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FILES' MOTION, . uy.i vxy. it Resolved, That the several laws laying an embargo on all ship? W vessels in the ports and harbors of the United Slates, Jesr^- pealed on tlie 4th day of March next, e^ce/it^ae to Great Bntmu and France and thdr dependencies ; and that firovteton be made by lavf for nrohibiting all icommercial intercourse with tfioae nation^^ and their dependencies, and the imfiortation oj any article into the United States, the grototh, produce or manufacture of either of the saidnationn, or of t;h< iifimmona of either qf them." ^ r," •.-,' '■,; • \ , ^:n >.>*ii*f ' IT will be perceived, Mr, President, by the motion w^iGh.I i^ave made to amend the resolution, offered by the honorably gpw tleman from Virginia, that I do not approve of the coyrse which M- «eem& the government have determined at length to pursue. 1 he iwnorable gentleman histoid «»,. it > not his plan, and I give him credit for the fairness and candor with whi/:h he has avowed the measures to which he would have resorted. He would haveraiaed the embargo and declared war agaijist England. Being opposed m this sc^ieme, by a majority of Im friends, his ivext proi>osmon( was to issue letters of marque and reprisal ; finding howe^^r, that th« othftr House had ^ef^4ed to go even so far, he had on the prmciple of concession and conciliation with his friends, agreed to take the course proposed in th« resolution, in hopes that our vessels going »pon the ocean and being captured under the orders m cpujwil, wcMJid drag tU?. nation into a war ; when be presuflied th€ jar be- inc made «pon u^ w^ would agree to fight oyr enemy, bir. it is upon this very ground, and^considering this as its object, that J aw necessity ex^st to make her so. I am not gom^ to deny that we i" Wiill ?^^iiS^^K» vtamuimm s have many, »nd hcavy|complaints to make against her conduct, noV shall I contend that causes do not exist which might justify a war; but I mean to say that policy forbids the measure, and that honor does not require it. The gentleman has painted in very glowing colors, the wrongs and insults which we htive suffered from British violence ; he has i^jcorded in his catalogue the offensive acts of British agents, as well as the injurious pretensions and orders of the government. I mean not to defend nor even to palliate any aggression, public or private, against the rights or honorof our country ; but, Sir, I cannot conceal my surprise, that this gentleman, so much alive to British wrongs, should be insensible to every thing which we ',have {suffered from France. The gentleman has exhau ted the language of terms of invective and reproach against the British government and nation, bui he has been silent as the grave, as to the French. How can it be that what is wrong in Britain is right in France ? And where- fore is it that the saine acts of France are borne with patience, which proceeding from Britain, excite such a spirit of indignation. You have the orders of council to complain of, but have you not the decreets of his imperial majesty ? We are told that the orders in council give us laws, regulate our commerce, and degrade us to the state of colonies ; but do they contain more, or do they extend as far as the imperial decrees ? Do they make us more the colo- nies of Britain, than the decrees make us the colonies of France? And are we to invoke the spr of liberty and patriotism to a re« aistance to Britain, while wc are tamely yielding ourselves to French bondage ? We are told of our vessels being fwccd into British pprts and compelled to pay tribute ; but nothing is said of their being invited into French harbors, and then seized and con- fiscated. With all the complaints against the British orders, and the st# lence as to French decrees, ought we not to be surprised in disco- vering that the oi-ders are exceeded in severity jand injustice by the decrees ? Let it be remembered that this system oi outrage upon neutral rights originated on the part of France in the Berlin decree— that deci-ee in effect, forbids neutrals to trade to England or her colonies, or to purchase, or to carry their manufactures or produce. In commencing this system, France justified its prin- ciple and tjOFiipelled her advei-sary to retaliate by Acts of the samte injustice against neutrals who submitted to it. Tell me whicit we have first And most to blame, the one who set the example, dr hira who followed it ? It is a consideration also of great weight, that at the timie when the Berlin decree issused, France was bound to the United States by a solemn treaty to permit the trade which that decree prohibits*— a treaty, signed by Bonaparte himself, and expressly providing (or the freedom and security of our commerce with his «nemv, in the event of war: and if the orders in council arc » violation of the law ui imtiOriS, incy »rw Mot iii^c xuc i:»wj«o.. u*.- crees, a breacb of p|ightcd faith. The Orders te«vc txk us tW luct, noV r a war,; xi honor wrongs he has 3, as well I meant ■ private, ; conceal wrongs, ed from terms of 1 nation, w can it 1 wherc- e, which n. You not the rders in de us to r extend the colo- France ? to a re* lelves to •ced into s said of md con- d the si* in disco- istice bjr ■ outrage le Berlin England ctures or its prin- the same e which umple, (ir the time e United it decree expressly Ktrith his icil are a ._^~^%. -i_ > US thf * . 1-1 *^A» Civtr intercourse is not intenupted with the duect colonia trade. Our '^^''^^^'^^ , ^ ^^^ decrees interdict C« "f .nfumrthough performing a voyage otherwe mno. *'toV« fc"u"tn„jl"ri^ iniquity di.Unguishe, the de- 'S pJodS them, and «hi.;h e^eed them m m.qu.ty and 'Thf ;™wed object of the honorable gentleman from "'J'S^'"^ U a war with England. On thi, subject I m ke but on. que.- tion-U it possible to ?v«d >t «.th honor ^^ .^ It 'h.s.pos».W.y exist,, th^ wrought to ^ ^^_ .^ ^ 'ig"rL:T"Sy a^a«°o\^rfideJe^n theLcenty o^^^^^^^^^ • Ar«f ««r Executive to settle our differences with Great Bntam. ?r ^UZeThrLrbin impartial as to ^hebem^erent^^^^^^^^ ypur negociatious have n^ ^^--^^t^^^^^ .tleman from Virgima has <^^»;\7* '^^[.l^able and melancholy serablc vision. I bekeve, Sir, »' *'^.™'';™i*iji famish proof fact— and If you will have patience with me, I wui iqrnisn p*ou '"Wte 'necessary for us to consider what those diiterences were. . i , . It Sj::^:5^"r^n «» board of American merchant nt'not m«» .0 «y, that ««»= ««^ no_f^|M=_' cau^-Jf com- and \V6iild probably have soon ceased and been forgotten, if iht points of controversy between the governments had been amica- bly arranged. To sett'' the diflFerences, which i have stated, a negociation was oper J in London in 1803, and carried on till December, 1806. It is remarkable, that while this negociation was depending and progressing, our government had recourse to •A Step in its nature calculated to repel, instead of to invite, the British government to a friendly settlement. In April, 1806, thejrf pass a law prohibiting the importation of certain Britbh goods. The acknowledged object of this law was to coerce Britain to agree to our own terms; Did this law evidence a disposition to be friendly upon our part, or was it calculated th inspire a friend^ ly teniper dn the part of England? It was fuel to' tht flame of discord. The British government is not less high spirited and proud than our own, and the attempt to force them to terms was the likeliest course which tould have been pursued, by provoking retaliaiiofn to widen the breach be- tween the two countries. This measure enforced, When negociation was going on, and pro- mised a favorable result, is no small proof in my mind that the 6»ecutive r/as satisfied with the forms of negociation, but wanted no treaty with England. I proceed to inquire whether our differences with Britain were not of a nature to be compromised ; and if our government had been sincerely disposed, whether they might not have retained the relations of amity with that power. Firat, as to the rule of 1756. This rule was founded on t^e principle, that a neutril nation could not acq^iirc a right to tradei by the cession of one belligerent in time of war which did not ex- ist, but was withheld iii time of peace. The rule was supported 6n the principle that a neihtral could not come in aid of a bellige- rent and cover its property on the ocean, when it was incapable of protecting it itself. ... . I am not going to defend this rule, nor to inquire into its ongmi Thu4 much I will say, that if it was the British rule of 1756, it was the express rule of the French maritime code in the years Sf04 and 1744. I will hot trouble you with reading XM decrees of the French monarchs which I have on the table, made in the years mentioned, and which prohibit to neutrals any but a direct trade to the colony of an enemy. Though the rule of 1 756 may not be an ancient rule, yet we must admit that it was not a new rule introduced in the present war and contrived to ruin or injure the American commerce. France was unable to trade with her colonies ; the United States became her carriers, and under our flag the manufactures of the mother country were safely carried to the colonies and the pro- duce of the colonies transported to Eurrve- This trade was cer- tainlv as beneficial to France as profitable to the United States. Britain only was the sufi'erer, and the rule of 1756 was revived m ^Tder to take from French eommefCe the protection of a neutral , if tlie I arnica- i stated^ j on till ;oci»ti<«i ourse to vite, the 106, thejr' h goods, ritain to sition to a friend- ernment attempt uld have each bc- , and pro- that the t wanted ;ain were nent had ained the d on tjic t to tradei d not ex- mppdrted a bellige- ^apable of its origin; F 1756, it the years e decrees ide in the t a direct 6 may not new rule injure the ted States res of the i the pro- i was cer- ed States, revived in a neutral fl^. Our government were certainly right in claiming the free enjoyment of this profitable trade, but the only question is whether the neutral and belligerent pretension did not admit of adjustment by each side making an equal concession of points of interest. The treaty of 1806, which the President rejected, fairly com- promised the dispute on this subject. The 1 1th art. of that treaty scoured to the United States the carrying trat^e of France and her colonies, subject to terms somewhat inconvenient to the merchant, but rendering" it not less beneficial to the nation. The treaty re- quires that goods exported from France or her colonies irt Ame- rican vessels shall be entered and landed in the United States ; and when exported from France through the United States to her colonies, shall be liable to a duty of one per cent, and from the colonies to France of two per cent, to be paid into our own trea- sury. This regulation of benefit to the govsjcnment by the duty which it gave to it was of little prejudice to the trade, and there !s no* room to doubt that the trade, thus secured from the spolia- tions to which it was before subject, would have flourished beyond its former limits. Our differences, therefore, as to the carrying trade so much harrassed by the British rule of 1756, not only admitted of com- promise, but was actually settled by an arrangement in the treaty of 1806, with which the nation would have been perfectly satisfied. The second head of dispute regards the practice of constructive blockade. The complaint on this subject was, that blockades were formed by proclamations, and that neutrals were compelled to consider ports as blockaded before which no force was stationed. That the principle of blockades was extended to unwarrantable limits, is^most certainly true, and there is no question as to our having just cause to complain of the vexatious interruptions to which it exposed our trade. The present war between France and England is without a parallel between civilized nations ; it is not a struggle for renown or for ordinary conquest, but on the part of Britain for her independence and existence. Principles of neu» trality or of right have been little regarded upon the land or upon the ocean ; and the question Avith the belligerents has been less what the law of nations permitted them to do, than what their strength enabled them to accomplish. It is unlawful for a neutral to at- tempt to enter a blockaded port—but a port cannot be considered as blockaded unless a force adequate to the end is stationed be- fore it. The blockades therefore, which England created simply by a proclamation, were an abuse of which neutrals had just cause to complain. The United States did complain, and these complaints were listened to by thie British government. The 10th art. of the treaty of 1806, has made provision on the subject ; and though England has not renounced the principle of which we complain, yet it is. qualified by the notice which ts reouired to be eriven to ihe vessel attempting to enter a blockaded port, before she i^ ex- posed to seizure and confiscation.. The provision in the treaty, ■% a public vessel, or w » however, which was insmted 0% manner of exercising it have to'/"f^^"^ J, j ^^^ her seamen! Ha. abelUgerent a "S^S''! -";^,^,fi,"„^"^^^^^^^^^^^ nations is of , ^^aut^^re^bt^wee^n^^^^^^^ and Britain, it is of ^'*?L"rent"of manners, habits, language aj;;} apPe^ance ^^^^^ der it always difficult and sometimes ^^^P^^^^Sf the St to between an English and an Amencan sailor. J ^/^^"f^^^^^^^ search for British seamen ^^-»'^f^"»\""^^;.'ilYadm°"^^^ be security for the American sailor : »he "ght adm. teu 1 n ^^ doubt our navigation would be ruined. /^^^^ ^^f ^^^^ver how I would never concede the prmc^^^^^^^^ ^t navy « the shield of the case stands m relation to Britain. "®^ "tj^l. • ^^_ u-r poW- « home, yet «henj|« ^C^Ma™ th"h withers a. .h. Tde'^vTd net°"rmthese«d„c.»n^of o^^^^^^^^ vice .he ha, every thing t".?"*^- . 5^"' " trable to affoM thet». seamen a doU.r for every shiUmg "htch she is able to an ^ ^ They shall be better ted, more gently "'"'*• »"°,*^,„ board to hardship, »"?.<1»"S«V. '-'^Ji^'liiU the dXte thinned of the oar merchant »WP»- »"'\^°!' .>^"*t most at .take on this sub- English ships of war. Which h» the tnost at .t« jecf,.E«gl»d « Am«^a ^-l^ -'^t^J'aiM reUniuUh: this is evident, that neitner wui oci ***!«. nrescnt crisis the principle for which she has ^^^^^^ e^P^ct ttS San- it w^ impossible for our P^^^'^'^^^'V^l.^'^T^l^f^^^ What donmentby the British government,^^ this right oljcarp ^^ . oe th*,n should they have pursued? They shouia nav ^^^ ^v^ ^ Ssed on the point, ^^V^ZIZ^^^i^^^^^^^ more propitious epoch, for the fi^*^ .^^ij*"^^"^^^^ j. ^ ^^ ^^^ Your cUmissioners who 'J'^E^*^*^^^^^^^}'* ^"^^^ ^kh? was impracticable to obuin the cession of the pnncipie »r w« waitcdf ed was against veiiseU tx) seixe Q search asserted isted oAf ountries. engaged mtries o** he right. es of the ompl^int. seamen! ions is of in, it is of ranee rcn- istinguish i right to no longer , 1 have no I therefore irever how e shield of s her pov^- mal liberty labeas cor- leTs as she ritime ser- in give her fford t^ein* xpDsedkss im on board tnned of the >n this siib- lestion; but Y relinquish resent crisis ibrmal aban- irch. What have tempo* ■^ssU^H fcr &. ihe dispHte. aund tl»fit it, ►le for wt^ch they contended, and upon their own respoasibility,. to their trreat honor, to preserve the peace of the two countries, accepted assur. ijnces from the British ministry, which, in their opinion, and I hav<: no doubt in lacl, would have effectually removed the abuses of which we comnlained. I beg pardon of the Senate for readine an extriict from tTie letter of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, of th! 3d of January, 1807, which contains the assurances to which f refer ; « we are sorry to add, that ihis treaty contains no provi, V?!l *l*i!?^* ^l impressment of our teamen ; our despatch of the 1 Ith of November, communicated to you the result of our labors on that subject, and our opinion that although this government did not feel Itself at liberty to relinquish formally by treatyVTts c l m to search our merchant vessels for British seamen, it pracS would nevertheless be eaaentiaily, if not completely abandoned. That opinion has been since confirmed by frequent conferences on the subject with the British commissioners,\lu> have reXedly as! •ured us, that in their judgment we were made as secure again the exercise of their pretensions, by the policy which their govern! ment had adopted in regard to that very delicate and important question, as we could have been made by treaty. It is Zper "o observe however, that the good effect of this disposition, aSd its continuance may depend in a great measure, on the meais which may be taken by the Congress hereafter, to check desTSs frorn ^^fTY'''''% ".r^^^^'J^ « ratified, and a perfe g^^^^ «nderstandmg produced between the two nations, it willbee^v for their governments by friendly communicutiins, to state^o ;«« «^^J"J^.»' "^^"^ respectively desire, and in that mode to ar? range the business as satisfactorily as it could be done by treaty." Such was the footing upon which our commissioners were wise v disposed to leave this delicate affair. And would to God thi dir President wishing a. sincerely as his friends profess for him to accommodate the differences Mween the two coun^es, S as prudent^ agreed to the arrangement made for him by h s i^ni' ers ! What has been the consequence of this excess^vra™; to secure our seamen ?~Why, that your service has lost morl tea^nf • **"' ^'"'' °^ ""*^*^«°» '^*" »' ^«"^d have o t in T^ years of impressment. • v .«» icai But, Sir, in this lies the secret—a secret I will dare fn t.^« nounce. Tour Pre.id.nt never meant to >ia./«T/.LyT.!v/X«^^ Brttatn If he had intended it he would have taken the tLty of the 3 1st of December, 1806. If he had intended it he wo„rd never have fettered the commissioners with sine qua nons wh ch were insuperable. ^ ^ wnicft It was an invariable article in the instructions, to form ao treaty unless the claim to search merchant vessels fo^ desert^rfwas uf It thl^"f "'^ * 'i^'' T ""'''' ^*P«^'^^» *"^ *' ^h« ard'^ulcris L at which It was insisted upon, it was imDosaihl*. to ex-.-* :* * - i yet rainer than temporize on the i>oint, ratlu^r than accem 'the' actual abandonment of the principle without Us fomal S^ciu «oo,, treaty, the ^^^y^»^^eto^,j^d by his^ S^; fatal mcanure i» the c»u« ot »" '^e = ^^^ ,.^^,^ ^„ .„„, . have felt, which we are feelihg- ana wme ^^^ |^^„, , fji why «a. thU '"'I';:'' f/„la^;"t against the Impre..- 1 ♦ n*.r'iuse it containeci .10 engagti. .^. v».«i<.els. ^'••„fAS»n seamen on board me,^^^^^^^^^^ Td. Because of '^e "Hateral declaral.on ^^^^.^^__ ^^^^ „i',^io„er,. '•"' rfhjrrrt d««.Vcthe United States France the pnnciples 01 ncr u ^^ ^^ , v- • - ahould submit to its execution. . ^^ furmstied to us by the p/e^nt^'lhrfX";^"^^^^^^^^^^^ ^'^"'"" ^" '\he British ministers, a ^«\^^«^ P;^Xt° But if these assurances ban a formal P^«-.io%m he u^^^^^^^^^ had even not been S^^f,"' *^^^.,*/^nLest^ on the sub ect ; m xht our rights or prejudiced ^^/^'^'^^'^f friendly relations and pre- ^ean time it would have ^»^^""^,™°;^e6n^^ as their mutual pared both countries lor ^"f J^ ^s , '^\uer both novel and sur- : interest might require. To men ^^^ ^^^ ""^^V ij oriainc to discover m our P> e»^"^"* maritime rights. I had Kfment to the highest pent o« mar. ^^ ^^ B ^^^^ ^ „„, ♦houeht before, that ne was » merchants, and ^« «"^;^°l^"'?aVather our ships were exchange^ 1 had thought that he ^«"^^ r^^^^^^^ converted into husbandmeii. for farn/ing utensils and our seamen c^ navigation, that But now, sir, it -««^ V.^.^lf ^^^^^ war rather than suffer he nrefers hazarding all the caianuuc commerce. Sther to be forcibly pHickedl^^^^^^^^ ,„,,„ded.to Can any o^^^^^'f:.^ ^^^anl w^n^^ commissioners wer,^^^^ conclude a treaty with ^"S\^^'; J Britain formally consented, that structed to make ^l^'^^^^^^^}^^' ^ deserter from her navy ? our merchant flag should F«f ^ f ^^^^ ^ ^^e instructions is suffi- the insertion of this sine ^^^^ "«"^^^ ,i„cerity in the nego- cient to satisfy my mind, that there w^^^^^^^^^^^ ^ elation which was carried o" ^»'*^^^^^ gentleman from Virgmia. ^ We have been f ^^^^^y f " ^"^^Jnedf that such men as ^in§, (Mr. Giles) whether it can ^e imagme^ the executiv^^J,i| ffonroe and Pi^J^^^^ ^""^^..^^^^'e oftis insincerity, If ^^^ they would not have borne evidence ot ,n ^ ^^^^^^^1^^ to whom we Zyt^M al«. to .« a '^'"^f flake « iruii^«t Mr. lUng Sir, 9 r between pitate and <»h'ich we to suffer ; ' > reasons ; liate upon ited States b us by th^ d the point' ;n them by our seamen ; assurances mpr omitted jct ; in th^e: )ns and pre- their mutual )vel and sur- 1 unyielding rhts. I t^ad navy, tt> our ; exchanged husbandmen, tvigation, that er than suffer commerce, ly int«nded_tO jners were in- onsentedv that a her navy ?_ actions is sum- Ly in the nego- iment. from Virginia. tnen as j^in§» executive .C)rw Ity, if such had iist to whom we ent. Mr. Mon- ' guilty of_con- i, and Mr. rinK- I t Mi:, ^ing Sii^ j to Mr. Monroe anH Mr Pinknev, I most clearly acquit them of any collusion with th^P^e'i^lem; because so far fLm coUudu.g with him, ihey l^vc actrd against his secret and |express ,nstn,ct,ons Surely 1 have no reason to doubt the sincere: dispos.iion of these gentlemen, to make a treaty with England, when they concluded one under the rcsnonsibility of acting against Uicir orders. No, my cburge ot inrcX against the executive is founded upon the documents a long time secret, now public, and upon the nature ot the objec- ;\o^s Vhich have uniformly obstructed the adjustment of our d.f- ferences with Britain. , . p . . . .. The second impediment to the rat.hcat.on of the treaty, was the declaration of lords Holland and Auckland whuh accompanied it. What did this paper impose upon us ? Resistance to the Berlin decree : and will you permit me to ask, whether it was ever your intention to submit to that decree ; you do not inean to submit to the orders in council, and does not the Berlin dec, ee go o the extent of those orders ? Are you better l^^P'-^^f^' ^\ "^"'"'^ ^»^f ^- cd to submit to France than to England ? No, 1 hope we sha agree to fight before we consent that either of those powers shall give laws to the ocean. , . »u n r a I know at one time it was pretended, that the Berlin decree was designed only as a municipal regulation ; municipa Avhen it declared England and her dependencies m a state of blockade, and their manufactures and produce liable to capture. It is true that the minister of the United States in France, got some such explana- tion of the decree from the French minister of rnarme.--.He did not consider it as derogating from the treaty of 1800, between France and the United States, But when the emperor is applied to, by the grand judge, his answer is " that smce he had not thought proper to express any exception in his decree there is no ground to make any in the execution, with respect to any thing whatsoever." When the minister of marine was applied to for his construction of the decree, he gave his opinion, but affected not to be the proper organ of communication on the subject. In this you see that craft and force were both united for the most destructive execution of the decree. The decree was allowed to sleep for nearly a year— a pubhc minister delivers his opinion that it was not to intract our treaty-- and, after our property, to an immense amount, is allured by these deceitful appearances into French ports, his imperial ma- iesty declares, in effect, through his minister of justice, that the treaty with the United States was not expressed as an exception in the decree, and therefore its provisions were to form no ob- struction to its execution. So, Sir, we have probably lost some millions of dollars by our anxiety to consider this decree as a mu- nicipal regulatioi^. Suppose, however, it had not designed what ;ts terms so plainly express,— the blockade ol the British islej.— In such case, what embarrassmcui wouiu ^ur j^utci wniwui nuvc incurred by agreeing to the proposition of the English commis. sioners, to resist the decree if executed against our neutral rights ? If France had confined the execution of the decree to her own ports, Britain could not have complained of the execution of her in in another ney mean President, ,the Unit- ecrees ?— inkney) of led, in the ctober, in ree to the •cposed to i the trea- ieem then on of the merchant in, or are ontention ? . Messrs. President >rm, which (Cession of like a sin- he late ne- ccuntries. inistration is country, the most ar. From f America, in first at- s raised in F'ox was at a firm sup- philanthro- the world. Dur worthy y invidious aterial ptir- the^ great the French : the treaty K> if he can i have more. , • 1 11 o«.i inteeritv. thatt 111 those whom h« confidence, for their skill and ^^^^8"!^' 3^ ^^ heard that Mr. „o time could have been ^r'propmous J^ ww ^^^ ^^ «hen England ^^ «"^'"S ""f" f^^;''""^, of Prussia, driven Bonapart.: had just broken to Pfe"'^°P°7 their emperor from the R^ussians to '^etr fror.t.er, and converted^.^^^^^^^^ ^.^^P^^^ ^^^^^ an enemy mto an »">• " >°." ^ „„ ^i a moment of depres- :rc^"?ottorfrS;°Xrye has .e. to fear from your ''T"^'«°S %>TharyirP^«r,U ««tavored by e.ery.civcum- You find. Sir, th*' »«" f '' „^^, „hich he finally rejected. stance m *e negoc,«^n of the t^^ ^y^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^ undertaken to It IS not a little Femariiaoi Senate, his consiilutional reject this treaty without «°n*»™JS '';'''' f (he treaty while the advisers. He was m possesswn of a copy « ^^.^^^ .^. ^^ 8-..;,ate were m =e.»''<''\-:*''', "" ;,. Tbey might have approv- „<.ald not trust their opinions upon it. l ney g k ea .t : and «he responsi^lHy «^^^^^^ Vou^H. Vdon me for :;iXV P>at.y-'' - "' '"•" ° "P^^ "^ ""'■'""'"' ' I may happen to be w™»C- President was taken by To me it has always appeared -hat you _ ^.^ ,^ suiprizewhenhetoundaBru^^^^^^^^^^^ ^';-r:;^;^drMuhe^,^^^^^^ this treaty before the \e»ate. but in exe^ci int, P^^ it withouttheir advice, he ^ooknpon h,m^^^.^g^^^ ^^^{^^ and IS «'^7-''l:.f „ iiy „p°"ion! may be atuibuled the present own. lo this act, "" ■>■; i , , ,rtaty been accepted, embarrassments of your eourit y »;° ^^^^ '„„/„i,|, ^ ouv agii- our trade (would have «»""'■ f^''^,\''^;i:rBut i. pleased our chief r^iSar: lTe"r^ -S ^^ has since added to the gloom which has spread over ^^ """">'/ „, ^g.^,,^ „hen an unexpect- /" '"'1 „'cc"urd" ^Uulaud tolnflamfto the highest pitch the ed event oceurred, caicuiaie i a.^gi, Bovernment. I al- animosity of »»'• e'""™,"!;'"^^ %^'l\ Chesapeake, in June, lode to the attack of '•« Leopara "P»" f America felt but .80r. In 'el-"°» " *: ^r^tU «a?.U5 30, UliuCrolv^^.') iiiivi iiO iCil UV vfSC .uiiiiaii .jiVVcrifai' Inent— -and they required, as they had a right to do, that as they had not committed the act coniplained of, that the procIamation« 19 currenct as unaueration or appearance of hostility against them, hruUi be recalled. If they refused reparation, we had a right to res?oi:4?ve:~but had^e a right I take the -dre- into our own hands, and at the same t me to require them to make us re naraiion ? When you ask ustice, you must expect to doit. A na- don should be us ready to perform its duties, as to insist upon its Sts Thf^^^^^^ government had given sufficient evidence of a t';;sitTon to grant'satisfaction for the injury done -, by^-^ng ta the country a special minister for the purpose ;--th at ministei ,^al instructed to make voluntary reparation, but to grant none ZL the co:;c ori^f the proclamation. In his first commumca- ^o« to the secretary of state, he informed him that his powers did r iJlow^rto U. reparation, unless the pvoclamati^^^^ withdrawn. The affair was then managed with sufhc ent adroit- Tsso catch the popularity of the country, when it -as k-^^n that the nroclamation must be first withdrawn, its revocation and the epam'onTwlr^ proposed by the secretary as --haneous acts Why was this proclamation so tenaciously insisted on ? If you had ^revoked it, and the reparation offered was .f ^«Jf ^ ^^^^^f^^^jf "^^ vou would have had no difficulty in renewing it. It ^^J^^J^^l^ our President to issue aproclamation : at most, we ^o^^end only for apoint of etiquette, a thing important perhaps m a nionarchy, iut ve^ry little respected among us republicans, ^'^e me leave o sav, that in this negqtiation, 1 soon became persuaded that the dit- Lrence in question: was not to be settled by itself, but was to stand open m the general account. If there had been a sincere desire to settle it, the paltry measure of the proclamation would not have formed an obstacle for a moment. . . I have here a new and great proof that the executive js not sm- cerely desirous of a full and friendly settlement of all differences with England. It mav be difficult to trace the motive which ^50- -verns— but 1 can plainly discover the same spirit now, which IgUated the nation in 1795 :-a spirit then subdued by the m.^ht.y influence of Washington, but which has since risen with increas- ed strength, and now dominates. , . . ,. u „« I consider, Sir, that the measures of the administration have been not only insincere, but extremely feeble ; they will not set- tie their differences with England, and yet have not courage open- \v to quarrel with her ; they pass a non importation act to punish /he impressment of seamen and the aggressions upon our carrying tr•^de : they exclude by proclamation, British armed ships from L Waters, to avenge the outrage on the Chesapeake : and what benefit to ourselves or detriment to our adversary have these mea- ■ sures produced ? They are calculated to increase the animosity be. tween the nations, but I know of no other eflfect they can produce. So far, indeed, have they*been from constraining Britain to accede to our terms, that they have rendered her more regardless of our rights and inurest8. She has since given us new and niore feel- 4 causes of complaint, by her o^^^^^^^ tZ"^ ^ Se^;rn;;A;^^all= Europe.- ■ They at. the coun- termart of the French decrees. God forbid that I should justifjr 14 fta> ihem 1 t viU never admit that France or England have a t\^\ii, to make laws for the ocean : nor shall I ever hesitate, when they insist upon the execution of such laws, to declare myself for war. 1 am as free as ar.y gentleman in this Senate to protest against Submission to the decrees of France, or the orders of England ; but is not submission to the decrees as disgraceful as submission to the orders ? The gentleman from Virginia said nothing of the decrees,— -nothing of a war with France — his resentment ^^s confined to Britain. We have. Sir, to choose our enemy between these two nations « We are hardly equal to a contention against both at Jhe samie time. How does the case stand in relation to them ?— *The emperor first issues his Berlin decree, interdicting our trade to England and her colonies. England then gave us notice, if you allovr France to prevent your trading with us, we will not suffer you to trade with France. If you are tame enough to submit to a French decree, you will surely not be too proud to yield to a British or- der. Assure us that you will resist the execution of the decree* and we will not retort its principles upon you. This our govern- ment declined doing, and left England to pursue her own course. Her government then issues the order of the 1 1th of November^ retaliating the Berlin decree. I do not defend this order ; but if the administration had resisted, as they ought to have done, the Berlin decree, we should not have seen the order. What now is to be done ? England insists on her orders, as a measure of re- taliation against France. Prevail on France to repeal her de- crees, or agree to resist the execution of them ; and if England hen executes her orders, I will be as free as any man to go to war with her. No such course has been taken, but what have we done ? Laid an embargo. And for what purpose did we lay the embargo ? This is a subject of conjecture to some ; but our government tells us, it was to preserve our ships, our sailors, and our mercantile capital. Some have said to preserve them from the operation of the orders in council. When the embargo was laid the orders in council were not known in this country. Of this fact I want no stronger proof, no stronger can exist, than that the President in; his message to Congress, in which he recomipends the embargo, says not a word of these orders in council. Np, the embargo was not produced by the orders in coun- cil, nor by aiiy thing' which we heard from England, but by news which had theft been recently received from France. We are told th^e embargo was to save out' ships, our sailors, and mercantile capital. I do not believe that such was its object, but if such were its purpose, we have beisn 'miserably disappointed. The embargo for a short period, might have been a prudent mea- sure. As a step of precaution, to collect our seamen and mercan. •'■Ia r^nifal T eKmil^ nAvai" kav« r-nmnlain^d O^ '''- Bu'' >* itt insnl^^ iog to common sense, to propose it as a scheme of permanent se- c^nty, as it must daily consume, and finally annihilate the6biects 1^ its preservation. Your ships once in, and the danger known, 1«&^ ave a ^tglit wlien they ;if for war. est against England ; submission hing of the tment y(M& vo nations « the sarnie e emperor to England you allow iffer you to to a French British or* the decree^ mr govern- »wn course. November^ der ; but if : done) the What now isure of re- al her de- if England n to go to jone? Laid embrtrgo I nment tells mercantile »pe ration of le orders in can exist, >, in which e orders in ;rs in coun- )ut by news sailors, and object, but ^appointed, udent mea* nd mercan. it is insult"^ >manent se- the 6bJ€cts jer known, V M »,.«* l«.ft vour merchants to their awi> discretion. you should ^l^^^^^J^^l r profits and the perils, and been de- They would have calculaieainep No class of society is termined by the balance of the account. „,o.e capable of Uking care o^^^ The President has would drain the treasury o ^^f^-^'^^'^^ ^^ ,, ,,,„ i„ y^urports. O "^S thTt Ce ^mployeJby Vou Save passed into fireign ser- Sce?and mfnyTat^ail arl I be found begging in your roads *"i:\rour'sr;; and mercantile capital, the one tenth part of U.e AS 10 our s"ip» • , J f employment, would have loss from decay and ^^^^'f^^^^^J^^^^ would paid for an ^"^^^^^.f^^^.'^^X^^^ Mr. President, to de- have been ff^^^^'^^^U on thTs subject, as I should be compelled tain you with ^^y f ^^^^^^'i^J^h have been stated by other gentle- to repeat the same things ^^^'^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ '^x views of men on a former occasion. But there ^^^ ^««» ^ ^^ ^^. the subject not undeservmg of notice, whicn yei remai % the embargo v,e„ e«r a ^^^Z^^S^TZ^t^!^ ^l^my -PP^^ i?"^" r^^lr^gh. not to have heen length «f!^?^V«v?a?hen and presented themselves, as well to our tations which ^ave ausen and pre ^^^^ .^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^.^^^ ^^ own Citizens as ^^ /^rj\S"ers^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^.^^ ^^^ elude your laws ? ^ught they no to ^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^ extent of coast ^^^J^^"^^^^^^^ ten thousand regulars, were ^?'' ' fofco eTneo^^^^^^^^ "'^"»^«^" not capable of covering oui uu exnecfthat patriot sm was ';„S^sSSth to ^'aJve'ln Ul to contribute to the .uccessof au "?^'1'T» know that the opposition to the embargo in the eastern ScT. Tt t *fo ' thTrwel'/iJlZ'and it Ly do not UKc „„■ 'Tiri^est^^»f^X";-w^^^^^^^^^ ral dissatisfaction^ Yom-^S.^«rn„.c^^^^^^ e u:s^eTe:'r:t."e'rwhen they have .nee been drive, to resist your measures. 16 It would, Sir, be some consolation, amidst the sufferinps which this miserable system has caused, if in looking abroad, we coul4 discover that the nations who have injured and offendod us felt its oppression only equally with ourselves. But wnen we find that we have been scourginj; ourselves for their benejit and amusement, when tliey can tell us with indifference and contempt, that ihey feel for us, but that we must correct our own folly; instead of meeting with the poor comfort which we expected, we are over- whelmed with accumulattjd mortification. Was this a measure against France ? No— the emperor com- mends the magnanimous sacrifice which you have made of your commerce, rather than submit to British tyranny on the ocean. His imperial majesty never approves wh^xt he does not like— - ^nd he never likes what does not comport with his own designs. I consider it as admitted that the embargo was intended to co- erce England ; and the gentleman from Virginia now contends that if it had been strictly executed it would have had that effect. Nothing has happened that common foresight might not have for- seen. The ?jjentieman has read to you, extracts from an English pamphlet, published before the embargo was laid, which predicts the very evasions of the law, the discontents it would produce, an^ the opposition it would meet with, which we have all had the melan-- choly opportunity of witnessing. I know the pamphlet was referred to for another purpose — to shew that British gold or influence had corrupted or seduced the Vermontese before the embargo was im^ posed. The gentleman may believe the fact to be so if he! pleases ; but I say, Sir, that your government here, with all its means oiF in- formation, ought to have known as much about the condition of Vermont as a pamphletteer on the other side of the Atlantic. It seems now to be admitted, and the fact is too evident to be denied, that the embargo has failed in its coercive effect upon Bri- tain. The want of bread, cotton, or lumber, has neither starved her subjects, nor excited them to insurrection. Some gentlemen have had shrewdness enough to discover an effect in an English price current, which might to be sure, have been owing to the embargo, or miglit have been produced by the operation on the market of some private s/ieculations. But it has enriched Canada, and has taught the islands their policy and ability to live with- out UvS. Would to God, Mr. President, that the embargo had done as lit- tle evil to ourselves as it has done to foreign nations ! It is ourselves who are the victims of the miserable experiment.. Your treasury will lose at least fifteen millions of dollars, and your country ir» addition not less than forty. This tax has not bepn fo much feltf though it has not in truth been less paid, because the (embargo has not taken the money out of our pockets, but only prevented it going into them. This measure has beenfnot only ruinous to our interests, but it is hostile to the genius of our gQ- vernment. it calls lor an increase of your regular arrny, and a vast augmentation of your military force. Ten thousand baybn^ ets were not sufficient to enfore it, but fifty thousand volunteers (as I have seen by a bill en the table) were f.o be invited to assist in its execution. tnps whklj , we coul4 h'f\ us felt kve find that musement, , that ihey instead of e are over- )eror com- de of your : ocean. not iike— designs. Tided to co- w contends that eifect, >t have for- in English h predicts oduce, anid the nielan-' as referred uence had JO was im* e! pleases ; eans of in- >ndition of Ian tic. ident to be upon Bri- er starved g;entlemen m English ng to the ion on the :d Canada, live with- lohe as fit- :periment.. , and your ot be^n $o ;cauHe the but only nfnot only )f our gg- ny) and a ad baybn- vo!unteers i to assist " ^hat frieasurc of ji* lid^hi^tfttkllSif ^hich armii citizen againH fo'iL'tru' ^ndl obeyin/their orde.. are e.po«d .o the comn„»- ''°Yo:r"^a"^«'»re «m »«. to ouUc, not for e"e>nie., but m' nothing left bn. that measure, »«bm.ss'on or -r. Can you roTtS. cl'it be denied ^^X^^^^ lSS\t:Mge TZ ^^ L' de^rtlTi \ any .hing but BHtain, you "''»y^*''.'^.?'X^f4" .Is Uted the decrees or orders,' «• . •» ..,oe ;« thf Tiower of our Rovernraent to inaite, m oruci w offer It was m ^^J PJj?.^ ° ^^^p^rtant for us to understand the na- pr^ser^e peace. It will be »™P°";";' _ .,^-,0^ no doubt was made • ""j^JtadthelonorVo Male .o you. Sir, that it -s the /«.-*. of th« President,!^ case Great Britain. r^l'M^-l ""f "'^f^tim bv the U^be united States, to exer«^,thepo«ervest^^^^^ Sr^'rd'^ oft^rtMtedTa ^uX'trt^^ than th; as;uH.nce of our minister of an •-['"'^'l^l^J.'lT^^a, to Ttmove the embargo in case the orders !.i "="™»=^'*"° " ^.n tepeiued. Great B. was to repeal her orders, allow the Pre stdtji ■^^■MSMMMaMMi^ u t« make the most «f that act^ith her enemy and ttuat to hin tx^ luting his good intention when it should suit hiis good pleasure. The offer to England related only to the embargo, when this experimental ftieasure so far from being injurious to her, was adding to her wealth and strength. It leaves her navigation without ui rival on the otean, and has restored to her more seamen, than she could have impressed in ten years. Well may Mr. Canning say, there is no mssigttable reiatioft, between the removal of the embargo, and the repeal of the orders in council. ^THe President had instructed his minister to assure the British government, that the embargo was designed solely as a municipal rtgalation, and not as an act in any degree hostile to them. The orders in council were a measure of hostility against France ; and wt offer to revoke a municipal regulation operating in favor of Britain, if she will relieve us from the pressure of a measure adopted againit her enemy But let me ask was there any offer made to rescind the proclamation or to repeal the non-importation law ? Two measures much more offensive and hostile to Great Bri- tain, than the embargo. With these laws in force, it was a mere mockery to offer the remov.xl of the embargo. What more proof do wc want, than this transa-:tion affords, that the executive has not been sincere in his endeavors to restore a good understanding between this country and Engiand. And therefore it is that I contend that war is not unavoidable with that nation. I confess Sir I should think a war with England, one of the greatest evils which could befall this country, not only from the sufft rings which it would inflict upon it ;but also from the fetal connexion with France to which it would give birth. We have seen what has been the course of the government in re- lation to Britain ; and I will beg a few moments to examine what has been its conduct in regard to France ? The last proposition made to Britain is well known—the documents fully disclose it ; but what at the same time was proposed to the French government? This we know little of. We have not been furnished with the correspondence with that government, on the subject. The tVans- action is covered with a dark and impenetrable veil. The Presi- dent tells us in his message that the same proposals were not made to the two belligerents, and it would seem from what he hintsj that the offer to France in case she repealed her decrees, was to join her in the war against England. It cannot be denied, that We have lost more by the spoliations, and have been more harras. sed under the arbitrary edicts of France, than of England. By the treaty of 1800, we gave \jp more than twenty millions of dollara which had been seized, and against all right, confiscated in France. Since that time we are officially informed, that an amonnt near]|^ equal ha- been seized, and confiscated or sequestered. She has woi|i« tonly burntour ships on the ocean and made no compensation. Her Berlin decree ot {the 2 1st of Nov. 1806, commenced th^ nresent system of outrage upon neutral rights. In effect it ijjterdicts all trade with England and her colonies* This is followed by the Milan decree of the 1 7th of December, 1 fiOf. Under this edict a^ Amerioan vesiel which has becm searched, or visited against p^. ta hin exo asure. The perimentai ing to her ival on the could have here is no ;o> and the he British municipal :m. St France ; 3; in favor a measure any offer nportation Great Bri' as a mere lore proof :utive has srstanding is that I I confesa ; greatest sufftringf connexion nent in re- nine what roposition >se it ; but ernment ? with the rhe tVans* ^he Presi- not mad« he' hintS) iS) was to nied, that •e harrsis* . By the of doIIaFB Q France, nt neiU'lf has won- :ion. Her irdictft all d by the i edict aix B^nst her 19 .m, by aBritish '^r'ZZSTt^ ^^ T^t^^ England is liable to be captured as go i ^^^^^^^ ^^e ^^plete this n»°"f°"^r?ed;res™very American vessel found I7th'of April, 1«°«' ;Vo J^ure ^r Opposed to upon the ocean, i^^^^^^^J^J^r^^^^^^ "g^^**' ''^^' T' ^f these accumulated violatiwis or ou ^^^^^ ^ our government taken agamst France ( ^ J^^-^^ embargo?, importation act, issued » P^fX,^,"^,^^ avowedly against the last measure IS general m ^^^^d themselves with nvemo- England alone. No, they have c<^tem ^^ rialW» remonstrating, and ^^^^""^^^^J^, have employed took every step short ^f/^^JJ^S^^'overnment then shewn an nothing but genUe words. H'** ^^^^.^ ,„ff,r«d from these two equal resentment agamst the wrongs » powers ? ^ . . p ^„ JnrinP- • but we do not feel an ag*. ^ It maybe from the 1^*^;^°^ \"t^""^iX^^ and sensibility that gression from France with the *^"»^ ^"^^^^^^^^^^ conduct observed ^e do from England .L** «* \"^^ '^^ se« ^he impediments to a with regard to both beUige ents , l^t us ^^^ ^^ ^.^^^^ ^ friendly settlen^ent with Br^'^^JJ^^ '„y ^^e two nations b^ a effort made, to *"«gM^^^f J]^* i'^^It^al concession, and equal inle- treaty formed on P""^^* ^^r r^eaTfiritain persists in her ordei-s, rest and 1 will ^^^l^^lXt^T^^^^^^^ on the question that you will find 11^.^'l^'r^ ^^ resist their execution, whether we shall submit to them or r moments long- Permit me, }^^' I'^^l^^'.'l^^^^^^^^ upon the ind^-, .er, I am sensible that I J^^^. * [V"/ ^^ conclude the remarks J-topomtion a. t. .£"8^'' "*,ed™^,;\„ paru-one half of The existing embargo .. to >>« repeal y v ^^ erabaigoe'l; ,he channel ofyournversis opened, the oth^^^^_^_^^ ^^ „i vessels may F««V»" ,11 conceive if one port ,n the the embargoed waters. I "" rf".,,^. ..ters open; but of an United Stltes being embargoed and «>>e "^^er P ^ ^^^^^^ embargo «hich 8 ve» f ^'ght "-J ,;„„. i should have sup leave it, I confess I have "° '^"P" ,,5 have ventured to repeal, posed tl -he honorable gentleman m.gM .^_^^ ^__ the\i»ng itself is abandoned.^ a non-intercourse? It ca„^ And what, Sir, are we to S^^^^^^^. .^."^ore than a part of that never benefit the nation-it is nothm^^^^^^ miserable musqueto ^yite^n, whjch^ts to^^ung ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ .^^^^ ^^^ i»»'ll require two voyages instead of one to transport our prodiMTe rhInH- ''^','* f '^' '"terdicted countries. You carry your m^! cin^fd'tn ^'f ^"''^"V- "^ ^'^'^'''^ ^^ *"^ f*^"^ thence i is earned .n foreign ships to England and l^>ance. Who will Lv the expense of thrs circuity of transportation? The Tn ted StafeT R will be deducted from the price of your produce! cin the een JSr" ^"r"'\"^ '^''''"' ^^''''^ ^^il' '>P-^-'e ^vith less He^.e^rit; upon ourseves than upon those whom he dtjems our enemies ? If the resolution has no design, but what is apparent on the ftcc of ^^i::^:^^':'''^'^'' '^ aga'iLtou.seiv;;r ti\n. evil le eftect will be to reduce the profit of what we have to nell and to increase the expense of what we have to puTchase I Ti« perceive also, Sir, that it will be a measure of unequal pressure upon different sections of the country ; and that its weight w 5 fall heaviest upon that part of the union already too much gaUed o suffer any addition to its burthen. The lumber, the Uve ftock tin SotC/.tV'' '•''"''' °^r^;'"^'"«" exportation t; the eLtwa'i for r;u'aC\h?'''K"'' ^^^7'^!f ^'''^^''' ^»» ^^ey thank ypi r?n..?o^■'^ u^ ! embargo, and adopting a substitute which con- outh wt; h'^T'''.' "^ *'r^ "^•'^'^ "'"'^ '^' °P-"« thos ofX iv!n f »Y " ■^^''^ ^''^"^ y^" ^^'^ * measure which deprives them Sel' ^^^, -f/^'^'^-nsolation of having fellow suffe?ersTn theU^ mstre^. if this resolution be adopted you do nothinc to heal the tlT^H ''i;f*i y.^" ^'"'^ '"«^^^^^- If New England^ trade she will derive no comfort from its being under a nonTnter course, and not under an embargo law. ^ non-mter- Ar „ r\^^7°*'^^*' resolution, that we are to import no nroduce rouexnecTsir IT f^^land- France, or th^^rcolonieTD: fime of'^peace ' As to \T '^ '^V^^^' "^"'^ '''' ^' ^'^^^^^-^^ in them th^ f *^ r "^^""factures of England she can make voTfh^l manufactures of any country in Europe ; she wHl give fvhti ^^''' ?^- ^'' ^"^ ''""^P^' ^"^» packages of any place to which your trade 13 open, and she will defy yoS to distfngS sEhlr fabncs from those they attempt to imitate/ But! S ir Th^e con^ quence chiefly to be dreaded from such a measure won Wb^ the practice of smuggling, to which it would cmain ^'gWe t Lt^ ™^Te'lcn" ""t;."T*^"' '^ ^'^^"S^ ^he habits'oTa whole J^e Can!^«M7^^''' the power of habit: it is a second m- sir* .u u ^^^ *^f ^''"eress mstantly change your nature '—No. ^stomed^?°Th"'^°';f '''^"^ *^^^^ ^h^^^^^y have been ac customed to. They will pay any price for articles, without which w I?£w :ith'?o """^^ exist./8muggling must lbC::!:Lni^ rnH rhl. r / ^"^'^ ^"^ P^''J"'*y »n 'ts train. It is the honoJ and character of your trading people which now protects vo^ from smuggling. Break down this sentipient, habitSIte thim 1 perjury, destroy the disgrace attached to thh Stion of Toi^r th^s^pi^po^::;^;:^;:^ ^IS^rP^'^^^ would have the' administr'to Tp^^^^V^^^^^ t.t.on on my part to disclce my o^ ««.^i^^^^ * assistan tell you same f the pr< and ins peake. be obtt fused.- she af agains resort to it, i serve Per man f gentU as ac sentii union a trei in th( have isa p us ei fdad 21 or producre your mer- lence it is will pay ted States, n the gen-. is severity, imies ? If he face of ts. Its in^ ive to sell, se. I tan 1 pressure k-eight will uch galled live stock, eastward thank ypu hich con- )se of the •ives them :rs in their to heal the 1 loses her non-in^er- » produce nies. t)o ecuted, in can make will give f place (o guish her he consc' would ht jive birth, f a whole icond 1^- re ?— -Nq, been ac- ut which, low — and Jie hopQf ects yo^ them ,tj* of your ve in the ault vijrtij >urse yffi no hesir ....,u„« of my .dvi« on *e^.'^j:='i-„;"J iT.„r»;on u" peaU. . Mf « =;,'«:V''/;i t?:nherr.le'!:hfch have been re- be obtamed as those m eitner "^ " „ j- decree, and if f^«,d.-Agree to resist the ^^l^'^^Zvs \u^^^^^^^ declare ^ar she aiterwards Persisted m hei ^^^^^^/"^"^ ^^^ij be the last against her. Such would be my ^omse. vv a ^^ ^^.^^^ rLrt ; and I believe, in my '^ou.c.cuc.^ ^^eere disposition to pre- to it, if the course were pursued with a sincere u y, serve peace. remark of the honorable gentle- Permit me, Sir, to ??'\''l^^\'^^^'^^^^^^ done. The „.an from yn|m.a, which hdes^^^^^^^^ S;:'embargo was designed gentleman told us, that ^^^ remo reioiced to hear this La concession to our ^'^^^f^^'^'Sents X hopes that the sentiment of forbearance. ,^"^^^f "^^^"J^en^led to the brink of . union may still be Pr^^^*-^^^- . ^ " ^f ^ten and we shall be lost a tremendous precip.ce-another f^l«^ ^^^P'^^^^"^^^ ^^, ,teps. We in the abyss. Our safety is in ^^^^ J'^^^^^ J There have lost our way Some 'SX^^ ^he na^on once trod. Let lead us once more into it 1