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IREN^US, BISHOP OF LYONS AND MARTYR: INTENIIKD TO II.MSTRATK THE DOCTRINK, DISCIPLINE, PRACTICES, AND HISTORY OF THE CHURCH, AND THE TENETS AND PRACTICES OP THE GNOSTIC HERETICS, DURING THE SECOND CENTURY. BY JAMES BEAVEN, M.A. OK ST. KDMIINI) HAM,, OXFORD, AMI ( I'RATK OK I.KKill, IN THK (OUNTV OK STAKFORn. LONDON: PRINTED FOR THK AUTHOR, cS: SOLD RY J. G. F. & .L RIVINGTON, ST. Paul's church yard, ANn WATF.RI.OO PI.ArF., PAI.I, MAM,. 1841, t -t f f ■ y LONDON : OILRBIIT & KIVINOTON, PRINTERS, ST. JOHN'S S4UARK. // ^33o : So tbe mrmors or EDWARD BURTON, D.D. lATB KCOIU* PROrESSOR OP DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERtITT OF OXFORD, BY WHOSE ADVICE AND ENCOUKAOEMENT THE AUTHOR OF THIS WORK WAS FIRST LED TO STUDY, WITH CARE AND ATTENTION, THE WRITINGS OF Ctii« AFatttt anH ^artgr, IT IS NOW DEDICATED AND INSCRIBED; AS A HUMBLE ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF HIS EXTENSIVE LEARNING, HIS REMARKABLE SINGLENESS OF MIND, AND THE CORDIAL ASSISTANCE HE EVER RENDERED TO YOUNGER TRAVELLERS IN THE SAME PATH WHICH HE HIMSELF PURSUED. 1^2 [l //f^S^o ' PREFACE. It was, perhaps, somewhat presumptuous in a person occupying so humble a station in the sacred ministry to offer to the Church a work which would necessarily induce comparisons between itself and the simil;.- productions of a Prelate of the Church — a Divine of the highest rank and character. The author can, however, at least say, that it was no foolish ambition which led to his employing himself on such a work. Having been led by circumstances to a repeated perusal and study of the writings of S. Ireneeus, he saw the great value of his testimony to the leading prin- ciples and doctrines of the Church of England. He had himself derived much benefit from the works of Bishop Kaye on others of the Fathers; he thought that if he could do nothing more than to draw out the substance of the doctrine and opinions of Irenseus for the use of the student in theology, in a more accessible form than that in which he himself had to look for it, accompanied by the text of the portions from which he had formed his state- PREFACE. ments, and with a little illustration of the meaning in passages liable to misunderstanding, — he should have ren- dered a service to his younger brethren : and if it should so happen that that distinguished Prelate or any other writer did anticipate him, it would be so much clear gain to himself to have been so employed. When he had com- pleted his first preparations, and had learnt by proper inquiry that the Illustrator of Justin, Clement, and Tertul- lian was not engaged on Irenscus, he endeavoured to put the work somewhat into form : and being afterwards encouraged by one upon whose judgment and acquirements public opinion had set its stamp, and who had seen portions of the work, to believe that it possessed a certain degree of value, — he ventured to bring it into public notice in the only way which appeared open to him. He desires here to record his sense of the most kind and most hearty encouragement he has met with from persons of all ranks and classes, capable of appreciating a work of this description, or of aiding in its publication : more especially of that afforded him by her Majesty Thk Queen Dowager, by the Most Reverend and Right Reve- rend Prelates who have honoured him with their support, by the many persons distinguished either for station or for literary eminence, whose names will be found in the su))- joined list, and by the warm-hearted friends, both of the clergy and of the laity, with whom he is either locally or personally connected. His work, such as it is, he now sends forth, trusting that, through the blessing of the Divine Head of the Church, it may be available to the great ends of the 1 PREFACE. M miniHtry to which he has been called, and may tend to the unity, the strength, and the stability of the Church. Before, however, he takes his leave of his readers, he wishes to add a few words on the Bight Use of the Writings of the Fathers. 1. We use them as we do the writings of secular authors, to ascertain the /acta of the history of their own or of pre- ceding times; principally as concerning the Church, and secondarily as concerning the world. To this use of them no objection in principle can be raised ; and in so doing, we treat them exactly as we do ordinary writers. 2. We use them, as evidence of the state of the Church, in their own and preceding ages, as regards either discipline or morals. In regard to the former, as it is a thing not in its nature liable to hasty alteration, — discipline established in one age continuing on, for the most part, into the next, — tlieir testimony will avail for the immediately preceding generation, as well as for their own. In regard to the latter, it can scarcely be received for any thing anterior to their own age, unless where they record the observations of some older person. In both, moreover, it requires to be noted whether they are writing controversially or histori- cally : because we all know that through the imperfection of our nature we are apt to overstate our own case, and to understate tliat of our opponents. And if that is the case now, when a more extended and more accurate education has disciplined the minds of writers to impartiality, how much more must it have been so in an earlier stage of controversial writing, when there had been no oppoi*tunity m I'KEFACE. for any such discipline. It is necessary, therefore, in the pq^sal of their controverHial writings to be on our guard, and to notice, in any particular case, whether the mind of the writer is hitely to have been influenced in his statenients by any such bias. It must bo remembered, moreover, that no individual author can be considered as evidence for the state of the universal Church, unless wo have suthcient proof that he had means of knowing the condition of thu whole Church, and unless we can gather that, being so qualified, he intends to speak thus largely. Again, when not writing controversially, if we are aware that they laboured under any particular prejudice or bias, either towards any particular opinion or state of feeling, or against any particular class or individual, which is liable to affect their statements, — then likewise we must view them with caution. On the other hand, when we have no evidence of any circumstance likely to pervert their perceptions, or to exag- gerate their statements, it is obvious that they must bo taken at their full value. 3. We use the Fathers as evidence of the doctnm which was taught by the Church, in their own and preceding agt's. And here some of the remarks just made will apply again. The Fathers, like all other writers, sometimes state their own individual opinions, or the views of doctrine which prevailed in the sect or party to which they were attached, or in the particular part of the Church in which they were placed, or in the age in which they lived : at other times, and more frequently, the doctrines of the whole Church, in PREFACE. IX their own and all preceding ages. Now, where a writer states tliat what lie in saying is held by the whole Church, unless we know any thing to the contrary, it is reasonable to believe that it was the case ; because we know that the tradition of doctrine was, for the most part, jealously kept up by the |)cr[>etual intercourse and communication between the bishops c»f the several churches. And so again, where a writer aftirms that any particular doctrine has been handed down from the beginning, unless we have opposing evidence, it is reasonable to take his word ; because we know that it was the custom and practice of the whole Church to require every new bishop to confess the doctrine already received, and to teach its doctrines to new converts (18 already received. And, at all events, such a statement is coiiclusivc evidence, tliat such doctrine had come down from a generation or two preceding that of the writer; unless (as was said before) we have proof to tli<^ contrary. 13ut, as has been already stated, it is possible for an individual to be led away by controversy, or prejudice, or party bias ; and therefore, when he is manifestly under any such influence, it is well to be on our guard. For that and other reasons, in any matter of serious doubt, it is impossible to rest upon the word of any single writer ; but wo use him OS a link in the chain of evidence as to the doctrine taught from the beginning by the united universal Church. 4. We use tlicm to aid us in interpreting the text of Scripture. For many of them quote very largely from the Sacred Volume ; and as some lived near apostolical times, and many wrote in the language in which the New Testa- ment was written, whilst others were persons of great PREFACE. M III. : 5 ( m inquiry and learning, and lived nearer to the localities of the sacred events than we do, — they had advantages which we do not possess. When, therefore, several or many of them concur in giving one uniform meaning to particular passages of Scripture, the evidence becomes very strong that they had the right interpretation: and even where only one writer gives any assistance upon any particular text, we shall frequently see reason for accepting his acceptation of it in preference to more modem suggestions. At the same time it is necessary to bear in mind, that most of them knew nothing of the original language of the Old Testa- ment; and that they are often only applying passages according to the prevalent habit (countenanced indeed by our Lord and his Apostles, but carried to various degrees of excess by most of the early writers) of seeking for mys- tical accommodations: and we must distinguish Ijetween application and interpretation. Now these methods of employing the writings of the Fathers are d, priori so obvious and so imobjcctionable, that few writers of any credit object to the principle : but as the results of the application of the principle are highly inconvenient to those who have rejected the doctrine or discipline universally upheld in the primitive ages of the Church, two lines of argument have been taken to nuUifv this application. And as they have been lately revived in various ways, and particularly by the re-publication of the work from which most of them have been derived, viz. Daille's Treatise on the Bight Use of tlie Fathers, I have thought proper to notice them in that brief manner which the limits of a preface permit. Some, indeed, of the ob- jections brought forward ought to be considered as simply II PREFACE. Xi cautions to the inquirer, and as such I have already treated them ; the chief remaining ones I now proceed to mention. (1.) Some contend that, however reasonable in the ab- stract this sort of appeal to the Fathers may appear, it is beset with such difiieiilties, that it is useless in practice: that we have so few early writings, that those we have are so adulterated, that we have so many forgeries in the names of early writers, that the writings of the Fathers are so difficult to understand, that they so often give the opinions of others without any intimation that they are not their own, that they so constantly altered their views as they grew older, and that it so frequently happened that the men who are now of most note were in a minority of their con- temporaries, — that it is practically useless to attempt to apply the Fathers to modem use. Now I do not deny that there is something in these dif- ficulties ; otherwise they would not have been brought for- ward at all. No doubt we have but few writings of sub- apostolical times : but then we must use such as we have, and illustrate their sense by such methods as are in our power; and we shall find that they give i clear and con- sistent testimony to several important matters, both of doctrine and of discipline. It might be true, when Daill^ first wrote, that the very important epistles of S. Ignatius were much adulterated: but it is not so now; the genuine copies having become known to the world in his time : neither is it true to any considerable extent of subsequent Avriters ; and when it is, it simply presents a difficulty, which must be surmounted as we best can, t)r must cast a doubt over any particular writing. Sermons xu PREFACE. and popular treatises of writers of note were often altered in transcribing ; just as we, in these days, re-publish popu- lar books with omissions and alterations suited to the change of times, or to the shade of difference between our own views and those of the writer : and for that reason works of that description, however useful for devotional reading and instruction, must be brought forward in con- troversy with more caution than others, and sometimes set aside altogether. In short there is need of judgment and discrimination in the use of the Fathers ; and that is the whole amount of this difficulty. With regard to the diffi- culty of understanding them, that is of course a matter of degree, dependent upon the acquaintance of the student with the original languages, as used in the age and country of the writers, upon his acquaintance with Church history and the state of controversy, upon the degree of prejudice or false doctrine with which his own mind is imbued : lut I do not think that they present nearly so much difficulty as the Platonical writers, which many persons study with great interest. As to the Fathers giving the opinions of others without intimating that they are so, that is no more than St. Paul himself does ; and it very seldom occurs. So no doubt, like all other persons, they modify their views and occasionally change tli(>m, as they grow older : but that is, for the most part, only in subordinate matters, and it is very rarely that the circumstance presents any practical difficulty. Finally, that men whose name has become great amongst posterity were in a minority in their own ago, is no doubt true in some instances : but when it is so, it can bo ascertained, and must be allowed for ; and wheri it cannot be ascertained it must not be surmised. And even where they were so, as in the case of Athanai^ius, they may be PREFACE. XIII connected with a majority in preceding and subsequent ages. So that these objections are partly such difficulties as occur in every study, (but stated with much exaggeration,) and partly flimsy unpractical cavils, not worth dwelling upon. (2.) But supposing that the writings of the Fathers are intelligible upon many points, another class of objections arises. It is asserted tliat they were themselves often mis- taken, that they even contradict one another, and in short that no class or party is really willing to abide by their decision. Here again, if they were mistaken, let it be shown by undoubted testimony (of Holy Writ or otherwise) that they were mistaken : but let no one take for granted that because they differ from the received notions of our own age, they were therefore in error. It should never be for- gotten that evenj age has its errors : and it may be, possibly, that wherein we differ from them the error is our own. No doubt each eminent writer then, as each eminent writer now, was in some respects mistaken. It is the simple con- dition of humanity to be liable to error. But as that does not cause us to refuse the testimony of our contemporaries, or their aid in the pursuit of truth, so it need not cause us to turn a deaf ear to the earlier writers. The circumstance that in some respects each was in error only renders their combined testimony to truth more weighty. It has indeed lieen asserted that they were all in error upon certain points: W XIV PREFACE. but that assertion the Author has elsewhere ' shown to be totally destitute of truth. Again, with regard to their contradictions of each other, where they do occur they should of course be noted ; but the cases will be found to be of little practical importance ; and their differences upon some points only place in a clearer light their agreement where they do agree. Lastly, as to the alleged fact that no class or party heartily accepts even the combined evi- dence of the Fathers, it is certainly true of two opposite parties ; viz. the Roman Church and those Protestants who have rejected the Apostolical succession, — both setting up modem opinions to oppose or to explain away primitive doctrine: but it is not true of the Church of England, which (as has been frequently shown) both formally recog- nizes the consent of Catholic Doctors, and does in point of fact, in her public acts and documents, agree substantially in doctrine and discipline with that consent, so far as it has yet been ascertained ; whatever instances have been brought forward to the contrary being mistakes in matter of fact. 6. But besides this use of the Fathers as evidence, many persons attribute to them a certain degree of authority ; and greater objection is felt to appealing to them as autho- rity, than to using them as testimony. There are, however, very different ways of treating them as authority. Now to quote sentences of the Fathers, as we do texts of Holy Writ, as being infallibly conclusive, (which has been ' In his "Doctrine of Scripture and o^ the Primitive Church upon Religious Celibacy," in reply to the author of " Aniient Christianity." PREFACE. XV done by writers of the Roman Church, especially before Daill^'s time,) can only be done in ignorance or in bad faith; because every person acquainted with them knows that, like all uninspired writers, they differ from each other and from themselves. But if we simply quote them as per- sons whose opinion or testimony ought to have with us very great weight, either for what they were in themselves, or for the age in which they lived, this is a quite different mat- te" ; it is constantly done in the Homilies of the Church ; and there surely can be no valid objection to it. We do not hesitate to appeal to the judgment of the great lights of our own Church, and to regard their dicta as not to be lightly questioned, partly for their own learning, judgment, and piety, (as Hooker, Sanderson, Wilson, Waterland,) partly for the era in which they flourished, (as Cranmer, Ridley, Jewel:) we give them authority over our own minds, and in deciding controversies between ourselves ; and what valid objection can be raised to our giving corresponding weight to the worthies of more ancient times ? And as the earliest writers conversed either with Apostles, or with those who had heard the Apostles, it is natural to attribute greater weight to their words than to those of subsequent writers. And what if they do show whilst writing, that they had no anticipation of being guides to posterity ? what if they caution us against tinsting them implicitly, and re- commend us to search the Scriptures for ourselves ? what if they were sometimes in error ? Do not all these circum- stances apply to those more modem authors whom we do not hesitate to recognize as, in themselves, authorities i and why then should we be reluctant to yield to the more ancient that authority, as individuals, which all subsequent time has XVI PREFACE. accorded to them f Authority may be great without being infallible. Authority may have weighty influence upon the judgment without directly binding the conscience. These remarks and arguments are capable of being stated much more fully, and of I)eing illustrated by instances throughout; but to do .so would require a separate treatise; and it has been thought better to produce them thus na- kedly than to omit them altogether. It is proper to state that the editions of Irenajus and of other Fathers referred to are chiefly the Benedictine : Clement of Alexandria is quoted in the edition of Klotis, and Euscbius in that of Zimmermann. I'M ^' SUBSCRFBERS' NAMES. HER MAJESTY ADELAIDE THE QUEEN DOWAGER. 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Juiiii, Ruutor of Holduii, Durham. Colliimun, Rov. R., I'erpotiial Curuto of LiHworth, Durham. Comhc and CrosHlt'y, MuHHrH., UoukHcllerH, Leiceuter, 2 cupit'H. Copchmd, Rev. W. J., Fellow of Trinity Colle(?c, Oxford. Corfe, Rev. A. T., Vice Principal of Elizabeth College, Gucnwuy, and Minis- ter of liethel Chapel in that iHlund. Corfe, Rev. Joseph, I'rieHt Vicar of Exeter ('athcdral. ConuHli, Rev. C, L., Eellow and Tutor of Exeter College, Oxford. Coiton, Mrs., Addcrbury, Oxfordshire, 2 copies. Cniufurd, Mrs. R., Dawlish, Devonshire, 2 copies. Cranfurd, Rev. R. (J., (Jurate of I'ortishead, (Jloucestershire, Crawley, Rev. Riehiird, Viear of .Steeple Asliton, Wiltshiiv, 2 copies. Crouch, Mi's., Narborough, Leiccstei-shire, 2 copies. Crowtlier, H., Esq. Dalton, llcv. C. H., Fellow ot Wadhani College, Oxford, and Chaplain of Lincoln's Inn, 2 eo])ies. Dansey, Rev. W., M.A., Rector of Donhead St. Andrew, Wilts. Dashwood, Rev. J., liarton-under-Needwood, Staffordshire. Davis, J., Es(|., Fisherton-de-la-Mero House, Wilts, 2 copies. Duvies, Rev. W. L., Principal of Elizabeth College, Giiernsoy. Dean, lU^v. Thonius, Perpetual Curate of Little Malvern, Warwickshire, and Master of Colwall Grammar School. Disney, Genenil .Sir Moore, Manor House, East Acton. Dodsworth, lU^v. W., Incumbent of Christ Church, Regent's Pork, London. Douglas, Itov. 11., Rector of Whickhani, Durham. Ecelcs, John, Esq., M.D., Dirniingham. Elrington, Rev. C. R., D.D., llegius Professor of Divinity in the University of Dublin. f Faber, R(>v. G. S., B.D., Master of Sherborn Hospital, Durluun, and I're- bondary of .Salisbury. ■ Ferard, Josi-ph, Esq., Temple, London. Fisher, Joseph, Es(j., Engletteld, Berkshire. Forester, J., Estj., WuiHeld, Berkshire. Fortescu*', — , Es(|. Fox, William, Esq., Woodscat, Staffordshire. Fox, Mrs. Woodseat. '^ Fox, Mrs. Sarah. Frere, P., Esq., Fellow and Tutor of Downing College, Cambridge. Frith, — , Esq. Frowd, John Speed, Es<£., M.D., Croscombe, Somcrsetslmv. Fulford, Rov. Fnuicis, Rector of Trowbridge, Wiltshire. a 2 XX subscribers' names. Garbett, Rev. Jolin, Rpctor of St. (Jeorge's, BirniiiiKlmiii. G<'pi), Rev, Ocorjjf Edward, Iload-Mostcr of the Oroniniar Sjc-huol, Aitli- bounie, Dcrbysliire. Gibbons, lit^v. Jolin, Ilt-ctor of Hmstt-d, Koiit. Goodc, lU'V. Ali'xaiukT, Vicar of Cavcrswall, StaffordHliirc. Goodciiougli, Joseph, Esq., Ntther Ceriu-, Doi-sut, 2 copies, Goodeiiough, Rev. W, S., Rector of Yate, (iloiicestershirc, 4 copies, Granville, Rev, Court, Vicur of Mayfield, StnH'onlsbiiv. Graj'son, Rov. Anthony, D.D., Principal of St. Edmund's Hall, Oxford. Greenhill, W, A., E»(|., M.I)., Oxford. Grcsloy, Rov, William, rrubendary of Lichfield and Lecturer of St. Mary's. Halo, Vcn. W. IL, Archdeacon of Middlesex, and Canon Residentiary of St. Paul's. Hannaford, Mr., Uookseller, Exeter, 4 copies. Hart, Thomas, E»(|., Uttoxeter, Stafiordsliire, 'i copies. Hart, Mrs., Uttoxeter, 2 copies. Hart, Miss, Uttoxeter, 2 copies. Hassclls, Rev. Charles S., Foxearth, Stnfl'ordMhire. Haweis, Rev. J. O. W., Sydenham tJrove, Norwood. Haynes, Rev, Robert, Curate of Kini;sley, Staffordshire. Haytcr, W. G,, Esq., M.P., II, Hy(h' Park Terrace, 2 copies. Hendrickson, Rev. William, Perpetual Curate of Oakamoor, Staffordshire. Hessoy, Rev. J. A,, Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford. Higton, Rev. W., Perpetual Curate of Croxden, Staffordshire. Hill, Rev. Charles, Hector of Bronu-sberrow, (Gloucestershire. Hill, Rev. John, Vice- Principal of St. Ednmnd's Hall, Oxford. H., Miss. Hoare, Vcn, C, James, Archdeacon and Pivbendary uf Wintou, and Vicar of GodBtonc, Surrey. Hoare, G, M,, Esq., The Lodge, Morden, Surrey. Hoare, Charles H., Esq., Morden Lodge. Hoare, Henry James, E8r{iutiml Curate of St. I'uuI'h, l)iniiui{{huiii. Keiiriuk, ., Principal of King's College, London. Lowe, Very Rev. J. II., D.D., Dean of Exeter. Ludlow, Rev. Edward, Vicar of Wintcrboume St. Martin, Doi-sctsliire. M'AII, Rev. Edw., Rector of Brixton, Isle of Wight. M'Ewen, Rev. A., Curate of Seniington, Wiltshire. Miieken/.ie, L. M., Es(|., Exeter College, Uxford. Madan, lU^v. Spencer, Canon Residentiary of Lichfield, and Vicar of Bath- easton and Twiverton, SomerHctshirc. Mair, Rev. Henry, Donhead Lodge, Wilts. Marriott, Rev. C, Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, and Principal of the Diocesan College, Chichester. Marsliall, Rev. A., M.A., Curate of Charlton, Wilts. Merewether, Rev. Francis, Rector of Coleorton, Leicestershire, Molesworth, Rev. J. E. N., D.D., Vicar of Rochdale. Monkhouso, Mrs. Adderbury, Oxfordshire. Moore, Rev. Henry, Vicar of Eccleshall, Staffordshire. Morice, R»'V, II., Rural Dean and Vicar of Ashwell, Herts. Moseley, Rev. Thomas, Rector of St. Martin's, Birniingliani. XXll 8UDSCRIBER8 NAMK8. Nownian, Rev. J. »,, U.D., Fellow of Oriel Colli'Ko, "xfonl, niiil VIoar of St. Mury'M. Noi-I, Huv. li., WaltlmniHtowe, Khhox. Norris, A., & S Hookm-ll.TM, llttoxotcr, StaffonlHliln-, 4 c.pi.'H. NoitIh, IUv. i J. H., Ik'ctor of South llaekm-y, and I'rtbiiiduiy of St. I'aiil'H, London. Nunns, Ilov. Thomas, Perpt'tual Curato of St. HartlioIomow'M, l)innin){hain. Ogilvie, Rev. C. A., Rector of Rob», llenfonlMliirc, 2 copiew. Paget, Rev. F. K., Rector of f^lford, St4ifford«liinj. Partions, John, Eh(|., Oxford. PhilipH, Robert, EHq., n<-j bridge, StaffonlHliii-o Philips, Mrs. It, Heybriilgc Pinder, Rev. John II., Pi-ofensor of Thfolotjy in the WcIIm DioeeMjin College. Pinfold, Rev. V. J., Rector of Hronwlmll, Stuirordshin-, 2 cojiii-H. Porcher, Charles, KHq,, I'litt" House, Doi-st'tshin-. Preston Clerical Book Society. Prevost, Rev. Sir George, Perpetual Curate of Stinoheonihe, GloiiccHtershire. Prichard, Rev, J. C, Filiow and Tutor of Oriel Ci'llcge, (Ixfonl. Pullelne, Rev. Robert, Curate of Speiuiithonu-, \'orkHhirc. Pusej, Rev. E. IJ., D.D., Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, and Regius I'nt- fessor of Hebrew. Radcliffc, Rev. G., Rector of St. Edmund's, Salisburj'. R;iwle, Rev. Richard, Rector of Cheadle, Staflordshire. Ray, Rev. Henry, Curate of Hunston, Suffolk. Redstone, Mr., Dookseller, Guernsey. Reed, Rev. John, Vicar of Newbuni, Northumberland, and Lecturer «if St. Nicholas, ^fewcastle-upon-Tyne. Rham, Rev, W, H., Vicar of WinkHeld, H.rkshii-.'. Richards, Rev. J. L., D.D., Rector of Exeter College, Oxford. Rickards, Rev. Samuel, Rector of Stowlangtoft, Suffolk. Riggs, Rev. George, Fellow and Tutor of Queen's College, Oxford. Risley, Rev. W. Cotton, Vicar r)f Deddington, ( >xfordshire. Robinson, Frederick, Esq., 2 copies. Rowden, Rev. E., Vicar of Highworth, Wiltshire. Royds, Rev. C. S., Rector of Haughton, Staffordshire. Russell, Jesse Watts, Esq., Ham Hall, Staffordshire, 10 copies. St, Edmund Hall, Library of, t)xford, Sandars, Joseph, Esq., Johnson Hull, Shropshire. Soagrave, Mrs., liromshall Rectory. Sewell, Rev. William, Fellow and Tutor of ExeU'r College, Oxford. Shaw, Rev. E. B., Rector of Nurborough, Leicestershire. Shcppaid, Sir Thomas Cotton, Bart., Crakemai-sh Hall, SuHordshire, 2 copies. SIJDSCRIBEHS NAMES. xxni mil Vu-ar of Smytli, Rov. (*., Vicnr of llonglitnii, NortlmmiitoiiHhirc, 'i eopion. SiiiytlH', Kfv. I'. M., (Iiimtc of Tainworth, WiirwickHliirc Sncyd, lUw. lli-nry, IN^rjii'tuul Curate of Wutloy llovkH, StatfordHhirr. SoaiiHH, Rev. lU-nry, lU-ctor of Staploforil TawiU'y, Khhox. Sprwit, Mr., HookHollor, Exctor. StvvvnMoii, Mr., DookHollcr, ('aiiil>riil)(c. Talbot, lU'v. («., Vk'ur of Evorcreecli, SonivrHct. Taylor, Horbirt, Ehi|., M.D., Uttoxitir, StuWbrdHhire, 2 copied. Tliyiinc, Rt!v. Lord Charles, Vicar of Lounhridgo Dovj-rill, WiitHliiro. Todd, Rev. JaincH H., D.l)., Follow of Trinity ('ollugo, DiiMiii, mid Trca- HuriT of I'atrick'H (!ntlii>dr»l. Tonyn, Kov. J. 1'., Koi-tor of Alvi>church, WorocBtershipe. TowiiMCiid, Rev. (leorjje, I'reljundary of Uurliain. TowiiHcnd, Rev. (i. I-'., Curattt of St. Margaret V, Durliam. Tri'vclyaii, R»(v. J. T., Vicar of Milvcrtoii, Soiiierm'tMhirc. Tripp, H., Eh(|., .Scholar of WorceHter College, Oxford. Trittoii, Rev. Robert, Rector of Morden, Surrey. Tritton, Minn, Morden. Trollopc , Rev. Arthur, Curate of St. Mary-le-How, London. Vanx, Rev. Howyer, HctherHott, Norfolk. Vaux, Rev. W. J3.D., Prebendary of WincheHter. Vernon, Hon. Mrs. H. V., Mayfield, StaffordHhirc. Viekers, Ven. W., Archdeacon of Salop, and Rector of (Jhctton, Salop. Vincent, Rev. O. I*., Curate of Devizes, Wilts. cturer of St. Wnito, Rev, Thonias, D.l)., Rector of Great Chart, Kent, 2 copies. Ward, Rev. W. H. P., Rector of Coni]>ton Vallcnce, Dorsetshire. Walker, Rev. R., Wadhani College, Oxford. Walters, Mr., Bookseller, Rugeley, 4 copies. Wells, Rev. E. Cornish, Perpetual Curate of Ixworth, Suffolk. Whieldon, Rev. E., Rector of Burslcm, and Perpetual Curate of Bradley, Staffordshire, 2 copies. Wickens, Rev. Heni-y, 3^, Mortimer-street, Cavcndish-sinmre, 2 copies. Wickens, J. Es(|., 3&, Mortimer- street, Cavendish-sijuare, 2 copies. Wickens, John, Esq., 7, New-9(|uare, Lincoln's Inn, 2 copies. Wilberforce, Ven. Samuel, Archdeacon of Surrey, Canon of Winchester, and Cha]>lain to H. R. H. Prince Albert. Williams, Robert, Esq., M.P., ])ridehcad House, Dorsetshii'e. Wilson, Rev. J. P., Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford. Wilson, Rev. W., Curate of St. Chad's, Rochdale. Wolley, Rev. T. L., Rt-ctor of Portishead, and Prebendary of Wells. W(Htdhouse, Rev. (i. W., Vicur of Albrighton, Salop. Wright, Rev. T. P., Hackney, 2 copies. CONTENTS. CHAPTEn HAQK 1. — Life of S. Iren«us and General Account of his Writings 1 His birth and early life 2 His remembrance of Polycarp 5 His subsequent education 6 His removal to Lyons 7 His chai-acter 10 His mission to Rome II He is made Bishop of Lyons 14 Whether consecrated at Rome 17 The extent of his jurisdiction 19 His conduct in the Episcopate 21 His Letter to Blastus 23 His Letter to Florinus 25 His Treatise on the Ogdoad 27 His Treatise against Gnosticism 28 The date of its composition S3 The manner of it" composition 35 The language in which it was written .... 39 The ancient Latin Version 40 The effect of the work 43 HIb conduct in the Paschal controversy ... 44 The conduct and claims of the Dishop of Rome . 50 Other works of Irenwus 53 Whether he was a Martyr 54 \^ 11. — Testimony of lREN.f:us to certain Facts ok Church History 66 The extent of the Church The Churches differing in usage, one in faith The Churches settled by the Apostles The Bishops of Rome An anecdote of St. John Particulars respecting St. Polycarp St. Clement of Rome The Pre-eminence of the Church of Rome The Miraculous Powers of the Church . Relation of Christians to Heathens 66 67 57 69 60 61 62 63 69 72 XXVI CONTENTS. CHAPTER PAGE III. — On the Nature, Office, Powers, and Privileges ok the Church 74 Tho iiaturo of tlio Church 74 The office and privileges of the Chureli . , . "jc, Tlie powers of tlio Ciiurch JH Tlie apostolical succession 80 Private judgment Bl The authority' of the iiouian Church • ... 82 The Bishops of the Church 83 IV. — On the Doctrine of the Holv TniMtv The Tiinity iu Unity . The twofold nature of Christ Christ the Mediator His birth and ministry . His agency in our salvation . The Divinity of the Holy Ghost His agency iu our salvation . v.— The Orioin of Eva .... 88 88 100 101 103 VI. — The Evil Spirits ;;ii VIII.- VII. — The Divine Dispe.nsatio.vs They were pltiniied from the beginning The four Covenants The Law of Moses The Abiilitiun of the Law .... The iMcji-al Law The Ceremonial Law . ... The Law of Liberty Works of Supererogation .... -On the Canon, Geniineness, Versions, Use, and Val holv .scuii-tihe The Canon of Scriijtuiv • . . . . Goiiuinenc.'ss of oui- Seri|)tureM Aullicntiiity of the Gospels and Uevelatiou . A passage of the Old Testament not in our copies Sayings of our Lord's not in the New Testament Some Scripture rejected by Heretics The Old Testjiinent restored by Ezra The Sej)tiiagiiit Version The Vei-sions of Theodotion and Aquila The use and value of Holy Scripture . The right method of understanding the Scriptures No infallible interpreter E OF 107 113 113 114 UH 117 118 120 121 123 124 124 12<« 12!> 131 131 132 133 134 135 135 138 UI i n '■"v * CONTENTS. XXVll CHAPTER I'AOE IX. — On the Nature and Use of Primitive Tradition . . 142 The reason of Irenicus' appeulmg to Tnidition . .142 Romanist mistakes refuted 143 The manner of using Tradition ..'... 146 The nature of Primitive Catholic Tradition . . . 148 Resemblance between the Gnostics and Romanists . 152 Private Tradition 152 Application of Tradition to the interpretation of Scripture 1 56 X. — On the Creed 15? The Creed rehearsed at Baptism 157 Sketch of the Creed 158 Anotlier 169 XI. — Freewill, Predestination, and Election . Fx'cowill ....... Predestination Election Whether Predestuiation regards foreseen faith 162 162 166 168 170 XII.— On Baitism Baptismal Regcnenition and Infant Baptism . Who are the children of God Roniissiou of sins after baptism 172 172 174 175 XIU.— The EiciiARisT 177 An imv.ortant passage 178 The Real Presence 181 No Transubstantiation 181 A second passage 182 The oblation ui the Eucharist 185 No propitiatory sacrifice of Christ under the appearance of the eli'inentH ........ 189 No Transubstantiation 189 The Consecration of the Eucharist .... 191 No Transubstantiation 192 XIV. — On JlSTIFICATION The causes of justification Justification in the forensic sense 194 194 197 XV. — On Cekemonirs, Usaofj?, and Forms of Words The Comnuiiidments .... Forms observed in the Holy Coinmuiion Anointing Confession and penance Standing in Prayer .... 199 199 200 201 202 202 It • z'. ■ XXViii CONTENTS. CHAITER PAGE The Lent Fast 203 ITapoiKi'a 210 Churchineu 210 XVI. — On the Sabbath 211 The Lord's Day not a Sftbbiith 211 The Sabbath Mosaical, and abolwhed with the Law . 212 What Christians arc to learn from the foui-th Comniand- ment 213 How Christians observed the spirit of the fourth Com- mandment 21G Why we in these days must insist on the Sabbath . . 219 XVII. — On THE Typical Intehpbetation OF ScRiPTiBE . 221 Abel and Joseph 222 Moses 222 The Sons of Thamar .... . . 223 The misdeeds of the Patriarchs 224 Jacob and Ksau 226 Rahab 229 Moses and Joshua 230 Balaam's Ass 230 Samson 231 XVIII. — On THE Intermediate State 233 ''Criptural information 233 The inviiiible place 234 Christ's descent into liell 237 XIX. — On Unfulfilled rRoi-HEcv 239 .Vntichrist 240 The Kingdom of Heaven 249 The Millennium 2A0 XX.— The Virgin Mary 257 XXI. — Account OF THE Gnostic Teaciikrs AN!) their Tenets . . 282 Section I. Simon Magus, Nicolan, and the Ebionites . . 262 II. Mcnander, Satuniinus, and Dosilides 268 III. Car]>ocrat43H and Cerinthus 27fi IV. Cerdon, Marcion, Tatian, and the Cainites . 279 V. The Harbeliot«, Ophites, and Sethitcs . .282 VI. Valentinus 291 VII. Secundus, Epiphanes, Ptolemy, ColorbaMUs, and Marcus 308 VIII. Gnostic Redemption 316 IX. Reflections upon Gnosticism 317 CHAPTER I. LIFE OF S. IREN^US, AND GENERAL ACCOUNT OF HIS WRITINGS. If Polycarp is an object of great interest, as the dis- ciple of St. John, and the hearer both of him and of other contemporaries of our Lord ; if Justin is so, as having been the first man of eminent learning who came over from the walks of heathen philosophy to submit his mind to the doctrine of Christ ; Irenaius, again, has claims upon our attention scarcely less, as having been brought up in the Christian faith under the eye of Polycarp ; having, therefore, no previous tinge of Judaism or heathen philosophy, but imbued with Christian principles almost, if not quite, from his cradle, and at the same time displaying equal vigour of mind, if not equal knowledge of heathen learning, with either Justin or Clement of Alex- andria '. To these circumstances we are no doubt to attribute it, that there appear in his writings a ' TertuUian {adv. yalent. 5.) calls biin omnium doctrinnrum / i curiosissimus explorator. B 2 '-i DATE OF HIS BIRTH. greater justness of reasoning, and a more unexcep- tionable use of scripture, than is to be found in the writers of the Alexandrian school. With regard to the time of his birth wo know nothing certain. We find him still a lad, iralg wv in \ listening to the Christian instniction of Polycarp, not long, as it would appear, before the death of that martyr. For, after saying ' that he had seen Poly- t.'e^,- * Epist, ad Florinum. EUov yap at, ttoic wv tn tv rfi Ktiru 'AfflfirapaT^UoXvKaprr^, XafiirpQg vpaTTOvra iyrij fiatriXiK^ ^^vX^, Ka\ rttpitfitvov ihloKifxtiv nap'avr^. MdXXoy yap tu Tore Siaftyri- fioyciu Tuy tyay\oc yivofxivtay' ai yap Ik valSuy fiaOtiaeit, ovy avifivaai rij iffX^* ifovyrai aiiT^' wart fit hvvaaQai iintiy Koi roy TOTToy, iy J Kude^ofiiyoc SuXiytro 6 ftaKtiptot lloXvicapiroQ, kuI rag vpooSovg avrov Kai rag iiaoSovg, Kai roy \apaKrrjpa rov (iiov, Kai ri^y rov trufiarog iSiay, nat rag SiaXilttg ag iiroitlro irpog ro irXTJdogf Kai rify fitrd 'ludyyov avyayatrrpoiptly dig uirtiyyeXXe, ical ri^y fttrd rtiiy XoiiroSy rwv tupuKoruiy roy Kvpioy' Kai o»g avefiyri- fidytve rovg Xoyovg avrmy, (cal Trtpt rov Kvpiov riva 7iy h nap' tKtivuy »/(C»jk.oct' Kai irepl rdy ^vyafituty avrov kuI irtpl rfjg ciSaiTKa- Xlag, tig irapu riiv ahroirrwv rtig i^unjg rov Aoyov iraptiXrjtpiig 6 TIoXvKapirog airi'iyyeXXE, iruyra irvfifotya ra'ig ypai{>alg. Tavra Kai r6Tt Sia ro 'iXeog rov Oeov ro £Jr' ijioi yeyoyog irirovcatug iiKovoy, vnofxyrifiaril^o^ivog avra ovk iy ^uprri, a\,V Ir ■ .' Ifirj KapSif kuI &el ^ict Tt)y X'^P'*' '*"*' 3cov yyi'iaiug avra avufiapvKui^ai. * Adv. Hcer. III. iii. 4. Kai WoXvKapvog li ov ftovov vird dwo- aroXwv ftadfirevdiig, Kai (rvyavatnpafilg iroXXo'tg rolg roy Xpiaroy EupaKocriy, dXXd Kai vrro dirotrriiXuiy KarairraOiig tig rijy 'Aaiay, ty rfi ty ^fivpyri iKKXr)aipvy/ac uSe\o'ii Sit\dpai,ai'' ov ftt)v a\Xa Kal 'EXtvOipif r^5 r«5r£ 'Vuifiaiuy iiriaKUTry, r>/c rdy eKK\r}rcsin intulit : Paracletum fugavit, et Patrem cru- cifixit. Fructicaverant avenas Praxcanac, hie quoque super- seminata', dormicntibus multis in siniplicitatc doctrino; ; traductse dehinc per quern Dcus voluit, etiam evulsoe videbantur. Denique caverat pristinum doctor dc cmcndationc sua ; et manet chirogra- 12 HIS MISSION TO ROME. 'M hm a bishop of Rome had admitted the Moiitanists to communion by giving them letters of amity. Who the bishop was he gives no hint ; and as he connects the matter with the account of the dissemination of the heresy of Praxeas, some, as Dupin ' and Tille- mont ^ have concluded that it could not have been an earlier bishop than Victor, because Praxeas did not appear as a lieretic at an earlier period. This, however, as Massuet justly argues", is not conclu- sive ; for the throM-ing together two things in a nar- rative by no means proves that they closely followed each other ; and this visit of Praxeas to Rome may, with greater probability, be assumed to have been when he was a catholic. A sufficient space of time had evidently elapsed between the visit of Praxeas to Rome, under the bishop who had granted commu- nicatory letters to the Montanists, and the time when Tertullian was writing', to allow of his becoming tinged with the Patripassian heresy, of his dissemi- nating it secretly, of his avowing it openly, of his being convinced of his error, and being reconciled to the church ; finally, of his relapsing, and ultimately quitting the church. All this would take uj) many phum apud Psychicos (the orthodox), apud quos res tunc gesta est. Exinde silentium Ita aliquamdiii per hypocrisin subdola vivacitate latitavit, et nunc denuo erupit. ^ In his account of Te.-tullian's Treatise against Praxeas, • Tom. ii. Note 4. Sur les Montanistes. * Dissertationcs Prcev. II. § 8, 9. ' See Tertullian in loco. HIS MISSION TO ROME. 13 years, and allow ample time for the supposition that Eleutherus was the bishop alluded to; not to say that a' bishop of Rome was little likely to have listened to him when an avowed heretic. And then the letter of the martyrs has a well-defined object, viz., to dissuade him from contributing to rend the church in pieces by countenancing a set of men who had been excommunicated by the churches by whom they were surrounded, and by those in Gaul with which they were in some degree connected ; and thoroughly explains the expression of Eusebius, ttiq There is another circumstance, which, so far as I know, has not been adverted to: viz., that the Montanists appear not to have differed from the other Christians of Asia Minor in the observance of Easter ; and as we know that Victor excomnmnicated those Churches for differing from him, he is not likely to have patronized a sect who also differed from him in a matter he regarded as so important. As we know that the Church of Lyons sent these letters to Eleutherus, with one of their own, preserved in part by Eusebius ^ giving an account of the mar- tyrdoms, it has been supposed by some that Irenaius actually wrote this letter ; and the idea is confirmed (i Ilisl. Ecd. V. i. 1. il^ 14 HE IS MADE BISHOP OF LYONS. by the circumstance, that (Ecumenius, in his Com- mentary on the First Epistle of St. Pctei% (cap. 3. p. 498.) has preserved a fragment of a writing of Irenrous, concerning Sanctits and Blanditia. Now, these two persons are mentioned particuhirly in the letter of the Church of Lyons ^ ; of which, therefore, this fragment (numbered xiii. in the Benedictine edition) is probably another remnant. There is no ground for doubting that Irena;us did really visit Rome ; the more especially, as two of his subseciuent compositions were occasioned by errors of priests of that Church — viz. Florinus and Blastus *. Pothinus died in this i)ersecution, as really a martyr as others who have been regarded as more truly such. Being upwards of ninety years old, suf- fering under infirmity both of age and sickness, dragged to the tribunal, and back again to prison, without any regard to his weakness and age, beaten, » Euseb. V. i. 7. * Euseb. V. XX. 1. 'V^^tvavriaq tmv eVi 'P)y fitv iinypd/c ourof i^oicii Trpoaimil^tiy Si' By avHtg viroirvpo^frov rrj Kara OuaXtrrlioi' TrXdrr), kch tu irtpl oySodSoQ irvyTdTTiTai r^ Etjtiji'oi'^ (Ttroulaajxa' iy ^ Ka\ tKiaiifiai vi- ral Tt)y 7rpu)rt]y rwv uirotrrokuy KariiXrjftvai luvroy hiatoyjiv. — — — iy »J yt /i»/»' TrpoupiiKa^tty irpuQ ruy ^Xwplyoy o V.'ipriytuoQ iviaroXij uvdic rj/g dfta Uo\vKdpiri(» avvovaia^ avrov ^vt}fiovtvii \iyu>v' Ta Soyfiara, k, r. \, n RELATION OF ROME TO OTHER CHURCHES. 15 kicked, and assailed with every missile that came to hand, it is more wonderful that he did not breathe his last under their hands, than that he lingered out two days in the prison '. Irenajus succeeded him " ; and if we may judge of him by the ability, learning, zeal, and sound judgment displayed in his writings, and by the Cliristian temper he evinced on the occasion of the paschal controversy, we may safely conclude that lie was a more than worthy suc- cessor. Before I proceed further, I will observe a little upon the visit of Irenwus to Rome, which appears to have been the third application made to Rome from any distant Chuich ; the first being from Corinth, under St. Clement, the second by Polycarp, to Anicetus. The first was not unnatural, when we consider that Clement had been the companion of St. Paul, and that the Church of Corinth was under pecuniary obligations to that of Rome. The second was a consultation, as between equals. The third was a deputation from the Churclies of an adjacent country, (civilly subject to Rome, and therefore in the habit of visiting the city,) to expostulate with the then bishop upon an injudicious step he had taken. They were evidently led to it by their sym- pathy with the Asiatic Churches, from whence they * Eusel). I lilt. EccL V. i. 14. Ibid. V. V. 3, supra. 16 WHETHER CONSECRATED AT ROME. Ml E ip 'f drew their own origin, whose divisions and errors they deplored : and they were afraid of the mischief likely to accrue to the Ciiristian world from the sanction given to the Montanist errors by the head of a Church so important as that of Rome, to which, from its being the common resort of Christians from all quarters, they had been in the habit of looking as the depository of their common traditions, and whose example therefore must be tenfold more hurtful than that of any other Church, if given on the side of error. It was, moreover, in all probability, an ex- postulation with him for having committed the actual error of countenancing wliat the whole catholic Church, from first to last, has declared to be delusion and heresy ; and the object of it was, to entreat him to recant his error. IIow contrary is this whole matter to the notion of these Cliurches beinn: subject to that of Rome, or to their looking up to the bishop of it as an authorized director in cases of doubt and difficulty ! And even if we do not admit that Eleutherus was the actual bisliop who gave his letters of peace to the Montanists, yet it has always been acknowledged that the letters of the martyrs, thus sent by the public authority of the Gaulish Churches, were intended to caution him against entertaining them, and that either he or Victor did countenance them. And how inconsistent is such a state of things with the idea of a Church privi- leged to be free from error or delusion, watching WHETHER CONSECRATED AT ROME. 17 over others, instead of being vvatcliod over by them ! One other pohit about this visit remains to bo noticed. It has been supposed ' that Irena;us went to Rome to be consecrated to the Church of Lyons, or that he was consecrated there. That he toent there for any such purpose is contrary to all the evidence we have, which specifies another cause for his journey, and does not hint at this. Massuei, indeed, argues, from Jerome's relating his visit to Rome immediately before his ordination, as successor to Pothinus ", that the two must have an explicit connexion with each other; but the very connecting term potitca, and the reason given with it, that Pothinus had suffered martvrdom, would ratb'^r aj)pear to separate the journey with its ci.cum- stance^, from the ordination with its reason. Ho likewise relies upon the request of the martyrs to Eloutherus, t^uv at aitrov iv napaOtati°; which llO chooses to translate, tit ipsum cetfcris anfeponas. So very much to be drawn from one word, reminds one of Dodwell's theories. The expression might, indeed, j)ossibly have a force, which it is rather surprising that Massuet has overlooked. It might mean " place ' By Qucsncl (see Tillcmont, to.ii. iii. just at the end of his account of Irenacus) ; and by Massuet, Dissert. Praec. II. § 12. * Sec note ', p. 8. • See note *, p. 10. 18 EXTENT OF HIS JURISDICTION. him by thy side," which, if it had occurred to the French divine, he wouhl probably liave translated, " Elatum eum fac in eundem quern ipse tones ordinein :" " Make him a bishop like thyself." But when we take it in connexion with the concluding clause, iv Trpwroic «v naptOtniOa, the phrase would appear to signify nothing more than, "Treat him with all respect." II That he may have been consecrated when there, if Pothinus died in the interim, is not impossible ; for it has not been unusual, in all ages of the Church, for a bishop elect to be consecrated in the place where he happened to be at the time of his election. But there is no evidence for this ; nothing, in short, but the presumption, that there was no other bishop in Gaul but the bishop of Lyons. And if there were, as is not improbable, bishops of Autun, of Aries, and of Vienne, at this time, then there was no motive whatever for having recourse to the bishop of Rome, at a period when, as is well known, the neighbouring bishops always filled up a vacancy, with the consent of the clergy and people, without having recourse to any higher or ulterior authority. But supposing that he was consecrated at Rome, it makes nothing what- ever for the supremacy of that see. I am willing to grant to it a much higher rank and authority than such a circumstance would vindicate for it. Igna- tius, when going to martyrdom, besought Polycarp KXTENT OP HIS JURISDICTION. 19 to appoint a bishop in his place ; and yet no one has thought fit, on that ground, to claim for Polycarp the title even of primate of the East ; whilst I readily admit that the bishop of Rome was long looked up to, not only as primate of the West, but as the first bishop in rank, and governing the first Church in authorihj, in the whole Christian world. , But whatever may be doubtful, one thing is cer- tain, that Irena}us did succeed Pothinus as bishop of Lyons. Of his conduct in his own particular Church we have no means of judging, for no record has sur- vived to tell us of anything he did there. It appears certain, from the expression of Eusebius ', ktriaKOTni TMv Kara VaWiav vapoiKiMv, that he was primate, or, at least, had influence over several dioceses in Gaul ; as irapoiKia in the early writers commonly signifies a diocese '^. Tiiis idea is farther confirmed by the use of a i)arallel expression ^, to describe the jurisdiction of the bishop of Alexandria. It is well known that, in the time of Athanasius, the number of dioceses under him was near a hundred * ; of these, between seventy and eighty were in Egypt, and sixteen within seventy miles of Alexandria, and in the same civil province of il^^gyptus Prima. Over all these, the bishop of Alexandria exercised a control mo j com- ' V. xxiii. 2. ' Bingham, IX. ii. I. ■^ Euseb. V. '2'2. Vutv Knr 'AXcsa'c^ptta*' TrnpoiKwi'. * Athanas. yipot. 2. p. 788. Paris, 1527. r2 20 EXTENT OF HIS JURISDICTION. pletG than that of any other patriarcli of those times. I mention these circumstances to show tliat, at the time to which Eusebius refers, his arcliiepiscopal province must have been considerable. And as the ecclesiastical station of Irenwus is described in the same terms, it almost amounts to demonstration, that he held a similar i»re-€'minence. The only difference is, that Irena;us is said to have ruled the ttojjoikjwv Kara TaWiav, and the bishop of Alexandria those kqt' ' AXt^uv^ptiav. But this expression only shows that the Churches in Egypt emanated from Alexan- dria, and were permanently dependent upon it ; whilst those in Gaul emanated from no point within the country, nor were permanently de})endent upon any one church. If any one should suppose that the term irapoiKta is used vith regard to Alexandria in its modern sense of parish, and that Eusebius is speaking of the extent of the single diocese of Alexandria, I will only say, that that whole dioce&e contained only fourteen pastors, that the city con- tained sixteen churches * ; and that Socrates, who wrote more than one hundred years after Eusebius, when describing the distinction of the pastoral charges in th< diocese of Alexandria, merely says ", that they were like irapoiKim : so that this word had retained its meaning of diocese even to that period. ' Bingham, IX. ii. 6. Hist, I. 27« VAfftf vTTo T»)v avTou n-oXtj- wr irtifunKiiit. CONDUCT IN TI1^: EI'ISCOI'ATE. 21 JNrassuet, indeed, argiios at great length ' against the idea that there was any other hisho]) in Gaul than the bishop of Lyons; but all his arguments resolve themselves into the one, that there is no mention made in any early writer of any other. On this ground one might, with equal reason, conclude that iiicre were no bisliops in Britain before the council of Aries, when they are first mentioned. But until it can bo shown that there is an instance in any writer anterior to Eusebius, or of his time, of the use of the term vapoiKia to signify a parochial church or parish, tlie simi»le use of this word by him is sufficient evidence against all negative arguments wliatever. What the author of the Acts of the Martyrdom of St. Saturninus says * of the fewness of churches in Gaul in his time is really no contra- diction to this opinion ; for if there were at that time as many as twenty or thirty, it would be extremely few, considering the extent of the country. I have said that we have no record of the opera- tions of Trenajus as bishop of Lyons. I mean, that we know of nothing which he did in that particul.ar cliurch. He bore, in a general way, the character of " the light of the western " Gauls," and is said to ' Dissert. II. § 13—16. • Ruinart. ^ct. Mart, jt. 110. cited by Massuet, Diss. II. § 1'). So called tu distinguii>h them from the inhabitants of 22 CONDUCT IN TflE KPISCOPATR. have "cultivated and enlightened the Celtic nations'." And in consonance with this there is a tradition \ though of comparatively recent date, that he sent a priest and deacon as missionaries to Be8an(,on, and a priest and two deacons to Valence, in Dauphine. The circumstance is very probable in itself, and Galatia. Theodoret. Dial. i. p. 33. ed. Sirniond :— Efpfjialot rijc lIoXvfc-apTou hcua>:a\iui aitiiXavaiV iyiyovit ci 0a»ffr>)p VaXuriiy Tuv t(T7rtpiu)t\ ' Id. Ilcer. Fab. p. 189. Tovc fiiiroi Tuy iruXutup a'n)i. Junii. Eodem tempore quo suminus Sacerdos et Martyr Ecclesiae Lugdunensis, S. Irenoeus Episcopus Christi, lumen aeternum et splendor justitiae, publice suam pra'dicationcm in Galliis dederat, et assidue verbum Domini nostri Jesu Christi gcntibus declararat, Sanctum Ferreolum Presbyteruni, et Ferruccionem Diaconuin ad Vesunsensem civitatem vere ut fundamentum fortissimum ad fundandam supra petram Christi Ecclcsiam misit : et sicut angu- laris lapis sponsi coelcstis, et ut margaritae resplendentcs fulge- bant, per quos nomen aeternum et splendor gloria? gentibus, quae in tenebris jacebant, coruscarct ; ut eorum proedicatione ad Bap- tismatis gratiam convolarent in quibus erat mira virtus Christi. In verbo enim et sapientia strenui, vultum angclicum et Domini servitutibus aptum manifeste populis demonstrabant. Augebatur Catholica fides, laetabantur de confuso et victo diabolo quotidic Christiani ; qui derelinquentes idola, sequebantur Christi vestigia. Similiter Sanctus Irena-us Felicem Presbytcrum, Fortunatum, et Achilleum Diaconos, ex suo latere ante gloriosum martyrium suum Valentiam dirigit in urbem : quibus ingressis, talem Dominus athletis suis contulit gratiam, ut ilia Paganorum multi- tudo, quae in tenebris jaccbat, cos plenissimo afll'ectu diligerct. HIH LETTER TO ULAHTU8. 98 is ill {igreement with tho traditions of thuso Cliurclies. We now come to a more remarkable period of his life. Wo have seen that tho Christians of that ago h)okcd with peculiar anxiety to Rome, as the Church where, from tho constant meeting together of Chris- tians from tho provinces, the traditions of the cath- olic Church were most accurately preserved. Any departure of that Church from purity of doctrine would be of more serious consequence than the de- flexion of one of less influence. Irenojus had been taught to exercise this feeling by his mission from the martyrs ; and had no doubt learnt to feel it more deeply on the .spot, when he trode the ground con- secrated by the martyrdom of the two great apostles with whose joint superintendence and instruction that Church was so long favoured, and when he ob- served how every heretic likewise resorted to Rome, as a more important theatre than any other. Nor can we suppose that he had left that Church without forming some bond of union with individual mem- bers of it. His heart, therefore, returned no doubt to it, and caused him to indite those several epistles Eusebius mentions ^ occasioned by the dissensions he heard of as prevailing there. The first men- tioned by the historian is that addressed to Blastus on the subject of schism. What it was which led * Hisi. Eccl. V. XX. 1. 24 HIS LETTER TO BLASTUS. KM m i liim into schism is variously related by ancient writers. Eusebius simply says* that he indulged in speculations of his own at variance with truth. Theodoret'* stated that he was entangled in the errors of Marcion and Valentinus ; but if he had been so at that time, it appears most probable that Ire- najus would have noticed the errors themselves even more prominently than the schism which accom- panied them. A more probable account is that given by the ancient author whose addition to one of Ter- tullian's works is commonly printed with it ", that " he wished covertly to introduce Judaism ;" and in j)articular, that " he insisted on the observance of the paschal season on the fourteenth day of the moon, according to the law of Moses ;" with which agrees what Pacian says ', " that he was a Greek, and that he adhered to the Montanists ;" for the Mon- tanists, having arisen in Asia Minor, celebrated that season at the same time as the other Christians of that country, i. e. with the Jews. So that his schism probably consisted in this, that having come from Asia, he wished to raise a party favourable to the Asiatic practice, or, at least, declined to conform to that of Rome. And we can imagine how earnestly Ireuseus would press him to conform to the usages of the Church in which he sojourned ; a thing he could do with so much greater authority, inasmuch * Ibid. 15. ' Tcrlull. dc /'rescript. 5ii. * Har. J 'lib. I. 23. ' Jipist. 1 . ins LETTER TO FLORINUS. 25 !*■ as, being himself of Asiatic birtli, antl brought up in the very church of Polycarp, he had conformed to the Western usage. Whether it was before or after this time that Blastus left the communion of the Church we know not. Eusebius, however, relates ', (at least so Mas- suet ^ with great probability, apprehends his mean- ing,) that he was deposed from the priesthood, and that he detached many from the Church to follow speculations of his own, at variance with the truth. Theodoret's statement may therefore be substantially correct, although at a period subsequent to that at which Trenajus wrote the letter rispl ^yiafiaroQ. The next letter Eusebius mentions is that to Flo- rinus. This person was likewise a priest of the Church at Rome, and had been known to Irenseus in early life ', when they were both pupils of Poly- carp, and Florinus was high in the court of the reign- ing emperor. But he had forsaken civil life, and entered holy orders, from which he was now ejected, as being the head of a party holding novel and pe- * Jiist. Led. V. 1.5. OJ h' £7ri 'Pw/ii)c ^K/io^oi', wj/ »/ytIro ♦XwptFoc, n-pfff/iwrtp/ou r^c iKK\i)aiui iiroirtirwy, BXciffroc te ovv TOVTtf nupanXriffiu nrutfiaTi ^:aTta■)(T|f^iyo1i' ot Kui irXilov^ r^c ek- icXr/ff/uc TTtpttXKOiTtCj £Ti TO o^Siv VTT^yoi' ftovXrifxa' duTipoi iSiwi ntpi Tt)v aXijOiiav riwripii^Eiy wEipwfitvoi;, ' Diss, II. § 51). ' Hpist. ad Florinum, supra, p. 2. HIS LETTER TO FLORINUS. culiar opinions *. His peculiarity is distinctly speci- fied, viz. that he taught that God was the author of evil. To avoid this conclusion, Marcion had taught two first principles— the one of good, the other of evil. It was probably in combating this error that Florinus had insisted on the unity of God, and of his providential government, which he had expressed by the term fiovapx'c* and, from opposing one heresy with zeal too ardent for his judgment, had fallen into the opposite one. Irenajus, upon hearing of the fall of his former acquaintance, felt an earnest desire to restore him, and accordingly wrote to him, endea- vouring, as it would appear, to explain the true notion of the juovap^'a of Crod, and especially to combat his peculiar error. A fragment of this letter is preserved by Eusebius ', and printed * at the end of the best editions of the works of Irenajus. In it Irenajus represents to him how much at variance his opinions were with those of the Church; how impious in their tendency; how far beyond what any excommunicated heretic had ever taught ; how much opposed to apostolical tradition : and he ap- peals to him from his own remembrance of the tofiching of Polycarp ('.vliom they had mutually re- verenced), and from his published epistles, how shocked that blessed martyr would have been if he had heard such blasphemies. ' Eubcb. V. 15. ' Jlisl. Led. V. }i\. 2—4. * Fragui. ii. HIS TREATISE ON THE OGDOAD. m But Irenseus, as it would appear, succeeded only so far with the unstable Florinus as to drive him from his position, that God wac the author of evil. From this he went into the Valentinian speculations, by which they endeavour to escape the great diffi- culty of the origin of evil ^. From them he learnt to believe in an ogdoad of emanations from the Supreme Being, from one of the later of whom, by a species of accident, evil sprung. Irenseus could lot give up his ancient friend, but composed for his . s^^ a treatise" upon this portion of the Gnostic theory. Of this, however, we have not a fragment left which can throw any light upon its structure. There is only the concluding sentence preserved ', in which he adjures the transcriber of it to compare it most carefully with the original, and to append the adjuration itself to his transcript. We might wonder, perhaps, at the solemnity of the adjuration, did we not consider how important it was that Irenteus himself should not be represented, by any error of the copyist, as holding opinions at variance with the tnith he was so anxious to maintain. * Euseb. V. XX. 1. * llip\ 'Oy^odSoc. '' Euseb. V. XX. 2, and Fragm. i. of the Benedictine edition. 'Opu'^w at ruv fiiTaypny^/ofiivov to fti(i\iov tovto, Kara rov Kvpiov iifiiSy 'Iriffov Xpiarov, Kai Kara ti]c iv^o^ov irapovaiaQ avrov, >/c 'if>\eTai Kplvai ffcJjrac »'Cii ri»:pov(, lya cutj/JoXj/c o ^ereypav^w, Kat KUTupObxr^i tilri) ■Kpoz avriypatpof tovto, udty fitTtypd\po), ta-i/ifXwc" Kai tov lipKoy TovToy /i/ioiwc /«traypo'»/'»jc» (^ai 0»/ff£ic tV r^ dt'Tiypafj>y. 0f HIS TREATISE AGAINST GNOSTICISM. But although we have no distinct remains of this particular treatise, it is highly probable that it formed the germ of that great work which has, in some sort, remained entire, and upon which the reputation of Irena3us, as a controversial writer, altogether rests. To that I will now direct my attention. The Gnostic theories had risen in the East, and from thence had early spread to Rome ; whither came, in succession, most of their eminent teachers. It is not my purpose to give a full account of them. This has been done by the late Dr. E. Burton, in his Bampton Lectures, " On the heresies of the apostolical age,'' and the notes appended to them. I shall, how- ever, give in detail Irenwus's account of them in a subsequent part of tiiis work. The general principle of them all was to escajie making God the author of evil, by making it to spring, by a species of chance, from some emanation indefinitely removed from the great First Cause. For this purpose, they imagined certain spiritual beings, more or less numerous, the first pair produced by the Supreme Being, in con- junction witli an emanation from himself; the rest emanating, for the most j)art, successively from each preceding pair, and becoming more and more liable to infirmity as they were further distant from the One Original. From one of the most distant they imagined the author of evil to have sprung, whom they also made the creator of the world, and the god HIS TLEATISE AGAINST GNOSTICISM. 29 of the Jews. They professed to believe in Jesus, but regarded him either as not truly man or as not tru.y united with the Godhead ; and Christ, as well as the Only-begotten, the Saviour, and the Life, they looked on as distinct from him. The great charm of these theories was, that they professed to unravel a great secret, which no pre- vious philosophy had reached, and which Christianity itself had left untouched. We may wonder, indeed, that any Christian should have found anything to tempt him in hypotheses so subtile and intricate, and so palpably at variance with the known truths of the Gospel. But we must bear in mind that when they first arose, no part of the New-Testament scripture was written ; that consequently the poison had time to mix itself with the current of opinion everywhere, before an antidote of general application was pro- vided ; that the minds of all inquiring men in those times were peculiarly given to subtilties, and to the notion of inventing schemes selected from all pre- vailing opinions ; and that, to recommend themselves to Christians, they professed to be the depositories of that " hidden wisdom" which St. Paul was known to have affirmed that he had imparted to those who were capable of receiving it. It is, therefore, not much to be wondered at, that tliey prevailed amongst the speculative for their very subtilty, and with the vain and weak-minded by their affectation of superior M'isdom. 30 HIS TREATISE AGAINST GNOSTICISM. li There was another feature of the sclieme, which served a further purpose. They pretended that the minds which inhabit human bodies are of two kinds, spiritual and carnal; that the carnal alone are the work of the Creator of this world, whilst the spiritual are emanations from the highest and purest order of spiritual beings: that the carnal are readily con- taminated by the flesh and the world, and thence require restraint and law; whilst the spiritual are only placed in bodies for a time, that they may know everything, but incapable of contamination, and destined, after a period of exercise, to be taken up into the Supernal Fulness. By this theory the abs- tracted and mystical were flattered with the idea of spiritual superiority to their fellow-men ; whilst the worldly and sensual might keep up the highest pre- tensions, and yet wallow in the most revolting pro- fligacy. It was under this latter phase that Gnosti- cism first showed itself amongst the half-civilized, semi-Roman inhabitants of southern Gaul. In its more abstract and refined form it would have had no attraction for them; for the European mind is too plain and common-sense to follow subtilties. But its practical licentiousness found a fit nidus in the accompanying sensual disposition which marked the Romans of that age, and all who were tinged with their blood. It worked its way for some time in silence, till the attention of the bishop of Lyons was drawn to it by the seduction of Christian matrons, and by the influx of oxtrjiordinary impurity through- HIS TREATISE AGAINST GNOSTICISM. 31 out that region ^ He was thus led to trace the mischief to its cause ; and finding this to be his old enemy, under its then prevailing form of Valen- tinianism, which thus appeared to be rearing its head everywhere, and had now come to assail him on his own ground, he set himself to understand its system thoroughly, that, by refuting it both in its principle and in its details, he might completely disabuse the Christian world, do away with the divisions, and im- purities, and calumnies, arising from it, and thus afford the freer scope for the power of truth upon the hearts and practice of men. He was the more determined upon doing this by * /Idv. Hcer, I. v. 3. 0< St Kat rale ri/c aapKuc fi^ova'tt *.'ara- Kupuc SovXtvofTtt, rci trapKiKa role (TCjUkivoTe, Kut ra irvtv/iariKu Tulz Tri'tvfiaTiKolt airoci^oaOui Xiyovtri. Kai o'l ^iv avTiov \a^pa riiq SitaaKoiiivuQ iiir' avriof r})t> ^t^aj^j)*' ravrrfv yvfalKag Siatpdiipovaiv, «C iroWaKit vt' Ivtuiv avrwf ii,airaTt\Qtiaai, 'iirinra iiriaTpi>\>aijai yvvaiKti eig riiv 'EKtcXticrlay tov Geoii, aw rrj Xonrfj irXayt] Kal TovTO i^ujfioXoyiiaayro. o'l ci Kai Karii to {pavepiti' airtpvOpiaaavrec, liy hy ipaadwai yvyaiKuy, ravrac utt' nySpHv uiroaTraoavTtQ, Idlag yafitTUQ iiytiaayro. tiWot ^£ av iraXiy crejurfa/e KaT apycte, iJe fxtra adtX(j)uty 'Trputnroiovfityoi avyoiKtiyf Trpoioyrog tov \p6yov i)Xiy\Ot](Tay, iyKv^xovoi r^e a^tA^i/c into tov atiXo« Tparrorrtei k^** i*' role khH' ilfiag KXiftam r^e 'Volavovaiat:, TroWac t^tiTraTiiKaai yvydiKac, alTiyic KtKavrtjpiaaiiiyai r»)v avyiicqaiy, aJ ^iy Kai t«c aytpoy i^ofJtoXoyovyrai, at Si Svatiiiruvfityai tovto, i/av^ij Si irwc eawrcic, dirtfXwticvlai r>7e C<^»/C tov Qtoii, 'iviai fiiy tie to navTtXtQ dirt- (TTtftray, 'iyiui Si iwafKpoTtpll^ovai, ku\ to tth; irapcifxiaQ ntirotOafft, fu'lTf i^itt, fii'iTi ia'i> (tvaat, rnur»;r 'i)^y, \uyo)v rt\yt)y, fiy ovk ifuiOoftiy, oirt Cvyafiiy trvy- ypu(j)e(0(, I'/f OVK ifUKiiaafiiv, ovri KaWwitia^iov Xi^iwy, ovrr iridavd- Ttira, ifv OVK ol^ufity' dWa airXwi, Kat d\tjdw(, Kal iSturiKiHc ra fttrn dydvrfi aoi ypaf ^yra, ^tra dydntji av irpoalii,ri' Ka\ avrot av^Tiatis ai/ra irapa atavrif, art iKayurtpOi: ii^iSv rvy\dv(t»y, oioriX OTripfiara Kal dp\hc Xaftiitv nap ii^iSy, Kal iy rjJ irXdrtt aov tov vov ettI ttoXxi Kapvo6£ia Bovvai irpot to iiriCeiKvvtiy avriiy t^ev^^* ovrut ^i Kal av ^iXoTifiwc toIq XoivoIq huKoyliatic, Kara r»)f xdpiy tiiv vtto too Kvplov aoi Stdofiiyt)y, el^ to fitfKiTi irapaavpiadni tovq drOpwwovc VTTO r>7c iKtiyioy irSayoXoylav, ovatjt TOiavTric TIIK DATE OF ITS COMPOSITION. 33 mnde use of the treatise of Justin Martyr against the Marcionites, now lost to us, because superseded by the completer work of Irenajus. But he derived the greatest help from the writings of the Gnostics them- selves, from which he learnt their scheme without any possibility of doubt or gainsaying, and thus was enabled, by the mere statement^ in open light, of its fantastic puerilities, to unclothe it of the mystery which was one of its chief recommendations, to de- monstrate more clearly its self-contradictions, and to contrast it in its naked folly with the simplicity of acknowledged truth *. To the ascertaining of the date of this composition we have but two certain guides. One is, the list of bishops of Rome given in the beginning of the third book *. The catalogue closes with the name of Eleu- , therus, and thus shows that that book, at least, was begun, and most probably published, under his pon- * I. Praef. 2. "iva oZv fiif n-apa n/K iffiiripai' alriay oi/vapTra- ^utyrai Tiytt, w'c rrpoflara viro Xittcof, ayvuoiiVTtf: avrovQ, Stii Tijv i^udtv rijc irpof.]aTtiov copdc iirifiovXtiv, ovg (^vXaotreiy napiiy- yi\Kiv tifily Kirp(OCi Ofiota fjiiv XaXuvvraQ, avofioia ht (ftpovovvraf:' (tyayKoioy iiytjtrafiriy, iyTv^tity roTc ifTrofivtifiaai rioy, w'c aiiroi XiyovaiVy OvaXtyriyov fiaOtfrioy, iyioig 5' avrwc teat avfiftaXwyf Kal KaraXajivfuyoi rifv yyutfiriy avrCJy, fiiiyvaai aoi, ayairtire, ra Ttpariihf Kat (iaOia fjLvariipia, d ov irayrec \wpovaiy, irrei fill 7r«o'rtc Toy iyKitpaXov i^enrvKntxty' owtoQ Kai av findun' avra, iriiai role fierU aov «pavipa Trot^ffjjc, Kat Trapaiyiatif; uiro'n vXa^aaBfu Toy ftvOoy r^c uroiat, not ri;c tit; Xpiarov (iXaarjfitUQ. " III. iii. 1. given at length in ch. II. of this wovk. 1 34 THE PATE OF ITS COMPOSITroN. im t tmS m m r m i tificate, which began about a. d. 177. The otlior is, that in the same book the author mentions the translation of the Old Testament by Theodotion ^ Now that translation was not made till about A.n. 184*. Irenajus would not become acquainted with it immediately; so that we are driven towards the end of the pontificate of Eleutherus, who died a. d. 192, for the publication of the third book. The work appears to have grown upon the hands of the writer, and to have become more than twice as voluminous as when it was first [)lanned ". The books were written separately, as he found his matter arrange itself, and the two first ai)purontly sent first'". Mil. xxi. 1. given at length in the chapter on the Canon, ^c. of Holy Scripture. • See Epiphan. de Pond, ct Mens. § 1 7. and the Alexandrian Chronicle, quoted by Massuct, Diss, II. § 47. * Book I. xxxi. 4. Cum igitur hacc sic se habcant, quatenus promisi, secundum nostram virtutem inferemus eversioncm ipso- rum, omnibus eis contradicentes in sequenti libro : (enarratio enim in longum pergit, ut vides :) et viatica quoque dabimus ad eversionem ipsorum, occurrentes omnibus sententiis secundum narrationis ordinem : ut simus non tantum ostendentes, sed et vulnerantes undique bestiam. " III. Praef. Misimus tibi libros, ex quibus primus quidem omnium illorum scntentias continet, et consuctudines, et charac- teres ostendit conversationis eorum. In sccundo vcro destructa et eversa sunt quae ab ipsis male docentur, ct nudata, ct ostensa sunt talia qualia et sunt. In hoc auteni tertio ex Scripturis in- feremus ostensiones, ut nihil tibi ex his, quae pracccperas, desit a nobis ; sed et, praeterquam opinabaris, ad arguondum et everten- dum eos, qui quolibet mode male docent, occasiones a nobis acci- pias. Quae enim est in Deo charitas, dives et sine invidia ex- THE MANNER OF 1T8 COMPOSITION. followed by tlio three others at distinct inter- vals'. The general object of the first book is to give a full exposition of the Gnostic doctrines '. Tlie first sistens, plura donnt quam postulct quis ab ea. Memento igitur eorum quae diximus in prioribus duobus Hbris ; et hocc illis ad- jungcns, plenissimnm habebis a nobis adversua omnes hscreticos contradictioncm, et fiducialitcr ac instantissime resistcs eis pro sola vera ac vivifica fide, qimm ab Apostolis Ecclesia percepit, ct distribuit filiis suis. Etcnim Dominus omnium dedit Aposto- lis suis potestatem Evangelii, per quos et veritateni, hoc est, Dei Filii doctrinam cognovimus ; quibus et dixit Dominus : ' Qui vos audit, me audit : et qui vos contemnit, me contemnit, et earn qui me misit.' " lb. & IV. Praef. 1. (luncquartum librum, dilectissime, trans- mittens tibi, operis quod est de detectione et eversione falste cogni- tionis, qucmadmodum promisimus, per Domini sermones ea, quoe pracdiximus, confirmabimus. V. Pra'f. Traductis, dilectissime, omnibushacreticisinquatuorlibris, qui sunt tibi ante hunc a nobis editi, et doctrinii) ipsoruni manifestatis ; cversis quoque his, qui irreligiosas adinvcncrunt scntentias, aliquid quidem ex propria uniuscujusquc illorum doctrina, quam in suis conscriptis reii- querunt ; aliquid auteni ex rationc, imiversis ostensionibus pro- cedente ; et veritate ostensa, et manifcstato praeconio Ecclesiae, quod ProplictoB quidem pracconaverunt, quemadmodum demon- stravimus, pcrfecil autem Christus, Apostoli vero tradiderunt, a quibus Ecclesia accipicns, per universum mundum sola bene cus- todiens, tradidit filiis suis ; quaestionibusque omnibus solutis, quae ab haercticis nobis proponuntur ; et Apostolorum doctrina explanata, et manifestatis pluribus, quae a Domino per parabolas et dicta sunt et facta : in hoc libro quinto, operis universi, quod est de traductione et eversione falso cognominatae agnitionis, ex reliquis doctrines Domini nostri, et ex Apostolicis epistolis, conabimur ostensionos facere. " 1. Praef. 2. Kn), tcndun- ^vvafHQ vf^i'tf, r»';»' ti yi'ii^i/ji' avTWf d2 36 TIIK MANNER OF ITS COMPOSITION. seven chapterH contain a detailed account of the system of Valentinus, who was at that time the most fashionable teacher of those doctrines. The eightli gives the Valeiitinian explanation of numerous pas- sages of Scripture, which they brought forward as corroborative of tlie truth of their system, although they did not pretend to rest it upon them ; and the ninth refutes those explanations. The tenth points out the unity of Catholic doctrine, and the remain- ing chapters are occupied in exliibiting the discre- pancies of the various Gnostic sects and teachers. >l The object of the second book is to overthrow the system, both in its principle and in its details, by demonstrating its contradictoriness and impossibility \ The first nineteen chapters are occupied in the destruction of the system ; the next five are a fuller refutation of their arguments in support of it than he had given in chapter nine of the first book ; and the twenty-sixth, twenty-seventh, and twenty-eighth Tuy vvv ■KapahilaanovTtiiv, Xf'yw hif twv ittpX ilroXc/ialov, airuv- ditrfia olaav Tijt; OvaXtvrirov rr^oX^Cj trvvrofioic Kai 9a with a fuller consideration and refutation of particular opinions held by Gnostics. Ircntcus himself states it to be the object of ♦he third book to confute the heretical system by Scrip- ture, as containing in writing the undoubted doc- trine of those apostles through whose preachin,, livo econoniy of salvation was originally revealeu, and from whom the Church received the doctrine she l)reached *. But since the heretics appealed to tra- dition as interpreting Scripture, he likewise a^si 'ials to it in the second, third, and fourth chapters ' ; and having shown that it is totally adverse to the here- tical doctrine, he returns to the argument from Scrip- ture*, and carries it on by quotat." -d^^ briefly from the Old Testament, and more fully irom the words of the evangelists and apostles, showing, to the end of the fifteenth chapter, thrt they knew but one God, and from thence to the end of the twenty- second chapter, that they taught but one Jesus Christ, truly God and truly man. The twenty-third is a refutation of Tatian's opinion, that Adam was not saved ; and the two last contain sundry general reflections. * See note '" above, p. 3 !■. * Sec III. ii. 1. quoted in the chii])ter on Tradition, " III. V. I. 38 THE MANNER OF ITS COMPOSITION. 1^1 IV M Our author had confined himself in the third book for the most part to the testimony of evangelists and apostles ; he informs us, that his object in the fourth is to show that our Lord himself testified of only one God, his Father, the maker and governor of the world, the author of the old and new covenants, and the judge of all mankind ^ He does not carry on his argument with much regularity, and it would be difficult to give any useful analysis or it. But he discusses, towards the end, in chapters thirty-seven, thirty-eight, and thirty-nine, the great question of the accountability of man, and the freedom of the will. In the preface to the fifth book ', he announces his intention of carrying on the argument by quota- tions from the writings of the apostle Paul, to show that the same God who had spoken to Abraham and given the law had in the latter days sent his Son to give salvation to human flesh ; which he pursues in ' See IV. Prief. 1. quoted above, p. .')5. and i. 1. Cum sit igitur hoc firmum et constaii.s, neminem altcruin Deum et Dominuni a Spiritu praedicatum, nisi eum qui dominatur omnium Deus, cum Verbo suo, et eos qui adoptionis Spiritum accipiunt, hoc est, eos qui crcdunt in ununi et verum Deum, et Christum Jcsum Filium Dei ; similiter et Apostolos neminem alium u semetipsis Deum appellasse, aut Dominuni cognomiuasse ; multo autem magis Dominum nostrum, qui et nobis praicepit neminem Patrem con- iiteri, nisi eum qui est in coclis, qui est unus Deus, et unus Pater. * See V. Prajf. quoted above, p. 35. THE LANGUAGE IN WHICH IT WAS WRITTEN. 39 the first eighteen chapters, dwelling particularly on the doctrine of the resurrection of the flesh (chap. 7 — 14), and corroborating S. Paul's doctrine from other parts of Scripture. He is thence led to the object and end of the scheme of salvation by Christ, and the opjwsition to it by Satan (chap. 19 — 24), especially the great opposition to it through the agency of antichrist (chap. 24 — 30), and passes from the notice of the state of departed souls (chap. 31) to exhibit and confirm his opinion of the terrestrial reign of Christ and the righteous (chap. 32 — 35), concluding with the consummation of all things in the eternal felicity of the just. It will be seen by this slight sketch that the former part of the treatise is by far the most re- gular; and for this suflicient reason, that it was more completely studied and digested before it was written. In the latter books, he adheres but imper- fectly to the intention announced in the preface, and introduces much matter which was evidently sug- gested casually as he was writing, by some word or expression he found himself using. Tlie work, as I have said, was written in Greek ; but the greater portion of the original has been lost. What remains has been i)reserved by various authors in the form of quotations. In this way two-thirds of 40 THE ANCIENT LATIN VERSION. 11 1 I the first book have come down to us ; a few detached fragments in the latter half of the second ; consider- ably larger and more numerous jwrtions of the third; very h'ttle of the fourth, but copious extracts from the fifth, especially near the beginning. The whole, however, existed in the ninth century, as we learn from the testimony of Photius ". But, although we have lost the greater part of tlie original, an ancient Latin translation of the whole work has been pre- served to us. The precise antiquity of this version we are unable to ascertain ; but the closeness with which Tertullian appears to follow it in many pas- sages ', and in particular his making the very same » In Bibtiotheca, cod. 120. ' Massuet, Diss. II. §. 53. Quisquis Irenaeum Latinum cum Tertulliano contulerit, e vestigio depreliendet adeo hunc vestigia illius premere, adeo verbis ipsis, verborumque figuris et ordini adhaerere, ut id ununi sibi proposuisse videatur, paucioribus con- trahere, iisdetn saepe servutis verbis, immixtis tamen pro more dicteriis, quae ille fusioribus exsequutus est. Sic Irenaeus, lib. I. cap. xi. n. 3. Epiphanis scntentiam referens, scribit : ' Kst qui- dem ante oinnes Proarclie, pruanennoetos, et inenarrabilis, et in- nominabilis, quam ego monotetem voco. Cum hac monotete est virtus, quam et ipsam voco henotetem. Ilacc honotcs ct monotcs, cum sint unum, emiscrunt, cum nihil cmiscrint, principium om- nium noeton, et agenneton, et aoraton, quam archem sermo monada vocat. Cum iiac monade est virtus ejusdcm Rubstantiac ei, quam et earn voco hen. Ilac autem virtutes, id est, monotes et henotes, et monas, ct hen, emiserunt reliquas emissioucs Aio- num.' Tertullianus vero cap. 37. ' Est,' inquit, 'ante omnia Proarehe, inexcogitabile ct incnurrabile, quod ego nomine mono- teta. Cum hac erat alia virtus, quam et ipsam appcllo lienoteta. THE ANCIENT LATIN VERSION. mistakes as the interpreter, (as for instance, in regard to the name of the heretic Epiphanes, which they Monotes et henotes, id est, solitas et unitas, cum unum essent, protulerunt, non proferentes, initium omnium intellectuale, innascibile, invisibile, quod scrmo monada vocavit. Huic adest consubstantiva virtus, quara appellat unio. Ha? igitur virtutes, solitas, siugnluritas, unitas, unio, cseteras pro- lationes ^Eonum propagarunt.' Ubi eadem verba, (nisi quod Gn-eca quaedam Latine vertuntur,) eadem styli barbaries, atque apud Irenasi interpretem occurrunt. Hie n. ft. ' Alii rursus ipsorum primam et archegonon octotiationem his nominibus nominaverunt : primum Proarchen, deinde Anennoeton, tertiam autem Arrheton, et quartam Aoraton. £t de prima quidem Proarche eniissum esse primo et quinto loco Archcn ; ex Anen- noeto secundo et sexto loco Acatalepton ; et de Arrheto tertio et septimo loco Anonomaston ; de Aorato autem quarto et octavo loco Agenneton.' Tertullianus, cap. 2.'j. totidem verbis: 'Primo enim constituunt Proarchen, secundo Anennoeton, tertio Arrheton, quarto Aoraton. Ex Proarche itaque processisse primo et quinto loco Archen ; ex Anennoeto, secundo et sexto loco Acatalepton ; ex Arrheto, tertio et septimo loco Anonomaston ; ex Invisibili, quarto et octavo loco Agenneton.' Certe si e Graeco immediate exscripsisset omnia hsec Tertullianus, tot nomina Graeca Latine vertisset ; nee fortuito et casu fieri potuit ut hoc illi cum Irenaei intcrprete convenerit. Hie cap. xii. n. 3. Cotorbaseorum hypo* thesim sic exp'.'iit. 'Quando cogitavit aliquid emittere Propator, hoc Pater vocatus est; at ubi quse emisit, vera fuerunt, hoc Alethia vocatum est. Cum ergo voluit semetipsum ostendere, hoc Anthropos dictus est. Quos autem prsecogitaverat postca- quam emisit, hoc Ecclesia vocata est. Loquutus est Anthropos Logon, hie est primugenitus Filius. Subsequitur autem Logon Zoe, et sic prima octonatio completa est.' Ille cap. 36. ' Quum, inquiunt, cogitavit proferre, hoc Pater dictus est ; quum protulit, quia vera protulit, hie Veritas appellata est. Quum semetipsum voluit probari, hoc Homo pronuntiatus est. Quos uuteni privcugitavil, cum protulit, tunc Ecclesia nuncupata est. 4-2 THE ANCIENT LATIN VERSION. 1) have both rendered by an epitht, and others in- stanced by Massuet,) almost amounts to a demon- Sonuit Homo Sermonem, et hie est primogenitus Filius : et Sermoni aecessit Vita, et ogdoas prima conclusa est.' Plura alia similia passim occurrunt apud TertuUlanum. Sed quod demum ostendit hunc non e Graeco, sed ex interprete Irenaei sumpsisse quse refert, illud est, quod ubi lapsus est interpres GrJBca perperam reddens, lapsus est et Tertullianus. Hie, ut jam dixi, nomen 'E7ri^a»'»)c v.-pellativum esse putuns, male omnino vertit 'clarus.' Tertullianus similiter errantem sequutus scripsit, ' insigniof .' Irenaeus, cap. ii. n. 3. Sophiaj perturbalionem enar- rans, scribit earn, foetum informem cum peperisset, ' prime quidem contristatara propter inconsummationem generationis, post dcinde, f)^t)Qrivat fifi Kai abro reXog t'xf •' ^'^ saltern legit interpres ; vertit enim, 'timuisse ne hoc ipsum finem habeat:' ubi rtXoc • perfectionem,* non ' finem' vertendum erat, ut in notis ad hunc locum diximus. Nee melius Tertullianus, cap. 10. ' primo quidem contristari propter inconsummationem generationis, et metuere postrerao, ne finis quoque insisteret.' Ubi similiter TO AreXtf rije yevvriatu^ vertit ' inconsummationem genera- tionis ;' et relicto Irenaeo Grajco, Latinum interpretem sequu- tus scripsit, ' ne quoque finis insisterct.' Eodem cap. n. 4. refert Irenaeus, quod Pater per Monogenem emiserit Horon in imagine sua, aav^vyov, adiiXwroy : ubi interpres perperam legena aav^vyf, rfOijXvtry*, vel, ut alii volunt, dpperoOliXti, perperam et vertit, ' sine conjuge masculo-foemina.' Eadcm culpa tenetur et Tertullianus, cap. cit. ' Pater per Monogenem Nun, quern supra diximus Horon, in hsec promit in imagine sua fcemina-mare.' Nempe uterque id ad imaginem refert, quod Horu soli convenire posse recta ratio demonstrat. Culpam hanc non sustineret Ter- tullianus, si tcxtum Graecum hie potius quam interpretem con- suluisset. Paulo post, Sophian ab Horo mundatam et cnnfirma- tam, ac suae restitutam conjtigationi cum dixisset Irenaeus, addit: Xupitrdeiatjc yap r% evdvfiiiatuc an ahrijc oiiv rjJ iiriyivofiivif vdda, avrftv fiiv kvroi Vl\r)pwfiaroz ftt'ivaC rilv ^i ivQv^r)(fiv avrtfi; vvv Tf irdBei vno tou "O^mv d(popi(rOiivai Kai diroaravpuHilvat. Quae THE EFFECT OF THE WORK. 48 stration that he had read that version. That it existed in the time of S. Augustin, is certain, as he quotes it at least twice, almost word for word ^ The eft'ect of this great work appears to have been decisive, for we hear no more of any eminent person who held the Gnostic opinions. They prevailed to a certain degree for the greater part of another cen- tury, but they did not make head again. The name, indeed, continued to have so great a charm, that Clement of Alexandria took it from the heretics, and applied it to an intelligent Christian, whom he depicts as the only true Gnostic. But the system, as a whole, became so entirely extinct that scarce a trace of its influence remains, except in the writings of those who had to combat it. sic reddidit iitterpres : ' Separata enim intentione ab ea, cum appendice passione, ipsam quidem infra Pleroma perseverasse : concupiscentiam vero ejus cum passione ab Horo separatam, et cnicifixam, et extra eum factam esse, &c.' ubi duo peccat, primum quod, avy r

' irapaCoaiut^ ap\aioripac, atXfiPtiQ rilv TiaaapcaKaiSeKart)v ^ovro It'iv tVi rj/c rov trurtipiov waiT\u eoprijs 7rapuv\aTT0V(raii' wc fJ^tfC' tri'py irpoafiKtiy irap'a riiv Ttjs dvaaTtiatui tov Swrr/poc {jfiuy iifiipuv rdt vtitTTiiixt: iniKvtoQat. - ^v , ■_- ■ , . IN TIIR PASCHAL CONTROVERSY. 45 each to persuade the other to embrace the practice he followed. But their conferences were without any other eftect than to cause both parties to agree to differ in peace '. But Victor, who succeeded Eleutherus in the see of Rome, viewed the matter in a different light. He had no doubt felt the incon- venience of this diversity of practice when Blastus endeavoured to raise a schism in Rome on this very point *. He therefore conceived the idea of using his influence, as the bishop of the principal Church * As appears by the followinp Fragment of Trenaeus's Epistle to Victor, quoted by Euseb. V. xxiv. 5. Kal ol wpo Swrr/poc TrptajivTepoi ol npoardvTtQ ri/c eKKXtitriat, i^c *'vv "0>?y^» 'Af/icij- 70V Xiyo^tv Kai Uloy, 'Yylvoi' re Kai TtXtVipopop, Kal Svarov, nvre uvroi irtipiiaay, ovrt roic hit airowc iirirptirov. Kal oviiv iXarroy avroi ftil rtjpovvrtc, tlpiivivov ro'ir drro tUv irapoiKidy, iv ale irriptiro, epxo^cVoic irpoe ahrov^, Kalroi fiaWov ivdvriov ^y TO Tfjptly Toiv fi}) Tijpovai' Kai ovUkote Cih to clSof tovto diriflXtiOtfaay r«»'£c. dW" avroi fiq Ttfpovyrtt;, ol trpo aov wptii' ftiiTtpoi, toIq dm> Tviy wapoiKiuiy TTipovifiy itrtfnrov ivyapitrriav. Kai Tov fiaKopiov IIoXvKapTrov t7riSr}nfiaayToc rfj 'Pw/ujj £7r» 'AyiKiiTov, Kfii vtpi &\\(jy riyuiv fxiKpd eiXtty n.are'xtti'. Kal TovTtav ovruic ^X''''" Tuty, iKoivuvrjaav cavTolc' Kal iy Trj iKKXtjm^ 7rapt\u»pr)irty o 'AviKtiTOQ Ttjy ev\apiaTiay r^J TloXvKapn^, KaT' iyTpmrfiv BtiXovoTi, «,-a( fiiT tlpriyric At' aXX>;Xw»' an-»;XXuyr}(7ai', 7ro(ri;c Tt'ig iKKXrialaf; tlpiivtfy i■)^^('>y^i^>y, Kal Tdy TijpovyTioy Kal rwr /u») TtjpovtTtoy, * Sep p. 23. above. 46 HIS CONDUCT Pt; in the world, to bring all Cliriatians to one uniform rule. For this purpose he wrote to certain « leading bishops in Asia, requesting them to convene synods of the neighbouring bishops, in order to come to an agreement ; which was done accordingly ; and they all, with the exception of the Churches above men- tioned, wrote circular letters to the whole catholic Church, affirming that with them the apostolical tradition was, not to break their paschal fast until the Sunday. Eusebius particularly mentions ' the dioceses in Gaul under the superintendence of * We know that he wrote to Polycrates of Ephesus, and there- fore probably to the rest. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. V. xxiv. 3. — 'ESvfduTiy Si tQv iirioKonuv ruv avfiwapuvriav ftyrjfMoyevtrut, owe i/i£«C iiiiuaarc fitTaK\r}BTivai vir iftov, Kal fitTtKaXtadfttfy. '' Hist. Eccl. V. xxiii. 2. ^vvoSoi h) koX avyKport'iaut ivrtiricoiruy im ravroy iyivovTO, irdyrtQ rt fuif y»'w/«»; ^t' kiriaroXuty tKKXifai- aariKov ioyfia rols vayra^oae Survwovyro, wc ay fxtfS' iy fiXXj; irore r»7c KvpiuKrjc tlfiipf ro r^c «^' vf-Kpuiy atao ioeui: intrt\u7ro Tou Kvpiov ftvariipioy, ic«i 6nuc iy ravrjj ftoyp T&y icarh to ird«7j^a vtftrTnHv v\aTroifJtda rat iniXiiatii:. ^ipirai ^ tlain yvy ruy Kara UaXaiVTiyrty rtivtKuSe avyKtKpoTfinivuy ypaiftt), liy irpovri- raKTO 6{o0iAoc r^c iy Kuiaaptifi. jrapoiiciat iirivKowoc, Kal fidpKitrooc rfJQ iy 'JtpoaoXvfioic' Kal tuv im 'Puf/c 'Avtac iirioKoiruy ro vaXat vp&ripov avTolf wapaSodiy Sia^vXarrtiy idos XP^^"" Su(r\vpil^O' ^ivuty fjytlro UoXvKpurri(. IN THE PASCHAL CONTROVERSY. 47 Irenceus as having agreed upon such a synodical letter, which he asserts was in existence in his time. So far, Victor was successful ; and, probably upon the strength of the almost universal agreement of the Churches, he appears to have held out some threat to those of Asia Minor ', unless tlipy thought proper to conform to the general piactice. This, however, they absolutely refused to do ; maintaining that their region abounded with relics of apostles and martyrs, and that they preserved a tradition purer than that of any other Church, and more consonant with the Scriptures. This reply so incensed Victor, that he forthwith issued letters, announcing that the Asiatic brethren were cut off from the common unity of Christi mis ". Here, however, he was not followed by those who had previously agreed with him ; and Ircno^us in particular, in the name of the Christians in Gaul under his jurisdiction, wrote both to Victor and to various other bishops ', strongly • Hist. Eccl. V. xxiv. 2. 'Eyw oZv, liliKfpQi, t^KOvra Kal niyrt tTT) i\v iv Kvpt^, Kat avftfitftKificoJi ro7c cin-o ttjs otKOVftifti^ u^eX^oTc, Kal irdtrav aylav ypa(j)i]v StcXrtXvdije, ov irrvpofiai IttI roic KararrXijaaofiivon:. * Euseb. V. xxiv. 3. 'Eiri rovrois 6 fiiy rfjc 'i^uftalutv vpocarwc BiKTwp, aOp6u>c riJQ 'Aalat iraaat afia rale ofioping tKKXriaiait rac irapouiac anorifiviiv, wc tTtpoSo^ovaaQ, r>;c KonfJQ cywtrtwQ netparat' Kui ffTt}\iTtvti yt iia ypafiftaruy, aKoifuyiirovc ipSify Trairac rove tKtliTi &KaKrpvTTuy tit^tX^ovc* ' Ibid. 'AW oh iraai yt roic lmaK6itotz tuvt' fipiantro' avrt- irnpaKfXtvoyTUt ^ijra avr^, ra ri/i; elpiiyri^ Knl 7-»7c Trpop rowc irXtj- oiov Ifuatuc ».n« ny«i7r»jc povt'iy. ^iporrui Si kui a'l Tourwy 48 HIS coNnrn pressing milder measuros, ninl reminding tlie Roman prelate of the example of Anieetus, one of his pre- decessors, wiio paid Polycarp the highest liononr, even when assured that he wouhl not conform to the A\'estern custom, and regarded his own as more apostolical. Wh.it the immediate result of these letters was we are not informed by any contemporary writer. Anatolius, indeed, (if the Latin version of his Trea- tise on the Paschal Cycle, published by Bucherius, is to be relied on,) asserts that \'ictor did not persist in his excommunication ^ ; and we know subsequently ' ^uyai, jrXriKriKutrcpor KuOmrTOftii'mv rov H/kTopoc" iy olc »:ai « Eip^vaiuc IK wi>i)awvov liy iiyi'nn nara T>)y rp/nc kuI KtXtKi'ac kui M«ron'or«/iiac i\u)\tvov irept r^c lopriiy, Kai {Xtrd ruv 'lov^atoif ijroioOiTo Traa\a. Chrysostom, in his Discourses against the Jews, in that one in which he dissuades the Christians of Antioch from joining in tlieir observances, (torn. v. Horn. 5.5. p. 608. ed. Benedict.) re- minds them that the Church of Antioch once universally kept the ante-paschal fast with the Jews, although they had, since the Council of Nice, given up that practice : KaJ ///lelc oilrwc ivtiarivo- fiiv vpoTtpov, dW Sfiuc TrpotTift{]aafttv r»)v avfujiittviay r^c tQp ■)(_p(')yo)v irapaTTjpfitrtuc. * Theodoret. Hist. I. 9. Euseb. de Vit. Const. 19. E 50 THE CONDUCT AND CLAIMS to one practice in the observance of the feast of Easter; secondly, when he did not succeed with some Churches, to exc(»inmunicate the dissen- tients. The first was laudable; inasmuch as ChristiauH who travelled upon business, or removed their resi- dence from one part of Christendom to another, had their feelings disturbed by finding their brethren celebrating so important a festival on a different day from that to which they were accustomed; and some weak or factious minds were thus tempted to make divisions in Churches to which they removed. This had been particularly the case in the Church of Rome, as being a place of general resort ; and there- fore Victor, both on that account, and as bishop of the principal Church in the world, very rightly exerted himself to bring about uniformity. The course he took was also a good one. He wrote to the principal bishops in various countries, to request them to call synods of the neighbouring bishoj)8, that thus he might ascertain the sense of the catholic Church. Nothing could be more prudent or tem- perate; nor was anything apparently Ijetter calcu- lated to persuade the minority, than to find one consenting custom in so many Churches, in coun- tries separated so entirely from each other. Now so far we have no claim set up inconsistent OF THE niSHOl' OF ROME. M with the station of influence and dignity which we readily concede to have appertained to the Roman bishops from very early times ; and which, if not most grossly abused, would never have been denied to them. Some ' have supposed that he, with his letters, issued a threat of excommunicating those Churches which refused to comply with the western custom ; but that is opposed to the sequel of the history, from which wo learn that such a threat would have called f )rth remonstrances, of which in this stage of the business we hear nothing. Having received letters from every quarter except from Asia Minor, stating that the traditional custom was the same as that of Rome, he then, instead of proceeding by persuasion, immediately conceived the idea of compelling the dissentient Churches to com- ply with his wishes, by threatening to cut them off from communion if they declined. His threat had no cfTect, and he proceeded to put it into execution, nothing doubting that the Churches who had been with him hitherto would still stand by him. And this is the point at which we encounter something like the modern papal claims ; for he declared the Churches of Asia Minor cut off, not only from his communion, but from the common unity*. Some might argue that he must have had some foundation • See Massnet, Diss. Pnrv. II. § 21. * Euseb. Hist. Ecd. V. xxiv. .1. quoted p. 47, note '. E-3 52 CLAIMS OP THE BISHOP OF ROME. It I) I I ■ 1 for this claim ; but till somethin riji irepi rov llaff^o \dyj> K, T. \. * Tom. II. p. 152, ed. Combefis. * On Isaiah, Ixiv. 4, 5. in vol. iv. p. 761 of his Works. WHETHER HE WAS A MARTYR. earlier author than Gregory of Tours ^ who wrote towards the end of the sixth century, and who asserts that he died a martyr in a bloody persecution, which the martyrologists Usuard and Ado ^ assert took place under Severus. In fact all the martyr- ologists, both Latin and Greek, make him a martyr. The tradition, therefore, appears a highly probable one. But in whatever way he quitted this world, we may rest assured that his name is written in the book of life. His body is said * to rest in the crypt under the altar of the Church of St. John at Lyons. * Hist. Franc, x. 27. Veniente persecutione, talia ibidem dia- bolus bella per tyrannum exercuit, et tanta ibi multitudo Chris- tianorum ob confessionem divini nominis est jugulata, ut per* plateas flumina currerent de sanguine Christiano ; quorum nee numerum nee nomina coUigere potuimus : Dominus enim eos in libro vita; conscripsit. Beatum Irenfeum, diversis in sua car- nifex pra;sentia pcenis affeetum, Christo Domino per martyrium dedicavit. ' Tillemont, Memoires, torn. iii. part. 1. S. Irenee, Art. x. * Gregor. Turon. de Gloria Martyrum, I. 5. Hie in crypta Basilieac B. Joanuis sub altari est scpukus. CHAPTER IJ. TESTIMONY OF IREN^US TO CERTAIN FACTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. There are two circumstances which must prevent us from expecting; that the writings of Irenaeus shouhl add largely to our stores of historical knowledge ; one, that his remains are not very considerable in extent, and the other, that they are chiefly occupied in doctrinal controversy. What, however, he does tell us, is important. He asserts that the Church in his time was spread throughout the world ' ; and par- ticularly si)ecifies the Churches in Germany, Iberia, (i. e. Spain), amongst the Celts (i. e. in Gaul), in the East, in Egypt, in Lybia, and in the centre of the ' I. X. 1. 'H fiiy ycip 'EKKXritria, Kainff) tcaff oXtjc rijr, oIkov- ftiyric iioe rrtpdrtity r»;c yiJQ htaTru\>fiit>t], — 2. 'Yovto rit Kt'ipvyfiu nap{i\rf cuairapfut't}, iirifitXwc v KiKrfpvyfiiyov, — IV. xxiii. 2. Nihil enim aliud deerat ei, qui a Prophetis fue- rat pra'catec'liizatus : non Deum Potrem, non conversationis dis- positionem, sed solum adventuni ignorabat Filii Dei ; quem cum breviter cognovissut, agebat it r gaudens, proeco futurus in Ethi- opia Christi adventus. * Frag. iii. p. 45, note *. * I. X. 2, 3. T^c ouiTjjc 'EiCk,\r/(Tmc ndatft fiiay Kai Tifv avriiv iritTTiy i\u\)ai\i: tm irdvra rov Koofioy, kuQuiq Trpoitpafiiy, k. t. \. * I. ix. 4. Ovrut Se Kat i< rli Kayoya rfJQ aXtideiac aKXiyfj iy tuvr^) Kari\u>y, oy ^«o rov /3a7ir/J0rk iern r^c 'AkootoXuii' TrapaOoffewf. THE BISHOPS OF ROME, ETC. m cessors of the first bishops might be reckoned up in many Churches down to his own time "*, particularly specifies the Churches of Rome and Smyrna *, and gives a catalogue of the bishops of Rome as follows : — Linus, mentioned by S. Paul in his epistles to Timothy " ; Anencletus ' ; Clement *, who had seen and conferred with the Apostles ; Evarestus ; Alex- ander ; Xystus, or Sixtus ; Telesphorus, who suf- fered martyrdom ; Hyginus ; Pius ; Anicetus ; Soter ; Eleutherius " : und we have a fragment of a letter of Mil. iii. 1. supra. ' III. iii. 1. 4 « 2 Tim. iv. 21. ' Anencletus is cnlled Anaclctus by the ancicHt translator of Irenacus, and Clelus by Epiphanius {Hcer. I. § 27-) and the Canon of the Mass. Later writers than Epiphanius make him two persons, but their accounts are contradictory. See Pearson's Posthumous Works, Dissert, de Seric et Success'ione Episcoporum Romanorum, II. I i and Nourry, Apparatus ad Diblioth. Patrum, VI. V. 5. • Clement is mentioned by Tertullian (De Prcescrip. Hcer. 32.) as ordained by Peter. It is p>-obable that this might have taken place in the slight interval which elapsed between the death of St. Paul and that of St. Peter, both of which took place in the same persecution. " III. iii. 3. OifiiXiunrai'Tii: ovv kui oivoco/ii'/ffai'rtc o't puKupiot HTToaroXoi rt'iv iKKXtjoiay, AiVy rijt iiriaKonm Xtirovpyiav eve^ei- fuaav. TOVTOV rov AtVov IlaSXoc ly raic vpoe TifioOeoi' imaToXaii; fiipvrirai' Oiaci\trai Ce avrdv 'AyiyKXrjmi. pint tovtov Kai rp/rj) roTry uKu Tuv airaaruXiov Ti)y iirii', ow poyo^' 'irt yitp woXXoi virtXilnovro rare vno ritv UTTOffToAwr ctlitaypivQi., Tor ci Yi.Xi\ptvra tovtov ^iaBixiTai GO AN ANECDOTE OF ST. JOHN. I his own to Victor, the successor of Eleutherius ' . He has preserved an anecdote of St. John, viz. that upon one occasion entering a bath, and seeing Cerin- thus there, he withdrew precipitately, saying that ho was afraid lest the building should fall, because Ce- rinthus, the enemy of the truth, was in it ^ This anecdote is indeed at variance with the notion of Christian charity current at the present day, but it rests upon the testimony of Polycarp, who knew St. John well ; and it is strictly in accordance with the spirit of the directions he himself gave to " the elect lady," not to receive heretical teachers into her house, or bid them God speed '. We are likewise indebted to Irenrcus for some particulars respecting Polycarp. He states that he had been favoured with familiar intercourse with St. Ei/aptirroc* Kai rov V.vaptarov 'AXi^aflfws' ilff oCrwc ««.toc inro Twv airotTToXtity Kadiararai Svarof;' fiira Se rovroy Te\tatf>6f)ot, 8c «:a« lfS6S,iOQ ifiapTv(ir)(r£y' tTnira 'Xylyor, tlra Illot' fitO' oy 'At'iKTiTOc. hah^afih'uv rov 'AviKifruv Swrijpor, piiv SwSiKur^ ruwu Toy rrjc iiriffKOxii^ utto TiHv inrooToXwy KUTi\ti KXijpoy '£\(v6l(po£. Ttj aiiTij rd^ti, Kai rfj uiiTti ct^a\tj tjre uTto raiy aKO(TT<)\u}y iy Ttj ik- K\iiai/«rac rtj 'Pw/ijj, ttoWovq I'tTTo TU)y irpotiptifiivwv atpcriKuii' ineaTpt\l/ty etc rilv eKKXriaiap tov Otov, fiiar kot fioriji' ravTiiy aXi'idiiav Kr}pviai viro tuiv iiiro(rro\u>i> irapttXtf^ivai, ttjv vito t^c inK\tfalat vapnStSofiivt)y. « /Rst. Eccl. IV. 14. ' Z)e Virts lllustribus, 27. " Frag. iii. See p. 45, note *. ' HI. iii. 4. Kai ai/roc Si. u UoXvuapTroc MapKitovi votc ele v\liiv avT^ iXOoyri, Kai ^r/ffa^ri, 'Eir«yt>'a»(r«(c hfJ^^e > cnnKpidri' EiriyivbXTKU) tov irpuTOTOKov TOV Sarafri. Toaavrtft' ol airotno- Xot, KoX o't iiadi}Tai ainAv itrxpy tvXafitiav, wpoQ to /i>}^£ M^XP* \6yov Kotywytlv rti't tuip irnpajjapnofffojrwi' r»)»' aXtiOiiap, wc Kni IIoDXot t(pr)(Ttv' AiptTiKoy ayOpuiiror fitrit ftiay mi ?>evripay vov- Otniuy TrufHtirov, ciSmq ("iti flforpairTni o toiovtoq, tot ufinprtut'tiy 02 ST. TLRMKNT OF ROME. recognised him. His reply was, "I recognise the first-born of Satan." This severity (or bigotry, as it vould now be called) does not appear to have ope- rated in his disfavour; for he was instrumental in recovering to the Church many who had been led away by the Gnostic delusions '. Irenaf^us likewise mentions Poiycarp's epistle to the Philippians', and other epistles to other Churches and individuals '. t i Respecting Clement, whom Eusebius* identifies with the companion of S. Paul ', he states that he wrote a very effectual letter to the Corinthians, to allay the dissensions which had arisen amongst them, and to restore the integrity of their faith *. This is, of course, the first epistle of S. Clement, to the genu- itiy avTOKaTaKpiTot. That it was at Home rests upon the testi- mony of Jerome, De Vir. III. 1 7. Ull.iii. 4. * III. iii. 4. *E(Trt it Koi i-iriffroXif HoKvKapirov n-poc «l»t\«fl-n-»/- ff/ouf ytypaixfiivri 'iKavurarq, t5 »/c *" « tov \npaiCTfipa r»7c iriartui; abrov, koi rd Ktfpvyfia rijr aXtjOtlac, o'l flovXofiEyoi, »aJ (ppoi'Tiiioi'rtc rrjQ iavriiy ffwnjp/ac, ivvavrai uadtlv, ' Frag. ii. Kai Ik tiuv imtnoXuy Ce abrov, tSv iiritntiXti' ijrot rale ytiTviixjaiq iKKXiiaiuic, iiritrrtjpil^wt' itbraQ, */ rHy dStXipQy ritri, vovOtrviv abrov^, Kai Trporpiiroiitioc, ^vyurai (fmyepMdijyat. / * Hist. III. 15. • Phil. iv. 3. - '! * III. iii. 3. 'Etti tovtov oZy rov KXii^ttyroc (rrairtuQ obK oX/yi;c roTc ey Kop/)'0^> yivofiiyr^^ nhXfoic, iriuTuXtv ff iv 'Puifiri tKKXf]- ala iKaywrarqy ypa'- ^ ^> & 64 THE PRE-EMINENCE OF pre-eminence resort to this Church, in which the apostolical tradition is preserved by those who are on all sides." There are several words in this passage which must influence the sense of it. The first I shall notice is the word potentm'e?n, the more especially as there is a various reading upon it. One MS. (the Clermont) of considerable value, reads potiwem ; but Massuet, who examined it, says that it had been written pontiorem (but altered to potiorem,) which is almost certainly a contraction for the common read- ing. We must therefore, I conclude, sit down with the common reading ; although Massuet, in the Bene- dictine edition, and J. J. Griesbach, in some remarks upon this passage', prefer the other. But what Greek word potentiorem represents must be matter of conjecture; and no one who is acquainted with the manner in which the translator has rendered Greek words will be inclined to lay much stress upon it. It may have been put for i/cavwripar, or KpuTTova ; or, in short, the comparative of any adjec- tive which admits of being rendered potens. We then come to the word principalitatem. This we know that the ancient translator of Irena;us uses to signify a^^r\ '. Putting these two together, Griesbach ' Prog, de polentiote Eccl. Rom. jmncipalitate. Jenae, 1780. 4to. ' II. XXX. 9. In translating Eph. i. 21. THE CHURCH OF ROME. 65 has rendered KptiTTova ap)^^v, potiorem initium, and thus got rid of the idea of authority altogether. But there is no need of this. Principalis is used by the translator as the rendering of riytfioviKog ' ; principa- liteTf of wpotiyovfiivtog ', and wpomyriTiKuq ' ; principali- tatcm habeo, of TrpwTtww *. We know that all the apostolical sees had a kind of principality or p^'e- eminence above the surrounding Churches; a more powerful pre-eminence than other Churches equally ancient with themselves. Nay, we know that the Church of Rome had at that time, in point of fact, a more powerful pre-eminence than any other Church. The next word to be considered is conve^iire, which may be rendered either resort or agree; and I confess I should have been disposed, with Massuet, to render it agree, were it not for a perfectly parallel passage in the 32d Oration of Gregory of Nazianzum, delivered at the first council of Constantinople. Speaking of Constantinople, he says, tic Jjf Ttt iravTo^oOev a/cpa avvrpi-^u, Kat oOtv apx.'" rat lot; efiiropiov Koivov rriQ ir'tartuyg. Here Constanti- nople is spoken of then under the very same terms as Rome by Irenwus, as the common repository of the faith : other parts of the Christian world are said to ' III. xi. 8. * V. xxvii. 2. ' I. ix. 3. ^ IV. xxxviii. 3. F 66 THE PRE-EMINENCE OP be ffmemed {apx'^rai) by it; and distant Churches are said to resort from ail quarters : ffwrptx" favro- ^oBev. Are not these words an exact parallel to the convenire and undiquc of the translator of Irenajus ? I therefore feel bound to give convenire the sense of resort. The next word to be noticed is undique, the application of which is disputed ; some, as Barrow '^ and Faber*, applying it only to the immediate neigh- bourhood of Rome, i. e. Italy and the adjacent parts of Gaul; others, and of course the Romanists, to the whole Christian Church. According to the for- mer plan, the clause " hoc est ... fideles" is a limi- tation of the expression " omnem ecclesiam," con- fining it to the Churches immediately surrounding Rome; and consequently the pre-eminence of the Church of Rome would be equally narrowed by this interpretation of undique. I am far from contending that this interpretation is not correct ; and the very fact of the passage admitting it, without any force whatever, shows how little the papal cause can be made to rest upon it. But as Gregory, in the paral- * Pope's Supremacy, V. ix. p. 234, edit. 1680. " The faithful who are all about." ' ' ' • Difficulties of Romanism, B. I. chap. iii. sect. iv. 2. (4.) " To this Church, on account of the more potent principality, it is ne- cessary that every Church should resort ; that is to say, those faithful individuals who are on every side of it. In which Church, by those who are on every side of it, the tradition, which is from the Apostles, has always been preserved." rf^*^'^ THE CHURCH OF ROME. 67 lei passage I have quoted, uses the term vavTaj^oOiv, I am disposed to take undique as its representative ; the more especially as we have seen that, whatever influence it gives to Rome, the selfsame influence had Constantinople in an after age. There are one or two more words still to be men- tioned. Necessc est is one of them. It may imply that it is the duty of every Church to resort to Rome ; but its more natural and usual meaning is, that, as a matter of course^ Christians from all parts, and not strictly the Churches themselves, were led to resort thither by the superior eminence of that Church. I have hitherto taken this passage as though it must be applied definitely to the Church of Rome. But this is by no means necessary ; for it may be a general observation applicable to all the most emi- nent Churches, as may be seen by the following translation and arrangement of it : — " For every Church, (that is, the faithful all around,) must neces- sarily resort to that Church in which the apostolical tradition has been preserved by those on all sides of it, on account of its more powerful [)re-eminence;" that is, Christians must have recourse each to the most ancient and most eminent Church in his neigh- bourhood. And this agrees with a passage of Ter- f2 ..iiti,—.— . 68 THE CHURCH OF ROME. tullian', in which he refers southern Greeks to Corinth, northern to Phih'ppi and Thessalonica, Asi- atics to Ephesus, Italians and Africans to Rome. The only objection which occurs to me lies in the word hanc, which, if the passage is to be taken in this application, must be translated that ; but as it was in all probability the representative of towtiji;, this word can scarcely present any difficulty. I will close this whole discussion with two re- marks ; first, that unless we could recover the Greek text of this passage, it is plainly impossible to as- certain its true sense ; and secondly, that the strong- est sense we can attach to it, consistently with his- tory, is, that Christians of that ])eriod from all parts of Christendom must, if they wish to ascertain tra- ditions, have recourse to the Church of Rome, be- cause, as the first Church in Christendom, the com- mon traditions were preserved there by the resort of Christians from all quarters. This twofold reason for resorting thither has long ceased to exist, and consequently this passage of Irena?us can aflford no support to the claims of modern Rome, until it can be proved that those portions of the Christian world which are not in communion with her are no part of the Catholic Church. ' De PrcBscr. licet. 30. MIRACULOUS POWERS. 69 There is aiiutlier subject which has caused much discussion, which is adverted to by Irenaeus, viz. the miraculous powers of the Church. He declares that in his time powers of this kind were possessed by Christians, such as raising the dead S and casting out devils, and healing the sick ; that they likewise had the gift of prophecy ", and spoke with tongues, and * IF. xxxi. 2. KaJ iv rfj uSt\7i' Kai XiTUvtiat, iiriarpt\l^E to rryivfia too TtTeKivTtjKOTOt, km i\apl(r6ii 6 avOf)(i)iroc rote ti/j^alc Ttijy ayitoy. — xxxii. 4. Quaprop- ter et in illius nomine, qui vere illius sunt discipuli ab ipso acci- pientes gratiam, perficiunt ad beneficia reliquorum hominum, quemadinodum unusquisque accepit donum ab eo. Alii enim dsemones excludunt firmissinie et vere, ut etiam saepissime cre- dant ipsi, qui emundati sunt a nequissimis spiritibus, et sint in Ecclesia. Alii autem et prtescientiam habent futurorum, et visi- ones, et dictiones propheticas. Alii autem laborantes aliqua in- firmitate per manus impositionem curant, et sanos restituunt. Jam etiam, quemadmodum diximus, et mortui resurrexerunt, et perseveraverunt nobiscum annis multis. Et quid autem ? Non est numerum dicere gratiarum, quas per universum mundum Ecclesia a Deo accipiens, in nomine Christi Jesu, crucifixi sub Pontiu Pilato, per singulos dies in opitulationem gentium perficit, neque seduceiis aliquem, nee pecuniam ei auferens. Quemad- modum enim gratis accepit a Deo, gratis et ministrat. 5. munde ct pure et manifeste orationes dirigens ad Dominum, qui omnia fecit, et nomen Domini nostri Jesu Christi invocans, virtutes ad utilitates hominum, sed non ad seductionem, per- ficit. ' II. xxxii. 4, supra. V. vi. I. KadwcK-at noWHy aicovoftey dh\- (pijy iy TJj eKKXtjiri^, nftoiptiTiKh \apitTftaTa i\6vTU)y, Kai irayToSmrale XaXovrTbty Siit tov llytiiftaTOi; yXutiraaii;, icat Ta Kpvtpia rwy dyOput- 70 MIRACULOUS POWERS 1 revealed secret things of men and mysteries of God '. It is well known that Gibbon and Middleton have thrown doubt upon the miraculous powers of the primitive Church ; and one of their chief arguments is that the early writers, such as Irenaius, content themselves with general statements, but bring no specific instance. The subject has been very fully entered into by the j)resent highly learned and ami- able bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Kaye, in his work on Tertullian^; and in the general I am disposed to acquiesce in the theory adopted by the bishop, that those powers were conferred only by apostolical hands, and that of course they would continue till all that generation was extinct who were contem- l)orary with St. John, the last of the Apostles. That would admit of Irena}us having kuown instances ; and not having any idea that the power was to be extinct, he would think that it still remained, even if he had not known any recent instances. It is necessary to remark, however, that he speaks of the gifts of tongues and the revealing of secrets and mysteries, not as a thing coming under his own knowledge, but heard of from others ; and it does not appear that he intends to say that they con- tinued to his own time. And I will venture to ob- serve that it appears rather unfair to Irenseus to set wwv fi'c 0a»'cpdf dyovTWP em rjJ avfi(pipovTt, kai ra /xvaHipia row Qioii inSitiyovfiiruiv. ' V. vi. 1. 'Pp. 98— 102. *%».-iS»-V,' OF THE CHURCH. 71 aside his testimony by saying that he brings no spe- cific instance of those things which he speaks of as still done. lie might feel that the thing was so notorious, that those who were not convinced by the notoriety of such occurrences would cavil at any particular case he might select ; and his mentioning that some of those who had been delivered from evil spirits had become converts, that some of those who had been raised from the dead, being poor, had been assisted with money ', and that some had lived many years after*, surely indicates that he was speaking from a knowledge of individual cases. One should indeed have expected that every one who owed his deliverance from Satanic possession to the miraculous power possessed by Christians would have embraced the faith of those who exercised i . and the circum- stance that Irenscus affirms this ot some only gives a greater air of probability to his whole statement. Besides this, we must distinguish between the cases of persons healed by the direct agency of an indi- vidual, and those in which it pleased God to hear the joint prayers of several ; for it is observaBle that our author attributes the raising of the dead only to ' II. xxxi. 3. in Ecclesia autem miseratio, et misericordia, et firmitas, et Veritas ad opitulationem hominum, non solum sine inercede et gratis perficiatur ; sed et nobis ipsis quae sunt nostra erogantibus pro salute hominum, et ea quibus hi, qui curantur, indigent, sscpissime non habentcs, a nobis accipiunt. '' II. xxxii. 4. See p. CO, note ". 72 RELATION OF CHRISTIANS the united prayers and fasting of a wiiolo Clmrcli, and confines it to cases of great urgency \ nu CI V The testimony which Irenaius bears to the relation between the Church and the empire is but slight. He mentions a Christian as having been in his own youth high in the imperial court, at the same time that he was a follower or admirer of Polycarp * ; he speaks of Christians in the imperial palace deriving an income from the heathen, and able to assist their poorer brethren ' ; and he acknowledges the general advantages which Christians derived from the supre- macy of the Romans, in common with their other subjects, in the prevalence of peace and the freedom from individual outrage*. But he mentions very distinctly the persecutions at another time Christians suffered (particularly alluding to those which took place at Lyons), and notices that slaves were com- pelled to inform against their masters ; and that in this way the calumny that Christians fed upon human flesh arose, from a misunderstanding of the nature of the holy Eucharist * ; the slaves having heard their * II. xxxi. 2. Sia TO dvayKolov. See p. 69, note '. ' Frag. ii. See p. 2. note *. ' IV. XXX. 1. Quid autem et hi, qui in Regali aula sunt, fide- les, nonne ex eis, quae Caesaris sunt, habtnt utensilia, et his qui non habent, unusquisque eorum secundum virtuteui prscstat. ' IV. XXX. 3. Sed et mundus pacem habet per eos, et nos sine timore in viis ambulamus et navigamus quocumque vulucrimus. " Frag. xiii. Xpiartayuy yap Kur^rniwuivwv hoiiXov*: "EWi/ff t \p ai'( Oti T

v fnairoTCiiVt Tifv Oilay fttTaXT)\ptv alfia Kal aufia tlvai Xptarvv, avroi t'ofiiaavrte Tf uvTi a\fia Koi anpKa ilyai, tovto il,tnrov rote tv^r/ruvfft. oi li Xa/joiTtf wc avTO\prinu tovto TiKt'iaOm Xpcvnat'oic, K.r.X, CHAPTER III. ON THE NATURE, OFFICE, POWERS, AND PRIVILEGES OF THE CHURCH. The proper aspect to view the Church in is a matter of so much practical importance at all times, that it can never be uninteresting to know the light in which it was regarded in the 8uba})ostolieal age, of which Irenceus is a very unobjectionable evidence. We shall find then that this writer considered the Church to be an ascertainable society, planted first at Jerusalem ', and thence spread to the limits of the habitable globe ^ ; planted by the Apostles, and kept up by and in the elders or bishops their successors '. It is, however, divided into separate Churches, which are to regard that of Jerusalem as their mother ' III. xii. 5. After quoting Acts iv. 24, &c. he proceeds thus : —Avrai dicatio vera et firma, apud quam una et cadem salutis via in universo mundo ostenditur. lluic enim creditum est PRIVILEGES OF THE CHURCH. 77 cliangeable, but one, and only one ' ; not merely a quality infused into the heart, but a form of truths embodied or summed up in words, and delivered to her members when they are initiated into her*. Her ancient system is therefore the guide to truth ', and those who wish to know it must have recourse to her, and be brought up in her bosom ®. Her tes- timony, moreover, is confirmed by the Apostles and Prophets', whose writings are kept in the custody of her elders ', with which, moreover, those must lumen Dei Ubique enim Ecclesia praedicat veritatem ; et l) III. iii. 2. See pp. 52 and 63. 'Seep. 08. '> _JM ' THE BISHOPS OP THE CHURCH. 83 State it to be a matter of right ; nor does he ground any thing upon it but the further fact that it fol- lowed, of course, that Christians resorted to it from all quarters, as they did afterwards to Constantinople. He gives no hint as to the source of that pre-emi- nence, other than its having been settled by the two Apostles St. Peter and St. Paid^ and honoured with being the scene of their martyrdom ^. And his ap- peal to it he builds, not on any authority residing in it, but upon the fact that at that time the confluence from all parts of the Church caused the tradition of the whole Church to be best preserved there, as was afterwards the case at Constantinople, and has since been no where. So that his appeal to Rome is not in fact an appeal to that Church, but to the Church universal ; and since Rome has ceased to be the place of resort to the universal Church, the ground for appealing to her has ceased likewise. On the subject of the Bishops of the primitive Church several questions have arisen, and it is of course highly desirable to know whether Irenteus furnishes any evidence on either side of them. It is not to be expected that we can discuss any of them fuUy by the aid of any single writer ; but such indi- cations as wo meet with may with propriety be drawn out. "'■*'* * See p. 58, note ', and p. 63, note ". g2 84 WHETHER BISHOPS AND PRESBYTERS ARE EQUAL. That which first demands our notice is whether Bishops existed, as a distinct order from Presbyters, from the beginning. Now Irenffius does undoubtedly call the same per- sons by the name of Bishops and Presbyters inter- changeably. But it has been long ago pointed out that the circumstance of the same name being borne by persons holding two different offices, proves no- thing. It is unsafe to infer from the circumstance that bishops are called freshyters, ot presbyters bishops^ that therefore there was not a permanent officer set over the other presbyters, and endued with functions which they could not exercise, although not at first distinguished by a specific name. On the other hand, we learn from him that there were to be found in every part of the Christian world bishops or presbyters placed at the head of Churches, which from their importance, must have had other presbyters in them, and which we know from other sources to have had other presbyters in them ; that there was only one of these at one and the same time ; that they were intrusted with the government of the Churches, and called the Bishops of those Churches ; that the authority of the office was handed down from individual to individual ; and that the individuals who filled this office, and by consequence INDEPENDENT PASTORS AND LAY ELDERS. 85 the office itself, were appointed by inspired apostles *. All these facts are irreconcileable with the hypo- thesis that all presbyters were equal in authority and function. The question whether these bishops and presbyters might not have been simply pastors of independent congregations, is answered by finding that they had other presbyters under them, (as Irenceus under Pothinus, and Florinus and Blastus under the Bishops of Rome,) and that in places such as Rome, where there were probably more congregations than one. There is nothing in Irenaeus to favour the idea that the subject-presbyters were not properly clergy- men ; on the contrary, the letter of the martyrs to Eleutherius would appear to speak of Irenseus as a clergyman, when we at the same time know him to have been a presbyter: and it does appear in the highest degree improbable that the flourishing Church of Rome, which we know to have been the place of residence of two Apostles at once, should have been left, down to Irena}U8'8 time, with only a single clergyman in it, which must have been the case upon this theory; to say nothing of Smyrna, which, according to the same scheme, must have ' Sec pp. 57 — 5i>, and the passages there adduced. 86 WHETHER BISHOPS ARE, DE JURE DIVINO, been left destitute of spiritual superintendence during Polycarp's visit to Rome, which S. Ireuseus has recorded. , . But granting the eanstence of Bishops such as we have them now, and their appointment by Apostles, another question arises, first suggested, so far as wo know, by S. Jerome, whether the powers now exclu- sively reserved to Bishops, such as ordination and government, were so exclusively delegated to them by the Apostles, as that those powers exercised by other presbyters are invalid. The question does not appear to have occurred to Irenajus : but we have no hint in him of other presbyters having the same authority as the bishops of the Churclies; on the other hand, he expressly states that the Apostles committed the Churches to the government and teaching of individual bishops or presbyters in each, making them their successors^ and giving them their own office^. And the very circumstance of their committing the Churches to those individuals did (by what appears to me inevitable consequence) exclude all others from the same place to which those individuals were appointed, and constitute them an order by them- selves. And that the universal Church understood the appointment in that sense is proved by the fact, recorded by Irenaeus, that the succession of autho- ' — quos et successores relinqucbant, suum ipsorum locum magisterii tradentes. See p. 58, note '. SaPERIOR TO PRESBYTERS. 87 rity was kept u]) in individuals down to liis time ; the evident implication being that it was so in all Churches. i^e w The evidence, therefore, supplied by Irenocus, al- though not enabling us, b^ itself, to discuss the whole question fully, is in support of the discipline of the Church of England, which refuses to recognize the ordinations of any but bishops, properly so called, and having their authority in succession from the Apostles*. ' See the Preface to the Ordination Services. CHAPTER IV. t« ON THE DOCTRINE OF THE HOLY TRINITY. The controversy which Irenceus carried on with the Gnostics being directly and explicitly on the subject of the Divine Nature, led him to treat distinctly of the divinity and humanity of Christ and his incar- nation, of the providential government of God, and his various manifestations. He is thus led, almost of necessity, to enunciate the doctrine of the Trinity in Unity in various aspects, but most especially in regard to the twofold nature of Christ. In direct reference to the doctrine of the Trinity in Unity, he describes the agency of the three Per- sons in the creation of man ; the Father willing and commanding, the Son ministering and forming, the Spirit sustaining and nourishing him '. So again he declares that God made all things by his Word ' IV. xxxviii. 3. 'O yevvriroi Ka\ irtvXaafiivoc Aydpuvoi; icar* itKova Kat ofioiuaiy tov aytvviirov yivtrai Qtov' row fiiv Ilarftoc IvhoKOVVTOQ Ka\ KtXtVOVTOi:, TOV ^£ Y(«V TTpiiffffOITOC •><»« itffilOVp' yovi'roc, Tou Si UyivjJLaroc Tpiiftovroe Kat aOfiyroi;, THE TRINITY IN UNITY. 89 ur Son, and Wisdom or Spirit, using the terms per- sonally ; and that this was the same thing as making them by himself, because they are his hands'. And again, in explaining God's dispensations in regard to man, he affirms * that God was seen under the Old Testament by the Spirit of prophecy, that he was seen subsequently by means of the Son, adoptively, ' I. xxii. 1. Omnia per ipsum fecit Pater .... non per un* gelos, neque per virtutes aliquas abscissas ab ejus sententia (nihil enim indiget omnium Deus), sed et per Vcrbum et Spiritum suum omnia faciens et disponens et gubernans, et omnibus esse pnu- stans. II. XXX. 9. Hie Pater, hie Deus, hie Conditor, hie Factor, hie Fabricator, qui fecit ea per semetipsum, hoc est, per Verbum et per Sapientiam suam, coclum et terram et maria et omnia quse in eis sunt. IV. vii. 4. Hocc enim Filius, qui est Verbum Dei, ab initio praestruebat ; non indigente Patre angelis, uti faceret conditionem et formaret hominem .... sed habente copiosum et inenarrabilu niinisterium : ministrat enim ei ad om- nia sua progenies et iiguratio sua, id est Filius et Spiritus Sanc- tus, Verbum et Sapientia ; quibus serviuut et subject! sunt omues angeli. ' V. i. 3. Sic in fine Verbum Patris et Spiritus Dei, adunitus antiqus substantiec plasmationis Adse, viventem et perfectum efFecit hominem, capientem perfectum Patrem non enim effugit aliquando Adam manus Dei, ad quas Pater loquens, dicit : " Faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostrum." — xxviii. 4. Plasmatus initio homo per manus Dei, id est, Filii et Spiritus, fit secundum imaginem et similitudinem Dei. * IV. XX. 5. Potens est enim in omnibus Deus ; visus quidem tunc per Spiritum prophetiae, visus autem et per Filium adoptive, videbitur autem et in regno ccelorum patenialiter : Spiritu quidem prssparante hominem in Filio Dei, Filio autem adducente ad Patrem, Patre autem incorruptelam donante in aeternam vitam, quse unicuique evenit ex co quod videat Deum. 90 THE TRINITY IN UNITY. i. e. adopting auman nature into the divine *, and that he will be seen in his character of Father in the kingdom of heaven ; and that in this way the Spirit in the Son prepares man, and the Son brings him to the Father, and the Father grants to him immor- tality: and so again in the work of man's redemption", the Spirit operates, the Son supplies, the Father approves, and man is perfected to salvation. lie likewise gives two statements of the substance of the Creed, in which the three Persons of the Trinity are spoken of in the same manner as in the Nicene Creed, both of which will be given in a subsequent chapter. These are all the passages, so far as I have been able to discover, which speak of the three Persons of the most Holy Trinity together ; but the doctrine is implied throughout. 'I ti On the twofold nature of Christ, and especially on his divinity, he is more full. Indeed it would take more space than I can spare to introduce all the passages which bear upon the subject. * III. xix. 1. Etc TOVTo yap 6 Aoyoc avdpdnroc, et qui Filius Dei est Filius hominis factus est, cotnmixtus Verbo Dei, Iva 6 avdpwnos (i. e. human nature) rov Aoyov \uptiaai:, koi r^y v'toOi' ffiav Xafiuty, vide yivtjTai Otov, " IV. XX. 6. Per omnia enim haec Deus Pater ostenditur, Spi- ritu quidem operante, Filio vero ministrante, Patrc vcro compro- bante, liomine vero consummato ad salutcm. nd he rit to ■or- THE TWOFOLD NATURE OF CHRIST. 91 Very near the beginning of his treatise, in re- hearsing the faith of the Church, he speaks of " Christ Jesus our Lord and God and Saviour and King';" further on he quotes many passages of Scripture to show that he was spoken of absolutely and definitely as God and Lord ^, and asks the ques- ' I. X. 1. 'II fiEv yap 'EK;rai avTtp, Kot Kpiaiy SiKaiav iy role vdai iroiiiariTai, ra ftty irytvfJiaTiKa Ttjc irovT)plaf:, Kai dyyi- Xowc TTopo/Jf/^fjKorac teat iy dirooTaaitf, ytyororac, Kai tovs aof£/3t«c Kai ddiKovg Kai dyofiovQ Kai (iXaa((iiiftovs t&v dvdpunuy cic to atwyioy vvp frc/uv/zp' rote ^c ^(Katotc Kai oaioie Kai rac cvroXdc awroO rer>}p>}KUfft, cat iy t^ dyairp avrov SiafUfitytjKoiri, rote ott' dp- y^iji, To'ii di etc ^craKOiaci ^ur/f xaptffd/iEfoct d^dapfftav BwpijariTai, Kai B6i,ay aluyiay Trcpttroti/ffp. — 2. Tovro ro icZ/pvy/ia 7rap{iX?}^vta, icat TavTTiy Ttjy iriaTiy, wc vpoiafity, ri 'EKKXriala, Kaintp iy oXfi T^ Kofffi^ BuairapfiiyT), imfitXiHQ (ftvXdaati. — A translation of this passage will be found in the chapter on Creeds. * III. vi. 1. Vere igitur cum Pater sit Dominus, et Filius vere sit Dominus, merito Spiritus Sanctus Domini appellatione signa- vit eos. Et iterum in cversione Sodomitarum Scriptura ait : " Et r i; 92 THE TWOFOLD NATURE OF CHRIST. tion, How would men be saved, if He who wrought out their salvation upon earth was not God ' ? m. He asserts that the Word was with God from ever- lasting ', and that Jesus was the Son of God before the creation ', that no man knows the mode of his pluit Dominus super Sodomam et Gomorrham ignem et sulfur a Domino de coelo." Filium enim hie significat, qui et Abrahae colloquutus sit, a Patre accepisse potestatem ad judicandutn Sodo- mitas, propter iniquitatem eorum. Similiter habet illud : " Se- des tua, Deus, in seternum ; virga directionis, virga regni tui. Dilexisti justitiam, et odisti iniquitatem, prupterea unxit te Deus, Deus tuus." Utrosque enim Dei appellatione signavit Spiritus, et eum qui ungitur, Filium, et eum qui ungit, id est, Patrem.— 2. Nemo igitur alius, quemadmodum praedixi, Deus nominatur aut Dominus appellatur, nisi qui est omnium Deus et Dominus, qui et Moysi dixit : " Ego sum qui sum : et sic dices filiis Israel : Qui est, misit me ad vos :" et hujus Filius Jesus Christus Dominus noster, qui Alios Dei facit credentes in nomen suum. • IV. xxxiii. 4. IIwc Bvvavrai awOijvai, ei /ui) 6 Geoc ^v 6 Tijy auTTipiav avrwv irrl yijc epyaadfuvos ', rj itwq avOpunrof \upiiau etc Ocof, £( /ii) 6 QtoQ i\b}priQtf tiQ avdpuiroy ; • II. XXV. 3. Non enim infectus es, O homo, ncque semper coexsistebas Deo, sicut proprium ejus Verbum. xxx. 9. Sem- per autem coexsistens Filius Patri, olim et ab initio semper reve- lat Patrem, et angelis et archdngelis et potestatibus et virtutibus, et omnibus quibus vult revelare Deus. III. xviii. 1. Ostenso roanifeste, quod in principio Verbum exsistens apud Deum, per quem omnia facta sunt, qui et semper aderat generi humane, hunc in novissimis temporibus secundum praefinitum tempus a Patre, unitum suo plasmati, passibilem honiinem factum; exclusa est oinnis contradictio dicentium : " Si ergo tunc natus est, non erat ergo ante Christus." Ostendimus enim, quia non tunc coepit Filius Dei, exsistens semper apud Patrem. ' Frag, xxxvii. Xptarot, 6 npi> aiitvuv KKtfbin Ocov Ytvc. *'flSfr^-;\w»'., ght irer- rbre his THE TWOFOLD NATURE OP CHRIST. 93 generation', and that God made all things by his indefatigable Word, who is the Artificer of all things, and sitteth upon the cherubim, and preserves all things *. He declares that the Lord who spake to Abraham was the Son ", and that it was the Word that appeared to Moses *. I This Divine Word, then, Mas united with his crea- ture ', (which union is expressed by the name Em- manuel ^t) and humbled himself to take upon him ' II. xxviii. G. Si quis itaque nobis dixerit : " Quomodo ergo Filius prolatus a Patre est?" dicimus ei, quia prolationem istam sive generationem sive nuncupationem sive adapertionetn, aut quo- libet quis nomine vocaverit generationem ejus, inerrabilem ex- sistentem nemo novit. * II. ii. 4. Nullius indigens omnium Deus Verbo condidit omnia et fecit; neque angelis indigens adjutoribus ad ea quae fiunt omnia autem quaa facta sunt infatigabili Verbo fecit. III. xi. 8. 'O ruv airdvTtitv Tt\viTr\Q Aoyoc, o K'a0>}/itV«c liri Tutv \ef)ov(iifi Kai avt>i\wy to, irdvra, • III. vi. 1. p. 91, note '. * IV. XX. 9. Et Verbum quidem loquebatur Moysi, apparens in conspectu. ' III. xvi. 6. Hujus Verbum unigenitus, qui semper humano generi adest, unitus et consparsus suo plasmati secundum placi- tum Patris et caro factus, ipse est Jesus Christus Dominus noster; qui possus est pro nobis, et surrexit propter nos, et rursus ven- turus in gloria Patris ad resuscitandum universam carnem, et ad ostensionem salutis, et regulam justi judicii ostendere omnibus, qui sub ipso facti sunt. IV. xxxiii. 11. OJ ritv Ik rfJQ jrap- OfVov 'EfifxavovitX KtfpvrTovrti, Tt)v ivuaiv tov Aoyow rod Qeov rrpoQ Ti) irXdafia aiirov iSiiXovy. • IV. xxxiii. 11. supra. — III. xxi. 4. Diligcnter igitur signi- 94 THE TWOFOLD NATURE OF CHRIST. ¥: w the infant state of man ', and thus having become Son of man ', went through all the ages of man \ and finally hung upon the cross \ He asserts, more- over, that although the angels knew the Father solely by the revelation of the Son *, and indeed all ficavit Spiritus Sanctus, per ea quae dicta sunt (Isai. vii. 10, &c.) generationem ejus quae est ex Virgine, at substantiam, quoniam Deus : Emmanuel enim nomen hoc significat. ' IV. xxxviii. 2. ^.vyevriirla^tv Y'we rov Qtov, rAcioc wr, rj» avOpuir^, ov h' tavTOV, dWa hit to tov dvdpuirov viimof. ' III. X. 2. Christus Jesus Dominus noster, Filius Dei altis- simi, qui per legem et prophetas promisit salutarem suum fac- turum se omni carni visibilem, ut fieret Filius hominis, ad hoc ut et homo fieret filius Dei. xvi. 6. supra. * II. xxii. 4. Non reprobans, nee supergrediens hominem. De- que solvens legem in se humani generis, sed omnem aetatem sanc- tificans per illam, quae ad ipsum erat, similitudinem. Omnes enim venit pei semetipsum salvare : omnes, inquam, qui per cum renascuntur in Deum, infantes, et parvulos, et pueros, et juvenes, et seniores. Ideo per omnem venit aetatem, et infantibus infans factus, sanctificans infantes : in parvulis parvulus, sanctificans banc ipsam habentes aetatem, simul et exemplum illis pietatis effectus et justitiae et subjectionis : in juvenibus juvenis, exem- plum juvenibus fiens, et sanctificans Domino. Sic et senior in senioribus, ut sit perfectus magister in omnibus, non solum secun- dum expositionem veritatis, sed et secundum aetatem, sanctificans simul et seniores, exemplum ipsis quoque fiens. Deinde et usque ad mortem pervenit, ut sit " primogcnitus ex mortuis, ipse pri- matum tenens in omnibus," princcps vitae, prior omnium, et prae- cedens omnes. * III. xvi. 6. supra.— V. xviii. 1, Ipsum Verbum Dei incar- natum suspensum est super lignum. * ir. XXX. 9. Hie Pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi, per Ver- bum suum, qui est Filius ejus, per eum revelatur et manifestatur omnibus quibus revelatur. See also p. 92, note '. I THE TWOFOLD NATURE OP CHRIST. 95 from the beginning have known God by the Son ", so that the Father is the Son invisible, and the Son the Father visible \ yet that the Son knew not the day of judgment '' ; and that this was so ordered, that we may learn that the Father is above all', and that the Son ministers to the Father ' : finally, that when Jesus was tempted and suffered, the Word in him restrained his energy •. But he declares likewise that Christ remained in the bosom of the Father, even when upon earth \ * IV. vii. 2. Omnes, qui ab initio cognitum habuerunt Deum et adventum Christi prophetaverunt, revelationem acceperunt ab ipso Filio. * IV. vi. 6. Et per ipsum Verbutn visibilem et palpabilem fac- tum Pater ostendebatur, etiamsi non omnes similiter credebant ei ; sed omnes viderunt in Filio Patrem : invisibile etenim Filii Pater, visibile autem Patris Filius. ^11. xxviii. 6. Ipse Filius Dei ipsum judicii diem et horam concessit scire solum Patrem. * Ibid 8. Etenim si quis exquirat causam, propter quam in omnibus Pater communicans Filio, solus scire horam et diem a Domino manifestatus est ; neque aptabilem magis ncque decen- tiorem, nee sine periculo alteram quam banc inveniat in prsesenti . . . . ut discamus per ipsum, super omnia esse Patrem. ' IV. vi. 7. Omnia autem Filius administrans Patri, perfecit ab initio usque ad fincm. ' III. xix. 3. "Slawtp yap Jjv avdpwirog, iVa itctpnffdijf ovtw kui Aoyoci '>"* ^o^aaB^' iiav\d}^otTOi fitv rov Aoyov iv rif irtipdi^ttrdai ct inhonorari xal trruvpovaOni Kui dnoQviiaKnv, avyyivojxivov he Tf uyOpwTT^ iv Tff vtKfy Kai virnfiivttt' koJ -^^ptjaTivtadai Koi dvl' araoQat koX dvaXafiftdvtaQai, 'III. xi. 5. Hie (Deus) et benedictionem escae ct gratiam potus in novissimis temporibus per Filium suum donat humano " "TTlfiaiifii^ ii y iiif W > ■I* "" ' iiiMiii I > "f ^n— ' 96 MYSTERIES NOT TO BE EXPLAINED. : These mysteries in the nature of Christ Irenacus does not attempt to explain, fully holding the eternal and unchangeable Divinity of the Son, even when made flesh, and his strict personal union with that flesh, and at the same time asserting his subordi- nation to the Father, even in his divine nature; feeling that when we cannot discover the reason of every thing, we should consider the immeasureable difference between us and God ' ; that if we cannot explain earthly things, we cannot expect to ex- plain heavenly things, and that what we cannot explain we must leave to God * ; and in short that it generi, incomprehensibilis per comprehensibilem, et invisibilis per visibilem ; cum extra eum non sit, sed in sinu Patris exsistnt. * II. XXV. 3. Si autem et aliquis non invenerit causam omnium quae requiruntur, cogitet quia homo est in infinitum minor Deo, et qui ex parte acceperit gratiam, et qui nondum aequalis vel similis sit Factori, et qui omnium experientiam et cogitationem habere non possit, ut Deus : sed in quantum minor est ab eo, qui factus non est et qui semper idem est, ille qui hodie factus est et ini- tium facturse accepit ; in tantum secundum scientiam, et ad in- vestigandum causas omnium, minorem esse eo qui fecit. * II. xxviii. 2. Et non est mirum, si in spiritalibus et ccelesti- bus, et in his qua; habent revelari, hoc patimur vot ; quandoqui- dem etiam eorum quae ante pedes sunt (dice ciipia quae sunt in bac creatura, quae et contrectantur a nobis et videntur et sunt no- biscum) multa fugerunt nostram scientiam, et Deo haec ipsa com- mittimus. — 3. El icai iwi twv rfjc KritrtioQ tvta fikv avaKtirai rj» ©fjj, ivia Se Koi tic yvuaiv iKifXvde rtly i)fitripay, ri -f^aXeiroy, li Kol Twv iv raic ypa^aic (riTOVfiivuiv, 6\wv ruv ypa<^v irvivftart- Kuv olffm , ivia fikv iiriXvoftcv Kara xupiv Otov, ivia Sc avaKit- atrai r^ Qif ; CHRIST THE MEniATOR. m is much better to know nothing hut Christ crucified, than by subtil inquiries to fall into impiety *. This Jesus, then, who has been testified of by all things that he was truly God and truly man ", being related to both God and man, and thus having the indispensable qualification for his office, became the Mediator between them ^ ; he came in every dispen- ' II. xxvi. 1. " Afiiivov Koi avfiEpwTtpov, iSmrat icai o\(yo^a> Ot'ic vnapxEiy, Kai ha r»7c uyanriG nXqaiov ycviadai rov Oeov, *i TToXw/iaOtlc (cal ffineipovc SoKovvrac elyai, /3Xa(T^»;^oi»G £'C tov lav- rw»' tvpiffKtaOai ^ianurtjr Melius itaque est, sicuti prsedixi, nihil omnino scientem quempiam, ne quidem unam causam cujus- libet eorum qua: facta sunt, cur factum sit, credere Deo, et per- sevcrare eos in dilectionc, aut (J) — rather quam) per hujusmodi scientiam inflates excidere a dilectione, quae hominem viviflcat : nee aliud inquircre ad scientian:, nisi Jesum Christum Filium Dei, qui pro nobis crucifix us ost, aut (?)) per quaestionum subtili- tates et minutiloquium in impictatem cadere. * IV. vi. 7. Ab omnibus iccipiens testirnonium quoniam vere homo et quoniam vere Deus, a Patre, a Spiritu, ab angelis, ab ipsa conditione, ab hominibus. ct ab anostaticis spiritibus et dae- moniis et ab inimico ct novissime ab ipsa morte. ' III. xviii. 7. "lIi'WffEi' ovp, KaOtbc npoiipa^uv, roy avOpuyirov Ttf Oe^. FA y'up fjiii avdptoiroi; iviKtjirty roy ayriiraXoy rov ay- dpuirov, ovK ay oiKaius EymiiOti 6 i\dp6i, IlciXti' re, ti /ii) o Oeoi: iSupilffaTO Triy aotTiipiav^ ovK ay ftejiai'toQ taypiity avriiy. Kai ti fi^ (Tvytiyudri 6 aydpotirog Tf Gt^J, ovk ay I'l^vyiidr) fitratrxcly rijg aipdapffiac, "E^et yap roy fieairijy Oiov rt Kai ayOpwirwy, ^la rj/c i^i'ac irpoc tKaripovi oJkttdrjjroc, tic fpiXiay /cat hfioyoiay tovc ufi- (jiOTtpovf: tnfyayaytiy' Kai Otji /itv vapaaTtiaai ruy aydpioiroy, arOputmnc ^t yi'wpt'ffat tov Otuy. II 98 HIS BIRTH AND MINISTRY. sation, and summed up all things in himself. He was born about the forty-first year of the reign of Augustus®; when not full thirty he was baptized, but he did not begin to teach till past forty '. His ministry extended through three passovers', and ' III. xvi. 6. Unus Christus Jesus Dominus noster, veniens per universam dispositionem, et omnia in semetipsum recapitu- lans. • III. xxi. 3. Natus est enim Dominus noster circa primum et quadragesimum annum August! imperii. ' II. xxii. 6. Responderunt ei : " Quinquaginta annos non- dam habes, et Abraham vidisti ?" Hoc autem consequenter dici- tur ei, qui jam xl annos exccssit, quinquagesimum autem annum nondum attigit, non tamen multum a quinquagesimo anno ab- sistat. Ei autem, qui sit xxx annorum, diccretur utique : " Qua- draginta annorum nondum es." Qui enim volebant eum nien- dacem ostendere, non utique in multum extenderent annos ultra setatem, quam eum habere conspiciebant : sed proxima aetatis dicebant, sive vere scientes ex conscriptione census, sive conjici- entes secundum a;tatem, quam vidcbant habere eum super qua- draginta ; sed ut non quae esset triginta annorum. Irrationabile est enim omnino, viginti annos mentiri eos, volentes eum juni- orem ostendere temporibus Abrahae. Quod autem videbant, hoc et loquebantur : qui autem videbatur, non erat putativus, sed Veritas. Non ergo inultum aberat a quinquaginta annis. ' II. xxii. 3. Et primum quidem ut fecit vinum ex aqua in Cana Galilaese, ascendit in diem festum pascho; et post hsec iterum secunda vice ascendit in diem festum paschac in Hie- rusalem, quando paralyticum, qui juxta natatoriam jacebat xxxviii annos, curavit Deindc, cum Lazarum suscitas- set ex mortuis, et insidise fierent a Pharisaeis, secedit in Ephrem civitatem ; et inde " ante sex dies paschae veniens in Bethaniam" scribitur, et de Bethania ascendens in Hierosolymam, et mandu- cans pascha, et sequenti die passus. HIS AGENCY IN OUR SALVATION. 99 he suffered on the day of the passover '. He is our High Priest * ; ho gave his soul for our souls, and his flesh for ours ^ ; his righteous flesh has reconciled to God our sinful flesh ' ; and he brings us into union and communion with God ^ He rose again in the flesh ^ and in the flesh he ascended into heaven, and * IV. X. 1. Et non est numcrum dicere in quibus a Moyse ostenditur Filius Dei ; cujus et diem passionis non ignoravit, sed figuratim praenuntiavit eum, Pascha nominans : et in eadem ipsa, qusD ante tantum temporis a Moyse prsedicata est, passus est Dominus adimplens Pascha. * IV. viii. 2. Non enim solvebat sed adimplebat legem, summi sacerdotis operam perficicns, propitians pro hominibus Deum, et emundans Icprosos, infirmos curans, et ipse moriens, uti exsiliatus homo exiret de condemnatione, et reverteretur intre- pide ad suam bicreditatem. — The allusion is to that provision of the Mosaic law by which those who had been living in the cities of refuge, on the death of the High Priest returned to their inheritance. * V. i. 1. Ty i^i'w ovy alfiari Xvrpuaafiirov >//idc tov Kvplov, Kal tovroc Ti)y 4^v\iiv virip tuv yfieriptoy \l/v\wy, Ka) T^y aupKa r^y tavTou ayri Twy tifitrfpu)y vapKiiy, K.r.X. * V. xiv. 2. " In corpore," ait, •• reconciliati carnis ejus :" hoc, quoniam justa caro, rcconciliavit cam carnem quae in peccato detinebatur, ct in amicitiam adduxit Deo. ^ V. i. 1. Et effundente Spiritum Patris in adunitionem et communionem Dei et hominis ; ad homines quidem deponente Deum per Spiritum, ad Deum autem rursus imponente hominem per suam incarnationem, et firmc et vcre in adventu suo donante nobis incorruptelam per communionem quae est ad eum. ' V. vii. 1 . Christus in carnis substantia surrexit. h2 i I' ' 100 TFIE PIVINITY OF THK HOLY OlIOST. will come again to judgment"; and he introduces his Church into the kingdom of heaven '. Respecting the Holy Ghost, Irenwus declares that he was with God before all created things S and (as we have seen) that he was the Wisdom (f God, whoso operation was the operation of God"; that ho is rightly called Lord '; and he affirms that the bread of eter- nal life, which is the Word, is also the Si)irit of the Father \ He speaks of him as coming with power to give entrance unto life to jMi nations, and to open to them the new Covenant, and as oftering to the Father on the day of Pentecost the first fruits of all nations ". " I. X. 1. supra, p. 91. — III. xvi. 8. "Ei-u kui ahrov ti^wc 'Iijffovr Xpiarov, j) I'lfuixdiiiray nl irvKai row ovpayov Sih Tt)v tv- aupKov ut'aXi]\piv avrov' o£ icat tV n] uvri} aapKt, iv jj Koi tiraOiv, e\ev(T£Tui, rfiv Soluv itTroKuXvirTwi' tov llarpoQ. ' IV. viii. 1. Deum, qui in regnum coeloruin introducit Abraham et semen ejus, quod est Ecclesia, per Jcsum Christum ; cui et adoptio redditur et haorcditas quu; Abrahae promissa est. * IV. XX. 3. Et Sapientia, quaj est Spiritus, erat apud eum ante omnem constitutionem. ' See p. 89, note '. * See p. 91, note *. * IV. xxxviii. 1. Kal ^la roiiro wc vrjirioit a aproQ v re'Xetoc tov Ilarpoc yaXn Ijfjuv iavTOf vap£a\Ev, oirtp ^y »/ kut avdpwTrov av- rov irapovaia' "iva wc viro fiavdov riJQ aapKOQ avrov rpa0eVr£c» ^'o* hia rfjg TOiavrrjg yaXuKTOvpyiaQ IdtadivrsQ rpwyiiv Kal irlvtiv ri>v Aoyov rov Qeov, roy riJQ adnvaarlat aprov, ontp iari ro tlvivfjiu rov TlarpoQ, iv iiftiy avru'ig *.ara(T)(£7»' SwridHfitv. * III. xvii. 2. Quern et descendisse Lucas ait post ascensum Domini super discipulos in Pentecoste, habentem potestatem IIIS AOKNCY IN OUR SALVATION. 101 IIo affirms that man, at his creation, had thu image of God in the flesh, the likeness in the soul by the communication of the Divine Spirit '. lie implies that, since the fall, man has lost the Spirit, and consequently the life of his soul ; he asserts that he remains carnal until he recovers the Spirit of God ', and then he becomes again a living soul, and has in him the seed of eternal life " ; that the Spirit omnium gentium ad introituni vitae et adapertionem novi testa- menti : unrle et omnibus linguis conspirantes hymnum dicebant Deo ; Spiritu ad unitatem redigente distantes tribus, et primitias omnium gentium oifercnte Patri. ' V. vi. I. Cum autcm Spiritus hie commixtus aiiimuc unitur plasmati, propter effusioncm Spiritus spiritualis ct perft- ctus homo factus est : et hie est qui secundum imaginem et similitudincm factus est Dei. Si autem dcfuerit animae spiritus, animalis verc est, qui est talis, ct carnalis derelictus imperfectus est ; imaginem quidem habena in plusmate, similitudinem vuro non assumens pur Spiritum. ' V. vi. 1. supra. — viii. 2. Qui ergo pignus Spiritus habent, ct non concupiscentiis carnis serviunt, sed subjiciunt semetipsos Spiritui, ac rationabiliter conversantur in omnibus, juste Aposto- lus spirituales vocat, quoniam Spiritus Dei habitat in ipsis. In- corporales autem spiritus non erunt homines spirituales ; sed sub- stantia nostra, id est, animai et carnis adunatio, assumcns Spiri- tum Dei, spiritualem hominem pcrficit. PjOS autem qui abjiciunt quidem Spiritus consilium, carnis autem voluutatibuti serviunt, .... hos SiKuiutr; V 'An-(5(Tro\of trapKtKovc KaXel. ' V. ix. 2. Quotquot autem timent Deum, et credunt in ad- ventum Filii ejus, et per fidem constituunt in cordibus suis Spi- ritum Dei, hi tales juste homines dicentur et mundi et spirituales et viventes Deo ; quia habent Spiritum Patris, qui emundat homi- nem ut sublcvat in vitum Dei et ex utrisque factus est VI 102 THE AGENCY OF THE HOLY GHOST. we receive here is a pledge of a fuller portion ' ; and that at the resurrection the souls and bodies of the just will be quickened by the Spirit in union with them, and their bodies become spiritual bodies *, and capable of immortality. This is the substance of the doctrine of Ircfiwus on the Trinity, and it will bo seen that it is identical with that of the Church of England, and that his way of carrying it out throws light on important passages of Holy Writ ; and if there had been no- thing of interest to us in this Treatise beyond those clear and direct testimonies to the belief of the Church of that age on the fundamental doctrine of the Gospel, we might well be glad that it was writ- ten and handed down to our times. vivens homo ; vivens quidem propter participationem Spiritus, homo autem propter substantiam carnis. ' V. viii. 1. Nunc autem partem aliquam a spiritu ejus sumi- mu8, ad perfcctionem et praeparationem incorruptelse ; paulatim assuescens capere et portare Deum : quod et pignus dixit Apo- stolus, hoc est pars ejus honoris qui a Deo nobis promissus est. Si igitur nunc pignus habentes, clamamus, " Abba, Pater ;" quid fiet quando resurgentes facie ad facicm videbimus eum ? Si enim pignus complectens hominem in semet- ipsum, jam facit dicere, " Abba, Pater ;" quid faciei universa Spiritus gratia, qux hominibus dabitur a Deo ? * V. vii. 2. Per Spiritum surgentia, fiunt corpora epiritualia, uti per Spiritum semper permanentem habeant vitam. "W^Vf^idl, , ind Itho lith md CHAPTER V. THE ORIGIN OF EVIL. This being the subject out of which the Gnostic theories appear to have arisen (they being so many attempts to account for it, without in any wise bring- ing it into connexion with the Supreme Being), it might, j)erhaps, have been expected that Irena;us should have endeavoured to throw some light upon it. He has, however, taken a much wiser course. He has altogether declined making it clear, and thereby escaped the danger of inventing another heresy. He grants, indeed, that there is sufficient ground for inquiring why God has allowed evil and imper- fection to exist ; but he declares that all things were intended by the Almighty to be created in the very state and with the very qualities with which they were created'. He will not allow that subsequent ' II. iv. 1. Causa igitur quaerenda est hujusmodi dispositionis Dei, scd non fabricatio mundi alteri adscribenda : et ante prse- 104 THE ORIGIN OF EVIL. dispensations were really intended to remedy the imperfections of prior ones, because that would be to accuse God himself of not understanding at first the effects of his works \ , t He asserts, moreover, that supposing angels and men to have a proper voluntary agency, to be endued with reason and the power of examining and de- ciding upon examination, they must, in the very nature of things, be capable of transgressing ; and that, indeed, otherwise excellence would not have been either pleasant or an object of desire, because they would not have known its value, neither would it have been capable of reward, or of being enjoyed when attained; nor would intercourse with God have been valued, because it would have come with- out any impulse, choice, care, or endeavour of their own^ This is the only approach to a solution of ii parata omnia dicenda sunt a Deo, ut fiercnt, quemadmodum et facta sunt. 2. Qui enim postea eniendat labem, et velut ma- culam emundat labeni, raulto prius poterat observarc, ne initio in suis fieri talem inaculam. Et si ideo quod benignus sit, in novissimis temporibus misertus est hominum, et perfectum eis dat ; illorum primo misereri debuit, qui fucrunt hominum factores (he alludes to the Gnostic notion that man was made by inferior beings) et dare eis perfectum. Sic utique et homines misera- tionem perccpissent, de perfectis perfecti facti. * Ibid. 2. ' IV. xxxvii. 6. Sed oportebat, inquit, eum neque Angelos tales fecisse, ut possent transgredi, neque homines qui statim ingrati exsistercnt in cum ; quouiam rationabiles, et cxaminatores, THE ORIGIN OF EVIL. 105 the difficulty which all the study of philosophers and divines has ever discovered. But when we come to inquire why some of God's creatures transgressed, and some continued in obe- dience, this, he says, is a mystery which God has reserved to himself, and which it is presumption for us to inquire into ; and that we ought to consider what it has pleased him to reveal as a favour, and leave to him that which he has not thought proper to make known ■•. et judiciales fact! sunt, et non (quemadmodum irrationabilia, sive inanimalia, quae sua voluntate nihil possunt facere, sed cum ne- cessitate et vi ad bonum trahuntur, in quibus unus sensus, et unus mos,) inflexibiles, et sine judicio, qui nihil aliud esse pos- sunt, praeterquam quod facti sunt. Sic autem nee suave esset eis quod est bonum, neque pretiosa communicatio Dei, neque magnopere appetendum bonum, quod sine sue proprio motu et cura et studio provenisset, sed ultro et otiose insitum : ita ut esscnt nuliius momenti boni, eo quod natura magis quam volun- tate talcs exsistcrent, et ultroneum habcrent bonum, sed non secundum electionem ; et propter hoc nee hoc ipsum intelligentes, quoniam pulchrum sit quod bonum, neque fruentes eo. Qua; enim fruitio boni apud eos qui ignorant? Qua: autem gloria his qui non studuerunt illud 7 Quse autem corona his qui non cam, ut victores in certamine, consequuti sunt ? * II. xxviii. 7. Similiter autem et causam propter quam, cum omnia a Deo facta sint, quoedam quidcm transgressa sunt, et abs- cesserunt a Dei subjectione, qusodam autem, immo plurima, per- severaverunt et perseverant in subjectione ejus qui fecit; et cujus naturx sunt qunc transgressa sunt, cujus autem naturae quae per- severant ; cedere oportet Deo et Verbo ejus. — Ipsam autem cau- sam naturae transgrcdientium nequu Scriptura aliquu retulit, ncc 106 THE ORIGIN OF EVIL. He notwithstanding suggests this practical good arising out of the existence of evil, that the love of God will be more earnestly cherished for ever by those who have known by experience the evil of sin, and have obtained their deliverance from it not without their own exertion ; and therefore that this may be regarded as a reason why God permitted evil '. The sobriety of these views is so obvious, that it appears unnecessary to dwell further upon them. apostolus dixit, nee D' minus docuit. Dimittere itaque oportet agnitionem banc Deo, quemadmodum et Dominus horac et diei : nee in tantum periclitari, uti Deo quidem concedamus nihil, et haec ex parte accipientes gratiatn. * IV. xxxvii. 7< Bonus igitur agonista ad incorruptelae ago- nem adhortatur nos ; uti coronemur, et pretiosam arbitremur coronam ; videlicet quae per agonem nobis acquiritur, sed non ultro coalitam. Et quanto per agonem nobis advenit, tanto est pretiosior : quanto autem pretiosior, tanto earn semper diligamus. Sed oti^ bfioluQ ayairdrai to. Lk tov avrofiarov irpoayivofitva Totg fitra anovBfjs ehpiaKOfiipoiQ. Quuniam igitur pro nobis erat plus diligere Deum, cum labore hoc nobis adinvenire Domi- nus docuit et apostolus tradidit. Pro nobis igitur omnia hsec sustinuit Dominus (i. e. he endured the existence of evil) uti per omnia eruditi, in omnibus in futurum simus cauti et perseveremus in omni ejus dilectione, rationabiliter edocti diligere Deum. od of CHAPTER VI. it THE EVIL SPIRITS. Although Irenseus does not think proper to discuss the subject of the origin of evil, properly so called, he speaks agreeably to the Scriptures as to its intro- duction into this lower world, and in some degree fills up their outline. Thus he describes Satan as having been originally one of the angels who had power over the air'. He attributes the beginning of his overt acts of rebellion to his envy towards man ^, because he had been made in the image of ' V. xxiv. 4. Sic etiam diabolus, cum sit unus ex angelis his, qui super spiritum aeris prazpositi sunt, quemadmodum Paulus apostolus in ea quae est ad Ephesios manifestavit, invidens homini, apostata a divina factus est lege ; invidia enim aliena est a Deo. Et quoniam per hominem traducta est apostasia ejus, et examinatio sententiae ejus homo factus est, ad hoc magis magis- que semetipsum contrarium constituit homini, invidens vits ejus, et in sua potestate apostatica volens concludere eum. • 'IV. xl. 3. 'Elf rorc yap aTroffrarijc o iiyyeXoe avrov uraJ i\dp6ct api(re riji iSiac fierovaiac' tup M afitXHg fiiv hWa KaKuz TrapaSe^a/ievoi' Ti\v trapaKoiiv avd(.to'jrov iXirjire. Kai avr€(TTpt\l/t rrlv t^dpav, f}y i\dpo- 7ro(*](rc, jrpoc tuv avrov inimicitiarum auctorem. * III. xxiii. 1. supra. * IV. xl. 3. * III. xxiii. 3. Non homini principaliter pracparatus cstaeter* nus ignis, sed ei qui seduxit et offendcre fecit hominem, et, in- quam, qui princeps apostasiae est, et his angelis qui apostatae factae sunt cum eo : quern quidem juste percipient etiam hi, qui, similiter ut illi, sine poenitentia et sine regressu in malitise per- severant operibus. 'II. xxviii. 7. Quoniam praesciit Deus hoc futurum ignem acternum his qui transgressuri sunt praeparavit ab initio. — V. xxvi. 2. Omnes qui falso dicuntur esse Gnostici organa Satanae ab omnibus Deum colentibus cognoscantur esse, per quos Satanas nunc, et non ante, visus est maledicere Deo, qui ignem acternum praeparavit omni apostasiae. Nam ipse per semetipsum nude non audet blasphemare suum Dominum ; quemadmodum et initio per serpcntcm seduxit hominem, quasi latens Deum. KnXuJc o 'louoTtfoc £^»;, on trpd fitv rfic tov Kvptov Trapova/ac ohcinoTi iToXfitjatv 6 Sarai'iic (i\aa(j>rffifiani top Otdp, art fiti^iirai 110 THE EVIL SPIRITS. I although he did not make known to them at that time that their lot was irremediable '. The next act of the apostate spirits was to mingle themselves with human nature by carnal copulation with women, and thus to cause the total corruption of the old world and its inhabitants (notwithstand- ing the preaching of Enoch to these fallen spirits), and consequently their destruction *. £(^^c avTov T^v KaraKpimv' quoniatn et in parabolis, et allegoriig, a Frophetis de eo sic dictum est. Post autem adventum Domini ex sermonibus Christi et Apostolorum ejus discens manileste, quoniam ignis aeternus ei praeparatus est ex sua voluntate absce- denti a Deo, et omnibus qui sine poenitentia perseverant in apo- stasia; per hujusmodi homines blasphemat eum Deum, qui judi- cium importat, quasi jam condemnatus, et peccatum suae apo- stasiae Conditori suo imputat, et non suae voluntati 1 1 sententiae : quemadmodum et qui supergrediuntur leges, et pccnas dant, que- runtur de legislatoribus, sed non de semetipsis. Sic autem et hi diabolico spiritu pleni, innumeras accusationes inferunt Factori nostra, qui et Spiritum vitae nobis donaverit, et legem omnibus aptam posuerit; et nolunt justum esse judicium Dei. * V. xxvi. 2. * IV. xxxvi. 4. Et temporibus Noe diluvium inducens, uti extingueret pessimum genus eorum, qui tunc erant homines, qui jam fructificare Deo non poterant, cum angeli transgressorcs com- mixti fuissent eis. xvi. 2. Sed et Enoch sine circumcisione placens Deo, cum esset homo, legatione ad angelos fungebatur, et conservatur usque nunc testis justi judicii Dei : quoniam angeli quidem transgressi deciderunt in terram in judicium, homo autem placens translatus est in salutem. The nature of the intercourse or commixture is not indeed stated by Irenaeus ; but, as Feuardent and Grabe have pointed u J THE EVIL SPIRITS. Ill Imt Ion ion id- ts), Irenieus makes none but very general allusions to the agency of the fallen spirits from the fall of man till the coming of Christ. He declares that, up to that time ', they had not ventured upon blaspheming God ; but that then, becoming aware that everlasting fire was the appointed recompense of those who con- out in commenting on these passages, he is evidently alluding to the tradition spoken of more fully by Josephus, Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Clement of Alexandria, whose words I subjoin. Joseph. Ant'iq. I. ii. 1. UoXXoc yap ayytXoi Qtov, yuvat^i (tw/x- ftiylyrcQ, vfipiarag iyit>vt}(Tay iralSae, Kal ttoitoc vwcpoitras kuXov, Bia T^v ini TJi ^vvufiH ncwoldrjffiv' Sfioia yitp role vird ytyairwi' TCToXfiffadai XEyoftsvoiQ vy ot KaXovfityoi eyiyyiidriaav yiyayrtQ. Clem. Alex. Peedag. III. 2. § 14. Ot ayycXot row Qiov t6 koX- XoQ KoraXeXotTTorec ^ta icaXXoc ^apaivoyitvoy, Strom. III. 7. § 59. "AyyfXot rivet aVparetc ytvo/ievot iiridvfil^ aXovrcf ovpavo' dey ievpo KaTairtwTutKaaiv. The opinion contained in these quotations has been discoun- tenanced since the time of Cyril of Alexandria ; but is it there- fore necessarily unfounded ? * V. xxvi. 2. supra. 112 THE EVIL SPIRITS. tinued in rebellion without repentance, they felt themselves already condemned, and waxing despe- rate, charged all the sin of their rebellion on their Maker, by inspiring the Gnostics with their impious tenets". It seems to be implied that sentence is not yet pronounced upon the fallen angels '. f ' IV. Prasf. 4. Nunc autem, quoniam novissitna sunt tempora, extenditur malum in homines, non solum apostatas eos faciins, aed et blasphemos in Plasmatorcm instituit multis machinationi- bus, id est, per omncs haereticos. ' See V. XX vi. 2. p. 109, note ". m CHAPTER VII. THE DIVINE DISPENSATIONS. After the introduction of evil into creation, and the agency by which it is propagated in the world, we have next to notice the Divine plans for its counter- action and removal ; and as Irenajus was opposing the Gnostic notion that the whole government of the world, prior to the Gospel, was in the hands of beings adverse to the Supreme Being, he was natu- rally led to show that, on the contrary, the whole history of mankind has been a series of dispensations emanating from one and the same Supreme and only God. We have already ' seen him stating that the whole of these dispensations were planned from the begin- ning; and he states them to have beei carried into execution by God the Son exhibiting himself to mankind under four different aspects, figured by the • See p. 103. 114 THK FOUR COVENANTS. four faces of the cherubim ; first to the Patriarchs, in a kingly and divine character; secondly, under the law, in a priestly and sacrificial aspect ; thirdly, at hJ3 nativity, as a man ; fourthly, after his ascen- sion, by his Spirit ^ II Again, ho represents God as having made four covenants with mankind ; one with Noah, of wliieh the rainbow was the sanction ; a second witli Abra- ham, by circumcision ; a third of the law, by Moses ; a fourth of the Gospel, by Christ \ At least this is ' III. xi. 8. Kai yhp ra Xtftovfilfi TtTpairpoautwa' Kal ret wpva- una aiiTbiy iIkovcq ri/e irpay fiaTtiac rov Y'lov tov Otov. To fitp yiip irpwTov i^Qov, 0ijff«i ofioiov Xiovrt, to tfiirpaKToy avrov kui iiycfioviKov K*a« ftatriXiKof ^apakTtjpi^ov' to Se Stvnpoy S^omy fi6iT\f, Tt)y lepovpyiKtiy Kai tEpaTtKi)y rd^iy ifupdivoy t6 Se Tpirov i\oy irpoawKoy avdpiiwov, ttiv koto. avdpiOTroy avrov irapwui'ty ibnyepuraTa Siaypa)»» TOV Uvev/iaroc iirl rijf EKKXtjaiay iipnrrafiiyov ^oaiv irntjtriy'i^oy,^ Kai avTdg Se 6 Aoyoc tov Otov Tola l^f-v ""P'^ ^ItovaiK^ narpidpj^nic, Kara rd BtiKdy Kai ivColoy tofilXii' toIq Se iy Ttp yontj), iEpaTtKt)y et ministcrialetn Ta^iy aviyE^tv' fiETu ?e ravTU ItyBpunog yEyofiEvoCt r»)v SutpEar tov ayiov TlyEvfiaroQ £<<; ndtray i^7rrfi\pE rf/y yijy, ffKtird- Cioy ?//iac raTc iuvtov wTtpv^iy. 'Otroin ovy i/ irpayfiarEia tov Y'tov •ov Qeov, TOiavTj} Ka'i rioy i^utoy i/ ^ofp})' Kai ovoia »; rwv l^wojy fiopft), TOiovTOQ Kat 6 )(apa».rj)p tov EvayyiXiov, Tcrpo/iofi^tt ytip ra ( cuiiicisione placens Deo, cum esset homo, legatione ad Angelos fungebatur, et translatus est, et conservatur usque nunc testis justi judicii Dei : quoniam Angeli quidem transgressi deciderunt in terram in judicium ; homo autem placens, translatus est in salutem. Sed et reliqua autem omnis multitudo eorum, qui ante Abraham fuerunt justi, et eorum Patriarcharum, qui ante Moysem f'uerunt, et sine his quae pr2;edicta sunt, et sine lege Moysi justifi- cabantur. * IV. xiii. 1. supra. — xvi. 3. Quare igitur patribus non disposuit Dominus testamentum ? Quia lex non est posita justis ; justi autem patres, virtutem decalogi conscriptam habentes in cordibus et aniniabus suis, diligentos scilicet Dcum qui fecit cos, ct absti- 120 THE CEREMONIAL LAW. I'1 r' I! *'1 them in the land of Egypt, then it became necessary distinctly to enact them, to prepare man for the fuller duties of love to God and goodwill to man «. And when they did not obey the moral law, he added to it the ceremonial ^ that, by types, their ser- vile and childish natures might be trained up to the apprehension of realities; by temporal things, of eter- nal; by carnal, of spiritual; by earthly, of heavenly ^ Some of their ordinances had a twofold use ; as cir- cumcision was intended, equally with their rites and ceremonies, to keep them distinct from the heathen, and also to signify the circumcision of the soul ". nentes erga proximum ab injustitia : propter quod non fuit ne- cesse admoneri eos correptoriis Uteris, quia habebant in semet- ipsis justitiam legis. " IV. xvi. 8. ^ IV. XV. 1. At ubi conversi sunt in vituli factioncm, et reversi sunt animis suis in ^gyptum, servi pro liberis concupiscentes esse, aptam concupiscentiae suae acceperunt reliquam servitutem, a Deo quidem non abscindentem, in servitutis autem jugo domi- nantem eis. * IV. xiv. 3. Sic autem et populo Tabemaculi factionem, et aedificationem Tempi!, et Levitarum electionem, sacrificia quoque et oblationes, et monitiones, et reliquam omnem Lege statuebat deservitionem. Ipse quidem nullius horum est indigens; est enim semper plenus omnibus bonis, omnemque odorem suavitatis, et omnes suaveolentium vaporationes habens in se, etiam ante* quam Moyses esset : facile autem ad idola revertcntem populum erudiebat, per multas vocationes praestniens eos perseverarc, et servire Deo : per ea quae erant secunda, ad prima vocans, hoc est, per typica, ad vera ; et per temporalia, ad aeterna ; et per car- nalia, ad spiritalia ; et per terrena, ad ccelestia. " IV. xvi. 1. Quoniam autem ct circumcisiunem non quasi THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 121 To show that the moral law was preparatory to the Gospel, he alleges the fact that Jesus taught its precepts as the way of life to the young lawyer who came to inquire of him ; not supposing that these were sufficient in tliemselves, but that they were steps to the knowledge of Christ '. He, however, thought that our Lord wished that the whole ceremonial law should be observed as long as Jerusalem stood '. But although he appears to think that the law, as a whole and in the letter, is no longer binding to Christians, he does not think that this leaves us at liberty to do as we like. If wo are not tied down consummatricem justitiae, sed in signo earn dedit Deus, ut cogno- scibile perseveret genus Abrahae, ex ipsa Scriptura discimus. . . . In signo ergo data sunt hsec : non autem sine synibolo erant signa, id est, sine argumento, neque otiosa, tanquam quae a sapi- ente Artifice darentur ; sed secundum carnem circumcisio circum- cisionem significabat spiritalem. ' IV. xii. 5. Quoniam autem Lex praedocuit hominem sequi oportere Christum, ipse facit manifestum, ei qui interrogavit eum, quid faciens vitara aeternam haereditaret, sic respondens : " Si vis in vitam introire, custodi praecepta." Illo autem interrogante, " Quae ?" rursus Dominus : " Non moecbaberis, non occides, non furaberis, non falsum testimonium reddes, honora patrem et ma- trem, et diliges proximum tanquam teipsum ;" velut gradus pro- ponens prascepta Legis introitus in vitam, volentibus sequi eum : quae uni tum dicens, omnibus dicebat. * IV. xii. 4. Non ergo earn Legem, quae est per Moysem data, incusabut, quam adhuc salvia Ilicrosolymis suadcbat fieri. 122 THE LAW OF LIBERTY. to the letter, like slaves, that is because it was in- tended that the law of liberty should be of wider range, and our obedience extend itself beyond the letter, and that our subjection to our Heavenly King should be more hearty and thoroughgoing than ever ; and therefore, if we wish to remain in the way of salvation through Christ, we must voluntarily adopt the precepts of the decalogue, and, giving them a completer meaning, endeavour to realize in our con- duct all the fulness of their enlarged application '. ' IV. xiii. 2. Etenim Lex, quippe servis posita, per ea quae foris erant corporalia, animam erudiebat, velut per vinculum nt- trahens earn ad obedientiam praeceptorum, uti disceret homo scr- vire Deo : Verbum autem Hberans animam, et per ipsam corpus voluntarie emundari docuit. Quo facto, necesse fuit auferri qui- dem vincula servitutis, quibus jam homo assueverat, et sine vin- culis sequi Deum ; superextendi vero decreta libertatis, et auger! subjectionem quae est ad regem, ut non retrorsus quis revertcns, indignus apparent ei qui se liberavit : earn vero pietatem et obe- dientiam, quae est erga patremfamilias, esse quidem eandem et servis et liberis ; majorem autem fiduciam habere liberos, quo- niam sit major et gloriosior operatio libertatis, quam ea quae est in servitute obsequentia. — 3. Haec autem, quemadmodum praedixi- mus, non dissolventis erant Legem, sed adimplentis, et exten- dentis in nobis : tamquam si aliquis dicat, majorem libertatis operationem, et pleniorem erga Liberatorem nostrum infixam nobis subjectionem et affectionem. Non enim propter hoc liberavit nos, ut ab eo abscedamus ; nee enim potest quisquam extra do- minica constitutus bona, sibimetipsi acquirere salutis alimenta : sed ut plus gratiam ejus adepti, plus eum diligamus. Quanto autem plus eum dilexerimus, hoc majorem ab eo gloriam acci- piemus, cum simus semper in conspectu Patris. ,,;(;* I > WORKS OP SUPEREROGATION. 123 It is almost unnecessary to point out the exact agreement of these sentiments with the seventh and fourteenth articles of the Church of England, and how impossible it must be for a person holding them to think that we can do any thing whatever beyond what Christ has a right to expect from us. It is manifest that he would not have thought that any degrees of Christian holiness are really at our option, whether we shall seek them or not ; but that every person who, having any degree of perfection, or any means of advancement placed before him, knowingly neglects it, becomes thereby unworthy of him who has given him liberty *, and hazards his salvation : in short, that " to whom much is given, of him will much be required." ♦ IV. xiii. 2. ^ f' (I i i CHAPTER VIII. ON THE CANON, GENUINENESS, VERSIONS, USE, AND VALUE OF HOLY SCRIPTURE. Unnatural as it may appear, it is notwithstanding true that we find much less clear ideas in regard to the canon of Holy Scripture in the earlier ages than in the later. The word scripture was used, as we shall see, in a latitude with which no church or party in later times has used it. 'f Irena;us quotes all the books which we of the Church of England esteem canonical, except Ruth, Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Obadiah, Nahum, Zcphaniah, and Hag- gai. But the mere circumstance of his not citing them cannot, of course, imply any doubt as to their inspiration or canonicity. He had no occasion to do so for the purposes of his argument. It is only wonderful that he thought himself obliged to quote so largely upon such a subject. But besides the writings which we esteem canon- ical, he quotes others which we reject from the APOCRYPHAL BOOKS QUOTED. 125 canon. He not only repeats sentiments from them, as when he introduces a sentiment which occurs in the book of Wisdom', or the story of Susanna ^ without, however, mentioning the books themselves ; he also quotes the story of Bel and the Dragon ' as truly relating the words of the prophet Daniel, and the book of Baruch* as truly recording those of Jeremiah, and uses the latter as inspired. In short, Irenajus quoted from the Septuagint ver- sion of the Scriptures ; and he consequently read the stories of Susanna, and Bel and the Dragon, as part of the book of Daniel, and the book of Baruch as a continuation of that of Jeremiah. There is, in fact, great reason to think that he believed in the inspiration (in some sense) of the whole of the books contained in that version. But if so, that does not prove (as we shall see presently), that they were all esteemed by the Church as canonical. ' IV. xxxviii. 3. 'AiftOupvia Be iyyvQ tlvai irou'i Qtov. Quoted from Wisdom vi. 19, 20. ' IV. xxi. 2. Deus qui est absconsorum cognitor. Quoted from Daniel xiii. 42. in the Septuagint version. ' IV. V. 2. Quern et Daniel propheta, cum dixisset ei Cyrus rex Persarum, " Quare non adoras Bel ?" annunciavit, dicens, " Quoniam non colo idola manufacta, sed vivum Deum, qui con- stituit coclum et terram, ct habet omnis cami dominationem." * V. XXXV. 1. Et quotquot ex credentibus ad hoc prseparavit Deus ad derelictos multiplicandos in terra, et sub regno sanctorum fieri, et ministrare huic Hierusalem, et regnum in ea, significavit Jeremias propheta ; " Circumspice," dicens, &c. : and then he quotes a passage from the book of Baruch, extending from ch. iv. 36. to t,he end of ch. v. 126 IRENiEUS NOT A WITNESS 'I A ii] But then there is a circumstance which must pre- vent the Church of Rome from appealing to him with success in support of the canonicity of any of the books of the Apocrypha ; and that is, that he quotes, under the express name of Scripture, a worlc which the whole Church, from not long after his time, has agreed to regard as merely human, if not altogether spurious — I mean the Shepherd of Her- mas ". It is true that he is not singular in so speak- ing ; for Clement of Alexandria directly ascribes in- spiration to Hermas ^ And yet Tertullian, who was contemporary with Clement, affirms ' that the Italian Churches had in express councils declared his book apocryphal. I argue thus on the supposition that his single authority is appealed to. If he is adduced, with other writers of his age, to show that the Church acknowledged the apocryphal books as canonical, then one reply is, that even if this were true of the * IV. XX. 2. KaXbic ovv tlirev »; ypatfit), »/ Xiyovtra' flpuroy iravTOtv niarrtvaoff on ilt tariv o 0£oc, 6 ra iravra Krlaac kqI Karapr/ffoc, Koi Troii/erac Ik tov ^i) vvtoq eJc to tlvat ra iruyra. This is quoted from the ^rst commandment in the / Svvafiic »/ tjJ 'Epf? KUT aTTOKoXv^lV XaXovffQ. ^ De Pudicitia, 10. Sed cederem tibi, si scriptura Pastoris, quae sola moechos amat, divino iustrumento meruisset incidi ; si non ab omni concilio ecclesiarum etiam vestrarum (he is addressing the Bishop of Rome) inter apocrypha et falsa judicaretur. 1 OF THE CANON OF SCRIPTURE. 127 Church of that age, we are not bound by the deci- sion of a single age. Massuet, indeed ^ reasons as though the canonicity of the books the Church of Rome receives were established by the authority of " all churches, or at least the greater part of them, and those of distinguished rank." Now it so hap- pens that we have quite a chain of evidence on the opposite side. Melito ', contemporary with Irenoius, after diligent inquiry in Palestine, reckons up, as canonical, the same books of the Old Testament which we acknowledge, and no others : for the 2o- ^la'", which (according to one reading) comes in after the Proverbs, is merely another name for that book ; and Ezra, it is well known, included Nehemiah and Esther. Origen ', in the middle of the third cen- « Dissert. III. § 4. ' Euseb. Hist. Eccl, IV. xxvi. 6. " 'A»:p«/3wc /iaflwv ro r»lc Ta- Xaiuc CtaQliKffi; ftijiXia, virora^ac iirefi\pa aoi. aJr iart to. ovofiara' Mowoius irit're' VivtaiQ, "E^o^oc, AeviuKov, 'ApiOfxoi, ^tvripovo- fiioV 'Ir/ffouc Naw/7» KptraJ, 'Void' ^aaiKtiGiv riaaupa, UapaXtt- iroftirwy Svo' ^aXfiuy AafiiB, lioXofiCtvoc Hapoiftlai {Ff Kal ^otpla), 'E(f«:X»j(T«a«Tr»)c, ^ \afia (far^arinvt 'lw/3* irptx^ijTwy, 'llaatov, 'Itpe- fiiov' Tuiv litltKa iv novo^i(i\^' Aafti^X, 'Ic^eK(i)\,''£7^pac." " Some copies, instead of ^ kox "Loi^la, read // ^iftia. ' Euseb. Hist. VI. xxv. 1. T6v fiivroiye irpwroy i^rjyovfitvoQ ipaX/suy, tKdtmv irtiroirfrai rov tUv ItpQv ypa^wi/ r^c iraXmuQ Sia- G/;«fijC KaraXoyov, uSi nutc ypa^pHv Kara Xi^iv' Ovk ay vor}Tiov S' elyai ruQ iySiadifKOVi (iijiXov^, we 'Ejipaioi irapaSiSoaaiy, Bvo Kai I'lKoai' »/ Trap' fifi'ty Fiycaic in lyey pa ft fjiivT), "E^Cog, AtviriKoy, . . . 'ApiOfioi, AtvTepuyoftiov .... 'Ji)70V( v'tog Havij, .... Kptral, 'Povd, Trap' awroTc iy tyi, . . . BacrtXctuii' 7rpwr»/, dtVTtpa, irup' avTolq tv, ^afiov})X, 2. HuaiXnuiy rpiri;, 128 IRENiEUS NOT A WITNESS if f :!f / tury, and Athanasius *, Epiphanius \ Gregory of Na- zianzum *, and Jerome ^ successively in the fourth — and what is more, the council of Laodicoa °, in the third century, whose acts were recognised by the sixth synod of Constantinople and Pope Adrian' — all agree in receiving a canon of the Old Testament much more like ours than like that of Rome. It is true that Origen adds the Maccabees, but he states that they are not in the canon. Athanasius, Epi- phanius, and the Council of Laodicea reckon Baruch as part of the book of Jeremiah ; Athanasius and the Council add the epistle of Jeremiah ; Athanasius alone reckons Susanna and Bel and the Dragon. On the other hand, they all, together with Gregory of Nazianzum, Jerome, and Ruffinus, who entirely TtrapTTi, iv iv\, HapaKuTTOfiivMv irputTt}, ^evrtpa, iv cw, .... "Eff^pag irpSiTOQ Ka\ SivripoQ, iv eri 'E^pd, .... ftlftXoQ ^uKuiitv, .... 2o\o/i/3, . . . 'Eadrip "E^w Ee rovTuv iarl ra MaKicafidiKa." Here we have Origen distinctly recognizing the Hebrew canon as the true one, only making a mistake in the matter of fact, that the apocryphal epistle of Jeremiah belonged to the Hebrew book. * Opera, torn. ii. pp. 126—204. ^ De Pond, et Mens. torn. ii. cd. Colon, p. 162. § 4, 5. Har. xxix. § 7. * Quoted in Beveridge on the Sixth Article of the Church of England, in his Exposition of the Articles. ' Prolog. Galeat. and Epist. ad Paulinum. ' Can. 60. ' See Beveridge, as above cited. GENUINENESS OP OUR SCRIPTURES. 1-29 agreo with us, reject all the other books which the Church of Rome has since admitted into the canon. Epiphanius ^ says that Christians and Nazoreei agreed in receiving the Jewish books, so that he could not have been aware that the Jews did not admit Daruch. So that how many soever may agree in quoting the apocryphal books, the weight of autho- rity is clearly against their reception as canonical. From all that has been said, it must be clear that we can make but little use of Irenoeus in set- tling the canon of Scripture. But from the number of books and of passages which he has quoted, he is of great value in establishing the genuineness of our present copies ; all the passages bearing as near a resemblance to the corresponding parts of our MSS. as can be expected from a writer who evi- dently quotes from memory. He likewise bears direct testimony to the authen- ticity of the four Gospels and the Revelation of St. John ; affirming that St. Matthew wrote his in He- brew for the use of the Jews, at the time when St. Peter and St. Paul conjointly were preaching and establishing the Church at Rome ^ ; that after their ' Heer. 29. ' III. i. 1. 'O ftey Bii Marddloe iv roTf 'E/ipat'otc rj i^i^ iia- XiKTif a{)T(iv (cat ypa^iiv OfyviyKiv twayyeX/ov, tov IlcVpov koX Tov IIaii\ov iy Pwfip tiiayytXi^ofxiyuf, Kai OefitXiovyruv riiv itc- K 130 AUTHENTICITY OF THE GOSPELS AND REVELATION. departure, St. Mark committed to writing what ho had heard from St. Peter, and St. Luke what he had heard from St. Paul '; that St. John wrote his Gos- pel at Ephesus, to oppose tho errors of Cerinthus ", and that he was likewise the author of the Revela- tion which bears his name ', tho visions of which he saw towards the close of the reign of Domitian '. 'i K\T)irlav. ficra Si rfjy rovruv UoSov Mapwc, 6 /ia9»jr»)c koI eji/iFj- vtvTt)t UtTpov, KOi avroe ra vtto Ilirpov Kijpvirtxiifitra iyypaipuc ilfiiv irapaSiSwKe. xai Aovkuq ci o ukoXovOo^ WavXov, to vtt tKii- vov Ktjpvffaofuvov thayyiXtov iv ^tftKiif khtIQito. 'iirtira 'Imiyvtn: o ^aBT}Tt)e Tov Kvplov, 6 Kai iirl to ot^Ooc avTOv uyaTrtaMy, Knl avTOQ iUhuiKt TO tvayyiXiov, iv 'Efia^ r>lc 'Aalac Siarpi(iu>i'. Frag, 29. To Kara MaTdalov evayyiXiov irpoc 'louSa/ovc iypuftf ovroi yap ivtOvfjiovy ttuiv a^olpa U awipnaToc Aa/3(^ Xpiardy, o Se MarOoToc, «fai trt fiaWoy atpoSporipay t^uty ri)v roiavrrjy ivi- dvftlay, irayrolwc iffirevSe ir\t]po} i*^ airipfiaTOi ^aftiS 6 Xpiaros' ^«o ^aJ airo Tilt ytyiacue avTOv ^pfaro. * III. i. 1. supra. ' Ibid. — xi. 1. Hancfidem annuntians Joannes Domini discipu- lus, volens per evangelii annuntiationem auferre eum qui a Cerin- tho inseminatus erat hominibus errorem, et multo prius ab his qui dicuntur Nicolaitse, qui sunt vulsio ejus quae falso cognomi- natur scientise, omnia igitur talia circumscribere volens discipulus Domini, et regulam veritatis constituere in ecclesia, . . ... sic inchoavit in ea quae est secundum evangelium doctrina : " In principio erat Verbura," &c. ' y. xxvi. 1. Manifestius adbuc etiam de novissimo tempore .... significavit Joannes Domini disripulus in Apocalypsi. ' y. XXX. 3. 'llfitlc oZy ovK airoKiySvytvofity irtpl tov oyofiarot TOV 'AvTi\pl(TTOV, &iroat ingratis exsistentibus in eum : " Si in modico fideles non fuistis, quod magnum est quis dabit vobis ?" The same passage is quoted by S. Clement of Rome, Epitt, II. 8. \i:^i ydp KvfJtoc iv r^ fvayye\i^' Et TO fUKpov ovK irtipfioart, to fiiya r/c Ifiiv iuoei ; V. xxxiii. 3. Quemadmodum Presbyter! meminerunt, qui Joannem discipulum Domini viderunt, audisse se ab co, quemadmodum de temporibus illis docebat Dominus, et dicebat : " Venient dies, in quibus vinete nascentur, singulee decem millia palmitum habentes, et in una palmite dena millia brachiorum, et in uno vero palmite dena millia flagellorum, ct in unoquoque flagello dena millia botruum, et in unoquoque botro dena millia acinorum, et unumquodque acinum expressum dabit vigintiquinque metretas vini. Et cum eorum apprehenderit aliquis sanctorum botrum, alius clamabit : Botrits ego melior sum ; me sume ; per me Dominum benedic." K 2 132 HERETICS REJECTED SOME SCRIPTURE. the latter of which indeed few persons will believe to have been spoken by our Lord. He informs us that the Ebionites use only St. Matthew's Gospel, and reject St. Paul * ; that Mar- cion curtailed St. Luke, and in effect the whole Gos- pel ' ; that Cerinthus used St. Mark, and the Valen- Similiter et granura tritici decern millia f >Icarum generaturum, et unamquamque spicam habituram decern millia granorum, et unumquodque granum quinque bilibres similse clarae mundae : et reliqua autem poma, et semina, et herbam secundum congru- entiam iis consequentem : et omnia animalia iis cibis utentia, qu£B a terra accipiuntur, pacifica et consentanea invicem fieri, subjecta hominibus cum omni subjectione. — 4. Tavra Se koI TlairiaQ 'luuvrov fiey aVouarri^c, UoXvKdpirov St eralpoc yeyovwc, dpxa7oe aVi/p, eyypa'^wc iirifiapTvptl if t^ rtrdpry ruy avrov (it(i\liDV. tan yap airy nivrt (ii(i\la avi'Ttray^it'a. Et adjecit, dicens : " Hajc autem credibilia sunt credentibus." Et " Juda," inquit, " proditore non credente, et interrogante : Quomodo ergo tales geniturae a Domino perficientur ?" dixisse Dominum: " Videbunt qui venient in ilia." ° III. xi. 7' Ebionei etenim eo Evangclio, quod est secundum Matthaeum, solo utentes, ex illo ipso convincuntur, non recte prsesumentes de Domino. Marcion autem id quod est secundum Lucam circumcidens, ex his quae adhuc servantur penes eum, blasphemus in solum cxsistentem Deum ostenditur. Qui autem Jesum separant a Christo, et impassibilem perseverasse Christum, passum vero Jesum dicunt, id quod secundum Marcum est prae- ferentes Evangelium, cum amore veritatis legentes illud, corrigi possunt. Hi autem qui a Valentino sunt, eo quod est secundum Joannem plenissime utentes, ad ostensionem conjugationum su- arum. xv. 1. Eadem etiam dicimus iterum et his qui Paulum apostolum non cognoscunt Neque enim contendere p.is- sunt Paulum non esse apostolum. ' III. xi. 7. — 9. Etenim Marcion totum rejiciens Evangelium, 1 1 i m^ f imtiti ^ i iy ^ j^^ m OLD TESTAMENT RESTORED BY EZRA. 133 tinians St. John *, and invented a Gospel of their own ; and that the Montanists reject St. John's Gos- pel and St. Paul '. It appears, however, that the Gnostics did in fact quote, at least when arguing with Christians, the self-same hooks which we now have ; for all the passages of Scripture which Irenaeus brings forward as perverted by them correspond with our present copies. Irenaius was of opinion that the whole of the sacred books of the Old Testament were lost during the Babylonish captivity, and that Ezra restored them by divine inspiration *. immo vere seipsum abscindens ab Evangelio, pariter gloriatcr se habere £vangelium. Alii vero ut donum Spiritus frustrentur, quod in novissitnis temporibus secundum placitum Patris effusum est in humanum genus, illam speciem non admittunt, quae est secundum Joannis Evangelium, in qua ParacleiLum se missurum Dominus promisit ; sed simul et Evangelium, et propheticum repellunt Spiritum. Infelices vere, qui pseudo-prophetse qui- dcm esse volunt, propheticam vero grntiam repellunt ab Ecclesia : similia patientes his, qui propter eos qui in hypocrisi veniunt, etiam a fratrum communicatione se abstinent. ' III. xi. 7. • III. xi. 9. ' III. xxi. 2. IIpo yap rove 'Pwfiaiovc Kparvvai rrlv &p\iiv nv- rHv, iTi Twy MaKtS6yioy Ttjy 'Aaiav Karexovruty, IlroXt/xaloc o Aayov, >lti\oTifiov;uyoz n)*" vtt avrov Kunamvatxfiiyriy (iijiXioOtiKriy iy ' AXtifiiv^ptlq. Koafxiiaai raile irayruy aydpwTrtoy avyypdfifiaaiy, oaa ye OTrovSata vTrijp^ey, rfriiaaro napa rwy 'ItpoaoXvfiiTiHy ttc r^v'EWTiyiKily lidXeKroy (T\eiy avriiy fttTa(it(i\rfftiyac ras ypa^o'c. ()t it (virfiKovoy yap in role MaictBotn rore) roue Tap' avroic c/Ltirc(pora'rov£ rwy ypa^wf, ical afif oripwy rwy SiaXtKruy, tfiio^ii- Kovra wptaflvripovt; iittfi\l^av nroXe/uaty, wuiiiaayroi; rov 0£oD ontp I : a < 134 THE SEPTUAGINT VERSION. He likewise fully believed the fable of Aristeas concerning the translation of the Septuagint by the direction of one of the Ptolemies, whom he names the son of Lagus\ He does not relate it with all the particularity of Josephus ; but he relates the separation of the seventy interpreters from each other, and their miraculous agreement in the same words and phrases from beginning to end. It is efiovXiTO. 'O Be iSiq^ wtipay avrwy Xafiuy dtXiivat, c{»Xa/3i}0c('c re ftiirt &pa avvdefievoi, Ajrofcpwjpwfft Tt^v ev raic ypa^aic 5»a r^c epfitivtias aXfideiav, \ '(!)£, iveTryevaey''EaSpq. rj» iepel Ik rijc 0vX^c Acvt, rove ruy irpoyeyovoTwy wpor)riJiy irdyras ayard^aaOai Xoyovc, icai ano- KaraffTijtrai Tf Xa^ rrjy Sid Mwffioi: yofiodeaiay. — 3. Cum tanta igitur veritate et gratia Dei interpretatae sint Scripturee, ex qui- bus prseparavit et reformavit Deus fidem nostram, quae in Filium ejus est, et servavit nobis simplices Scripturas in i^gypto, in qua adolevit et domus Jacob, efTugiens famem quae fuit in Chanaan ; in qua et Dominus noster servatus est, efTugiens earn persequu- tionem quae erat ab Herode ; et bsec earum Scripturarum inter- pretatio priusquam Dominus noster descendcret, facta sit, ct ante- quam Christian! ostendcrentur, iutorpretata sit. ' 111. xxi. 2, 3. USE AND VALUE OF THE SCRIPTURES. 135 clear, therefore, that he believed in the inspiration of the Septuagint, so far as it is a translation of the Hebrew ; and no wonder that he was unable to avoid extending the same feeling to the other books which commonly accompany the translated portion. He likewise mentions Theodotion of Ephesus, and Aquila of Pontus, both Jewish proselytes, as having wrongly translated Isaiah vii. 14'. Theodotion was the contemporary of Irenaeus, and must have pub- lished his version so recently, that it is wonderful that Irenaeus should have seen it. Lastly, he mentions and distinguishes between the genuine and ancient copies of the Scriptures and the incorrect ones *. ^1 Having noticed all the external matter, let us come to the opinions of Irenajus in regard to the use and value of the holy Scriptures, and the method of understanding them. Although here his example is more forcible than his precepts, it is satisfactory that he speaks very definitely, and to the purpose. * III. xxi. 1. 'AXV oh\ tic iviol ^aai twv vvv fitOepfir)yevuy ToXfiwvrwv TTfy ypa^Z/c' 'I^ow /; vcd>'t£ iv yaarpi Hti, Kui ri^trai vlov' c QeoSoriuy ypfiijvtvatv b 'E>(r>)^ ahrov yiytyfjirdai (puffKoveri, * V. XXX. 1. TovTuv Bk ofuTue c\6vT(nv, Kai iv iraai role ffjrou- ^at'oic Kut ap)(aioie avnypdois rov dpidfiov tovtov Ktiftiyov k, t, \. 136 USE AND VALUE OF THE SCRIPTURES. For instance, he informs us that, after the Apostles had preached the Gospel omlly, they took care that the substance of their preaching should be put in writing, to be the ground and pillar of our faith '. It is very remarkable that he should use this very phrase in speaking of the Gospel, which St. Paul had used in speaking of the Church itself; showing apparently that *' was by the custody of the Scrip- tures that the Church was to sustain its office. In- deed he expresses this in so many words in another passage, when he says that the truth is preserved by the keeping and reading of the Scripture, and preach- ing consistently with it *. His own practice is perfectly consistent with his principles. When he enterr into controversy, his first appeal, indeed, in the particular case in hand, was to common sense, as showing the extreme ab- surdity and glaring contradiction of the Gnostic the- * III. i. 1. Non enim per alios dispositionem salutis nostrac cognovimus, quam per eos, per quos Evangelium pervenit ad noa . quod quidem tunc prKConaverunt, postea vero per Dei voluntatem in Scripturis nobis tradiderunt, fundamentum et columnam fidei nostrae futurum. xi. 8. Neque autem plura numero quam haec sunt, neque rursus pauciora capit esse Evangelia. 'EneiSij enim riaaapa KXifjiara tov Kotrfiov, iv f iafiiv, tlai, koI Tcaaapa KaO- o\(Ka irvevftara, KaTionaprai Sc ii iKKXtjaia eirt vdarit rijt yijt, tnv- \o£ Se Kai ariipiyfta CKKXijff/ac t6 thayyiXiov trot llycvfM l^wijt' tiVoruc riaaapae ixtiv aiirrlv otvXovq, vayTa')(6dtv iryiovrai rii^ dij>9apaiuf Kal afa^utirvpovvrat roue dvOpuvovQ, * IV. xxxiii. 8. See p. 77, note *. USE AND VALUE OF THE SCRIPTURES. 137 28 It In 5 }S ories^. But as they claimed revelation for their authority, he then goes to the Scripture, as the only authentic record of revelation ' ; and it is evident that, on his own account, he would never have ap- pealed to any other authority in support of the great and leading doctrines he has to deal with. When he does bring in tradition as an independent and col- lateral witness of revelation, he does so because the Gnostics themselves appealed to tradition " as some- thing more certain than Scripture. And having met them upon this ground, he goes on ', in the large remaining portion of his treatise, to refute their sys- tems by the induction of passages from the succes- sive portions of the Old and New Testaments. » Lib. I. II. • III. Praef. See p. 34, note ". " III. ii. 1. Cum enim ex Scripturis arguuntur, in accusationem convcrtuntur ipsarum Scripturarum, quasi non recte habeant, neque sint ex auctoritate, et quia varie sint dictae, et quia non possit ex his inveniri Veritas ab his, qui nesciant Traditionem. Non enim per literas traditam illam, sed per vivam vocem : ob quam causam et Paulum dixisse : " Sapientiam autem loquimur inter perfectos ; sapientiam autem non mundi hujus." Et banc sapientiam unusquisque eorum esse dicit, quam a semetipso ad- invenerit, Actionem videlicet ; ut digne secundum eos sit Veritas, aliquando quidem in Valentino, aliquando autem in Marcione, aliquando in Cerintho ; postea deinde in Basilide fuit, aut et in illo qui contra disputat, qui nihil salutare loqui potuit. Unus- quisque enim ipsorum omnimodo perversus, semetipsum, regulam veritatis depravans, prsedicare non confunditur. ' III. v. 1. Traditione igitur, quae est ab apostolis, sic se habente in ecclesia et permanente apud nos, revertamur ad earn quae est ex Scripturis ostensiunem eorum qui Evangelium cun- scripserunt Apustolorum, &c. 138 THB RIGHT METHOD OF Clearly, therefore, his disposition, where the ques- tion was what God had revealed, would be to go, first of all, and entirely, if possible, to Scripture ; for whereas the heretics held that the inspired volume was obscure and uncertain^ he maintained that there were truths contained in it without any doubt or ob- scurity, and that those were the things in which the sound-minded and pious would chiefly meditate'. * III. ii. 1. Massuet (Diss. I. § 24) says, •' Hanc non repre- hendit Irenaeus, immo in sequentibus probat." Now, to my apprehension, he does tacitly disapprove the sentiment in the very passage ; and however he may acknowledge that there are many parts of Scripture obscure and ambiguous, yet the whole method of his arguing shows incontestably that he thought its voice, on such points as he was discussing with the Gnostics, perfectly unambiguous. ' II. xxvii. 1. 'O vycqc fovc Kal ddySvvoc Kai evXa/3^c Kat 0iXa\i}dr/c, oy, oy Sia tov (iairriirnaroc t'iXrjtpt, rit ftev Ik tQv ypa^wf ovo^ara koX roc Xt'sctc koX raz irapafioXas ewtyvwatrai.,— X. 1. See p. 91, note '. 140 THE RIGHT METHOD OF A third aid was to be found in the assistance of the elders of the Church, who preserve the doctrine of the Apostles ^ and, with the order of the priest- hood, keep sound discourse and an inoffensive life ^ who have the succession from the Apostles, and, to- gether with the episcopal succession, have received the sure gift of truth '. He who in this way studies the Scriptures will judge (or condemn) all who are in error '. It is obvious that he means the bishops of the Churches, who were the chief preachers of those times. And it is observable that he does not think the succession a perfect guarantee of the truth being preserved, otherwise he would not have added the qualifications of sound discourse and a holy life. He does not therefore support the idea that the truth is necessarily preserved in any one 'church by the suc- cession, or that any one bishop of any particular Church (the Bishop of Rome, for instance,) is capable of deciding the sense of Scripture authoritatively. * IV. xxxii. 1 . See p. 77, note '. ' IV. xxvi. 4. See p. 80, note '. * IV. xxvi. 2. See p. 80, note \ ' IV. xxxiii. 1. Talis discipulus vere spiritalis recipiens Spi- ritum Dei, qui ab initio in universis dispositionibus Dei adfuit hominibus, et futura annuntiavit et pra;scutia ostendit et prsc- terita enarrat, judlcat quidem omnes, ipse autem a ncmine judi- catur. Nam judicat gentes Examinabit autem doctri- nam Marciouis, &c. UNDERSTANDING THE SCRIPTURES. 141 And, in point of fact, it is only upon fundamentals that he recommends an appeal to the bishops, as sure to guide the inquirer into truth. It is obvious, moreover, that, although no doubt God will aid and bless his ordinance of the ministry at all times to the faithful soul, yet that the aid of one's own particular pastor or bishop must be much less capable of settling the mind now that Christ's true pastors are opposed to each other, than in the time of Irenaius, when they held all together. In his time no such thing had occurred as a bishop of Jerusalem, Antioch, Alexandria, Rome, or Constan- tinople, acknowledged by general consent to have fallen into great and important error. In short, we have no approach in Irenrous to the idea of an interpreter so infallible as shall take away from the private Christian all responsibility but that of ascertaining him and following his decisions. He points out means of arriving at truth ; but he does not speak of them as unfailing, except in the case- of those foundation truths which are now acknow- ledged by the body of every ancient Church under heaven. CHAPTER IX. ON THE NATURE AND USE OF PRIMITIVE TRADITION. It was controversy which elicited from Irentcus a declaration of his views as to the nature and use of tradition. The Gnostics taught a different doctrine from the Catholics on the nature and attributes of God, the incarnation and life of Christ, and the whole scheme of the divine dispensations. Against them he takes up three different lines of argument : from common sense, from tradition, and from Scripture. The argument from common sense he carries on through the first and second books, showing the in- consistencies, contradictions, and absurdities of the various Gnostic systems. It is evident, from his own words, that it was his intention to rest his remaining argument principally on the Scriptures ; for in the preface to the third book, in announcing the plan of the rest of his work, he says that in that book he shall bring forward his proofs from Scripture, with- out mentioning tradition ; but since they demurred to its authority, asserting ' that it was imperfect and 'III. ii. 1. See p. 136, note *• -ii USE OF TRADITION. 143 self-contradictory, and, in short, that it was impos- sible for any to learn the truth from it but those who possessed the true (raditioti, (which they con- tended was preserved amongst themselves, having been communicated to them orally, and being, in fact, that hidden wisdom which had been imparted by the Apostles only to the perfect,) Irenceus like- wise appeals to tradition. I cannot take leave of this passage without no- ticing the extraordinary comments made upon it by the Benedictine editor, Massuet, in the second of his prefatory dissertations, art. iii. ^14. lie says, " Ex quibus ha}c liquido sequuntur ; 1°, ipsos omnium htereticorum pessimos agnovisse et confesses fuisse, Scripturas Mrie dldas esse, id est, interdum obscuras esse, variosque iis subesse sensus : 2°, obscurorum locorum sensum a traditione peten- dum esse, non ea, gius per literas tradita sit, sed per vivam vocem: heec non reprehendit Irenaeus, immo in sequentibus probat, ut mox videbitur : 3°, tradi- tionem latius patere scripturis, et ab iis distingui, utpote quaj earum sit interpres ; quod et hsec Irenaei conclusio demonstrat : Evenit itaque, neqtie scripturis jam neque traditioni consentire eos." I will take his conclusions in their order : — 144 USE OF TRADITION. 1. So far is Irenrous from applauding the Gnostics for admitthg (not the variety of senses wliicli the Scripture may afford, but) the inconsistency of dif- ferent Scriptural statements, that it is evident that he is blaming them for wishing to escape from the obvious meaning of Scripture under this pretence. I am not saying that he would have denied that various senses of particular passages may appear equally natural ; but that is not the case as between Irenceus and the Gnostics. He is evidently asserting what he believes to be written throughout the Scrip- tures as with a sunbeam, and brings in tradition, not to explain the Scripture, but to confirm his view of it. li 2. It is very true that Irenrous would evidently have gone to tradition to explain the obscurities of Scripture, if in any point it could be so explained ; but that does not appear from this passage : on the contrary, it is the heretics who are here for appealing to it, and not to such a tradition as he approved, but to one which was capable of no proof that it was apostolical. And with regard to the tradition he appealed to being an unwritten tradition ; in the first place, he does appeal to written tradition when he can, viz. to the epistles of St. Clement and St. Poly- carp; and in regard to the unwritten tradition which he adduces, the only tradition of that kind to which both he and the Romanist writers agree to appeal is USE OF TRADITION. 145 tlio Baptismal Cree TrapdSomv' fiiug yiip Kal r/jc avrfjij rr/ortwc o'vmjg, ovre 6 iroXv nepi ahrfu; cvt'dfjifvoc fiiri'it', tirXeopafftv, ovrt u to oKiyor yXuTToyrjat. * I. X. 3. To ^£ wXe'ioy >) tKarroy Kara avvtaiv flhivai riviis . . . . . yiytrai . . , iy T(p rot, 69, note '. « III. iv. 1. ibid. '^m^i^, MEDIUM OF PUBLIC TRADITION. 151 Treatise leads him to adduce it formally, only on the subject of doctrine, that he found himself bound by it upon all points which appeared to be thus uni- versally handed down in the Churches. But then it must be confessed that Irena;us stood in a position with regard to this tradition very dif- ferent from that in which we stand. It was a thing which lived about him in all the daily intercourse of life, and respecting which there was scarcely a pos- sibility of a doubt ; whereas to us it is a thing which has to be established by evidence, which does not come to our minds unsought. It was a thing then which the most unlearned knew thoroughly ; for it was the very atmosphere in which he breathed : to us learnmg is required, and actual application to the subject. The Church then testified directly to the individual : now we have to ascertain the Church's testimony by the further testimony of individuals. It is impossible, therefore, that apostolical tradition should have the same evidence to men's minds now which it had then ; although we may think it ought to be reverently followed, wherever and by whom- soever it can be ascertained. Again, wc have seen that the medium through which Ironti\iS believed pure tradition to be trans- mitted was the bish.ops of the Churches ; but it does Tiot follow that he thought every bishop, or the f f'l 152 ANOTHER KIND OF TRADITION. bishops of any particular Church, an unerring depo- sitory of such tradition. Ho supposed the case of a bishop who was in the succession, but yet did not hold fast the Apostles' doctrine S and he evidently implies that such a person was not to be adhered to ; it is, therefore, not any individual bishop, or the bishop of any particular see, that he would appeul to, but the aggregate of the bishops of the universal Church. IP ,1 It is remarkable how strong is the resemblance between the positions occupied by the Gnostics and Irenseus respectively, and those taken up by Roman- ists and the Church of England. Both that ancient father and ourselves think Scripture perfectly clear upon the fundamental points to the singleminded, go first and last to Scripture upon all doctrinal points, and make tradition only auxiliary and sub- ordinato to it Both the Gnostics and the Romanists complain of the insuperable difficulties of the Scrip- ture witliout tradition, and thus make tradition prac- tically set aside Scripture ; and the tradition they appeal to turns out, when examined, to be nothing more nor less than their own teacliing. But besides this pullic tradition, extant through- out all the Churches, there is another kind of tra~ " IV. xxvi. '1. [u 81, nolo ^ PRIVATE TRADITION. 153 dition lie brings forward, viz. that kept up by a direct line from the Apostles by the testimony of individuals. This he brings forward under various forms of expression, as " I have heard from an elder, who had iieard from those who had seen and been instructed by the Apostles;" "Wherefore the elders, who are disciples of the Apostles, say," &c. ; " As the elders, who saw John, the Lord's disciple, remem- ber that they heard of him ;" " And all the elders, who associated with John, the Lord's disciple, testify that John taught them this ; for he remained with them down to the time of Trajan." He appeals to it on the subject of Christ's descent into hell ', which did not enter into the earliest creeds ; on the place of the saints departed ^ ; on the millennmm ^ ; as well as on the fact that Jesus continued his teaching till past forty years of age *. >>' ->*' ' IV. xxvii. 1. Quemadmodum audivi a quodam presbytero, qui audierat ab his qui Apostolos viderant, et ab his qui didi- cerant, sufRcere veteribus, de his quae sine consilio Spiritus cge- runt, earn quae ex Scripturis esset correptionem 2. Et propter hoc Dominum in ea, quee sunt sub terra, descendisse, evangelizantein et illis adventum suum. * V. V. I. A(o (cac \iyovffiy o'l nptaftvTtpoi, rw»' airoffroXtoy fiaOiiTai, rovi' /itranOtirac iKiiai fitraTtQfjvai' i. e. to Paradise. * V. xxxiii. 3. Quemadmodum presbyteri meininerunt, qui Joannem discipulum Domini viderunt, audissc se ab eo, quem- admodum de temporibus illis (i. c. those of the new heavens and new earth) ducebat Dominus. * II. xxii. (). p. y», note '. 154 PRIVATE TRADITION. 1 M h It 18 evident that such testimony, carried down in one chain, unchecked by any otlier similar chain, must be liable to great deterioration. An instance of this may be seen in the last-mentioned case in which he quotes this kind of evidence ; viz. his idea that Jesus continued his teaching till past forty years of age '. All other writers who speak on the subject are agreed that Irena;us, or some person through whom this assertion came, must have made some mistake ; that our Lord, in fact, began his teaching shortly after his baptism, and continued it through three passovers, and no more. And yet we have apparently very strong evidence for the assertion of Irenaeus; for he declares that all the elders who companied with John the Apostle affirmed it, and that some of them declared that they had it from other Apostles. The probability is, that Irenscus, who was (^uite a youth when acquainted with these persons, had misunderstood what he had heard in their conversations with each other, or remembered it incorrectly after a long lapse of years, being biassed by his own view o^ a passage of Scripture which he quotes in confirmation ^ and which may be the real foundation of the opinion in question. It is likewise evident that this tradition in regard to mere facts not connected with any important doc- II. xxii. 6. • II. xxii. 6. USE OF TRADITION. 155 trine, and depending upon the correctness of the memwy of an individual, is of very different character from that of important facts and doctrines, and points of discipline, kept up publicly in all Christian Churches and witnessed to by him as actually subsisting in his own day or at the very time of his writing. At the same time they may be received, as we receive other historical facts, when not contradicted by other evi- dence. And something of the same degree of uncertainty must in like manner hang about the transmission of doctrines or opinions by such a channel. And it is to be remembered that Irenaius, when he testifies of these, is not in the same position as when he speaks of public doctrine, discipline, or customs. There he is the witness of the combined teaching of many lines of apostolical succession ; here, for all that appears, of only one : and that one requires to bo checked or confirmed by other oviJonce before it can gain our full assent. If what is gained in this May fall in with Scripture, or explains or carries out more fully the meaning of Scripture in a manner not inconsistent with other Scripture, then we may feel that it is to be tre.isured uj», .as being in all proba- bility a fragment of apostolical tradition. Tfj again, it is confirmed by other sufficient testimony, it may be looked upon in the same light, in proportion to the degree of evidence : for although Trenseus un- 156 USE OF TRADITION. questionably quoted these latter traditions as un- doubted truths, it is impossible that they should, upon his single testimony, appear so to our minds. There is, however, one general remark which aj)- plies to all the various instances in which he appeals to tradition, and that is, that he does not appear to have known any thing of a transmitted comment jn the text of Scripture. The only way in which he applies tradition to the interpretation of Scripture is, by laying down certain facts of our Lord's history, which were universally acknowledged or handed down by sufficient testimony, or certain doctrines of religion or general principles which were universally received as of apostolical authority, and bringing them forward in confirmation of the views which he himself deduced from a comparison and accumu- lation of texts. ^ii^u CHAPTER X. ON THE CREED. The Baptismal Creed having been mentioned in the two previous chapters, in the one as a guide in the interpretation of Scripture, in the other as embody- ing (to a certain extent) Primitive Tradition, it ap- pears natural to bring forward in the next place such notices of it as Irenieus furnishes. We find, then, that it was customary at baptism to rehearse to every person the rule of faith held throughout the Catholic Church ; in other words, the Creed '. This, indeed, was not uniform in lan- guage, but the same points appear to have been adhered to, and to have been stated in much the same order. Irenaus, indeed, does not distinctly copy any creed : but he rehearses all the chief points of it in two different passages, which I will give at * I. ix. 4. p. 57, note *. ■>%. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // 1.0 I.I 1.25 u ^ 112.2 2.0 1.8 II JA |||.6 ■ ( S" ► ''/A / "^^^ ^ ft) 7 y^ Pho Sciences Corporation m \ ^^ \ \ [V '<«> 4!^. ^. ^^ ■<«^>. \ 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716)872-4503 "^ Mo IL S v\ < 158 ON CREEDS. length ; these being the first clear traces we have of the primitive creed. The first is as follows * : — " For the Church, although spread throughout the world, even to the utmost bounds of the earth, and having received from the Apostles and their disci- ples the faith in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth, and the seas, and all that in them is : and in one Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who was incarnate for our salvation : and in one Holy Ghost, who through the prophets preached the dispensations, and the advents, and the birth of a Virgin, and the Passion, and the resurrection from the dead, and the ascension into heaven in flesh of the beloved Christ Jesus our Lord, and his coming from heaven in the glory of the Father, to gather together all things in one, and to raise from the dead all flesh of all mankind ; that according to the good pleasure of the invisible Father, every knee may bow to Christ Jesus, our Lord and God and Saviour and King, of things in heaven and things in eartli and things under the earth, and every tongue may ' on- fess to him ; and that he may execute just judgment 3m all, and send into eternal fire I upon spirits I. X. 1. The Greek of this passage is to be found at p. 91 < of ON CREEDS. 159 of wickedness, and the angels that sinned and were in rebellion, and the ungodly and unjust and law- less and blasphemous amongst men ; and bestowing life upon the just and holy, and those who have kept his commandments and remained in his love, some from the beginning and some after repentance, might give them incorruption and clothe them with eter- nal glory: having received this preaching and this faith, as we said before, the Church, though dispersed throughout the world, keeps it diligently," &c. This passage strikes us at once as containing frag- ments of a creed the same as that of Nice, repeated in portions in the same order, although the general arrangement of the creeds is departed from. The other passage is this ' : — " But what if the Apostles had not left us any writings? must we not have followed the order of ' III. iv. 1. Quid enim ? Et si de aliqua modica quaestione disceptatio csset, nonne oporteret in antiquissimas recurrere Eccle- sias, in quibus Apostoli conversati sunt, et ab eis de prsesenti quaestione sumere quod cerium et re liquidum est ? Quid au- tem si neque Apostoli quidem Scripturas reliquissent nobis, nonne oportebat ordinem sequi Traditionis, quam tradiderunt iis quibus committebant Ecclesias ? — 2. Cui ordinationi assentiunt multa: gentes barbarorum, eorum qui in Christum credunt, sine charta et atramcnto scriptam habentcs per Spiritum in cordibus suis i!, 160 ON CREEDS. '■ I that tradition which they delivered to those to whom they entrusted the Churches? Which order is assented to by those many barbarous tribes who believe in Christ, who have salvation written by the Spirit in their hearts without paper and ink, and diligently keep the old tradition ; believing in one God, the Maker of heaven and earth, and of all that in them is, by Christ Jesus the Son of God : who for his most exceeding love toward his own handywork, submitted to be born of the Virgin, himself by him- self uniting man to God, and suffered under Pontius salutem, et veterem Traditionem diligenter custodientes ; in unum Deum credentes Fabricatorem cocli et terrae, et omnium quae in eis sunt, per Christum Jesum Dei Filium : qui propter emi- nentissimam erga figmentum suum dilectionem, earn quae esset ex Virgine generationem sustinuit, ipse per se hominem adunans Deo, et passus sub Pontio Pilato, et resurgens, et in claritate receptus, in gloria venturus Salvator eorum qui salvantur, et Judex eorum qui judicantur, et mittens in ignem seternum trans- figuratores veritatis, et contemptores Patris sui et adventus ejus. Hanc iidem qui sine literis crediderunt, quantum ad sermonem nostmm barbari sunt : quantum autem ad scntentiam et consue- tudinem et conversationem, propter fidem perquam sapientissimi sunt, et placent Deo, conversantes in omni justitia et castitate et sapientia. Quibus si aliquis annuntiaverit ea, quae ab haereti- cis adinventa sunt, proprio sermone eorum colloquens, statim cun- cludentes aures, longo longius fugient, ne audire quidem susti- nentes blasphemum colloquium. Sic per illam veterem Aposto- loTum Traditionem, ne in conceptionem quidem mentis admittunt, quodcumque eorum portentiloquium est : nequcdum enim con- gregatio fuit apud cos, neque doctrina instituta. ON CREEDS. 161 Pilate, and rose again, and was received up in glory, and will come again to be the Saviour of those who are saved, and the judge of those who are judged, and sendeth into eternal fire those who per- vert the truth, and despise his Father and his coming." The order of the creed is better preserved in this than in the other, but it is not so full in its state- ments. There is one other allusion to the opening words of the creed *. * I. ill. 6. Tiji' irlariv tig iva Qtov Ilarepa iraiTOKparopa, not e7c. Kal ^i« rovrov ol irpoipiJTat irap^vovv roic avdpwwoii; ^iKaioirpaytlv, Kal ro ayadov i^tpya(nrdai' w^ f»l£, »/ Kai \1/v\ik6v unif>yaiionivr) top iirOpu- 174 WHO ARE CHILDREN OP GOD. lio elsewhere calls the Spirit of remission of sins ^ and declares that we are quickened by it. In con- nexion with what he says of our flesh being united to God in baptism, wo may take what he elsewhere says, that our flesh is n member of Christ ^ If we inquire for his opinion of the actual spiritual state of the Christian body, we shall find him de- claring that those only are the children of God who do the will of God ' : that soiTie remain thus in the i i irov' Kal irtpoy 7r»'£i5/ia ^utoiroiovv, to Koi irvivfiariKov avrov ana- TtXovy. . . . Bio Kat waXiy 6 air^c 'llaaiae SiaffriWuy ra irpo- eipr)^iva(()t](rl' n»'£v/ua yap Trap' Efiov i^iXivatrai, Kai Tryoijy irdtrav eyo) Eiroitjira' to nytviia idiwc cTt tov Oeov ra^ac tov ln^ioyToe avTo in novissimis tcmporibus ^ca riJQ v'lodEalac tft r?;v ayOpwwo- TtiTa, Tify Be wyotiv KoiyHc cttI rf/c KTiaeutt' Koi voii]fia ayayoptvaac aMiy, erepov Be tan ro iroiridty tov noit'iaavTOc. 'H ovy irvori np6(r- KaipoQ, TO Be TTceC/ia aiyyaoy. Koi /; fiEy Trvoil aKfidaatra irpoQ (ipuxv, Kul, Kaipf Tiyi irapafitlyatra, fitTO. tovto nopEVETai, anyovy KaTaXi- TTOvaa EKtlyo, iTEpi ^y t6 npoTepoy rd Be ntpiXafidy tyBodey Kai t$a»- Qev Toy dydpuTToy, are dsi irapanovifioy, ovBettote KaTaXiiitEi aiirot', ' IV. xxxi. 2. Quando igitur hie vitale semen, id est, Spiri- tum remissionis peccatorum per quern vivificamur, eifudit in humanum genus ? ' V. ii. 3. IIwG Bektikviv fi}] eIvui Xiyovai riiv aupKa r^c Butptat TOV Oeov, jjtiq eittI 4^w») aiojyioc, Ttjv o'tto row aufxaroc «fat alfiarot TOV Kvpiov Tpe(j)Ofiiyr)y, Kai fiiXoQ avTOv vndp\ovaay ; ' IV. xli. 2. Secundum igitur naturam quae est secundum con- ditionem, ut ita dicam, omnes filii Dei sumus, propter quod a Deo omnes facti sumus : secundum autem dictoaudientiam [obe- dientiam] et doctrinam non omnes filii Dei sunt, sed qui credunt ei et faciunt ejus voluntatem : qui autem non credunt et non fuciunt ejus voluntatem filii et angeli sunt diaboH. REMISSION OF SINS AFTER BAPTISM. 175 love of God, even from the time of their baptism ; others fall away, and cease to be his children ; and of those who fall, some by repentance recover their relation to Him, and remain thenceforward in his love ^ There is one passage ^ in which he appears at first sight to deny forgiveness to those who sin since the coming of Christ, and thence to give some coun- tenance to the idea that wilful sin of Christians can- not be forgiven. What he really does say is simply this ; that whereas the ancients who sinned before the coming of Christ did, when they had the Gospel preached to them in the regions below, and believed, receive remission of sins, there is no such hope awaiting those who now commit sin. If they die in sin, there is no further sacrifice remaining for them to be preached to them in the regions of the dead. We can scarcely avoid remarking the strict cor- respondence between the doctrine of Irenrous upon this subject and that contained in the formularies of the Church of England, particularly in the Baptismal -IV. xli. 3. See * I. X. 1. ad finem. See p. 91, note V p. 166, note '. ^ IV. xxvii. 2. Si enim hi qui prsccesserunt nos in charis- matibus veteres, propter quos nondum Filius Dei passus erat, delinquentes in aliquo, et concupiscentifB carnis servientcs, tali affecti sunt ignominia (viz. to have their transgressions recorded in the Scripture), quid passuri sunt qui nunc sunt, qui contemp- 176 BAPTISMAL REOENERATION. Service and the 16th and 27th Articles. And it is the more valuable, because it does not appear directly in the form of a precise statement, but indirectly, as in the Scriptures themselves ; showing that it per- vaded the whole practical system with which his mind was imbued. The difficulty in the Scriptures unquestionably is, that regeneration is no where in so many words affirmed respecting infants, and that there is language, as in St. John's first epistle, ap- pearing to restrict it to persons capable of actual obedience. Now in Irenaeus we find that omission supplied, and yet he uses without scruple the same kind of language as St. John ; showing that in the system he inherited, and that by an interval of only one descent from St. John himself, the two things which, with our prejudices, are apt to appear incon- sistent, were parts of one and the same doctrine. serunt adventum Domini, et deservierunt voluptatibus suis ? £t illis quidem curatio et remissio peccatorum mors Domini fuit : propter cos vero qui nunc peccant Christus non jam morietur, jam enim mors non dominabitur ejus : scd veniet Filius in gloria Patris, exquirens ab actoribus et dispensatoribus suis pccuniam quam eis credidit cum usuris ; et quibus plurimum dedit, pluri- mum ab eis exiget. CHAPTER XIII. THE EUCHARIST. Tren.«:us has expressed himself so much more fully on the subject of the holy Eucharist than any other writer near his time, that it is not wonderful that his opinions should be appealed to by those who have entered into the various discussions on the subject. And his language has just so much of ambiguity about it as to allow of hanging upon it a more exact and positive meaning than he ever thought of. Every sentence, and almost every word therefore, requires to be well weighed, that we may come at his real meaning. And we must bear in mind that he wrote hundreds of years before any controversy had arisen on the subject, and consequently is not to be judged of as though he had written since. There are two or three important passages which bear directly on the subject, and I do not know how to do justice to it without giving them at length. N 178 THE EUCHARIST. (i i 1 1 -I i . 1 V. } The first I shall take is that in the fifth book ', where he is combating the Gnostic notion that the flesh is incapable of salvation. His words are as follows : — " And altogether absurd are they who despise the whole of the divine arrangement, and deny the sal- vation of the flesh, and reject its regeneration, say- ing that it is not capable of immortality. But if it is not saved, then the Lord did not redeem us by his blood ; nor is the cup of the Eucharist the com- munion of his blood, nor the bread which we break the communion of his body. For there is no blood, except from veins and flesh, and the rest of man's substance, in which the Word of God was tnily made. With his blood he redeemed us ; as also his apostle saith : in whom we have redemption through his Mood, even the remission of sins. And since we are his members, and are nourished by the creature, and he ' y. ii. 2. Vani autem omnimodo, qui universam dispositionem Dei contemnunt, et carnis salutem negant, et regenerationem ejus spemunt, dicentes non earn capacem esse incorruptibilitatis. Si autem non salvetur hsec, videlicet nee Dominus sanguine suo redemit nos ; neque calix Eucharistise communicatio sanguinis ejus est, neque panis quern frangimus communicatio corporis ejus est. Sanguis enim non est, nisi a venis et camibus, et a reliqua quae est secundum hominem substantia, qua vere factum est Verbum Dei. Sanguine suo redemit nos, quemadmodum et Apostolus ejus ait : " In quo habemus redemptionem per san« guinem ejus, remissionem peccatorum." Et eirttSn fiiXtj uvtov ioftty, Kat £(a rfjc Krlatus Tpt(l>6fit6a, r^v Si ktIoiv fifiiv avrot 1 THE EUCHARIST. 179 himself gives us the creature, making his sun to rise and sending rain as it pleaseth him, he has recog- nised the cup of the creature for his own blood, with which he tinges (Seuei) our blood, and the bread of the creature he has ordained to be his own body, by which he strengthens our body. " Since, therefore, both the mingled cup and the created bread receive the word of God, and the Eucharist beoomes the blood and body of Christ, and by these the substance of our flesh gains strength and subsists, how can they say that the flesh is not capable of the gift of God, which is eternal life, when it is nourished by the body and blood of the Lord, and is his member? As St. Paul saith : For we are member's of his body, of his flesh, and of his bones : not saying these things of some spiritual and invisible man (for the spirit has neither flesh nor wapi\ei, Tov i}Xiov avTOv avariWwy Kai (ipixaov KadwQ (iovXeraC TO &ir6 Tijt KTiatuc norfipiov al^a 'ihov iafioKoyriin, H, ov to fifii- Ttpoy Stvei alfia, teat tov otto r^c tcriinuts &pTOV "tSiov trUfia Sie(ic- flaiuxraTO, atp' oi to. fifiiTtpa av^ci ffwjjiara, — 3. "Ottotc oZp kui to KtKpaftivov TTor^piov Kal 6 yeyoi'^c fiproc eiriSi\tTai tov \6yov tov Otov, kai yivcTai fi ev\apiaTla a&fjia XptOTOv, Ik tovtuv Se av^u Kai trvvloTaTat fi Tijc aapKoq fifiwv vTroaruaic' iruQ SEKriKt)y ft^elvai Xiyovai ttiv aapica Trie So)ptae tov Oiov, tiTie itni ^lorl aiwvioct ttiv airo TOV (TUfiaToe Kai ac^aroc tov K.vpiov Tptofiivriv, Kai fiiXoc ^v- TOV vTrap\ovirav ; Kadwe 6 fiaKapioc HaOXoc (t>Ti(Xiv, iv Trj wpoc 'E0elae TOV Otov ill; xpfiaiy iKdoyTa aydpunrwy, Kai irpoaXafjifiayofttva Toy \6yoy tov Qiov, tv\apiaTia yiyiTiti, ontp ioTt aufia Kai aT/ia TOV XpidTOv' ovTWQ Kai TH tffxtTtpa owfiUTa it avTijt rpt^ofitya, Kai TtdiyTa tls T))y yrjy, Kai SiaXvdiyTa iv avT^, ayaariiatTai iy T 3 182 THE EUCHARIST. Before I attempt to draw out any other of t!»o opinions implied in this passage, I will go to another contained in the four h book '. It is this :— •• Since, therefore, the Church offers with single- ness of heart, its sacrifice is rightly accounted pure with God. As also Paul saitli to the Philippians : For I am filled with those things which I have received from EpaphrodittiSi which were sent by you^ a sweet savour^ an acceptable sacrifice, well pleasing to God. For it is our duty to make an offering to God, and in all things to be found grateful to God our Maker, offering to him the first fruits of his creatures with a pure mind and unfeigned faith, in hope unshaken, in fervent charity. And this oblation the Church alone offers pure to the Creator, offering to him of his own work with giving of thanks. But the Jews Kaye's Tertullian (p. 454, note 137, of the second edition) for other passages. ' IV. xviii. 4. Quoniam igitur cum simplicitate Ecclesia ofTert, juste munus ejus purum sacrificium apud Deum deputatuni est. Quemadmodum et Paulus Philippensibus ait : " Replctus sum acceptis ab Epaphrodito, quae a vobis missa sunt, odorem suavi- tatis, hostiam acceptabilem, placentem Deo." Oportet enim nos oblationem Deo facere, et in omnibus gratos inveniri Fabricatori Deo, in sententia pura et fide sine hypocrisi, in spe firma, in dilectione ferventi, primitias earum, quae sunt ejus, creaturarum ofFerentes. £t banc oblationem Ecclesia sola purara oifert Vab-' catori, offerens ei cum gratiarum actione ex creatura ejus. Judaci autemnonofTerunt: manus enim eorum sanguine plenaesunt; non enim receperunt Verbum, quod [or per quod] offertur Deo. Sed THE EUCHARIST. 183 do not offor it ; for their hands are full of blood ; for tliey did not receive the Word, who is offered to God [or through whom the offering is made to God], neither indeed do all the assemblies of the heretics. IIow, indeed, can they feel assured that the bread over wliich thanksgiving is made, is the body of their Lord, and the cup that of his blood, if they do not pall himself the Son of the Creator of the world, that is, his Word, by whom the wood bears fruit, and the springs gush forth, and the earth affords first the blade, after that the ear, then the full corn in the ear ? "And how, again, can they say that the flesh, which is sustained by the body of the Lord and by his blood, turns to corruption, and partakes not of life ? Either lot them alter their view, or let them neque omnes heercticorum synagogse. Alii enim alterum practer fabricatorem dicentes Putrem, ca quae secundum nos creata sunt, ofTerentes ei, cupidum alieni ostendunt eum, et aliena concupi- scentem. Qui vero ex defectione et ignorantia et passione dicunt facta ea, quie sunt secundum nos ; ignorantia;, passionis, et defectionis fructus oiferentes, peccant in Pattern suum, con- tumeliam facientes magis ei, quam gratias agentes. Quomodo autem constabit eis, eum panem in quo gratise acta; sint corpus esse Domini sui, et calicem sanguinis ejus, si non ipsum Fabri- catoris mundi Filium dicant, id est, Yerbum ejus, per quod lig- num fructificat, et defluunt fontes, et terra dat primum quidem foenum, post deinde spicam, deinde plenum triticum in spica ? — 5. Owe autem rfiv vapica \iyovaiv tls ((tQopay ywpeiy, Kai fti^ fiev i\uy Ttji ^uqcy T))v OTTO Tov owfiaTOf: Tov Kvpt'ov Kot TOW a(/uaro£ i. 184 WHAT OFFERING decline to offer the before-mentioned gifts. But our view harmonizes with the Eucharist, and the Eucha- rist again confirms our view : and we offer to him his own, making a corresponding profession of commu- nion and union, and acknowledging the resurrection of flesh and spirit. For as the bread which comes from the earth, receiving the invocation of God, is no longer common bread, but Eucharist, consisting of two tilings, an earthly and a heavenly, so also our bodies, partaking of the Eucharist, are no longer corruptible, having the hope of the resurrection to eternity. For we offer to him, not as though he needed, but giving thanks to his Divine Majesty, and sanctifying the work of his hands." To understand this passage more completely, it will be necessary to go back a little. Irenaus is showing, contrary to the Gnostic doctrine, that the l;;i HI abrov Tpetjjofjitvrjv ; t) r»)»' yvutfjitfv n\Kai,aTU(Tay, if to irpofipuy ra tifnjfxiya napairtiadtocray, 'llfiuty St. avfifuiyo^ »/ yywfiri rrj tv\a- piaritf, Koi ti tvx^npiorria rursus fttftaio't rt)y yvu)fii}y nostram : irpoa- 0£po;uii' It avr^ rh i^ta, ifJLixtXuQ Koiyuyiay Kat evuxiiy awayyiK- XojTtc, Km vfioXoyovvnc (rapKt)^ cat iryevfiUTOQ tytpaiy. 'tif yap aTTo y^c iiproc irpuaXafifiayofxtyoc T7)y iKKXtjaiy tov Qtoii, ovKtrt Koiyos dproi iaTiy, aXX tv\api(rria, Ik Svo irpayfiarwy avytarri- Kv'ia, tTriyuov re Kai ovpayiov' ovtuq icai ra autfiara tifiHy fiira- Xafiftdyoyra ttji; tv\upiariai, ftTiKirt elyni ipOapra, rifv iXiriSa Ttic £(C alwya^ aynaraaiwi; 'i^orTU, — 6, Oflerimus enini ei, non quasi indigeiiti, sed gratias ageiitcs doniinationi ejus, et sanctiticanteis creaturam. IN THE EUCHARIST. 185 Old and New Covenants emanate from one and the same God, adopting different methods at different periods of the world. He points out, therefore, that the offerings of the law of Moses were not intended to be permanent, and that, even under the law, God undervalued sacrifice as compared with obedience. He then goes on to affirm^ that the prophecy of Malachi that sacrifices should cease, and that not- withstanding a pure offering should throughout the world be offered to the name of God, was fulfilled in the Eucharist ; for he informs us that Jesus, " in- structing his disciples to offer to God the first fruits of his creatures (not as though he needed, but that they might not be unfruitful or ungrateful), took the created thing, bread, and gave thanks, say- ing, ' This is my body ;' and likewise the cup of the earthly creature he acknowledged as his blood, and taught them the new offering of the New Testa- ment; which the Church, receiving from the Apos- tles, offers throughout the world to God, — to him * IV. xvii. 5. Sed et suis discipulis dans consilium primitias Deo oiTerre ex suis creaturis (non quasi indigenti, sed ut ipsi nee int'ruutuosi nee ingrati sint), eum, qui ex creatura panis est, ac- eepit, et gratias egit, dicens: "Hoc est corpus meum;" etcaliccm similiter, qui est ex ea creatura quae est secundum nos, suuni sanguinem confessus est, et uuvi Testamenti novam docuit obla- tioneni ; quam ecclesia ab apostolis accipiens, in universo nmndo uffert Deo, — ei, qui alimenta nobis [)raestat, primitias suorum muncrum. I !:i 4 i 186 WHAT OFFERINC. who affords us our sustenance, the first fruits of his gifts." Here we see very distinctly what is the offering which the Cliurch offers in the Lord's Supper, viz. the creatures or elements of bread and wine, pre- sented as the first fruits of his gifts, and as a thank- offering to him for the rest '. The same idea appears again in a fragment edited by Pfaff":— " For we offer to God the bread and the cup of ^,l 1*1 ' Clement of Rome and Justin Martyr exhibit the same view. Clem. R. ad Corr. I. 40. Tlavra ra^u irou'iy o^tiXofiiv, oaa 6 AtffTTori/c iKirtXelv itctXtvatf' Kara t^aipovc TeTay/iiyovc rag re irpoa- ^opac Toy tiproy Kal to IN THE EUCHARIST. 187 blessing, giving thanks to him, because he hath com- manded the earth to bring forth fruits for our use ; and then having performed the offering, we invoke the Holy Spirit that he would render this sacrifice, even the bread, the body of Christ, and the cup the blood of Christ ; so that those who partake of these figures may obtain remission of sins and eternal life. Those, therefore, who bring these offerings with re- membrance of the Lord, make no approach to the opinions of the Jews, but, performing a spiritual ser- vice, shall be called children of wisdom." There is something more definite in this passage than in the allusions in the Treatise against the Heresies, but the spirit is precisely similar ; and it is remarkable, — more remarkable than where he is not professing to give details, that there is no mention of more than one offering, namely, that of the ele- ments, which, and which aloney are called by the name of Ovaia. iroTtipwy ri/c ivXoyiaf;, tv\apiaTOvyTte owr^, oVt rrj yjj tKeXev- iTtv tKipvffut rove Kapirovs rovrovc t«C Tporiv iifitTipay. Kat ivTuvda Ttff wpufffopaf reXeVafrtc ixKaXovfitv to Tlvtvfia to &yiot', orrwc oVo(^r/'fjj r^v dvaiay TavTrfv Kai rov apToy (Twfia tov XpidToD, *,ai rd iroTiipioy to aJfta tov Xpitrrov' 'iva oi fitraXafioyTtt TOVTiDV Tuy dyriTVKOjy r»;c dtpitretog ru/v aftapTiuy Kai r»;c ^ofjg aiwyivv Tv\uaiy. Ot ovy ravTog rdc irpoer^opac iy TJj dyafiyrjaei TOV Kvpiov fiyoyrts oJ» role T&y 'lowf^otwj' Soyfiatri 7rpo(rcp\oyTni, dWa irytvfiariKwi Xiirovpyovtrn; r»/c ffo^tag v'loi KXtidiitrovrai, ih i I ft V i liii ti ^4 188 WHAT OFFERING IN THE EUCIIAUIST. When, however, we come back to the second pas- sage I have translated, we find one clause ' in which there is a various reading, where those which arc acknowledged to be the best MSS. speak of the Word (i. e. the personal Word, Jesus Christ regarded especially in his divine nature,) as offered to God in the Eucharist, and the Jews are affirmed to be in- capable of offering the oblation in it because they did not receive him. Now it is no doubt possible that Irenaeus may have intended to speak of a spiri- tual offering up of our Lord with the oblation, i. e. of an offering of it in and through him ; but that is all that can be implied, for there is no hint whatever of the repetition of the sacrifice of atonement for the remission of sins. The onli/ oftering is before the invocation of tue Holy Ghost ; and it is only after that invocation that the elements are to be regarded as the body and blood of Christ, capable of communicating remission of sins. If, therefore, ac- cording to him, there is any offering up of our Lord, it nmst be with the oblation of the material elements, to render that thank-offering acceptable. But there is another reading * which is more con- sonant with other passages, and therefore probably to be preferred ; viz. that which represents " the ^ Judsci autcm non offerunt : . . . . non enim rcceperunt Ver- bum quod offerlur Deo. See p. 182. ' Verbum, per quod offcrtur Deo. !i s NO TRANSUBSTANTIATION. 189 Word" as the Metliator or Propitiation through whom the oblation is made. We have that idea distinctly expressed in a former passage ", in which he speaks, in reference to this very text of Malachi, of the Church as offering through Jesus Christ ; and it is implied in the Fragment, in which he speaks of our offering these things " with remembrance (av rp ava' /Liv?/(T£t) of the Lord '." But whichever reading we take, there is no foun- dation for the idea of a propitiatory sacrifice of Christ under the figure and appearance of the consecrated elements. Both this latter quotation from the '^Heresies" and the Fragment are opposed to the notion of any substantial change in the elements. The former speaks of the bread after consecration as " not com- mon bread," implying that it is still bread, although * IV. xvii. 6. Quoniam ergo ndVnen Filii proprium Patris est, et in Deo omnipotente per Jesum Christum offcrt Ecclesia, bene ait secundum utraque : " Et in omni loco incensum offertur nomini meo et sacrificum purum." Incensa autem Joannes in Apocalypsi orationes esse ait sanctorum. ' Justin Martyr again: {Dial. 117.) Hafrag ovy ol ?id row ot'OfiuroQ TOVTOv dvtriai &c iraptSwKtv 'Itfffovg 6 Xptaroc yiveadai [npooiftipovtTH' must be introduced either here or further on], rovrianv iiri rjf tv^apiarl^ tov aprov Kal tov nortjplov, rdc ev iravTi rojry r^c ylc yiPOfitvac viru rwv Xpiariai'wf, npoaXaflutp u 0£OC ^apTvpt'i tvupioTovi; virdp^tw uvt^. 190 NO TRANSUBSTANTIATION. V i. m if » ' t i adapted to a sacred and mysterious use; and as " consisting of two things, an earthly and a heavenly^" (meaning probably the elements themselves and the body and blood of Christ), whereas the notion of transubstantiation requires that there should be nothing of the earthly really left after the conse- cration. The fragment still more explicitly calls them figures at the very time that we partake of them. It is true that the view of Irenceus differs equally from ordinary Protestant notions, and indeed is more positive than that of the English Church ; but we are to bear in mind that the Fathers did not always speak with logical accuracy. Their language has been brought forward in support of the theory of transubstantiation, and therefore it has become necessary to show that they did not write on that theory. It is not equally requisite that we should be able to construct a theory which shall explain all the figurative and imaginative language in which they expressed their faith in the real presence of Christ in the Sacrame»t. Irenajus certainly taught this doctrine, and that is enough for us of the Church of England, who do not concern ourselves to ex- plain the manner of his presence. Some of us may agree with his manner of expressing it, but we do not require of others that they should agree with him. ' IV. xviii. 5. See p. 184, note. THE CONSECRATION OF THE EUCHARIST. 191 We cannot complete our view of the opinions of Ireneeus in regard to the Eucharist without advert- ing to his ideas on the consecration of the elements. This he describes in various ways, sometimes attri- buting it to the word of God\ sometimes to the invocation of God *, sometimes to the invocation of the Holy Ghost '^. But all these may be reconciled, if we consider them to be allusions to various portions of the consecration prayer. There is such a form left in the Apostolical Constitutions, with which all the four ancient liturgies exhibited by Brett and Palmer coincide, vir the Roman, the Oriental, the Egyptian, and the Galilean. Now all these forms contain a recital of the words of institution, which may not unfitly be called the word of God, and an invocation of God to send down his Holy Spirit upon the gifts, to consecrate them to be the body and blood of Christ, which may be called either an invo- caiion of God or an invocation of the Holy Ghost. Is it not therefore most probable that Irenajus alludes to this prayer, which must have been used in very early ages, for its leading features to be found thus spread throughout the world ? The expressions, therefore, which he uses, though various and distinct, are not contrary or contradictory: they allude to various portions of the same form. » V. ii. 3. * IV. xviii. 5. ' See tlie Fragment, p. 1 80, note '. 192 NO TRANSUBSTANTIATION. i. It is worthy of observation, however, that this attributing of the consecration to these different things is contrary to the modern doctrine of transub- stantiation, which attributes it to one and one only, viz. the recital of the words of institution : This is my body, This is my blood. There is another passage which proves that no tran substantiation was then thought of; viz. the fragment ^ which appears likely to have been a part of the account of the persecutions at Lyons. We there read that the heathen tortured the slaves of some Christians, in order to extort from them some- thing which might serve as a colour for the severities they exercised upon them ; and that the slaves, " not knowing what to say to please their tormentors, except what they had heard from their masters, that the Holy Communion was the blood and body of Christ, and thinking that it was really flesh and blood, told this to those who were questioning them." Now it appears very clear that language such as this could scarcely have been used by a person who thought that the sacred elements had become really flesh and blood, which is the doctrine of transub- stantiation ; although it might be employed with per- fect consistency by those who believed in a real mysterious presence of them in the Holy Commu- " See p. 72, note NO TRANSUDSTANTIATION. 193 nion, without any change in tlie nature of the ele- ments. Massuet^ brings forward, in support of the doc- trine of transubstantiation, the fact that the Mar- cosians pretended, by magical rites, to effoct a change of the wine into blood. As they professed to produce a substantial change, he infers that tlie Church must have really produced such a change. But the inference is far from being a sound one ; for as magical rites are invented to pander to the appe- tite of the ignorant for something supernatural, so it is most ])robable that a pretender of this descrip- tion, who wished to set up for something superior to the clergy, should profess to do something more wonderful than they ; that whereas they effected none but a mystical change, he should pretend to a literal one. And this no doubt is the history of transubstantiation. It is the attempt of unspiritual minds to raise the wonder of the sacred mysteries to the highest pitch, forgetful meanwhile of the spi- ritual objects of them. The doctrine is eminently a carnal doctrine. ' Diss. III. § 70. See the passage quoted below, p. 200, note n CHAPTER XIV. ON JUSTIFICATION. '}' Uh ' Those scholastical discussions on tlie nature of justi- fication with wliich wo have become familiar had not arisen when Irenaius wrote, and consequently we cannot expect him to speak with the j)recisioii to which wo are accustomed. Still there are some principal points upon which, simply following the Scriptures, he is practically clear. He teaches, for instance, that men are not justified in themselves, but by the coming of Christ ', and ' IV. xxvii. 2. Quemadmodutn enim illi (the Patriarchs and just men of old) nou imputabant nobis incontinentias nostras, quas operati sumus, priusquam Christus in nobis maiiifestarctur; sic ct nos non est justum imputare ante adventum Christi his qui peccaverunt. Omnes enim homines egent gloria Dei ; justifi- cantur autem non a semetipsis, sed a Domini advcntu, qui inten- dunt (probably o'l Karavoovfitvoi ; see I. ii. 3, where the Old Translator renders KaTayotiffarrav by cum intendisset) lumen ejus. Et illis quidem curatio et remissio peccatorum mors Domini fuit. — In IV. vi. 5. the opposite to intendunt lumen is fugiunt lumen. THE CAUSES OF JUSTIFICATION. 195 more explicitly, by the obedience of Christ'; whence we may fairly conclude that he would place the meritorious cause of justification in Christ : and as he connects justification with remission of sins ', and remission of sins with the cross and death of Christ *, ho would no doubt trace our justification to the death of Christ on the cross. In the same general manner he teaches that faith justifies man ', speaking particularly of Abraham, to 'III. xviii. 7. Oportebat enim eum qui inciperet occidere (uTTOKramf /icWp — occisurus csset) peccatum, et mortis reum redimcre homincm, id ipsum fieri quod crat ille, id est, hominem : qui a peccato quidem in servitiutn tractus fuerat, a morte vero tenebatur, ut peccatum ab homine interficeretur, et homo exiret a morte. "Hantp yap Sia r>yc irapaKofn tou Ii'oc avdpunoVf tov 7rp'0C dvQpunoVf TOV irpurwc Ik wapdirov yiyivtjfiivov, iiKaiudfivat iro\- \ov( Kai dTToXafitiv rc/f aurtipiav. Sic igitur Verbum Dei homo factus est. » IV. xxvii. 2. * Ibid, et V. xvii. 3. Uti quemadmodum per lignum facti sumus debitores Deo, per lignum accipiamus nostri debiti remis- sionem. * IV. V. .•>. Propheta ergo cum esset Abraham, et videret in Spiritu diem adventus Domini et passionis dispositionem, per quem ipse quoque et omnes qui, similiter ut ipse credidit, cre- dunt Deo salvari inciperent {au^cadai fiiWuat — salvandi essent), exsultavit vehemcnter. Non incognitus igitur erat Dominus Abrahae, cujus diem concupivit videre : sed neque Pater Domini ; didicerat enim a Verbo Domini, et credidit ei : quapropter et deputatum est ei ad justitiam a Domino. ~ Fides enim, quse est o2 r Wi I I i '\ 1 1 1 ': ! 1 1 J , ■ ■; if.i I ' I' '; ^ ! • "! . >, h '^ V 'I nee of t con- CHAPTER XV. ON CEREMONIES, USAGES, AND FORMS OF WORDS. The object of the Great Treatise of Irenocus, which is almost the whole that remains to us of his writings, being to refute doctrinal error, things of a ceremonial and ritual nature can be introduced only incidentally. It is interesting however to trace those fragments of the external system of the Church which have dropped from the pen of the writer whilst thinking chiefly of other matters. We find then that he alludes to the command- ments of God as being ten in number, and as being divided into two tables ' : but he asserts, conform- ably to the opinion of Josephus ^ and Philo ', that ' II. xxiv. 4. Unaquaeque tabula, quam accepit a Deo, pras* cepta habebat quinque. ' Aniiq. HI. vi, 6. Tac hvo irXaKac, iv ulc rove ^tKa Xoyovc avyyiypuf^tQai (rv/i/3c/3>/K't(, Ufa irivrt fiey tls EKaripay, ^ De Decalogo, cited by Fcuardeut in loco. i il Hi h III 200 THE COMMANDMENTS AND HOLY COMMUNION. each table contained ^ve comniandnients. On the other hand Ilesychius *, Origen ^ Ambrose ", and Procopiiis ' reckon them as we do. The division into three and ^ve, followed by the Roman Church, does not appear earlier than Augustine *. There is however sufficient diversity to prevent our insisting m?ic/i on our division. It must be observed, how- ever, that Josephus " and (I believe) Philo reckon the commandments individually exactly as we do, and not as the Romanists. We have several allusions to the form observed at the Holy Communion. We find that the cup contained water mixed with wine ' ; that a form of invocation was used, which the heretics imitated ^ ; that the term ivj^apiartu) (to give thanks J had become * Cited by Feuardent. ' Hotn. 8. in cap. xx. Exodi, cited by Massuet in loco. " Cited by Feuardent. ' Cited ibid. ° Qucest. 71. in Exodum, cited ibid. ' Anliq. III. v. 5, ' IV. xxxiii. 2. Dominus accipicns panem, suuni corpus esse confitebatur, et temperamentum calicis suum san- guinem confirmavit. V. ii. 3. Kal to KiK^a^iivov iroriipioy rat o ytyorwc aproc eVt- Si\tTai rov \6yov rov OtoD, Ka\ yiVtrai »/ evj(apttjTin ffwfia \pt(TTov' ik' Tovrwv Se aii^H kqi avviararai // rfjc aapKuc iifiCiiv vnoaraair:, ' I. xiii. 2. UoTi'ipia oti'^i KiKpiifjifa npotrirowvfttroc tv)(n- ptirrelf, *a« itti irXiov itCTitvioy rov Xoyoj' r»/c iTfiKXtjatWi, wopipv- pia K-at ipvSpii avafaivtaOai nouV (He is speaking of Marcus, the Gnostic) wc SoKuf ti)v iino tQi' vnep ra «Xa \aptv ro tufia ro tavrfiij aru^up iv ry tKUvt^ voTjjpit^ hii rijc iTriKXt'iaiui ahroii. HOLY COMMUNION AND CONFIRMATION. 201 teclinical, and signified to consecrate ^ ; that the ex- pression for ever and ever occurred in the Eucha- ristical form *, which shows that a settled form had become customary in his time ; and that Christians sounded Amen .all together®. The Eucharisi was sent from one bishop to another, in token of com- munion and amity". We find, too, that the same pharisaical spirit, which now keeps many from communion, because others come to it in hypocrisy, had the selfsame effect in his time ^ There seems, in some of the practices of the Gnostics, to have been an imitation of the anointing at baptism or confirmation practised in the Church *. There are several allusions to the practice of pub- » Ibid. ■* 1. iii. 1. 'A\\« Koi »//id€ iir'i ri/c tv^nptariug Xiyovrai;' I^it uiwt'uv ruiv alwyioi' c, r. \. ' I. xiv. 1. TO 'Afit)y ofiov Xtyoirwr iffiwy k. r. \. ® l'"ragm. iii. See p. 45, note '. ' III. xi. y. Infelices vere, qui pseudopropheta; quidem esse volunt, proplieticam vero gratiam repellunt ab ccclesia ; siniilia paticntes his qui, propter eos qui in hypocrisi veniunt, etiam a fratrum communicatione se abstinent. * I. xxi. 3. Kat ruura fiiv tiriXiyovaiv ol ahroi reXoDiTfc' « te TErfXeafiii'oi: u;ro»>'(iiVirat* 'Eurj/piy/iai mi \tXur()w/iat <>•. r. \. — "Uttiitu i-iv^u'Covai tvv rtriKianiyov ri^ ontp r(f> utto ftaXaa/jiov' TO yap fiiipoy tovto tvitov rfiQ virip rh uXa euw^mc tlvai Xiyovirif, hi 5 ' il di 4- I I) 202 PENANCE AND KNEELING IN TRAYER. lie confession and penance, as a customary and esta- blished part of discipline. In some cases it was voluntary ^ It was the established custom not to kneel in prayer on the Lord's day, or during the whole season from Easter to Whitsuntide, which was called Pen- tecost '. ' I. xiii. 5. "On Si (j>i\rpa Kot ayuyifia, jrpoc to Kal rote (Toifia- ffiv avrQy iyvlipii^eiv, ifinoiii ovroc o MdpKOf ivlaig tGiv yvvaiKHv, £t KoX fi)) Traeraic, avrai 7ro\\ak«c ini(TTpi\}jaffai £*c Ttfu iKKXtjatav Tov Qeov e^u)^o\oyiii\r)Kevat' dare Kai SiaKovoy Tiva rHy iy rrj 'Affiq. ruy yntrtpuy, vTroStlafiivov avroy tls roy oiKoy avrov, irepiKiauy ravry rfj (TVfi(j>op^, 7»^c yvyaiKOi avrov tvtt^ovc virap' Xovffrie, Kai Tt)y yyw/jijjy Kal to aufia SiaipdapeiaTjQ vtto tov /xdyou rovrov, koJ i^aKo\ovOtiadat]g avr^ ttoXX^ ry jyjo*'^, iireiTa, ficTO. TToXXov KOTtov Tijiy aStXfbiSy f.7ri(rTpt\f/dyTU>y, avrt) Toy airayra XP^' yoy tS,ofio\oyovfxiytf BuriXeae, irtydovaa Kai dptjvovaa iipi' p tiradey viru TOV fidyov Sia^c t^ tov Xpiarov xdpiTi, Tuiy rt hfiapTti- (iaTwy Kal rov iir avTuy Ttdayarwfiiyov OayaTOV ^XivdipuOtifiey. 'Ek Twy airotTToXiKuiy Si ypovwy if roiavrij ffvyiiBtia tXafie rf^y upxtjy' Kadue (jtrjffiy 6 fiOKaptoQ Eiptjyaloc, o fidpTvp Kal iirlffKotroe AovySovyov, iy rj* Trtpi roii Ildffj^a Xoyi^' iy ^ fiiftyriTai Kal ntpl Ttjs neyTrfKoaTijg, iy rj ov KXivofjiey yoj'v, intiS)) laoSvyafiel TJi '/^tp9 Ttje KvptaK^c, (cam r»/v ptidiiaay irtpl avr^c ain'av. Th.s Ib a quotation from the Qucesliones et Responsiunes ad Ortho- THE LENT FAST. 203 A fast before Easter was generally observed, but was of unequal duration, according to the choice of those who observed it ^. The passage of Irena;us has been introduced into the great controversy between those who assert the apostolical antiquity of the forty days' season of abstinence, and those who deny it. In this country our great divines have taken different sides ; Beveridge ^ Patrick *, and Hooper ' uphold- doxos, formerly attributed to Justin Martyr, § 115. We It^^n from Basil the great, (de Spiritu Sancto, 27.) that the whole space from Easter to Whitsunday was called Pentecost, ' Frag. iii. Ow yap fiivov wtpi r^c ilf^ipuQ iarlv »V &fiv irpb {jfiwy, rStv irapa to dxptfies, wq eJicoc, Kparovyrwy, Tt)y Kad' AirXoTTiTa Kai llKoriafJioy avyiidciay tie to fitTiirtiTa ireiroitiKOTiay, kui oiiBev eXarrov ttuitcc ovroi tipiiyevaav rt, kuc tiptiytvofxey Trpoc d\X»;\ovc' Kai if Siatpuyla t>7c yrjaTttaQ T))y ofioyoiay TfJQ irioTtuQ ttvvl(TTr\ai. ' Beverigii Annotat'umes in Canones Apostolkoi, In Can. Ixix. Ti^i' ayiay TtaaapaKOOTiiv, Codices quibus usus est Valesius, codem mode, quo nos jam transcripsimus, legunt atque interpungunt Et huic quidem lectioni favit lluvo^'ic r^c twayyeXu-^c loTopia^, in quam Beatus Rhenanus in prsf. ad Ruffinum se incidisse refert, ubi hacc Irena:i verba sic citantur, seu potius explicantur : Oi fity yap fiiav fxoyov iiftipay kyiiOTtvoy, oi li Zvo, oi Be nXeioyas' ol Si * Of lasting in Lent, ch. xvi. p. 143. ' Discourse oj' /,cnt, Part I. ch. 3. 204 THE LENT FAST. iiig it, and JMorton °, Taylor \ and Bingham * deny- ing it. Tliis passage might appear to be decisive, ■h ■• ft iSpat fiovaQ I'lfttpivac Koi vvKrepivii^, Apav avri yfiipac, vijffrcv- oyrcQ. Quod etium observatum est a, ductissimo nostro Petro Gunning jam episcopo Cicestriensi in appendice ad tractatum de paschali jejunio. Verum multa sunt quae huic Icctioni refra- gantur. Ut alia omittain, quis miri hujus jejunii quadraginta horis commensurati, e veteribus praesertim, meminit ? Quadra- ginta dierum jejunio nihil in antiquis scriptoribus frequentius occurrit; at de quadraginta horarum jejunio altum iis silentium. Porro aliud quoque in his verbis, sic interpunctis, aeque si non magis inauditum observare licet, diem viz. quadraginta horis diurnis ac nocturnis commensuratum. Quo nihil absurdius ex- cogitari potest : ac proinde Valesius pro iifitpar substitucndum putat vTjareiay, ut non dies, sed jejunium quadraginta horis com- mensuretur. Hanc autem violenter introductam verborum com- mutationem contra unanimem omnium codicum conscnsum docti nunquam admittent ; praicipue cum e verbis ipsis, ut in omnibus codicibus leguntur, et in nonnullis distinguuntur, verior ct ec- clesia; primitivaj ritibus magis consonus sensus elucescat: nimi- rum Johannes Christophorsonus et Henricus Savilius hunc Irenaji locum sic distinxerunt ; naaupakovTa. &paQ re iifxtpivaq Kai vvKTtpo'u.<: (TVfififTpavtri riiv fifiipav avruv. Sic etiam legit et distinxit olim Ruffinus, qui sic vertit: "Quidam enim putant uno tantuni die observari debere jejunium, alii duobus, alii vero plu^ibus, nonnulli etiam quadraginta ; ita ut horas diurnas nocturnasque computantes diem statuant." Quibus verbis nihil aliud indigitatur, quam quod hi uno, illi duobus, alii pluribus, nonnulli etiam quadraginta diebus jejunarunt ; omnes autem unamquamquc diem, quam jejunii peregerunt, per nocturnas aeque ac diurnas horas emensi sunt ; ut nulla hora vel diei vel noctis, usque ad numcri dierum, quos sibi constituerant, exitum, jejunium solverent. Contra hanc expositionem H. Valesius duo objicit : primo, quod hinc nccessario consequctur, cos qui xl dies jejunabant, toto illo tempore nihil prorsus comedisse, quando- 1 THE LENT FAST. 205 if we could bo sure of the punctuation, but uuliap- pily lluffinus pointed it differently from all the MSS. of Eusebius and, I believe, Nicephorus : for he introduces a stop after TiaaapuKovra, which makes Irena;u8 distinctly affirm that in his time some fasted forty da?/s, whereas the common reading makes them fast only forty successive hours *. quidem horas tarn diiirnas quam nocturnas jcjunio deputabant. Respondeo, nihil minus quam hoc ex dicta expositioue consequi : in jejuniis cnim celebrandis, pryesertim hoc paschali, non ab omni prorsus alimento, ut cuique notum est, sed a carnibus tan- tum vel aliis fortasse nonnullis ciborum generibus abstinebant ; at rcliquis vesci licebat. Hoc egregie confirmatur ex concil. ■Laod. can. 50, quo dicitur ^ti iraaav riiy TeatrapaKoiTrtfv vfiartviiv ^rfpofayovtrai;. Hie enim per totam quadragesimam, ac proinde nocturnas aeque ac diurnas horas, jejunare prtecipitur ; et tamen aridis vcsci permittitur ; vel potius per istius modi ^»;po^aymi', sive aridoruni esum, totum hoc quadragesimale jejunium celcbrLri constituitur. Alterum, quod objicit, est, quod cum Irenajus dixerit, alios uno die, alios biduo, alios vero pluribus diebus jejunare, quid necesse est addere alios 40 dies jejunare, cum in eo quod plures dies dixit, quadraginta satis comprehendantur. Responcbo, quod etiamsi nonnullos plures quam duos dies je- junare dixerat, non tamen superfluum erat, eorum etiam, qui xl dies jejunabant, mcntioneva facere. Cum enim a minimo jejunio, viz. unius diei, inceperit, quidni in maximum quoque expresse desineret, ut maximus viz. dicrum numerus, quem quispiam in jejuniis observabat, a?que ac minimus innotesceret ? * Catholick Appeal, II. 24. p. 304. ^ Duclor Dubitantium, III. 4. p. 631. * Antiquities, XXI. i. 2. ' Post TtaaapaKofTa interpungunt Christophorsonus, Savilius, Strothius, praeeunte Ruffino, nulla codicura auctoritate. Totum locum oi ce . . . . avrdy uno tenore sine interpunctura Icgunt 206 THE LENT FAST. It would be impossible to do justice to the subject without entering fully into the arguments on both sides ; and therefore I will confine myself to an obser- vation or two on the text of Irenajus. Let us then look at the passage according to the two methods of punctuation ; and wo shall find Irenoeus affirming according to one that those who fasted any number of days, from one to forty, reckoned the hours both of day and of night into their day; or according to the other that some fasted one day, some two, some more; and that some reckoned forty hours of day and night into their day. Now that any persons could fast forty successive days, both day and night, abstaining from food all the time, cannot be ima- gined : and if they did not abstain from food all the time of their fast, the mention of its continuance day and night would be unmeaning. To this argument the reply of Beveridge, as may be seen in note ^ is, that no fast was kept strictly throughout the twenty-four hours by total abstinence from food : and he quotes the 50th Canon of Lao- W .: C. F. Virgulam post ol U, item post vvxTtpivai, ponunt Steph. A : eandem post «3pac ponunt B. D. Nicephorus ^' pro riaaafu- Kovra legit, quod alterutri interpretation! favere posset :— rt post ilfieptvaf: om. Steph. Stroth. A. E : — ale post vvKrepivae add. M. Grut. Cast. — &pag re legit c. — Burton in loco, in the last Oxford edition of Eusebius. C. and E. are of the tenth century. THE LENT FAST. 207 (licea to show that the Lent fast was nothing more than abstaining from flesh, &c. and living upon dry food. But, with deference to so great a name, this is but begging the question. The Canon of Laodicea only shows what the Church required^ not what individuals practised. And Grabe ' (on this passage) has proved that there were anciently two kinds of strict fasts observed in the last week of Lent ; one of abstinence from all food till the eve- ning, and then eating nothing but bread and salt accompanied with pure water ; the other, practised by the more zealous, of holding over one, two, three, four, or six days, till the cock-crowing on Easter- ' 0« fitv yap olovrai, &c. Similiter Saec. III. Dionysius Alexandrinus de jejuni! Ante-Paschalis differentia scripsit in Epistola ad Basilidem. MriSi rdc tl tuv vtiariiuv fiftipag 'iawe, fitful hfioiutQ TravTiQ ciafiivovaiv' dW ol ficy Kai irdtrac virtpTidi' aaty, aairot SiarcXovvTCi, ol Be Svo, ol Be rpelg, ol Be riirffapact ol Be ovBeftlav, Et Epiphanius in Expositione fidei Catholicae, libris contra Htereses subnexa, postquam de jejunio quartse et sextsc ferio!, et Quadragesimali dixerat, ad jejunium Ante-Pas- chale, quod in Canonibus Timothei Alexandrini vocatur, // vij- oTEla Tov irda\a, progreditur, aitque fideles per hebdomadam Pascha praecedcntem solo pane et aqua vesci ad vesperam, et addit: 'AXXa koI ol anovBdiot BiirXag Kal Tpnr\ds Kat T£rj9a7rXdc vTrepTidiaai, Kni o\t]v Ttiv eftBofiuBa Tiveg aXP'S dXtKTpvoywv ivNay- y^C '■^C KvpiaKrjg tTrKfitoaKovffrjg. In quibus viripdeffis et vi) (Treat distinguuntur : et jejunare quidem dicuntur, qui post abs- tinentiam totius diei vespere tenui fruuntur cibo; vKepridevai vero, qui nee vespera ullam sumunt refectionem, sed omnino abstinent, sive una, sive pluribus diebus, usque ad terminum jejuni], Paschale scilicet mane, quod a g.il!i cantii incipit. '^ i I ''i tfi';! Hi ^ f> ■ If u W i 1 ■ i 208 TFIE LRNT FAST. (lay. Both Grabo and Binffhain' a^roo(wliat iiuloecl appears solf-ovidcnt) that there is no meaning in words, if these persons did not remain in total ab- stinence dnring this whole time; for what extra- ordinary zeal conid there be in their practice, if they broke their fast in the evening, as others did. If, on the other hand, we suppose the fast to have been one of forty hours, commencing from the hour in which Jesus gave up the ghost, and terminating with that of his resurrection, there is then a suf- ficient reason for mentioning that the fast continued day and night ; it becomes a thing within the roach of probability ; and the period is a very natural one for those persons to choose who felt themselves equal to it. At the time in which the Apnatollcal Constitutions Mere written, it was enjoined on Christians' to fast the Friday and Saturday, if pos- sible ; if not, at least on the Saturday : anu in eitlicr case it a])pe.ars that they were not to break their fast till the first cock-crowing ; i. e. in all piobability, on Easter day. Leaving, then, other sources of controversy on ' Antiquities, XXI. i. 2.'). ' Constit. //post. V. 18. '!li)v TrapairKevrfv Kui ro aafifiarvv o\6- K\i)f)OP vijffTtvaarc, oTc ^wi'a/itc wpuinari roiavrti, fiT)Bcr6g ytvu^t- voi l-tfXi'^i d\£Kropofj)Ufiui; yvKTU^' a ^t. tic uSvvurtl r«c ^i>o (TvyHiTTitv ofioi), i^vXaaaiaOit) k^v to aalifiaroy. THE LENT FAST. 209 oitlier side, the text itself appears to supply tlio strongest evidence in favour of the punctuation of the MSS. How that of Ruffinua arose, wo are not absolutely concerned to say : but when the practice of the more lengthened fast had become established in the Churcl;, it might easily lead to understanding the words of Irenajus in such a manner as to give it primitive authority. But even supposing the fast of forty dmjs to have been kept by some persons in the age of St. Ignatius, this docs not j)rove that practice to have originated in the apostles, as Trenaius gives equally high author- ity for the shorter fasts of one, two, or several days. All, therefore, that would be proved by the language of Irenojus (taking it in this sense) is that in the time of Ignatius a fast was kept before Easter, and that Christians were left to their own discretion as to the length of it. Chrysostom indeed expressly says ', that the fast of forty days was not ordained * Chrysost. Contra Judceos, III. §4. p. 611. Tivoc ovv eptKtr t'fiartvofiir, tpr} fiKajirfv rf/v ytvoftiviiv U TtJQ fi(ii- XrifiivTjQ wpoaoSov, (Tvi-iXOovrtQ irvmotrav iffiipag reffffapaKoyra vfjarelaiQ, cv^^wi^, aKpoa/o'£ii>c, ».a« Sta t&v &\K(ov hiravrwv, ovrut Kara Suycifiiv rifv fffieripav fitra icaBapov avftiSoros npoaiufitf. P i 210 IIATOIKIA — CHURCHMEN. \: I • until tbo mass of Christians had como to communi- cate only on Easter day, and that without suitable devotion, and that the fast and other devotional exercises were appointed, to prepare them for the Communion on Easter day. Very little more remains to be observed under this head. Irenajus likewise is, I believe, the first writer who uses the term irapotKia to signify the district under the superintendence of a bishop*. And it is in- teresting that the selfsame term which we now use to distinguish ourselves from separatists was in use in his age, namely, that of Churchmen '. And that was perfectly natural, for the Church had a name from the beginning, but its attribute of Catholicism or Universality, as distinguislied from the confined locality of schisms and heresies, was not observed till afterwards ; and therefore the name of Catholic was posterior to that of Churchman. * Fragm. iii. See p. 45, note *. * III. XV. 2. Hi enim ad multitudinem, propter eos qui sunt ab ecclesia, quos communes ecclesiasticos ipsi dicunt, inferunt sermones per quos capiunt simpliciores. CHAPTER XVI. ON THE SABBATH. One of the greatest difficulties to modern readers in the history of the primitive Church is the state of feeling and opinion on the subject of the Sabbath. We have been in the habit of arguing from the j>rimitive institution of a holy day (which we have called a sabbath), and of viewing the Lord's day as answering to it ; and if vvc may judge by the lan- guage of the earliest writers, they did not consider the Lord's day as intended to be a sabbath in itself, although some of them regarded it as being ap- pointed instead of the Sabbath'. Irena3us certainly ' Bingham, Antiquities, XX. ii. 3. " St. Austin, or whoever was the author of the Sermons de Tempore, {Horn. 251, de Tenvpore, T. 10, p. 307.) says, ' The Apostles transferred the observation of the Sabbath to the Lord's day.' " Clement of Alexandria gives indications of the same idea, where he says that " to all appearance the eighth day is likely to become the proper seventh day, and the seventh the sixth; so that the former will be the proper sabbath, and the seventh a working day." — p2 212 THE SABBATH MOSAICAL viewed the institution of the Sabbath as entirely Mcsaical, and thought that Abraham and the patri- archs before the Law did not keep it ^ It must not, however, be thence hastily concluded that he believed that Abraham and the patriarchs knew nothing of the seventh day as a day of divine worship. The primary and leading idea of a sab- hath, prcperly so called, is (not holiness but) rest ; that is, abstinence from any employment that can be construed into labour. Now Irenocus might very well deny that the Patriarchs kept a day of rest from all employment, without in any degree in- tending to deny that they devoted the seventh day especially to religious worship. An illustration of my meaning will be Tound in the admission of Justin Martyr, that Christians did not keep the Sabbath \ coupled with the well-ascer- tained fact*, that a very large proportion of them Kd'^vvcvet yap »; fxev oySodc kft^ofidc tlvai Kvplio^, t|a*c Be {j eftSo- ftdi KUTci ye to iiK^avi^' Km i) fxev Kvpiuic elpai ri(Tiv ri ypa0»/* Kal avvtTt- Xiirdritray o ohpavoe Koi »; yfj, «cai Trac o KofffioQ avTuii'. kuI avvtri- Xeaev 6 Oeoc rfj ilfJ^ip^f ry t' to. epya axirov a CTrot^jae, icai kute- ■jravaEV o Qtog iy rfj fiftiixf Ttj C nno irdvTV yap Vfiipu Kvplov wc a, tVij* iv t^ ovy //juEpatc (rvvTETE- Xiarai to. yeyoj'cJra* ^ai^fpoc ovy, on ij ffvyTiXtia avTiHv to t, troc E(TTly. See the Epistle of Barnabas, § 11. quoted p. 250. * V. xxxiii. 2. Referring to Luke xiv. 12, 13, and Matt. xix. 29, he says, "Hsec sunt in Regni temporibus, hoc est, in septima die quae est sanctificata, in qua requievit Deus ab omnibus open- bus quae fecit ; quae est verum justorum sabbatum ; in qua non facient omne terrenum opus, sed adjacentem habebunt paratam mensam a Deo, pascentem eos epulis omnibus." * IV. viii. 2. Manifestum est igitur, quoniam eos qui similiter ut Abraham credebant ei, solvit et vivificavit, nihil extrr; Legem faciens, curans in die sabbatorum. Non enim prohibebat Lex curari homines sabbatis, quae et circumcidebat eos in hac die, et pro populo jubebat ministeria Sacerdotibus perficere ; sed et mu- torum animalium curationem non prohibebat. Et Siloa etiam saepe sabbatis curavit: et propter hoc assidebant ei multi die sabbatorum. Continere enim jubebat eos Lex ab omni opere servili, id est, ab omni avaritia, quae per negotiationera, et re- liquo terreno actu agitur : animae autem opera, quae fiunt per 2l(i HOW CHRISTIANS OBSERVED THE SPIRIT I think it would appear from these passages that Irenaeus was not in the habit of regarding the Chris- tian practice of hallowing the Lord's day as the ex- plicit fulfilment of the fourth commandment. He lived so near the apostolical times that he no doubt observed it in obedience to Christ's institution, with- out considering whether it was contemplated by the -.1 ri sententiam et serinones bouos, in auxiliura eorum qui proximi sunt, adhortabatur fieri. Et propter hoc Dominus arguebat eos, qui injuste exprobrabant ei, quia sabbatis curabat. Non enim solvebat, sed adimplebat Legem, summi Sacerdotis operam per- ficiens, propitians pro hominibus Deum, et emundans leprosos, infirmos curans, et ipse moriens, uti exsiliatus homo exiret de condemnatione, et reverteretur intrepide ad suam haereditatem. — 3. Sed et esurientes accipere sabbatis escam ex his quae adjace- bant, non vetabat Lex : metere autem et colligere in horreum vetabat. Et ideo Dominus his, qui incusabant discipulos ejus, quoniam vellentes spicas manducabant, dixit : " Nee hoc legistis, quod fecit David, cum esurisset, quemadmodum introivit in do- mum Dei, et panes propositionis manducavit, et dedit eis qui cum eo erant, quos non licebat manducare, nisi solis Saccrdoti- bus ?" per Legis verba suos discipulos excusans, et signiiicans licere Sacerdotibus libere agere. Sacerdos autem scitus fuera£ David apud Deum, quamvis Saul persequutionem faceret ei. rictc enim (iaffiXtiiQ ^iKaioc UpartKriy t\tt ra'^tc. Sacerdotes autem sunt omnes Domini Apostoli, qui neque agtos, neque domos haereditant hie, sed semper altari et Deo serviunt Et Sacerdotes in Tempio sabbatum prophanabant, et rei non erant. Quare ergo rei non erant ? Quia cum essent in Tempio, non saecularia sed Dominica perficiebant ministeria, Legem adim- plentes, non autem praetereuntes Legem, quemadmodum is qui a semetipso arida ligna attulit in castra Domini ; qui et juste lapidatus est. OF THE FOURTH COMMANDMENT. 217 original institution of a holy day or not. But in common with other Christian writers, he did not think that the fulfilment of the fourth command- ment lay in devoting any particular portion of time to the service of God; but in serving him conti- nually as much as possible ; and therefore, as a mat- ter of course, in observing those times of sacred repose and divine worship which either the institu- tion of Christ, or the common custom of Christians, or the rules of the Church, might have appointed*. * We have various indications of the observance of the Lord's day in early writers. Thus Ignatius {Ad Magnes. 0.) speaks of " the ancient prophets leading lives in harmony with the Lord's day." Mijicm aalifiari^ovTti, aX\a Kara KvptaK^c ^w^i* l^UvreQ, EC il Kal }/ {i) rifiSn- ayirtiXev Bi' avTov, Here there is an evident allusion to some way in which that day was spent, in contra- distinction to the Jewish Sabbath. — The Epistle of Barnabas, written not far from Apostolical times, speaks of it as a festival : "Ayofity Ttlv f/fiipav Tr/y 6yd6r)v etc tv((>po) describes the practice of assembling for instruction, worship, and commu- nion on that day, and affirms that our Lord, when he appeared to his disciples on Easter day, taught them to observe the day in this manner. KaJ ry fitra rriv KpoviKtiv, ijris iaTty 'HXi'oi; {jfiipa, ^avtie Tole iroffroXotc ahrov Kal /iadvjratc, iSlSale raiira. — A little later Dionysius of Corinth speaks of " celebrating the Lord's holy dav." T^v aiificpov olv KvpiaKrjv iiyiav fifxipav ^w;- ydyufitv. -do Clement, as I showed above (p. 211, note'), informs us that in his time the Lord's day appeared likely to be regarded as the proper sabbath. — Further on we find the Council of Laodicea (see p. 213, note ') directing Christians to rest by preference on the Lord's day, and not on the Sabbath. — Finally, we may see in Bingham {Antiq. XX. ii. 2, 3, 4.) how, 1 I '>! U^ 218 THE ZEAL OP THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. According to such a feeling, therefore, whilst no jiar- ticular portion of time would be kept with Jewish superstition, as though it were an end of itself, what- ever time was kept would be so kept as to ensure the ends proposed by its observance. And, if we revert to what has been before ob- served as to Irenseus's view of the law of liberty, we shall see that he would be so far from supposing that this Christ'au freedom authorized us to dispense with devoting one day in seven to God's service, that he would feel that it ought to lead those who had it in their power to devote even a larger portion. And such in fact was the practice of the Christians of those times. They assembled together not only on the morning and evening of the Sunday, but also throughout the east on the morning and evening of Saturday, and on the morning of Wednesday and Friday. When, therefore, there was so much zeal for the service of God, and the commandment was kept so amply in its spirit without thinking of the letter of it, — the warm feeling of Christians making them a law to themselves, — there was nothing to lead them to inquire critically how much the com- mandment actually required of them ; and to have as Christianity became established, business, labour, and public sports were forbidden by public authority; which proves of course what had been the practice of Christians themselves before their religion obtained the sanction of the civil power. f WHY WE MUST INSIST ON THE SABBATH. 219 instituted such an inquiry would have appeared like putting a restriction upon the ardour of Christian love, and returning to the spirit of the Law of Moses. The true question, then, to ask is, not why the first Christians did not put the Lord's day upon the footing of the paradisiacal sabbatli, but why we are called upon to do so in these latter days ? And the true answer will be found in the fact that the great body of us have abused the law of liberty, as the Israelites of old had done, and therefore, like them, have need, in the providential dealings of God, to be put back under rules and restrictions again, until we are become fitted to act as children of God: and when we are so, we have no wish to shake off such restrictions, but of our own accord go beyond them. In connection with this subject it is very remark- able that the Church of England in her catechism has not thought proper to connect the Lord's day in particular with th»j fourth commandment ; although most of our writers for the last three hundred years have found it necessary so to do. It is true that we have done no more than our duty by pointing out to our people that God from the beginning has hal- lowed one day in seven, in order to prevent them from relapsing into absolute heathenism ; — the error has been that we ha^a too much omitted to show r 220 WE MUST ACT UP TO THE SPIRIT OF THE LAW. that this was the least he would be satisfied with. We have too much written as though those who fully observed one day in seven had done their duty, instead of leading them to feel that they cannot be possessed of the spirit of true Christian obedience so long as they confine themselves to the letter of the law, and do not of their own accord embrace everi/ means of grace and spiritual improvement. I . 'T Hi AW. with. 3 who ' duty, lot be nee so of the 5 every CHAPTEa XVII. ON THE TYPICAL INTERPRETATION OP SCRIPTURE. The writers of the primitive Church, taking the lead from the inspired writers, and probably preserving in many cases the traditional interpretations of the Apostles, were in the habit of seeing types in many things which to us appear to have none but a literal meaning. It is, however, certain that there was a great tendency amongst the Hellenistic Jews to make the whole of the Old Testament typical ; and no doubt some Christians early followed them, as the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas (which were early writings, whether spurious or not) abundantly show : and this tendency continued to increase until the time of Origen, by whom it was pushed to such extremes, that, from that time, it became less popular. Ireneeus, however, is far from being a fanciful writer, and was more directly connected with the Apostles than most of the Fathers, and therefore the 222 ABEL — JOSEPH — MOSKfi. 1.1 A i ' types which he recognises are worthy of much more attention than those of Orison. With him, then, Abel was a type of Christ, as having suffered innocently ' ; Joseph "^ was a type of Christ, though in what way wo are not told, probably in the same sense as Abel ; Moses was a type of him when he spread forth his hands, and by that sign conquered Amalek '. That the brazen serpent was a type of healing man from the bite of the old serpent by faith, the words of Christ himself led him to see *. There were other points in which Moses was a type of Christ. " He took an Ethiopian woman to wife, whom he thereby made an Israelitess ; fore- showing that the wild olive is grafted into the olive, ' IV. xxxiv. 4. " Vide enim," inquit, "quomodo Justus perit, et nemo intuetur ; et viri justi tolluntur, et nemo cxcipit cordc." Haec autem in Abel quidem praemeditabantur, a prophctis vero prseconabantur, in Domino autem perficiebantur. * Frag. xvii. 'Ev ftkv t^ 'lu»t)Q, »/ £$ iOvHv eKii\T)on it, which is the suffering of the Just One, foreshown in Abel, written by the Prophets, and accomplished in the last times in the Son of God "." Irenaeus was of opinion that some of the apparent misdeeds of the old Patriarchs were not really sins, but circumstances brought upon them by divine Pro- vidence, with some mystical and typical end. Thus the cohabitation of liOt and his daughters is with ' IV. XXV. 2. Hoc et per alia quidem multa, jam vero et per Thamar Judae nurum typice ostenditur. Cum enim concepisset geminos, alter eorum prior protulit manum suam : et cum ob- 8tettix putaret eum primogenitum esse, coccinum alligavit sig- num in manu ejus. Cum hoc autem factum esset, et abstraxisset manum suam, prior exivit frater ejus Phares ; sic deinde secundus ille, in quo erat coccinum, Zara : clare manifestante Scriptura eum quidem populum qui habet coccinum signum, id est, eam fidem quae est in prseputio, praeostensam quidem primum in Patriarchis, post deinde subtractam, uti nasceretur frater ejus ; deinde sic eum, qui prior esset, secundo loco natum, qui est cog- nitus per signum coccinum, quod erat in eo; quod est passio Justi, ab initio praefigurata in Abel, et descripta a Prophetis, per- fecta vero in novissimis temporibus in Filio Dei. THE MISDEEDS OF THE FATRIAMCH8. •225 him providential and typical, signifying that from one Father the Word, by means of the life-giving Spirit, the two sister synagogues, the Jewish and the Chris- tian, have brought forth a spiritual seed \ ' IV. xxxi. 1. Quemadmodum et Lot, qui eduxit de So- dotnis Alias suus, quae conceperunt de patre suo, et qui reliquit in circunifinio uxoreni suatn statuain salis usque in liodiernum diem. Etenim Lot non ex sun voluntate, neque ex sua coneu- pisccntin carnali, neque sensum neque cogitationem hujusmodi accip'cns, consumniavit typum. Quemadmodum Scriptura dicit : " Et ikilravit major natu, et dormivit cum patre suo ilia ; et non Bcivit Lot cum dormiret ilia, et cum surgcret :" et in minore lioc idem: '• Et non scivit," inquit, " cum dormisset sccum, ncc cum surrexisset :" ^») ilcoroc rov Awr, /ijjSt tjCovij ^ovXtvirafToi;, oiKovofiia iiriTiXi'tTo, ^i' ijc «< cvo filiae, id est, duae trvynyiuyal and tfoc Kal Tou auTov naTf)ug TeKvoTroiTiatifiivai ifirivvovTo itviv aapKOQ ifCoi'ii^. Oil yap ?V oWoc ovCi\<: tnripfia ^utTiKoy Kai t. ^ • iirinap- niav hvi'UfitvoQ Soiii'di aiiraTf, KaOioi yiypairTui' "iJi:, it auteni major ad minorem : Fater noster senior est, et nemo est super terram qui intret ad nos, ut oportet omni terrrr; : veni, potione- mus patrem nostrum vino, et dormiamus cv.iu eo, ut suscitemus de patre nostro semen." — 2. Illao quidem filiae secundum simpli- citatem et innocentiam putantes nnivcrsos homines perisse, quem- admodum Sodomitas, et in universam terram iracundiam Dei supervenisse, dicebant hasc. Quapropter et ipsse excusabiles sunt, arbitrantes se solas relictas cum patre suo ad conservati- onem generis humani, et propter hoc circumveniebant patrem. Per verba autem earum significabatur, neminem esse alterum qui possit filiorum generationem majori et minori synagjgae praestare, quam Patrem nostrum. Pater autem generis humani Verbum Dei ; quemadmodum Moyses osteodit dicens : " Nonne hie ipse Pater tuus possedit te, et fecit te, et creavit te?" Quando igitur hie vitale semen, id est, Spiritual remissionis peccatorum per quern vivificaraur, effudit in humanum genus ? Nonne tunc Q •226 JACOB AND ESAU. St. Paul has taught us that Jacob and Esau were types of the elder and younger Churches ; but Ire- najus has much amplified the figure, and brought in other parallelisms. " And if any one would study the acts of Jacob, he Mill find them not empty, but full of providential arrangements ^ : and first in his birth, as he caught hold of the heel of his brother, and was called Jacob, that is, the supplanter ; hold- ing and not holden ; fettering but not fettered ; struggling and conquering ; holding in his hand the heel of his adversary, i. e. the victory : to this end was the Lord born, whose birth he typified, con- cerning whom John saith in the Revelation, He went forth conquering, to conquer. Moreover, in taking the birthright when his brother disdained it ; as also the younger people accepted Christ the first-bom, when the elder people rejected him, saying. We have no (■si. if cum convescebatur cum hominibus, et bibebat vinum in terra ? " Venit" enim, inquit, " filius hominis manducans et bibens :" et cum recubuisset, obdormivit, et somnum cepit. Quemadmo- dum ipse in David dicit : " Ego dormivi et somnum cepi." Et quoniam in nostra communicationc et vita boc agebat, iterum ait : •' Et somnus meus suavis mihi factus est." Totum autcm sig- nificabatur per Lot, quoniam semen patris omnium, id est, Spi- ritus Dei, per quern facta sunt omnia, commixtus et unitus est carni, hoc est, plasmati suo : per quum commixtioncm et unitateni duae synagogse, id est, dux congregationcs fructificantes ex patrc suo filios vivos vivo Deo. * Justin Martyr expresses the same sentiment: Trijph. 134. OiKovoftlai Tirec fitydXuv ^vartfpiiav iv tKaoTri rivi roiavrfi n-pn'ici uTreTtXoviTo, JACOB AND ESAU. 227 king but CfBmr. And in Christ was the whole bless- ing ; and for this reason the latter people stole from the Father the blessing of the former people, as Jacob took away the blessing from Esau. For which cause his brother suffered from the lying in wait and persecutions of a brother, as also the Church suffers from the Jews ". The twelve tribes, the children of Israel, were born in a foreign country, as Christ began at a distance from his home to lay the twelve- pillared foundation of the Church. The spotted sheep were the wages of Jacob ; and Christ's reward is the assemblage of men from differing nations into the one bond of the faith ', as the Father promised him : ' Ask of me, and I will give thee the heathen for thine inheritance, and the utmost parts of the earth for thy possession.' And as to Jacob, the Lord's prophet, it consisted of a multitude of children, it was necessary that he should have children from two sisters ; as also Christ from two laws of one and the same Father * ; and likewise of two maid-servants, ' Justin M. Tryph. 1.34, ad finem, draws the same parallel. Tov xpoi'oi' Ttdt'Ta iynat'iTO inro rov tiSi\v(ni a^eX^w*'. ' Justin, ibid. 'ESovXevatv 'Iacw/3 rjJ Ad(iav vnep tuv pav- T&v KoX wo\vfi6p" iravroe yivovc ttoikiXuv kuI ttoXw- tiSiJy avOpwirotr, ^t' a'lfmro^ Ka\ fiviirr\piov rov aravpov KTi)nn- furos avTOVf;. * Justin, ibid. 'AXXa Atia fiev o Xa«c vfiwv kot fi avvayittyif' 'Pa)(»)X ^£ iKKXtiaia rffiUv. Q 2 m 228 JACOB. :.'■ i i: signifying that Christ shouUl make sons of God out both of those who in the flesh were free and of slaves, granting to all alike the gift of the life-giving Spirit '. And he did all for the sake of the younger, Rachel, who typified the Church, for whose sake Christ endured *." ' Justin, ibid. Ei'c aTroKardaraaiy ufifuTiptov re TtSv iKivOlpwv TEKVwv Kal Tiov tv avroiiQ SovXuv Xptoroc i\)'i\v6e, rwv uvrtDv trfiv- TUQ KaraL,iiJJV roiig ^uXaVffOJrac rag ivToXag avrov' oy rpuirov koi oi uiro Tiiv i\EvOipu>v Kai oi aird rw»' t'cuXwv ytvoficyoi t^ 'Ia*:w/3 TraVrte v'loX ku\ o^urifioi ytyovam. * IV. xxi. 3. Si quis aiitem et actus qui sunt Jacob addiscat, inveniet eos non inanes, sed picnos dispnsitionum. Et imprimis in nativitate ejus, quemadmodum apprehcndit calcaneum fratris, et Jacob vocatus est, id est, supplantator ; tenens, et qui non tenetur ; ligans peiles, sed qui non ligatur ; luctans, ct vincens ; tenens in manu calcaneum advcrsarii, id est, victoriam. Ad hoc enim nascebatur Dominus, cujus typum generationis praestabat, de quo et Joannes in Apocalypsi ait : " Exivit vincens, ut vince- ret." Deinde autcm primogenita accipiens, quando vituperavit ea frater ejus : quemadmodum et junior populus eum primogeni- tum Christum accepit, cum eum repulit populus aetate provectior, dicens : •' Non liabemus Regem, nisi Cajsarem." In Christo autem universa benedictio : et propter hoc benedictiones prioris populi a Patre subripuit posterior populus, quemadmodum Jacob abstulit benedictionem hujus Esaii ; ob quam causam fratris patiebatur insidias et persecutioncs frater suus, sicut et Ecclesia hoc idem a Judseis patitur. Percgre nascebantur xii tribus, genus Israel, quoniam et Christus peregre incipiebat duodecastylum firmamentum Ecclesiae generare. Variae oves, quae fiebant, huic Jacob merces : et Christi mcrces, qui ex variis et diffcrentibus gentibus in unam cohortem fidei convenientes fiunt homines, quem.idmodum Pater promisit ei : " Postula," dicens, " a me, et dabo tibi Gentes ha;reditatem tuam, et possessionem tuam ter- minos terrae." Et quoniam multitudinis filiorum Domini Pro- RAHAB. 229 Rahab the harlot, again, who was a heathen and a great sinner, and received the three spies, and by reliance ujjon the scarlet thread, (which meant the same thing as the passover,) was saved, whilst the city in which she lived was destroyed, is a type of sinners in all future ages, who, revering the Tri- nity, and by faith in Christ our passover, are saved, wliilst the world of those who rejected him are lost*. phetae fiebat Jacob, nccessitas omnis fuit ex duabus sororibus eum filios facere ; quemadmodum Christus ex duabus Legibus unius et ejusdcm Patris : similiter autem et ex aucillis ; signifi- cans quoniam secundum camera ex liberis et ex servis Christus statueret filios Dei, similiter omnibus dans munus Spiritus vivi- ficantis nos. Omnia autein ille faciebat propter illam juniorem, bonos oculos habentem, Rachel, quae praefigurabat Ecclesiam, propter quam sustinuit Christus : qui tune quidem per Patri- archas suos et Prophetas praefigurans et praenuntians futura, praeexercens suam partem dispositionibus Dei, et assuescens has* reditatem suam obedire Deo, et peregrinari in saeculo, et sequi verbum ejus, et praesignificare futura. Nihil cnim vacuum, ne- que sine signo apud Dcum. • IV. XX. 12. Sic autem et Ilaab fornicaria scmetipsam qui- dem condemnans, quoniam esset gentilis, omnium peccatorum rea, suscepit autem tres speculatores, qui spcculabantur universam terram, et apud se abscondit, Patrem scil'cet et Filium cum Spiritu sancto. Et cum universa civitas, in qua habitabat, con- cidisset in ruinam, canentibus septcm tubicinis, in ultimis Raab fornicaria conservata est cum universa domo sua, fide signi coc- cini : sicut et Dominus dicebat his, qui adventum ejus non exci- piebant, Pharisacis scilicet, et coccini signum nuUificant, quod erat pascha, redemplio et exodus populi ex Jilgypto, dicens : " Publican! et meretrices praecedunt vos in Regno crelorum." The same type is acknowledged by Clement of Rome, in his !' •230 MOSES — JOSHUA. Joshua, again, he makes a type of Christ, bringing his people into their eternal inheritance, as Moses brought them out of captivity ; and he further de- clares that as Moses, representing the law, rested, in prefiguration of the cessation of the law, so Joshua, as representing the Gospel, and a perfect type of the personal Word, discourssv'. to the people; and that as Moses gave the manna, so Joshua gave the new bread, the first-fruits of life, a figure of the body of Christ". He finds a very humble parallel to our Lord in r ) 't First Epistle to the Corinthians, § 12. Kot irpoaiOevTo aiirg Sovyai arffitlov, ottwc Kptfidarf tK tov oikov avTtjt KOKKifOff irpoBriXoy TTOwvvTEQ on Sia TOV alfMTog rov Kvpiov Xvrptaaic tffrat iratri role ntiTTEvovffip fca( iXirii^ovaiv tVl t6v Qiov. Likewise by Justin, Tryph. 111. Kai yap to av^iftoXov tov kokkIvov awapriov, ov 'ilwKav , ... 01 KaTuaKoiroi 'Paa/3 rrj Tropyji bfioluQ to avfilioXov TOV alfiaTOQ tov Xpiarov il{]\ov, Zi oh oi TraXat iropvoi Koi aSiKoi ck ndvTwv Twy iOvuiv au^oyTai, a^fttaif anapTiwr \a(i6yTtC' * Frag. xix. Aa'/Se npde atavroy rdy 'Iritrovy v'lov Navr/. "E^tj yap ii AiyvKTOV Muvaijy Toy Xaoy Hayaytiy, t6v hi '1tifiQ, Tvitov tov txufiaroQ tov XpiffTOv' Kada <(>Ti)p uvtM^aTO. ' Frag, xxvii. To fiev ovr iraiEapiop ■)(^ttpay(oyovy tov Iiaii\p(ijv npoTVTTuidiiaiTai tic 'litx'tfvriv tov BaTrrtari)*', tTriSaKvivra rji \oj> Tt'ir tic Xpterroc niaTiy. 6 ^c oIkoi;, etc ov ytrav avvi]yfiivoi, ariftaiytTai il vai 6 icucrfioct ty ^ i;aT(^Kei tU a\\6(j)v\a tOyri Kal airiara, fluffta^ojra ro7c ct^wXotc auTuV o'l Se Svo erTvXoi, at Svo hadrjtcai, TO ovy itrayanuuOrjyai tov Sa^v^wc £;rt Tovg otu\owc» TOV Sida^OivTai Kaov iiriyyiovai to tov XptffroD fivffTiipiov, 1 232 TYPICAL INTERPRETATION. the various books of the New Testament were writ- ten, their occasional nature, so to speak, will suppose that the whole of the types are developed in it. We must therefore be left to ourselves, in some degi'ee, to discover the other types ; and yet it cannot be supposed that all the resemblances our mind can strike out were absolutely intended. But it must be some recommendation of any typical application, to say the least, to find it struck out in that early age, when those who had conversed with apostolical men were living : and where we find a number of writers agreeing to adopt any one type, (as, for instance, Clement of Rome, Justin and Irenaeus, make Rahab's scarlet line typical,) it will, I suppose, appear to most minds to have a very high probability. And it is only by noticing the types in each early writer, that we can arrive at this species of authority for any one particular type. CHAPTER XVIII. ON THE INTERMEDIATE STATE. Persons sometimes ask, What is the advantage of studying the Fathers ? why cannot we be contented with the light of Scripture ? Those who siudy them reply, that one use at least is, that by their help the obscure parts of Scripture, where some truths are but hinted at or supposed, are brought forth into light and clear outline. An instance of this, and a very unobjectionable one, is to be found in the doctrine of Irenaius, and not of him alone, as to the intermediate state. We know from Scripture that there is an unseen state to which Christ descended * ; and that the just after death go to paradise \ and are with Christ ^ If the parable of the rich man and Lazarus is taken literally, it seems to be implied that the good and bad are Acts ii. 31. ' Luke xvi. 22. xxiii. 43. * Phil. i. 23. 234 THE INTERMEDIATE STATE. separated in that state, and yet that they are capable of holding intercourse with each other; and there seems to be a hint that the state of the dead is, in some sense, a state of confinement*. Beyond this we have little, if any thing. Our views, however, such as they are, become confirmed and acquire definiteness, as we find the same subjects treated of or alluded to by Irenajus. He treats the parable I have spoken of, as not strictly a parable, but a relation of real occurrences'; and asserts that it shows us that the soul, in a state of separation from the body, retains its individuality, so that disembodied souls may know each other, and hold mutual intercourse; and that each class of persons has its api)ropriate habitation even before the day of judgment ^ Accordingly he affirms that * I Pet. iii. 19. iv. 6. ' IV. ii. 4. Non autcm fabulam rctulit nobis pauperis et divitis. ' II. xxxiv. 1. Plenissime autem Dominus docuit, non solum perseverare, non de corpore in corpus transgredientes, animas ; sed et characterem corporis, in quo etiam adaptantur, custodire eundem, et meminisse eas operum, quae egerunt hie, et a quibus cessaverunt, in ea relatione, quae scribitur de divite et de Lazaro eo, qui refrigerabat in sinu Abralue : in qua ait, divitem cogno- scere Lazaruin post mortem, et Abraham autem similiter, et manere in suo ordine unumquemque ipsorum, et postularo mitti ei ad opem ferendam Lazarum, cui ne quidem de mensae suae THE INVISIBLE PLACE. 235 Christ observed the law of the dead, and departed into the midst of the shadow of death, where the souls of the dead were. And conformably he teaches us that the souls of his disciples will at death deptirt into the invisible place destined for them b} God, and there remain, waiting for the resurrection \ amicis cominunicabat : et de Abraliae responso, qui non tantum ea, quu; secundum sc, sed et quae secundum divitem essent, sciebat ; et proccipiebat Moysi assentirc et Prophetis eos, qui non mallent pervenire in ilium locum pccnse, et recipientes praeconium ejus, qui resurrexerit a mortuis. Per htec enim manifeste declaratum est, et persevcrare animas, et non de corpore in corpus transire, et habere hominis figuram, ut etiam cognoscantur, et meminerint corum, qu:c sint hie ; et propheticum quoque adesse Abrahae, et dignam habitationem unamquamque gentem percipere, etiam ante judicium. ' V. xxxi. 2. Si ergo Dominus legem mortuorum servavit, ut ficret primogcnitus a mortuis, et commoratus usque in tertiam diem in inferioribus tcrree ; post deinde surgens in came, ut etiam fixuras clavorum ostendcret discipulis, sic ascendit ad Patrem ; quomodo non confundantur, qui dicunt inferos quidem esse hunc mundum, qui sit secundum nos ; interiorem autem hominem ipsorum derclinquentem hie corpus, in supercoelestem ascendere locum ? Cum enim Dominus " in medio umbrae mor- tis abierit," ubi animae mortuorum erant, post deinde corporaliter resurrexit, et pust resurrectionem assumptus est ; manifestum est quia et discipulorum ejus, propter quos et haec operatus est Dominus, A( v^u^ai inrip\ovTai etc rov ron-oi' invisibilem Toviipur- fiivov avraiQ airo tov Qiov, KaKii fiixpi r^c avaaraaiiiiQ ^otrtSeri, irtpi^ifovaai r^f apacrraaiv' 'itrtiTa atroXafiovaai ra awixara, Knl oXotcXi/pfiic avaaraaaif rovriari aufxariKutg, KaOije Kat 6 Kvptoc driarri, ovtwc iXevaovrai etc rrlv tii/ztc tov Qeov. "Nemo enim est discipulus super magistrum : perfectus autem omnis crit »icut magister ejus." Quomodo ergo Magister noster non statim 236 ENOCH AND ELI AS. ,'■1 I And this invisible place he declares to bo paradise, to which Enoch and Elias arc already translated with their bodies, anticipating immortality ^ But to those who have died he declares that this state is a state of condemnation, even to those who are found in life'. For he believed that the souls of the just, although in death and consequent con- demnation, would retain the Spirit of God, and con- sequently the seed and pledge of a new life ' ; and evolans abiit, sed sustinens definitum a Palrc resurrectionis su£u tempus, (quod et per Jonam manifestatum est,) post triduuni resurgens assun plus est ; sic et nos sustinurc debemus definitum a Deo resurrectionis nostra) tempus, pracnuntiatum a Prophetis, et sic resurg(!iitcs a»sumi, quotquot Dominus ad hoc dignos ha- buerit. So Clement of Rome (Jd Corr. I. 50) affirms tliat •• they who have departed, fully established in love, enjoy the place of the just" — x^P"*" t»'<'«/3w»'. ' V. V. 1. "Unovye 'Eyilj\ tvapcvriiaac ry 0ij5, iv awftari fur- tTtdr], Ttjv ficrddtaiv rStv BiKaluv irpofiTjvvuv Kal 'IlXt'cic, wq Jjy, Iv rrj TOv nXafffiaroi vwoardtret dvi\iiv irvtv- /xaTiKiiy npo(j>Tirevb>v, K.r.X. . . . Ato Kal Xiyovtriv ol irpiarftvnpot, T&y diroaroXioy /ladr^rat, rove /ierarttierraj EKtlfft [that is, to para- dise] fieraTtdt'iyai' (SiKaioiQ yap oVflpwTrotf tea* wyevfiaToy>)v Si avrov ijKovaufity. Tt ^' oii^i St]\ovaiv ivtiyytXiadai rov Kiipiov roic re diro- KuXoaiv iv rjJ KaraicXvtTfi^ , /jfiWoi' Se TrtTrtSijfiifoii khI role iv (pvXaKij Tt Kui ixtum testae, commix- tiones erunt in semine hominum, et non erunt adjuncti invicem, quemadmodum ferrum non commiscetur cum testa." Et quoniam finis fiet, inquit : " Et in diebus Regum illorum excitabit Deus coeli Regnum, quod in aeternum non corrurapetur, et Regnum ejus alteri populo non relinquetur. Comminuet et ventilabit I n I (, 'I ill p'' w i U N II i* 246 ANTICHRIST — THE BEAST. Irenc?"'.s again sees Antichrist in the beast (Rev. xiii. 2 — 18) whose head was wounded, who has a mouth given to him speaking great things, and receives i)0 .ver for forty and two months ; who has an armour-bearer, called the false prophet, who will work great miracles by magical power, through the aid of evil spirits ; the number of whose name Is omnia regna, et ipsum exaltabitur in astemum. Quemadmodum vidisti, quoniam de monte praecisus est lapis sine manibus, et comminuit testam, ferrum, et acramentum, et argentum, et aurum. Deus magnus significavit Regi, quae futura sunt post haec : et ve- rum est somnium, et fidelis interpretatio ejus." — 2. Si ergo Deus magnus significavit per Danielem futura, et per Filium confirma- vit ; et Cliristus est lapis, qui praecisus est sine manibus, qui destruet temporalia Regna, et aetcmum inducet, quae est justorum resurrectio : " Resuscitabit," ait, '• Deus coe]> Regnum, quod in asternum nunquam corrumpetur." See also xxvi. 1. p. 243, note. " V. xxviii. 2. Cuju3 adventum Joannes in Apocalypsi signifi- cavit ita : •' Et bestia (uam vldoram, similis erat pardo Si quis gladio Occident, oportet eum in gladio occidi. Hie est sustinentia et fides sane tor am.'' Post deinde et de armigero ejus, quern et pseudoprophetain vocat : '• Loquebatur," inquit, " quasi draco, et potestatem primae bestiae omneni faciebat in conspectu ejus : et facit terram, et qui habitant in ea, ut adorarent bestiam primam, cujus curata est plaga mortis ejus. Et faciet signa magna, ut et ignem faciat de coelo descendere in terram in con- spectu hominum, et seducet inhabitantcs super terram." Ha?c ne quis eum divina virtute putet signa facere, sed magica ope- ratione. Et non est mirandum, si daemoniis et apostaticis spiriti- bus ministrantibus ei, per eos faciat signa, in quibus seducat habitantes super terram. " Et imagineni," ait, "jubebit fieri bestiae, et spiritum dabit imagini, uti et loquatur iiiiogo, ct eos 1 1 • it! 'M (Rev. o has a gs, and who has who will »ugh the name Is ladmodutn atiibus, et et aurum. ec : et ve- ergo Deus confirraa- nibus, qui t justorum I, quod in 243, note. [)si signifi- lo Hie est igero ejus, lit, " quasi conspectu It bestiam iciet signa im in con- n." Ha?c agica ope- icis spiriti- js seducat bebit fieri igo, et eos HIS NUMBER. 247 Respecting this number he enters into a special discussion, in which he first reproves those who hastily endeavoured to interpret it ', .and then endea- vours to lay down correct principles of interpretation for it. He suggests that we must wait till the other signs of Antichrist begin to be fulfilled, such as the division of the Roman Empire into ten parts, and the sudden coming of another power to their dis- comfiture. We must also remark, ho tells us, that Jeremiah (viii. IG) has foretold that he will be of the tribe of Dan *. We must not be rash in applying qui non adoraverint earn, faciei occidi. Et characterem autem," ait, " in fronte, et in manu dextra faciet dari, ut non possit aliquis emere vel vendere, nisi qui habet characterem nominis bestiae, vel numerum nominis ejus; et esse numerum sexcentos sexaginta sex, quod est, sexies centeni, et deni sexies, et singulares sex ;" in recnpitulationem universie apostasise ejus, quas facta est in sex millibus annorum. * V. XXX. 1, Kat irpuToy fitv l^rjfxia kv rf airOTV\eiv rrjc u\ti- Oeiae, Kat to /ij) oi' wc «" vTroXafiiiv tTrtira ^£ row TrpoerfltVroc V a(pe\6vT0g n rijc ypaffjc, tmrifiiav ov ri/v Tvxovaav t^oi^roc, £»€ avr^v tfiTCEtriiv avayicjj tov toiovtov, tTraKoXovdiiaei St K*at £r£poc oiv 6 Tvyioy KirdwoQ role ^tv^iHg 7rpoti\r)(l>6■' ; i .■ ■!■"■ / ■ t 1 1 ^1 ni^ .^L ■ 250 THE MILLENNIUM. It is foreign to my purpose to enter into the pro- bability or improbability of these interpretations : but two things strike me as remarkable : first, the decided identification of the ten horns of the beast with the Roman Empire in a state of division ; and secondly, the admission of the mystical meaning of dmjs in the prophecy of Daniel (viii. 27) as signifying yearst coupled with the literal interpnjtation of time in other passages ; as, for instance, Dan. vii. 25, and Rev. xiii. 5. When the short reign of Antichrist ceases, the undisputed reign of Christ (according to Irenajus) will begin, and will continue a thousand years. For as the days of creation were six, and the day of rest one; as moreover one day is with the Lord a thousand years ; this world is destined to endure six thousand years in this state of turmoil and per- plexity ^ and then will succeed a thousand of rest and enjoyment \ When that time arrives, the world will be restored to its pristine state ; the very ani- mals will all associate together in peace ; the just ^ V. xxviii. 3. See p. 215, note '. The very ancient writer under the name of Barnabas, con- temporary at least with Justin Martyr, says, (Epist. § 11.) Upoa- ixere, rtKya, ri \iyti ro' ^vveriXtaty tv i^ rifiipaiQ. Tovro Xiyti VTi trvvTiXEi Kvp(0£ iv i^aKia\iKioic tTtai ra Trayra, ' V. XXX. 4. xxxiii. 2. THE MILLENNIUM. 251 will rise with their bodies, and upon this very earth, upon wliich they suffered, will receive the reward of their endurance'. Then shall Abrahair ceive, " V. xxxii. 1. Quoniam igitur transferuntur quorundatn sen- tcntiee ab hocreticis scrmonibus, et sunt ignorantes dispositiones Dei et mysterium justorum resurrectionis et Regni quod est prin- cipium incorrupteloE, per quod regnum qui digni fuerint paulatim assucscunt capere Deutn ; necessarium est autem diccre de illis quoniam oportet justos primos in conditione hac quae renovatur, ad apparitionem Dei resurgentes, recipere promissionem hieredi- tatis quam Deus promisit patiibus, et regnare in ea ; post deinde fieri judicium. In qua enim conditione laboraverunt sive afflict! sunt, omnibus modis probati per suffercntiam, justum est in ipsa recipere eos fructus suiTerentise Oportet ergo et ipsam conditionem, reintegratam ad pristinum, sine prohibitione servire justis. xxxiii. 4. Hoec ergo tcmpora prophetans Esaiasait: " Et compascetur lupus cum agno, et pardus conquiescet cum lisedo, et vitulus et taurus et leo simul pascentur, et puer pusil- lus ducet eos. Et bos et ursus simul pascentur, et simul infan- tes eorum erunt : et leo et bos manducabunt paleas. Et puer infans in cavemam aspidum, et in cubile filiorum aspidum manum mittet; et non male facient, nee poterunt perdere aliquem in monte sancto meo." Et iterum recapitulans ait : " Tunc lupi et agni pascentur simul, et leo quasi bos vescetur paleis, serpens autem terram quasi panem : et non nocebunt neque vexabunt in monte sancto meo, dicit Dominus." Non ignoro autem, quoniam quidam haec in feros, et ex diversis gentibus et variis operibus credentes, et cum crediderint consentientes justis, tentent trans- ferre. Sed etsi nunc hoc sit in quibusdam hominibus, ex variis gentibus in unam sententiam fidei venientibus, nihilominus in resurrectione just um super iis animalibus, quemadmodum dic- tum est : dives enim in omnibus Deus. Et oportet conditione rcvocata, obedire et subjecta esse omnia animalia homini, et ad primam a Deo datam reverti escara, (quemadmodum autem in IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 4? 1.0 1.1 lis UiU8 ■: iS, 112.0 Its a ■tfuu 1.8 '. * 1.25 u^ |||j4 ■-■•-■."--:-,.■■■' -■■■■ ^ 6" ► Hiotographic Sdences Corporation 23 WeST MAIN STRUT WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716)S73-4S03 4: ^ ;V V> V \ «^ ^^■ ^ 252 THE MILLENNIUM. ; t fully and literally, the promise made to him and to his seed, i. e. the Church, and shall really enjoy his inheritance from the river of Egypt to the great Euphrates '. Then shall Jesus drink the fruit of the vine new with his disciples '^ ; for there shall be no more labour, but there shall be a continual table prepared by a creative hand, by the incredible pro- obedientia subjecta erant Adse,) fructum terrae. Alias autem et non est nunc ostendere leonem paleis vesci. Hoc autem signiii- cabat magnitudinem et pinguedinem fructuum. Si enim leo animal paleis vescitur; quale ipsum triticum erit, cujus palea ad escam congrua erit Iconum ? Theophilus ad Aulohjcum, II. 25. 'OTrdraf oZv naXiv 6 avdftto- iroc avadpdfiTi etc to Kara ijiixnv, /ii/KcVi KaKoirotuy ; KOKeiya (i. e. ra fljjpto) a7roKaraffra0»/ff£rat tJc Ttjv ap')(ijdtv iifieportfTa. ' V. xxxii. 2. " Semini tuo dabo terram banc, a flumine ^gypti usque ad flumen magnum Eupbratem." Si ergo huic [Abraham] promisit Deus haereditatem terrae, non accepit autem in omni suo incolatu ; oportet eum accipere cum semine suo, hoc est, qui timent Deum et credunt in eum, in resurrectione justorum. Semen autem ejus Ecclesia, per Dominum adoptionem quae est ad Deum accipiens Nequc Abraham neque semen ejus, hoc est, qui ex fide justificantur, nunc sumunt in ea haeredi- tatem ; accipient autem eam in resurrectione justorum. " v. xxxiii. 1. Promisit bibere de generatione vitis cum suis discipulis; utrumque ostendens, et haereditatem terras in qua bibitur nova generatio vitis, et carnalem resurrectionem discipu- lorum ejus : quae enim nova resurgit care, ipsa est quae et novum percipit poculum. Neque autem sursum in supercoelesti loco constitutus cum suis potest intelligi bibens vitis gencrationem ; neque rursus sine came sunt, qui bibant illud : camis enim pro- prium est, et non spiritus, qui ex vite accipitur potus. 2. Sec p. 215, note '. THE MILLENNIUM. 253 ductiveness of the fruits of the earth '. Then shall the righteous hold intercourse and communion with Angels * in Jerusalem, which shall be then rebuilt *. This state of things he believed, as I have said, would last a thousand years; and he adopted this view, not for want of knowing that there was an allegorical interpretation, but because he thought it forced and unnatural, and labouring under irreme- diable difficulties ". * V. xxxiii. 2. supra. — 3. Praedicta itaque benedictio ad tempora Regni sine contradictione pertinet, quando regnabunt justi sur- gentes a tnortuis : quando et creatura renovata,et liberata, multitu- dinem fructificabit universae escae, ex rore coeli, et ex fertilitate terrae. See p. 131, note*. * V. XXXV. 1. Regnabunt justi in terra, crescentes ex visione Domini, et per ipsuro assuescent capere gloriam Dei Patris, et cum Sanctis Angelis conversationem et communionem, et unita- tem spiritalium in Regno capient: et illos quos Dominus in came inveniet, exspectantes eum de coelis, et perpessos tribula- tionem, qui et e£fugerint iniqui manus. * V. XXXV. 2. In Regni temporibus, revocata terra a Christo, et reaedificata Hierusalem, secundum characterem quae sursum est Hierusalem. * V. xxxiii. 4. supra. — xxxv. 1. Si autem quidam tentaverint allegorizare haec, quae ejusmodi sunt; neque de omnibus poterunt consonantes sibimetipsis inveniri, et convincentur ab ipsis dic- tionibus. — 2. Et nihil allegorizari potest, sed omnia firma, et vera, et suostantiam habentia, ad fruitionem hominum justorum a Deo facta. Quomodo enim vere Deus est, qui resuscitat hominem ; sic et vere resurgit homo a mortuis, et non allegorice, quemad- modum per tanta ostendimus. Et sicut vere resurgit, sic et vere 254 THE NEW HEAVENS AND NEW EARTH. ■ ! I !:■ Il ; U\ And when the thousand years were ended, he believed that the great day of judgment would come, and the general resurrection, when the New Jeru- salem would descend from heaven, of which the former Jerusalem, in which the just were prepared for immortality, would have been but an image ^ Then will there be new heavens and a new earth, in which man will for ever converse with God. But there will not be only one abode of the righteous : some will ascend into heaven above the angels ; others will enjoy the delights of a paradise ^ ; but all prsemeditabitur [/xeXtn/ffcrat — sese exercebit in] incorruptelam, et augebitur, et vigebit in Regni temporibus, ut fiat capax gloriae Patris. Deinde omnibus renovatis, vere in civitate habitabit Dei. ' V. XXXV. 2. His itaque praetereuntibus super tcrram, novam superiorem Hierusalem ait Domini discipulus Joannes descendere, quemadmodum sponsam ornatam viro suo ; et hoc esse taberna- culum Dei, in quo inhabitabit Deus cum hominibus. Hujus Hierusalem imago ilia, quse in priori terra, Hierusalem, in qua justi prsemeditantur incorruptelam, et parantur in salutem. £t hujus tabemaculi typum accepit Moyses in monte. * V. xxxvi 1. riapeXdovToc Be row ajftjfiaros rovrov, icaiava- vtwdiiToe rov avOputTTov, Kal aK^daavTOQ irpo^ Tt)v aipdaptriav, Cjctte fxtlKin Svyaadai vipa iraXaiudrjvai, carat 6 ovpavog Kaivog, Kat fi yij Kaiyfi' iy rolt KaiydlQ ava^tvtl 6 &vdp(itirot atl Katyoc, Kal irpoa- OfitXwv Tj» 0£J5" r^p opadi'iairai, Kadlljs a^iot 'iaovrai ol opuvrtg avToy, ' V. xxxvi. 3. Ut progenies ejus, primogenitus Verbum, de- scendat in facturam, hoc est, in plasma, et capiatur ab eo ; et factura iterum capiat Verbum, et ascendat ad eum, supergrediens Angeles, et fiet secundum imaginem et similitudincm Dei. ' Justin Martyr, Dial, cum Tryph. 80, makes Tryphon ask the question : Etn-e ^i fioi aXriddQ, vfiiig avoiKoSofitfdiji'ai tov tottov 'lepovffaXiffi Tuvrov ofioXoyt'iTe, Kai avva^dt'iaeadai top Xaov v/jlHv, Kal tvifipavdfjvai aw t^ XpiffTu dfia toIq warptfipxatc Kal toIq Trpoij)i)rais koi toIq utto tov rifxiripov yivovQ t) Kal tUv TrpoatjXvriaVf irptv e\dth> vfiHy tov XpioTov, TrpotrSoKare ; And to this Justin replies, 'ilfxaXoyijaa oZv aoi Kal npoTEpov, on iyO) lUv Kal aXXoi noXXol ravTa (ppovovfiev, wc Kal TraVrwc litioTaaQt, tovto yertjffOjue- voV TToXXovQ h' av Kal tQv r^c (caOapdc Kal ehirejjovg ovt(ov Xpia- TiavCiv yvwfiTjQ tovto fifi yvmpil^uv einifiavd aoi. And further on : 'Eyw Bt, Kal ft Tivic tiaiv opdoyvuixoyig Kara TraVro XpiOTiavol Kal aapKoe avdaTaaiv yevt'itTEffdai kiriaTdfieBa' kox xiXia tTTi Iv 'lepovaaXrlfi oiKO^ofJitjdeiarf Kal KOP OOD. 261 at " a8 lugh a as he to the lat his B clear Virgin an in- shment ir; and ivocato ho was , rather liand, he undoubtedly countenances (although he does not use) the appellation given to her by many, of the motfier of God ^. • V. xix. I. ut portarct Deum. that to nbers of Bcessary snt per- is, per- lat Ire- was the others ', in the ek like- [le other CHAPTER XXI. ACCOUNT OF THE GNOSTIC TEACHERS AND THEIR TENETS. SECTION T. SIMON MAOUS, NICOLAS, AND THE EBIONITES. Several writers have speculated upon the sources of the Gnostic errors ; but, I believe that the asser- tion of Irenaius remains uncontradicted, that Simon Magus was the first to give them a definite form '. We learn from Theodoret*, Elias Cretensi8^ and Nicetas*, that he imagined an ogdoad of superior ' I. xxiii. 2. xxvii. 4. II. Prsef. 1. III. Praef. ' Hcer. I. 1. He calls the Great Original a twofold Fire, hidden and apparent, and he gives the names of the Pairs who proceeded from this Fire, as No5c koX 'Enivoia, ^otvii koX "Evvota, Aoyifffide Kai 'Evdvfirfffie. ' Ad Gregor. Naz. Oral, xxiii. The names he gives are BvOds Kal S:at 'A\>/Oeia, AiJyoc ».at Zwi), "Avdpunros Kai 'EKKXtfaia. * Ad cjusdem Oral. xliv. SIMON MAGUS. 263 beings, all the rest of whom emanated from the firet. Ho imogined one First Cause, the source of all ex- istence, with whom he joined his Thought (ILvvmn). Irentcus mentions no more than these'. Simon taught that this Thought, issuing forth from the Su|)rcmo Father, and knowing his intentions, de- scended from above, and produced the Angels and Powers by whom the world was made, and who were ignorant of the Father : that they, not wishing to acknowledge any author of their existence, de- tained her, and subjected her to every kind of con- tumely, to ])revent her return to the Father, and caused her to exist in this world in perpetual trans- migration from one female form to another. He taught that he himself was this Supreme Father ", and a prostitute, named Helena, whom he had purchased at Tyre, and with whom he cohabited, was his Thought, who had been formerly the Trojan Helen: that she was the lost sheep ^ and that he was come down upon earth to rescue her from the bondage in which she was held ; and to rescue man by the knowledge of himself from the tyranny they were under to the angels who created the world. This tyranny was obedience to the moral law, which was imposed upon man by the agency of the inspired persons of the old dispensation solely to keep him in * I. xxiii. 2. ' I. xxiii. 1. II. ix. 2. 1 ^ I. xxiii. 2. J ! n'V^ U 1 ' Ml 264 THE GNOSTICS. subjection : and the deliverance he accomplished for his followers was to bring them to believe that all actions were indifferent in their own nature, and that the will of the Creative Powers was the only thing- which made one action more just than another. To do away with this tyranny, he declared that he had transformed himself first into a resemblance to the angels, then into that of man ; in which latter form he had appeared in Juda;a as the Son, and there apparently suffered ; but only apparently * ; that he had afterwards manifested himself to the Samaritans as the Father, and to the rest of the world as the Holy Ghost". Irenajus gives it as his own opinion that the con- version of Simon was only pretended ; that he re- garded the Apostles as nothing more than impostors or sorcerers of a somewhat deeper skill and subtler knowledge than himself, which he hoped to be initi- ated into: and that his mortification tt the rebuff he met with caused him to set himself in opposition to them, and to dive deeper into magic arts for that purpose ; on account of his proficiency in which he was honoured by Claudius Caesar with a statue *. The natural fruits followed from such doctrines and such an example. The priests of his heresy * I. xxiii. 1. 3. ' I. xxiii. 1. I. xxiii. 1. SIMON MAGUS. •265 were sorcerers of various degrees of ability, and their lives were very impure. They taught their followers to worship Simon under the form of Jupiter, and Helena under that of Minerva ^ It is obvious that such a scheme was adapted onlv to the gross and ignorant, with just enough of mys- ticism about it to enable its founder to keep up the character of a philosopher with the more refined, and enable him to pass off his lewdness as the result of a philosophical system, rather than the dominion of low propensities. The Emperor Claudius, noto- rious as a man of weak intellect, was an extremely likely person to be both amused and duped by his magical performances. We have here the germ of all the Antinomiau heresies from that time to the present. However they may have been espoused by refined and virtuous minds, they all originate with persons of impure and unbridled propensities, who are unwilling to avow the real grossness of their characters, and therefore set up for some deeper knowledge or more subtle system than ordinary men. It will be observed, too, that Irenaius confirms the * I. xxiii. 4. •266 NICOLAS. statement of Justin Martyr respecting the statue erected in honour of Simon ^. The subject is so well taken up by the late Dr. E. Burton, in the 42nd note to his Bampton Lectures, that I do not purpose to enter into it here, further than to remark that Irena;us ought not to be regarded as merely follow- ing Justin: for he himself had visited Rome, and was therefore likely to have informed himself per- sonally upon a subject which he thought sufficiently important to bring forward in controversy. It is likewise a fact deserving notice, that the first instance we have of the worship of images amongst persons recognizing in any degree the gospel, is to be found amongst the followers of Simon Magus. Something of this kind probably suggested St. John's caution : " Little children, keep yourselves from idols." Concerning Nicolas, the author, whether inten- tionally or not, of the sect which bears his name S he informs us that he was one of the seven deacons, which some have doubted. He gives us no addi- tional information concerning the sect, beyond that furnished by St. John*. This, however, connects I. xxiii. 1. * Clem. Alex. Strom. II. 20. § 118. III. 4. § 25. ' I. xxvi, 3. II. 4. § 25. THE EBIONITES. 267 3 statue I 80 well be 42nd purpose irk that f follow- me, and self per- [ficiently the first amongst pel, is to Magus. St. John's ires from er inten- is name S deacons, no addi- pnd that connects them with the Gnostics in their licentious doctrines, and no further. The Ebionites are mentioned by Irenaeus, as though he meant to class them with the Gnostics : but all the information he gives respecting them leads to the conclusion that they had nothing in common with them, except their schism. He ex- pressly states that they believed differently from the Gnostics, and agreed with Christians as to the creation of the world ; and that they differed from Cerinthus and Carpocrates on the subject of the miraculous conception *. TertuUian ^ indeed implies that Ebion denied this latter fact ; and Eusebius dis- tinctly asserts of the great body of his followers, that they thought, as Carpocrates and Cerinthus did, that Jesus was a mere man, and exalted for his excel- lence like other men®: but he states, and Theodoret' confirms his statement, that there were Ebionites who believed the miraculous conception. • I. xxvi. 2. ' De V'trg. Vel. 6. De Came Christi, 13. • Hist. Eccl. III. 27. ' Hcer. II. 1. Tov ^£ Swrvpa Ka\ Kuptov ek irapdivov ycycv- vijadai :i ator inferior to the Supreme God, and the author of evil, fond of war, inconsistent, and self-contradic- tory; and taught that Jesus was sent by the Sujjreme God to do away all the operations of the Creator, and especially the Law and the Pro- phets \ He agreed with other Gnostics in declaring that the soul alone was capable of salvation, and of souls only those which received his doctrine ; but the peculiarity of his system was, that Cain, and the Sodomites, and Egyptians, &;c. were saved by be- lieving in Jesus, when he descended into hell ; but that Abel, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, and all the good men and prophets of the Old Covenant, having often been deceived by their God, were afraid to trust in Jesus, and consequently remain still in the state of death ^. Another peculiarity was that, whilst professing to receive portions of the New Testament, such as the Gospel of St. Luke and the Epistles of St. Paul, he rejected every portion of them which he imagined to militate against his hypothesis '. Marcion, who, having been originally a Christian, ' I. xxvii. 2. ' Ibid. 3, His opinions concerning Cain became the nucleus of another sect, the Caiiiites. ' Ibid. 2. The writer in the name of TertuUian, as quoted above, note \ asseVts tliat he received only some of St. Paul's Epistles. . TATIAN — THE CAINITES. 281 and the son of a Bishop, had been excommunicated for seduction ^ appears to have harmonized with Satuminus in professing extraordinary strictness of habits'. Hence some of the followers of both formed themselves into a separate sect, called by a name ('EyKparac) of which perhaps Puritans is the best English Translation. Tatian, who had been a sin- cere Christian, was formerly a disciple of Justin, and had written a treatise to set forth the folly of the heathen religion*, became a leading man amongst them : for they adopted an opinion of his that Adam was not saved. Their most distinguishing charac- teristics however were, their abstinence from mar- riage, and from animal food *. Marcion taught that Cain and the Sodomites, &c. were saved by believing in Jesus ^ Others went further, and declared that they were agents of the Supreme Power, to oppose the God of this world. ' Tertull. 1. c. * I. xxviii. 1. * From this treatise, which is still extant, we learn that he was an Assyrian by birth, had been a heathen, and had been initiated into most of the heathen mysteries, but had been con- verted (a rare instance) by the reading of the Scriptures (§§ 64 & 46). In this treatise he opposes the idea that matter had no beginning, and declares that it was created by the (personal) Word of God (§ 8). Perhaps he may be thought to lean to Gnosticism where he says that the soul is naturally mortal, and that the unenlightened soul perishes with the body. § 21, 22. * I. xxviii. 1 . ' See above, note ". 282 THE GNOSTICS. They likewise took Judas under their patronage, and declare that he betrayed Jesus, not from treachery or a love of gain, but because, being better instructed than the rest, he was aware that the death of Jesus would be the means of dissolving and breaking up the whole work of the Creator, whom they regarded as in rebellion against the Great Original ^ SECTION V. THE BARBELIOTS, OPHITES, AND SETHITES. Those of whom I have hitherto spoken have been acknowledged disciples, more or less directly, of Simon Magus. But there were others, who owned no connexion with him, and yet taught a system more or less like his. The Barbeliots, for instance, imagined one Supreme Being, and with him another Being of the female sex, but remaining always a virgin, and never growing old, whom they call Bar- belo, Ennoea (Thought), &c. They say that he willed to manifest himself to her, and that she, coming into his presence, called for Foreknowledge, and she came forth. At their ' I. xxxi. 1. THE BARBEL10T8. 283 request again Incorruption w i8 produced, and then Life Eternal. After this Barbelo herself produced a light like to herself, which the Father saw and anointed with his goodness, and thus made it the Christ. At his request Understanding was sent him as a helpmate, and afterwards the Father added the Word : upon which there were made Pairs, by the union of Thought and the Word, Incorruption and the Christ, Life Eternal and the Will of the Father, Understanding and Foreknowledge ; all of whom magnified the Great Light and Barbelo \ From Thought and the Word was then sent forth the Self-existent and the Truth ; from the Christ and Incorruption, four Lights to attend upon the Self-existent ; and from Will and Life Eternal, four Beings to wait upon these Lights, namely, Grace, Will, Comprehension (Suvtacg), and Prudence. These were joined respectively to the four Lights, and made other four Pairs ". These two quaternions being settled, the Self- existent creates a man, in a state of perfection, named the Unconquered, and in union with him Knowledge, likewise perfect. From these were manifested the Mother, the Father, and the Son, and they jointly })roduced the tree of knowledge, i^i ' I. xxix. 1. » Ibid. 2. 284 THE GNOSTICS. and their enjoyment consists in celebrating the praises of the Great Being '. Lastly, Charis, the attendant upon Harmogenes ', produces the Holy Spirit, called likewise Wisdom and Prunicus. She, seeing herself un mated, stretched herself forth in every direction, and even towards the nether parts, seeking her mate ; and in the effort brought forth a production in which appeared pre- sumption and ignorance ; which production became the Prime Governor, and Maker of this world, and Creator of Po' 3rs and Angels, and being paired with Presumption, he begot malice, and emulation, and jealousy, and fury, and desire : upon which his mother, being grieved, departed and left him alone ; whence he imagines that there is none but he, and utters that sentiment by the mouths of the i)ro- phet8^ h There was another more intricate and complete hypothesis, which owned no master, but took its denomination variously from two different marked * I. xxix. 3. ' I read Harmogenes for Monogenes, because the latter name has not occurred as the name of any of these supposed Beings, and because Harmogenes is the first of them who is said to have an attendant, which is the idea inipliud in Angelos, the word used by Irena:us. Massuct suggests Autogcnes, but gives no reason. * I. xxix. 4. THE OPHITES AND SETHITES. 285 ting the portions of it, which will be noticed in their place \ logenes % Wisdom stretched towards the effort [ired pre- 1 became orld, and g paired niulation, which his m alone; t he, and the pro- complete took its marked latter name seel Beings, aid to have word used 10 reason. It supposed, like most of its predecessors, an Ori- ginal, called the First Light, the Father of all, and the First Man ; and his Thought, issuing from him, and thence called the Son of Man. Next to them came the Holy Spirit, the first woman, which hovered over the elements, water, darkness, the abyss and chaos. From the Father and Son, im- pregnating the Spirit, came the Christ, the third man^ By tliis impregnation, however, she was filled so superabundantly, that she produced not only the Christ on the right hand, but also another Being, imbued likewise with light, called Wisdom and Pru- nicus, a hermaphrodite. Upon this the Christ was united with the first Three, and with them formed the true holy Church"; whilst Wisdom descended upon the waters, and moved them to their lowest depths, and took from them a material body, which had nearly overpowered her; but making a great effort, by the aid of the supernal light within her, she rose aloft, and from her body, by a voluntary expansion, created the heavens ^ She, moreover, had a son, who knew not his mother, but sent forth from the waters a son of his * See pp. 286, 288. » I. xxx. 1. « Ibid. 2. Mbid. 3. rts i^ 286 THE GNOSTICS. own, and ho another, and so on to the seventh, who, with their mother formed an ogdoad ® ; the first of whom was named Jaldabaoth, the second Jao, the third Great Sabaoth, the fourth Adonai, the fifth Eloeus (or Elohei), the sixth Horeus, the seventh Astaj>ha;us. All these for some space of time sat har- moniously in heaven, in due subordination one to the other : but Jaldabaoth, confident in having been the author of the others, took upon him to create angels and archangels, and excellencies, and powers and dominions; envious at which, his posterity rebelled against him : upon which he fixed his desires upon the unformed matter, and from it produced a son in the form of a serpent, called Understanding, (from whom these people derived their name of Ophites S) and subsequently Spirit, Soul, and all earthly things, from which sprang forgetfulness, malice, emulation, jealousy, and death '. Jaldabaoth, blindly exulting in his success, ex- claimed, / am Father and God^ and besides me there is no other ; but his mother astonished him and his posterity, by exclaiming. Lie not, Jaldabaoth, Jbr there is above thee the First Man, the Father of all, and Man the Son of Man. To call off their attention * I. XXX. 4. " Some of them said that Wisdom herself took the form of a serpent. § 15. ' I. XXX. 5. THE OPHITES AND SETHITE8. 287 from this intelligence, he invited them to make man in their own image. This idea their mother secretly encouraged, that they might empty themselves of their celestial virtue. Their production, however, although immense in size and longth, lay sprawling on the ground, until they brought it to their father, who, to the great satisfaction of Wisdom, breathed into it the breath of life, and thereby emptied him- self of his virtue ^. This newly-created being, there- fore, was possessed of undcrstandinf/ and desire, and deserting his Creators, gave thanks to the First Man ". Jaldabaoth upon this being jealous of him, endea- voured to re-extract the celestial virtue from him, by creating woman from his desire; but Prunicus, having invisibly taken charge of her, extracted the virtue from her, and the posterity of Jaldabaoth, admiring her beauty, called her Eve, and begot from her angels. The machinations of Prunicus did not end here, for she employed Understanding, the son of Jaldabaoth, who was in the form of a serpent, to seduce the man and woman into disobedience to the commands of Jaldabaoth, by eating the forbidden fruit *, by which means they became acquainted with * In some degree ; for he was totally emptied of it by a different process. See below, p. 291. * I. XXX. 6. * Those who called Wisdom the s(-rpent, say that she inspired tliem with knowledge. 288 THE GNOSTICS. f1 iw ' tlie Supremo Virtuo, and forsook thoir Creators '. Upon this tliey were tjected from paradise, and being deprived by Prunicus of the divine light they had, that nothing divine might be subjected to curse, they were cast out into this worid, togetlier with the ser- pent, who from the earthly angels begat seven sons, in imitation of Jaldabaoth and his six descendants. These with their parent are always opposing the welfare of the human race ^ Before Adam and Eve fell they had bright and spiritual bodies ; but afterwards their bodies became opaque and heavy, and their souls relaxed and weak ; until Prunicus having pity on them, restored to them the savour of the heavenly light, by which means they became aware of their degraded condition. Knowing, however, that the debasement was only temporary, they complied with their condition, ate and drank, and begat Cain and Abel, of whom Cain, being seized on by the serpent, fell into folly and presumption, envy and murder. After this, by the interposition of Prunicus, they begat Seth and No- rea, from whom mankind sprung ', and were seduced by the serpent and his children into every evil ; although Prunicus constantly opposed them, and * I. XXX. 7. • Ibid. 8. ^ From leaving out Cain as joint progenitor of mankind, and deriving all the human race from Seth, they seem to have been called Sethites. THE OPHITES AND SKTHITES. 289 pators '. d being cy had, sc, they the ser- in sons, ;ndants. ing the ght and became l1 weak; to them I means >ndition. ras only ion, ate m Cain, ally and by the md No- seduced ry evil ; ?m, and ikind, and have been saved the celestial light *. So likewise when Jalda- baoth, enraged at not being worshipped by mankind, sent the flood upon them, Wisdom saved Noah and his family, for the sake of the tincture of light which was in them. Abraham, however, and the Jews were the chosen people of Jaldabaoth, who with his six descendants chose agents from among them, each for himself, to glorify him as God'. Moses, there- fore, Joshua, Amos, and Habakkuk, were the pro- phets of Jaldabaoth; Samuel, Nathan, Jonah, and Micah of Jao ; Elijah, Joel, and Zachariah of Sa- baoth ; Isaiah, Ezekiel, Jeremiah, and Daniel of Adonai ; Tobias and Haggai of Elohei ; Micah and Nahum of Horeus ; Ezra and Zephaniah of Asta- phffius '". But here again Wisdom, or Prunicus, interfered, and turned these prophets into her own instruments, causing them to speak of the Supreme Being, and of the Christ above, who was to descend upon earth. These announcements from the mouth of their own prophets so alarmed the Princes, the posterity of Jaldabaoth, that they left her at liberty to cause him, not knowing what he did, to send forth two men, one, John the Baptist, the other, Jesus '. For having found no rest below, she had returned in penitence to her mother, the Holy Spirit, the first • I. XXX. 9. » Ibid. 10. •« Ibid. 11. • Ibid. U 290 THE ONOSTirS. woman, Jind called upon lior for help. Whereupon the Holy Spirit petitioned tho Supremo Father that the Christ might descend to her aid : of wliich, when she was aware, she inspired tho prophets to speak; and likewise prepared John to announce his coming, and Jesus by means of her son Jaldabaoth, the God of this world, to be his receptacle upon earth '\ mf rf •it f I Tlie Christ therefore descended through tho seven heavens', taking upon him tho likeness of their children, and drew out from them their virtue, so that all the supernal light with which they were imbued returned to him ; and having arrived in this world united himself to Wisdom, his sister, and in union with her descended upon Jesus, who thence- forward begun to work miracles. Upon this Jalda- baoth and his posterity united to kill him ; where- upon the Christ and Wisdom left him, and returned to the upi)cr sphere; not however deserting him altogether; for the Christ sent down upon him a power by which he rose again, clothed with a s])i- ritual body *. But after this, although he remained on earth eighteen months, he wrought no miracle, (as neither did he before his baptism,) being forsaken by the Christ and Wisdom. Yet he was in a cer- ' These were, no doubt, Jaldabaoth and his six descendants, who (§ 5) are called heavens, and are likewise spoken of as per ordinem sedentes in coelo, secundum generationem ipsorum. » I. XXX. 12. ^ Ibid. 12, 13. M m VALENTINUS. 291 tain degree inspired, and taught these things to a few of his disciidos *. I At the end of eighteen months lie was taken up into heaven, where the Christ placed him" on the right hand of his father Jaldabaoth, though without his knowledge, where his business is to receive the souls of those who know these doctrines, viz. those who are imbued with the heavenly light. By this means Jaldabaoth will by degrees lose the whole of that which he originally possessed, and be left en- tirely earthly and material ; whilst the whole of the light will be withdrawn from the world and its creators ; and then will be the consummation of all things \ SECTION VI. VALENTINUS. But none of the Gnostic leaders, excepting per- haps Marcion, obtained so high a pre-eminence as VALENTINUS, who drew out a kind of eclectic system, and thus became the founder of a new school : at ' I. XXX. 14. " I imagine this to be the meaning of Chrislo sedente; sedeo being taken in a transitive sense. 'iSpvofiat was probably the original word. ' I. XXX. 14. u2 292 THE GNOSTICS. I least Irenteus represents the matter so completely in this light, that he classes all the others together by the general name of Gnostics ^ in contradistinction to Yalentinus and his school. Report" makes him an Egyptian by birth, and Tertullian expressly informs us '" that he was origin- ally a Christian ; and indeed a person of such emi- nence in the Church that he aspired to the office of Bishop. But his mind was tinged with the Pla- tonism ' which was so prevalent in Alexandria, the place of his education: and it did not happen to him as to Justin and Clement, in whom the truth moulded their philosophical notions, and clad them in a Christian garb ; for being disappointed in the object of his ambition, he showed how wisely the Church had acted in rejecting him, by giving him- self thenceforth, like Arius, to the propagation of error. As he could not be a bishop, he would be a father of heresy. He took for his foundation, as it would seem ^ the ' I. xi. 1. bis. ' Epiphan. Hcer. xxxi. 2. " Adv. Valent. 4. ' TertuU. de Prcescr. 7. 30. Epiphan. nen-at^ei/ffdat rilv rwy 'EWi'ivioy iraihiav. ' This appears from a fragment of his, preserved in a Dialogue against the Marcionites, erroneously ascribed to Origen, (see Dupin upon Origen,) in which it is quoted at length by one of the VALENTINUS. 293 >letely in ether by stinction rth, and IS origin- Lich emi- office of the Pla- dria, the ippen to lie truth lad them d in the isely the ing hira- gation of tuld be a jem ^ the difficulty of explaining the origin of evil consist- ently with holding the perfection of God. He was thence led to make matter co-eval with the Creator, and to declare that all the defects of created things arise from that portion of matter which he left un- touched in the work of creation, as unfit for his use. This idea he doubtless borrowed from the Platonic philosophy : but how from this he passed into the absurdities of Gnosticism we are not informed. We only learn from Irenaus that he fashioned them into a new system. It is curious, however, that he is said by his followers to have derived his notions from a disciple of St. Paul ', and that he endeavoured to represent them as perfectly consistent with the Scriptures*. He had attained such a degree of notoriety before the year 142, in which Justin Martyr offered his First Apology to Antoninus Pius, that Justin therein speaks of having written that book against all the heresies% to which Tertullian is believed to refer when he mentions Justin amongst those who had written against Valentinus ". And this agrees with what Irena3us says ^ that he came to Rome in KXl. 'S. rdai Tily tUv 1 a Dialogue )rigen, (see ly one of the speakers. See the fragment, in the Appendix to the Benedictine edition of Irenxus, or in Grabe's SpicUegium, II. p. 55. " Called Theodas, by Clement of Alexandria, Strom. VII. 17. § 106. * TertuU. de Preescr. 38. * Aput. I. 26. See Grabe's Spicitegium, II. 44, 45. * Adv. Valent. 5. ^ III. iv.3. 51.: H i 294 THE GNOSTICS. tbe time of Hyginus, flourished under Pius, and continued to the time of Anicetus. For whether we take the Chronology of Eusebius*, who places his coming to Rome in the year 141, or third of Antoninus,, or that of Eutychius, favoured by Bishop Pearson ", who makes Hyginus contemporary with Adrian, this would equally agree with Justin having already written against him in 142: for he made himself known in his own country as an opposer of the truth before he came to Rome '. Whatever may be thought of the precise year at which he came to that city, he remained there fifteen or twenty years, for he continued to the episcopate of Anicetus, and retained some character for piety and correctness of feith up to that period ^ Thenceforward, however, he cast off all such pretensions, and retiring to Cy- prus, taught without disguise all the impieties his system naturally led to ^ It has so happened that Irenaeus did not write directly against him, but against his followers : and as every disciple held himself capable of improving upon the system of his instructor, that which the Bishop of Lyons gives in full detail differs in some particulars from that taught by Valentiuus himself. • In his Canon Chrontcus. " Dissert. 2. de annis primorum Romee Episcoporum, cap. 12. ' Tertull. adv. talent. 4. ' Ibid. ^ Epiphan. Hwr. xxxi. 7. :'0i VALENTINUS. 295 It was in fact more nearly that of Ptolemy, his most noted follower*: but still Ptolemy had some pecu- liarities of his own*. Yet Irenaeus has preserved to us the leading features of the scheme as taught by Valentinus, and by their help, and that of a frag- ment preserved by Epiphanius^ which corresponds with what Irenajus has told us, (although Bishop Pearson rightly contends that it is not the work of the heretical leader himself). I will endeavour to place it before my readers. ,!> : Valentinus then taught, according to Irenaius, that all things sprung from one primeval pair, the Inef- fable and Silence ' : the latter being according to the fragment the Thought of the former or his Grace, but called Silence more correctly, because she accomplished every thing by simple desire with- out utterance. From these, according to Valentinus, sprung another pair, the Father * and the Truth : the former of whom the fragment makes to emanate from the Unbegotten Original and Silence, by her * I. PrcBf, 2. * I. xii. 1. • Hcer. xxxi. 5. It is printed in the Appendix to the best editions of Irenaeus. ' I. xi. 1. The Valentinians against whom Irenaeus wrote made the first pair the First Cause, First Father, or Depth, and Thought, Grace orSilence. Seel.i. 1.— Ptolemy placed the Depth first, but gave him two consorts, Thought and Will. See I. xii. 1. ' Called by his followers Mind, Only-begotten, Father or Be- ginning of all things. 296 THE GNOSTICS. desire; the latter from herself and the Father, by some mysterious union of the lights from each ; so that their offspring was a true image of herself and thence derived her name. Truth, therefore, by a like mysterious union with her Father, produces a tetrad of two pairs, the Word and the Life, Man and the Church. Subsequently the Holy Spirit was sent forth either by the Truth or by the Church, (for upon that point tbe Old Translator of Irenaeus and Epiphanius differ,) to examine the ^Eons, a..i to make them fruitful in the produce of truth ^. So far Irenaeus and the fragment correspond, excepting that the latter places Man and the Church first ' : but from this point there appears nothing more in common, and as henceforth there is a gene- ral coincidence between Valentinus and his follow- ers, I shall give the scheme as it appears in the first book of Irenaeus, mentioning the variations where they occur. It may be however proper to notice this radical difference between the heresiarch and his disciples, that he considered all these jEons, as they were called, or Eternal Essences, as merely feelings, af- fections, and motions of the one unseen, infinite » I. xi. 1. ' As Irennus tells us some of the Valentinians did. -4t ,',■'; ' 1'^ "J \i VALENTINUS. 297 First Cause, whereas they regarded them as so many personal beings ^. The last mentioned tetrad then, knowing them- selves to have been sent forth to the glory of the unbegotten father, desired to glorify him by their own act. Wherefore the Word and the Truth sent forth ten iEons, called the Profound and Mixture, the Ever-youthful and Union, the Self-existent and Pleasure, the Immoveable and Commi:<;ture, the Only-begotten and the Blessed : whilst Man and the Church sent forth twelve, called the Paraclete and Faith, the Paternal and Hope, the Maternal and Charity, Ainus (the Eternal Mind, or as it is in the Latin iEnos, or Praise) and Comprehension, the Ecclesiastical and Blessedness, the Desired and Wisdom ^ These thirty iEons, consisting of twelve, and ten, and eight, composed what they called the Fulness * : and Valentinus differed from his followers in placing a barrier between the First Cause and the others ' ; ' At least this is the account of TertuUian, adv. Valent. 4. ' I. i. 2. The names are BvQioq, Mt'^tCi 'Ayijparoc, "Ecwirit, Avro^v^C, 'lilovii, 'Ak'ivtitos, Swyicpafftc, Movoytvrj^, MaKapla : naf)aK-Xt}roci nt