IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 11.25 ut Uii |2.2 ^ 1^ 12.0 ■yuu V] '>* v: 7 y^ ■<^' !' : CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 1980 Technical Notes / Notes techniques The Institute ha* attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Physical features of this copy which may alter any of the images in the reproduction are checked below. L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a AtA possible de se procurer. Certains dAfauts susceptibles de nuire it la quality de la reproduction sont notte ci-dessous. Coloured covers/ Couvertures de couleur — Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur •■. Coloured maps/ Cartes gAographiques en couleur — Coloured plates/ Planches en couleur Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages d6color6es. tacheties ou piquAes Show through/ Transparence kJ Tight binding (may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin)/ Reliure serr6 (peut causer de I'ombre ou 1 — 1 Pages damaged/ Pages endommagies D de la distortion le long de la marge int^rieure) Additional comments/ Commentaires supplAmentaires Bibliographic Notes / Notes bibliographiques n Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible Bound with other material/ ReliA avec d'autres documents Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque Plates missing/ Des planches manquent Additional comments/ Commentaires supplAmentaires D D Pagination incorrect/ Erreurs de pagination Pages missing/ Des pages manquent Maps missing/ Des cartes giographiques manquent T P o fl T c o a T fi ir ir u b f( The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in iteeping with the filming contract specifications. Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reprodultes avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition at de la nettetA de I'exemplaire film*, et en conformit6 avec les conditions du contrat de fllmage. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol -^^ (meaning CONTINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Un des symboles suivants apparattra sur la der- nlAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols — ► signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols y signifie "FIN". The original copy was borrowed from, and filmed with, the kind consent of the following Institution: National Library of Canada L'exemplaire filmA fut reproduit grfice A la ginArosit* de i'Atabiissement prAteur sulvant : Bibllothique nationale du Canada Maps or plates too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes ou les planches trop grandes pour §tre reprodultes en un seul ciicht sont filmtes d partir de Tangle supArieure gauche, de gauche A droite et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'Images nAcessaire. Le diagramme suivant illustre la mAthode : 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 TH£ NORTHMEN IN MAINE. tarn . , ¥. ? f icuu I^Ufonsirc dt ^aintopc, DISCCVKKEK OF MASSACm'SRTTS UAV, IJ4X. Alfonit ajant Juivy flui dt vingi it vingt am Par rnilli tt milU miri I'un tt I'auirt Stftunt, Et fiuvtnt difii I'unt it I'aulri forlunt, Mt/mti didant lis fani dii goufrii aioyani. Ore il teurni la I'nili, i la faviur dii vans. En uni biuriuft routi i nut autri communi. Et li jour di/iri il vioit dijfus fa hunt Luiri avic fiui fii rait it li floti f'aliaij/ani. Lit fiott font lit malint^ (/u mifmi aprit fa mort 1.1 vouldrtiint ajfaillir jufqui didant li fort : I/ancri^ c^ijt fon fcavoir qui doubli hur rififii .■ Mait li maty ijlivi in figni dt fon now, EJlivira toutjourt dant li ciil fon rincm Tant ifuil aura Vhonniur qui plut grand il miriti. By Melin de Saint-Gelais en I'honneur d'Allfonfce, 1559. TIIK |1[0rtbmett in pauu; //^^ CRITICAL EXAMINATION OK ^ VIKWS KXrUKSSKU IN CONNKCTIOX WITU TIIK ML'HJKCT, «Y im. J. n. KOIII^, VOLUME I OK THE NEW SERIES OK THE MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. TO WHICH AIIE ADDKD CltlTICISMS ON OTIIElt PORTIONS OP THE WORK, AND A CHAPTER ON THE BV THE Rev. B. F. DeCOSTA, AUTHOK OP THE I'HE-COMIMBIAN KISCOVEIIY OP AMERICA BY THE NOKTIIMEN, ETC., ETC. \4JxV ALBANY: JOEL M U N S E L L 1870. 684Z7 /d e cos.7P^ ^.f- ti ti S( 01 / sj PREFATORY NOTE. The following papers were prepared with reference to their publication in one of the leading periodicals ; but a further consideration of the subject led to the opinion that a separate presentation would more effectually secure the object which the author had in view. The papers are, nevertheless, sent forth nearly in their original form. STcyvESANT Park. New York, September, 1809. I S( oi tl fr lu ni ai is F w cc ri ta di TlIK NORTHMEN IN MAINE. The new volume of the Maine Historical Society, containing as it does no less than twenty-six ancient maps relating to the coast of America, forms a valuable companion to the student of history located at a distance from the large libraries. And yet the vo- lume is open to serious criticism. One naturally feels that this is entering upon an unwelcome task, especially as the author is a foreigner and a distinguished scholar. For the talents and attainments of Dr. Kohl we entertain high admiration, and yet errors coming from such a source are doubly inju- rious, and, more than all others, demand refu- tation. Indeed, it is quite evident from the distinguished author's laborious efforts to set 6 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. forth the truth of history that he will not object to the essays of others, even when the result may displace his own conclusions. With these remarks, offered to obviate any possible misunderstanding of the writer's motives, let us proceed to examine the work of the latter, especially in its relation to the Northmen and the State of Maine. The only expedition of the Northmen which Dr. Kohl tries to connect with Maine is that of the distinguished Icelander, Thor- finn Karlsefne. Let us, therefore, hear what he says, keeping in mind the fact that Dr. Kohl and the writer agree perfectly in re- gard to the locality of the places referred to in the sagas, accepting Markland as Nova Scotia, Kialamess as Cape Cod, and so on to the end. With this preliminary remark, let us hear what Dr. Kohl says. On page 71 of his work, he writes as follows of the voyage of Karlsefne, which was begun in 1007, in- stead of 1008: THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 7 "From Markland (Nova Scotia), they did not go out to the open sea, through the broad part of the Gulf of Maine, as had been done on the former expeditions ; but they coasted along a great way ' to the south-west, having the land always on their starboard ' until they at length came to Kialarness (Cape Cod)." This is supplemented bj the remark : *' Thorfinn and Gudrida, in following this track, probably wished to jfind the place where Thorwald had been buried, and his crosses erected, which they of course knew were to be found on the coast toward the north of Cape Cod." Consequently, he arrives at the conclusion that : " "We have here the first coasting voyage of European navigators along the shores of Maine." Now it must be observed, first, that this alleged voyage involved a large departure from the direct course. The expeditionists were sailing to Vinland, Massachusetts and m 8 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. Rhode Island, being in small vessels, with live stock on board, and everything necessary to found a colony. This being so, they would not deviate from their course without good reason. Dr. Kohl felt this, and hence suggests a motive for the alleged departure. He, as already quoted, says that in " follow- ing this track, Thorfinn wished to find the place where Thorwald had been buried." This person was killed four years previous, but why would they desire to find the spot ? Thorfinn had just been married, and it is not very likely that his wife would desire to take him now on a pilgrimage to her brother- in-law's grave. Her first husband had en- deavored to bring home Thorwald's body to Greenland, yet this expedition did not pro- pose anything of the kind. It was also definitely settled that they should proceed to the spot where Leif had already built houses in Vinland. There was, therefore, no reason or propriety in sailing \n THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 9 first to visit the grave of Thorvvald. Yet this is the only motive suggested. It is hardly necessary to say that it was utterly insufficient. But now, for the sake of the argument, supposing Thorfiim had been influenced by this motive, is it likely that he would have taken the course alleged? Dr. Kohl says, that " they of course knew that the crosses marking Thorwald's grave, were to be found on the coast towards the north of Cape Cod." But here he is at variance, not only with the sagas, but with himself. According to his own statement, the fight in which Thor- wald was killed, took place " near the harbor of Boston," and it is said in the saga that his body was carried back southward to a cape and buried ; to this Dr. Kohl necessarily assents. This cape, " Crossness," was proba- bly Gurnet Point, Plymouth, as generally conceded. At all events the burial place was south of Boston and west of Cape Cod,- 10 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. and yet Dr. Kohl tells us that they " of courne, knew that the crosses were on the coast, towards the north of Cape Cod," and pictures them sailing along- the Maine shore, with their eyes upon the coast in search of the crosses of Thorwald. This is what no sensible man like Thorfinn Karl- sefne would be guilty of, especially when we remember Dr. Kohl's own words, where he says, " they no doubt had some of Thorwald's former companions on board." These people well understood that in order to reach the grave of Thorwald they must sail direct for Kialarness ae end of Cape Cod, and then push on to the west. Cape Cod was their first Jand-fall in seeking Crossness (Gurnet Point), which being the case, we have no reason to suppose that they sailed along the coast of Maine searching for crosses that th^y h7iew ivere not there. There is, therefore, nothing in the motive nrr/ed, or the course aUcged to have been fol- io hi th oc cc m la al tc h oi ti t h I TllK NOUTIIMEN IN MAINE. 11 I * lowed, which Iccads to the belief that, " we have here the first coasting voyage of Euro- pean navigators along the coast of Maine." But is there anything in the lanrjuage of the iiarmtlve which implies that on this occasion they sailed out of the ordinary course ? Dr. Kohl assumes this to be so, yet we must examine the authority. We quote his language again : " They coasted along a great way ' to the south-west, having tJie land always on their starboard,' until they came to Kialarness." As authority for this, we have, in a note, a Danish translation of the original Icelandic, yet neither this Danish translation, nor the original, bears out the English of Dr. Kohl. {Antiq. Amer., p. 139) . But we must note farther, that he says Thorfinn sailed south-west a long way " until they at length came to Kialarness." Much is made to depend upon the word "until," it being required in order to make perfectly 12 TUE NORTHMKN IN MAINE. sure that they coastod along the shores of Maine, and thus gave us this " first voyage." But " until," in the Icelandic is ok. Rafn in his Danish, gives oi THE NOllTIIMEN IN MAINE. 29 butchery. Freydis returned and reported the brotlicrs and their company lost, and thus possessed herself of property that was not rightfully hers (see Pre-Columbian Discovery, pp. 77-80, and Aiitiquitates Americana;, pp. 05-72). After failing thus on points where there is such abundant testimony, it is easy to understand how he would have obtained a wrong impression on points that are some- what critical. I THE CHART OF THE ZEXO BROTHERS. While there is much in the work of Dr. Kohl that justifies criticism, it is iievortheless gratifying to find him conceding the authen- ticity of the chart drawn up by Nicolo and Antonio Zeno, prior to the year 1400. Yet something must be said in this connection, though the discussion does not tend directly upon the history of Maine. First we have to regret that in transcribing this chart, Dr. Kohl has failed to give the best representation possible. No less than one-half of the Greenland names have been dropped altogether, though these are names that inevitably come under discussion when the question of authenticity arrives at ^he crucial point. Concerning those actually CHART OF THE ZENO HROTIIERS. 31 left, lie ssiys nothing, and refers to the dis- tinfjuished Polish geographer, L^lewel, for all the needed information. He does this, after going over the other portions of the chart, explaining the names, and demonstrat- ing their alleged antiquity. He tells us that the Greenland names are of less interest for his purpose, but what was the purpose of the discussion ? Manifestly it was either to illustrate the history of Maine, or to prove the authenticity of the chart. If the former, then the Greenland names were equally per- tinent with the others ; while if it was the latter, the discussion of the Greenland names were far more so. This, it is believed, can be fully demonstrated, yet Dr. Kohl takes leave of the subject at this point and refers to Lelewel. Turning, therefore, to the eminent Polish writer, what do we find ? Nothing less than this, that he has really obscured the subject, with which he does not grapple, not having made it a study. 32 CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. The names given by the Zeni in connection with other portions of the map are names that probably could not have been obtained in 1558 (when the map was printed), by a person engaged in a fabrication ; but those names connected with the Greenland coast are names that were less likely to have been obtained. Hence the peculiar interest. Again, at the late period refi^rred to, it was impossible to rightly apply the names in question. We find that Greenland was first settled by Icelandic colonists in the year 985, and that the settlements continued for over three hundred years, when they died out, and the knowledge of Greenland was practi- cally lost. The location of the settlements even became a matter of doubt. Hence we find TorfoBUS in his work on Old Green- land, placing nearly all the towns and villages on the east coast. In so doing he acted upon what he and all his colaborers mistook for the meaning of Bttrdsens Ckrotii- m CHART OF TlIK ZENO UltOTHEHS. 33 dc, wliich ;^ivos the best account of the ancient colonies now extant. Torfiuus pub- lished his work in 1715, and was followed by map-makers down to a comparatively recent period. Indeed, it was no later than the year 1828 that the Danish government sent out an expedition to Greenland under Captain Graah,^ to settle the question con- cerning the former existence of a colony on the east coast. J lis researches had the effect of banishing the last ray of hope that might h.we been entertained. Wormskiold was the latest Scandinavian scholar who seriously advocated the view that the East Bygd lay on the east coast, where he thought a remnant of the colony might still exist, shut in by the ice. But when the Society of Northern Antiquarians, profiting by ex- plorations in Greenland, set out upon their ' For convenience sake, the author would refer to the discussion of the subject in his work on J^ie- Columbian Discoviri/. 5 34 CHART or THE zeno bhothers. great work, the modem maps were revised and both the districts were placed on the west side, according to Bardsen, a relative distinction of east and west only being main- tained, as will be seen by a glance at their maps published in 18o7. And this consti- tuted nothing less than a most drihiiKj confession of the truth of the Zeii.i chart, which locates the settlements on the west side. Theodore Thorlacius^ (16G8), innocently mu- tilated the Greenland section, which was drawn with a degree of correctness that would alone go far to vindicate the antiquity of the work, while Mercator and Ortelius in constructing their maps took an equal 1 See Torfieus's Gronlavdia Antujua, Havniae, 1715, where also may be seen the map of Stephanius (1570), and that of Bishop Gudbrand Torlacius (IGOG). Those men, like the rest, misunderstood the chronicle of Ivar Bardsen, owing to the almost complete extinction of geo- graphical knowledge relating to Greenland. The /eni, however, were familiar with those regions, as their chart proves. CHART OF THE ZENO imOTlIERS. 35 amount of liberty with other portions. Yet in the end these mutilations were wholly rejected. It will thus be seen that the Zeni knew where the colonies lay, and, notwithstanding a partial confusion of names, which the ravages of time increased on the original map, the fact is clearly demonstrable. It would have been a strong point gained, if this map had simply shown that the Ice- landic colonies of Greenland were not on the east side. But, in addition to this, it proves that they were on the west} This is clearly seen from the fact that of all the names put on the east side we cannot recognize one tliaV I Still the light on this point travels slowly. The American Antiquarian Society, in 18G0, published the following : " Intercourse with that part of Greenland which was colonized by the Danes, has been prevented by ice since the beginning of the fifteenth century," (vol. IV, p. 269, N. 2). The part alluded to is the east coast. The Danes, of course, had nothing to do with colonizing any part of (Jreenland. 36 CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. anciently belonged to the irest side. Lelewel, in his invaluable work, Geographie du Moyen age [torn, iii, p. 98), indeed confounds two names that appear on the east coast with names that belong to the west. Yet who- ever consults that part of his examination of the Zeni map will perceive that he did not appreciate the interest that really clusters around the Greenland names, and failed to give ther . the attention that they deserved. His remarks on the Greenland names are barren of interest. He seeks chiefly to give the equivalent of Zeno's names in modern terms, and in so doing falls into a most pal- pable error. Two names on the east are Jl. [fiumum) Lande, and jy)\ [promontory) Hien, one of which he makes identical with Einersfiord, and the other with Heriulfsness, while both of those places were located on the west coast. Why, then, did he make this interpretation ? Certainly there was notliing in the names themselves to authorize it. It CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 37 was, therefore, simply a mistake, into which he fell, when giving, in a separate column, certain modern names whose places generally correspond with those of the chart.^ It is not proposed in this connection to examine the names placed by the Zeni on the west coast. In order to explain all of them it would be necessary to have access to the manuscripts containing the various versions of Bardsen's relation ; and even then the effort would not be wholly crowned with success, since in many cases the names have been so corrupted. All that is now required is to show that the Zeni located the colonies on the west coast. This, after the correction I There is another name put by the Zeni on the east coast, 2^>'- Munder, which Lelewel defines as Lodmund, the name of a fiord on the west coast. Yet the same name WJis often given to several things as well as places. But it must be remembered there was only one Ericsfiord and one Ileviulfsness. As Lelewell remarks, Brattahlid and Garda, very prominent places, do not appear on the map ; yet other names just as useful for our purpose do appear. ■ g 38 [chart of the zeno hhotiieks. of Lelewel's mistake, is easily done, as will appear from a mere glance. We see, among other things, that they understood what has required so much modern study to elucidate, namely : that in sailing to Greenland, the Icelander passed two Huarfs,^ or turning points, one being at Cape Farewell and the other some distance up the east coast ; while the names of places, as given by Bardsen, are recognized, Eleste, for instance, among others, a name that has needlessly been deemed obscure, but which is nevertheless the rem- nant of " Henlestate." ^ Everything, therefore, points indisputably to the antiquity of the Zeni Chart ; for we must remember again, that in 1558, when the chart was published, the ancient geography 1 By referring to Zurhi's copy of the map, tliis will be more apparent, as Lelewel in copying the two names gets them misspelled. Zurla was, manifestly, the more careful in handling these two names. -Sec Sailini/ Directions of Ilawy llmhon, p. 70. ClIAKT OF THE ZENO I5R0TIIE11S. 89 of GreenLaiid had reached the period of deepest obscuration, a period that cast its shadow forward into the next century, when, in 16C8, Theodore Tliorlacius drew up the worst chart of Greenland ever offered to the pu))lic. At no time between 1500 and 1675, does it appear to have been suspected by Ice- landic geographers that settlements ever ex- isted on Greenland's western coast. Hence, on the charts we find them laying down localities on the east coast that actually belonged to the region of Lancaster sound ! Fortunately, ere this period of darkness set in, and while voyages were often made from the northern parts of Europe to Greenland,- the Zeni brothers improved the opportunities afforded by their journeys to put upon parch- ment those leading facts which lend to their • testimony the seal of truth,^ and which en- ' It will of course be understood that tlie writer does not by any means accept everything stated in the tiarrd- tu'cs of the Zeni, which both illustrate and obscure 40 CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. title them to rank among tlie Pre-Columbian Explorers of America. Of the value of this map, in its connection with Maine, little needs to be said. In his copy, Dr. Kohl has colored Drogeo, which in one place (p. 105), he suggests as covering New England, while in another (p. 478), he says, "' Maine is put down under the name of Drogeo." A note (p. lOG), also says that in Lelewel's copy, Drogeo occupies exactly the locality of the territory of Maine, which seems to imply that the masses of land were differently grouped on the map of the Polish geographer. This is not the case. In all the copies that have come under the author's notice, Drogeo is represented on 58° and 59° north. The lines of latitude, how- their chart. Like all siiiiihir relations, they will justify a careful sifting. The contrast between the chart and the narratives is most notable. The former contains but a single ftilse feature in its Greenland section, namely : the monastery of St. Thomas, placed on the coast to the north of Icelaad. CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 41 ever, are of no authority. Remembering this, still Drogeo is always put in the above lati- tude, which is ten degrees north of the ex- treme limit of the territory of Maine.^ The map, therefore, has no interest in connection with Maine, as might be said of the two follow- ing Icelandic maps of the volume. And it may well be observed in this connection, that it would be difficult to say when the territory of Maine first clearly emerges in the old cartology. It has already been suggested by one critic,'^ that Cosa's map of 1500 indicates the coast of Asia instead of Maine, as sup- posed by Dr. Kohl. Thorne, in his letter to Henry VIII, urges the same view with regard' to that region, which he claimed as the India possessions of the British crown. (See Hak- I I 1 Henry Stevens, G. M. U., F. S. A., etc., in " Historical and Geographical Notes, 1453-1869," p. 19, n. 2 Perhaps, it will be said, that the unrepresented part was in the locality of Maine, yet the unknown is some- thing that we cannot speculate about. G 42 CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. luyt, vol. I, p. 213, ed. 1598). If Dr. Kohl is right in his supposed discovery of Cape Cod on Cosa's map, he is also right with reference to Maine ; yet the island which he identifies with Nantucket is on the wrong side of the cape, which in the eleventh century doubtless had a small outlying island toward the east, as indicated by Saga of Karlsefne, and proved by more recent history, in con- nection with geological surveys.^ Yet it is not worth while to appear fanciful, as we require truth on the chart as well as on the written page. The map of the Zeni, how- ever, is authenticated, which would seem enough, without applying it to Maine. I See Pre- Columbian Discovery, p. 26, n. The shores and banks of Georges are probably dead islands that once lifted themselves above the sea. THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. : !• In the year 1527, an English expedition, composed of two ships, the Sampson and the Mary of Guilford, was sent into American waters. In the course of the voyage, it is asserted by Dr. Kohl, John Rut, the master of the Mary of Guilford, visited the shores of Maine ; and he tells us that in the account of Hakluyt (vol. iii, p. 129, ed. 1600), we have "information of the first instance in which Englishmen are certainly known to have pxit their feet on these shores." But upon what is this claim based ? Quot- ing from Hakluyt, he says that the Mary of Guilford "returned by the coasts of New Foundland, Cape Breton and Norumbega," often "entering the ports of those regions, 44 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. landing men, and examining into the condi- tion of the country" {Dr. Kohl, p. 283). Now the oldest reference to Norumbega is found in the work of Peter Martyr {Dec. vii, c. 11), which appeared about 1511. It is next mentioned in a " Discourse of a great French sea-captain of Dieppe, on the naviga- tions made to the West Indies, called New France, from the 40° to the 47° N.," given in Ramusio (vol. iii, p. 423). This discourse has been attributed to Pierre Crignon, the poet, and seems to belong to the year 1539, from the fact that the writer says that fifteen years had then elapsed since Verazzano made his voyage. He tells us that the country from Cape Breton to Florida is called by the inhabitants Norumbega. But, though the application of the name was thus extensive, it never figured largely upon the maps. The name appears to have come in northward from the St. Lawrence. Hence, in 1556, the pilots told The vet that THE VOVACE OF JOHN KUT. 45 Norurabega was the "proper country of Canada" {Cosmof/raphie UniverscUc, 1004). And we must not fail to notice the fact that the very map that Crignon's account was intended to illustrate [Gcistaldis, 1550), re- stricts the country of Norumbega to Nova Scotia. Nevertheless it is conceded that the maps do not tell the whole story of .Norum- bega, which was taken to include the country from Cape Breton to Florida. By degrees, the application of the term was narrowed, until it came to signify a fabulous city on Penobscot river, in Maine. Yet what was the meaning of the term when Hakluyt wrote ? This is easily ascertained. Dr. Kohl himself admits the fatal truth, that in Hak- luyt's day all New England was included in Norumbega. But more than this. Turning to the account of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's expedition, we find one of the members speak- ing of it as put on foot for " the discovery of Norumbega." And yet the plan of the voy- 46 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN KUT. age aimed at a thorough exploration of the territory from Newfoundland to Florida. This shows that in 1583, Norumbega still had a very wide application, while it is equally certain that Nova Scotia was alwayH included at the time Ilakluyt wrote. (See Hakhnji^ vol. in, p. 163 ; also title page of same volume). It will therefore, be seen, when Dr. Kohl quotes Ilakluyt as saying Rut returned to England "by the coasts" of Norumbega, that he proves nothing, for we do not hnow viliat part of Nornmbcf/a he landed upon. Taking the term applied to New England in general, as Dr. Kohl admits it was used, there is still no certainty what- ever that Rut landed in Maine. His own admission, therefore, in regard to the extent of Norumbega alone crushes his argument. But the case becomes still more clear when we remember what was before stated, that in Ilakluyt's day the coast north as well as south of New England was still called Nor- THE VOVAGE OF JOHN RUT. 47 uinbega, which being the case, it is even still less reasonable to say that Kut visited Maine, because he touched at Norumbega. We could as well argue that a tourist must have "certainly" visited Maine because he re- turned to Europe "by the coasts" of the United States. We might reasonably rest the argument here, but it is our duty to disabuse the reader's mind in regard to the correctness of Dr. Kohl's quotation, where he says that the Mary of Guilford " returned by the coasts of New Foundland, Cape Breton and Norum- bega." This is not what Hakluyt says. Indeed, one feels considerable surprise after comparing the alleged language with that actually employed. Hakluyt does not say that they " returned by," but that they shaped their course " towards " the places in question. The writer has examined all the editions of Hakluyt, and the language is everywhere the same, with the exception that 48 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. the first edition (1589), has "Arembec," which is the equivalent of Norumbega, Hak- luyt simply says that after parting from the Sampson, the Mary of Guilford " shaped her course towards Cape Breton and the coasts of Arembec." The full account stands as follows : " Sail- ing very far northwestward, one of the ships was cast away as it entered into a dangerous gulf, about the great opening between the north parts of New Foundland, and the country lately called by her majesty, Meta Incognita. Whereupon the other ship [Rut's] shaping her course towards Cape Breton and the coast of Arembec, and often times put- ting their men on land to search the state of those unknown regions." From this it is clear that Dr. Kohl's quota- tion is incorrect, and also, that it is extremely doubtful whether Rut, after all, did more than to sail " towards " some part of the country of Arembec, or Norumbega. We ill 1 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 49 might at first, indeed, take it for granted tliat the phrase " unknown regions," referred to the shores of Arembec ; yet when the whole account is more carefully considered, espe- ciall}' in the light of Purchas's relation, not yet quoted, we incline to the belief that by those unknown regions is meant the unfre- quented parts of Newfoundland adjoining Meta Incognita. Again, it must also be remembered, that if it was Arembec that they landed upon, we have no reason to infer that they landed in that particular section of Arembec now called Maine, since they would strike Arembec when they left Cape Breton, upon which they could coast for hundreds of miles before reaching Maine. But we must now turn to the testimony of Purchiis, which is later and more full. Ilak- luyt's account is meagre. He did not even know the name of ooth the ships, saying that one was the " Dominus Vobiscum." Purchas corrects this error, and gives a letter 7 oO THE VOYAGE 01' JOIIX RUT. from Eut liimself, who, however, makes no mention of Arembec or Norumbega. This letter was addressed to King Henry YIII, and was written at St. John's, Newfound- land, August 3, 1527. He writes, that they first touched at Cape de Bas Harbor, where they staid ten days " ordering " the ship and fisliing, after which they sailed southward to St. John's. Here they were on the third of August, and Rut says that as soon as they " have fished " they would be ready to depart northward toward Cape de Bas, and so along the coast, still northward, until they found their consort, from whence they would go, with all dili- gence, " to that island tliat we are com- manded " [Ptm-has, vol in, p. 809). What their commands were we have no dilHculty in determining. The expedition was fitted out to seek a north-west passage. Neither of the versions of this voyage, there- fore, afford ground for the statement that THE VOYAGE OF JOHN HUT. 51 Hut's expedition landed in Maine, which must be dismissed as a very great mistake. The coasting " towards " Cape Breton and Areni])ec appears from Rut's letter to have ended, before they reached that region, which all authorities at the time made Arerabec include, and which is now known as New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Rut says that they first coasted southward to St. John, Newfoundland, in search of the Sampson, and announces his intention to sail north- ward " along the coast till we may meet with our fellow." Nor does it appear that Rut afterwards changed his mind, while we must also note the fact, communicated in his letter to the king, that before the separation from his consort it appears to have been arranged that, in case of such an event, they were to rendezvous at " Cape de Sper," and wait six weeks. The information of Purchas is later, and makes ])lain what llakluyt left slightly I ; THE V^OYAGE OF JOHN RUT. obscure ; while neither of these writers give any ground whatsoever, for the hasty asser- tion of Dr. Kohl, that Rut's company visited Maine, and were the first Englishmen Avho certainly set foot on the shores of Maine. There is another point in this connection that demands attention. Dr. Kohl not only sends the Mary of Guilford to Maine, but he prolongs the voj^age to the West Indies. First, it must be stated, that Ilerrera (Dec, 11, lib. V, c. 3), tells us of an English vessel that appeared oft' Porto Rico, in 1519, the captain reporting, that, in company with another ship, they had been sent northwar(j to find a passage to China. In the course of the voyage, this vessel, at a certain point, had been separated from her consort by a storm. They then sailed from this place, which was full of ice, and reached a warm sea, afterwards returning to the Bacalaos, " where they found fifty sail of vessels, Spanish, French and Portuguese, engaged in THE VOYAGE OF JOHN KUT. 53 fishing, r Miis famous navigator should ever be contem- plated, this would be the region in which it should be erected." But having already demonstrated that there is not a line or word to show that John Rut, either probably or " certainly," landed on the coast of Maine, or even on any part of Norumbe(/a, it is only necessary to say again, that this Piedmont pilot met his alleged death at " the Baccalaos," as Herrera states, and not in Maine. By Baccalaos, Herrera could not certainly have meant the coast of Maine. This place was where the English captain says he saw fifty sail of fishermen. The rendezvous of fishermen is indicated by Rut's letter which was at St. John's. It was therefore upon the island of Newfoundland that the pilot was killed, if killed at all ; so that the suggestion of a monument to Verra- zano for the Maine coast must be dismissed to the winds. THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 61 As regarrlM the real fate of Verra/aiio, we have other rumors than tliose given by liaimisio. According to Barcia, who wrote the well known Annals of Florida, one Juan the Florentin (see p. 8), was executed as a pirate, in the very year when Dr. Kohl ima- gines that he was devoured by the Indians of Maine.^ This is the name by which Ver- ' Buckingham Smith, Esq., wlio has recently returned froui Spaiu, informs me that during his investigations abroad he found a number of original documents that relate to the history of the Florentin, which confirm his own previous convictions. This person, supposed to be Verrazano, was captured at sea by Biscayans, taken to Cadiz, tried and convicted, and finally executed (October, 1527), while on his way to intercede for his life with the king. The place of his execution was at El Pico, the highest point in New Castile. Mr. Smith also suggests tliat much material will be found at Paris, whither it was carried from Spain by Napoleon. Mr. Stevens in his Xotrsi (p. 36), says of Verrazano: "The Spaniards knew of his voyages [in 152-4]. They had been watching for him and had caught him, and in 1527, hanged him." These strong statements somewhat spoil the tradition of J'anmsio. It may be said that this disposition of But's voyage leaves the expedition mentioned by Herrera ,1^ 62 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. il' razario was known in Spain, and it has long been considered probable that he was exe- cuted for plundering Cortez's ships. unaccounted for. Yet that is not the fault of the writer. Besides it is hardly necessary to make any mystery out of the fact that an English ship appeared in the West Indies in 1527. Whoever looks closely at the account of Ilerrera, will see by the number of the crew, her armament and stores, that it could not have been a vessel, like the Mary of Guilford, fitted out for a quiet exploration of the north-west, while both her appointments and movements indicated a piratical character. Among the rest is the statement that they had a great abundance of wines and clothes. The captain indeed professed to have a commission from the king of England, and offered to show it to one of the Spanish officers, who could not read English. Yet a pirate would not be likely to cruise without some kind of forged papers for an emergency. THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE TIIEVET. The only expedition mentioned in the whole volume that could possibly be fastened upon the territory of Maine is the alleged expe- dition of the monk, Andre Thevet, who claims to have visited this region in the year 155G. In introducing this personage, Dr. Kohl feels that he is favoring the claims of an exceedingly poor authority, whose work he rates lower than that of the chart of Ril)ero. Most critics will place Thevet lower than the position in which Dr. Kohl leaves him. Thevet professes to have run the American coast from Florida to the north of New-found- land, and yet he does not find anything to say concerning the country between Florida and parallel 43° N. ; a fact that aAvakens I it f 64 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. the liveliest suspicion at the outset, leading us to ask whether Thevet made the voyage at all. If this, however, is conceded, then comes the question in regard to the particu- lar spot at which he touched. Dr. Kohl affirms that he landed in Maine, and assigns the mouth of the Penobscot as the place. Let us therefore examine the question. Thevet writes as follows : '' Having left Florida on the left hand with all its gulfs and capes, a river presents itself which is one of the finest rivers in the whole world, which we call Norumbega, and the aborigines Agoncy, which is marked on some sea charts as the Grand river " ( Cosmoyrapliie Uuiver- selle, vol. II, 1008). He also says that some pilots would make him believe that " this country is the proper country of Canada. But I. told them it was far from the truth, as this country lies in 43° N." First, Thevet's knowledge of the location of Norumbega is defective. The principal THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 65 facts in relation to this place are given in the discussion of the voyage of Rut (p. 44, et seq.), where it is shown that at the time of Thevet's .alleged visit the term Norumbega was given by some to the whole coast as far down as Florida, though the name never had this extensive use on the maps. It is significant that the map of Gastaldi (1550), applies the name to the coast only as far south as the present border of New Brunswick. Thevet, however, says that Norumbega lay in the forty-third degree, which commences at Ply- mouth, Massachusetts, and ends at Rye Beach, New Hampshire. This shows that his ideas were very crude. Besides it is evident that the monk intends to represent his visit as made to a river in that latitude, so that the supposition that he went to Maine 'On folio 1024 of his Oosmot/rajthi/, Thevet gives the exact location of the river, which he sets down in lon<^i- tude 311° 50' and 42° 14' latitude, which varies only three minutes from the position assigned to the Arnodie, 9 6G THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. ill y' on a line north of 44°, does violence to his own representation. That Tlievet may have supposed that he had reached the river in question, is not very unlikely, yet it has not been shown that such was actually the case. The latitude mentioned does not agree with the situation, the name Agoiicy given as the Indian name of the Penobscot, is incorrect, while the island, supposed to be the Fox island, does not answer to the Fox island. The large Fox is, first of all, composed of two islands, with a deep passage through them described by William- son {Ilistonj of Maine, vol. i, p. 72), as ave- raging a mile wide, and instead of eight, it is encompassed by a great many islets, Williamson, with truth, making the number innumerable, or too numerous to mention. while that phice, according to his own statement, must have been full one huniJrcd and Jiftij inilcn south of Nor- unibega, this bein<;' the distance the ship was blown, as will be seen by reference to the following pages. THE VOYAGE OF AXDRK TFIEVET. 07 The Long Island of Thevot's narrative seems to agree with the present Tslesboro in its shape, but instead of four it is ien leagues in circumference. The " Green mountains," described as being near this place, Dr. Kohl suggests were the Camden hills, yet Ribero, 1527, puts the Green mountains [Montana Verde), close to the Hudson (San Antonio) river, while Mercator, three years after the date of Thevet's alleged voyage (1569), sets them far south in the same locality. Tlievet says that this place was also near the " cape of the isles," which Dr. Kohl suggests may mean "Cape de Muclia isles." But these were generally put near the present Camden hills, though occasionally as far south as latitude 40°. Still it is very well known that the " Cape of the Isles " were at that day distinct from the Cape Muchas isles, the former being placed a very long way )iorth of the Long Island, and answering to the Schoodic Point, which lies opposite the I I 68 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. isle of Mount Desert. There is therefore little or nothing in the description that can be confidently applied ; while islands in the shape of a man's arm, as Thevet puts it, are everywhere to be found. No one has before this thought it worth while to introduce Thevet among the ancient worthies who visited the coast. His works have ahvays been well known, but not highly esteemed. Dr. Kohl's remark (p. 419), that various writers have copied his description of Norumbega, must be taken cum (jrano sails. He indead cites Wytfliet's Ptolemaicce Aug- mentum (p. 97), yet that author simply borrows a few lines of general description, which he turns into Latin, and welds on to his own remarks, without the slightest recog- nition of Thevet or his work. The facts as given by Dr. Kohl, even, do not inspire confidence in the assertion that Thevet visited Maine. The indications sug- gest a more southern point. THE VOYAGE OF ANDRK TIIEVET, 69 f But Dr. Kohl does not exhaust the relation of The vet in its bearings upon this subject, which is dismissed too soon, after giving so much as seemed to favor this theory. The succeeding portions of the narrative are very suggestive. These portions show that the monk was in great darkness himself, and poorly prepared to withstand the pilots, who told him that tlie place in question was the country of Canada, instead of Norumbega. But let us proceed to his narrative. After reaching the river of Norumbega, and delaying five days, they set sail, and went out into the open sea to avoid the shal- lows and rips. He says, " We had not pro- ceeded more than fifteen leagues before there came a contrary east wind, and the sea was so rough that we were near perishing ; and finally the gale drove us some fifty leagues from that place to the mouth of the river Arnodie, situated between Judi ( JuvcU) and the cape on the right, where we wen compelled to I i 70 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. enter half a league and drop anchor to escape the storm and the fury of the sea." Here they were hospitably received and obtained an abundance of both fresh and salt water fish, especially of salmon. Where " Arnodie " lay does not exactly appear ; but suppos- ing they were at the mouth of the Penobscot when they set out (of which, be it remem- bered, we have no proof), the fifteen leagues first sailed out into the open sea would only have carried them forty-five miles around to the outside of Mount Desert. Then came the eastern gale, which if it had driven them straight leeward, as was usually the case with the inferior vessels of those days, they would inevitably have gone to pieces upon the iron bound shores of Maine, before driving fifty miles from the point where the gale struck them. But, as appears to have been the case from this narrative, the wind allowed them to put the head of the ship off" shore, and keep far enough out at sea to drift wibh- I THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE TIIEVET. 71 out touching the land for fifty leagues, or one hundred and fifty miles. In that case when they made a harbor, if the account relates to this coast at all, they must have come to land somewhere towards Boston bay.^ This, however, places them in an awkward position to enter upon the course that follows. We read : " Leaving this river [Arnodie] and coasting straight along Baccalaos,' we journeyed and ploughed the sea, as fiir as the Isle Thevet and thence to the Isles of St. Croix, of the Bretons and the savages, to the head of Cape Breton." And where, according to the monk, was Baccalaos? This place he distinctly says ' In giving the position of Arnodie on folio 1024, of his Cosmoi/ntjihi/, Thevet places it in 42° 11' N. If this is a true account of a genuine voyage, the cape may h:ive been Cape Cod. But by Cape Cod Dr. Kohl under- stu.ds Cape Arenas, which Thevet puts in latitude 38° N. His obscure language is as follows: Luissaitt cestc rioiere ((■ ViiMoliutt (Jr (1ru!t Jil (Ic III par I (h Jidccidoos, f. 1009. - Thevet here represents himself as sailing on the coast of Baccalaos. 72 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THE VET. was in 48° 30' N. The name was not applied to the New England coast, upon which he must have been sailing, if sailing at all, and, moreover, he elsewhere appropriates the whole region under the divisions of Norum- bega, Angouleme and Acadie. The whole account shows too much unacquaintance with the places in question to allow us to place him definitely on any part of the coast of Maine. Thevet is a notoriously poor authority, and adds a mendacious spirit to an incredu- lous mind. His works will everywhere justify the sharpest criticism, and when we find him saying that his countrymen had taken possession of this region, and built a fort, \ong before his own arrival, we are forced to put the assertion with that to the effect that the neighboring region to the north was discovered by the Bretons in 1504, and that French pilots had a share in the discovery of South America. THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE TIIEVET. i o Thevet certainly could have had no real knowledge of the place he endeavors to doscrihe. Elsewhere we find him speaking of the gulf full of islands that lies between Angouleme and Acadie, whereas that gulf, the present Bay of Fundy, is not so distin- guished. Thevet had no acquaintance with the localities, since he had in mind the islands of the Maine coast, while Angouleme and Acadie are represented by the modern New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, Angou- leme terminating at the mouth of the St. Croix river. Nor can we fail to notice that ho both ambitiously manages to have an island called after his name, and pretends to have named Angouleme himself in honor of his birthplace ; but it is the simple truth, that the name was applied by others long before. Thus far we have gone on showing that, in case this voyage was really made along the New Eugland coast, we have no authority 10 74 TiiK vdVAnr: or andkk thkvet. for bolii'ving that he landed in Maine. But it is now time to considei' whether he made the vojage at all. His hunj^lin';' and contra- dictor'- narrative would be suflicient to banish him trom the coast, but the sketches of his biographers seem to do more. Dr. Kohl indeed writes (p. 410), that lie "ap- pears to have sailed along the coast of North and South America," and says, "see upon this, Jticher, OelcJirfen Lexicon, vol. iv, p. 1130." But nothing more is there conveyed than that he returned from Brazil in the course of a year. Dr. Kohl says that Thevet seems to have sailed these coasts, from language used in his SiiKjulartfies of Antarctic France, a work that the monk had the assurance so to style at a time when the total strength of France in South America was eighty men confined on a rock in the harbor of Rio Janeiro.^ Yet Dr. Kohl, or any one else, wouk^ not l! Sec Sonthci/'s Brazil, vol. i, p. 172. THE YOVAriK OK AN'DKK TIIKVKT. 10 wish to ([iioto th« languago refonvd to as proof. On this point liis hio;j;raphy is pretty conclusive. Jiicher's work was published in 17')l. Yet in /ilot/ydiikic Ualrermlle,^ (182G— 27). we lind that Tlievet left Havre, France, July 12, L-")j"). and reached liio Janeiro on the lOth ov 14tli of the following November. It is related that he '^ fell sick almost as soon as he touched the land, and had only recovered when he reembarkcd for France, January ol, Io-jO, without having been able to examine ]5razil, of which he nevertheless gave a very circumstantial account." There- fore it was with good reason that Lery began his work, Navif/afloiils BrazlUam (1586), with a refutation of the errors and frauds [errores tie fi'dudefi) of The vet, who had still poorer grounds for describing Mexico, Florida and the country beyond latitude 42° N., where ' >See article on Thevet, Div. i, vol. 45, and Sketch of Ville^agnon, vol. XLix. 76 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRK THEVET. he did not ^o, as his own miserable account and the silence ol" his biographers (La Ro- quette and Weiss) clearly prove. Dr. Kohl hirasell' confesses (p. 419), that, " the other rivers, the capes, and islands of Maine and Nova Scotia, which he incidently mentions, are not easily identified, and his observations on them are not of any value." Indeed they cannot be identified at all, even where they are not incidentally but speci- fically mentioned, as they are inextricably jumbled up with fabulous matters, such as the Isle of Demons, and the Two Chat- eaux (which appears to be the beginning of the fabulous f'iYy of Norumbega?),^ the Exiled Woman, and the Adveatures of the Nestorian Bishop. The most reasonable view, therefore, is that The vet never made the voyage in question, but constructed his story from maps and ' 8ce /icsrurliot, by KiToudello. p 4G. THE VOYAGK OF xYNDKH TIIEVET. / / the relations of others. Tf the ship in which he took passage thus went out of her course, Ave should expect to find some proof of it in Thcvet's biography. Again we see that it Is unreasonable. In order to roach Florida (not to say Mexico) , it would be necessary to sail westward across the South Atlantic about fort!/-Jire degrees out of the direct course. And after reaching Florida they are repre- sented as penetrating towards the neighbor- hood of Greenland, where for twenty days (in nndsummer ?), they were tormented by the frosts, after which they sailed, we know not where. The object of this alleged voy- age is not stated, nor have we any particu- lars of its beginning or termination, though if it had really been made there would have becx. no end to the relation of Thevet's adventures. Hut Thevet himself is almost sile)it. On no page of his ponderous works can the investigator show proof of his per- sonal contact with the North American 7S THE VOVAGE OF ANDHI'l TIIKVET. coast; lie tells us llotllin,^• of" value which others had not told before. The i'resh, glow- ing recital, that Hows i'roui a niiiid kindling with the recolle(;tionH of a new world, is wanting. In a word, this relation of Thevet appears to he a fraud . Such is the result of some exiunination ol' Dr. Kohl's work, so far as it bears directly upon the history of Maine, to whose annals it adds so little. During the long period intervening between the voyages of the Northmen and the charter of Gilbert, he fails to show a single European actually stepping upon the Maine shore. That such there were we cannot doubt, yet they came and went, leaving scarcely more than f'ujt- prints, hastily pressed on the shining sand. And thus to-day we enter the great libraries of the old world, search the dusty alcoves of feudal homes, and delve amid the mouldy archives of ancient sea-port towns, vainly endeavoring to illustrate with som'^ fragment i THE V()YA(iE OF AXDHE TUEVET. 79 ol' narrative, the rude, but still invaluable, partisan map we bear. In connection with the period referred to, Dr. Kohl has not yet shown one authentic parwjraph to shed light upon the history of that romantic coast, which stretches in all its wild, unequaled beauty, from the E^iscataqua to the St. Croix. Patient industry may in the future meet with its reward ; yet wli(jever looks for fresh light on the history of early Maine, must not only learn to labor but to loait. THE DISCOVERY Of MASSACHUSETTS BAY. In the foregoing papers the effort has been made to assign several of the alleged Maine voyages of Dr. Kohl to their proper place, and to exhibit something of the process by which the narratives were drawn into a wrong connection. It noAv remains, there- fore, in closing, to give a single example illustrating the faults of omission. That there should be anything to say on this point should not be considered very re- markable. Yet much time, talent, and money, has been expended to make the work as com- plete as possible, and every class of allusion that came in the way has been garnered up DISCOYEllY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY, 81 and brought to lend an interest to the coast of Maine. The obscurest reference known to the author has been utihzed and minutely dwelt upon for the purpose of showing its relation to a single spot on the New England coast. The omission referred to is at least noticeable, especially as the means of inform- ation in this case were open to all. It is but just, however, to add that in this instance Dr. Kohl finds himself in the com- pany of not only every New England, but even every national writer, that has under- taken to treat, either little or much, of the early voyages to America. All of these writers fail to notice the voyage which, per- haps, carried the navigator along the coast of Maine, while it certainly was extended to Massachusetts Bay, and formed its first well autlienticated rediscovery. Even Mr. Palirey in his cautiously written narrative of early voj^ages along the New England coast, does not allude to this occurrence in the slightest 11 I 82 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. way, even though he enumerates every expe- dition known to him that could possibly enhance the interest of liis history of New England. But before speaking of the voyage in ques- tion, let us first notice some things by which it was preceded. If the generally received interpretation of the Icelandic Saiias is correct, the Northmen of the eleventh centurj^ must be viewed as the orir/i)t(d European discoverers of Massa- chusetts bay. To this honor they, indeed, make no claim, yet their simple narratives describe such a place, and reveal the fact that they were familiar with the entire locality around Avhich Cape Cod throws its sheltering arm. Thorvald Ericson, in the spring of 1004, became acquainted with Cape Cod, where he broke the keel of his vessel, and afterwards crossed to Plymouth and sailed along the coast towards Boston, where he lost his life. DISCOVEKY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 83 In the year 1008, Thorhall the Hunter, who was attached to the expedition of Thor- finn Karlsefne, attempted to sail around Cape Cod and enter Massachusetts bay, but failed, and was driven out to sea by a storm. In the year 1000, Karlsefne himself went around Cape Cod and sailed along the coast until, oft' Boston, he raised the Blue Hills, when he returned to the settlement in Rhode Island, appearing unwilling to venture up the coast of New Hampshire and Maine, on account of the Unipeds, or one-footed men, fabled to live there ; in which we trace the equivalent, if not the origin of the Isle of Demons, in modern times a terror to the French and Spanish sailors, who declared that they often distinctly heard terrible cries and yells of the fiends. With Karlsefne's voyage, the connection of the Northmen with the bay in question comes to an end, so far as the record goes. fl » ii V. 84 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS J5AY, That the Northmen were familiar witli this bay, is also apparent from the map drawn by Sigardus Stephtmius in 1570, and given in Torfanis's fxronland'ia Antlqim. On this map we have the Promontatiiim Vi/fhaidio', answering to Cape Cod, and very distinctly laid down with a bay within, answering well enongji to Massachusetts bay. The latitude is placed too far north, yet an error of this sort might have been expected at a time time when the draughtsman had no scientific data for his guidance. Th(> northern end of the cape he places in 50° North, yet this part of the map is no more crude than the Greenland section. On the whole, consider- ing the means which Stephanius had at hand for his work, he was quite successful. Especially does this appear when we compare this performance with later maps. Dr. Kohl, while admitting the value of the map, felt troubled because the cape is represented on so large a scale, and apolo- DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY, 85 gizes for this, on the ground that the pL'ico made a Large figure in the accounts of the voyages, and therefore led the draughtsman to give it this prominence in his sketch. And this remark sliould doubtk^ss hav^ a certain weight, though it is perhaps, on the whok", not needed, as will appear from the fact that the Cape Cod of to-day is not the Cape Cod of the eleventh century. This region has undergone very extensive changes,^ and does not present the area that it once ' The author in his work on Prr-Cnlvmhlan Dmovery (p. 29), has called attention to this fact, showing from the Sagas, and from recent investigations, that a large ishiiid and a piece of land formerly lay off the eastern shore of Cape Cod, where now is an open .^ea, this view having the approval of Prof. Agassiz, who considers the evidence as conclusive as any geological evidence could well be. Mr. John Doane, born near what Gosnold named Point Care, testified in 18()4, that '• his father and grand- father, in fact all his ancestors from the first settlement, owned the land and the meadows between Isle Nauset and the main. He says that, within his recollection, Point Care has worn away kIxhU luilf h mUc. When his grand- father was a boy, Point Care extended much farther w 86 DlSrOVEUY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. filled. In GoHiKjld's titne the island and part of the headland called Point Gilbert remained ; though in IG80, the Labadist iiitii the ocean than it did when lie was younj;-. These arc nut vai;nc and uncertain recollections. Mr. Doane points to monuments, and the e.xact distance that the ocean has encroaL'hcd on the land within his recollection can be ascertained. lie states that fifty years aj^o a beach extended from the present entrance of \auset harbor, half a mile north, where the entrance was. Within this beach his father owned ten acres of salt meadows, on which, he for several years assisted him in cutting- and rakinj;' the hay. Now where that beach was there are three or four fathoms of water, and where the meadows were is a sand bar on which the waves continu- ally break, and make Nauset harbor difficult of access. Within his memory, the north beach connected with Eastham shore, has extended south one mile, and the whole beach has moved inward about its width, say one fourth of a mile." Mr. Doane also testifies that in the middle of Isle Nauset there was a rocky piece of land known as Slut's liush, and that he had formerly picked berries there. This spit now lies some distance from shore in deep water, where the fisherman often tangles his lines among the roots of old trees that still renniin, multitudes of which have come ashore during heavy gales. Furthermore, " Beyond Slut's Bush, about three miles from the shore, there is a similar ledge called DISrOVEUV OF MASSAnirSETTS BAY. S7 IJi'otlircn, according to the first volume of the Long Ishind Historical Society (p. 377), say : " Cape Cod is a clean cojist, where Tk'riali's lodjio, probably formed in precisoly tho same uianiicr as Slut's Bush is known to have been formed." Mr. Otis also says : •' We have historical and circum- stantial evidence, that Point (lilbert existed in 1G()2; it united with the main land at Junies head near Chatham lijihts. From James head, on its south shore, it extended nine miles on an cast by south course to its eastern ter- minus, afterwards known as Webb's island, situate where ('rabl)'s ledne now is. ('ape ("are was worn away by the i:radual abrasion of the waves. Over Point Gilbert the sea, during a violent gale, swept, carrying away long sections in a single day." lie adds, Morse states lUuiver. Gro;/., r, 317, ed., 1793], " that Webb's island at one time contained fifteen acres of rocky land covered with wood, from which the early inhabitants of Xantueket procured fuel. The process which has been described as having occurred at Slut's Bush ledge also occurred at Crabb and island ledges; the stumps and roots of trees were carried down by the superincumbent rocks. Mr. floshua Y. Bearse, who resided many years at Manamoit point, and has all his life been familiar with the shoals and ledges near Chatham, informs me that it is very difficult to obtain an anchor lost near either of these ledges ; the sweeps used catch against the rocks and stumps at the bottom ; that in repeated instances he has pulled up 1 I IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 11^ 12.8 |J0 ■^™ u 1^ |22 y£ 2.0 IJ& 11.25 11111.4 >* O /: / /A f «J i;^ ^ 88 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. there are no islands, rocks or banks." They also add what was not at all true half a century before, not wholly true at the time they wrote, namely : " therefore all such laid stumps of trees from the bottom where the wiiter is four fathoms deep. He also states that after the violent gale in 1851, durina**e plus avant.'^ (Navigations Frangaises et La ESvolution Mari- time Du XIV au XVP Sikh, p. 323, ed. 1867).^ This rendered into English stands as follows : • " These lands reach to Tartary, and, I think that it is the end of Asia, according tc the roundness of the world. And for this purpose it w^ould be well to have a small vessel of seventy tons in order to discover the coast of Florida, for I have been at a bay as far as forty-two degrees, between Norumbega and Florida, but I have not seen the end, and I do not know whether it extends any farther." Margry quotes this passage, however, with reference not to shedding light upon Massa- chusetts history, but to illustrate Allfonsce's ' I have to acknowledge uiy obligations to J. Carson Brevoort, Esq., president of tiie Long Island Historical Society, for pointing out this extract in iMargry, referring tothevoyageofAUfonsce, likewise for frequent suggestions, r DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS I$AY. 95 i belief of a north-west passage to India, as the French captain also thought that the Sague- nay river might likewise lead to the Pacific or to Cathay. Margry did not perceive the really great point of interest in connection with the extract, as his studies do not lead him to investigate such points of local history. Nevertheless we see very clearly that All- Ibnsce, in the voyage alluded to, discovered Massachusetts bay, which lies in the latitude mentioned. This navigator followed a sea- faring life for many years, and was a most experienced and careful pilot, whose compu- tations could be depended upon. Such was the value of his services, that they were coveted by the Portuguese, under whose flag he sailed for a time, which has led historical students of that nation to claim him as a fellow countryman. Allfonsce sailed down and the use of most valuable, and otherwise inaccessible, works, which tl»e author has had occat^ion to consult from time to time. 96 DISCOVERY OP MASSACHUSETTS BAY. the coast past Nova Scotia, and then, per- haps, shaped his course westward to the shores of Maine. The latter is, at present, conjecture, for he may have pursued a south- ward course on leaving Nova Scotia, as the Northmen and many others did, and next sighted Cape Cod, or the coast of New Hamp- shire. That he discovered Cape Cod, must be regarded as certain, and likewise the oppo- site cape, now called Cape Ann ; otherwise he could not have known that the water in question was a bay. Whether he landed or not, he does not say, yet this is very probable. Still he distinctly declares that he did not sail to the end of it, and therefore was unable to say whether it extended through the con- tinent to India or not. Until some earlier claimant is brought forward, to Jean Allfonsce must be awarded the modern discovery of Massachusetts bay, hitherto unanimously assigned to Bartholo- mew Gosnold in his voyage of 1602. The DISCOVERY OP MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 97 proof is not founded upon anything shadowy or doubtful, but is scientific and circum- stantial. That the students of Massachusetts history should have overlooked the account of this voyage, is noticeable from the fact that for more than two centuries and a half they could have read the account in English ; obscurely packed away within the dusky tomes of Hakluyt, but surely there, in the end of the article headed : " Here foUoweth the course from Belle Me, Carpont, and the Grand Biiy in Newfoiuid- huid vp the riuer of Canada for the space of 230 leagues, obserued by John Alphonse of Xanctoir/ne, chiefe Pilote to Momieur Rober- nal, 1542." The language of Ilakluyt runs as follows : %\)t\t (aiibei^ (i)C oiicr ai]aiiift Xiu-taiic, aiib 3 hnibt not but tljat tf;cij ftrctcfj toiuarb 5l[ia, accorbiiuj to tfjc romibiicffe of t(jc lurrlb. 51iib t()crefove it lucuc i^oob to Ijaiic a [mad I'ljippc of ! 98 DISCOVEUY OF MASSACUUSETTS UAV. 70 UuuKis to bifcouci: tl)c coiift of ^Jfeio Jsrniicc oil tf)c biufc fibc of Aloribn: for 3 ()auc bene (\i a 33ni) (i^ fiU'iT lU^ 42 benrcci^ betiuccnc *!)lonnnbci]n nub ?S'(oribn, nub C> Ijouc not fciu'd)cb tl)c cube, iinb 5 fiioiu not loljctfjci' it paffc t()i'oiirt(). {Ihklunt, vol. Ill, p. 239, t'd. 1000). This narrative of Jean AlUbiisce was, per- haps, extracted by llakluyt from one of the mutilated versions of his Avork already alluded to, and was placed thus early within the reach of English-reading students, by Avhom it has uniformly been overlooked, which shows how little Ilakluyt's work is really read.^ It will be perceived by a comparison of Hak- luyt's version with the copy made from the ' The same remark also applies to Purchas. So long ago as the date of the publication of Middle's Ctihot, that author essayed, by a reference to Purchas, to stop the complaints of such men as Dr. Jjardner and the Edin- burgh encyclopaedists, who lamented that nothing was known of the voyage of John Kut (1527). except what was told in Hakluyt. Yet, so far as that point was con- cerned, lUddle used his ink very much in vain, since a 'H DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS HAT. 99 orifrinal manuscript, that the Englishman is vi'vy faulty, as Allfonsce says nothing about *' the coast of New France on the ])ack side oi' Florida," a remark having no applicahility to the case.' si: irt time a<^o a well known, industrious, and l.ijjlily ri'sppctaltlc New V i tbc nature of tl)c ch'mate tbc \a\m tomarc .^c^c* hiivi arc ftill better ant better, ant more frui'tfull. ?Int tblc* lant v^ fit for %ic\C[,t^ ant 'Pearei?. 9lnt .'^ tbinfc tbat iioltf ant ftUter a^lll be fount here, aecorttng asS tl)e )5coplc of the rountre» fai)/' Here Ilakluyt mangles Allfonscc's words so as to m ike him say that Ji it, but other accounts make it appear that Cartier came out in 1543, and in 1544 took back to France some remnant of his expedition. Mr. Shea observes in ^ s Charlevoix (vol I, p. 129), that his own author, like Champlain, Le Clerq and others, seem to have been unacquainted with Hakluyt's account. Most of the works on Canada are more or less confused so far as regards the expedition of Roberval. This shows again how important statements in writers of his class may long lie unnoticed and, practically, unknown. DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 115 ''Futher Charlevoix, whose veracity is usually held in moderate esteem, in his Ilis- tory of New France, says, in a passage, the exactness of which in other respects may be acknowledged, that Roberval 'sent one of his pilots named Alphonse, born in Portugal, according to sorue, and in Gallica according to others, to seek above Newfoundland a way to the East Indies.' " This nationalit}'^, beyond the Pyrenees, might have been based thoughtlessly on the name Xanctoigne, printed in Hakluyt, and which might have been taken for that of the Spanish city of Santona, a little port on the coast of Asturies, instead of recognizing in the same, as is proper, not, indeed, the French province of Saintonge as is commonly supposed, but a village or district [payus) of the same name near Cognac. "A sure and precise indication of the French origin of our pilot is afforded in a little work presenting a general portulani of I IIG DISCOVERY OF MASSACIIi:SETTS BAY. the then known world, published for the firs' time by Jean de Marnef, to whom Mellin do Saint-Gelais had remitted a copy thereof, difficult to be had since the death of the skillful mariner, as a preliminary advertise- ment of the publisher makes it known printed on the back of the frontispiece. The work has for a title Les Yoycujes Avautureux ihi Capltalne Jan AJfonce SainctoiKjeois. It is a little volume in quarto numbering sixty-eight leaves, without date, having appended thereto several pages of ciphers of tables of the de- clension of the sun, put in by order of Oliver Bisselin, ' and the printing thereof finished by the end of the month of April, in the year 1550.' On the verso of the sixty-eighth and last leaf, is to be read this epilogue : ' End of the present book, composed and ordered by Jan Alphonce, an experienced pilot in the things narrated in this book, a native of the country of Xainctonge, near the city of Cognac. Done at the request of DISCOVERY OP MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 117 Vincent Ayniard, merchant of the country of Piedmont, Maugis Vumenot, merchant of lloiilleur, writing for him.' " This hist mention reveals, to all appear- ances, the real author of this abridged and unfaithful edition, which through error, Bru- net ascribes to Saint-Gelais himself. This is not the only inadvertency of the learned bibliographer. He seemed to find in the preliminary .advertisement of Jan de Marnef to the Reader, the certain indication that Mellin de Saint-Gelais was still living at the unexpressed date of the earliest edition, and he concludes thereupon that this edition is anterior to October, 1558, the time of the death of the Saintongeois poet. It was suificient, however, to read the following page, which faces a sonnet signed Sc. de S. M. (evidently Scevole de Salnt-Marthe) , addressed particularly To the Shade of Saingelais, to be assured, on the contrary, of the exactness of the date of 1559, which is to be found at 118 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. the end of the annexed tables devoted to Bisselin. It is true that certain copies showed on the back of the frontispiece, instead of the advertisement of Marnef, the royal privilege, dated March 7, 1557, but it is immediately followed by the mention, 'printing finished May, 2, 1559.' There can remain no doubt on this point. "Besides the original edition in quarto, which we have just pointed out, there exists another of the same size, brought out at Rouen in 1578, by Thomas Mallard, having also the tables of Bisselin, but without the pieces of verse in honor of AUefonsce, which are to be seen at the head of the first edition. Still another edition of Paris, 1598, octavo, is mentioned. " M. Leon Oenrln who in his Navigateurs Frangais has given a notice of Allephonsce de Saintongeois, has inserted in the same a gene- ral analysis of the volume. jW^JlLi^ jj DISCOVERT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 119 " Les Voyages Avantureux de Jan Alfonce, written by Maugis Vumenot, no more than the Excellent ruttier, translated by Richard Hakluyt, can be considered as good specimens of the original work of this pilot, preserved in manuscript in the Imperial Li- brary at Paris, and which has already been pointed out by Antoine de Leon Plnello in his Oriental and Occidental Library, a sort of bibliographical work, to be used with caution, but full of useful information. This manu- script forms a volume in folio, entitled Cos- mofjraphie, and is dedicated to King Francis I. It presents a text quite extensive, in which it intercalates the successive draughts of the coasts that are described therein. M. Pierre Margry, who intends to comprise it in the collection of documents which he is preparing, to be called Les Origines Histori- ques de la France d'outre-mer, and who has shown us a copy of the same entirely in his own hand, has ground for declaring that 120 DISCOVERY OE MASSACHUSETTS BAY. the edition of Mawjia Vumenot is only a worthless abridgement; and the fragment translated by Ilakluyt, is disfigured through- out by the most singular mistakes. " The original volume ends with the fol- lowing epilogue : ' End of the Cosmography made and composed by us, Jehan Allefonsce and Paulin Secalart, captains and pilots of vessels residing in the city of Rochelle, in the Saint Jehan des Pretz street, opposite the church of the said Saint Jehan, the 24th day of the month of November, the year 1545, finished by me, Paulin Secalart, cosmographer of Ilonfleur, desiring to do service to your Royal Majesty, which will be the end of the present book 1545.' " One may conjecture from these indica- tions that Jehan Allefon.sce, who wrote his Cos- mograpliy in 1544, after forty-eight years of navigation, with the assistance of a secretary, a pilot like himself, Paulin Secalart, poor and loyal, was overtaken by death before having DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 121 put the last touch to his work, and that this very PauUn Secalart of Hontieur, finished it alone, the twenty-fourth of November in the very house where they stayed together in Rochelle. " In his long maritime career, Captain Jean Allefonsce sailed in Portuguese vessels, having in particular commanded a vessel belonging to Edoimrd de Paz. He had na- turally received from the ship owners, as a nickname, the national designation oi Francez^ which M. de Vaimhar/en has taken for his Por- tuguese family name, in speaking of the royal letters of safe-conduct in favor of the s-aid ' Joannis Affotisi Francez qui erat expertus in viwjiisad Brasiliarias insulas,' whom they tried to recall, and to whom was promised that he should not be sought again or prosecuted by virtue of the laws framed against those mar- iners who abandoned Portugal to take service in foreign countries, or who abandoned, 10 i 122 niSOOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. without leave, the Portuguese possessions in America. " When calling to mind with what savage rigor the Portuguese government of that time dealt with the foreigners who dared to violate what it called its exclusive rights by con- quest, one easily conceives that letters of safe-conduct were indispensable for foreigners as well as natives who consented to return to Portugal. Offers of this nature do not by any means imply a denial of the Spanish nationality of Solis, nor the French nation- ality of AUefonsce." T. sions in ; savage lat time ) violate by con- tters of reigners eturn to not by Spanish nation- APPENDIX. auti ami pres AlK hist mat has Anh II His to / affe^ has posi tati( A vece. and autl very thoc A P 1' E N D I X . T. l'ii; TrtM', D!) n. Fiiiiibocr(., 37, 28. FiSll, 3;i Fisliing vessels, 50, 55. Fji'ld, 23. Florida, 45, 49. 63, 64, 75, 77, !I4. 08, !)i), 133. Fluviiiin liiindo, 36. Folsoiii, liis History, 90. Fox Island, 66. France, 105. Francis I, 136. French Pilots, 73. Freydis, 20, 27, 28. (inrda, 37 n. (lastaldi, 45, 65. (tcnrin, M. Leon, 118. (ieoffraphie. Bulletin of, 112. Georges, sliouls of, 42, 88 n, Hi) n, 90. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 45, 78,91,101,139. Goodwin Sands, 89, 7i. Gosnold, 85 n, 80, 88 n, 90, 91, 96. Graah, Captain, Expedition of, 33. Grand Bay, 97. Grand River, 64. Green Mountains, 67. Greenland, 8 ; names of, 30, 31,33; settled, 33; lost, 32, 34, 35 n, 38, 39, 77, 84. Groulandia Antiqua, 84. Gudrida, 7. GulfofMaine, 7, 21, 22. Gulf Stream, 56. Gurnet Point, 9, 10. Hakluyt, 41,42, 46, 47, 48, 51, 57, 58, 97, 98, 99, 100, 103, 107. 113, 115, 119, 120, 133, 139. Havre, 75. Ileiniskringla, 120. Ilelffe, 27, 28. Helluland, 15, 18. Henlestatt!, 38. Henry VIII, 41. Heriulfsness, 36, 37, n. Ilerrera, 52, 54, 58, 59. IIier,36. Highland Light, 89, n. Honfleur, 120. Hop, 22, 23, 24. Iluarfs, 38. Hudson, Henry, 140 ; Sailing Directions of, 38 n. Hudson river, 67. Iceland, 21. Imperial Library of Paris, 92. Indians, 61. Island, 15, 17,19. Isle Nauset, 85 n. Isle of Demons, 76, 83. Isle of St. Croix, 71. Isle Thevet, 71. Isl(!sboro, 67. Italy, 59. James Head, 87 n. Jocher, his Lexicon, 74, 75. Juan Florentin, 01. Judi, 69. Karlsefno, Thorfinn, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, 18. 20, 22, 26, 43, 83. Kennebec, 14. Kialarness, 6, 7, 10, 1 1 , 15. 20, 21 . King Henry VIII, 50, 58. Kohl, Dr. J. H., 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11,12,15,17,18,20,21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, 30, 31, 40, 42, 45, 48, 53, .53, 56, 63, 74, 78, 79, 81, 84, 92, 101, 125. Labadists, 86, 130. Labrador, 15, 104, 105. Lancaster Sound, 39. Landnama, 126. Lardner, Dr., 98 n. 144 INDEX. La Hoquette, 76. Lcbrija, 113. Le Olore, 103. Legoupil, Robert, 136. Leif, 8. Lolcwoll, 31 ; his Moyn-ii Age, 36, 37, 38, 40. Lery, his Brazil, 75. Lescarbot, 127, 129, 135, 136. Lodmundfiord, 37, n. Long Island, 66, 67. Long Island Historical Soci- ety of, 87, 94, n. liorcl of Norumbega, 135. MacDonald, 134. Madoc,91. Maine, 10, 11, 13, 13, 14. 15, 17, 20, 102 11 ; expedition to, 21 ; country of, 22, 25, 40, 41, 83, 111. Maine Historical Society, 5. Maldonado, 101. Malebarre. 89. Mallard, Thomas, 118. Manamoit point, 87 n, 88 n. Manet, M., 137. Mai)8, of Cape Cod, 89 ; Span- ish and Portuguese, 90 ; Ice- landic, 41 ; Cosa's, 41. Margry, M. Pierre, 93, 94, 95, 99 «, 100, 103, 110, 112. 119. Markland, 6, 7, 12, 15, 16, 17, 25 n. Marnef, Jean de, 110, 118. Marot, 109. Martha's Vineyard, 88 h. Martyr, Peter, 44. Marv of (iuilford, 42, 47, 48, 52, 53, 55, 50, 58, 59, 62. Massachusetts Bay, 100, 104 ; discovery of, 80 ; by the Northmen ; by Karlsefne, 83 ; shown by map of Steph- aniiis, 84, 92 ; by Allfonsce, 92, 95 ; date of his disco- very, 107. Massacre by Froydis, 28. Menedez, Pedro, 138. Mercator, 34, 67. Mela Incognita, 48. Mexico, 72, 77, 130. Milton Blue Hills, 23, 25. Monhegan, Isle of, 138. Montana Verde, 67. Monument to Verrazano, 60. Morea, Carlos, 138, 139. Morse, his Gazetteer, 87 n. Mount Desert, 08, 70, 128. Mount Ho])e Bay, 23. Munder, 37 n. Nantucket, 42, 87, 88, 140. Nauset Beach, 80 /*. Nanset Harbor, 57 n. Nestorian bishop, 76 New Brunswji'k, 51, 65, 73. New Castile, 61 //,. New England, 27, 40, 45, 46, 72, 81 : coast, 100. New Foundland, 42, 40, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 00, 63, 103, 115, 132. New France, 44, 98, 99. New Hampshire, 17. New Hami)8hire, 65. New-land, 104. Newport, 101 n. Newport Mill, 27. New York, 101 /;. New York, bay of, 106. North American Review, 125. North Carolina, 53. Normans, 55. Northern Antitjuarians, 33. Nortlmien, the, 22, 82, 84, 101, 126. North-west passage, 50. Norumbega, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 60, 65, 76, 98, 127, 130, 132, 135. Nova Scotia, 0, 7, 13, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 45, 46, 57, 96. INDEX. 145 Ortclius, 34. Ovii^lo, n'i], u4. Ovsf, the river, 128. Pftlf.'ey, his History, 81, 91. Pnrliimin, IIJ.*). PcinptcgoL't, 138. Pfii()l)S(-()t riviT, 45, G4, 06, 70. Pcutatfriiel, the Priuce, 107, 111. Pcni, i;50. Pie.lni()iit,i)ilotof,r);i,r)8.00,117. I'iiu'lh), Aiitoine du Lijon, 119. I'imtc, 02 II. i'isciitaiiiia, 79. Plymouth, 9, 20, 21, 82. I'nliit Ciirc, 8i) //, 87 //. Point ()ill)i'rt,8(!, 87 «, 89 7J. Poiti.'rs, 108, 111. Pirto Hico, 52, 54, 55, 57, 58. I'ortujrnl, 122. Provincctown, 21. Piirclias, 49, 51. Pyrcni'cs, the, 115. Quobi'c, 103, 132 ; Literary So- ciety oi; 134, 130. KalKilais, 109, 129. Hace Point, 21. Kain, 12, 24,27. Haimisio, 44, 58, 01. «ho(le Island, 7, 20, 21. Rihero, 03. Pio Janerio, 74. PolxTval, 97, 103, 104, 105, 100, 113,114,115, 129, 135, 103. Koclielh', 103, 113. Honsard. tlie poet, 119 n. Pom-n, 118. Piiscelli, 90. Hut, Jolin, 42, 47, 51,52,54, 50, 57, 59, 00, 05, 98 n, 101. live Beach, G5. Satfa, 21,25, 42, 82, 120. Sajruenay, 95, 103. 19 Saine Terre, M., 107. Sainjjelais, tlio Shade of, 117. St. Croix, 73, 79. St. Domingo, 57. Saint-CJelais, Mollin de, 100, 109 ft, 117. St. Gorman, 57. Saint Johan dcs Pretz street, 120. St. John's, 50. 55, 50, 57, 60, 103, 105. St. Juan, 53. St. Lawrence, 40, 100, 106. St. Malo, 131. Saint Marthe, Scovoh- de, 117. St. Tliomas, 40 ii. Saintonnfe, province of, 115. Saintongeois, i)oet, 117. Sampscm, tlie, 42, 48, 51, 50, 57. San Antonio, 07. San Juan, 139. Santona, 115. Schoodic Point, 07. Sea-Kln}fs of Norway, 120. Sccalart, Paulin, 120,121. Sewall, Mr., 138. Shua, 131, 135. Situate Harbor, 24. Sliolnus, 91. Slut's Bush, 80, 87. Smith, Buckinjxhnm, 01 ri, 140. Soils, Jean Diaz de, 113, 122. South America. 72, 74. Southey, his Brazil, 74, w. Spain, 02. Si)aniards, 53 Stepl inius, Sigurdus, his inais 84, 89 a. Stevens, Mr., 41, 01. Straumflord, 20, 24. Sturleson, Snorre, 120. Surveys, geolojrical, 42. Tartary, 94, 97. Thevet, .\ndre, 03, 04, 05. 00, 07, 08, 72, 78, 101. 127, 129. i I \i 14G INDEX. Torfipus, work on Old Oreon- lanrl, 32, 33, 34. Tliorfinn, account of, 18 ; nar- rative of, 18, 24. Thorhall, 20. 21, 83. Thorlacius, Theodore, 34, 39. Thomo, 41,r)8. Tliorvald, 8, i), 28. Two Chateaux, 76. Fnipeds, 83, 131. United States, 47. Utopia, 110. Varnhajfen, M. do, 121. Vcfra, Garcilaso do la, 102 n. Venice, 111. Verra, 11, 100. Verrazano, 58, 59, 61, 89 n, 101. Villejjapfnon, 75 n. Vinland, 7, 8, 20, 25 n, 26, 27, 28, 89. Visscher's map, 90. Voyage of John Rut, 42. Vumenot, Maugis, 117, 120. 119, Wel)l)'B Island, 87 «. Weirs, 76. West Indies, 44, 55, 56. 62. Williamson's History of Maine, 66. Wonderstrand, 20. Woomskiold, 33. Wytfliet's Ptolemaicfc Aug- mcntum, 68, 129. Yucatan, 99 n, 132. Zem,the,32; map of, 32,34«,, 35, 36, 37, 38, 42, 91. Zeno, Antonio, 30, 39. Zeno Brothers, 30. Zeno, Nicolo, 30. Zuria, 38. ERRATA. Pagfl 12. line seven, for imitlf. rend itidtil ; for iitf/ve, rend i Vti'^e ;w. line ton. for to rif//itli/ fiiijily^ read, to apjily rightly. I'u{j;e (W, note, (ar clothes, wad ciulhs. I'age 80, line twelve, for has, read have. I'uge 8S, note, for Mass., reud N. H!. vtqiie. i «' 42. 117, 119, )G. 62. of Maine, cm AufT- 32, 34 n, 1. I ^le.