aflcr the close of the war. General Putnam, who was then at Pliiladelphifl, told me there was to be a council at Fort Stanwix ; and the Indians requested me to attend on behalf of the Six Nations ; which I did, and there met with three commissioners, who had been appointed to hold the council. They told me they woidd inform me of the cause of the revolu- tion, which I requested thoni to do minutely. They then said that it had originated on account of the heavy taxes that had I cen imposed upon them by the British government, which had been for fifty years increasing upon them ; that the Americans liad grown weary thereof, and refused to jiay, which affi-onted the king. There had likewise a difliculty taken place about some tea, which they wished me not to use, as it had been one of the causes that many people had lost their lives. And the British government now being aflJronted, the war commenced, and tlie cannons began to roar in our country. Genera. Putnam then told me, at the council at Fort Stanwix, that, by the late war, tiic Americans had gained two objects : tliey had established themselves an independent nation, and had obtained some land to live upon: the divi.sion line of wliieh, from Great Britain, run through the lakes. I then spoke, and said that I wanted some land for the Indians to Jive on, and General Putnam said that it should be granted, and I should have land in the state of New York for the Indians. Generol Putnam then en- couraged me to use my endeavors to i)acily the Indians generally; and, as he considered it an arduous task to perform, wished to know what I wanted for [lay therefor. I re|)lied to him, that I would use my endeavors to do as he had requested, with the Indians, and for pay thereof, I would take land. I told him not to pay me money or dry goods, but land. And for having attended thereto, I received the tnict of land on which I now live, which was presented to me by Governor Mijlin. I told General Putnam that I wislied the Indians to have the (..vclusive privilege of the deer and wild game, which he as.>0, an act passed the legislature of Pennsylvania, for " granting 800 dollars to Corn-planter, Half-town and liig-trce, in trust for the Seneca nation, and other purposes therein mentioned." In February, 1791, Corn-plant was in Philadelphia, and was employed in an extremely hazardous cx|iedition to undertake the pacification of the western tribes, that had already shown themselves hostile. Tiie mission tcrminafxjd unfavorably, from insiumount- able difficulties.t There were many, at this time, as in all Indian wars, who entertained doubts of the fidelity of such Indians as pretended friendsliip. Corn-plant did not escape suspicion ; but, as his after-conduct showed, it was entirely without foundation. In the midst of these imputations, a letter written at Fort Franklin says, "I have only to observe that the Corn-plant lias been here, and, in my opinion, he is as friendly as one of our own j)eople. He has advised me to take care ; 'for,'' said he, ' j/ou will soon have a chance to let the world know whether you are a soldier or »io/.' When he went off, he ordered two chiefs and ten warriors to reninin here, and scout al)out the garrison, and let me know if the bad Indians should cither advance against me, or any of the frontiers of the United States. Ho thinks the people at Pittshurgh should keep out spies towards the salt licks, for he suys, by and by, he thinks, the bad Indiims will come Ironi that way." In 17!)2, the following advertisement ap|)ear(.'d, signed by Corn-plnnl: "My j)eople having been charged with connnittiug depredations on the frontier iidialiitants near Pittsbiu'gh, I hereby contradict the tissertion, as it is cer- tainly without tbun other, a boy, escaped unhurt. (The jtoor wounded man, when nearly ucll of the wound, >\as bitten i)y a siuikc?, which caused his immei of till- cxisliii"' I losiililics, iu 171)1 . iVc. (Iiiiwii ii|i by llic si'c'v of w;ir, (icncrni Knox, fBooK V. tliey sustain, 1 lie had in people, lest hole season, las spent in cliildien are ieiilar nobce s friendship gotten; and, secretary of er in money Indians and 1 concerned. The Indian Alter diinicr, •st ciiiefs of and said, " / iendship and •hildren — and granting 800 jnecn nation, irn-plant was expedition to •eady shown insurniount- ui wars, wlio I friendship. t showed, it ions, a letter e Corn-plant of our own soon have a len ho went scout ahont icr advance thinks the icks, for he av." ■ptnnl: "My tlie frontier it is cer- s, tliMt they iding on the ndly to the ssion to the H'ttlcnicnt There hap- idian stoop- others was tlie house. (The poor nnke, wliicli litipiiencd, je, aud was riiornl Knox, Chap. VI] ('0;;N-IM..\NT.-:\O'i!0N ():•' CIVILIZATION. 119 heard only to say, " It in hard, when I and mjj people are trying to make peace for tlie wliitcs, that tvt should receive suck reward, lean govern my young men and warriors better tfutn the thirteen fires can tlieirs.'" How is it that this man sliould practise upon the maxims of Confucius, of whom he never heard ? {Do ye to others us ye would that they should do unto you ;) and the monster in hmnun form, in a gospelland, taught them IVum hia youth, should show, by his actions, his utter contempt of them, and even of the divine mandate.' In 181(), the Reverend Timothy Jllden, then president of Alleghany college, in Meadville, Pennsylvania, visited the Seneca nation. At this time. Corn- plant lived seven miles below the junction of the Connewango with the Alleghany, ujion the banks of the latter, "on a piece of first-rate bottom land, a little within the limits of Pennsylvania." Here was his village,* which exhibited signs of industrious inhabitants. He then owned 1300 acres of land, (iOO of which comprehended his town. "It was grateful to notice," observes Mv. Jildcn, "the present agricultural habits of the place, from the numerous enclosures of buck-wheat, corn and oats. We also saw a munber of oxen, cows and horses; and many logs designed for the saw- mill and the Pittsburgh market." Corn-plant had, for some time, been very much iniiivor of tlie Christian religion, and hailed with joy such as proiessed it. When he was apprized of Mr. Alden^s arrival, he hosten'ed to \\ el- como hhn to his village, and wait upon hijn. And notwithstanding his high station as a chief, having many men under his command, he chose rather, " in the ancient patriarchal style," to serve his visitors himself; he, there- fore, took care of their horses, and went into the field, cut and brought oats for them. The Western Missionary Society had, in 1815, at Com-p/ant'a "urgent request," established u school at his village, which, at this time, promised success. Corn-plant received an annual annuity from the U. States of 250 dollars, besides liis proportion of 9000 divided equally among every member of the nation. Gos-kuk-ke-ioa-na-kon-ne-di-yu, commonly called the Prophet, was brother to Corn-plant, and resided in his village. He was of little note, and died l)r(?vimis to IBlCf Corn-plant, we believe, was, when living, like all other nnenliglitened jicople, very superstitious. Not long since, he said the Good Spirit iiad told him not to have any thing to do with the whites, or even to j)reserve any mementoes or relics they had from time to time given him ; whereupon, among other things, he burnt up his belt aud broke his elegant sword. He often mentions his having been at . Braddock^s defeat. Henry Obeale, his son, he sent to be educated among the whites. He became u drunkard on returning to his home, and is now discarded by his lather. Corn-plant has other sons ; but he says no more of them shall be educated among the whites, for he says, "It entirely spoil Indian." And although he countenances Christianity, he does not do it, it is thought, from u belief of it, but probably from the same motives as toe many whites do. X The following story, M. Bayard says,§ was told him by Corn-planter. Wo have often heard a similar one, and as often a new origin ; but never before tiiat it originated with ffilliam Penn. However, oa our author observes, as we have more respect for truth than great names, we will relate it Penn proposed to the Indians to sell him as much land as ho could encompass with the Jiide of u bullock. They, supposing he meant only what ground would be covered by it, when it was spread out, and looking upon what was offered us a good price, consented to the proposition. Penn, like Didon, cat the skin into a lino of immense length, to the astonishment of the vend- ers, who, in sileut indignation, religiously observed their contract. The quantity of land encompassed by the line is not mentioned ; but, rnoro or less, tlie Indians had passed their word, and they scorned to break it, oven * Formerly called Olmi-lown. Sue Pa. Gaz. 1792, and Stanbiinj's Jour. ] Amor. Regislcrfnr 1816, vol, u. 22(!, &e. i Veibal nrcoiint of K. T. Fooh, Es<|. of Chalauque co. N. Y. who possesses much valual'k! information upon inutteri! of this kind. ^ Vvyagt dans L'ltUirUur des Etata-Unia, et cct. ps. 20G. 207. 120 TECUMSEH. [Book V. thougli they would have been justified by the discovery of the fraud. We do not vouch for the truth of this matter, nor do we believe fVilliam Penn ever practised a trick of the kind. No doubt some person did ; and perhaps Corn-planter had been told that it was Penn. We have now to record the death of the venerable Corn-plant. He died at his residence on the Seneca reservation, on the 7th of March last, 183G, aged upwards of 100 years. Teaslaegee, or Charles Corn-planter, was a party to the treaty of Moscow, N. Y. in 1823. He was probably a son of Kocenlwahk, or Gyantwaia, 9i0§e CHAPTER VH. Tecomseh — His great exertions to prevent the whites from overrunning his country — His expedition on Hacker's Creek — Cooperation of his brother, the Prophet — Rise of the dijicultics between Tccumseh and Governor Harrison — Speech of the former in a council at Vincennes — Fearful occurrence in that council — Winnemak — Tecumse.h visited by Governor Harrison at his camp — Determination of tear the result of the interview on both sides — Characteristic anecdote of the chief— Determines, in the event of war, to prevent barbarities — Battle of Tippecanoe — Battle of the Thames, and death of Tccumseh — Description of his person — Important events in his life — PuKEESHENO, /atAcr of Tccumseh — His death — Battle of Magango — Specimen of the Shawanee language — Particular account of Ei.lskwatawa, or the Prophet — .Account of Round-head — Capture and massacre of General Winchester' s army at the River Raisin — Myeerah, or .iy lor it; for that the governor wonld be soon put out of office, and a "good iuan" sent in his place, who would give up the land to the Indians. The governor asked him whether he would prevent the survey of the land : ho repliiid that he was determined to adhere to the old boundari/. Tiien aroKo a Wyandot, a Kikkapoo, a Pottowattomie, an Ottowas, and a Winnebago chief, each (leiHaring his detern)ination to stand by Tecumseh, whom they liaij (;liosen their chief. Alter the governor liad informed Tecumseh that liis words should be truly reported to the presi- dent, alleging, at the same time, that ho knew the land would not be re- lincpiislied, and that it would l)e maintained by the sword, the council closed. The governor wished yet to prolong the interview, and thought that, possibly, Tecumseh might apjjeur more suhnussive, should he meet liim in his own tent. Accordingly lie took with him an interpreter, and visited the chief in his camp the next day. The governor was received with kind- ness and iittention, and Tecumseh conversed whh him a considerable time. On being asked by the governor if his determiiiation really was as he had ex|ircsse(! himself in the council, he said, "Yes;" and added, "that it was with great reluctance he would make war with tiie United States — against whom be iiad no other complaint, Itut^ their purchasing the Indians' land; that he was extremely anxious to be ^lieir friend, and if he (the governor) would prevail upon the president to give up the lands lately purchased, and agree never to make another treaty, without the consent of all the tribes, he woidd be their faithful ally, and assist them in all their wars with the English," whom he knew were always treating the Indians like dogs, clapping their hands and hallooing slu-boij ; that he would nnich rather join the seventeen fires ; but if they would not give up said lands, and comply with his request in other respects, he would join the English. When the governor told him there was no probability that the president would comply, he said, "Well, as the great chief is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Sjiirit will put sense enough into his head, to induce him to direct you to give uj) this land. It is true, he is so far ofl" he will not be injured by the war. He may sit still in his town, and drink his wine, whilst you and I will have to tight it out." He had said before, when asked if it were his determination to make war unless his terms were complied with, "/i js mi) deierminulion ; nor will I give rest to miffcet, until I h'tve united all the red vien in the like resolution." Thus is exhibiten when the I stop to the ting with a s, he buried tie with the death upon in tliis last )f proceed- Ainericans 3ricans the led Detroit, ed by Gen- 111 near the le Indians, dor saving )rce of the le arm, but 1 unknown orriors 120 about five mmetrical eyes pen- ice, wliich in death." iiTed as a Tecumseh J properly ishcd in a 1 killccl by of Boston. o longer he Icara tliav Colonel Johnson was Tecumsch. From the same paper it would seem, that, even on the day of battle, it was doubted by some whether the chief kiHeil were Tccumseh, and that ii critical inquest was held over his body; and although it was decided to be he, yet to the fact that the colonel killed him, there whs a demur, even then. But, no doubt, many were willing it should so pass, thinking it a matter of not much consequence, so long as Ttcumseh, their most dreaded enemy, was actually slain ; and, perhaps, too, so near the event, many felt a delicacy in dissenting from the report of Colonel Johnson\f friends ; but when time had dispelled such jealousy, those came out frankly with tiieir opinion, and hence resulted the actual truth of the case. That the American soldiers should have dishonored themselves, afler their victory, by outraging all decencv by acts of astonishing ferocity and barbarity upon the lifeless body of the fallen chief, is grievmis to mention, and caimot meet with too severe condemnation. Pieces of his skin were taken away by some of them as mementoes ! * He is said to have borne a personal enmity to General Harrison, at this time, for having just before destroyed his family. The celebrated speech, said to have been delivered by the great "Sbawanese warrior" to General Proctor, before the battle of the Thames, is believed by many not to be genuine. It may be seen in every history of the war, and every periodical of that day, and not a few since, even to this. Therefore we omit it here. The speech of Logan, perhaps, lias not circulated wider. Another, in our opinion, more worthy the mighty mind of Tecumseh, published in a work said to be written by one who heard it,f is now generally (on the authority of a public journal |) discarded ns a fiction. Among the skirmishes between the belligerents, before General Hull sur- rendered the north-western army, l\cumseh an'l his Indians acted a con- spicuous part. Maiden, situated at the jtmction of Detroit River with Lake Erie, was considered the Gibraltar of (\.iiada, and it was expected that General HidVs first object would be to possess himself of it. In a movement that way. Colonel M^Arthtir came very near being cut off by a party of Indians led by TccumscJu About 4 miles from Maiden, he found a bridge in possession of a body of the enemy ; and although the bridge was carried by a force under Colonel Cass,§ in efiecting which, 11 of the enemy were killed, yet it seems, that in a " few days afterwards " they were in possession of it again, and again the Americans stood ready to repi^at the attack. It was in an attempt to reconnoitre, that Colonel M^ Arthur -'advanced somewhat too near the enemy, and narrowly escaped being cut off from his men"|| by several Indians who had nearly prevented his retreat. Major Vanhom was detached on the 4 August from Aux Canards, with 200 men, to convoy 1.50 Ohio militia and some provisions from the River Raisin. In his second day's march, near Brownstown, he fell into an ambush of 70 Indians under Tecumseh, who, firing upon him, killed 20 men ; among whom were Captains M^Culloch,% Bostler, GUcrease,** and Ubry: 9 more were wounded. The rest made a precipitate retreat. Major Vanhom having failed in his attempt, Colonel Miller was sent on the 8th of August, with 600 men to protect the same provisions and trans- ports. The next day, August 9th, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, the van- guard, commanded by Captain Snelling, was fired upon by an extensive line of British and Indians, at the lower end of the village of Magaugo, 14 miles from Detroit. The main body was half a mile in the rear when the attack began. Captain Snellint^ maintained his position in a most gallant manner, under a heavy fire, until the line was formed and advanced to his relief The force against which the Americans were now contending was made up * We have often heard it said, but whether iu Irulli we do uot aver, that Uiere are those who still own razor straps made of it. t John Dunn Hunter. % North American Review. Since fijovernor of Alichigan, aud now secretary of war. Brackenridge, Hist. War^ 31. [ In this officer's pocket, it is said, was found a letter written for his wife, giving an account of his having killed an Indian, from whose head lie tore tiic scalp with his tecih. •* Oilchritt, commouly written. 11 • ■i I I 126 TECUMSEir. [Rook V. of n l)0(]y of 500 Iiuliniis under Tecumsch, Jf'alk-in-the-waler, Mnrpot, and the since iainoiis Black-hawk, and a considerable nnmber of wJiites under Major Muir. Tliey were ibrnicd beiiiiid u breastwork of felled trees. Wlieii Colonel Miller Iiad brought his men into line, the enemy sprang from their hiding-places, and formed in line of battle, and a fierce and api»alling strife ensued. The British and Indian force was one third greater than the Ameri- can, but nothing could withstand them, when led on by such otlicers as Miller and Snellivg, and the ■'round was disputed inch by inch for near two miles, to the village of Brownstown. Here the IJritisli took to their boats, and the Indians to the woods, and thus the battle closed. It was owing to a disobedience of orders on I lie part of the cavalry, that the British escaped entire destruction ; for Colonel Miller ordered them to rush upon them and cut them up when their guns were unloaded, and their ranks were ill confusion, but they woidd not, altiiough Captain Sncllinff nftvivd to lead them in person. In this aifair the Indians and British lost 100 killed and 200 wounded, and the Aniericans had 18 killed dnd 58 wounded.* A British writer upon tlie late war, f ailer having related the battle of the Thames, in wliich Tccuituith fi'll, says: "It seems extraordinary that General Harrison shoidr himself. Fatal day ! II' arts of heveiapo, s. Now, , while ho id he and iikenness. • execute, , liesotted lildrtMi, or III ire than ^telling to i', in early judgment 'Zifl, ice. Chap. VII.] TECUMSEII. 137 iiahit. tl decide against, than his resolution eiiahled him to quit, so vilo a Bevond one or two glasses of wine, he never afterwards indulired." ft was said not to lie fi-oni good will to the Americans, that he would not permit his warriors to exereise any cruelty upon them, w hen fallen into their power, hut lioui jirineiple alone When Detroit was laki'ii by the British and Indians, Tucunwh was in tlic! action at the head of the latter. After the surrender, (ifeiieriil Brock rci|uested him not to allow his Indians to ill-treat the prisoners; to which he replied, "vVo.' / dc.ijrise than too muck to meddle ivith tlieni," Some of the English have said that there were few officers in the U. States' service so able to coiiiinaiid in the field as Tecumseh, This it will not behove to (pi(?stion; but it would better have become such speecli- us makers, if they had aililinl, "in his peculiar mode of warfare." That he was a more wily chief IIkui Mi.iliilamtlcivit, mny be doiiliteil; that either had natural abilities inferior to those of Geiu^ral IVnjine, or Giiieral Brock, wo see no reason to believe. But iliis is no argument that they could jnvuitisc European warfare as well as tliose generals. It is obvious, from his inter- course with th(! whites, that Tccuimch must have been better .^killed in tiieir military tactics than most, if not all, of his countryiiieii, whether predecessoia or contemporari(!s. A niilitary man,** as we apprehend, says, "He [Tccumseh] was an excellent judge of position, and not only kiiev/, but could point out tho lornlities of the whole country through which he had passed." "His liicilitv of coininu- liicating the inrormatioiihe had acipiired, was thus disjilayed lieforiMi con- course of spectators. Previously to (Jeneial BrocliS crossing over to Detroit, he asked Tccuimrh what sort of a country he should have to pass through in case of his proceeding farther. Ticwnsch, taking a roll of elm-bark, and ex- tending it on the ground by means of four stones, drijw liirth his scalping- knite, and with the jtoint jiresently etcluid upon the bark a plan ol" the conn- try, its hills, woods, rivers, morasses, and roads; a plan which, if not as neat, Was, liir \\w, purpose recpiireil, I'ully as intelligible^ as if .'hnncsmith himself had prepared it. Pleased w itli this uiiex|iecte(l talent in Ticiimsch, also with Ids having, by his characterist'c boldness, induced thi; Indians, not of his ini- inediati! party, to cross the Detroit, prim- to the embarkation of the regulars and militia, (icneral Iirock,nii soon as the business was over, publicly took oft' his sash, and placed it round the body of tlu^ chief Tccitmmh received the honor with evidiuit gratiticalion, but was, the next day, seen without his sash. Gencial Brock, fearing something had disphiasiMl the Indian, sent his interpreter for an ixjilanation. The latter soon returned with an account that Tecumseh, not wishing to wear such a mark oi" distinction, when an older, and, as he said, abler, warrior than himself was present, huiltranstiirrcd the sash to the Wjandot chiel" Round-head." The place of this renowned warrior's birth was upon thi^ hanks of ilio Scioto River, near what isnowChillicothe.* Hisfatln^r's name was Pukcesheno, which means, I lli^htj'romjlijiiiir. He was killed in the battle of Kanhawa, in 1771. His mother's name was Mtcthvititiihc, which signilies, n turtle l(i;iiu^ her CfffTs ill thesniid. Slie died amnng the Cherokees. Slie had, at one birth, three sons: — FMskw(dnw(i, whicli signifies, it door opened, was called tho Prophet; Terumneh, \\\\\i'h ix, a tlf^er crouchinp; for his prey ; and Kumskaka, a tiger thntjHes in the nir. f We will here present the reader with a specimen of tho Shawunee lan- giiugo, in the LonPa Prayer. Coe-thin-n, spim-i-knf uen-taw-ynn-oe, o-we.i-sn-i/esr yty-xey-tho-ynn-ue : Dajj- pale-i-tvm-any-pity-itch thi-key, iien-iaiii-t(i]i-hai/-;ion-iie i.t,ii-noek-i-kei/, yoe-nm aasia-hrji-kie pi-sei/ spim-i-heii. Mc-li-na-kei/ oe noo-ki ro.iio circumstances which claim to be related. After the termination of the war of 1812, he received a pension from the government of Great Britain, and resided in Canada. In 1820, he was prevailed upon to leave that country, and went, with others, to settle be- yond the Mississippi. At the same time also went the only surviving son of Tecumseh, Much has been said and written about the Prophet ; and, as is generally the case, the accounts vary, in proportion to their multiplicity. From a well- wiutten article in a foreign i)eriodical,t it is said that, during the first 50 years of'his life, he was remarkable for nothing except his stupidity and intoxica- tion. In liis 50th year, while in the act of lighting his pipe, he fell back in his cabin, upon his bed ; and, continuing for some time lifeless, to all apnear- ances, preparations were made for his interment ; and it was not until the tribe was assembled, as usual on .such occasions, and they were in the act of removing him, that he revived. Ilis first words were, " Z>on7 6e a/armerf, / have seen heaven. Call tlie nation tos;et}ver, tlvat I inay teU them ivliat has tppeared to me." When they were asseinbled, he told them that two beautiful young men had been sent Irom heaven by the (Jreat Spirit, who spoke thus to him : — The Great Spirit is angry with you, and will desU'oy all the red men : unless you refrain from drunkenness, lying and stealing, and turn yourselves to him, you shall never enter the bcuitiful place which we will now show you." Ho was then conducted to the gCvSs of heaven, from wheucj) he could behold all its beauties, but was not permitted to enter. Afh'r undergoing several hours' tantalization, from extreme desire of ))articipating in its indescribable joys and pleasures, he was dismissed. Ilis conductors told him to tell all the Indians what he had seen ; to repent of their ways, and they would visit him again. My authority seoplo's sins, and warned liiin to repent. In MVJ, he was ahont iiO years of B^o, and was hapli'/.ed hy the name of Solomnii. We have related in Hook III. an occomit of Sinwrulii'.i vision ; and others might he mentioned. ]| "The carthqiuikng, which, in 1011, almost dcslrnyed the town of New Mtidrid of lb* Mississippi, were very sensil>ly felt on the upper [mrlion of the Missouri country, and ocCK- aioncd much superstitious dread amongst ilie Indians." Long's Exptdilion, i. 272, [Book V. Ptichethei, tie beyond tiiig by his »ect to the . handsome mentation : nt ore the r prowess, int facts in Inim to be a pension In 182(5, he settle be- ting son of 8 generally •om a well- rst 50 years A intoxica- bll back in all npnear- t until the 1 the act of alarmed. I as tppcared itifiil young us to him: nen : unless Ives to him, you." Ho uld behold ing severnl describable 1 to tell all would visit icighboring lis part of to him, cx- , and their in 1811, is )k country, )U8 August, appear in they would nble to its Is of these d with the rs." This Journal, to which we CCS, i. '^i)3. lit of Kfjwuh, I appearance a valaluKtM I of ngv, and nrcoiint of 1n division surrendered at discretion," and not " on condition of their being protected from the savages, being allowed to retain their jjrivate jiro|)(!rty, and having their side-arms i-eturned to tlhin," as stated by Gcuieial H'incheKkr: fiir, Mr. yn/afs adds, " had this been the understanding, oiu; mav suppose that some writing would have been drawn up •, but, indeed. Gen. // inchvstrr was not in a condition to dictate terms. Stripped to his shirt and trowsers, and suffering exceedingly from • J.^imlii'it, wild piitilisln'il ilircp volimici of travels in Ainrrirn in UtlO. (I.oniinn,) in speak- ing of llii' I'mplft, s:\\*. " 'I'liiis «■(' finil, tlint |ir(iplu'U iiro not conlincd lo our own Imppy iKiunil : linl I ni:ikc no iloiilil. tlint ninny of onr .v.'d/i'i/ roiintrynirn bikI ronnlr^wonicn, who ore rnnniiijj uHor Juiiiiwi Sniitlicoll from ono end of ilio kinjrdoHi lo llio other, will (if they kIioiiIiI rv<>r rend llii!* spopch) turn up their iioso nt ihu Indiiin, and quote u text from KovelU'* lions to provo Ihiil ho is i\ /'iilsf prophet." I,(iinlierl, \. ',]%. f IIiilcvDii I.iiiiiiuiiry, i. '.'(),'>, Ate, New York, (June,) 1H12. I IVrkuisH I, lite \V;ir, KKl. ij James, Milit. Occurrences, i. 188. y 'I'liuinsuii Ihu a:i. mat. Skelckea, 10k I 130 WALK-IN-THE-WATER. [Book V. tho cold, the American gciioral was found hy Col. Proctor, near to one of llio Indian fires, in jjossession of the Wyandot chief Round liead." So, according to the judgment of 'this historian, Colonel Proctor was under no ohiigution to keep his word, hecause there was "no writing" with his name to it. The historian that will even set up a defence for treachery may calculate with certainty upon tlie value jjosterity will set upon his work. We want no other than Colonel Proctor^s own account from which to con- demn him of, at least, great want of humanity. Wo do not pretend that tho Americans were always free from the sauie charges ; hut we would as soon scorn their extenuation as that of their enemies. Bound-head was present with General Brock and Tecumseh when they took possession of Detroit, on the 15 August, 1812. When ahont to cross the river to lay siege to Detroit, General Brock presented Tecumseh with his red sash. This chief had too much good sense to wear it, well knowing it would create jealousy among the other chiefs, who considered themselves equal with him; ho therefore presented it to Round-head, as has heeii mentioned in the life of Tecumseh. Whether this chief were more wise than Tecumseh, in the last affair in which the latter was engaged, we are unahle to say ; hut it appeans highly prohahlo that the conduct of General Proctor was the cause of his being abandoned by most, if not all the Wyandots, previous to the battle of the Thames.* As Round-head was their chief, to him will he attributed tho cause of their wise proceeding. The following letter, written after the battle of the River Raisin, (we con- clude,) is worthy of a jjlace here. " The Hurons, and the other tribes of Indians, assembled at the Miami Rapids, to (lie inhabitants of the River Raisin. — Friends, listen ! Yoti have alwai)s told us you tvotUd give us anif assistance in your power. JVe, llterefore, as the enem;/ is ap- proaching us, within 25 miles, call uponyou all to rise up and come here immediatdy, cringing your arms tdong loilh you. Should you fad at this time, ice mil not consider youinfiUure as friends, and the consequences nwy be very unpleasant. We are well convinced you have no writing forbidding you to assist vs. We are yourfrieiuls at present. Romul-head ft^ his mark. H'alk-in-the-toatcr @ his mark, f " WALK-IN-TIIK-WATER also signalized himself in these events. His native name is Myeerah. He is a Huron, of the tribe of the Wyandots, and, in 1817, resided on a reservation in Michigan, at a village called Alaguaga, near Rrovvnstown. Mr. Brown, in his valuable Western Gazetteer, justly styles this famous chief one of "nature's nobles." The unfortunate General Hidl mentions him as one of the ])rinci|)al "among the vast number of chiefs who led the hostile band?" of the wetit when the war of 1812 ctnnmenced. The Kaskaskias Wyanchits, in 1814, were nearly e(|ually divided between a chi(!f called Tarhe, which signifies \\\v Crane, luid Myvcrah. The former was called the grand chief of the nation, and resided at Sandusky. Ih; was a very venerable and intelligent chief. In \^\% Myeerah told some yXnierican otlieers who were sent to the Indians to secure tlieir liivor, that thc^ American government was acting very wrong to ^^end an army inlo their country, which would cut off their conmiuiiication with < "anadii. Tim Indiiuis, he said, were their own masters, and woidd trade where they ]ileiised ; that the alliiir of tho Wabash was the faidt of (Jcnend Harrison entirely, lie? commanded tho Indian army with Roiin'l head t\X the batth^ ol'the Kiver llaisin. After the battle of the Tliaiiies. in which also H'alk-iii-thv-watcr was a con- spicuous coinniander, he went to Detroit to make peace, or rather to ask it of (•eneral Harrison, In crossing lioin Sandwich with a white ilag, many were attracted to the shore to see hiui, where also were drawn up the Kentucky volunteers. All were struck with ailmiration at his nobh^ aspect and ll-arless * CiPiieral Ifarrisnii's oDicinl letlor, niHDli;^ t tiivjitish ISiiiliaritii.i, Hi.'. /hviiiiitii's (tjiriul I>or. p, '.^37. [Book V. )1IC of ill'} ,vas iiuclor witli Ills iliery may liis work, h to coii- i that the d as soon iboy took cross the li his r.'Ml jr it would Ivos equal iitioiied in it affair in ai-s highly his being ttic of the I the cause I, (we con- mi Eapids, ajfs told us iem;f is ap- mviediatay, )e tcill not unpleasant. We are mark, t " ents. His jidots, and, Magna^ai, Ik i:k, justly lie (ioneral of chii'fs nnnoncod. Dctwcon a rnier waa hi was u yVniorican Anifrican [try, which l^aid, wore liiiir of the ui(h;d the Ivas a con- I) ask it of liany wore iKfiitucky Id fearless Chap. Vi:.] TEYONINHOKERAWEN. 131 carriage, as he ascended the bank and pafjsed through the ranks of the sol- diers. The greatest firmness attended his steps, and the most dignified non- chalance was upon his countenance, notwithstanding his condition was now calculated to discover humiliation and deep depression. Only a few days before, ho had fought hand to hand with these same volunteers, whose ranks he now passed through. We have not heard of the death of the heroic and truly gi'oat chief Myee- rah ; but, whetlier alive or dead, our veneration is the same. It was said of his contemporary, Tecumseh, that in the field he was an AchUles, and in the council ail .hramemnon. At least, we think, as much may in truth be said of Mijecrah. The scfpiel of the life ofTnrhe will be found in a former cha[)ter, where he figures under the name of King Crane, In 1807, a treaty was made at Detroit between the Ciiippeways, Ottowas, Pottowattomies and Wyandots and the United States. Two chiefs besides Mijeerah signed on behalf of the last-nai)i(!(l tribe. His name to that treaty is written Miere, The next year, 180H, another treaty was made at Brownstown with the same tribes, with the addition of two delegates from the Shawanecs. Three besides Mijeerah si'^ned at tliis time, lie was also, we believe, a party to the treaty made at Fort Industry in IHOo, on the Miami of the Lake. Less i-i known of t)io history of the two next chiefs, of which we shall say somethinsr, than of manv othore less distinguished. TEYONINHOKKRA WEN was a Mohawk cliief, who is generally known under the app"llation of Jo/m ►Vor/ort. "This interesting Indian, about two years ago, [IH04 or ."i,] visited England, where numerous traits of an amiable disposii ion and ii vigorous intellect produced the most pleasing impressions on all who were introduced to him. A proof of his possessing, in a Jiigh deurce, the qualities of a good temper and great mental quickness, occur- red at the upper rooms, at Bath, where he appeared in the dress of his country. A young Euglishmtui, who had been in America, accosted the chief with several abrupt questions respecting his place of abode, situation, and the like. To these JVbr/ort returned answers at once pertinent and modest. The inquirer, however, expressed himself dissatisfied with them, and hinted, in almost plain terms, that he believed him to bo an impostor. Still the Amer- ican suppressed his rescntmi'iit, and endeavored to convince the gentleman that this account of himself might be depended upon. ' Well, but,' returned tile other, ' if yon really are what you iiretend to be, how will yon relish re- turning to the savages of your own country ?' '.SiV,' replied Norton, with a glance of intelligence, ' / shall not experience no gnat a change in my societi/ as you imagine, for [fnd thi < are savagrs in this countn/ also.'' Animated with the s[iirit of genuine piitriotism, this generous chieftain was nnweariedly occupied, during the intervals of his public business, in acquiring every species of useful knowledge, for tli(! jiurpose of transporting it to his own countiT, ibr the benefit of his jicople ; and what the friends to the haitpinesa of men will hear with still greater aijmiration and pltNisure, he was also en- gaged, under the ausjiices ol' Mr. ff'ilherforcc and Mr. Thornton, in the labori- ous empl<»yment of transhiting tlu' Gospel of St. John into his native tongue."* Whether that jiublished by the AmiTicau Bible Society he the same translation, I am not positive, but believe it is. The lidlowing is the 3d verse of t-hap. i. Yonirhwagwegon nc rode wejienokden, ok tsi nikon ne kaglison yagh oghnnhhoten teyodon ne ne yngh raonhah te hnyhdart. From the London Monthly Repository it apjiears, that JVorfon was educated "at one of the American universities. There is an excellent portrait ot"hini presiMited by the respectable Robert Barclay, hung uj) in the Bath Agricul- tural Society's great room ; for ho was made an honorary nieml)er while here." Aiul the same writer adds: — "I have a pamiihlet published by him while in England, entitled 'An address to the Six Nations,' recommending^ the Gospel of St. John, one side in English, the other in Molinwk laiig)mge, in which are discovered sentences very similar to the Welsh ; for iustance, Janson's Stranger in America, 278, 4lo, LoikIoii, ItiOT. 133 LOGAN, THE SHAWANEE. £BooK V, Indian. O Niyoli toglisa crcn te^liiiwiglio lie sngratianc wnlioni. Welsh. O Nlmw iiaddug eroin dy devishuid grace am wlialiaiii. English. O God, take not li-oin us tliy grace, because wc liave erred from thy ways." * Some of the words which seem to be corresponding and analogous to the eye, in the two first languages, arc not so in meaning ; in fact there is no analogy whatever between the Wolsli and Indian languages. In 1808, this chief was the hearer of a long and exceedingly excellent talk from the Senecas west of the Oliio, to the Indians of the interior of Canada, about 100 miles from Niagara Falls. It was from a Prophet named Skanva- DARIO.f We learn also from Mr. Jansen that when Tejionirihokerawcn was in Eng- land, he " appeared to be about 45 years of age ; " tall, naiscular, and well pro- portioned, possessing a fire and intelligent countenance. Ilis mctli^r was a Scotch woman, and ho had spent two years in Edinhtu'gii, in J;i.s youth, iiamel}', from liis 13tli to his 15th year, read and spoke English and French well. lie was married to ji female of his own tribe, by whom he had two children. He served in the last war witli the English, as will presently be related. Because this chief spent a few years in Scotland when young, some his- torians J have nssei'tcd that he was not an Indian, but a Scotchman; and a writer § of a sketch of tlie late Canada war says he was related to the French. Of this we have no douht, as it is not uncommon for many of those who pass tin- Indians to have white fathers. We should think, therefore, that, instead of his mother's being n Scotch woman, his liither might have been a Frenchman, and his mother an Indian. Of JVbrlon^s orTeyoninhokeraweii's exploits in the last war, there were not many, w(! presume, as there are not many recorded. When Col. Mmrnij sur- prised Fort Niagara, on the 1!) Dec. 181:3, JVotion entered the fort with him, at the head of n force of about 400 men. || Fort Niagara was garrisoned by about 300 Americans, of whom Init 20 escaped. All who resisted, and some who did not, were run though with the bayonet. We only know that JVorlon was present on this occasion. On the G June, 181 1, (Jeneral Vincent and J^orton, with a considerable- force,1I attacked an American camp ten hides from Burlington Bay, at a place called Fifty Mile Creek. The onset was made before day on a Sunday morn- ing. The invadci-s seized upon seven jiicces of cannon, and turned them upon their enemies. The night was \Try dark, and the confusion was very great. The American (Jenerals Chandler and Winder, one major, five cap- tains, one lieutenant, and llfi men, wimp taken jnisoiiers. Nevertheless the Americans fought with such resolution that the attacking party were obliged to abandon their advantage, leaving 150 of their number beliind them. They, however, carried off two nieces of cannon and some horses. LOGAN was a great Snawanee chief, who was more bravo than fortunate. lie was no connection of Itoa;nn df 1774, but was equally great, and, in the hands of a Jefferson, would have been equally celebrated. Shortly after Gen- eral Ttinpi'r\ at General Winchester's cam[). Wlu'U Ik^ gave an account liere of what had hap|)rned, accusers in tin; army stood ready to charge him witli treachery, and a dc^sign of aiding the enemy. lie felt the false diarge • MontUhj R.pn.siinni, iii. 7I.'>, boiidoii, mV. t It'll!- "09. i Jami'.i. IMililarv Ocriirroiirrs, ii. Id. ij IMr. Hf. Smilti, wlio lived tlien in Cnimda. II tSnmc Aiiinriciin liisiorlniis sny, " ^rlli^ll iiiid rndiiiiis;'' but Mr, Jamei (ii. IG.) sayt tlit'ru was lull one ' Indiiiii,'' iiiid hi' «»■< a .Srolcliiiiiiii ! H Tlie iiumlicr y liunseif, p. 42, Chap. VII.] WAWNAHTON.— BLACK-THUNDER 135 WAWNAHTON * a l)ol(l nnd fparless cliief, of the tribe of Yankton,t (whose name, translated, is "/te toko cttargts Iha enemjj") was considerably noted in the last war with Canada. " He had," says my author, " killed seven enemies in battle with his own hand, as the seven war-eagle plumes in his hair testified, and received nine wounds, as was shown by an equal number of little sticks arranged in his coal-black hair, and painted in a manner that told an Indian eye whether they were inflicted by a bullet, knife or tomahawk, and by whom. At the attack on Fort Sandusky, in the late war, he received a bullet and three buck shot in Jiis breast, which glanced on the bone, and passing round under tlie skin, came, out at his back." This, and other ex- traordinary escapes, he made usd of, like the famous Tiispaquin, two a^es before, to render Imnself of greater importance among his nation. At this time he was supposi'd to be about 30 years of ago, of a noble and elegant appearance, and is still believed to be living. J Major Lonsr's company considered fVawnaUon a very interesting man, whose accpiaintance they cidtivated with Ruccess in the neighborhood of Lake Traverse. They descril)chim as upwards of six feet high, and pos- .sessing a countenance that would be considered handsome in any coimtiy. He prepared a feast for tiie party, as soon as he knew they were comuig to his village. " When speaking of the Dacotas, we purposely postponed men- tioning the frequent vows which they make, and their strict adherence to them, hecanse one uf tlie best evidences which we have collected on this point connects itself with the character of fVanotan, and may give a favora- i»lc idea of his extreme Ibrtitude in enduring j)ain. In the summer of 1822, he undertook a journey, from which, apprehending nnich danger on the part of the Chip])ewas, he made a vow to the sun, that, if he returned safe, he would abstain from all food or drink for the space of four successive days and nigjits, and that he woidd distribute among his jieople all the property wiiicii lie possessed, including all his lodges, horses, dogs, &,c. On his return, which ha|)pened without accident, he celebrated the dance of the sun ; this consisted in making three cuts through his skin, one on his breast, and one on etich of his arms. The skin was cut in the manner of a loop, so as to per- mit a rope to pass l)etween the flesh and the strip of skin which was thus divided from the body. The ropes being passed through, their ends were secured to a tall vertical jiole, planted at about 40 yards from his lodge. He then began to dance round this pole, at the commencement of this fast, fre- quently swinging himself in the air, so as to be sujiported merely by the cords which were secui-ed to the strips of skin separated from his arm« and breast. Ho continued this exercise wi'h few intermissions during the whole of his fast, until the fourth day alwut 10 o'clock, A. M., when the strip of skin from his breast gave way ; notwithstanding which fie interrupted not the dance, although sujjported merely by his arms. At noon the strip from his left arm Knapped off: his uncle then thought that he had suffered enough," and with his knife cut the last loop of skin, and Wanotan fell down in a swoon, where he lay the rest of the day, exposed to tlie scorching rays of the sun. After this he gave away all his i)roperly, and with his two sipiaws deserted his lodge. To Mucli monstrous follies docs superstition drive her votaries ! In Tiumer's Narrative, there is an interesting account of an expedition of an uiu;le of fVawnafdon, at the hea«l of 200 Sioux, against thi; Ojiblx; was. Ji'aw- nahlon was himself of the party, buv he had not then become so distinguished as he was afterwards. They fi'll upon a small baud of Crees and Assinne- boins, nnd after a fight of near a whole day, killed ail the Ojibbewas but one, the Li7 M Oi > C P o c W C '-3 :^ o Tlio U[ipor military post upon the -Mississippi, in 1S18. '■ This i)assi\g;e lorciLly roniincls us oC that in t^hakcspict ' Tlic evil ihat men do lives after them ; 'I'lie g(,ocl is often inlcrreil with their bones." } riiilndi'Iphia I.il. GazeKc. ^ Oiiijliie-p'iii-wi', in Iroquois, was •' nien surpassin-; all others." Hist. Fire Nations. II '' Tlie O'.Muhas, in number -2J0, not long ago, iiban C p ii 3 o c « i if ?1 ii f! *>1 3 Chap. VII.] PETALESIIAROO. 137 Brackenridge visited Iiis town on tlie 1!) Miiy of tlmt year, in liis voyugc up that river. His " villfi(.'(' is sitiintml :\hnv< tliree miles liom the river, ini(f con- tains about yOOO souls, und is SJti niiie^ Crom its mouth."* We shall give here, as an intnuinction to liim, the oration he made over the grave of Black- ftij/Ta/o, n Sioux ciiicC of the Tctii/i frihe, who died on the night of the 14 July, 1811, at " Portag. dis Sioux," and of whom Mr. Bntckmridge remarks:! " The Black-buffalo was the Sioux chief with whom we had the conference at the great bend ; and, from his a|i|»iiirance and mild deportment, I was induced to ibrm a high opinion of him." After being interred with honors of war, Ongpatonga spoke to those assembled as follows : — " Do not grieve. Misfor- tunes will happen to the wisest and best men. Death will come, and always comes out of season. It is the command of the Great Spirit, and all nations and people must oliey. What is passed, and cannot be prevented, should not be grieved for. Be not discouraged or displeased then, that in visiting your father t here, [the American commissioner,] you have lost your chief. A mis- fortune of this kind may never again befall you, but this would have attended you i)erhaps at your own village. Five times have I visited this land, and never returned with sorrow or pain. Misfortunes do not flourish particularly in our path. They grow every where. What a misfortune for me, that I could not have died this day, instead of the chief that lies before us. The trifling loss my nation would liave sustained in my death, would have been doubly paid for by the honors of my burial. They would have wiped off fivery thing like regret. Instead of being covered with a cloud of sorrow, my warriors would have felt the sunshine of joy in their hearts. To me it would have been a most glorious occurrence. Hereafter, when I die at home, instead of a noble grave and a grand procession, the rolling music and the thundering cannon, with a flag waving at my head, I shall be wrapped in a robe, (an old robe perhaps,) and hoisted on a slender scaffijld to the whistling winds,§-sooa to be blown down to the earth ; || my flesh to be devoured by the wolves, and my bones rattled on the plain by the wild beasts. Chief of the soldiers, [ad- dressing Col. Miller,] your labors have not been in vain. Your attention shall not be Ibrgotten. My nation shall know the respect that is paid over the dead. When I return, 1 will echo the sound of your guns." Dr. Morse saw Ongpatonga at Washington in the winter of 1821, and dis- coursed with him and Iskkatappa, chief of the republican Paunees, " on the subject of their civilization, and sending instructors among them for that purpose." The doctor has printed the conversation, and we are sorry to acknowledge that, on reading it, Big-elk suffers in our estimation ; but Jiis age must he his excuse. When lie was asked who made the red and white people, he answered, "The same Being who made the white jwiople, made the red people ; but the white are better than the redpeople.^^ This acknowledg- ment is too degrading, and does not comport with the general character of the American Indians. It is not, however, very surprising that such an expression should escape an individual surrounded, as was Ongpatonga, by magnificence, luxury, and attention from the great. Big-elk was a i)arty to several treaties made between his nation and the United States, previous to his visit to Washington in 1821. PETALESHAROO was not a chief; but a brave of the trilw of the Pau- nees. (A brave is a warrior who has distinguished himself in battle, and is next in importance to a chief H) He was the son of Leteleslut, a famous chief, commonly called the Knife-chief, or Old-knife. When Major Long and his company travelled across the continent, in 1819 and '20, they became ac- quainted with Petalesharoo. From several persons who were in Long's m side of the Missouri, and now dwell on the Elk-horn River, due west from their old village, 80 miles west-north-west from Council Blufls." Morse's Indian Report, 251. * Brackenridge, iit sup. 91. t Jour, up tlie Missouri, 240. X Governor Edwards or Colonel Miller. \ It is a custom to expose the dead upon a scartbld among some of the tribes cf the west. See Brackenridge, Jour., 18G. ; Pike's E.xpedition ; Long's do. 11 The cngravmc at the commencement of Book II. illustrates this passage. TT Long's Expedition, i. 356 ; and Dr. Morse's Indian Report, 247. 12^ 138 PETALESHAROO. [Book V, t company, Dr. Morse collected the pnrticulur of him which he gives in his Indian Repokt as im antfcilote. Ill tiie winter of Iri'il, Petalesharoo visited Washington, heing one of a deputution from his notion to the American government, on a business matter. This brave was of elegant form juul countenance, and was attired, in his visit to Washington, as re|)resented in the engraving. In 1821, he was about 2.) years of age. At the age of 21, he was so distinguished by his abilities and prowess, tiiat lie was called the "6»y(|ics< of the braves." IJut few years previous to 1821, it was a custom, not only with his nation, but those adjacent, to torture and binn captives as sacrifices to the great Stai*. In an expedition performed by some of his countrymen against the Iteans, a female was taken, who, on their return, was dotmied to suller according to their usages. She was liustcmed to the stake, and a vast crowd assembled upon the adjoining plain to witness the scen(>. This brave, unobserved, had sta- tioned two fleet horses at a small distanc •, and was seated among the crowd, as a silent spectator. All were anxiously waiting to enjoy the spectacle of the first contact of the llames with their victim; when, to their astonishment, a brave was seen rending asunder the cords which bound her, and, with the swithiess oi" thought, bearing iier in his arms beyond the anuiziid multitude; where placing her upon one horse, and mounting himself ujion the other, he bore her olf safe to her friends and country. T!'is act would have endan- gered the life of an ordiiuny chief; but such was his sway in the tribe, that no one presumed to censure the daring act. This transaction was the more extraordinary, as its performer was as much a son of nature, and had had no nun'o of the advantagi^s of education than the multitudi! whom he astonished by the humane act just recorded. This account U-iiig circulated at Washington, iluring the young chief's stay there, the young hulies of INliss fHiite's seminary in that |ilace resolved to give him a demoiistiatioii of the high esteem in which they held him on account of his hiimaiK! condttcl ; they theiHsfore in-esented him an elegant silver medal, approjjriately inscribed, accompanied by the following short but atlectionate achlress: '•iJrother, accept this token of our esteem — alwajs wear it for our sakes, and when again you have the power to save; a poor woman from death and torture, think of this, and of us, and fly to her relief and lau- rescue." The britve^s reply : — " This [taking hold of the medal which he had just suspended from his neck] will f^lve me more ease than I ever had, anil I will listen more than I ever did to tehite men. I am triad that m}f hrotlurs anil sisters have heard of the irood act I have done. .Mil brothers and sisters Ihiiik that J did it in i!i;tu)rance, but J now know what I have done. I did it in ii!;norancc, and did not know thai I did goo(/ ; but lii/ g/i'iiig" mc this vm/al I know it." Some time al\er thi; atleuipt to sacrifice the Itean W(Muan, one of the wariiois of Lclilisha brought to the nation a Spanish boy, whom he had taken. The warrior was resolved to sm'rifice him to Venus, and the time was appoiuti (1. fjeli'isha had a long time endeavored to do away the custom, and now emisnlietl I'ttalesharno upon the cou-se to be pursued. The young brave said, "I will rescue the boy, as a warrior should, by force.'' His father was unwilliug that he should e\pos(> his lifi- a scroud tiuie, and used great exertions to raise ii Millicieut ipiaulity ol" merchandise for the purchase oi" the captive. All that wen- able coiilril>uted, and a pile was made of it at the lodge of the i^ni/e-vhiif, wlio then smuuioned the warrior lielbre him. When lie hail arrived, the chief roinrnauded him to taki> the uieichandise, and deliver thi^ boy to him. Tli>' warrior refused. Lelilesha then waved his war-club in the air, bade the warrior obey or pre|(are for instant death. *^ Strike" said I'ltelesharoo, " / nill mnl the ir/igi (Uirc of his frit nils." Hut the prudent and excellent hilelesha resolved to use one inore endeavor before committing such an act, lb' tlii'ictiire increased the amoimt of pio|)ertv, which had the desired etfect. The boy was sMrreudered, and the valuable colh'ction of goods sjicriliced in his stead.* This, it is thought, will be the " Lungf Hi supra, 30-78. [Book V. gives in his ig one of a a business ttired, in his 21, he was Ished l)y his I." JJut lew in, but those Stiu". In un ms, a female ing to tiieir unbled upon v('a\, had stu- g tiie crowd, spectacle of stonishuient, md, witii tiiu d niuhitude ; )n the other, liave endaii- iie tribe, that rnicr was as of pchication recorch'd. oiing chief's ace resolved held hiiu nii n an elegant iitg short hiit em — idwavs avm, they have listcMKid lo your ^vor(ls with nil at- teniiv(! ear, and havi; always hearkened to your coims('ls. Whenever you have had a proposal to make to us, \\ luMusver you have had a liivor to ask of us, we have always lent a liixcnahle ear, and our invariable answ(>r has been 'yes.' This ynu know! A long tiiiK! has passed since we first came upon oiu" lauds, and onr old iieo|ile have all sunk into their graves. They had sense. We aii! all young and foolish, and do not wish to v would not approve, were thi'y li\ing. Wi^ mi) f'earful W(! shall otreiid their sjiirits, if \\v sell our lands; and W(> are H'arlid wo shall ofli-nd you, if we do not sell them. 'I'his has causcjil us great per|ilexity of tluiught, because we have eouiiselled among ourselves, and do not know how \M' can part with the land. Onr country was given to us by tin; (irtiat Sjiirit, who gave; it to us to hunt upon, to make onr cornlields upon, to live n]ion, and to make oiu" of your own children. I am an Indian, a red-skin, and live by laniting and fishing, but niy country is already too small ; nnil I do not know liow to bring up my children, if I give it all away. We sold you a fine trmM of land at St. .Mary's. We said to you then it was enough to satisfy your cliildren, and the last wc >lionld sell: and we thought it would be thu last you would iLsk Itir. We have now toki joii what we had to wiy. It in • Lung, ul supra, 367-8. 140 KEEWAGOUSHKUM.— AN HISTORICAL SPEECH. [Book V. what was determined on, in a council nniong ourselves ; and what I have spoken, is the voice of my nation. On this accoimt, all our people have coirie hero to listen to me; but do not think we have a bad opinion of you. Where should we get a bad opinion of you ? We speak to you with a good lieart, and the feelings of a friend. You arc acquainted with tliis piece of laiul— the country we live in. Shall we give it up ? Take notice, it is a small piece of land, and if we give it away, what will become of us ? The Great Spirit, who bus provided it for our use, allows us to keep it, to bring up our young men and support our liunilies. We shoidd incur his anger, if we ijartered it away. If we hud more land, you should get more ; but our land has been wasting away ever since the white people became our neighbors, and we have now" hardly enough led to cover the bones of our tribe. You are in the midst of your red children. What is due to us in money, we wish, and will receive at this place ; and we want nothing more. We all slinke hands with you. Behold our warriors, our women, and ciiil- dren. Take pity on us and on our words." Notwithstanding the decisive language held by .Metca in this speech, against selling lan,] in council, tiiere weni liiit few Ottowas present; but ho said to tliem, Wlien I sit myself dow'i at Detroit, you will all see me.' Shortly after, he arri\cd at Detroit. IVoclaumtion was then made (iir all tho Indians to come in. — We were told, [by the general,] 'The reason ! do not push those British farther is, that W(> may not fi)rg<^t tlieir example in giving you presents of eloih, arms, ammiuiitioii, and whatever else you may n'quire? Sure enough! The fii-st time, we were clothed with great liberality. You gave lis Htruuds, guiiN, uinuunition, and many other things we stood in need Sc/ioo/crq/l'» Tmvels. [Book V. !■ ' !■• Two Ch; fs in till' not ol" concluding peace. A W rr r ijcj'nr jiir from liiii iVuMiii. Chap. VIII.] BLACK-HAWK. 141 of, and said, ' This is the way you may always expect to be used.' It was also said, that whenever we were in great necessity, you would help us. — When tlie Indians on the Mauniee were first about to sell tlieir lands, we heard it with hotli ears, but we never received a dollar. — The Cliippewas, the Potto wattoniics, and the Ottowas loere, originally, but oive nation. We separated from each other near Michilimackinac. We were related by the ties of blood, language and interest ; but in the course of a long time, these things have been forgotten, and both nations have sold their lands, without consulting us." — " Our brothers, tiie Cliippewas, have also sold you a large tract of land at Saganaw. People are constantly passing through the country, but wo received neither invitation nor money. It is surprising that the Pot- towattomies, Ottowus, and Cliippewas, who are all one nation, should sell their lands without giving each other notice. Have we then degenerated so much that we can no longer trust one another? — P(!rliaps the Pottowattomies may think I have come here on a begging journey, tliat I wish to claim a share of lands to which my people are not entitled. I tell theui it is not so. We have never begged, and sliiiij not now commence. When I went to Detroit lii.st fall. Governor Cass told me to come to this place, at this time, and listen to what he liad to say in comicil. As we live a great way in the woods, and never see white people except in the fall, when the 'raders come among us, we have not so many opportunities to profit by this iniercourse as our neigiibor,-i, and to get what necessaries we reciuire ; but we make out to live indejMMidently, and trade upon our own lands. We have, heretofore, received nothing less than justice from the Americans, and all we expect, in the present treaty, is a full jnopoition of the money and goods." "A series of misfortunes," says Mr. Sclwolcrajl, "has since overtaken this friendly, modest, and sensible chief. On returning from the treaty of Chicago, while off the moutii of Giand River, hi Lake JMiehigan, his canoe was struck by a flaw of wind and upset. Aller making every exertion, he saw his wife and all his children, except one son, perish. With his son he reached the shore ; but, as if to crown his misfortimes, this oidy surviving child has since been poisoneil for the part he took in the treaty." The result of this treaty was the reliiupiisliment, by the Ottowas, Cliip- pewas, and Pottowattomies, of a tract of country in the southern part of the peninsula of Michigan, containing upwards of 5,000,000 acres, and for which they received of the United States, in goods, 35,000 dollars ; and several other sums were awarded to the separate tribes, to some yearly forever, and to others for a limited term of years. Some of the chiefs who attended to tlio treaty were ojiposed to this sale, and hence the reason that Keewagoushkuni's son was poisoned. CHAPTER VIII. Black-hawk's j.-nr — Uistorlcal aaoiint of the tribes ciirriiffci} in it — Treaty hetteetn them — Murders (tmi)n(t the Sivu.r and Cliii>]icwas — Kkd-hiih) — Tahiti for viurder — Dies in jirison— Trial and exrcutionnf Indians — Hi.ac k-iia\vk — The Sues murder 28 Menominics— Indians insulted— Their eiiuntrij said irithont the consent of alargr, parlij — This oeeasions the war — Ordered to leare their enuntry — (ienernl (Jaines drir'es them beyond the Mississippi — L'oneh(dc a Treaty — Treaty broken— Sues re- turn airain to their rillaae — Determine on war — General Atkinson marches against them— They retreat up lioeh Hirer. It will bo tiecessnry, in this chanter, to give some a(rrountof such tribes of Indians as will orteii be nientionen as we proceed. We shall, however, con- fine ourselves to such tribes as took jiart in the late war in the neighborhood of the Lakes Michigan anil Snperinr, more cspi-cially ; and fn-stly, of the Win- nebngoe This tribe inhabit the cdunlry n|)i)n the Oui-consin, a river that rises bctwetMi the Lakes Superior and Mieliigan, and which disiMnlutgnes itself into the Mi^si.xsippi, near the S. W. angle of tlu! N. W. territory. They were litund seated here when the country was first visited by whites, about 142 CL.VCK-lIAWlv. [I5.)0K V. 150 years ago, and here tliey still remain. In 1820, tlicy were supposed to number 1550 souls, of whom 500 were men, JJoO women, and 700 chihh-pii, and lived in ten towns or villajres.* A Ixiily ol" Winnehajro wurriors was in the fight at Tippecanoe, under the impostor Ellskwatawa. Sanamahhonga, called Stone-eater, and Wapamm^wa, or h'hite-loon, were leaders of the Wia- nehago warriors. The latter was one that oppo.sed General fVaj/ne in 1794, l)ut was reconciled to the Americans in 1795, hy the treaty of Greenville. He also treated with General Harrison, in 1809, at Fort Wayne, and again at Greenville in 1814 ; but he was active in the wm- of 1812, and on the liritish side. Winnebago Lake, which discharges its waters into Green Bay, Avas probably named Ironi this tribe of Indians, or, what is quite as probable, they received their name front the lake. Secondly, the Menoniinies. Tliis tribe inhabits a river bearing their name, and is situated about one degi'ce north of tiie Winnebagos, from wliom they are separated by a range of niounttiins. Tiiey numbered in 1820, according to some, about 355 persons, of whom not more than 100 were lighters ; but this estimate could ap|)Iy only, it is thought, to the most populous tribe. Thirdly, the Pottowattomies, or Pouteouatamis. Tiiis nation was early known to the French. In the year 1()()8, .'300 of thein visited Father Jlllouez, at a place which the French called Chagouamigon, which is an island in Lake Superior. There was among them at this time an old man 100 years old, of whom his nation reported wondei'ful things ; among others, that lie could go without food 20 days, and that he often saw the Great S{)irit. lie was taken sick here, and died in a lew days arter.f The country of the Pottowattomies is adjacent to the south end of Lake Michigan, in ;Indiana and Illinois, and in T820 their numbers were set down »t 3400. At th-t time the United States paid them yearly 5700 dollars. Of this, ;}.50 dolla ^ remained a permanent annuity until the late war. Fourthly, the Sacs and Foxes. These are usually mentioned together, and are now really but one nation. They also had the gospel taught them about Uk\S, by the Jesuits. They live to the west of the Pottowattomies, generally between the Illinois and Mississi|)|)i Rivers, in the state of Illinois. The chief of the Sauks, or Sacs, for at least 14 years, has been Keokitk. Of him we shall ])articularly 8[)eak in due course. The Sacs and Foxes were supposed to amount, in 1820, to about 3000 jiersons in all ; one fitlh of whom may be accounted warriors. Thus we have taken a view of the most important pohits in the history of the tribes which were engaged in the late border war under Black-hawk, and are, therefore, prepared to proceed in the narration of the events of that war. It will be necessary for us to begin with some events as early as 182;}; at which period a chief of the Winnebagos, called Red-bird, was the most con- spicuous. This year, the United States' agents held a treaty at Prairie dii Chien, with the Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagos, Chippcnvays, Sioux, &:c., for tlu! purpttse, ajuong other things, of bringing about a peace betwetui the lirst- iiamed triite and the others, who were carrying on bloody wars among them- selves ; the treaty stipidated that each tribe should conline itself to certain bouiidaries, which were designated ; and as parties (rom them all were con- stantly visiting the United Stat(;s' forts, upon business, or various other occa- sions, it was agreed that any party should be protected from insult or injury from any other Indians while upon such visits. It would not seem, iiowever, that the makers ol"th(! treaty could have suitposcid that luiy such agreement would avail much, where deep hatred existed between any of the parties; for the very circumstance of itroleetion being off<'r."!. <> .Id lead i:ir(!Ctly to dillicnlty, i)y placing one party in a situation (!\actl_\ .,■ .;."C(innuo(he;' another, in tiieir peeuliar method of surprise; nor could any one have supposed that any (ear of punishment from the whites would have been C(pial to the gratification of revenge. Yet the motives of the whites were good, however little was ellected by them. As was expected, fre<|uent murders happeiu'd among the Indians; and it was » Dr. .Mors" ral.'.l lli.-m iit ,")OnO. fml. ll;„n-l, .\)). %'l. t C'lorUv'ii.i-, Hist. (Ic la .\ouv. Frmicc, i. ;('Jj, [nooK V. Chap. VIII] TRIAL OF SEVEN INDIANS. 143 npposcd to cliildrcii, orri was in amahhonga, f tlie Wia- ne ill 1794, Greenville, tid again at the Jiritisli n Bay, was )babl(!, tliey tlieir name, ivlioin tlicy ), accordini;- [{liters ; but tribe. 1 was early icr ,/itlouez, n island in 1 100 years crs, that lie Spirit, lie lid of Lake re set down lellurs. 01" igether, and them about !s, f];enerallv I The chief ')f him we supposed in may be listory of hawk, and that war. 18'iii ; at iiost con- 'rairi(! dii c, lor the the lirst- iiiiT tliein- I) cerlaiii wen' 0011- JMT orca- or injury however, agreement i parties ; Erectly to V. anoihcr, losed that iial to the , however and it waa not of>en that those guilty of them could be found or recognized. At length, in the summer of 1827, a jmrty of 24 Chippewas, on a tour to Fort Sneliing, were surprised by a band of Sioux, who killed and wounded eight of them. The commandant of Fort Sneliing captured four of them, whom he delivered into the hands of the Chijipewas, who immediately shot them, according to the directions of the commandant, A Sioux chief, named Red-bird, resented the proceedings of the commandant, and resolved upon a further retaliation upon the Chippewas. Accordingly, he led a war party against them soon arter, but was di'feated; and upon his return home from the expedition, his neighbors derided him, as being no brave. What were the grounds of Red-bird's enmity in the first place is now un- known, nor is it important to be inquired into in our present business ; but certain it is, lie had, or conceived that he had, just cause for his attack upon the Ciiippcwas; his last and unsuccessful exjiedition against them, however, was to revenge the execution of those at Fort Sneliing, who, he had been told, were executed for the murder of a family of seven persons, named Methods, near Prairie des Chiens. This, however, was not very likely the case. As he could not get revenge of the Chip[)ewas, Red-bird resolved on seek- ing it among the whites, their abettors ; thenjfoi-e, with two or three other desperadoes, like himself, of whom Black-hawk was probably one, he repaired to Prairie des Chii-ns, where, on the 24 July, 1827, they killed two jiereona- and wounded a third. We hear of no plunder taken, but with a keg of whisky, which they bought of a trader, they retired to the mouth of Bad-axe River. Six days after, July 30, with his company augmented, Red-bird waylaid two keel-boats that had been conveying commissai^ stores to Fort Sneliing. One came into the ambush in the day time, and, after a fight of four hoiivs, es- caped with the loss of two killed and four wounded. It was midnight before the other fell into the snare, and, owing to the darluiess, escaped without much injur}'. Notice has probably been taken by Black-hawk, in his naiTative, of these events ; but as he lelates every thing without any regard to dates, it is impos- sible to assign some of his incidents to their proper places in history. Not long after these events, in September, 1827, General Atkinson marched into the Winnebago country, with a brigade of troops, regulars and militia, and succeeded in making prisonei-s of Red-bird, and six other Winnebagos, who were held in confinement at Prairie du Cliien until a trial could be had on them. On the 25 October, 1828, at a special term of the United States' Circuit Court, they were tried, all except Red-bird, who had died in prison. Waniga or the Sun, and Chik-hong-sic, the Little-bull, were each tried on two indictments ; one for the mnnier of Reitisfre Gn^:nicr, us accomjilices oi' Red-bird, m the murder of which mention has already been made. On the second indictment, Chik- /io/inf-si'c was tried for the murder of Snlonwn Lipcap ; and JVaniga on the same, as his accomplice. On the third indictment, ff'aniga was tried for scalping Louisa (iagnier with intent to kill. On the first indictment, both were brought in guilty. On the second, Chik-hong-sic was brought in guilty, and Waniga was accpiittcd. On the third, Wanisa was found guiky, and Chik-hong-sic was acquitted. They were sentenced to be executed on the 26 of the fiillowing December. The two charged with the murder of Mr. Methode and family were acquit- ted by a ?io//e prosequi. Black-hawk, or Kara-zhonsept-hah^ as his name waa then written, and Knnonekah, the Younirtsl of the Thunders, were amoitg the prisonere charged with the attack on the boats the preceding year ; but the charge not being sustained for want of evidence, they were discharged, as was also a son of Red-bird. Thus St oppeors a yeor had passed since these Indians wore captured, before thoy were brought to trial. Sucli a delay of justice was to the friends of the imprisoned Indians ten times as insufferable, if possible, as any punishment could have been, inflicted in any reasonable time after a crime had been com- mitted. They cannot understand why, if one Ix; guilty, he sliould not nt once be punished, as it seldom hapiiens, with Indiiuis, tliat they deny an act when guilty : the most of them scorn to do it. Hcuce, tlie white people's 144 MURDER OF THE MENOMINIES. [Rook V. kee[)ing them imprisoned, they think mi act of great cowardice ; presuming they dare not punish the culprit. It has sometimes happened, tliat alter an Indian had iieen imprisoned for a long tinje, and been discharged ibr want of evidence, akhough at the time of his capture there were no douI)ts of his guilt, even upon his own confession, he has been shot by some skulking white bor- derer on his way to his home. Tliis, to the friends of such Indian, is the most abominable crime ; and these things had all happened in Illinois belbre the end of 1828. Black-hawk, as we have just seen, was captured and held some time in du- rance for attacking tiie boats, which, it seems, could not be jiroved against him, as he was discharged; but if there were doubts of his guilt beibre, there can be none now, according to his own confession, which, it would seem, he had too much craft to acknowledge befbre his trial. Matters continued in a ruffled state lor about three years, though acts of violence seem not often to have occurred. In IStil, it wastiie general o])inion on the frontiers, that the Indians intended to forbear no longer ; and it was rightly judged by General ,/llkinson, that efforts had been, or were being made by some of them to unite all the Indians from Rock River to Mexico in a war. That this was the truth of the case we will hear Ulack-liuwk in evidence. He says, "Runners were sent to tiie Arkansas, Red-River and Texas — not on tlie subject of our lands, but a secret mission, which I am not, at present, per- mitted to explain." The difft'rence between the Sacs and Foxes, and Menominies and Sioux, •was one great cause of the troubles previous to the war of J8.S2. The wiiites used their eiuk'avors to bring about a peace between tliem, and finally effected it, although at the very time murders were committed by one j)arty upon the other, while on tlieir way to attend a treaty for their own benefit. But such is their thirst for revenge, that they will take it at the hazard of themselves and all their connections. Black-hawk himself relates, that on a certain time, which, I believe, was in the summer of 18-30, the chiefs of the Foxes were invited to attend a treaty at Prairie du Cliien for the settlement of their dif- ferences with the Sioux. Nine of the head men of the Foxes, with one woman in their company, .^et out to attend the treaty, who, on their way, were met by a comjiany of Sioux, near the Ouiscousin, and all of them, except one man, were killed. This nnu'der went mu'evenged until the next year, when a l)and of Sioux and Menominies, who were encamped within a mile of the fbrt at Prairie du Chien, were attacked by some Foxes from Black-haivk^s party, and 2S of them were killed. The whites now demanded the nnuderers, but Black-hawk said they had no right to make such a demand, Ibr it was an affair between the Indian nations, over whom they had no authority ; and besides, Ik; said, when the Menominies had nnn-dered the Fox chiefs, the year befbre, they jnade no such demand fbr the nnuderers. According to the treaty of the IStli of .fuly, 1830, at Prairie du Cliieii, the Sacs and Foxes sold their country to the United States, and the Sioux, Oma- hahs, loways, Ottoes, and several other tribes and bands, participated in the sale ; but Black-hawk had nothing to do with it. Keokuk, or tlie fVatchJ'ul-fox, at this time headed the party of Sacs that made the treaty; when Black-hawk knew what was done, it very nuicli agitated and dis))k'as('d him ; but Keokuk had pleased the whites, and sold his country, as the ill-advised MUnlosh had done. The Jiext summer, 1831, Black-hawk says, that while on n visit to the Indian agent at Rock Island, he heard, for the lii-st time, "talk of our having to leave my village. The trader (he says) explained to me the terms of the treaty that had bi-en made, and s:iid we would be oi»lig(!d to leave the Illhiois side of the Mississippi, and advised us to select a good place tor our village, and remove to it in the Hi)ring." This trader was the adopted lirother of the principal F'ox chief, whom he had persuaded to leave his village and build another on the west side of the Mississippi. Keokuk had consented to go, and was using all his influence to induce others to go with him. A party now l)egan to organize itself in opposition to that of Keokuk. They called \\\)im Jilack-hawk for his opinion about it ; and, says the old chief, " I gave it freely — and alter questioning (^uitsh-qua-mc about the sale of the Chap. VIII] RELUCTANCE TO LEAVE THEIR COUNTRY. 145 18 , W(!re r Keokuk. old chiof, ulo of thti lands, he assured me that he never had consented to the sale of our village.' I now promised this party to be then* leader, and raised the standard of opposition to Keokuk, with a full determination not to leave my village.'' The Sac village was on the point of land formed by Rock River and the Mississippi. The tribe had here usually about 700 acres of planting land, which extended about two and a half miles up the Mississippi. According to the tradition of the Indians, a village had stood here about l.'iO years. The whole extent of the Sac country on the Mississippi, was from the mouth of the Ouisconsin to the Portage des Sioux, almost to the entrance of the Missouri, in length near 700 miles. About the time of the treaty of which we have been speaking, some out- rages were committed upon the Indians by the whites in kind lik(! the follow- ing: — One of Blnck-hawKa men having found a liive of bees in the woods, in a hollow tree, took it to his wigwam. Some whites, having learned the cir- cumstance, repaired to the Indian's wigwam and demanded the honey as theirs, and he gave it up to them. They not only took the lioney, but made plunder of all the skins he had got during his winter's hunt, and carried them off also. The case of the Indian was exceeding hard, for he owed the skins to his trader. Therefore he could not pay him, nor conld he get necessaries for his family, in consequence of his inability to meet his fonner contract Abotit tliis time Black-hawk met with gross ill treatment from some whites who met him in the woods a-hunting. They fell upon him, and beat him so severely that he was lame for some time allcr it. The whites pretended he had done them an injury. Such outrages, added to those of a ])ublic nature, had driven the Indians to desperation, and finally determined Black-hawk to act on the offensive. But he was sadly deceived in his real strength when he came to trial ; for he had been assured tiiat the Chippewas, Ottowas, Winnebagos and Pottowattomics all stood ready to help and second him. N'capope, who had been among some of them, was eitlior deceived himsellj or he intentionally deceived his chief. But the Prophdf Wahokieshick^ was doubtless the greatest deceiver. He sent word to Black-hawk that he had received wampmn from the nations just nirntioned, and he was sure of tiioir cooperation. Besides this strong encouragement, it was also told to the ])rincipal Sac chiefs, that their Britisii father at Maiden stood ready to helj* them, in case of wrong being offered them by the whites ; but this w.is. without doubt, a stratagem of the Prophet, or N'capope, the bearer of the intelligence. The cliiels of the whites at Maiden and other places, had been visited by Black-hawk or his head men, and, on being told their situation in respect to being obliged to leave their countrj', these friends of the Indians honestly told them that, if they had not sold their country, it could not be taken from them. When the old ciiief, Black-hawk, found that Keokuk had sold the Sac village, with the rest of their country on the east side of the Mississippi, he saw and conversed with him about it, and Keokuk was so well convinced that he had done wiiat he had no right to do, that he promised to go to the whites, and use all his endeavors to get it hack again by giving any other part of the country for it: Black-hawk said he woidd give up even the lead-mines, if they could only be allowed to enjoy their old village, and the little point of land oil which were the beautiful cornfields which their wives had cultivated, for years, undisturbed, and the adjacent burying-grounds oftheir honored dead. With strong hopes that something would be ctt'ected for them, the Sacs set out upon their usual winter's hunt, in tlie fall of 18:30, and meanwhile the whites came on and possessed their beloved village! When the Indians returned, they saw families of intruders in their own wigwams and lodges, that they had leil the fall jirevious — the wives and children of the poor Indians were iu)w ujton the banks of their own Mississippi, but witiioiu a home or lodge to cover them ! This was insufterabh; to Black-hawk — where is the white man that could eiulure t-uch things ? There are none that could, cvcMi the most scrvih; slave. The Sacs were encamped on the weU bank of the Mississippi, having re- turned from their hunting-grounds earlier than usual, on account of infor- mation of the state of things in their village. The ice had not leil the Mis- 13 146 THEIR VILLAGE POSSESSED BY THE WHITES, [Book V. sissippi ; Imt before it was time to plant com, the firm resolution of the chiefs was taken, that their village they would again possess. They acted in accord- ance with their resolution, and went on and took jwssession. The whites were alarmed, aneen sold, or a ))art of them, and all the Indians were ordered to leave them. Bkick-batvk and his band, however, woidd no' obey, and some of them remained on the unsold lands, while the otliers wv-re on their hunting expeditions. And early in the spring of 1831, after havinj^ used every means tor a reconciliation, without giving up their village, the Sacs in a body re- crossed the river to their old cornfiehls, and in a menacing mimner took ])ossession ; but if we can believe Black-hawk, he did not mean to be pro- voked into a war by any tiling less than the life-blood of some of his peojile; which he said the whites dare not take, at least so long as he remained on the government's land ; lor by an article of the treaty which had caused these troubles, the Indians were not obliged to leave the lands so long as they re- mained unsold. But the settlers cried out against the encroachments of the Indians upon tliein, which soon becanu so loud and clamorous that Governor Reij7iol(k thithw'ith taking the resnoJisii.', y, declared the state of Illinois in- vacled by hostile Indians, although it dous iiot a])i)ear that any of them were upon other lauds than those owned by the United States, Accordingly, on the 28 Ala\', lt;;!l, (iovcrnor Reynolds wrote from Belleville, the capital of the st)ite of Illinois, to (jleiieral Gaines, the military commander of the western department, that lie had received undoubted information that the section of the state near Uo:;k Island was at that time invaded by a hos- tile band of the Sac indians, headed by Black-hawk; and that in order to re- pel said invasion, and to ])rotc(;t the citizens of the state, he had called on 700 of the militia of the said state, to be mounted and ready for that service. He therefore, "as executive of the state of Illinois," respectfully solicited his (soiiperatioii. General Gaines said in answer, the next day, that he had ordered six companies of regular troops to proceed fiom Jeflerson Bari'acks the day following. May 30, for the Sac village, and if necessary he would add two companies more Jrom Prairie dii Chien. This force he considered suf- ficient to put down the "liostile Sacs;" but, he said, if the Indian force had been augmented by other Indians, then he would correspond with his excel- lency by express, and avail himself of his offer of the 700 mounted volunteere. Governor /?ei/)ioWj htuJ just before (2G May) written to General Clark, the superintendent of Indian affiiirs at St. Louis, and among other things said, he had considered it necossai-y to order out troojis "to protect the citizens" of the state "near Rock Island yroni invasion and depredation;" but from his letter to Gaines, dated only two days after, the state was actually invaded. H(>nce it ajipears, that in somelhiug less than two days, by thinking the mat- ter over, the governor had, in his mind, changed the /ear of invasion inro actual invasion. In the same letter he goes on : The object of the government of the state is to jirotect those citizens by removing said Indians, " peaceably if they can, but forcibly if tlicy must," "I consider it my duty to inform you of the above call on the militia, and that in or about 15 days, a suf- ficient force will appear before these IndiaiiM to remove them, dead or dive, over the west side of the JMiisissipjii." Whether liis excellency did not Chap. VIII.] GENERAL GAINES'S EXPEDinON. 147 mean to stop with liis Indians short of tlie Western Ocean, I cannot say, but certainly lie says uotiiing of li.'aviiijf tJieni any where on lands on the west side of the Mississippi ; he, liowever, hinnaneiy adds, " Jint to save all this disagree- able business, perhaps a request lioni you to them, for them to remove to the west side of the river, would effect tiie object of procuring peace to the citi- zens of the state." General Clark replied, txvo days after, that every effort on his part "had been made to effect the removal from Illinois of o^/ tlie tribes who had ceded their lands." Hence no altoruative novv remained but to proceed on with an army to drive off the Indians. According: ly (Jeneral Gaines proceeded to the countiy in dispute, and by his prudent luaiageuient succeeded in settling the diffi- culty, which, as matters immediately afterwards turned out, seems to have amounted to but little; and as General. Gatnes's account of his exiiedition agrees very well with what Black-hawk has since said about it, we lay it before the reader. It is contiunod in a letter dated Rock Island, 20 June, 1831. "I have visited the Rock River villages, with a view to ascertain the locali- ties, and, as far as possible, the disposition of the Indians. They confirm me in the opinion I had previously formed, that, whatever may be their ftelings of hostility, they are resolved to abstain from the use of their tomahawks and fire-arms except in selt-defence. But few of their warriors were to bo seen — their women and chiidi'en, and their old men appeared anxious, and at first somewhat confused, but none attempted to run off. Having previously noti- fied their chiefs that 1 would have nothing more to say to tliem, uidess they slioidd desire to inform me of their intention to move for thtmth, as I had di- rected them, 1 did not speak to them, though within 50 yards of many of thein. I had with me on boai'd the steam-boat some artillery, and two com- panies of infantiy. Their village is immediately on Rock River, and so situ- ated that 1 could i'rom the steam-boat destroy all their bark houses (the only kind of houses they have) in a few minutes, with the force now with me, probaltly without the loss of a man. But I am resolved to abstain from firing a shot without some bloodshed, or some mAuifest attempt to shed blood, on the part of the Indians. I liave already induced nearly one third of tliem to cross the Mississijjpi to their own land. The residue, however, say, as the friendly chiefs rej rt, that they never will move ; and what is very uncommon, their women urge iheir hostile husbands to fight rather than to move and thus to abandon their homes." Thus stood matters previous to the arrival of the Illinois militia; neither party wishing to do any thing to bring on hostilities. On the 7th June, Black-hawk met General Gaines in council, and plainly told lum he would not remove, and to let him know he was not afraid of his forces, went to the council-house at the head of his l)aud, armed and jminted as though they ex- pected to be attacked ; the conscijuence was, nothing was eflected thus far. But the general was satisfied that the reports of other tribes having engaged to assist them were entitled to little credit. That the general well understood the afl'airs of the Sacs at this tinio, no doubt will be entertained, on compar- ing his account with the statement ot" Black-hawk in his life. "Several other tribes," observes the general, '-such as the VVinnebagos, Pottowuttomies, and Kika))oos, have been invited by these Sacs to assist them ; but 1 cannot positively ascertain that more than 200 have actually joined, and it is very doubtful whether these will remain true to their oftendiug allies." As General Gaines t'miud he could not effect a conijiliance with his demands, he concluded to wait for the itiilitia, who, on the 25 June, |)rorn[)tly arrived. These the Indians thought it not |)r<)pcr to oppose, knowing well that border militia woidd submit to no restriiint from their officers ; they therefore fled across the Mississippi to avoid being massacred ; and on the following ress stos, and prevent Ihtdr joining the war party. On the 2() May, Mr. (iratoil, a suh-lndian agent, held a council at tin- head of the Tour Lakes with a iiundM'r of the Winiu'liago chiefs, and they all signified llnir desire of remaining at |Nmcc with the while people. At this council, the chief, ■colled the hitlle-blatk, uiude a wccli, uiul among other things said, 13* 150 MURDERS ON INDIAN CREEK. [Book V. " Father, what you have heard of us is from forked tongues, and wliat you have heard of Man-eater is false. Man-eater is sick; but he has sent his sister and dangiiter here to speak for hiui. Fatlier, since I knew yon, I have al- ways heard your counsel, and did what you told me. My father, the Great Spirit, has sent you both here. You have taken me by the hand, and you have held it fast in yours. We hope, in the name of the Great Spirit, and all our women and children, that you will hold it fast, and wo will hold on to you so hard that you cannot sliake us off. My father, I ask nothing but n clear sky over our heads, which have l)een hanging down lately, and the sky has been dark, and the wuid has been blowing coutmually, and trying to blow lies in our ears, but we turn our ears from it ; but when wo look towards you, the weather is clear, and the wind does not blow. My father, our young men do not travel much, for they are afraid of the Sacs, and airaid they will be taken for Sacs by the troops. My father, we wish you to give us a paper like the one General Atkinson gave us, that we may show it to the whites whom we meet, that they may know we are friends and for peace." As soon BB the troubles began, there were many of the Alcnomonies and Sioux, who, thirsting for the blood of the Sacs, came and offered themselves to the whites, to fight for them, but their services were refused ; now they had had a fight, and being beaten, they were glad to call upon the Indians for assistance, and it was granted. Yet it should not be supposed that it was from any love they bore towards the whites that they were glad to fight for them, but from their natural inclination to war, and to seek revenge for in- juries they had received from the Sacs during their former troubles. Con- sequendy several hundreds of them were soon upon the inarch in various directions to surprise those belonging to tlie war l)arty, and others attached themselves to the army. Wood had now been siied, and no one had any right to expect but that the Indians woidd retaliate upon any whites, according to their manner, whether in arms or the cradle. There was a small settlement upon Indian Creek, neai' its confluence with Fox River, about 25 miles from the town of Hennepin, the rendezvous of tiie army. On the 2()th* of Ma}', tiiis settlement was fallen upon by a small band of warriors, led by a Pottowattotnie, who, afler killing 15 persons, took consi

  • ces of Rock Jliver, about GO miles from Fort Winnebago, and General Jltkinson was in pursuit of him ; but before he reached his place of retreat, he had retraced his steps, and was next discovered on the Ouisconsiu. About this time, a travelling preacher of the denomination called Dunkards was killed on the road to Chicago. His head was severed from his body, and carried off as a trophy. He was noted for his odd appearance; his beard being represented as neai' a yard in length. He had been informed that sus- picious Indians were in the neighborhood, and a family, at whoso house he stopped, retreated towards the settlements on receiving the information ; but the Dnnkard piencher thought proper to abide iu the deserted house over night, and was killed. On the 22 May, a party of S[)ie8 having been sent out by Gfeneral Aikin- sou, with despatches for Fort Armstrong, were attacked by the Indians, and four of tliein were killed. St. Vrain, an Indian agent, was among the num- ber. They were all scalped, and their scalps were carried to Black-hawKs camp. St. Vrain had been odious to the Sacs from the part he took concern- ing their removal. About this time, a man by the name of Smith was murdered near the Blue Mounds on the Galena frontier, and Mr. ffinters, a mail contractor at Galena, was killed near Dixon's Ferry. The body of another man was found near the same place, but it was so disfigured that it was not known. On the (ith June, a small settlement at the mouth of Plum River, '^0 miles from Galena, was attacked, and the people retreated to a block-house, which they had wisely taken the precaution to erect. This tlie Indians tried to Uiko for about un hour, but could nut eflbct their object, and drew off. The inhab- itants then went down the river in a boat to Galena. Whether any persona were killed, I do not find. Uy the begiiuiing of June, there were so many troops spread over the Indian coimtry, that Black-hatok^s I»nrty found but few opportunities to nnnder the frontier iidiabitants. And although there were about 3000 men in arms to cond)ut 500 Indians, yet congress ordered (iOO mounted rangers to be rained "for the defence of the frontiers." On the 14ih of Juiv, five persons were killed not far below Hamilton's Fort, near Galena, and on the Kltli one man was killed within a mile of the same place. General Dodsft being in the neighborhood, marched with 30 of his mounted men inmie tlje jmity who had connnittod the nnnilers, and he pursued thenj with great spirit. Immediately afler crossing Vj&ni Pichotoneka Creek, the Indians buried themselves in a thick swamp. The whites dismounted, and after securing their horses, and jilacing a Huiall guard to watch tor any that might attempt to escaiw, rushed in after thu retreating Indians. They presently came u|) witli them, and began an indis- criuiinate slaughter. No rcsistouco was made, and every Indian was killed 152 STEVENSON'S DEFEAT.— FORTS ATTACKED. [Book V. and scalped in a few minutes. Not satisfied with this, they tore off the scalps of every one, and bore fliem off in triumph. On the same day, Captain Snyder met with and defeated a small Indian force near Kellog's Grove. Four of the Indians were said to have been killed, «nd one of the whites was mortally wounded. In their return march, tiiey were attacked by an ambush and defeated, having three of their men killed and mortally wounded. The whites now escaped by flight. On the 18th of June, as Cai)tuin Stevenson with a small force was scouting near where General Dodge cut off the 12 Indians, he was met by a force under Black-hawk, and a fierce contest ensued. The whites fought well, but they were defeated. At one time. Captain Stevenson was left almost alone by his partj', and was severely wounded; but they rallied again, and effected a retreat, with the loss of three only of their number. The fight was close and desperate for a short time, in which bayonets, knives and tomahawks were chiefly used. An attempt was iiyjde on the 24 of June, by a considerable body of war- riors, to surprise the fort at Buffalo Grove, on Rock River, only about 12 miles to the northward of Dixon's Ferry. It was guarded by 150 militia, who were prepared to meet them, and a considerably sharp contest ensued. Sixteen «f thie Indians were killed before they retreated. But few of the whites were wounded. The garrison was in great fear of being cut off, having ex- pended all their ammunition before a reinforcement an-ived, which had been sent for while the attack was going on. About this time, as Black-hawk was approaching a small fort on Apple River, al)OUt 12 miles from Galena, he fell in with four men who had been sent express to this place. They did not discover the Indians until fired upon, when they fled for the fort, and the Indians pursued them; one of the men, a Mr. Welsh, was wounded before reaching the fort, and anotlicr man was killed in the fort, who had raised his head above the pickets to make discovei-y. The Indians contented themselves by taking away a considerable quantity of flour, and a number of cattle and horses. They would doubtless have burnt the fbrt and buildings, and killed all the people, but from (ear that the light of them would bo seen by some large body of white soldiera, who might pursue and overtake them. On the 25th of June, a pretty severe fight took place between a company of spies under Major Dement and a band of Indians, not fiir from Kellog's Grove. He had arrived there oidy the evening before, and being informed that an Indian trail was discovered in the neighborhood, set ofl' immediately with 30 mounted men to attack them. He had not proceeded far before the Indians appeared, and confidently attacked him. The Indian yell so liiglit- ened the horses that they were thrown into confusion, and soon began a retreat. The Indians pursued them a considerable distance, and lost nine of their number, two of whom were chiefs. Five of the whites were killed, and they lost about 30 of their horses. On the 2J)th of June, three men were attacked in a field at the Cincinaway Mound, about 10 miles from Galena, and two of them were killed. IMiijor Stevenson marched iimncdiately in pursuit of the murderers. On arriving at the Mound he found the bodies of the two men, John Thompson and Jame.i Boxley, both shockingly mutilated. The heart of the former was taken out, and l)oth were scalped. Having left a few men to bury the dead, Major Stevenson followed the trail of the party to the Missiwippi, whore he found they had stolen a canoe and effected their escape across the river. Mention has been made of the prompt action of congress lor the relief of tlie frontiers. "General Scott was ordered fVom the sea-board with nine com- panies of artillery, and their camion were to be nd a canoe on board, although they were told that, in case they did not, they should be fired upon, which was imme- diately done. They seemed nmch alarmed when the six-pounder was dis- charged upon thchi, and all immediately covered themselves with trees and whatever offered. Five or six were supposed to have been killed. Early on the morning of the next day, August 2, the whole comi)ined army, amounting to 1(300 men, came up with the Indians; and the following are the particular details of that whole transaction, as published at Galena, four days after it happened, namely, August 6. " The whole army under Genei'al JUkinson, embracing the brigades com- manded by Generals Henry, Poseij, and Alexander, and scjuadron under com- mand of General Dods;e, all crossed over to the north side of the Ouisconsin at Helena, on the 28th and 29th ult. They took up a line of march in a northerly direction, in order to intersect the Indian trail. - At the distance of about five miles, the great trail was discovered, leading in a direction N. of W. towards the Mississippi, and suj)i)osed to be about four days old. General M- kinson, seeing the direction of the enemy, knew well that it Mould recjuire all diligence and expedition to overtake them before they would cross the Mis- sissippi, and hence commenced from that time a forced march; leaving all baggage wagons, and every thing else which was calculated to retard the pursiut. " The countiy through which the enemy's trail led our army between the Ouisconsin Bluffs and the Kickajwo River was one continued series of moun- tains. No sooner had they reached the summit of one high and almost per- pendicular hill, than they hud to descend on the other side equally steep to the base of another. Nothing but a deep ravine, with muddy banks, separated these mountains. The woods, both upon the top of the highest mountains, and at the bottom of the deepest hollows, was of the heaviest growth. The under-bushes were chiefly thoni and jirickly ash. This is a short description of the route, and shows the difficulties of the pursuit. Notwithstanding all this, our army gained on the enemy daily, as appeared from the enemy's en- campments. The tedious march thus continued was met by our brave troops without a murmur; and as the Indian signs appeared more recent, the officers and meii appeared more anxious to push on. On the fourth night of our march from Helena, and at an encampment of the enemy, was discovered an old Sac Indian, by our spies, who informed them that the main body of the enemy had, on that day, gone to the Mississippi, and intended to cross on the next morning, Aug. 2d. The horses being nearly broken down, and the men nearly exliausted from fatigue, General Atkinson ordered a halt for a few hours, (it being after 8 o'clock,) with a determination to start at 2 o'clock for tlie Mississippi, alrout ten miles distant. At the precise hour the bugles sound- ed, and in a short time all were ready to march. " General Dodge's squadron was honored with being pla^^cd in front ; the infantry followed next ; General Henry's brigade next ; General Alexander's next ; and General Posejfs formed the rear-guard. General Dodge called for, and as soon received, 20 volunteer spies to go ahead of the whole army. " In this order the march commenced. They had not, however, gone more than five miles, before one of our spies came back, announcing tlieir having come in sight of the enemy's picket-guard. He wont buck, and the intelli- gence was (juickly conveyed to General Atkinson, then to all the coiuinandera [Book V , for I am army lost i\vn. One d children, rly at this cabin-boy, Mr. How, til us, and ' troops on liles above 'ho hoisted were told vas imrne- r was dis- trees and 1. lined army, lowing are ialena, four ;adcs com- liiiler com- Ouisconsin Tiarnh in a Ustance of on N, of W. jreneral Jlt- rcqiiire all 5S the ftlis- leaving all retard the 3twcen the of uioun- most per- lly steep to sei)arated mountains, wth. The ascription ling all neniy's en- ave troops le officers lit of our covered an ody of the OSS on the id the men for a few j'clock for es sound- front ; the tier's next ; I lor, and one more 'ir having he intelli- tuuionders Chap. IX.] DEFEAT OF BLACK-II.VWK ON THE MISSISSIPPI. 157 of the brigades ; and the celerity of the inarch was instantly increased. In a few ininntcs more, the firing commenced at about SOOyard.s alicjad of the front of the army, between our s|)ies and tlio Indian picket guard. The Iiidions were driven by our spies from hill to hill, and kept up a tolerably brink firing from every situation commanding the ground over which our spies had to march ; but being charged ujion and routed from their hiding-places, they sou^dit safety by retreating to the main body on the bank of the river, and joining in one general eflTort to defend themselves there or die on the ground. "Lest sonic might escape by retreating up or down the river, (i'(!ii(;ral Jlt- kinson very judiciously ordered General Mexander and General Posaj to form the right wing of the army, and man^h down to the river above tlie Indian encampment on the bank, and tlieii move down. General Henru formed the lefl wing, and marched in lli ■ main trail of the enemy. The IL is. infantry, and General Dodge's sipiadroii of the mining troops, marched in the centre. With this order our whole force descended the almost perpendicular blufl^ and came into a low valley, heavily timbered with a large growth of under- brush, weeds and grass. — Sloughs, deep ravines, old logs, &c. were so plenti- ful as to afford ev<;ry. facility for the enemy to make a strong defence. Geiir eral Henri/ first came upon and commenced a heavy fire, which was returned by the enemy. The enemy, being routed fiom their first hiding-places, sought others. Geii^, -al Dodgers scpiadron and the U. S. troops soon came into action, and, with General Hcmy^s men, rushed into the strong defiles of the enemy, and killed all in their way, except ufew who succeeded in swimming a slough of the I\Iississi])pi, 150 yards wide. During this time the brigades of Generals Mexander and Posey were marching down the river, when they fell in with another part of the enemy's aniiy, and killed and routed all that ojiposcd them. " The battle lasted upwards of three hours. iVbout 50 of the enemy's women and children were taken prisoners, and many, by accident in the battle, were killed. When the Indians were driven to the bank of the Mississijipi, some hundreds of men, women, and children, plunged into the Hvcr, and hoped by diving, &c. to escape the bullets of our guns ; very few, however, escaped our sharp-shooters. "The loss on the side of the enemy never can be exactly ascertained, but, according to the best computation, they must have lost in killed upwards of 150. Our loss in killed and wounded was 27. "Some had crossed the river before om- arrival ; and we learn by a prisoner, that Black-hnwii, while the battle waxed warm, had stolen off, and gone up the river on this side. If he did, he took nothing with him ; for his valuables, many of them, together with certificates of good character, and of his hav- ing fouirht bravely against the United States during the last war, &c., signed by Bi-itish officers, were found on the battle-ground. "It is the general impression in the army and at this place, that the Sacs would be glad to conclude a ])eace on almost any terms we might propose. On the morning of the 4th inst. a party of Sioux came to our camp, and beg- ged jn-emission to go on the back miil and have a fight with them. On the same day, our whole army started to go down to Prairie du Chien, (about 40 nnles^) ami wait further orders. " General Atkinson, accompanied by Generals Dodge and Posey, with the IJ. S. infjintry, arrived at the Prairie on the evening of the 4tli, on board the S. 15. Warrior, and will remain until the movnted volunteers arrive. The Winnebagos, at Prairie du Cliien, are daily bringing in Sac prisoners and scalps. " On the same day, a party of 15 men from Cassville, under command of Captain Price, were reconnoitring tin; country between that place and the Ouisconsin, and fell upon a fn^sh Sac trail making towards the Mississippi. They rushed with full speed of horses, and soon came upon, killed and took prisoners to the number of 12. "General .S'co/< and stuff left here this morning for Prairie du Cliien, in the steam-boat Warrior, to join GeiK'ral Atkinson}' This was the finishing stroke to the war with tlie Sacs and Foxes, although Black-lwwk himself had made his escape. General Atkinson immediately 14 158 NfiAPOPE. [Book V. directed Keokuk to send out some of his Indian? to demand a surrender of all tlie warriors that Imd escaped, and if possible to capture Black-hawk, and bring liim in either alive or dead. Respecting his Just battle, Black-hawk lias said, tliat when the whitcH came upon his people, they tried to giv6 themselves up, and made no sliovv of re- sistance until the soldiers began to slaughter tliom, and then his braves deter- mined to fight until they were all killed. With a small party he went to the Winnebago village at Prairie la Crows. Here he told the chief he desired to give himself uj) to the whites, and let them kill him, if they wished to do so. The squaws at this place made him a dress of white deerskins, jireparatory to his departure for Prairie du Chien, to which it appears he went voluntarily with those that had been sent out alter him. The Sioux, of whom we have made mention, that had permission to go out alter the flying Sacs on the 3d ol" August, were about 100 in nund)er. They soon after met with the flying band on the west side of the Mississippi, and indiscriminately murdered about 120 of the poor half-star/ed creatures who had escaped from the whites through so many perils. A most distressing incident is related as having taken place m the battle of the 2 August, which it may not be im[)roper to lay before tho reader, that ex- amples of the horrors of war may not be wanting. " When our troops charged the enemy in their defiles near the bank of the Mississippi, men, women, and children, were seen mixed together, in such a manner as to render it difficult to kill one, and save the other. A young squaw of about 19 stood in the grass at a short distimce from our line, holdmg her little gu-1 in her arms, about four years old. While thus standing, apparently unconcerned, a ball struck the right arm of the child above the elbow, and, shattering the bone, passed into the breast of its poor mother, who instantly fell dead to the ground. She fell upon the child, and confined it to the ground also. During the whole battle, thra babe was heai-d to groan and call for relief, but none had time to afford it. When, however, the Indians had retreated from that spot, and the battle had nearly subsided, Lie".tenant Anderson^ of the United State?' army, went to the i)lacc and took from under the dead mother her wounded daughter, and brought it to a place selected for surgical aid. It was soon ascertained tliat its arm must come off"; and the operation was per- formed upon the little sufferer without drawing from it a tear or a shriek." At the last accounts it was doing well. When we are told that this Indian child was sucking a piece of dry biscuit during the whole time of the ampu- tation, it almosjt causes a disbelief of the whole story ; but such are the facts given. Although no further de))redations could be feared from the Sacs, yet on the 9 August, six Indians ajiproached a block-house on Cedar Creek, which runs into Henderson's River, about 10 miles north of Wai'ren court-house, and shot, tomaliawked and scalped a young man named IVUliam Martin. They left behind them a pah* of leggins and a loaded gun, and fled, as was si q)- posed, over the Mississippi. A company of 15 rangers went in immediate pursuit, but could not come up with them. It was soon after discovered that this murder was committed by some of KtokuWs band, and he gave up hie nephew as the perpetrator of it. CHAPTER X. Particulars in the lives of the chief men — Nkapoi-k — His ncrmint of himsdf—Surren- of blacK-hawK's compiih Black-hawk's interview with the Prendcnt. Neapope was second in command to Black-hawk, and in all the expeditions against tlie whites ; he was taken prisoner in the fight with the Sioux, and at CUAP. X.] SURRENDER OF BLACK-HAWK. 159 his examination afterwards by General Scott, about tlie murders which liatl been corninitted on the whites, ho gavii tliis account ol" liiniself: — " I always belonged to Black-hawk's baud. Last suunner I went to Maiden ; when 1 came bacit, I found that Ijy the treaty with General Gaines, the Sacs had moved across tiie Mississippi. I remained during tiie winter with tlie Prophet, on Rocii River, ;35 milt.s above tlie mouth. During tlie winter, the Prophet sent me across the Missiesippi, to Black-hawk, with a message, to tell him and his band to cross back to his village and make corn ; that if the Americans came and told tlicm to uiovu again, they would shake hands with them. If the Americans had coiiu! and told us to move, we siiould have shaken hands, and inmiediat('ly have moved peaceably. We encamped on Syracuse Creek. We met some Pottowattomies, and I made a feast for them. At that time I heard there were some Americans [under Major Slillman\ near us. I prepared a white flag to go and see them, and sent two or three young men on u hill to see wiiut tlipy were doing. Beforo the feast was finished, I heard my yoimg men were killed. This was at sunset. Some of my young men ran out ; two killed, and the Americans were seen rushing on to our camp. My young men fired a few guns, and the Americans ran off, and my yoimg men chased them about six miles." JVeapope fiJither said, that the Pottowattomies of the village immediately left them, and that no Kikapoos joined them, but those who were originally with Black-haivk; hut the Winnebagos did, and brouglit in scalps frequent- ly; that, at last, when they ibund the Sacs would be beaten, they turned against them. It was also given in by some of those examined at this time, that Black-hawk said, when the steam-boat Warrior approached them, tliat he pitied the women and children, and began to make preparations to surrender to the whites, and for that purjjoso sent out a white flag to meet the boat, which immediately fired upon them. Then said he, " //rerf ioo." The truth of this will not' be questioned, inasmuch as the facts agree with the captain of the Warrior's own account. Hence the inference is clear, that much blood might have been saved, but for the precipitancy of those who only sought a fight with the Indians. Parties of the friendly tribes were so continually on the alert, that it seemed very probable the principal chiefs would soon fall into their hands. These expectations were soon realized ; for at 11 o'clock, 27 August, Black-hatok and liis Prophet were delivered to General Slrect at Prairie du CJhien. They were brought by two Winnebagoes, Decorie and Chadar, and, when delivered, were dressed in a full dress of white-tanned deerskbis. Soon after they were seated in the presence of the officer, Decorie, called the One-eyed, rose and spoke thus to him: — "My lather, I now stand before you. When we parted, I told you I would return soon ; but I could not come any sooner. We have had to go a great distance, [to the Dalle, on the Ouisconsin, above the Portage.] You see ^ve have done what you sent us to do. These [pointing to the prisoners] are the two you told us to got. We have done what you told us to do. We always do what you tell us, because we know it is for our good. Father, you told us to get these men, and it would be the ciuise of much good to the Winneba- goes. We have brought thorn, but it has been very hard for us to do sg. That one, Miu:atamishknkaekq, [meaning Black-hawk,] was a great way off. You told us to bring them to you alive : we have done so. If you had told US to bring their heads alone, wc would have done so, and it woulfl have been less difficv'.t tli.m what we have done. — Father, wc deliver these men into your hands. We would not deliver themovon to our brother, the chief of the warriors, but to you ; because we know you, and we believe you are our fri(!nd. We want you to keep tiiein safe ; if they are to be hurt, we do not wish to see it. Wait until we are jione before it is done. — Father, many little birds have been flying about our curs of late, and we thought they whis- pered to us that there was evil intended for us ; but now we hope these evil birds will let our ears alone. — We know you are our friend, because you take our part, and that is the rea.-ion we do what you t(!ll us to do. You say you love your red children : we think we love you as much if not more than you love us. We have confidence in you, and you muy rely on us. We huvo 160 BLACK-HAWK. [BookT. been promised a great deal if wo would take tliese men, — tliat it would do iniicli good to our j)ooj)l(;. We now liopc to sec what will be donu for lis. — We liave come in liiustc ; we are tired aud liungry. Wc now put tliese men into your hands. Wo have done all that you told us to do." Gcneial Sired said, in answer: — "My children, you have done well. I told you to bring the.sc men to me, and you have done so. I am pleas.'d at what j'ou have done. It is for your gooil, and for this reason I am jiletusi^d. I assured the great chief of the warriors, [(icneral Alkinson,] that il" these men were in your country, you would find tlioni, and bring them to nic, and now I can say niucli for your good. I will go down to Rock Island with the prisoners, and I wish you who liave liroBght these men, especially, to go with mo, with such other chiefs and warriors as you may select. 3Iy children, the great chief of the warriors, when he lefV this placi^ directed ine to deliver these, and all other prisonei's, to the chief of the wairiors at this place, Colonel Taylor, who is here by me. — Some of the Wiiinebagoes south of the Ouis^onsin have befriended the Saukies, [Sacs,] and some of the Indians of my agency liave also given them aid. This displeaseth the great chief of the warriors and your great father the president, Jiiid was calculated to do much harm. — Your great father, the president at Washington, lias sent a great war-chief from the far east, (Jeneral Scott, with a fresh army of soldiers. He is now at Hock Island. Your great father, the jiresident, has sent him and the governor and chief of Illinois to hold a council with the Indians. He has sent a speech to you, and wishes tlie chiefs and warriore of the Winnebagoes to go to Rock Island to tho council on the tenth of next month. I wish you to be ready in three days, when I will go with you. — I am well pleased that you have taken the Black- hawk, the Prophet, and others prisoners. This will enable me to say much for you to the great chief of the warriors, and to the president, your great father. iMy childrt-n, I shall now deliver the two men. Black-hawk and the Prophet, to the chief of the warriors here; ho will take care of them till we 6turt to Rock Island." Colonel Taijlor, having taken the prisoners into his custody, addressed tho chiefs us tbllovvs : — "The great chief of the warriors told me to take the prisonera when you shall bring them, and send them to Rock Island to him. I will take them and keep them .safe, hut 1 will iisi; them well, and send them with you and General Street, when you go ilown to the coimeil, which will bo in a few days. Your friend, (jcneral Street, advises you to get ready and go tlown soon, and BO do I. I tell you af^ain I will take the jirisonei-s; I will keep them safe, hut I will do them no harm. I w ill deliver them to the great chief of the war- riors, and he will do with them and iisi; them in such manner as shall l)c orden.'d by your gniat tiither, the pn;sideiit." Chaetar, the other Winnebago, next spoke, and said, "My father, I am 5'oimg, and do not know how to make speeches. This is the second time ever spoke to \(n\ belbre peo|)le. — i am no chief; I am no orator; but I have bei'ii allowed to spi.'iik to yon. Il' 1 should not speak as well as others, still you must listen to mi'. I'ather, when you made the spei'ch to the ehit'ls Wa\i that same night, and you know you have not seen me since until now. I liavi! been a great way; I had much Iroulile; lint wlieii 1 remenibered what yon said, I knew ^^llat you said was right. This made me continue Miid do what you told me to do. Near the Dalle, on the Oiiisconsin, I took lUaek-linwk. No one did it but mi". I say this in tho ears ot' all pre.-cnt, and they know it — and I now appeal to the (ireal Spirit, oiir grandliilher, and tin; eartii, our graiKhnother, iiir the truth of what 1 say. Father, I am no chief', hut what I have .done is for the benelit of my niitioii, and I iiojie to see the good that has been promised to us. That one Ha-bo- kic-sltU'k, ftlio Prophit,] is my relation — if lie is to bu liurt, 1 «lo not wish to Ckap. X.] BLACK-IIAWK. 161 see it. Father, soldiers sometimes stick the ends oftiieir j^niis iuto tlie hacks of Iiidiiiii prisoners wlieii they are going ahont in tlie liands of tiie guard. I hope this will not he done to these men." The following is said to he the speech which Black-hawk made when he surrendered himself to the agent at Pairie du Chien : — I am id time liir; but I others, cliiefs ler day, Iso sai(i It] were 1(1 iiiing 1 brains, live not 1-ouhlo; right |\lic, on in tho Si'irit, It I say. Ination, H'n-ho- Ivish tu " You iiavo taken ine prisoner with all my warriors. I am much grieved, for I expected, if I did not defeat you, to hold out much longer, and give you more trouble belbre 1 surrendered. I tried hard to bring you into umbush, but your last general understands Itidian fighting. The hrst one was not so wise. When i saw that I could not beat you by Indian fighting, I determined to rush on yon, and fight you face to face. I fought hard. But your guns were well aimed. The bullets flew like birds in the air, and whizzed by our cars like the wind through the trees in the winter. My warriors fell around me ; it began to look dismal. I saw my evil day at hand. The sun rose dim on us in the morning, and at night it sunk in a dark cloud, and looked like a ball of fire. That was the last sun that shone on Black-hawk. His heart is ilead, and no longer bents (juick in his bosom. — He is now a prisoner to the white men ; tliey will do witli him as they wish. But he can stand torture, and is not afraid of deatli. He is no coward. Black-hawk is an Indian. "He has done nothing for which tm Indian ought to be ashamed. He has fought for his countrymen, the squaws and papooses, against white men, who came, year after year, to cheat them and take away their lands. You know the cause of our making war. It is known to all white men. They ought to be ashamed of it. The white nuni despise the Indians, and drive them from their homes. But the Indians an; not deceitful. The white men speak bad of the Indian, and look at him s))itefully. But the Indian docs not tell lies ; Indians do not steal. " An Indian, who is as bad as the white men, could not live in our nation ; he would be |)ut to death, and eat ujt by the wolves. The white men are had (Schoolmasters; they carry false looks, and deal in false actions; they smile in tile face of the poor Indian to cheat him ; they shake them l)y the hand to gain Uieir confidence, to make them drunk, to deceive them, and ruin our wives. We told them to let us alone, and keep away from us ; but they fol- lowed on, and beset our paths, and they coiled themselves among us, like the snake. They poisoned us by their touch. We were not safe. Wo lived in danger. We were becoming like them, hypocrites and liars, adulterers, lazy ilrones, all talkei's, and no workers. " We looked up to the Great Spirit. We went to our great father. We were encouraged. His great council gave us fair words and big iiroinitfes; but we got no satisfaction. Tilings were growing worst;. There wtno no deer in the forest. The opossum and Inuiver were fled; the springs were drying up, and our squaws and papooses without victuals to keep them from stit- ed curiiniily tiiat ho had sacrificed himself in the stand that he made upon the hanks of tiie Mississippi, in tiie end of July, as has been related, Spenser's famous lines were the first to discover themselves to our mind, upon the great event " Unto tlic miglily slroam him lo betake, Wliere liu au end ol' bailie and ol' life did make." FaIUY (iUF.EN. But we were soon glad to learn that the report, like the lines of Speitscr, Avaa only poetry. It can be sciurely necessary to add that the prisonei"s were set at liberty, and the offi'iiders were ordered again to he. sought after. On tiie 7 September, the Indian prisoners and their guards went on board the steam-boat Wiimeiiago, and were conveyed down the river to Jcflerson IJarracks, ten miles below St. Louis. There wen;, besides Black-linick and tlm prophet, eleven chiefs or head men of the Sacs and Foxes, togetiicr witli about hfty less distinguished warriors. These were landed just aiiove the lower rapids, on their jdedge of remaining peaceable. Two days before, a boat had conveyed to the barracks six or seven warriors, among whiiin wtis .Vcu- pope. On their arrival at the barracks, all of them were put in irons. Black-hawk is not so old a man as was gi'iieraliy sui>posed. Some, who knew hint well, said In; was not aliove -18, although the toils of wars had madi; him appear like one of 70.* lie was by birth a Potto wattomie, but brought up by the Sacs. His height is iibout six feet. As to his physiognomy, it is tiii- neccssary for us to add ( onceniiiig it here, as that may be lietttn- had trom an inspection of the engraving of Imn, us oiu' likeness is said, by many who have scon him, to be excellent. Like other Indian names, his is spelt in as matiy ways as times used by ditferent writrrs. At a treaty which he mtide with the United Sttites in lH'Ji),a't Prairie dii (Miii'ii, it is written Hiiy-niij-tshuan-nhurp. In a (liscri|)linn (jfliiin about the time he was tak(Ui, we find him !f[){ik .'ilus-cata-iiiish-ku-kacl; ; and several others niiglit be added. The Prophd, or ffabokiishiili, (White-cloud,) is about 40 yenrs old, and nearly six fet.'t high, stout and atliletic. lie was by out! sidi; a WiNiiebago, and the other a Sac or Satikie, and is thus describeil : — 1[(! "has a l.'irge, broad face, short, blunt nose, large, full eyes, broad mouth, thick lips, witli a fidi unit of linir. lie wore a white cloth head-dress, which rose several inches above the top of his head; the whole man exhibiting a delibenite savagcni ss ; not that he would seem to delight in hoiiorabli" war, or fight, but marking him tis the priest of assassination or secret murder, lie had in one hand a wliiti^ tlag, while th(,' other hung cari'lessly by his side. They were both clothed in \ery wiiite dressed deerskins, fringed at the seams with short cuttings of the same." This description, though written long beliire any painting was made of iiim, will be fiiiiinl, we ihiidi, to corrt;spond very well with tli" engraving of him which we havt! given. It is said by many, and is evident from ///rrr/r-Z/aic/.V account, that Ifahnklcs- huk was the prime mo\'er of this war, and had |iow\\()we(l up a Ih lief among his peopli>, tliat he was able to conjure such hind of events as he desired; and that lu^ hail made lihirk-hnirk believe the whites were but few, and could not fight, and therefore might easily be driven from the disputed lands. It seems, liowevif, rather iuiredible that lUnrk-hawk should have Ik liixt'd tlial the Americans »•(»•«;/( ic rt(i(/ ntutd iiol ffrht, \\\\rt\ it is luiowu that h<' was 0])p()scd to them in tin- last war, and must, therefore, have been convinced of the fidsity of such a rei)orl long b<-fore this war. Ill September, u treaty was rnadu by the United States with the Winncbn- * In tluMicroiint of lli^ life, imlilislird liy IMr. J- II. I'liltersnii, in KllU, Illiiik-lniii-k siiys hu was bnrn in I7ti7, uii Itnck Kiyer ; and Ijciice, in lit.'U, \w. was in liia (i.'iili yunr. Hit Tititier's naniK was Fvus*. His Brcal-jfrandfadicr's niunc was Na-na-ma-kkk, or TliniKhr, who was bom in thu vicinity ol Monlreiil, " whore (ho (ircut 8|iirit first placed the Hav naliou." Chap. X.] BLACIMIAWK. 163 uC liim (1 nearly 111(1 the liul lUcc, Hwit ot" Imvo tlie not lliiit III as the it.' Hajr, ill very . saiii.'." Ill' hiui, of him If'd'toklta- t'anioiijr (Ifsin'il; III could iiuls. It M'd thai he WHS iiiviiu'ctl fk siiys he lii r«ilier'8 iiiirr, who iialioll." goes, and atiothcr with the Sacs and Foxes. The former ceded nil their lands soiitii of the Ouiscoiisin, and east of the Missij-sipiiijaniountuif,' to 4,()00,000 acres of valiialtle lands. The treaty with the Sues and Foxe.s was on the 21 of that month, and (),000,000 acres were necinired at that time, "of a (inality not inferior to any between the wime parallels of latitude." It ahounds iu lead ore, and the Indians say in others. For these tracts the United States agreed to make the following considera- tions: — " To pay !in annuity of 20,000 dollars for 550 years ; to support a black- smith and gunsmith in addition to those then employed ; to pay the debts of the trih;'s ; to sujiply provisions; and, iis a reward tor the hdelity of Keokuk and the friendly hand, to alhiw a rcsi^rvjition to be made for them of 400 miles sipiare * on the loway lliver, to include A'coA:i(A;'s i)rincipal village." IJy tiie same trc^aty, Ulcch-hnwk, his two sons, the Prophet, jYuopope, and five others, principal warriors of the hostile bands, were to remain in the hands of the whites, tis hostages, during tlu; pleasure of the j)resident of the Uii'ted States. The other prisoners were given up to the Iriendly Indians. A giiiileiiian who visited the ca|)tive Indians at Jeflerson Harracks, Mis- souri, speaks thus eoiieerning them : — " We were immediately struck with admiratiun at the gigantic and symmetrical figures of most of the warriors, who seemed, as they reclined in nativi; ease and gracefulness, with their half- naked bodies eX|)ose(l to view, rather like statues from some master-hand, than tiki! beings of a race whom wi; had heard characterized as degenerate and dijbased. We extended our hands, whicdi they rose to grasp, and to our (fuestioii, ' How d'yi! do?' they respoinji'd in the same words, accompanying them with a lunirty shake." "They were clad iu leggins and moccasins of ': -kskiii, and wore blanki'ts, which were thrown around them in the maimer ')i the Roman toga, so as to leave th(;ir right arms bare." "The youngest ..iiiong them were painted on their necks, with a bright vermilion color, and had their faces transversely stnsaked with alt(M"nate red and black stripes. From thi'ir bodies, and from their fiices and eyebrows, they jjhick out the hair with the most assiduous care. They also shave, or pull it out from their he-'.ds, Willi the exception of a tuil of about ihreo fingers' width, extiniding from itetweeii the foreluiad and crown to t!i strictest integrity ; that, like Mishikinakwa, lie was not u chief by birth, but ac(|iiired the title by bravery and wisdom. JVa.icuskurk, or the Thundcrrhnid, is tiie second son ft\' Blnrk-hawk,a\\i\ accom- jMinied him in his captivity, lie is said not to be very IiandHome. ()pttk('(shiiTk,{\r tValx'-kshuk, the Prophet, of whom we have already given some |iarticiilars, carries with him a huge jiipe, a yard in liMigth, with the stem ornameiititd with the neck ti'athers ot u duck, and beads and ribands of various colors. To its centre is attached a fiiii of leathers. He wears his hair long all over his head. Nr.-A-i'oi'i;,.\'»oy)();jf, .V(/rt/)o/)f, &:c., or /?ro\pressed more surprise and pleasure at the portraits of the Inilian chiefs in the war department than uny thing else that was shown thetn. On Friday, 2(i April, the captives were conducted from Washington towards Fort Monroe, which is u|»()n a small island, at Old Point Comfort, on the west S'de of the ("liesapt ake Bay, in Virginia. Before closing the present chapter, a few other interesting inattiTS shall be laid bi-fore our n'aders. We have just given the descrintion of the Indinns while at Jetlerson Karracks, by one who visited them tliero not long alter their confinement. Wo now intend to give what the author of Knickor- Chap. XI.] BLACK-HAWK. 163 bocker say.s of tliem soon after. Mr. living's account is contained in a letter, dated VVasliiiigton, 18 Dec. ]8;J'2. — "From St. Louis I went to Fort Jeiferson, about !> miles distant, to see Black-hawk, the Indian warrior, and nis tellow- prisoncrs — a Sbrlorn crew — emaciated antl dejected — tlie redoubtable cliieftain iiiniself, a meagre old man upwards of 70. He has, however, a fine head, a Roman style of face, and a jjrepossessing countenance." Since we are upon descriptions, tlio following will not be thought out of place, perhaps, although we had reserved it for our next chapter. It is from the j)en of the editor of the U. States Literary Gazette, Pliiladeljjhia, " We found time, yesterday, to visit the Black-hawk, and his accompanying Indian chiefs, and the Prophet, at Congress Hall Hotel. We went into their cham- ber, and found most of theui sitting or lying on their beds. Black-hawk was sitting in a chair, and apparently dejjrcssed in spirits. He is about 65, of middling size, with a head that would excite the envy of a phrenologist — ouc of the finest that Heaven ever let fall on the shoulders of an Indian. The Proph(;t has a coarser figure, with less of intellect, but with the marks of decision aihl firmness. His face was j)aiuted with red and white. The son of Black-hawk is a noble specimen of physical beauty — a model for those who would embody the idea of sti'eiigtli. He was jiainted, and his hair cut and (lres.sed in a strange fantasy. Tlie other chiefs had nothing hi jiarticular in their R|)i»earance to distinguish them from other natives of the forest. The whole of the dci)utati()n visited the water works yesterday, [June 11 or 12,] and suhscfpieiitly were taken to the Cherry-hill Prison, and shown tho manner in which whii(! men punish. The exhibition of arms and shijjs at the navy-yard, led iUo, Hawk tovi:ii\i\rktlial he suspected the great father tvasgdting readif for war.'^ It was remarked by some in Philadelphia that Blaat-hawks "pyramidal forehead " very nnich resembled that of Sir fValter Scott. Others observed that liis couiitenance strongly reminded them of their late worthy benefactor, Stephen Giraril, In Norfiilk it was noticed that the old warrior veiy much resembled the late President Monroe. 00 many revenge m longer he is aise the Diiee was to his shall be nistances ry to look )f peace, men and ies. He when he lermitted 8ur|)ri80 i;nt than shington Comfort, ers nhall Indiana mg after Luickor* CHAPTER XL From the time of the scttin upon this matter. The reader has, in the last chapter, been conducted through the principal, * All iiiioii.viniins iiialior, >il' wlioni wo have iiuulu ceiisitlorabji' u^u in tills I'liupliT, givei UH llii'ir iiiiiiii's, \x. as lullows . — ....B'lil; 'iii-t. raiiinlid, rni[ilirr.i Irnilifr Finh Kil. .ImiiiI Tliitiuhr, I'd wr /.lili k, I'l'iikn':! iiiliijitrd mm,. .Straithrrrii, ....Ceur D'lij. .Nii;»>;i(', I/ii' iruriiiT, Strung Suup. Mnrciil 1 iiii-k (•■.iiiiir Ni-hIM! rnril' k. lii'i xoii, \\d-lii;-ke /.liirk, (/if Pruphit,.. 166 BLACK-HAWK.— LEAVES FORTRESS MONK'JE. [Book V. and all the important events of the war, and accompanied the chiefs of the Indians engaged in it to Fortress Monroe, in Virginia. We are now to ob- serve what passed in tlieir travels from hence through several of our great cities, and thence to their wilderness homes in the distant west. Having been conducted to Fort Monroe, the captives found themselves in a kind of elegant confinement ; and instead of balls and chains to their ankles, were kindly treated, and saw nobody but friends. This state of things, how- ever, must have become, in a short time, exceedingly irksome ; but an early order for their liberation prevented such result. For, on the 4 June, 1833, orders came for their being liberated ; and the next day. Major John Garland set off with them in a steam-boat for Baltimore, by Norfolk, Gosport, Ports- mouth, &c. During their short stay at Monroe, the Indians became much attached to its commander. Colonel Emtis, and on the afternoon of the same day that the order of release arrived, Black-luiwk went and took his leave of him, and at parting made the following speecrfi : — " Brother, I have come on my own i)art, and in behalf of my companions, to bid you farewell. Our great father has at length been plea.sed to ])ermit us to return to our hunting-giounds. We have l)uried the tomahawk, and tlie sound of the rifle will herearter only bring death to the deer and the buftii- lo. Brother, you have treated the red men very kindly. Your squaws have made them presents, and you have given them plenty to eat and drink. The memory of your friendship will remain till the Great Spirit says it is time for Black-Hawk to sing his death-soug. — Brother, your houses are as numer- ous as the leaves upon the trees, and your young warriors, like the sands upon die shore of the big lake, which rolls before us. The red man has but few liouses, and few warriors, but the red man ! as a heart which throbs as warm- ly as the heart of his white brother. Tiie Great Spirit has given us our hunt- ing grounds, and the skin of the deer which we kill there is his favorite, for its color is white, and this is the emblem of peace. This hunting-dress and tliese feathers of the eagle are white. Accept them, my brother; I have given one lik(? tliis to the While-oiler. Accept of it as a memorial of Black- hawk. When he is far away, this ^Vill serve to remind you of him. May the Great Spirit bless you and your children — farewell." Colonel Emtis, in his reply, said, the fortune of war had placed him in his hands, and as it was not the practice of the whites to attack an unai'med foe, he was safe ; but that if he had mt.'t him in the field of battle, his duty would have required him to have taken his life. He rejoiced, he said, at his prospect of speedily returning to his friends, and hoped he would never again trouble his white m-ighbors. To whi(di Black-hawk added, " Brother, Ike Great Spirit punislt£s those who deceive iis, and my faith is '.low pledged." On leaving Fort Monroe, the Indians wore taken to Portsmouth and Gos- port, to see the navy-yard, the dry-do(;k, and men-of-war. At Gosport, they went on board the 74 Delaware, where they coidd not but express nmcli astonishment at the vastness of the " l)ig canoe," as they called it, and its extraordinary uncouth furniture. Black-hawk seemt'd the most to admire the shi|), au(l wished to see the chief who commanded it^ and es|)ecially the man thnt built it; for he wished, he said,"e known to Bladi- hawk^ he showed considerable concern, fearing some of his party should be suspected; and when the boat lay to at. considerable distance from the wharf, to make search for the money, he said, " he desired that himself and company should be searclied,for he ivould let the ichites know that the Sacs did not steal" President Jackson had arrived in Baltimore, and after Black-hawKs arrival he had an interview with him. The Indians were conveyed in the steam- boat Columbus, and arrived about 11 o'clock in the forenoon of the next day, after leaving Norfolk, namely, (5 June. Among the crowds who visited tliem were many ladies, to whom, generally, the Indians said, "Pretti/ squatvs, pretti/ squaws." Tiie Indians and tlie president attended the theatre the same night, and it was remarked, that the attention of the house was pretty nearly equally divi- ded between them. On the next day occurred the interview between them, of which mention has just been made; at which time, among odier things, the president said to the old chief: — "When I saw you in Washington, I told you, that you had behaved very badly, in raising tlie tomahawk against the white people." He added, that his conduct last year had caused him to send out his warriore against him, mid that he and those with him had been surrendered to him to be kept dur- ing Ids pleasure, or until he should think tlierc would be no danger from let- ting him go. " I told you," he continued, " I would inqun-e whether your people wished you should return, and whether, if you did return, there would be any danger to the frontier. General Clark and General Atkinson, whom you know, have informed me that SheckaJc, your jirincipal chief, and the rest of your people, are anxious you should return, and Keokuk has asked me to send you liack. Your chiefs have pledged themselves for your good conduct." — " You will see the strength of the white people. You will see that our young men are as numerous as the leaves in the woods. What can you do against us ? " — " WIkmi you go back, listen to the counsels of Keokuk and the otiier friendly cliii^fs." To this the Prophet said a few words, as follows^ : — " Father, my ears are open to your words ; I am glad to hear them ; I am glad to go back to my people. I want to see my family. I did not behave well last summer. I ought not to have taken up the tomahawk. But my people have suftered a gr( at deal. When I get back, I will remember your words. I will not go to war again. I will live in peace. I will hold you by the hand." Black-hawk intended to have made a long speech at this time ; but the president was unable to hear him out, on account of the great fatigues ho liad undergone, and the old chief was, therefore, very sliort. He said, "My heart is big, for I have much to say to my great father" and closed, after many expressions of affection and respect for him. The warmtli of the weather and the great crowd that surrounded the hotel in which the Indiana were lodged, caused them to retire to Fort M'Henry, about 3 miles below tin; city. The landlord said the crowd was so great about his house, that they had can'ied away his banisteiv, windows, and ho was fearful, if they remained longer, that his whole house would be carried uwuy also. m BALTIMORE.~NEW YORK. [Book V.^ ' They visited tlie Wnsliington mopiiment, among other places, while at Baltimore, and were at first afraid Hi ascend in it, upon its circular steps ; saying it was the Mnnitou of the white people. At length JVaopope said he would venture up. Black-hawk observed, that then they woidd all go ; for if it fell down, he said they would not be safer on the ground ot its base than if they were in it. They visited the circus also, while here, and were much better pleased with the performances there, tlran at the theatre. The elegant horses pleased them far more than the stars and garters of the mock lords and ladies of the theatre, and it was very natural tliey should. To see a lady ride upon one foot, wiiile the horse was running at his utmost speed, was matter of fact to them, and excited the gi'eatcst admiration. But to see a fellow popping out from behind a curtain, strutting about the stage, uttering to liimself some unintelligible nonsense, could not interest any one similarly situated. They said they believed those who rode in the circus could hunt buffalo even better than the Sacs. Considerable inconvenience was experienced from the meeting of two such conspicuous characters as the i'resident of the United States and Black-hawk, at the same time, in populous places ; and it was announced in a Philadelphia jiaper, of 9 June, that Major Garland had arrived there, .but had left the Indians in Baltimore, and that they would not proceed to N. York until the day after the president. Accordingly they did not arrive in Philadelphia until 10 June, when they were conducted to lodgings in Con- gress Hall. The next day there was a great military display, accompanied by an immense procession, and the whole passed up Third Street, opposite Congress Hall, by which means the Indians had a fine opportunity to see and ■ contemplate their numbers. Pointing to the soldiers, Black-hawk asked if they were the same that were in his country last summer. Having visited all places of amusement and curiosity in Philadelphia, the Indians departed for N. York, where they arrived in a steam-boat of the People's Line, about 5 o'clock, 14 June, on Friday. The arrival of Lafayette, in 1825, could not have attracted a greater crowd than was now assenlhled at and in the vicinity of Castle Garden. As it happened, Mv. Durant, the aeronaut, had just got ready to ascend in his balloon from the garden. The steam-boat, therefore, rounded to, that the passengers might witness the ascension. When it was known on shore that the Indians were on board, the cheeriiig and clapping became tremendous; and it was not a little aug- mented from those on board the numerous craft in the river. Those in the boat answered as well as their numliers would admit. The Indians, at first, were some terri%d, supposing they nud at last come to an enemy, and that the noise about them was the war-whoop of the whites, but were soon undeceived. Soon after the balloon had cleared the walls of the castle, and Mr. Durant- had unfurfed his flag. Black-hawk was asked what he thought of it. To which he answered : — " TTiat man is a ^rcat brave. IdonH think heHl ever get back. He mud be a Sac.^' Another siud, "If he is a Sac, he'll get none of his brothers to follow in his trail. JVone of 'em itnll ever see the smoke of his loigivanu ■ He wUl have to live alone — icUhout any iquawJ" When the balloon had attained a vast height, and almost out of the old chief's sight, (which had become considerably impaired,) he exclaimed, " / think he can go to the heavens ; to the Great Spirit" Pomahoe then said, " / think, he can see the country of the English." The Prophet, or Wabokieshiek, having been asked what he thought of the balloon, said, " I canU form any idea, but think he can go up to the clouds if he will. Should think lit could see the Great Spirit now." F'rom N. York the Indians wore conducted to their own country without any remarkable circumstance. FINIS. /'i' e--* u ..M,'' /•'' i. (r-gfiJ lffii< ti Ae^..'" -tt-d-^''/^ *-*^ '■-'^ •- t \