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Las diagrammas suivants iiluatrant la mAthoda. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 / / 'f-K ^ e_^«„ '' v%. CONSIDERATIONS ON THE '\%. iv « j . ** CONSIDERATIONS 1 ^ i -t-f^ ;' ' : ON THE PRESENT STATE ,./... \.r.. ' OF: PUBLIC AFFAIRS, &c. I Took the liberty, lalt year, to lay before the Public, the fentiments which then pre- fcnted themfelves to my mind, with refpcft t« our American affairs. . A rery new (itiiation has dnce occurred, and however unequal I may think myfelf to the talk of giving any information. Or of fuggelling any ideas, upon a fubjeft, which muft have exercifcd the anxious thoughts^ of the ableft men in the king- dom, Jet, in a crifis of fo much importance, and even danger, I fliould think myfelf blameablc, if I did not attempt to ftate my opinion, however infignificant, left, by with-holding it, I (hould fecm unwilling to contribute every thing ip my power, to the public fcrvice, . . ti [ * 3 As I aim at no objc(fl but the public profpe- rity, and mean not to ferve the interefted views of any party whatfoevcr, my fentiments will probably give no fatisfadtion, to the zealous partizans of that defcriprion, in whatever cli»fs they may happen to be ranged -, but if any thing which has occurred to me, fliall meet with the approbation of thofe, who arc elevated above fuch limited views, the purpofes of this Publication will be fully an- Iwered. • - • - ' ■■'- ' It has always appeared to me, that the great load of our Public Debt was a millftone, which, fooner or later, would endanger almoft the exig- ence of this Kingdom. I thought fo at the laft: Peace, and I faw wi^h indignation the alarming ad- dition, which was then made, to our ordinary expcnces, commonly called our Peace Eftablifth- ment. That meafure excited, however, no re- markable dlfguft in the Nation at large, for man- kind in general, as well as Princes, have undoubt- cdly a predile<5lion to large eftablifhments \ and as the additional expence was defrayed out of the Sinking Fund, without any new Tax, that deftruc- tive meafure, pafled at the time, almoft without obfervation or cenfure. We have lived long enough, however, to expe- rience the confcquences of our folly, if not to repent of it j and I have great reafon to fpeak confidently, when I fay, that the enormous amount of our national Debt, has been one of the chief caufes of the American refinance, and has, above 9^ Other things, encouraged France to engage in the i [ 3 I the prefent contcfl: ; and not only has it encouraged our enemies, and dcpreffed our own minds, but the taxes upon many of the neceflaries of life, which it has occafioned, have cramped the induftry of our- people, and have thereby diminiftied our power, as well as our importance. As the very meritorious condudl of this country, in giving up the claim of Taxation, and fending out Commiflloners to treat, on the moft liberal footing, with America, has failed offuccefs; and as the Congrcfs is underftood to have entered into a treaty, offenfive and defenfive, with x)ur natural enemy, no option feems now to be left us, but cither to proceed with the utmoft vigour, in pro- fccuting the war, or to fubmit, not only to the claim of American Independence, but to fuch further conditions of peace, as France and the Congrcfs may think proper to impofe ; for it is not to be imagined, that France, if we were ready to yield, would demand nothing for her- felf } or that the Congrefs would, in fuch a cafe, either difunite themfclves from France, or be con- tented with the fimple acknowledgment of Inde- pendence : — Befides, it would be difhonourable in the higheft degree, upon our parts, to defert, unconditionally, thofe friends in America, who, from a fenfe of duty and allegiance, have hitherto ftood firmly by us, at the hazard of their lives and fortunes. But even if thefe points could, by a timid fub- miflion, be obtained, as I believe they could not, yet it behoves us to look forward, to the confe- B 2 quences, [ 4 ] qucnccs, sif American independence, founded ort the interpofition of the French nation, and in what manner our future fccuricy, is confulent, with a connexion fo formed and fupported. That the proceeding of this Country, in pafling the Conciliatory Bills, was wife and juft, I am ftill moft fully convinced ; and I am alfo perfuaded, that, notwithflanding the rejedion of our terms by the.Congrels, theie Bills, and the Commiffion which accompanied them, have been already at- tended with very important efFeds j for, befides having united, as I flatter myfelf they have done, almoft every impartial man in this country, in the common caufe, there is reafon to believe, that, by removing every fair and honourable ground of union, they have, as might well be cxpe«Jted, greatly divided the Americans, and they have effentially diminifhed, the rcfpeft formerly paid to the Continental Congrefs, by bringing to light the real views, of that body of men. Nothing, to be fure, could be more unfortu- nate, than the moment at which our Commif- fioners arrived in America; at a time when the news of a French treaty, haftily concluded to dif- appoint us, had arrived before them *, accompanied with the promifc of a French fleet of great force, which foon after did arrive ; and when at the fame time, as if to complete the appearances of our hu- miliation, the orders for evacuating Philadelphia, and leaving our numerous friends there, expofed to their inveterate enemies, were publicly known. It mm [ 5 ] It is in vain for us, however, to look back, except for the purpofe of punifhing thofe whofe mifcondiifb may have deferved it •, and that mca- fure, 1 hope and truft will be fteadily purfued •, but it is of the lalt confcquence, that we ihould look forward, in this very new and important crifis. In the prefent fituation of our affairs, thofe, who are fufficiently detached from party- connec- tions, and are infloenced by no other motive, than that intereft, which all men have in the public profperity, are naturally led to confider, whether the object we are now contending for, by the war, defervcs to be purfued •, and if it does, •whether or not it be attainable, and by what means ? The object now, I apprehend, is, to prefcrve fuch a conned:ion with the Colonies in North America, as to unite the force of the whole empire, in time of war, for the common fafety ; fo ^hat no one part may be thrown into the fcale of a foreign enemy, to the prejudice of the other part. This objed, it is imagined, will be attained, if the Colonies acknowledge the fame King, which involves the power of peace and war, and the rights of mutual naturalization and fucceflion i and this point is at the lame time confiftent, with the moft ample ideas, of a free conflitution in each of the Colonies, and even of a Congrefs, in the nature of a general Parliament, to take care of the general interefts of the whofe. It is per- fedlly conliftcnt too, with the idea, of an exclu- r 6 ] five power in the Colony Aflemblies, and Con- grefs, to impofe taxes in that country, and of an exclufive power, to vote the number of troops to be kept up in their refpedive provinces, fimilar to the control of the Britilh Farliainent, upon the Cro'vn, with relped to troops in Great Bri- tain i ftill more is it confirtenr, with the idea, of their enjoying a trade, almoft free from reftriflion, not only to Great Britain, but to all parts of the world. It is difficult to imagine, what any reafonable man in the Colonies can wi(h for more ; and if Great Britain were willing, as I hope Ihe would be, to give, befides, a Ihare in the general govern- ment of the Empire to thefe Colonies, by admit- ting reprefentatives from their refpedive Aflem- blies, to a feat in the Bririfli Houfe of Commons *, and a vote in all quedions (except as to taxes im- pofed here) it would fecm to place the Colonies in the happieft fituation, that has ever fallen to the lot of any body of people, fince the beginning of time. They would, I apprehend, derive every pof- fible advantage from fuch a connexion, without any one difadvantage which it is pofllble to conceive. The whole force of Great Britain, and of its navy, would ferve to them as a protedlion and fupport. The great expence of the civU govern- ment here, would fall entirely upon us, and they would be only obliged to defray the very mode- rate expence, of their own internal governments. * This point, concerning Reprefentation here, is of a de- licate nature ; but under proper qualifications, I apprehend it would be advantageous to both Countries. Their JS .[ 7 ] of Their trade would not only be free to this country, but would have a natural preference here, to that of other nations v the large capitals of the mer- chants of this country, would continue to fupport and extend their agriculture and improvements of every kind •, and, free from the rifle of internal difcords, or external annoyance, they would enjoy every privilege, pre-eminence, and advantage of Britifh fubjecls. On the other hand, every power of injury, or cf opprefiion, from hence, would be at an end. They would not truft to our virtue or good faith ; for, by having the exclufive power of voting and levying their own money, and of regulating the number of their troops, tlie future government of America would be carried on by the confent of the people alone, and by the voice of the repre- fentatives chofen by them. The power of voting their own money, and of regulating their military force, would involve a redrefs of every other pof- fible grievance : it is precifely the control, which the Britifli Parliament has in this country, over the Crown, and for which our anccrtors contended fuecefsfully,in the reign of Charles the Firft. The removal of cuftom-houfc officers named by the Crown, the fccurity of charters, the control over judges and governors, which they fo much de- fircd } in Ihort, every point from which the leafl: jealoufy has ever arifen, would natur^'y follow ^ nor would the Americans have to dread their being involved in the cxpencc of our wars, fince ic ; ^ [ 8 ] it would be in their own power, to refufe to cort* tribute to that cxpence. ■* ' What then would the Colonies lofe by giving up their claim of Independency ? They would give up the power, indeed, of fending Ambafla- dors to the Court of France, to contrive there, the rneans of humbling and weakening, the Mother- country, and of exalting the power, of the com- mon enemy of Europe. But they would cer- tainly be expofed, to the rifk of having their Af- femblies managed, by the intrigues and money of that artful people, and of having the manners of that country, imperceptibly introduced amongft them. They would be expofed, too, to thofe dif- fentions and civil wars, which their new, and, I think, very defedtive conftitutions of government, in an extenfive continent, would certainly intro* duce; and they would foon feel, the enormous cxpence, which by degrees would be entailed upon them, by their new fituation. The body of the people in that country, were made to believe, that, by their new conftitutions, the power would be placed in their hands •, be- caufe every perfon, it was faid, in ahy truft or authorit", was to be chofen, direftly or indiredliy, by them: but they have already fccn, that by Jaws made by their own Reprefentatives, the right of voting can be altered and reftrained, fo as to model the elections, according to the will of their prefent Rulers j and when to this infringement of their conftitutions, the cffefts of French money, (hall [ si '■' . fiiall come to be added, the power of the people* will foon be found to be nothing but a phantom. *' America," we are told, by the Congrefs, •• is now ftationcd amongft the Powers of the ♦ " Earth, and is clothed in robes of fovereignty *.'* But was l!he not heretofore numbered amongft the Powers of the Earth, before (lie declared herfelf independent, and before the claim of taxation had been fet up by this country? Is not Yorkfhire one of the Powers of the Earth ? is not Wales ? is not Scotland ? is not Ireland ? and fo much the more refpeftable, that they arc united under the general denomination of the Britifli State. — Does it exclude a people from being one of the Powers of the Earth, if they make a part of an empire, in which other people are included with them ? If fo, then each of the Thirteen Provinces, are no longer Powers of the Earth, becaufe they make a part only of the general confederacy. Each Ame- rican State, muft upon that principle, be an in- dependent power, in order to be (lationed amongft the Powers of the Earth •, each diftrid:, each vil- lage, nay each individual.- — But the nature of fo- ciety requires, that great bodies of men, fliould unite together, under one fyftem of government, and each individual, each village, each diftridt, then partakes, of the dignity of the whole. Ame- rica did, and America would dill, partake of tlie robes of fovereignty belonging to the Britifli Em- pire, each individual being intitled to equal pri- • See the Congrefs Account, nth Aurriif}, 1778, of the Ceremonial at receiving the French Ambaffador. '« C vileacs, ■■■I *•>■» t 10 ] . vilegcs, and all parts concurring for the general profperity. It is true, the Members v f the Congrefs, would not, in that cafe, exercif:: all the rights of fove- reignty, though they would ftill exercife im- portant ones i and there the difficulty, I prcfume, hinges, ^bey^ would not have the pride, of mak- ing bows and reverences, to an Ambaflador of France. But will the people of America enjoy more happinefs or more dignity, under the fo- rereignty of a Congrefs, allied to France, than under the fovereignty, of the limited Monarch of Great Britain, on the terms now propofed, and conftituting a part, and a moll refpedlable part, of the Britifh Empire ? Aduated by fuch motives, it is no wonder that the Congrefs, are not ready to admit, that the conceffions of this country, have made any change in the conteft. It is no wonder that they hold it ftill, to be the duty of the people of America, to throw off their allegiance, and to renounce their connection with Britain, though, to accomplifh it» they muft involve their country in a dangerous connection with France. It is no wonder, that they make ufe of the ftale trick, of reprefenting this country, as unfit to be trufted, and that a great and magnanimous people, are capable of acting towards them, in this cafe, with the mean artifice of a petty tyrant, in a barbarous age. But the Congrefs know, that the qucftion is not now, whether America fliall fubmit, to an arbi- trary government, to be cxercifed by the King 5 and and Parliament here, without being put upon an equal footing with every other fubjeft of the em- pire. They know, that the control propofed to be given to the Colony Afiemblies and Congrefs, is fitted to anfwer every purpofe of freedom. If danger to liberty were dill to be apprehended, I confefs, it would admit of an argument, whether the dangerous connexion with France, ought not to be rifked^ as an option between two evils. But it would be as reafonable, for Scotland or Ire- land, to prefer a fimilar conneftion with France, as it would now be for America. If the connexion with Great Britain, is fo de- tcftable, and of fo little value, I would afk, in what light the Americans would have viewed that connection, if the King's refidence had been in America, inftead of England ? Would America, in that cafe, have thought it advantageous to dif- member itfelf from Britain ? If not, why (hould it be advantageous now ? for it were eafy to fhew, that it is advantageous for America, as well as Britain, that the refidence of government, fhould be placed, on the frontier neareft to France. The renouncing Great Britain, therefore, upon the terms now propofed, feems to me, to be the re- nouncing of that, which ought to be, to America, the objcdb of the mod earneft wilhes, that it is to itaounce their birthright, for a mere phantom, and to throw away the mod precious jewel, to grafp with eagernefs a worthlefs ftone. Are there no ties which bind mankind in foci- ity ? If ic was juitifiable, on the part of the Colo« C 2' nies. [ 12 ] nies, under all the circumftances of the cafe, to refift the former pretenfions of this Country, by arms, yet is it jultifiabie now, after every point which can be favourable to liberty is conceded, to perfift in that refinance ? And upon what prin- ciple, either of law, morality, or religion, can fuch a refiftance be now defended ? Does a Government, by once clainung any point, which freedom cannot yield, immediately forfeit, for ever, all the rights whicli bind fociety together, and that thefe rights can ne\er revive by the moll ample conceflions or atonement ? If the point in difpute, is of a doubt- ful nature, i^o much fo, as to divide in opinion, fome of the ableft and mofl impartial men on both fides, does the infilling for a time, upon fuch a point, in like manner, forfeif, for ever, all the ori- ginal bonds of union and allegiance ? It may be alked, what will remain to Great Bri- tain, afcer fo much is conceded to the Colonies ? If all power of keeping troops in America, is taken from the Crown, authority, it may be faid, will be at an end, and the Americans will, in fadV, be independent, without the name -, with this mani- fell difadvaatage to Great Britain, that we muft be involved in their quarrels, as much, as heretofore, without deriving any benefit, from the conne(^ion, cither in the way of exclufive trade, or of taxation. This objedlion is cf a very ferious nature; and if it be well founded, we can have no motive for continuing the war, except that of redr.cing the power of France, and ought to get out of it, as I'aft as we can. But -« ^ [ 13 ] But I conceive, that the fituation of Great Bii- tain, upon the footing of the propofcd connet5lion with the colonies, would be fuch, as we ought to defire, and would perhaps be better for both coun- tries, our new debt excepted, than the boafted fituation before the commencement of the prefent conteft. By this fort of connecftion, every fource of jealoufy would for ever be removed, the people of America, would be free from every apprehen- fion of danger to liberty, their natural afftdion for a people, from whom they are fprung, pof- feffing the fame manners,, language, religion, and laws, and having the fame common intereft, would certainly return. The connexion ariQng from our having the fame King, would unite us in the fame views i there would be no occafion for faflion or intrigue to preferve that connexion, for it would be impoflible for either party, to wifh any improve- ment upon it. — We fhould be relieved, from the great expence, which attended the keeping troops in that country, a meafure which could only be ne- ceflfary, to enforce a government, which the great body of the people difliked; all the expence of thtir civil government, would be defrayed by the Ameri- cans themfelves, and the profperity of America, would be more than ever, the intereft and the wifli of this country. Her ports would be open to us, and in time of war, would be open to us alone, at leait not to our declared enemies. - ' On the other hand, if America is declared in- dependent, or if by withdrawing our troops, be- fore a fair arrangement is made, ft" ; fliall become independent. [ n ] independent, will fhe not continue to aid France in the prefent war, and is it not moft probable, that (he will be thrown irretrievably into the fcale of France? an alarming circymftance for all Eu- rope, and particularly alarming for Great Britain, Holland, and Spain. — Can we, in that cafe, long preferve Canada, Nova Scotia, the lilheries of Newfoundland, or either of the Floridas? Can wcprelerve our Well- India if'nds, and if we were ready to give up the wliolc of nefe, as in that cafe perhaps in wifdom we ought *, can we preferve the Eaft-Indies, or the Guinea trade ? It thefe tOQ ♦ The maintaining diftant ponbilions, by a ftrong mili- tary force, in the face of a powerful enemy, where thefe pof- feflions, do not yield a revenue, fufficient to defray the ex- pence, muH; end in the ruin of every country. The Spanifh monarchy, was not perhaps fo much debilitated, by the lo& of the Seven Uuitcd Provinces, as by the expence of main- taining thofe ..hich adhered to her. Our remaining territo- jies in North America, could not be maintained, without a great force, any more t!:an Newfoundland : and with refpeft to our Wefl-Intliu Jflr.nJs, we could not bring home the pro- duce in time of vv.ir, if America, po/refTed of a naval force, toolc p'^.rt agalnfius; b.caufc the winds and currents, oblige eiir vciiels, particularly thofe from Jamaica, now that Cape Micholas Mole is fortified, in returning from the Well-India lilands, to run along the American coaft ; and as the iflands themfelves could at any time be attached from America, be- fore wc could knew of it here, \vc fliould be obliged to wafte our people, and eAhauil our trcafure, by keeping, at alj timci, a great military, as v/ell as naval force, in thofe un- healthy climates, for their defence, with this new difadvan- tage, that tho materials for cur navy, and the provifions for the whclc of our fore?, maft in tliat c.ifc be lent from Eu- rope. mud [ «5 ] muft go, to what will Great Britain be reduced^ or how long can (he hope to preferve the empire of the fca, or even to fupport herfclf as an inde- pendent kingdom ? If it be faid, that by acknowledging the Inde- pendency of America, peace will be immediately reftored, I would firft a(k, whether peace ought to be purchafed at fuch a price, leaving America united with France ? And I would again afk, upon what authority this fuppofition is founded ? The Congrels have not faid fo •, they have only offered, if their Independency is acknowledged, or our- troops withdrawn, to treat with us, upon fuch terms as are confident with treaties, which they have made, but which they have not ventured to difclofe. Have they not kept an account, of all the damages fuftained by the war ? Have they not avowed the purpofe of preferving fuch an account ? And are we ready to pay for thefe damages ? Have they given the leaft infinuation, that they will re- nounce their French connexion ? Has France de- clared, that (he will confent to their renouncing that connection, or has (he declared that (he has no demands to make, after the acknowledorment of Independence? I believe it is no fecret, that France has fignified, what would be the loweft of her demands, in fuch a cafcr, and that they are fufiiciently humiliating. If we are nor, therefore, ready to' give up all, muft we not, in defence of what we may refufc to give up, be nece(rarily drawn into expence and ex- ertions, fimilar to thofe, in v/hich we are now cn« gaged ? and would we not after A'ards, have more diiHculty t 16 1 ... difficulty than now, in defending ourfelves againft thei'e new pretenfions, when America, by the de- claration of Independence, had become firmly united againil us, by the forfeiture and deftruftion of all our friends in that country ? And are we not more able now, to maintain the contefl:, when in pofTcfTion of fuch important parts of North America, and with fuch numbers of the inhabi- tants, either already engaged in our caufe, or wifliing to fupport it, bcfides the reafonable profped we have, of a much greater acceflion of the inhabitants of that Continent, fo foon as we Ihall convince them» by vigorous exertions, that we are heartily in earneft, and that we arc unal- terably determined, to make good our point ? If fuch muft be the neceflary confequences of giving way to the claims of the Congrefs, little doubt I think can remain, that the objed: of com- pelling the difaffeded part of the Thirteen Colo- nies, to embrace, that fair and honourable con- nexion, which is now held out to them, is not only defirable, but efientially neceflary, to our own exiftence, as an independent people. Perfons of all ranks are interefted in this, and however the heat of party, and former opinions, may for a time deceive a part of this country, T am convinced, that when they come to confider attentively the train of confequences, which arc necefiarily conneded with this objed, they will forget their animofity, and unite in the proper meafures, for preferving, from fuch imminent dan- ger, the date to which they belong. That t >7 ] That the objed is attainable, I am alfo tno(t fully convinced i but not unlefs the adminiftration of public affairs, is dircAed, by men of fortitude and exertion, equal to the great occafion, by men* who liice Lord Chatham, are capable of feledling, and refolute in employing, the mod proper ofR-^ cers by Tea and land, by men, who are not to be depreiTed or elated, by every little change of fortune ; whofe minds are not only capable of tak- ing in the whole views of this great fubjed, and of deciding with wifdom and difpatch upon every occurrence, but of profecuting with vigor, per» feverance> and induftry, fuch plans, as, after full in- formation, are found to be molt fit, and with fuch frugality and ceconomy of the public money, as may enable us to perfid in the conteft, as long as ihall be necelTary. Till the late offers of conciliation were made to America, a great part of this kingdom, were averfe to the war. The miniflers thcmfelves, car- ried it on with languor and reluctance, and the officers of our fleets and armies^ performed their duty, without that ardent zeal, which can alone infure fuccefs. 'J he generous temper of an Eng- lifhman, could not be induced, to aA with full vigour, in fupport of pretenfions, which certainly would have tended, to reduce our felloW'fubjefts^ to a ilate unworthy of freemen*~On the other hand, America was in general united, and few were our friends there, at the bottom of their hearts.—- The conteft is now entirely changed. The offers of Great Britain have been fuch, as be* came a brave and generous nation, and have left D nothing, [ .8 ] nothing, in point of freedom, to be wllhcd for, by our fellow-fubjeds. The rcjedlion of thefc offers by theCongrefs, has difpelled every do"bt, in the minds of impartial men, with refpcft to the juf- tice of the war ; and the unnatural objedl, of re- ducing the power of Great Britain, avowed in the treaty, made by the ar ful American dep''ties, with the government of France, has roufed the indignation of every generous Briton; at the fame time, that the great body of the people in America, have now feen, the true objedt of thofe, who had till then, profeffed the freedom of Ame- rica^ as the fole motive of their condudb. It now appears, that, in faA, they had another and more favourite motive, namely, their private ambi- tion. The feverities they have of late been obliged to exercife, upon the people of America, are evident proofs, that now they govern by a fac- tion, and not with the confent of the body of the people, who plainly fee, that their fufferings are difregarded, whilft they ferve as the means, of exalting and fupporting in authority, a few men, who, by artful pretences, have raifed themfelves into power and confequence. In confidering this queftion therefore, how far, th« objeft is attainable, we are not to fuppofe, that we have now to contend, with the united pow- er of America, but only with a part of that peo- ple ; a part indeed, who are in pofleflion of the executive power, and have arms in their hands, but who arc not fupported, by the majority of the people, either with refpcdl to property or numbers. i • : France, . [ «9 ] France, is no doubt to be added to the fcalc againft us ; but I do not conceive it pofTible, that cither Holland or Spain, are to be numbered in this conteft amongft our enemies-, becaule, if it is propofed on our part, to remove, as I think we ought, almoft every obftrudlion to the American trade, with the reft of the world, neither of thefe powers, can have any pofiible motive of intercfl:, for fupporting American independence, but di- rectly the contrary, fince it is evidently againft the intcreft of both thcfc powers, to add America to- the fcale of France. Neither can I fuppofe, that, in the prefent ftatc of the conteft, which certainly is, whether Ame- rica fliall be thrown into the fcale of the moft amibitious power in Europe, we can want al- lia/ices. At all events, if Spain fhould take part with France, we could not fail, in fuch a cafe, to derive the moft effedlual affiftance, from thofe maritime powers in the North, whofe evident in- tereft it would be, to prevent the balance of naval power, from preponderating in favour of France and Spain. if the objeA be worth contending for, and can hardly be purchafcd at too high a price ; if it be intimately conneded with our exiftence, as an in- dependent nation ; and if it be attainable, not- withftanding all that has hitherto befallen us, the next queftion is, with refpedl to the means to be employed. I will not take upon me, to enter into an exa- mination, of the proper military operations, either by fea or land, whic!i will require to be difcufTed P 2 by [ *o ] by fin abler h»nd ; all I ihall fay upon that fub* jcd is, that, without the moft unprejudiced and unremitting attention, in :he choice of our com- manders in chief by Tea and land, and without the molt determined Brmnefs, to enquire into, and to punifh, mifcondu^t of every kind, accompanied with a noble eagernels to reward diftinguilhed me- rit, it will be in vain, after fo long a peace, to expedt thofe animated exertions, which, in former times, have fp c^t'Hi dininguiHied the Britilh na- tion. But fuppofing, every proper meafure to be adopted, both in the civil and military line, as well as with refpcd to foreign filiiances, another moft intererting and important queltion remains j Whether the refources of this nation, are (till fuf- ficient, to fupport a war againft America, united 'vvith France and Spain ? and whether there is any probability, of raifing the annual lupplies, for the length of time that n^ay become neceffary ? That it will net be fufficient to raifc thcfe fupplies for a year or two, is but lOO evident j we mult be prepared to hold out for many years, and nuift decidedly take our arrangements upon that foot- ing, otherwifc we may expcdl, that our enemies will continue to perfcvere in the conteft, from the Mattering hope, of our being foon exhaulted. Ic is well known, that the French Minifters, as well as the Americans, have derived their chief hope of luccefs, on this occafion, from the fituation of our public debt, and from the expeftation they have formed, that, in a little time, our rpfourccs of ot money will totally fail. They have even pub* licly expreffed this, to be the chief ground of (heir expe£tation -, and they have entertained opi- nions, upon the fubjedtofour finances, which, I fatter myfelf, notwithllanding our mifmanage- ment, are extremely ill founded. The impcrfed attention, which, from 1762, was unfortunately paid, during the twelve years of peace, to dimi^ nilh the public debt, and to improve our revenue, and the unpardonable addition, which was made to our Peace EJiabliJhment, after the peace of Paris, had left us, to begin our conteft with Ame- rica, under a grievous load ; and to that caufe, I beg leave to repeat it, and the wafteful condudt of the prefent war, may chiefly be attributed, the perfevering refiftance of North America. That enormous wade of national treafure, which has been incurred fince 1774, without any fuccefs, to fatisfy the expectations, or to juHify the confi- dence, of the public, has increafed our loi(d to an alarming degree. It has been very clearly demonftrated, by Dr. Smith, the ingenious author of The Inquiry into the Nature and Caufes of the Wealth of Nations^ that a public Debt, is, to every Stare, a calamity of themoft ruinous kind j and that the wafte of public treafure, by great fleets and armies, though the whole of the money were to be fpent at home, muft prove perni- cious and defl;ru6live •, nay, that it would be almo(i; ^s much fo then, as when they are maintained, at an •equal expence, abroad. That, in both cafes, the paiional (lock i^ squally diminifhed, and the mo- ney. ney, which fhould give exertion to ufeful and pro- dudtive induftry, is diverted to the wafteful main- tenance of unprodiiftive mouths ; and that the taxes by which this revenue muft be raifed, from the people, mufl: at laft in a manner extinguifli» the agriculture, induftry, and manufaftures, of the Kingdom. Thefe fcrious truths, will now no longer, I pre- fume, admit of difputej and the idle theories, which had fuppofed, that the public debt, was, in any refpeft, a public benefit, or that an enormous ex- pence in the eftablifhment of the Prince, or in fleets and armies, whether maintained at home or abroad, was not a moft grievous public evil, though in feme degree a neceflary evil, are now, I hope, for ever banilhed, from the imaginations of thinking men. The mode of raifing fupplies, for extraordinary purpofes of the State, introduced with caution at the Revolution, by borrowing money on the pub- lic credit, has been long purfued, with very little cither of caution or forefight •, and though we felt, very feniibly, the inconveniencies of it, towards the clofe of the laft war, yet, as, by cuftom, it vas confidered as a neceflary evil, no perfon feems to have thought of any other mode. The inconveniencies, however, of having re- courfe to mcney-knderSy to fupport the public ex- pences, are fufficiently obvious. It is to be ex- pedled, that they will ever take advantage of the public neceflity, to raife their terms •, that they will even add to that necefTity, and depreciate the X Stocks. { n ] Stocks, for a time, to anfwer their purpofe i that they will combine together, to raife their price, and forgetting that they are citizens, may even endeavour, by every art, to enrich ihcmfelves, at the riik of the total ruin of the State. It has been a very common opinion, that none but a popular Minifter, could procure confiderable loans ', but the truth is, that chere never has been a Minifter, who has failed to procure money, if he would give the price, which the lenders were dif- pofed to afk. — That price will always be lefs, to a fuccrfsful Minifter, becaufe the public credit, in his hands, will ftand higher, but ftill, the money will be offered, to every Minifter, who will pay for it out of the public purfe *, and the example of France, has fhewn us, that even public bankrupt- cy, has not prevented the Minifter for the day, of that country, from procuring extraordinary loans. The high terms, extorted by money lenders, upon occafion of every public loan, give to the State, which follows this pernicious plan, the appearance of diftrefs and weaknefs, which is however no proof, that the individuals of the State, and of courfe the State itfelf, are either exhaufted, or ei barrafted. For this fymptom of diftrefs, is incident to the moft wealthy nations, if their capitals be inverted, in very profitable adventures, or be locked up from the market, at a particular time ; or when, from caufes real or imaginary, an alarm is taken, with rcfpcdt to national kcurity or credit. And t H 1 And indeed, whilft loans arc the only refoufcc of a nation, it miift be fubjeiSt, to this material dif- advantage, that a difcontented fadlion, may raife and give countenance, to evil reports, injurious to the public credit i and ftill more, will it be in the power, of a foreign enemy, to occafion alarms, fufficient to juftify, the exorbitant exaftions of money-lenders \ fo that the refources of the King- dom, would, in fome meafure, in fuch a cafe, be placed in the hands of thofe; who aimed at its utter deftrudlion. The cafe of a private individual, who is under an abfolutc ncceffity of borrowing, is difagrecablc enough *, but he has advantages, which do not be-* long to a State. The degree of his neceflity may be known only to himfclf ; and if one perfon fhould refufe to lend him, he may have recourfc to another ^ by which means, if he can offer un- doubted fecurity, he can hardly fail of fuccefs upon reafonable terms. — But the neceflities of a State, in time of war, if large loans are required, can be no fecret ; a combination of all the mod confiderable money-lenders, is eafily formed, bccaufc the ne- ceflities of the State, will generally afford, fuffi- cient plunder, to anfwer the wiihes of all. If any fhould happen to be left out, of the general com- bination, and the Minider fhould attempt to ne- gotiate feparately with them, the fecret would foon be out ', and the other lenders, would quickly draw them, into the general confpiracy, fo that no alternative might be left, but either to confenc to [ 25 ] to the mofl: exorbitant demands, or to put a ftop to the moft neceffary exertions of the St.ite, in an hour, perhap-, of the greatefl: danger. Under fiich circumftances, it becomes the fpirit of a free country, to lay afide, for a time, the pradice oF borrowing, and to call upon the indi- viduals of the Kingdom, for a direfl aid, equal to the public occafions. This aid may be given, by every perfon's pay- ing, a certain rate or proportion of his real capital or income. — What that rate fhould be, muft de- pend upon the lum required, compared with the total wealth of the nation. If the money were raifed in this manner, it would, in truth, fall much lighter upon the Kincy- dom, than in the mode of borrowing. It has been computed, that the terms lately demanded of Go- vernment, would coft the public 2,670,000/. as a premium, for the loan oi feven millions -, that is to fay, it would coft the public, that enormous fum, more, than if it was to borrow the money at j^.per cent. (See Appendix.) This difference, arifes entirely, from the prac« tice of borrowing money for public purpofes ; for it is well known, that 4 per cent, is a higher rate, than was requifite to be given, on public fccurity, before any new loans became neceflary. This is evident, from the price at which 3 per cents, fold, before tlie war, which wns feldom under 87 or 8S' percent.^ and fometimes higher. The quantity of money in Europe, has not been diminiflied by the war, but the demand for it, has enabled the E lenders. [ 5i6 ] lenders, to raife its price ; and this rife of price^ does not only affeft the public, in the premium ic is obliged to give for the loan, but it afFedls every branch of trade and induftry in the Kingdom, by encouraging all che poflTeflbrs of money, to raife their icnivj, on private fecurities. This is a necef- fary confcqucnce of a high premium given by the public J for thofe who expert fucli exorbitant pre- miums, make it their bufinefs to collect in money, from all quarters, which necefiarily raifes the price, to all who have occafion to borrow. This is not merely theory or conjedure •, I ap- peal to fadis. Our manufa<5turers, our traders, our farmers, and even our landed gentlemen, know, to what a degree, tiiis expedlation of Go- vernment premiums, has affeded them. Money cannot now be borrowed on mortgages, on the for- mer terms. The price of land has fallen, the quantity of circulating cafh, in the hands of our merchants, manufacturers, builders, improvers, is remarkably diminiilied. We are much deceived, if we think, that if the money is railed by borrowing, it does not fall heavy, upon every individual, pofleffed of pro- perty, in the Kingdom •, for befides the taxes which muft be raifed, to pay the intereft of the fum, a<5lually advanced to the public, we muft alfo pay the intereft of the premium, paid for the loan, and the ej^pence of coUedting both. Nor is this all ; for it is the neceffary confequence of every tax, that it enhances the price of the com- modity, in every hand, through which it pafles, to [ 27 ] to the adual confumer ; and it is the confumers, or thofe who poITefs the means of buying, who at laft pay for the public loan. It was computed by Sir Matthew Decker, above forty years ago, that if there were no taxes in Eng- land, a man pofTefTcd of a land eftate of 700/. per cnn. would be able to live better, than a man pof- fefled of 2000 /. per ami. could then do •, and that therefore, every man, at that time, paid, in fadl, above 13 j. in the pound, on account of the taxes. Our taxes have very much increafed, fince that time, by two expenfive wars ; and though the com- putation of that ingenious author, proceeded upon the idea, that every public tax, fell ultimately upon the land, which is not correflly true, yet it is certain, that taxes fall upon every man, in proportion to his fortune, in a much heavier man- ner, than is commonly imagined. Sir Matthew Decker has illuftrated this, by Ihewing, that every tax is paid by tlie confumer, with a great addition. The tax, for example, upon leather, is not only paid in the price of a pair of (hoes, with an addition to the fhoemaker, for having advanced the tax, but with a farther addition, for the tax paid by the (lioemaker, for his own flioes, and for the tax which the currier, the leather-feller, the butcher, the grazier, &c. paid for their (hoes -, and thus a confidcrahle ad- ditional fum, is paid, for every tax, though, by being mixed with the price, it efcapes obfervation. — Befides this, every tax is incrcaied, by the ex- pence of collecting it, and by the embarrallment, E 2 and MP [ ZS ] and lofs of time, whicli is thereby occa Honed to individuals, efpccially by the cultom-hoiu'c laws, and the perquifues of ofiiccrs i all which are grievous obdrucftions, to the trade and induitry of the people. In order to judge, however, v/hether it is prac- ticable, to raile, in time of war, the neceflfary fupplies, within the year, it is proper to lorm fome calculation, of the national wealth. The total wealth oi Great Britain, has been computed, by dilFerent writers, at different fums. It has undoubtedly increafed very much, fince the lateft of ihcie computations ; and 1 may fafely venture to affirm, that it now exceeds very much, cfte th-jiifand millions. In this I comprehend, the value of :he land, the value of the houfes, the va- lue of Itock of all kinds, and materials of manu- fadure, fliipping, cafh, money in the Funds due to inhabitant?, and df'jts due to us by perfons out of the Kingdom, butdeduding the like debts due by us, to other countries ; in fliort, I comprehend every thing which can be denominated wealth or property It would be tedious to enter into the various modes, by which this computation may be made j it does not reft upon one mode, for various me- thods concur, to aicertain it as much, as any com- putation of th's fort, can be afcertained. One or two modes may be mentioned, which will give fome fort of idea, that the computation cannot be exaggerated. The [ »9 ] The land-tax, at Four Shillings in the pound, yields about t'ivo millions \ and if, in levying it, the land were rated at its full value, the total rent of the land, would be ten millicns per ann. But no- body believes, that, taking the Kingdom through- out, the land is, in truth, rated, at one half of the adlual rent i fo that the rent cf the land, can- not be reckoned at lefs, than twenty millions per ann. This is paid to the landlords j but the re- venue of the farmers, cannot be reckoned at much lefs, than an equal fum, for the farmer, befides paying his rent, muft have enough to pay for the cultivation and fowing the ground, and a clear an- nual profit to himfelf, nearly equal to what he pays to the landlord, which would bring the clear pro- duce, of the land alone, to above forty millions per ann. j and this, at 25 years purchafe, would make the value of the land, one thoufand millions, without taking in other property to an immenfc amount, which equally conftitutes national wealth. Another mode of forming a calculation, is, from the number of inhabitants, and the annual revenue neceflfary to maintain them. This mode, will not however Ihew, what revenue can be fpared to the State ■, for there are countries, which con- tain three times the number of our inhabitants, and yet cannot raife fo much money, as ourfelves, becaufe their people live mote poorly, and there are fewer, in proportion, who have more than a bare fubfiftence. This mode of calculation, muft therefore proceed, not only upon the num- bers of the people, but upon their manner of liv- [ 30 ] ingi and in that way, ic may give us fome idea, oi' the amount of the national wealth. The total number of inhabitants of the United Kingdom, cannot be reckoned at Icfs, than /even nnllior.s, of which, Scotland contains between 1,300,000 and 1,400,000, and England between 5,6co.cco and 5,700,000. 1'his number of per- fons, are annually fed, lodged and clothed, from a fund exiting in the country. According to the manner of living of the people, we cannot reckon, that, one with another, the expence of the main- tenance of each, amounts to a lefs fum, than 7 /. 10 s. per ami. or about 4 ' d. per day, including food, clothes, fire, candles, foap, and lodging. This would require a revenue of fifty-two millions and a half per amum^ and the (lock or fund, exifting fomewhere, from whence this revenue muft arife, reckoning it to produce 5 per cent,^ would amount, at twenty years purchafe, to one thoufand and fifty millions. This is not the moft unexceptionable mode, of formino; the calculation, of national wealth; but if the refult of that computation be lower than the truth, and that the public debt, as lately increafed, fliould be reckoned to amount at prefent to 160 millions, befides the long and other annuities, which will cxtinguifh of themfelves, it will fol- low, as a confequence, that our debt amounts, to about one-fixth part of the total wealth of the na- tion ; and therefore, in order to pay it entirely off, if fuch an idea fliould ever be entertained, it would be neccflary, that every perfon poflcfTed of lOo/. property, fliould pay 16 /. as his fhare of I the [ 3> ] the public debt •, and if he did Co, and were at the fame time relieved, of all the taxes, which are now paid for the intereft of that debt, he would be able, to live better, and carry on his bufinefs to more advantage, with the remaining 84/., than can now be done with 100/. The 160 millions, which I have mentioned as the probable amount of the national debt, fuppofes, the ftockliolders, to be paid, the full fum of ico/. for each 100/. of 3 per cent, annuities -, but as the prefent price in the market, of 100/. in the 3 per cents, is not much above 60 /., there can be no doubt, that if the Public were willing and able to pay off t!ie whole at once, the ftockholdcrs, rather than not be paid, would accept of a fmall advance, above the market price •, and in that view, the whole might be paid, by a contribution from every man, of a little more, than 10 per cent, of his pro- perty, inftead of 16 per cent. But, for the purpofe of raifing a fufficient fum, for carryirig on the war during two years, x^^per cent* of every man's capital, to be paid by inltal- ments, in the courfe of two years, would be fully adequate; as that fum, would amount, upon one thoufand millions of property, to fifteen millions^ which, without fuppofing much oeconomy, ought, with the ordinary fupplies, to fupport a vigorous war of two years at lead. Every perfon mufl perceive, tiie amazing efi'ed, which fuch a meafure would immediately produce, with refpedl to our national affairs ; and in what a light, it would place tiiis country, in the eyes of all Europe. The boaded prophecies concerning na.ional [ 3^ ] national bankruptcy would immediately vanifli, and thediftin(^tion between a free government, and every other, would be placed in the cleareft point of view ; for I may venture to affirm, that no ftatc in Europe, Holland excepted, could raife fupplies for a war, in the manner propofed. It is i.i a free country only, that mankind feel themfelves, fo connedled with the public prolperity, as wil- lingly to facrilice, in fupport of it, a part of their fortune, in great emergencies. But it may be aflved, how is it poflible to fup- pole, that this nation, torn to pieces, as it has been, by diflentions, and diflatisfied with the ma- nagement of its affairs, if it were even able to raife, within the year, fo large a fum, in addition to its prefent burdens, would ever confent to pay it, much lefs to entruft it, to the Miniftcrs of the Crown ? Or how would it be poffible to devife a mode, of levying to this extent, an equal propor- tion, of every man's fortune, for the fervice of the State ? I believe, indeed, that fuch a plan, however important, could not be carried into execution, without a very general concurrence and approba- tion, of the people at large, who muft frfi be convinced, of the abfolute neceffity, of the utmoft exertion, in the prefent crifis, to avert the black ftorm, which threatens us from every quarter ; and, fecondly^ the nation muft be convinced, that it is, in every view, their real intereft, to raife the fupplies within the year, not only to avoid the ex- travagant demands of money -lenders ^ but to pre- vent the impofition of new taxes, opprcfllve to in- duftry. [ 33 1 duftry, and above all, that it is their interefl: to da foa in order, at this crids, to exalt the nationai character in the eyes of all Europe. In the itird place, the people muft be convinced, that the conduft of public affairs, is encrufted, not merely Co men of honour and of good intentions, but to the ableit, the firmeft, and the raoft difinterefted men, that are to be found in this extenfive country. The great body of the people, at fiich a time as this, do not turn their eyes, either to oppofition or to men in office, as thinking, that the nation can be faved only, by the *, that the meafure will be found extremely ^j; "acji' able, if the voice of the nation gives cn- cou, t gf!snent to the general plan. In order, that money might be more eafily found, by every one, for arfwering the fucceflive pay- ments, to the public, it would be proper, that the advances (hould be made, by many different in- ftalments } and that the times of thefe inff alments, (hould f 38 ] fhould fucceed, at proper intervals, the regulat* iflues from the Treafury and Bank, for the public ferviccs, or the payment of intereft on the flocks. It might allb be proper, that a bill fhould pafs, for enabling foreigners to lend money, on mort- gages of land or lioufes, in Great Britain, at an intereft not exceeding 5 per cent, upon the fame plan, as has been already adopted, by aft of Par- liament, with refpeft to mortgages in the Weft- India iflands. And whatever obftruflions cxift^ by the laws of Scotland, to loans on the fecurity of land, from England or other countries, ought alfo to be remove;- )♦-" ?B. of Parliament. If, notwithftandin^ jfe precautions, any doubt or apprehenJion Iliould be entertained, that there would be a want of circulating cafh^ to anfwcr the feveral inftalments, it would not be difficult, to devife a temporary means, of fupplying that de- feft, and of rendering abortive, the attempts of the money-lenders, to take the fame fort of advan- tage, of individuals, which they have been accuf- tomed to take, of the Public. I am, however, very v/cU convinced, that there would not be occafion, for any fuch temporary ex- pedient. There is no fcarcity of money in the kingdom -, for great lums are known to beamaffcd in particular hands, to be ready for a loan, and the exchange with otlier countries, has, for fomc time, been much in favour of Great Britain. The cxpeftation of a high premium from the Public, has been the fole caufe, of colleding money, front all quarters, into a few hands, who will not cort- tinue. [ 39 ] tinue, to with-hold it from individuals, when all expectation, of fuch extravagant proHt from the public, (hall be at an end. But it would greatly facilitate the whole of fuch a plan, if the people could be infpired with a con- fidence, that, when peace fhould be reftored, our ordinary expence would be diminiflied, and that the Sovereign himfelf, would fet the example, which ought to be followed, by a diminution of all fala-^ ries exceeding a certain fum j and a very great re- dud^ion, ought at any rate to be made, both in the army and navy departments, beyond what took place at the lad: peace. That we had no occafion to increafe our eda- bliihment, as we then did, is apparent, from this undeniable fad, that France, at that time, made a confiderable redufbion of her force, below its former peace eftabliihment; and the increafmg our own eftablifhment, beyond a due proportion to that of our neighbours, can at no time anfwer any other purpofe, than to excite jealoufy, and to com. pel rival nations, to increafe their eftablifhment, to keep pace with ours, to the manifeft injury of bot^ countries. And with refped to the reduAion of falarics, I beg leave to obferve, that the idea, that it is nci- cefTary to annex, high falaries, to offices of truit and confidence, is, 1 believe, extremely crro- ' neous. The paflion of ambition, is fufficiently ilrong, to induce all men, of liberal minds, to ferve the public, on account of the didind^ion, which naturally; accompanies fuch fituations. By adding^ f 40 J adding to that motive, another bafe one, of avarice, we bring into the competition, another defcriptioa of men, who, forgetting the mcannefs of their ta-* lents, the indolence of their difpofitions, the cow- ardice of their minds, and their total want of ele- vation, extent of views, and true magnanimity, are apt, by every unworthy art, to thruft themfelves into public departments, and to conceive, that they have fulfilled, the whole of their duty, wJien they have received their falaries, whilft they leave the public bufinefs, to be woefully conducted, by Se^ cretaries and Clerks. It is fo far from being true, that the higher and more important the office, the falary fhould be the higher, that it is direftly the reverfe, becaufe the honour annexed to high and important offices, is iufficient, without emolument, to induce all, who are fit to hold them, to afpire eag' , at thcfe fituations, even to the prejudice of ..leir private fortunes -, and if no falaries were annexed, there is ■reafon to believe, that very few would be induced to continue in office, after they felt, and the na- tion was convinced, that they were unfit to con- pnue. Nojwithftanding the immenfe wafte of public money in the government of France, yet it is a remarkable fait, that almoft the whole effential bufiiu-fs of the State, is carried on, at this hour, with little or no expence to the public, and that 'people eagerly prefs forward to a6b in public fitua- tions, merely on account of »he honour and the Influence, with which it is attended, " ^ I« I 41 ] It is well known, that the adminiftration of juftice, is in this manner carried on in France, for people pay a high price, for a law office, and are contented to do the duty, which is very labo- rious, without receiving, by way of falary, any thing like the intereft of their money. Their mo- tive is, that the fituation gives them rank and pre- eminence amongft their fcUow-fubjcdts j and the vulgar opinion, that the Judges in that country, are corrupt, will be found, upon inquiry, to have very little foundation. The duty of almoft every other office in the Provinces, is dilcharged at as cheap a rate to the public : nay, the officers of the army, adlually Icrvc for lefs pay, than is necefiary for their fupport, and, in fpite of the frugality for which they are diftinguifhed, generally ruin their own private fortunes, in the fervice of the State. The wafte of the public treaibre, arifes, in that country, from an immenfe (landing army ; and the idle and profufe extravagance of aCourt, which, from the nature of the conftitution, is under no control with refped to its expence. It will probably be faid, that in defpotic Go- vernments, the polTeffion of office, carries with it a degree of proiedtion, and a power too, of oppref- fion, which in a free country are out of the qucf- tion. But I am informed, ^hat in the Republic of Holland, the falaries of very high and important offices, are exceedingly trifling •, and in our coun- try, we fee, with how much eagernefs, the office ot Lord- Lieutenant of a county, is folicited, though attended with expence, inftead of emolument. G If [ 42 J . If the national expence, were reduced within rea- fonable bounds, a great part of the public debt, might, in nme of peace, be paid off in a few yeai L • •♦ fa";htul application of the Sinking F " 'd. "i e whole of the taxes neceflary to be le- vied, might then be eafily thrown, upon a few ar- ticles of luxury, and every oppreflion upon the in- duftry of the people, by taxes on the neceflaries of life, might be entirely removed. The articles of tea, fugar, and tobacco, if fub- jefted to excife, inftead of cuftoms, would of them- fclves, raife a very large fum, without any obftruc- tion to induftry — and cofFce and chocolate would require to be taxed, in fome degree, to fupport the tea duty. • Wine and fpirits, are proper objefts of taxation ; and the duty on wine, would be greatly increafed, by being excifed, as there is little doubt, that at lead one- third of the prefent confumption, is brewed at home. Beer, though not abfolutely a neceflary of life, has become lb in a degree, from the habits and manners of the people. It is, however, a proper objed: of taxation ; and if all other oppreflive taxes v;ere removed, and the whole of the prefent taxes on beer, were annually impofed upon malt, inftead of being levied, on the other ftages of the manu- faflure, it would diftribute the burden more equally, and would even raife more money after lowering the tax ; for I am perfuaded, that in- ftead of about 24 J. or 25 J. per quarter, which rr.ay be reckoned the amount of all the prefent du- ties r 43 ] ties on malt, beer, and ale, if a tax of one guinea per quarter, were impofed on malt, it would raife a revenue of 3,325,000/. on 3,166,666 quarters of . malt ; which quantity is a very moderate compu- tation, of the total confumption of malt. A duty of 12 J. per cent, on fugar, would not be too high, if other oppreRive taxes were taken off ; and this, upon 1,500,000 cwt., would produce 900,000 /. The tax upon tobacco, reckoning the con- fumption at 15,000 hoglheads, of 9001b. to the hoglhead, might yield a very confiderable reve- nue 5 for it might be taxed, as in France, to a much higher rate, than the price has, perhaps, ever arofe to, in England, without diminilhing much, the prefent confumption. Suppofe the tax ■were is, per pound, the amount would be 1,350,000/. and as the duty might be effedually levied by the excife, fo as to prevent fmuggling, and there would be no ground for allowing, as at prefent, ten pounds in every hogfliead, duty free, any diminution in the confumption, would, I be- lieve, be more than compenfated, by thefe means. A fimilar computation might be made, with refpeft to the produce of the duty upon tea, coffee, chocolate, wine, and fpirits, and it would be evi- dent, that, from thefe fources alone, without any other taxes or duties, a greater revenue might be raifed, without complaint, and without injury or ob- ftrudion to any one branch of trade, induftry, or ma- nufadlurc, than would perhaps be nccclTary, for every rcafonable purpofc of the State j and the whole G 2 might [ 44 ] might be levied, at much lefs expence, than at prcfcnt. Another important effeft, of fuch encourage- ment to trade and indiiftry, would certainly be, to diminifh the heavy burden of poor's rates, all over England, waich, of itfch, is, atprefent, an enor- mous grievance. Dr. Smith is of opinion, that if raw filk were allowed to be imported, duty free, we fliouid foon fupply the greatcft part of Europe W'rh wrought filks; and thir> rxample is fuffi icnt to prove, the extent of the mifchjefs, arifing from our prcfent fyilcm of taxation. But thefe fpecul. tions, do not apply to the prc- fent moment , we are now arrived at a crifis, which rails aloui.^, (or the vigorous exertion of every public viru"; and on this occafion, all who are attached vy their country, ouo;ht certainly to for- get, every party prejudice, and every felfifh con- fiderntion, and concur, like men, in putting the n;uional afTairs, into the ableft hands, that public contidence may be efFeftually reftorcd. If this were done, I am convinced, that, confidering the importance of the objects before us, the hazards to which we are expofed on the one hand, and the glory we may acquire on the other, there would not be wanting, a very general and hearty concur- rence, of the nation at large, to raife the neceflary fupplies within the year; for this is the moft marked and ftriking charaderiftic, of a free State, that every man confiders himfclf, as perfonally in- terefted, in the public profperity 5 and in the prc- fent [ 45 1 fent cafe, every man would feel a pride, in con- templating the effcdb, which fuch a meafure mud immediately produce, upon the enemies of this country, and the certainty which it would give, of fpeedily reftoring to Great Britain and its Co- lonies, that happinefs, pre-eminence, and fecurity, which, till of late, we had long enjoyed, amongft the furrounding nations. FINIS. ERRATA. P^i^ 19# Jt»« 7> «/ the out. -f world, add the following as a note : Upon this point, fo contrary to eftablifhed prejudices, I do not expeft, at the firft mention of it, a general aflent. It would require to be difcuffed, at confiderable length, if thia were the proper place. Page 20, /tat 2i, /or will, read may. APPENDIX. 'X* HE nature of the terms, faid to have been de- manded of Government, by the money-lenders, werediftindlly explained, in a paper publilhed in the Puhlic Advertifer^ of the 5th of January 1779, by an Author, whom it is my misfortune not to know, but to whom I think the Public is very much in- debted. I Ihall therefore take the liberty of re- printing it here. „ ^ . cc C( i( C( cc C( C( C( , forcach •' 100/. of this annuity for 29 » " years, or about 1 5 years pur- " chafe, would be - - hl^S^S'^S o «* Lottery Tickets - - - 147,000 9 Carried over ^,056,545 o ■■« C 52 ] L s. Brought over 8,056,545 o " iTwo- fifths of a year's intcreft on 7,000,000/. ac ^percent* - 140,000 o . . ^.Dedudt 7,000,000 o cc "'^ ' Premium 1,196,545 o At 6 per cent, ** 7,ooo,ooo/.of 3j^rf^«/j, at5o/. 3,500,000 o ** Annuity of 245,000 /. at the " above price of 1359/. and a ,^ *« fradlion, for each 100 /. of ^** this annuity for 29 years, or *« about 13 4- years purchafe - 3»309,72i 10 " Lottery Tickets - - 147,000 o ** Two-fifths of a year's intereft on ** y fiOOiOOO I, Sit 6 per cent » - 168,000 o Dedua 7,124,721 10 7,coo,ooo o i».i Premium 124,721 10 So that if the News paper had any authority for ftating the above, as the propolcd terms of the loan, the Public would give, almoft 2 per ient, premium, to borrow money, on a fund equal to 6 per cent, never redeemable ; but the above mode of calculation, will do for whatever may be the real terms of the loan. eWf5