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Lorsque le document est trop grend pour Atre reproduit en un seul ciich6, 11 est film* A partir de I'angle supArleur gauche, de geuche A droite, et de heut en bes, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. lies diagrammes suivents illustrent le mAthode. ly errata ed to int ine pelure, apon A 12 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 3 /*? r HIOGRAIMIY AND UISTOUY or THB .-1 r •^ r 1 INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA, PROM ITS FIRHT DISCOVERY. Iliftory makolli t young intn to Ixt olH, wilhoiil nilhor wrinklni or irajr haira \ privlllrd(in( him with the ieared in 1835, with the addition of a catalogue of all the principal Indian tribes, arranged alphabetically. This was '' iwn, at great expense of time, from an incredible number ot sources. The second edition .>&A been stereotyped, to the original cost of which great expense had been added in corrections and additions, coMsidcrably exceedipf^ the profits which had accrued, and I was now beginning to console myself that very little, it any thing, more would b'; required by way of additions or corrections, and that I should soon be^in to derive some small advantage from it, as it had been tolerably well re- ceived; but I found I had "reckoned without my host;" for, on the night of the 30th of September, 1833, the whole was consumed by fire. This was quite discouraging. However, I soon determined to stereotyjie it anew. Tnus taking advantage of what I nau considered a great misfortune, I began to revise the whole througlioul. Parts were rewritten, and addi- tions made in almost every page, and the page itself was enlarged, although one of the pages of the former editions contained as much reading as two octavo pages in the common type. Besides this enlargemeut of the pages, their number was extenuetf to six hundred, buch were the preparations for the sixth (though printed as the fifth) edition, an impression of which was issued in 1836. The next year produced a ser.enth. This was the same as the preceding, excepting a few important corrections. I come now to the eighth and present edition, which has received very important enlargements in the three la.st books, amounting to more than one hundred pages; and it may be proper to no!c, that all after pages l-w of Book III., 96 of Book IV., 168 of Book V., are additions to what has been before published. And the catalogue of the tribes has been enlarged to more than twice its original amount. It is now submitted with all its imperfections; and, although I hope to multiply the number of editions, I have no intention of Turther enlarging the worK. This edition has been delayed many months in consequence of a hope I had entertained of living to be assured that the Florida war was at an end. That time may now be considered to have arrived. On the events of that war, as will be seen, I have been full and particular; and, if events of importance have escaped me, it was not because I had not used great ex- ertions to possess myself of them. If, however, a doubt should be raised upon this head, I would refer the skeptical reader to a document published by order of the U. S. Senate in 1840, purporting to be a report of the secretary of war, " showing the massacres committed and the property destroyed by the hostile Indians in Florida" since 1835, where a comparison may be maJe between what I have published, and the amount of information in the possession of the war department. The history of the wrongs and suflcrings of the Cherokees has been an important addition to this edition ; and, whatever judgments may be pronounced upon it by the present genera- tion, I shall remain silent, under the consciousness that I have done no injustice to the partiei concerned. I have been an observer through the whole course of it, and registered events as they passed. I have not used a dirk in the dark, but the broadsword in open day, with fair warning to the adversary. " Let those who undertake prepare to undergo." * Ai the word fdition in the title-pace uf a book now-a-dnys may mean any tbin; or nothing, when a number atandi before it, I will just oMerve that my first edition conai«ted of 1,500 copied, the se«ODd of 9,000, the third uf 500, tli< fourth, fifth, and sixth of 1,000 each, and the levenlh of 500. An « ej A di hi vi b< of 118 ca go w fei 8U lik h^ ot) •MT mi hii lat ke tra M of er of Su Bu Inth in an ha fit is tri as Abei Abbi Absc Accc Aco» Ada. Adii AN ALPHABETICAL ENUMERATION or THE INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS, An attempt is made, in the following Table, to locate the various bands of Aborigines, at.cient and modem, and to convey the best intbriiiHtion respecting their numbers our multitiirious sourCv;8 will warrant. Mod- em writers have been, for several years, endeavoring to divide North America into certain districts, each of which should include all the In- dians speaking the some, or dialects of the same, language ; but whoever has paid any attention to the subject, must undoubtedly have been con- vinced that it can never be done with any degree of accuracy. This ha» been undertaken in referel^?e to an approximation of the great question of the origin of this people, from a comparison of the various languages used among them. An unwritten language is easily varied, and there can be no barrier to innovation. A continual intermixing of trilies has gone on from the period of their origin to the present time, judging from what we have daily seen ; and when any two tribes unite, speaking dif- ferent langua^res, or dialects of the same, a new dialect is produced by such amalgamation. Hence the accumulation of vocabularies would be like the pursuit of an infinite series in mathematics ; with this difference, however — in the one we recede from the object in pursuit, while in the other we approach it. But I would not be understood to speak dispar- agingly of this attempt at classification ; for, if it be unimportant in the main design, it will be of considerable service to the student in Indian history on other accounts. Thus, the Uchus are said to speak a primitive language, and they wert districted in & small territory south of the Chero- kees ; but, some 200 years ag ', — if they then existed as a tribe, and their tradition be tme, — they were bounded on the north by one of the great lakes. And ^hey are said to be descended from the Shawanees by some of themselves. We know an important cominunity of them is still in existence in Florida. Have they created a new language in the course of their wanderings? or have those firom whom they 8e|»arated done so? Such are the difficulties we meet with at every step of a classification. But a dissertation upon these matters cannot now be attempted. In the following analysis, the names of the tribes have been genv;rally given in the singular number, for the rjake of brevity ; and the word InSiatu, after such names, is omitted from the same cause. Few abbreviations have been used : — W. IL, west of the Rocky Mountains ; m., miUa ; r., river ; 1., iake ; and perhaps a few oth'^rs. In some instances, reference is made to the body of the work, where a more extended account of a tribe is to be found. Such references are \o the Book and Page, the same as in the Index. Abekas, probably MuBkoirees, under the French at Tombeckbee in 1750. Abbrakikb, over Maine till 1754, then went to Canada; 200 in 1689; 150 in 1780. Absoroka, (MinetaiA,) S. branch Tellowstone; lat. 4&>, Ion. IQBP. 45,000 in 1834 AccoKEBAw, W. side Colorado, about 200 m. S. W. Nacogdoches. Aco¥AK, one of thie lix tribea in Virginia when settled by the English in 1607. AoAiEE, 4 m. fVom Nachitoches, on Lake Macdon ; 40 men in 18w. Adirordaks, (Algonkin,) along the N. shore St. Lawrence ; 100 in 1 786. A* vi INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. APFAOonr.A, •mnll clan in 17S3, on Mi8HiB«ippi r , 8 m. above Point Coup£. AflAWoM, (VVninpanoairs,) nt S.indwicli, Muhh. ; otlicrH at Ipxwich ii. 46. AiiWAiiAWAV, (Minctnri-,) S. W. MisHoori IHWO, ;\ m. iil)i>vc Mandana; 200 in 1806k Ajoiikh, S. of the MiHsouri, and N. of the Padoucns ; 1,I(H) in I7()<). Ai.ANHAR, (Fall,) licad branches 8. fork SawkRHbawan ; '.^,.'>()U in 1604. Ai.fioNKiN. over l^anad'. ; from low down thi* St. Lawrence to Lake of titc Woodi. Ai.iATAN, tliri'o tribi'H in IHO.'> ainonfj the Rocky MoiintainH, on hc.ulH I'latte. Ai.iciiK, near .Nacocrdochi-H in IHd.'i, tlicn nearly extinct; itpoke Caddo. Ai.i.AKAWK.Aii, (I'auncli,) both Hidt-H Ytllowatone, heads IJiir Horn r. ; li,300 in 1805. Ar.i.iiiAMA, forrnerly on that r., but removed to Red River In 17tJ4. AMAi.iitTKM, (Alironkins.) once on St. Lawrence; r)00 in I7G0. ANASACii'NTAKDOK, (Abenaki.) on HoiirceH Androscoggin, in Maine, iii. 13G, ir>2. A.M)\sTK'<, once on S, shore l^ake Krie, S. VV. Senecas, who ilegtroyed tho:n in l»)72. Al'Ai HIS, (Lii|iani',) between Rio del Norte and sources of Nuaces r. ; ',\,M)H in lal7. Apai.aciiicoi.a, once on that r. in VV. Florida ; removed to Red River in I7ll4. Ai'PAiorsA, .'ihoriginal in the country of their name; but 40 men in 1H05. AQtiANiisniKiM, llii- name by which the Inxpioia knew themselves, v. 3, &c. Ak^paiias, S. side main ('anada River; 4,0(K) in 183(), on Kanzas River. AKMoiMiimrois, or Mahaciiitk, (.\benaki,) on River St. Johns, New Brunswick. Ahiiknamiisk, on St. Antonio River, near its mouth, in Texas; 120 in 1818. AssiNN »BoiN, (Sioux,) betw. Assinn. and Missouri r. ; 1,000 on Ottawa r. in 1830. Atknas, in a village with the FacuUi in 1830, west of the Rocky Muuntaini. Athapa.scow. about the shores of the great lake of thuir name. Atnas, next S. of the Alhapascow, about lat. 57° N. Aitacapas, in a district of their name in Louisiana; but .'iO men in 1805. Attapiii.oas, (Seminoles,) on Little r., a branch ofOloklikana, 1820, and 220 souls. Attikamioik.., in N. of Canada, destroyed by pestilence in 1070. Aucosiseo, (Abenaki,) between the Saoo and Androscoggin River, ii. 48 ; iii. 93. AuGHqrAGA, on K. branch Sn.squehannah River; 150 in 17(>8; since extinct. AvAUAis, 40 leagues up the Des Moines, 8. E. side; 800 in ]805. AvuTANs, 8,000 in 1820, S. W. the Missouri, near the Rocky Mountains. BAVAaoui.A, W. bank Mississippi, opprtsite the Colipasa; important in 1609. BeniF.g, on Trinity River, La., about 60 m. S. of Nacogdoches; 100 in 1805. BiG-i>Kvii.s, ^Yonktons.) 2,.')00 in ISJW; about the heads of Red River. BiLoxi, at Biloxi, Gulf Mex., 16!>9; a few on Red r., 1804, where they had removed. Bi.ACKFK.F.T, sources Missouri ; 30,000 in 1834 ; nearly destroyed by small-pox, 1838. Blanciif., (Ilearded, or White,) upper S. branches of the Missouri. Bi.iiE-Mun, VV., and in the vicinity, of the Rocky Mountains. Broth ERTOH, near Oneida Lake ; composed of various tribes; 350 in 1836. Caddo, on Red River in 1717, powerful ; on Sodo Bay in 1800; in 1804, 100 men. Cadodaciif, (Nacogdochet,) on Angelina r., 100 m. above the Nechez; 60 in 1820. Caiwas, or Kaiwa, on main Canada River, and S. of it in 1830. OALA.STIIOCI.E, N. Columbia. ;n the Pacific, next N. the Chillates; 200 in 1820. Cali.imix, coast of the Pacific, 40 m. N. Columbia River; 1,200 in 1820. Camanciies, (Shoshone,) worlike and numerous; in interior of Texas. Canarsee, on Long Island, N. Y., in 1610, from the W. end to Jamaica. Cances, (Kansas,) 1805, from Bay of St. Bernard, over Grand r., toward Vera Cruz. Canibas. (.\benaki,) numerous in 1607, and afler; on both sides Kennebeck River Carankoija, on peninsula of Bay of St. Bernard, Louisiana; 1,500 in 1805. Caree, on the coast between the Nuaces and Rio del Norte ; 2,600 in 1817. Carrieiis, (Nateotetains,) a name given the natives of N. Caledonia by traders. Castahana, between sources Padouca fork and Yellowstone; 5,000 in 1805. Cataka, between N. and S. forks of Chien River; about 3,000 in 1804. Catawba, till late, on their river in S. Carolina; 1,500 in 1743, and 450 in 1764. Cathlacumups, on main shore Columbia River, S. W. Wappatoo i.; 450 in 1820. Cathi./.kahikit, at the rapids of the Columbia, IfiO n.. up; 900 in 1820. Cathi.akamaps, 80 m. up Columbia River ; about 700 in 1820. Cathlamat, on the Pacific, 30 m. S. mouth of Columbia River; 600 in 1820. Cathi.anamf.namen, on an island in mouth of Wallaumi t River; 400 in 1820. Cathi.anaquiah, (VVappatoo,) S. W. side Wappatoo Island; 400 in 1820. Cathi.apootle, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakainaps ; 1,100 in 1820. Catiii.apoova, 500 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. fromits mouth. Cathlasko, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Cbippanchikchiks. Cathlathi.a, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakahikits. Catiii.ath, .500 in 1820, on the Wallaumut Ri\er, 60 m. from its mouth. Cattanahaw, b.:tween the Saskashawan and Missouri Rivers, in 1805. INDIAN TRI .;S AND NATIONH. tU Cacohnewaoa, pUcM where Chrintiani lived wore in called, v. Ilo. Ohactoo, on Red River; in IHD'i, but 1(H), in(li|renou8 nf thnt [ilacc, it ii uid. (/HAut)ANO.H'<, the French 80 called the SliawnneHC ; ((.'linwaniir) (JiiREnr.E, (Cherokees,) 50 tu HO ni. H. ut' them ; called aUo Mid. Settlement, I7ti0. ('iiKiiAWS, ainnll trilie nn Flint River, destroyed by (ieortfia militia in |H|7. < "iiKPKVA^, clnim from lut. ()0« to G.')", Ion. I(M)^ to 1 10° W. ; 7,r>00 in 18HJ. ('iiK.HoKKK, in Georiria, 8. Carolina, &.e., till I8:M>; then forced beyond the MiniM. <;ii»!SKiT\i.o\vA, (Seininoles,) 5H0 in le'20, W. Hide ChattalicKM^hee. TiiiKN, (l)o>x.) near the soiircex Chien River; :MM) in 1^05; 'JOO in 1620. ('iiiiiKKi.KKitii, 40 in. N. of Columbia River; 1,400 in l&M. (^iiiKAKAW, between heads of Mobilt! River in 1740; once 10,000; now in Arkanua. ('iiipPANciiiKciiiK!!, GO in I'^'JO, N. Hide Coliiinbiu River, '2\Hi in. from its mouth. CiiiKAiioMiNi, on M.itnpony River, Va., in IO«il ; but It or 4 in I7!I0; now extinrt. <'uiK AM \i'«iAS, on TemieHsee River, 'M) in. Ih'Iow the ('hi-rokeeii, in 171(0. ^'llll.l.ArK«, ir>0 in IS'M, on the I'acifie, N. Columbia River, b«-yond tln! Quiectsoa. ('iiii.f.rKirrFfirAi;, on the Columbia, next below the Narrows; 1,400 in Icj'JO. (-'iiii.T/., N. of Columbia River, on the I'acilic, next N. of the Killaxthmilea. (!iiiiiNAUi'i'M, on Lewis River, N. \V. side of the Columbia; 1,H(M) in l&M. OiiiNNooK, on N. side Columbia River; in 14'iO, about 400 in IM lod;ri>s. CiiiPi'KWAs, about Lake Superior, and other vast regions of the N., very numerouf (JiiiTiMiciiA, on VV. bank Miss River in 1722; once powerful, then slaves. (yiioKTAW, S. of the Creeks; 15,000 in 1H12; now in Arkansnd. iv. lio. CiiopuNNisii, on Kooikooskee River ; 4,'.M)0 in IdOG, in 711 lodges. CiiovvANOK, (Shawanese f) m N. Carolina, on Rennet's Creek, in I70S; 11,000 in 1G30. CiiowANs, E. of the Tiiscaroras in N. Carolina; GO join the Tuacaroras in 17:i0. Christknaux, only another spelling of KNisrcNArx, which see. Ci.AHcLKi.i.AH, 700 in 18'20, on the Columbia River, below the rapids. ('i.AKSTAii, W. R., on a river flowing into the Columbia .. Wappntoo Island. Ci.AMocTOMicii, on the Pacific, next N. of the Chiltz; *2G0 in \t*'M. Cla.simatas, on the S. VV. side of Woppatoo Island; 200 in l&M, VV. R. CLAN.fAiniiNiMU.Ns, S. VV. side of Wappaioo Island; 2d0 in 1820, VV. R. Cr.ATSops, about 2 in. N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 1,300 in 1H20. ('i.ARKAMFS, on a river of their name flowing into the VVallaumut ; 1,800 in 1820. (IsKis,oii a river flowing into S:ibi!ie Lake, ItiSK); theCor.Nis of Hennepin, probably CoiiAKiKS, nearly destroyed in I'oiitiak's time ; in 181)0, a few near Lake Wiiinebago. Coi.APissAS, on 1*1 banii Misnissippi in 1721), opposite head of Lake I'ontchartrain. CoNciiATTAS came to Appnlous.is iii 171I4, from E. the Mississ. ; in 1801, on Sabine. CoNOAKKKs, a small tribe on Coii:r;iree River, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; long since gone. CoNOVS, perhaps Kanlmwas, b;'ini^ ouee on that river ; (Canais, and variations.) CooKKOo-oosK, l,.50i) in I80ii, coast of I'acilic, S. of Columbia r.,and S. of Killawats CoopspEi.LAii, on a river falling into the Columbia, N. of Clark's ; 1,GOO in lUOG. CoosADAS, (Creeks,) once resided near t!ie River Tallapoosie. Copper, so called froiu their co|iper ornaments, on Coppermine River, in the north. CoREES, (Tuscaroras,) on Neus River, N. Carolina, in 1700, and subsequently. CoRONKAWA, on St. Jacintlio River, between Trinity and Brazos; ooO in 1820. CowMTSicK, on Columbia River, ti2 iii. from its mouth, in 3 villages ; 2,400 in 1820. CREEKd, (Muscogeea,) Savannsh r. to St. Augustine, thence to Flint r., 1730. iv. 54. Crees, (Lynx, or Cat,) anothi^r name of the Knistcnaux, or a part of them. Crows. (.Absorokas,) S. branohes of the Yellowstone River; 45,000 in 1834. CuTSAHNiM, on both sides Columbia River, above the Sokulks ; 1,200 in 1820. Dahcota, or DocoTA, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. Delaware, (Lenna-lenape,) those once on Delaware River and Bay ; 500 in 1750. DiNONDADiEs, (Hurons,) same called by the French 'I'ionontaties. DoEos, small tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River, in 1G75. DoQRiRS, (Blackfeet,) but speak a ditferent language. Does, the Chiens of the French. See Ciiien. DoTAME, 120 in 1805; about the heads of Chien River, in the open country. See Emcsas. , (Canoe-men,) on R. St. Johns ; include Passamaquoddies and St. Johns. Eamuses. FcHEMINS, £distoes, in S. Carolina in 1G70; a place still bears their name there. Emusas, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 2 m. above the Wekisas; 20 in 1820 Eneshures, at the great Narrows of the Columbia ; 1,200 in 1820, in 41 lodges. Eries, along E. aide of Lake Erie, destroyed by the Iroquois about 1G54. EsAws, on River Pedee, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; then powerful ; Catawbas, probably EsKELooTS, about 1,000 in 1820, in 21 lodges, or clans, on the Columbia. Es(tuiMAUx, all along the northern coasts of the frozen ocean, N. of G0° N. lat. Etohusskwakkes, (Semin.,) on Chattahoochee, 3 m. above Ft. Gaines; 100 in 1830 few vih INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONU. Facvlliis, 100 in 1890 ; on Stuart Lake, W. Rocky Mount. ; lat. M", Ion. I2b^ W. Fai.1., 10 called from their reiidence at the falls of the Kooakooakue. See Alahiari. FiVB Nations, Mohawka, Senecaa, Cayugaa, Onondagaa, and Oneidaai whirk aee. Fi.at-IIkadb, (Tutaeewaa,) on a larffe river W. K. ; on 8. fork Columbia r. iv. 8&. Foi.LBB AvoiNEt, the French m called the Menominiea. Fond dv Lac, roam fVom Snake River to the Sandy Lakea. FowL-TowKS, (Seminolea,) I'i m. E. Fort Scott; about 300 in 1890. Foxes, (Otlagatniei,) called Kcnardiby the French; diipoaaeiaed by B. Hawk's war. Ganawksf,, on the heads of Potomac River; same as Kanhaways, probably. Gavhcai), Martha's Vineyard; 900 in 1800; in \im, MO. Grand River, on Grand r., N. side L. Ontario ; Mohawks, Senecaa, and oth. ; 9,000. Groi Ventrks, W. Mississippi, on Maria River, in 180(); in 1834, 3,000. Hark-foot, next S. of the Esquimaux, und in perpetual war with them. Halmbeer, a tribe of Creeks, destroyed in 1813. iv. 57. Hannaeai.i.al, coo in 1890, on Pacihc, S. Columbia, next beyond the Luckkarso. Hassan AMESiTS, a tribe of Nipmuks, embraced Christianity in 164)0. ii. &1, 115. Hihioiienimmo, 1,:K)0 in 1890, from mouth of Laataw River, up it to the forks. Hellwits, 100 m. along the Columbia, from the falls upward, on the N- side. HERRino Pond, a remnant of Wampanoags, in Sandwich, Mass. ; about 40. Hietans, ^Camanches,) erratic bands; from Trinity to Brazos, and Red River. HiNi, (Cacodache,) 900 in 1890, on Angelina r., between Red r. and Rio del Norte. HiTCHiTTBES, once on Chattahoochee r. ; (iOO now in Arkansas; speak Muskogee. HoHiLPOs, (Tushepahas,) 300 in 1890, above great fali^^ on Clark's River. HuMAS, (Oumas,^ " Red nation," in Ixsussees Parish, L.\., in IBOG, below Manchak. Hurons, (Wyanaots, Quatoghies,) adjacent, and N. gt. likes; subd. by iroq., IG&O. Illinois, '<■ the lake of men," both sides Illinois r. ; 19,000 in 1670; CO towns in 1700. Inies, or Tachies, rTexasP] branch Sabine; 80 nen in 1806; speak Caddo. lowAvs, on loway iliver before Black Hawk'i* v;ar; 1,100 beyond the Mississippi. lRo«tuois, IGOC, on St. Lawrence, below Quebec ; 1687, both sides Ohio, to Miss. v. 3. IsATis, sometimes a name of the Sioux before 1753, Ithktemamits, 600 in 1890, on N. side Columbia, near the Cathlaskos. Jblan, one of three tribes of Camanches, on sources Brazos, del Norte, &c. Kadapaus, a tribe in N. Carolina in 1707. Kahunkles, 400 in 1890, W. Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown. Kaloosas, a tribe found early in Florida, long since extinct. Kanenavish, on the Padoucas' fork of the Platte; 400 in 1805. Kanhawas, Ganawese or Canhaways; on the River Kanhawa, formerly. Kansas, on the Arkansas River; about 1,000 in 1836; in 1890, 1,850. Kaskaskias, (Illin.,) on a river of same name flowing into the Mississ. ; 950 in 1797. Kaskavas, between 80urci?a of the Platte and Rocky Mountains; 3,000 in 1836. Katteka, (Padoucas,) not located by travellers. See Padodcas. Keek atsa, (Crows,) both sides Yellowstone, above mouth Big Horn r. ; 3,500 in 1805. Keyche, E. branch Trinity River in 1806; once on the Sabine; 960 in 1890. KiAWAS, on Padonca River, beyond the Kites; 1,000 in 1806. Kioene, on the shore of Pacific Ocean in 1891, under the chief Skittegates. KiKAPOo, formerly in Illinois; now about 300, chiefly beyond the Mississippi. Killamhk, a branch of the Clatsops, on the coast of Ute Pacific Ocean ; about 1,000. KiLLAWAT, in a large town on the coast of the Pacific, £. of the Luktons. Killaxthocles, 100 in 1890, at the mouth of Columbia River, on N. side. KiMOENiMs, a band of the Chopunnish, on Lewis's River; 800 ',n 1890, in 33 clana. Kinai, about Cook's Inlet, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean. Kites, (Staetans,) between sources Platte and Rocky Mountains; about 500 in 1890. KisKAKONs inhabited Michilimakinak in 1680; a Huron tribe. Knistenaux, on Assinnaboin River; 5,000 in 1819; numerous; women comely. KoNAGENS, Esquimaux, inhabiting Kadjak Island, lat. 58°, Ion. 159" W. KooK-KOO-oosE, on the coast of the Pacific, S. of the Killawats; 1,500 in 1835. KusKARAWAOKs, One of six tribes on E. shore of Chesapeak in 1607; (Tuscaroras .') Labanna, 9,000 in 1890, both sides Columbia, above the month of Clark's River. Lapanne. See Apaches. Lartiblo, 600 in 1890, at the falls of Lastaw River, below Wayton Lake. Lbaf, (Sioux,) 600 in 1890, on the Missouri, above Prairie du Chien. Lbbcb Ritxr, about 350 in 1890, near Sandy Lake, lat. 46° 9' N. Luif A Lcnapb, once from Hudson to Delaware River ; now scattered in the Wett. INDIAN TKIIU'.S AND NATIONS. |g LirAMif , 900 in IdIG, from Kio Grande to the interior of Trxuf ; light hair. LoucHEUi, npit N. of the ti^nquiiiiaiix, ur •:) of lat GT" l-V N. LuK«wi», M)4,N. of, and adjacent to, L. Huron and Superior, v. 4, n. MiA.tiis, (Algonkins,) once on the r. of their name; now 1,500, beyond the Miasiss. MiKASAUBiKs, (Seniinoles,) about l.OIK) in 1821 ; very warlike, iv. y.i, 128. MiKMAKS, (Algonkins,) 3,000 in 17liO, in Nova Scotia; the Suriquois of the French. MiKsuKSEALToK, (Tushepaha,) 300 in 1-420, (Mark's lliver, above great falls, W. R. Mia<:takes, 2,500 in 18(k>, 5 m. above tlie Mandana, on both aides Knife River. Mini AWAHCAiiTON, in 1803, on b< th sides MiHsisitippi, from St. Peters upward. MiNooES, once such of the Iroquois were so culled us resided upon the Scioto River. MiN&i, Wolf tribe of the Leiina Lena|)e, once over New Jersey and part of Fenn. MissouRiES, once on that part of the lliver just below Grand River. MiTCHiGAMiES, one of Uie five tribes of the Illinois; location uncertain. Mohawks, head of Five Nations; formerly on Mohawk r. ; a few now in Canada. MoHEOANS, or MoHCAKUNNUKS, in IGIO, Hudson r. from Esopua to Albany, ii. 87, U7. MonacaN!), (Tuscaroras,) once near where Richmond, Virginia, now is. MoNoouLATciiES, on the W. aide of the Mississippi. See uavaooulas. MoNTAONEs, (Algonkina,) N. side St. Lawr., betw. Saguenuy and Tadousac, in 1609. MoNTADKS, on E. end of Long Island, formerly ; head of 13 tribes of that iaiand. MoRATOKS, 80 in 1607 ; 40 in 1G6D, in Lancaster and Richmond counties, Virginia. Mos, 127. NoTTowAvs, on Nottoway River, in Virginia; but 2 of clear blood in 1817. NvACKs, (Mohicans,) or Manhattans, once about the Narrows, in New York. OAKMnLGES, (Muskogees,) to the E. of Flint River; about 200 in 1834. Ocameches, in Virginia in 1607; had before been powerful; then reduced. OcHEEs. See Uchees. — Perhaps Ochesoa; 230 in Florida in 1826, at Ochee Bloff. OooMAS, (Creeka.) See Book iv. 29. INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. Ojibwas, (Chippeways,) H0,000 in 1836, about the great lakes, and N. of them. Okatiokinans, (StMuinoles,) 580 in iSW, near Fori Gaines, E. Hide Mississippi. Omaiias, a,'.iOO in 1820, on Elkhorn River, 80 m. from Council Bluffs, v. 136, 137. Oneidas, one of tiie Five Nations; chief seat near Oneida Lake, New York. v. 4. Ononuaoas, one of the Five Nations; formerly in New York; 300 in 1840. v. 4. OoTLASHooTs, (Tusliepahas,) 400 in 1820, on Clark's River, W. Rocky Mountains. Osaubs, 4,U00 in 1830, about Arkansas and Osage Rivers; many tribes. Otagamiks, (VVinnebagoes,) 300 in 1780, betw. Lake of the Woods and the Missis. Otoes, 1,&00 in 1820; m lcl05, 500; 15 leagues up the River Platte, on S. side. Otta WAS, 1070, ri'nioved from L. Superior to Michilimakinak ; 2,800 in 1820. v. 41. OuiATANoNs. or Waas, (Kikupoos,) mouth of Eel r.,Ind., 1791, in a village 3 m. long. OuMAS, E. 'jank Mississippi in 17' Red r. in 1765 Tetons, (Sioux,) " vile miscreants," on Mississ., Misso., St. Peter's; " real pirates.' Tionontatiks, or Dinondadies, a tribe of Hurons, or their general name. Tockwoghs, one of the six tribes on the Chesapeak in 1607. Tonicas, 20 warriors in 1784, on Mississippi, opp. Point Coup6; once numerous. ToNKAUANS, a nation or tribe of Texans, said to be cannibals. 'rf I { ( ni INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. ToiTKAWA, 700 in 1890, emtio, abont Bay St Bernardo. ToTEROS, on the mountain! N. of the Saponea, in N. Carolina, in 170O. ToTO>K«r«. See Mobatoki. TowACAifRO, or T0WOA8H, one of three tribes on the Brazoi. See Tahvaoara. TsoMOHTHODARS, Hennepin ao called the Senecas ; by Coz, called Sonnontovana. TnKABATCHS, OH Tallapoosie Rirer, 30 m. abore Fort Alabama, in 1775. Tunica, HMobilian,) on Red River, 90 m. above ita mouth ; but ?0 in 1820. Tdrxib, (Mohegana.) once in Farmington, Conn. ; monument erected to them, 1840. TusHEPAHAS, and Ootla»hoot», 5,(^ in 1820, on Clark's and Missouri Rivers. T08CARORA, on NeuB r., N. Carolina, till 1712; a few now in Lewiston, Niagara r. Tdteloes. See Mahooaks, or Mahooaos. T0T8EEWA, on a river Yf. Rocky Mts., Bupposed to be a branch of the Colambia. TwiOHTWEES, (Miamies,) in 1780, on the Great Miami ; so called by the Iroquois. UcRKx, once on Chattauchee r., 4 towns ; some went to Florida, some west. iv. 141. Uf ALLAH, (Seminoles,) 670 in 1820, 12 m. above Fort Gaines, on Chattahoochee r. UoALjACHMUTZi, a tribe abont Prince William's Sound, N. W. coast. Ulseah, on coast of the Pacific, S. Columbia, beyond the Neekeetoos ; 150 in 1820. Uralaohtoo, one of the three tribes once composing the Lenna Lenape. Un AMIES, the head tribe of Lenna Lenape. Unchaooos, a tribe anciently on Long Island, New York. Upsaroka, (Minetare,) commonly called Crows. Waakicum, 3C m. np Columbia River, opposite the Cathlamats ; 400 in 1836. Wabinoa, (Iroquois,) between W. branch of Delaware and Hudson r. B. iii. 97, n. Waco, (Panis,) 800 in 1820, on Brazos River, 24 m. from its month. WiHowpuHS, on N. branch Columbia River, from Lapage r. upward; 700 in 1806. Wahpatone, (Sioux,) rove in the country on N. W. side St. Peter's River. Wahpacoota, (Sioux?) in the country S. W. St. Peter's in 1805; never stationary. Wahesits, (Nipmuks,) once on Memmac River, where Lowell, Mass., now is. Wamparoag, p/ . //'/,'.'/ o Origi aut Vol Tb hy its west, they had s pie tl the ni matte and e us bu Euro and A produ of an mean of vi( contii * Sc of thp Americ BOOK I. ORIGIN, ANTIQUITIES, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, &c. OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. O eonid their ancient Incus tii« aijiin, How would they take up [sraol'a taunting i train t Art thou loo rnllen, Iberia ? Do we fice The rohber iind llie murderer weak as wo ' Thou, that haot wasted earth, iind dared de«piie Aliiie the wrath and mercy ui^ the gkieii. Thy pomp is in the grave, thy glory laid Low i."! the pits thine uvarico has made. Wo come with joy from our eternal rest, To see the oppressor in his turn oppressed. Art thou the (rod, the thunder of whose band Uolled over aU -.- desolated land, Sjhook principuluies aid kingdoms down. And made the mountoins tremble at his frown? The sword shiill light upon thy lioasied powers, And waste tliem as thev wasted ours Tis thus Omnipotence his law fulfils. And vengeance executes what justice wills.- -Co wria CHAPTER I Origin of the name Indian. — Why applied to the people found in America. — Ancient auihoTS supposed to have referred to America in their writings — Theopompus — Voyage of Hanno — Diodorus Siculus — Plato — .Aristotle — Seneca. The name Indian was erroneously applied to the original man of America* by its first discoverers. The attempt to arrive at the Enst Indies by sailing west, caused the discovery of the islands and continent of America. Wlien they were at first discovered, Columhiis, and many after him, su)>|)oscd they had arrived at the eastern shore of the continent of India, and hence tlie peo- ple they found there were called Indians. The error was not discovered until the name had so obtained, that it could not well be changed. It is true, that it matters but little to us by what name the indigenes of a country are known, and especially those of America, in as far as the name is seldom used amoiig us but in application to the aboriginal Americans. But with the people of Europe it was not so unimportant. Situated between the two countries, India and America, the same name for the inhabitants of both must, at first, have produced considerable inconvenience, if not confusion ; because, in speaking of an Indian, no one would know whether an American or a Zealander was meant, unless by the context of the discourse. Therefore, in a historical point of view, the error is, at least, as much to be deplored as that the name of the continent itself should have been derived from Americus instead of Columbus.. * So named from VesptUiiu Americus, a Florentine, who maclR a discovery of some part of tho coast of South America in 1499, two years after Cabot had explored the coast of North America; but Americus had the fortune to confer his name upon both. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS, [Book L ■t It has been the praoice of ahnost every writer, who has written about the primitive inhabitants ot a country, to give some wild tiieories of others, con- cerning their origin, and to clost; the account with his own ; which generally has been niore visionary, if possible, than those of his predecessors. Long, laborious, and, we may odd, useless disquisitions have been daily laid before the world, from the discovery of America by Columbus tc the present time, to endeavor to explain by what means the inhabitants got from the old to tiie new world. To act, therefore, in unison with many of our predecessors, we will begin as far back as they have done, and so shall commence with Theo- potnpus und others, from intimations in whose writings it is alleged the an- fients liayond these, which was of immense dimensions, even without limits ; and that it was so luxuriant, as to produce luiimals of prodi- gious magnitude, and men grew to double the height of themselves, and that they lived to a far greater age ;* that they had many great cities ; and their usages and laws were different from ours ; that in one city there was more than a million of inhabitants ; that gold nnd silver were there in vas» quanti- tie8.f This is but an abstract from JEiianus's extract, but contains all of it that can be said to refer to a country west of Europe and Africa4 Mlian or ^i- anu» lived about A. D. 200. Hanno flourished when the Carthaginians were in their greatest prosperity, but the exact time is unknown. Some place his times 40. and others 140, years Ixifore the founding of Rome, which would be about 800 years before our era.§ He was an oflicer of great enter{>rise, having sailed around and ex- plored the coast of Africa, set out from the Pillars of Hercules, now called the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailed westward 30 days. Hence it is inferred by many, that \ e must have visited America, or some of its islands. He wrote a book, which i.e entitled Periplus, giving an account of his voyagas, which was translated and published about 1533, in Greet''. || Many, and not without tolerably good reaiM)n8, believe that an island or con- tinent existed in the Atlantic Ocean about this period, but which disappeared afterwards. * Buffon and Raynal either had not read this story, or they did not believe it to have been America ; for they taught that ull animals degenerated here. Many of the first adventurers to the coasts of unknown countries reported them inhabited by giants. Sviijl wrote Chtllivtr'$ Travels to bring such accounts into ridicule. How well he succeeded is eviiient from a Komparison of books of voyages and iravel:! before and aAer bis lime. Dtibwria* has this jiassagc : — Our fearless sailors, in far voyases (More led by gain's hope than their compasses), On th' Indian shore have sometime noted some Whose bodies covered two broad acres room 5 And in the South Sea they have also seen Some like high-topped and huge-armed treen ; And other some, whose monstrous backs did bear Two mighty wheels, with whirling spokes, that were Much like the winged and wide-spreading sails Of any wind-mill turned with merry gales. ' JHvim Wttk; p. 117, ed. 4to, 1613. t yElian, Variar. Historiar. lib. iii. chap. viii. X Since the text was written, there has come into my hands a copy of a translation of iEli- aiys work, " in En^lishe (as well according to the (rutn of the Greeke texte, as of the Latine), by Abraham Fleming." London, 1576, 4to. It differs not materially from the above, which is given from a French version of it. 6 Encyclopaedia Perthensis. II The best account of Hanno and his voyages, with which we are acquainted, is to_be found in Mariana's Hist, of Spain, vol. i. 93, 109, 119, VOt, 133, and 160, ed, 6 vols. 4to. . Paris, VTtb, [Book L about the •there, con- h generally )rs. Long, laid before ent time, to e old to tiie iCGBBors, we with Tfceo- [ed the an- the time of of dialogue t, but Strabo e which fol- >e, Asia and at there was nsions, even als of prodi- ves, and that !s ; and their re was more vast quanti- all of it that Elian or ^t- Bt prosperity, d oth«ir8 140, I years before ound and ex- 8, now called is inferred by 1 He wrote a 8, which was and or con- disappeared it to have been rst adventurers vrole Gtillwtr't evkiienl from a tbsurUu has this Thap. 1] ON THE ORUJIN OF THE INDIANS ed. 4to, 161S. islalion of MX\- of the Latine), le above, which ^nted, is to be ' , Paris, 17M, ( ^udorus Siridua bhvb that Rome " Phwiiicians were cast upon a most f>-rtile i 111 u|)|)OHite to Ati'icii." Of tiiiH, he tuiyo, they kttpt the niont Mtiidie «1 8tH'r(;cy, Wiiicli was doubtless occaHion<>d by their jeulutisy of the nitviuitugu the discnv- ery ii« 'rlit i)c to tliu nei^li.«oriiig natioiiH, and which tli<>y wi^iitni tu iiecure wlioliy to tlieiTisclves. IModonu Siculru lived about 100 years before Christ. IhIiiikih lying wost of Kuropu antl Africa are curtuiiily nieiitiuned by Homer and Hornet. Tlicy were culled Atlanlides, and were supposed to bo about 10,000 lurlongs from AlVicu. ll»'re existed the iwt'is' fabled Elysiun Helds. Itut to be more pnilirulur with Diodorus, we will let hiu) speak fur himself. "AtU'r huviiig pusswl the islands which lie beyond the Herculean Strait, we will speak of those which lit! much further into the ocean. Towards Africa, and to the west of it, is an iuimc>iL-M island in the broad sea, many days' soil frout '.ybia. Its soil is very fertiie, and its surface variegated with mountains and valleys. Its coasts are indented with many navigable rivers, und its lields are well cultivated: delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants atid trees." He tinuDy sets it down us the fiiif'St coiaitry . own, where the inhabitants have spacious dwellings, and every thing in the greatest plenty. To say the l(!ast of this accoimt of Diodoriut, it corresponds very well with that given of the Mexicans when first known to the Spaniards, but perhaps it will compare as well with the Canaries. Plato's account has more weight, perhaps, than any of the ancients. He lived about 400 years before the Christian era. A port of his account is as follows : — " In those firs^ times [time of its being first known], the Atlantic was a in ..St broad inland, and there were extant most powerful kings in it, who, with joint forces, appointed to occimy Asia and Europe : And so a most grievous war was earned on ; in which the Athenians, with the common "onsent of the Greeks, opposed themselves, and they became the conquerore Itut that x^tlantic island, by a flood and earthquake, was indeed suddenly destroyed, and so that warlike people were swallowed up." He adds, in an- otiier place, " An island in the mouth of the sea, in the passage to those straits, called the Pillars oi' Hercules, did e.\I.st ; and that island was greater and larger than Lybia and Asia ; from which there was an easy passage over to other islands, and from those islands to that continent, which is situated out of that region." * " JVeptune settled in this island, froii' whose son, ^tlaa, its name was derived, and divided it among his ten sous. To the youngest fell the extremity of the island, called Gadir, whicl., in the language of the country, signifies fertile or abounding in sheep. The descendants of Neptune reigned here, from father to son, lor a great number of generations in the order of primogeniture, during the space of 9000 years. They also i)ossessed several other islands ; and, [Hissing into Europe and Africa, subdued all Lybia as far as Egypt, and all Europe to Asia Minor. At length the island sunk under water; and for a long time afterwards the sea thereabouts was full of rocks and shelves." t This account, although mixed with fiible, cannot, we think, be entirely rejected; and that the ancients had knowledge of countries westward of Europe appears as plain and as well authenticated as any [mssage of history of that period. Aristotle, or the author of a hook which is generally attributed to him,}; •peaks of an island l)eyoiid the Straits of Gibraltar ; but the passage savors something of hearsay, and is as follows : — " Some say that, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, the Carthaginians have found a very fertile island, but without inhabitants, full of forests, navigable rivers, and fruit in abundance. It is several days' voyage from the main land. Some Carthaj,"-'ians, charmed by the fertility of the countiy, thought to marry and settle there ; but some say that the government of Carthage forbid the settlement upon pain of death, from the fear that it would increase in power so as to dfiprive the mother- country r>f her possessions there." If Aristotle had uttered this as a prediction, * America known to the Ancients, 10, 8vo. Boston, 1773. t Encyclopaedia Perlhcnsis, art. Atlantis. i De inirahil. auscultat. Opera, vol. i. VoUaire says of this book, " On en fesait honneur aux Cart)ia|;inois, et on citait un livre d'Aristote qu'il n'a pas compost." Esiai sur U* Hours et i'tsprit des natioiu, chap. cxlv. p. 703. vol. iv. of iiis works. Edit. Paris, 1817, inSvo, !• u ON TIIK ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [OooR L I ¥< that Biich a thing would tnke pincn in n'gard to Homo future nation, no one, u tiilBc |iri)|i|i<;t, for tlio Amcrioan revolution This pliilotM •■ lived ubout3):J4 yeare buforo (jur era. He wrote truge- pt^rhnpH, would have called l>iin u tidnc |iro|i|i<;t, lor tlio Amerioan revolution would have been its lultilinent Christ. Seneca lived about the commcnrement of tl dies, and in one of them occurs this imssago : — -" Venit'nl aniiis Sacrula seris, quiouii occiiium Vincula rpriim Inxi'l, ct iiij^ons PalcHt tclliii, Typliis(]iie nnvos Delcf^at nrhes ; nee sit tcrris Ultima Thule." Mtdea, Act 3. v. 375. TliiH is nearer prophecy, and may bo rendered in Englisii tlms: — "Tim time will come when the ocean will looHcn the chaitiH of nature, uiid we shall behold a vast country. A new Typhis nhall discover new worlds : Thule ihall no longer be considered the last country of the known world." Not only these passages from the ancient authors have l)een cited and re- cited by modems, but many more, though less to the point, to show that, in some way or other, America mtist have btjtm peopled from some of the eastern continents. Almost every country has claimed the honor of having been its first discoverer, and hence the progenitor of the Indians. liut since the recent discoveries in the north, writers upon the subject say btit little about getting over inhabitants from Europe, Asia, or Africa, through the difficult woy of the Atlantic seus and islands, as it is much cosier to pass them over the narrow chan- nels of the north in canoes, or upon the ice. Grotiiu, C.Mather, Hubbard, and after them Robertson, are glad to meet with so cnsy a tnethod of solving a question which they consider as having pu/.zled their predecessors so nmcli. »###e»" CHAPTER H. Of mndem theorists upon the jtcop^n^ oj Jlmericn — St. Gregorij — Herrera — T. Morton — Williamson — Wood — Jossrhjn — Thormegoud — Jldair — R. Williatiis — C. Mather — Hubbard — Robertson — Smith — P'oltaire — Mitchill — M' CuUoch — Lord Kaim — SwiiUon — Cabrera. St. Gregory, who flourished in the 7th century, in an epistle to St. Clemettt, said that beyond the ocean there was another world.* Herrera argues, that the new world could not have been known to the ancients ; and that what Seneca has said was not true. For that God had kept it hid from the old world, giving them no certain knowledge of it ; and that, in the secrecy and incomprehensibility of his providence, he has been pleased to give it to the Castilian nation. That Seneca's prediction (if so it may be considered) was a false one, because he said that u new world wotdd be dis- covered in the north, and that it was found in the west.t Herrera wrote about 1598, t before which time little knowledge was obtained of North America. This may account for his iinpeachment of Seneca's prophecy. Thomas Mortor., who came to New England in 1622, published in 1()37 an account of its natural history, with much other cuiiotis matter. In speaking upon the peopling of America, ho thinks it altogether out of the question to * " S. Gr^oire sur I'epistre ile S. Clement, dit que passe I'ocean, il y a vn autre mond." ' Herrera, I Decade, 2.) This is the whole passage. t Ihid. 3. I He died 27 March, 1G26, at the age of about 66 years. His name was Tordesillas Antonio dt Herrera— one of the best Spanish nislorians. His history of the voyages to, and settlement of America is very minute, and very valuable. The original in Spanish is very rare. Acqs' ta's translation (into French) 3 v. 4to., 1660, is also scarce and valuable. It is this we cite. [OooK L Chap. II] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. ion, no one, I rcvciliition years bulbro »rote triij^e- lus :— " TIiP iiul wo nlmll •Ids: Thule n ited nnd re- how titut, ill ftlieenstcrii iiig been its ;e tiie recent bout getting It way of tlio larrow cliun- lubbarJ, and of solving a ors 80 niucii. Hrrrera — T. Williams— C. bullock — Lord St. Gement, own to tho •od bad lce})t ; and that, teen pleased it may bo )uld be dis- rrera wrote of North ihecy. in 1637 an n speai^ing Iquestion to I autre moad." Isillas Antonio nd seltlemeDt I rare. Acos^ Vis we cite. 8ii|)pose tlint it was peopled l»y tiie Tartars from tho north, l>ccaiiAP "ft people, oiict^ scttb'd, must lie removed by rompnlHioii, or olr«« tempted thereimtt) in lioptH (if better fortin-vH, upon coiiimeiidatioiin of the |)luce iiiito whieli (hey (ibdiild be drawn to remnve. And if it may lie thoii^dit that tiiese people ramn over the froziii sea, then would it be by compulsion. If so, then by whom, orwhi'ii? Or what part of this main continent may bo tlioiight to iKirder upon the country of the Tartars? It is yet unknown ; and it is not like that n people well enough at ease, will, of their own accord, tmdertako to travel over a sea of ice, considering how many ditticulties they shall encounter with. Ah, 1st, whetlHT there Im any land at the end of their unknown way, no laiuj being in view; then want of food to sustain lit'; in the mean time upon that sea of ice. Or how shall they do for fuel, to keen them at night from freezing to death .' which will not Ix^ had in such a place, lint it may {KTliaps Iw grantershurg. What discovery would it be to meet with any of these characters, or others like them, among the American Indians nearest to Asia ! But as to the Cali- fornians, if ever they were possessed of any invention to pe -petuate their me- moirs, they have entirely lost it ; and all that is now foi nd among them, amounts to no more than some obscure oral traditions, [ robably more and more adulterated by a long succession of time. They have not so much as retained any knowledge of the particular country from which they emi- grated." This is the account of one who lived many years among the Indians of California. IMr. William Wood,^ who left New Englai d in 1633,11 after o short stay, says, "Of their language, which is only peculiar to themselves, not inclining to any of the refined tongues : Some have thought they might be of the dispersed * New Canaan, book i, pages 17 and 18. t Iljid- 18. X In his Hist. N. Carolina, i. 216. J Hist. Califoniia, i. 60. His work was published at Madrid, in 1758. The author of a work entitled New England's Prospect published in London, 16S1-, iu 4to. It is a very rare, and, in some respects, a curious and valuable work. IT Prospect, 61. ON THE Oftiorisr op THF INDIA Nff. (Book f. it! i Jews, IwcaiiHc noiiio nf tli*!tr wohIh \m' near unto the Ih'hn'W ; f>iit by tFie mme ruin, lli**y iiiny coiirliMl*! tlitiiii U \m Hriiiiu of tlit; kI''UI>>»8" "^ ^11 iiutiuiiii, l»e- caiiHo th<>y Imvu wonU wliich sound hAvt tliu Grevk, Liilin, French, and other tonjnieK."* Mr. John Jogsehfn, who n^sided wiriie tiino hi New Kngland, from the year KKJH, wiVH, "The" Mohawkn are alM)Ut r>00: tlioir »|M'erh a dialect of the I'ar- tarn (im altto iu the Turkmli tongu<')."f In niinther work,^ he HavR, " N. Kng- huid iH l>y Home aflirmed to In; an ittlaiiH, iMiomli'd on the north witji the Kiver of Canada (ho calUnl from Moni«ienr Cam), on th<' iH>iith with the River Mon^ hef(an or HudtntCa River, mi called iHicauM- he wim the first that discovered it« Home will have America to l>e an iNland, which ont of )|ueHtion miift needs he, if then) he a north-east passai^ found out into the South Hea. It contains l,ir)'2,4U<),0(X) acres. The diticovery of the north-weHt |iaiirth, And forgod lli«ir futlcrs fur this rhild of earth, And whrn, as oft, he dared expand his view, And work with nature on the hne she drew. Some monster, rendered in his fears, unmanned His o|>eiiin^ soul, and marred the works he planned. Fear, the first passion of his helpless stale. Redoubles all the woes that round him wait, niorks nature's path, and sends him wandering wide, Without u guarJiaii, and without a guide." Columinad, ix. 137, &.e. Reverend Thomas Tliormvgood published a small quarto, in 1652,§ to prove that the Indians were the Jews, who had been " lost in the world for the space of near 2000 years." But whoever has read Adair or Bovdinot, has, beside a good deal that is irrational, read all that in Thorowgood can be termed rational. Reverend Rogtr Williams wa", at one time, as appears from Tliorowgood's work,|| of the same opinion. Being written to for his opinion of the origin of the natives, "ho kindly answers to those letters from Salem in N. Eng. 20tli of the lOtb month, more than 10 yeers since, in hate verba." That they did not come into America from the north-east, as some had imagined, he thought evident for these reasons : 1. their ancestors affirm they came from the south- west, and return thence when they die : 2. because they " separate their wo- men in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons:" and 3. "be- side their god Kutiand to the S. West, they hold that JVanatoitnatoit}] (a god over head) made the heavens and the earth ; and some last of affinity with the Hebrew I have found." Doctor Cotton Mather is an author of such singular qualities, that we almost hesitate to name him, lest we be thought without seriousness in so weighty a matter. But we will assure the reader, that he is an author with whom we would in no wise part ; and if sometimes we aj)pear not serious in our intro- duction of him, what is of more importance, we believe him really to be so. And sve are persuaded that we should not be pardoned did we not allow him to 6peak upon the matter before us. Ibid, 112, ed. 1764, His arcount of two voyages to New England, printed London; 1673, page 124. New England Rarities, 4, 5, printed London, 1672. Its title commences, " DigUtu Dei : New DUcmeritt, with ture Argummtt to prcve," Slc, Pages 5 and 6, Getannitowit is irod in Vvlayrm^—Heckeweldtr. Chap. U.] on THE ORIGIN OF TllE INDIANS. He «yi, " h ahoiild yot paM witboiit rotiiark, that thrte mMt memorabla tltiiiga which liave bornn a v«ry grciot uN|)««'t iiiioii hunum affiiirt, did, near the wiiiic time, iianii'ly, at the coiickiHioii of iUt3 M/tttiUh, and the tH>|(iniiiiig of the ttijcletntk, century, aritte unto th« world : the tirHt wiw the Uttitrrection qf LUtrnture ; tlie MM-oiid wua the n|MMiiiif^ (if Jlmerica; the thirl wiw the HeJ'ormniion of Relif^on." TIi»ih fiu- we have an iimtnictive %'icw of the huIi ject, euli'ulalitu tu lead tu the eoiirluxion that,iu the dark ajreH, when literature waM neffli'Cted and forgotten, r»i/, 8el, theu to bo heard through tlie Roman empire.* If the Deirii hud anv expt'ctation, tiiat, by the peopling of Anierioa, he Hlionid utterly de|)rive any kiiropeaiiH of the two ItenetitM, literalure and re/ig'Mit, which dawned uihiu the miHcraye world, (one jniit before, the other jiiMt iif^erA tln^ first famed uuvigatiou hither, 'tia to be hoped he will be disappointetl of tJiat expectation."! The learned doctor, having forgotten what he iiad written in liin tirxt ImhiIc, or wiMhin|: to ineulrato liiH doctrine more firmly, nearly repeatH a iMMoage which he had at tinit given, in a distant part of hix work ; { but, there being considenibie addition, we re- rite it: "TIte uativea of the country now pomeased by the Newenglandertj, bad b<>en tbrlorn and wn;tchcd heaihen ever since their ArHt Iterding here ; an(i though we know not token or how these IiMliana first became iiduibitaiits of this mighty continent, yet vrit may gtu'ss that prohaldy the Deinl decoyed those miserable salvagtss hither, in hopes that the gospel of the Lord Jeeus Christ would never come liero to destroy or disturb his absolute empire over thetiL But our Eliot was in such ill terms with the Devit, as to alarm hiiu with tMunding tlie tUver trumpets of heaven in his territories, and make some noble and zealous attempts towards outing him of ancient itosscssions here. There were, I think, 20 several natmu (if I may call them so) of Indians upon that fipot of ground which fell under the iiifiuenco of our Three Vniied Colonies; and our Eliol was willing to rescue as many of them as he could from that old usurping landlord of America, who is, bv the wrath of God, the |M-ince if this woriiL** In 8<;veral places be is decidcu in the opinion that Indians are Scythians, and is confirmed in tlie opinion, on meeting with this puniage of Jidius Cresar: " DijKcUius Invenire quam interfuxre^ which lie thus renders, '' It is harder to find tliem than to foil them.'' At least, this is a happy appli- cation of the passage. Catsar was speaking of the Scythians, and our histo- rian applies the passage in speaking of the sudden attacks of the Indians, and their agility in bkliiig themselves from {lursiiit.^ Doctor Mather wrote at the close of the seventeenth centmy, and his famous book, Magnolia C.jHsti Americana, was published in 1702. Adair, who resided 40 years (he says) among the southern Indians, previ- ous to l??.*), published a huge quarto upon their origin, history, &c. lie tor- tures every custom and usage into a like one of the Jews, and almost every word °m their language into a Hebrew one of the came meaning. Doctor Boxulinol, in his Itook called "The Star in the West," has followed lip the theory of Adair, with such certainty, as he thinks, as that the "long lost ten tribes of Israel" are cleaiiy identified in the American Indians. Such * This, we ap|>rel*end, is no! entirely ori<;lnal with o«r aulbor, but borders upon nlagiarism. Ward, tUe celebrated author of the " Simple Cohler of Aggawam," sayg of the Irish, ■" These Irish (aiioieatly called anthropophagi, man-eaters) have a tradition ainon"f rticnu. that when tlie Devil showed our Saviour all the kingdoms of the earth, and thehr glory, that ho ^ would ivrt showfcim freland, but reserved it for himself. It is, probably, true ; (or he hath H kept it e\er since for his own pectiliar: the old fox foresaw it would eclipse the glory of all S the rest : he thought it wiidom to keep the land (or a Boggards (or his ui»clean spirits employed in this hemisphere, and the peojlle to do his son and fieir (the Pope) that service (or which Lems the Xl kept his Bari)or Oliver, whicli makes them so bloodthirsty." — Siimple Cobler, 86, 87. V.' hy so mtidi gall !s poilrcd out upon the poor Irish, we cannot &ntisfactorilv account The circtimstance of liis writing in the time of Cromwell will explain a part, if not the whole, of the enigma. He was the first minister of Ipswich, Massachusetts, but was burn and dietl III England. t MafuaJia Ckriit. Amer. b. L i Ibid, b, iiL $ Sec Magnalia, bu viL n ^iH n 10 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [Book I : i! Ill 1.1 theories have gained many supportera. It is of much liigher antiquity than Adair, and was treated as sucli vic^ionary speculations siioiiid be i)y autliors as far back as the historian Hubbard, who wrote about 1G80, and has tiiis among other passages: "If any observation be made of their manners and dis|)08i- tions, it's easier to say from wliat nations they did not, than from wliom tliey did, derive their original. Doubtless their conjecture who fancy them to be descended from the ten trilws of the Israelites, carried captive l)y Salamaneser and Esarhaddon, hath the least show of reason of any other, there being no footsteps to be observed of their propinquity to them more than to any otlier of the tribes of the earth, either as to their language or manners."* This antiior was one of the best historians of his times ; and, generally, he writes with as much discenunent upon other matters as upon this. That because the natives of one country and those of another, and each un- known to the other, have some customs and practices in common, it has been urged by some, and not a few, that they must have had a common origin ; but this, in our apprehension, does not necessarily follow. Who will pretend that different peoi)le^ vvhen placed under similar circumstances, will not have simi- lar wants, and hence similar actions? that like wants will not prompt like ex- ertions? and like causes produce not like effects? This mode of reasoning we think sufficient to show, that, although the Indians may have some customs in common with the Scythians, the Tartai-s, Chinese, Hindoos, Welsh, and indeed every other nation, still, the former, for any reason we can see to the contrary, have as good right to claim to themselves priority of origin as either or all of the latter. Doctor Robertson should have proved that people of color i)rr.duce others of no color, and the contrary, before he said, " We know with infallible certainty, that all the human race spring froui the 8an)e source,"! meaning Adam. He founds this broad assertion upon the false notion that, to admit any other would be an inroad upon the verity of the holy Scriptures. Now, in our view of the subject, we leave them equally inviolate in assuming a very different ground \\ namely, that all habitable parts of the world may have Imjcd peopled at tim sjmie time, and by different races of men. That it is so peo- pled, we knoic : that it icas so peo})led as far back as we have any account, we see no reason to disbelieve. Hence, when it was not so is as futile to inquire, as it would be impossible to conceive of the annihilation of space. When a new country was discovered, much inquiry was made to ascertain from whence came the inhabitants found upon it — not even asking whence came the other animals. The onswer to us is plain. Man, the other animals, trees and plants of every kind, were placed there by the supreme directing hand, which carries on every operation of natui-e by fixed and undeviating laws. Thip, it must be plain to every reader, is, at least, as reconcilable to the Bible history as the theory oi Robertson, which is that of Grotius, and all those who have followed them. When it has been given in, at least by all who have thought upon the sul)- ject, that climate does not change the complexion of the human race, to hold up the idea still that all must have sjjrung from the same source, [Adam,) only reminds us of our grandmothers, who to this day laugh at us when we tell them that the earth is a globe. Who, we ask, will argue that the nejrro changes his color by living among us, or by changing his latitude? Who have ever become negi'oes by living in their country, or among them ? Has the Indian ever changed liis complexion by living in London? Do those change which adopt our manners and customs, and are siuTounded by us ? Until these questions can be answered in the affirmative, we discard altogetiier that unitarian system of peopling the Avorld. We would indeed prefer Quid's method : — " Ponere durilicm coeperc, suumque rigornm ; Molliricjue mora, mollitaqiie duccro fnrmam. Mox ubi prevcrunl, naturaque milior illis Contigit," &c. dec. Metamor. lib i. fab. xi. Hist. New England, 27. , Why talk of a teienees of geogra —.ft. »...., ... f Hist. Amerira, book iv. X Why talk of a theory's clashing with lioly writ, and say nothing of the cerlaiuly of tha ' iphy> astronomy, geology, ic. 7 Chap. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 11 That is, Deucalion and Pyrrha performed the office by travelling over the country and picking up stones, which, as they cast tiieni over their heads, became young people as they struck the earth. We mean not to be understood that the exterior of the skin of people is not changed by climate, for this is very evident: but that the children of pei-sons would be any lighter or darker, whose residence is in a climate different from that ill which they were bom, is what we deny, as in the former case. As astonishing as it may appear to the succinct reasoner, it is no less true, that Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith has put forth an octavo book of more than 400 pages to prove the tmitif, as he expresses it, ' of the human race,' that is, that all were originally descended from one man. His reasoning is of this tenor: "The American and European sailor reside equally at the pole, and under the ef|uator." Then, in a triumphant air, he demands — "Why then should we, without necessity, assume the hypothesis that originally there existed diiferent species of the human kind.'"* What kind of argument is contained here we leave the reader to make out ; and again, when he would prove that all the human family are of the same tribe, he says that negro slaves at the suuth, who live in wliite families, are gradually found to conform in features to the wiiites with whom they live If Astonishing! and we wonder who, if any, knew this, beside the author. Again, and we have done with our extraordi- nary philosopher. He is positive that deformed or disfigured persons will, in process of time, produce offspring marked in the same way. That is, if a man practise flattening his nose, his oflTspring will have a flatter nose than he would have had, had his progenitor not flattened his ; and so, if this offspring repeat the process, his ofts|)ring will have a less prominent nose ; and so on, until the nose be driven entirely off* the face! In this, certainly, our author has taken quite a roundabout way to vanquish or put to flight a nose. We wish he could tell ns how many ages or generations it would take to make this formidable conquest. Now, for any reason we can see to the contrary, it would be a much less tedious business to cut oflT a memi)er at once, and thus accomplish the object in a short period; for to wait several generations lor a fjishion seems absurd in the extreme. A man must be monstrously blind to hi.s prejudices, to maintain a doctrine like this. As well might he nrgiie that colts would be tailless because it has long been the practice to shcien the tails of hoi-ses, of both sexes ; but we have never heard that colts' tails are in the least afiected by this practice which has been performed on tlie horse .so long. I Ccrtainh', if ever, we should think it time to discover something of it ! Nor liave we ever heanl that a female child has ever been born with its ears bored, although its ancestore have endured the painful operation for many generations — and here we shall close our examination of Mr. Smiih^s 400 pages. § Peo|)le d(>light in new theories, and often hazard a tolerable reputation for the sak(! of exhibiting their abilities upon a subject on which they have very vague, or no clear conceptions. Had Dr. Smith read the writings of Sir Thomas Broicn^ he could hardly have advanced such absiinl opinions as we liave before noticed; ifj indeed, lie were poi^sessed of a s-me mind. Dr. Brown w-as of the age previous to that in which Bvjfon lived. In speaking of complexion, he says, "If the fervor of the sun were the so'e caiiS! hereof, iri_ Kthiopia, or any land of negroes, it were also reasonable tiiat inhabitants of the same latitude, subjected unto the same vicinity of the sun, the same diiiriial arch and direction of its rays, should also partake of the same hue aiul coMiplexion, which, notwiths'ai'iding, they do not. For the inhabitants of the same latitude in Asia are of a different complexion, as are the inhabit- ants of Cand)ogia and .lava; insomuch that some conceive the negro is properly a native of Africa ; and that those places in Asia, inhabited now by * .Smlili on Complexion, N. Rrunwiok, N. J. 1810, p. 11. f H'i''. HO, 171. t Tlic autlior pleads not piiiliy to liie rliarge of plngiarism ; for il was not until some nionlln aner the text was written, tliat lie knew tlini even lliis idea had occurred to any one. He has iinre rca rejjeat any often copied 1 in some of ^ to the peo- fiment upon. * The com- ;re are found em upon it ? a the fields; m we should > pai^sat^e and nore like the at the cater- lally from an- s in America 1 always be what he has he engages ks, in which bllows:§§ — ieh America lated flies in ay be to dis- ill nature, |||| the color of approaching leards ; and I, nnH commoii- vn, Kt. M. I). ' nan and other avoir n^sflip'^ i et sans poil," |vo. vail donne aux uies CCS causes I however, only (mf.r. $38.) Riirtinsfton. buvres, iv. 18.) Chap. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 13 in the same latitude, other negroes with beards, bome of them having wool and some hair on their heads ; and among them other animals quite white, havin" neither hair nor wool, but a kind of while silk. It does Udt very clearly appear what should have prevented God from placing on another continent animals of the same species, of a copper color, in the same hititude in which, in Africa and Asia, they are found black ; or even from nmking tliem without beards in the very same latitude in which others jjoi^si'ss them. To what lengths are we carried by the rage for systems joined with the tyranny of prejudice! We see these animals; it is agreed that God has had the power to place them where they are ; yet it is not agreed that he has so placed them. The same persons who readily admit that the beavers of Canada are of Canadian origin, assert that the men must have cotne there in boats, and that Mexico must have been peopled by some of the descendants of Magog, As well might it be said, that, if there be men in the moon, they must have been taken there by Astolpho on his hipjiogriff, when he went to fetch Roland's senses, which were corked up in a bottle. If America had been discovered in his time, and there had then been men in Europe si/stem- atic enough to have advanced, with the Jesuit Lajitau,* that the Caril)bees descended from the inhabitants of Caria, and the Hurons from the Jews, he would have done well to have brought back the bottle containing the wits of these reasoners, which he would doubtless have found in the moon, along with those oWlngelicd's lover. The first thing done when an inhabited island is discovered in the Indian Ocean, or in the South Sea, is to inquire, Whence came these people ? but as for the trees and the tortoises, thejf are, without any hesitation, pronounced to be indigenous ; as if it were more difticult for nature to make men than to make tortoises. One thing, however, which seems to comitenance this system, is, that there is scarcely an island in the eastern or western ocean, which does not contain juggleix, quacks, knaves, and fools. This, it is probable, gave rise to the opinion, thai these animals are of the same race with ourselves." Some account of what the Indians themselves have said upon the subject of their origin may be very naturally looked for in this place. Their notions in this respect can no more be relied upon than the fiibled stories of the gods in ancient mythology. Indeed, their accounts of ])rimitive inhabitants do not agree beyond their own neighborhood, ami often disagree with themselves at different limes. Some say their ancestors came from the north, others from the north-west, others from the east, and othera from the west; some frouj the regions of the air, and some from under the earth. Hence to raise any theory upon any thing coming from them upon the subject, would show only that the theorist himself was as ignorant as his informants. We might as well ask the forest trees how they came planted upon the soil in which they grow. Not that the Indians are unmtelligent in other affairs, any further than the necessary consequence growing out of their situation implies; nor are they less so than many who have written upon their history. " In one grave maxim lot iis all agree — Nature ne'er meant her .secrets should be fonnd, And man's a riddle, which man can'l expound ! " Paine's Rut.iNG 1'.\ssion. The different notions of the Indians will be best gathered from their lives in their proper places in the following work. Dr. S. L. Miichill, of New York, a man who wrote learnedly, if not wisely, on almost every subject, has, in his opinion, like hundreds before him, set tlit; great question, Hoto was America peopled') at rest. lie has no doulit but the Indians, in the first i)lace, are of the same color originally as the north-eiistern nations of Asia, and hence sprung from them. What time he settles them in the country he does not tell tis, but gets them into Greenland about tin; year 8 or !K)0. Thinks he saw the Scandinavians as far as the shores of the St. Lawrence, but what time this was lie does not say. He must of course make * He wr te a history of the savages ol America, and mainlaiued that the Caribbee lan- guage was radicnlly Hebrew. ./a ^i^'\ m m 14 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [Book I. n these pooplc tlic builderd of the mounds scattered all over the western coun- try. Aller all, we apprehend the doctor would have short time for his emi- grants to do all that nature and ait have done touching these matters. In the fii-st place, it is evident that many ages passed aAvuy from the time these tumuli were begun until they were finished: 2d, a multitude of ages must liavc passed since the use for which they were reared has been known ; for trees of the age of 200 yeai-s gi-ow fro.n the ruins of others which must have had us great age: and, 3d, no Indian nation or tribe has the least tradition concerning them.* Tliis could not have happened had the ancestors of the present Indians been the erectors of them, in the nature of things.! The observation of an author in Dr. iZecs'a Encyclopedia, J although saying no more than has been already said in our synopsis, is, nevertheless, so hajtpy, that we should not feel clear to omit it: — "As to those who pretend that the human race has only of late found its way into America, by crossing the sea at Kanjschutka, or the Straits of Tschutski, either upon the fields of ice or in canoes, they do not consider that this opinion, besides that it is extremely (liilieuit of comprehension, has not the least tendency to diminish the i)rodi- gy ; for it would be siu'prising indeed that one half of our planet should have remained without inhabitants during thousands of years, while the other half Wiis peo|)led. What renders this opinion less probable is, that America is su|)|)oso(l in it to have had animals, since we cannot bring those species of animals from the old world which do not exist in it, as those of the tapir, the glama, and the tnjactu. Neither can we admit of the recent organization of mutter for the western hemisphere ; because, independently of the accuuni- lated difficulties in this hyj)othesis, and which can by no means be solved, we shall observe, that the fossil bones discovered in so many parts of Ameri- ca, and at such emull depths, prove that certain species of animals, so far from having been rectiutly organized, havo been annihilated a long while ago." Before we had known, that, if we were in error, it was in the company of philosophers, such as we have in this chapter introduced to our readers, we felt a hesitancy in avowing jiir opinions upon a matter of so great moment. IJiif, after all, as it is only matter of honest opinion, no one should be intoler- ant, although he may be allowed to make himself and even his friends merry at our ex|)ense. When, in the days of Chrysoatom, some ventured to assert their opinions of the rotundity of the earth, that learned father "did laugh at them." § And, when science shall have progressed sufficiently, (if it be possible,) to set- tle this question, there is a possibility that the Chrysostoms of these days will not have the sume excuse for their infidelity. Hut as it is a day of prodigies, there is some danger of treating lightly even tlie most seemingly absurd con- jectures. We therefore feel very safe, and more especially as it required con- eideraitle hardihood to laugh even at the theory of the late Mr. Symmes. When we lately took up a book entitled "Researches, Philosophical and Anti- quanan, concemins^ the Moriffinal History of America, by J. H. M'Culloh, Jr. M. D." II we did think, from the imposing appearance of it, that some new matters on the subject had been discovered; and nioreparticulmly wnen we read in the preface, that "his fii*st object was to explain the origin of the men and animals of America, so far as that question is involved with the apparent physical iuipedinieiUs that have so long kept the subject in total obscurity." Now, with what success this has heen done, to do the author justice, he shall speak for himself, and the reader then may judge for himself. "Before we attempt to explain in what manner the men and animals of America reached this continent, it is necessi ry to ascertain, if possible, the circumstances of their original creation ; for upon this essential partieidar de- j)ends the great interest of om* present investigation. [We are not able to discover that he has said any thing fcnther upon it.] It must be evident that we can arrive at no satisfactory conclusion, if it be doubtful whether the Crea- tor of the universe made man and the animals but in one locality, from wi ea thi th( m( wl nil 8p( * Or none but such as nre at variance wi.h all history and rationalily. + Arcliipologia Americana, i. 325, 32(), S'il, &,c. See Acosta's Hist. E. and \V. Indies, p. 1, ed. London, 1604. Published at Oaltimore, 1829, in 8vo. X Art. AxfRicA. !.i' [Book I. vestern coun- e for ills emi- tters. In the le time these of ages iiiiist I known ; for ch must liave east tradition ccstors of the hough saying ess, so iiappy, 3ten(l that tiie )ssing the sea Is of ice or in is extremely ish the i)rodi- it should have the other half at America is ose species of ' the tapir, the •ganization of ' the accumu- uis be solved, irts of Ameri- Is, so far from hile ago." e company of ir readers, we »rcat moment. II Id be intoler- fricnds merry to assert their gh at them." § ssible,) to set- se days will of prodigies, absurd con- equired con- •)}immes. ical and Anti- CULLOH, Jr. at some new Oily wnen we of the men the apparent til obscurity." stice, he shall animals of possible, the )artieular de- not able to evident that her the Crea- ocality, from t. A\£RICA. Chap. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 16 whence they were dispersed over the earth ; or whether he created them in each of those various situations where wo now find them living. So far as this inquiry respects mankind, there can be no reasonable ground to doubt the one origin of the species. This fact may be proved both physically and morally. [If the reader can discover any thing that amounts to jjroof in what follows, he will have made a discovery that we could not] That man, notwithstanding all the diversities of their appearance, are but of one species, is a truth now universally admitted by every physiological nutimilist. [That is, notwithstanding a negro be black, an Indian brown, a Europi.-aii white, still, they are all men. And then fellows a quotation from Doctor Lawrence* to (!orroboiate the fact that men are all of one species.j It is true, this i)iiysiologist does not admit that the human species had their origin but from one pair; for ho observes, the same species might have bcjn created at the same time in veiy different parts of the earth. But when wo have anaiyzcul tiie moral hisitory of mankind, to which Mr. Laivrence seems to have paiillittlo atti'iition, [and if our author has done it, we would thank liini to show us where we can find it,] we find such strongly- marked analogies in abstract matters existing among nations the most widely separated from each other, that we cannot doubt there has been a time, when the whole human family hav(! intimately participated in one conmion system of thirigs, whether it he of truth or of error, of science or of prejudice. [This does not at all agree with what he says afterwards, 'We have been unable to discern any trac"«: of Asiatic or of European civilization in America prior to the discovery of Columbus.' And again : 'In comparing the barbarian nations of America with those of the eastern continent, we perceive no j)oints of resemblance between them, in their moral institutions or in their hal)its, that are not appar- ently founded in the necessities of human life.' If, then, there is no affinity, other than what would accidentally happen from similar circumstances, where- fore tills prating about ' s/rong"/^-»iarA:e'8 of the climate, at any sea- son of tho year. 3Ioreover, the vocabulary we have given, if it prove any thing, |)roves that either the inhabitants of North America did not come in from the north-west, or that, if they did, some unknown cause nnist have, for ages, suspended all conuniniication between the emigrants and their anc(;slorH upon the neighboring shores of Asia. In 1822, there apj)eared in London a work which attracted some attention, as most works have upon similar subjects. It was entitled, " Description of the ruins of an ancient city, discovered near Pulen(pie, in the kingdom of Guatemala, in Spanish America: traiislateing asked leath before mt she waa I, pages 9, lOl lonneclicut. Justice. — A missionary residing among a certain tril)e of Indians, w.'S one day, after he had been preacliing to tiicni, hivitcd by their chief to viait hiii wigwam. After having been kindly entertained, aii»l lieing ulujut to depart, th "cliii'f took him by the hand and .siiid, " I have very bad squaw. She had two little children. One hUv. loved well, the other she hated. In a cold night, when I was gone hunting in the woo(ls, she shut it out of the wigwam, and it iVo/e to death. What mii.st Im! done with her?" The missionary replied, ".j welcomed. On inquiring the way, and the distance to the white settlements, l)eing told by the Indian that he could not go in the night, and being kindly oft'ered lodging and victuals, ho gladly n'freshed and repos<3d himself in the Indian's cabin. Jn the morning, he conducted him through the wilderness, agreeably to liis promise the night bi'fr»c, until they came in sight of tho habitations of the whites. As he was about to take his leave of the planter, he looked him full in the face, and asked him if he did not know him. Horror-struck at finding himself thus in the power of a man he had so inhumanly treated, and d'lmb with shame on thinking of the manner it was requited, he began at lenj,th to make excuses, and beg a thousand pardons, wlu!n the Indian interrupted liiin, and said, " When you see poor Iiidiaiis fiiinting for a cup of cold Water, don't say again, 'Get you gone, you Indian dog!'" He then dismissed him to return to his fiiends. Aly author adds, "It is not difficult to say, wiiich of these two had the best claim to the name of Christian."* Deception. — Tho captain of a vessel, having a desin; to make a present to a lady of^snme fine oranges which iie had just broiiidit from "the sugar islands," gave tliem to an Indian in his employ to carry to her. Lest he should not ])crf()rin the office punctually, he wroto a l-it r to her, to bo taken alon^f with th;; present, that she might detect the bearer, if he sliould fail to dclivi r the whole of what ho was intrusted wiih. Tlic Indian, during tiic joiuney, reflected how he should refresh liiiiiself with the rtiarige.-<, aiut not rie fouiul out. Not having any apprehension of the manner of coimniinication ny writing, he concluded that it was only necessary to keep his design secret froni'tlie letter itself, supposing that would tell of him if he did not; lie tlicre- fbre laid it upon the ground, and rollcil a large stone upon it, and retired to some distance, where he regaled himself with several of the oranges, and then proceeded on his journey. On delivering the remainder and the letter to the lady, she asked him where the rest of the oranges witc ; he said he had delivered all ; she told him that the letter said there were several more sent ; to which he answered that the letter lied, and she must not believe it. But he was soon confronted in his falsehood, and, begging forgiveness of the offence, was pardoned, f Shrewdness. — As Governor Joseph Dudln/ of Massachusetts was siiperin tending some of his workmen, he took notice of an able-bodied Indian, who, half-naked, would come and look on, as a pastime, to see his men work. The governor took occasion one day to ask him why he did not work rind s:et some clothes, loherewith to cover himself. The Indian answered by asking liim tohy he did not work. The governor, pointing with his finger to his head, said, "/ work head work, and so have no need to work with my hands as you should." The Indian then said he would work if any one would employ him. The ?•-• ii >r * Carey's Museum, vi. 40. t Uring's Voyage to N. England in 1709, 8vo. London, 1726. ■1 M if 1 90 INDIAN ANF.CDOTi:S AND NARRATIVES. [Book I l^ovprrior told liim liu wniitcd n calf killed, nnd tliat, if )ie would ^o nnd do it, lie would ^Mvc liiiii a Hhilliii^r. IIu acooptiid tlio od'cr, mid went iniincdiutvly and killed tliu cult', and then went Huiintcring about oh hcforc. Tho governor, on ol)»fer\ ing wliut he hud done, asked him why he i)id not dress the calf before he left it. The Indian answered, ".\b, no, Coponoh; that was not in llie biirgain : I was to have a shilling for killing him. Jim he no dead, Copon- oA?" [i,'overnor.] The governor, seeing himself thus outwitted, told him to dress it, and he would give him auoiher shilling. This done, and in |)ossession of two shillings, the Indian goes dircrtly to n grog-shop for rum. After a slir)rt stay, he returned to the governor, and told him he liad iriven him a bad shilling-piece, and pres«;nted a brass oik; to be exchanged. The governor, thinking possibly it might have been the case, gave him another. It was not long before lie returned a second time with another brass shilling to be exchanged ; the governor was now convinced of bis knavery, but, not caring to make words at the time, gave him another ; and thus the fellow got lour shillings for one. The governor determined to have tho rogue corrected for his abuse, and, meeting with liim soon after, told him he must take a letter to Boston for him [and gave him a halfa crown for the servici;.] * The letter was directed to the keeper of bridewell, ordering him to give the bearer so many lashes ; but, mistrusting that all was not exactly agreeable, and meeting a servant of the governor on the road, ordered him, in the name of his master, to carry the letter iimnediately, ns he was in haste to return. The consequence was, this servant got egregiously whipped. When the governor learned what had taken place, he felt no little chagrin at being thus twice outwitted by the Indian. He did not see the follow for some time after this, but at length, falling in with him, asked him by what means he had cheated and deceived him so many times. Taking the governor again in his own play, ho answered, pointing with his finger to his head, " Head work, Coponoh, head work ! " The governor was now so well pleased that he forgave the whole offence.f Equality. — An Indian chief, on being asked whether his people were free, answered, "Why not, since I myself am free, although their king.'"! Matrimony. — " An aged Indian, who for many years had spent much time among the white people, both in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, one day, about the yet 1770, observed that the Indians had not only a much easier way of getting a wife than the whites, but also a more ccitain way of getting a good one. 'For,' said he in broken English, 'white man court — court — may be one whole year ! — may be two years betbre he marry ! Well — may be then he get very good wife — but may be not — may be very cross ! Well, now suppose cross! scold so soon as get awake in the morning! scold all day ! — scold until sleej) ! — all one — he must keep liim ! — White people have law forbidding throw away wife he be ever so cross — must keep him always ! Well, how docs Indian do? Indian, when he see industrious squaw, he go to him, place his two fore-fingers close aside each other, mako two like one — then look squaw in the face — see him smile — this is all one he say yes ! — so he take him home — no danger he be cross I No, no — squaw know too well what Indian do if he cross! throw him away and take another I — Squaw love to eat meat — no husband no meat. Squaw do every thing to please husband, he do every thing to please squaw — live happy.' " § Toleration. — In the year 1791, two Creek chiefs accompanied an American to England, where, as usual, they attracted great attention, and many flocked around them, as well to learn their ideas of certain things as to behold " the savages." Bteing asked their opinion of religion, or of what religion they were, one made answer, that they had no priests in their country, or established religion, for they thought, that, upon a subject where there was no possibility of people's agreeing m opinion, and as it was altogether matter of mere * A sentence added in a version of this anecdote in Carey's Museum, vi. 204. t Uring, tit supra. 120. ^ Carey's Museum, vi. 482. {i HecktModder'i Hist. Ind. Nations. '] Tha Chap. Ill] INDIAN ANi:CIK>TE.S AND NARRATIVES. 31 oi)iiiinn, " it was l>eHt tlint nvrry one hIiouI«1 paddle his canoe }ii0 own way." Hero irt a voliitne uf iiihtnictioii in a Hliort answer ot'a suvagu! Justice. — A white trader sold a qnantity uf |)owder to an Indian, id im powd ii|ion liini by ninivin^ liitn hcliove it was a grain which grew like wheat, hy ."owing it noon the ground, lie wan greatly elated hy the pro8|)ect, not only oi' raising iiiii own powder, hut of being able to supply others, and there- by Itecotning iniineiidely rieh. Having prtipared his ground with great cans lie sowed his powder with the utmost exactness in the spring. Motith atler month passed away, but his powder did not even sprout, and winter came before he was satisfied that lie had lieen deceived. He said nothing; hut some time after, when the trader had forgotten the trick, the same Indian suc- ceeded in getting credit of him to a large amount. The time set for payment having expired, he sought out the Indian at his residence, and demanded pay- ment ibr his goods. The Indian heard his demand with great complaisance ; then, looking him shrewdly in the eye, said, " A7e pay you when my powder prrow." This was enough. The guilty white man (luickly retraced his steps, Kutistied, we apprehend, to balance his account with the chagrin he had re ceived. Hiinling. — The Indiana had methods to catch game which served them ex- tremely well. The same month in which the Mayflower brought over the forefathers, November, 1G20, to the shores of Plimouth, several of the/ii ranged about the woods near by to leani what the country contained. Having wandered farther than they were a|)prized, in their endeavor to return, they say, "We were shrewdly puzzled, and lo.st our way. As we wandered, we came to a tree, where a yomig sprit was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. So, as we wen; looking at it, fViUiam Bradford being in the rear, when he came looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught up by the legs. It was (they continue) a very pretty device, made with a rope of their own making, [of bark or some kind of roots probably,] and having a noose as artificially made as any roper in England can make, and as like ours as can be; which we brought away with us."* Preaching against Practice. — Johk Simon was a Sogkonate, who, about the year 1700, was a settled minister to that tribe. He was a man of strong mind, generally temperate, but sometimes remiss in the latter particular. The fol- lowing anecdote is told as characteristic of his notions of justice. Simon, on account of his deportment, w^as created justice of the peace, and when dif- ficulties occurred involving any of his people, he sat with the English justice to aid in making up judgment. It happened that Simon^s squaw, with some others, had committed some offence. Justice Mmy and ■S'tmmt, ir making up their riiinds, estimated the amount of the offence differently ; Mmy thought each should receive eight or ten 8trij)e3, but Simon said, "No, jour or Jive are enotigh — Poor Indians are ignorant, and it is not Christian-like to punish so harmy thjse who are ignorant, as those who have knowledge." Siman^s jude- pient prevailed. When Mr. Jllmy asked John how many his wife should receive, he said, ^^ Double, because she had knowledge to have done tetter,*" but Colonel Almy, out of regard to Jchn^s feelings, wholly remitted his wife's punishment. John looked very serious, and made no reply while in presence of the court, but, on the first fit opportunity, remonstrated very severely against his judgment, and said to him, " To xehai purvose do toe preach a relx- gwn of justice, if we do unrighteousness in judgment 'i Sam Hide. — There are few, we imagine, who have not heard of this per- sonage ; but, notwithstanding his great notoriety, we might not be thought serious in the rest of our work, were we to enter seriously into his biography; for the reason, that from his day to this, his name has been a by-word in all New England, and means as much as to say the greatest of liars. It is on account of the following anecdote that he is noticed. * Mourt's Relation. -iiM ■i U INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [Rook I, Sam Hi/fe ubh n ntttorioiis cidnMjriiikrr ns wril iw* liiir, iind iiwd to travel (he ^•oiinlry to niiil fro bi'gpiti^ it from door to door. At ono tirrio he hnpprru-d til a rt'j^iori ot' fouiitry whrns cider wiw very hard to Ik- procured, eith»'r from itH Hcnrcity, or frotii Sam'a frequent viNilH. However, cider lie was deteriiiiiied to have, il' lying, in any shape or color, would tfain it. liein^ not far from th(! hoiim; of aii acipiaintance, who he knew had cider, hut hi.' knew, or wun Well HatiHfied, that, in the ordinary way of hugt'in^', h(! could not get it, he MCt his wits at work to lay a plan to insure it. This did not occupy him long. On arriving at tin; house of the gentleman, instead of asking for cider, he in- quired for the man of the house, whom, on appearing, ortanct« to communicate to him. When they were by themsi'ves, Sttm told him he had that morning shot a fuic deer, and that, if ho would give him a crown, he would tell him where it was. Tlu; gentleman did not incline to do this, hut offered half ii crown. Finally, Sam said, ns he had walked a great distance that morning, and was veiy diy, for a lialf a crown and a nnig of cider he would tell him. This was agreed upon, and the i)rice paid. Now Sam was re(|nin'd to point out the sjiot where the deer was to he found, which he did in this manner. IFe said to his friend, Yoii know of such a memlotc, describing it — Yt's — You know a higasli tree, witli a bis! top hif the little brov^ — Yes — ff'ell, under that tree lie.i the deer. This was satisfactory, and Sam departed. It is unnecessai^ to mention that the meadow was foimd, and the tree by the brook, but no deer. The duped man could hardly contain himself on considering what he had been doing. To look after Sam for satisfaction vvoidd be worse than looking after the deer , so the farmer concluded to go home contented. Some years after, ho happened to fall in with the Indian ; and he immediately Ijegon to rally liim for deceiving him so, and demanded back his money and pay for his cider and trouble. ffhy, said Sam, would you find faxdl if Indian told tndh half the time ? — No — tVell, mys Sam, you find him meadow'? — Yes — You find him tree'^ — Yes — What for then you find faxdt Sam Hide, loAen he told you tico truth to one lie'? The affair ended here. Sam heard no more from the farmer. This is but one of the numerous anecdotes of Sam Hide, -vhich, could they he collected, would fill many pages. He died in Dedham, 5 January, 173^, at the great age of 105 years. He was a gnat jester, and passed for an un- common wit. In oil the wars apainst the Indi.nns during his lifetime, he served the English faithfully, and had the name of a brave soldier. lie had himself killed 19 of the enemy, and tried hard to make up the 20th, but wos imable. Characters contrasted. — "An Indian of the Kenncbeck tribe, remarka- ble for his good conduct, received a grant of land from the state, and fixed himself in a new township where a number of families kvere settled. Though not ill treated, yet the common prejudice against Indians j)revented any sym- pathy with him. This was shown at the death of his only child, when none of the people came near him. Shortly afterwards he went to some of the inhabitants and said to them, IVhen tohite man^a child die, Indian man he smry — he help bun/ him. — Wnen my child die, no one speak to me — / make his gjavc alone. I can no live here. He gave up his farm, dug up the body of his child, and carried it with him 200 miles through the forests, to join the Conada Indians ! "* A ludicrous Error. — There was published in London, in 1762, "The American Gazetteer," &c.t in which is the following account of Bristol, R. I. " A county and town in N. England. The capital is remarkable for the King of Spain^s having a palace in it, and being killed there ; and also for Crown the poet's begging it of Charles II." The blunder did not rest here, but is found in "The N. American and the West Indian Gazetteer," J &c. Thus Philip of Spain seems to have liad the misfortune of being mistaken for Philip of the Wampanoags, alias Pometacom of Pokanoket. * Tudor's Letters on the Eastern States, 294. t 2d edition, 12nio, London, 1788, also anonymous. t 3 vols. 12mo. without name. ker [Rook 1. o trav«'l the liappt'iicd oitlitT from (letrriiiiiH'il not fur from [it'W, or wun got it, \u' Mrt >y liiiu lon^. c-iiltT, lie iii- ucsted to go icato to liini. fr shot a lilK! vlicrc it was. m. Fiiiully, vi\H very dry, S WUH HirrtMil «• Hiiot wiiore to liis iVi«'ii(l, f rt,«/i tref, with ■r. TiiiH was t tlio iTipatlow od man cmild iijr. To look ; deer , so the e happpiK'd to for deceiving • and trouble. Ihe time?— No free ■?— Yes— ruth to one lie ? ich, could they (January, 1732, sed for an un- its lifetime, he dier. lie had 20tli, but waa [ihe, remnrka- tate, and fixed Jttled. Though Inted any sym- ]1d, when none pome of the . man he sorry lake his grave X of his child, [n the Canada 1769, "The ht of Bristol, Vrkable for the and also for Inot rest here, |ttf.er," X &c. mistaken for Chaf. Ill] OP CUSTOMS ANO MANNERS. 23 vilhoul name. Oripin or .Xtrnninff of Ihe .Yame Cttnadn.—h is said, that Canada wns diwov- i-red liy the S|mniard»s iM'f'ore the time of ('artier, and that the |{«y of Cha- Ifurs was diwroverofl Itv them, and is the sairie as the Hnife ilea h]x])atci\ole» ; and that the S|KUiianU, not meeting with any apfM-anuices of mines of lh« precious tnetals, said to one another, nr.n nadn, which in their language signi- licd, mlhinsr here, and forthwith dc|»arted liom the eoimtry. The Indiuns, having heard these wonls, retained them in their memories, and, when the h'rench came among them, made use of tln'm, probably by way of salutation, not understanding their import; and they >vere supposed by the voyagers t<» be tlie name of the i-ountry. It was only necessary to dn»p the first letter, and us»i the two wonis as two syllublcH, and the word Ciinndn was complete.' JliU as long ago ns when Father Charlevoix wrote his admirable llrsToar OF Xrw Francf, he added a note u|ion the derivaticm of the name Vanaila^ in which he sjiid some derived it from an Inxpiois word meaning an assem- blage of houses.f Doctor / R. Forxter has a learned note upon it idso, in his valualiii; account of Voyae;ts and Dismverivs in the jYorlh. He objects to the ,1ra .Vrt'/rt origin, becau'se, in Spanish, the wonl for here is not aca, but amii, and that to form Canada from .Iqninada woidd he forced and uimatural. Yet lie says, " III ancient maps we often tind Ca: daJVaila" that is, Cape Nothing. " liiit'liom a (.'aiiadian niidiau] vocabulary, annexed to the original edition of the second voyage of Jtuiiies Curlier, Paris, 1545, it appears, that an assem- blage of houses, or habitations, i. e. a town, was by the natives called Canada. Curlier s;iys, Ilz appellent une Ville— Canada" Mr. Heckewelder is of much the same opinion iw Charlevoix and Forster. He says, that in a iiraycT-book in th(! Mohawk language, he read ".Ve KA.vADA-g-ong/i Konwayatsk J^'azareth^'' which was a translation of "in a citv called Nazareth." Origin of the .Varne Yankee. — Anbury, an author who did not respect the Americans, any more than many others who have Iweii led captive by them, has the following jiaragraph ujion this word | — "The lower class of these Yan- kees — apro|)os, it may not be amiss here just to observe to you the etymology of this term : it is derived from a Cherokee word, eankke, which signifies coward i-nd slave. This epithet of yank ee was liestowed uj)on the inhal)itants of N. England by the Virginians, for not assisting them in a war with the Cherokees, and they have always been held in derision by it. But the name has been more prevalent since [1775] the commencement of hostilities; the soldiery at Boston used it as a term of reproach ; but afler the afliiir at Bun- ker's Hill, the Americans gloried in it. Yankee-doodle is now their pa)an, a favorite of favorites, played in their army, esteemed as warlike as the grena- dier's march — it is the lover's spell, the nurse's lullaby. After our rapid suc- cesses, we held the yankees in great contempt ; but it was not a little morti- fying to hear them play this tune, when their luiny marched down to our sur- render." § But Mr. Hecketcelder thinks that the Indians, in endeavoring to pronounce the name English, could get that sound no nearer than these letters give it, yengees. This was perhaps the true origin of Yankee. A singidar Stratagem to escape Torture. — "Some years ago the Shawano Indians, being obliged to remove from their habitations, in their way took a Muskohge warrior, known by the name of old Scmnr/, prisoner ; they bas- tinadoed him severely, and condemned him to the fiei7 torture. He under- * The autliors who have adopted this opinion, arc Doctor Matlter, [iMnj^nalia, B. viii. 71 ;1 Harris. [Voyasjes, ii.349 ;] Moll, f(5cog. li. 191-,] J. Long, [Vo^ajjes and Travels, 2 j] Doz- rnan, [Maryland, 35;] Moulton, [N. York, i. 131 ;] Martin, [Louisiana, i. 7.] Josselyn and Jetfrys seem to be without company as well as authorities tor their dsrivalid.is. The former [i\. England Rarities, .5] says, Canada was " so called from Monsieur Cane." The latter [Ifist. America, 1] says, " Canada, in the Indian language, signifies the Mouth of thu Country, from can, mouth, and ada, the country." t Quelques-unes derivent ce nom du mot Iroquois Kannata, qui se prononce Canada, et sig- nifie un amas de cabannes. Hist. Nouv. France, i. 9. t Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, 1776, &c. vol. ii. 46,47. Anbury was an officer in General Burgmjne's army, and was among the captives surrendered at Saratoga. $ This derivation is almost as ludicrous as thai given by Irviiig in his Knickerbocker. :( 24 ANECDOTES, &c., ILLUSTRATIVE [Book 1. went n gi'ont deal without Hliowing any con "em ; liis conntcnance and beha- vior woie U8 if he suffered not the least pain. He told his pereecutora with a bold voire, that he was a warrior ; that he had gained most of his martial reputation at the expense of their nation, and was desirous of showing them, in the act of dying, that he was still as much their sui>erior, as when he headed his gallant countrymen : that although he had fallen into their hands, and for- feited the protection of the divine power by some impurity or other, when carrying the holy ark of war against his devoted enemies, yet he had so much remaining virtue as would enable him to punish himself more exquisitely than all their despicable, ignorant crowd possibly could ; and that he would do so, if they gave him liberty by untying him, and handing him one of the red-hot gun-barrels out of the fire. The proposal, and his method of address, ap])eared HO exceedingly bold and uncommon, that his request was granted. Then suddenly seizing one end of the red-hot barrel, and brandishing it from side to side, leaped down a prodigious steep and high bank into a branch of tlie river, dived through it, ran over a small island, and passed the other branch, amidst a shower of bullets ; and though numbi^rs of his enemies were in close pursuit of him, he got into a bramble-swamp, through which, though naked and in a mangled condition, he reached his own country." .^n unparalleled Case of Suffering. — "The Shawano Indians captured a warrior of the Anantoocah nation, and put him to the stake, according to their usual cruel solemnities : having unconcernedly suffered much torture, he told them, with scorn, they did not know how to punish a noted enemy; therefore he was willing to teach them, and would confirm the truth of his assertion if they allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe and some tobacco, which was given him ; as soon as he had lighted it, he sat down, naked as he was, on the women's burning torches, that were within his circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least discomposure : On this a head warrior lea[)ed up, and said, they saw plain enough that he was a warrior, and not afraid of dying, nor should he have died, only that he was both spoiled by the fire, and devoted to it by their laws ; however, though he was a very dangerous enemy, and his nation a treacherous people, it should be seen that they paid a regard to bravery, even in one who was marked with war streaks at the cost of many of the lives of their l)eloved kindred ; and then by way of favor, he with his friendly tomahawk instantly put an end to all hia pains." * Ignorance lite Offspring of absurd Opinions. — The resolution and courage of the Lidians, says Colonel Jlogers, " untlcr sickness and pain, is truly surpris- ing. A young woman Avill be in labor a whole day without uttering one groan or cry ; should she betray such a weakness, they would immediately say, that she was unworthy to l>e a mother, and that her offspring could not fail of being cowards." f Jl JVorthem Custom. — When Mr. Heame was on the Coppermine River, in 1771, some of the Copper Indians in his company killed a number of p^squi- manx, by v.hich act they considered themselves unclean ; and all concerned in the minder were not allowed to cook any provisions, either for themselves or others. They were, however, allowed to vnt of others' cooking, but not until they had painted, with a kind of red earth, all the si)ace between their nose and chin, as well as a greater part of their cheeks, almost to their cars. Neither would they use any other dish or pipe, than their own. | Jlnotlwr Pocahontas. — While Lewis und Clarke were on the shore of the Pacific Ocean, in 1805, one of their men went one evening into a village of the Killutnuk Indians, alone, a small distance from his party, and on the opposite side of a creek from that of the encampment. A strange Indian happened to be there also, who expressed great respect and love for the white • Tliu Iwo preceding rolalinns are from Lover's Voynges and Travels, 72 and 73, a book of small prctciisiniH, but one of ilie best on Indian history. Its author lived among the Indiaiu of the North-Wcst, as an Indian trader, about Id years. t Concii* Account of N. America, S12. t Journey to tht Northtm Ocean, 205. [Book 1. Chap. Ill] OP MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 25 e and beha- Litors with a hia martial )wing them, sn he headed ids, and for- otlicr, when lad so much [uisitely than would do so, r the red-hot BBS, upi)earcd nted. Then • it from side •ranch of the Bther branch, were in close iiough naked 3 captured a rding to their )rt«rc, he told ny; therefore lis assertion if f them a pipe hted it, he sat ere within his mposure: On that he was a ,y that he wob ver, iliouffh he lople, it should i marked with red ; and then end to all his nd courage of truly surpris- uttcring one immediately fing could not iiine River, in [ber of Esqui- lall concerned lor themselves iking, but not Ibetween their to their cars. shore of the |to a village of and on the |trango Indian for the white jid 73, a book of Long (lie Indiani Ocean, 206. man ; but in reality he meant to murder him for the articles he had about him. This happened to come to the knowledge of a Ciiinnook woman, and she determined at once to save his life : therefore, when the white man was about to return to his companions, the Indian was going to accompany him, and kill him in the way. As they were about to sot out, the woman caught the white man by the clothes, to prevent his going with the Indian. He, not under- standing her intention, pulled away Irom her ; but as a last resort, she ran out and shrieked, which raised the men in every direction ; and the Indian became alarmed for his own safety, and made his escape before the white man knew he had been in danger. Self-command m Time of Danger. — There was in Carolina a noted chief of the Yunioisees, who, in the year 1702, with about GOO of his countrymen, went with Colonel Daniel and Colonel Moore against the Spaniards in Flori- da. His naiii^ was Jlrratommakaw. When the English were obliged to ubaudun their undertaking, and as they were retreating to tlieir boats, they became alarmed, supposing the Spaniards were u|)on them. Jlrratommakaw, having arrived ut the boats, was reposing himself upon his oars, and was fast asleep. The soldiers rallied him for being so slow m his retreat, and ordered him to make more haste: "Hut he replied, 'No — though your governor LEAVES YOU, I WItL NOT STIR TILL I HAVE SEEN ALL MY MEN BEFORE ME.' " Indifference. — ^rehihau was a^ suchem of Maryland, whose residence was upon tlie Potomack, when that country was settled by the English in 1(533-4. The place of his residence was named, like the river, Potomack. As usual with the Indians, he received the English under Governor Calvert with great attention. It should be noted, that Archikati was not head sachem of the Potomaeks, but governed instead of his nejihew, who was a child, and who, like the head men of Virginia, was called uteroioance. From this place the colonists sailed 20 leagues farther up the river, to a place called Piscattaway. Here a werowance went on board the governor's pinnace, to treot widi him. On being asked whether he was willing the English should settle in his country, in cose they found a place convenient for them, he made answer, " / will not bid you go, neither will i bid you stay, but you may use your own discretion." * Tkeir JVoliona of the Learning of the Whiles. — At the congress at Lancaster, in 1744, between the government of Virginia and tlie Five Nations, the Indians were told that, if they would send some of their young men to Vir- ginia, the English would give them an education at their college. An orator replied to this offer as follows: — "We know that you highly esteem the kind of learning taught in those colleges, and that the maintenance of our younr men, while with you, would be very expensive to you. We are convinced, therefore, that you mean to do us good by your proposal, and we thank you heartily. Ilut you who are wise must know, that different nations have differ- ent conct'irtions of things ; ond you will therefore not take it amiss, if our ideas of this kind of education happen not to be the same with yours. We have had some experience of it: several of our young peo|)le were formerly brought ii|) at the colioges of the northern provinces ; tTiey were instructed in all your sciciMrcH ; but when they came back to us, they were bad runners ; ignorant of every means of living in the woods; unable to bear either cold or hmiger ; knew neither how to build a cabiti, take a deer, or kill an enemy ; spoke our Ian; iiaj/e imperfectly; were therefore ncMther fit for hunters,' warriors, or counsellors; tluiy were totally good for nothing. We are, however, not the lew o!)liged by your kind offi-r, though we diiclme accepting it : and to show mw grateful sen.« of it, if the geiitltjmen of Virginia will send us u . It is the same often toM, and alluded to by Franklin, in the text. To reward the Iiulians for their kindness, she rauscd corn to (rrow where her right hand touched the earth, beans where the left rested, aud tobacco where she was seated. [Book I it iinpro|)er, 3 said, a: the g lioH upon advantage; Breutly upon liaas seldom By should be We oftener ig oin- jndg- Dr. Franklin, isqiichnnnah pal liistorical 3t parents by his miracles stood up to It is indeed much obliged m have heard of his nation, tobacco,* he were sacred chood.' The lends luive not m in the ndes ie those rules, lur people are m where they 3 effect of the ; fVe have,^ say Is, tve wish jfbr rselves behind company.^ " 3 exact notice writing,) and council, and years hack ; act. He that hen ho has licet, that, if add, he may on convcrsn- e conduct of ithont some |how (liffrrcnt u-op<', Mhere, Mit oft" in the 1), and never FranMin, we often finrl it vho consider lie dcgi-oe, in ', like ship v-ns fed hy the I often told, and \ss, site raugcd Id, and tobacco Chap. III.] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS. 27 '5 I driven by a north-wester, bearing down the small craft in her course, come upon us by surprise, and if we attempt to proceed by raising our voices a little, we are sure to be drowned by a much greater elevation ou their |)art. It is a want of good breeding, which, it is hoped, every young person vvliose eye this may meet, will not be guilty of through life. There is great oppor- tunity for niany of n)ature years to profit by it. Lost Confidence. — An Indian runner, arriving in a village of his country men» requested the immediate attendance of its iidiabitauts in council, as he wanted their answer to important information. The |)eo|)le accordingly assembled, but when the messenger had with great anxiety delivered his message, and waited lor an answer, none was given, and he soon observed that he was like- ly to be left alone in his place. A stranger present asked a principal chief the meaning of this strange proceeding, who gave this answer, " He once told us a lie." Comic. — An Indian having been found frozen to death, an inquest of his countrymen was convened to determine by what means he came to such u death. Their verdict was, "Death from the freezing of a great quantity of water inside of him, whicli they were of opinion he had drunken for rum." Jl serious (^tiestion. — About 1794, an officer presented a western chief with a medal, on one side of which President Washington was represented as armed with a sword, and on the other an Indian was seen in the act of burying the hatchet. The chief at once saw the wrong done his countrymen, and very wisely asked, " Why does not the President bury his sword too"?"* Self-esteem. — A white man, meeting an Indian, accosted him as brother. The red man, with a great expression of meaning in his countenance, in(|uired how they came to be brothel's; the white man replied, O, by way of Adam, I suppose. The Indian added, ".We thank him Great Spirit we no nearer brothers.''^ A Preacher taken at his Word. — A certain clergyman had for his text on a time, " Vow and paif unto the Lord thy vows," An Indian happemxl to he present, who stepped up to the priest as soon as he had tinished, and saiil to him, "Now me t>ow me go home with you, Mr. Minister." The priest, having uo language of evasion at couunand, sitid, " You must go then." When he had arrived at the home of the minister, the Indian vowed again, saying, "Now me vou> me have supper." When tJiis was finished he said, " Me vow me stay all night." The prie.-^t, by this time, thinking himself sufficiently taxed, re- plied, "It may be so, but I vow you sliall go in the morning." Tiie Itulian, judging from the tone of his host, that more vows would be useless, departed in the morning sans cMmonie. A case of sy^al Barbarity. — It is related by Black Hawk, in his life, that some tinte before the war of 1812, one of the Indians had killeer took him [»risoner, and scid they woidd shoot him next day! His family v/ere encamped a short dis- tance below the mouth of the Ouisconsin. He b^^gged pertnis^ion to go and see them that night, as he was to die the next day ! They permitted him to go, after promisiuf^- to return the next morning by sunrise. He visited his fiunily, which consisted of a wiie and six eliildren. I cannot deseriite their meeting and parting, to be tmderstood by tlie whites ; as it appears t!iat their leelings are acted u|)on by certain ndes laid down by their preachers! — whilst ours are governed only by the monitor within us. He i)arted from his wife and eliil- dreti, hurried through the |)rairie to tiie fort, and arrived in time! The sol- diers were ready, and inniiediutely marched out and shot him down !! " — If this were not cold-hloodtul, deliberate nmrder, on the part of the whites, 1 have no conception of what constitutes that cri/ne. What were the circumstances of tiie nnnder we are not informed ; but whatever they may hav(! been, they cannot excuse a still greater Imrbarity. 1 would not by any means he inider- stood to advocate the cause of a munlerer; but I will ask, whether crime is to be prevented by crime : nntrder for minder is oidy a brutal retaliation, ex- cept whore the safety of a comnumity requires the sacrifice. » Elliot's Works, 178. I ■', P :^:& if:, m I- ^i NARRATIVES, &e., ILLUSTRATIVE [Book I Mourning tmu:h in a short Time. — " A young widow, whose husband had been dead aliout eight days, was hastening to finish her grief, in order that she might be married to a young warrior: she was determined, therefore, to grievu much in a short time ; to this end she tore lier hair, dranli spirits, and beat her breast, to make tlie tears flow abundantly, by whicli means, on the evening of the eighth day, she was ready again to marry, having grieved suf- ficiently." * How to evade a hard Question. — " When Mr. Gist went over the Alieganies, in Feb. 1751, on a tour of discovery for the Ohio Company, 'an Irviian, who spoifc good English, came to him, and said that their great man, the Beavfr,\ and Captain Oppamyluah, (two chiefs of the Delawares,) desired to know where the Indians land Iny; for the French o'uimed all the land on one side of the Ohio Kivor, and the English on the other.' This question Mr. Gist found it hard to answer, and ho evaded it by saying, that the Indians and white men were ul! subjects to the same king, and all had an equal privilege of taking up and possessing the land in conformity with the conditions prescribed by the king." I Credulity its own Punishment. — The traveller Wcmsey, according to his own account, would not enter into conversation with an eminent chief, because he had heard that it had been said of him, that he had, in his time, "shed blood enough to swim in." He had a great desire to become acquainted with the Indian character, but his credulity debarred him effectually from the gratifi- cation. The chief was a Creek, named Flamingo, who, in company with another called Double-head, visited Philadelphia as ambassadors, in the sum- mer of 1794. Few travellers discover such scrupulousness, especially those who come to America. That Flamingo was more bloody than other Indian warriors, is in no wise probable; but a mere report of his being a great shed- der of blood kept Mr. fVansey from saying any more about him. Just Indignation. — Hatuat, a powerful chief of Hispaniola, having fled from thence to avoid slavery or death when that island was ravaged by the Spaniards, was taken in 1511, when they conquered Cuba, and burnt at the stake. Afier being bound to the stake, a Franciscan friar labored to convert him to the Catholic faith, by ])romises of immediate and eternal bliss in the world to come if lie would believe ; and that, if he would not, eternal tor- ments were his only portion. The cuzique, with seeming composure, asked if there were any Spaniards in those regions of bliss. On being answered that there were, he replied, " Then I ttnll neak nt all ?" added the governor. " No, he no speak at all." "That certainly looks susmcious," said his excellency, and inquired if he were still there, and being told that he was, ordered the promised mug of flip. When this ivas disposed of, and the Indian was about to depart, he mildly said, "Mr. ^iube- nor, my squaw have child last night;" and thus the governor's alann was suddenly «;hanged into disappointment, and the strange Indian into a new- born pap[)oo8e. Mammoth Bones. — ^The followmg very interesting tradition concerning lljese bones, among the Indians, will always be read with interest. The ani- mal to which they once belonged, they called the Big Buffalo ; and on the Account of the United Slates by Mr. f.iaiic Holmes, 3(; l^rrkKnKlir ilia cnmA lUA tiaUA jmlmAil in M/u^lf V ao i t Probably ibe same we have noticed I Sparks's Washington, ii, 16. in Book V. as King Beavtr. [Book I. lusband had In order that therefore, lO k epu-its, aud leans, on the grieved suf- e Alieganies, Irvclian, who ! Beaver,\ and know where le side of the Gist found it id wliite men ege of taking prescribed by ig to bis own :f, because he , "shed blood inted with the im the gnitifi- jompany with s, in the sum- pecially those 1 other Indian a great shed- t. J, having fled ivaged by the burnt at the Chap. HI.] EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. 29 t I to convert bliss in the eternal tor- iposure, asked II g answered ere 1 may meet an visited the took occasion ifigwani to let is fidelity, the ion, he would " Well, Mr. 8 the govern- " What, no That certainly till there, and ^hen this was "Mr. ' tube- 's alarm was into a new- concerning The ani- : and on the I''- early maps of the country of the Ohio, we see marked, " Elephants' bones said to be found here." They were, for some time, by many supposed to have heea the bones of that animal ; but they are pretty generally now believed to have belonged to a 6i)ecies of animal long since extinct. They have been found in various parts of the country ; but in the greatest abundance about tlu> salt licks or springs in Kentucky and Ohio. There has never been an entire skeleton found, although the one in Peale's museum, in Philadelphia, was so near perfect, that, by a little ingenuity in supplying its defects with wood- work, it passes extremely well for such. The tradition of the Indians concerning this animal is, that he was carniv- orous, and existed, as late as 1780, in the northern |)arts of America. Some Delawares, in the time of the revolutionary war, visited the governor of Vir- ginia on business, which having been finished, some questions were put to them concerning their country, and especially what they knew or had heard respecting the animals whose bones had been found about the salt licks r-: the Ohio River. " The chief speaker," continues our author, Mr. Jefftraon, " immediately put himself into an altitude of oratory, and, with a p« unfi suited to what he conceived the elevation of his subject," began and rupeated as follows : — " In ancient times, a herd of these tremendous animals came to the Big-bone Licks, and began an universal destruction of the bear, deer, elks, buffa- loes, and other animals, which had been created for the I'^s of the Indians : the great man above, looking down and seeing this, was so enrajed, that he seized his liglUning, descended to the earth, and seated himself o^ a neighboring mountain, on a rock of which his seat and the print of his feet are stiU to be seen, and hurled his bolts among them till the whole were slaughtered, except the big bull, who, presenting his forehead to the shafts, shook them off as they fell ; but missiiig one ai length, it wounded him in the side ; whereon, springing round, he bounded over the Ohio, over the Wabash, the Illinois, and, finally, over the great lakes, where he is living at this day^ Such, say the Indians, is the account handed down to them from their ancestors, and they could furnish no other information. JVarrative of the Captivity and bold Exploit of Hannah Duston. — The rela- tion of this affair forms the XXV. article in the Decennium Luctuosiim of the Magnalia Christi Americana, by Dr. Cotton Mather, and is one of the best- written articles of all we have read from his pen. At its head is this signifi- cant sentence — Dux Foemina Facti. On the 15 March, 1697, a band of about 20 Indians came unexpectedly upon Haverhill, in Massachusetts ; and, as their numbers were small, they made their attack with the swiftness of the whirlwind, and as suddenly disap- peared. The war, of which this irruption was a part, had continued nearly ten years, and soon afterwards it came to a close. The house which this party of Indians had singled out as their object of attack, belonged to one Mr. Thomas * Duston or Dunatan,^ in the outskirts of the town. I >Ir. Duston was at work, at some distance from his house, at the time, and whether he was alarmed for the safety of his family by the shouts of the Indians, or other cause, we are not informed ; but he seems to have arrived there time enough before the arrival of the Indians, to make some arrangements for the preserva- tion of his children ; but his wife, who, but about a week before, had been confined by a child, was unable to rise from her bed, to the distraction of her agonized husband. No time was to be lost ; Mr. Duston had only time to direct his children's flight, (seven in numlier,) the extremes of whose uges were two and seventeen, and the Indians were upon them. With his gun, the distressed father mounted his horse, and rode away in the direction of the childi-en, whom he overtook but about 40 rods from the house. His first intention was to take up one, if possible, and escape with it. He had no sooner overtaken them, than this resolution was destroyed ; for to rescue either to the exclusion of the rest, was worae than death itself to him. He therefore faced about and met the enemy, who had closely pureued him ; each fired * ^r- Mynck's Hist. Haverhill, 86. f Hutchinson. { Eighi houses were destroyed at this time, 27 persons killed, and 13 carried away captive. In Mr. B. L. Myrick's History of Haverhill, are the names of the slaiu, &c. a* ' i-lA ' I'-J i T •^'v $> ;«>>• ao EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. ;.j:u; [Book I. upon the other, and it is almost a miracle that none of the little retreating party were hurt. The Inditms did not pursue long, from fear of raising tlie neighhoring English before they could complete their object, and hence this part of the family escaped to a place of safety. We are now to enter fully into the relation of this verj' tragedy. There was living in the house of Mr. Duslon, as nurse, Mrs. Mary JVeff,* a widow, whose heroic conduct in sliaring the fate of her mistress, when escape was in her power, will always be viewed with admiration. The Indians were now in the undisturbed possession of tiie house, and having driven the sick woman from her bed, cojnpelled her to sit quietly in the corner of the fire-place, while they completed the pillage of the house. This business being finished, it was set on fire, and Mrs. Duaton, who before considered herself unable to walk, was, at the approach of night, obliged to march into the wilderness, and take her bed upon the cold ground. Mrs. JVeff too late attempted to escape with the infant child, but was intercepted, the child taken from her, and its brains beat out against a neighboring apple-tree, while its nurse was compelled to accompany her new and frightful masters also. The captives amounted in all to 13, some of whom, as they became unable to travel, were murdered, and left exposed upon the way. Although it was near night when they quitted Haverhill, they travelled, as they judged, 12 miles before encamping; "and then," says Dr. Mather, "kept up with their new masters in a long travel of an hundred and fifty miles, more or less, within a few days ensuing." f After journeying awhile, according to their custom, the Indians divided their prisoners. Mre. Duston, Mrs. J^eff, and a boy named Samuel Leonardson, I who had been captivated at Worcester, about 18 months before, fell to the lot of an Indian fannly, consisting of twelve persons, — two men, three women, and seven children. These, so far as our accounts go, were very kind to their prisoners, but told them there was one ceremony which tjiey could not avoid, and to which they would be subjected when they should arrive at their place of destination, which was to run the gantlet. TJie place where this was to be pertbrmed, was at an Indian village, 250 miles from Haverhill, according to the reckoning of the Indians. In their meandering couree, they at length arrived at an island in the mouth of Contookook River, about six miles above Concord, in New Hampshire. Here one of the Indian men resided. It had been determined by the captives, before their arrival, that an eftbrt should be made to free themselves from their wretched captivity ; and not only to gain their liberty, but, as we shall presently see, something by way of remuneration from those who held them in bondage. The heroine, Dttston, had resolved, upon the firet opj)ortunity that offered any chance of success, to kill her captora and scalp them, and to return home with such trophies as would clearly establish her reputation for heroism, as well as insure her a bounty from the public. She therefore communicated her design to Mrs. JVeff and the English boy, who, it would seem, readily enough agreed to it. To tlie art of killing and scalping she was a stranger ; and, that there should be no failure in the business, Mrs. Diiston instructed the boy, who, from his long residence with them, had become as one of the Indians, to inquire of one of the men how it was done. He did so, and the Indian showed him, with- out mistrusting the origin of the inquiry. It was now March the 31, and in the dead of the night following, this bloody tragedy was acted. When the Indians were in the most sound sleep, these three captives arose, and softly arming themselves with the tomahawks of their masters, allotted the number each should kill ; and so truly did they direct their blows, that btit one escaped that they designed to kill. This was a woman, Avhom they badly wounded, and one boy, for some reason they did not wish to harm, and accordingly ho was allowe(i to escape unhurt. Mrs. Duston killed her master, and Leonard- ,fon killed the man who had so freely told him, but one day before, where to (ileal a deadly blow, and how to take off* a scalp. * She was a dnufrhler of (roor^e Corliss, and married William Ntff, who went aftiT the army, nnd died at I'ommaqiiid, Feb. 1688. Mijrick, Hist. Havl. 87. t Their course was probably very iudirect, to elude pijursuit. X Hist. Haver*iill, 89 >^ [Book I. ! retreating raising tlie hence tliis dy. There * u widow, escape was iidians were driven the arner of the tiis business considered d to march Irs. Xeff too ed, the child e-tree, while masters also, me unable to h it was near ed, 12 miles ih their new less, within a i divided their Mrdson,\ who to the lot of 5 women, and kind to their uld not avoid, at their place this was to be , according to Ihcy at length X niiles above ed. It had lat an eftbrt ity ; and not iig by way of roine, Duston, of success, to 1 trophies as insure her a esign to Mrs. agreed to it. . there should who, from his inquire of one ed him, vvith- le 31, and in 1. When the [>se, and softly d llie number . one escaped dly wounded, ccordingly ho and Leonard- ore, where to CuAr. Ill] DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY, M o went after the St. Httver^iiU, 89 All was over before tlie dawn of day, and all things w»:n( got ready for leaving this place of blood. All the boats but one were scutlleil, to prevent being pursued, and, with what provisions and arms the Indian cump atlbnled, tliey embarked on board the other, and slowly and silently took the coui>e of the'Merrimack River for their homes, where they all soon after arrived with- out accident. The whole country was astonished at the relation of the affair, the truth of which was never for a moment doubted. The ten scalps, and the arms of the Indians, were evidences not to be questioned ; and the general court gave tlioni fifty pounds as a reward, and numerous other gratuities were showered upon them. Colonel jVicholson, governor of Maryland, hearuig of the transac- tion, sent them a generous present also. Eight other houses were attacked besides Dttston's, the owners of which, says the historian of that town, Mr. Myrick, in every case, were slain while defending them, and the blood of each stained his own door-sill. .Yurraiive of the Destruction of Schenectady*— TWis was an event of great distress to the whole country, at the time it happened, and we are able to give some new facts in relation to it from a manuscript, which, we believe, has never before been )mblished. These facts are contained in a letter from Gov- ernor Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, to Governor Hinckley, of Plimouth, dated about a month after the affair. They are as follow: — " Tho' you cannot but have heard of the horrid massacre committed by the French and Indians at Senectada, a fortified and well compacted to^vn 20 miles al)ove Albany (which we harl an account of by an express,) yet we think we have not discharged oiH- duty till you hear of it from us. 'Twas upon the Eighth of February, [lG8!)-90] at inidnight when those poor secure wretches were surprised by the enemy. Their gates were open, no watch kept, and hardly««{iny order observed in giving and obeying commands. Sixty of them were butchered in the place; of whom Lieut. Talmage and four more were of Capt. BiUPs com- pany, besides five of said company carried captive. By this action the French nave given us to understand what we may expect from them as to the fron- tier towns and seaports of New England. We are not so well acquainted what number of convenient Havens yoti have in your colony, besides those of Plimouth and Bristol. We hope your prudence and vigilance will lead you to take such measures as to prevent the landing of the enemy at either of those or any such like plat*:." f We now proceed to give such other facts as can be gathered from the numerous printed accounts. It appears that the government of Canada had planned several expeditions, previous to the setting out of this, againsrt various important points of the English frontier, — as much to gain the Avarriors of the Five Nations to their interest, aa to distress the English. Governor De JS/on- ville had sent over several chief sachems of the Iroquois to France, where, as usual upon such embassies, great pains were taken to cause them to enter- tain the highest opinions of the glory and greatness of the French nation. Among thetn was Taweraket, a renowned warrior, and two others. It appears that, during their absence in France, the great war between their countrymen and the French had ended in the destruction of Montreal, and other places, as will be seen detailed in our Fifth Book. Hence, when Count Frontenac arrived in Canada, in the fall of 1G89, instead of finding the Iroquois ready to join him and his forces which he had brought from France for the conquest of New York, he found himself obliged to set aiiout a reconciliation of them. He therefore wisely despatched Taweraket, and the two others, upon that design. The Five Nations, on being railed ii|)on by these chiefs, woidd take no step without first notifying the English at Albany that a council was to be called. The blows which had been so lately given the French of Canada, had lulled tho English into a fatal security, and tliey let this council pass with too little attention to its proceedings. On the other hand, the French were * This was the Gprman name of a^ine barren, such as slrclches itself between Albany and Scheneclaily, over which is now a rail-road. t Frencii siiips, with land forces aud munitionii, had, but a short lime before, hovered upon the coast. ): V '■■ ■ i * <1 W Vl*( MiSV m m DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. [OuoK I. f^ i .- fully and ably represented ; and the rcHult was, the existing breach was set in a fair way to be closed uj). This great council was begun 22 January, IblK), and consisted of eighty sachems. It was opened by Sadekanaghiie,* a great Oneida chief. Monnwhile, to give employment to the Indians who yet remained their friends, the ex|»ediiion was begun which ended in the destruction of Schenec- tady. Chief Justice Sm.ith\ wrote his account of that affair from a manuscript letter left by Colonel Schuyler, at that time mayor of Albany ; and it is the most particular of ony account yet published. It is as follows, and boars date 1,5 February, 1689:— After two-and-twenty days' morch, the enemy fell in with Schenectady, Fcbruai7 8. There were about 200 French, and perhaps 50 Caughnewaga Mohawks, and they at first intended to have surprised Albany ; but their march had been so long and tedious, occasioned by the deepness of the snow and coldness of the weather, that, instead of attempting any thing offensive, they httd nearly decided to surrender theins«;lves to the first English they should meet, such was their distressed situation, in a camp of snow, but a few miles from the devoted settlement The Indians, however, saved them from the disgrace. They had sent out a small scout from their party, who entered Schenectiidy without even exciting suspicion of their errand. When they had staid as long as the nature of their business required, they withdrew to their fellows. Seeing that Schenectady offered such an easy prey, it put new courage into the French, and they came upon it as abo\e related. The bloody tragedy commenced between 11 and 12 o'clock, on Saturday night; and, that every house might be surprised at nearly the same time, the enemy divided them- selves into {Nirties of six or seven men each. Although the town was impaled, no one thought it necessary to close the gates, even at night, presuming the severity of the season was a sufHcient security ; hence the first news of the approach of the enemy was at every door of every house, which doors were broken as soon as the profound slumbers of those they were intended to guard. The satne inhuman barbarities now followed, that were afterwards perpetrated upon the wretched inhabitants of Montreal.^ "No tongue," said Colonel Schuyler, " can express the cruelties that were committed." Sixty-three houses, and the church, § were immediately in a blaze. Enciente women, in their expiring agonies, saw their infants cast into the flames, being first delivered by the knife of the midnight assassin ! Sixty-three || persons were put to death, and twenty-seven were carried into captivity. A few persons fled towards Albany, with no other covering but their night- clothes ; the horror of whose condition was greatly enhanced by a great fall of snow ; 25 of whom lost their limbs from the severity of the frost. With these poor fugitives came the intelligence to Albany, and that place was in dismul confusion, having, as usual upon such occasions, supposed the enemy to have been seven times more numerous than they really were. About noon, the next day, the enemy set off from Schenectady, taking all the plunder they could carry with them, among which were forty of the best horses. The rest, witli all the cattle and other domeatic animals, lay slaughtered in the streets. One of the most considerable men of Schenectady, at this time, was Captain Jilexander Glen. H He lived on the opposite side of the river, and was suffered to escape, because he had delivered many French prisoners from torture and slavery, who had been taken by the Indians in the former wars. They had passed his house in the night, and, during the massacre, he had taken the alarm, and in the morning he was found ready to defend himself. Before leaving the village, a French officer summoned him to a council, upon the shore of the river, with the tender of personal safety. He at length adventured (iown, and had the great satisfaction of having all his captured friends and relatives delivered to him ; and the enemy departed, keeping good their promise that no injury should be done him. || i * SudageenaslUie In Pownal on the Colonies, I. 398. t See Book V. § Spafford. il Charlevoix calls him The Sieur Cottdre. t Hist. N. York. II Colden, 115. \v:\ Chap. Ill] DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. ;j3 Tlifi great Mohawk castle was about 17 miles from Sclicrtcctndy, and tliey (lifrinninj?of Febninry, tlipy arrived within two l«!nf,nicH of .SclienictiKJy. Hfi" tlioy Imltctl, and the Greet Jignier, chief of the lro(|uoisof th(! Tails of St. hoiiist, nindon apeccli to tiicm. 1 1«! exhorted «v«iy oik; to (orj^et the hiinlnhipH they had endured, in the hojie of Mven}rin{» the wrongs they had for a long time Hiifii-n d from the j)erfidioii8 Knglish, who were tli(! uuthoiH of ihetn; and in the close added, that tliey coiihl not doiiht of the usisistunco of Heaven against the encndea of God, in u cuiiho so jUHt. Ihinlly had they taken np their line of nmrch, wlien they met 40 Indian Women, who gave tliem nil the necei^sary iidormafion for approaching the |)lac(; in sulety. A Canadian, named Giijuiere, was detached immediately with nine Iii«liuns upon discovery, who acrputted himself to the entire sutiHtuction ol' his otlicers. Ho reconnoitred Schenectady at his leisure, ami then rejoined his comrades. It had !)( en determined hy the party to put ofF the attack one day longer; lint on th(! arrival of tlie scout under Giguiere, it was resolved to proceed wiilumt delay. ychenei'tady was then in form like that of a long square, and entered by two gate.s, one at each end. One 0[)ened towards Albany, the other upon the great road leading into the back country, and which was now possessed by the French and Indians. Manttt and SI. Helene charged at the second gate, which the Indian women before mentioned had assured them was always open, and they found it so. D'IbtnUle and Repentigni passed to the left, in order to enter by the other gate, but, after losing some time in vainly endeavoring to find it, were obliged to return and enter with their comrades. The gate was not oidy open hut unguarded, and the whole party entered without being discovered. Dividing themselves into several parties, they waylaid every portal, and then the war-whoop was raised. Mantel formed and attacked a garrison, where the oidv resistance of any account was made. The gate of it was soon forced, and all of the English fell by the sword, and the garrison was burned. Montigni was wounded, in forcing a house, in his arm and body by two blows of a halberd, which put him hora du combat ; but St. Helene being come to his assistance, the house was taken, and the wounds of Montigni revenged by the death of all who had shut themselves up in it. Nothing was now to be seen but massacre and pillage in eveiy place. At the end of about two hours, the chiefs, believing it due to their safety, posted bodies of guards at all the avenues, to prevent surprise, and the rest of the night was spent in reireshing themselves. Mantet had given orders that the minister of the place should be spared, whom he had intended for his own prisoner; but he was found among the promiscuous dead, an I no one knew when he was killed, and all his papers were burned. After the place was destroyed, the chiefs ordered all the casks of intoxicat- ing liquors to be staved, to prevent their men from getting drunk. They next t^et all the houses on fire, excepting that of a widow, into which Montigni had l)een carried, and another belonging to Major Coudre : they were in num- ber about 40, all well built and fiirnished ; no booty but that which could be easily transported was saved. The lives of about 60 persons were spared ; chiefly women, children, and old men, who had escaped the fury of the onset, and 30 Indians who happened to be then in the place. The lives of the Indians were spared that tliey might carry the news of what had happened to their countrymen, whom they were requested to inform, that it was not against them that they intended any harm, but to the English only, whom they had now despoiled of property to the amount of four hundred thousand poimds. They were too near Albany to remain long among the ruins, and they decamped about noon. The plunder — Montigni, whom it was necessary to carry — the prisoners, who were to the number of 40 — and the want of provisions, with which they had in their hurry neglected to provide them- selves — retarded much their retreat. Many would nave even died of famine, had they not had 50 horses, of which there remained but six when they of [Book I fei\ within nier, cliief c cxlioitc'cl ;' nv('i)|:ing s Kii^'lish, could not in u cunso 40 Indian iicliiiij; tliu liatfly with BtttiHliiction en rejoined lay longer ; to proceed entered by er ui)on the assessed by the second I them was ussed to the ne in vainly If comrades, arty entered jartic'S, tliey tntet formed it was made. B sword, and house, in his combat; but I the wounds ;s up in it. y place. At alety, posted e rest of the d be spared, i among the 1 his papers intoxicat- nnk. They ich Montigni ere in num- ich could be ere spared; the onset, lives of the happened to it was not only, whom :ed thoiisand is, and they his necessary [the want of lovide them- 1 of famine, when they Chap. Ill ] MURDER OF MFSS M'CREA. 35 of arrived at Montreal, upon the 27 March following.* Their want of provisions ol)lig<'d tlieeu to separate, and in an attack v,.iich was rnndo upon one party, three ludiaiiH and six Frenchmen were killed or taken ; an attack, which, for want of proper caution, cost the army more lives than the captin-c; of ScIh;- necta tli«! fiiinily of Mrs. AkJSi'eil, near Fort Fdward, at the close of tlie week, she was a.sked to remain until Monday. On Sunday morning, when the Indians came to the house, she concealed hei"self in the cellar; but they dragged her out by the hair, and, j)laciug her on a horse, proceeded on the road towards Sandy Hill. They soon met another |)arty of Indians, re •urning from Argyie, where they had killed the family of Mr. Bains; these I idians disapproved the jiur- poso of taking the captive to the Hritish camp, and one of them struck her with a tomahawk and tore off" her scalp. This is the accotmt given by her nephew. The accomit of Mrs. McJVeil is, that her lover, nuxious for her safety, em|)loyed two Indians, with the j)romis!>i of a barrel of rum, to bring her to him ; and that, in consetpience of tlieir dispute for the rifdit of conduct- ing her, one of them nnirdered her. Gen. Gates, m his letter to Gen. Burgoyne of 2 September, says, 'she was dressed to receive her proirised husband.' " Her brother, on hearing of her fiite, sent his family the next day to Albany, and, repairing to the American camp, buried his sister, with one Lieutenant Van Vechten, three miles south of Fort Edward. She was 23 years old, of an amiable and virtuous character, and highly esteemed by all her acquaintance. It is said, and was believed, that she was engaged in marriage to Captain David Jones, of tiie Britisli army, a loyalist, who survived her only a few years, and died, as was supposed, of grifif for her loss. Her nephew, Colonel James McCr':a, lived at Saratoga, in l^'28."f Under the name of Lncinda^ Barlow has dwelt upon this murder in a strain that may be Imitated, but not surpassed. We select liom him as follows: — "Ono Heed slinll Ipll what fiime er of Indians surroiaided the hotiso of one John Merril, which was discovered by the Imrking of a dog. Merril stepped to the door to see whnt he could discover, and received three niusket-balls, which caused him to full back into the house with a broken leg and arm. The Indians rushed on to the door ; btit it being instantly ftisteneu by his wife, who, with a girl of about 15 years of age, stood against if, the savages could not immediately enter. They broke one part of tne door, and one of them crowded j)artly through. The heroic mother, in the midst of her screaming children and groaning husband, seized an axe, and gave ii fatal blow to the savage ; and Tie fulling headlong into the hotise, the others, sup- nosing they had gained their end, rushed afler him, until four of them fell m like manner before they discovered their mistake. The rest retreated, which gave opportunity again to secure the door. The conquerors rejoiced in their victory, hoping they had killed the whole company ; btit their expectations were soon dashed, by finding the door again attacked, which the bold mother endeavored once more to secure, with the assistance of the young woman. Their fears now came on them like a flood ; and they soon heard a noise on the top of the house, and then fotmd the Indians were coming down the chimney. All hopes of deliverance seemed now at an end ; but the wounded man ordered his little child to tumble a couch, that was filled with hair and feathers, on the fire, which made such a smoke that two stout Indians came tumbling down into it. The wounded man, at this critical moment, seized a billet of wood, wounded us he was, and with it succeeded in despatching the half-smothered Indians. At the same moment, the door was attempted by another ; but the heroine's arm had become too enfeebled by her over-exertions to deal a deadly blow. She however caused him to retreat wounded. They then again set to work to make their house more secure, not knowing but another attack would be made ; but they were not funher disturbed. This affair happened in the evening, and the victors carefully watched with their new family until morning. A prisoner, that escaped immediately afler, said the Indian last mentioned was the only one that escaped. He, on returning to liis friends, was asked, 'What news?' said, 'Plaguy- bad news, for the squaws fight worse than the long-knives.' This affair happened at Newbordstown, about 15 miles from Sandy Creek, and may be depended upon, as I had the pleasure to assist in tumbling them into a hole, afler they were stripped of their head-dresses, and about 20 dollars' worth of silver furniture." Welsh or White Indians. " jyarrative of Capt. Isaac Stuart, of the Provincial Cavalry of South Carolina, taken from his oum mouih, by I, C, Esq., March., 1782. " I was taken prisoner, about 50 miles to the westward of Fort Pitt, about 18 years ago, by the Indians, and carried to the Wabash, with other white men. They were executed, with circumstances of horrid barbarity ; but it was my good fortune to call forth the sympathy of a good woman of the village, who was permitted to redeem me from those who held me prisoner, by giving them a horse as a ransom. Afler remaining two years in bondage, a Spaniard came to the nation, having been sent from Mexico on discoverieBk CHAr. III.J WHITE INDIANS. •7 Ht; iiiuilo appliciuion to tlie rliicfb of the IiitliuiiH fur hiring nic, aiul another >vhitf man who wuh in the liki> Hitiiation, n native of Wu1i-h, aiu\ named John Dnvey, which was coniphtul with. We tooi< our dtipartiiru and travclli'd to tiie vvfHtward, crosHing tiie Mii^stMippi near Ilrd River, op wiiich we travrlU'd upwards of 700 niiies. Men- we came to a nation of Indians rctnarkubly white, and whose hair was of a reddi>'li color, at leaist, mostly so. They liv(;d on a small river which em|itied itself into Red River, which they called tho River I'ost ; mid in the morning, r'"- /|uy atler our arrival, the Welshman informed me that he was determined to remain with the nation of Indians, giving as u reason that he understood their language, it lieiiig very littli^ ditler- ent fiiim tJie Welsh. My curiosity was excited very much l»y this information, and I went with my companion to the chief men of the town, who intormeii liim, ill a language that I liiul no knowledge ot) and which had no atliiiity with that of any other Indian tongue that I ever heard, that the forefathers of this nation came from a foreign country, and landed on the east side of the Missis- sijipi (descrihing particularly the country now called West Florida); ami that, on the Spaniards taking possession ot the country, they fled to their then alxxle ; aiuL, as a priM)!' of what they advanced, they brought out rolls of Imrchment wrote with bine ink, at least it had a bluish cast The cliaracterM did not understand, and the Welshman being unac(|uainted with letters of any language^ I was not able to know what the meaning of the writing was. Tliey were a Itold, liunly, intrepid people, very war' ike, and their women wttni beautiful, co(n|)arcil with otiier Indians." Thus we have given so much of Captain Stuart^s narrative ns relates to tho White Lndians. The remainder of it is taken un in details of several excur sions, of many hundred mile^, in the interior ot the continent, without any extraordinary occtirrencc, eju;ept the fuuling of a gold mine. He returned by way of the Mi^issippi, and was (tonsidcre ' a man of veracity by tho late Lieiitenant-coiouel Cruger, of iSoutli Carolina, who recommended him to the gentleman who communicated his narrative. I had determiiKul formerly to devote a chapter to the examination of the subject of the White Indians ; but, on reference to all the sources of informa- tion in mjr possecsion, I found that the whole rested upon no other authority than such as we have given almve, and therefore concluded to give the most interesting parts of the accounts without comment, and let the reader draw liis own conclusions. There seem to have been a good many accounts con- cerning the White Indians in circulation about the same period, and the next we shall notice is found in Air. Charlea Bealiy'a journal, the substance of which ia as follows : — At the foot of the Alleghany Mountains, in Pennsylvania, Mr. Bmity stopped at the house o( n Mr. John MUkr, where lie " met with one Benjamin Sulton, who had been taken captive by the Indians, and had l)een in diflerent nations, and lived many years among them. When he was with the Choctaws, at the Mississippi Riyer, he went to an Indian town, a very considerable distance from New Orleans, whose inhabitants were of diflTerent complexions, not so tawny as those of tlie other Indians, and who spoke Welsh, lie saw a book among them, which he supposed was a Welsh Bible, which they carefully kept wrapped up in a skin, but they could not read it ; and he heard some of those Indians afterwards, in the lower Shawanee town, speak Welsh with one Lewis, a Welshman, captive there. This Welsh tribe now live on the west side of the Mississippi, a great way above New Orleans." At Tuscarora valley he met with another man, named Levi Hicks, who had lieen a captive from his youth with the Indians. lie said lie was once attend- ing an ejubassy at an Indian town, on the west side of the Mississippi, where the inhal)itants spoke Welsh, "as he was told, for he did not understand them " himselC An Indian, named Joseph Peepy, Mr. Beaitxfs interpreter, sjiid he once saw some Indians, whom he supposed to be of the same tribe, who talked Welsh. He was sure they talked Welsh, for he liad been acquainted with Welsh people, and knew some words they used. To the above Mr. Beatly adds: "I have been informed, that many years ago, a clergyman went from Britain to Virginia, and having lived some time there, went from thence to ^. CaroUna ; but after some time, for some reason, I'.t.l \\-:i^ I |h''*>« ' m:':-^. Kfi-' . ISI !"■;.; 1 / ■ 1 •■; ■ '1 '■ '' 1 ^- '■•■ 1 ^^: ]• ■■ ' !■ :-^ ! i I m hit m I Hi'' 38 WHITE! INDIANS. [Book I he resolved to return to Virginia, and accordingly set out by land, accom- panied with some other persons. In travelling through the back parts of the coimtry, which was then very thinly inhabited, he fell in with a party of In- dian warriors, going to attack the inhabitant" of Virginia. Upon examining the clergyman, and finding he wns going to Virginia, they looked upon him and his companions as belonjjinglothat province, and took them all prisoners, and told them they must die. The clergyman, in preparation for another v/oild, wont to pmyer, and, being a Welshman, prayed in the Welsh langiiage. One or more of the Indians was much surprised to hear him pray in their own language. Upon this they spoke to him, and finding he could under- stand tli< tn, got the sentence ot ' eath reversed, and his life was saved. They took liiiii with them into their country, where he found a tribe whose native lan<(uage was Welsh, though the dialect was a little different from his own, which he soon came to understand. They showed him a book, which he found to be the Bible, but which they could not read ; and on his reading and explaining it, their regard for him was much heightened." After some time, the minister proposed to these people to return to his own country, and prom- ised to return again to them with others of his friends, who would instruct them in Christianity ; but not long af\er his return to Englatid, he died, which put an end to his design. It is very natm-al to inqtiin bow these Indians, though descended from the Welsh, came by books ; for 'A is well known that the pciod at which the WeLdi must have come to Ataorica, was long before printing was discovered, or that any writings assr (I iM the form of books as we now have them. It should l>e hvire noted thai Mr. Beatty travelled in the autunm of 17(36. Major i?og-er», in his "Concise Account of North America," published in 1765, notices the White Indians ; but the geography of their country he leaves any where on the west of the Mississippi ; probably never having visited them mself, although he tells us he had travelled very extensively in She interior. 'This fruitful coniitr)'," he says, "is at present inhabited by a nation of In- dians, called by the others, the White Indians, on account of their complex- ion ; they heing much the fairest Indians on the continent. They have, how- ever, Indian eyes, and a certain guilty Jewish cast with them. This nation is very numerous, being able to raise between 20 and 30,000 fighting men. They have no weapons but bows ait ) arrows, tomahawks, and a kind of wooden pikes, for which reason they otlen sutrer greatly from the eastern Indians, who have the use of rire-arms, a: d fVrqni'ntly visit the white Indians on the banks of the easterly branch, [of /.Tuddy River '^ and kill or captivate them in great numbers. Such as fidi abve into their hands, they generally sell for slaves. These Indians live in large towns, and have commodious houses; they raise com, tame the wild cows, and use both their milk and flesh ; they keep great numbers of dogs, and are very dextrous in hunting ; *hey have lit- tle or no commerce with any nation that we at present are ac(iuaintod with." In the account of Kentucky, written in 1784, by an excellent writer, Mr. John Filson, we find as follows: — After noticing the voyage of JWck/oc, who with his ten shijjs with emigrants sailed west about 1170, and who were, accord- ing to the Welsh historians, never heard of after, he proceeds: — "Thisaccoimt has at several times drawn the attention cf the world ; but as no vestiges of them had then been found, it was concluded, perhaps too rashly, to be a fable, or at least that no remains of the colony existed. Of late years, however, the western settlers have received frequent accounts of a natioii, inhabiting at a great distance >ip the Missouri, in manners « nd ai)j)earance resembling the other Indians, but speaking Welsh, and retaiiiing some ceremonies of the Christian worship; and at length this is universally believed there to be a fact. Capt. Abraham Chaplain, of Kentucky, a gentleman whose veracity may be entirely depended upon, assured the author that in the late war [revolution] bsiiig with his company in garrison, at Kaskaskia, some Indians came there, and, speaking the Welsh dialect, were jierfectly understood and converse(l with by two Welshmen in his cotnpany, and that they informed them of the situation of their nation as rnentioiKMl al)ove." Htnry Ker, who travelled among l:l tribes of Indians in 1810, &c., names one near a great mountain which he calls Mnacedeus. He said Dr. SiUey ■f I [Book I nd, accom- Mirts of the larty of In- examining upon liini 1 prisoners, for another h language, ray in their juld under- ved. They rhose native im liis own, [, which he reading and • some time, , and prom- uld instruct died, which ed from the t which the I discovered, re them. It 1766. pultlished in try he leaves visited them I ihe interior, nation of In- eir complex- y have, how- fhis nation is ; men. They i of wooden ern Indians, idians on the ptivate them arally 8«M1 for ous houses; 1 flesh ; they hey have lit- unted with." ter, Mr. John )C, who with vetc, accord- rhis accoinit ) vestiges of to he a fable, lowc'ver, the Ihahitiug at a imbling tiie lonies of the to be a fact, [icity may he [revolution] came there, conversed them of the &c., names lid Dr. SibUy Chap. IV] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 39 had told him, when at Natchitoches, tliat a number of travellers had assured him, that there was a strong similarity between the Indian language and many words of the Welsh. Mr. Ker found nothing among any of the Indians to indicate a Welsh origin until he arrived among the Mnacedeus. Here he found many customs which were Welsh, or common to that people, and he adds; "I did not understand the Welsh language, or I should have been en- abled to have thrown more light upon m interesting a subject," as they had "printed books among them which were preserved with great care, they having a tradition that they were brought there by their forefathers." Upon this, in another place, he observes, "The books ap|)eared very old, and were evident- ly printed at a time when there had been very little im|>rovement made in the casting of types. I obtained a few leaves from one of the chiefs, sufficient to have thrown light on the subject; but in my subsequent disputes with the Indians, I lost them, and all my endeavors to obtain more, were ineffectual." How or at what time these Indians obtained " printed books," Mr. Ker does not give us his opinion ; although he says much more about them. There are a great number of others who have noticed these Indians ; but affer an examination of them all, I am unable to add much to the above stock of information concerning them. U|)on the whole, we think it may be pretty safely said, that the existence of a race of Welsh about the regions of the Missouri does not rest on so good authority as that which has been adduced to establish the existence of the sea-serpent. Should any one, however, choose to investigate the subject further, he will find pretty ample references to authors in which the subject has been noticed, in a note to the life of Ma- dokawando, in our third book. In addition to which, he may consult the authorities of MouUon, as pointed out in his History of New York. -^fffa^ CHAPTER IV. American Antiquities — Few Indian Antiquities — Of Mounds and their contents — Account of those in Cincinnati — In the \tiumi country — Worlts supposed to haee been built for defences or fortifications — Some at Piqua — JVear Hamilton — Milford — Deerfield — Six miles above Lebanon — On Paint Creek — At Marietta — At Circle- ville — TVteir age uncertain — Works on Licking River — Ancient excavations or wells near Newark — Various other works. To describe the antiquities of America would not require a very great amount of time or spaie, if we consider only those which are in reality such. And as to Indian antii uities, they consist ir nothing like monuments, says Mr. Jefferson; " for," he »bserve8, " I would not honor with that name, arrow- points, stone hal'hets, stcie pijtcs, and lialf-shapen images. Of labor on the large scale, I think there ^^ no remain as respectable as would be a common ditch for the draining of lands, unless indeed it would be the Barrows, of which many are to l)e found all over in this country. These are of different sizes, souie of them constructed of earth, and some of hiose stones. That they were re|)ositories of the dead, has been obvious to all ; but on wiiat pai-- ticnlar occasion constructed, was a matter of doubt. Some have thought they covered the bones of those who have fallen in battles fought on the spot of interment, f^ome ascribe them to the custom, said to prevail among tlie In- dians, of collecting at certain periods the bones of all their dead, wheresoever deposited at the time of death. Others again suppose them the general sepul- chris for towns, conjectured to have been on or near these grounds; and this opinion was supported by the (piality of the lands in which they are found, (those constructed of earth being cenerally in the soft(!st and most fertile meadow-grounds on river sides,) and by a tradition, said to be handed down from the aboriginal Indians, that when they settled in a town, th«! first person vvho died was [iilaced en!ct, and earth put about him, so as to cover mn\ support him ; and that when anotlier died, a narrow passage was dug to the finst, the M-. i'^jt' ' ' ■■■'^1 ...» '.'5'i j| ■ ■,'■ i\ i ■'%' -'J^ 1 f"S ;1^ ■'/ ■j \ :--B ■i^'M 40 \MERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book I. I^..f' 1 -}-■ rl t- second reclined against him, and the cover of earth replaced, and so on. There being one of these in my neighborhood, I wished to satisfy myself whether any, and which of tliese opinions were just. For this purpose, I determined to open and examine it thoroughly. It was siijated on the low grounds of the Rivanna, about two miles alwve its principal fork, and opposite to some hills, on which had been an Indian town. It was of a spheroidal form of ahout 40 feet diameter at the base, and had been of about 12 feet altitude, though now reduced by the plough to seven and a half, having been under cultiva- tion about a dozen -years. Before this it was covered with trees of 12 inelies diameter, and rouncl the base was an excavation of five feet depth and widtl), from whence the earth had been taken of which the hillock was formed." In this mound my author found abundance of human bones, which, from their position, it was evident had heen thrown or piled promiscuously there together; bones of the bead and feet being in contact; "some vertical, some oblique, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the compass." These bones, when exposed to the air, crumbled to dust Some of the skulls, jaw-bones, and teeth, were taken out nearly in a j)erfect state, but would fall to pieces on being examined. It was evident that this assemblage of bones was made up from persons of all ages, and at dift'erent periods of time. The mound was composed of alternate strata of bones, stones, and earth. Hence it would seem that barrows, or mounds, as they are most usually called, were formed by the Indians, whose custom it was to collect the bones of their de- ceased friends at certain periods, and deposit them together in this manner. " But," Mr. Jefferson observes, " on whatever occasion they may have heen made, they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians : for a party passing, about 30 years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow is, went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions or inquirj', and having staid about it some time, with expressions which were construed to be those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left about half a dozen miles to pay this visit, and jjui-sued their journey." In these tumuli are usually found, with the bones, such instruments only as appear to have been used for superstitious purposes, ornaments or war. Of the latter kind, no more formidable weapons have been discovered than tomahawks, spears and arrow-heads, which can be supposed to have been deposited before the arrival of Europeans in America. What Mr. Jefferson found in the barrow he dissected besides bones, or whether any thing, he does not inform us. In several of these depositories in the city of Cincinnati, which Dr. Daniel Drake examined, numerous utensils were found. He has ifiven a most aicurate account of them, in which he has shown himself no ess a philosopher than antiquary. He divides them into two classes, ancient and modern, or ancient and more ancient. " Among the latter," he says, " there is not a single edifice, nor any ruins which prove the existence, in former ages, of a building composed of imperishable materials. No fragment of a column , no bricks ; nor a single hewn stone large enough to have been incorporated into a wall, has been discovered." There were several of these mounds or tumuli, 20 years ago, within a short space in and about Cincinnati ; but it is a remarkable fact, tliat the plains on the opposite side of the River Ohio have no vestiges of the kind. The largest of those ii Cincinnati was, in 1794, about 3iv feet in height; btit at this time it was cut down to 27 by order of General Wayne, to make it serve as a watch- tower for a sentinel. It was about 440 feet in circumference. Almost every traveller of late years has said something upon the motinds, or fortifications, scattered over the south and west, from Florida to the lakes, and from the Hudson to Mexico and the Pacific Ocean. By some they are reckoned at several thousands. Mr. Brackenridge supposes there may be 3000; but it would not outrage probability, I presume, to set them down at twice that number. Indeed no one can form any just estimate in respect to the number of mounds and fortifications which have been built, any more than of the period of time which has passed since they were originally erected, for several obvious reasons; one or two of which may be mentioned: — the K lough, excavations and levellings for towns, roads, and various other works, ave entirely destroyed hundreds of them, which had never been d(!Bcribed [Book I. Chap. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 41 on. There ilf whether (letermhied uiuls of the some hills, m of about ude, though der cuUiva- )f 12 inclies 1 and widtii, roriiied." which, from uously there tne vertical, le compass" )f the skulls, would iiiU to )f bones was 'time. The irth. Hence ' called, were 3 of their de- this manner. ly have been for a party re this barrow ns or inquiry, 2re construed they had left rney." ments only as 3 or war. Of kcovered than to have been t Mr. Jefferson thing, he does of Cincinnati, und. He has n himself no asses, ancient says, " there In former ages, It of a column, incorporated ^vithin a short the plains on The largest I at this time it fc as a watch- ■i the mounds, |a to the lakes, some they are [here may he llicm down at 1 in respect to J\ny more than |ly erected, for [itioncd :— the other works, ten d(!scribed and whose sites cannot now be ascertained. Another great destruction of them has been effected by the changing of the course of rivers. There are various ojMnions about the uses for which thesie tncient remains were constructed: while some of them are too much like modem fortifications to admit of a doid)t of their having been used for defences, others, nearly similar in design, from their situation entirely exclude the adoption of such au opinion. Hence we find four kinds of remains formed of errth ; two kinds of mounds or barrows, and two which have been viewed as fortifications. The Iwrrows or burial piles are distinguished by such as contain articles which were inhumed with the dead, and those which do not contain tlienj. From what cause they differ in this respect it is difficult to determine. Some have supposed the former to contain bones only of warriors, but in such mounds the bones of infants are found, und hence that hypothesis is over- thrown ; and indeed an hypothesis can scarcely be raised upon any one mat- ter concerning them without almost a positive assurance ti^at it has been created to be destroyed. As a specimen of the contents of the mounds generally, the following may be taken ; being such as Dr. Drake found in those he examined : — 1. Cylin- drical stones, such as jasper, rock-crystal, and granite ; with a groove near one end. 2. A circular piece of caimel coal, with a large opening in the centre, as though made for the reception of an axis ; and a deep groove in the circum- ference, suitable for a band. 3. A smaller article of the same shape, but composed of polished argillaceous earth. 4. A bone, ornamented with several carved lines, supposed by some to be hieroglyphics. 5. A sculptural repre- sentation oi the head and beak of some rajmciotis bird. G. Lumps of lead ore. 7. Isingla.ss (mica membranacea). This article is very common in mounds, and seems to have been held in high estimafion among the people that con- structed them ; hut we know not that modern Indians have any particular attachment to it. A superior article, though much like it, was also in great esteem among the ancient Mexicans. 8. Small pieces of sheet-copper, with perforations. 9. Larger oblong pieces of the same metal, with longitudinal grooves and ridges. 10. Beads, or sections of small hollow cylinders, appar- ently of l)one or shell. 11. Teeth of carnivorous animals. ISS. Large marine shells, belonging, perhaps, to the genus huccinum ; cut in such a manner as to sei-ve for domestic utensils. These, and also the teeth of animals, are generally found almost entirely decomposed, or in a state resembling chalk. 13. Earthen ware. This seems to have been made of the same material as that employed by the Indians of Louisiana within our recollection, viz. pounded muscle and other river shells, and earth. Some perfect articles have been found, but they are rare. Pieces, or fragments, are very common. Upon most of them, confused lines are traced, which doubth.'ss had some meaning; but no specimen has yet been found having glazing upon it like modern pot- tery. Some entire vases, of most uncouth appearance, have been found. Mr. Mipaler of Ohio, who has pretty fully described the western anticpiities, gives an account of a vessel, which seems to have been used as a jug. It was found in an ancient work on Cany Fork of Cumberland River, alM)Ut four feet below the surface. The body of the vessel is made by three heads, all joined together at their hacks. From these places of contact a neck is formed, which rises about three inches above the heads. The orifice of this neck is near two inches in diameter, and the three luicks of the heads form the legs of the vessel on which it stands when upright. The heads are all of a size, being about four inches from the top to the chin. The fiices at the eyes are about three inches broad, which increiiao in breadth all the way to the chin. Of the works called fortifications, though already mentioned in general terms, their importance demands a further coiisidoration. At Piqtia, on the western side of the Great Miami, there is a circular wall of earth inclosing a space of about 100 feet in diameter, with an opening on the side most remote from the river. " The adjacent hill, at the distance of half a mile, and at the greater elevation of about 100 feet, is the site of a stone wall, nearly circular, and inclosing perhaps '20 acres. The valley of the river on one side, and a deep ravine on the other, render the access to three fourths of this fortification extremely difficult. The wall was carried generally along 4* r. Ite'd 49 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book 1. ii 1 ...• the brow of the hill, in one place descending a short distance so as to include a spring. The lulicioiis limestone of wliich it was built, must have been trans- ported from the bed of the river, which, for two tiiiles opposite these works, does not at present afford one of 10 pounds weight. They exhibit no marks »f the hammer, or any other tool. The wail was iuid up without mortar, and is now in ruins. " Lo'ver down the same river, near the mouth of Hole's Creek, on the plain, there are remains of great extent. The ])riiici])al wall or bank, which is of earth, incloses about 160 acres, and is in some parts nearly 12 feet high. Also below Hamilton there is a fortification upon the top of a high hill, out of view from the ri' .., of very difficult approach. This incloses about 50 acres. Adjacent to this work is a tnound 25 feet iu diameter at its base, and about seven feet pei7)endicular altitude. " On the elevated point of land above the confluence of the Great I ami and Ohio, there are extensive and complicated traces, which, in the o^:. ion of military men, eminently qualified to judge, are the remains of very strong defensive works." In the vicinity of Milford, on the Little Miami, are fortifications, the largest of which are upon the top of the first hill above the confluence of the East Fork w'th the Miami. " On the opposite side of the Miami River, above Round Bottom, are similar antiquities of considerable extent. On the Ea.st Fork, at its heod waters, other remains have been discovered, of which the principal bears a striking re8embli""ce to those above mentioned ; but within, it differs from any which have yet Ikjcu exainincd in tiiis quarter, in having nine parallel banks or long parapets united at one end, exhibiting very exactly the figure of a ^^ridiroii." "Further up the Little Miami, at Deerfield, are other interesting remains; but those which have attracted more atti'iition than any others in the Miami country, are situated six miles fiom Lebanon, above the mouth of Todd's Fork, an eastern branch of the Miami. On the summit of a ridge at least 200 feet above the valley of the river, tiiere are two irregular trapezoidal figures, connected at a point where the ridge is very much narrowed by a ravine. The wall, which is entirely of earth, is generally eight or ten feet high ; but in one place, where it is conducted over level ground for a short distance, it rises to 18. Its situation is accurately adjusted to the brow of the hill ; and as there is, in addition to the Miami on the west, deep ravines on the north, the south- east, and south, it is a position of great strength. The angles in this wall, both retreating and salient, are numerous, and generally acute. The openings or gateways are not less than 80 ! They arc rarely at equal distances, and are sometimes within two or three rods of one another. They are not opposite to, or connected with any existing artificial objects or topogra|>hical peculiarities, and present, therefore, a paradox of some difHc.ilty." These works inclose almost 100 acres, and one of the state roads from Cincinnati to Chillicothe pBvSses over its northern part. On Paint Creek, 10 miles from Chillicothe, are also very extensive as well as wonderful works. "The wall, which had been conducted along the verge of the hill, is by estimation about a mile and a half in length. It was formed entirely of undressed freestone, brought chiefly from the streams 250 feet below, and laid u|) without mortar or cement of any sort. It is now, like all the walls of a similar kiiui which have been discovered in the western country, in a state of ruins. It exhibits the appearance of having been shaken down by an earthquake, not a sir.^Ie stone being found upon another in such a man- ner as to indicate that to have been its situation in the wall. In several places there are openings, immediately of>posite which, inside, lie piles of stone." Dr. Harris, in 1603, very accurately described the remains at Marietta, at the confluence of the Muskingum and Ohio Rivers. "The largest square FORT," he observes, " by some called the town, contains 40 acres, encompassed by a wall of earth from 6 to 10 feet high, and from 25 to 36 in breadth at the base. On each side arc three openings at equal distances, resembling 12 gate- ways. The entrances at the middle are the largest, particulai'ly that on the side next the Muskingum. From this outlet is a covert way, formed of two parallel walls of earth. 231 feet distant from each other, measuring from ceu- [Book 1. to include been trans- ese works, I no marks nortar, and n the plain, ivhich is of S feet high, hill, out of Ui 50 acres. , and about reat I ami the o^ , ion very strong , the largest e East Fork liove Round ast Fork, at lie principal I in, it differs having nine r exactly the ng remains ; n the Miami h of Todd's ! at least 200 )idal figui-es, avine. The ; but in one ce, it rises to and as there 1, the south- n this wall, 'he openings istances, and hey are not )pographical ty." These Incinnati to re as well as le verge of was formed ms 250 feet now, like all ern country, laken down iuch a nian- veral places stone." Marietta, at ;eSt SQUARE ncompassed eadth at the ing 12 gate- that on the med of two g from cen- Chap. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 43 *i i : tre to cpntrc. The walls at the most «;l(!vated part on the inside are 21 foet in height, (uid 42 in breadth at the base, but on the outside average only of five }e<'t liii,'li. This ibrtns a pas-sage of about 3(J0 feet in length, lending by a graduiil descent to tiie low grounds, where it, pr(»i)ably, at the time of its con- struction, renchetl tlic margin of the river. Its walls conunence at tiO feet froiii tlie rain}>arts of the tort, and increase in elevation jis the way tiesceiids towanJH the river ; uiid tli;; bottom is crowned in the centre, in the manner of a \voii-l()rmed turnpike road. Within the walls of the fort, at tli* north-west corner, i.s an obh)iig, elevated square, 188 /t-et long, 132 broad, and nine feet Jiigh ; level on the summit, and nearly perpendicular at the sides. At the centre of each of tlu; sides thi; earth is jjrojected, forming gradual ascents to the top, equally regular, and about six feet in width. Near the south wall is another elevated scpiare, 150 feet by 120, and eight feet high. At tlie south- east corner is the third elevated square, 108 by 54 feet, with ascents at the end.s. At the south-east corner of the fort is a semicircular j)arapet, crowned with a mound, which guards the opening in :ue wall. Towariis the south-east is A SIMILAR FORT, Containing 20 acres, with a gateway in the centre of each side and at each corner. These o])eiiiiig.'^ are defended with circular mounds." There are also other works at Miu'iettii, but a mere description of them can- not interest, as there is so rnuc' M' sameness about them. And to describe nil that nay be nut with wouli" .*ill a volume of no moderate size: for Dr. Harris says, " You cannot ride 20 miles in any direction without finding some of the mounds, or vestiges of the rainj)arts." We shall, therefore, only notice the most prominent. Of fii*st importance are doubtless the works upon the Scioto. The most magnificent is situated 26 miles south from Columbus, and consists of two nearly exact figures, a circle and a square, which are contiguous to each other. A town, having been l)nilt within the forn-^r, appropriately received the name of Circleville from that circumstance. According to Mr. Jltwnler, who has sur\'eyed these works with great exactness and attention, the circle was origi- nally 1138i feet in diameter, from external parallel tangents, and the sijuare was 907re originally projected in strict regard to them ; their variation not being niore than that of the compass; but a single fact of this kind can establish nothing, as mere accident may have given them such direction. " What 8uri)ri8ed me," says my authority, " on measuring these forts, was the exact manner in which they had laid down their circle and square ; so that after every effort, by the most careiiil survey, to detect some error in their measurement, we found that it was impossible." V R r' mt*' ' P\ ' . '. • .;■ 44 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book !• 'i". As it is iiot my design to waste time in conjectures upon the authors of these antiquities, or the remo'sness of the period in wiiicli they were con- structed, I will continue my account of them, after en observation upon a single circumstance. I refer to the fact of the immense trees found growing upon tlie mounds and other ancient worlds. Tlieir liaving existed for a thou- sand years, or at least some of tiiem, can scarcely be questioned, when we know from unerring data that trers have been cut upon them of the age of near 500 years ; and from the vegetable mould out of which they s[)ring, there ia every appearance of several generations of decayed trees of the same kind; and no forest trees of the present day appear older than those upon the very works under consideration. There are in the Forks of Licking River, above Newark, in the county of Licking, very remarkable remains of antiquity, said by many to be as nmcli so as any in the west. Here, as at Circlevillc, the same singular fact is ob- servable, respecting the openings into the forts ; the square ones having sev- eral, but the round ones only one, with a single exceptioii. Not far below Newark, on the south side of the Licking, are found numer- ous wells or holes in the earth. "There are," says Mr. wJ/Hw^er, "at least a thousand of them, many of which are now more than 20 feet deep." Though called wells, my author says they were not dug for that purpose. They have the appearance of being of the same ago as the momids, and were doubtless made by the same people ; but for what purpose they could have been made, few seem willing to hazard a conjecture. Four or five miles to the north-west of Somerset, in tha county of Perry, and southwardly from the works on the Licking, is a stone fort, inclosing about 40 acres. Its shape is that of a heart, though bounded by straight lines. In or near its centre is a circular stone mound, which rises, like a sugar-loaf, from 12 to 15 feet. Near this large work is another small fort, whose walls are of earth, inclosing but about half an acre. I give these the name of forts, although Mr. Mwaier says he does not believe they were ever construct- ed for defence. There are curious remains on both sides of the Ohio, above and opposite the mouth of the Scioto. Those on the north side, at Portsmouth, are the most extensive, and those on the other side, directly opposite Alexandria, are the most regular. They are not more remarkable than many already de- scribed. What the true height of these ruined works originally was, cannot be very well ascertained, as it is almost impossible to know the rate of their diminu- tion, even were the space of time given ; but there can l)e no doubt that most of them are much diminished from the action of tempests which have swept ov.r them for ages. That they were the works of a different 'ace from the present Indians, has been pretty confidently asserted ; but as yet, proof is entirely wanting to support such conclusion. In a few instances, some European articles have been found deposited in or about some of the works; but few persons of intelligence pronoimce them older than others of the same kind belonging to the jjcriod of the French wars. As it respects inscriptions upon ston be as much ar fact is ob- 3 having sev- bund numcr- fr, " at least a ip." Though , They have ere doubtless e been made, inty of Perry, fort, inclosing straight lines. 3 a sugar-loaf, t, whose walls the name of ver construct- 3 and opposite piouth, are the lexaudria, are already de- annoc be very their diniinu- )ubt that most 1 have swept ace from the yet, proof is 1 stances, some of the works; others of the has been said if they were itionably have ; but I would he inhabitants IS upon stone iton, Mass., is miles below lis inscription ; but I doubt it was done f half-formed Thewhim- |ription, might ie to give an Chap. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 45 A stone, once thought to contain some marvellous inscription, was deposit- ed a few years since in the Antitpiarian Hall at Worcester, 3Iass. ; and it was witli some surprise, that, on cxnmiiiiiig it, I found nothing i)ut a few lines of (piartz uj)on one of its surfaces. The stone Was singular in no respect bVl li 'fi M ■' -.1 W'^k^ t|:i;!!P- i'^' 46 feet. AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book I. Upon this the Mexicans had an iminenBU wooden temple when Cortcz overnin tlieir einnire. A city now bears the name of Chohila, in Puebia, GO uiiles east of Mexico. Yet it aj)peai-s from Dr. Beckys Gazetteer of Ilhiiois, that there is standing l)etween Belleville and St. Louis, a mound GOO yards in circuitif(!roiice at its base, and 1)0 feet in height. Mount Joliet, so named from tlic Sieur Joliet, a Frenchman, who travelleir- ater broke in rancis," upon tge, of Louis- t of the wails f these ruins of the bricks, ketches; an(i ed straw, of of two cities from what he composed of. tuated one of and 100 feet Chap. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 47 h high." He speaks of " cities," but descrilies pyramids anlain. In 15 minutes. 1 found myself in the midst of a group of mounds, mosily of a circular phii|te, and at a distance resend)ling enormous haystacks scattered through a meadow. One of the largest which 1 ascended was about ^00 paces in circumference at the bottom, the form nearly stpiare, though it had evidently undergone con- siderable alteration from the washing of the rains. The to[) was level, with an area sufhcient to contain several hundnid men." When Mr. Bartram travelled into South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, be- tween the years 1773 and 177G, he saw many interesting antiquities. At the Cherokee town of Cowc;, on the Tennessee River, which then contained about 100 houses, he noticed that "The council or town-house was a large rotunda, capable of acconniiodating several liundrcd people: it stands on the to|) of an ancient artificial mount of earth, of about 20 feet ])er|)endicular, and the ro- tunda on the top of it being about 30 feet more, gives the whole fabric an ele- vation of about CO feet from the common surface of the ground. But," Mr Badram contimies, "it may be proper to observe, that this mount, on which the rotunda stands, is of a much ancientcr date than the building, and perhaps was raised for another purpose. The Cherokees themselves are as iirnorant as we are, by what people or for what purpose these aitificial bills were raised; they have various stories concerni -r them, the best of which amount to no more than mere conjecture, and leave us entirely in the dark ; but they have u tradition common with the other nations of Indians, that they found them in much the same condition as they now appear, when their forefathers arrived from the west and possessed themselves of the country, after vanipiish- ing the nations of red men who then inhabited it, who themselves foimd these mounts when they took possession of the country, the former possessore de- livering the same story concerning them." Hence it is to be observed that the mounds in the south are not only the same as those in the north, but Indian traditions concerning them are the same also. At Ottasse, an important town of the Cherokees, the same traveller saw a most singular column. It stood adjacent to the town, in the centre of an ob- long square, and was about 40 feet high, and only from two to three feet thick at its base, and tajjcred gradually from the groinid to its top. What is very remarkable about this pillar is that, notwithstanding it is formed of a single stick of pine timber, the Indians or white traders could give no account for what ])urpose it was erected; and to the inquiries which Mr. Bartram made of the Indians concerning it, the same answer was given as when questioned about the mounds; viz. that their ancestors found it there, and the i)eo)»le that those ancestors dispossessed knew nothing of its origin. This is not singular when reference is had to mounds of earth, but when the same account is given concerning perishable material, the shade, at least,'of a suspicion is seen lurking in the back ground. As another singulai- circumstance, it is observed that no trees of the kind of which this column was made, (pin. palustris) were to be found at that time nearer than 12 or 15 miles. In the great council-houses at Ottasse were observed, upon the pillars an I walls, various paintings and sculptures, supposed to be hieroglyphics of his- torical legends, and political and sacerdotal affairs. " They are," obsei-ves J\Ir. Bartram, " extremely picturesque or caricature, as men in a variety of at- •..■>» gx: ■, .'■'■I "■.-.■r-'l ^1^-^.^ ■\ ■ ."" 48 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Book 1- h titudcs, snmo ludicrous enough, others having the heac^ o<* ading or con- m led to make BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE accounts from lerica 7 or 800 ith to observe of Welsh In- hat mentioned cJcenridge says 5, " at present, at pains to as- ;sippi, and the ana, the tribes ive had inter- 1798, a young company with the ancient een that river m, is conclu- stroke at the lad made the shall never- mois, he pro- and incoiTect drawn, upon ther respects and eyes to- nounds, forti- olden time," the ancestors INDIANS OF NOKTH AMERICA. BOOK II. S.-'fi;. i; w BOOK II. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY C7 THE NORTHERN OR NEW ENGLAND INDIANS. « >Ti« good to muie on nationi puied away Forever from the land we call our own." Y>MOTDBIf. .i CHAPTER I. Conduct of the early voyagers towards the Indiana. — Some account of the individuals Donacona — Agona — Tasquantum, or Sqnnnto — Dehamda — Skettiearrots — Aasaeu- met — Manida^Pechmo — Monopet — Pekenimne — Sakaweston — Epanow — Manawet — Wanape — Coneconam. The first voyagers to a country were anxious to confirm the truth of their accounts, and therefore took from their nowly-discovered lauds whatever seemed best suited to that object. The inhabitants of America carried oflf by Europeans were not, perhaps, in any instance, taken away by voyagers merely for this object, but that they might, in time, learn from them tlic value of the country from whence they took them. Besides thosi forcibly carried away, there were many, doubtless, who went through overpersuasion, and ignorance both of the distance and usage they should meet with Ju a land of strangers ; which was not always as it should have been, and hen-^e such as were ill used, if they ever returned to tlieir own country, were jvrepared to be revenged on any strangers of tlie same color, that chanced to come among them. Ill the first voyage of Columbus to America, he took along with him, on his return to Spain, a considerable number of Indians ; how many we uo not know ; but several died on their passage, and seven were presented to the king. Vinctrdt Yahez Pinzon, a captain under Columbus, kidnapped four natives, whom he intended to sell in Spain for slaves ; but Columbus took them from him, and restored them to their friends. In this first voyage to the islands of the new world, the blood of several Indians was shed by the hostile arms of the Spaniards.* There were three natives presented to Henry VII. by Sebastian Cabot, in 1505J, which he had taken firom Novfoundland. What were their names, or what became of them, we are not informed ; but from the notice of historians, we learn that, when found, " they were clothed with the skins of beasts, and lived on raw flesh ; but after two years, [residence in England,] were seen in the king's court clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from • My present concern not beinff with the Indians of South America, I beg leave to refer the reader to a little work lately published, entitled The Old Indian Chronicle, in which all the prominent facts concerning the atrocities of the Spaniaj'ds towards them will be found stated. ". I- 1- ■■■:.. CONDUCT OF EARLY VOYAGERS [Book II. Englishmen."* These were the first Indians ever seen in Eng1and.f They were brought to the English court "m tlieir country hubit," and "spoke u language ne\ er heard before out of their own country." J Ihe Frerjch discovered the River St. Lawrence in 1508, and the captain of the ship who made the discovery, carried several natives to Paris, which were the iirst ever seen in France. What were their names, or even how many they were in number, is not set down in tlie accounts of this voyage. The name of this captain was Thomas Aubert.^ John Verazzini, in the service of France, in 1524, sailuiJ along tlie American coast, and landed in several places. At one place, which we judge to be some piut of the coast of Connecticut, "20 of his men landed, and went about two leagues up into the country. The inhabitants fled l)efore them, but they caught on old woman who had hid herself in tlie high grass, with a young woman about 18 years of age. The old woman carried a child on her back, and had, besides, two little boys with her. The young woman, too, carried three children of her own sex. Seeing tliemselves discovei*ed, they begim to shriek, and the old one gave them to understand, by signs, that the men were fled to the woods. They oflTered her sometliing to eat, wlijch she acce[)tod, but the maiden refused it. This girl, who was tall and well shaped, they were desirous of taking along with them, but as she made a violent outcry, they contented themselves with taking a boy away with tliem."|| The name of New France was given to North America in this voyage. In another voyage here, Verazzini was killed, and, as some say, eaten by the Indians. I ow of the early voyagers were better than demi savages, for they would retaliate « >nnthe Indians as though they had been on equal footing with them, in resi)ect to their own ideas of justice. When Capt. Hudson discovered and sailed up the river which now bears his name, the most flagrant uijustice was committed on the Indians by some of his men. To set that affair in a clear light before the reader, we will give the following passages from le journal of Robart Jiut, one of the voyage. I(j09, Sept. 6, Our master sent John Caiman with four men to sound the river, four leagues distant, which they did, but in their return to the ship, they were set upon by Indians in two canoes, to the nimiber of 26 ; in which aflkir John Colman was killed by an arrow shot into his throat, and twt) others were wounded. The next day Colman was buried on a point of land which to this day hears his name. What oflence, if any, was given to the Indians to provoke this attack from tliem, can never be discovered; but from the course of proceedings oi' Hudson^s men, there can be but little doubt of oftence of some kind on their part. Sept. 8. The people ■ came on board us, and brought tobacco and Indian wheat, to exchange for knives and beads, and offered us no violence. So we, fitting up our boat, did mark them, to see if they would make any show of the death of our man, but they did not. Sept. 9. In the morning two great canoes came on board full of men ; one with bows and arrows, and the other m show of buying knives to betray us ; bijt we perceived their intention. We took two of them, to have Icept them, and put red coats on them, and would not suffer the others to come near us, and soon artor the canoes leave tliern. Immediately two other natives came on board us ; one we took, and let the other go, but he soon escaped by jump- m^ overboard. * Rapin's Hist. England, i. C85. ed. fol. t Tills is upon the autliority of Berkely. Instead o.' England, however, lie says Europe ; but, by sayingf llie six, wliicli Columhis had before taken from Si. Salvador, made their escape, lie siiows l:is supernc'-' '...KwLnlf^e of those affairs. Hear Herrera :— " En siiitte de cda, [that is, ojier Columbus had replied to the king's letter aboiit a second voyage,] it [Columhis] partit pour alter h Barcelone auec sept Iiuliens, parce que les autres estoient marts en chemin. II fit porter aueqite luy aes perroquets verds, et de routes, et d'autres choses ditrnes d'admiratict qui n'auoienl iamais esti vents en Espagne." Hist, des Indes Occident, i. 102. Ed. 16C0, 3 tomes, 4to. Sec also Harris,Voyuges,i\.\b,ed,VlM, 2 V. fol. ; Robertson. America, i, 94. ed. 1T78, 4to. i Berkcly's Naval Hist. BrU. 268. ed. 1756, fol. and Harris, Voyages, ii. 191. $ Forster, 132. || Ibid. 434, 435. [Book II. land.t They ind "spoko a d the captain Paris, which or even how f tliis voyage. tlie American J judge to be 2(1, and went before them, I grass, with a a child on her r woman, too, jcovered, they signs, tlmt the eat, winch she d well shaped, lade a violent with tliem."|| is voyage. In , eaten by the for they would ing with them, discovered and It uyustice was iifFair in a clear 1 le journal of I to sound the n the ship, they in which affair wo others were d which to this lis attack from ngs of HudsaiCa leir part. i:co and Indian ence. So we, ny show of the of men ; one to betray us; lave kept them, come near us, natives came iaped by jump- , \\e says Europe; k'ador, made Iheir ter ahofit a second tree que les autres , et de routes, et tasne." Hist, iles ef, ii. 15. ed. 1764. 191. Chap. I.] TOWARDS THE INDIANS. 6 Sept. 11. The ship had now anchored ut considerable distance up the river. The people of the country ciiik! on boai'd, inakhig sliow of love, and gave iiH tobacco and Indian wheat. Sept. 12. Thi.s inoniing there came eight-and-twenty canoes full of men, women and ciiildren to betray us; but we saw their intent, and suffered none of liiein to come on liounl. They have great tobacco pipes of yellow copjier, and pots of earth to dress their meat in. That the Indians came "to betray then i," with their women and childr -n, was a mistaken notion of our voyagei-s, but they were not acquauited with the niannei-s of these; peoi)le. It is, and always has l)een their iniivermi custom to send away or leave at home their fajuilies when they go out uj)on tui expedition. Sej)t. 15. Hudson sails 20 leagues farther up the river, "passing by high moinitains," probalily the iiigh lands of West I'oint. This morning tin; two captive savages got out of a jtort of the ship und made their escape. Sept. 18. The master's mate went on shore with an old Indian, a sachem of the country, who took him to his house and treated him kindly. Oct. i. The ship, having fallen down the river "seven miles below the mountain.s," conies to anchor. One man hi a canoe kept hanghig under the stern of the ship, and would not be driv(-n off. lie soon contrivitd to climb uj) by the rudder, and got into tiie cabin window, wliieh had been left open, iiom which he stole a pillow, two shirts, and two biuuloleers. The mate shot him in the breast and killed him. Many othei-s were in canoes about the ship, who immediately fled, and some jumped overboard. A boat manned from the ship pursued them, and coming up with one in the water, he laid hold of the side of the lK)at, and endeavored to overset it ; at which one in the boat cut off his hands with a sword, and he was drowned. Oct. 2. They fall down seven leagues farther, and anchor again. Then, says Jmt, came one of the savages that swam away from us at our going up the river, with many othei-s, thinking to betray us, liut we suffered none of them to enter our sliij). Whereupon two canoes, full of men with their bows and aiTows, shot at us after our stern ; in recompense whereof we discharged six muskets, and killed two or three of them. Then above an hundred of them came to a point of land to shoot at us. There I shot a falcon at them, and killed two of them; whereupon the rest fled into the woods. Yet they manned off another canoe with nine or ten men, which came to meet us ; so I shot at it also a falcon, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then our men, with their muskets, killed three or four more of them. Thus are recorded the Indian events ci' Hudson's voyage in the River Manna-haia, (as he leiu-ned its name,) hi 1009. Donacona, a chief upon the River St. Croix, was met with, in 1535, by the voyager James Cartier, who was well received and kindly treattul by him and his people ; to repay which, Cartier, " partly l)y stratagem and partly by force," carried him to France, where he soon after died.* Notwithstanding, Cartier was in the country five years after, where he found Agona, the successor of Donacona, and exchanged jiresents with him, probably reconciling him by some plausible account of the absence of Donacona. Tasquantum, or Tisquantum, was one; of the five natives carried from the coast of New England, in 1005, by Capt. George Waymouih, who had been sent out to discover a north-west i)assag(\ This Indian was known aftei-wards to the settlers of Plimouth, by whom he was generally caUed ^Squanto or ^Squantum, by abbreviation. The names of the other four wen; Manida, Skettwarrocs, Dehamda and .'Issacumet. Although Gorges does not say Dehamda was one brought over at this time, it is evident that he was, because, so far as we can discover, there were no other natives, at that time in England, but these five. Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, H^aymotUh, "falling short of his course, [in seeking the N. ^y. passage,] happened into a river on the coast of America, called Pemmaquid^ from whence lie brought five of the natives." " And it so pleased our -^reat God that" fVaymoidh^ on his return to England, "came uito ;;.f :>>^ '.•.'■• m-:'lA !• * Forsler, 440— ♦»? 1 '>■■'■■ HA i- 6 CONDUCT OF EARLY VOYAGERS [BofK II. the hnrbor of Plymouth, where I then commandetl." Three* of whose natives, namely, Manida, Skettwarroes and Tasquantum, "I seized upon. They were all of one nation, but of several parts, and several families. This accident must be acknowledged the means, under God, of putting on foot and giving life to all our plantations." Paying great attention to these natives, he soon understood enough by them about the country from whence they came to establish a belief tliat it was of great value ; not perhaps making due allowance for its being their home. And Sir Ferdinando adds, " After I had those peojile sometimes in my custody, I observed in them an inclination to follow tlie example of the better sort ; and in all their carriages, manifest shoAvs of great civility, far from the rudeness of our common people. And the longer I conversed with them, the better hope they ^ave me of those pai-ts where they did inhabit, as proper for oiu* uses; especially when I found what goodly rivers, stately islands, and safe harbors, those jiarts abounded with, being the special marks I leveled at as the only want our nation met with in all their navigations along that Ciast. And having kept them full three years, I made them able to set me down what gi'eat rivers run up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, wliat power they were of, how allied, what enemies they had," &c. Thus having gained a knowledge of the country. Sir Ferdinando got ready "a ship furnished with men and all necessaries" for a voyage to America, and sent as her captain Mr. Henry Cfialloung,\ with whom he also sent two of his Indians. The names of these wcn-e Assacumet and Manida. Chalons, having been taken sick in the beginning of the voyage, altered liis course, and lost some time in the West Indies. After being able to proceed northward, he departed from Porto Rico, and was soon after taken by a Spanish fleet, and carried into Spain, "where their ship and goods were confiscate, themselves made prisoners, the voyage overthrown, and both my natives lost." One, however, Assacumet, was afterwards recovered, if not the other. This voyage of Chalons was in 1606. It appears that the Lord Chief Justice Popham | had agreed to send a vessel to the aid of Chalons, which was accordingly done before the news of Ids being taken was known in England. For Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, " It pleased the lord chief justice, according to his promise, to des|)atch Capt. [Martin] Prin from Bristol, with hope to have found Cai)t. Challounge ;" " but not hearing by any means what became of him, after he had made a perfect discovciy of all those rivers and harbors," "brings with him the most exact discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands since, and, indeed, he was the best able to perform it of any I met withal to this present, [time,] which, with his relation of the country, wrought such an impression in the lord chief justice, and us all that were his associates, that (notwilhstanding our first disaster) we set up our resolutions to follow it with effect." Dehamda and Skettwarroes were »vith Prin§ in this voyage, and were, with- out doubt, his most efficient aids in surveying the coast. It appears from Gorges, tliat Dehamda was sent by the chief jus'ice, who we suppose had considered him his property,|| and Skettwarroes by himself. They returned again to England with Prin. *It seems, tromthis pari of his narralivc, thai he had but three of iheiii, but, from subsequent passages, it appears lie hnd ihoiii ail. See also America painted in Iht Life. t Challoiis, by some, (ior^cs has him, sometimes, Chalowii.t, Clialon, itc. I The same who presided at llie trial of Sir IV. Ralegh and his assoriales, in 1603. See Prince's Worthies of Devon, (172, (i73. Fuller, in his Worthies of England, ii. 284, say. , "Travelers owed their safely to ihis judge's severity many years after his death, which happened Arno Domini Iti**," li .ing, no doubt, he had much enlightened his reader by definitely staling tliat Sir .lohnPopkam died some lime within a hundred years. The severity referred to has reference to his importuning King Jatne.i not to pardon so many robbers and thieves, which, he said, tended to render the judges contemptible, and " which made him more sparing afterward." § (iorges, one of the main springs of these transactions, who wrote the account we give, makes no mention of any other captain accompanying him ; yet Dr. Holmes's authorities. Annals, i. Vir), led him to record 1'iiornas llanam as the performer of this voyage. And a writer of 1(J'22 says, Hanam, or, as he calls him, Ilaman, went commander, and Prinne master. See 2 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 3. This agrees with tl younger. II He had probably been given to him by Sir Ferdirumdo, the account of Gorge* the [BofK II. of whose zed ui)on. lies. This ig on foot t1i by them It it was of lome. Aud • custody, I r sort ; and le rudeness , the l)etter per for our Is, and safe icd at as the :oast. And doAVu wliat id ou them, io got ready lUierica, and It two of his dons, having irse, and lost ortliward, he sh fleet, and }, themselves lost." One, This voyage send a vessel news of liis res says, "It spatch Capt. Challounge ;" had made a him the most and, indeed, [escnt, [time,] ■ssion in the Istanding our were, with- ippears from [suppose had hey returned Chap I-l TOWARDS THE INDIANS. lioin subsequent in lf)03. See Id, ii. 284, say. , |is death, which his reader by Tlie severity Inv robbers and llueh made him [count we ^ve, lei's authorities, loyagc. And a |er, and Pn'nne . of Gorgt* the next year, 1607, these two natives piloted the first New England colony nioutii of Sagadahock River, since the Kennebeck. They left England The to the nioutl 30 May, and did not arrive here until 8 August tbllowiiig. " As soon as the nresidt'iit had taken notice of the place, and given order for landing the provisions, he despatched away Captain Gilbert, with Skitwarres his guide, for the thorough discovery of tlie rivers and habitations of the natives, by whom he Wiis brought to several of theui, where he found civil entertaiiunent, and kind respects, far from brutish or savage natures, so its they suddenly b(!canje familiar friends, especially by the means of Dekxtrnda and Skilwarrcrs.^^ " So as the president was earnestly intreated by Sasstnoiv, Meremet, and othei-s, the principal Sagamores, (as they call their great lords,) to go to tiie Basiiabas, who it seems was their king." They were prevented, however, by advei-scj weather, from that journey, and thus the promise to do so was unintentionally broken, "nmch to the grief of those Sugamores that were to attend him. The Bashebas, notwithstanduig, hearuig of hiri misfortune, sent his own son to visit him, and to beat a trade widi him for furs," Several sad and melancholy accidents conspired to put an end to this first colony of New England. The first was the loss of their store-house, contain- ing most of their supplies, by fire, in the whiter following, and anodier was the death of Lord Popham. It consisted of 100 men, and its beginning was auspicious ; but these calamities, together with the death of their president, broke down their resolutions. So many discouragements, notwithstanduig a ship with supplies had arrived, determined them to abandon the country, which they did in the spring.* What became of Ihhamda and Skettwarroes there is no mention, but they probably remained in the counti7 with their friends, unless the passage which we shall hereafter extract, be construetl to mean differeutly.f To return to ISsquantum. There 's some disagreement in the narratives of the coteinporary writers in respect to this chief, which shows, either that some of them are in error, or that there were two of the same name — one carried away by Waymouth, and the other by Hunt. From a critical examination of the accounts, it is believed there was but one, and that he was carried away by Waymouih^ as Sir Ferdinando Gorges relates, whose account we have given above.J It is impossible tiiat Sir Ferdinando should have been mistaken in the names of those he received from Waymouth, The names of those carried off by HutU, are not given, or but (aw of them, nor were they kidnapped until nine years after WaymoittlCs voyage. It is, therefore, jiossible that Squantum^ having returned home from the service of Gorges, went agahi to England with some other person, or perhaps even with Hunt. But we are inclined to think that there was but one of the nmne, and his beuig carried away an error of inadvertence. Patuxet, afterward called Plirnouth, was tlio place of residence of Sqtiantum, who, it is said, was the only person that escaped the great plague of which we shall particularly speak in the life of Massasoit ; where, at the same time, we shall take up agahi the life of Sqiiantuin, whose history is so ultimately connected with it. It was in 1011 that Captain Kdivard Harloiv§ was sent "to discover an lie sui)pos(!d about Cape Cod," who " fiilling with Monagigan, they found onely Cape Cod no He but the niaine ; then; [at Moiihigon Island] they detained three Saluages aboord them, called Pevlimo, Monopet and Pekenimnc, but Pechmo leajit ouerboard, and got away ; and not long after, with his consorts, cut their Boat from their sterne, got her on shore, and so filled her with stmd and guarded her with bowes and arrowes, the l^nglisli lost lier."|| This exploit of Pechmo is as truly brave as it was daring. To have got *Th(\v had " sealed tiicmsclves in a peniiisiihi, wliicli is at the mouth of tliis river, [Sagada- hock.] where ihev built a Ibrtress to deteiid ihciiisolves from tiieir enemies, which lliey named St. (reorire." America painted to the Life, by Feid. (iorges, Esq. p. 19. t See life Massasoit. i It is plain, from Prince, Chron. IM, that liis authors had confounded the names of tJicse Indians one wilii another. iiSir Ferd. Gorires is probably wrong in calling him Henry Harley. Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. >,;tt^ :■ .■*•.;. ,"1 P;.:V ',11 ■i.;il n ;l III !■ 1X \ .. Wii- (■.*■, 1- 6 HUNT'S VOYAGE, [Book II. .indcr the stern of a sliip, in the face of armed men, and at tlie eaiiie time to have succeeded in his design of cutting away and carrying oft' their boat, was iu act as bold and daring, to say the least, as that performed in the harbor of Tripoli by our countryman Decatur. from Monhigon Harlow, proceeding southward, fell in with an island called then by the Indians JVohono. From this place " they tooke SakawcS' ton, that after he liad lived many years in England, went a soldier to the wars ol" hohemia."* Whether he ever returned we are not told. From this island they proceeded to Capawick, since called Capoge, [Martha's Vineyard.] Here "they tooke CoKeconam and Eptnow," and "so, with fiue Saluages, they returned for England." Epcnow, or, as some wrote, Epanow, seems to have been much such a character as Pechmo — artful, cunning, bold and daring. Sir Ferdinando Gorges is evidently eiToneous in part of his statement about this native, ui as far as it relates to his having been brouglit away by Hunt. For Harlovi's voyage was in 1611, and Epanow was sent over to Cape Cod with Captam Hobgon, iu 1614, some months before Hunt left. As it is peculiarly gratifying to the writer to hear such old venerable writers as Smith, Gorges, &c. spcuk, the reader perhaj)B would not pardon him were he to withhold what the ii.tiniatc actipiaiutunce of the interesting Epanow sayg of him. Hear, then, Sir Ferdinando : — " While I was laboring by what means 1 might best continue life in my languishing hopes, there conies one Henry Harley\ unto me, bringing with him a native of the Island of Capawick, a place s(;ated to the southward of Cape Cod, whose name avus Epenewe, a person of goodly stature, strong and well proportioned. This man was taken upon the main, [by force,] with some 29J others by a ship of London that endeavored to sell thein for slaves in Spaine, but being understood that they were Americans, and being found to be unapt for their uses, they would not meddle with them, this behig one of them they refused, wherein tlipy exprest more worth than those that brought them to the market, who could not but known that our nation was at that time in travel for setling of Christian colonies upon that continent, it being an act much tendine to our prejudice, when we came into that part of the countries, ae it shall further appear. How Capt. Harley came to be possessed of this savage, I know not, but I understood by others how he had been shown in Lonuon for a wonder. It is true ( as I have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave aspect, stout and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so nmch English as to bid those that wondered at him, Welcome, welcome ; this being the last and best use they could make of him, tliat was now grown out of the people's wonder. The captain, falling further into his familiarity, found him to be of acquaintance and friendship with those subject to the Baslmba, whom the captain well knew, being himself one of the p'antation, sent over by the lord chief justice, [Popham,] and by that means understood much of his language, found out the place of his birth," &c, Belore proceeding with the history of Epanow, the account of Capt. Thomas Hunfs voynge should be related ; because it is said that it was chiefly owing to his perfidy that the Indians of New England were become so hostile to the voyagers. Nevertheless, it is plain, that (us we have already saidj Hunt did not commit his depredations until after Epanow had escaperl out ot the hands of the English. Capt. John Smith was ni company with Hunt, and we will hear him relate the whole transaction. After stating that they arrived at Mon- higon in April, 1614,§ spent a long tinii in trying to catch whales without success ; and as "for gold, it was rather \\w n'aster's device to get a voyage, that projected it;" that for trifles they got ^'near 11000 beaver skins, 100 * Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Enoard, who were, for the number, as good as our nation did afford. And thus were my hopes of that particular [voyage] made void and frustrate." From the whole of this narration it is eviilent that Epunoio was forcibly retained, if not forcibly carried off, by the English. And some relate^ tliut li«j attacked Capt. Dermer and his men, supjiosing they had come to seize and carry him back to England. It is more probable, we think, that he meant to be revenged for his late captivity, and, according to real Indian custom, resolved that the first whites should atone for it, cither Avith their life or liberty. Gorges does not tell us what his brave " musquetteers " did when Epanow escaped, but from other sources we learn tlmt they fired upon his liberators, killing and wounding some, but how many, they could onFy conjecture. Hut there is no room for conjecture about the damage sustained on the part of the ship's crew, for it is distinctly stated that when they received the "shower of arrows," Capt. Hobson and many of his men were woundetl.§ And Snnth\\ says, "So well he had contrived his businesse, as many reported he intended to have surprised the ship ; but seeing it could not be effected to his liking, before them all he leaped ouer boord." We next meet with Epanow in 1619. Capt. Tliomas Dormery or Dermer, in the employ of Sir F. Gorges, met with him at Capoge, the place where, five years before, he made his escajje from Capl. Hobson, Gorges writes, " This savage, s|)caking some English, laughed at his owne escape, and rejKjrtcd the story of it. Mr. Dormer told him he came from me, and was one of my ser- vants, and that I was much grieved he had been so ill used as to be forced to steal away. This savage was so cunning, that, after he had questioned iiiiu about me, and all he knew belonged unto me, conceived he vras oome on j)nr- pose to betray him ; and [so] conspired with some of his fellows to take the captain ; thereupon they laid hands upon lum. But he being a brave, stout gentleman, drew his sword and freed himself, but not without 14 wounds. This disaster forced him to make nil j)ossihlc haste \o Virginia to be cured of his wounds. At the second return [he having jtist come from there] he liad the misfortune to fall sick and die, of the hifirmity many of our nation are subject unto at their first coming into those jmrts." The ship's crew being at the same time on shore, a fight ensued, in which some of Epanoiv^s company were slain. "This is the last time," says a writer in the Historical Collections, "that the soil of Martha's Vineyard was stained with human blood ; for from that day to the present [1807] no Indian has been killed by a white man, nor white man by an Indiuti." In relation to the fight which Denner and his men had with the Indians at the Vineyard, Morion H relates that the English vfcnt on shore to trade with them, when they were assaulted and all the men slain but one that kept the * The secrets of the snndy isljind Capopjo, or the ncigliboriiij»- shores of Cnpe Cod, v ihey are now, existed only in faith of such sanffiiiiio minds as Sir Fercfindridomul his ;>( whatever ii^iiiio minds as Sir y-Vrfffffcjw/oand his i'dherents. t We need no better display of the craft ol Epanow, or proof of his ciuinin!'' in deep plots. X Belhiap, Anicr. Biog. i. 362. ^ Smith's New England. I Ibid. H N . Eiig. Memorial, 5S, 53. ^ 4 i '•• ' [Book II. nockt oul charge to the more be cv«!r at old on, if T all cotne iince with they not 1 the fore- n the two coniins; to ;eriin slips f the coni- 1(1 was no ent such a , tlMit they rcre, for the pes of that as forcibly itet tliat ho » st'ize aiut t he meant ian custom, e or liberty, len Epanoia [9 liberators, cttire. But I part of the "shower of And SmithW he intended ) his liking, r Dernier, in Avhcrc, five ites, "This •ei)Orted the of my ser- be forced to Istioned Iiim rme on pur- to take the brave, stout 14 womids. be cuhmI of lure] lie iiad nation are I'd, in which jays a writer Iwas stained Ian has been |e Indians at trade with [at kept the Pod, wlmlcvef lliis i'dlicronts. 1 ill i\ev[y plots. Chah. U] FIRST SETTLEMENT AT PLIMOUTII. hi boat "But the [captain] himself got on board very sore wounded, and they had cut off his head upon the cuddy of the boat, had not his man rescued him with a sword, and so they got him away." Squanto was with Cupt. Dtrmer at this time, as will be seen hi the life of Massasoit. CHAPTER II. drrical and first Proceedings of the English 7cho settle at Plimmtth — Thiir first disroeery of Indians — Their first battle with them — Swmostt — Squtinto — iMASSAsoiT — lyanough 'hjiinel — Cauneconiim — Caunbitant — Wittuwamkt — Pkksuot — HoBOMOK — Tukuiniihamou — Obbutinewat — Na.nkpashamft — Hqimto- Sachem of Maasachuselts — Wehcowet. In 1G20 some determined white people, widi the most astonishing and invincible firnmess, undertook to wander 3000 miles from tlie land of their birth, and, in the most hay.iu'doua manner, to take up a permanent abode upon the bordei-s of a lioundless wilderness, — a wilderness a^ great, or far greater, for aught ti>ey knew, than the expmise of ocean which they were to pass. IJut all dangej-s and difficulties, tliere to he encountered, weighed nothing in comparison with the liberty of conscience which they might enjoy when once J)eyond the control of their bigoted pei-secutors. Tliese singular jK'ople had liberty from theu" oppressor, Jamet I., to go and settle in this wilderness, and to possess themselves of some of the lauds ol' the Indians, luovided they p Ad him or some of his friends for them. No one seems then to have fpiestioi _ ' how tiiis king cmim by the right and title to lands here, any more tiian how he came by his crown. They were less scru- i)iilous, jMirhaiis, in tiiis matter, as the king told them, in a chaiter* which le granted them, though not till after they had sailed for America, " that he HAU BEEN Ci.'EN CERTAINLY TO KNOIVE, THAT WITHIN THEiiE LATE YEARES THERE HATH, BY GoD^S VISITATION, RAIGNED A WONUERKULL PLAGUE, TO- CETHER WITH MANY HORRIBLE SLAUGHTERS AND MURTHERS, COMMITTED AMOUNGST THE SAUAGE3 AND BRUTISH PEOPLE THERE UEERTOFORE INHAB- ITING, IN A MANNER TO THE UTTER DESTRUCTION, DEVASTACION AND DEPOF- ULACION OF THAT WHOLE TEEHITOHYE, SO THAT THERE IS WOT LEFT, FOR MANY LEAGUES TOGETHER IN A MANNER, ANY THAT DOE CLAIMS OR CHALLENGE ANY KIND OF i.^TERESTs THEREiN."f Tliis was, doubtlcss, as Well kiiovvn, if not better, to the Pilgrims (as they were aptly called) as to King James. After numerous delays and disappointments, the I'ilgrims, to the number of 41, with their wives, \. children, and servants, sailed from Plimouth, in England, in one small ship, called the I\Iayflovver, on Wednesday, the tJth of Sefrtember. Their jjnssage wajs attended with great peril ; but they safely aiTived at CajMi Cod, 9 Nov. following, without the loss of any of their number. They now proceeded to make the necessai'y discoveries to seat themselves on the baiTen roast. One of the first things they found necessary to do, to jireserve order among themselves, was, to form a kind of constitution, or general outline o:" government. Having done this, it was signed by the 41, two days after their arrival, viz. 11 Nov. The stune day, 15 or IG of their number, coveretl with armor, proceeded to the land, and commenced discoveries. The Indians did not show themselves to the English until the loth, and then they would have nothing to say to them. About 5 or G at first only ajmeared, who fied into the woods as soon as tViey had discovered themselves. The Englishmen followed tliein many miles, but could not overtake them. First Bailie with the hnlians. — This was upon 8 Dec. IG20, and we will give the account of it in the language o{ one that was an actor in it. " We went rangmg up and down till ttie sun begun to draw low, and then we hasted * This cliarter bears date 3 Nov. 1G20. Chalmers, Polit. Annals, 81. t Hazard's Hist, ('ollertioiis, I, '05, wliore the entire charter may be seeu. It wm afterwards railed Tmk OiiANi) Plimouth Pateht. Clialiners,iU. J Tlier c were, iu all, 28 females. ■■■^^ ■m ."■ .■•■VS -. 4f - ''■.'>:\ ■-:,;>' >'i» ', \ X, • ■.' '■!}■ ... .'.',* f 12 FIRST BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS.— SAMOSET. (TiooK II. .!■■■ i.i^'..^ ■ f. j: It; out of tlie woods tliat we might come to our shallop. By that time we had done, and our shallop como to us, it was within night [7 Dec], and we l)etook U8 to our rest, after v/c ho i set our watch. " Aliout midnight we lieord a great and hideous cry, and our sentinel called .^nn! nnn! Ho we bestirred ourselves, and shot off a coupl*; of nuiskets, and [the] noise ceased. We concluded that it was a company of wolves and foxes, lor one [of our company] told us he had heanl such a ni>ise in Newfoundland. About r> o'clock in the morning [8 Dec.] wo began to be stirring. U|M)n a >iU(l(len W( heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the smne voices, though they varied their notes. One of our company, l)eing abroad, came running hi and cried, Thetf are men! Indians! ImliansH and withol their arrows came flying amongst us. Our mea ran out with all six^ed to recover their am 3. The ciy ot our enemies was dreadful, esjjecially when our inen ran out to recover their iiru Their note was after this manner, IVoacli ivoach ha ha hack icoach Oi-r luen were no sooner come to their arms, but the enemy was ready to 't ti • ". There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiavit, who was tho> ;' to j' their captain, stood lielimd a tree, within half a musket shot of us, .>'! ther ' !••" his arrows fly at us. He stood three shots of a musket. At lengin one oi .' iis lie said, taking full aim at him, he gave an extraordinary cry, and away they went all." It is not certain that any blood was shed in this battle ; but 'n was pretty strongly presumed that the big captain of the Indians was Avoiinde«l. The Indians having reti*eated, the conquerors were left in possession of the I)attle- ground, and they proceeded to gather together the trophies of this their tirst victory. They picked up 18 arrows, which they sent to their friends in Eng- land by the return of the Mayflower. Some of these were curiously "headed with brass, some with harts' horn, and others with eases' claws."* It appeared afterwards that this attack was made by the Nauset Tmlians, whoseen their permanent abode, which now they gladfy exchanged for the sandy shore of the bay of Cape Cod. Welcome, Englishmen ! Welcotne, Englishmen! are words so inseparably associated witii the name of Samoset, that we can never hear the one without the pleasing n'collection of the other. These were the first accents our pilgrim fathers heanl, on the American strand, from any native. We mean intelligible accents, for when they were attacked at Namskeket, on their first arrival, they ht:nrd only the frightfid war-whoop. The first time Indians were seen by the pilgrims, was upon 15th Nov. 1620. " They espied 5 or G i)eople, with a dog, coming towards them, who were savages; who, when they saw them, ran into the woods, and whistled the dog after them." t And though the English ran towards them, when the Indians l)erceived it " they ran away might and main," and the English " could not come near them." Soon after this, Morion says the Indians "got all the powaws in the country, who, for three days together, in a horid and devilish mauer did curse and execrate them with their conjurations, which assembly * Mourt's Relation, in 1 Mans. Hist. Col. VIII, 218, 219. t Relation or Jonrnal of a Plantcdion settled at Pltjmouth, in N. E. usually cited Mourt's Relation. It was, no (loiilu, wriucn by several of iho company, or the writer was assisted by several. Mourt seems to have b»'en the publisher. I have no scruple but that the suegesliou of Judge Divis is correct, viz. that Richard Gardner was the principal author. About the early seiiloinciil of any country, there never was a more important docunienl. It was printed in 1622, and is now reprinted in the Mass. Hist. Col., and we hope soon to see it printed in it volume bv itself in a style worthy of its importance. As it stands in the Hist. Collections, it is very difhcult to consult, a part of it being contained in one volume, and the lemaiuder iu another. [Book II. ne we liad we betook ;inel railed jskcts, and and foxes, foundland. ',. U|M)n a 3 the sjune ng abroad, ind witlial II siM*d to iaily when '\» manner, their anus, an, and no lind a tree. He stood full ahn at Chap. II] THE PLAGUE.— NEW INTERVIEW. 18 iet Indians, ;his fight, is jpened wos t The First and service they held in a dark and dismal swomp. Behold how Satan labor- ed to hinder the gospel from coming into New England ! " It was on Friday, IHtii March, KKiJ, that Samoset suddenly appeared at Plimoutli, and, says Mourt, " He very boldly came all alone, and along the houses, strait to the rendezvous, where we interce|)ted him, not sutlering him to go in, OS imdoubtedly he woidd, out of Ids boklness." He was naked, "only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long." The weather wad verj' cold, and this author adds, " VVe east a horseman's eoat about him.'" To reward them for their hospitality, Samonet gave them whatever information they desired. "He had, say they, learned some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came to fish at Motdiiggon, and knew by name the most ot the ca|»tains, commandei-s, and masters, that usually come [there]. He was a mail free in spctch, so far as he could (xprc.ss bis mind, and of s«'emiy ciu'- riage. We questioned him of many things ; he wits the first savage wt^ could meet withal. He said lie was not of tlios?o witli tlicin, and stayed wjtli us till VVediHssdiiy uioniiug. Then we SI lit liiui to tlioiu, to know ilic reu-sou they came not accordinfj to tlicir words ; and we gave tiiin a liat, a pair ol'Htoekings and shoes, a t^hirl, and a pier'e of plotli to tie ahout his waist." Sdmosct returned affain, the next day, bringing with him Sqxutnto, mentioned in the Inst ehajtter. lie was "the oidy native fsays Mourt's Relation) of I'atiixet, where we now inhabit, who was one ot the 20 [or 24] eaptives, that by Hunt were earried away, and had been in England, and dwelt in C'ornhill with master John Slaine, a nKsreliant, and could speak a little l-nglish, with three othei-s." They brought u few articles for trade, but the more important news "that their great sagamore, Massasoyt, was hard by," whose introduc- tion to them accordingly Ibllowed. In June, Ui'il, a boy, Jolm liUlinglon, having been lost in the woods, several English, with Sqxianto and Tokamuhainoii, undertook a voyage to Nausct in search for him. Squanto was th(;ir interpreter; "the other, Tokamaliamon, a special friend." The weather was liiir when they wt out, "but ere they had been long at sea, tli(>re arose a storm of wind and rain, with much lightning and tlnuKler, insomuch that a [water] spout arose not far irom them." How- ever, they escaped danger, and lunivcd at night at Cumma(|uid. Here they met with some Indians, who intbrmed them that the boy was at Nauset. These Indians treated them with great kindness, inviting them on shore to eat ■with them. Iijunoiiprh was sachem of this place, and these were bis men. " They brought lis to tlieir saciiim (says jMourt) or governor, whom they call lyanough" who then ai)peared about 20 years of ag((, " but very personable, gentle, court(;ous, and fair-conditioned, indeed, not like a savage, save for his attire. His enter- tainment was answerable to his parts, mid liis cheer plentiful and various." Tims is portrayed the amiable character, Ii/anouf^h, by those who knew him. We can add but little of him except his wretched fate. The severity executed upon M'ittmvamet and Peksuot caused such consternation and dread of the English among many, that they foreook their wonted habitations, fled into 8wam|)s, and lived in unhealthy places, in a state of starvation, un'il many died with diseases which they bad thus contracted. Aujong such victims were hfanough, Aspind, Coneconam, and many n)ore. Hence the English supposed tliey were in Ptk^not^s conspiracy, as will be more j)articului ly related here- after. While the English were with lyanoufrli^ at Cummaquid, they relate that there was an old woman, whom they judged to be no less than 100 years old, ivbo came to see them, because she had never seen English; "yet (say they) [she] could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively." They inquired the reason of it, and were told that she had three sons, " who, when master Hunt was in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade with him, and he carried tlietn captives into Spain." Squanto being ]»resent, who was carried away at the same time, was acquainted with the circumstances, and thus the English became knowing to her distress, and told her they were sorry, that Hunt was a bad man, but that all the other Eng- lish were well flisposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a few trinkets, wliich consid(!rably ajjpeased her. Our voyagers now ])roceed to Nauset, accompanied by lyanovgh and two of his men. Jlspinet was the sachem of this place, to whom Squanto was sent, Ji/anous;h and his men having gone before. Squajito having informed Aspintt that his English friends hacl come for the boy, he "came (they relate) with a great train, and brought the boy with him," one carrying him through the water. This being at or near the place where an attack was made on the English, on their firet arrival in the country, as has been related, caused them to be on their guard at this time. At this time, Aspinet had in his company "not less than an Inindred ;" half of whom attended the boy to the boat, and the rest "stood aloof," with their bows and arrows, looking on. Aspinet delivered up the boy in a formal man- ner, "bebung with beads, and made peace with us ; we bcrcowing a knife on him, and likewise on another, tliat first entertained the boy, and brought him thither." r •■■ [Rook U eil himself y iiiornuig. icoriliiif; to u Hhirt, und , nu iitiniKHl lation) of iptivcH, that in C'onihill ri{;htih, with e iiiiportaut so iiitroiluc- )0(lf>, soveral o Nuiistt in imahamon, a >re tlicy had :li liglitniiig nil." IIow- Ilerc they s at Nauset. sliorc to eat 'hey hrouplit nough" who e, courteous, His eiiter- iiid various." J i\uew him. rity executed dread of the )U8, fled into i'l many died victims were ish supposed related liere- relate that 00 yeai-s old, t (say they) iiou, weeping ere told that went aboard " Sqiutnto lauited with listross, and e other Eng- n gave her a gh and two 7ito was sent, rmed Aspintt relate) with a through the made on the caused them ndred;" half ;" with their formal man- ng a knife on brought him Chap. II] lyANOUGII.—ASPINET.— DEATH OF SQUANTO. lA m. I ■I Ii/nnough diil not accoinfmny the expeilition in their return from Nauset, hut went home hy land, and was ready to eiiK'rtain the company on their return. Trom ''(intniry winuj and a want of fresh water, the voviigcru were obligcil to touch affiiin at Cummaciuiarty that stole them," ^^or else he would rtverxfre it on thtm before his departure, and so departed for the night, ^refusinf^ tohatsoever kiiulness they offered." However, the next morning, ^spinet, attended by many of his men, went to the English, "in a stately niaiuier," and restored all the "trifles;" for the exposing of which the English deserved ten tunes as much reprehension as the man for taking them. Sqiuinto being the only p(;r8on that escaped the great sickness at Patuxet, inquirers for an accoimt of that calamity will very reasonably expect to find it in a history of his life. Wo therefore will relate all that is known of it, not elsewliere to be noticed in our progniss. The extent of its ravages, as near an we can judge, was from Narraganset Bay to Kennebeck, or [Hjrhaps Penob- scot, and was sup|)osed to have commenced about 1617, and the length of its duration seems to have been between two and three years, as it was nearly abjited in 1619. The Indians gave a frightfid account of it, saying that they died so fast " that the living were not able to bury the dead." When the Eng- lish arrived in the coimtry, their bones were thick upon the ground in many places. This they looked upon as a great providence, inasmuch as it had destroyed " multitudes of the barbarous heathen to make way for the chosen people of God." " Some had expired in fipht,— the brands Still rusted in their bony hands,— In plague and famine some." — Campbell. All wars and disostei's, in those days, were thought to be preceded by some stinnge natural appearance, or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or phenomenon ; hence the appearance of a comet, in 1618, was considered by some the precursor of this pestilence.* We will give here, from a curious work, f in the language of the author, on interesting passage, relating to this melancholy period of the history of the people of Masaasoit, in which he refers to Squanto. After relating the fate of a French ship's crew among the Wampanoags, as extracted in the life of Mas- aasoit, in continuation of the accoimt, he proceeds thus : " But contrary wise, [the Indians having said "they were so many that God could not kill them," when one of the Frenchmen rebuked them for their "wickedness," telling them God would destroy them,] in short time after, the hand of God fell heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake, that they died on lieaps, as they lay in their houses, and the living, that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away and let them dy, and let their carkases ly above the ground *The year IfilS seems to have been very iruitful in comets, " as therein no less than four were observed." /. Mather's Discourse concerninor Comets, 108. lloston, l!2mo. 1083. There may be seen a curious passage concerning the comel of 1G18 in Rushwortli' s Hist. Col. of that year. fNew English Canaan, 23, by Thomas Morton, 4lo. Amsterdnm, K337. [Book II. [Tiuch for a y returned (• JfOVlTIICtP muuik: uIho t uiitl corn ir piiiiiuce, stuck of it, '. Jhpinet , until tlicy 1. All tliid iving groat f^reut wick- it' not tho 1(1, as usual, 1 huppcning It guuni, lio vliicli wlien til liiui, and g the sanio them before indness they of his men, trifles;" for epreheiision i at Patuxet, ect to find it m of it, not 8, as near at) laps Penob- letigth of its [ was nearly [g that they en the Eng- nd in many 1 as it had le chosen ed by some jearance or nsidered by author, an story of the the fate of ife ofMas- trary wise, kill them," ess," telling of God fell )n heaps, as themselves, the ground less than fniir nmo. 1G83. hwortli'i Hist. CHAf. Ill «(iUANTO— MASSASOIT. ir m without huriiill. For in a place whnrn many inhnliif.l, there hath Imvm hut one led alive to tell what hccaiiic of the rest ; tin; livinu litiii^^ [tu* it seems) nut iilili' to iMirv the 'lead. They were leJl li)r erowes, kites, ami vrnniiie to pray iiiMxi. And the lioties ami Hkiills, upon tlit^ si'verill places of tlicir haliitatioiis, nia.le Hiicli a spectacle, nW'V my coiiimiiii? into those parts,* that, !is I travailed ill that tinresl m-rc the Massaciiussits, it s/emed to me a nrw-loimd (iolirotha." Sir t'cnlinitii'ln (i(ir!!e.i, as we iiave si-eii, wjis Wi II acipiaiiited with tli ■ coast of New Kiifiiaiid. After his desiifii failed at Sagadaliock, he h'lls us tliat he sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave a company imd. r one /Vd.s.t to remain and trade in the coiiiifry. Thesi' were his own si-rvants, and lie ordered "th(!iii to leave the ship ami ship's company, for to follow their liiisiiirss ill the usual place, (for, he says, I kin'W they would not he drawn to seek by any means,) hy these, and the help of those natives formerly sriit over, I colli" to i>e truly iiiloriiied of so miicii as gave me assurance that in time I slioiild want no undertakers, though as yet [ was forced to liire men to stay there the winter quarter, at extreme rates, and not without danger, tor that t\).' wart had consumed the Bashaiia, and the most of the great sagam'sics, with such men of action as followed them, and tliose that remaiiuil were sore nrtlicteil with the plague ; for that tin; country Wius in a maimer le'll void of inhabitants. Notwithstanding, J'tnen, and the rest with him that lay in the cabins with those pcojili; that died, some more, some less, mightily, (lilessed be God for it) not one of them (wer felt tlu^ir Inwids to ache while they stayed there." Here, although we are put in possession of several of tla; most impcn- tant flicts, yet our venerable author is deficient in one of the main partieiilai-s — I mean that of dates, Therelbre we giiin no further data as to the time or coiitiniianee of this jilagiie among the Indian.s ; for Hir Fcrdinando adds to the above, " and this course I held some years together, but nothing to my private pkotit," &c. In Capt. Smithes account of New England, puitlished in l()3l, he has a passage about tho plague, which is much like that we have given above li-om Morton. The ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and the man that they kept a prisoner, on telling them he feared his (•ml would destroy them, their king made him stand on the top of a lull, and collected his people about it that the man might see how numerous tluy were. When tie had doni; this, he demanded of the Frenchman whether iiis God, that he told so much about, had so many men, and whether they couhl kill all those. On his assuring the king that he could, they derided him as before. Soon after, the jilague earrie% ith great variation, as Woosamequin, Jlsuh- mequin, Oosamequen, Osamekin, Ow)inmfqnin,Owsamequine,Ussameqtien, IVasam- egin, &c. ; but the name by which he is f^enerally known in history, is that with which we commence his life.§ Mr. Prince, in his Annals, says of that name, * Mr. Morton first cnine over in 1()'2"2. He settled near Weymoutli. After great trouble and losses I'roin those of a dilTerent religion, he was bitnished out of the eountry, and had his property sequestered, but soon after returned. He died in York, Mc, IG'tfi. If it be pretended that Morton liiul no relis^ion, we say, " Judge not." He professed to have. t Mr. Rkhard Vines. Anfrica painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 4to. Lond. 1659. X A great war among the Indians at this time is mentioned by most of the first writers, but the particulars of it cannot be known. Il seems to have been between the Tarr-uines and tribes to the west of Pascataqua. tSome have derived the name of Massachusetts from this chief, but that conjecture is not e heeded. If any man knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Roger Wiiliams did. •^•/y ^.,<:' V |: ■'/■: hii I 18 MASSASOIT. [Book II. ^3^:.^ "the printPfl accoiitits generally spell him Massasoit ; Gov. Bradford writes him Massnsoyt, and Massasoyet ; but I find the ancient peo|)l(', from their fathers in Piiiuoiith colony, j)rorioimcc(l his name Ma-sns-so-it." Still we find no inclination to cl)anf,'e a h^ttf^r in a name so venerahh;, and which has been so long cstalilishcd; for if a writer sutler the spirit of innovation in nimseltj he knows not where to stop, and we jironounce him no antiquani. It has o(h'n hceii thought strange, that so mild a sachem '^.'V/ossasojY should have; possi'ssf'd so great a country, and our wonder has hjen increased when We consider, that Indian j)ossessions are generally "'**::.ined by prowess and great personal courage. We know of none who could boast of such extensive (iiiminioiis, where all were content47, the Nipmuks were rather uncertain about tlitnr sachem, and probably belonged at one time to Massasoit, and at another to the Nanagansets, or others, as circmnstances impelled. "The No|)nat (Nipnet, or Ni|)muk) Indians having uoe sachem of their own are at liberty ; part of them, by their own choice, doe appertaine to the Narraganset sachem, and parte to the Mohegens." * And certainly, in IGtiO, those of Quabaog belong :;d to Massasoit or Wassamegin, as he was then called (if he be the same), as will be evident from facts, to be found in the life of Uncas. He owned Cape Cod, and all that part of Mjissachusetts and Rhode Island between Narraganset and Massachusetts bays; extending inland between Pawtuckot and Charles rivers, a distance not satisfactorily ascertained, as was said before, togetlier witii all the contiguous islands. It was filled with many tribes or nations, and all lo(>king up to him, to sanction all their ex[)editions, and settle alt their difliculties. And we may remark, further, with regard to the Nipnudis, that at one time they were his tribiiiaries. And this seems the more probable, for in Philip's war there was a constant intercourse between them, and when any of his men made an escape, their course was directly into the country of the Nipnmks. No such intercourse subsisted between the Nan-a- gansets and either of these. But, on the contrary, when a messenger from the Narragansets arrives! in the country of the Nipmuks, witli the heads of some of the I'^nglish, to show that they had joined in the war, he was at first fired upon, though afterwards, when two additional heads were brought, lie was received with them. Massasoit had several |)laces of residence, but the principal was Mount Hope, or Pokanoket. The Eiiglish early gave it tiie name of Mount Hope, In it from what ciiTumstance we have not lear»;;u. Some SL'ppose the words Mount Hope corruptcid from the Indian wmus Mon-top,\ but with what reason we are not informed. Since we have tlius early noticed the seat of the ancient chiefs, be- fore i)iT)ceeding with the life of the first of the Wampanoags, we will give a descrijition of it. It ap[)ears to the best tdvantage from the village of Fall River, in tin; town of Troy, Massachusetts, from winch it is distant about four miles. From this place, its top very much resembles the dome of the state- He Icariicil from the Indian ihcmselves, "that the Ma^-i':hisetts were called so from the IJlue Hills." Ill the vorabulary of Indian words, by Rev. John Cotton, tlie definition of Massa- chusett is, " an hill in the form of an arrow's head." * Records of tlio U. Col. in Ilazard, ii. 92. \ Ahli'n's Collection of l^iiiaphs, iv. ()8.5. President Stiles, in his notes to the second edition of Chuuch's Hist. I'lOLir's War, p. 7, spells it Mont-hanp ; but it is ot so in the text of either edition. Moreover, wo have not boon able to discover that Mon-t^p is derived from Inilian word or words, and do not hesitate to pronounce it a corruption of the two £i'iglish words commonly used io uaiuiiig it. ■f [Book II. lord writes irom tluMF till wc find (US b(M'ii so uimsclf, he tsoit t*lionl(l used when rowt'ps und h extensive frionds and jro that we luioii, in an many trilx'S 1(!W. That inaiuon is so account of lany nations ans, are not wevcr, iVom ertain about I at nnotlier riie Nopnat re at liberty ; isct siichern, of Quabaog if he be the ' Uncas. lie and between 1 Pawtuckot 3 said before, any tribes or ns, and settle ;gard to the irns the more [nween them, :tly into the ( the Narra- ger from the •ads of some at lii-st fired |ught, he waa Mount Hope, kpo, I lit from I Mouni Hope In we are not )it chiefs, be- will give a [llage of Fall It about ibur |of the state- T from the Blue llion of Mussa- to the second lis ol so in the -«,/p is derived lion of llifi two Chap. II.] MASSASOIT. to house in Boston, as seen from many places in the vicinity, at four or five miles' distance. Its height by admeasurement is said to be aitout ^200 feet.* It is vcrv t^teep on the side towards Pocassct, and its appcaranct! is very regular. To its natural ajipearance a gentleman of Bristol has contributed to add matiiially, l»y placing upon its summit a circuhu* sunnuer-house, and this is a ])riMcipai' reason why it so much resembles th Ma.ssiichusetts state-house. Tliis mount, thcretbre, sinc(! some time previous to ld'^4, does not ai)p('ar as in tiii~ days uf Mcuisasoit, and as it did to his early frince assert that Ca|)t, Smith named tlic; country New England. VV(! will now hear Smith f on ti-.ls matter, " New Engl.md is that part of America, in the Occjan sea, opposite to ..VoHrt Jllhion, in the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir fYancis Drake, in his voyage about the world, I'u regard whereof, this is .stiled N(;w England." Cii\)t, Smith, ill 1()]4, made a survey of the coiist of what is now New l^ig- land, and because the country was alrennt ^ rgotten in 1(>02, rn." Forster's ' more surpris- [, and Aiisiiitch, hiiard Drake's [.1882. Queen liese, or others, tiness, some of Iral Portngnesc \a' to coast up I, to see if there nee inallenlive jng both distin- lly of the same [cis, and hence jelfiOO. fapt. r any of ihem Chap. Ill MASS.\SOIT. 21 cliiisit who tliree years since escaped shipAvreck at the north-east of Cape Cod."' . , Wr' liave mentioned his interview witli J'.fnssasoit, whom wc suppose was one of tlie kings mentioned in tho Ictti-r, and (^uculequina was no doiil)t the other. In nn(4iier letter, Mr. Dermer says tlio Indians woidd have killed hitii at NaiiKisket, had not Squnnto entreated hard tor him. " Their desire of revenge (lie addn) was oceasioiicil hy an Kiiglisiimjin, who, having many of them on hoani, made great slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when (as thfV say) they otli'red no injury on their parts." IMr. Thomns Morton* the author wlir) inaiU; himself so merry at the exi)ense of the Pilgrnns of Plimoiith, has the following passage eoncerning these Frenchmen: — "It fortuned some f(!W ycares hefore tin; Knglish came to inhal)it at new Plimnioiith in New England, that, tipon soiih^ distast given in the .'\Iassaehiissets Bay, hy Frenchmen, then trading there with the natives for heaver, they .set upon the men, at stieji advantage, tjiat they killed manie of them, litn'ned their shipj), then riding at anchor hy an island there, now called Peil(lork\'i Island, in memf)ry of Leonard Peddork that landed tht>rhich he drank, and gave us to drink.f His face was painted with a sad red * lUmirl's narrat' . js here rontinued from the last extrari. in p. iO, without any omission. 1 1 presume Ihat i.j " drinkintf lobaoco," smoking is meant. The pilpjrims were prol)al)ly not acquaintoit with the practice of smokinf;^ mi all, and hence this sort of misnomer i.s not sriin;;e, th'ugh it may be thought a lilt ■ odfl. How long srn,okinal>iy ■)f misnomer is nol Til hy the name r,f |piimoulh records I \ip an order con- Ihe country have a Ler, u«ed to term C ;AP. 11] MASSASOIT. 03 I ii»' murrey, and oiled both head and face, th:t he looked (jreasily. AH his followers likewise were, in their faces, in part or in whoie, painted, some black, jome red, some yellow, and some white ; some with crosses and other imtic works ; some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men in ap- pearance. The king had in his Inisom, hangmg in a string, a great long knife. lie marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men wouiil sound it a.s well as they could. Samoset and SquatUo stayed all night with us." MassasoU ret'ied into the woods, about half a mil'^ from the Englisli, and there encamped at night with his men, women and children. Thus ended March 2iJd, Ki'il. Diu-ing his first visit to the English, lie expressed great signs of fear, and «(uriiig the treaty could not refrain from trembling.* Thus it is easy to see low much hand he had in making it, but tomild that there had never been toorse ones made. It was agreed that some of his peojjle should come and plant near by, in a few days, and live there all summer. "That night we kept good watch, but there was no appearance of danger. The next morning divers of their people eain«! over to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them told us th<" king would have some of us come to see him. Capt. Standish and Isaac Alderton went venterously, who were welcomed of him after their man- ner. He gave them three or four ground nuts and some tobacco. VVe cannot yet conceive, (they continue,) but tliat he is willing to have peace with us ; for they have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work and fowling, when as they oft'ered them no harm, as they might easily have done ; and especially liecause he hath a potent advei-sary, the Narrohigansets,t that are at war with him, against whom he tiiinks we may be some strength to him ; for our pieces are terrible unto them. This mornhig they stayed till 10 or 11 of the clock; and our govc^rnor bid them send tlie king's kettle, and filled it witii peas, which pleased them well ; and so they went their way." Thus ended the first visit of MassasoU to the pilgrims. We should here note that he ever aft(!r treated the English with kindness, and the peace now concluded was undisniibed for nearly 40 years. Not that any writing or articles of a treaty, of which he never had any adequate idea, was the cause of his friendly behavior, but it was the natm*al goodness of his heart. The pilgrims report, that at this titiu; he wiis at war with the Narragansets. But if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small skirmishing. Meanwhile Squanto and Samx>set remained with the English, instructing them how to live in their country ; equal in all respects to Robinson Crusoe's man tyida;/, and had De Foe lived in that age; he might iiave made as good a story from their history as he did from that of Alexander Selkirk. — "Squanto went to fish [a day or two after Massasoit left] for eels. At night he came home with as many as he could lift in one baud, whi('li our people were glad of. They were fat and sweet. He trod them out with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, without any other instrument." It drinking tobacco. Hist. Plim. 34. This we infer was witliin Ihe recollection of tiie au- thor. The notion that tobacco is so called from Ihe islnml Tobago, is erroneously entertained by many. When Sir Fraitcis Drake discovered the country to the north of California, in 1579, the writer of Ihe account of his voyage says, the Indians presented the admiral with a small basket made of rushf s, filled with an herb they called tabah. From another passage it appears, that the Indians of that region, like those of New England, had bags in which tobacco was carried. Bumet/s Voyages, I. 344-7. * And, with this fact before him, the author of " Talex of the Indians ' says, the treaty was made with deliberation and cheerfulness on the part of Afassasoit ! t Few Indian names have been spell more w.iys than this. From the nature of the Indian language, it is evident that no r should be used in it. Nahigonsik and Nantigansick, R. Williams. — Nechegansitt, Gookin. — Nanlyggausiks, Caltendcr. — Nanohigganset, Winsloto's Good News from N. Eng. — Nanhyganset, Jiidire Johnson's Life of Gen. Gnrne. — These are but few of the pernmlations without the r, and thosi! with it are still more numerous. The meaning of the name is still uncertain. Madam Knight, in her Journal, 22 and 23, says, at a place where she happened t I'lt >!> for a night in that country, she heard some of ihe " town toners" disputing aboii* : ,. ^iii of the word Narragan.tet . "Oneso'd it was so named by Indians. I -cause there ,i-w .k bher .nere of a prodigious height and bigness, who quoted an Indian o{ •.;« barbarous . ^ame : r '•■" author that she could nol write it." Another said it meant a celebrated spring, -i ioh wr very cold in summer, and " as * H as could be imagined in ihe w'inler." i'i •>•■•>, r succeeded in allaying his wmth for that time. Soon after, he sent a meSvS<3nger to entreat the governor to consent to his being put to death ; the govenior said he deserved death, but as In; knew not how to get along without him in his intercourse with the Indians, he would spare lum. Determined in his pur|)ose, MassMoit soon sent the same messenger again, accompanied by many otliers, who offered many beaver skins that TisqtiarUum might be giver, up to thrni. They demanded him in ihe name of Massasoit, as being one of his subjects, whom, (says fFinsluio,) by our first articles of peace, we could not retain. But out of respect to the English, they would not seize him without their consent. Masscvioit had sent his own knife to be used in cutting off" his head and hands, which were to l)e brought to him. Meantime Squanto came and delivered himse'f up to the governor, charging Hobomok with his overthrow, jmd telling him to deliver him or not to the mes- sengers of MassasoU, as he thought fit. It seems from the narrative that, as the governor was about to do it, they grew impatient at the delay, and went oflf in a rage. The delay was occasioned by tlie appearance of a boat in the harbor, which the govenior protended might be that of an enemy, as there had iKien a rumor that the French had meditated breaking up the settlement of the English in this region. This, however, was doubtless only a pretence, and employed to wtuv out the ])atience of his unwelcome visitors. Hence that MajsasoU should for some time after "seem to frown" on the English, as they «;omplaip, is certainly no wonder. The next summer, in .Tune or July, MassasoU was visited by several of the English, among whom was Mr. Edivard Winslow, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and Sqvanto as their interpreter. Their object was to find out his place of resi- dence, in casi! they should have to call upon him for a?=istance ; to keep good the friendly correspondence commenced at Plimouth ; und especially to cause him to prevent his n a from hanging about them, and living upon them, which was then considt red very burd<'nsome, as they had bcgim to grow short of provisions. That their visit itiight be acceptai)le, they took along, for a present, a trooper's red coat, with some lace upon it, and a copper chain ; with these MassasoU was exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told him, he must send as a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they might not be imposed upon by strangera. When the English arri\e.; at Pokanoket, MassasoU was absent, but was immediately scut for. Being informed that he was coming, the English began to prepare to shoot off their guns ; this so frightened the women and chiklren, that they ran away, and would not return until the interpreter assured them that they need not fear; "iid wliea MassasoU arrived, they saluted him by a discharge, at which ! e was very much elated : and "who, after their manner, (says one of the con",)any,) kindly w.'lcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down 'ly hhii, where, having delivered our message and presents, and having pus ?! ) coat 'm iii' back, and the chain about his neck, he was not a little proud U. beho'd. hiri^olf, and his men also, to see their king so bravely attired."* A uv\v tre;iiy W(u> iow held with him, and he very good-naturedly assented to all that was dc^'rcd, He then made a speech to his men, many of them behig assembled to s^e tii- PiUglisli, which, as near as they could learn its meaning, acquainted ticrn vitu what coui-se they might pui-sue in regard to the English. Among other things, he s:iid, "Jim I not MassasoU, commander of the country about us 9 Is not such and such places mine, and the people of them ? Thtu shall take ih. r skins to the Emtlish. This his people applauded. In his speccii, "he named at least thirty places," over which he had control. "This bei7.g ended, he li^^htcd tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of Eng- land and oi' the king's majestj-, marvelling that he should live without a wife." He seems to have been embittered against the French, and wished " us not to Buffer them to come to Narraganset, for it was King James's country, and he * Mourt's Relation, in Cut. Mass. Hist. Soc, II Chap. II was Kin lisli, and bed, if s and a th wife, the *vant of lodging t "The iuid man skins an chance shoot wii desired f wondere( Tiie n boiled th small, as it was, it English I "Very longer, either be ages' barb withhi (1(1 being the not he abl ing, befon grieved lu Tisquayitu another, cj and after \ This fui kingdom c against Ca In 1G23, was very ( enior desp Hobbomok ; London, w my consort Pokanoket, "When w^ men, as v/c way for us. such a belli to cjuxe hiir his arms, le of tiu.'ir cha liiiii. lla\ i was come, are iiimlo up v for llii'lr cover t \i'ifi.tl(iw'i feli>l)rato(l Joh ill an atlcmpt I)arli;iiiii'iit. .^ It wmild l)e must acknowli the names of sotiiciitties see Hnmdni's bioj tbat lie was [Book II lian politics, cians of our It of Massa- n, Massasoit ist Tisquan- time. Soon being put to how to get pare him. cnger again, Tisquardum )f Massasoit, il articles of jy would not fe to be used nor, charging It to the iiies- ■ative that, as ay, and went a boat in the , as there had lenient of the pretence, and Hence that iglish, as they several of the Hopkins, and place of resi- to keep good cially to cause y upon them, to grow short along, for a r chain ; with told him, he they Chap, II] MASSASOIT. 25 [1, so that [sent, but was ['English began and children, assured them ited him by a 1 their manner, Into his house, and presents, •k, he was not [ing so bravely rood-naturedly [men, many of could learn its le in regard to nt, commander the people of nle applauded, [e had control, irsing of Eng- itliout a wife." lied " us not to )untry, and he I was King Jameses man." He had no victuals at this time to give to the Eng- lish, and night coming on, they retired to rest KU|)[)(Tlt's.s. He had but one bed, if so it might be called, 'Mming only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon them,"* "lie laid us on the bed with himself and his wifi', they at the one end, and we at the other. Two more of his men, for ♦vaiit of room, pressed l)y and upon us; so that we were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey." "The next day, many of their sachims or petty gover?iors came to see us, and many of tlx'ir men also. Th(;re they went to their maimer of games for skin.s and knives." It is amusing to learn that tlii' English trie(l to get a chance in this gaml)ling afliiir. Tiiey say, "There wc^ clialli iiged them to shoot with them for skins," but they were too cunning tor them, "only they desired to .see one of us shoot at a mark ; who shooting with hail shot, they wondered to see the mark so full of holes." The next day, about one o'clock, Massasoit brought two large fishes and boiled them ; but the pilgrims still thought their chance for refreshment very small, a.s "there were at least forty looking for a share in them ;" but .scanty as it wits, it came vei-y timely, as they liad fa.sted two nights and a day. The English now left him, at which he was very sorrowful. " Very im|)ortunate he was (says our author) to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to keep the sabbath at home, and fean^d we shoidd cither be liglit-heach-d for want of sleep ; for what with bad lodging, the sav- ages' barban)us singing, (for they used to sing themselvt's aslee|),j lice and fleas within (looi-s, and musketoc^ without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there; we nuich fearing, that if we shoulil stay any longer, we should not be al)le to recover home for want of strength. So that, on Friday morn- ing, before sunrising, we took our leave, and departed, Massasojft being both grieved and a.sl)amed, that he coidd no better enteitain us. And retaining Tisquantum to send (rom plact^ to |)lac(; to procure truck for us, and ap[)ointing another, called Tohamahamon, in his place, whom we had foiuid faithful before and after upon all occasions." This faithfid servant, Tokamahamon, was in the famous " voyage to the kingdom of Nauset," and wi\& conspicuous for his courage in the expedition against Caunhitant. In 1(523, Massasoit sent to his friends in Plimouth to inform them that he was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if |M)ssible, the gov- ernor despatched Mr. Winslnw again, with sotne medicines and cordials, and //o66o/nofc as int(!rpreter ; "having one Master /o/m Hamdcn, a gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort." t In tlieir way they found many of his subjects were gone to Pokanoket, it being tlx'ir custom for all fricjids to atton. '■;}■ ■■■::' 98 MASSASOIT. LtiooK II. 1 ^^1 ':;■•.:.■ ■ : i- I'll t but ordinarily n in the place thereof.)* He desired to speak with me. When I cauH! to him, and they told him of it, he [int forth his liarid to me, which 1 took. Tlieri hv said twice, though very inwanily, A'een JVinsnoic? v ch is to say, .Irt thou Whisloio'i I aiiawered, Ahhe, tliat is. Yes. Then >.e doubled these words : Malta neen wonckantt namen, ffvisnoio ! — that is to say, O Wins- low, I shall never see thee again !^ But contmry to his own expectations, as well as all his friends, by t!ie kind exertions of Mr. fVinsluw, he in a short time entirely recovered. This bein|^ a passagt; of great interest in the life of the great MassasoU, we will here go more into detail concerning it. Wlsen ti i had become able to speak, he desired Mr. Winsloir to provide him a broth from some kind of fowl : " so (says be) I took a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of ducks, some sixscore paces off, and killed one, at which he wondered : so we returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broij therewith, which he much desired ; never did I .see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. The fowl Ix'ing extraordinarj' iiit, I told Hobbamock 1 iiuist take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat it ; this ho acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would not he persuaded to it, though I i)ressed it very much, showing the strength thereof, antl the weak- ness of his stomach, which could not possibly lK;ar it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as nuich as would well have satisfied a man in health." As Winslow had said, it made him very sick, and he vomited with such violence that it made the blood stream from his nose. This bleeding caused them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. Wiien nis nose ceased bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not awake for G or 8 hours more. After he awoke, Mr. Winslow washed his face "and supplied his beard and no.se with a linnen cloth," \\\un\ taking a quantity of water into liis nose, by fiercely eject- ing it, the blood began again to flow, and again his attendants thought he could not recover, but, to their great satisfaction, it soon stopped, and he gained strength rapidly. For this attention of the English he was very grateful, and always believed that his preservation at this time was owing to the benefit he received from Mr. Winsloio. In his way on his visit to Massasoit, Mr. Winslow broke a botth; containing some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem's recov- ery, wrote a letter to the governor of Plimouth for another, and some chickens ; in which he gave him an account of his success thus far. The intention was no sooner made kiiown to Massasoii, than one of his men was sent off, at two o'clock at night, f' i' resi listened n between called llhi Provide/K w'iat<;v(!r this is tliei It appet means or For at th autumn of Woosame(j Nanohiggt ifiay be pn rest as of ] agreement! Under d meek, on t present of beyond Co were abou present. ' ^vronged tl and, giving satisfifid.f In 1(349, Diixbury, ' This wfis t preemption hiilf each, i and a half By a dec! [fCaimidta, those seven aliiis Reholi and soe run metjuin and [Hook II. me. When ne, wliich I V, . eh is to Ke doubled CHAf. II.] MASSASOIT. 27 «y: O fVirui- jcctntions, b» a short time ■ of tlie pn>at '. had bocoiiie n some kind t a coti[)le of lon!d : so we, ii, wliicli he tliut measure tmock 1 must 1 if ho did oat persuaded to ud tli(! weak- hstandinj:;, he fied a man in vomited with riiis bleeding is nose ceastut in'. Ailer he d nose with a fiercely ejeet- ugiit he eould nd he gained tvays believed received from broke a bottle chem's recov- ime chickens ; intention was ent off", at two ing quickness, and, being idea of rais- re about to subordinate )ns, which he ssasoit stated nto, but had ulars of the le history of les of Massa- is peojtle was " expresses it, le.sthig nie to me,] and give e good folk" Rnron Lahon- Ihirmis el (/<■« ; cU^af n (lire. h Ml sen tout a asst' ifiiatre Jourf llssir, et je crois ; cctr (Tit lieu ih nonsieur, caoun- ages are analo vei

.!'d, of the Narragansit saehem.s. It was in Jtkl.') that Mr. IfiUiums (led to that country, to avoid being seized and sent to England, lie found that Canonicus and Mianlunnonwh were at bitter enmity witli Ousaim- (juiit, but by his great exertions he restored peace, without which he could not iiave been secure, in a border of the d(jminion of either. Ousameijuin was well ac(iuaintettled. f From the "Relation" of Dr. /. Mother, it is clear tliat lie lived until l(j(!2. His words are, ".^/fxa?w/frb('ing dead, [ha\ing died in l()(i2,] his brother P/ii'/j^, of late cursed memory, rosi; up in his stead, and ne was no sooner styled sachem, hut immediately, in the year Klti'J, there were vehement suspicions of his bloody trciichery agjiinst the English." j Hence, as we do not hear of Alcxnnder as sachem until 1662, which is also the year of his death, it is fiiir to concludt; that he could not have been long hi otlice !it the time of his death ; nor coidd he have been styled "chief sachem" until athM- the death of his father. Whether Massasoit had more than two sons, is not certain, although it is contidently believed that he had. It is probable tliat his family was large. A com|)any of soldiers from liridgewater, in a skirmish with Philip, took his sister, and killed a brother of Oiummeijuiii, whose name was Unkompocn, § or Akknmpoin. || That he had another brother, called Qiiadequina, has been mentioned. Gov. yVlnihrop gives the following anecdote of Ousamequin. As Mr. Ed- ward JVinslow was returning from a trading voyage southward, having left his vessel, he traveled home by land, and in the way stoj)ped witli his >id friend Massiisoit, who agreed to accomj)any him the rest of the way. In the mean time, Ousmiwjuin sent one of his men forward to Plimouth, to surprise the people with the news of Mr. fVinsloiv^s death. By his maimer of relating it, and tin; particular circumstances attending, no one doubted of its truth, and every one was grieved and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But * 8(iino recorHs which Mr. Daffffclt consnllod in prci-aring his History of Attlcborough, led him If) concliiilu that Afa.ssusoil died prfvioiis to .tunc, IGtiO. t Original maniiscnjit doriHTiciils. The particulars of these matters will be given at largey when we come to treat of tlie life of Uncas. t Relation, 72. ^ /. Mather, U, j) Church, 38, edit. 4to. Ml I yL_ ■»ii [Book II ifir|n(uit ; and, i)eiug at Namasket seeking, say the Pilgrims, "to draw the hearts of M(tfi.miii)jjl''s sid)- jects fi-oni him ; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at tin; jieace be- tween Nauset, Cumniaquid and us, and at Tismifintuin, the w«,;ker of it ; also at Tnkamithnmon, and oiu^ llaliomok, (two Indians or T murdered a little iieliire, being a sjiecial and trusty man of MassnsoijCs,) Tokamnhamon weiit to hiui, but tiie otiier two wduld not ; yet put their lives in their hniuls, privately went to see if they could hear of their king, and, lodging at Namasciiet, were dicovered to Coubatnnt, who set a guard to beset the house, and took Tisqitantum, {\'i)r he had said, il'he wen; dead, the English had lost tlaur tongu(\) Ilohliiimok see- ing tliat Tisqunnlum was taken, and Conhalant held [holding] a kniti" at his breast, iieing a strong and stout man, lirake Irom them, and came to New Pli- moinh, full of fear and sorrow for T/.ti/iwni/um, whom he thought to be slain." Upon this the Plimonth people sent an cxpediti»»n, under Stundi.ih, of 14 men,f " and Uohhamok for their guide, to revenge the sujijiosed death of Tiiqwinlum on CoubaUint our bitter enemy, and to retain .Yepeof, another sachem, or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was become of our friend JtffMsasoi/'." Atler much toil, the little army arrived near the place they expected to find CavnhitnnI, "IJeibre we came to the town (says llie narrator) we sat down and eat such as our knajisacks afforded ; that being done, we threw them aside, and all such things as might hinder us, and so went on and beset the hous(!, according to our last resolution. Those that entered, demanded if C'o«fca/«n< were not there ; but fear had berelHhe savages of speech. We (diarged them not to stir, lor if Couhatant were not there, we would not nied die with them ; if he were, we came princi|mlly for him, to be avenged on him lor the snjiposed death of Tisscaped, but with some wouiuls. At length jierceiving our iirincijial ends, they told us (^oubatant was returned [home] with all his train, and that Tisquantiim was yet living, and in the town ; [then] oflering some tobacco, [and] other, such as they had to eat." In this hurley hurley, (as they call it,) two gims were fired " at random," to the great terror of all but Sqimnto and Tokamnhamon, "who, l' ongh they knew not our end in coming, yet assured them [so frightened] of oiir honesty, [and] that we would not ' irt them." The Indian boys, seemg the sipiaws protected, cried out, JVeeriA pines ! jVeensqiiaes ! that is, I am a sq^iaw! I am a squaw! and the women tried to screen themselves in Hobomok^s presence, reminding him that he was their triend. This attack uj)on a defenceless house was made at midnight, and nmst have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates, especially the sound of the English guns, which few, if any of them, had ever heard before. The relator proceeds : "But to be short, we kept them we had, ami made them make a fire that we might see to search the house ; in the meantime, * Corbitant, Coubatant, and CoiibitarU, were ways of writing Ills name also, by his con lomporaries. t Ten, says the Relation. 3* ' ':m )^ vr v^ -> IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I itt IM 12.2 2? 114 ■" £ L£ 12.0 m 1 m IIIJ4 IJ4 < 6" >. ^ '/] ^.^• > / Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WiST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 1 4580 (716) •73-4S03 Z V SO TREATY WITH THE INDIANS. [Book n Ir'- \;:-[ ■ . 1- ji? n.f*: I . Hobbamokgat on the top of the house, and cnlled TSsqtumium and Tokama- hatnon." They tmon came, with some others with them, some armed and otherH naked. The English took away the bows and arrows from tliose that were nrmed, but promised to return them as soon as it was day, which they I)rohiii)ly did. Tliey kept possession of the captured wipwam until daylight, when they reVnsed their prisoners, and marched into tiie town (as they call it) of the Ndirinskcts. Here, it appears, Squanto had a house, to which they >vent, and r >ok breakfast, and held a court afterward, from wliich they issued ibrth the fbl lowing decree against Caunbitant : — " Thither came all wliose hearts were upright towards us, but all Couba- tarWa faction were fled away. Tliere in the midst of tliem we manifested again onr intendment, assuring them, that, although Coubitanl had now escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from us, if he continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had kiiuily entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so justly deserved it. Moreover, ii'Masaaaoyt did not return in safety from Nar- rohigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against him, or offer violence to TisqxutrUum, Hobomok, or any of MataasorfCa subjects, we would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As ibr tiiose [who] were wounded, [how many is not mentioned,] we wore sorry lor it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the house at our command : yet, if they would return home with us, our surgeon should heal them. At this ofl'er one man and a woman that were wounded went home with us, Tisqunntum and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might l)e by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that by Ciod's good |)rovidence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth."* Notwithstanding these rough passages, Caunbitant became in appearance reconciled to the English, and on the 13th Se|>t. following (1621) went to Plimouth and signed a treaty of amity. It was through the intercession of Massasoit that he became again reconciled, but the English always doubted his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty or submission was in these words : — " Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are underwritten, , Apannow." ansaction, and Hrhere Boston 'as Coneconam uis Jlspintt of ne Naahoonon. untry to trade fs ; who, thev : tiie Indians, weather, came ide tlieir bows ;h is supposed (o le of Uic pronouo CnAP. II.] CAUNBITANT. 31 t 1 and (]uivcrs, according to their manner, sat down by the Are, and took a pifw of tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remnined silent, expecting when they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacuw ; and one of them made a short speech, and delivered o firesent to him, from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco, and many beads, which the other received thankfully. After which he made a long s[)e)-ch to him," the meaning of which Hobomok said was, that two of their men fell out in a game, " for they use gaming as much as any where, and will piny away all, even their skin from their backs, yea their wive's skins also," and one killed the other. That the murderer was a powow, "one of special note ar-^ngst them," and one whom they did not like to part with ; yet they were threatened with war, if they did not kill the murderer. That, therefore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Coneconatn was first obtained. After consulting with this chief, and some of his head men, these messen- gers desired A/o6omoA'» judgment upon the matter. With some delerence he replied, that ** he thought it was better that one should die than many, since he hud deser^-ed it;" "whereupon he passed the sentence of death upon him." We shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the first act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its course brought ruin upon its [)roj«?ctors. When Mr. Edivard JVitulow and Mr. John Hamdtn went to visit Massaaoit in his sickness, in 1(>2(), they heard by some Indians, when near Caunbitant'$ resi(i<>nce, that Masaasoil was really dead : they, theretbre, though with nuich hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping they might treat with him, he being then thought the successor of Maasaaoit. But he was not at home. The squaw sachem, his wife, treated them with great kindness, and learning here that MnasaaoU was still alive, they made tnl haste to Pokanoket When they returned, tliey stiiid all night with CaunbtvU'?^, rit his liousc, who acconi tanied them there from Maataaoifa. Mr. Winalow gives the account in these words : — " That night, through the earnest request of Conbalant, who, till now, remained at Sowaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way, I had much conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, vet fiiil of merry jests and squibs, and never better jtleased than when the like are returned again upon him. Amongst other thin^^s he asked me, if in rase ht were thus dangerously sick, us Maasaaoit had been, and should send word thereof to Patuxet, fbr maakieat,* [that is, physic,] whether their master governor would send it; and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered, yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks." He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should ad- venture so far alone into their country, and asked them if they were not afraid. Mr. Winalow said, "where was true love, there was no fear." "But," said Caunhitant, "if your love be auch, and it bring forth auchfruila, how cometh it to paas, that when we come to Patuxet, you aland upon your guard, toith the nwuth of your piecea preaented towarda t«?" Mr. Winalow told him that was a mark of respect, and that they received their best friends in that manner ; but to this he shook his head, and answered, thut he did not like such salu- talimis. f When Caunbitant saw his visiters crave a blessing before eating, and return thanks afterwards, he desired to know what it meant "Hereupon 1 took occasion (says our author) to tell them of God's works of creation and presorvntion, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the ten command- ments." They found no particular fault with the commandments, except the seventh, but said there were many inconveniences in that a man should be tied to one woman. About which they reasoned a good while. When Mr. fVinalow explained the goodness of God in bestowing on them all their comforts, and that for this reason they thanked and blessed him, mm ^■^'i^i ifm-"' J • In Williams's Key, .Vaskit is translalcH, " Oive me some physic." t Good News from N. Englan'- ■ 'v.; » • 1 n ■ s ■i '■ ;r^^ ' , *" ''}■ ■•;| ' : vV' i ' ■ ■ 'J L i; 33 WITTUWAMET.— PEKSUOT. [Book II- Chaf. I' r » .* ' .»'•., ..r^i :& "this nil of ♦hem connludnd to l)e very well ; and said they helieved almost all the same things, aiul that the same jKiwer that we call God they called Kichtan." "Here we remained only that night, but never had better enter- tainment amongst any of them." \\ iiat became of this chief is unknown. His name appearing no more in our records, leads us to suppose that he either fled his country on the mur- der of Hillutcamet, Peksuot, and others, or that he died about that time. WiTTUWAMEr was a Massachusetts chief, as was his companion Peksuot, but their particular residence has not been assigned. fViiluwamd was a des- perate and Iwld fellow, and, like most other warriors, delighted in shedding the blood of his eniimies. It is not improbable but that he became exasper- ated against the English from the many abuses some of them bad |)ractised upon his countrymen. This will account, perhaps, for all the severity and malignity portrayed by the fbrelathers in his character. He was one of those, they say, wiio murdered some of the crew of the French ship, cast away uj)on Cape Cod, as we have before mentioned. That H'ittuwamet, Peksuot, and some other chiefs, intended to have freed their country of intruders in the year 1G23, there can be no doubt, and in re- lating the rise, progress and termination of their league to effect this object, we shall, to avoid the charge of partiality, adhere closely to the record. We have before, in s|)eaKiiig of Caunecum, or Coneconam, mentioned the voyage of the governor of Flimouth to that sachem's country to trade for corn ; that was in January, 11)23. Not lacing able to bring away all he ob- tained, Captaiti Miles Standiah was sent the next riionth to take it to Plimoutli, also to purchase more at the same |)iace, but he did not meet with very good reception, which led him to apprehend there was mischief at hand. And immediately after, while at Coneconam^s house with two or three of his com- pany, " in came two of the Massachusetts men. The chief of them was called fVittuwamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly iml'ued his hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted oi his own valor, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, they died crying, making four faces, more like children than men. This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten of Master Wealon^a people, and presented it to the sachem, [Coneconam^ and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort as the captain, though he be the best linguist among us, could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterwards discovered to be as iblloweth. The Massachu- seucks formerly concluded to ruinate Mr. WtstoiCs colony; and thought themselves, being about 30 or 40 men, strong enough to execute the same : yet they durst not attem])t it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at Plimouth; conchuling that if we remained, though they had no other arguments to use against us, yet we would never leave tlie death of our countrjnien unre- venged ; and therefore their safety could not be without the overthrow of both plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachem, as also the other, called lanoiigh, and many others, to assist them ; and now again came to prosecute the sanie ; and since there was so fair an o[)portu- nity offered by the captain's presence, they thought best to make sure of him and his company." Coneconam, after this speech, treated Standish with neglect, and was veiy partial to JVittuwamet, whi^'h much increosed the jealousy of the former. These Ir.dians meantime coiitrived to kill Standish, having employed a "lusty Indian of Paomet " to execute the plan. The weather was severely cold, and Standish lodged on shore at night, and this was the time he was to have been killed. But the extreme coldness o.''ihe night kept him from sleeping, and thus he avoided assassination. We have had occasion, in the life of Massasoit, to mention that that chief had been solicited to engage in this confederacy, and of his charging Hobomok to warn the English of it. The people of the places named at that time by Massasoit, as in the plot, were Nnuset, Paomet, Succonet, Mattachiest, Mnno- met, Agowaywam, and the Island of Cnpawack. "Therefore, (says Mr. fVinslow in his Relation,) as we respected the lives of our countrymen and ■M !vcd alnioet they culled etter enter- no more in n tlie niur- t time, ion Peksuot, t was u dc8- n Blieddiug ne exupper- id practised severity and ine of tliose, I, cast away have IVeed t, and in re- this object, ecord. ntioned the to trade lor f all he ob- o Plinioutli, th very goo«l hand. And of his com- f them was srly iml 'ued isted ot his c said, they Tliis villain ter WestorCs lade a long tain, though it. The Vlassachu- nd thought the same : lered more Pliniouth ; ents to use men unre- ertlirow of sachem, as and now u opportu- iure of him m tlint chief ig Hohomok lit time by iest, Mano- (s«ys Mr. rynien and Chap. 11] WITTIJWAMET— WI'.STONT COLONY. our own mifoty, he advised us to kill the men of Mnssjwhufet, who were liie authorH of this intended mischief. And wiiereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began, If, 8;ti«i he, [MtMiuvnt to Jlohomok,] Mjion tliis intelligence, tliey make that answer, tell them, when tli"ir countrymen at Wichaguscnsset are killed, they not being able to «lereiid theiiisrives, that then it will be too late to recover their lives," and it would l)e with (litficiilty that they preserved their own; "and tlierelbre he coun- selled, without delay, to take away the principals, aiul then the |ilot would cense." IMeiuiwIiile Weslon^s men had fallen into a niisend)le and wretched condi- tion ; some, to procure a daily sustenance, became servants to the Indians, "fetciiing them wood and water, &c., an«l all for a meal's meat." Those who were thus degraded, wtjre, of course, oidy a few who had abandoned themselves to riot ami dissipation, but whose conduct had ailectcd the well being of the whole, notwithstanding. Some of these wretches, in their ex- tremities, had stolen corn from the Indians, on whose complaint they had been put in the stcu:ks and whi]iped. This not giving the Indians sntisfac- tion, one was hnnged. This was in February, i^'fSl. About this capital punishment much has been written ; some doubting the fact that any one was hanged, others that it was the real ottender, &c. But in our o[)inion the facts are incontestable that one was haugeil; but whether the one really guilty or not, is not quite s(» easily settled. The liict that one was hanged for another a()pears to have been of common notoriety, both in Old and New England, from shortly alter the affair until tiie beginning of the next century.* Mr. Hubbard] lias this passage upon the affair: — "Certiun it is, they [the Indians] were so provoked with their filching and stealing, that they threat- ened them, as the Philistines did SamsorCa liither-in-law, alter the loss of their corn ; iusonuich that the company, as some report, p:eten«Ied, in way of satis- faction, to punish him that did the theft, but, in his stead, hanged a poor, de- crepit old man, that was unserv iceable to the company, [an old bed-rid weaver,^] and burdeneome to keep alive, which was the ground of the story with which the merry gentleman, that wrote the poem called Hldibras, did, in his poetical fancy, make so much sport." And from the same author it ap- pears that the circumstance was well known at Pliniouth, but they pretended that the right person was hanged, or, in our author's own words, "as if the jierson hangr ' 'vas really guil»y of stealing, as may be were many of the rest, and if they wtic driven by necessity to content the Indians, at that time, to do justice, there being some of Mr. fVeaton's company living, it is possible it might be executed not on him that most deserved, but on liim that could be best s[mred, or who was not like to live long if he had l)een let alone." It will now be expected that we produce the passage of Iludibras. Here it if :— " Though nice and dark the point appear, (Quoili Kaiph,) it may hold up, and clear. That f.-5 'Vi ' •'•.' '{..1 J '■■'■ * * .r'r:\ 94 WrrrUWA MET— WESTON'S COLONY. [Book II. I'- 1^ r- h ,.' •• (!•'. Tho following note was early printed to tliis passage: — "The history of the cobbler had been attested by persons of good credit, who were iiiMin the piano when it was done." Mr. ButUr wrote this part of his lliidibras before miH. Thonu.18 Morton, who was one of the company, though perhaps alwont at the time, pretends that there was no plot of the Indians, and insmuutiiH that the I'iimoutheans caused all the trouble, and tliat their rashness caused the Indians to massacre some of their men, as we shall presently relate li'om a book which Mr. Morton pid)lished.* " Master fVeston^s plantation being settled at Wessaguscus, his servants, many of them la/.y persons, that would use no endeavor to take the benefit of the cnuntr}', some of them fell sick and died. " One amongst the rest, an able-bodied man, that ranged the woods, to sec what it would atlord, lighted bv accident on an Indian barn, and from thence did take a cap full of corn, 'l^he salvage owner of it, Auding by the loot [track] some English hud been there, came to the plantation, and made com- plaint atXvr this manner. The chief conmiauder of the company, on this occasion, called u Parliament of all his peo])le, but those that were sick and ill at ease.f And wisely now they nnist consult, upon this huge complaint, that a itrivy [paltry] knife or string of beads would well enough have quali- fied: And Edward lohnson was a special judge of this business. The fact was there in repetition, construction made, that it was fellony, and by the laws of England punished with death, and this in execution must be put for an example, and likewise to appease the salvage ; when straightways one arose, moved as it were with some compassion, and said he could not well gainsay the former sentence ; yet he had conceived, within the compass of his brain, an embrio, that was of special consequence to be delivered, and cherished, he said ; that it would most aptly serve to pacify the salvage's complaint, and save the life of one that might (if need should be) stand them in some good stead ; being young and strong, fit for resistance against an enemy, which might come unex|iectedly, for any thing they knew. "The oration made was liked of every one, and he intreated to show the means how this may be performed. Says he, you all a^ree diat rrie must die, and one siiall die. This young man's clothes we wdl take off, and put upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death ; 8uch is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. Put the young man's clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the other's stead. Amen, says one, and so says many more. And this had like to have proved their final sentence ; and being there confirmed by act of Parliament to afler ac:es for a precedent. But tliat one, with a ravenous voice, begim to croak and bellow for revenge, and put by that conclusive motion ; alleging such deceits might be a means hereafter to exasperate the minds of the com- plaining salvages, and that, by his death, the salvages should see their zeal to justice, and, therefore, he should die. This was concluded ; yet, never- theless, a scruple was made ; now to countermand this act did represent itself unto their minds, which was how they should do to get the man s good will : this was indeed a special obstacle : for without that (they all agreed) it would be dangerous, for any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mis- chief shoidd l^fall them every man. He was a person that, in his wrath, did seem to be a second Sampton, able to beat out their brains with the jaw- bone of an ass: therefore they called the man, and by persuasion got him fiist bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by m ^ood earnest, who with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all these wise judges of this Parliament to a pittifid non plus, (as it hath been credibly reported,) and made the chief judge of them all buckle to him." This is an entire chapter of the New Canaan, which, on account of its great rarity, we have given in full. In his next chapter Mr. Morion proceeds to narrate the circumstances of the " massacre " of^ fVittutoamet, Peksuot, and other Massachusetts Indians, and the consequences of it But we shall now * Entitled New English Canaan, 4to. Amiterdam, 1637. t Against thit seuteoce, in the margin, i»— " A poor complaint." fTeslo yj (Book II. ) history of re u|M)n the B lliidihras ps ahsont at niuatcH tliat cauHCti the slate li'oin u is BervaiiLs, the heiieiit oods, to gee Iruin tiituice hy the loot made com- iny, on this re sick and complaint, have qiiali- i. The fact and by the St be ])ut for htways one uld not well coniiMiss of slivered, and he salvage's ) stand them against an w. to show the It cue must off, and put |icape death ; the young I the other's ike to have Parliament :e, begun to >n; alleging of the com- their zeal yet, never- i represent man^s good II agreed) it it, lest mis- his wrath, ith the jaw- in got him arnest, who ges of this rorted,) and ount of its m proceeds ^eksuot, and shall now Chap, ll-l WASSAPINEWAT.— MASSACRE AT WESSAGUSCUS. a- draw from the Plimouth historian, and afterwards use Mortori'a chapter as we tind occasion. iMr. H'indow says that Mr. Wtston'a men "knew not of tliis conspiracy of the Iiuliaus before his [John Sanders, their 'overseer '1 going; neither was it known to any of us till our return from Bowaams, or I'uckanokick : at which time also another sacliim, called IVaasnjnntwat, brother to Obtakiest, the sarhiin of the Massachusets, wlio had formerly smarted for partaking with Conhatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the same thing," [hs MassasoU had done.] It was now the 23d March, 1G23, " a yearly court day " at Plimouth, on wliieh war was proclaimed, " in public court," against the MassacliUMetts IndiauH. " We came to this conclunion, (says WtnaLw,) that Captain Slandxsh sliduhi take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make his party •;ood against all the Indians in the Massachusetts Bay ; and as because, as all men know that have to do with them in tiiat kind, it is unposHible to deal with them upou open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay for others : tiiereforc he should pretend trade as at other times : but first go to the English, [at Wessaguscus,] and acquaint tliein with the ])lut, and tiie end of their own coming, that, comparing it with their own carriiu^es towards them, he might l)etter judge of the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same: but should forliare, if it were possible, till such time as he could make sure Wittuwamat, that bloody and bold villain before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him, that lie might be a warning and terror to all that disposition." We will now hear a word of what Mr. Morton has to say upon this trans- action. "After the end of that Parliament, [which ended in the hanging of one,*] son of the plantation there, about three persons, went to live with Checatawback and his company, and had very good quarter, for all the former qtiarrel with the Plimouth planters.f I'hey are not like ff'iU Som- mars, | to take one for another. There they purposed to stay until Muster Wtstor^a arrival : but the Plimouth men inteudmg no good to him, (us api)cared by the consequence,) came in the mean time to Wessaguscus, and tliere pretended to feast the salvages of those parts, bringing with them pork, and things for the |>urpoae, which they sot before the salvages. They eat thereof without suspicion uf any mischief, [and] who were taken upon a watchword given, and with their own knives (hanging about their necks) were, by the Plimouth planters, stabbed and slain. One of Avhich was hanged up there, after the slaughter."^ When this came to the knowledge of (JhikaiauhuCs people, they nuirdered the tlirce English who had tuken up their residence with them, us they lay asleep, in revenge for tlie nmrder of their countr}'men.|| After Standish was ready to proceed against WiHwcamet, but before he set out, one arrived from Wessaguscus almost famished,1[ and gave the people of Plimouth a lamentable account of the situation of his fellows ; that not the least of their calamities was their being insulted by the Indians, " whose boldness increased abundantly ; insomuch as tlie victuals they got, * As mentioned in our last extract from this author. t Referring, it is supposed, to the quarrel with Caunbitunt. t The person who proposed hanging a sick man instead of the rsal oiTender. A New English Canaan, 111. I| Ibid. V His name was Phinenas Prat. An Indian followed nim (o kill him, but, hy losing the direct path, the Indian missed him. In 1662, the general court of Massaebusells, in answer to a petition of Phituhas Prat, then of Charleslown, which was accompanied " with a nar- rative of the straights and hardships thut the first planters of this colony underwent in llieir endeavors to plant themselves at Plimouth, and since, whereof he was one, the court judgeth it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where it is to be had, not hindering a plantation.'' M8. among theJiU» in our tleUe-houie. I have not been able to discover the narrative of Prat, aAer long search. Mr. Hubbard probably used it in compiling his Hist, of New England. At the court, 3 May, 1665, land was ordered to l>e laid out for Prat, "in the wilderness on the east of tlie Merrimack R'"er, near the upper end of Nacook Brook, on the south-east of it." Court FiltM, ut tupra. Prat married, in Plimouth, a daughter of Cuthbtrt Cuthbertton, in 1630. See 2 Col. HUL Boe. vii. m. ■ ■■:' .':'■' V :■-,< J v.". ■*■•■?"•.■. ■ ■■■S'M '■ V'H t 3C MASSACUE AT WnsSAGCMClTS. [Hook II. ^ ... T. ' f ''-^v; ■SI '■■■ '*•• I I'^i: In [I 111,!'. V. ■■ ■ tliry [tliJi IiidiniiH] would tnkc it out of tlirir potH, and <'nt Fit] l)rforo tlieir f'lKM'M, (111(1 tliut if tln'y tried to pri'vciit liicm, tln-y woidd hold u knife at tin'ir brriiNtR: nnd to nntisty tlinii, thoy lind liniigi>d on*- of tlicir roiii|iuny: "Tliut tlu-y had Bold tlirir rlothrB lor corn, tivid were ready to Htnne lioth vritli cold and hunger alHO, because they could not endure to get victnnJH by rcHMon of their niUrol)ablv *ome of the Wessagus- cus men warned them of it, who did not believe there was any plot. Meantime, ou Indian came to trade, and aOerwards went away in friend- ship. Standiahj more sagacious than the rest, said he saw treachery in his ^e, and suspected his end in coming there was discovered. Shortly after, Pekauot, " who was a panicse,* being a man of a notable spirit," came to Hobonwk, and told him. He ■undrrstood th« captain was come to kill him and the real of the Indiana there. "Tell him, (said Pekauot,) we know it, but feur him not, neither will we shun liim ; but let him begin when he dare [s], he will not take us unawares." The Indians now, as we might expect, began to prepare to meet the danger, and the English say many of them came divers times into their presence, and " would whet and snarpen the poinc of their knives," "and use many other insulting gesttires and speeches. Amongst the rest, Wittu- toamat bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle there was pictured a woman's face ; but, said he, / liave another at home, wheretuith 1 have killed both French and English, and that hath a man^aface on it ; and by and by these two must marry.^ To this he added, Hinnaim namen, hinnaim mi- CHEN, MATTA CUTS ! that is, By and by it ahoxdd, see, and h/ and by it should eat, but not apeak. " ALio Pecksuot, (continues Winaloto,) being a man of greater stature tlian the captain, told him though he were a great captain, yet he was but a little man : aid, ^aid he, though I be, no aachtm, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the captain observed, yet bare with pa- tience for the present." It will l)e seen, \n what we hove related, as well as what we are about to add, that Thomas Morton^s account, in some of the main facts, agrees with that of Winalow. From thu latter it appears that Standish, afler considerable manoeuvering, could get advantage over but few of the Indians. At kugth, having got Peksuot and Wittuwamat " both together, with cnother man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to Wittuwamat, and, villain like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many of his own company in a rooni with them, gave the word to his men, and, the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and, anatching his own knife from his neck, though with much • " Tlic Paiiiescs are men of prcal courag'c and wisedoine, and to these also llie Druilt appcarcth more familiarly than to others, and ns wee ronreiue, makelh rouenant with them to preserue them from death by wrnnds with arrows, knives, iiatchets, &c." Winalmo's Rtla' tion. In sueaking of the origin of calumet, Charhroix say some IndianR told \\\~ that it uas given oy tJic sun to I'ants, a nation U|)on the Missouri. Voyage dans V Ameriqw.. Chap. II. strugglin as a neei man thf We r. to keep how man}, fearful m '^'Hobh, men deiii said to stature, s but to-da Stnrutis to kill til) some of this biisiii negliiTeiir crossed swaiiip [KooK II. fore tlirir 1 kni(R at roiii|iuny: an«' lioth ictunlH by iarhii»ett8, (foiM'iit to dish, with * tiikiii^ HO <> huliiins. tlish would t lie riin.e rn'iit vitlor. K-llttlTod liry nfliiirs. 1, tliry said lod^< and killed him thereicUK — the jHtint wln'reof Im had made an xharp an a tieedle, and ground the Iwi'k uIho to up fd^e. fVilltuoamet and tht^ other man Ihf rod killed, and took the youth, whttm the ea|>taiii cauucd to he haii)re«l." \V*> coidd now wish this hhmdy ude w tiniHhed, hnt we have promised to ke('[> i-loHO to the rec«)rd. Mr. tf'intiloiv ('ontiniieH, ^^ But it is incredible how many wounds there two panieaea received before the>i died, not nutkinu; any fearful lioiae, bul cnlciinf at their weapons, and striving to the last, ^ Hohhnmock Htood hy all thin time,* luul ine«idied not, ohHervin<; how our men d(>meaneeginiiing war 7 ■'•'•/*'.i in, « vj-i ■:«'. 'J ^ X0 ' ^ "J ^m 38 HOBOMOK.— SQUANTO'S PERFIDY. [Book II. I I I 1. '. '•' it j a- -:■:.;■ .'■ ii' ' ' I", , ■■' it la fltran'Xfl to hear how mnny of lato have, and ntill daily dio aniongst thctn ; neither is there any hknlihood it will oiiNily ci^asn ; hecuiiHe through fear they set littl<3 or no corn, which is the HtufT of life, and without which they (;annot long preserve health and strength." Th<*H0 afTairs call for no commentary, that muflt accom[mny every mind throiijfh every step of the relation. It would be weakness, as appears to us, to attempt a vindication of the rash conduct of the English. Amid their sutl'crings, some poor Indians resolved to attempt to nppcase the wrath of the Kurdish governor by |)resi>nts. Four set out by water in a boat for I'limouth, but by accident were overset, and three ut them were drowned ; the other returned back. When Mr. Robinson, the father of the Plimouth church, heard how his peo[ile had conducted in this affair with the Indians, he wrote to them, to consider of the dis(tosition of Captain Standiah, " who was of a warm tem- per," but he hoped the Lord had sent him among them for a good end, if they used him as they ought " Ho doubted," he said, " whether there was not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made aller God's image," which was so necessary; and above all, that "it would have been happy if they hod converted some before they had killed any." The reader has now passed through a period of Indian history of much interest, wherein he will doubtless have found much to admire, and more that ho could have wished otherwise. Our business, however, we will here remind him, is that of a dealer in facts altogether, and he must take them, dry as they are, without any labored commentaries from us. Although we have had occasion to introduce Hobmnok several times, yet there remain transactions of considerable interest in his life yet to be noticed. HoBOMOK, or Hohbamock, was a great paniese or war captain among the Warnpanoags, as we have already hod occaflion to observe. He came to Plimoutti about the end of July, 1621, and continued with the English as long OS he lived. He was a principal means of the lasting friendship of Masaaaoit, which Morton says, he " much furthered ; and that he was n proper lusty young man, and one that was in account among the Indians in those parts for his valor." He was of the greatest service in learning them how to cultivate such fruits- as were peculiar to the country, such as corn, beans, &c. The account of his mission to Masaaaoit^ to learn the tnith of a report that the Narrogansets had made war upon him, and his interruption and trouble from Caunbitant are already related. Being a favorite of Maaaaaoit, and one of his chief captains, the pilgrims found that they need not apjjrehend any treachery on his part, as Hobomok was so completely in their interest, and also in that of the great sachem, that he would odvisc them if any thing evil were on foot against them. What strengthened them in this opinion was the following circumstance. The Massachusetts Indians had for some time been inviting the English into their country to trade for furs. When, in March, 1623, they began to make ready for the voyage, Hobomok "told us, (says fVinslow,) that he feared the Massachusetts, or Massachuseuks, for they so called the people of that RIace, were joined in confederacy with the Nonohigganneuks, a people of anohigganset, and that they, therefore, would take this opportunity to cut off Capt. Standiah and his company abroad ; but howsoever, in the mean- time, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the tovtni at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy ; as also that Tia- qtiantum was in the confederacy, who, [he said,] we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians' houses for their better advantage." Nevertheless, they proceeded on their voyage, and when they had turned the point calle 1 the Gumefa JVbse, a false messenger came running into Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and bleeding from a wound in his face. He told them that CaufUtitant, with many of the Narragansets, and he believed Maaaasoit with them, were coming to de- stroy the English. No one doubted of his sincerity, and the first thought of the people was to bring back their military leader, who had just gone in the boat with Hobomok. A piece of cannon was immediately discharged CnAr. n. which, t( of hcorii no truth them, am undi-rtak (li'Ut, her lors. Sin Thf F.iigl low |)lot I which nif the more they withl ration lius his wife t( onlv verifi "Thus 1 whose ent by moans stood. In ponce or v them won thereby he had him i selves sou; protection were wont now they understood innocency no cause U should pun gave the In abuses, the profitable a To the ei English, 7^ store-house destroy wh stirred not this tale, wl was not, it i There is and lived ai pretended, i sible for the lous to outv satisfied ; fo that it was ( sagamore hj that he migl But the En life, more t evaded the « Hobomok ^ Erofessed CI imself! It was the agei Caunbitant, was the pile whom befon festations of their way, « Chap. 11 nOBOMOK— SQUANTO'S PERHDY. n{» which to their (rr?nt joy, soon rmiwd tlie lioat to irtiirn, not hnvirifr pot out of honVinp. Thi-y hadiu* wmhmt orrivi'd, than Hobomnk told tlxiii tht-r*- was no truth in the rrport, and Hni«l it was a plot of Siputnto, who wa« th»Mi with thoni and pvpu otn' of tliow^ in thi' hoat ; that h« kn«?w Mn»m»oU would not undrrtak«' hiicIi an «'nt('ritris«^ without rotisultinff hirn. Holmmok waw coriti- di'fit, hcrausc h« wan hiiuself a frrcat rhief, and one of Mn»naiioil\i ronUHi-l- loro.' Sijunnto denied all knowh-dft«' of any plot, and tliUH «!ndfd the afliiir. Th«! P'tinliwh, howc-viT, wenu-d Wfll watisfu'd that Si/tutnto had laid this shal- low plot to Hot thoin apiinst MitsiHisoU, thinking; thev would dostroy him, hy which iiicans ho expected to hccoine chief nacheni Inninelf; and thi;) mcciuh the more prohnhle, as Miumisoil wan for houu; time irrecoiu-ilahle lM-caiine they withheld him fnim him, when he had forfeito*! hiH life, aH in our nar- ration has Ix-en set forth. But entirely to satisfy the Kn>(lish, Holmmok sent his wife to Pokanoket orivately to gain exact intelligence, and her return onlv verified what her hushand had Haiti. "Thus by dewrees (contimies fVituloic) wo Ito.gnn to dincover Tiaquantum, whose ends were «)idy to make himself great in tho eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and favor w ith uh ; not C4iring who fell, so he stood. In genend, his course was, to persuade th(!m he could lead us to peace or war at his pleasure ; and would oil threaten the Indians, sending them word, in a private maimer, vvn were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifls to himself, to work their peace, insonmch as they had him in greater esteem than many of their sachems , yea, they them- selves sought to him, who |)roinised them peace in respect of tis; yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to hinri. So that whereas divers were wont to rely on Mas: -isoioat for protection, and resort to his abode, now they liegan to leave him, and seek al\er T\aqxuirUum. But when we understood his dealings, we certified all tho Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein ; assuring them, till they liegun with us, they should have no cause to fear : and if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars, and seekers of their and our disturbance; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides." " For these and the like abuses, the governor sharply reproved him, y«!t was he so necessary and profitaide an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him." To the end that he might possess his countrymen with great fear of the English, THsquantum told them the English kept the plague buried in their store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any place, to destroy whatever persons or people they would, though they themselves stirred not out of doors. Among the rest, he had made Hobomok believe this tale, who asked the English if it were true, and l)cing informed that it was not, it exploded like his other impostures. There is but little doubt that SqtiarUo was in the interest of CaunbitatU, and lived among the English as a spy, while Hobomok was honestly, as he pretended, a strong friend to them ; but for some time it was nearly impos- sible for them to know which was their best friend, as each seemed emu- lous to outvie the other in good offices. They were, hoHrever, at this time satisfied ; for, HobomoKt wife having told MassasoU what had happened, and that it was one of SqiiatUo's men that gave the alarm, satisfied hnn that that sagamore had caused it, and he therefore demanded him of the English, that he might put him to death, according to their law, as lias been related. But the English, regarding the benefit resulting to theni from saving his life, more than keeping inviolate the treaty before made with MassasoU, evaded the demand, and thus Sqiianto was permitted to escape. Hobomok was greatly beloved by Massasoit, notwithstanding he became a Erofessed Christian, and Massasoit was always opposed to the English religion imself. It has been told in the life of the great MassasoU, how valuable was the agency of Hobomok, in faithfully revealing the mischievous plot of CaunbitatU, which terminated in the death of fVututoamet and Ptksuot. He was the pilot of the English when they visited MassasoU in his sickness, whom before their arrival they considered dead, which caused great mani- festations of grief in Hobomok. He often exclaimed, as they were on their way, ** A'een toomasu Sagimvs, ruen womasu Sc^m,ua,^ &C., which is, ■ * -.'7 ','■ '•'' ■i ■'»! V ••.. ; "^-i ' ;> ^U'.'^^ ■':-.C /f.*-:.,-,'-fr£ -V r.-,ii| T !i V: 'i 41 A VOVAOE.— NANEPASIIKMET.— oniUTINKWAT. [Book II "My loving Sachem, my loving Hocliem ! many liavo I known, hut never any like thee." Then, turning to Mr. h'iiulow, Miu\, "While you live you will never Hee his like among thtj IndiauH; that he v,nn no liar, nor hloo«ly and cruel like other Inilianx. In anger uiiil |»HHHion he waH ttoon reclaimed ; eaHy to \m reconciled towardH Huch aH had otli'ndiul him ; that hiH reason was Huch iiH to CJIUH43 him to receive advice of mean men ; and that he governed liiM people iMttter with lew IiIowh, than otIierH did with many." In the diviHion of the land at I'limouth among the inhahitautH, Hobomok received a lot aH hia Hhare, on which he rcHided after the English manner and died a ChriHtian among them. The year of hiu death does not appear, hut wan previouH to U'A'i. it haa already been mentioned that the pilgrimn made a voyage to Mafi)OHed waa what has Uien aince called C'onp'n Ilill,f now the noriii (tnrt of^ik)Hton. This was on 20th Sept. Ib'^l. '1 hey Haw no IndintiH until nome time afler they went ashore, but found a parcel of lohnterH which they had collected, with which they refr^ehe'l themnelveH. Soon alter, an they were proceeding on an excursion, " they met a woman coming for her lohstern." They told her what they had «lone, and paid her tor tliem. She told them when to find Indiana, and SqtMnto went to them to prepare them for meeting with the EuK-liah. Obbatrnetpot now received the vovagera. Tliia aachem (if he be the same) had made peace with the EngliHh at Plimouth only aeven days pre- vious, as we have had occasion to notice. He told them he was sachem of the place, and was subject to Massasott ; and that he dared not remain long in any place, from fear of the Tarratinca, who were ** wont to come at har- vest and take away their corn, and many times kill them." Also that Sqtuiw- ^SocA^m of Massachusetts was his enemy. Thia S(]tiaw-Sa4:hem,i aewe be- lieve, was chief of those inland Indiana since denominated the Nipnets, or Nipmucks, and lived at this time near Wachuset Mountain. The English intended § to have viaited her at this time, but found the distance too great to proceed. They received the greatest kindness from all the Indians they met with, and mentioned that of Obbatinetoat in particular. And they say, " We told him of divers sachims that had acknowledged themselves to be King Jamu his men, and if he also xooxdd submit himadf, || we would be his safeguard from his enemies, which he did." At another place, *< having gone three milea, in arms, up in the country, we came (say they) to a place where com had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, ^anepashemd, tlieir king, in his life-time had lived.lf His house was not like others, but a scaflbld was largely built, with poles and ])lanka, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill. Not tar from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort," built by Minepashtmet. It * Dr. Belknap appears to have been (he first who suggested this. See his Biog. ii. 224. f Wo had supposed this eminence to have been so called from a copse or clump of trees, which for a long lime remained upon it, after it became known to the whiles ; out Shaw, Detcrip. Boiton, G7, says it was named from one Copp, a shoemaker. And Snmo, Hut. Boston, 105, says WxUxam Copp was the proprietor of " a portion of the hill." X "Sachems or sagamores, — which are but one and the same title, — the first more usual with the southward, the other with the northward Indians, to express the title of him that hath the chief command of a place or people." Hist. N. E. 60, ^ Shattuck (Hist. Concord, 2) says she was visited at this time by these voyagers, but I am not able to arrive at any such conclusion from any source of information in my pos- session. II It does not seem from this that he is the same who before had submitted at Plimouth, ai Mr. Prince tujpp»te». H Mr. ShauiKk inbii Hitt. Concord, says, this " was in Medford, near Mystic Pond." f'MAP II wan mnd« a-H they r< some 40 < One wa) Hn«lo 8t(M About II II of nil liill time of li AcconI hia widow He lefl fiv Hiatory o James. 1 1 ham, lallr S^yranwre Suiigiia. Sqiutw-f of nappat after, UW land wiiic all which town, after "the man; Captain Ei H'ebcoicU next in imj his death ; not appear, ly by his w to have be events, we been in fasi countable f In 1(;43, 1 amaquin, M fit might ai goveriimeni should he ii of tlieir jier to extend tl 8ubiects.1f What hai was off pow We hear of ill tiie endei asked the E never taugh he,) we mig have been * Might not, t Hist. I,yni X Slialtuck, residence. 6 His name Wibhacowitt*, II III Ihe Hi ^ashaxoanon, i. 212. II See Gonk Chap IT | NANEPASIIEMF.T— HIS DEATH, tie 41 wan rnnd*^ with " polnn noinn HO or 40 (out long, stuck in the ground, fw thick afl they ooiihi \tei Nrt one hv unotli«>r, iiiul with thprnt th«>y »nch)Huil u ring Bomi" 40 or TiO loot (»vrr. A tn-nch, iHra.st hi^h, wu« digged on euch Hide.' One wu> tlierc wiih *o get into it with u hridge. In the inidHt f>l' thin puii' Hndo skVmI the fhune of an houw, wherein, lieing (U'ad, he lay buried. About n inih* from hence, we came to Niicii another, but aeated ou the tup of nn liill. Mere Nanepruhemet wau killed, none dwelling in it Hince the time of his death." According to Mr. Jttina, J^nnrpaxhnntt waw killed alwiit the year lGl<.),and hiH widow, who wa.s Sijtutio-Snchem itefore named, continued the goveriiment+ He led five children,^ four of whowe naitieH weigatht** from the intercHting Mintory of Lynn^ viz. 1. Montowampale, cidled by the English Sa^nmort Jamts. He WUH sachem of Suugus. 'i. .^//iig-att, a (laughter. 'A. Wonohanua- hnm, called Sn^anunr John, Hacliem of WiniicHimeU 4. Winnepurkitt, called Sftfritmore Georf^e, or Uforge. liumntytnarxfi, the HUccesHor of Montoummpnte at Suugus. Of most of these we sliall speak in detail hereafler. SiJiMW-Sa/^hem, according to the authority last mentioned, waa the spouse of n(ipparoic€l,(f or Wthrount, in KKW. She and her huslmnd, four years atler, KKfi', deetled to Jotham Gibboms " the reversion of all that parctd of land which lies against the ponds of Mystic, toffcther with the said ponds, all which we reserved from Charlestown and Cambridge, late called New- town, arter the death «)f me, the said Siniaw-Scuchem.^ The consideration was, "the many kindnesses and beiwfits we have received from the hands of Captam Edward Gibbones^ of boston." The Squa-Sachem's mark ^^■^ Webco wit's mark -• — >- ■ ,«. .•if ■ '■■'■}" \ ., ffebcowU was a powrwow priest, or magical physician, and was considered next in importance to Nianepashemd among the subjects of that chief, atler his death ; ub a matter of course, his widow took him to her bed. It does not appear, that he was cither much respected or thought much of; especial- ly by his wife, as in the alM)ve extract from their deed, no provision seems to have been made for him after her death, if he outlived her. At all events, we may conclude, without hazard we think, that if breeches tiad been in fashion among Indians, the wife of fVebcowit would have been ac- countable for the article in this case. In 1(54^}, Massachusetta covenaiit«!d with " H^assamequin, JVaahoonoru, KiUch- amaquin, Moisaconomet, and Sqiiatv-S(ju:hem,"\\ to the end that mutual bene- fit might accrue to each party. The sachems put themselves under the government of the English, agreeit:g to observe their laws, in as far as they should be made to understand thenu For this confidence and concession of their jtersons and lands into their hands, the English on their part agreed to extend the same protection to them and their i)eople as to tlieir English 8ubjects.1I What had become of Wtbcomt at this time does not appear; perhaiis he was off powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary labor of the household. We hear of him, however, four years aller, (1047,) "taking an active part" in the endeavors made by the English to Christianize his countrvmeu. " He asked the English why some of them had been 27 years in the land, and never taught them to know God till then. Had you done it sooner, (said he,] we nnght have known much of God by this time, and much sin might have been prevented, but now some of us are grown [too] old in sin." * Might not, iben, the western mounds have be. n formed by Indians ? t Hist. Lynn, 16. { Slialtuck, it), who 6xe8 her residence at Concord ; she, doubtless, had several places of residence. & His name is spelt Webcowits to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. Shattuck's MSS. WibhacowitU, as appears from his History. II In the History of the Narragamet Country, these names are written Wasmmegun, fnashawanon, Cutsliamacke, Massanomell, and Squa- Sachem. See 3 Col. Mass Hist. Soc. i. 212. U See Gonkin's MS. Hitt. Praying Indiatu. ■ " '. ■ "'ill ■ ''''•■'■:'■ Hij . ■' ■ '-^.'."^ 12 SOME ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACHUSETTS. [Book II. The English said they repented of their neglect ; hut recollecting themselves answered, "You were not willing to heare till now," and tliat God had not turned their hearts till then.* Of the sachems who made the covenant above named, the first we suppose to have been Massasoit, on the part of the Wanipanoags, who at this time was, perhaps, among the Nipmuks ; JVashoonon, a Nipmuk chief, with whom Massasoit now resided. His residence was near what was since Magus Hill, in Worcester county. He was probably at Plimouth, 13 Sept, 1G21, whore he signed a treaty with eight others, as we have set down in the life of Caun- bitant His name is there spelt JMatiaivahunt. In Winthrop^s Journal, it is N'aahacotoanu, and we suppose he was father of JStassowanno, mentioned by fVhitney.\ Kvichamaquin was sachem of Dorchester and vicinity, and Massaconomtt was Masconoromo. m§t xA-- II iil CHAPTER in. Some account of the Mussachusttts — Geography of their amniry — Chikataubot — Wampatuck- '.ds war with the Mnhawks — Mascononomo — Canonicus — Mo.n- TowAMP> fE — Small-pox distresses the Indians — WoNoiiAqcAHAM — Winiiepub- KIT MANATAH(iaA--SclTTERYOU»SET — NaTTAHATTA WANTS — WaHGCMACUT- Jack-Straw — James. Not long before the settlement of Plimouth, the Massachusetts had been a numerous people, but were greatly reduced at this time ; partly from tlie great plague, of which we have already spoken, and subsetpiently from their wars with the Tarratines. Of this war none but the scanty records of the first settlers are to be had, and in them few particulars are preserved; J therefore it will not be expected that ever a complete accotmt of the territo- ries and power of the Massachusetts can be given ; broken down as they were at the time they becan-3 known to the Europeans ; for we have seen that thoir sachems, when first visited by the Plimouth people, were shilling for their lives — not daring to lodge a second night in the same place, from their fear of the Tarratines. Hence, if these Indians had existed as an independ- ent tribe, their history was long since swept away " in gloomy tempests," and obscured in " a night of clouds," and nothing but a meagre tradition re- mained. For some time after the country was settled, they would fly for protection from the Tarratines to the houses of the English. It is said, by Mr. Gookin, that " their chief sachem held dominion over many other petty governors ; as tl e of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punku- paog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some 01 the Nipmuck people, as far as Pokoni- takuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in former times, arm for war about 3000 men, as the old Indians declare. They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts ; but held nmitv, for the most part, with the Pawkunnawktitts."^ Near the mouth of Charles- River " used to be the general rendezvous of all the Indians, both on the south and north side of the country ."|| Hutchinson^ says, "That circle which now makes the harbors of Boston and Charlestown, round l)y Mai- den, Chelsea, Nantasket, Hingliam, Wejniouth, Braintree, and Dorchester, was the capital of a great sachem,** much revered by all the plantations round about The tradition is, tliat this sachem had his principal seat upon a small hill, or rising upland, in the midst of a body of salt marsh in tlie township of Dorchester, near to a place called Squantum."tf Hence it will • Hist. Concord, 25. t Hist. Worcester Co. 174. X This war wa.s caused, says Mr. Iliib'tard," upon the account of some treacliery " on the part of the western tribes, 1. e. the tribes west of the Merrimark. Hist. New Eng. 30. & 1 Coll. Mass. Hisi. Soc. i. 148. || Hist. N. Eng. 3^2 TT From l\ral's Hist. N. Eng., probabl;/, which see. ** It will be a good while before the present possessors of the country can boast of such a capital. H Hist. Mass. i, 460. And here it was, I suppose, that the Plimouth people landed in their [Book II. ng themselves (^(1 had not 8t we suppose at this time if, with whom ;e Mugus Hill, 1621, w'iore s life of Caun- vp's Journal, no, mentioned [ vicinity, and HIKATAUBUT — (iONICUS — Mo.>- M — WlNIIEPUR- i^AHGUMACUT- letts had heen irtly from tlie iitly from their records of the B preserved ; X of the territo- down as they have seen that e shifting for ice, from their an independ- my temyiests," e tradition re- would fly for ominion over onsitt, Punka- far as Pokoni- )ple could, in dians declare, held nmity, ith of Clinrles I, both on the "That circle ouiid hv Mal- Dorchcstcr, plantations pal seat upon marsh in the Hence it will treacliery " on X,w Eng.30. n boast of such a le landed in their Chap. DL] CHIKATAUBUT— VISITS BOSTON. 43 be ol>8erved, that among the accounts of the earliest writers, the dominions of tl different sachems were considered as comprehended within very different limits ; a kind of general idea, therefore, can oidy be had of the extent of their possessions. It is evident that the Massachusetts were either subject to the Narragansetts, or in alliance with thcin ; for when the latter were at war with the Pe«i ts, Chikaiaubut and Sagamore John both went with manv men to aid Cr. nicus, who had sent for them. This war began in hhh, and ended in IC^o, to the advantage of the Pequots. We shall now proceed to speak of the cliiefs agreeably Ui our plan. Chikaiaubut, or Chikkatahak, — in English, a house-a-Jire, — ^vas a sachem of considerable note, and generally supposed to have had dominion over the Massachusetts Indians. Thomas Morton mentions him in his New Canaan, as sachem of Passonagesit, (about VVeymouth,) and says his mother was buried there. I need make no comments upon the authority, or warn the rea«ler concerning the stories of Morton, as this is done in almost every book, early and late, about New England; but shall relate the ibllowing from him. In the first settlin"; of Plimouth, some of the company, in wandering about upon discovery, came upon an Indian grave, which was that of the mother of Chikaiaubut. Over the body a stake was set in the ground, and two bear-skins, sewed together, spread over it; these the English took away. When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubut, he complained to his people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When they were as- sembled, he thus harangued them : " When last the glorious light of all the sky was underneath this globe, and birds grew silent, I began to settle, as my custom is, to take repose. Before mine eyes were fast closed, me tho't I saw a vision, at which my spirit was much troubled, and trembling at that doleful sight, a spirit cried aloud, ' Behold ! my son, whom I have cherished ; see the paps that gave thee suck, tlie hands that clasped thee warm, and ivt] thee oft ; canst thou forget to take revenge of those wild people, that hath my monument defaced in a despiteful manner; disdaining our ancient anti- quities, and honorable customs. See now the sachem's grave lies like tinto the common people, of ignoble race defaced. Thy mother doth complain, implores thy aid against this thievish people new come hither ; if this be suffered, I shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation.'"* Battle was the unanimous resolve, and the English were watched, and followed from place to place, until at length, a.s some were going ashore in a iMvat, they fell upon them, but gained no advantage. After maintaining the fight for some time, and being driven from tree to tree, the chief captain was wounded in the arm, and the whole took to flight This action caused the natives about Plimouth to look upon the English as invincible, and this was the reason why peace was so long maintained between them. Of the time and circumstances of this battle or fight we have detailed at length in a previous chapter. Mo'Sii's Relation goes far to establish the main facts in the al»ove accotmt. It says, " We brougiit sundry of the prettiest things away with us, and cov- ered the corpse up again," and, " there was variety of opinions amongst us ahout the embalmed person," but no mention of the bear-skins. From a comparison of th(? different accounts, there is hut little doid)t, that the English were attacked at Namskekit, in consequence of tlieir depreda- tions u[M»n the graves, corn, &.c. of tiie Indians. In 1(?21, Chikataubut, with eight other sachems, acknowledged, by n writ- ten insiniment, which we have already given, them-selves the subjects of Kit',.' James. Ten years after i.iis, 23 March, 1631, he visited Governor Winlhrop at Boston, and presented him with a hogshead of corn. Many of "his saimops and squaws" came with him, but were most of them sent away, "n!>«>r they had all dined." although it thundered and rained, and the governor urged their stay; Chikataubut probably feared they would be voya^p lo Massachusetts before spoken o(, and from SquatUo who was with them it probably received its name. * If this he fiction, a modern compiler has deceived some of his readers. The article in the AnaJertic Afa^zine may have been his source of information, but the original may b« »een i;; Mr.-im' ^Nrw Cnnwin, lOft and Jn7. '"'«''* w:, :•/- 'i^ ■b-M- ^ -31* i-'^'-V;^ (,■■ ,.» . ■. *p. '•■.'-■- . Ir 44 CHIKATAUBUT— HIS DEATH. [Book II. burdensome. At this time he wore English clothes, and sat at the govern- or's tuble, " where he behaved himself as soberly, &c. as an Englishman." Not long after, he called on Governor Winthrop, and desired to buy clothes for himself; the governor informed hin. that " En«rlish sagamores did not use to truck ; * but he called his tailor, and gave him order to make him a Kuit of clothes ; whereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat beaver." In a few days his clothes were ready, and the governor " put hinj into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after, he set meat before them ; but he would not eat till the governor had given thanks, and after meat he desired him to do the like, and so departed." June 14, 1(>J1, at a court, ChikataufnU was ordered to pay a small skin of beaver, to satisfy for one of his men's having killed a pig, — which he com- plieJ with. A man by the name of Plastotoe, and some others, having stolen corn from him, the same year, the court. Sept 27, ordered thn' Ptastoioc should restore " two-fold," and lose his title of gentleman, and pay £5. This I sup- pose tiiey deemed emiivalent to four-lbld. His accoiiij'ices were whipped, to the same amount. The next year we find him engaged with other sachems in an «'xi)edition against the Pequots. The same year two of his men were convicted of assaulting some persons of Dorchester in their houses. " They were put in the bilboes," and himself required to beat them, which he did.t The small-pox was very prevalent among the Indians in 1633, in which year, some time in November, Chikataiibut died. The residence of the family of ChikulaubiU was at Tehticut, now included in Middleborough. He was in obedieri> e to Massasoit, and, like other chiefs, had various i)laces of resort, to suit the , " the war having now continued between the Maqiias and our Indians, about six years, divers Indians, our neighbors, united their forces together, and made an army of about 6 or 700 men, and marched into the Maquas' coimtry, to take revenge of them. This enterprise was contrived and undertaken without the privity, and contrary to the advice of their English friends. Mr. Eliot and myself, in particular, dissuaded them, and gave them several reasons against it, but they would not hear us." Five of the Christian Indians went out with them, and but one only returned alive. "The chief- est general in this expedition was the principal sachem of Massachusetts, named Josiah, aliqs Chekatabutt, a wise and stout man, of middle age, hut a very vicious person. He had considerable knowledge in the Christian religion ; and sometime, when he was younger, seemed to profess it for a time ; — for he was bred up by his uncle, Kuchamakin, who was the first sachem and his people to whom Mr. Eliot preached." § Of those who went out with Wampatuk from other tribes we huve no rec- ord ; but there were many, probably, as usual upon such expeditions. This army arrived at the Mohawk fort after a journey of about 200 miles ; when, upon besieging it some time, and having some of their men killed in sallies, and sundry others sick, they gave up the siege and retreated. Mean- while the Mohawks pursued them, got in their front, and, from an ambush, * Printed at length in Snow's Hist. Boston, 389, et cet. t Df ant's Hist. Scituate, 144. t Ibid. Smtanmug was a brother of Josiah, and ruled " as sachem during the minority " o( Jeremy. Dr. Harris, Hist. Dorchester, 16, 17. $ 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 166. i' \ .'* J [ i *> * ■ ■ xTi '■■■'•■ *<''?*■» ^Jl^S-::-V''. ';•»./■-' i.I ■fc>:-i'('|'^..',v| ■,,c ii--/\- ■ •, ''■ ''■.' ' .' 'k \ .n| •■ \ 'H ' rfy ' ' ^m V:^^r.> ''^ al '^w '"'"i .,■■■ ■ . ■.• ■ '•M i ^ ' ' '. ■ 'Vm %'iH '•■■'■■i.tl l' ■:.■._ h ■■■ ':' •." kvWr !•■;.•■:■>. I I • -■' III ^ ^ ^■"itV^Y'' 46 MASCONONOMO OF AOAWAM. [Book II attacked them in a defile, and a great fight ensued. Finally the Mohawk? were put to flight by the extraordinary bravery and prowess of Chikatanbvi and his captains. But wliat was most calamitous in this disastrous expedi- tion, was, the loss of the great chief Chikatavlnit, who, afler performing prodi- gies of valor, was killed in repelling the Alohawks in their last attack, witli almost all his captains, in number about 50, as was supposed.* This was a severe stroke to these Indians, and they suffered much from chagrin on their return home. The Mohawks considered themselves their masters, and although a [^'=ce was brought about between them, by the mediation of tiie English and Dutch on each side, yet the Massachusetts and otliers oflen suffered from their incursions. A chief of much the same importance as ChikatavJnit and his sons, was Masconononu), or Masconomo, sachem of Aguwam, since called Ipavnch. When the fleet which brought over the colony that settled Boston, in 1630, anchored near Cape Ann, he wtlcomed them to his shores, and spent some time on board one of the ships.t On the tj8th June, 1G38, Mascononomet | executed a deed of " all his lands in Ipswich," to John H'intkrop, jr., for the sum of £20.§ At a court in July, 1631, it was ordered, that "the sagamore of Agawam is banished from coming into any Englishman's house for a year, under penalty of ten beaver-skins." II This was probably don( in retaliation for his having committed acts of violence on the Tarratines, who soon afler cai>ie out with great force nguinst Mascononomo ; he having, "as was usually said, treacherously killed some of those Tarratine families."1f It would seem that lu> expected an attack, and had therefore called to his aid some of the saciii ins near Boston; for it so happened that Montowampate and Wonoha- quahum were at Agawam when the Tarratines made au attack, but whether by concert or accident is not clear. To the nriiibfr of 100 men, in three canoes, the Tarratines came out on this enterprise, on iJ-e 8 August following. They attacked Mascononomo and his guests in his wigwam in the night, killed seven men, wounded Mascono- nomo liinisclf, and Montowampate^ ui\A JFonohaqiiaham, and several others who aflerwards died. They took the wife of Montowampate captive, but it so hap- pened that Abraham Shurd of Pemmaquid ransomed her, and sent her home, where slie arrived on the 17 Septen/oer the same autumn.** From Mr. Coh- hePs account, it appears that th-^y came against the English, who, but for an Indian, named Robin, would have been cut off, as the able men at this time, belonging to Ip»wich, did not exceed 30; and most of these were from home on the day the attack was to have been made. Robin, having by some means found out their intentions, went to John Ferkins,\\ and told him that on such a day four Tarratines would conie and invite the English to trade, "and draw them down the hill to the water sid»^ when 40 canoes full of armed Indians would be ready, under " the brow of the hill," to fall upon them. It turned out as Robin hud reported ; but the Indians were frightened off by a false show of numbers, an old drum, and a few guns, without effecting their objeet,tt We hear no more of him until 1644, March 8, when, at a court held in Boston, " Cuisliamekin and Smutw-Sachem^ Masconomo, JVashacowam and Has- samagin, two sachems near the great hill to the west, called Wachuaeit, came into tiic court, and, according to their former tender to the governor, desired to be received luider our protectiou§§ and government, upon the same terms It is scarce spelt twice alike * 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i, 1G7. t llisl. N. England. \ This is (loubiless the most correct spelling of liis name, the MS. records. ^ Records of Gen. Court, v. 381, || Prince, 367. IT Huhbard-s N. E. 145. *» H'intlirop's Jour.— Leteis's Hist. Lynn, 39, 'V).— Felt's Hist. Ipswich, 3. fi Quarter-master, " living then in a lillle hut upon his father's island on this side of Jeof- Neck." MS. Narrative. i\ Cohbel's MS. Narrative. $} 'I'hey desirud this from their great fear of the Mohawks, it is said. ry's fBooK II he Mohawk? Chikataubul rou8 expedi- iriiiiiig prodi- t uttuck, with This wa8 a 1 chugrin ou lieir masters, i/iediatiou of otliers often lis sons, was illed Ipamch. ston, ill 1630, spent some a]l his lands if Agawom is mder penahy )r his having er came out usually said, would seem some of the and Wonoha- , but whether came out on tononomo and led Mascono- il others who Jut it so hap- nt her home, •oni Mr. Cob- , but for an It this time, ! from home some means that on such e, "and draw 'nied Indians It turned ff by a false fecting their court held in im and fVas- chusett, came ruor, desired same terms twice alike in s side of Jeof- Chap. Ill] MONTOWAMPATE.— WONOHAQUAHAM. 47 a melancholy picture of the distresses caused by the small-pox aiiinng the •etched natives." "There are," says Mather, "some old planters surviving _^ that Pumham and Sacononoco were. So we causing them to understand the '9 articles, and all the ten commandments of God, and they freely assenting to ^ all,* they were solemnly received, and then presented the court with twenty- six' fathom of wampum, and the court gave each of them a coat of two yards of cloth, and their dinner ; and to them and their men, every one of them, a cup of sac at their departure ; so they took leave, and went away very joyful."t In the Town Records of Ipswich, under date 18 June 11558, a grant is made to the widow of JWoacononomo, of "tliat parcel of land which her husband had J fenced in," so long as she should remain a widow. Her husband was the last of the sachems of Agawam, and with him, says Mr. Fell, descended " his feble and broken scepter to the grave." He died on the 6 March, 1G58, and was buried on Sagamore Hill, now within the liounds of Hamilton. His gun and other valuable implements were interred with him. " Idle curiosity, wanton, sacrilegious sport, prompted an individual to dig up the remains of this chieti and to carry his scull on a [mjIc through I[)swicli streets. Such an act of bar- barity was severely frowned upon, and speedily visited with retributive civil justice.'' I M ONTOW AMP ATE, sagamore of Lynn and Marbleheatl, was known more generally among the whites as Sagamore James. He was son of JVarKpashemei, and brother of fVonohaquaham and tVinnepurkitt.^ He died in l(x33, of the small-pox, "with most of his people. It is said that these two promised, if ever they recovered, to live with the Elnglish, and serve their God."|| Montowampate, having been defrauded of 20 beaver-skins, by a man named fVatts, who had since gone to England, he went to Gov. fVinthrop on the 26 March, 1631, to know how he should obtain recompense. The governor gave liim a letter to Emanuel Djuming, Esq. of London, from which circumstance it would seem that the chief determined to go there ; and it is said that he actually visited England and received his due.lf The histories of those times give " wretc to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians; even whole families of them all dead at once. In one of the wigwams they found a poor infant suck- ing at the breast of the dead mother."** The same author observes that, before the di8<;ase liegan, the Indians had begun to quarrel with tlie English about the bounds of their lands, " but God ended the controversy by sending the small-pox among the Indians at Saugus, who were before that time exceeding- ly numerous." We have mentioned another of the family of JVanepashemet, also a sachem. This was fVonohaquaham, called by the English Sagatiiore John, of VVinisimet. His residence was at what was then called Rumneymarsk, part of which is now in Chelsea and part in SRUgus.§ As early as 1631, he had cause to com- plain that some of the En^ sh settlers had burnt two of his wigwams. " Which wigwams," says Governor Dudley,]} " were not inhabited, but stootl in a place convenient for their shelter, when, upon occasion, they should travel that way." The court, upon examination, found that a servant of Sir R. ScU- tonstall had been the means of the mischief, whose master was ordered to make satisfaction, " which he did by seven yards of cloth, and that his servant pay him, at the end of his time, fifty shillings storling."|J Sagamore John died at Winisimet, in 1633, of the small-pox.§§ He desired to become acquainted with the Englishmen's God, in his sickiies.s, and requested them to take his two sons and instruct them in Christiniiity, which they did.|||| Winnepurkitt,^^ who married a daughter of Pussaconaway, makes f sidera- ble figure also in our Indian annals. He was bom about 1616, and succeeded Montowampate at his deeth, in 1633. The English called him George Rumney- * The articles wiiich they subscribed, will be seen at larq^e when the AfatiHscripl Hist, of the Prayincr Indians, by Daniel Gookin, shall be published. They do not read precisely as rendered by ^Vinthrop. t Winthrop's Juurnal. X Hist. Ipswich, 5. 6 Lewis's Hist. Lynn, 16, 17. j Hist, of New England, 195. f History of Lynn, 38. *• Ilelatioo, &-C. 23. tt Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 25, edition IG96. ii Pi-ince's Chronology. $$ History of New England, 195, (550. II II Wonder-working Providence. HIT Spelt also WinnaperieL "^^C^ t -.i" ' ! '41 ■'!•'■'■. ■■' ■•',^./ '■ ''i 1 X ^ k. II *■•'■■ 11 t. ■-. ■ '-'i-p !■ ■ \M •It ■ ■ ' 1 ■ ,'tf 1 l;. •. ■ ji ■ , , • ■- .. •» ^^.^ ••■'■« ■.■»■•*».■ s ■ I-;;- 48 MANATAHQUA.—NATTAHATTA WANTS. [Book U. marsh, and at one time he was proprietor of Deer Island, in Boston harbor. *' In the latter part of hw life, he went to Barbadoeo. It i» suppowd tliat he was carried there with the prisonera wiio wei^e sold for sla''»>8, at tiie end of Philip's war. He died soon after his return, in 1(>34, at the hou'w' of Mumin- qiuuh^ aged 68 years." Matoayetsm'aine, daughtei' of Poquanumf is also men- tioned as liis wife, l)y whom he had several children.* ManatahqiM, called alno BUuk-ieHliam, was a sachem, and propiietor of Na- liant, when the adjacent country was settled by the whites. His father lived at Swnrnpscot, and . ■ also a sagamore, but probably was dead before the ICnglisli settled in the country .f A traveller in thif then % wilderness world, thus notices M'iUiam, and his possessing Nahant "One Black-william, aii Indian Duke, out of his generosity gave this place in general to the plantation of Saugus, so that no other can appropriate it to himself." He was a great friend to the whites, but his friendship was repaid, as was that df many others of that and c en much later times. There was c man by the name ot tValkr Bagnall, nicknamed Ctreat Wot, "a wicked fellow," who had much wronged the Indian.s,§ killed near the mouth of Saco River, probably by some of those whom he had defrauded. This was in October, 16S1. As some vessels were upon the eastern coast in search of pirates, in January, 1633, they put in at Richmond's Island, where they fell in with Black-william. This was the [)lace where Bagnall had been killed about two years before ; but whether he lad aiiy thing to do with it, does not appear, nor do I find that any one, even his mnrderers, pretended he was any way implicated ; but, out of revenge for BagnaWs death, these pirate-hunters hanged Black-toilliam. On the contraiy, it was particularly mentioned || that Bagnall was killed by Squidrayset and his men, some Indians belonging to that part of the country. This Squidrayset, or Scitterypisset, for whose act Manatahqua suffered, was the first sachem who deedct land in Falmouth, Maine. A creek near the mouth of Prcsumpscot River pr^rpetuates his name to this day. Mr. tVillis flupj)oses he was sachem cf the Aucocisco tribe, who inhabited between the Androscoggin and Saco rivers; and that from Aucocisco comes Casco.ir There can be but litde doubt that Bagnall deserved his fate,** if any deserve such ; but the other was the act of white men, and we leave the reader to draw the parallel between the two : perhaps he will inquire, fVere the murderers of MANATAHqoA brought to justice? All we can answer is. The records are si- lent. Perhaps it was considered an offset to the murder of Bagnall. JVatlahattawants, in the year 1642, sold to Simon fVillard, in behalf of " Mr. Winlhrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. JVowell, and Mr. Alden" a large tract of land upon both sides Concord River. "Mr. Winthrop, our present governor, 1260 acres, Mr. Dudley, 1500 acres, on the S. E. side of the river, Mr. J^ouxll, 500 acres, and Mr. Allen, 500 acres, on the N. E. side of the river, and in consideration hereof the said Simon giueth to the said JS/attahattawmits six fadom of waom- pam]>ege, one wast'^oat, and one breeches, and the said JVattahattatvanis doth covenant and bind himself, that hee nor any other Indians shall set traps with- in this ground, so as any cattle might recieve hurt thereby, and what cattle shall receive hurt by this meanes, hee shal' be lyable to make it good." fin the deed, J^/attahattaioants is called sachem of that land.] Witnessed by The mark of % Natahatta wants. three whites. The mark of % Winnipin, an Indian that traded/or Aim.ff The name of this chief, as appears from documents copied by Mr. Shattuck,Xl was understood Tahattmoan, Tahaftateanls, Attaivan, Attawanee, and Ahatawa- nee. He was sachem of Mus.ietaquid, since Concord, and a supporter and tHist. N.Eiig. II Winthrop, ib. *Ki.st. Lynn. t lfi3S William Wood, author of New Eng. Prosptct. ^ WiiUlirop's Journal, i. 62, 63, TT Col. Maine Hisl. Soc. i. G8. •* K iiarl, in about three years, by extortion, =*« we infer from Winlhrop, accumulated about £400 from amon? the Indiaiis. See Journal itl mpra. ft Si'lfulk Records of Deeds, vol. i. No. 34. W Hist. Concord, Mass. pastim chap. i. ch Kt. in ] WAHGUMACUT. -JACK-STRAW. 49 # nrnpni^tor o" Christianity auiDiig his people, luid an honcBt and iiftri^lir man. The i-elebrated fVtiban married hiH eldest daiif(hter. John Tahatlawan was his fon, who lived at Nashoba, where he was i-hiei' ruler of the praying; Indians — » dfS4-rvin^ Indian. He died al)out lb7(. His widow wan daughter of John. wjpfimon' of Patucket, uj)on the Men-ir la^K, who married Oomimoe-, another lult'i- of the ])raying Indians, of MarilK)rough. II. . .)nly son l»y Tnhatlitwan * was killed by some white rutHans, who came u{)on then) while in their wig- wams, «uid his laother was bailly wounded at the same time. Of this aftiiir we shall have occasion elsewhere to be more |)artirular. JSTaannahqumv, an- other daughter, married JS/'aaniaheouf, called John Thomas, \vho died at N'atick, aged 1 10 years. We know very little of a sachem of the name of Wahffiimacut,] excefit that he lived uf>on Connecticut River, and came to boston ii lOJll, with a rest to the governor " to have some English to plant in his country;" and as iin inducement, said he would "find them corn, and give them, yearly, 80 skins of beaver." The governor, however, dismissed him without giving him any encouragement ; doubting, it seems, the reality of Ins fri^^ndship. Kut it is more probable that he was sincere, as he was at this time in great fear of the Pequots, and judged that if some of the English would reside with him, he sl.ould be able to maintain his countiy. There accompanied fVahgumacut to Boston an Indian named Jackstrmo^ who was his interpreter, and Sagamore John. We have labored to iind some further particulars of him, but all that we can ascertain with certainty, is, that he had lived some time in England with Sir Walter RalegL§ How Sir Waller * Mr. Gookin wriles this name Tohatooner, thai of the father Taliattau-arre. MS. Hist. Proving Indians, 105. t Wahginnarul, according to Mr. Surge's reading; of Winllirop. Our text is according to Pnvce, who also used winthrov in MS. It is truly diverting to see how the author o? Talt- 'if the Indians has displaveu his invention upon the passage in Winthrop'.i Journal bringing to our knowledge this chief. We will give the passage of iVijithrop, that the rriidcr may judge whether great ignorance, or misrepresentation " of set purpose " l)c chargeaMe to hiin. " He [Gov. Winthrop] discovered after [ VVahginnaciit was gone], that the said sagamore is a very treacherous man, and at war with the Pekoath (a far greater sagamore.") Now, every cbilcl that has rcai! about the Indians, it seems to us, ought to know that the meaning of Pekoath was mistaken by the governor, and no more meant a chief than the Massasoits meant what the Plimoutli people first supposed it to mean. In the one case, the name of a tfibe was mistaken for that of a chief, and in the other the chief for the tribe. Mistakes of this kind were not uncommon before our fathers became acquainted with the country. Winthrop says, too, the Mohawks was a great sachem. Now, who ever thought there was a chief of that name 7 X Probably so named from the Maidstone minister, who flourished in Wat Tyler's rebellion, and whose real name was John Ball, but afterwards nick-named Jack Straw. He became chaplain to Wat's army, they having let him out of prison. A text which he made great use of in preaching to his liberators was this : — When Adam dalfe and Eve span, Who waa then a gentleman .' This we apprehend waa construed, Down with the nobility! See Rapin's Eng. i. 457. In Ketmet, i. 247, John Wram is called Jack Straw. He was beheaded. ^" The imputation of the first bringing in o{ tobacco into England lies on this heroic knight." IVivslanlry's Worthies, 259. " Besides the consumption of the purse, and impairing of our inward parts, the immoderate, vain and phantastical abuse of the hellish weed, corrupteth the natural sweetness of the breath, stupifieth the brain : and indeed is so prejudicial to the general esteem of our country." Ibid. 211. Whether Jack-straw were the servant who acted a part in the often-told anecdote of Sir Walter Ralegh's smoking tobacco, on its first being taken to England, we shall not presume to assert ; but, for the sake of the anecdote, we \yill admit the fact; it is variously related, but is said to be. in substance, as follows. At one lime, It was so very unpopular to use tobacco in any wav in England, that many who had got attached to itj used it only privately. Sir Walter was smoking in his study, at a certain time, and, bcuig thirsty, called to his servant to bring him a tankard of beer. Jack hastily obeyed the summons, and Sir Walter, forgetting to cease smoking, was in the act of spouting a volume of smoke from his mouth when his servant entered. Jack, seeing his master smoking prodigiously at the mouth, thought no other but he was all on fire inside, having never seen such a phenomenon in all England before ; dashed the quart of liquor at once in his face, and ran out screaming, " Massa's a fire I Massa's a fire ! " Having dismissed the servant, every one might reasonably expect a few words concerning his niaster. Sir Walter Ralegh may truly be said to have lived in an age fruitful in great and worthy characteis. Captain John Smith comes to our notice through bis agency, and th« , '.■ ' i*' ■ ."C'JS ••A"'*' ■ '..>■■. • f » ••'■.■'•;"'<' ''"'' ■P' :'. ■' ' f ■ p '.■■; -Pi ■-'■."■ ■■''■'Ii ','f (.' "■ ^.<- .'f/J f-i' ';*•■■ '>/! >:*-•■. '■'■''■■«(-' / ► • '^M I: : ■ ■•- : Vi ;-:<^ %;^ 4:1 '■'; JAMES-PRINTER, OR JAMES-THEPRINTER. [Book II came by him, does not satisfactorily appear. Captains Amidas and Bariotn Bailed t<) Anierica in his employ, and on their return carried over V ' natives fnjin Virginia, whose names were Wanchtse and Manteo.* It is ban oossible that one of these was afterwards Jack-straw. A Nifirnuck Indian, of no small note in his time, it may in the next plo *e bo proi)er to notice. Jamta Printer, or Jameg-the-vrinter, was the son of J^aont, brother of Tuka- peieillin] and Anawtakiru When a child, he was instructed at the Indian cliarity school, nt Cumbridffc. In 1G59, he was put apprentice to Samuel Green, to learn the printer s business ; { and he is s[)oken of as having run away from his miiHtcr in 1()75. If, allcr an apprenticeship of 16 years, one could not leave his master without the charge of absconding, at least, both the master and apprentice should be pitied. In relation to this matter, Mr. Hub- renownoil first Kii^lish rircumnavie;ator was his conlemporarv. He, like the last named, was born ill llic cuiinty of Devonshire, in 1552, in the parish ot Budley. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, so well known in our annals, was his half-brother, his father having; mariied 8ir llumphretfs mother, a widow*, by whom he had Walter, a fourth son.t The ^•»eat successes and dis- coverirs of tlio celebrated admiral Sir Francis Drake gave a nsw impetus to the English nation in mnritimc affairs, and consequent thereupon was the settlement of North America ; as G^reat an era, to say the least, &s was ever recorded in history. No one shone more ronspici'inus in those undertakings than Sir Waller Ralegh. After persevering a long time, he established a colony in Virginia, in XCXfl. He was a man of great valor and address, and a favorite with the great Queen Elizabeth, th« promoter of his u>idertakings, one of whose " maids of honor " he married. In this affair some charge him with having first dishonored that ladv, and was for a time under the queen's displeasure in consequence, out marrying her restorcif him to favor. The city of Ralegh in Virginia was so named by his direction. He was conspicuous with Drake and Hotvard in the destruction of the Spanish armada in 1588. On the death of the queen, he was imprisoned almost 13 years in the tower of London, upo:! the charge of treason. It was during his imprisonment that he wrote his great and learned work, the History of the World. The alleged crime of treason has loiig since been viewed by all the world as without foundation, and the punishment of Ralegh reflects all its blackntjs upon the character of James I. The ground of the charge was, that Ralegh and others were in a conspiracy against the king, and were designing to place on the throne Arabella Stetoart.\ He was never pardoned, although the king set him at liberty, anc* permitted him to go on an expedition to South America in search of a gold mine of which he had gained some intima- tions in a prpvious visit to those countries. His attempt to find gold failed, but he took the town of St. Thomas, and established in it a garrison. This was r. depredation, as Spain and England vfere then at peace, bu; Ralegh had the king's commi&sioii. The Spanish nmbassailor con- ;)lained loudly against the transaction, and the miserable •/am:.«, to extricate himself, and a|)pease the Spanish king, ordered Ralegh to be seized on hh return, who, upon the old charge of treason, was sentenced to be beheaded, which was executed upon him z9th Ocl. 1618.$ " I shall only hint," says Dr. Poholiele,^ "that the execuliuii of this great man, whom JamesMiiHs advised to sacrifice to the advancement of the peace with Spain, hath left an indelible stain on the memory of that misguidec! monarch." It appears from another account IT that Sir Walter, on arriving at the mouth of the Oronoko, was taken " desperately sick," and tent forward a company under one of his captains in search of the gold mine. That they were met by the Spaniards, who attacked them, and that this was the cause of their assault- m^ St. Thomas, and being obliged to descend the river without effecting the object they were upon. The following circumstance respecting the celebrated History of the Worid, not 'jei."!g generally known, cannot but be acceptable to the reader. The first volume (which is what we have of it) was published before he was imprisoned the last time. Just before his execu- tion, he sent for the publisher of it. When he came, Sir Wcdter took him by the hand, and, " after some discourse, askt him how that work of his sold. Mr. Burre f'tho name of the publisher] returned this answer, that it had sold so slowly that it had undi.. . him. At which words of his, Sir Walter Ralegh, stepping to his desk, reaches his other pr.it of his history to Mr. Burre, which he had brought down to the limes he lived in ; clapping his hand on his breast, he took the other unprinted part of his works ir.io his hand, with a sigh, saying, ' Ah, my friend, hath the first part undone thee, the second volume shpM undo no more ; this ungrateful worid is unworthy of it.' When, immediately going to the fire-side, threw it in and set his foot on it till it was consumed."** »See Cayley's Life Sir W. Ralegh, i. 70. ed. Lond. 1616, 2 vols. 8vo. t Some author of Indian tales might delight himself for a long lime in ringing changes on lis Indian preacher's name, without inventing any new ones ; for it is not, as I remember, this spelt twice alike in our authorities. t Thomas, Hist. Printing. * " Of Otho ailheH, of Compton, Esq." PolvohtUU Hint. Devon, il. 219. t Stith, Hist. Virginia, 7. Second son, says Mr. PoHkelt, Devon, U. 919. T Rapin's Eitg. ii. 161. A Tindal's notes in Rapin, ii. 195. jl Hist. Devonshire, i. S5». IT Winstanley, Worthies, 950. ** Winstanley, Worthies, 257. time wi Bii|H>nuii 'Jr. /. the coui Indiuiis divers () others, J t!ie art o name [Book D ind Barhw V ' natives t oossiblo Bxt pb "e be ;r of Tuka- the Indian to Samuel having run i yearw, one ist, both the T, Mr. Hvb- M named, was plirey Gilbert, ir Humph'-e^s cases and dis- o the English orth America ; in shone more ig a long time, i address, and one of whose rst dishonored t marrying her iireclion. He 'mada in 1588. London, upcr. It and learned e been viewed II its blackncJS id others were bella Stewart.t im to go on an i some intima- ^t he took the lion, as Spain The Spanish I, to extricate im. who, upon upon him 29lh lis great man, in, hath left an ther account IT ely sick," and . That they their assault- object ihey rid, not '5€in^ which is what >re his execu- he hand, and, name of the m. At which ' his history to s hand on his , sayir-g, ' Ah, more ; this threw it in ig changes on I remember, chaf. nt] JAMES-THE PRINTER.-KUTCHMAKIN. 51 Jorrf mys,* "He had attained Bon:'^ skill in printing, and might have attained more had he not, HInulded to distinguish him from others named James. "Jr. I. Mather \ has this record of James-printer. "July 8, [lfi76.] Whereas the council at Boston had lately emitted n declaration, signifying, that such Indiuiis IIS did, within 14 days, come in to the Knglish, might liojie for mercy, divers of them did this day return frotn attioiig the Nipmucks. Among others, James, an Indian, who could not only read and write, but had learned tlie art of nrhiting, notwithstanding his apostasy, did venture hims<>lf upon the mercy and trutli of the Knglish declaration, which he had seen and read, pmmising for the future to venture his life against the common en«'my. lie uikI •he other now come in, affirm that very many of the Indians an; dead since tint) war began ; and that more have died by the hand of God, in respect of diseases, fluxes and fevers, which have been amongst them, than have b«.'en killed with the sword." Mr. Thomas says. * it was owing to tlie amor patrite of Jamxs-printfr that he left his mast'- and jOinf;d in Philip''8 war. But how much amor palricB he must have htt.i to have kept him an opprentice 16 years is not mentioned. It was in 1(185 that the second edition of the famous Indian Biblit wa.'^ completed. From the following testimony of Mr. Eliot will be seen how much the snccess of that undertaking was considered to depend on James- the-printer. In 1(583, in writing to the Hon. Robert Boyle at London, Mr. Eliot says, " I desire to see it done before I die, and I am so deep in years, that I cannot cxpeci to live long; besitles, we have but one man, viz. the Indian Printer, that is able to compose the sheets, and correct the press with under- standing." In another, from the same to the same, dated a year after, he says, " Our slow progress needeth an apology. We have been tnuch hindered by the sickness the last year. Our workmen hove been all sick, and we have but few hands, (at printing,) one Englishman, and a boy, and one Indian," &c. This Indian was undoubtedly James-the-printer. And Mr. Thomas adds, " Some of James's descendants were not long since living in Grafton ; the\ bore the surname of Printer.'"^ There was an Indian named Job JS/esutart, who was also concerned in the first edition of the Indian Bible. He was a valiant soldier, and went with the English of Massachusetts, in the first exj»edition to Mount Hope, where he was slain in Iwttle. " He was a veiy goo.<'';■' V--'. 'I-V.l ;;■■■ ■■v*v' . ■ \ , ;Ji;^'i^v (•.-■;'! In 1 »i • . • 'f !'■ ' •;.• 5'i ;' ' '■ ?■■■ ::■■■;'■ 1' * i: w ij •-( KUTCIIMAKIN— WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS. [BooE II. tlitlcront partH of our work, extracts will DKCOHmrily show. He wm oiio of tliuHi; HucliciiiH who, in l(i4.')^, hIkiiuiI u subiiiiaaiou to the English, na hatt been irinitio' " in a prncediug chapter. In Ki-'Xi, ^hamakin Hold to the people of Dorchester, Uncataquiwet, iM'ing the par at town Hince called Milton. This, it app<>nrH, was at ttotno |N>rio(l hin nssiut, . Though he waa a Hucheni under Wooaamtquin, yet, lilto Citunbitatil, he was op|>oc)ed to the Hettleinent of the English in his country. He Hvn, they inquired for the sachem,* wishing to [tarley with him : his iieople said " he was from home, but within three hours he would come ; and so from three to six, and thence to nine, there came none." But the Indians came fearlessly, in great numbers, and spoke to them, through the interpreter, Kvlshamakin, for some time. This delay was a strata- gem which succeeded well ; for they rightly guessed that the English had come to injure them in their persons, or pro[)erty, or both. Therefore, while some were enteitaining the English with words, others carried off* their efl!ects and hid them. When they had done this, a signal was given, and all the Indians ran away. The English then fell to burning and destroying every thing they could meet with. Gardener had sent some of his men with the others, who were unaccountably left on shore when the others reembarked, mid were pursued, and two of them wounded by tlie Indians. " The Bay-men killed not a man, save that one, Kichomiquim^ an Indian sachem of the Bay, killed a Pequit ; and tlirs began the war between the Indians and us, in these parts." f The Pequots henceforth used every means to kill tlie English, and many were token by them, and some tortured in their manner. "Thus far," adds Gardener, "I had written in a book, that all men * Sassacus, says Wintlirop (i. 194.) ; but bein? told he was gone to Long Island, the gene- ral demanded to see " the other sachem, &c." which was doubtless MoTKmoUo. i 3 Coll. Hut. Soc. iii. 141, &c. r»Kr. IV and |M)st(>i Mlird, yen, (>mI\ lit-nii 'i'ti s;iy informed \<'riii innslimtlv W'dttrtowi mar Doirl <'|" K lit slut I III IthlH, to a drt-il firijjin Wf Thf trai't vvliioli Vail Of the grtm — MiA.vri Sells lifwi nanimitij rrpt's it — Ills profile errculion- Trnilition.' — Clinrarl of plotdnc H'lir lictwr Further ac The lioiii " Puutuckit liy a brook i tiie SCO, or r iiiuiiy island Niiintick, thi within it. 1 about 30 or Rliode Islaii them from 1 at tlie ztuiitli of thirtif the futiier, lived III 17t>6, < Narragunset sfiii."^. Mr. . sciioolmastei lished I canr A census ( Feb. 1832, 1 themselves n Of the en learned from named Tash * Suffolk Re| piclure of son.c t See 3 Cell. J See Beatty CH*r. IV.) OF TFIK NARRAOANSKTS— TASIITASSUCK. AS and iMwtcrity iiiitflit know liow uiiil wliy so iimiiy lionoHt nifii lind tlit-ir lilmwl Hhfd, vtii, aiitl Hoiiii" llavi«l ulivr, otlurs rut in |ticn'M, ami wurii' roiwtrtl alive, times of this nation, some of the first English inhabitants learned from the old Indians, that they had, previous to their arrival, a sachem named Tasklassuck^ and their encomiums upon his wisdom and valor were * Suffolk Reg. Deeds. There is no name signed to the deed, but in the place thereof, is the picture of soinc foui -legged animal drawn on his back. t See 3 Cell. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 210. t Four or five miles, says Gookin. J See lieatty's Journal, 106. || MS. letter of Rev. Mr. Ely. •: ' S, ■ll .. .,' 't ■ J0- ,w^ ■•,-^''ivt>: •4 • '"S •.''!'. '■^' 1 »' •- T- y •li ■. ■P-'tt"' •-!,' ■'>'■■■ 'li^ m iM T*'t* --<*. >« t ''*.:'•■ - ^"'^j .' i(' ■.■\'" . * AM . i.r rs v-jfiil liij£ui 1 54 rANONICI'S. [RonK II Nifric rm th»i Drlnwiin-H n-portcd of tlu'ir grvnt i'liirf Tanuinij ; that <• liail imt Imth hiH <'(|iml, &<•. Tn.thtiij^xuik lmnii ami ilan^'htir; thi'H«> he joiiinl in inarria;;)', hiraiiw h<' could tiiid imur worthy of iht-rn out ot' liin family, 'riir pnnhict of thi.s iiiurriu^^n wiw four WHiH, of whom Caiumiriu wiw the oldrst.* ("A.voMci's.f tlir >{rci»t wichciM of the i\«rni^aiiMjj(Moi7 tied iM'foni Cnnoninui, and applied to die Kn^rlinli for pniteetion. Hdward h'initloic n'lnU'M, 'u\ h'lH (ioon Nkwh krom Nf.w Knoland, that, in Feh. I(>*yj, Cnnonicus went into Plimoiith, hy one of hin men, a himdie of arrows, lM)und with a mltlesnake's skin, and there led them, and retired. The i\arnif,'ansets, who were reported at this timc! "many thousuid strong'," hearini? of the weakness of the hjifrlinh, "hcfjan, (says the ahove-named author,) to hreath forth many threats a^minst us," althoui,di they had tin; lust smnmer "desinid luid ohtuined |M'aco with us." — "Insomuch as the conunon talk of our nei^hhor Indians on ull sides was of the preparation they niud<; to com>- aj^iinst us." They were now iml>oldeneriiHliin<'n fnivi-l aJuiH' with Hiif'cty mid loving kintlntM ?" Tin* tiillowinf,' Ktiinint-nt <>l' Hofjrr H'illinmt is in a ili'iKi.xitioii, iJHtcd Nuitu- ifiuiHt't, IH June, M'tK'l, iiiid, although varyiiif; a littlr rnnii tin- alio\<-, runiains t:ir-ts vVry |»rrtiiitiit to our |Mir|M»s«'. Mr Mays," I tcstifv llinl it was the piicral iuiot hy the Kn>;hsh to sisccrtain thr niunh'rcrs, tiny were fully satisfied that Citnoninu and Miantumiomok had no hand in the aUair, hut that "the six other \arraf,'anset sachems had." No wonder In; took f,'reat offence at the conduct of the |'',n^lish coni"erniii>; the death of Aliitntunnoinoh. 'I'he \\ arwick settlers considered it a ffreat piece of injustice, and IMr. Sdinuel dtirlon wrote u letter for Cammiciui to the ^ntvcrnment of lMa.s«aclnisi'tls, notilyinj? them that Ik; had resolvinl to In; roven^'ed upon tho Mohe^ans. I'pon tluH the l''n;,'lish dcs|Mitched inessenficrs to Narrapmset to incpiire of ('aiioniciis whetlnr In; authori/ed the letn-r. lie treated them with great coldness, and would not admit them into his wigwam lor the space of two hours ulh-r their arrival, altliou>fli it was exceediiifily rainy. Vvlien they were admitted. In; frowneil upon them, inid >(ave them answers f()reij(n to the purpose, and referred tliern to Pessanis. This was ii very cold reception, eomparcMl \,ith that whirii tin; niesMeiip-rs received when sent to hiui t<)r information re8|)e(;ting the death of IMr. Oldham. "They returned with acceptance ntid go(»d success of their husiness; ohserving in the sachem much state, great command of his men, and marvellous wisdom in his answers; and in the carriage of the whole treaty, clearing himself and his neighbors of the munler, and offering revenge of it, yet upon very safe mid wary conditions." This sach«;tn is said to h.ive governed in great hurinony with his nephew. "The chiefest goverinn(;nt in the country is divided between a younger saciiem, .Miantunnomu, and an ehlersar-hem, Caunaunacxm, of about fourscore years old," this young mt'.n's unch; ; and their agreement in tlu; government is remarkable. The old saeiiem will not be offend(!(l at what the young sjichein doth ; and the young sachem will not do what he conceives will displease his ii icle."f With this passage before him, Mr. Durfee versifies as follows, in his poem c^illeil Whatchecr : — " Two miglity chiefs, one cautiouf wise, and old. One younsf, and slronji, and terrible in tiglil, All Narragiui.sol and ("owi'sul hold ; One lodge lliey build — one romisi'l fire ihoy liglil." " At a meeting of the commissioners of the United Colonies nt Ronton, vij .Sept., lf)43," it was agreed that .'Maasaclmsetts, in behalf of the other colonies, "give Conoonac^is and the Nanohiggunsets to understand, that from time to time " they have taken notice of their violation nf the covenant between them, notwithstanding the great mnnifestations of their love to them by the English ; that tiiey had concurred with Mlantunvnmoh in his late mischievous plots, by which he had intended "to root out the body of the English" from the coun- try, l»y gifts and allurements to other Indians; and that he had invaderl Unm.i, contrary to the "tripartie covenant" between himself, Unca/t, and Connecticut. Therefore, knowing "how peaceable Connnncvs nnd Masnis, the late fath»>r of Mi/antemmo, governed that great people," they ascribed the late "tumults nnd outbrenkings" to the malicious, rash nnd ambitions spirit of Miantiinnomoh, more than to "any af!(;cted way of their own." Notwithstanding, Miantunnomoh being now put to death, the English and their confederate Indian sachems, namely, " J ncus, sagamore of the Mohegins, ' This was written about lG4d. tCol. R.I. Hist. Soc. vol. i. V.' * *..« w . il-' M ■ 1 , A- >• • k .. ■ ,■■*... ..^ ^f. ■ , 11 ■r-'m '■'A: :.^r*v-->:i.fl u v V ■-. ■» ■•'r'%'-'!,- f'^Vf'Mi m % S6 CANOMCUS.— HIS WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS. [Book II and liis jicoplc, ffoosamequine and his pooplo, Sncanocoe and his people, P«n»- h/tm ant) his people, Avere disposed, they said, still to have {)eace with the Namigansets; but should exjiect a iriore iiiitiitid olwervanee of their agree- ment than they had shown hitherto." This determination was to be imme- diately laid before them, and a prompt answer demanded. In a trave assembly, upon a certain oeeasion, Canoninis thus addressed Rogtr yi'illiams: "I have never siiHered any wronj: to be offered to tlie English since they landed, nor never will ; " and oil i. repeated the word fytmnaunewayean. "If the Englishman s|)eak true, if lie mean truly, then fhall I go to my grave in peace, and lioj)e tliat the English and my posterity shall live in love and peace together." When Mr. Williams said he hoped he had no cause to question the English- men's wannaumioaiwnck,X\mi is, faithfidness, having long been acquainted with it, Canonicus took a stick, and, breaking it into ten pi(!ees, related ten instances wherein they had proved false ; laying down a j)i('ce at each instance. Mr. WUliavis satisfied him that he was mistaken in some of them, and as to others he agreed to intercede with the governor, who, he doubted not, would make satisfaction for them. In 1635, Rev. Roger WUliams foimd Canoninis and Mianlunnomoh carrying on a bloody war against the Wampanoags. By his intercession an end was put to it, and he grew much in fiivor with all the sacln!ms ; especially Canoninut, whose "heart (he says) was stirred up to love me as his son to his last gasp." He sold the Island of Rhode Island to William Coildington, Roger Williams, and others. A son of Canonicus, named Mriksah, is named by Williams as inheriting his father's spirit. This son is also called Meika^ who, after his father's death, was chief sachem of the Narragansets, and was said to have been his eldest son. Many particulai-s of him will lie found in our progress onward. • At the time of the Pequot war, much pains was taken to secure the friend- ship of Canonicus more firndy. Mr. Williams wrote to Crovernor Winthrop concerning him as follows: "Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, I find Canounicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten pounds of sugar, and indeed he told me he would thank Mr. Governor for a box full." In another letter which Mr. Williams sent to the same by Mianlunnomoh himself, he sjiys, " I am bold to retpiest a word of ad to tlie the word truly, then f posterity e English- liiited with I instances mce. Mr. IS to others ould nuike >h carrying n end was* Canonicus, lust gasp." r JVilliams, Williams as 3, after his lid to have ir progress the friend- ir fVinlhrop nces, I find * sugar, and In another slf, he says, sition made ^aunoiinicus iwese, upon em." The ley offered to know isrtts, and lid he told but if he and ])ut in )od feeding lusetts men desired he a mile or e had any, war, which which Mr, and who, (Is by the life was immediate M" Pe(iuots, on Weca|)aug t ten miles onging to this Chap. FV] CANONICUS.— SOKOSO. 67 wide, and fifteen or twenty long. Canonicus drew along with him, besides his own men, several of the Massachusetts .sagamores. This was maintained with ferocitvaiid various succes,s, mitil K).'}.!, when the Peqiiots were driven from it, but who, it would seem, coiisidei»;d th(>msclves but little worsted ; for Canonicus, doulning his ability to hold possession long, and ashamed to have it nitnken from him, made a present of it to one of liis captains, who had fought heroically in coiKiuering it; but he never held ])oss('.ssi(in : however, alter the Pequots were sulMliied 'ly the English, these lands were possessed by the Narragausets again. The name of this Pequot captain was Sokoso, sometimes call«^d Soso, Sosoa, &CC. He had killed one of his countrymen and fleul of peace ihe friend; His Itreast a treasury of maxims sage — His arm, a host^to piiiiisli or defend." Canonicus, at the age of 84 years, is i .ide to announce his approaching dissolution to his people thus: — " I die. — My friends, you have no cause to grieve : To aWer hands my regal power I leave. Our god commands — lo fertile realms I haste, Compared with which your gardens are a waste. There in full bloom eternal spring abides, And swanning fishes glide through azure tides ; Continual sunshine giUls the cloudless skies, No mists conceal Kecsuckqnand from our eyes." About im% a son of Canoninis died, at which his grief was very great; insotuuch that, "having buried his son, he burned his own palace, and all his goods in it, to a great value, in solemn remembrance of his son." Like other miii igiiorjint of science, Canonicus was superstitious, and was <:n;itly in fear of the English, chiefly, perhaps, from a belief in their ability to li'irt liim In' enchantment, which belief, very probably, was occasioned by th(! >tory tliat Squantn circidated, of which, in a previous chapter, we have spoken. Winn Roirer Williams fled into his country, he at first viewed hitn with dis- tnist, and would only frown u|)oii him; at hrngth he accused him, as well as till' other English, of sending the plague among the Indians ; but, as Ave have said before, he soon became reconciled to him, gave hitn lands, and even protected him. They became nmtual Imlps to each other, and, but for ani- mosities among the l-'nglish themselves, it may he fair to conclude, friendship would have continued with the Narragausets through several generations. <>t thai prince or people, even to a river, brook, &c. .And I have kno.vn them make bargain ■ind Side amongst themselves, for a sinidl piece, or quanlily of ground ; nolwillislandlng a sinful opinion amongst many. Iliat Chrisiians linve riffht to lieallien's lands." /{. Williams. *Si'o Potter's History of Narragaiisol, in Col. U. I. Hi«l. Soc. iii. 218. ♦ 15v John Latkrop, A. M. in 8vo. *■ \- .•..■..tfii ^i.<^; "■:•'''■ ■■■■v.. \:v,.| K<1 !>'••;■, .' ■ '''■ •■>■' '■:'■' Ml It V '■?;..<>•• ■ I", , ' ' **" * '' '/^ 'i^'C:-'-' '.^1 ,r ^ T> ' pM : ii'v" i ■rf. ■'J ■ I T '1^ 68 flIIANTUNNuMOH.— THE PEQUOT WAR. [Book IF. MiANTUNiVOMoii * was the son of a chief called Mascus, nephew of Canoni- cus, brother or brother-in-law to JVinigret,\ and brother of Olash. And, from a manust^ript I among the papers of the late Dr. Trumbull, it apijears that Mossup, or Mosipe,^ and CanjanaquoiiJ,\\ were also his brothers. "This Miantonimo" says Mr. //uitan/, " was a very good personage, [that is, well made,] of tall stature, subtil and cunning in his contrivements, as wjU as haughty in his dcHign8."1[ As early as 3 Aug. I(i32, this chief cam(! with his wife to Uoston, where ho staid two nights. He was then known by the name of Mecumeh. While hero he went to church with the English, and in the mean while, some of hie men, twelve of whom had accompanied him, it seems, broke into a house, and committtjd a theft, on 5 3Iarch. Complahit was made to the English gov- ernor, wiio "told the sachem of it, and with some difficulty caused him to make one of his sjmnaps ** beat them." The authora of the mischief were immediately sent out of town, but Miantunnomoh and the others, the governor took to his house, " and made much of them."tf The English seem always to have been more favorably inclined towards other tribes than to the Narragansets, as appears from the stand they took in the ware between tiiem and their enemies. And so long as other tribes suc- ceeded against them, the English were idle spectators; but whenever th<; scale turned in their favor, they were not slow to intercede. In the Life of Canonictis, the part Miantunnomoh exercised in the govern- ment of the gi-eat nation of the Narragansets is related. In 1634, Captains Stone and JVorton were kille. ** A name the sachems gave their allendanls. ft yViiUhrop's Juuraal. H Miantunnomoh. received eighty. Mather's Relalioa, 39. ■ 'A [Book II. of Canoni- Aiifl, from ^l^ars that muge, [that nts, as w-oll 1, where ho While hero )f hio riieii, house, and [iglish gov- sed liitri to »chief were le governor ed towards hey took in ■ tribes snc- lenever the the govcrn- ind in 1036, wioh did all imich jtains i'oin time to )f hostilities cdialely or- assist theni the English ine. etts that he ent him, by le war witii lem to such of tlie Nar- lent, and re- len the war upon such led tlieni to I, and other insiilered as liad grown id, as usual, inoin corrcpl, is rolniiUMl in or prdiiiiiii'ia- 's Cent. Ihs- 'list. Sor. :s. He •' was ntn(|iiii, in liis .1 wore biirieil ,] and ihe rest gs as gratuity y two seiicrali mnrk." t<. Di uments. Rflatiun, 39. Chap. IV] MIANTUNNOMOH.— INTRIGUES OF UNCAS. 59 Roger Williams exercised all his skill to restore tranquillity. Many of the Petiuots who had escaped the sword of the war of 1037, were among the Mohe"ans, and seem to have taken part with them against Miantunnomoh. Thcv did this, no doubt, that the Mohegans might screen them from the iMiglish, who were still seizing on all of that nation against whom they could Hiid any cau>«e of suspicion of having been engaged in murderhig the English, or in arms against them. .MiatUunnomoh, it is probable, had been ordered btifore the magistrates of (Jonnecficut, to give some account of the Petjuot refugees in the hands of the 3Ii)li('gaiis, as well iiii of those in his nation ; which may have been a main cause of the war they had now waged against him. For, when he set out lor Hartford, he had a guard of "upwards of 150 men, and many »ich"iiis, and his wife and children." Mr. Williuiiis was with him, and strongly urged liim ntit to venture ujjon the journey, even with this fbrci', because of the hostility of tiie IVIohegans; but the sachem woidd not be dissuaded, although he had no dotibt that the Mohegans and their I'etiuots were in great force not liir olll And while they were on their march, "about 000" of them fell upon the Wunntu^howatuckoogs, a trii)e under Canonicus, where they committed exten- sive robberies, and destroyed "about 23 fields of corn." Pvotwithstaiiding this great Mohegan army had jirejiared an ambush tf> iiitereipt and cut olT Miantunnomoh^ and gave out a threat thai they would boil him in a kettle, yet he went to, and returned safe from, Connecticut.* On this occa.sion he discovers great bravery, if it border not too closely u|)on temerity; for, when ffilliams urged him to retreat, they had pertbrmed lialf their journey, or about 50 miles; and j>/iaw/wn»iomo/i'3 answer was, after liolding a council with hi.s chiefs, "that no man should turn back, resolving ratlier all to die." The Mohegan sachem, Uncas, was at the same time ordered to appear at Hartford, to give an account of the IV<(uot warriors, or murderers, as the liiiglisli culled them, in his ktM jiing, as well as to effect a reconciliation of (iiliirences between him and Miantunnomoh; but, instead of appearing, lie sent a messenger, with word that he was lame and could not come. The governor of Comiectictit, Mr. Ilaynes, at once saw throu.^h the artifice, and observ(!d that it was a tame excuse, and immediately sent for him to come without delay. Whether cured of his lameness or not before coming, we .ire not informed; but, in a few days afk-r, the sui»tle sachem appeared, not daring to forfeit the friendship of the English, which, it si-eins, he preferred to hilling longer his guilty fiice from the presence of the magiiiuiimous Miantunnomoh, Now before the English, Uncas was charged with the dejiredationi , some of which were too well attested to admit of a denial, and others were dis- owned in [lart. The inquiry seems to htive ended afte'r the parties wen; tii(;d of it, without any advantage to the injured Nurragansets, and we hear of no measures taken for their relief. The next thing in order was a call upon Uncas for an account of the INquots which he was sheltering, which resulted only in a new series of liilschoods from him. When he was reiiuested to give their names, he said he knc'ii none of them, and that there were but 20 in his dominions. Whereupon v.itiies.ses were called, whose testimonies prov(>il, in his presence, that his statement was false. "Then he acknowledged that he had 30." At length Mr. Hai/nes dismissed him, with orders to bring in their names in 10 days, ui lie would take those Indians by force out of his i;■.■ '■X' ■: ''Vv« .;V4^,y« J:' K-^ it' .%.X''' '.<■■■ ..... ,7 '■■'.•*',.■■ .->'■%<■ V :■:!?■ >■.;■' VT" ;''.'-^v .■'.: »■■ '■'■' ■■'VVlV'jw' '-V.-r ^ .: -; ,.':'yi ; ■. 'v • r • ' * \ -.', .1-. • . I y^>i;;v:;^;!;:v'| • 17 / • .'. '•,.11 m Ff" m \r : r ' ** ■ It. .' m: '■'' ' . ■ ■!•■ ■ ■■'■••.>; V 1 ■ ■ •••■: i i -SW:ti^. fi i. '^ ,1 HI, w , 60 MIANTUNNOMOli SELLS AQUIDNICK. [Book II Rev. Samuel Gorton and his assoc'mtcs purchaBcd Shaomet, afterwarus railed Warwick, from the Earl of Warwieit, of Miantunnomoh ; but, as Gorton could do nothing right in the eyes of the Puritans of Massachusetts, Piimham was instigatt^d to claim said tract of country ; anu, although a sacii(>iri under Miantunnomoh,* did not liesitate, when supimrted by the Eng- lish, to assert his claitii as chief sachem. And the government of Massachu- setts, .0 give to their interference the appearance of disinterestedness, which it would seem, from their own vindication, they thought there was a chance to doubt, ■' Send for the foresaid sachems, [who had complained of Mr. Gorton and others, througli the instigation of the English,] and upon examination find, both by English and Indian testimony, that Miantonomo was only a nsur|)er, anrl had no title to the foresaid lands." f This is against the testi- mony of every record, and could no more have been believed then, than that Philip was not sachem ol' I'okanoket. In all cases of purchase, in thosi> times, the chief Siichem's grant was valid, and maintained, in almost eveiy instance, by the purchaser or grantee. It wjts "ustomary, generally, to make tlif! inferior sachems, and sometimes all their men, presents, but it was by no means a law. The chief sjicIkmus oih>n permitted those under them to dispose of lands also, without IxMug called to account. This was precisely the situation of things in the Warwick controversy, of which we shall have occasion again to speak, when we come to the life of Ptimham, In March, KKJS, Miantunnomoh, with four other sachems, sold to William Coddins^ton and othei-s, the island now called Rhode Island, also most of the otheiij in Narraganset bay, "for the full payment of 40 fathom of white peag, to be equally divided" between them. Hence JWion/u/jnomoA received eight fathom. He was to "have ten coats and twenty hoes to give to the present in- habitants, that they shall remove themselves from the island before next winter." The deed of this purchase, a copy of which is in my possession, is dated '24tii March, and runs thus: "Wi-, Canonicas and Meantinomie, the two chief sachems of Naragansets, by virtue of our genend command of this Bay, as also the paiticidar subjecting of the dead sachems of Aqnednick, Kitacka- mucknut, themselves and lands unto us, have sold unto Mr. Coddington and his friends * * the great Island of A(iMi(lnick, lying from hence [Providence] eastward * * also tlie marshes, grass upon Qunnonigat and the rest of the islands in the bay, excepting Chabatewece, fornierly sold unto Mr. Winthrop, the now Gov. oi' Mass. and Mr. Williams of Providence, also the grass npon the rivers and coves about Kitaekamuckqut, and from thence to Pau- pasqiiat." " The mark of ^ Cononicus. The mark of ^ Yotnesh, [Otash, hotlier of Miantunnomoh.] The mark of A, Meantinomie. The mark of , — ^ Asotamnet. T/io iiiark of v-..^^ Meihammoh, Canonic us his sou. "This witnesscth that I, Wanamatanamet, the present sachem of the island, have received five fathom of wampum and consent to the contents. The mark of «J? Wanasiatanamet. "Memorandum. I, Osemequon, freely consent" tha^ they may "make use of any grass or trees on the main land on Pocasicke side," having rcceiued five fathom of wampum also. The mark of /\ Osameqoen. As late as 21 Sejit. I(i38, the hand of Miantunnomoh is set to an instrument, with that of Uncas, Said instrument was a treaty of peace, a bond for the settling of difliculties between these two sachems and their men, and an * " 'riii^ liiw of llie liidinns in nil Amerira is, that ihe iiitVrior sacliems ai\(l suhjorls shall plaiU and rcniovo at the plcnsiiro of iho lii(r|icst and supremo sacliems." Roger Williams. This is aiithorily, and we need no other con>".icMtary on ttic arbitrary proceedings of the court of Massarliiiscit-;. t III manuscript on file, at the slatc-liousc, lioston. -ft i Chap. IV.] obligation between tl follows : 1st. Pt!a of tlu! Niu- part of till and never i 2d. Eac side, they whose dec lawfiil for t M. The their peopl< have niun soon as tht Pea(iiiots, t take; of" hi us that are heads." 4th. Ant and Molieg! to provide, the 11 thej Pi-aqiiots, s Narragansei of wainpori papon.sc out and shall ni but is now possess any John Ha Rog'r Ltl Edw'rd ] The wife as a[)peare b right of Soh On a tune Indians at t tunnomoh Wi WUlinms, be remtiined to "Otir father mo/i rcgoinet ever see a S( Williams ha other atlded heaven or d< We have of the mint edticiition. When it the English several Engl would not ta fit war with and tri;ateil i of the govc This they v We shall pn Chap. IV] MIANTUNNOMOH.— TREATY WITH UNCAS. 61 obligation from both to appeal to the English when any difficulty should arise betwetjn them. This treaty was done at Harttbrd, the substance ui' which follows : 1st. Peace and friendship is established iMHween Miantunnomoh on the jMirt of the Narragansets, and Poquhn^ as IJnciui was then 8<»metiines called, on the part of the Mohegans. And all former injuries and wrongs to \ni forgiven, and never to be renewed. 2d. Each of the sachems agree, "that if there fall out injuries" from either side, they will not revenge them, but that they will ap|M>al to tlii; Knglish, whose decision shall stand ; and if either piu-ty refuse to submit, " it shall bo lawful for the Eiiglisli to compel him." 3(1. The sachems further covenant with the English, that they nor none of their people shall harbor any Indians who shull be enemies to them, or shall have murdered any white peo|)lf. Tlmy further agree that they will, "jis .soon as they can, either bring the chief .sach(Mu of our late; eiieniies the Peacpiots, that had the chief hand in killing tins English, to the sd English, or take of " his head. As to the"nnn*ders that are now agre(;d upon amongst us that are living, they shall, as soon jis they can possibly, take off their heads." 4tli. And whereas it is agreed that there ait! now among the Narragansets and Mohegans, 200 Pequot men, i)e,sides scjuaws and papooses; thic; article is to ])rovide, that the Narragansets have enough of them to make up Hi), with the 11 tliey have already, "and Po'/ia'tfie his number, and that atk-r thej, the PeaquoLs, shall be divided as above, shall no more be called Peaquots, but Narragan.sets and Mohegans." They agree to pay for every sanop one tiitiiom of wanipom, and for every youth half as much — "and for every Siinop papoose one hand to be paid at killing-time of corn at Connecticut yearly, and .*liall not suffer them for to live in the country that was formerly theirs, hut is now the English's. Neither shall the Narragansets or Mohegans possess any part of the Pequot country without leaue of them." . . ■<"'■>" *>,V ■■.■■■■ »"! ^ •,-.■;(• -;■•'; ^'''- |S;>r';r:i:'-.'v-v,.-,: •■tl,.- John Haines, Rog'r Ludlow, Edw'rd Hopkins. MlANTINOMMV, •) PoQuiAM, alias Unk_as. -(-" The wife of Miantunnomoh, named Wawaloam, was alive as late as 1601 as appeal's by an information wIil-Ii she gave, dated 25 June, concerning the riglit of Sokoso to sell the lands u.ljacent to Wccapaug. On a time previous to 1G43, Rof^er Willia'tis delivered a discoui-se to some Indians at their resilience, as he was i)assing through their country. Mian- tunnomoh was present, and seemed inclined to believe in Christianity. Mr. Williams, being much fatigued, retired to rest, wliile Miantunnomoh and othei-s remained to converse upon what they had heard. One said to the i-hief, "Our fiitliers have told us that our souls go to the south-west ; " Miantunnc- vwh rejoined, "How do you know your souls go to the south-west? did you ever see a soul go that way?" (Still he was rather inclined to believe, as Mr. Williams had just said, that they went up to heaven or down to hell.) The other added, " When (lid he (meaning Williams) ever see a .soul go up to heaven or down to hell ? " We have given the above anecdote, which is thought a good illustration of the mind of man under the influence of a superstitious or pn-judiced education. Wiie'.i it was reported, in IG-IO, that Miantunnomoh was plotting to cut off the English, as will be found mentioned in the account of .Viniirret, and several English were sent to him in July, to know the truth of the i.iaiter, lie would not talk with them through a Pe(piot interpreter, bi-cause he was then at war with that nation. In other respin-ts h(> complied with their wishes, and treated them respectfully, agreeing to comi; to Hostoii, for the gratification of the government, if they would allow Mr. Williatm to accompany him. This they would not consent to, and yet Ik; came, agre(?ably to their desii's. We shall presently sec who acted bi;st the part of civilized men in this uliiur Ai' :■■< . . •■■' ■■>',<• ■ .■'i-M....<.'.:- ^- p;,-'-: r • 1^ M"-'^^^^' -■ • . »* . ■ ' '•<";■ 1 '-^f.*: .'■- *. -■ h ii: .■♦-"' ■ • if r . -■ li-.'^; 62 MIANTUNNOMOH ACCUSED OF A CONSPIRACY. [Book U He Imd refused to use a Pequot interpreter for good reiisons, but when he was at Boston, and surrounded by armed men, lie was obliged to submit. "The governor being as rrsohite as he, refused to use any other interpreter, tiiinkin;; it a dishonor to us to give so much way to them ! " The great wisdom of tin; governnient now displayed itself in the person of Governor Thomas Dudley. It is not to be expected but that Miantunnomoh should resent their pioceedings; for to the above insult they added others; "would show him no countenance, nor admit him to dine at our table, Jis formerly he had done, l.ii be had acknowli'dged his failing, &c., which he readily did." * By their own ibily, the English had made themselves jealous of a powerful chief, and they appear ever ready afterwards to cnsilit evil re|)oi1s of him. That an independent chief should be obliged to conform to tninsitory notions u|ion such an occasion, is absolutely ridicidous ; and the justness of the following remark from him was enough to have shamed good men into their senses. He said, " IF hen your people come to me, they are p'^milted to use their own fcufhions, and I expect the same liberty when I come to j/oit." In \M% Connecticut became very suspicions of Miantunnomoh, and urged Massachusetts to join them in a war against him. Their feare no doubt grew out of the consideration of the probable issue of a war with Uncos in his favor, which was now on the point of breaking out. Even Massachusetts did not think their suspicions well founded ; yet, according to their re(|ucst, they sent to Miantunnomoh, who, as usual, gave them satisfactoiy answei>, and, agreeably to their request, came agaiii to Boston. Two days were employed by the coint of Massachusetts in deliberating with him, and we are aston- ished at the wisdom of the great chief, even as reported by his enemies. Tliat a simple man of nature, who never knew courts or law, should cause such acknowledgments as Ibllow, from the civilized and tvise, will always be cont«'mplat(!d with intense admiration. "When he came," says fi'inthrop, "the court was assembled, and before his admission, we considered how to tn-at with him, for we knew him to be a very subtle man." When he was admitted, " he was set down at the lower eu(l of the table, over against the governor," but wotdd not at any time speak upon business, unless some of his counselloi-s were present; saying, "he would have them present, that they might bear witness with him, at bis return home, of all his sayings." The same author further says, "In all his answera he was very deliberate, and showed good understjuiding in the principles of justice and ecjuity, and ingenuity witlml." lie now asked for his accusers, nrging, that if they conld not establish their allegations, tliey ought to suffer what lie expected to, if they did; but the court said they kneio of none; that is, they knew not whom they were, and tlieret'oH! gave no credit to the reports until they had advised him accordini; to a n)rmir agreement. He then said, "If you did not give credit to it, why then (lid you disarm the Indians?" Massachusetts having just then disarmed some of the Merrimacks under some j)retence. "He gave divers reasons," says Goviuiior ,*f7nlace, to Waiandan " Brothera destroyed, plains were ] tish. Hut, b cut down tl horees eat u we shall sta you, but rest luid \vest ha [Book II when he was ibinit. "The cter, thinking r'isdorn ol' tin; omiis Dudley. ])iocccdiiig8; countenance, , l.il liu liiul eir own i'olly, J tiiey appear to transitory ic justnetw of 00(1 men into '•tnitted to use >/i, and urged o doubt grew Uncos in his sachusetts did re(|ucst, they inswei-b, and, ;re (iinphiyed ve are aiitoii- meiuies. should cause id always be lys H'inthrop, lered how to Vhen he avus r against the s some of hi.s ■lit, that thev yings." The .'liberate, and e(juity, and stablish tlieir did; but tlie ey were, and iin accorditii,' (lit to it, why len disarmed ers reasons," ny such con- V Uncos, &c. his trcacheiy my time," al- nglish would :' tlie charges bore heavily e it had been lifter them to tion." Arter English, which Mian- 'etiis: — " Pmir- talionis,"'&c, Chap. IV] MIANTUNNOMOH.— HIS WAR WITH UNCAS. 63 tunnomoh appears not to have liked, and " would not eat, until some food had been sent lim from that of the governor's." That wistloni seems to have dictated to Massachusetts, in her answer to Connecticut, must be acknowitidged ; l)ut, as justice to JMiontunnomoh abun- dantlv demanded such decision, credit in this case is du(! only to them, as to him who does a good act because it was his interest so to do. Tiiey urged Connecticut not to commence war alone, "alleging how dishonorable it «(>uld 111- to us all, that, while we were upon treaty with the Indians, they should make war upon them ; for they would account their act as our own, seeing we had formerly professed to the Indians, that we wen; all as one ; and in our lust iiiessagf! to Miantunnnmoh, had remembered him again of the same, and he had answered that he did so account us. Upon receipt of this our answer, tliev forliare to enter into a war, but (it seemed) unwillingly, and as not well pleased with us." The main consideration which caused Massachusetts to decide iigainst war was, "That all those informations [furnished by ( /onnecti- nut] might arise from a false ground, and out of the (?nmity which was Unween the Narraganset and Mo'iigaii" sachems. Tiiis was no doubt one of the real causes j and, had Miantunnomoh overcome Uncus, the English would, from jwlicy, as gladly have leagued with him as with the latter; lor it was constantly pleaded in those days, that their safety must dejtend on a union with some of the most powerful tribes. Tiiere !ohawk5, "and Indi'-ns beyond the Dutch, and all the northern and eastern Indians, woidd e>Lsily destroy us, man and mother's son." Mr. Gardener next relates that he met with Miantunnomoh at Meanticut, Waiandance's country, on the east end of Long Island. That Miantunnomoh W!us there, as fVaiandance said, to break up the intercoui-se with those Indians. There wtn'(! oth(!rs with Miantuntiomoh, and what they said to FVaiandance was as follows: — " You must give no more wampum, to the English, for they are no sachems, nor none of their children shall be m their place if they die. They have no tribute fCiven them. There is but one king in England, lolio is over them all, and if you should send him 100,000 fathom of wampum, he looxdd not give you a knife for if, nor thank you." Then said ffaianrfauce, " They will come and kill us all, as liiey did the Pequits;" but replied the Narragansets, "Ao, the Pe({uots gave them wampum and beaver, ivhich they loved so tvell, but they sent it them again, and killed them because they had killed an Englishman ; but you have killed none, thenfore give them nothing." Some time after, .Wan''^^ ' r.!;."' ■.-■• .■■■■■»• '■ ■■ '."vi;! '' . ■ '.1. ■ . ■>i •'•/>■'-',.•. ',5* ■^j .:• ■■■■' /'•;^v m: W.y ,-;., v^Y- -•.1 ,r\: -.<: .\ . - • ^ ■ ' •l ».'!'. ; tf! .'■ 64 MIANTUNNOMOH DEFEATED AND TAKEN PRISONER. [Book II. day apiKiinted, mid therefore I have come secretly to yon, because you can ptjrsuiuie llie Indians to do what you will. Brothers, I will send over 50 Jndian.s to Manisses, and liU to you from thence, and take an lUU of Soutliani[>ton Indians, with an 100 of your own here. And, when you mm til*' three fins that will he made at the end of 40 days hence, in a clear night, then act as we a(!t, and the next day fall on and kill men, women and children, hut no cows; they must be killed as we need them for pro- visions, till the deer come again." To this speech all the old men said, " /Furre/scen," i. e. "It is well." But this pniat plot, if the account given by fVaiaruiance he true, was by him brought to the knowledge of the English, and so fail(!d. "And the plotter," says GarJemr, "ne.\t spring ufhT, did as il'uib did at llainoth-(jil<:ad. — So he to Mohegaii,* and there had his fall."t Capture and ikitth of Mmntutmotnoh. — The war brought on between Uncos and Miantuniiomoh was not within the jurisdiction of tlie English, nor is it to be exi»ectn Miarihinno That there- d daiigerouslj t. Chap. IV.] MIANTUN.NOMOII.-CONDUCT OF THF, F.NCI.ISII. (Vi |irivnt< Iv with (liivction that he should execute hiiri within liis own j' rivlir- ,i(Hi, niiii without torture. , . , . > I'roiM their own aci-oiuit of this affair, the Knglish (ot the I luted ( (ihimr.-<) stiiiid cutideiniied ill the trial of lime at the l>nr of history. It is nhmvcil ihnt luniH had made war upon Secfuasson, in July, HI4M, and done him minli ii,|iii'v : * and that, according to a previous aL'reemcnt with the l'',ii!,'lisli, Miiiii- hiiinniiirih iiad com|ilaiiied to t!ie governor of Massaciinsi'tts of the c(iU(hu-t (.(' rnnt.i,n\u\ iiad received answer from him, "that, if i'nriis liitd doiic him nr Ills liicnds wrong, and would not giv(( satisfaction, lie was left to take his (wn course." No account is given that .Sc/iw.ssoH had injured Vnrns, but that I'nat.i "sit upon Sequasson, and killed 7 or 8 of his men, wounded i;i, burnt liis wigwams, and carried away the booty."* We will now go to the record, which will {'liable u.-, to judge of the jiistiiess (f tills matter. When the English had determined that Unrns should e.\e( iite Minnlunnomoh, Uncos wm ordered to be; sent fiu" to Hartford, "with some considerable number of his best and trustiest men," to take him to a place for ( xrcnlion, "carrying him into the next part of his own government, and there put liim to death: jirovided that some discreet and faithful peixtiis of the I'liglisli accompany them, and see the execution, for our more full satisfac- tion ; and that the Engli.sh meddle not with the head or body at all."t The commis.sioners at the same time tmlered, "that Ilartibrd furnish Unrrts with a competent strength of English to defend him against any present fury or assault, of the NanohiggimsiUts or any other." And "that in «'ase Uncus shall refiis.; o execute justice upon Mi/nnlenomo, that then Mifontennmo be sent by sea to the Massachusetts, there to be kept in safe durance till the com- missioners may consider further how to dispose of him,"t Here, then, we see fully developed the real state of the ca.se. The Mohe- gaiis liJid, by accident, captured Miantunnomoh, after which event, they were >>\r\v in fear of his nation than before; which proves, beyond doubt, that they would never have dured to put him to (h.-atli, had they not been jiromised the protection of the English. No one can read this account without being reminded of the fate of .Vapo- 'eon. We do not say that the English of New England dreaded the jiower I)'' MianlurrMtnoh as much as those of Old England tlid that of .Yapoleon atl< .i..tr(ls; hut that both were sacrificed in consequence of the liars of t* se into whose power the fortune of wars cast them, will not, we presume, lie denied. AVIien the determination of the commissioners and elders was made known to Uncos, he "readily undertook the execution, and taking Miantunnomoh along with him, in the way between Hartford and Windsor, (where Uncos liutli some men dwell,) Uncos' brother, following after Miantunnomoh, clave Ills head with an hatchet."]; Mather says, they "veiy fairly cut oft" hi« hpa(l."§ Dr. Trumbull || records an account of cannibalism, at this time, which we ought to caution the reader against receiving as true history, as it no doubt rests on the authority of tradition, which is wont to transfer even the transac- tions of one continent to another, which is this: — " Uncus cut out a large jiiece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph;" saying, "'it was the sweetest moat he ever ate ; it made his heart strong.' "H * ffiihlmrd, N. E. 450. f Records of the U. Colonies. } Winthrop's Journal, ii. 134. As to the plare of Miantunnomoh's execution, Winthrop ?i'i'ms 10 liave been in a mistake. It is not very likely that he was taken in the opposite ilirt'ciion, from Uncas's own country, as Windsor was from Hartford. It is also unlikely that / 'nets imd men dwell so far from his country upon llie Tiiames. A geiilliMnan who lately visited his sepulrlire, says the wandering Indians have made a henp of stones upon his eravc. It is a well-known custom of the lacc, to add to a nionu- mi'iiia! pile of the dead whenever they pass by it. See 3 Coll. Afass. Hist. iSV. iii. 1.35. and J''ft'frsoii's Notes. [0° Some wretchealy iy' {■^••••''^sH " 'r' ""'" "-"^ M' ■ ■ ^tM 1 ■ "''^i ( ^ • ' . . * ' *" -• fc' j V Ji', 1 ^ •(\ y-,-ijj-;^»«|j .■'■■'" ■■■'"•; -al <■ . '. ' ;>' ^* •■ • ■*) ^.1, . .: , ' A ■'-\'U ■•"■ 'r , < Si ■V.'A ¥. V-'l 'i'-rt' ■■- ;»•• ; y-h>' ^ r^ ■:^:%. i]^.-. fe ,v.' .-.'- .;^,;.,>:^-;,'f;.^,;;, , /S'^j;-:.', : - >.Si ■ .'v-^tt — , *■ ■fpMm i''-f''f'.''y''^-j\ ^-}X', ■'■■■' ' .'■'■ \' history, frnm a "iimmisrript of IMr. llifle" \h only tradition. Ilavinj^ iM-rti [tut III puxscssion of a coiiy of liiat inannscript,* we dct^ni it highly ini|»ortant that il fli' ••' ' '■ ' ' ' ' ' ■ vll ul r>y way of in^f IJu'ts Initi!,' coiiiMiiniicati'd to iiic from some of tin! ancient fathers of this town, will) Wen; cojitcnipurary with Uncas" &-c. "That hcfore the Kcttlrmcnt ot" Norwich, the sachrni of tiie NiUTapanBct trilx! [MiantunnoJtinh] had a p»'r- sun.il <|narn'l wiili Uncas, and jiroclnimed war with thn IMoln'p[an]M: and iimniird with an army of !K)0 fi^jhtinp iiirn, e(|nip|H;d witli hows anci arrows niid halclii'ts. Unran lM'[ini,'] iidormcd hy H|)i((H of their rnareh towards his seat, Vnrns calltd iiis warriors together, al)oiit GOO, stout, hard men, li<:ht of foot, and skilled in the tise of tin; how; and, upon n conference, Unctt.i told ids men that it would not do to let y" Namigansets come to tlieir town, hut they must j.'o and meet them. Accordingly, they marched, and ahont three miles, on a larjr(! plain, tin; armies met, and both halted within bow-shot. A parley was sounded, (uid gallant Unras pro|)ose(l a cotderence with the \arni- yansi t sachem, who agreed. And being met, Uncas saith to his enemy word[sj to this edi-et: ' I'oit have f2;ot a nutnber of brave men toilh you, and so have J. %Tnl it a ptiif that such brave men sliould be killed for a quarrel between you and I / Only come like a man, as you pretend to be, and we willfyrht it out. If you kill mc, my tnen shall be yours ; but if I kill you^ your men shall be mine.'' Upon which the Narraganset sacdiem replied: ^My men came to fght, and they shall Jk'd.' " I'ncas having befon; told his men, that if his enemy should refuse to fight him, he would fall down, and then they were to discharge their aitillerj' [arrows] on them, and fall right on them ns fast as they coidd ;" this was done, and the Mohegans rushed upon JWtan^unnomoA'a army " like lions," put them to flight, and killed "a number on the spot." They "pursued the rest snniing upon \m uunilM'i of nini, would huvt; notliint^ hut u hatlle."" It doj'H not ai)pour from tliesc recordM, that bnras had any ifU-a of putting Miiiiiliinnomok to di-afli, hut to rxtort a jrn'at price from his countrynirii, (Iir his iimMiMi. That a lar^re amount in wamiimn waH collected for this pnrposi-, aiiiMiirs certain; i»ut, l)et()re it was paid, Unriu rcH-eived the decision oi' the Kn^'lisli, and then pretended that lie had made no wiich aj^ei'inent, or that the (|Manlity or ijiiality wuh not iim agreetl upon, um will more ut length lie neen in the lili' of Uncns, MM(i"|{l''/[' was ollen called JVinicraJl, and BometimoH .Venektiniitjf JSTini- frliitt, \(iiit(ddt ; and his namc! was written almost as many other wa\s as tiiiit s nioiitioned, l»y some early writers. J(tnrirut\ was tlit; fust name by wiiich he was known to the Hnglish. lie was ;renerally styled sachem of tlic Niaiiticks, a trihc! of the Niwragansets, whose principal residence was at W'e- kapaiifr, now Westerly, in Rhode Island. Il«! was cousin tn Mianluiinomoh,^ and is commonly Mieiitioned in history as the chief sachem of the Niaiiticks, which always inude a part of tiio gniat nation of the iNarraganscts. jVini^rtt married a sister of Cashaioaahett, otlierwisi; called Htrmon Garret, w ho wu.s his uncle. The relation in which the Nianticks s'ood to the Narra'fnnsrts is plain, from the representation given by JMianttmnomoh to the government of Massachu- setts in U'A2. In treating with liim, at that time, (Governor IVinthrup says, " Some dirticnlty we hud, to bring him to desert the Nianticks, if we had just cause of war with them. They were," he siiid, "as his own flesh, being allied by continual intermarriages, &c. IJut ut last lit; condescended, that if they sliot'ld do lis wrong, as he could not draw them to give us satisfaction (or, nor himself could satisfy, as if it were for blood, &c. then he would leave them to us." On the 12 Jidy, 1(537, Jlyanemo, ns his name was written by Governor Winlhrop at this time, came to IJestou with 17 men. The objects of his visit being stated to the governor, be promised him an answer the next day; but the governor, undei-standii^g nieaiiwliile, that lic^ had received many of the IV'ciMots, who had taken refuge in his country aftir their ''■'" ' '■■/'■'<'. •^ ;.•':'■■ ,1 * See Hazard's Historical Collcciioiis, ii. 7, 10. t iSo wrillcii by Roger Williams. t Mr. Prince, in his edition of Hubbard's Narrative, probably mistook Winthrop's MS., anil wrote Aganemo instead of Ayanemo. See liie edition lT/5, of Nar. p. 40, and Winthrop, Jour. i. 232." ^ Prince says he was uttcle to Miantunnomoh, (Chronology, ii. 59.) but that could no4 nave been. Ij WiiUhrop's Journal, i. 243. 1[ Ibid. i. 267 -¥ ', ■ Vl.'d -V V J. :'>'''^. •^^ £ •■' t'f. i/ ■ ' ' -4 y ■"'*. h (• •:;■;• -'•f.^M t: •^■' '*■•.'■;• *'^M >:'. ., , , . ■"■■■' 81 ^- ■^. i*ffi '-i^ V'; •%■'> !» .';■, ^■'-■■■^ ■'t 'i' ."■! .. "; • •'Mm s k- . ',.-♦ .^^Hj ir 09 NINKJUKT— DUTCH AND INDIAN WAR. [Rook II. 1 , » '':•■. ■' ■i ' • t. Kiitrlisli, and iiHiiif^ IiIh nidoavora to unit*! ntiirr trilM>H in tlio cntfTpriHi*, the KnV'lJMli !«'tit r«'|Mirt, aH will li«> thntui tl;^, or to yield to any tiling; oidy, hr naid, he ^^,'rew out of a rtinjfle murder, an IndiiUi having' killed a Dutchman in a drunken frolic. Tla; murderer was immediately demanded, hnt could not Ix^ olitained; atid the ){overnor whh nri^ed to retaliate, and ollen called upon to tak*- revenue. He w.iiveil th(> suhject, forcHeeinj,', no doulit, that retaliation wa.s a had courHe to |»ursu(> for ^ali^'t!u•lion, e(*|)ecially with Indians. However, it !«oon happened that the .Mohawks ti'll upon those Indians, killed ahoiit 'M of them, and the rest fled their country ; many of whom souf,'ht protection from the Dutch themselvcH. Some evil-minded pei-HouH now thou<;ht to revenj^'tr thcmHelves on ihew! In ♦' their settlements, and the J)utch were contined to their fort. IJy employinj? I'aptnin Underhill, however, an experienced Knglish olVjcer in the Indian wars, and some others of the I'Ji^dish, the Dutch were enabled to maintain their >fround ; and, fortiinatcdy, 8oon al>er, Rofrer ff'iUiams accidentally arrived there, through whose; mediation a peac(! was etH'<'ted, and an end wjw put to a bloody war. This Marine, who wiLS th(^ principal cause of it, quarrelled with tli«; governor, on account of his •■mploying llnderhill instead of him, and even attempted Ids life on the nccotint of it. He presented n pistol at his breast, wliicli, l)eing turned aside by a bystander, the governor's life was prescrvt;(l. A wrvant of Mariners ♦hc:i discharged a gun at the governor, but nussing him, one of the governor's guard shot the servant dead, and Marine was made prisoner, and foithwith sent into Holland. Williams, having b(!en denied a passage through N. Eng- land by the law of banishni(>nt, was forced to take passage for England at N. York in n Dutch ship, by way of Holland ; and this was the reason of his being there in the time of this war. Kefore this war was b; ought to a close, Captain Underhill, with his company of Dutch and English, killed about 300 Indians on the main, and V20 more ois Long Island. The Dutch governor's employing the English was charged ti|)on him as a "plot" to engage the English in his quarrel with the Indians ; " which," sjiys ffinlhrop,^ " we had wholly declined, as doubting of the justice of the cause." It was aliont the beginning of this war, Sept. 104.3, that "tlie Indians killed and drove away all the English" on the coast, from Manhattan to Stamford, the extent of the Dutch claim to the eastward. They then jiassed over " to Long Island, and there assaulted the Lady Moodey in her house divers times;" but she, having about 40 men at her place at that time, was able to defend lierself. "These Indians at the same time," continues ^'i'n^Arop,}: "set upon the Dutch with at. implacable fury, and killed all they could come by, and burnt their houses, and killed their cattle W'.thout any resistance, so as the governor and such as escajied, betook themselves to their fort at Monhaton, and there lived and eat up their cattle." Among the English people who were murdered when this war began, was a Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, from whom was descended the historian of Massa- chusetts. She, having given offence to the Puritans of the Bay state, (aa Massachusetts was then called,) by her peculiar religious notions, to avoid fnip. IV.] persi'sntiori xions, not broke up I this wornaii cept niw da of' two olh all I)i persi them on tin made at thii was acting, the boat's cr people. Tl when she w lier to her fr to he taken gotten, sent to get sever int<)rined thi girl was dc accordingly Notwitlist yet it was ol laid hid in it Tiie series o my research guinary battl York, about not known, the curious 1 To return We liear li tlu! NaiTagai time obliged This affair given all the hy a letter fi the time, tha had been sev " I, with y^ dressed sevei wounded in one common and one com bullets. Unc won them tin forces out by hush, who pi fought vario i the Narragani own play. 1 [Uncas^ men] Sir, whatever brake the cor one Tantiqui Mlantinomio. Tantiquieaoti'i through the c hojie could \h "The Engl him to be swi • IVinthrop's Journal, ii. 8. t Ibid. ii. 157. t Ibid. ii. 136. . ' -I [nonK II. •|»rim', the l>*> tiiiiiui irriiiifi^ of il liiiiiwlf i*> Niid, liR It tiiriri an ctcd with • imirdor, (Icrcr wiis ■riKir wiiH aivfd thr )iirHiif! (or tliiit tlio rest tied iciiisclvftH. (Ill tlit'M; lortc'd tliiit ■OlIHfllt of iiidir that tiit'ii, and i(> liidiiiMS with such hiifoic the ts, and the , liowf^ver, crs of the irtuiiattily, iiu'diatiori rtmie, who Hint of hiH ife on the •nod aside Mariners tfovernor'H foitliwith h N. Eng- ;land at N. joii of his company more on cliarged Iiuiians ; the justice lans killed Stamford, over " to re times;" to defend "set upon He hy, and so as the Mduhaton, rpan, was of Massa- state, (aa to avoid rH*r. IV 1 NINIGRET.— MOIIEGAN WAR. iciHi sutioii, fled first to Rhode Island, and afterwards to llic Dutch poH» ions, not liir heyond Stamford. This was in I*i4'^. Wiien the Indi OHSPS- iaiiH Hctilements tiiere, in Sept. I(U;{, they t<>ll upon the family of lirokf up tin this woriiaii, killed her, a Mr, Collins, her son-in-law, and all her family ex- cept oMi' daii^'hter lijfht years old, whom thtfy carried into captivity, and such nf two other families, Throrktturrlon and VomhiWs, as were at home; in all ill persons. They then collected their cattle into tin; liouses and si-t tiieiiMiii tire and Iniriied tiiem alive! A greater slaii^ht(;r would have lieen iiiaile at this time and place, hut for the arrival of a hoat while the tra^redy was acting, into which several women and children escaped. Itiit two of the hoat's crew wen; killed in their humane exertions to save these distressed jicojile. The daughter of Mrs. Hutrhinson remained a prisoiuT four years, when she was delivered to the Dutch governor at New Vork, who restored her to Iter friends. She had forgotten her native language, and was unwilling to he taken from the Indians. This governor, with a kindness not to he liir- gotten, sent a vessel into Coiinecticmt River, where its captain contrived to get several Petpiots on hoard, whom he secured as prisoners. He then iiitormed their friends, that they would not he set at liheriy until the captive girl was delivered to him. This Jiad the desired etl'ect, and she was accordingly rescued. Notwithstanding a |H>ace was brought ahont in the manner before stated, yet it was of short duration, and the sparks of war which had for a short time laid hid in its own emhers, was hy sordid spirits limned again into a Hanie. The series of murderous acts which followed, are nowhere recorded within my researches, but an end was not put to it until li)4(i. It ended in a san- guinary battle at Strickland's Plain, near what is since Horse Neck in New York, about 87 miles ti-om the city. The numbers engaged on each side are not known, nor the numbers slain, but their graves are still pointed out to tlie curious traveller. To return to our more immediate subject. We hear little oiWiniffrd until alter the death oi ^riardunnomoh. In 1644, the NaiTagansets and Nianticks united against the Mohegans, and for some time obliged Unras to confine himself and men to his fort. This affair proiiably took place early in the spring, and we have elsewhere given all the (larticulars of it, lioth autheiitii; anil traditionary. It appears, hy a letter from Tho. Peters, atldressed to Governor Wirdhrop, written about the time, that there bad lieen some hard lighting ; and that the Mohegans liad been severely beaten by the Narragansets. Mr. Pders writes: — " I, with your son, [John Winthrop of Con.,] were at Uncas^ fort, where 1 dressed seventeen men, and lell plasters to dress seventeen more, who were wounded in Uncos' brother's wigwam before we came. Two captains and one common soldier were buried, and since we came thence two captains and one common man more, are dead also, most of which are wounded with l)ullets. Ujkos and his brother told me, the Narragansets had 30 guns which won them the day, else would not care a rush for them. They drew Uncos' forces out by a wile, of 40 appearing only, but a thousand [lay hid] in am- bush, who pursued Uncos' men into their own land, where the battle was fought vario morle, till God put fresh spirit into the Moheagues, and so drave the Narragansets back again." So it seems that Uncos bad been taken in his own play. Tho letter goes on : — " 'Tv/ould pity your hearts to see them [Uncos' men] lie, like so niauy new circumcised Sechemites, in their blood. Sir, whatever information yoa have, I dare boldly say, the Narragansets first lirake the contract they made with tho English last year, for I helped to cure one Tantiquieson, a Moheague captain, who first fingered [laid hands on] Miantinomio. Some cunning squaws of Narraganset led two of them to Tantiquieson's wigwaiii, where, in the night, they struck him on the breast through the coat with an hatchet, and had lie not fenced it with his ai'in, no hope could be had of his life," &c. * " The English thought it their concern," says Dr. /. Mather,\ " not to sufifer him to be swallowed up by those adversaries, since he had, (though for his WitUhrop't Jour. ii. 380, 381. t Relation, 58. • 1 ." ' 1 ifr ■.L( #> '^ .?*,•■ ■.-•(J ■-.i-'.i.l' » '•;»4 :■ 'ft-: ■tf*f 70 NINIGRET.— NARRAGANSET WAR. [nooK II. ■■■.•'?■"■■'.. I '^m ■ i i ■•■-,' i * li ■■ ■ -v • ■ '»■.*• "1 ; .,.-V.;I;..:'^ N ■ own ends,) sipproved himself faitlifnl to the English from time to time." An army wa.s accordingly raised for tlie relief of Uncas. " But as they were jiist marching out of Boston, many of the principal Narraganset Indians, viz. Pesseais, Mexano, * and Witawash, sagamores, and Awastquin, dej)uty lor the Nianticks ; these, with a large train, came to Boston, suing for peace, being willing to submit to what terms the English should see cause to impose upon them. It was demanded of them, that they should defray the charges they had put the English to, \ and that the sachems should send their son.s to be kept as hostages in the hands of the English, until such time as the money should be paid." After remarking that from this time the Narragan- sets harbored venom in their hearts against the English, Mr. Mather pro- ceeds : — "In the first place, they endeavored to play legerdemain in their sending hostages; for, instead of sachems' children, they thought to send some other, and to make the English believe that those ba.se papooses were of a royal progeny ; but they had those to deal with, who were too wise to b(; so eliuicd. After the exjtected hostages were in the hands of the Englisii, the Narragansets, iiotwitlistjmding that, were slow in the performance of what they stood engaged for. And when, upon an impartial discharge of the debt, their hostages were restored to them, they became more backward than formerly, until they were, by hostile prefmrations, again and again terrified into better obedience. At last, Capt. Jltherton, of Dorchester, was sent with a small party \ of 20 English soldiers to demand what was due. He at first entered into the wigwatn, where old JSfinigrct resided, with only two or three soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees to follow him, two or three dropping in at once ; when his small company were come about liim, the Indians in the mean time supposing that there had been many more behind, he caught the sachem by the hair of his head, and setting a pistol to his breast, protesting whoever escaped he should snrely die, if he did not fortli- with comply with what was required. Hereupon a great trembling and consternation surjH-i.sed the Indians ; albeit, multitudes of them were then present, Avith spiked arrows at their bow-strings ready to let fly. The event was, the Indians submitted, and not one drop of blood was shed.'^ This, it must be confessed, was a high-handed proceeding. "Some sjjace after that, JS/inigret was raising new trouble against ut-, amongst his Nianticks and other Indians ; but upon the speedy sending up of Capt. Davis, with a party of horse to reduce him to the former peace, who, ui)on the news of the captain's approach, was put into such a panic fear, that he durst not come otit of his wigwam to treat with the captain, till secured of his life by him, which he was, if he quietly yielded to his message, about which he was sent from the Bay. To which he freely consenting, that storm was graciously blown over." || Thus having, through these extracts, summarily glanced at some prominent pas.sages in the life of JVinigret, we will now go more into particulars. The case of the Narragansets, at the period of the treaty before spoken of^ had become rather desperate ; two years having passed since they agreed to pay 2000 fathom of "good white wampum," as a rennnieration for the trouble and damage they had caused the English and Mohcgans, and they were now pressed to fulfil their engagements. JVinigret, then called Janemo, was not at Boston at that time, but Jlumsaaquen was his deputy, ai)d signed the treaty then made, with Pessaais and others. At their meeting, in July, 1647, Pessacus and others, chiefs of the Narragansets and Nianticks, were * The editor of Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, in Coll. Mass. Htst. Soc. makes a great mistake in noting this cliiel' as Mianlunnomoh. Mriksuli, Mixanno. Meika, (fee, arc names of the same person, wlio was the eldest son of Canonicus. Aller the leath of his (athcr. he was chief sachem of tiie IVarragaiiscls. He married a sister of Nini^ret, wlio was " a woman of great power," and no otlicr than tlie famous Qnaiapen, at one time called Malan- tufk, from which, probably. wa,s derived Magnus. By sonie writers mistaking him for Mian- tunnomoh, an error has spread, that has occasioned much confusion in accounts of tiicir gene- alogy. t A yearly tribute in wampum was agreed upon. Manuscript Narrative of the Rev. T Cobbet, which places the afTair in 1645. 1 MS. document among our state papers. \ Relation of the Troubles, &c., 4lo, 16T7. || Cobbet'i MS. Narrativ*?. Chap. IV .setit to b; Being wf flier into draw up, leave all I and we si ini.«sioner "Augiii of Pe.tsad i'rnm Peqi ini.«sion('r! on the be! only for h spoke will had not h from .^Ir. .'imold hrr " it appear in Ptssack to stand t ceeded to ( covenant \\ did not km his doj)uty tr}-, and hi all times re " There co .yinigrft wampum ? sinners the messengers that he kne Hartfo-d, W that if the kill them an Kinigret di( their inessei In order 1 or wished tl he might they hari re wards sorm some, was gcrs had so pound. Tl might be Iim »'■ ',7 ' -('' 1^1 M i'' .'■'; A-';- >7,, I. .•.•;.. -■■,. ''..<, - *',*!-?' •■•,■,. ^^.i, - . 1 (-• •.^^ 'i}: ;;•.■■'* ■'^;' •e:' l''^-r ' '■'^■'''^ ■ ■ , ^ 5Sv-: ;,>■ ,■ » '*-' ' m V'j:w5 ''■:,-. ? ■i ■ M ••'' '.• « \t ■■.: ■ . •■ .':■■■ f -i.yi-.'.'-, •■■■ ■■ '•■•■ :'V^^y.^-' , * i ' V, ■ ■', f- ■ ■li '-•'■ ' . •. ;• ■■, •' '. ' '*] '^' ■ •".' «3 ■,■.■.:■,'■•. .. ■ 'M'^-i?. ■: ■/• , ,.,.' : : ,, ' ' ' ' ■ . ■ ,-''• <: ■ ■:'■' < - ''•'% r- •" ■ ■ : : ' ■'•'^^ • ■ :S''- ill ." • .:i.'>rt - 1' . • • ■»' . h^J fir; .>;.;. ' t' • ■, » tf.-,"-:'.- 72 MNIGRET.— MOHEGAN CONTROVERSY. [Book II. sidered, or whether it should be taken in payment of the debt. JS/inigret said the governor sliould do as he pleased about it. It was then inquired how much he had sent ; (it being deposited in Cutghamokiri's hands, as we have elscwliere stated ;) he said he had sent 30 fathom of black, and 45 of white, in value together 105 fathom. Cuishamokin was sent for to state what he had received in trust. He had produced two girdles, "with a string of wampum, all which himself rated at 45 fathom, affirming he had received no more, except 8s. which he had used, and would repay." He was brought before Ninigret and questioned, as there appeared a great difference in their ac- counts. "He at first jrersisted," says our record, " and added to his lyes, but was at last convinced [confronted] by Ninir^rtt^ and his messengers who then brought the present, and besides Cutshamokin had sent him at the same time 10 fathom as a present also." It still remained to be settled, \yhether this wampum should be received as a part of the debt, or as a present; and Ninigrtt was urged to say how it should be. With great magnanimity he answered : — " My tongue shall not belie my heart, JVhether the debt be paid or not, I in- tendeait as a present to the governor," It is unpleasant to contrast the characters of the two chiefs, Cutshamokin and JVtnigret, because the former had long had the advantage of a civilized neighborhood, and the latter was from the depths of the forest, where he saw an Englishman but seldom. VVe could say much upon it; but, as it is thought by many that such disquisitions are unprofitable, we decline going into them here. What we have related seems to have finished the business of the day, and doubtless the shades of night were very welcome to Cutshamokin. The next day, .Mnigret came into court, with the deputies of Pessacus, and spoke to the following effect : — "Before I came here I expected the burden had been thro^vn upon me, Pessacus not having done what he agreed to do. However, I have considered upon the treaty of 1645, and am n^solved to give the English satisfaction in all things. I will send some of my men immediately to Narraganset and Niantick, to raise the wampum now due to them, and hope to hear what they will do in three days. In ten days I think the wampum will arrive, and I will stay here until it comes. I will tell this to the Narraganset confederates. But if there should not enough at tliis time be raised, I desire some forbear- iincc as to time, as I assure you that the remainder shall be shortly paid, and you shall see me true to the English, ^lenceforth." This speech gave the commissioners great satisfaction, and they proceeded to other business. The messengers sent out by Ninigrel did not return so soon as was ex- pected ; but, on the 16 August, notice was given of their arrival ; sadly, however, to the disappointment of the commissioners, for they brought only 200 fathom of wampum. The feelings of the court were somewhat changed, and they rather sternly demanded " what tlie reason was, that, so much being due, so little was brought, and from whon> this 200 fathom came." Ninigret answered that he was disappointed tliat more liad not been brought, but said, if he had been at home, more would have been obtained : that 100 fathom was sent by Pessacus, and the other 100 by hie people. The commissioners say, that, "not thinking it meet to begin a present war, if satisfiiction, (though with a little forbearance, may be had otherwise,)" told JVtni^et, that, since he had said the wami)uin would have been gathered and j)aid if he had been at home himself, they would now give him 20 days to go and get it in ; and, if he could not procure enough by 500 fathom, still they would not molest him until " next spring planting time." That, as so much was still due, they would reckon the present before mentioned ; but, if they did not bring 1000 fathom in twenty days, the commissioners would send no more messengnrr into his country, "but take course to right themselves." That, if they were " forced to seek satisfaction by arms, he and his confede- rates must not expect to make their peace, as late iy they had done, by a little wampum. In the mean time, though for breach o;' covenants they might put tlieir hostages to death, yet the commissioners would forthwith deliver the Chap. IV children meuts ful charge; a from JVir whole re promised Notwit their deb about 110 " the con aguitist ti: seeking Ji vppoii l)ii A Nurrag) River, ran mortal wo a consider hired to at Mejinwl appeared of deiinqu it respecte neither he drawn thei assailant, t fact was c confirmed, that were i since he hi one apperti and no pro desperate c great engaj tity of wan his life." The judf find tliem ( got the con They say tl fatiiom hiil more to aj)] wlii<-ii he a comiiiissioi (and tlioug were williii due 408 tilt <'/id(!nvoriii^ prfiiiises, a to tlicfn, th( sfavc iiim uii^'-lit go lii to their trc- Tiio com aftiiirs looko in readinest {•resent to c( of a niarriaj brother's so " (ilnd, no I I'cred, llmt llie •»u expense. t< [Book II. nigret snid Hired liow 18 we have f white, in hat he had wampum, I no more, ght before 1 their ac- lis lyes, but s who then same time hether this resent; and animity he )r not, I in- Jutshamokin r a civihzed dere he saw mt, as it is icline going the day, and The next spoke to the n upon me, e considered itisfaction in ■aganset and ir what they arrive, and I confederates. Dme forbear- tly paid, and ly proceeded as was ex- rival; sadly, )rought only lat changed, much being J^nigret ^ht, but said, 100 fathum ^resent war, r^vi8e,)" told gathered and JO days to go om, still tli'ey as BO much but, if they Buld pend no themselves." his confede- le, by a little ey might put deliver the Chap. IV.] NINIGRET.— THE ENGLISH PREPARE FOR WAR. 73 children to Ninigret,* expecting from him the more care to see engage- ments fully satisfied. And, if they find liitn real in his performance, they will charge all former neglects u|)on Pessaciis^^ and " in such case they expect from Ninigrd his be.st assistance, when he shall be required to recover the whole remainder from him. All which JVinigrd cheerfully accepted, and promised to perform accoixliugly." Notwithsuinding all their pi-omises, the Narragausets had not discharged their debt at the end of two yeai"s more, though in that time they had paid about 1100 fathom of wampum. At their meeting this year, 1(34!), at Boston, "the commi.ssionere were minded of the continued complaint of Uncos" against the Narragansets, that they were "still vndermining his peace and seekiii>{ lii^ ruine," and had lately endeavored " to bring in the Mowhaukes vp|)oii him," which failing, they next tried to take away Ids life by witchcraft. A Nurraganset Indian, named Cidtaquin, " in an English vessel, in Mohegan River, ran a sword into his breast, wlierby hce receeved, to all appearance, o mortal wound, which murdierus acte the assalant then confessed bee was, foi a considerable sum of wampum, by the Narragansett and Nianticke sachems, hired to atlenifit." Mejmwhile JVinigrd, understanding what was to be urged against him, appeared suddenly at Boston before the conunissioners. The old caUtlogue of delinquencies was read over to him, with several new ones appended. As it respected Cuttaquin's attenjpt ujmn tlie life of Uncos, JVinigrd said that neither he nor Pessacus hail any hand in it, but that "he [Cu/tm/utJi] was drawn thereunto by torture from the Mohegans ;" "but he was told, that the assailant, before he came into the hands of the Mohegans, presently atb;r the fact was committed, layed the charge upon him, with tlie rest, which he confirmed, the day following, to Capt. Mason, in the presence of the English that were in the l>ark with him, and often reiterated it at Hartford, though since he hath denied it : that he was presente■■ :. VI, ■A.wV;'>-„>T".> r?w. »y V.'.; ■ ,.■•(,, ■'.;'■' i,% "■ ., V. ^^^ 'Vi' 'H- ^►^■»■ ;. I'jjv, r ^- \ ■■ -.1. ■ ■ . , ■ ■,, il ;::-«<. '•■Vv^' 'A-i*?-''''^' ■!.<■•» y«v' :■,• 1 , I'V'. "'; ■ ..(■;> .■iv J... ., ■ -•1 ■■ ■ I''.' '''■■>■•■•■. '•'.• -.Hr Tl •,■ r.-v>.'- . ,'■■ ■ •" : i-^'-^;? ;Vt ^\J. ! ■ . ■ " » •"> i ■■ ■^>.;; ■• i' • t- ■'•'».' F •' ^:--- ■1- •.•■■■!>• •*"-'^ ■ ..• .,>'.■ i'. '■»■■--. ' ■ ••,' ' lev' -Jvi. 4 ''^s ^ ,%■■ r^l\. 74 WAIANDANCE SEIZES MIANTUXNOMOII'S MESSENGER. [Book II, their aims are to gather together, and reunite the scattered conquered Pe- quates into one iKuiy, and sot them \x\) airaiu as a distinct nation, which hath always been witnessed against hy tlie Liiglisli, and may hazard the peace of the colonies." The four years next succeeding are full of events, but as they happened chiefly among the Indians themselves, it is very diflicult to learn the particu- lars. Ninigret claimed dominion of the Indians of a part of Long Island, as did his predecessors ; but those Indians, seeing the English domineering over the Narragansets, became altogether independent of them, and even waged wars upon them. Ascassasotick was at this period the chief of those Indians, a warlike and courageous chief, but as treacherous and barbarous as he was brave. These islanders had, from the time of the Pequot troubles, been protected by the English, which much increased their insolence. Not only hud Ninigret, and the rest of the NaiTagansets, suffered liom his insidts, but the Moliegans had also, as we shall more fully make appear herealler. When the English commissioners had met at Hartford in 1G50, Uncos came with a comidaint to them, " that the Mohansick sachem, in Long Island, had killed som of his men ; bewitched diners others and himself also," which was doubtless as true as were most of his charges against tlm Narragansets, "and desired the commissioners that hee might be righted therin. But because the said sachem of Long Island was not there to an- swer for himself," several Englishmen were appointed to examine into it, and if they found him guilty to let him know that they "^will bring trouble upon themselves." At the same meeting an order was passed, "that 20 men well armed be Gent out of the jurisdiction of the MassaclniFctts to Pessicus, to demand the said wampum, [then in arrears,] which is 308 fathom;" hut in case they could not get the wampum, they were ordered " to take the same, or the vallew therof, in the best and most suitable goods they can find." Or, if they could not find enough to satisfy all demands, they were ordered to seize and " bring away either Pessacus or his children, or such other considerable sachem or jjersons, as they prize, and may more probably bow them to reason." From Pessacus, they were ordered to go to JVinigret, and inform him that the commissioners had heard " that he had given his daughter in marriage to Sasecos his brother, who gathers Pequois wider him, as if either he would become their sachem, or again possess the Pequot country," which was contrary to " engagements," and what they would not allow, and he must inform them whether it were so. To inform him also that If'equash Cool' " complains of sundry wrongs." And that, as to his hunting in the Pequot country, to uiform him he had no right to do so, as that country belonged to the English. The termination of tliis expedition, in which JVinigrtt was taken " by the hair," has been previously mentioneil in our extr«f!t tiom Dr. Mather. We have in the life of Mimitunnomoh given some account of the acts of a chief called JVaiandanee, especially relating to the disorganization of the plans of that great chief. We come, in this place, to a ])arallel act in relation to JVinigret. About a year after the death of Miantunnomoh, JVinigret under- took to organize a plan for expatriating the English ; and sent a messenger to Waiandance, the Long Island sachem, to engage him in it. Instead of listening to his message, Waiandarce seized upon JVinigreCs messenger, bound him, and sent him to Captain Oardener at Saybrook fort. From thence he was sent, under a guard of 10 men, ibr Hartlbrd. lint they were wind- bound in their passage, and were obliged to put in to Shelter Island, where an old sachem lived, who was Waiandance'' s elder brother. Here they let J^nigreVs ambassador escape, and thus he had knowledge that his plan was discovered and overthrown. Since we have here introduced the sachem Waiandance, we will add the account of his last acts and death. One William Hammond lu'ing killed "hy a giant-like Indian" near New York, about 1037, Captain Gardener told Waiandance that he must kill that Indian ; but this being agauist the advice of tlie great sachem, his brother, he declined it, and told the captain that that I CUAP. IV. indian vi that he h Farringtc undertooi the servif he (lied, 1 Island dl have." .Yinigri This caii.s the Dutch had rc|)or English ; .siotiens at had lengu upon a let conr.'iitiing and Meeks to h(! in.>m The qiK 1. VVhethc '2. Whethe 5. Whethe Dut<;h.— 4. trary to th( 6. W they diey had n were their better com( had hired t; "The am queries anc Barrell, the Mexam a he said : — " I speak know of no Dutch gov( ginis, powd English, m intention to friends. AV English sac g(»0(l.«, guns of us and o of no such reports agai UfMiessary to nii!.sseng(!r8 niy.i;'lf,"l an to speak wit to S|)cak to and all En^ " The third ilio |)r()[)oiin(lei t I'^yt'ry one '.vorlhics, Josfp ihoiiijli not nil ^"iilil exert " I am not won to do it." Dr. I Vdl'tntiiu I v> [Book IL lered Pe- liich hutli iiu peace liappened [", purticu- iHiuixl, us nineering und even irlike and .. Thfse ed by tlio ligret, and sgans hud 50, Uncas ill Long 1 himselt" gainst tli<^ >o righted ere to aii- ne into it, ng trouble armed be >inand the case they lie, or tlie [." Or, if ed to seize msiderable V them to 1 him that narriage to vld btcotiie ontrary to Ibrni tlieni Tiplains of to uilbrm ish. The the hair," e acts of a ion of the ill relation •ret iinder- niessenger usteud (if icssenger, GUI tlieuce ^erc wind- md, wliero re they let l>lan was 11 add the killed "by ■dener told the advice a that that I Chap. IV] NINIGRET ACCUSED OF A PLOT WITH THE DUTCH. 75 ■•r (-':•'■ -^l^ indian was a mighty great man, and no man dared meddle with him, anti that he had many friends. Some time after, he killed another, one Thomas Farrirufton, and in the mean time, JVaiandanct'a brother having died, he undertook hi? execution, which he accomplished. This was his last act in the service of the English ; "for in tiie thiie of a great mortality among them, he died, but it was by poison ; also two-thirds of the Indians upon Long Island died, else the Narragansets had not made such havoc here as they have." .M'inigret passed the winter of 1G52 — 3 among the Dutch of New York. Tills caused tlie English great suspicion, especially as they were enemies to the Dutch at that time ; and several sagamores who resided near the Diitcii liiiii rejtorted that the Dutch governor was trying to hire them to cut ofl" the Knjilisli ; consequently, there was a special meeting of the English comniis- siiiners at Boston, in April, 1053, occasioned by a rumor that the Narragansets had leagued with the Dutch to break up the liiiglish si;ttleineiit.s. Where- upon a letter was sent by them to their agent ., Narraganset, Thomas Slantun, <;()iif.Mitiiiig "divei-s queries," by him to be interpreted "to .Vinefrrelt, Pessiciiit and Meeksam, three of the chiefest Narraganset sachems," and their answers to he immediately obtained and rei>orted to the commissioners. Tlie questions to be put to the sachems were, in substance, as follows : — 1. Whether the Dutch had engaged them* to tight against the English. — 2. Whether the Dutch governor did not endeavor such a cousjiiracy. — 3. Whether they hiul no: received arms and munitions of war from tlie Dut. If they are so resolved, wJiat tlieu lldiik the Enfrliah will do. — 7. Whether diey had not better be true to the English. — 8. Similar to the tirst. — !). What were their grounds of war against the English. — 10. Whether t'ley had not better come or send messengers to treat with the English. — 11. Whether they had hired the Mohawks to help them. "The answai'e of the sachems, viz. JVtniffrett, Pessecus and jXUxavi, vnto the queries and letters sent by the inessengei-s, Sarjeaut ff^aile and Sarjeant John Barrdl, the 18tli of the second month, 1(>53." Mexam seems to have been the first that anawered ; and of the firet query he said : — "I speak unfeignedly, from my heart, and say, witiiout dissimulation, that I know of no such plot against the English, my friends; implicating eithiir the Dutch governor or any other |)ers()n. Though I be poor, it is not goods, guns, powder nor shot, that shall draw me to such a plot as this against the English, my friends, f If tlie Dutch governor had made known any such intention to me, I would have told it, without delay, to the English, my friends. With respect to your second question, I answer, Ao. What do the English sachems, my friends, think of us.? — do they think we should prefer goods, guns, powder and shot, iKjfbre our lives? our means of living? both of us and ours ? As to the 4tli query, I speak from my heart, and say, I know of no such plot by the Dutch governor. There may come fiilse news and reports against us; let them say what they will, they are false. It is un- necessary to say more. But in answer to tlie iOtli query I will say, It is just messengers should be sent to treat with the English saeheiiiB, but as for iiiys;'lf, I am old, and (tannot travel two days togedier, but a man shall Im; sent to speak with the sachems. I have sent to Mr. Smith, and IW/t his man, to speak to Mr. Brown, and to say to him, that I love the English .sachems, and all Englishmen in the Bay : And desire Mr. Bi own to tell the sachems * The thin! person singular, he, is used throughout, in the original, as it was supposed by tlie propounders that each oliief would l)e (jucsliuned separately. t Kvery one must be forcibly reminded of the answer given by one of our revolutionary worthies, Joscplt Reed, Esq., to a Urilish agent, on read'iig this answer of the chief Me.rnm. ihougli not under circumstances exactly similar. .Mr. Reed was promised a forlune if he ivonid exert himself on the side of the king. Viewing •'. in if>e light of a bribe, he replied " I am not vorth purchasing, but, such as I am, the kintr of Gr,-at Hrilain is nut rich enougl to do it." Dr. Gordon's America, iii. 172. etl. London, 4 vols. 8vo. 1788, t Vallerdiju Whitnuin, an interpreter, elsewhere liauieij. '"W '■< •■.';•■■• %' .v^U^I '.■«,;fi V6' "^*0^l ■ -.' V '< . i ■',•'-/■■''.• >^: Cf^H •' ,■> ■•■'- . v'l . :■)("^ - >X^H V p.: '.'■. ■ •; .' . ■ . /*;•;*-, "'..*.• '^1 '■■.^i-.'.. '}/« . ". .( • 'm r^*^M V, ; .'S ••■V'. ■^■^ ' "' '. .C,"'- ^^ ^ r^H ^:2^.'' M ■'*"■ ^.jmH '■*••■ •T . ■ . +,' -!• ,;■. ■i ' • v)' . ■; ," t ' ■•';:.:»,',■■ ' i. ^■y,,-^ ■ f'!. . ,*-, '-■ ■ ::^:i\ '. '"•■■: ' ', ■■■;»l:,.';. ' ■ f '■ 'C:^: ■ ' '. V •'-'v> . _ ,■ '! •:;'» - ) ' •",■ ■,^l ■ : '■ 1 W?^- -■' ;. '("■■", : ■".'■*.■ ^ ' !•• /..V' ■ t 'VB i:<5 .'.»(■',.■ .' ' .*' J-^ '\:.;: ' ■ f " ■ ...i"* *•■■'• ■ 1* -I-..' W. V '■' '' ' • • ■'■'/■v'i' ■ '\ ■', ' ■• in il;i'.-:.: [ 1 • . ■■■■■jr--i ifl^ '■ '■■■ .■^V' ■ ■■ . r ; 1 . • ^-;^ ••^%<:' •k'i-^-' ■"■■ • :!■' 4 Hi!- 76 MESSAGE TO NINIGRET.- ^ ANSWER, I Book II. of the Bay, that the child that is now bom, or that is to be bom in time to come, sliali see no war made by ns against the Eiighsli." Pessacus spoke to this j)urpo8e : — " I am very thankful to these two men that came from the Massachusetts, and to you Thomas, and to you Poll,* and to you Mr. Smith, you that are come so far as frouj tlie Bay to bring us this message, and to inform us of these things we knew not of bM^^I '■•'.■'-.■ 'C-^^i ; •••>' t'l,*-'^' '^ *'^^^^ : '••■'■' '"'^sl • , ' " ■ ■ 'if^^ ^ ' • ■ ''■"^1^1 1 ■, 1 ' -'•'.t^B !".' '^ '• "«'^' '• ""'i^l ■K r, V ■'\V-^';-'.v!rJvH .' \i> :■ jf, . . ^'.'^fH m' .^ • ■ V ^^^1 V r ■■<. '. ' ' * ' ' '^H .''it^l .■:■!.■, . V ' ^^1 •'^'W '• 'sl '•'•M ,**'■' * ' *S ■ ''! ''7^1 ,» . ^ . . ■ •'•*. ^ V t'j^^ M^'- .::jji ;V ^;« '* ^ ■ " ' " • ^'w f, '■ ■ '• -^'^Wf V'..'-' • ,:/,; ■■■^/;^:J ■V'"*:. ' i-.C , ; ■ \ '! • 1 % ^•^v,-,^;p "•;.■■■*' ■^^■j'y':k. »*i-0'.'«'' ■*',.■ I'ciif. ■\ ':.■■..■ ^'■^■•'v- ..I ''■'i'^-:''''.l' '■'-'. y'l \'.'i'''-)V' '■;'.!■■' ■'•,■' ''^''v "■'Vil ;. .7v.iv v." ■ ■ UV';.> ;..: ^f ''■■';,'■ / ■ •-,■' "■. ' -* ■■ . •-■' ;."i ■*' ■ '-'■■ ',' ■■^ ' , ,. , ' -*■>)"' ' '.*! . .' ' ■■ '■•'i iv'i, ■■'■•: '■- ' ■ • 't^% M-^-.: ''■"..'' ■•' ' -■ cr-m ■//■•■■ ' ," ••'■ •■■y^'l >' , . ' ■ _^ '. ■■'S'^j 'v 'V. . ■ ';■■ - "'^l' .•v-:n ■■ ; • '•''' -"■( T-u i.; ;rf\' ; .' . *.','' ■ • ■ ¥1 . / ■'.""'■. ■■ ■',! 'V-f.y U ■ ,'■'■''*' ■ l' ■ ...■.■• -,W),M (•/'('"■v^-i :-:y,.^ui &-: "* - ■', ■. • ■•'/■ *'.'■■■ ■ ''W If!;''': f^ <,• •■;..:•.».'■ J ^ ■ • r-.v '^ .• t;^ .■,'■■':'..■' I'M*'. .•-■.'.5.?^" •■ •"-■•■ './.'i %, ■ '»*•*< ■ .• ' -J. ■ , , . ' ■..»>»"■>, ■'•'.•• r- ■ ■ • » ; . : ■ it •.;*•>. ';•:•; '->j ,1' ■■'I ; ■ >'-■' v' ■" ■' ■.-.'*;;■.. . ' >' It ^' ■■ NLMGRET.— UNCASS PERFIDY. [DooK II. had bren preferred against JS/tnigret by Uncas. we bave reason to tbiiik it would bave been fortliwitb "inquired into," at lea.st, witiiout an if. A Htory, it cannot be called evide;ice, told by Uncas, relating to NinifrreVs visit to the Diitcb, is recorded by the conunissioners, and which, if it amount to any thing, gocw to prove himself guilty, and is indeed an acknowledgment of bis own perfidy in taking JMinigieCs boat and goods, as charged by Awa- sliaip. It is as follows : — " Uncas, theMohegan sachem, came lately to Mr. Hains^ house at Hartford, and ini'ormed him that JVinnigrett, sachem of the Niantick Narragansetts, went tiiis winter to the JVlonbatoes" and made a league witli the Dutch gov- ernor, and for a large jjresent of wam|)Uin received §0 guns and a great box of powder and bullets. jVintgrel toid him of the great injuries he had sustained from Uncus and the English. That on the other side of Hudson's River, JVinigret bad a conference with a great many Indian sagamores, and •iesircd their aid to cut off tbeMohegans and English. Also, that, about two years since, JVinigret " sent to the Monheage sachem, and gave him a present of wampum, pressing him to procure a man skilful in magic workings, and an artist in poisoning, and send unto him ; and he should receive mrre one bimdredth liithom of wampum, which was to have been conveyed to the Monheage sachem, and the powaugh at the return of him that was to bring the j)oison. Uncas having intelligence of these things, caused a narrow watch to be set, by sea and land, for the apprehending of those persons; and accordingly took tlieui rt!turning in a canoe to the number of seven: whereof lour of them were Narragansets, two strangers and one Pequatt. This was done in his absence, while he was with Mr. Haines, at Conecticott, and carried by those of his men that took them to Mohegan. Being there examined, two of them, the [VVampeagc;*] sachem's brother, and one Narraganset freely con- f('s,xe(l the whole plot formerly expressed, and that one of their company was that (lowaugh and prisoner, pointing out the man. Upon this, his men in a rag(! slew him, fearing, as he said, least he should make an escape, or other- wise do either mischief to Uncas or the English, in case they should carry him with the rest before them, to Conecticott to be further examined. And being brought to Conecticott before Mr. Haines, and examined, did assert these [)articulars." An Indian squaw also informed "an inhabitant of Wethersfield, that the Dutch and Indians generally were" confederating to cut off the English, and that election day, [1G54,] was the time s(;t, "because then it is apprehended the |)iautations will b(! left naked and unable to defend themselves, the strength of the English colonics being gatiiered from the several towns. And the aforesaid squaw atlvised tiic said inhabitants to acquaint the rest of the Eng- lish witli it, desiring they would remember how dear their slighting of her former information of the Pequots coming u|)on the English cost them."t It would seem, from a careful examination of the records, that something had been suggested either by the Dutch or Indians, about " cutting off the lOiigiisli," which justice to JVinigret requires us to state, might have been the case without his knowledge or participation. For, the testiinony of the mes- sengers of "nine Indian sagamores who live about the Monhatoes " no how inqilicates him, and, therefore, cannot be taken into account, any more than * Soo nt to a pi thence to M tlicnce to F tlience he sr with him m to the sagan iMi'M ; and w lie woidd g(! .sciirii of the cut off the 1 iinil he was I lie sent one ( the s!igamor< J{|it the sagai Govert gave liad htit 20 n vium\ to fighi the Dutch gc and tliere wn of fire, f or tl liaiid, and he the governor Neverthele the English, his physician 111 a long I dam, Pder S ill part true, slruiige India sets. But he pass, as we r< he cured and aiiv a.ssemblv [of- it.] We' lie hath beer with him, bu only tiiis we reports, and f 'file war w finssi'ssion, \, J\%igret. In 1G54, th tliat tlie last s allfge, fell up killed many o "'I'liis simim killed a man * A Dutch ofT t To liffht the with the fiidians [DOOK 11. to think it I j\ini^refs [' it umouiit vvlculgiiuiiit •d by Awa- it Ilurtford, •rajfuusetts, Dutch gov- i great box ies tie had f IIikIhou'k mores, and , about two II a present rkings, and e iiif re one 3yed to the 'as to bring I a narrow Tsous; and i: whereof This was anil carried imiiied, two ; freely con- mpany was s ineu in a )e, or other- liould carry lined. And , did assert Id, that the ■English, and pprehended the strength And the of the Eng- iting of her lern." f something ting otf the ve been the of the ines- is" no how f more than n the inlerini. lit to a place Ihe Indians of people of that own, were set horses, and •Dr. Trumbull Chap. IV.] NINIGRET.— .\DDAM. 79 s. An Indian them and he 1 wigwam, il'c plotted their y what an Indian named Ronnessoke told J\/^cholu3 Tanner, ns interpreted by another Indian called Addam ; tht; latter, though relating to JSTmi^rtCs visit, was only a hearsay affair. Ronnessoke was a sagamore of Long Island. Aldam also interpreted the story of another Indian, called Powancife, " who Hfiitli lie ranie from the Indians who dwell over the river, over against the Miiiiliatoes, where the plot is a working, that was this: that the Dutchmen asked the Indians whether they would leave them at the last cast, or stand up wirli them. And told the Indians they should fear nothing, and not be dis- (•(imaifcd because the plot was discovered," «fec. .Uilnm the interpreter had also a story to tell. He said, " this s|»riiig f l(i.">:J, (). S.] the Dutch governor went to Fort Aumnia, [since Albany,] and firat went to a |»lace called Ackicksack, [Hackinsack,] a great place of Indian.s, fniia theiici; to Monnesick, [Minisink,] thence to Opingona, thence to Waininoke, tliciH'c to Fort Aurama: And so far he went in his own person. From tlience he sent to Pocomtock, [Deerfield, on the Connecticut,] and he carried with him many note of sewan, that is, bags of wampum, and delivered them to llie sagamores of the places, and they were to distribute them amongst their Miin; and withal he carried powder, shot, ctoth, lead and guns; and told them lie would get all the great Indians under him, and the English should have thu ^('uiii of th(; Indian.s, and he would have tho.se saga; ires with tlieit iiiiii to cut ^ett, commander of the Narragan- fiots. But he came hither with a pass from Mr. John H'inthrop. Upon which pass, as we remember, the occasion of his coming was expressed, namely, to he cured and healed ; and if, upon the other side of the river, there hath been any assembly or meeting of the Indians, or of their sagamores, we know not [of it.] We heard that he hath been upon Long Island, about Nayacke, where lie hath been for the most part of the winter, a ' . ■-.):» ', '. ' • • --v. # ..-.■:-^ m '•(lit!. » " , ■;... ;■.•.,,»,. ^:..•v ■•lit '' ;-V> '.'w*^V . ' .' ' r- ■♦■;• ■•/;:''-.';;V',;;.Vi":v.j! .'■•■•>;■'-■■ •■ •'■•■'*'.■:' ; i •^in ...»A, ■■ .«■ ' ; . ; ' fV. .'■■• ■ •' ■ • ". ;^'/, *.:, ■■•'•> v'. ,'viV.' '--• ■'! •- :*, ■• * ''I ' ;■••- >''. . -■*' ./» 1 :' : .'"-« "■ -7 ^ , -.' ' . V>'''V.V • _ 1 w. ,;■/ ■ ■ ' *• . . '- ^ » * ', ti----*- •". . ' -m: >V< '^^'^b . t^\ m^i ?''^iJ^ ",'■' ■ :''? '.. i -1 , ^V'-/-" ; •'* .' . ;■'* ''^'■■.i~\ ":'>'i^' » ■',i'-'<^'\ '• I't ■'.■ \ ,- '>/.V' • " ' !' J * ^^:.v; * '^' * ■'•'1; 'i." V' V . : i V ■ ..'■^- ' i '4 >'-yr. •>";.;■■, • ' iV 1 '^. ,,'. ■■'•'; ' W'^ • '■*''..• ' *'1 ,:■■■• n. 'i ■ . ''.■"V* ■' ■ ' ''':3 v'l ■.'■' ■■ '■, i!'-^-' \. .■'^^•w ■" :h.. •r^.l) •■ ', •. a,..^» .I"' y,., . ' ".-?'■ 'iM\ '.„'7y*'' y^^'M ■ ,-^-J-' . r .. * ■ ■ S ..■ li I.. •; -^_ m «•»••.(.■>■-■ »'■ '. i'l'',M ■> ■ ■■ . ■■'..-'.*. r'-m 80 NINIGRKT.— ASCASSASOTICK'S WAR. [Book II. i\r^!;^) K- t II • •' v». V^ .' fit '• ■' '• ^ I,' ife-^^ ■* •■■■ ■^.;.5f':^ S .L-:.» 1 1 . -■-■.■« '^ V-> .."' ,-, I • > oim of tlieir to^vnH^lipH; nnd another Indian, tlmt kcja the cows of the En^r- linh." lie liiut drawn many of the foreign IndiiuiH down from Connecticut nnti lliidrtoii RiverH, wlio rendezvoimed n|K)n VVinthrop's Island, wiiere tlicy kill«Ml some of liis cattle.* This war hegaii in 105.% and continued "sevi'ral years." f Tlie commis.sionerH of the United Colonies seemed Wind to all com|)laintH against Vnaut ; hut the Narra^anstns were watched and harassed without ceasing. Wherever we meet with an unnuhlished document uf those times, llie (iict is very apparent. The chief ot the writers of the history of that period copy fhun tlie records of the United Colonies, wliich accounts for their making out a good ca.se for the Knglish and Mohegans. The spirit which actuated the grave comniissiotiers is easily discovered, and I ne«;d oidy refer my readers to the case of Miantunnomoh. Desjierate errors require oth<.'r.s, otlentimes .still more desperate, until tJie first appear small cotiipared with the magnitude of the la>4t ! It is all along discoverahle, that those venerahle records are made up from one kind of evidence, and that when a Narraganset appeared in his own defence, so many of his enemies stood ready to give him the lie, that his indignant spirit could not stoop to contra- dict or parley with them ; and thus his assumed guilt pas.sed on for history. The long-silenced and lM)rue-down friend of the Indians of Moosehausic,^ no longer sleeps. Amidst his toils and perils, he foutid time to raise his pen in tlu.-ir defence ; and though his letters for a season slept with him, they are now awaking at the voice of day. When the English had resolved, in 1G54, to send a force against the Nar- ragunset.s, hecause they had had ditiiculties and wars with Aacassas6tic, as we liave related, Mr. Williams ex|)res8ed his views of the matter in a letter to the governor of Massachusetts as follows : — "The cause and root of all the present mischiefs is the pride of two harharians, ^«c«M9CMuh'cL t!>e Long Island sachem, and J^'tnekunal of the Narigenset. Tlie former is proud and foolish, the latter is ])roud and fierce. 1 have not seen him these many years, yet, from their sober men, I hear he pleads, Ist. that Jlacassasotick, a very inferior sachem, (hearing lumself u|)on the English,) hath slain three or four of his people, and since that sent him challenges and darings to f.ght and mend himself. 2d. He, J^enekunnt, consulted by solemn messengers, with the chief of the Eng- lish governors, Maj. £n(/tcof, then governor of the Massachusetts, who sent him an implicit consent to right himself: upon which they all plead that the English have just occasion of disjihsasure. 3d. After he had taken revenge ujjon the Long Islanders, and brought away about 14 captives, (divers of them chief women,) yet lie restored them all again, upon the mediation and desire of the English. 4th. After this peace [was] made, the Long Islanders pretending to visit JVenekunat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narragonsets near 30 persons, at midnight ; two of them of great note, especially WepiteammocKs son, to whom JVenekunat was uncle. 5th. In the prosecution of this war, although he had drawn down tlie inlanders to his assistance, yet, upon pro- testation of the English against his proceedings, he retreated and dissolved his army. § The great Indian apostle looked not so much into these particulars, being entirely engaged in the cause of the praying Indians : but yet we occasionally meet with him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence against the proceedings of Uncos, and his friends the commissioners : " The case of the Nipmuk Indians, so far as by the best and most credible in- telligence, I have understood, jiresented to the honored general court, [of Mas- sachusetts,] 1. Uncos his men, at unawares, set upon an unarmed poor people, and slew eight persons, and carried captive twenty-four women nnd children. 2. Some of these were subjects to Massachusetts government, by being the subjects of Josias, || 3. They sued for relief to the worshipful governor and majristrates. 4. They were jileased to send, (by some Indians,) a commission to Capt. Denison, [of Stoniiigton,] to demand these captives. 5. Uncos hia Manusi-ripl documents. f Wood's Hist. Lonpf Island. \ Providfince. From tlie original letter, in manuscript, among the files in our state-house. Son of Chikataubut. \ I CThap. IV.] answer wb,' by tilthiner': of tliose cnj do. 8, Voii mid they sli I'. ^\'iuiroJ) matter." * 'riii."* mci which it is by tlic hau;.' any wav, >m In l(i(K), " the commi intoicnihie complained that .''ome Ii an English 1 Of wliich ii send a sligh allow of su asked the pi time they gii could not hi and messeii ft'oquacatioo. four of the they should They were iiaiit, and hi< since, not to 8urj)rising tli to be an iusi These are oi ninety-five J general cour company of same above i persons be d It appears nor secure th of all the Na were ]jaid in deed. jWiniffret di Dr. MaUier ** withdrawn h sachem," for Although must have s people to the to appear hin to Boston, " * Manuscript t The additio Mr. Brewster's, Hiid slealinff cor 6 Records of 11 The same witnesses. The tl Grandson c ** Brief HisJc tt Captain R him there 15 yee iiK? [Book II. the Elip- niicctii'iit here they " uevcriil omplaintH I witlioiit 0H«' tinu'H, ry of thnt omits for riie 8|iiiit iK.-eil only rs require eoinjiared liut those ut when ii [lies stood to coritru- br history, luusic,! no his pen in sy are now !t the Nar- idlic, as W(! 3tter to the the present tid sachem, 1, tlie latter from their 9r sachem, lis peo',)le, id himself. )ftheEiig- lo sent him he English e upon tiie them chief :8ire of the pretending ts near 30 \teammocKs f this war, upon pro- issolved his ars, being ccasionally igainst the rcdible in- rt, [of Mas- oor people, d children. being the vernor and ommission Uncas his 'rovidf:nce. Ciuf. IV.] NiNir.RF/r. 61 answer was, (as I heard,) insolent. ^oine or all of those captives. 7. Tlie poor bereavetl Indians wait to see what you pirasc to do. 8. Vou were pleased to tell them, you would present it to the free cect their answer from tliem, which they now wait for. !•. .Wnctrojl, yea, all the Indians of the coiuitrv wait to see the issue of this matter." * 'I'liis memorial is dated 12th May, KmH, and signed by Juhn Eliot ; from wliicli it is evident there had lieen gn^at delay in relieving those distressed liv till' haughty Unr.aa. And yet, if lie were caused to make remuneration in any way, we do not find any account of it. In lliiO, "the general court of Connecticut did, by their letters directed to the coniniissioners of the other colonies, this last slimmer, repn^seiit an intolerable afl'ront done by the Narragan.set Indians, and the same was now coiiiplained of by the English living at a new |)laiitation at Mohegaii, vi/ : that some Indians did, in the dead time of the night, shoot eight bullets into an English hou.se, and tired the same ; wherein five Englislmien were asleep. Of which insolency ihe Narraganset sachems have so far taken notice, as to send a slight excuse by Maj. ^rltherton, that they did neither consent to nor- allow of such practices, but make no tender of satisfaction." t Hut they asked the privilege to meet the commissioners at their next session, at whicFi time they gave them to understand that satisfaction should be made. This could not Iiave been other than a reasonable recpiest, but it was not granted ; and messengers wer« forthwuh ordered to " repair to jViniffrd, Pessicvs, fVoquacatioose, and the rest of the Nui-ragunset sachems," to diunand " at least four of the chief of them that shot into the English house." And in case they should not be delivered, to demand five hundred fathoms of wam])um. They were directed, in particular, to " charge JVinigret with breach of cove- nant, and high neglect of their order, sent them by Maj. WiUaril, six years since, not to invade the Long Island Indians ; and [that they] do account the surprising the Long Island Indians at Gull Island, and murdering of them, to be an insolent carriage to the English, and a barbarous and inhuman act." These are only a few of the most prominent charges, and five hundred and ninety-five J fathoms of wampum was the prict demanded for them ; and " the general court of Connecticut is desired and empo.vered to send a convenient (;ompauy of men, under some discreet leader, to force satisfiiction of the same above said, and the charges of recovering the same ; and in case the persons be delivered, they shall be sent to ilarbadoes," § and sold for slaves. It a[)pear8 that the force sent by Connecticut could not collect the wampum, nor secure the offenders ; but for the payment, condesctndtd to take a mortgage of all the Narraganset countir, with the provision that it should be void, if it were jiaid in four months. Quisroqum, || .Venegfitrf, and Scuttup, % signed the deed. Ninigret did not engage with the other Narraganset chiefs, in Philip's war. Dr. Malhtr ** calls him an " old crafly sachem, who had with some of liis men withdrawn himself from the rest." He must at this time have been "an old sachem," for we meet with him as a chief, as early as lfi33. Although jVtjiigTe/ was not peisonally engaged in Philip's war, still he must have suflered considei ably from it; often being obliged to send his people to the English, to gratify some whim or caprice, and at other times to appear himself. On 10 Sept. 1675, eight of his men came as ambassadors to Boston, " having a certificate from Capt. Smith," f f who owned a large * Manuscript state paper. f Record of the United Colonics, in Hazard. t The additional ninety-five was for another otTcnce, viz. '• for liie insolencies committed at Mr. Brewster's, in killing an Ino.'an servant at Mrs. Brewster's feet, to her great afTrightment, iiid stealing corn, &c., and other afTronts." Hazard, ii. 433. i S Records of the United Colonics, in Hazard. The same called Quequegunent, the son of Magnus. Newcom and Awashars were witnesses. The deed itself may be seen on tile among our State Papers. H Grandson of Canonicus, son of Magnus, and brother of Quequeguneni . ** Brief History, 20. tt Captain Richard Smith, probably, who settled quite early in that country. We find him there 15 years before this. ': '-i^ '•>3 » , ■ ■' ■ ^ "> r '*' '*.■■ ■••' ,r' '^'■ ■i*, «? "4 .'v^,- • I •■!'• ■^k'.- '^: m ly>li''-) \h: m MNKJRKT— DIVISION OP TIIF PIiaUOTS. [DuoK II. .%..■. 1 r..'.-'. 1'-^;^^^;: r V-.7 -"> 1.- '•'.■ ...I . ^ THtntP in NiirrnjfMriHot. Aflrr having fiiiislicd tlii-ir hiiHinesH, tlioy rcrcived (I [xiMs troiii til); aiulioriticH to rctiirii to tluiir own country. TIiIh rcitilicato nr puss WHS (hstciiotl to a stafl" and earned hv one in li-ont of tlio rent. Ah tJiey were (.roinjr out of Hoston " a l»nck way,"** two men met tlieni, and seized »i|>on liim tliat earrierl tlie jiass. Tliese men were hrotliern, wlio liad hail a lirotlier killed Ity Philip'x men some time Itefore. This Indian tliey aeensed of killiiip liini, and in eonrt swort; to iuH identity, and lie was i:: ;k few davs lianjred,* Notwithstanilinir these affaim, nnntiier emhaxRy was soon after sent to Rdston. On the 15 Sepfemher " the authority of Boston sent a jtarty " to order .Minvsrrl to appear there in person, to jrive an aeeount of his shelterinj^ (limiftprn, the sipiiiw-saehem of Narrapanset. He sent word that he would eome "provided he mi<;lit he safely nfturned hack." Mr. Sinitli, "livin^j near him, oOrM-ed iiimself, wife and children, and estate, as hostages" for his sjde return, and the eniliassy forthwith departed for Hoston. A son, f liowever, of ^Yinifrrd, was dejtuted prime minister, "he himself heinj; very afred." Captain Smith iirconi|miii('d them, mid when they came to Koxhin-y they were niet hy a company of Eufrlish soldiers, whose martial appearance so frightened them, that, had it not been tor the presence of Mr. Smith, they would have escaped as from an enemy. They remained at Boston several davs, until " hy degrees they came to this nffrerment: That they were to deliver the squaw-sachem within so many days at JJoston ; and the leaosea; but if the anecdote there given be true, it related doubtless to Chmies JVinigret^ who, I su[»poHe, was his son. He is mentioned by Mason, in his histoiy of the Pequot war, as liaving received a part of the goocis taken from Captain Stone, at the time he was killed by the Pecjuots, in lt)34. The time of his death has not been ascertained. The burying-places of the family of J^nigret are in Charlestown, R. I. It is said that the old chief was buried at a place called Burying Hill, "a mile from tlie street," A stone in one of the places of interment has this inscrip- tion : — " Here leth the Body of George, the son of Charles JVinigret, King of the .\ativcs, and of Hannah his Wife. Died Decenf. y 22, 17J?2: aged 6 mo." " George, the last king, was brother of Mary Sachem, who is now, [1832,] sole heir to tlu; crown. Mary does not know her age ; but from data giv(!n hy her husband, John Harry, she must be alwnt 66. Her mother's father wos George J^inigret. Thomas his son was the next king. Esther, sister of Thomas. George, the brother of Mary above named, and the last king crowned, died «ged"about 20 years. George was son of Esther. Mary has daughters, but no sons." ^ On a division of the captive Pequots, in 1637, JVinigret was to have twenty, " when he should satisfy for a man; of Eltweed** Pomroyr^s killed by his men." This remained unsettled in 1659, a space of twenty-two yeai-s. This debt certainly teas oy.tlawed.' Poquin, or Poquoiam, was the name of the man who killed the mare.ff He was a Pequot, and brother-in-law to Miantunnomoh, and was atnong those captives assigned to him at their final dispersion, when * Old Indian Chronicle, 30. t Probably Catapazat. X Old Indian Chronicle, 32. $ Douglas's Summary, ii. 118. II In I Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 83. H MS. communication of Rev. IVm. Ely. •* Familiarly called Elty, probably from Elltoood. ft Hazard, ii. 188, 189. CHAf. IV.] the Peqiif wcri' ut ai his death coiisidcral of Wlldtll brother to . I'kmhac I of ntiincs. when ,'iw ( we liave s( Kiijflisli, )i ,to\v(irds ,> record of | wlioiM .VT« war agains meet at Bo under Mr. cotiiiiiaiidei " WHS to SOI met by depi took place. The conn according t( larized in tli remaining d and none a|i should be ta in all the art sent, us if tli old kettles." the Niantick to file Nurraj of Mas-sachii what WHS dii He told tlie performed coinmissione saclicins hai appeared, tliu anil with the tlie English a open to right they prize ]wi\ long Sllffi'l-ill;; present sliouh At the sam< "Mr. Pe/Aam tliey had con Relioboth, prt the f)rocedure Thus the N year, anrl we i others to ass: thing else but principall can 1647,1 being," the Narragans at tlio previo * See Hazard t IMS. letter, SI t MS. Narrali CBxr.lV] PESSACUS— COMPLAINTS imodnilT A(JAINST llOf. 83 me to this so iiiunv ed, whicli I of them, » disbelief When Mr. snffiw'ious Mayhew for il jS/tnigrd. jne would but if the ret, wlio, I the Pequot one, at the h has not R. I. It "a mile is inscrip- ing of the vior )w, [1832,] ta givcm by ather was f Thomas. lied, died era, but no ive twenty, his men." This debt man who ttunnomoh, lion, when ii. 118. Vm. Ely. the Pequot war wns emled ; at which titiie Pomernif Htntcs "nil norts nf liorxfn were at an hi^h |)rii>e." Minntunnomoh had a<;r<'t'tl to pay the diinand, hut his (leiith |)rrvented him. \inifrrit wan railed u|)i)ii, im he irilniiifd a coiisidt'ial)!"' [mrt of .\liaittn)nioinoh\s es^fate, especially his part of the l*ci|U<»ts, of wlidtn Pouuninm >vus one. lie was atlerwanJH culled a .Niantick and brother to .Miiiprii." I'k.hhac I -i, often mi'iitioiied iti the precedjuj,' |mfres, tlioufrh under a variety of niitncH. »viiM horn about l(iV}.'l, and, eoiiHe(|uently, was aitout iiO years of ii!r<; when Iks hmthcr, JMuintiinnomoh, was killed. f The saine arbitrary course, as wi' have Hceii alrciady in llie presi'iit chapter, was |)ursued towards liiiu by the llii^disli, as had been before towards .Mutntxinnomiih, an<{ still cniiliiiucd ^towards A7ni'/c/r/, and other i\arra;ran.set chiefs. Mr. Cohhell makes ilii,>i record of him: " In the year H'M, proud Pis.viru.i with his Narrajransi ts, with whom .Vini^nt and his iViaiitiffs join ; so aw to provoke the i-l' >'v>;, .' '1 ■•i.;^v- « -...".'i^y J.V: •%-l1 ■A. ' ■■ •»* u- •;.:. Ha-' • i • , .» • * •'■ j . ••.'V. '■- • ^Vv .w> i _ ■ . •;,rr^. I...'. i ;. ■■ i •!•;. . "*' I ,. V i.V, ■■'» fl . r I -' 'r^' 'g M "'•' - , • ; ^ my- ■""» /..; ■.; ■ 1 . i- .* A ! ''•; ,'- , • ",■ " • •' ' ' ♦ . , • • '.>;■ > ■ ■ . ■ ■ ' ■ i ■) ^ •' «' iJ •■>t. 84 PESSACUS KILLED BY THE MOHAWKS. II ! 1 f ':-■:■■• ■■ ... it: '-■': i, ■ ,rj,j ;«••;■: ■■■''-, r * _ " ' I . ■ ■ '" * - ,; 1 . ' > [Book II. Benedirt .Arnold, and Sergeant IVaile should be sent to Peasacks, JVenegrate and JVehelfimuk, to know why they had not paid the wampum as they agreed, and wliy they did not come to New Haven ; and that now they might meet i^ncaa at Br.^ton; and therefore were advised to attend there without delay; hut "yf they refuse or delay, they intend to send no more," and they must abide the consequences. When the English messengers had delivered their message to Pessacus, he spoke to them as follows : — " The reason I did not meet the Englisli sachems at New Haven last year, is, they did not notify me. It is true I have broken my covenant these two years, and that now is, and constantly has been, the grief of my spirit. And the reason I do not meet them now at Boston is because I am sick. If I were but pretty well I would go. I have sent my mind in full to Ninigret, and what he does I will abide by. I have sent Potcpynamett and Pomumska to go and hear, and testify that I have betrusted my full mind with JVenegratt. You know well, however, that when I made that covenant two years ago, I did it in fear of the army that I did see ; and though the English kept their cove- nant with me, yet they were ready to go to Narraganset and kill me, and the commissioners said they would do it, if I did not sign what they had written." Moyanno, another chief, said he had confided the business with Ninigret last sj)ring, and would now abide by whatever he should do. When the English mc-sengers returned and made known what had been done, the commis.sioners said that Pessacws' speech contained "seuerall pas- sages of vntruth and guile, and [they] were vnsatisfyed." What measures the Whites took "to right themselues," or whether any, iminialiately, is nut very distinctly stated ; but, the next year, 1648, there were some military movements of the English, and a company of soldiers was sent into Narraganset, occasioned by the non-payment of the tribute, and some other less important matters. Ptssacus, having knowledge of their approach, fled to Rhode Island. ^^JVinicraJl entertained them courteously, (there they staid the Lord's day,) and came back with them to Mr. Williams', and then Pessacus and Canonicus^ son, being delivered of their fear, came to them • and being demanded about hiring the Mohawks against Uncos, they solemnly ■ienied it; only they confessed, that the Mohawks, being a great sachem, and their ancient friend, and being come so near them, they sent some 20 fathom of wainpum for him to tread upon, as the manner of Indians is."* The .natter seems to have rested here ; Pessacus, as usual, having promised what vas desired. This chief was killed by the Mohawks, as we have stated in the life of Ca- nonicus. His life was a scene of almost perpetual troid)les. As late as Sep- tember, ]6G8, his name stands first among others of his nation, in a complaint sent to them by Massach usee's. The messengers sent with it were. Rich''. Wayt, C?,ptain "fV. Wright, ana Captain Sam'. Mossly ; and it was in terms thus : — " Whereas Capt. Wm. Hudson and John Viidl of Boston, in the name of themselves and others, proprietors of lands and farms in the Narraganset country, have complained unto us, [the court of Mass.,] of the great insolen- cies and injuries offered unto them and their people by several, as burning their hay, killing sundry horses, and in special manner, about one month since, forced some of their people from their labore in mowing grass upon their own land, and assaulted others in the high way, as they rode about their occasions ; by iJirowin^ ^nany stones at them and their horses, and beating their horses as they rode upon them," &c. The remonstrance then goes on warning them to desist, or otherwise they might expect severity. Had Mosely been as well known then among the Indians, as he was afterwards, his presence would doubtless have been enough to have caused cfuietness, as perhaps it did even ut this time. Winthrop's Journal. Chap. V.] U»CAS — fi account i chirf III vicn of It moll — £j sachem s — Tiinclij Uiicas — I U.NCAS, ( whom we favorable « < " those I erroi-s. M Jnmes Fitcl "I am apt fucliem of man, a drt o|)po.«er an ^lv. Hubbai that he wai than those i Uncus lii was alive i "He is aliv before I;:::;. From an wo do not Uncas " was waggish En himself an( follows: — The com several of t Chieko, a soi lu the be and to surn neutrality oi Wanipanoag make this r Uncas and SOILS were tj were remain l)een at this * 1 Coll. Ma north of i\ew I Ibid. ^ t Hist. New coiilimic paffa)] } The writer Imve meant anj $ A genuine me stir my insi Was viitrregen ' •fi. [Book II. ^enegrate y agreed, ght meet jt delay; ley inu8t red their last year, these two fit. And If I were igret, and nsks to go att. You ro, I did it heir cove- I me, and ; they had inigret last t had been uerall pas- lether any, there were rs was sent and some ■ approach, (there they i', and then them- and y solemnly achem, and 20 fathom 18." * The nised what life of Ca- itc as Sep- complaint ■err. Rich''. lis in terras |f name of Sfarraganset eat insolen- as btmiing ^onth since, their own occasions ; |r horses as ing them to jen as well mce would it (?id even Chap. V.] UNCAS.— HIS CHARACTER AND CONNECTIONS. 95 CHAPTER V. (jjjCAS His fhariicler — Convections — Geoffra/ihy of the. Molingan country — General account of thiit nut'on — Uncus joins the Enirlish ojraiast the FequDt.t — Captures a chief lit ' '' irhem's Head — Visits Boston — His speech to Governor Winthrop — Sped- vicn of the .Mohegaii lanifuaire — Set/iiusson — The war between Uncus and Miantunno fiiQ/i — Examination of its ciiuse — The JWirragansets determine to avenge iheit saihrm's death — Forces raised to protect Uncas — Pessuriis — Great distress of Uncas Timely relief from Connecticut — Treaty of ]()4r) — Frequent complaints against Uncus — IVequash — Ohechickwod — Nowehua — IVoosaviequin. Uncas, cnllcd also Poquin, Poquoiam, Poquim, sjichoni of the Mohegnns, of whom wo liavo ain-ady had occasion to sny coiisidertible, has Icfl no very favoral)!c character upon record. Mis life is a series of cliangos, without any ( / those brilliant acts of magnanimity, which tlu'ow a veil over numerous erroi-s. Mr. Gookin gives us this character of him in the year lfi74 : (Mr. James Filch having been sent about this time to preach among the Mohegans:) "I am apt to fear," says he, "that a great obstruction unto his labors is in the sachem of those Indians, whose name is Unkaa; an old and wicked, wilful man, a drunkaiil, and otherwise very vicious; who hath always been an o|)i)oser and underminer of praying to God." * Nevertheless, the charittxble jMr. Hubbard, when he wrote his Narrative, seems to have had some ho|)es that he was a Christian, with about the same grounds, nay better, perhaps, tiian those on which IJisImp Warbtirton declared Pope to be such. Uncas lived to a great age. lie was a sachem before the Pcjquot wars, and was alive in 1680. At this time, Mr. Hubbard makes this remark upon liim: "He is alive and well, and may probably live to see all his enemies buried before !;i::^."t From an epitaph on one of his sons, copied in the Historical Collections, we do not infer, as the writer there seems to have done, " that the race of t/ncM " was " obnoxious in collonial histoi-y;" but rather attribute it to some waggish Englishman, who had no other design than that of making sport for iiiinself and othere of like humor. It is upon his tomb-stone, and is as follows : — " Here lies ihe body of Sunseeto Own son to Uncas grandson to OrtekoX Wlio were the famous sachems of Mohegan But now they are all dead I think it is werheegen." ^ The connections of Uncas were somewhat numerous, and the names of several of them will be found as we proceed with his life, and elsewhere. Oneko, a son, was the most noted of them. Ill the begimiing of August, 1675, Uncas wjis ordered to appear at Boston, and to siuTetider his arms to the English, and give such other sectu'ity for his neutrality or coo|)eration in the war now begun between the English and Wampanoags, as might be required of him. The messenger who was sent to make this re(]uisition, soon nnurned to Boston, accompanied by three sons of Uncas and about 60 of his men, luul a quantity of anus. The two younger sons were taken into custody as hostages, and sent to Cambridge, where they were remaining as late as the 10 November following. They are said to have been at this time not far from 30 years of age, but tlieir names are not men- * 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 208. Mohcok, since Mimlrille, Connecticut, about 10 miles norlii of New London, is the place "where Unkas, and his sons, and Wiinnko, are siichcins.'' Ibid. t Hist. New Eng. VA. — " Allhouffh ho be a friend to the English, yet he and all his men continue pagans still," 167G. Dr. I. Mather, Brief Hist. 45. } The writer or sculptor no doubt meant the contrary of this, if, indeed, he may bo said to have meant any thing. } A genuine Indian word, and, as it is used here, means, simply, well. " Then they bid me stir my instep, to see if that were frozen : I did so. When they saw that, they said that was wtrregen." Stockweil's Nar. of his Captivity among tht Indiiuu m 1677. 8 ''■'■■■■'■' '■ " ' wsS' ^.T4 V-V.'v. •.,^;■,.i'^if^- ,,,,.> ., •••,'<.■.•■>;■■■■.■ i> -. ;'•■": "^ r'« •'. • ■*■ ' ■„ ■.•'. ^ » '..1 rt ' J ,..^ . ,'->■■; '• i- : . -V «IS •' ■,- . ■■".■ ■-,■, . .( :.>l ■'■■ ■■:». :■-, ^y^:.;JKvy .■■■?.■:>' ^m:-^r ;./■■• tI •'.'^■.'■•■'■"''^•i'""-;'''- ■■ ''' ■■'"'1 . "- ■ ■,"•. A.I. ;r -{.::■.-'%• •■■■ ■:;'«v . ■' ,v -v., :,4 '.,.-> -••;.^t.| i -f , -f ..ill • •■..•» V.-.'- it-:- •■»' .':■ it . : ' it ■..'■»■■■.•■!• ■ {J. t ,^-.\. r ■■■I-": ■fi ■; ■'■ «* •!*^. •;,:•••■ . *•-■■ -•■. -^>. .:->vf: J. -I ', 1^ 86 UNCAS ASSISTS IN DESTROYING THE PEQUOTS. [Rook II. tioned.* Oneko waa employed with his GO men, and proceeded on an expe^ •lition, as will be found stated elsewhere. Uncas was originally a Pequot, and one of the 26 war captains of that famous, but ill-fated nation. Upon some intestine commotions, he revolted against his sachem, and set up for himself. This took place about the time that nation became known to the English, perhaps in 1634 or 5; or, as it would seem from some circumstances, in the beginning of the Pequot war. Peters, f an author of not much authority, says, that the " colonists declared liim King of Mohegan, to reward him for deserting Sassacits," We are told, by the same author, that, after the death of Uncas, Oneko would not deed any lands to the colony ; upon which he was deposed, and his natural brother, Ahimileck, was, by the English, advanced to the office of chief sachem. Omko, lint acknowledging the validity of this procedure, sold, in process of time, all his lands to two individuals, named Mason and Harrison. But, meantime, Jlbimileck sold the same lands to the colony. A lawsuit followed, jind was, at first, decided in favor of the colony ; but, on a second trial, Mason and Harrison got the case — but not the property ; for, as Peters tells us, " the colony kept possession under Abimilerk, their created King of Mohegan," and "found means to confound the claiui of those competitoi-s witliout establishing their own," By the revolt of Uncas, the Pequot territories became divided, and that part called MoJieag, or Mohegan, fell generally imder his dominion, and extended from near the Connecticui River on the south, to a space of disputed country on the north, next the Narragansets. By a recurrence to our account o*" the dominions of the Pequots and Nariagansets, a pretty clear idea may be had of all three. This sachem seems early to have courted the favor of the English, which, it is reasonable to suppose, was occasioned by the fear he was in from his potent and warlike neighbors, both on the north and on the south. In May, 1637, he was prevailed upon to join the English in their war upon the Pequots. Knowing the relation in which he stood to them, the English at first v/ere nearly as afraierfidious villain, one that could speak English Avell, having in times past ived in the fort, and knowing all the English there, hacl been at the slaughter- ing of all the English that were slaughtered thereabouts. He was a contin- ual spy about the fort, informing Sassacus of what he could learn. When this bloody traitor was executed, his limbs were by violence pulled from one another, and binned to ashes. Some of the Indian executioners barbarously taking his flesh, they gave it to one another, and did eat it, withal singing about the fire." I Notwithstanding, both Uticas and Miantunnomoh were accused of harboring fugitive Pequots, after the Mystic fight, as our accounts will nbundantly prove. It is true they had agreed not to harbor them, but perhaps the philanthropist will not judge them harder for erring on the score of mercy, than their Eng- lish friends for their strictly religious perseverance in revenge. A traditionary story of Uncas pursuing, overtaking, and executing a Pequot sachem, as given in the Historical Collections, may not b(! unqualifiedly true. It was after Mystic fight, and is as follows: Most of the English forces pur- sued the fugitives by water, westward, while some followed by land with Uncas and his Indians. At a point of land in Guilford, they came upon a great Pequot sachem, and a few of his men. Knowing they were pursued, * Old Indian Chronicle, 16. \ Relaliun of the Troubles, &c. 4C. t In his Hist, of Connecticut. Chap. V.] they had go have passed liis tueii to S( sued, swam ( waylaid, and di.'atli. Unca tlie crotch of a great man; name the hai Dr. Mather Uncas. He s jiursiiit of the of Mouonowi " .Some scattc iiuclieni, betbr the name of i Uncases fea tlieni ; and wJ unprovoked s nliitions ; ant from their mo hki8, '• U7ikus River, came t( Hiii/nes, and Tills was at c liad given sat much directed after, having r iug to subjnit the differences And about hal ing speech. J " This Iieart mand me anyd against the En^ death, were he i " So the gov diet, and gave to all men, &c. For the grati tious on the M dialect. " Nog ne-an-ne an-nu- tveh noh pum-m, ne aun-chu-wut nau-nuh noo-no Ohq-u-ut-a-moi mou-woi-e-auk (]iutii-chth-si-u-} maum-teh-keh. an-woi; es-tah i)i-noi-een." Such was th( Nipniucks; or i Ktaiid the other Uncas was st nieti, on the pa the infant settlei * Hist. Guilford t His name is no { Winlhrop, So\ Book II. in expe^ i of that revolted the time or, as it |uot war. declared are tokl, deed any brother, sachem, •ocess <)t" HI. But, followed, il, Manon i us, " the gan," and tablishing [ that part extended d coimtry jDt o*" the ly be had ih, which, from his In May, upon the English at e Pequots. ook fort, a 3ns, and is ig then at [)ied seven lie prisoii- jn and en- ars touch- jner was a times past slaughter- a contin- . When from one arbarously al singing harboring ntly prove, anthropist their Eng- g a Pequot fiedly true, forces pur- land with me upon a pursued, necticut. Chap. V.] UNC.4S.— MOHEGAN LANGUAGE. 87 tliev had gone into an adjacent peninsula, "hoping their pursuers would have passed by them. But Uncos knew Indian's cruil, and ordered some of his men to search that point. The Pecjuots perceiving that they were pur- siK'd, swam over the mouth of thj harbor, wliich is narrow. Bui they were waylaid, and taken as they lande.l. The sachem was sentenced to be shot to -* . r ■■''**4i :." - '■ . *»11 ■ u .'V • • i'"''i ,0."'; "•'■•■i*Jj| ■ ■ .iV ■■ ,T •■■■/■ ' tmmm , ''.i.. ■' , ' . ■ f 'I r:'#*';^v.'.'.v'.;,. ■y-::fi-' ■ ■-V."i ■ . fi 1 t H ^^C;-v- '■ '■^■'•'8 1 •■.'■- .. f ■■ ■■■ .■ • • ^.»'i« ir ^■^•- " i" ? 'V' V^-' "■' :.,-.V>^i.:';-) 1 1' ' i . •.' r . '■ft; "'vV .; ■ «■."*•*;. '■ !." -.1 .. ••' I r Vi I !-./■ ;. : k:s .<■',■" , .•-'•V i.'lT.-. •':>. ■ C t « . ..^'.k » ■ uV I f^^' Mil' 88 UNCAS— TREATMENT OF MIANTUIVNOMOH. [Book II. To the inhubitants of this town the Mohegans seenied more particularly iittHcheil, probably from the circimiHtaiicc of some of its settler* having relieved them when besieged by JVini/p-et, as will b*; found related in the ensuing history. The remnant of the Mohegans, in 17G8, was settled in the noith-east comer of New London, about five miles south of Norwich; at which place they had a reservation. The Mohegans had a burying-i)lac(? called the Royal buruing-ground, and this was set apart for the family of Uncas. It is close by the ialls of the stream called Yantic River, in Norwich city ; " a beautiful and romantic spot." The ground containing the grave of Cncas is at present owned by C. Goddard, Esq. ol" Norwich. This gentleman has, very laudably, caused an inclosure to \h; set about it.* When the commissioners of the uifod Colonies had met in 1643, com- plaint was made to them by Uncas, \.h \ Mianhmnomoh had employed a Pequot to kill him, and that this P(!quot was one of his own subjects. He shot Uncas with an arrow, and, not doubting but tliat he hail accomplished his purpose, "fled to the Nanohiggansets, or their confederates," and proclaimed that In; had killed him. " But when it was known Fncas was not dead, though wounded, the traitor was tnught to say that Uncus had cut through his own arm with a fluit, and hired the l'■, ■ ; '■■V.' ■'■v.'-iiV" ■■ . •*,'^,'. '• ■■ ' K,:\■.i^y.■^.■•■■'V . .-.n/V ...■,•• ,\,-.,M .•. ■.y.'jfS'.'- ' =. . • .■■■.'t.S^ V..'*..v-r:. ■• ■■ •:'■!.;. rf-'*.'»'l,.'. ,».• ■, ,'7.5.-. .,. ;■ .1 ■■;u,A-.j- ■ ■ i^:••| ■%~ ■nH •i-J,:- !1V ^:^i-L us it ;'■•, 1- f .-v ■■•J ;•■'■. ;o-^J^ ■ K-i '*:'.•■■' y :■■■ ;£■:•'■••* ■■ • * ,. i-r-'.^. ■■■\'- ■■:■ if rN;;^V';:^ -t ■•' ,■ mm- '.TV ■ m UNCAS— PESSACLS. [Book II. wampum, that is, their money, giving them to underfrtund tliat he would not Be liard with them ; in so fur, that tliey had trusted to his generosity, and sent hi/n a considerable amount. The very face of it shows clearly, that it was u trick of Uncos to leave the amount indefinitely stated, which gave him tiie chance, (that a knave will always seize upon,) to act according to the cajtrice of his own mind on any j)retence afterwards. The commissioners say, that "no such parcels were brought," though, in a few lines after, in their records, we read: "And ibr that wampiuns und goods sent, [to Uncos,] as they were but small parcels, and scarce considcrubie for such a purpose," namely, the redemption of their chief: and still, they add ; " But Uncos denieth, and the Narraganset deputies did not alledj;!'. much less prove that any ransom was agreed, nor so much as any treatv begun to redeem their imprisoned sachem." Therefore it appears ((uite clear that Uncos had all the English in his liivor, who, to preserve his frientl- sliip, caressed and called him their iriend ; while, on the other hand, the agents from the Narragansets were frowned upon, and no doubt labored under the disadvantage of not being personally known to the English. As to the goods which imcas had received, the commissioners say, "A part of them [were] disposed [of] by Miantunnomoh himself, to Uncas^ coun- sellors and captains, lor some favor, either past or hoped lor, and part were given and sent to Uncos, and to his squaw for preserving his life so long, and using him courteously during his imprisonment." Here ended this matter ; but before the Narraganset deputies left the court, the English made them sign an agreement, that they would not make war upon Uncos, "vntill after the next jdanting of corn." And even then, that they should give 30 days' notice to the English before commencing hostili- ties. Also that if "any of the Nayantick Pecotts should make any assault upon Uncos or any of his, they would deliver them up to the English to be punished according to their demerits. And that they would not use any means to procure the Mawhakes to come against Uncus during this truce." At the same time the English took due care to notify the Narraganset com- missioners, by way of awing them into terms, that if they did molest the Mohegans, all the English would be upon them. The date of tliis agreement, if so we may call it, is, " Hartford, the xviijth of September, lf)44," and way signed by four Indians ; one besides those named above, called Chimough. That no passage might be left open for excuse, in case of war, it was also mentioned, that "proof of the ransom charged " must be made satistiictory to the English before war was begun. The power of Pessacus and J^inigret at this time was much feared by the English, and they were ready to believe any rei)orts of the hostile doings of the Narraganst ts, who, since the subjection of the Pequots, had made them- selves masters of all their neighbors, except the English, as the Pequots had done before them. The Mohegans were also in great fear of them, as well after as before the death of Miantunnomoh ; but for whose misfortune in being made a prisoner by a stratagem of Uncos, or his captains, the Englis^li might have seen far greater troubles from them than they did, judging lioni the known abilities of that great chief. There was "a meeting extraordinary" of the commissioners of the United Colonies, in July, 1G45, at Boston, "concerning the French but-iness, and tlic wars between Pissicus nnd Vncus being begun." Their first business was to despatch away messengers to request the appearance of the head men of tiie belligerents to appear themselves at Boston, or to send some of their chief men, that the difficulties between tiicm might \)e settled. These messengers. Sergeant John Dames, [Davis '^] Benedict Arnold, and Francis Smyth, on their first arrival at Narraganset, were welcomed by the sachems, who ofTercd them guides to conduct them to Uncas ; but, either having understood their intentions, or judging li-om their appearance tlmt the English messengers meant them no good, changed their deportment altogether, and in the n)ean time secretly despatched messengers to the Nianticks before them, giving them to understand what was going forward. After this, say the messengers, " tliere was notliing but proud and insolent r Chap. V.] passages [fi tlieni fi'om i di.^couraged sachems sa English wo ti'ilhoul Unc were resolv soldiers fro and woidd against thci chiu'ging it i now, if he d fore, not bei ragan.sets, ai furnish tliei them an old Th.! mes sacred ; " tin suspicious m and express without miK Pfssacus, the ofl'tliat nighl to them. In them with gu to risk the jo tcstihed that be lx)rne in i veracity of Ji J\Ieunwhil€ hazards. Tc provocations upon the Na weigiit and g to all tiie coI( eldei-s of the chief militan Fii-st, that ou Secondly, the Jiis fort or 1 covenants or to aid him as tills aid nuist and so come " Ac<;ordin, considering t been divers agr(!(Hl to lia\ tenant Mhvrlo " Cutcliamuki) "attenijtt upo of C'oiinectic were ordered teiiiu.t Seali). now aim at tli neglected to of iiif'n, their the Nianticks glad they mig particularly tr time that Mas to invade the niut Chap. V.] UNCAS.— DEFENDED BY THE ENGLISH. 01 passajjes [from JVTn^e/.] The Indian guides which they had brou{,'lit with them from Pumham and Sokakanoco were, by frowns and tiireatuning speeches, discouraged, and returned; no otlicr guides couki he obtained." Tlie sachems said they knew, by what was done nt Hartford hist year, tliat the English would urge peace, " but they were resolved, they said, to have no peace tctthout Uncas his head." As to wlio began the war, they cai-ed not, but tliey were resolved to continue it; that if the English did not witiulraw tlieiV soldiore from Uncas, they should consider it a breach of former covenants, and would procure as many Mohawks as the English liad soldiers to biing against tliem. They reviled Uncas lor having wounded him.sclf, and tiien charging it upon them, and said he was no friend of the English, but would now, if he durst, kill the English messengers, and lay that to them. There- fore, not being able to proceed, the English messengers returned to the Nar- ragansets, and acquainted Pessacus of what had passinl, desiring he would furnish them with guides; "he, (in scorn, as they apprehended it,) offered them an old Peacott squaw." Th(! messengere now thought themselves in danger of being mas- sacred ; " three Indians with hatchets standing behind th(! inter|)reter in a suspicious manner, wliile he was speaking with Pessacus, and tlie rest, frowning and expressing n\uch distemper in their coimtenance and carriage." So, without much loss of time, they began to retrace their steps. On leaving Prxsacus, they told him they should lodge at an English trading lious(! not far ofl'tiiat night, and if he wanted to send any word to the English, he might send to tliein. In the morning, he invited them to return, and said he would furnish them with guides to visit Uncas, but he would not suspend iiostilities. Not daring to risk the journey, tlie messengers retiu'ned home. Arnold, the inter|)reter, tcstilied that this was a true relation of what had (lassed, which is necessary to be lx)rne in mind, as something may apjKjar, as we proceed, impeaching the veracity of Arnold. J\Ieuiiwhile the comnnssioners set forth an armament to defend f/nco.?, ataJI hazards. To justify this movenient, they declare, that, " considering the great provocations offered, and the necessity we should be put unto of making wiu* upon the Nai-rohiggin, &c. and being also careful in a matter of so great weight and general concernment to see the way cleared and to give satisfaction to all the colonists, did think fit to advise with such of the tnagistrates and eldere of the Massachusetts as were then at hand, and also with some of the chief military connnanders there, who being assembled, it was then agreed : Fii-st, that our engagement bound us to aid and defend the Mohegan sachem. Secondly, that this aid could not be intended oidy to defend him and his, in his fort or habitation, but, (according to the common acceptation of such covenants or engagements considered with the ground or occ!:sion thereof,) so to aid him as bee might be preserved in his liberty and estate. Thu'dl y, that this aid iiuist he speedy, least he might be swallowed up in the mean time, and so come too late." " According to the counsel and determinadon aforesaid, the comnnssioners, considering the present danger of Uncas the Mohegan siichem, (his fort having been divers times assaulted l)y a great army of the Narrohiggausets, ikc.) agreed to have 40 soldiers sent witli all (ixpi'dition for his defense." Lieu- tenuiit Jltherlon and Sergeant John Davis I'd this company, conductid by two of " CulcJmmakin^s" Indians as guides. Alherton was ordered not to make an "attempt u|K)n the town otherwise tiian in Uncus' defence." Cajitain Mason of (Jonnecticnt wsis to join him, and take the chief coiumand. Eoity men were ordered also from Connecticut, and 80 from New Haven uiuler Lieu- tenai.t Sealy. In their instructions to Mason, the commissioners say, " W^e so now aim at the protection of the Mohegans, that we would liavt; no opportiniity neglected to weaken tlie Narragansets and their confederates, in their nundier of men, their cane canoes, wigwams, wampum and goorls. We look U|)on the Nianticks us the chief incendiaries and causes of tli(i war, and should be glad tii(!y might first feel the smart of it." The Nianticks, therefore, were particidarly to be had in view by Mason, and he was informed at the same tiuK! that Massachusetts and Plimouth were forthwith to send "another arniy to invade the Narragansets." r.: •• . :.► ■ a* '1«/J f' ''■• ' .[ , . '.•■il tA-jVi.-; vy^' ■ * 'if.-' ■:'<,■■■,•.<'.•''„•■;■ '■:.'»v;, _, '-i- ; ■V.(>»^.v;, .,,. ' , ; 'i' :^y""'' ;••■ •'!•■■'*;; ' (■•»•,"'• J'- "r- , ■•:V.V; :■'.;, .'•••-? ^^^iv ■:■,.;■■•,'■ . ■ . ■■^f: ■■;-:■ ■i(,)^'y-- -):■: [ ; ■■ .'■ ; , '.'••vr '■-*>' ;■;'.-''■ v\i^^i!4:^'\ ■: ■ 4;; ^j^iT- - ■•.-;■"•• /:c^i;:;'.>'%;-'*^,,-' r'*' M---^' '-:■■' ''■'■' !1 .0-^' ?■ . .■ ■ ■ ' \ ..V.'.f , , • .■'-.'•'It '■' ■' :. .■",•■■ ■ ■ y.r: ' . . ■ ' " V :-'}^i . . ■'■ ■' ■* ''*i' ' ■ ' .'' >^,v:>i'.y, '. '-•.■.-.»» -.' '.■•.',• .'■ ■; <■ !' .,''/r' ■ ".'■ ' • j'lJi. ^^^/. ^] ^^$w it.' '^'•.^'^■i !■,-■■ H ::'; 4 'r .-.■ '..'■ 92 UNCAS.— BESEIGED IN HIS FORT. [Book II. ! -■» . -Vl ' vV ' ■'>'' >r •J , ^M" !- *5 .■:*■.«■ > v. ,./. ■^;:i ■■^J. 3^j^..^K^^ The romni'iHflionera now proceodnd to make choice of a commnnder in diicC of the two armies. Major Edward Gibbons was unanimously elected. In his instructions is this jmssanrc : " Whereas the scope and cause of this expedition is not only to aid the Moheffans, hut to oflTend the NarrafTJUisets, Nianticks, and other their confederates." He was dirrsctcd also to conclude a peace witli them, if tiiey desired it, j)rovided it were made with 8|>ecinl reference to damages, &c. And they sav, "But withal, accordiiifr to our en. Tlie messenger, nametl Washose,* also a sachem, told the governor tliat his chief desired to continue in peace with the English; but that he was about to make war upon Uncus, to avenge the death of his brother, and hoped they would not interfere, nor aid Uncos. The governor said they wished to hi! at peace with all Indians, and that all Indians would be at peace airiong themselves, and that they must agree to this, or they could not accept their j)resent. fVfuihose said be was instructed no further than to make known his mission and leave the present, which he did, and returned to his own country. This was in February, 1(544, N. S. Within the same month, the same messenger a])peared again at Boston ; and " his errand was, (says Governor Wiitlhrop,) tliat, seeing they, at our request, had set still this year, that now this next year we would grant their request, and suffer them to fight with Onkus, with many argumi'iits." But he was answered, that the English would not allow such a proceeding, and if they persisted all the English woidd fall upon them. Planting time, and 30 days besides, had passed before the English sent an army to invade the Narragansets. Pessacus and the otiicr chiefs had done all they coidd do to cause the English to remain neutral, but now determined to wait no longer, and hostile acts were committed on both sides. The traditionary account of Uncases being besieged in his fort by the Narmgansets will very properly be looked for in this connection, as it lias not only adorned some ioles of the Indians, but has been seriously urged as truth in more imposing forms. What we are a])Out to give is contained in a letter, dated at New Haven, IS) Septemlier, 179G, by fVm. Leffingwell, and di- rected Wr. Trumbull. "At the time the Mohegan tribe of Indians were besieged by the Narragan- set tril)e, in a fort near the River Thames, between Norwich and New London, tiie provisions of tlie besieged being nearly exhausted. Uncos, their sachem, found means to inform the settlers at Saybroo'k of their distress, and the danger they would be in from the Narragansets, if the Mohegan tribe were cut off. Ensign Thomas I^rffingwell, one of the first settlers then^, loaded a canoe with beef, com and peas, and in the night time paddled from Saybrook into the Thames, and had the address to get the whole into the fort of the besieged ; — received a deed from Uncos of the town of Norwich, and made his escape that very night. In consequence of which, the besiegers, finding Uncos had procured relief, raised the siege, and the Mohegan tribe were saved, and have ever proved strict friends to the N. England 8ettlei's."f The above agrees very well with Mr. Hide's account. " When Uncas and tribe were attacked by a potent enemy, and blocked up in their fort on a liill, by the side of the great river, and almost starved to death, Lieut. Thos. Leffingwell, Capt. Btnj. Brewster, of said Norwich, and others, secretly carried * Peril. |)s '.he same as Awasliers, t r'opicd from llie original, for llie autlior, by Rev. IFm. Ely, who thus remarks upon it : "This tmdilloii, from a hig-hly respectable source, Tnindndl states as history; yet, in some minor points, at least, it would seem obvious that the tradition could not have been strictly preserved for 150 years." MS. letler. Chap. V.] their provisioi In considerafi At the coiif it was ascertai and therefore with their des stood, Captaii coininissioned " Pisctis, Cam liet()re mentio tlicir begimiii wounded and I)ri.>«)nerH, spo I'd th(; Englisl Boston, they s ('Xce|)t themsc English were them. Harding ant them. But h( venture amon^ with them, or i the retider to ji Reverend Mr. by the comniis sfichems, and c to ciiarge thei charges, it app Till' chiefs sai( htu had now se iiis assent and lisli sliould agr It was i. tl: otliers, should which they did the old present, They arrived at for their counti treaty should b( It appeared, < not fully under! their country, a record goes, tlu parties concernt against Uncas, * Some ver}' bei "hich it seems the DtliiT observations : which still retains ptTishina^ with hun{ from it: — t MS. letter to E Chap. V] INTERFERENCE OF THE ENGLISH. 93 :as and a hill, Thos. carried ipon It : in some slriclly their provision, in the night seasons, upon which the enemy raised the siege." • In conHiderution ot'wliich, " Uncas gave sundry donations of land," &.e.t At the congress of the conunissioners at Boston, in 1(545, above mentioned, it was ascertained that the present from Pesscmis still remained among them, and therefore he might think it was probable that the English had complied with their desires, as they had not returned it. Lest this sliould be so under- stood, Ca[)tain Hardiiif^, Mr. fVelhorne, and Benedict Arnold, were ordered and (•,()tnmis.>■ ,-••" #0 ■, ;,''. " '■ V^' } M • •' ■ "^ •.■.„;■, 'J .;V;,i.'VV :M :. ^'i , ;■' .' •■• ;u: ^f: ■-■■■ •; VT*; • / • J---'- lit'' ;■• i''i . • '->•»■ I I . • >•.'■>',■'■'••. ' . "•.• :C*... . •.< ••% ■•■ •' •-• ;<".■# II ■,•■■■> fi;. ■■ ■' ,. 1 , . • ' - ■'.* " *:■■.* * ». >. .• I > 1 ,.■ v,,..7 ■ -. '(■■■• >'■■ ■ - ft:'-- ■•■■:■ ;*?;'.'"■ ■■■■:■■' 94 UNCAS— TREATY MADE AT BOSTON. [nooK II. llicre t(» spoiik for liiirisclf , , ."I thnt tliey lin«J tiiiidfirod Jiis Iwiinp notified of tlieir roriiiiif^. Ah to a Itroii ■ .if coveiiuiit, tlicy iiiniritained, for 8ome lime, tlioy liad coiiiniittod iioiio, Ui ihat tlioir treatment of t)ie I0nf,'li8li liud been mi.sn|)re.si'nt('d. "Hut, (says our record,) atlcr a long debate; and Home priiiate eorifcrrcnre, they bad with Serjeant Cidliniit, they acknowledged they had brookeii promise or couenant in the afore nienconed warre, ancl ofl'erred to make another truce with Vncas, either till next planting tyine, as they had done last yeare at Hartford, or for a yeare, or a yeare and a cuiarter." They had been indticed to make this admission, no doubt, by the persua- sion i)i' CtUlicut, who, j)rol)ably, was in.strticted to inform them that the nafcty of their eountry depended upon their compliance with the wishes ol'the Eng- lish at this time. An army of soldiers was at that moment parading the streets, in all the pomjKj.sity of a modern training, which must have naniiided them of the horrible destruction of their kindred at Mystic eight years before. The pro[iosition of a truce being objected to by the English, "one of tlie sachems ofl'ereil a stick or a wand to the commissioners, ex|»ressiiig himself, that therewith they j)ut the power and disposition of the war into their handN and desired to know what the English would require of them." They were answered that the expenses and trouble thev had caused the English were very great, "besides the damage Vncas had sustained; j'et to show their moiJeracon, tlusy would require of^ them but tivoo thousand fathome of white wanipon for their owne satisfaoeon," but that they should restore to Uncus nil the captives and canoes taken from him, and make restitution for all the corn they had spoiled. As for the last-mentioned ofience, the sachems asserted there had been none such ; for ii ivas not the manner of the Indians to de- strou com. 'lliis most excellent and indirect reproof must have had no small effect on tliose who heard if, as no doubt some of the actors as well as the advisers of the destruction of the Indians' corn, pnivious to and during the Pequot war, were now present: Block Island, and the fertile fields upon the shores of tht- Coimectieut, must have magnified before their imaginations. Considering, therefore, tiiat this charge was merely imaginary, and that Uncus had taken and killed some of their people, the English consented that Uncus "might" restore such captives and canoes as he had talten from them. Finally, they agreed to pay the wampum, "cmuing onely some ease in the manner and tymes of payment," and on the evening of "the xxvij/A of the G j«oni/i, (August,) 1()4.')," articles to the following eti'ect were signed by the princijial Indians present : — 1. That the Narragansets and Nianticks had made war upon the Mohegans contrary to former treaties; that the English had sent messengera to them without success, which had made them prepai'e for war. 2. That chiefs duly authorized were now at Boston, and having acknowl- edged their breach of treaties, having " thereby not only endamaged Vncas, but had i)rought much charge and trouble v|)on all the English colonies, which they conf.st were just they should satisfy." 3. That the sachems agree for their nations to pay to the English 2000 fathom "of good white wampum, or a third part of good black wampem- peage, in four payments, namely," 500 fathom in 20 days, 500 in four months, 500 at or before next j)lanting time, and 500 in two years, which the English agree to accept as full " satistaccon," 4. That each party of the Indians was to restore to the other all thing.s taken, and where canoes were destroyed, others "in the roome of them, full as good," were to be given in return. The English obligated themselves for Uncus. 5. That as many matterii cannot be treated of on account of the absence of Unrcts, they are to be d-f erred until the next meeting of the commissioners at Hartford, in Sept. 1()46, where both parties should be heard. 6. The Narraganset and Niantic sachems bind themselves to keep peact with the English and their successors, " and with Vncas the Mohegaii sachcin Chaf. v.] and his nu Passuronat to apply to 7. They time be fbi harvest, ev« tlieni," ace watnpimi < and one ha imsh Cuke{ )iii.'ganset s uj) to the £ a The s( the Englisl brother to j l)e kept as f had met Ur rlcs. A.s tli If'aughwam^ aenej)ted. 0. Both t the English, 10. That and before ii tioii thereof, 11. They eoiiimissioni 12. If any li.«h, they W( a mark to ea We do no he is mentlo him. There Seigeant Cu From this semis not to without any selves under alleged ofj'en Morton and accounts of tlint Uncas w 01(1 ur to a tri Meanwhile not appearin_ Naineoke, si was the seen edged iiimse near to the p lish there hat * Oitsavieqiti t Sep pag-e yai 1k! k('|)t as pl»!(lg(!8 or liostagon," until tlie wampiini hIiouIiI Ite all paid, i lind met Lticas at Hartforil, and Junemo and H'ifpetorkn had si<.'ned tin {'Irs, As the cliildron were to he sent for, IVilotoajih, Pomnmse, Jawaa and his men, witJi Vsaamequin,* Pomham, SohaJcnooco, CtUrhamnJciv, Shnnnnn,^ Pasmconawny, and all others. And that, in case diHicultieM occur, they are to aj)j)ly to the English. 7. riiey promise to deliver up to the English all fugitives who shall at any time he found ainonj' them ; to pay a yearly trihute, "a inonlh hefore Indian harvest, every year after this, at Boston," " tor all such I'erotts as live amongst them," according to the treaty of l({.'}8;t "namely, one fathom of white warii|)um "or each Pequot man, and half a fathom for each I'eaeott youth, niid one hand length of wamjuim for each Peacott nian-ehild ; and if Hitk' wash Cake^ refuse to pay this trihute for any Peacotts with him, the Nnrro- hii'ganset sagamores |)r«>jnise to assist the English against him ;" and lo yield U]) to the English the whole Pequot country. 8. The sachems promise to dcdiver four of their children into the lumdsof the I'nglish, " vi/'. Plssacus liis eldest sonn, the sonn of Tasswjwtniimlt, hrotlier to Pissanui, ^Iwashaiioe his sonn, and Eioniuresai's sonn, a Nyantirk, to , and they hese arti- xssof, luid ffaus^hivamino offered their persons as security f!)r their delivery, who were ucrepted. 9. Both the securities and hostages were to be supported at the charge of the English. 10. That if any hostilities were committed while this treaty was making, and hefore its provisions were kiiowu, such acts not to be considered a viola- tion thereof. 11. They agree not to sell Any of their lands without the consent of the commissioners. 12. If any Pequots should be found among them who had rmirdered Eng- lish, they were to he delivered to the English. Here follow the names, with a mark to each, Pessecus, AuMSAAQUEN, IT ihpxity for the J^anticks, Abdas, POMMUSH, cutchamakins, Weekesanno, WiTTOWASH. We do not see Mexam^s or Mixannol's name among the signers, although he is mentioned as being present, unless another name was then applied to liini. There were four interpreters enii)loyed upon the occasion, namely, Sergeant Cullicut and his Indian man, Culcharnakin and Josias.^* From this time to the next meeting of the commissioners, the country seems not to have been much disturbed. In the mean time, however, Uncaa, witiiout any regard to the promise and obligations the English had laid them- si'lves under for him, undertook to chastise a Narraganset sachem for some alleged offence. On opening their congress, at New Haven, letters from Mr. Morion and Mr. Peters, at Pequot, were read by the commissioners, giving accounts of Uncas'a perfidy. The complainants were sent to, and informed that Uncas was shortly to be there, and that they should bring theii* proof in order to a trial. Meanwhile Uncas came, who, after waiting a few days, and his accusers not appearing, was examined and dismissed. It appears that the English at Naineoke, since Saybrook, were the suffering party, as their neighborhood was the scene of Uncas's depredations. Of some of the charges he acknowl- edged himself guilty, especially of fighting JVeckwash [Wequash] Cooke so near to the plantation at Pequot ; although he alleged that some of the Eng- lish there had encouraged Wequash to hunt upon his lands. He was informed * Otisavifqnin, t Sep page (51, ante. If Awusequin. t Perlmps Slwsltanim, or Sholan. & IVequash Cook. 11 Wepileamock ** Son of Chit Chikatauhut, probably. '•;:;! '^^■ <. .I- Vfv:x.,'/..s^.Xr,^'^l m^: W:W-l ■■'■ *.■■■• ■ •■' ,*"' '.''■ ' '* \ ■ ■ ■ "i 1. ■*■ ,. • ■k:- V.' ' '. ■ ^i , V ■ 1 . V, ■ * ».'•',■"':■',•.'- '■ '■ . , , >/,>«* ^;-' .//•■ r* * . m ■m. • I.'* .» j ■ .• ■' ''.. -'. ">'-' ■' '.." •% *.' >■,'•". '■<;■ ■,-./. ■ ,1. *fc.-. • '-.t:^:- ■*', , -^-^^ :.''■:<■■- ■ 'V-'V .;-;*<>^::^^^;^-' ■■'" 'M: " ,'■ ■>■ ■ * - ■^.. ■' ■ :r-, ■'■'', . * ' -i': /■ .'■'■■ ■ ■ '. '' -. ■ -f.Ki -':'-:C--^ ,. /'■'._ ''M '■ ■ i y: '.'^ , • - ■:.'.* ,'• '% ■' k^ ■■ ■ -■■.■!'■';■'■;:■"■ ■■ , ■'^:^, 'i! ' ■•■ ■ , - ', .■ V^.,;i:./.- •;: ■■^i ' '. ■ •'. * ' ■■ . ^M i^. ■::^ 98 UNCAS— NUMEROUS CHARGES AGAINST IlIM. [nooK II I J .::•'-•■'•■■■ ■ .^•''v A-^ii ■ •. ■:5 ,- < • ''-•.., • ■.r,-*^;. :*:i*''^ ... ..''. :, ' • . ■ /. ** .'■ .•'■". ' ^ ^ ■^ .• ■ •*.-'' > I.*. ■,:.:-.i'. . Q. w .•♦»..■. ■> <^ •'•'■rum, to cost the plot u|>on Vnniui, and that the English plantacon and l'e(|uats knew it. The commissioners uhhorring this diuihsh fulshoode, mid udvisinge Fncus, if he expected any favoure and respect from th(! English, to liuue no liund in any such desigties or vniiist vvuycs." Hence it appears that the court did not doubt much of the villun^ of Uncus, but, for reasons not required here to be named, he was treated as a fond parent often treats a disobedient child ; reminded of the end to which such crimes lead ; and seem to threaten chastisement in their words, while their deportment holds out quite dift'erent lunguuge. At the congress of the United Colonies, ut Boston, in July, 1647, IMr John /rinZ/iropof Connecticut presented u petition, "in the name of many Pecjuutts," in the preamble of which Casmnmon and Obechiquod are named, requesting that they might have liberty to dwell somewhere under the protection of the English, which they might ap|)oint. They acknowledged that their sachems and people had done very ill against the English formerly, for which they liad justly suft'cred and been rightfully con(|uere(l by tlie English ; but that they had had no hand, by consent or otlmrAvise, in shedding the blood of the English, and that it was by the advice of JVecf/uflwAt that they fled from their country, being jjromised by him that the English would not hurt them, if they did not join against them. The names of 62 craving pardon and protection were at the same time communicnted. In answer the commissioners say, that while Wequash lived he had made no mention of "such innocent Pcquats, or from any other person since;" and on " enquiiy from Thomas Stanton, from Foxon, one of Uncus his men, and at last by confession of the Pcquats present, found that some of the petitioners were in Mistick fort in fight against the English, and fled away in the smoke," and that others were at other times in arms against the English and Mohegans, and, therefore, the ground of their petition was false and deceitful. It appears that they had taken refuge under Uncos, who had promised them good usage, which was probably on condition that they should pay him a tribute. They resided at this time at Namyok. At the same court, Obechiquod complained that Uncos had forcibly taken away his wife, and criminally obliged her to live with him. " Foxon being present, as Uncases deputy, was questioned about this base and iinsufterable outrage ; he denied that linear either took or kept UAvay Obechiquod's wife by force, and affirmed that [on] Obechiquod's withdrawing, with other Pequots, * His Indian name was Casnuimon, perhaps the same as Cassassinnamon, or Casamnemoii, t Wequash, the traitor. He became a noted praying Indian, after the Pcquot war, aiid was supposed to have died by poijoii. Frequent luenliou will be found of him elsewhere in our work. Chap. V ] from fincax ii^ur.l Nvli(>n nflirmed th her will." Though liii/ii,^' iliat iiiittigateo I (Hifc'iiipiod l\\f\ sliould (■oiiipiairi he ('(puceive (if, •ire (III rr v(l tiiat he l< that Ik' had (•lyiiit say th corn and hi Peepiol, in seeiiiH not n guilty; and should makf necticut Iiid also. To the ch drawiiiffo w ghien him w sent wampai ever deliven num divers liiin fur the altogether ii\, There wei Pequots, wlii that Fnciu! h owiie or prot courses." A rascality of i distressed Pe liiu's of such of which, it : people had n the ca[)rice o Mr. John qiiaiter: the JVowequa, a h hut robbed tl •'35 fathom of hear skins, df for that he ki it [Septembei commissionei time robbed e It was also niissioners in to Fisher's Isli alarmed his n next "hovere or 50 of his onely of the goods to the '. * This chief i Abbachickwood. the Pocomptuck Chap. V ) UNCAS ArrUSED OF PF.RFIDY. 97 from Ihirn.t, liin wifo refiistMl to go with Iiiiti ; niid that, (tmnng tho Indinii!', it id iiMiinl whrn ii wiH" so dt'sertH Iht hnHhiitid, another may taki- htr. ( Xtfi hvjuod nfhniK'd that L'nca.1 hud doalt rriiniiiallv Ik for*', iiiid Htill k<>pt h<>r nguiimt hrr will." 'riioiiLdi not HHtisfifd in point of proof, tiic coininiHsioiUTH waiil, "Yi-t ah- Imiii.^' that lustful adidtf-roiis^ cnmnirf <>f f'/irrt*, as it in alainf8 nt this time were ns tliirk upon the; head of Vncns an ran well he roneeived of, und Mtill we do not iniajrine that half the erimcH he waiJ trnilty of, 'ire on rneord. Another Indian named .SW »«»,», at the sjime time, complain- ed that he h. d dealt in like manner with the wife of another ihicf, since dead; that h'' had laken away hin corn and heims, and alteinpted his life also. The c«t or last, of theMi- ehiir>,'>s," still, as to the corn and heans. " Foxon conceives Unca.i wci/ed it hecanse Siiiinojf, with a Pe(|not, in a disorderly manner withdrew himself from i^imtny llcnce it seems not much evidence was required, as l't)(nn\t deputy uniformly piraded friiilty; and the court could do no less than order that, on investijriitioti, he should make restitution. As to .San ko;;, who was "no I'eqiiot," hut a "(Con- necticut Indian," he had liheity to live under the protection of the English also. To the charges of the Pequots agaiiist Unras, of "his vnju.'stico and tyranny, drawinire wampjuu from them v)K)n new pretences," "they say they haue gnien him wampam 40 times since they came vnder him, and that they haue sent wampam hy him to the English 25 times," "'"' '"'•' "'• •>'"coimt that he ever delivered it ; it was answered hy Foxon, that Uncas had received wem- j)um divers times as trihute, hut denied that, in particular, any iiad hceii given liim for the English, und that "he thinks tlie numher of 25 times to be altogether false." There were u long train of charges against Uncas for his oppression of the Pequots, which when the comiTiissioners had heard through, they "ordered that Vncus be duly reproved, and seriously etiformed that llie English cannot owne or protect him in any vnlawlul, miicli lesse trecherous aiui outrageous courses." And notwithstanding the commissioners seem not to doubt of the rasculity of their ally, yet nothing erenis to huve been done to relieve the distressed Pequots, because that "after the [Pequot] warre they spared the lines of such as hud nor hand in the bloude of the English." To say the least of which, it is a most extraordinary consideration, that because some innocent people had not been destroyed in war, they might be !iarassed according as the cujiricc of abandoned mindn might dictate. Mr. Jo/in Winthrop next prefers a complaint against Uncas from another quarter : the Niumuks had been attacked, in KMG, by 130 Mohegans, under .Votvequa, a brother of Uncas. It does not ap^'ear that he killed any of them, hut robbed them of effects to a great amount ; among which are enmneratcd 35 fathom of wampum, 10 copper kettles, 10 " great hempen baskets," many hoar skins, deer skins, &c. Of this cnarge Foxon said Uncas was not guilty, for that he knew nothing of JVoivequn^s j)rocecdings in it ; that at the time of it [September] Uncas, with his chief counsellors, was at New Haven with the commissioners of the United Colonies ; and that Mwequa had at the same time robbed some of Uncas's own people. It was also urged by Ml.nthrop, that not long before the meeting of the com- missioners in September, 1647, this same JVowequa had been with 40 or 50 men to Fisher's Island, where he had broken uj) a canoe belonging to him, and greatly alarmed his man and an Indian who were there at that time. That JYowequa next "hovered against the English plantation, in a suspicious manner, with 40 or 50 of his men, many of them armed with gunns, to the affrightment not oncly of the Indians on the shore [soe that some of them began to bring their goods to the English houses) but divers of the English themselues." * This chief is the same, we believe, called in a later part of the records (Hazard, ii. 413) Abbachickwoocl. He was fined, with seven others, ten fathom of wampum for going to fight the Pocomptuck Indians with UncaB, in the summer of 1669. ^\ !;.•,';';•', ..'.-.iV'; , ''ji ■ :.'. > ■ • '■:■'■ "Vfi 5V-^^ I ■ . » >, * - - - . ■.:>■•''> ■/■' m ",1. ••,'■•' '■: 'f* '■■■..'(.•,.■ '••• ill ; t ,•'»•■, :' ■•■''*• 1/ V.,; vjxv '...vJ*.*./ [1 -. ''■•sw^;.^ y ( •; -■•... t» ;.V . ■ „ ,..-:"..■ !,- ;■,■#: ' if' '* 'V. ■ ; ■•'■ ■-fi -P >\. :■.■•• •■•; i \% ■■■■'■'■ ■Hi' n .' < ill' *<■:' .■"' iiH* ■' ' M '.' ill 99 UNCAS.— WAR WITH THE NIPMUKS. [Book II. lomas Stantnn^s einployiiiont ond ill ten years inorr, and Hitlierto all male children These charges being admitted by Foxon, the commissioners " ordered that Vncus from them be fully informed, that he must either regulate and continue his brother in a righteous and peaceable frame for tl)e future vnderstandinge, jmd providing that vpon due proof due restitution to be made to such us liaue been wronged by him, or else wholy dist'-t and Icaue him, that the Narrageii- sett and others may reciuere and recouer satisfaction as they can." We pass now to the y<''tr KI51, omitting to notice some few events more or less connected with our &uli|> ct, which, in another chapter, may properly |)ass under review. Jja.>, /F«s«r7nagi«, i>s set forth in the iiarrative. That, tlierel()re, tlicy now desireil him to gi\e up the captives and make restitution for all iIk; goods taken from them, and to forbear i()r time to come all such unlawtiil acts. That, if H'nss(imn. Also that Uncus be given to under- stand and a.ssurcd, that if he refuse to comply with the request, they were then resolved to right the injuries upon him luid his, and for all costs they might be put to in the service. "That for the encouragement and safl-ty of the sayd Wassamagin and his subjects, there be by order of Major H'illard three or four armed men, well acconiodate in all respects, with a proporcon of ])owder, bulletts and match sent from Lancaster to Quabaconk vnto the wi\(l JFassamagin, there to stay a night or two, and to shootc of their mus- tiuets so often, and in such wise, as the major shall direct, to terrific the eni'mies of IVassmnngin, and so to rennn home again." To iiifonn Wassnma- f^n ;u)d his subjects, that the authorities of IMassachusetts would esteem it an acknowledgment of their regani, if they would permit them to have the rn|)tives to be recovered from Uiira.i, to bring them uj) in a pro|)er manner, that th(!y might be serviceable to tlnir friends, &c. Also, "aduice aiul re- quire fVassamoffin and his men to be verie carefull of iniuring or any ways prouoking of Vncas, or any of his men, as he will answer our dLspleasure •Vi,'.'«t.',- •■•,,-'•. . ,»«*_,:.-'?,•.>■. ,.^n^i 'S > ■■■•"■ '.vT ■• : • . V ■ • iV ft i I J- 100 UNCAS WAR WITFI ALKXANDER. [Book II. tlieroiii, and iiiriirr due piinisliin<;iit for the same." That if Uncos committed any otiicr liosiilo acts, iw rrnist complain to them, &c.* Thus Waasamegin waw as much threatened as Uncos. INlntlcrs seem to have remained thus until the meetinjf of tJie commission- ers in S(|)teml)cr Ibllowing; when, in due course, the business was called up, and acted upon as follows : — " Vpon ('otn|»laint made to the comissionars of th i Massachusetts against liikiis, tills Ibllowing message was sent to liitri : — " J')tc(us, wee haue receiued information and complaint from the gencrall court of the Mnssncluisetts of yoiier hostile invading of Wosamtquin imd the Indians of Quabakntt, whoe are and longe haue bine subjects to the English, killing some and carrying away others; spoyling theire goods to the valine of 'A'.\[h. as they allege." That he had done this contrary to his covenants, and had taken no notice of the demands of the Massachusetts, though some time since they had ordered him to s'eliver up the captives, make remuneration, &.C. And to all he had retm'iHsd no answer ; " which," continues the letter, " seemes to bee an insolent and j)roud carriage of youcrs. We cainiot but wonder att it, and must beare witness against it." lie was, as before, required to return the ca|)tives, &c. and give reasons for his operations; and if he neglected to do so, the Massachusetts were at lilMirty to right themselves. In the mean time, as we ap})relK}ntl, a lett«u' from Uncas was received, writ- ten by Captain Mason, which was as Ihllows : — ' Whereas there was a warrant sent from the court of Boston, dated in my last to fiicas, sachem of Mohegen, wherin it was declared vpon the com- jdaint of f('esamequen,j a sachem sid)j('ct to the Massachusetts, that the said Vncas had otli-red great violence to theire subjects at Quabauk, killing some and taking others captiue ; which warrant came not to Uncas, not aboue 20 daies before these ])resents, who, l)eing simunoned by Major John Mason, in full scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not return the capliues, and £33 damage, then the Massachusetts would recouer it by force of amies, which to him was iiery gricuous : professing he was altogether ignorant that they were sid)jects belonging to the Massachusetts ; and liirther said that they were none of IVtsamequen's men, but belonging to Onopequin, his deadly enemie, whoe was there borne ; one of tiie men then taken was his own cousin, wlio had formerly fought agiiinst him in his own person ; and yett sett him att libertie; and further saith that all the captiues were sent hom«i. Alsoe that /resamf(/im?['s] son \ and diners of his men had fought against him diuers times. This he desired might bee returned as his answare to the comissionei-s. ^'^ Allexander allis Wamsutta, sachem of Sowamsett, being now att Plymouth, hee challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him ; and further said that hee did warr against Vncas this summer on that accoimt. § Signed by John Mason." * Here end our MS'S. relnt'mg to this affair. \ \\y this it would so'-!!> iliai Massasoit had, for some time, resided among the Nipmucks. He had, |)robat)ly, given up Poi-.anoki'l to his sons. t Tliere can sVarce he a doubt that this refers to Alexander, and that the next paragraph oonfirnis it ; hence Massasoit was ahve in May, '.fi61, as we have before stated. And the above loiter of Masmt was probably written in September, or while the commissiouers were in session. 6 It seems always to have been uncertain to whom the Nipmncks belonged. Roger TViV/wHii- says, in fl)()i!, "Thai all the Neepmucks were unquestionably subject to the Nan- higonset saciioms, and, in a special manner, lo Mejksah, the son of Camioimcns, and late husband to this old Squaw- Sachem, now only surviving. I have abundant and daily proof of it," &c. MS. letter. See life Massasoit, b. ii. ch. ii. At one lime, Kutshaiiuxicin claimed some of the Nipmucks, or consented to be made a tool of by some oflliem, for some iirivate end. But Mr. Pynchon said they would not own him as a sachem any longer " than the sun shined upon him." Had they belonged to him, Massa- chusetts must have owned them, which would have involved them in much difficulty in 1648 by reason of several murders among tliem. much about Unc :«»» nucks. Roger lie Nan- and late proof of [Ic a tool II him as Massa- in 1648 Chap. VI] UISCAS.— SASSACUS. 101 Th(! iKirticulars of tlie issue of tlirsn troubles were not recorilrd, and tho j»resinii|)tiou is, tliut Uncas coinplit'd with the r(!nsonubie requests of the Knjj- lisli, and the old, peuceuhle Ousamequin, heiuf? unwilhng to get into difhculty, put up witli the result without avenging liis wrongs. His son, H'ainaulta, aa will li(^ seen, about this time fbinid hitnself itivolved in difliculties nearer lioini', which probably prevented l)ini from continuing the war against Uncas, had he been otherwise disposed. CHAPTER VI. Of llu P.-t/tiot nation — Gr.ograjiliy of tlirir country — Sassacus, their first chief, known to Ihr Eiiirl'sh — Tassaqunnoit — War — Thr. cmise of it — WEquASii — Canonicus and Mianlunnomnh accused of htirlwriTi"^ fugitive I'cqiwts — Sassamon — Mononotto — Otash — Cassassinnamon. " Hut siiici! I'vp niRntioned Samacus' grn;il name, 'J^liiit (lay HO iiiucli a tt?rr(»r whore it camo j I,et 111!', in proseriiltoii of my Blnry, Say soiiictliiii!; of lii» priile and kiiij;(l(im'!i glory." — Woi-cott. It is said by Mr. Hubbard,* that the Pe(piots,f "being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike f)eople than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest places near the sea, and became a terror to ail their neighbors." The time of the""" emigration is unknown. They madt; all the other tribes "stand in awe, though fewer in number than the Narragansets, that bordered next u{)on thetn." t Their country, according to Mr. Gookin,§ "the English of Connecticut jurisdiction, doth now, [1()74,] lor the most part, jwssess." Their dominion, or that of their chief sachem, was, according to the same author, "over divers ))etty sagamores ; as over part of Long Island, over the Mohegans, an'•<■•*'• ' ■ ■■■'■■ .■■*St-l'<../' ;. ■■'. '•• vr ■ %'^'»■: y i l^ih.: ; v,:^•'• ■>■-•:;.v.*:■■ k ''-v.-- iJS^ 'r>S'; m^'-''^C^: ,.->s:.-;^..v 1 ^ r . I Hi] ■ < '^J ;;i;rv: i!ii! ^ ■■..■■ '^ ■ k ,■'?*• fir • ' •.:.,: wit- *V- .::t;^A:>y; J i I.- .v'-' '•.;, =•; ./i*: it ."4' f . .*<• 102 SASSACUS.— PEQUOT WARS. [Hook 11, We are informed,* that Connecticut was claimed by right of conquest at sne time by the first white settlers, who found much of it cultivated and set- tled by its Indian inhabitants, although they entieavored that it should be understood otherwise. The numbers of the natives in that region were "thousands, who had three kings, viz. Connecticote, Quinnirnofi;, and Sassa- cus." Connecticote was "emperor," or chief of chiefs, an elevation in which he and his ancestors had stood for about 400 years, according to their tra- ditions. About the time the English had determined on the subjugation of the Pc- quots, Roger Williams wrote to Governor ff'inthrop of Massachusetts, giving him important directions how they should proceed to advantage, and what was very important then, gave the ibllowing rude draft of their country : — River Qimnihlicut.t O a loft of the Niantttquit| men, confcileralc witli the Pequts. Mohiganic River. Ohom- I swamp I n\vaukc,$ thn 3 ur 4 miles from O Weinsliaukfl, where Sasacous, the chief saeliim, is. Mis- ^ic^t where is Jfamofto,|| another chief sacbim. River. Nayan- Q laquit,! where is iVcpitcammok ami our fiiendg River. In the same letter, Mr. WiUiamt urges the necessity of employing faithful guides for the English forces; "as shall be best liked of [to] be taken along to direct, especially two Pequts; viz. fVequash, [whose nan)e signified a swan,] and Widtackquiackommin, valiant men, csj)ecially the latter, who have lived these three or four years with the Nanhifrgonticks, and know every pass and passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their houses." In 1()34, as has been before incidentally mentioned, one Captain Stone was killed by the Pequots, while upon a trading expedition in Connecticut River. Without knowing the reason of their killing Stone the English demanded the murderers soon after, and as Sassacus was involved in troubles with the Nar- ragansets and all his neighbors, he thought it not best entirely to slight the dematid of the English ; he therefore sent messengers to Boston, where they arrived 6 November, with offers of peace, which, after considerable delibera- tion on the part of the English, were accepted, and a treaty was entered into on the 9th following. A messenger had been sent, in October, upon the same errand, but was dismissed with orders to inform Sassacus, that he must send i)ersons of greater (juality, and then the English would treat with him. "lie brought," says Winthrop, "two bundles of sticks, whereby he signified how many beaver and otter skins he would give us for that end, and great store of wam[>ompeage, (about two bushels, by his description.)" He had a small ])resinit witii him, which was accepted by the English, who gave him in return, " a moose coat of as good value." The treaty entered into on the 9 November, 1G34, between the Pequots and EiMflish, stipulated that the murderers of Captain Stone should be given up to the ''"iUglish, of v/hom there were at that time left, but two, as attested by the ambab.-iJor8 jf SaasacMS, who further observed in explanation, that the sachem in whosL ti ne the act was committed, was dead, having been slain in a war with the Dutch, and that all the men concerned in it, except two, had also died of the small-pox. This, together with the facts given in concerning the death of S/one, inclined the English to believe the account altogether; and. but for what liappened afterwards, it is probable that the historians of that • But witli what truth I know not, for it rests upon the nulhoiity of Peters. t Connecticut. | Niantick. ^ A name signifying an Oic/'s nest. II Probably Mvnonotto. Same letter Chap. VI.] period would eral rumor. I fate, nay, the tions! liut In the pros men then livir death, they wc as lo themselv of their act v seized upon t sittiation, oblif far as he desi Indians, went who, when the them and mas; Considering this act ; two c who, from eve an act of pure hands of an ini Therefore, I peace with the send for them and 40 beaver send a vessel v The namer c with the mariv The same c who had marc discovery bein^ at Roxhiny, an the fiirtherance with a poition coming from t The Narragani retired satisfiec; Di.stru.«t soon and those witl gone on hoard Slone asleep in except Captain defended himsc which for the exploded, by w could hold but This matter according to tli circumstances o ."Mr. John Oldha Island, in a sma made hi.screw[ IiidiaiLS. The s in a hark of 20 seeing a vessel mediately knew received no ans full of men and her fastening, ai Chap. VI] SASSACUS.— TREATY. 103 period would have relied more upon the Pequots' own account than the gen- eral rumor. Such are th»! events of time — a circutnstiaice may change the fate, nay, the character of a nation, for a period, in the eyes of many genera lions! But " O Time ! the beaiilifier of the dead ! Aitoriier of llic riiiii 1— comforlcr, And only healer, ulien the heart halli bled ! Time, llie corructer where our judpnenls err." In the progress of the treaty, the Pequot ambassadors said, that if the two men then living who had been concerned in Stone's death, " were worthy of «leath, they would move their sachem to deliver them" to the Englisli, i)ut that as lo themselves, they had no {lower to do so, and at once lU'gcd the justness of their act without qualification. Stone, they said, came into their river and seized upon two of their men, and bound them hand and foot, and, in that situation, obliged them to pilot him up the river. When he had gone uf) as far as he desired, himself and two other white men, and the two manacled Indians, went on shore. Meanwhile tiiey had been watched by nine Indians, who, when they fotmd the Englishmen asleep on the following night, fell upon tiiem and massacred them. Considering the state of the Indians, no blame could be attached to them for this act; two of their countrymen were in the hands of an unknovvii people, who, from every ap|)earance, were about to put them to death, and it was by an act of pure benevolence and heroism that they delivered them out of the hands of an invading foe. Therefore, being satisfied with the ac( ount, the English agreed to have peace with them, provided they would give up the two men when they should send for them; "to yeld up Connecticut;" to give 400 fathom of wampom, and 40 beaver and 30 otter skins ; and that the English should immediately send a vessel with a cargo of cloth to trade with them. The namer of these ambassiidors are not recorded ; but one signed the treaty with the maru of a bow and arrow, atid the other with that of a hand. The same day about 2 or 300 Narragansets were discovered at iVeponset, who had marched out for the |)urj)ose of killing these aml»ass«idor3. This discovery being made !»efore the treaty was concluded, the English met them at Roxbuiy, and there negotiated a treaty between the Petjuots and them. For the furtherance of which, the Pe(|uots instructetl the English to pre«"!nt them with a portion of the wampom which they were to give to them ; but not as coming from them, because they disdained to purchase peace of that nation. The Narragansets readily conceding to the wishes of the English, all parties retired satisfied. Distrust soon grew again into antipathy ; it having l)een reported that Stone and those with him were treacherously surprised by the Pequots who had gone on board his vessel in a friendly manner to trade ; and seeing Captain Stone asleep in his caljin, tliey killed him, and the other men one ailer the other, except Captain J^orton, who, it seems, was with him ; he b(!iiig a resolute man, defended himself for some time in the cook-room, but at length, some powder, which for the more ready use he had placed in an open vessel, took fire and exploded, by which he was so seriously injured, especially in his eyes, that he could hold out no longer, and he was forthwith despatched by them. Tins matter at length having become fixed in the minds of the English according to the latter relation, they were th(! more ready to charge other circumstances of a like nature upon the Pequots. On the 20 .luly, IGiiii, as Mr. John Oldham was on his pass}ig':-:ii> . •.;■■.■'.••. . >,■[■ . :'. ;V''| ^^ *^f " <'v '.-;,',■> ■'■• 'r l'v^.:i.\-\ : '-.•>«, . .*-.-. ■. ■• , . ^ *■'• 'X' ■ ■ ,' . V- ••\'. * .. .*',.*"■ ' ' ..• .■:■"'..>■>;;.-:'> ."■. 1 1 ■ t"'''''''"<'i ''■'• '•■ ■ .Hi.f^.f;;.';.-;.;, ' ■ "" v:,"*"^ ■ ,' ' iV' ' • ■•■. ,.U_s/-.- 1>. .^. ■ ;.•.*♦••" .'.Ml ■■■:.. ■-."■ ».-*•.• iM'M::y: ■f-if. i'v^v/ •.,,•.■;:.■■■ ■:5^:- .,:J< l^.'^:^- k^i^ui^fj^^: ■ ■■ -••j;\--'' '".■/>!'".;.■: / . • • ... ■! ' ., >■'.• ,; , ._' • ' " ■ \' i ':v^"'^';. v-v^;t' ' .'".1, ^^v<:::^,^ -> ::-V. '\l .,■%'■!•;■■»'■• -. '. ■ ■ V ■•■*;vT-i^..-'>' '^i'-^;:-: : ■ ■ n r ■■■*■>.• . , -\:.''':r .. ... . y', 'r I'.f^Zm i' '* ' . '. .. ^-'^r ,.,■'• 1'- 1-t ■ei,"- ..: li. .': ■■• H ...'..'■■' ' ■ ' ./''■k:: ■;.. ■■'■]} •u ■.•.■:,?f M r-^.:: .-■ ■ • ' H t' m 1 .' I1>' ■ ■■.-, •• ■ *«■< ■ ■;■..■; J.'- i I, .,*>•! ■,.si. ;-<.•; .riI-\»- iti , . • --i. li ■■' » • ■' •■■• ^i^. (■ ;■» ;;''•:; -/• 'fi* ..^, ;■ ; ■• • '•.'-'■ ■ ; !rj- ■; •■ I'--, 1 .fr; * C- 104 SEA-FIGHT.— JOHN GALLOP. [Book II. set Notwithstanding some of the Indians were armed with sfuns and swords, GcUlop, heinj^ in a stouter vessel, resolved on rinniing tiieni down ; he there- fore made all aail, and immediately stemmed the pirate vessel on the quarter with sneh force as nearly to overset her, and in their Irij^fht six Indians jumped overheard and were drowned. The rest standinjr upon the defensive, and h(!ingyet far superior in nun/.^ers to Gallop^s crew, which consisted of two little hoys and one man, to hoard them was thougiit too hazardous; Ga//op therefore stood off to n^peat his hroadside luctliod of atfick. Meanwhile he contrived to lash his anchor to his bows in such a manner, that when he came down upon the Indians a second lime, the force was sufHcient to drive the fluke of the anchor through their quarter; which, holding there, both vessels floated along together. The Indians had now become so terrified, that they snod not to the fight, hut kej)t in the hold of the pinnjicc. Gallop fired in upon them sundry times, hut without much execution, and meniitinH! the vessels got loose from one another, and GitUop stood off again for a tiiird attack. As soon as he was clear of them, four i>iore of the Indians junip<^d overboard, and were also drowned. Gallop now ventured to board his prize. One of the remaining Indians came up and surrendered, and was bound ; another came up and submitted, whom they also bound, but faring to have both on board, this last was cast into the sea. Two out of the 14 now remained, who had got posses- sion of the hold of the pinnace, and there successfully defended themselves with their swordo against their enemy. Captain Oldham waa found dead in the vessel, concealed under an old soiiie, and as his Ixjdy was not entirely cold, it was evident that he had been killed aboi'.t the time his pinnace was discov- ered by Gallop. From the condition in which Oldham's body was found, it was quite uncer- tain whether he had fallen in an affray, or been murdered deliberately ; but it is very probable that the former was the fiict, Ijccause it was unconunon for the Indians to disfigure the slain, unless killed as enemies, and Oldham's body was shockingly mangled. But Captain Oldhnm had l)een killed by the Indians, and the cry of vengeance was up, and cool investigation must not be looked for. The murder had been committed by the IiKlians of Manisses, but Ma- nisses was under the Narragansets ; therefore it was believed that the Narra- ganaets had contrived his death because he was carrying into eftect the articles of the late treaty between the Pequots and r'nglish. The two boys who were with Mr. Oldham were not injured, and were immediately given !?p and sent to Boston, where they arrived the 30th of the same month. As soon as Miantunnomoh heard of the affair of Captain Oldham, he ordered JVinigret to send for the boys and goods to Block Island. The l)oys he caused to be delivered to Mr. HilUams, and the goods he held subject to the order of the English of Massachusetts. Meanwhile, 26 July, the two Indians who were in Mr. Oldham's pinnace when she was taken, were sent by Canonicus to Governor Vane. They brought a letter from Roger Williams, which gave an account of the whole affair, and some circumstances led the English to believe these messengers were accessory to the death of Oldham ; but we know not if any thing further were ever done about it. The same letter informed the governor that Mian- tunnomoh had gone, with 200 men in 17 canoes, "to take revenge, &c." Thesn events and transjictions soon caused tht; convening of the governor pnd co\n)cil of Massachusetts, who forthwith declared war against the Indians of Manisses. Accordingly 90 men w<>re raised and ])Ut under the command of Caf»tain John Endecoti, who was general of the exptidition. John UnderhUl and JVathamel Turner were captains, and Jenijson and Davenport ensigns. EndecotVs instructions were to put to death the men of Block Island, but to make captives of the women and children. This armament set forth in three pinnaces, with two Indians as guides, 25 September, 1(>36. On arriving at Manisses they saw many Indians, but could not get near them. At Pequot harbor, a part of the armament seized a quantity of com Iwlonging to the Pecpiots, and were attacked and obliged to fly. However, the Narragansets reported that there were 13 Pequots killed during the expedition. The English were satisfied that they had harbored the murderers of Oldham, which occasioned their sailing to Pequot harbor. It being now late ui tlie season, the expedition was given up, to be resumed early in the spring. Chap. VI.] The Pequc ever they da Haybrook we were attackec which circun two men wen six of the whi but two. Th bowshot of S others. On the 210 came to Bostc about 20 men of soldiers mei into a treaty w should make j put to death oi About the i most barbarou bark, he landec fowl, the repoi IM-isoner at firs his hands wck him the reput facts were repc T^Uey was at tl On I' .. 22 F« fort, and were d escaped with g On A|)ril 12, the sjune time I Alarm was n having sent a ii sent away theii sent to Narragn of faJliiig upon In the meai raised by Con pani(Hi by Urn Say brook, 1,5 ] hi'ing taken ali English cause on the walls of the fort.* Immediately after Captains Mason and Underhill set out to attack one of the flirts of Sassacus. This fort svas situated upon an eminence in the present town of Grotoii, Connecticut. The English arrived in its vicinity on the 25th ol May ; and on the 2Gtb, before day, with about 500 Indians, encompassed it, and began a furious attack. The Mohega'is and Narragansets discovered great fiar oti approaching the fort, and coul.i not btslieve that the English would dare to attack it When they came to the foot of the hill on which it was situated. Captain Mason was apprehensive of being abandoned by them, and, making a halt, sent for Uncas. who led the; Mohegans, and Wequash, their [»ilot, who Wfis a fugitive Peqiiot chief,f and lU'ged them not to desert him, but to follow him at any distance they pleased. These Indians had all along told the Engiisli tiiey dared not fight the Pequots, but boasted how they themselves ivonld fight Mason told them now they should see whether Englishmen * Winthrop's Joiirnnl, and Mason's Flisl. Pcquol War. — Dr. Mather's account of this atFair lias been given in the life of Uiiras. t 'I'lie same, it is believed, elsewhere called VVaqnash Cook ; "which W'equash (savs Dr. /. Afallifr) was by birlh a sachem of tiiat place [where Sassacus lived], but upon some disgust received, he went from the FequoLs to llio Narragansets, and became a chief captain under MiatUiiniwinok." — Rdalioti, 1\. '•nV-i.'-T.V ■ - ■ ," ■ * u. . '• :'■■ r"^;,- v- •.•<•-. i ■ Vv-A': •,*'•'■; ■.'■.•,!!!l ^i.;;4?Vv •' "■•/>-i| ■■.^'"■.v^: .. .; , ■ ''■:'A ».,>:/--,.,5<'.;. ..•>,'.■ ;^- I ,r»ilfV ■'•<',•'■:,■'.•.■■• v . ..T'V?^;:/."-*;...,-- •. • .■'*•**■■ ;. ■> »., ■■■:.• ■ ■'(. • '-'r ■ . . , ; ■.»|'» >. ■ ■ ■^ ;•/;',''< : , W;- '■'-■ / ■ ...V' ■ -;■ t?:v-k'M-' •.. -^ Vji* ••■■ -■,;rv.>' • ■-■•\<■.i•■:>i^:•■::^v':;';■■- : i^::i.^^'•■.■ ;^: :.■:?.-..; 1 1^ ■. ' ■• .f . ''.■.-'• '■' >"•'.. ■■» ■■i ■ 'it • i ? ■.•;' \< -.^ VTh*'' m .fiji; '■.•:r'A,' ; f. ■•I- ■■ hi- \ ^ '''1.? ;^^ m ■I 1 '••^-/^'c-;- ':•'■■•".* ■••/'si'" ,.■•.,• '• ■'•'•■.. .i' ..X-. :.■ -• ,-r. '• i . ■ t '■•■''■ - y^ ■^i' ■ . '■'SI '■'•'- 106 DESTRUCTION OF THE PEQUOTS. [Book II would fight or not. Notwitiistantling tlioir honstings, tfiey could not overcome the terror which tlic name of Sassaciis had iiis|)ired in tliem, and they kept at a safe distance until the fight was over; hut assisted considerahiy in n;f)elliiig the attacks of the Pequots, in the retreat from the fort ; — for their warriors, on recovering from their consternation, colleetijd in a considcrahle body, and fought the confederates for niany miles. The English had but 77 men, which were divided into two com{)anies, one led by Mason, un,and about yO wounded. Sassacus himself was in another fort; and, being informed of the ravages of the English, destroyed his habitations, and, with about 80 others, fled to the Mohawks, who treacherously beheaded him, and sent his scalp to the English. The author of the following lines in " Yamoy den," alludes to this melan- choly event happily, though not truly : — " And Sassacnus, now no more, Lord of a thousand bowmen, fled ; And all the chiefs, his boast l>eforc, Were mingled wiili the unhonored dead. Saiump and Saguinore were slain, On Mystic's banks, in one red night: The oiicc far-dreaded king in vain Sought safety in inglorious flight ; .\nd reft of all his regal pride, \\y the fierce Mnqua's hand he died." m One of the most unfeeling passages flows from the pen of Hubbard, in his account of this war ; which, together with the fact he records, forms a most distressing picture of depravity. We would gladly turn front it, but justice to the Indians demands it, and we give it in his own words : — The NiUTagansets had surrounded "some hundi-eds" of the Pefjiiots, and kept them until some of Captain Sloitghton^s soldiers "made an easy con- quest of thein." "The men among them to the number of 30, wen; presently turned into Charon's feny-boat, under the coimnand of Skij)j)er Gallop, who dis|)atched them a little without the harbor!" Thus were 'SO Indians taken into a vessel, carried out to sea, murdered, and, in the agonies of death, thrown overboard, to be buried under the siiciit waves! Whereabouts they were captured, or " without" what "harbor" t!i( y ]»erished, we are not informed ; but, from the nature of the circtnustances, it would seein that they were taken on the bonlers of the Nan'aganset country, and murdered at the mouth of some of the adjacent harbors. That these poor wretches were thus revengefully sacrificed, should hav(; been enough to allay the hatred in the human breast of all who knew it, especially the /ttsfon'on.' But he must imagine tliat, in their passfjge to their grave, they did not go in a vesvsel of human contrivance, but in a boat belong- ing to a river of hell ! thereby forestalling his reader's mind that they had been sent to that abode. * Allen's History of the Peqiiot War. It signifierl, Eiifflishmen! Englishmen! XnMitson't history, it is written Oteantix. Allen merely copied from Mason, wilh a few such variations. + "It was supposed," says Mather, " that no less than 500 or 600 Pequot souls were brought down to hell that day." tielation, 47. We in charity suppose, that by hell lUe doctor ouly meant death. If: Chap. VI.] LETTER OF CAPTAIN STOUGHTON. 107 Notwithstanding the great slaughter at Mistick, there were great niiiiibers of Peqiiots in the country, wlio were hunted from Bwunip to Nwuinp, and tlieir inuMliers thinned continually, until a renuiant promised to appear no more U8 a nation. The Englisli, luider Captain Slouirhlon, came into Pequot River alwiit a fortnight ailer the Mistick tigiit, and a.-^sisted in the work of tht^ir (extermina- tion. Atler his arrival in the enemy's countrj', he wrote to th(! gjivcrnur of ]M(is.sarhu8ette, as follows : " By this pinnace, you shall receive 4rt or .")() women and children, mJess tiiere stay any Ihtc to be lR'l|)fid, &.<;. Cun<'tTii- ing wliich, there is one, I Ibrmerly nKtntioned, that i.s the fiiinst and largest that I saw amongst them, to whom I have given a (;oate to cloathe her. It is niy desire to have her for a servant, if it may stand with your good liking, else not. There is a little squaw that .steward CiUaciU desireth, to whom he hath given a coate. Lieut. Davenport also dtisireth one, to wit, a small one, that iiatii three strokes upon her stomach, thus: — ||| +• He desiretJi her, if it will stiuid with your goinl likuig. Sosomon, the Indian, desireth a young littlf «|iia\v, wliieh I know not. " At ])resent, Mr. Ilaipies, Mr. Lmllo, Ca|)tain Mdson, and 30 men are with us in Pequot River, juid we shall the next week joine in seeing what we can do against Sasaacus, and another great .sagamore, Almowaltuck, [Mononotto,] Here is yet goo«l work to be done, and how dear vvi'i cost is unknown. Sassacus is resolved to sell his lite, and so the othc. wi' their company, a.H deiu- as they can." * Perhaps it will be judged tliat .S'." These chiefs gave Mr. Williams to understand, that, when Mr, Governor understood what they had to say, he would be satisfied with their conduct ; tliat they did not wish to make trouble, btit they "cowW relate many particulars wherein the English had broken their promises " since the war. In regard to some squaws that bad escaped from the English, Canonicus said he had not seen any, but heard of some, and immediately ordered tliem to be carried back again, and had not since heard of them, but would now have the country searched for them, to satisfy the governor. Miantunnomoh said he had never heard of but six, nor saw but foin-of them ; * Mai''*.^-npl letter of Captain Stovghton, on lile among our state papers. * i w/(Mi/i, 3Ir. )ri//w/;ii writes his name. t -v i-n f . .'.'!■■•'■ ■Mi*.. ■.'. ••^•y-,< ■ »j .■■;■ '■»j,-i;.''' .■;..■.•■■ ■^.[iCjiv^'.'.'i •■/■I.";;"."; . '.'■ "■ * '. •, '. v.-?;.',' ■ .T'* '.■■■■ "-'■.■■■■■ ', "^■■' ■•■■ I i •X'>y'"'^*'r-'^i ■■ ' ■"''"11 #7il^"v i •■ ■>-;')',■'. ■' ■ ■■■ .' ■:• A'"«:i. ■■■>.••. . ■■wjv>».;.- ;.«:'. ::•■■;•■ ■ ■■.:■•>' >';^^-"- ■ ■*■■■»&: ' ■ •, " , ■-'*- ^ ■ ■ *■< .•.■■■.••.•,•,. :.::^ftv-r; v: -•;•.'. : : '• k,?m ' •• '.■■ ;'.'.!< y ,t': 1 . »■ . ■ ■■ ■ A . ' '.: .; ,■-:-'• ♦•. ■■'■'■ I ' '•'.• ^v'''* -, - ;. ^-"i '■.•■' .,.■ ' ,S>:V:'v>v' , 1 ■f^'-, .' , . ■ v . ■i;--v;'*'r^;>j. ••' .,•■. --j^'- -W^' I '.+■.--■■ •'■;. • V ' ;•, .' -•. . •••■ ' ' ' >•'■ -'•-■ '• ^ ;;•: ' :!r.;i;i:.. MA.'.r^-V-' ■•••■>>■■■« , ■ i ^'+1 '. ■ .... -A: v.. ■ y^... ■•'".*. " " .»- ■ ■ '. ■ ::• 108 OF THE PEQUOT NATION. [Book II. which Iwinpr hrou(»ht to Jiim, he wns niipT» nn*' nski'd thosn who broiiglit thorn why they iUd not carry thcin to Mr. IfitiinmK, ihut ho iiiigtit roiivoy tlioiii to tho I'ligli.sli. They told him the s(|iin\v,s wore laiiic, utid could not go ; upon which .Minntuniwmoli went to Mr. WilliitDis to coitio and take thcni. Mr. nil- linms could not attend to it, and in Iuh turn ordered Minntunnomoh to do it, who said ho was huwy and could not; "as indeed lie was (miyn ff'illianut) in a strange; kind of Hoieninity, wlierein tho HnchiniH cat nothing but ut night, and all the natives roiuid about tho country were feasted." In the mean tinje the squaws escape*!. Mifmtunnomoh siiid he was .sorry that thr Ik; did not. Mr. H'illinms told him he knew ot" his sending tor one. Of this charge he fairly cleared himself, eaj iig, the on(! sent for was not li)r hiuiw.lf, but tor Sasaamun,* who wiw lying lame at his hou.^o ; that Siuisrimrin fcdl in tlien; in his way to Pequt, whither he had been sent by the govcnior. The s(iuaw he wanted was n sjichem's daughter, who had In^eii a particular friend of Mianlunnomoh during his lifetime ; therefore, in kindnesss to his dead friend, li«; wished to nuisom her. Moreover, Mianlunnomoh sjiid, ht; and his people wore tnie "to tho F'nglisii in life or death," and but for which, he said, Okast [Unkus] and his Mohigo- iieucks had long since proved lidse, us he still fean!d they would. P"'or, he said, they had never found a I'equot, and added, " Chenock ejuse tvelompati- viurkji'.f" that is, "Did ever fri(!nds deal so with friend.s.'" Mr. h'iuiams requiring nifire ])articular explanation, Miantunnomoh proceeded : — "flly brother, Yotaujih, had seized upon Pnttaquppuunck, Qiime, and 20 I'equots, and tiO squaws ; they killed three and bound the rest, whom they watched all night. Then they sent for the English, and delivered them in the nioniing to iheni. 1 cutne by land, according to promise, with :200 men, killing 10 Pe(juots by tho way. I desired to see the great snehem Pultaquppu- unck, whom niy brother had takm, who was now in the English houses, but the i'nglish thrust ut uie with a pike many times, that I durst not come near the door." Mr. Willinms told him they did not know him, else they would not ; but Minntunnomoh answered, "AH my company were disheartened, and they all, and C'Htshamof/uene, desired to be gone." Besides, he said, "two of my men, Haf^onckwhitt j annl>ly llie snino mciilioned afterwards. mon, or his brother liowUiml. t Perhaps Hii/ijijMmacH/, oi WuhginnactU. He might have been the famous John Sassa- Chap. VI. I MONONOTTO. 109 Long Sassa- F.iiplicli nnd Indians, nccordinj^ to the p{|iiity of the rnse.' " IVinthrop liiid no writing from Snsancus, nnd full ten y<;arH had clnpsed v,\ncv tlx- transiirtion, but Fromittush, IVtiinhirqun.ike, ntu\ Jinluppo tcHtififd Honic time artcr, that "u|»oii thfiir knowl(>d>^»> liefort! thf> wars were against the IV-iiiiots, S'l.iHnru.i llu'ii saclxMU of Niantif* di %M ;^-:vw:v,,x.v.^X' :•%: ,'■•-* ' ,■^'•■■ »','^ ' i" •■ ■ , : r\ ■, • *'«5''"». ■ '. ^ , ' ' ■ 1- '■..:■'." '■■ ■ ' .-';'.' < ■■ v^'-t .'','• ■' ... i.,r, . f. *' :, v:y-'" ■■ ;.'\A'^'' , •■•*.■• J- ■ ■•^■^i:y>^y. ■ • '^'•:<^?;>v^.> . . . . I. ?.. .■'J>'?.i . • i.j ■'.'■•"I»i;lf ■ * -,-;%■ v.* 1 i-iT-: •: ■ ''\.,.,:-il ■\:^:,;s^:. . .< '.'■ '•^' ■,%:.■ ■¥'■ ■'.;■'» •■ ■.■ » .'i- ■ ■"■■#'• ■':*■•'•, ^ 'irr • 'M. • v' ■-■[ ■'Vw- y'i;,.:i t* ■ , •> .'>■•■!> « % '•■■■■'■•^-' ''C^^ •i'li •>.^- Ki b!l -■! ■■v'-J. pf^v^ M I ' '.. \V '.s.:V,if-r.' •i • ■ • ■■ r.i-. %"•• H it ...,>■ I'iFt- no MO.NONOTTO,— CASSASSINNAMON. IHooK II ii|K)ii ( oniHTtirnt Rivrr. "Ah they were nniliiiff up the rivor, wiysj Dr. /. Mntlier, tiumy ot'tiic I'i'(|ii(itH on hotli s'kIch (>ftli<> river ciillt'd to tlwMii, tliniroiiB to know ulidt WHS tlit'ir riid in I'oiniii^ tliittuM'." * 'I'lii'} iinswin d, tliat tlH'\ (icsirnl to H|ii'iik with Snnadnix ; Ix-iiig tohi thiit San.vinia liiul ^oiic to Loup IsIiiikI, thrv then (liiiiaiidi'd tliut JMononollo nlioiild apiiiar, and tiicy itntiiidi-d h*! W(H troiii lioini- also. Ilowtvcr, they w*>iit on tshorr and diniandcd the innrdrn IS (tf Captain Sloiir, and were tohl that if they woidd wait they would send tiir thi'Mi, and that Minutnollo would conii' iinniiMliatdy. lint very wisely, the l'r(|iiots, in the mean time, "transported their poods, women and ehildntn to another piaee." f One oC th*Mn then told the liiipiish that MunonttUi) would not come. Then the Knplish hepan to do whut rnisehii't' they eoidd to tiiem, :md a skirmish followed, wherein one Indian wuh killed, uiid un En^lidhman was wounded." { 'I'lie name of Mononollo^s wife appears to have been Wincumbo.nk. .She slionld not he overlooked in s|ieaking (tt'Munonotto, uh she was instrinniMital in s.i\iiii' the life of an I'in^lishman, as disinterestedly U8 fof»/ion^M saved that of Cajjtain Smitli. Some Knglish had gone to tradi; with tla; I'e(|nots, and to recover some horses wiiich they had stolen, or picked up on tiieir lands. Two of the I'nijiish W(;iit on shore, and one went into the sachem's wigwam and demanded the Jiorses. The Indians within slyly absented themselves, and IHnniinhonc, knowing their intention, told him to Hy, for the Indians were m;.kiiig preparations to kill him. He barely escaped to the boat, being follow- ed liy a crowd to the shore. ( 'assassi.vnamon was a noted Petinot chief, of whom we have some account i;s early as K!;")'.), fn that year a difhcidty arose about the limits of Southerton, since called Stoniiigton, in Connecticut, and several Knglish were sent to settle ;he (litliculty, whicli was concerning the location of Wekapauge. "For to I. rip us (they say) to understand where Wekapauge is, we desired some Po- i;iialucke Indians to go with us." Cassassinnainon was one who assisted. They told the English that '■'■ Ca^hawassvt (the governor of Wekapauge) did charge! them that they should not go any further than the east side of a little swamp, near the east end of the first great pond, where they did pitch down a stake, and told us [the English] that Cushawussd said that that very place was Wekapauge ; said that he saicf it and not them ; and if they should say that Wekapauge did go any further, Cashawasset would be angry." Cashawassel ailer this liad confirmed to him and those under hitn, 8000 acres of lanliii Kliot — VVahhan the Ji rut Lhrislinn .iniraniurr—lniliun lairs — UliciiH inotrsti against the attim/it to ronrirt hin iifople — Ninijfri't rrj'tmrs to rfciirr. vu.isionariii — The Indian liiblr — Piamhiiuiiou — Si'kkn — I'kmn ah anmi- — Tl'KAI'KWII.I.IN — OoNAMOO — AllATAWANCK — W ATTAgSACOMI'ONUM — lllACOUMKS — MioiiHSoo — OccuM — TrruBA, '■ "■«•■< It must bn oxrccdiiifrly ditririilt, as all cxiMrienci! lias shown, t<» cans*! any pi'opli' to ahaiidnn a hciiet' or faitli in u matter, unless it he m\v on whicii the r*-iLi'H of tlie mind can he hrou^ht to art. 'Y\\v most iifiioinnt jii(i|ilc must he ••oiivinc(!(l, that many ('trcets whicii they witnrss are jn'oiinced liy oh\iiiiis causes; hut there are so many others for whicli they cannot dis- cover a cause, that they hesitate not to deny any nntunil cause for tliem at once. And notwithstanilini; that, fr(»m day to day, causes are developing,' tlienisclvcs. and showinj; tiiem, that many results wiiich tiu'y had viewed .iS liroceedin;.' from a super natural causi; hitherto, was nothing hut a natural one, luid which, when discovered, apiieared perfectly sim|»le, too, yet, (or the want of the incims oi' investigation, they would he looked upon as miraiidoiis. Tliitse tiicts iiavo l)eon more than enouf,'li, amonon them- selves, also, the important atlair of determining the happiness each was to enjoy aller death; assurhig the brave and the virtuous that they should go to a |)lac(! of jierpetual spring, where game in the greatest plenty abounded, and every thing that the most perfect hap[)iness recpiired. Now, as a belief in any other religion |)roniised no more, is it strange that a new one should be slow in gaining credence? Considerations of this nature inevitably press in ui)on us, and cause us not to wonder, as many have done, that, lor the first thirty yeius after tfie settle- ment of New England, so little was effected by the gospel among the Indians. The great dirticulty of conununicathig with them hy inter|>reters nuist have been slow in the extreme; and it nnist be considered, also, that a great lei,, h of time must have been consumed beibre any of these could perform ' ir ofhce with any degree of accuracy; the Indian language being unlike ' - y other, and bearing no analogy to any known tongue whatever ; and then, (lie peculiar custom of the Indians must be considered ; their long delays before they would answer to any proi)Ositioii ; but more than all, we have to coa- ,«, • .• ■ .1 /• -,,1, ■■ :^^'W . h.y 112 PRAYING INDIANS— NESU IAN. i • r •- ..-i .-,.• '•- . *■ '. ".■•^'''•■•••■>, .- ■ . 1 ; *■ ■■■ . •V :*■: • • ■ •. •. > H' ■ •'• /•;••• rit-v • ■'■".• '■■;■" '.y : ■ ^■^ ^■■/'''is. •■N.'i*-..-.:: "■■/, ' :i •.•,-;,r.V^.-. > t-i -ii^^'t*- ■■■' ■ ■■•■jT,.; ?, * •' ;^^^:'^^^ •.r.=»* [l!i)lt!v II. sider the natural diptnist thiit ninst iiocessarily arise in tlie minds of every people, at tli(! sudden inthix of stranjrers anu)ii'in-istiaii fiiitli. At the next nu'etinir all t!ie Indinns jiresent '■ ol!i nd their eiiildren to !)e eatiM-hised and instructed hy the l!iif;lish, ulio njinii this motion ri'solvtid tf> set u|> a school amonij; them." i\Ii\ />7/o^ notwithstanding ids /(-al, s;'enis well to have understood, that simiething h^side preaching was necessary to rel'orm tht; lives of the Indians ; and that was, theii- civilization hy (!ilncation. It is said that oni; of his iiotcd sayings \\as, Tin- In'tinna mu^t he civilizid as well af, if not in ordei In their beimr, Chnatianize, L* Therefiire, the reipie.-t of the Indi.ins at Noiiantum was not carried into (dfei't until a place could he ti\ed upmi whcr.' a icgidar S'tdenieut should In- made, and the catechumens had shown their zeal for the cause hy «s.send)ling themselves there, and coiUiirmini.' to ihe Mie.dish ni(>de of living. In th;' end this was agreed upon, and Natick svas (ixed as the place for u town, and the I'ollowing siiort code of laws was set up and agreed to: — I. If any man h ■ idle a week, or at most a fortnight, li«! shall y;\y five shillings.- -II. If any unmarried man shall lie with a veiiuir woman unmarried, he lall pay twenty shillings. — III. If any man shall hiat his wife, his hands shall his tii'd behind him, and In; shall \)(' carritul 'o the |)laei' of 'MStice to be severely punished. — IV. Kvery young man, if not anotlier's i: -mt, and if unmarried, shall be comjxdUul tf) set up a wigwam, and plant . ( unself, and not shift up and down in other wigwams. — V. If any woman sli„ i not havs in and helps." { The chiefs and powwows would not have suffered even so nmeli groiinligion of their ancestors, and tlie ])rejudices of education § are insupera- ble witliout the ext'-'ioidinary grrce of God." "TheMonbegin Indians were so jealous of the general court's obliging them tfi pray to God, that Uncas, their sachem, went to the eouit at llarttiird to jirotest against it. Cutshamoquin, another sachem, (;ame to the Indian lecture, and opeidy protested against their bifilding a town, telling the Eng- lish, that all the sachems in the country were against it. He was so honest as to tell Mr. Eliot the reason of it ; for (says he) the Indians that |)ray to God do not pay me tribute, as formerly they did ; which was in part true, lor whereas before the sachem was absohU(^ mast(>r of his subjects; their lives and tortunes being at his dispo.sal ; they gave him now no mor(> than they thought reasonable ; but to wipe off the re|)roach that CiUshamoquin had laid upon tlvm, those few praying Indians present, told Mr. Eliot what they had * Hittckinaon, Hist. Mass. i. 1(53, t Neal, i. 22()— 230. | Mairnalia, ill. 196. } Tliis word, when ap|ilied lo the education of llie Indians among theinst'lvus, is to bu un- derstood in an opposite sense froip its common acceptation : tliu.«, to instruct iu superstitions and idolatry, is wiiat is not meant by education amoni; us. 10* . • . .-')f ''^^H'o'/K ■ m ;-.■. 'v',.^a-.Vi!.'. . ,[ 1 '■t,f V. ■'■, • ' *>.■'' ,'..■; '.,'-%i:;7. 'I'^v: ' '■ ! ■■^f^^^t^>-KV^'V.: ;;^:;:vi.•:•J^,.■.•,;...^ ■'i yW'^.-^-.m:l ^■Mf ' ' : ■ ■ '■ ■ : ■ ■ V'»^ ^^:^'^%,;^.:-- * .> .A';V^^^^ , ' :.■■•, ■■'■.■■ . ■■/■:\ •*."'.•■»•, '., ■ ^. *:K:i:vv>v,-.,..- , ' ;-, •.•:VvS, :/.V- ' •• .■■/;•.'<..:,:;.•. . ' , ■ Lijv, '■>;■•■.' -; '. '■.■ ■ •-.rl-i- ■*•;*:., :*■,•..•; , ; C' .^>^•^^«^^f;-^ ■' ■'.■•■■.■■>■•■■>. .V , ■■ -' :■• -.-'■. ,.." " ■; . .. «-..,v;;;->^;' ...^ , ..'■■;.':-;^7-''- ' '■■■•-■ ■' . V-■:^? ■/•■<■ 1 ••. ■ .;,<.. w '. ji,."> . :^^>f'*^;i-;.^v\ •«.!;.'»' V »;■■••, ''-V .•- •■•.■•;;!iy:..!»^}.V* " '■ ■::-''':^yr^'''- •'"■'■■■ '^^*:.^:- :''f :■■.■- . ! •'••.••■:^■-.*^'• m '■ '■%'■■.■ '?■;•> i ; :^:vi:^ .*: y^*- ■ •'t ' *• *'»■■>• ' t^'v "M ;:i'^: '■. -."t •: •■-■•;>t ' '. i' V •-'. ' ' ■'■' ^^ ■■«! ^■;^'' * ^ •. ■;;»'v . '^*. • , 1 ■ *■' •V ;>■■ ' • ; i^ •f"-**fcy ::-H '.?■. ■•': ^ .,4: %;' ^. * *!'.>>'^ v..f *'i*l \-','.- - . ».v'. •^ ..f^. •■n .• •■...V ♦ ,•-•. 114 PRAYING INDIANS.— INDIAN BIBLE. [Book II. ... '-I^^.... •; •,\.:'y'■!•■ 1. i" •i, ■*•-.'". ,) ■ ■•.■•;iVi,^'.'' ■■■ Vidfl IL V ■ ^.* - ■J.V'-. (lone for thoir sachem tho two last years, leaving him to judge wlietlier their prince had any reiuson to complain." They said tln^y had given him yfi imshejs of corn at one time, and si.x at another; that, in hunting for him two days, they liad killed him 15 fiimilie.s in which periiaps were about 145 jiersons. The name JVatick signified a place of hills. H'aban was the chief man here, " who," says Mr. Gookin, " is now about 70 ycu-s oi' age. He is a jterson of great prudence and pitity : I do not know any Indian that excels him." Pakemitt, or Punkapaog, ("which takes its name from a spring, that riseth out of red earth,") is the next town in order, and contained 12 families, or * N'-al's N. Eii^hiiiii, i. '2,57. f Sec hook ii. chap. iii. p. 57, ante. t Moore's Lir<' l:ii(il, \n. \S Man-nalia, b. iii. 197. || Ibid. 11 I'liiliuiwn lloltdud \v;is rnllnil ilio Iranslator-goncral of liis age ; he wrote several of his transliitiuns with one pen, iinon wliicli he made the following' verses: With one .sole pen I writ this book, Made of a grey goose (juill ; A pen it was, when I it took, And a pen I leave it still. Fuller's Worthies of England. ** Douglass, Ilist. America, i. 172, note. See aisu Haiket, Hist. Notes, 248, &c. Doug- lass wrote about 1745. m-- I'll Chap. Vll] PRAYING INDIANS— VVAUnAN. 115 about no j)ersons. It was 14 miles south of Boston, and is now included in Stoiigliton. The Indians here removed from the Neponset. Hassannmesil is the third town, and is now included in (Jniftoii, and contained, like the second, (JO souls. Okonnnakaniesit, now in ]Maril>orouyli, <'ontained ahout 50 people, and was the fourth town. Wamesit, sinct! included in Tewks- hury, tiie titlh town, was upon a neck of land in Merrimack River, and contained ahout 75 souls, of five to a family. Nashohaii, now liittleton, was till' sixth, and contained hut ahout 50 inhai)itants. Magunkaipu)!.'', now l!o[t- kinton, sijrnitied a place of great trees. Here were ai)out 55 jx-rsons, anil this \\as the seventh town. There were, hi'sides these, seven other towns, which were called th(> new prayiuff towns. These wen? amonjr tlii^ Niptnuks. The first was .'Manclia<;e, since Oxtord, and contained ahout (iO inhahitants. The second was ahout six miles ti"om the first, and its name was Chahanakon^rkonniii, since Dudley, and contained ahout 45 pei-sons. The third was !\Iaanexit, in the north-east part of Woodstock, and contained ahout iOO soids. The fourth was Ciuan- tisset, also in Woodstock, ami coiitainiuir 100 jm rsons likewise. AValiipiissit, tli(! fil'th town, also in Wondsiock, (hut now included in Connecticut,) i-on- tained 1.50 soids. Pakachooir, a sixtii town, partly in Worcester anil j)artly in Ward, also contained ]0() jxjople. Weshakim, or Nashaway, a seventh, contaiiu'd ahout 75 persons. Waeimtuji was also a |)rayinj.' town, included now by Uxhridge ; hut the numher of peojde there is not set down hy Mr. Godkin, our chief authority. Hence it seems there were now suppose I to he ahout 1150 praying' Indians in the ])laces enmnerated ahove. There is, however, not the least prohahility, that even one iburth of these were (wer sincere believers in Christianity. This calculation, or rather su])position, was made tln3 yt!ar Ixdbre Philip's war beratik, or Natick, he was one of the most eflicient otlicers until his death. When a kind of civil conmiimity was established at Natik, JVnuhan was made a ruler of fitly, and subsequently a justice of the peace. The follow- ing is said to be u copy of a warrant which he issued against sonu- of iho 'i :;,\.■ , V. ^ V ■ '■•■,• I ^ '■*•}■■'< , ■■■• 'V. ■ , . V l^i ■?:^'; ■ • >. f 7;' '. ■■' . ■ ;■ ■ ■ -.'■'y-i .. •♦ M • \ , ••■.•,■■« .■ ■*:v ■ ;■.^■.^W^}•'^ ••hf ■• •.^•« t. ^ f>%:', ■^.^: 116 PllAVING INDIANS.— PIAMBO.-^rUKAPWWILi, IN. tR«<>K '». iransjfre.ssors. " lou, _j/ou hi^ constable^ quick, ymi, mif.k um J(f;»emiah Offscow stroni! you hold um, safe i/oa bring um^ iifim nu , VN'alm/i, juntii e peace" * A yoiiiif,' jiiHticc !isK(!(l fVaulinn wliut he would do w)i(;ii Indians got drunk juid (|iiarrell«d ; lie rejilied, " 7V'e uin all up, ami whip um plaintiff, and whip nmfendmd, and whip um iinlne.is." We liav(i not lcaru(!d the (yreeise tiriK" f)f iVauUavUs death, f but he was ccitaiMly alive; in the end of the year Ieople ;v^ a spy; f, ' , . ' it hajtpened, in the attempt, they fell in with an English scout, under Cajitain Gibbs, who treated them as prisoners, and with not a little barbarity; robl)ing them of every thing they had, even tli(i nfinis- ler of a pewter cup which he used at sacraments. At Marlborough, though under the protection of ofiicers, they were so insulted and abused, "espe- cially by women," that Tukapeivillin^s wife, from fear of being murdered, escaped into the woods, ieaving a sucki'ig child to be taken curt; of by its father. With her went also her son, 12 years old, and two others. The others, JVaoas and Tukapexoillin, with six or "even children, were, soon alter, sent to Deer Island. Mtoits was, at this time, about 80 years old. Oonamog was rider at Marlborough, and a sa(;hem, who died in the sunnner of 1(574. His de.-vth "was a great blow to the ])lace. He was a ]»ious and discreet man, and tiie very soul, as it were, of the place." The troubles of the war ffdl very heaxily upon his fiunily. A barn containing corn and hay wa,, burnt at Chelmsford, liy .some of the war party, as it proved afterwards; hut some of the violent lOnglish of that j)lace determined to make the Wamesits suffer for it. Accordingly, about 14 men armed ' Allen's Hiog. Diet. art. Waban. t Dr. Unmcr, Hist. Newloii, says iiR rlipd in lf)7'l', liiit f^ivcs no iiiitiiority. Wo liavc cited se veral aiilliorilics, showhif; tlmt lie was alive a year later, (see I), iii. p|». 10 and 79.) X Piam Boolian, Ovokin's Hist. Coll. IH.—Piambow, [m Hist. Praying Indians. Chap. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS.- WANNALANCET. 117 was a ' The tliemselvo; and, under a prt'teiico of Hroiitiiip, went t(» tlio W'l^wams of tlie VV^aniesil.s, (uid onlcnul them to come out. Tliev obeyed \vit!i(iiit licHitation, being chiefly helpless women and ehildren, and not eoneeivinff any liarni could lie intended them; hut they were no sooner out than tired upon, when five were wounded and one kilieil. Whi'ther the eouriigi ot' tli(! brav" i''.ug- li.sii now failed them, or whethe-r they were satisfied with what Itlood Wiis iilrcady shed, is not clear; hut they did no more at this time. The one t-laiti was a little; son oi Tahalooner ; and Oonnin()u;'s widow wa.s s»!verely wounded, whose name wa.s Sarah, "a woman of I'ood report lor religion." fcjhe was daughter of Sngnniure-John, who lived and died at the same place, belore the war, "a great friend to the English." Sarah had had two husl)ands: the tirst was OoTiamog-, the si'coii.l Tah/itooncr, who was sou iti' Tahallawan, sachem of Muski'ta(piid. This afliur took ])la(re on the ]5 Nf.vemher, 1(57"). J\''umphotv was ruler of the praying Indians at W'amesit, and Samuel, his son, wa-s teacher, "a young man of good parts," s^iys Mr. (lookhi, "and can sjn-ak, read and write English and Indian com|)etently ;" heing on>V ; 1 ^ • -,T., : < « ' .; ., :fi >^:> '-'^f. ■'.■:■■": Jt ■'K,'. ■■•i, i*v/-t ■ ; -..".ii • '■'.>> ■"tf S','J , . -.«'• 1" ••". 'i ••••;:>' v;^:^ "f^'''-f>: V-r^-V^^- : 118 PRAYING INDIANS.— HIACOOMES. [Book II. \npsit ; but by former appointment, calleth here, together with some others." Captain Tom was among Tuknpemllin^s company, that went off with tlie enemy, a.s in speaking of him we have made mention. In that company there were about 200, men, women and children. The enemy, lieing about 300 strong, obhged tiie praying Indians to go off with, or be i.') ; at Codtarnruit, in Mashpee, Ashimuit, on the west line of Mashpee, Wees(pi()bs, in Sandwich, 22 ; Pispogutt, Wawayoutat, in Waifiham, Sokones, in Falmouth, 36. In all these places were 4(52 souls ; 142 of whom could read, and 72 write Indian, and 9 could read J^nglish. This account was furnished Major Gookin in 1674, by the Rev. Richard Bourne of Sandwich. Pliilip^s war broke uj) many of the^e communities, but the work continued long alter it dwindled to almost nothing in Massachusetts. In 1685 till -e were 143'J considered as Christian Indians in i^limouth colony. Mr. Thomas Mayhew Jr. settled in Martha's Vineyard, called by the Indians JVope, in 1642. lie was accompanied by a few English families, who made him their minister; but not being satisfied with so limited usefulness, he learn- ed tin; Indian langiia ;■ , and began to preach to them. His first convert was Iliacoomes, in 1(543, a man of small repute among his own people, whose residence was at Great Harbor, near wherr, ihe English first settled. He was regula'-'.y ordained 22 August, 1(570, but he began to preach in 1646. John Tok nosh was at the same time ordained teacher. His residence was at Nuni- pa.ng, on th(; east eri and many more, and was better off by so doing, Miohqsoo said, he would forthwith throw away his, which he did, and becatne one of the most eminent of the Indian converts. One of his children, a son, sfiiled for England in 1(557, with Mr. Thomas Mayhew Jr., in a ship commanded by Captain James Garrrtt, and was never heard of after. The time of the death of Miohqsoo is unknown, but he lived to a great age. Among the Mohegans and Narragansets nothing of any account was effect- ed, in the Wi>y of Christianizing them, for a long time. The chief sachems of those nations were determined and fixed agu' ■•t it, and though it was from time to time urged upon them, yet very little v ever done. yet OIAP. VIl] PRAYING INDIANS.— OCCUM no Sampson Occum, or, as his name is spelt in a sermon * of liis, Occom, wns a Moliegan, of tlie family of Benoni Occum, who resided near New Lcindon, in (^'onnecticut. He was the first of that tribe who was conspicnoiis in reliwioii, if not the oidy one. He was l)om in 172.M, and becoming attached to the Rev. Elecaar Whedock^ the minister of Lebanon in Coiniecticut, in 1741 he became a Christian.f Possessing talents and great piety, Mr. ^Vheelock entertained sanguine hopes that he would be able to effect much among his countrym"ii as a {)reMcher of the gos|)ei. He went to England in ]7().5 to procure aid for the keeping up of a s(diool for the instruction of Indian children, whicli wiis begun by Mr. Wheelock, and furthered by a Mr. Moore, by a donation of a iiiiool house and Ituid, al)out 17G3. Wiiile in England he was introduc^'d Ui Lord Dartmouth, ut\d other eminent [tersons. He preached there to crowds of peo|)le, and returned to America in September, 17t)8, having lan, a [)reacher to tiie Montaiiks on L. Island. About this time he visited the Cherokees. He finally settled among the Oneida Indians, with many of his Mohegan brethren, about 17()8 ; thi y having l)een invited by the Oneidas. He died in .Tuly, 17!.)2, at N. Stork- hriflge, N. York, ageil 69. Tituba is noticed in the aimals of New England, from her participation in the witch tragedies acted here in 1()91. In a valuable work giving a history of tliat horrible delusion, § mention is thus made of her. " It Wiis the latter end of February, 1G91, when divers young persons belonging to [Rev.] Mr. Parris' || family, and one more of the neighborhood, began to act afler a strange and nnusnal manner, viz., as by getting into holes, and creeping under chairs and stools, and to use other sundry ochl postures, and antic gestures, utterinir fool- ish, ridiculous speeches, whicli neither they themselves nor any others could make sense of." " March the 11th, Mr. Parris invited several neighboring ministers to join with him in keeping a solenni day of prayer at liis own house ; the time of the exercise those persons were, for the most part, silent, (mi afler any one prayer was ended, they woidd act and s))eak strangely, ;inu ridiculously, yet were such as had been well educated and of good behavior, the one a girl of 1 1 or 12 y(>ars old, would sometimes seem to be in a convul- sion fit, her limbs being twisted several ways, and very stiff, but presently her tit would be over. A few days before this solemn day of prayer, Mr. Parris' Indi.in man and woman, made a cake of rye numl, with the ehildn-n's water, itnd l)ak(!d it in the ashes, and, as it is said, gave to the dog ; this was done as ii means to discover witchcrafh Soon after which those ill-afl'ected or afflicted persons named several that tney said they saw, wrrcn in their fits, afllicting fif tlietn. The first complained of, w;\s the said Indiii!! wnnian, natneil Titiibd. She confessed that the devil in*ged her to sign a book, wiiich he presented to her, and also to work mischit^f to th<' children, &c. She was afterwards com- mitted to |)rison, and lay there till sold for her fi'es. The accoiuit she since gives ot it is, that her master did i)eat her, juid otherwise abuse her, to make her i-onfess and accuse (sucli as he called) her sister witches ; and that what- soever she said by way of confessing or accusing others, was the effect of sii(;h usage ; her master refused to pay her fees, uidess she woidd stand to what she liad said." We are able to add to our information of Tituha f > ii another old and curious work,1f as follows: — That when she was examined she "confessed the making a cake, as is above mentioned, and said her mistress in her own I'ountry was a witch, and had taught her some means to be used for the discovery of a witch and for the prevention of being bewitched, &c., but said "that she herself was not a witch." TIk; (diildren who accused her said "that she did pinch, prick, and grievously torment them ; and that they saw her here *' " ■■■■'¥. '■:'■ "■ ••>' . ' i..i,> »• .»'-.-,; ,• 41.., ' . i'-il,i^f">.[\ • V^•'■*tK^' • ■" V' t' . , .■'•tj ■f1(!Ct- 1118 of froni * At the excoulioii of Moses Pauf, for murder, at New Haven, 2 September, 1772. To liis letter to Mr. Keen, his name is Occum. + Life Dr. Wheelock. Ifi. X His liCttor to Mr. Keen, in Life Wlieelock, 175. 4 Wonders of the hivisihle World, by R- Calef, 90, 91, 4lo. London, 1700. II " i^amucl Paris, pastor of the church in .Salem- villaije." Modest Enquiry into the Nafurt nf Witrhcnift. by John Halo, pastor of the church in Beverly, p. 23, IGmo. Boston, 1702. IT Modest Enquiry, &c. 25. ■ l,Jl-r-: Vi/j'.I.^- .S'''':.'.'' *■ ■■■'•'• 1 - ■•■ V •%, . . • i- r li!0 TITUBA.— WITCHCRAFT. [Book ]I find thoro, wliere nobody else could. Yea, they co>dd tell where she was, and what she did, when out of their human sight." Whether the author was a witness to this he does not say ; but probably he was not Co through the wliole of our early writers, and you will scarce find one who witnessed such matters : (Dr. Cotton Mather is nearest to an exception.) But they generally preface such marvellous accounts by observing, "I am slow to Itelieve rumors of this nature, nevertheless, some thmgs I have had certain information of." * The Rev. Mr. Felt t gives the following extract from the *' Quarterly Court Papers." "March 1st. Sarcth nsbom, Sarah and Dorothy Good, Titiiha^ servant of Mr. Parris, Martha Cory, Reucrxa Mirse, Sarah Cloyce, John Proctor and his wife Elizabeth, all of Salem village, are committed to Boston jail on charge of witchcraft." The other servant of Mr. Parris was the husband of Tituba, whose name was John. It was a cl..irge against them that they had tried means to discover witches. But there is little probability that these ignorant and simple Indians would ever have thought of "trying a project" for the detection of witches, had they not learned it from some more miserably superstitious .^'hite i)er8ons. We have the very record to justify this stricture. | Take the words. "Mary Sibly having confessed, that she innocently counselled John, the Indian, to attempt a discovery of witches, is permitted to commune with Mr. Parris' church. She had been previously disciplined for such counsel and appeared well." We are not told who disciplined her for the examination. Was it Mr. Parris'? This is tlie only instance I have met with of Indians being implicated in white witchcraft. » /. Mather's Brief Hist. Philip's War, 34. t In his valuable Annals of Salem, 303. \ Danvers Records, published by (he author last cited. '•*"> •:.■! M " •■■' " -,■•».• •■■■ii'v, .1 ■ V\i.\* ' . •..{.' ■V■^^ . s.-S BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. ■!'^."'' .■<'■<,:• ■•■'•»»,-, ''..!," ■■<'■■■■'.,■■■ ' ■ ■■■:«;>• "^f^. BOOK III. ..'If -^ 'nL' • I '.■ •'\ .{.-.' '*-':: .»'■'-.'- , ■ v' ■'» ': - ,*'■" .i* ' .'• I*'.'-' ■ AV. '■-4- ■ ', ;. ••-.■/ '^'^ I'.V tf -< '*. .**■ ■:* ■•. ",'•••;. »■ S'.- f '■;*■'• •V, ,^ ''.(■'. ' ■ , ■ ,:,■/;> ■v* _ BIOGRAPE .^'■ :. ( '■ ' ,•■;■( r|N*V' i;'; K Life of Alixandi Wektamoo his — iVeelamoo' s I SAM ON — His CO istcr — Settles m die plots of Pfu ranilcmned and ■f':^ vv»^:j.. Alexander vi imtiii; uppeurs at lastly Alexander. "*T '^'- ..' H W(! tiiid hull noti .'.'■:)■ H Ilis youngor brr [fit j^t; ■ court of PHinou »*^';.V. ■ emor called the ..^.. . . ^- two RIaeedoiiiaii ~' ■ "* " tered their vauiti Alexander app ,,.,.,. ^ til" course of tli ■^-v^ *'.V-*^;-^ I sachem of verj ''x,'i H neighbors. Namumpum, a the wife of Men willing to join P hy hiui that they a {)riiice as any j her command." Alexander liav as has been relat came to Plimoutl the records. " I, J^amumpi [1659,] before th( title of such land appecres by dee promise to remDi court the said /F BOOK III. ''<^^- BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW ENG- LAND INDIANS CONTINUED. CHAPTER I. Life of Alexander alias Wamsutta — Events trhich led to the tear with Philip — Wkktamoo his toife — Earbj events in hir life — Pf.tananuf.t, her second hushand — H'ectamoo's latter career and death — JVinigret — Death of Alexander — John Sas- SAMON — His country and connections — Becomes a christian — Schoolmaster — Min- ister — Settles nt Assatoomset — Felix marries his dauirhtcr — Sassamon discuters tJie plots of Philip — Is murdered — Proceedings against tlie murderers — They art londcmned and executed. Alexander was tlie English name of the elder son of Massaaott. His real iiniiic u|)])enrs at first to have been Mooanam, and afterwanln WamsuUa, and lastly Alexander. The name of Mooanam he bore as early iis lG3iJ ; in IMl W(! tiiid him noticed under the name Wamsvtla. About the year Kkkl, he and his yoiing(>r brother, Metacomety or rather Pometacom, were brought to the court of Plimouth, and beuig solicitous to receive English names, the gov- ernor called the elder Mexander, and the younger Philip, probably from the two Maeedoniun heroes, which, on being explained to them, might have flat- tered their vanities ; and which was '.irobably the intention of the governor. Alexander appears pretty early to have set up for himself, as will be seen in the course of this chapter ; occasioned, perhaps, by his marrying a female sacliem of very considerable authority, and in great esteem among her neighbors. Namumpcm, afterwards called Weetamoo, squaw-sachem of Pocasset, was the wife of Alexander ; and who, as says an anonymous writer,* was more willing to join Philip when he began war upon the English, being persuaded by him diat they had poisoned her husband. This author calls her " as potent a [)rince as any round about her, and hath as much com, land, and men, at her command." Alexander having, in 1653, so\J a tract of the territory acquired by his wife, a.s has been related in the life of Massasoit, about six years after, Weetamoo came to Plimouth, and the following account of her business is contained in the records. " I, JVamumpum, of Pokeesett, hauing, in open court, June last, fifty-nine, [1659,1 before the governour and majestrates, surrendered up all that right and title of such lands as Woosamequin and Wamselta sould to the purchastirs ; as appeeres by deeds giuen vnder theire hands, as alsoe the said JVamumpum promise to remoue the Indians of from those lands ; and alsoe att the same court the said Wamauita promised JVamumpum the third part of the pay, as is * Old Indian Chronicle, p. G. '•-•■..:;*•• ''.•':>»^^'\ii m lAAAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I I 1.25 lis lit iU u ** I. ■yui. liO 115 ■ 22 2.0 V VQ 'V Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WeST MAIN STREiT WnSTH.N.V. MSIO (716) •72-4S03 ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO. [Book III. .t»;;i^ ..... . I '■■•'1 ''JV'ii." ^ ■ j» "v * * *■ .' •♦y » ■ V ■•■• ill: %•*•., '.-v.- ••?•■ expressed ic the deed of which payment .Vatnumpum haue recoiued of John Cookt, this 6 of Ocu 1659 : these purticulara as folluweth : item ; 20 yardt blew trading clothe 2 yarcb red cotton, 2 paire of ahooet, 2 paire stockingt,6 broade hoes and 1 axe ; And doo acknowledge receiued by me, Namomfum." Witnesaed by Squabsen, WahatunchqwUt, and two English. Thus this land affair seems to have been amicably settled ; but the same year of Alexander's death, whether Iwfore or after we are not assured, JVamum- pum appeared at Plimouth, and complained tliat WamsvUta had tiold some of her land without her consent " The court agreed to doe what they could in conuenient time fur her relief.** We apprehend there was some little difficulty between Alexander and his wife al)out this time, especially if her complaint were before his death, and we are rather of the opinion that it was, for it was June when her complaint was made, and we should assign a little later date for the death of her husband ; and therefore all difficulty was settled in his death. On the 8 April, 1661, Wamsulla deeded the tract of country since called Rehoboth to Thomas fViUet " for a valuable consideration."* What that was the deed does not inform us ; but we may venture to question the fact, for if the consideration had in truth been valuable, it would have appeared in the deed, and not have been kept out of sight. What time JVamumpum deeded land to John Sanford and John Archer, we are not informed, but it was probably about the beginning of 1G62. It was a deed of gift, and appears to have been only deeded to uiem to prevent her husband's selling it ; but these men, it seems, attempted to hold the land in violation of their promise ; however, being a woman of perseverance, she so managed the matter, that, in the year 1666, she found witnesses who deposed to the true meaning of the deed, and thus was, we presume, restored to her rightful possessions. Since we have been thus particular in acquainting the reader with the wife of IVamsxUta, we will, before proceeding^ with our account of the husband, say all that we have to say of the interesting H^eetamoo. Soon after the death or Alexander, we find ATamumpum, or ffeetatnoo, asso- ciated with another husband, named Petonowowet. He was well known to the English, and went by the familiar name of Ben. Now, unless Peto-now- owet, or Pe-tam-a-nMut has been corrupted into Peter Nckwcit, we must allow her to have had a third husband in 1675. We, however, are well satis- fied that these two names are, as they appear to be, one and the same name. This husband of Weetamoo does not appear to have been of so much impor- tance as her first, fVatnsvita ; and as he only appears o. casionallv in the crowd, we are of opinion that she took eood care in taking a second husband, and fixed upon >ii; that she was better M)le to manage than she was the de- termined namstiii^ On the 8 May, 1673. Tatamomoek, PetonowotoeU, and JVUliam alias ^asoekt, sold to J^athamd Patne of Rehoboth, anJ Hugh Cole of Swansey, a lot of land in Swansey, near Mattapoiset, and Showamet neck, for £35 5s. ffeetatnoo, Philip alias fVaguaoke, and Steven alias JVAtcano, were the Indian witnesses. Al)oiit the same time, one Piowant was intruded upon by some others claiiiiing his lands, or other .(rise molesting him, and the business seems to have undergone a legal scrutiny ; in this funair both Weetamoo and her hiis- Imnd appear upon our records. They testify that the tract of land bounded by a small river or brook called Mastucksett, which compaseeth said tract to Assonett River, and so to Taunton River, [by trees, &c.] hath for many years been :n the possession of Piowant. The place of the bounds on Taunton Kiver was called Chippascttitt, wliich was a little south of Mastucksett Pantatuet, Quanomn, JVeffconoo, and Panoxnoin, testified the same. It does not appear that Peta-nan-M-et was at all con »med in Philip*s war against the English, but, on the contrary, forsook his vnfe and joined them against her. Under such a leader as Ckurch, he must have been employed ageiitst his eouBtrjmaen with great advantage. At the time he came over to * See ibo Hut. of Attleborough, by John Daggett, Esq., p. 6, where the deed i* preserved. • Old I."«di Crap. I.] ALEXANI^R.— WEETAMO. the English, he no doubt expected his wife would do the same, as she gave Chunk to understand as much. After the war he was honored with a com- mand over the prisoners, who were permitted to reside in the country be- tween Sepecan and Dartmouth. JVumpiw, or JVompcwA, and haac were also in the same oflSce. After Mr. Ckurch left Awathonka^ council, a few days before the war broke out, he met with bot>> Wtetamoo and her husband at Pocasset He first met with the husband, 'fuananuet, who had just arrived in a canoe from PkUip'a head quarters at Mount Hope. He told Chta-ch there would certainly be war, for that Philip had held a war dance of e)<*- and weeks, and hod entertained the young men from all parts of the couiitiy. He said, also, that Philip ex- pected to be sent for to Plimouth, about Satsamon^a death, knowing himself guilty of contriving that murder. Petanamul further said, that he saw Mr. Janua Broum of Swansey, and Mr. Samuel Gorton^ who was an interpreter, and two other men that brought a letter from the governor of Plimouth to Philip. Philip'a young warriors, he said, would have killed Mr. Brown, but PhUip told them uiey must not, for his father had charged him to show kind- ness to him ; but to satisfy them, told them, that on the next Sunday, when the English hod gone to meeting, they might plunder their houses, and after- wards kill their cattle. Meanwhile Wedamoo was at her camp just back from Pocasset shore, on the high hill a little to the north of what is now Howland's ferry, and Petana- nuet requested Mr. Church to go up and see her. He did so, and found her in rather a melancholy mood, all her men having left her and gone to Philip'a war dance, much, she sud, against her will. Church, elated with his success at Awaahonka' camp, and thinking both "queens" secured to the English interest, hastened to Plimouth to give the governor an account of his discoveries. — This was a day big to Phtlip ; he immediately took measures to reclaim ^ettomoo, and had nearly I'nvwn otT Aioaahonka with the vivid hopes of conquest and booty. Wedamoo could no longer remain neutral ; the idea still harrowed upon her mind, that the authorities of Plimouth had poisoned her former husband,* and was now sure that they had seduced her present one ; therefore, from the power of such arguments, when urged by the artful Philip, there was no escape or resistance. Hence his fortune became her own, and she moved with liim ftvm place to place about her dominions, in the country of Pocasset, until the 30 July, when all the Wampanoags escaped out of a swamp, and retired uito the country of the Nipmuks. From this time ff'eetamoo'a opera- tions become so blended with those of her allies, that the life of Philip takes up the narration. When, by intestine divisions, the power of PhUip was destroyed among the Nipmucks, fVeetamoo seems to have been deserted l)y almost all her followers, and, like Philip, she sought refuge again in her own country. It was upon the a August, 167o, when she arrived u|)on the western bonk of Tehticut River in Mettupoiset, where, as was then supposed, she v/as drowned by accident, in attem|)ting to cross the river to Pocasset, at the same point she had crossed the year before in her flight with Philip. ih'.r coraiMiny consisted now of no more than 26 men, whereas, in the be- ginning of the war, they amounted to 300 ; and she was considered by the [English " next unto PhUip in respect of the mischief that hath been donc^f The English at Taunton were notified by a deserter of her situation, who offered to lead any that would go, in a way that they might easily surprise her and her company. Accordingly, 20 men volunteered upon this enterprise, and succeeded in capturing all but fVeetamoo, ** who," acrx>rding to Mr. Hub- ftardt " intending to make an escape from the danger, attempted to get over a river or arm of the sea near by, upon a rafl, or some pieces of broken wood ; but whether tired and spent with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger, she was found stark naked in Metapoiset, not far from the water side, which made some think she was first half drowned, and so ended her wretched life." " Her head being cut off and set upon a fwle in Taunton, was knov/n by some s'wi * Old Indian Chronicle, p. 8. U. Mather. t Narrative, 103 and 109. • ^^.'.tr*-^ V-}* ■■ ',>'< i- ■■■■.■ ;4^.>v./^i4'>t4 " ■ :,''■' 'li'v ■>£■ ^ . ,'. ■ x : ■'m '^^■v-::. ,. ..^■. V ;(.T. < •:ns^^0M: ■•-r;' ,>•■ J. ' ■• t ,1V4 ♦ ■' • ^<. ':•■ 6 ALEXANDER. [Rook III Indiana then pi isoners [there,] which set them into a horrible lami^ntation." Mr. Mather im])rove8 upon this jNissage, giving it in a style more to suit the taste of the times : " They made a most horid and diabolical lamentation, crying out that it was their queen's head." The authors of Yamotden thus represent Philip escaping firom the cold grasp of the ghostly form of Wetlamoo : — " As from the water's depth she came, With dripping locks and bloated frame, Wild her tliscolorud arms she threw To grasp him ; and, as swil\ he flew, Ilcr hollow scream be beard behind Come mingling with the howling wind : ' Wh^ fly from W'elamoe ? she died Bearing the war-axe on thy tide.' " Although fVeetamoo doubtless escaped from Pocasset with Philip, yet it appears tnat instead of flying to thr Nipmuks she soon >vent down into the Niantic country, and the English immediately had news of it, which occa- sioned their sending for JVinigret to answer for harboring their enemy, us in his life has been related. In this connection it should be noted, that the time had expired, in which .Viniffrtt by his deputies ugreetl to deliver up Weetamoo, some time previous to the great fight in Narraganset, and hence this was sei<.ed upon, as one pretext for uivading the Narragansets. And moreover, it was said, that if she were taken by that formidable army of a 1000 men, " her lands would more than pay all the charge " the English had iK'en at in the whole war.* fVeetamoo, it is presumed, left J\/inigret and joined the hostile Narragansets and the Wampanoags in their strong fort, some time previous to the Lnglish expedition against it, in December. And it was about this time that she connected herself with the Narragans«'t chief Quinnapin, as will be found related in his life. She is mentioned by some %vriters as Philip^a kinswoman, which seems to have l)een the case in a two-fold manner; first from her being sister to his wife, and secondly from her marrying Alexander, his brother. To return to fVamsiitta. A lasting and permanent interest will always be felt, and peculiar feelings associated with the name of tiiis chief. Not on account of a career of battles, devastations or murders, for there were few of thesc,t but there is left for tis to relate the melancholy account of his death. Mr. HubbariTa account of this event is in the hands of almost every reader, and cited by every writer upon our early histoi")', and hence is too extensively known to be repeated here. Dr. /. Mather agrees very nearly in his accotmt with Mr. Hubbard, but being more minute, and mrely to be met with, we give it entire : — "In A. D. I(]cen. For some of Boston, Living been occasionally at Narraganset, wrote to Mr. Prince, who was then governor of Plimouth, that Alexander was contriving mischief against the English, and that he had solicit- ed the Narragansets to engage with him in his design77] governor of that colony,^ to take a party of men, and fetch down Jliexaiuler. The major considering tiiat asmpernocuU deferre paratis, he took hut lU armed men with iiim from Aiarshfield, intending to have taken more at the towns that lay nearer Mount Hope. But Divine Providence ho ordered, as titat when tliey were ahout tlie midway hetween PHmoutli and Bridgewnter,* olMerving an hunting house, tht house. The major, with his small party, possessed themselves of the Indians' arms, and Iteset the house ; then did he go in amongst them, acquainting iht; sachem with the reason of his coming in such a way : desiring Alexander with his interpreter to walk out with him, who s-ng ap|)canuice at Plimouth court, and, uistead thereof, going at the same time to his pretended enemies, augmented jealousies concerning him. In fine, tlie major told him, that his order was to bring him to PUmuuth, and that, by the help of God, he would do it, or else lie would die on the place ; also declaring to hun that if he would submit, he might expect respective usage, but if he once more denied to go, he should never stir from the ground whereon he stood ; and with a pistol at the sachem's breast, required that his next words should \m a |K>sitive and clear answer to what was denianil«Ml. Hereupon his interpn;ter, a discrei t Indian, brother to John Saiisaman,l being sensible of Jllexander'a (msiiionate «li ,)osition, entreated that he might speak a few words to the sachem before he gave his answer. The prudent discourse of this Indian |)revailed so far as that Alexander yielded to go, only requesting that he miglit go like a sachem, with his men attending him, which, altliough there was some hazard ui it, they being many, and tlie English but a few, was granted to him. The weather lieuig hot, the major ofi'ered him an horse to ride on, but his sijuaw and divers Indian women lieing in company, he refused, saying he could go on foot as well as they, entreating only that there might be a complying with their pace, which was done. And iv ^ several tunes by the way, Alexan- der and his Indians wore refreshed by tlie English. No other discourse hap- pening while they werv. upon their march, but what was pleasant and amicalile. The major sent a man before, to entreat that as many of the magistrates of that colony as could would meet at Duxbury. Wherefore having thi^re had some treaty with Alexander, not willing to commit him to prison, timy i-n- treated Major irimlow to i>.'cuivehim to his house, until the governor, who then lived at Eastham, couhl con.e up. Accordingly, he and his train wen.- couiteously entertained by the major. And albeit, not so much as an angry word |Kissed between them whilst at Miu'shfield ; yet proud JUexatukr, vexing uiul fretting in his spirit, tiiat such a heck was given him, he suddenly fell sick of a fever. He was then nursed as a choice friend. Mr. Fidler, the piiysician, coming providentially thither at that time, the sachem and his men earnestly desired that he would administer to hhn, which he was unwilling to do, but by their importunity was prevailed with to do the best lie could to help him, and therefore gave him a portion of working physic, which thi^ Itidians thought did him gooil. But his distemper atk>r\vards prevailing, they entreated^ to dismiss huu, in order to a return home, which upon engagement * Within six miles of the English (owns. Hubbard, 10, (Edition, 1677.) Massasoit. iiikI likewise J'hiiip, used to have temporary residcnres in eligible places for fishing, at vnrious sil'.'s between the two bays, Narraganset and Massarhiisctts, as at Kaynliam, Nainasket, Titi- fut, [in iVliddleborough,] and Munponset Pond in Halifax. At which of these places he was, we ruiinut, with certainty, decide : thai at Ualifdx would, perhaps, agree best with Mr. Hub- bard's arrount. t Eighty, says Hubbard, 6. i He had a brother by lite name of Roland. ^ " Eutreating those that held him prisoner, that he might have liberty to return bomoi, :'''%■■■ I'd ■■' . '■■: ■ '•:■■' "-}Ji .V.-. V >■;:■.■• ^v...;,;a^., ■ . .-^ ■ .- • ■'. t. .;-vN -^ .■■■r:\':- ' ' ■ T.-r ■ '■<■ ': :"■ :'^. :,i M V lit* *.i.; f ■ ;: •, ■ •• •■•^'•/'^.•^■ - at' ! . "^ ^ -.1' .' ,. '•-•rViv:'-': i.»3f,»: >;' ^^ V,- JV. » r^-^- ft' . ■•■' ' ',-. ALEXANDER. [Book IIL of a|)|M-unuM*o at tho next court was grunted to Iiim. Soon after his being n-tiirii(>(i lioim- lio iiied." * 'Vl\H» t'iu\» Dr. Malher'a " relation " of the short reign of Alexander. And iilthoiigh a doeiirnent lotely publislied by Judge Davis of Boston sets the con- on the conduct of tiie gov- ernment of Plimouth, by some of the English, who were more in the habit of using or recommending mild mcasunts towards In«linns than the Plinwuth peo|)ic appear to have been, seems to have been indulged in. After thus 'premising, we will offer the document, which is a letter written by the Rev, John Cotton, of Plimouth, to Dr. /. Mather, and now printed by Judge Davis, in his edition of Morton's Memorial. There is no date to it, at least the editor gives none ; but if it were written in answer to one from Mr. Mather ti^ him, desiring information on that head, dated 2l8t April, 1677,t we may Cyonclude it was about this time ; but Mr. Mather's " Relation " would not lead us to 8up()ose that he was in possession of such information, and, there- fore, he either was not in possession of it when he published his account, or that he had other testimony which invalidated it. The letter begins, "Major Bradford, [who was with Mr. Winalovf when Alexander was surprised,] confidently assures me, that in the nornitive de ,'ilexandro | there are many mistakes, and, fearing lest you should, through misinformation, print some mistakes on that subject, from his mouth I this write. R<;ports being here that Alexander was plotting or privy to plots, against the English, authority sent to him to come down. He came not. Whereupon Major IVinslow was sent to fetch him. Major Bradford, with some others, went with him. At Munponset River, a place not many miles hence, they found Alexander with about eight men and sundry squaws. He was there about getting canoes. He and his men were at breakfast under their shelter, their gims being witiiof :t. They saw the English coming, but continued eating ; and Mr. ninsloio telling their business, Alexander, freely and n?ttdily, without the least hesitancy, consented to go, giving his reason why lion tiiis head, to limit the time uf his sacheinship to a portion of the year Hiii. It will have app<;areu already, that trnough had transpired to inflame the minds of the Indiana, and especially that of the sachem Philip, if, indeed, the evidence adduced be considered valid, regarding the blainahleness of the English. Neverthel^-ss, our next step onward will more fully di^velop the causes of Philip's deep-rooted animosities. We come now to s|>eak of John Sassamoa, who deserves a |)articular notice \ more e8|>ccially as, from several manuscripts, we are able not only to correct some im|)ortant errors in former histories, but to give a more minute uccoiiiit of a character which must always be noticed in entering upon tlie study of this part of our history. Not tliat he would otherwise demand more notice than many of his brethren almost silently passed over, but for his agency in bringing about a war, the interest of which uicreases in pro|>(»rtion ns time carries us from its ]>eriod. John Sassamon was a subject of Philip, an unstable-minded fellow ; and, living in the neighborhood* of the English, Ix-came a convert to Christianity, learned their language, and w&s able to read and write, and had translatetj some of the Bible into Indian. Being rather insinuating and artful, he was employed to teach his countrymen at Natick, in the capacity of a school- master. How long l)efore the war this was, is not mentioned, but must have l)een alwut 1660, as he was Philip's secretary, or interpreter, in 1662, and tliis was af\er he had become a Christian. H lell the English, from some dislike, and went to reside with AltxamUr, and ailerwards with Philip, who, it ap- pears, employed him on account of his learning. Always restless, Scissamon did not remain long with Philip before he returned again to tlie English ; ^ and he manifested such evident signs of repentance, as that he was, after his re- turn from pagan Philip, reconciled to the praying Indians and baptized, and received, as a member, into one of the Indian churches ; yea, and employed as an instructor amongsi them every Lord's day."f Previous to the war, we presume in the winter of 1672, Sassamon was sent to preach to the Namaskets,^ and other Indians of Middleborough, who, at this time, were very numerous. The famous fVatuspaquin was then the chief of this region and who appears to have l)een disposed to encourage the new religion taught by Sassamon. For, in 1674, he gave him a tract of land near his own residence, to induce him to remain among his people. The deed of gift of this land was, no doubt, drawn by Sasaamonj and is in these words : — "Know all men by these presents, that I, Old fVatuspaquin, doe graunt vnto John Scusamon, allies Ifassasoman, 27 acrees of land for a home lott at Assowamsett necke. This is my gift, giuen to him the said John Sassamon, by me the said H^atuspaauin, in Anno 1673, [or 1674, if between 1 Jan. and 25 March.] Old WATDSPAqoiN ® his marht. William TusPAquiN Q V hia marke. Witness, alaoe, Nanehecnt § -f" ^** marke.** As a further inducement for Sassatnon to settle here. Old Tuspaquin and his son deeded to Felix, an Indian who married Sassamows daughter, 58 and an half acres of land ; as " a home lott," also. This deed was dated 11 March, 1673, 0. S., which doubtless was done at the same time with the other. * " This Sassavum was by birth a Massachuselt, his father aiid mother living in Dorchester, and they both died Christiana." — /. Matlur. t Mathtr'i Relation, 74. I The inhabitants of the place call it Nenuuket. In tlie records, it is almost always writtea Kamassakett. t ISpelt also Menuheutt. •■i < < ^l J *•- •. ^'•i; V . i -t • . • ■ < !■ ■ * f - ;•. > • '■', X . .>^ •V-; »♦, '-••v^ •^>' .!^i .•■r»3. ■ m i'. \s3 ■ m i ,^ it! >..■■■•'•■».' . - . ' - ■•'* T »■ •' - *. .••V • ^ • ,1 , • j^ . ■ 'A- ■■■•■-■. • i- A.'>>1'.'.* ' ■^'•■. •.V'^ !*••'» r-:-^-.-. ■'^•v.:.^ •.Jh->^ SASSAMON. [Book HI. This (lauphtcr of fiaaaanum was cnllp«l by thn English name Betty,* but hn- orig- inal nanu! was AflsowETOUoii. To his son-in-law, >S'a.Mamon gave his land, hy n kind of will, which he wrote hiniS4>lf, not long before his death ; p.'ol)al)ly alMHit the time he became tired of his new situation, which we auppoHo was also alMxit the time that he discovered the design of Philip and his captains to brinj,' about their war of extermination. Old Tuapaqvin, as he called hiniH<-lf, and his son, not only confirmed Saaaa- mon'a will, out alM)Ut the same time made a l>equest thems«;lve8 to his daugh- ter, which, they say, was "with the consent of all the chietie men of Asso- wamsett." Tliis deed of git\ from them wjls dated 23 Dec. 1673. It was of a neck of land at Assowamsett, called Nahtcawumet. The names of somt? of the places which bounded this tract were Mashquoinoh, a swamp, Sason- kuHiisett, a pond, and another lartre pond calle«l Chupipoggut Totnaa, Old Thiimaa, Pohonoho, and Kankunuki, were u|)on this deed as witnesses. Fki.ix served the English in Philip^a war, and was living in 107}), in which year Gfjvenior Wijia/ow onlered, "that nil such lands as were formerly ^oAn Saaaamon'a in our colonie, shall be settled on Felix his son-in-law," and to re- main his and his heirs " fon'uer." Felix^a wife survived him, and willed her land to a daughter, named Merry. This v/as in KKH!, and laacke fVanno v/it- nessed said will. There was at a later period an Indian preacher ht Titicutf named Thomaa Felix, perhaps a son of tiie former.^ But to return to the more immediate subject of our «liscourse. There was a Saaaaman, or, as my manuscript has it, Soaomon, known to the English as early as 1H37 ; but as we have no means of knowing how old John Saaaamon was when he was murdenul, it cannot be decided with prolmbility, whether or not it wt^re he. This •S^oAomon, as will be seen in the life of Saaaa- cua, went with the English to fight the Pcquots Saaaamon acted as interjireter, witness or scribe, as the case required, on many occasions. When Philip anil H'ootonekantiake hia wife, sold, in l(iG4, Mattapoisett to fVilliam Brenton, Saaaamon was a witness and interpreter. The same year he was Pkdip'a agent " in mtttling the bounds of Acushenok, Coaks«>tt, and places adjacent." Again, in KKiS, he witnessed the receipt of £10 paid to Philip on account of sn wen; only waiting for th«' trees to get leaved out, that they might prosecute their design with niore etfert. To return to Snssamon : In the mean time, some circiunstances happened that gav(; further grounds of 8us|)icion, that war was meditutetl, and il was intended that messengers slioidd be sent to Philip, to gain, if |)ossibIe, the real state of the case, iiut Ijflbre this was effiicted, much of the winter of 1674 had passed away, and the Rev. Sassamot still resiited with the Namaskets, and others i>f his coinitrvmen in tiiu* iieighlxM'hood. And notwithstanding he had enjoined the strictest secrecy ui>on his English friends at I ii'iiouth, of what he had revealed, assuring them that if it came to Philip's knowledge, he should be iinniediatcly murdered by him, yet it by sor.ic means got to the chief's knowledge, and Sassnmon was considered a traitor ami an outlaw; and, by the laws of the Indians, be had forfeited his life, and was doomed to siifTcr death. The manner of effecting it was of no cons«'(iuence with them, so long as it was brought aboiu, and it is nrobable that Philip had ordered any uf liis subjects who might meet with hini, to kill him. Early in the spring of 1075, Sassamon was missing, and, on search being made, his body was found in Assawoinset Pond, in Middlel>orotigb.f Those that killed him not caring to be known to tin; English, led his hat and gun upon tiio ice, that it might be sup[>osed that he had drowned himself; but from several marks upon his Imdy, and the fact that his neck was brtken, it was evident lie had been muniered. | Several jicrsons were suspected, and, upon the information of one called Palxu:kson, Tobias^ one of rhilip's counsellors, his son, and Maltashinnamy, were apprehended, tried by n Jury, consisting of half Indians,|| and in June, ](t75, wsre all executed at Plimouth ; "one of them before his execution confe.ssiuj; the murder," but the other two denied all knowledge of the act, to their last breath. The truth of their guilt may reasonably l)e called in question, if the circumstance of the bleeding of the dead body at the approach of the murderer, had any influence upon the Jury. And we are fea. ful it was the case, for, if the most learned were misled by such hallucinations in those days, we are not to suppose that the more ignoran' were free from them. Dr. Increase Mather wrote within two years of the affair, and he has this passage : " When Tobias (the suspected murderer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresli, as if it h«d been nowly slain ; albeit, it was buriad a considerable time before that."^ Nothing of this part of the story is upon record among the manuscripts, as we can find, but still we do not question the authenticity of Dr. Mather, who, we believe, is the first that printed an account of it Nor do the records of Plimouth notice Sassamon imtil some time afler his death. The first record is in these words : " The court seeing cause to require the per- * Nut yet published, Imt is now, (Apri!, K,m,) printing with notes by the author of this work, muler llic direction of the American Aiitiijua-ian Society. It will form a lasting monu- ment of one of the best men of those days. Tlic iiuihor was, as Mr. Eliot expresses himself, " a pillar in our Indian work." He died in 1G87, aged 75. t Some would like to know, perhaps, on what authority Mr. GraJiame {Hist. N. Amer. i. 402.) states thai Sassamon's boay teas found in a field. \ Gookin's MS. Hist, of Christian Indians. This author says, " SasBamaatd was the first Christian martyr," and that " it is evidci. he suffered death upon the account of his Christi^P profession, and fidelity to the English." J His Indian name ;vas Po^gapanofoo. jl Mather's Relation, 74. Judge Davis retains the sane account, (liorton't Memorial^ 2o9.) which we shall presently show to be erroneous. V Mather's Relation, 75. • r, ^ ■ "M 1 I ', :^An , 'I ■■ * ■ '■ • •'.■;■■»'• f :■■ H: ::-i'' ♦. ■ '■ If. ,\' ■an- < • ' ■ ■ H ■•■ii ■■'.'' - '. , • » ■:M^ • i ! »-■ I.*: '■ Si. ■>: I yf^ >.; • • ■• • "J'" ,•■...■• ■ s- •...,>■•■,•■•. • ■-::•. '<•« na SASSAMON. [Book III. Honnl ap[>earance of an Iixlian called Tobuu licfon; the roiirt, to make fur- ther answer to mirh iiitirrru^ittorieH oh dIiuII Ih) re<|uin>d of him, in reference to the sndden and violent death of an Indian called John Saiattnum, late deceaBod." This was in March, 1(174, O. 8. It appearH that Tobias was pr«>H«>nt, althon^h it is not so stated, from Iho fact that Ttupaquin and his son WUliam entered into hoiids of £100 for the appearance of Tobias at the next court in June following. A mortgage of land was taken as security for the £100. June having arrived, three insteatl of one are arraigned as the murderers of Sassamon. I'iiere was no intimation of any one hut Tobias heing guilty at the previous court. Now, tfampapaquan, the son of Tobias, and Malta- shunannamo * are arraigned with luni, and the hill of indictment runs as fol- lows : " For that lieing accused that they did with joynt consent vpon tlm 29 of January ann" 1()74, [or lUHiirueM Pond, wilfully and of sett purpose, and of mullice fore thought, and hy force uud arines, murder John Sasaamon, an other Indian, hy laying violent hands on him, and striking him, or twisting his necke vntill lieu was dead ; and to hyde and conccale this theire said nnirder, att the tynic and place aforesaid, did cast his dead body through a hole of the iyce into the said pond." To this they pleaded ^ not guilty," and put themselves on trial, say the records. The jurj', however, were not long in fuiding them guilty, which thev express in these words : " Wee of the jury one and all, both English and Indians doe joyntly and with one consent agree upon a verdict." Upon this they were immediately remanded to prison, ^ and from thence [taken] to the place of execution and there to l>e hanged by the head f vntill theire bodies are dead." Accordingly, Tobias and Maitashunannatno were executed on the 8 June, 1(>75. " Rut tlio said Wampapaqmtn, on some con- siderations was reprieued until a montii he expired." He was, however, shot within the month. It is an error that the jury that found them guilty was composed of half Indians ; tliere were bat Ibnr, while there were twelve Englishmen. We will again hear the record : — ** Itt was judged very expedient by the court, tliat, together with this English pury abouo named, some of the most indifi'erentest, grauest and sage Indians should Ih; admitted to be with the said jury, and to healp to consult and aduice with, of^ and concerning the prennses: there names are as followeth, viz. one called by an English name Hopt, and Maskifpague, IVannoo, George Wamoyt and Jcanootus; these fully conciu-red with the jury in theure verdict." The names af the jurymen were fVUliam Sabine, WiUiatn Crocker, Edward Shtfgis, fyHliam Brookes, JVaih'. fVinslow, John fVadnuorth, Andrew Ringe, Robert Fixon, John Done, Jon". Bangs, Jon". Shaw and Benj"^. Higgina. That nothing which can throw light upon this important affair be passed over, we will here add, from a hitherto exceeding scarce tract, the ibllowiug particulars, although some parts of them ore evidently erroneous : " About five or six years since, there was brought up, amongst others, at the college At Cambridge, (Mass.) on Indian, named Sosomon ; who, after some time Be had spent in preaching the gospel to Uncas, a sagamore Christian in his ter- ritories, was, by the authority of New Plimouth, stjnt to itreach in like man- ner to King Philip, and hia Indians. But King Philip, (heathen-like,) instead of receiving the gospel, would immediately liave killed this Sosomon, but by the persuasion of some about him, did not do it, but sent him by the hands of three men to prison ; who, as he was going to prison, exhorted and taught them in the Christian religion. They, not liking his discourse, immediately murthered him alter a i nost barbarous manner. They, return- ing to King Philip, acquainted him with what they had done. About two or three months after this murther, being discovered to the authority of JtW * The same called Maltashinnamy. His name in (he records is spell four ways. t This old phraseology reminds us of the French mode of expression, cowper It cou, (hat i>t lo cut oflT the neck instead of the head ; but the French say, U itra penau par son cou, and w do modern hangmen, aiioi jurutt, of our times. Chap. II] LIFF. O'' KINO I'llIUr 18 N'«'W I'liiiioiitli, Josiah liinalow bciiij; llicn K«»voriior of that roloiiy, onro uns tukfii to ruiii out tlif! iiiiirtlion'rH, wlio, ii|h>ii H<>urcli, wuru IoiiimI uikI npiin!- Ii('iixaM|»c'ratril King Philij), that, iWiiii that day al)«>r, hr Htialii'tl to Im) revenged oti the EiigliMli — jiiil<;iii.!; that the Kti;,di.>4h authority hud nothing to du tu hong lui Indiiui for killing another." • 9*in ClIAl'TKR II. Life of KING PllllilP — His mil namr — The name of his trife — Makes frn/utiU fairs of his liinils — .lirnuiit of fhrin — His first trriili/ at FUmouth — ErprilUiim to yaiUifihrt—Ktents of \iM\—lifgin.i the WAR if U't7r>— First arts of hostilitij— Sirim/i Fight lit Porassrt — Xiirroirlij rsai/irs out of his men roiitUnj — is pursued by Onrko — Fight at Hrhnhnth Plain — Cuts off a compnnij of English under Captain Ikers — Incidents — Fight at Siigar-loiif Uili, and destruction oj Captain Ijithrop's cumpanij — Fights the English under Mosriij — English raise VM) men — Philip retires to .\iirraganset — Strongly fortifies himself in a great sicamp — Description of his fortress — Kng'ish marcii to attack him — The great Fight ot .Varragunset — Again flies hisroun/rij — I'isits the Mohawks — lll-dectsed alriUagem — Eventsof I(i7(i — Rrturnsiigainto his country — Reduced to a wretched condition — Is hunted hy Church — Uis chief counsellor, Akkoinpoin, killed, and his sister raptured — His icfe and son full into the hands of Church — Flies to Piikuniiket — /* surprised and slain. — Speci- men of the Wampanoag Language — Other curious mutter. \s regard to the native or Indian name ofl'iiiLii it Rcema a miHtnke ha.s al- ways prevailed, in printed accounts. Pomkt acom gives an iw.»x its Indian sound lis can be approaelKul hy our letters. The first syllable was dropp«!il in (ainiliar discourse, and h(;nce, in u short time, no one iniagined but what it had always Iteen so ; in nearly every original deed executed by hini, which we have seen, aiul they are many, his name so apptmrs. It is true that, in those of different years, it is spelt with some little variation, all which, however, conveyed very nearly the same sound. The variations are Puinatacom, Pamatacom, Pometa- rome, and Pomclacom ; the last of which prevails in the records. We have anotht^r important discovery to coumiunicate :f it is no other than the name of the wife ol' Ponietacom — the innocent Wootonekanuske ! This wiLS the name of her who, with her little son, fell into the hands of Captain Church. No wonder that Philip was "now ready to die," as some of his trai- torous men told Church, and that " his heart wufa now ready to break ! " All (hat was dear to him was now swallowed up in the vortex ! But they still iivetl, and tliis most harrowed his soul — lived for what .'* to servo as slaves in uii iniknown land ! could it be otherwise than that madness should seize upon liiin, and despair tortncnt him in every place ? that in his sleep he should hear tlie anguishing cries and lamentations of fVoolonekaniuike and his son ? But we must change the scene. It seems as though, for niaiiy years b(;fore the war of 1G75, Pometaconi, and nearly all of his people sold on their lands as fust as purchasers presented them- selves. They saw the prosperity of the English, and they were just such phi- losophers 08 are easily captivated by any show of ostentation. They were forsa- king their maimer of life, to which the proximity of the whites was a deadly |K)ison, and were eager to obtain such things as their neighbors possessed ; these were only to be obtained by |)arting with their lands. That the reader may t()mi some idea of the rapidity with which the Indians' lands in Phmoutii colony were disposed of, we add the following items : — * Present State of New England, by a inereliant of ISoston, in respect to tlie present Illnodij Mian [Vars, page 3, folio, l^ondoii, 1676. This, wilh four other tracts upon Philip's War, (roveruig the whole period of it, wilh notes by myself, accompanied by a Chronology of all Indian events in .\mcrica from its discovery to toe present lime, (March 7th, 183(>,) has just been published under the title of the Oi.u Indian Ciikonicle. t The author feels a peculiar satisfaction that it has fallen to his lot to be the first to publish the real name of the great sachem of the Wumpaiioags, and also that of the sharer of hit perils, Wbotonekanuske. . . ^ '^*m '•*■' v^i ,1 .t %Iq * ■ yTl ^ * 'v V ' ' ' l "'9 ^. vS , '^''^ ■ . ■ .^. *^' , ' ' ■•■• -'^ *, ■ ■'• . ' .■■'■ -'J • 4 K • ' ' i •■' ::■■- V ■..Vv.-U.- ■■■• .■■^. ■■•... :A-- '•1 ■■.•»".•. -i.''. • .,■■■ '" * '■ ' .' ' ',■ ■■•■'•' : '*'■:■ '4r/ .• . .• :% ■M . :. .■'. . '■,'•/■ ' ^'•;'f>.V ■'-.'■ :■. '■ • •" ^ ^* • . * '''■'. ■;'" ■ ■"•.'• 4 * f .^fv ■(•/'■ -A;- >p ■ .. ■'"' ."' /" '" .* ^'■'m 'Sfe^ : -.v. , •; >; • J >■' ■'. WSm ii ■'•'■''■- ^' :^fi8 MOiiyl 14 PIIIUP— SAI.F.S OF HIS LANDS [Rook III. B-l ' • ' ^ i\ I' I •■' ■■' .. .■^• Ill n iIo«»ginn, " I, Pnmntnrnm nlinH Philip, cliiof naclM in of Moniil IIoim-, ("owniiinpsit and nf all 'crriloricB llH-ri'iinto lM'lonf{iiif(." Philip u]»\ lim wifi> Im)|Ii Hi^K'd thin deoil, and Torkomork, H'fcopauhim,* jYtuflmiuason, Pompa- ifunsf, Jlptminxak, Taquankirirkr, Ptvpionark, fVntnpntithur, .ImirUuiuiah, John Sasmmon l\\v. intcrpnfUT, Rowlaml Sananmon, and two I'ligliNniiu'ii, Mij;;iHMl lu* witlH'HW'B. In Kkl,'), ho. Hold tlip rountry al)oiit ArtiHlu-iia, [now New Hcdford,] uju! ('oaxct, [now in Coinpton.] Philip^s fallx-r iiaving prcvioimly Kold uoinc of tlif mini', £10 waH now givi'ii liini to pirvfiit any riaiiii from liiin, and to pay for Ilia iMurkiiii' out the Mtino. John H'ooaavaman [oni> of tlit* iiunicH of Sassa tnori] witiu'Hmui tliiH deed. 'Vw Hanie year the court of Plinioutli pnHented Philip with a lioree, hut on wliat acroiint we an; not infoniied. In KMta, Wrentlinni was purrham'd of Philip liy the KngliHh of Dedlinni. It waH then called Hulloniononoair, and, hy the aiiionnt aMH tiiereat)outH,not yet purciiuw'd,"theHelectiiieii appoint five |)erw)nH t«) negotialp with him " for hii< remuining right, provided he can sliow that he hiiK any." | Whether his right were qucstioiuiiile or .'lot, it seems a purchasu was made, at that time, of the; tract called IVoollommomippo^ne," within the town hounds (of Dcdhain] not yet purchas«thren to hold and make sale of to whom they will hy nrjy consent, and they shall not haue itt without they be willing to lett it goe it shal he sol by my consent, but without my knowledge they cannot safely to : but with my consent there is none that can lay claiinc to that land which they haue marked out, it is theires foreucr, soe therefore none can safely pmv.hase any otherwise but by Watachpoo and Sampson and their hretheren. Philip 166U." Whether the following letter were written earlier or later than this we have no means of knowing ; it is plain, however, from its contents, that it was written at a time when he was strongly opposed to selling his lands, and that the jieo- pie of Plimouth were endeavoring to get hin to their cotirt, where they had reason to l)clieve they could succeed better in getting them than by a negotia- tion in his own country. The letter follows : — " To the mtuh honored Govemer, Mr. Thomas Prince, dwelling at Plimovih. " King Philip desire to let you understand that he could not come to the court, for Tom, his interpreter, has a pain in his back, that he could not travil * I'orhaps Uncompoin. t Worlhington's Hist. Dedham, 20— from wliich work it would seem that the negotiation had been carried on with Philip, but Philip was not sachem until this year. j Ibid. ft General Court Files. H Sometimes Tukpoo by abbreviation. TtUoton. A further account of him will be found in the life of . vf. CitAr. 11.1 PHILIP— SALES OF IIIS LANDS. 15 <« fur, Rnd Philip xinfcr in vory Bick. Philip wfMilcl intrcnt tlint favor of yon, niul Hiiy of till' riinjt'HtratH, if aiM-y Kiif^lloli or Kiif(iiiti.sH|M'ak alHiiit unr>y Iniiil, h«) jtniy you to ((ii!fi tlwin no ntifwwor at all. TJiIn lant Hiiiniiirr lio maid tlinl |l^lrni^4 with ye t lliat In* would nut ni-|| no land in 7 y*>arH titnc, for tiiat Iw u'onid have no Kngiinli tmultlr him iM't'orr tiiat tim<>, In- han not forgot that you promiH him. lIi; will come a Huno an \totiDt'bln he can to .><|N;ak with yon, and Mt I rest, y«Hir very lovring friend I'liii.ip |> dwelling nt mount ho|H; mk." ' III ir>fl7, Philip 8pI1h to Cowitant Snulhworlh, and othrrn, all th»' mi-adow lamtH from DurtnH>utli to Mata|H>i:«Mt, tor whirh lin had £15. Particular ImiiuuIh to all iractH arc nii>ntioncd in the ducds, but a.s they wi>rc gcncnill\ or otlcii Htukcs, triH's, and hcu|>8 of htoncM, no one al tliiH time can truce many o|' llictn. The Maine year, for " £10 ptcrling," lie scIIh to Thos. }VxUtt and others, » all that tract of lam! lying between the lliiicr Wanawottaqut'tt and CawafoiiuL-isctt, being two miicH long and one Itroad." Pawsai/uens, one of Philip^s commscI- lors, and Tom aliuH Saw.iudt, an interpreter, wen^ witnesses to the wile. In 1(J<)8, " Philip Poinitarom, and Tiitamumatpu f alia.« Ciuhrwashrd, HjicheniH," for a " valuable consideration," kcII to sundry Kngii.sli a tract of some s(|nan! n McH. A part of it was adjacent to I'okanoket. In descriliing it, Memcnuck- qii ig<;niid Towansett neck an mentioned, which we <-onclud«' to be in Swan- 8CV'. It«>si«»!s t<) this sale. Th(^ next year, thf; same sachems sell 500 acres in Swunsey fur £20. f^'anuto, a coinisellor, and Tom tiie interpreter, were witnesses. In l()(i8, Philip and Uncomnawen laid claim to ayiart of New-meadows necJt, alleging that it was not intended to lie conveyed in a former deed, by Ossanu- (/utaand fftinwutta, to certain English, " although it ap|>cars, says the record, pretty clearly so expressed in said de■'••■.■ ■/ I 'V • ■■■ • .1 - ■ -. ■* ., /■ 'v*(i'>V * - :^y. ' ^ * ■. 'u ■ilyf^: ; '.',".:r*-"' 'i r. »: ..' .'!.v,A I ■>■• • i"'- ^'■•.■. ^^.^$;::% '•■■■/^^■*:. '*•'<, V ,\ ' 'A, V !;■• . "«*^. I- ■i't .,,. , .#. .. ™ - ■I- .^-J■r;..,;, ^■-■; ■'■'.; 16 Wanascohochetl. PHILIP.— SALES OF HIS LANDS. Wewcnset. [Bmk in. 7^ line is a patk Panhanet PalantaloBP*., Sepa- conell. Atcopompamocke ^i Ascoochames. Macbapquake. Apoiiecrtt. This is a path. Aiioqiieassctt. Cottoyowsekccsett. •* OsOTnequen'^ faavine, Tor Taluable considerations," in the year 1641, sold to John Brown and Edward Winslow a tract of land eight miles square, situ- ated on both sides of Paliuer's River, Philip, on the 30 Mar. 1668, was re- quired to sign a quit-claim of the same, "niis he did in presence of Umpta- kisokty Phillip, and Peebt,* counsellors, Sonconewheio, Phillip's brother, and Tojii the interpreter.! This tract includes the i)rcfcent town of Rchoboth. Also in IGCy, for£10 "andanother valuable and snlhcient gratuity," he sells to John Cook of Akusenag in Daitmouth,^ "one whole island uere the towne," called Nokatay. The same year, Philip and Ttitpaquin sell a considerable tract of land in Middleborough, ibr £13. Thomas the intei preter, fi'illiam, the son of Ttis- paquin, and Benjamin Church, were witnesses. In 1(?71, Philip and " Monjokam of Mattapoisott," for £5, sell to Hugh Cole, of Swansej', 8hi|)wright, land lying near a place culled Acashewah, in Dartnioutlu In 1(J72, Philip sold to fViUiam Brenton ajid others, of Taunton, a tract to the southward of that town, containing twelve sipiarc miles, ibr £14i'}; and, a few days after, adjoining it, four square uiilos more, to Con nt Sovihworth. Others were concerned in the sale of the larger tract, as is judged by the deeds being signed by JVunkampahooneU, Umnathum, alias JVimrod, Chee- Tnaughton, and Captain Annawam., i)csideB one Philip. Thomas, alias Saiik- suit, was among the witnesses. The sale of the last tract was witnessed by Munashum, alias JVimrod, JVoackornpawhan,^ and Captain Annowan. These are but a part of the sales of land by Pometacom : many other chiefs sold vtiry largely, particularly h'aiuapaquin and Josias Wampaiudc. At the court of Plimouth, 1G73, " Mr. Peter Talmon of Rhode Land com- plained against Philip allies Wewasoivanueit, surhem of Mount Hope, brother or jjredecessor oi' Pakanawhctl as heirc adminnoatrator or successor vnto his brother or predecessor Wamsitta, Sopaquitt,^ or Alexander deceased, in an action on the case, to the damage of £800 forfeiture of a bond of such a viilue, bearing date, Jiuie the 28th, 1(561, giuen to the said Peter Talmon, obliging * Called, in Mr. Hubbard's history, Thehe ; he was afterwards killed at Swanscy, in liic beginning of the war. Tliere is a puiid in Narra^anset of the same name. t Mr. Blis$, in his Histouy ok llKHOiiorn, (54, C5, has printed this deed from the ori^iial. { The place where Cook lived is ntw included in New Bedford. ^ Probably " Philip's old uncle Ahkompoin." (I Tli.Tit is, nicknamed Alexander, according to the French mode of expression ; oii par sobri- quet Alexander, as I imagine. Mr. Hubbard says of J'liilii), (Narrative, 10,) that, "for hij vnibitious and haughty spirit, [h« was] nicknamed King Philip." I. .iy' Chap. II.] PHILIP— MAKES A TREATY AT PLIMOUTII. 17 him the said Wamaitta aJlies Mwrider to make good to him, his heircs and a deed of gift of a considerable tiiu k of land alt Sajwwett and places adjacent, as in the said deed is more particidarly expressed ; for want wherof the coni|)lainant is greatly daiiuiifyed." Whether the conduct of the j»eople of Plimoi towards WamstMa, Pometacom^a elder brother, and other neighboring 1ml as, made them always (itispicious of tiie chief sachem, as it had their neighlwrs before in the case of Jfian/unnoTnoik, or whether PAi7i;» were in reality "contriving mischief," the same year of his coming in chief sachem, remains a question, to this day, with those best acquainted with tlie history of those times. The old benevolent sachem Massagoit, alias Woosavaxquin, liaving died in the winter of l()()l-2, as we believe, but few mouths after died also Jlltxander, Philip's elder brother and predecessor, when Philip himself, by tlie order of succession, came to be chief of the Wampanoags. Philip having by letter complained to the court of Plimouth of some in- jiu'ies, at their October term, ir»G8, they say, " In answer unto a letter from Philip, the sachem of Pokanokett, &c., by wny of petition requesting the court for justice against Francis IVast, [/rest,] for wrong done by him to one of his men about a gun taken from him by the said IVist ; as also for wrung done unto some swine of the said Indian's. The court have ordered tlie case to be heard and determined by the selectmen of Taunton ; and in case it be not by them ended, that it be referred unto the next March court at Plimouth to be ended." How the case turned we have not found. But for an Indian to gain his point at an English court, unless his case were an ex- ceeding strong one, was, we apprehend, a rare occurrence. "He was no sooner styled sachem," says Dr. /. Mather,* "but immediately, in the year l(j62, there were \ehcnient suspicions of his bloody treachery against the English." This author wrote at the close of Philip's war, when very lew could speak of Indians, without discovering great bitterness. Mr. Morton t is the first who mentions Metacomet in a printed work, which, being l)efore any difficulty with bins, is in a more becoming manner. "This year, (1()()2,) he observes, "tipon occasion of some suspicion of some plot intended by the Indians against the Englisli, Philip, the sacliem of Pokanoket, other- wise called Metacom, made his apj)earance at the court held at Plimouth, August 6, did earnestly desire the continuance of that amity and friendship that hath formerly been between tlic governor of Plimouth and his deceafied father and brother." The court expressing their willingness to remain his friends, he signed the articles prepared by them, acknowledging himself a subject of tlie king of England, thus : — " The mark of ^ Phillip, sachem of Poeanakett, The mark of <] Vncumpowett, vnkell to the aboue said sachem."" Tlie following persons were present, and witnessed this act of Philip, and Ills great cji[)tain Uncompoin : — "John Sassamon, 77ic niarfc rn. <>/" Francis, sachem o/JVauset, The mark DI o/'Nimrod alias Pumfasa, The mark y o/^Punckjjuaneck, The mark ^ of Aq^vKTEqvESH." I Of the uneasiness and concern of the English at this jwriod, from the liostile movements of Philip, Mr. Hubbard, we presume, was not informed* or so im|>flrtant an event would i:oi Iiave l)ecn omitted in his minute and valuable history. Mr. Morton, as we before states!, and Mr, Mather mention it, l)ut neither of these, or any writer since, to this day, has iiiaJ '.' . > , ") "^ \ ;• \l , ' -i.*| '■■ii^^^' ■ V'"' '"■'.■ .'■- 1^' ■'. •■..■'*fs -, i,.'i'S'. -<• W< .-1 . »sv_ .V ..w- ■ . ■••;■•'■ ■'••■f--aii ■'■ tj •."><'■■.•, ■>'\i'..' •■.■■ --.■ "'■ ' ■i»i>-. >i>Jf'.:,: • • . ;. /I ,<:■■>■, ■ " . . C* ' '■■:•-■•.♦•' y-':y:'--r^\:f^^ ■Am . i. v,■"''^' J. •/■■-•,." v' '■•■' i -H **•*'**'' -.it::-;- ' i-''^"^'' >■v . "i' !, ' ■■•' .*"■*• •■' ^^.^". v".!',r. i" -^■:' 2;^ ■;■<.•■.:> ■ ' i«H *• '■ ■■•■■ ■ m.-^'^H '■■■ ^-"^^^^ .■■'•,-r'.V'.;'i-.v ^:r: • •"'•^■,«i..- > ■. ,i!,!;V '■■'-; ^ • ', 16 PHILIP.— PURSUIT OF GIBBS. [Book IH For about nine years succeeding 1662, very little is recorded concernin!» Philip. During this time, lie became more intimately acquainted with lii^ English neighbors, learned their weakness and his own strength, whirl) rather increased than diminished, until his fatal war of 1675. For, during this period, not only their additional numbers gained them power, but their arms were greatly strengthened by the Englisli instruments of war put into their hands. Roger fi'iUiams had early brought the Narragansets into frioiul- ship with Massaaoit, which alliance gained additional strength on the acces- sion of the ymm^ Metacomtt. And here we may look for a main cause of tliut war, although the death oi' Alexander is generally looked upon by the earlv historians, as almost the only one. The continual broils bet^veen the En<;- lish and Narragansets, ^we name the English first, as they were generally the aggressors,) could not be unknown to Philip ; and if his countrymen were wronged he knew it. And what friend will see another abused, with- out feeling a glow of resentment in his breast.' And who wll wonder, if, when these abuses had followed each other, repetition upon repetition, for a series of years, that they should at last break out into open war.' The Narraganset chiefs were not conspicuous at the period of which we sjieuk ; there were several of them, but no one appears to have had a general com- mand or ascendency over the rest ; and there can be little doubt but tlmt *.hey unanimously reposed their cause in the hands of Philip. Ninigrtt was at this time grown old, and though, for many years after the murder of Miantunnomok, he seems to have had the chief authority, yet pusillanimity was always rather a i)redominant trait in his ciiaracter. His age had prob- ably caused his withdrawal from the others, on their resolution to second Philip. Canonchet was at this period the most conspicuous ; Pumham next ; PotoK, Magnus, the squaw-sachem, whose husband, Mriksah, had been dead several years ; and lastly Maltaloag. Before proceeding Avith later events, the following short narrative, illus- trative of a peculiar custom, may not be improperly introduced. Philip, as tradition reports, made an expedition to Nantucket in 1665, to punish an Indian who had profaned the name of Maamsoit, his father ; and, as it was an observance or law among them, that wiioever should speak evil of the dead should be put to death, Philip Avert there with an armed force to exe- cute this law upon Gibba. He was, however, defeated in his design, for one of Gibba^a friei'ds, understanding Philip^s intention, ran to him and gave him notice of it, just in time for him to escape ; not, hoAvever, without great ex- ertions, for Philip came once in sight of him, after pursuing him some time among the English from house to liouse ; but Gibha, by leaping a bank, got out of sight, and so escaped. PAi7yj Avould not leave the island until the English had ransomed John at the exorbitant price of nearly >.ll the money upon the island."* Gibbs Avas a Christian Indian, and his Indian name wus Aaaasainoogh. He Avas a })reriCher to his countrymen in 1674, at Avhich time (here were belonging to his church 30 members. What grounds the English had, in the spring of tlie year 1671, for susjit rt- mg that a plot Avas going forAvuid for their destruction, cannot satisfactorily be ascertained ; but it is evident there Avere some AAarlike preparations niiulf^ by the great chief, Avlreh very mucli alarmed the English, as in the life of Aimahonka we shall have occasion again to notice. Their suspicions Avcrc further confirmed when they sent for him to come to Taunton and niako knoAvn the causes for his operations ; as he discovered " shyness," and a re- luctance to comply. At length, on the 10th of April, this year, he came to a place about four miles from Taunton, accompanied Avith a baud of his A\ar- riors, attired, armed and painted as for a warlike expedition. From this place he sent messengers to Taunton, to invite the English to come and treat Avith him. The governor either Avas afraid to meet the chief, or tliouglit it beneath his dignity to comply with his request, and therefore sent several * For some of what we hnve given above, see 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 159, furnislied for that work by Mr. Zaccheus Macij, whose aiicusior, it is said, assisted in secreting Assasamon/rh. Ill a late work, Hist. N.iiituckctt by Obed Manj, an account of the aOTair is given, but with Komc variation from the .'''-ve. 61" !,:>' Chap. II.] PHILIP.— TREATY AT TAUNTON. 19 • >^i persons, among whom was Roger WUliama, to inform him of tlieir determi- nation, and tlu'ir good disposition towards liim, and to urge his attendance at Taunton. He agreed to go, and liostages were leil in tht; hands of liis warriors to warrant his sate return. On coming near tlu^ village with a teu of his warriors, he made a stop, whicli apjiears to liave been occasioned bv the warlike parade of the English, many of whonj were lor immediately at- tacking him. These were the I'limoiitli people that recommended this rasli- neiis, hut they were prevented by the commissioners from Massachusetts, who met here with the governor of I'limouth to conli'r with Phili}). In tlie end it was agreed that a council should be held ni tin; meeting- house, one side of which siiould be occupied by the Indians, and tiie otiier by the English. PAi7)/7 had alleged that the English injur name's were Tavoser, Caj)tain fflspoke, fFoonkuponehunt, [Uakom- poinA and JViinrod, he sigmd a submission, and an engagement of frienoahip, which also sti|>uiated that he should give up all the ai'ms among his people, into the hantbi of the governor of Pliuiouth, to be kept as long as the govern- ment sliould "see reason." f The English of Alassachas^tts, having acted as umpires in this affair, wen; looked to, by both parties, on tiie next cause of complaint Philip having delivered the arms which himself and men had with them at Taunton,; promised to deliver the ixst at Plimouth by a certain time. But they not being delivered according to agreement, and some other differences occurring, a messenger was sent to Boston from I'limouth, to make complaint ; but Philip, perhaps, understanding what was intended, was quite as early at Bos- ton in person ;v, and, by his address, did not fail to be well received, and a favorable report of liiiu was rt turned to Plimouth ; and, at the same time, projjosals that commissifanc^rs li-om sdl the United Colonies should meet Philip at Plimouth, where aJl difficulties might be settled. This meeting took l)laci! the same yeaz", September, ltJ71, and the issue of the meeting was very nearly the same as that at Taunton. "The conclusion was," says Mr. .Mather,^ ^^ Philip acknowledged his offence, and was appointed to give a sum of money to defray the charges which his insolent clamors had put the colo- ny unto." As usual, s(!veral articles were drawn up by the English, of what Philip was to submit to, to wliich we fnid the names of three only of his ca])tains or counsellors, Uiicompaen, who was his uncle,1[ Ifotokom, and Samkama. Great stress in those days was laid on the Indians submitting themselves as "subjex^ts to his majesty the king of England." This they did only to get rid of the importunity of the English, as their course inunediately allerwards invariably showed. The articles which the government of Plimoutii drew up at this time, for Philip to sign, were not so illiberal as might bei imagined, were we not to produce some of them. Article second reads, — Wv ■W' ir.vi '■ ; -■■]•• 'if-' ■ '■'.'*/■.'.?■,' '■'.■ . li*; >■: :-^- .■ ;., •■■■■>■- ■ CM :r4 :.■!• ■i ,: ',:;, • ■ **; 'J' ' ' '' ■M-y-:^m' ■ ■ .^ . *■ ■•!.'• • *•• *" ■ *:.• i-\-:r.i.^:n-ri'''. * « :^f::'.'- . •' '•■.■■*'. , •.'. ti ^■!•i;t:^^ ■ ■ ; '''■' ' ■ ■• •'r-.s*- ,./.-.■;. ^;'V^-::..:i^}A- ,.>v ■*'■«*■ ■■ '■■ Hf ■,'■.'■';! hi-- ■'•n.i<:-rt: ' r >• ■'••.71. '.»1-. •.I. 1 . .'. ■\ ^:. •,. ' . • »■»■ . «■ ■ ■ : >-7;i;-:. .>■ :•.•■' ' 'ii/.-.v. I.;,. ;.it-r' .V? ir .-*" 4 > , - ■...• v.- -• ; ''*:*• ' '% ^ •'■. V '»* f-'..; • Sept. 1671, and were signed by 7%e mark P 0/ Phillip ; The mark T o/'Wohkowpahenitt; The mark V o/'Wuttakooseeim; The murk T o/^Sonkanuuoo ; The mark Q,^ Woo jiASHVw, altaa Nibirod; The mark '^ ofWooHVASVCK, alioi Captain. On tlic 3 Nov. following, Philip accomjpanied Takanumma to Plimoiitli, to make his submission, wliich he did, and acknowledged, by a \vriting, that he would adhere to the articles signed by Philip and the o Jiers, the 29 Sept. before. Toknmana was brother to Jticashonks, and, at this time, was sachem of Seconet, or Saconett. He was afterwards killed by the Narraganscts.f A general disiiriniiig of the neighboring Lidians was undertaken during the spring and summer ot 1671, and nothing but trouble could have been expect- ed to follow. That notliing may be omitted which can throw light upon this import it era in the biography of Philip, we will lay before the reader all the unpiih- lishcd information furnished by the n'cords.f Having met in June, 1671, " The court [of Plimouth] dctermins all tlie guns in our hands, that did be- long to Philip, are justly forfeit : and do at the present order the dividing of them, to be kept at the several kmvhs, according to their equal proportions, until Octol)er court next, and then to be at the court's dispose, as reason may appear to them, and then to belong unto the towns, if not otlierwise disposed of by the court. " That which the court grounds thtir judgment upon is, — For that at the treaty at Taunton, Philip and his council did acknowledge that they had been in a preparation for war against us; and that not groiuided upon any injury sustained Irom us, nor j)rovocation given by »is, but from tlieir naughty hearts, and because he hud formerly violated and broken solenui covenants made and renewed to us ; he then freely tendered, (not being in a uipacity to be ke])t Ihithful by any other bonds,) to resign up all his English arms, for our future security in that respect. He failed greatly in the performance thereof, by secret[ly] conveving away, and carrying home several guns, that might and should have been tlien delivered, and not giving them up since, according to his engagement ; nor so fiir as is in his power ; as appears in that many guns are known still to be amongst the Indians that live by him, and [he] not so nuicli as giving order to some of his men, that are under his immediate com- mand, about the bringing in of their arms. " In his endeavoring, since the treaty [at Taunton,] to render us odious to our neighbor colony hy false reports, complaints and suggestions ; and his refusing or avoiding a treaty with us concerning those and other matters that ai'o justly offensive to us, notwithstanding his late engagement, as well as for- mer, to submit to the king's authority, and the authority of this colony. " It was also ordered by the court that the arir ) of the Indians of Namas- sakett and Assowamsett, that were fetched in by Major IVinslow, and those that were with him, are confiscated, and forfeit, from the said Indians, for the grounds above expressed ; they being in a compliance with PMUipe in his late plot : And yet would neither by our governor's order, nor by Phillipe's desire, bring in their arms, as was engage*! by the treaty ; and the said guns are ordered by tlie court to the major and his company for their satisfaction, in that expedition. " This court have agreed and voted " to send "some" forces to " Saconett to fetch in " the arms among tiie Indians there. * Tliere is no dale, but llie year, set to any printed copy of this treaty. Mr. Hubbard by niistHke omiited it, and those who have since written, have not given themselves the pleasure ol rociirriiifr lo ibo recort' . ♦ See Church, 3'J. t Plimouth Colony Records, in titamiscript. ■•-■»: ■■. I ,1 v\. CHAr. 11.] PHILIP.— PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. 21 :-:¥:n. If then, therefore, these Indians had not already become hostile, no one wonhl marvel had it now become the case. Bows an«l arrows were almost entirely out of use. Guns had so far superseded them, that undoubtedly many scarce could use them with effect, in procuring themselves game: Nor could it l)e expected otherwise, for the English had, by nearly 40 years' intercourse, ren- dered their arms far more necessary to the existence of the Indians than to their own : hence their unwillingness to part with them. Philip, it is said, directed the Middleborough Indians to give up their guns. His object in this was to |)acifv the English, judging that if war should begin, these Indians would join the li^nglish, or at least many of them ; and, therefore, it affected his cause but little which paity possessed them ; but not so with his immediate followers, as we have just seen in the record. A council of war having convened at Plimouth, 23 August, 1G71, the follow- ing, Ix-sides the matters already expressed, they took into consideration : Philip's " entertaining of many strange Indians, whicli might portend danger towards us. In 8j)ecial by his entertaining of divers Saconett Indians, proli^ssed ene- mies to this colony, and this against good counsel given hun by his friends. The premises considered [the council] do ummimonsly agree and conclude, that the said Phillip hath violated [the] covenant ])lighted with this colony at Taunton in April last. "2. It is unanimously agreed and concluded by the said council, that we are necessarily called to cause the said sachem to make his personal ap|)eui-ahce to make bis purgation, in reference to the premises; which, in case of his refusal, the council, according to what at i>reseut appears, do detcrmiu it necessary to endeavor his reducement by force ; inasmuch as tb*" controversy which bath seemed to lie more immediately between him and us, doth concern all the Eng- lish plantations. It is, therefore, determined to state the case to our neightrar colonies of the Massachusetts and Ktiode Island ; and if, by their weighty ad- vice to the contrary, we are not diverted from our present determinations, to signify unto them, that if they look upon themselves concerned to engage in the case with us agiunst a common enemy, it shall be well accepted as a neigh- borly kindness, which we shall hold ourselves obliged to rejMiy, when Provi- dence may so disjiose that we have opportunity. "Accordingly, letters were despatched and sent from the council, one unto the said Phillip the said sachem, to require his personal appearance at Plymouth, on the 13th day of September next, in reference to the particulars above men- tioned against him. This letter was sent by Mr. James Walker, one of the council, and he was ordered to request the company of Rlr. Roeer Williams and Mr. James Brown, to go with liim at the delivery of the said letter. And another letter Mas sent to the governor and council of the Massachusetts by the hands of Mr. John Freeman, one of our magistrates, anfl r. ^hird was directed to the governor and council of Rhode Island, and sent by ^±t. Thomas Hinckley and Mr. Constant Sovthworth, two other of our magistrates, who are orderetl by our council with the letter, to unfold our present state of matters relating to the premises, and to certify them, also, more certainly of the time of the meeting together, in reference to engagement with the Indians, if there be a going forth, which will he on the 20 of September next, " It was further ordered by the council, that those formerly pressed shall remain under the same impressment, until the next meeting of the said coun- cil, on the 13 day of SepL next, and so also until the intended expedition is issued, unless they shall see cause to alter them, or add or detract from them, as occasion may require : And that all other matters remain as they were, in way of preparation to the said expedition, until wo shall see the mind of God further by the particulars forcnamed, improved (or that purpose. " It was further ordered by the council, that all the to aus within this juristlic- tion sholl, in the interim, be solicitously careful to provide for their 8alt;ty, by convenient watches and wordings, and carrying their arms to the meetings on the Lord's days, in such manner, as will best stand with their particulars, and the common safety. " And in particular they order, that a guard shall be provided for the safety of the governor's person, during the time of the above-named troubles and ex- peditions. ■W' ■ ■ •'.■»^' ■r:') •<•►■■-,. ■:-:•■■ ■.•^;,.' .^ • ^ "^'mm -r*'..-;yL-\ ■•^"H"'' '.■■ • m- ■■■■■''/■■' 1. •;! ;•>< -J . '■',v.-*j' ' ■ ' . '. a . ^•-'•. <. * ■•• • . . .V i ■ , ■ . >. * ,. -*-f, V , ' ■ ' ■ ■ ■■ ,■■ ' ■♦ ,U-,\f,- ." • . • ^ ^- ■■■■'. ^ ;".;sVf ... ; -.■. »■• .^ 'IM^^- .' ^ ' i •*'i*'-^!'i \' ■ . . • . ■ ■• '^:}^: . •;':■* : , '■•'■iK^:\> ■ ■ . .' '■■' ■:■'' »■ ■ -.■" „r • .*\:'.*.> J. 'J' '.'■.. • "\ 7,'.; 'j-r^:^^»,• ■■I-,'' ■ ■ . ■■ /■ -. , ^■•.^':'- ■■ ■'■■■ ■ ••if!" \\ ^ ».'..• »,. Ir*' ' » 11 • .«F> .'.I.'* . ' ■. "* '■M ' ■',•;. ■'^■'. ','.•■■ >•.■.. v ,• •' -■i-iil -.1 ' J r -"'";*( ■ 'ilk • '»■■■ . iHi T- ..s,.«(, S ,. ... M ':'■■■ '.iy 'if*):- ^ .-. '■?•■,.■•■(.•; ■rMm '->'i ■:■■■'■■■■■:. 'A, • ' I ,^» fc .■ .... ,, . •.-.^r.v«^•. :^v 1- I ',.•?^*■v■•'• '<■' •• '..' . ■ > f-.: i ■ ■'<:■' .v.-y* ' ^l'--/. ■ ^' 22 PHILIP.— PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. [Book III. " And tlie council were siunmoned by the president, [the gvwemor of Piirn- outh,] to make their personal appeurunce at IMyiiiouth, on the 13th day el" Sept. next, to attend Huch further business us shall be then presented by Prnvi- dencc, in reference to the premises. [Without any intennediate entry, tin records proceed:] " On the 13 Sept. 1671, the council of war appeared, according to their sum- mons, but Phillip the stichem appeared not; but instead thereof repaired to the Massticliusetts, ond made complaint agains "*< to divers of the gentlemen in plac(! there • who wrote to our governor, by way of persuasion, to advise the cuuneii to a compliance with the said sachem, and tendered their help in the uchi(;ving thereof; declaruig, in sum, that they resented not his ofi'ence so deej)ly us we did, aiid that they doubted whether the covenants and eiigage- inents t'lat Phillip and his predecessors had plighted with us, would plainly import that he had subjected himself, and jHJople, and country to us any furthei than a.s in a neighborly and friendly correspondency." Thus, whether Philip hud been able by nusrepresentation to lead the court of Mussuchiisetts into a conviction that his designs had not been fairlv set forth by Piimouth, or whether it be more reasonable to conclude that that body were thon Highly acquainted with the whole grounds of complaint, and, therefore, considered Piimouth nearly as much in eiTor us Philip, by assuming authority not belonging to them, is a case, we apprehend, not diliicult to be settled by the reader. The record continues : — " The council having deliberated upon the premises, despatched away letters, declaring their thi kful acceptance of their kind proffer, and invited the com- missioners of the Massachusetts and Connecticut, they [the latter] then being there in the Bay, [Boston,] and some other gentlemen to come to Plymouth and afford us their help: And, accordingly, on the 24 oi'Scpt. 1G71, Mr. John H'in- throp, Gov. of Connecticut, Maj. Gen. Levtrett, Mr. Th*.?. Danforlk, Capt. Wm. Davis, with divers others, came to Piimouth, and hud a fair and deliberate hearing of the controversy between our colony and the se.ld suchem Phillip, he being personally present ; there being also com|ietent interpreteit, botli English and Indians. At which meeting it was proved by sufficient testimony to the conviction of the said Phillip, and satisfaction of all that audience, both [to] the said gendemen and others, that he hud broken his covenant made with our colony at Taunton in April last, in divera particulars: as also carried very un- kindly unto us divers ways. "1. In that he "hud neglected to bring in his arms, although " competent time, yea his time enlarged " to do it in, as before stated. " 2. That he had carried insolently and i)roudly towards us on several occasions, in refusing to come down to our coi:rt (when sent lor) to have speech with him, to procure a right understanding of matters in diffijrence l)etwixt us." This, to say the least, was a wretchedly sorry complaint. That an independ ent chief shouhl refuse to obey his neighbors whenever they had a mind to command him, of the justness of whose mandates he was not to inquire, sureh calls lor no comment of oura. Besides, did Philip not do as he agreed at Taunton ? — which was, that in case of future troubles, both parties should lay their complaints before Massachusetts, and abide by their decision .'' The 3d charge is only a repetition of what was stated by the council of war. namely, harboring and abetting divers Indians not his own men, but " vagji- bonds, our professed enemies, who leaving tlieir own sachem were harbored by him." The 4th has likewise been stated, which contains the complaint of his going to Massachusetts, " with several of his council, endeavoring to insinuate him- self into tiie magistrates, and to misrepresent matters un.o them," which amounts to little else but an accusation i^gainst M;i8sachusetts, as, from what has been before stated, it seems that the "gentlemen in place there" had, at least in part, been convinced that Philip wts not so much in fault as their friends of Piim- outh had pretended. " 5. That he had shewed gr" t incivility to divers of ours at several times ; in special unto Mr. James Brmvn, who was sent by the court on special occasion, as a messenger unto him ; and unto Hugh Colt at another time, &c. " The gentletneu forenamed taking notice of the pretnises, havuig fully heard what the said Chap. II.] PHILIP. what the said Phillip could say for himself, having free liberty so to do without interruption, adjudged that be i ..d done us u great deal of wrong and injury, (res|)ecting the preniir^s,) and also abused them by carrying liei and falr-o stories to then, and so misrepresenting matters unto them ; and they persuaded him to make an acknowledgment ot his Itiult, and to seek for rec^.iciliation, expressing themselves, that there is a great difference between what he asserted to the government in the Bay, and wh *, he could now make out concerning his pretended wrongs ; and such had been the wrong and damage that he had done and procured unto the colony, as ought not to be borne without compe- tent reparation and satisfaction ; yuo, that he, by his insolencies, had (in proba- bility) orcasioned more mischief from the Indians amongst tlieni, than hud iullon out in many years l)efore ; tliey persuaded him, therefore, to humble him- self uiito the magistrates, and to amend his ways, if he ex[)ected peace ; and that, if he went on in his refractory way, he must expect to smart for it." The commissioners finally drew up the treaty of which we have before spo- k■ ...-■''. f ■■-■■- •'^■- :..' ■■■■'■ •■ '■ i' ' ' ■ .. . * ' <•% :-'.'■ ■. ....■.».■•• ■ ' .. < f-.'v." • -y.. •.- ,v.' ■■ . ->', ■7,'.; ': '.■■-V/.^i'- ' ■. ■:--^^^.i'M\.i. '..; m -iM >^ z;*^/ ^*.wf. ':.■:•".'»: t". ■■••..-v.- ■•^• .-*■)% ■■■. ..;v;:i/>, " •>.. .»..1>' :'f , 34 PHILIP— BEGINS THE WAR OF 1675. [Book III. killed one, which wan n Hit^al tw commence the war, and what they had de> sired ; tor the Hn,)crstitiou8 noti<>ti prevailed among the Lidians, that the (rnrty who fired the firBt f,nin would Im; conquered.* They had probably l>een niudo to believe thit* by the English the iiselves. It W!i« u|Km a liwt day lliiit this great drama was opened. As the people wert; returning from meeting, they were fired u|»on by the Indians, when one was killed and two wounded. Two others, going for a surgeon, were kilifd on their way. In another part of the town, six others were killed the sunie day. Swansey was in the midst o{ Philip' a country, and Ids men were as well acquainted with all the walks of the English as they were themselves. It is not sup])08ed that Philip directed this attack, but, on the other hand, it has been suid that it was against his wishes. But there can be no doubt of his hostility and great desire tu rid his country of the white intruders ; f(T had he not reason to say, " Exarscre ignes .inimo : siibil ira, cadcnlcm Ulfisci pairiain, et sccleralas lumerc pwims ? " The die was cost. No other alternative appeared, but to ravage, bum and destroy as fust as was in his power. There had been no considerable war for a long time, either among themselves or with the English, and, therefore, nu- merous young warriors from the neighboring tribes, entered into his cause with great ardor ; eager to {Kirtbnn exploits, such as had been recounted to them by their sires, and such as they had long waited an opportunity to ochieve. The time, they conceived, hud now arrived, and their souls expanded in pro- portion to the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer the English ! to lead captive their haughty lords ! must have been to them thoughts of vast magni- tude, and exhJaniting in the highest degree. Town after town fell liefore them, and when the English forces marched in one direction, they were burning and laying waste in another. A i>art of Taunton, Middlcborough, and Dartmouth, in the vicinity of Pocasset, upon Narraganset Bay, soon followed the destruction of Swansey, which was burnt iitunediutcly after the 24th of June, on being abandoned by the inhabitants. Though now in great consternation, the jieople of Swansey and its vicinity did noi lorget to make known their distressed situation by sending runners with the utmost despatch to Boston and Pl'mouth for ossistance. "But," says our chronicler of that day, " before any came to them, they of both towns, Reho- both and Swansey, were gathered together into three houses, men, women, and children, and there had all jirovisions in common, so that they who had nothing wanted nothing. Immediately after notice hereof came to Boston, drums l)eat up for volunteers, and in 3 hours time were mustered up about 110 men, Capt. Samtiel Mostly l)eing their commander. This Capt. Mostly hath been an old privateer at Jamaica, an excellent soldier, and an uiidrnnted s[)irit, one whose memory will be honorable in New England for his many eminent ser- vices he hath done the public. "There were also among these men, about 10 or 12 privateers, that had been there some time before. They curried with them several dogs, that proved serviceable to them, in finding out the enemy in their swamps ; one whereof would, for several days together, go out and bring to them 6, 8 or 10 young pigs of King Philip's herds. There went out olso amongst these men, one ComeliiiSjU. Dutchman, who had lately been condemned to die for piracy, but afterwurds received a pardon ; he, willing to show his gratitude therefor, went out and did several good services abroad against the enemy." All who have sought after truth in matters of this kind, are well aware of the of June last, seven or eight of King Philip's men came to Swansey on »he Lord's day, and would grind a hatchet at an inlmhiianl's house there; the master told them, it was the sab- bath day, and their {iod would be very angry if he should let them do it. Tiicy returned this answer : They knew not who his God was, and that they would do it, for all him, or his God cither. From thence tliey went to another house, and took away some victuals, but hurl no man. Immediately they met a man travelling on the road, kept him in custody a siiort time, then dismist him quietly ; giving him this caution, that he should not work on his God's day, and that he should tell no lies." Chronicle, 8, 9. ■ C^Hendar's Discourse on the Hist, of R. Island, Chai. II] PHILII'— HIS WAR OF UwJ. 35 xtri'ine difRoilty of invrstipution. Twenty pt'i-nons may write an ncroimt of n iHiiir, to the puKsjif^i' oi" wliicli all iiitiy liiivc Imm-ii witiicsHCH, uiid no two ot liiciii iifjrce in many ot'it.-* iMuliciilai-s. 'hi<' author of" tins trnclH which wn ritn uikI'T tlu! name ot'Tho C^., Lnoian Ciiho.mci.k, wrote hit* aceoimtH in Konton, and wo have no (loiii)t of hit* intention to rreonl every event with the KtrieteKt ntranl to truth ; if ne had erred, it is doulitiertn from his reeordiiiff the first news of an event, whieh often varies in point of fact aflerwards. Huohard and .Ma- thrr, two contem|)orarj' historians, liad the ailvantngn of a comparison of rp- |M)rts, and of revising tin ir works in their passage tiiroiigh iho press; whereas the aiitlior of the tracts wrote theiii as lettci-s to a friend in London, where they were innnediately printed. Witii allowances for these circumstances, as full credit sliould Im; given to his rotation, as to either of the others. His accounts of »he firet even^ at Swansey are detailed in his own words in a previous note, and we here proceed with another portion of his narrative. " Ity this time tlie Indians have killed :u>veral of our men, but the first that was killed was June li;i, a man at Swansey : 'hat he and his family had left his iionst; amongst the rest of the inhabitants, a^ i ac!>-enturing with his wife and 80!i (about twenty years old) to go to his house to fetch them corn, and such like things: (he having just bcfon; sent his wife and son away) as he was going out of the house, was s<>t on and shot by Indians. His wife tH>ing not far ofI| heard the guns go off, went back," and fell into their hands. Dishonored, and aflerwards scalped by them, she immediately died, and her son was at the same time scalped. "They also the next day [24 Jime] killed six or seven n>en at Sw:!.:sey, and two more at one of the garrisons; and ais two men went out of one of the garrisons to draw a bucket of wattjr, tln'y were shot and carried away, and aiierwards were found with their fingers and feet cut off, and the skin of their heads flayed off," that is, scalped. " About 14 daysaflcT that they sent for more help ; whereupon the authority of Boston made Capt. Thomaa Savn^e the major general in that expedition, who, with GO horse, and as many foot, went out of Boston ; having pressed horses for the footmen, and six carts to cany provisions with them." " They traveled day and night till they came to their garrisons, and within thre«! days atler inarched, horse and foot, leaving guards in the garrisons, towards Mount Hope, where King Philip and his wife was. Tlujy came on him at imawares, so that he was forced to rise from dinner, and he •'•".i all with him fled out of that land called Mount Hope, up further into the cotmtry. They pursued them as far as they could go for swamps, and killed 15 or 16 in that expedition, then n-tumed and took what he had that was worth taking, and spoiled the rest ; taking all his cattle and hogs that they could find, and also took possession of Mount Hope, which had then t. thousand acres under com, which is since cut down by the English, and disposed of according to their discretion. Cornelius [i)efore mer.- fioiied] was in this exploit, and pursued Philip so hard, that he got his cap ofl liis head, and now wears it" It v/as June 36, that the English marched out of Boston for Swansey ; and they an-ived there two days afler, namely, June 28, a little before night,** Twelve men immediately marched out to invade Philip\t territories, who were attacked by about the same number of Philip's men. The invaders were re- pulsed, having one killed, and one wounded, and his horse killed under him. Of the Indians two were killed. The next day, June 29, the Indians appeared boldly in view of the English, and by their shouts, it would seem, dared them to come out and fight. Mostly sallied out at the head of a company of volunteers, and rushed furiously upon them. They fled to their coverts, but even here m. 'e a stand only for a mo- ment ; for after one fire they all fled. One of the English, Ensign Savage, was wounded, the Iwill lodging in his thigh, and anotlier passed through the brim of his hatf Moscly pursued the Indians above a mile, and killed five or six of them, as they were making their retreat into a swamp. It was in this pursuit that the exploit of Cornelius took place, just related, and Philip was not seen at •* Hubbard, Narrative, 18. t CImrch, who was in this action, says Saveij^e was wounded by his own party : divided themselves into two wings, in (heir conrusion one fired upon the other. o having -. N*, ..-■•V- .;■. ', * • /■,■ • -. ' --t . •• •• ■ -..f .■■(••• yy >■- ^ .i.-'-.iT'*', ■ ■.■ ■ ■ ;■/■ ■rvfvt?' •, ':^'T- ■■ ■ ,"•••■" . .■ ' '- ■. ■ '..•*<•■■■ l-.'J' ■ '. •■■<", :• '• t.U'-y-;;'.-.. ,'•(■,.■■" •..'' .".•■■''■.; ,■ if- ■•"• ■-■/•.• . . ■ ■. ■.■fit ,: . .. ■ ., . . ■fj .3 Li*.'' >■ _ v.''.:y- ■.■:■.-■>:■.:■ ;; • :!-• r 26 PHILIP— BATTLE OF PUNKATEF.SET. [Hook hi i • • •'• \\ •;♦ : ■fyt'-f <• •Jv r^/;-^ '%'^A '^'v^'^-if^:^ « 1 •';'■ ^ If',.-'''- ''■ ''.'.-'If. ' ., \, Mount Ho|)o ajrnin until tho noxt v«*nr. Tlu' next «lny the nnglinli forr«'H tniv vx>M}\\ jVIuiint Ilo|M! Neck, fouml PhUip\f •vijfwnm, Itiit hiniHelf luiil all his |m c- pie IiikI tnnde gcxHl their retn-at. Tin nd the lit^ndHnf eight of the KngliNli liiat had l)cen killed, set U|K)n |K)leH, at ; MMUtt, whirii they tuuk down niu' intern'd. On the morning ofjnly 1, tv* Lieutenant t/akea waH retiiniing to head-qiinr- ters at S\van(4»'y, having eneaniped at KehoiK>th the preceding night, he dis- cover«>d a coni|mny of tndiantsund attacked them. How many were killed Im not Htated, hut two of Philifl'a chief ('nptainn were among the nnmher, one of whom wan nam* J TiiRnR, '• n sachem of Monnf lIo|w." Of tho EngiiHli one wiLs killed. The scalpH of three Indiakiathat were killed were taken otl'hy the Kngiisli and sent to Hii»ton, which were the first taken liy them in this war.* At the solicitation of Henjamin Ciiurcii, a company of {JO men were put hume, whii*h acciduntully Htood jiint l>e(bre "tlie iiiithih; of hix hrcuMt ! '* Thiifl thiH littitt Sand, aller a tigiit of ulioiit six hoiirH, fHni|MMl. Tht* party under Captain /VWer met witli ttiinilar fortune ; tliey were attaeked hy jrreat iiniiiiterH, but eHcaped by getting poHHeHNion of an ohi houne cUiHe upon the wutcr'n ('d«re and were early taken oti" by boatH. IJut two of tiie party were wounded. Some of tlie IndiauH were killed and wounded tliiH day, but how many m not known. Tht! Hame day tliiH fijfht took place, a boat's crew went from Rhode Inland to PocaHHet to look aller Home cattle, and were fired upon by the IiiiiiniiH, and one of their nundxtr, a servant of Captain Church, was severely wounded. Some of the acts of the Knglish, in retrospect, do not discover that judfr- iiient the circuiiiHtances seem to have elicited, especiallv that in reliilion to the NarrapansetB. They had now driven Philip out of Aloiint Hope Neck, and, not knowiii<,' exactly where to find him, the forces in that (piarter re- Tiiained doubtin<; what next to do. At this juncture Ca|)tain Uutrhinnon arrived from IJoston with orders from the government there, "for them to pass into Narragaiiset, to treat with the sacliems, and if it might be, to pre- vent their joining with Philip.^ Accordingly they marched into that country, hut all the chief nien and warriors fled on their approach. The liiHtorical conclusion is, therefore, that this act was viewed by them as a declaration of war, and it is rational that they should have so considered it ; because the army assumed a most hostile attitude, " resolving they would go to make peace with a sword in their batids." Having arrived in the Narraganset country, three or four days were spent in finding Indians with whom to treat ; (lor they could find none to fight ;) at !■ ngth, four men were found, whom the English styled sachems, and u treaty was drawn up at great length and Higned by the parties. To ensure its observance the following hostages were taken into custody by the army: Joh.\ Wobequob, Weowthim,* Pewkes, and Weenew, "four of the sacliems near kinsmen and choice friends." Among the stipulations of the treaty we find these : The said sachems shall carefully seize all and every of Philip's subject" and deliver them up to the English, alive or dead; that they shall use t. acts of hostility against Philip and his subjects, to kill them wherever thf y can be found; that if they seize Philip, ana deliver him alive to the English, tlicy shall receive 40 trucking cloth coats ; and for his head alone, 20 of Miid coats ; and lor every subject of said sachem 2 coats, if alive, and one if dead. This treaty is dated Petaquanscot, 15 July, 1G75 ; In presence of and signed by the marka of Daniel Henchman, Tawageson, Thomas Prentice, Taytson, Nicholas Paige, Aqamauo, Joseph Stanton, Interpreter. . Wampsh, alias Henry Hatolaws, \ [Indians, Corman. Pecoe Bucow, \ probably.] Job JVeff. Philip commanded in person upon Pocasset, when , upon the 18th of July, he was discovered in a " dismal swamp." He had retired to this i)lace, which is adjacent to Taunton River, with most of his Wami)anoags, and such others as had joined him, to avoid falling in with the English army, which was now pursuing him. From their numbers, the English were nearly able to encompass the swamp, and the fate of Philip they now thought sealed. On arriving at its edge, a ■ :;w of Philip's warriors showed them- selves, and the English rushed in upon them with ardor, and bv this feint were drawn far into an ambush, and " about 15 were slain." "the leaves upon the trees were so thick, and the hour of the day so late, that a friend could not be distinguished from a foe, " whereby 'tis veri!y feared," says Dr. Mather, " that [the English themselves] did sometimes unhappily shoot Eng- * Probably the same called in another place NowECtUA, >< • » 1 .■',*■' fH' ■ ■ •^ .1 f-.\ <■•>■•; T.i'.'Y ..It;.! .A^ {•. *:>■<•. ■fi'-. . ■■ ■■ . ■ .-r« J. ■• ' :'-':f^.K m ^M .-■'V. ••'. • It rJPC\5" • r.^'^ : I 1 ■* t ,'->: m as PHILIP.— FlOlir AT IlKllonoTH PLAIN. [Book III. liMliiiii-ii inNtt;a(l of IiidiuiiM." A rutrent wan now ordtirnd, and, conHidoring Philip'x cm-iipe iiii|H)N!«iliN!, the inoHt ol' tint t'orccN l«!tl tlio plu('«>, a tew only ri>niiiiiiinf(, "to HKirve out tiie nnerny." Tlint Philip's lore? wm* irreut ut tliJH titnu JH OM-tiiin, froni the liict tliut u hundred wi^^vvutriH were found near the edjfe of the Nwanip, newly cotiHtrurted of fjreen Iwirk. In one of thowe the Kn^liHJi liiund an old man, who informed them that Philip wan there, lie lont i)nt few ineti in tliu encounter, tliouirh, it la Haid, hu had a brother killed.* Tlie i(IU) notion of liuildinjir a fort here to tttnrvu out Philip, was huITi- oiently ceriNured by tiie hiMtoriauH of liiut ilay. For, as Cantain Church ex- preHses it, /o huitd a fort for nothing to cover the people from nohodjf,^ waH rather a ridieuhniH idea. ThiH obnervation he made upon a fort'H bein^ built upon Mount Hope Neck, mime time atler every Indian hud lell that Hide of the country, and who, in thet, were laying waHte the tow iih before mentioned. The riwatnp where Philip waH now confuied, wiw upon a piece of country which projected into Taunton liivcr, and wau nearly Heven mileii in extent. .\ller beiiiff guarded liere 1.3 dayH, which, in the end, wuh gn-atly to hiH advan- tugany, and immerol)ably, supposing the war might be ended without their direct interference. This measure, as it jiroved, was very detrimental to the end in view ; for if they had proceeded dirctly to Seekonk, tiiey would have been there in season to have met Philip in his retreat from Pocasset ; and this force, being joined with the other English forces, then in the vicinity, they in all probability might have finished the war by a single fight with him. At least, his chance of escape would have been small, us he had to cross a large extent of clear and open country, where many of his men must have been cut down in flight, or fought man to man witii their pursuers. Whereas Oneko was encamped at some dis- tance, having arrived late the night before, and some time was lost in rally- ingj after Pliilip was discovered. They overtook him, however, about 10 o'clock in the morning of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensued. Philip having brought bis best men into the rear, many of them were slain ; among these was JVimrod, alias fVoonashum, a, great captain and counsellor, who hud signed the treaty at Taunton, four years before. From what cause the hght was suspended is unknown, though it would seem from some relations, that it was owing to Oneko'a men, who, seeing themselves in possession of considerable plunder, fell to loading themselves with it, and thus gave Philip time to escape. From this view of the case, it would appear that the Mohcgans were the chief actors in the oftensivc. It is said that the Naticks urged immediate and further pursuit, which did not take place, in consequence of the extreme heat of the weather ; and thus the main body were permitted to escape. Mr. jVeiwnan, of Rehoboth, gave an account of the affair in a letter, in which he said that " 14 of the enemy's principal men were slain." He also mentioned, in terms of great praise, the Naticks and Mohegaus under Oneko. Philip having now t^tken a position to annoy the back settlements of • This is upon the authority of the anonymous author of the " Present State," Slc, of which wc shall elsewhere have occasion to take notice. That author seems to have con^ founded the fight between Thehe and Lieut. Oa/ces with that of Rehoboth Plain. t Hist. Philip's War, p. C. e tlit) work. On 14 July, five |M!0|ili! an) killi.'il at Mtttiiloii, in Ma.ss., whirli i.s tliu firMt lilorxl hIkmI hi tin- cdloriy ill tlii.s war. TIiohc that wcr*; killrii wvm aliuiit tlifir work in tlir tiuld, Hint know not their inunlcrurs; ami whether they wen; killed li\ l'hili|)'H men Ih nnknown. Soon iiller tiie war he^aii, iMnsMieliu.'U'tt!', fearing the NipniiikH might join with Philip, Hciit ineHMeiigerH to treat with them. Tin; young linlian.H were foiniil ".surly," hut the old men were lor a renewal of Iriendshiji; lint the pt^rHon or perHoim sein n|ion thin hiirtinesH did not aei|nit thenistdveH i.i a iiiunner that gave Mati.sl'aelion ; and Philip, lieing now in the CMMintry of the Ni|iinnkH, it waH eonchided by the uiithuritieH of MmwaehudetlH to make a t'lirtlier teut uf their inieiitioiiH. Aueordingly, on the 28 Jnly, Captains Hukhinson and fVlueltr, with a company of !2U mounted men, and '.i ChriKtiaii Indians its pilots and interpreterH, vi/. Mtmtcho, Joseph, and Sumpson, went with some of tiio inhahitant.s of Itrookfield, agreoahly to a|ipointnu;nt, to meet the Nipinuk HaelieiiiH. It had been agreed by these HaclK^ms to meet the Knglish in a treaty at a certain true at Uuabaog on the 2 August, on a plain 3 iiiilen from llrookfield village. Having arrived here aecording tu agreement, the EngliHh found no IndiuiiH to treat with. It whh now u i|iiestiou with all but the Hrookticid men, whether or not they Hhnuld pro- coed to u certain place where they iM-lieved tlie Indian.s to lie; at length the coiifidenee of the lirooklield ])eo|il<; in the pacific ditipoHition of the IndiaiiM, prevailed, and they marched on. The way was so bad that they could march only in Hinglc file, &» they approached the place where th(;y expected to find tlie Indians, and when they came near VVikabaiig Pond, bt;tween a Bwainp oil the letl and a very abrupt and high hill on the right,'* Kuddenlv 2 or :{(I0 Indians rose up, encompassed, and tired upon them. Eight were killed out- right, and three fell mortally wound. ^d. Of the latter tiimiber was Captain Hutchinson, who, though carried off by the survivors, died on the 19 August following. Captain frheder bad his horse shot under him, and himself was shot tlii'ough the body ; but his life was saved through the bravery and presence of mind of a son then with liim. This son, though his own artn was broken by a liullot, seeing the peril of his father, dismounted from his horse, and suc- ci.'eded in mouiitiug his father upon it. A retreat now be<^an, and, by cutting their way through the Indians, the small remnant of English got back t'-■•■■ :W. ■ • • 1 ■ 'M ' ' ; '■''-:'* ' ■■ ■ - • •■.'.s ;^1 ' .. - ^. '■,',:MS :1,- .' ■ .-^^ i--'i^^.^-->* ' l^':'^;-: 50 ni'RMXfi OF RROOKFTELD [Rook Ilf "hnnpcd iiis course for Brookfirld, di.stnnt about 30 miles, which, hyn forced march, he reached in safety the night following. That he was not attacked »« he approached the distressed garrison, is most extraordinary, fiir the hostile Indians are said to have guarded every passage to it ; and there are diflerent reasons stated for that neglect: one is, that the guard through which the English passed, suffered them to proceed, expecting another guard stationed still nearer the garrison would attack them in front whiK they should tail on them in the rear ; another is, that they were deceived Jis to the numi)crs of the English, thinking them many more than they really were, and diu*ed not attack them. It would seem, howev«!r, more probable, that the Indians had no guard at all at the ])oint in which tliey approached at the time they arrived; for a drove of cattle, which had liecii frightened from Brookfield into the woods, followed the rear of ffillnnrn company to the garrison, and were not attacked, which would not have been the cas in all probability, had the Indians been aware of their approacli. No sooner was it known to the besiegers tliat relief wa.s come, but they fell with more fury, if ])ossible, upon the devoted garrison than before ; shooting continually from all (piarters upon it, which shows that they Iind accidentally let the reinforcement gt^t into the; garrison. Thus to a mos't fortunate circumstance did this assemblage of English owe their safety. At the vei"y time Willard arrived at Brookfield the Indians were con- triving some machinery to set the garrison on fire ; and this may account for their renussuess in suffering him to come in unmolested. They first endeavored by fire arrows, and rags dipped in brimstone tied to long poles spliced together, to fire the garrison, but not succeeding, those within tiriiij; upon them often with such deadly effect, they next, in the language of ."Mr. Hubbard, " used this devilish stratagem, to fill a cart with liemp, flax, and other combustible matter, and so thrusting it backward Avith poles together spliced a great length, afler they had kindled it ; but as soon as it had begun to take fire, a storm of rain, unexpectedly falling, put it out." * During this siege several of the whites were wounded, though but one was killed. Of the Indians 80 were snjtposcd to have been killed,t but this was doubtless setting the number much too hi<;h, although they exposed themselves beyond what was common on similar occasions. On the ."> August they quitted the place, satisfied they could not take it, and joined Philip, who was now about G miles from the place where Hutchinson was ambushed. After George Memecho^s return to the English, he gave the following in- formation : " L'pon Friday, August 5, Philip and his company came to us at a swamj), 6 miles from the swamp where they killed our men. Philip brought with liim about 48 men, but women and children many more. Philip's men were, about 30 of them, armed with guns, the rest had hows and arrows. He observed there were about 10 of Philip's men wouiidefl. Philip was conducted to the swamp by two Indians, one of them [was] Caleb of Tatumasket, beyond Mendon. The Indians told Philip, at his first coming, what they had done to the English at Quabaog ; then he presented and gave to three Sagamores, viz. John, alias Apeent, at which time a cart containing ammunition fell into the hands of the Indians, and, liie captain being killed, all who were able took to flight. The hi" to which the English fled, at the beginning of the fight, was known aflerwdrds by the name of Beers''s Mountain. " Here," says Mr, //uiftarrf, "the barlwirous vil- lains showed their insolent rajre nml cruelty, more than ev(!r before; cutting off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing them upon poles near the highway, and not only so, but one, if not more, was found with e chain hooked into his under-jaw, and so hung up on the bough of a tree, ('tis feared he was hung up alive,) by which means they thought to daunt and discourage any that might cotne to their relief." Th(! place where this fight occurred was within about two miles of the gar- rison at Squakkeag, (Northfield,) and the [)lain on which it began is called Ikers\i Plain. Meanwhile the garrison was reduced to the brink of ruin, and, Hke that at Brookfield, was saved by tln^ arrival of a comjiany of soldiers. Two days afler Captain Beers was cut off. Major TVeat arrived there with 100 men, and conveyed th(^ garrison safe to Hadley. Philip probably condiicted both afliiirs ; this of Captain Beers, and that of Captain Thomas Lothrop, about to be related, although it is not positively known to be the fact. Some time in the month of Atigust, "Kmg PhUip''s men had tJikcn a young lad alive, about 14 years old, and bound him to a tr(!e two nights and two 'lays, intending to be merry with him the next day, and that they would roast him alive to make sport with him ; but God, over night, touched the lujart of one Indian, so that he came and loosed him, and bid him run grande, (i. e. run apace,) and by that means he escaped." § About this time, some English found a single Indiiui, an old man, near Quabaog, whom they captured. As he would not give them any information n^spccting his countrymen, or, j)erliaps, sucli as they desired, they pro- nounced him worthy of death ; so "they laid him down, Come/iiw, the Dutch- man, liiling up his sword to cut off his head, tiie Indian lifted up his hand be- tween, so tliat his hand was first cut ofl', and partly his head, and the second blow finished the execution." || •f >•'■•'•• ■■■ - • ,:i.'r»'<.' :-■.- 'Mi-. ''"v^^^'-t^^f^^ '■' j--^' .|:::---v|v,V;;;r., CI it -■ * -u-U * Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. I, 293—4. n. t Hubbard, Nar.36, 37.— Chronicle, 28.—Hoyl, 102, 103. { Manuscript documents, i Chronicle, 25. Manuscript in library of Mass. Hist. Soc. ■■:■•■, '• ■# , v-'^;-»>'.iv.;, .•;?^'5.f,<.;!, .*i. !, v.- '..'.vU '■■■V^Vv ill ■ ■-.■'i-'J-- '■ -:^'- v-:^■r;■ :>■='^v'::>'v■ ' •Hi,'.;'. ■• ' •i 1 »( , , . . ■ r5 PHILIP.— LOTHROP CUT OFF. [Rook III. It was about this time, as the author of tho " Prf.sbnt State " relates, that " Kiug Philip, now beginning to want money, having a coat made all of Mamimmpeag, (i. e. Indian money,) cuts his coat to pieces and distributes it pluntiiully among the Nipmoog sachems and others, as well as to the east- ward as southward, and all round about." * On the 18 Sept. Captain Loihrop, of Beverly, was sent from Hadley with about 88 men, to bring away the corn, grain, and other valuable articles, from Deertield. Having loaded their teams and commenced their march homewird, they Vvere attacked at a place called Sugarloaf Hill, where almost every man was slain. This company consisted of "choice young men, the very flower of Essex county, 'none of whom were ashamed to spoak with the enemy in the gate.'"t Eighteen of tlie men belonged to Deerfield.| Cap- tain Mosely, being not far off| upon a scout, was drawn to the scene of action by the report of the guns, and, having with him 70 njen, charged the Indiaiiw with great resolution, although he computed their numbers at 1000. He had two of his men killed and eleven w ounded. The Indians dared him to l)egin the fight, and exultingly said to him, " Come, Mosely, come, you seek In- dians, you want Indians ; here is Indians enough for ynu.''^ § On this occaBioii the conduct ofMosely's lieutenants. Savage and Pickering, are mentioned in high terms of praise, "as deserving no little part of the honor of that day's service." After continuing a fight with them, from eleven o' clock until almost night, he was obliged to retreat. || The Indians cut open the bags of wheat and the feather-beds, and scattered their contents to the winds. § After Mosely had commenced a retreat, Major Treat, with 100 English and 60 Mohegans, came to his assistance. Tlieir united Ibrces obliged the IndiunB to retreat in their turn.lf The Lidians were said to have lost, in tlie variouH encounters, 96 men. It was a great oversight, that Captain Lotkrop should have suffered his men to stroll about, while passing a dangerous d file. "Many of the soldiers having been so Ibolish and secure, as to put their arni8 in the carts, and step aside to gather gra[)es, which proved dear and deadly grapes to them." ** The same author observes, " This was a black imd Jtital day, wherein there were eight persons made widows, and six-and-tweuty children made fatherless, all in one little ])lantation and in one day ; and above sixty persons buried in one dreadfi'! grave ! " The place of this fight and ambush is in the southerly part of Deerfield, on which is now the village called Bloody Brook, so named from this memora- ble tragedy. A brook which passes through the village is crossed i)y the road not far from the centre of it, and it was at the point of crossing that it happened, ff Until this period the Indians near Springfield remained friendly, and re fused the solicitations of Philip, to undertake hi his cause. But, noM' that Northfield and Deerfield had tallen into his hands, they were watched closer by the whites, whose cause these great successes of Philip had occasioned them to look upon as rather precarious. They therefore, auout 40 in number, on the night of the 4 Oct., admitted about 300 o( Philip's men into their fort, which was situated at a place called Longhill, about a mile below the village of Springfield, and a plan was concerted for the destruction of that place. But, as in ma"iy cases afterwards, one of their number betrayed them. ToTO,Jt * Old bid. Chronicle. If lliis were the case, Philip must have had aii immense big coat— yea, even bigger tluui Dr. Johnson's ^reat coal, ns represented by Bosivell ; the side pociicls of which, he said, were large enough each to contain one of the huge volumes of his fol' dictionary ! t Hubbard's Narrative, ,38. I These were the teamsters. ^ Manuscript letter, written at the time. 11 " Whereupon, afler havii'^ killed several of the Indians, he was forced to retreat, and con- tinued fighting for all the tinn. that he and his men were retreating nine miles. Capt, Mostly lost out of his company 9, and 13 wounded." — Old. Ind. Chrou. 29. This author has blended the two accounts officers and Lnthrop together, and relates them as one. If /. 7l/a//ier'« History of the War, 12. ** Ibid. ft Last year, (1835), a splendid celebration was held at Bloody Brook, in commemoration of the event, and an oration was pronounced by our Prince of Orators, the present governor of this commonwealth. His Excellency Euwaru Everett, LL. D. XX Hubbard,— Tor , Hutchinion. Chap. II.] PHILIP.— SURPRISE OF HATFIELD. 33 an Indian at Windsor, revealed the ])lot, and the people of Springfield had time only to escape into their garrisons. The whole force of the Indians came like a torrent upon the jilace the next day, and burnt the deserted houses and barns, in all 57 buildings, lu this business, however, some of their number were killed * by the peoj)le in the garrisons ; but it is not known how many. They would have succeeded against the lives of the English as well as against their property, had not a force arrived about the same time for their relief Animated by his successes, Philip aimed his next blow at the head-quar- ters of the whites in this region. With 7 or 800 of his men he fell \ipon Hatfield on the 19 Oct., which, had it not been well provided with men, would iiuve shared the fate of Springfield ; but Captain Mosehf and Captain Poole, with their companies, were in the place, and Captain Samtiel Jippleton was at Hadley on the opposite side of the river; and against such commanders they could hardly have expected success. Ilowever, they made a bold attempt on all sides at once ; but their greatest force fell on the point where Captain Appklon commanded. His sergeant was mortally wounded by his side, and a bullet passed through the hair of his own head; "by that whisper telling him," says Hubbard, "that death was very near, but did him no other harm. Niglit coming on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained ; (livers were seen to fall, some run through a small river, [now called jyrdl River.] others cast their guns into the water, (it being their manner to ven- ture as much to recover the dead bodies of their friends, as to defend them wheii alive.)" And tlnis they were driven from the place, alter killing but three, and wounding 10 of the whites, and burning a small number of buildings. They had, before tlicir attack on the town, killed three belonging to some scouts, and seven others of Ca])tain Moselifs men. This was among their last important efforts on the Connecticut River before retiring to the country of the Narragansets. Tlie Nipmuck sachems had well contrived their attack on Hatfield; having made fires in the woods about seven miles from it, to draw out the soldiers, lor whom they had j)rei)a.>-ed amlmshes ; but only ten of Mosehfs men were sent out to learn the cause of the fires. These were all cut of^" except one, according to the Chronicle, but according to Hubbard, seven only were killed. The Indians probably suppo.sed the main body was cut ofl^ and therefore proceeded directly to the assault of the town, where a new force had just arrived ; and hence they met with a brave resistance and final defeat.f The Narragansets had not yet heartily engaged in the war, though there is no doubt but they stood pledged so to do. Therefore, having done all that could be expected upon the western frontier of Massachusetts, and conclu- •liiiL' that his presence among his allies, the Narragansets, was necessary to lvcc[» them from abandoning his cause, Philip was next ktiown to be in their country. All sirmy of 1.5(X) Eiisdish was rais"d by the three colonies, Massachusetts, Pliniouth, and Connecticut, for the jiurpose of breaking down the power of Philip among the Narragansets. They determined upon this course, as they had been assured that, the next spring, that nation would come with all their loicc upon them. It was not known tliat Philip was among them when this nsoiiition was taken, and it was but a rumor that they had taken part with him. It was true, that they had ])romi.se»l to deliver up all the Wanqianoags, who should flee to them, either alive or dead ; but it is also true, that those who made this pi'«)mise, had it not in their power to do it; being persons, cliirfly ill subordinate! stations, who had no right or authority to bind any but thciiisclves. And, therefore, as doubtless was foreseiui by many, none of Philip's people were delivered up, although many were known to have been among them. Thus, in few words, have we exhibited the main grounds of the mighty expedition against the Narragansets in the winter of 1675. • A pewter plaltcr is still exiiibiti ' in Spriiijrlicld with a hole through the midrlle of it, made by n ' ill from the garrisoH at this . ic An Imlian had taken it uom one of the deserted hou'ii . and wore it before his breaiU as a shield. Thus shielded, he veutured toward* the (farri^dii. .md was shot. Hoyt, 110. t Oil) Indiam Chronicle, 36, 37. T ■ ■^.*>3 ... \ V • ' 'i,' .^■^ .?,- " • ' S ^.■^. • V.V.-' ■ ■*■•■■'*' ■■,-\- '. V, . • - *\K^ *r .1- *. "M'-m^i- i*;fr..;r..-i|.'s..:vi. M ■Ht ..~lS/'.r-i-;, • r.«>- ...a-?., J. • 1 • .1 ■■''*. ■'.•• ' ■•• ■■*;•*•■•■,•!•-• •^«, •ilr •. ?•. XT • ■ " . ■• '^.■■.«> . ."*'; ^ . ' * .- «• • h-".^'^f ;■•.•.'. ' tl,i%»{-^A^■ ■ ;•••;••, ij*:';,-^ ■::;'*V^,: V.' ■i:l> '■'■'■ -•.■ ■-1 -.•»' ■^' » .'-■' P • f • i' V'.- ■• 1 mUL!^ 1.. ^ ..' 34 rillLIP.— NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT. [Book IIJ Upon a Biiiall island, in an immense swamp, in South Kingston, Rhode Island, Philip had fortified himself, in a manner superior to what was com- mon among liis countrymen. Here he intended to pass the winter, with tlic chief of his friends. They had erected about 500 wigwams of a superior construction, in which was deposited a great store of provisions. Baskets and tubs of corn * were piled one upon another, about the inside of tlicni, which rendered them bullet proof. It was supposed that about 3000 persons had hei-e taken up their residence. But, to Ix! more particular upon the situation of "the scene of the destruc- tion of the Narragansets," we will add as follows from the notes of a fren- tleman lately upon the spot, for the express purpose of gaining information. " What was called The Island is now an upland meadow, a few feet higher than the low meadow with which it it surroinidod. T'le island, by my esti- mate, contains from three to four acres. One ibuith of a mile west, is the Usquepaug ; a small stream also at a short distance on the east." Tiie et Ic- brated island on which the fort was built is now in the farm of /. G. Chirk, Esq. a descendant of John Clark, of R. I. and about 30 rods west of the line of the " Pettyswaniscot Purchase." Water still surrounds it in wet seusoiiK It was cleared by tiie fiither of llie present possessor about 1780, and, altlioii<:li improved from that time to the i»resent, chaned corn and Indian implemeiiis are yet ploughed ujj.t President Stiles, in his edition of Church's History of Philip's War, states that the Narraganset fort is seven miles nearly due west from tlie South Ferry. This agrees with data furnished by Air. Ely, in stating the returning inarch of tlie English army. Pine and cedar were said to liave been the former growth.J An oak 300 years old, standing upon the island, was cut down in 1782, two feet in diameter, 11 leet from the ground. From another, a bullet was cut out, sur.ounded by about 100 annuli, at the same time. The bullet was lodged there, no doubt, at the time of the fight. We will now return to our nairative of the expedition to this place in Decem- ber, 1675. Aller nearly a month from their setting out, tlie English army arrived in the Nai'raganset country, and made their head-quarters about 18 miles lioin Philip's fort. Tiiey had been so long upon their march, that tlie Indians were well enougli apprized of their approach, and had made the best ar- rangements in their power to withstand them. The army hud already sut- fered iniieh from the severity of the season, being obliged to encamp in the open field, and without tents to cover them ! The 19th of December, 1675, is a memoraide day in the annals ol New England. Cold, in the extreme, — the air filled with snow, — the Englisii were obliged, from the low siate of their provisions, to inoi-ch to aitiuk Philip in his fort. Treachery hastened his ruin. One of his men, by hope of reward, betrayed his country into their hands. This man had, probuhly, lived among the English, ns he had an English name. He w.*«e called Pekr,^ and it .vas by accident that himself, with thirty-five otiicrs, had just before lallcn into the hands of the fortunate Captain Mostly. No Englishman was acquainted with the situation of Philip's fort ; and, but for tlieir pilot, Pdtr, there is very little probability that they could have even found, mucli Ics • effected any thing against it. For it was one o'clock on that short day ul the year, before they arrived wiihui the vicinity of the swamp. There v.iis but one jjoint where it could be assailed with the least probability of snc- cess ; and this was fortified by a kind of block-house, directly in front ol" the entrance, and had also flankers to - over a cross fire. Besides high pal- isades, an immense hedge of flillen trees, of nearly u rod in thickness, * 300 Imsliols, says Dr. /. Mather. Hollow trees, nit otT about the length of a barrel, were used l)V the Indians fur tubs. In such they sucureil tliuir rvu and other grains. t MS. connnunicatioii of Reverend Mr. F.li), accompanied by a drawing of llie island. Its shape is very similar to the shell of an oyster. Average rectatigular lines through it measure, one 3d rods, another 20. X Holmes's Annals, i. 376. ^ The name of Peter among the Indians was so rommon, that it is perhaps past delermina- lion ti'tci this one was. Mr. Hubbard calls him a fugitive from Uic Narragau^ctd. [Book IIJ u, Rliotle va8 coin- witlj tlic superior Buskits of tlu'in, ) persons Chap. 11.] I'HlLir.— NARUAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT. 35 surrounued it, enconipiissiug uu area of about five acres. IJetwccu tlje fort and the main laud was a body of water, over wliich a great tree had Ixicu felled, ou wliich all iiiu.st pa.s.s and repass, to and from it. On coming to this place, the Engli.-^h soldiers, as many as could j)ass upon the tree, which would not admit two abreast, rushed forward upon it, but were swept off in a moment i»y the fire of Philip'a men. Still, the English soldiers, led by their captains, supplied the places of the slain. Hut again anj)ly of provisions. IJut one of the caj)taius * and a surgeon opposed the ni(!as- ure; probably from the a|)})rehensiou that the woods was full of Indians, v.ho would continue their attack-s upon them, and drive thetn out in their turn. There Wiis, doubtless, some reajjon for this, which was strengthened from the fact that many English were killed alter they had possessed themselves of the fort, by those whom they had just dispossessed of it. Notwithstanding, had ChurcKs advice been Ibllowcd, perhaps many oi' tie; lives of the wounded woidd have been saved ; for he was seldom out in his judgment, as his continued successes jtroved afterwards. After fighting three hours, the English wi!re obliged to march 18 miles, before the wounded could be dressed, and in a most dismal and boisterous uight. Eighty English were killed in the fight, and 150 woimded, many of whom died aflerwarils. The shattered army left the ground in considerable haste, leaving eight of their dead in the Ibrt. Philip, and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into u place of safety, until the enemy had retired ; when they returned again to the fort. The English, no doubt, apprehended a j)ursuit, but Philip, not knowing their distressed situation, and, perhaj)s, judging of tb ur loss from the few dead which they left behind, made no attempt to narass them in their retreat. Before the fight was over, many of the wigwams were set on fire. Into these, hundreds of iunoceut women and children had crowded them- selves, and perished in the general conflagration ! And, as a writer of that day expresses himself, "no man knoweth how many." The English ieariied afterwards, from some that fell into their hands, that in all about 700 perished.f The sufierings of the English, after the fight, are ahnost without a par- allel in history. The horrors of Moscow will not longer be remembered. The myriads of modern Europe, assembled there, bear but snjall propor- %■ '•■'/■■''■'^'-^ .-.'*.%••• "•' ♦>: . ' . ^ M- ■^V "• ■• / M ■♦■•.■■ i ' '• .»■' ^H - •. •< .-. ■<>,', ».: ffl '- ^h^ :^ >:'■:■ -h^ '•■;;.-•.. ;^-, ■ ■ • v, - Nf, , .^ .t •Cf ;.';■< ,» '. •K^n;;"- %1 .-'4! •■ tt^ '■^''". , ': '-y^'-U' !t:t'-:'.:- :-■:.■ ,. - f.- '■.■;" 'T ■ ."■. fm-f:mr m I ■ V. ■ii' u - ■ ,v ■ .. *. * -• * Probably Motely, who seems always to liave had a large share iii thu direolioii of all af- fairs when present. t 'fliire is printed iu Hutchitaoii's Hist. Mass. i. 300. a letter which gives llie parlicalars of iho N'arriigaiiscl tight. I iiave compared it willi the original, ajid lind i. correct in the main piiiliciilars. He mistakes in ascribing it to Major liradjurd, for it is signed by .l,fm''s Oliver, Dill' of the IMimouth captains. Hiitchin.ion copied fiom a copy, whicii was wilhoiit signature. lie omits a passage couo<>rning Tift, or 7V//c, who, Oliver says, confirmod his narrative. 'I'liat iiuiii iiad ■' married an Indian, a Wompanoag — and, says Oliver, he siiol '-() times at ns in tlie >wam|) — was laken at Providence, fby Captain Femur,] Jan. I Uli — liroiiglit to us the Itilli — cxecuied tlie Dflli ; a sad wrote!- lie never heard a sermon but once tliis I t years ; he never heard of the name of Jesus Christ. His fallior going to recall hiin, lost his head, and lies iinbiiried," Hubbard says, (Narrative, .W,) that "he was condemiii.'d to die the death of a lra:lor," ami traitors of those days were quartered. "' As to iiis religion, he was found as iguiirant as an heathen, which, no doubi, caused the fewer tears to be sned ai his funeral.'' .\ jorrowful record ! I H^^- '1 'Sir. '-i ■■»■'',' ■^'■'f 1 .'■ W/' .V^i^v^j v.* % ^^^''^^ ■■K^'^;^ m 9m ' i;"■>'V■■f■;'-■• ■ f •; ■■•1. '-'.•.,' ■ .■. —■*■•. •••(••;. .•:'; ^ ■■','•%"•"■ •.■•■'■ ' ''■>■: !''?V^r' r' I. , V'-' '■;,-A '-*,' ••■• • , . . , .' *>/ 1 • ,■ ■ •■?.• :V1 ■ .4- \' *■■'*■•''• '■■ ••'.'. •."■"' .fr*.< ^ ■; .■' V ■,■.•,•,•, .. , -^ ^•Vi'^:^^t.-:^::^jv:- ...u- • r.. ;■• «,• . •■..•"■ ,■ . .' V,;' ■ ■ •i:h'Ki U . : ■"">' •^m " ' "^^ . ' r'f ■itet^ •.' • ■ .' * i ' : ' M ■• ••■ -7i:''Vv ' ■•*■■•••■% I ^ ' r *' **. »-'^ i. •' .-■ - '• .'., «.• :•^■.^..■.v/■ .•l'>-?>*Si-".- ' , I: ' '■>5 4^--^^. '■■■ :^..w.-.-.j':> •...- 38 PHII IP— SUDBURY FIGHT. IBOOK III Philip had for some time directed matters with such address thut his enemies could not tell where or how to meet him, or whether he actually were in the vicinity of the frontii'ra or not. But there can be little doubt of his special agency and direction in all the important enterprises. On the 18 March, Norlliampton was assaulted, but not with quite as good success us was anticipated by the besiegers ; for they lost eleven men, while the whites had but three killed and six wounded. On the 27 March, a large body of 800 Indians, as was supposed, were discovered encamped not far from Marlborough, which they had burnt the day before. A company of men belonging to that town, attached thenisplvcs to a number of soldiers under one Lieutenant Jacobs, who, falling upon them in the night while they were asleep in their wigwams, killed and v ounded about 40 of ihcm, without any loss to themselves. The Indians seem to have resolved that this midnight assassination should not go long unrequited, and events so determined, as what we are about to relate will fully exemplify. On the morning of the 20 April, the largest body of Indians which had at any time appeared, attacked Sudbury, and beibre resistance could be made, set fire to several buildings, whicii were consumed. The inhabitants, however, made a brare stand, and were soon joined by some soldiers f>-om Watertown, under Captain Hugh .Mason ; and the Indians retreated over the bridge, and were prevented from doing any further mischief during the day, against Sudburj'. Some of tiie people of Concord hearing of the distress at Sudbury, sallied forth for its protection. As they approached a garrison house, they discovered a few Indians, and pursued them. These, as it proved, were a decoy, and they soon found themselves ambushed on every side. They fought with desperation, but were all, except one, cut off, being eleven in number. This affair took place immediately af\cr Captain Wadsieorth had marched from Sudbury with 70 men to strengthen the garrison at JMarlborougli ; and the news of the situation of the i)lace he had just left reached his destination as soon as he did ; and although he had marched all the day and night beibre, and his men almost exhausted with fatigue, yet, taking Captain Brocklebank and about ten men from the garrison at Marlborough, he marched directly back lor Sudbury. On the morning of the 21st, they arrived within about a mile and a half of the town, near where a body of about 500 Indians had pre- pared an ambush behind the hills. From thence they sent out two or three of their party, who crossed the march of the English, and, being discovered by them, affected to fly through feai', to decoy them into a pursuit. This stratagem succeeded, and with great boldness the Indians began the attack. For some time the English maintained good order, and, having retreated to an adjacent hill, lost but five njen for near four hours. Meantime the Indians had lost a great mmiber, which so increased their rage that they resolved to put in practice another stratagem, which it seems they had not before thought of. They immediately set the woods on fire to windward of the English, which spread with great rapidity, owing to an exceeding high wind and the dryness of the grass and other combustibles. This stratagem likewise succeeded, even better than the first ; that, although it served to bring on the attack, was near proving fatal to its originators, but this was crowned with com[)lete success. The fury of the flames soon drove the English from their advantageous position, which gave the Indians an opportunity to fall upon them Avith their tomahawks ! Many were now able to fall upon one, and resistance fast diminished. All but about twenty were killed or fell into the hands of the conquerors ; among the former were the two captains ; some of those that escaped took shelter in a mill not far off, and were saved by the arrival of a few men under Captain Prentice, and a company under Cajttuin Croicell. Both of these officers and their men very narrowly es- caped the fate of Wadsworth.* As the former was about to fall into a fatal house was burnt first, and that " afterwards tliey destroyed 65 more there, leaving but six houses slaiidiirg in the whole town." * " So insolent were the Indians grown upon their first success against Captain Wadsworth, that they sent us word, to provide store of good cheer j for they intended to dine with us [at Boston] on the election day." Chronicle, 95. CfSn'-W.: ':■' 1:31 .»,. ,^v Ill Chap. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 39 gnare, he was rescued by a coiiipoiiy from a gurrison ; and ns tiic luttur ap- proaclied Sudbury, he uuved himself by pursuiug an unexpected rout<< ; and, though attacked, he succeeded in fighting iiis way througli tlie Indians with u los8 oidy of dix or seven of his men. Captain CroxctWa arrival at this time was accidental, though fortunate ; being on his return fromCiuaiiaog, whither he had been sent to reinforce that garrison.* With this great achievement ended the chief operations in Massachusetts ; and we have now to return towurtls Plimouth. VVlien success no longer attended Philip in Massachusetts, tliose of his allies whom he had seduced into the war, upbraided and accused him of brinffing all their misfortunes upon them ; that they had no cause of war against the Englisli, and imd not engaged in it but tor his solicitations ; and many of the tribes scattered themselves in different directions. VVitii all that would follow him, as a last retreat, Philip returned to I'okanoket. The Peconi[)tuck or Deerfield Indians were among the first who abandomul his cause, and many of the other Nipniucks and Narragansets soon followed tlieir example. On the 11th of July, he attempted to surprise Taunton, but was repulaedf. His camp was now at MatapoiseL The English came upon him here, under Captain Church, who captured many of his people, but be escaped over Taunton River, us he had done a year before, but in the oi)posite direction, and screened himself once more m the woods of Pocasset. He used many stratagems to cut off Captain Chwch, and seems to have watched and fol- lowed him from place to place, until the end of this month ; but he was coutiiiually losing one company of his men after another. Some scouts a!:.' .. *^ ■ '1 *"*'■" " ' > ! ■ ■ ■ ""'i ■• ■ <'i ; ^ - '. .■ 6,<« ■::*,•' - \'\. ' -' -f -i • ■■'••; ,v ■' ' '. • ■ ' ♦■ ■', • , s ^^l ' ■ .X.if; X' ^ •■"*. " . . ■ ■• » ■ vV.lii ■'■■'' • >' .'> . .V-.. . I. • ■ * . •4'" ■y..^^.e'• \ W:^ ': ■^■a--'' ^'- ■■■■■■ ■ V ^ t ■ "'')ti'- '•■• v^^ ■• ■■ 'W '*■*^■|;•-■<•^>i■■ 'V,,-;- ■*■!■''.' -■" •" '•- H i m >t •v/ f r '. 'K • •• ■ • '■ ' . ■ • •.^r■'..• ^..■ ■•:-''^;:„-vr. V I '■■' .l*'"- .'■■ I •• '< '.'..r.:,v ■ •.J. J..'t ' •:..:.-^i(.«?>-V?n •*:\:v: ;■;'■*; -n ■■■.. . ■, ;'.•■ *• \' ■-> '■■ \ ■ "•.•.■•Jt.-' \ M'^/ .!::>' , <. ''-"•-■■ ... . ■ . .^ y. •. •r^^vi:!;',.^ ■ :-,-^v ■* .^V . ■; -^'l^:Vv.'^.:: 4:? .^/:5....^.»r ■■■i.i^*vf^v-^- ■ '■;^'.:fi-!^..< : ;.-■■:'■:-.>':''-•.•■ , ;, . 'J "J. •^* ■ , '.'•*<,.■..•.■. •' .r . . ■■••*.-^^v-•'.■ ^ ■ .'V' -^^ - ■ '; '■':'.': '■■'v' '■''',':'. 1 : •.'•>-•,•..•.:»* m '■■.'■; .:;.v.5'* <■■ i.-v'.-.-'",v-.H' ;„■ ,-^. .■,5;.......- li>:i. 1:&'.',' •?3 LIFE OF KINCf PMH.IP. [Book 111. ! 'jing nvnr ni;rlif, nrid tlic firinp of Hliort continuanco, they misHfld the plnce, ;.ii(l \vi lit iiiMt Hri(ljr«\viii(!r town." On the 1 Anjfust, th(» intrepid Church cnnip upon Philip's ficnd-qunrtprs, killfd and t«iok nl)out l.'W of hiH people, Philip liiniwelf very narrowly e.srn|i. invhen they came near enough to observe them, and ^^ Philip soon came to a ftop, and fell to breaking and chop[)ing wood, to make fires; and a great i loise they made." Church, conceutratinjr his followers, formed them into a kjircle, and set down " without any noise or fire." Their prisoners showed ,'.»T^^|igns of fear, but were easily put in confidence by the conciliatory con- iii^KgChurch. Thus stood matters in ChurcKs camp through the night of thflK^'gust, lG7fi. At dawn of day, he told his prisoners they must remain jstil^Wnere they were, until the fight was over, (for he now had every reason lO expect a severe one shortly to follow,) "or, as soon as the firing ceased, they must follow the tracks of his company, and come to them. (An Indian id lilfc;^ a bloodhound to follow a track.) "f HHR^ now light enough to make the onset, Church sent forward two BoldicS^ learn Philip's i)osition. Philip, no less wary, had, at the same time, sent out two spies, to see if any were in pursuit of him. The re- * Hist. PhUip's War, 38, ed. 4to, t Ibid. 39. ;'>• N .111 ;"<'' a*v, •^,; :i^^e ',»: S'<. :■ V ^'. E/ *•■"*' •^- ■'W'; .A- ''. '•^v ■ {■ . ». • ■•'i^, .\ '-S\ '^% .J\ ^.••' .»:' >>V frv, r v. ■•{. t*» \ .'•■•V *.v ^: ,»>• ■r-'.f -2 (■: '■ .'*>.*'.■' V.-v>. iM. brother, whoi Chap. II.] MI'F. Ol" KIN(! Pini.FP. 4U npprtivn npion of tlx; two I'iiiiiimm rliicts ^'iivf tlii> nhiriii to both rnmpH fit tin- (4UIIII* tiiiK! ; but, iiiilitip|iily lor I'hilip, liin uiita^oiiiNt was prcpurt'd lor tlw event, wliil«5 bo was !iot. " All llid at tin- lirst tidiii^H, fof tlio Hpics,] Icll their kittlt-H boilin^r, and nuMit r()aHtiii<; upon tbtir woouon npitf, ani, by the exertions of Church. J Philip, having now but few followers left, was driven from place to place, and lastly to his ancient seat near Pokanoket. The English, for a long time, had endeavored to kill him, but could not find bim oif bis guard ; for he was always the fii'st who was apprized of their approach. He having put to death one of his own men for advising bim to make peace, this man's brother, whose name was Mdtrman, fearing the same fate, deserted him, and gave Captain Church un account of his situation, and ottered to lead bim to his camp. Early on Saturday morning, 12 Aug., Church came to the swamp where Philip was encamped, and, before be was discovered, had placed a guard about it, so as to encompass it, except a small place. He then ordered Captain Oolding § to rush into the swamp, and fall u|)on Philip in his camp ; which he immediately did — but was discovered as lie ap- proached, and, as usual, Philip was the first to fly. Having but just awaked from sleep, and having on but a part of his clothes, he fled with all his might. Coming directly upon an Englishman and an Indian, who composed a part of the ambush at the edge of the swamp, the Englisiiman's gun missed fire, but Alderman, the Indian, whose gun was loaded with two balls, * gent *■ One of Church's Indian soldiers, but of whom he makes no mention. t An improvident fellow, given to intoxication, and, from Church's expression about his being killeu, " not being so careful as he might have been," it leaves room to doubt whether he were not, at this tmie, under the effects of liciuor. He had been often fined, and once whipped, for getting drunk, beating his wife and children, defaming the character of deceased magistrates, and other misdemeanors. I Church, 41. In the account of Tatoson, Church's narrative is continued. & Captain Roger Goutden, of R. I. Plimouth granted him 100 acres of laud on Pocasset, in 1676, for his eminent services. Plim, Records. 4* I, vi '. '. ■•' 1 • Ni • '• .,■>', «... m ; "* '' '.. : <»r < ■ ■ *■ ■^::-:^: ■ ■ . ■ .., ->'>•:•, ^ ■ '' .■ -r ■•■. 1' 1* . - ^ ■ ■ • , , :.M:*.'n ■■'■:; i.'^i.;' •■*"■»- , !.'•■•'.:• y- ■ ■ < ; ■..•'*'Y '•ii- ■■.■. " ** * ; ., A^ ■ ^i.i •. •!«■, ,H- :!i«^''' :;" ■■•■ Jr.- r ■ 42 IJFE OF KING PHILIP. [Book III. He fell onfi tlirniiffh liis heart, and nnotlier not above two inches from it. •ipoii hid iiioe in the mud and water, with his gun under him." " Cold, with the boast he slew, he sleeps ; O'er him no tilial spirit weeps ; F.voii lliitt lie lived, is for his conqiicror's tongue, ^^\ (oos alone his cicalh-sonp must be sung; No I'lironicles l)ul ihoirs shall tell His inoiirnful doom to future times j May those upon his virtues dwell, And ill his falo forgot his crimes." — Sprague. The name of the man stationed with Alderman was Caleb Cook,* who had shtirctl in many of Churches hazardous expeditions before the present. See- jiif,' that lie could not have the honor of killing Philip, he was desirous, if possible, (if liMviiig a memento of the mighty exploit. He therefore prevailed lipcin Jllilcrinnn to exchange guns with htm. This gun was kejjt in the I'amily iinti! the pres(;nt century, when the late Isaac Lothrop, Esq. of Plimouth ob- taine scaired, occasioned by the splitting of a pistol in it Ibrmcrly, Capt. Church gave the head and that liand to Alderman, the Indian who shot him, to show to sucli ge:itlemeri as would bestow gratuities upon him ; and accordingly he got many a penny by it."t The hi -barons usage of beheading and quartering traitors was now exe- cuted upon the fallen Philip. Church, "calling his old Indian executioner, bid liim behead and quarter him. Accordingly, he came witii iiis hatchet, and stood over him, but before he struck, he made a small s{)ecch, dire(;tiug it to Philip," saying, " You have been a very /rreat man, and have made nuiny a man afraid of you ; but so big as you be I toill noio chop your ass for you." He then proceeded to the execution of his orders. His heafl was sent to Plimouth, where it was exposed upon a gibbet for 20 years, and one of his hands to Uoston, where it was exhibit(!d in savage triumph, and his mangled body was denied the right of sepultiu'e. It liaving been quancred, was hung upon ibur trees, and there left as a monument of shocking barl)arity. Church and his company returned to the island the same day, and arrived with the prisoners at Plimouth two days after, namely, Tuesda}', August 15, "rangiii^,' througli all the woods in their way." They now "received their l)reniium, which was 30 shillings per head, for all enemies killed or taken, " instead of all wages, and Philips head went at the same price." This amounted to only four and si.xj)ence a-piece, " which was all the reward tliey had, except the honor of killing Philip." Having in the year 1824 visiccd the memorable retreat of the Wampanoag sachems, we can give the reader some idea of its situation. There is a natural angular excavation, in an almost perpendicular rock, about 6 or 7 feet from its base, where it is said Philip and some of his chief men were sur- prised on the morning of the 12 Auoust. We liave in the Lift! of Massasoit (kscribed Momit Hope, and it is at the north pait of it that the high rock is situated ; variously estimated from 30 to 50 feet in height, and is nearly 2 miles from the village of Bristol. From the seat, or throne of King Philip, as some have called it, a fine view of Mount Hope Bay opens upon us. Near the foot of the rock is a fine spring of water, known to this day by the name of Philip's Spring. Mr. Alden, the curious collector of epitaphs, sa^s " the late Lieut Gov. Bradford, [who died at Bristol in 1808,] in early life, knew an aged squaw, who was one of Philip's tribe, Avas well acquainted with this sagamore in her youthful days, and had often been in his wigwam. The information, through her, is, therefore, very direct, as to the identical spot, where he fixed his abode. It was a few steps south of Capt. Jam^ De JVolfe's summer house, near the brow of a hill, but no vestige of the wigAvim remains. The eastern side of this hill is veiy steep, vastly more so than tliat at Horse Neck, down which the intrepid PxUnam trotted his sure-footed steed, in a manner worthy of a knight of the tenth century." "When Churches men wen; about to rush upon Philip, he is said to have evaded them by spring- ing from his wigwam as they were entering it, and rolling, like a hogshead, down the precipice, which looks towai'ds the bay. Having reached the lower part of this frightful ledge of rocks, without breaking his bones, ho got upon his feet, and ran along the shore in a north-eastern direction, about 100 rods, and endeavored to screen himself in a swamp, then a quagmire, but now terra firina." Very probably a son of Uncompoin, or Woonashum, t Philip'* War, •■■\,x! ■ ■ »v .r?fvv'. ■ )•. fv ■*'.' r' «'-' rr^r J::':, t- . ' ■■ ■ •X'- ''■•■'•^ • / • ■ • • ■■■'*• •**i. *■■»•■ " ■■■?'» ...J :r ■• '^1 fv, -ftf.-.^4: :V,.>^ ^ ,-\ 'w "* '» 1->v:v 'V <4 LIFE OF KING rillLIP. How much of the above [Book III. of it ,e is anocryplial is uncertain, but that a part ol is I liavc no doubt. That Philips camp was nem* tlie top of Mount Hope at the time lie was surprised, is contrary to rational conclusion, but soeins rather to have been fixed there by the imagination of some one, for the pleasure it iniglit afford them in contemplating the manner of the chiefB escape by rolling down a rugged precipice. During the bloody contest, the pious fathers wrestled long and often with their God, in prayer, that he would prosper their arms and deliver their enemies into their hands ; and when, upon stated days of prayer, the Indians gained advantage, it was looked upon as a rebuke of Providence, and ani- mat(;d fhem to greater sincerity and fervor ; and on the contrary, ',/liei: their amis prevailed upon such days, it was viewed as an immediate interposition in their favor. The philosophic mind will be shocked at the ex|)res8ions of some, very eminent in that day for piety and excellence of moral life. Dr. Increase Mather,* in speaking of the efficacy of prayer, in bringing about the ilestruction of the Indians, says, " Nor could they [the English] cease crying to the Lord against Philip, until they had prayed the bullet into his heart." And in speaking of the slaughter of Philip's people, at Narraganset, he says, " We have heard of two-and-twenty Lidian captains, slain all of them, and brought down to hell in one day." Again, in speaking of a chief who had sneered at the English religion, and who had, " withal, added a most hideous blasphemy, immediately upon which a bullet took him in the head, and dashed out his brains, sending his cursed soul in a moment amongst the devils, and blasphemere, in hell forever." f The low and vulgar epithets | sneeringly cast upon the Indians by their English contemporaries are not to be attributed to a single individual, but to the English in general.§ It is too obvious tliat the early historians viewed the Indians as inferior beings, and some went so far as hardly to allow them to be human. Like Massasoit, Philip always opposed the introduction of Christianity among his people. When Mr. Eliot urged upon him its great importance, he said he cared no more for the gospel than he did for a button upon his coat. II This does not very well agree with the account of Mr. Gookin, respecting Philip^s feelings upon rehgious matters; at least, it shows that there was a time when he was willing to listen to such men as the excellent and benevolent Gookin. In speaking of the Wampanoags, he says, " There are some that have hopes of their greatest and chiefest sachem, named Philip, living at Pawkunnawkutt. Some of his chief men, as I hear, stand well inclined to hear the gospel : and himself is a peraon of good understanding and knowledge in the best things. I have heard him speak very good words, arguing that his conscience is convicted: but yet, though his will is bowed to embrace Jesxis Christ, his sensual and carnal lusts are strong bands to hold him fast under Satan^s dominions." IT And Dr. Mather adds, " It was not long, before the hand which now writes, [1700,] upon a certain occasion took off the jaw from the exposed skuU of that blasphemous leviathan; and tlie re- nowned Samuel Lee hath since been a pastor to an English congregation, sounding and showing the praises of heaven, upon that very spot of ground, where Philip and his Indians were lately worshipping of the devil." ** The error that Philip was grandson to Massasoit, is so well known to be such, that it would hardly seem to have required notice, but to inform the * In his " Pfvalency of Prayer," page 10. t Ibid, page 7. X Such as dogs, wolves, blood-hounds, demons, demls-incamale, caitiffs, hclL-hmmas, Jiends, fiumsters, beasts, &c. Occasional quotations will show what authors have used these. § The author of " Indian Tales" has fathered all he could think of upon Mr. Huhbard. He may be called upon to pouit out the passage in that valuable author'.s works where he has called one or any of the Indians " hell-hounds." Such loose, gratuitous expressions will not do at the bar of history. IMagnnlia. 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 200. ** Mr. Lee was taken by the French in a vo3'agc to England, and corried into their col itry, where he (lied, in 1691. This event, it was tiionght, hastened his end. Perhaps the sur- viving natives did not attribute the disaster to his usurping their territory, and teaching • religion they could not believe} but might llicy "ot with equal propriety ? •d. He icre he has )ns will not teaching • Chap. H] LIFE OF KING rillLIP. 45 reader of its origin. The following passjige from John Josselyn^s work * will, besides proving him to ho the uuthor of the error, at least the first writer tlmt HO (ieiiOMiiuiites him, furnish some vuluuble information. Speaking of the Indians in general, he says, " Their heads are their money ; of these, tliir.' iiH! two sorts, blue heads and white beads; the first is their gold, the last their silver. These they work out of certain shells, so cunningly, that neither Jew nor Deuil can counterfeit, f They drill them and string tiiem, i.iid make many curious works with them, to adorn the persons of their sag- amores and principal men, and young women, as belts, girdles, tablets, borders for their women's hair, bracelets, necklaces, and links to hang in their ears. I'rincf! Philip, a little before I came for England, [1671,] coming to Boston, liad a coat on and buskins set tliiek with these beads, in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt of the same ; his accoutrements were valued at £20. The Eiiglisli merchant givelh them 10*. a fathom for their white, and as much more, or near upon, for their blue beads." " The roytelet now of the Pocau- i.kets is prince Philip, alias Melacon, the grandson of Massasoit." \ Wiiile Mrs. Roivlandson was a captive in the wilderness with the allies of Philip, she mentions meeting with him ; and although she speaks often with hltteniess of the Indians in general, yet of hitJi nothing of that nature appears ill her journal. The party she was with visited Philip on the west side of ilio Connecticut, about five miles above Northfield, tlien called Squakeag. Having arrived at the point of crossing, Mrs. Rowlaiidson says, " We must go (iver the river to Philip^s crew. When I was in the canoe, I could not but be amazed at the numerous crew of ptvgans that were on the bank on the other side." She was much afraid they meant to kill her here, hut, being assured to the contrary, become more resigned to her fate. "Then came one of them, (she says,) and gave me two spoonfuls of meal (to comfort me,) and another gave me half a pint of peas, which was worth more than many Imshels at another time. Then I went to see King Philip ; he bade me come in and sit down ; and asked me whether I would smoke it ; (a usual compli- ment now a days, among the saints and sinners ;) but this no ways suited me."§ "During my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shirt for !iis boy, which I did ; for which he gave me a shilling." " Afterward he asked me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited me to dinner ; I went, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bears' grease; but I thought I never tasted pleasanter meat in my life." {{ It is extremely gratifying to hear any testimony in favor of the humanity of a ciiief who in his time was so nuich execrated. To say the least of Philip's humanity, it was as great towards captives, so far as we have any knowledge, as was that of any of the English to the captive Indians. As the Indians were returning from their recesses upon the Connecticut, 'ill what is now New Hampshire and Vermont,) towards Wachuset, "having indeed my life, (says Mrs. Rowandson,) but lit'le spirit, PhUip, who v.'as in the company, came up, and took me by the hand, and said, * T^wo weeks more and •Jim shall he rp.istress againJ' I asked him if he spoke true : he said, ' Yes, and (juickly you shall come to your master ^ again^ who Imd been gone from \m three weeks."** In bringing our account of this truly great man towards a close, we must not forget to present the reader with a specimen of the language in which he >)ioke. The following is the Lord's prayer in Wampanoag : — Xoo-shun kes-uk-qvi, qut-tian-at-am-unch hoo-we-su-onk, kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- oonk pey-au-moo-utch, kut-te-nan-tam-oo-onk ne nai, ne-ya-ne ke-svJc-qui " Account of two Voyages to New England, 142, 143. 1 Ot liii^ he was misinTormed. There was nnuch spurious wampum, whirli became a sub- ject of legislation. See Hazard's Hist. Col. vol. ii, \ Accoun* of two Voyages to New England, 146. He is also calle.»••% ■/.'■■'.,; r .:•■ ■••• >V;:i- I m ■m ^ f \ ' > ., w .V- ii , , ., *. ; T. 1 ■ r "' • W ' « ■.yi}.< M , .*1v" « u i t,-i:..T'. •V-.^i-t-y I- > . •• T,. ."» V I ^'.^. ■■.■;!.>»: >•;... >i ^ •^:?^v^■•Ai• .^■.,>;d^:•>:•• . ^ -. . ?^ I Fs i^-; ll' ' )•■■■. rff-. . • • ♦. t •r: (• »:*■;•,■ ■': ■M- 46 LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS— NANUXTENOO. [Book III, kah ohrke-it. ^-sa-ma-i-in-ne-an ho-ko-ke-suk-o-da-t niU-as-e-suk-ok-ke pt- ttik-qun-neg. Kah ah-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an num-match-e-ae-ong-an-on-ash, ne-mitch-e ne-na-wun wonk nvi-ah-quo-an-tam-au-o-un-non-og nun-noh pcmik noo-na-mnn-tuk-qttoh-who-naii, kah ahqut sag-kom-pa-gin-ne-an en q%Uch-e-htt- tti-ong-a-nit, qui poh-qua-vma-sin-nt-an toutch tnatm-i-ttU.* Since we are upon curiosities, the following may very properly be added. There is to be seen in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society a large skimmer, which some have mistaken for a bowl, cut out of the root of ash, that will dold about two quarts. On this article is this historical inscription, in gilt letters: "^ trophy from the wjgtoam of Kino Philip; ichtn he was slain in lfi76, by Richard ; presented by Ebenezer Richard, his grandson." \ CHAPTER m. LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS. Nanontenoo — Reasons for his aiding Philip — His former name — Meets Ike English and Indians under Captain Peirse — Fights and destroys his whole company at Fme- tucket — Incidents relating to that fight — JYotice of Captain Peirse — Jfanuntenoo sur- prised and taken — His magnanimity — Speech to his captors — Is executed and his oody burnt — Cassassinnamon — Catapazet - - Mvnopoide — Anna won — His escape from the swamp when Philip zoos killed — Captain Church sent out *o capture him Discovers his retreat — Takes him prisoner — His magnanimous behavior — His speech to Church — Presents him with Philip's ornaments — Description of them — Church takes jlnnawon to Plimouth, where he is put to death — Quinnapin — His connections and marriage — ^'It the capture of Lancaster — Account of his wives — Weetamxto — He is taken and shot — Tuspaquin — His sales of lands — His opera- tions in Philip's War — Surrenders himself, and is put to death — Reflections upon his executioners — Tatoson — Early notices of — Captures a garrison in Plim- outh — Trial and execution of Keiceenam — Totuson dies of a broken heart — Bar- row cruelly murdered — Tyasks. NANUNTENOO, son of Miantunnomoh, " was chief sachem of all the Narragansets, and heir of all his father's pride and insolency, as well as of his malice against the English." | Notwithstanding this branding character, drawn by a contemporary, we need only look into the life of Mianlunnonuih, to find excuse for " malice and insolency " tenfold more than was contained in the breast of JS/anuntenoo. The English had cut to pieces the women and children of his tribe, burned them to death in their wigwams, and left their mangled bodies bleaching in the wintry blast ! The swamp fight of the 19 Dec. 1675, could not be for- gotten ! JVanuntenoo escaped from this scene, but we cannot doubt that he a auitted himself agreeably to the character we haA'e of him. The first name by which he was known to the English was Canonchet, though, like others, his name was written with many variations. In 1674, he was styled "chief surviving sachem of Narraganset," and in a deed in which he was so styled his name is written " JSTaumavmoarUonneio alias Q^ananckii, eldest son now living of Miantomomio." § He had been in Boston the Octo- ber before the war, upon a treaty, at which time he receiv jd, among other presents, a silver-laced coat. Dr. Mather says, speaking of ..he Narragansets, " their great sachem called Quanonchet, was a principal ringleader in the Narraganset war, and had as great an interest and influence, as can be said of * Eliot's Indian Bible, Luke xi. 2—4. t No mention is made to whom, or when it was presented. It does not appear to us to be of such antiquity as its inscription pretends ; and the truth of which may very reasonahiy be questioned, in this particular, when the more glaring error of the name of the person said to have killed Philip, is staring us in the face. X Hubbard, 67. — Mr. Olamixon calls him " the mighty sachem of Narrag^set,"— £n(, Empire. $ Potter's Hist. Narraganset, CoU. R. Hist. 8oc. iii. 172. Chap, m.] any among th amazing strolt The name alluded, whicl Narragansets of the said Int Saconett Indi hniie bin or ar tors."t The Witnesses. Richard Shit James Brown Samuel Gort Interpreien John Nowheh Indian int The Indians Plimouth, cans fornily in the r US many of thei men, 20 of wl thought himsel Meanwhile tl noo,^ learning, i ing assembled point adjacent t from Pawtucke to attack Plimoi at upwards of On arriving selves retiring, ed,— Peir*e folk warriors ofMtr upon him ; nor fought them fac A part of JVm vent the retrea event will appej bers on every si ranks, back to b slain. Peirse hi although the dis some inexplicab Solomon saith, i This dreadful 8ays,«CapLPe7l (or more,) Indiai Rehoboth wrote * Brief Hist. 26. } It may be seen $ That Nammten been a (juestion ; in Postscript 7.) who divertizmg himself > days before." I Dr. Mather (B lubllely ran away fi lame," and thus effe IT Dtan^s Hist. £ e, burned liing in be for- that he Chap, m.] NANUNTENOO— PAVVTUCKET FIGHT. 47 Witnesses. Richard Smith, James Browne, Samuel Gorton, Interpreiers. John Nowhenett's X mark, Indian interpreter. Jr. any among the Indians ; " * and that, " when he was taken and slain, it was an amazing stroke to the enemy." f Tiie name of Canonchet stands first to the treaty, to which we have just alhided, wliich was entered into at Boston, 18 Oct. 1675. By that treaty, the Nnrragansets agreed to deliver to the English in 10 days, " all and eiicry one of the said Indians, whether belonging vnto Philip, the Pocasset Sqva, or the Saconett Indians, Quabaug, Hadley, or any other sachems or people that iiaiie bin or are in hostillitie with the English, or any of their allies or abet- tors." X The names to the treaty are as follows : " Quananchett's \/ mark, sachem in behalf of himself and Conanaciis and the Old Queen and Pomharn and Quaunapeen, (seal) Manatannoo couiicetler his -f- mark, and Cunnonacus in his behalf, (seal) Ahanmanpoweti's -\- mnr'-, counceller and his (seal) CoKNMAN, cheiff:, councellcr to Ninnegrett, in Ais behalfe, and a seal (S.)" The Indians having carried their whirlwind of war to the very doors of Plimouth, caused the sending out of Captain Peirce, (or as his name is uni- formly in the records, Peirse,) to divert them from those ravages, and destroy as many of them as he was able. He had a larg^ 'Company, consisting of 70 men, 20 of whom were friendly Indians. With these, no doubt, Peirse thought himself safe against any power of the Indians in that region. Meanwhile this most valiant chief captain of the Narr^ansets, JVanuTi/e mo,§ learning, we presume, by his spies, the direction the English were tak ing assembled his warriors at a crossing place on Pawtucket River, at a point adjacent to a place since called ^ttleborough- Gore, and not far distant from Pawtucket falls. It is judged that JVanuntenoo was upon an expedition to attack Plimouth, or some of the adjacent towns, for his force was estimated at upwards of 300 men. On arriving at this fatal place, some of JS/anuntenoo''s men showed them selves retiring, on the opposite side of the river. This stratagem succeed- ed, — Peirse followed. || No sooner was he upon the western side, than the warriors of JSTanuntenoo, like an avalanche from a mountain, rushed down upon him ; nor striving for coverts from which to fight, more than their foes, fought them face to face with the most determined bravery. A part oi' ^anuntenoo's force remained on the east side of the river, to pre- vent the retreat of the English, which they most eflfectually did, as in the event will appear. When Captain Peirse saw himself hemmed in by num- bers on every side, he drew up his men upon the margin of the river, in two ranks, back to back,1f and in this manner fought until nearly all of them were slain. Petrae had timely sent a messenger to Providence for assistance, and although the distance could not have been more than six or eight miles, from some inexplicable cause, no succor arrived; and Mr. Hubbard** adds, "As Solomon saith, a faithfijl messenger is as snow in Jiarvest." This dreadful fight was on Sunday, 26 March, l(i7(), when, as Dr. Mather says, "Capt Peirse was slain and forty and nine English with him, and eight, (or more,) Indians, who did assist the English." The Rev. Mr. JVewmnn of kehoboth wrote a letter to Plimouth, dated the day after the slaughter, in * Brief Hist. K. t Prevalency of Prayer, 11. t II may be seen at large in Hazard's Collections, i. 636, 637. ^ That NanutUenoo commanded in person in the fight with the force under Capt. Peirse has been a cjuestion ; indeed, our only authority is not very explicit upon the matter, (Huhbard, Postscript 7.) who observes that when Denison surprised him, he " was, at that moment, diverlizing himself with the recital of Capt. Peirs^s slaughter, surprized by his men a few davs before." H Dr. Mather (Brief Hist. 24.) says, " a small number of the enemy who in desperate subtlety ran away from them, and they went limping to make the Eoglisn believe they wera lame," and thus effected their object. V J}tan^s Hist. Scituate, It! •* NarraUve, 64. i}9 ■ ^^■.M,^'-^'\ ' ^3v:''i^v.'i^^^:'-:;- . ••'■■1 *•■'■ s- .!•■ .-y-f.' • ■ • •■[■■] ■ y^yi^.-'^rr-^:'^^:- • ■■■I \ ;;:. .V-.,- iv.S-Vir./v*;^--:- , . ■ ■ -» ■' *■ . '. ■, ' .**'^ •» ' I ■■ •'v^i:":t5,-;*%.,-^;:*:!.-' h ■•■.A ■V*' •■ •>',;'^i,A'*r- ,, ■, • /.■'■rri ' ■■■■'■ ■. / ,■.••'■. '.J. .' ■ " ' ■ ''•':•■-• ;ti':' 7-' 1 ^:>'^' '• .•■:» - .y ',''■' ■' ." ■ ■ '* '•' '■ : ■■ ■:,•-,•■.. ..f.:.- .-yr '"'■'■^rW'r^- ■ * ■■^i- j ^vl-'l-i -:»V- s ,' '-.-f: ■.^■•.'' ■ ^>i^t-^^^e:. ■••J ■'■,' -.i'*-'. .■*-*■>•-";•' ' •■ ' -'[ ■■^w^; '•''■:''V. • ■ " f '.? 'V-i|l ' ■ '■ Ti ■ ■•t/v;-,: * ■■ '■' ni ,■',"*■*>'■■ " . ■ * Mk ■ ;"■-•:■•, .•imwtyitf'-. 'V''^ 1 ^^"^"'''IHf^ 'M u-^i; ■'S.EfiSitir , .- . "-<'.} ■y ',.A' , ■ '■ ■■''■' ■ f;'j^ . ■ * ' ;• ^m '■'' ■'■•si,' • "^'"m ' -s;,' ft ■ f J , 1 ■ ■ • » 51 ■ 'f' 'i 1 ' ', '^ ■■ • ftriiifl :( \v ■; .■..., il. -.5' .■■"», ••• iff '••.:;.■"■;< M*: %./:^ :■.,''• '•■\: . w- .r' ■■Tr ."H *.' ■ ■■ • ' '.'I'j.-'^ • ^ •v;*^^- ■A:'■ ;.' -vf f'/:.;^^ ■^■'•:;; '.*r^': ..V' ■ •.•■;■' .!"■>' i ,:- <^ :fvv. . ■.?*;-*■ !,;t :: '•J- ■'•'.'' i-.V, 'S r-'. 48 NANUNl'ENOO.— PAWTtCKF/r FIGHT. V III. which he says, "52 of our English, and 11 Indians," were slain.* The com- pany was, no doubt, increased by some wi;o vohuiteered us they inarclied through the country, or by such as were talien for pilots. N'anuviaioo's victory was complete, but, as usual on such occasions, the English consoled themselves by making the loss of the Indians appear as large as possible. Dr. Mather says, that some Lidians that were after\vard8 taken confessed they lost 140, which, no doubt, is not far from the truth. + An Englishman, and perhaps the only one who escaped I'rom this disas- trous fight, was saved by one of the friendly Indians in this manner : The friendly Indian being taken for a Narraganset, as he was pursuing with an upiilled tomahawk the English soldier, no oik' interfered, seeing him pursue an unarmed Englishman at such great advantage. In this manner, covering themselves in the woods, they escaped. A friendly Indian, being pursued by one of JVanuntenoo^s men, got behind the roots of a fallen tree. Thus screened by the earth raised upon them, the Indian that pursued waited for hiui to run Iroin his natural fort, knowing he would not daro to maintain it long. The other soon thought of an expe- dient, which was to make a port-hole in his breast-work, which he easily did by digging through the dirt. When lie had done this, he put his gun through, and shot his pursuer, then fled in perfect safety. Another escaped in a manner very similar. In his flight he got behind a large rock. This affor 'ed him a good shelter, but in the end he saw nothing but certain death, and the longer lie held out the more misery he must suffer. In this deplorable situation, he bethought himself to tiT the following device. Putting his cap upon his gun, he raised it very gradually above the rock, as though to discover the position of his enemy : it hud the desired efltect — he fired upon it. The one behind the rock now rushed upon him, before he could reload his gun, and despatched him. Thus, as Mr. Hubbard says, " it is worth the noting, what faithfulness and courage sotne of the Christian Indians showed in this fight." That this most excellent author did not approve of the severity exercised towards those who lippeared friendly, is abundantly proved by his writings. In another place; hr says, " Possibly if some of the English had not been too shy in making use of sucli of them as were well affected to their interest, they never need have suffered so much from their enemies." A notice may be reasonably expected of the unfortunate Captain Michael Peirse, of Scituate. He was one of those adventurous spirits " who never knew fear," and who sought rather than shrunk from dangers. He was, like his great antagonist, in the Narraganset fight ; and in 1673, when the govern- ment of Plirnouth raised a force to go against the Dutch, who had encroached upon them in Connecticut, he was appointed ensign in one of the companies. He resided in several places before going to Plirnouth. Mr. Deane, in his History of Scituate, gives a genealogical account of his family, from which we leam that he had a second wife, and several sons and daughters. Of what family he was, there is no mention.]: He possessed considerable estate, and made his will on engaging in the war with the Lidians. The "sore defeat" of Captain Peirse, and the tide of the Indians' successes about this time, caused the United Colonies to send out almost their whole strength. JVanuntenoo came down from the country upon Connecticut River, early in March, for the purpose of collecting seed corn to plant such ground as the English had been driven from, and to effect any other object he might meet with. Whether he had effJicted the first-named object before falling in with Peirse, we ai-e not able to state ; but certain it is, that he was but few days after encamped very near the ground where the fight had been, and was there fallen * See the letter giving the names of the company iu Deane' s Scituate, 122 123. t Mr. Hubbard's account is the same. t In the Records of Plirnouth, under date March, 1669, there is this dnlry :— " Micne. Peirse of Scitluate" was presented at the court for vnaeemly carriages towards Sarah Nichdt of Scitluate," aod " forasmuch as there appeared but one testimony to tlie p'sentment, and tliat the testimony was written and not read vnto the ileponant, the cour» saw cause to remit the said p'sentment." possessed the I A.'./ Chap. HI] NANUNTENOO.— HI3 CAPTURE AND DEATH. 49 upon at unawares, when but a few of his men were present, and there taken prisoner. J^anufUenoo was nearly as much (Ireaded as PhUip himself, and consequently his capture caused great rejoicing among his enemies, and requires to be jmu-- ticiilarly related. Four volunteer companies from Connecticut began their march into the enemy's country the next day after I'awtucket fight. Among the captains of tliese companies, Georf^e Denison of Soiuherton was the most conspicuous. The others were commanded by James Avery, John Staunton, and Major Palms, who also had the chief command. With these were three companies of Indians ; one led by Oneko, composed of Mohegans ; one of Pequots, by Cas- sasinnamon ; and the other of Nianticks, by Catapazd; in all about 80. When this formidable army came near to JS/'anunlenoo^s camp, on the first week in April, 1676, " they met with a stout Indian of the enemie's, whom they presently slew, and two old squaws," who informed them of the situation of J^anuntenoo. At the same time, their own scouts brought the same intelligence. The news of the enemy's approach reached the chief in his tent when but seven of his men were about him ; the rest were probably in the neighborhood attending to their ordinary affairs. And although he had stationed two senti- nels upon an adjacent hill, to give him timely notice if any appeared, their surprise was so great, at the sudden approach of the English, that, in their fright, they ran by their sachem's wigwam, " as if they wanted time to tell what they saw." Seeing this, the sachem sent a third, to learn the cause of the flight of the two first, but he fled in the same maimer ; and lastly he sent two more, one of which, " either endued with more courage, or a better sense of his duty, informed him in great haste that all the English army was upon him : whereupon, having no time to consult, imd but little to attempt an esca|>e, and no means to defend himself, he began " * to fly with all speed. Running with great swiftness around the hill, to get out of sight upon the opposite side, he was distinguished by his wary pursuers, and they immediately followed liitn with that eagerness their important object was calculated to inspire. The pursuers of the flying chief were Calapazet and his Nianticks, " and a few of the English lightest of foot." Seeing these were gaining upon him, he first cast off his blanket, then his silver-laced coat, and lastly his belt of peag. On seeing these, a doubt no longer remained of its being JVcmuntenoo, which urged them, if possible, faster in the chase. There was in the company of Catapazd, one Mono^toide, a Pequot, who outran all his companions, and who, gaining upon J^anuntenoo, as he fled ui)on the side of the river, obliged him to attempt to cross it sooner than he intended. Nevertheless, but for an accident in liis passage, he would doubtless have effected his escaf)e. As he was wa- ding through the river, his foot slipped upon a stone, which brought his gun under water. Thus losing some time in recovering himself, and also the use of his gun, it probably made him despair of escaping; for Monopoide came u]) and seized upon him, " within 30 rods of the river side." JVanuntenoo, having made up his mind to suirender, made no resistance, aitliough he was a man of great physical strength, of superior stature, an(l .•iikiiowledged bravery ; and thcionewho seized upon him very ordinary in tliat respect. One of the firet Englishmen that came up was Robert Staunton, a young man, who presumed to ask the captured chief some questions. lie ai)p('ared at first to regard the young man with silent indignity, but at length, casting a dis■■•^«v*,^f . .^^ • .■•>, ■ , •VJ.v,-..'. ' ''. '■/M ■V '-V ■ ■ ■.■. •■•'^i-. ■ ' .."' '-^ •,!^-v.i^- •-•:■. ''':■'• •■ ■-A^' -^.V."- ■•■ i •■ •*V ■i'-. "j • - ■ V »■, '• '-W \;-..V. '--if^iV*...;- ■ ^ '^ .- i .•-.>>■.•■■■ ^ ■ ■ - ' ' '• / •• ■" . i .'. , ;■/ ■■■* -i/.k'-'.-s' i-;« .. ,■.. ■ , A. •J. ii f • << vr i.." .?■■• ■■*■' .*■.;- 'if'^--' '■■ •■■■-.■ 'I * h"^ ,:«■ ^■-r- vi'' '^^' 7f -V:. .->. :**?.• ,' ^,•^* s • i V * 'iV- ". '' ?■■ " . v; • ■ J^- ' ■ ■' »' ' V ■ •'> % ■ '*■» "■K •l *'•*■ '**■;'■ k' ^■'■-•' •%,f^\': ■■:■ ■.■•;:i.ir^->.- •'■•-■. -IC I • >■* ', • . '•■,.K> •''■.: :• ■ :>,v ,>:;!'■-■■■•• !^'*< '?:•;•■ "."•■■ ■'■■ '■.»i.'r-y..-f\-' ■'• 50 NANUNTENOO. (Book in. would not accept of his own life, whon it was tendered him." This tender of life to MmurUenoo was, no douht, upon the condition of his obtaining the sul)- mission of his nation. He met the idea with indignation; and when thi> English told him that he should be put to death if he did not comply, in the most composed manner he replied, that killing him would not end the war. Some of his captors endeavored to reflect upon him, by telling him, that he had said he wovld bum the English in their Aoiuej, and that he had boasttil, in defiance of his promise last made to the English, which was to deliver tin' Wamj)anoags to them, that he would not deliver up a fVampanoas; or the pnrivir of a Wampunonff's nail. To this he only replied, " OTHERS WERE AS FORWARD FOR THE WAR AS MYSELF, AND I DESIRE TO HEAR NO MORE ABOUT IT." Had the English not burned his people in their houses? Did theyoAir deliver up any that had committed depredations upon the NarraganseLs ? No! — Who, then, will ask for an excuse for the magnanimous JVamtTifenoo? So indignant was he at their conduct, that he would hear nothing about peace ; "renising to send an old counsellor of his to make any motion that way," on a promise of life if he would do so. Under the eye of Denison, JVanuntenoo was taken to Stonington, where, by the " advice of the English commanders, he was shot." His head was cut off and carried to Hartford, and his body consumed by fire. The Englisli prevailed upon some of each tribe of their allies, viz. Pequots, Mohegans urid Nianticks, to be his executioners, " thereby the more firmly to engage the said Indians against the treacherous Narragansets." * "Herein," says another writer f of that day, "tlie English dealt wisely, for by this means tlie three Indian nations are become abominable to tlie other Indians." And a respectable writer J of our own times says, "It may be pleasing to the reader to be informed " of the fate of JVanuntenoo ! When it was announced to the noble chief that he must be put to deatii, he was not in the least daunted, and all he is reported to have said is this :— « I LIKE IT WELL ; I SHALL DIE BEFORE MY HEART IS SOFT, OR HAVE SAID ANY THING UNWORTHY OF MYSELF." With .VariMn/enoo, fell into the hands of the English 4^} others. § The author of the anonymous ^^Letters to London " || says the Indians w«'it! " commanded by that famous but very bloudy and cruel sachem, Quononshot, otherwise called Mmntonomy" whose "carriage was strangely proud and lofty after he was taken ; being examined why he did foment that war, which would certainly be the destruction of him and all the heathen Indians in the country, &c., he would make no other reply to any interrogatories, but this : that he was born a prince, and if princes came to speak \v\t\\ him he would answer, but none present being such, he thought himself oblige d, in honor, to hold his tongue ; " and that he said he would rather die tiian remain a prisoner, and requested that Oneko might put him to death, us lie was of equal rank. " Yet withall threatened, he had 2000 men, [who] would revenge his death severely. Wherefore our forces, fearing an escape, put tlie stoutest men to the sword, but preserved Myantonomy till they returned to Stoneington ; where our Indian friends, and most of the English soldiers, declaring to the commanders their fear that the English should, ujjon con- ditions, release him, and that then he would, (though the English niigiit ginians, 231 years B. C They sent him to Rome to use his endeavors to efTect a peace, liv his solemn promise to return within a given period. The most excruciating tortures iiwailcd him, should he not execute his mission according to his instructions. When arrived at Rome. he exhorted his countrymen to hold out, and maintain the w£tr against the Carthaginians, stating their situation, and the great advantages that would accrue. He knew what would be his fate on roturning to Carthage, and many a noble Roman besought him not to relnni, and thus sacrifice his life ; but he would not break his promise, even with his barbarous ene- mies. This is what is meant by not accepting his own life when tendered him. He returned, and, if history be true, no Indian nation ever tortured a prisoner, beyond what the Cartha- ginians inflicted upon Marcus Auilius Res^tlus, See EchariTs Roman Hist. i. 188 — ^9. * Hubbard. f /. Mather. | Deane, Hist. Sciluate, 124. ^ Manuscript letter in Hist, Library. Both Hubbard and Mather say 44; perhaps llicy in- cluded Nanuntenoo. II Elsewhere cited as The Old Indian Chronicle. Chap. HI.] ANNAWON. 61 have peace with him,) be very perniciouH to tliose Indians tiiat now assisted us, the said Indians, (on these ronsidcrations, and tlie mischiefs and mur- thcrs he had done during this war,) permitted to put him to deatli.* And tliai all might share in the glory of destroying so great a prince, and come under the obligation of fidelity, each to other, the Pe(iuods shot him, tlie Mohegins cut off his head and quartered his body, and the Ninnicrojls men made thi tire and burned his quarters, and, as a token of their love and fidelity to the English, presented liis head to the council at Hartford! " JJjVjYJlfVO.Y was a Wampanoag, and one of PhUip^a most famous coun- sellors and cafjtains. He was his fust friend, and resisted as long as there was a beam of hope ; and when at last every chance of success had failed, he gave tiimsclf up in the most heroic manner, as will appear in the follow- ing account At the swamp, when PhUip was killed, he escaped with most of his men, as has been related, by his thoroughly understanding the situation of his enemies. " Perceiving (says Church) they were waylaid on the east side of the swamp, tacked short about. One of the enemy, who seemed to be a great surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and oflen called out, I-oo- tash, I-oo-iash. Captain Church called to his Indian Pe(er, f and asked him who that was that called so. He answered that it was old Jlnnawon, Philip's great captain, culling on his soldiers to stand to it, and fight stoutly." "Captain Church had been but little while at Plimouth, [after the death of Philip,] before a post from Rehoboth came to inform the governor that old Annaioon, Philip's chief captain, was with his company ranging about their woods, and was very offensive and pernicioi"; iu Reliobotli and Svvansey. Captain Church wa.s immediately sent for again, and treated with to engage in one expedition more. He told them their encouragement was so poor, he feared his soldiers would be dull about going again. But being a hearty friend to the cause, he rallies again, goes to Mr. Jabez Howland, his old lieutenant, and some of his soldiers that used to go out with him, told tliem how the case was circumstanced, and that he Iiad intelligence of old AnnnioorCs walk and haunt, and wanted hands to hunt him. They did not want much entreating, but told him they would go with him as long as there was an Indian lefl in the woods. He moved and ranged through the woods to Pocasset" In the early part of this expedition, some of Captain Church's Indian scouts captured a number of JlnnaioorCs company, but from whom they could learn nothing of the old chief^ only that he did not lodge " twice in a place." " Now a certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church had gained over to be on his side, prayed that he might have liberty to go and fetch in his iiither, who, he said, was about four miles from that place, in a swamp, with no other than a young squaw. Captain Church inclined to go with him, thinking it might be in his way to gain some intelligence of Jlnnawon; and so taking one Englishman and a few Indians with him, leaving the rest liiore, he went with his new soldier to look his father. When he came to the swamp, he bid the Indian go and see if he could find his father. He was no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a track coming down out of the woods, upon which he and his little company lay close, some on one side of the track, and some on the other. They heard the Indian soldier making a howling for his father, and at length somebody answered him ; but while they were listening, they thought they heard somebody com- ing towards them. Presently they saw an old man coming up, with a gun on Ills shoulder, and a young woman following in the track which they lay by. Tliey let them come between them, and then started up and laid hold of them both. Captain Church immediately examined them apart, telling them what they must trust to if they told false stories. He asked the young woman what company they came from last. She said from Captain l^nna- icon^s. He asked her how many were in company with him when she lefl * This seems to us the most probable account of tlie diTuir of all we have seen. i The son of Awashonks, it is supposed. .^, it ■ : V ■* ■".. .' •• y ■ ^^fK- '-'^^■■^:'■ ■ ■ - - .;' '*'• ■ .-it, ■■ ' .:'Y^>-; k-l- iX :•- r.;'•^ .-.f ,' I ■■ 'ifi'-':'-'*;- > ■ '■':*.'■.'■,■'•■■ V-^v,;-^!.-^-:'' y.-.''.; - ■>■-•. ■ ■. .. • , - ' V •' -■>v-- v•■:;^/■^';..?;^•^:■^V■■• •'5*"'?V-c 1,'-"', ij. V •'' • •'■ . ,■ vt '■. '.'■' '■■■'" .•t^". .•■.••. ' • 1 '- '■-*..>» ■ ' ■■■■' -.^ i , m •■^•^\*- •;.-.•;,.>■•-. .-■^^.••' /■:-':-:-nt •. «•■.'.-»,.■ . . ■ .1. I '■";•-.•<., J.,./ •.•v;r -■'/■■-•••■■' iWr-- • ■ 'T, ■.':•'■• ^ ' ••■.L'>;«''' »'■' '' ■'■'•' :*•'<•■.;• • ••.TV*:-- ;- ' . ■ ■ . . m - ■ V. ■»" ■ ' «• »•■■•" * ■ a* . . -- .' 1; -.11 ■.v..f!^' II? p. Jt .■}■::...■ •'•'■It •'.♦/ •'A -i^V'^:'^ ^ I r>»\ I W '''•"■ •■■■'• ■■■. ^.■•'••■li- ;•!.,' ■, ■;-■■■ ■*.-i ■! ,.1 . ■ I' i;-,., ■■•;■. ■.■; i'.'i' i.'; ■' ■' i •' „ si-f* ■- i ' ■.. Si ANNAWON. [Book III. Iiim. She said * fifty or sixty.' He asked her how many inileH it was to the l»luce where she left him. She said she did not iitiderHtnnd miles, hnt he whh lip in Siiuannuconk swamp. The old man, who had heen one of Philip^n council, upon examination, gave exactly the same aceoimt." On hcinjf usked whether they could get there that night, answered, "If we go pres ently, and travtd stoutly, vve may get there hy sunst^t." The old man snid he was of Jlnnawori's company, and that Jinnnwon had sent him down to find some Indians that were gone down into Mount Hope neck to kill jiro- visioiis. Captain Church let him know that that company were all his prisoners. The Indian who had been permitted to go after his father, now returned Avith him and another man. Captain Church wjw now at great loss what lie should do. He was unwilling to miss of so good an opportunity of giving u tinishing blow to the Indian power. He had, as himself says, but " half a do/en men l)eside himself," and yet was under the necessity of sending some one back to give Lieutenant Howland, whom he \v.\\ at the old fort in I'ocasset, notice, if he should proceed. But, without wasting time in i)on- dering upon what course to pursue, he put the question to his men, " whether they would willingly go with him and give Jlnnaumn a visit." All answered in the alhrmative, but reminded him "that they knew this Cajitain Annaioon was a great soldier ; that he had lieen a valiant captain under Jisuhmaquin, [Woosamtquin,'] Philip's father; and that he had been Philip's chieftain all this war." And they further told Captain Church, (and these men knew him well,) that he was "a very subtle man, of great resolu- tion, and had often said that he would never be taken alive by the English." They also reminded him that those with ^nnaivon were " resolute fellows, some of Philip's chief soldiers," and very much feared that to make the attempt with such a handful of soldiers, would l)e hazardous in the extreme. But nothing could shake the resolution of Captain Church, who remarked to them, " tliat he had a long time sought for Annaivon, but in vain," and doubted not in the least but Providence would protect them. All with one consent now desired to jiroceed. A num by the name of Cook,* liclonging to Plimouth, was the only Englishman in the company, except the ca[itain. Captain Church asked Mr. Cook what his opinion of the undertaking was. He made no other reply than this : "I am never afraid of going any where when you are with me." The Indian who brought in his father informed Captain Church, that it was impossible for him to take his horse with him, which he had brought thus far. He therefore sent him and his father, with the horse, bjick to Lieuten- ant Hoidand, and ordered them to tell him to take his prisoners immediately to Taunton, and then to come out the next morning in the Rehoboth road, whore, if ulive, he hoped to meet him. Things being thus settled, all were ready for the journey. Captain Church turned to the old man, whom he took with the young woman, and asked him whether he would be their jiilot. He said, "You having given me my life. I am under obligations to serve you." They now marched for Squan- naconk. In leading the way, this old man would travel so much faster than the rest, as sometimes to l)e nearly out of sight, and consequently might have escaped without fear of being recaptured, but he was true to his word, and would stop until his wearied followers came up. Having travelled through swamjis and thickets until the sun was setting, the pilot ordered a stop. The captain asked him if he had made anj dis- covery. He said, " About that hour of the day, ^nnawon usually sent out his scouts to see if the coast was clear, and as soon as it began to grow dark the scouts returned, nnd then we may move securely." When it was sufficiently dark, and they were about to proceed, Captain Church asked the old man if he would take a gun and fight for him. He bowed very low, and said, "I pray you not to impose such a thing upon me as to fight against Captain Annawon, my old friend, but I will go along with you, and be heli)ful to you, and will lay hands on any man that shall offer to hurt you." They * Caleb, doubtless, who was present a( the time Philip was killed. Chap. Ill] ANNAWON.— HIS CAPTURE AND DEATH. &? bad proceeded but a short apace, when they heard a noise, which tiics conciude