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The following diagrams illustrate the method: L'exemplaire filmd fut reproduit grdce i la g6n6rosit6 de I'dtablissement prdteur suivant : La bibliotheque des Archives publiques du Canada Les cartes ou les planches trop grandes pour dtre reproduites en un seul cliche sont filmdes d partir de Tangle sup^rieure gauche, de gaurhe d droite et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n^cessaire. Le diagramme suivant illustre la m^thode : 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 It- >■ ,A; \* i . ,* ■ * -■ ' ' ' T .' ' ' .''■^*.ifcl.« DOMINION ELECTION. ■;a'.:i'- >h^ . ■ 1 . • - w ( n - . I . ' '. J*' • w * . «* - > ' » CAMPAIGN OF 1886. ►. I i..- loL EM Blako's N'o. 3 (First Series). Encroachments of the Executive. Inde- pendence of Parliament. The Boodle Brigade. NOTE.— See Inside CJover for List of Mr. Blaic6's Speecb.es in first Series. Apply to W. T. R. Preston, Reform Club, Toronto, for Copies of these Speeches. •n\ IV ■' ■' > i:-i^ 'i.^i-'V i.'Mt'r'i is<''-; t I UV>.>:! l0rottta: HUNTER, BOSE & CO., PRINTERS. ' / . : 1886. ' . -,>■- .^ ■>--' -^ ■■■• if -vi- i 6.' - .. ■, . ' > ■'...'. -I T '■<>■■ ^MN'' ,,1- ■4'^ *■•••■ i hi..-.. . .''r;.'.'ti J J' >>s-t- ■-•■..■ II I > ■ . ,■ >'. '...i ^^r '■ 'V?'.* "-'■ ^;v,V:^"/^r,'-'-'^;;-\: .'V.- LIST OF SPEFXHES IN THIS SERIES. No. z.— (London): General Review of Situation. Riel QueBtion. (Owen Sound) : North- West Maladministration Riel. No. 2.— (Bkaverton) : Independence of Parliament The Boodle Brigade. No. 3.— (Chesley) : Public Finances— Taxation and Deficits— Farmers. No. 4.— (SmcoE) : Federal and Provincial Rights— Ontario — Nova Scotia. (Guklph)— Elections near.— Tory Dodges— Nova Scotia. No. 5.— (Owen Sound) : Principles of Liberalism— Duty of the Leader. (Welland)— Policy of the Party— Functions of an Opposition. (OaKwood)— Sir J. Macdonald on Functions of an Opposition. No, 6.— £jc/ra^/f— (Guxlph) : Home Rule for Ireland. (Berlin) : Firebrand Tory attempts to excite Germans. (Galt & Orangbville) ; Indian Starvation Policy. (Pembroee) : Maladministration felt at Cut Knife Hill. No. j,—Extrt£ts—iK£tiDAhL) : Business Methods required in Public Affairs —Degradation of Parliament— A few Boodlers. (Hampton) : Civil Service Reform. (Galt) : Burden of Public Debt (Orangey ILLS) : Burden of Public Debt (Belleville): Burdon of Public Debt— The Interest on Debt (Oakwood) : Burden of Public Debt— Our Public Expen- diture. No. 8.— (Newcastle) : Canadian Pacific Raihroad Matters. (LisTowEL): Canadian Pacific Railroad Matters— 71ie last Sacri- fice of $10,000,000— Collapse of Tory '* Boom " Policy. (St. Thomas) : North- West Lands. (Huntsville) : R.R. Policy— Sir John's Subsidies to " Guiaea-Pig " Director*— Assisted Immigration and Railway Frauds. (Parry Sound) : Railway Policy of Liberals. (Obangbyills) : Railway Policy of Liberalt. (Brantford) : The Kansas Slander. (LisTowxL) : The Sea of Mountains. No. 9.— (WiNOHAM) : Blake's Tribute to Mackenzie. (Stayner) : Blake's Tribute to Sir Richard Cartwright (Bbantfobd) : Blake's Tribute to Paterson— Duty of Young Men. No. 10.— (Welland) : L^>eral Party, Creeds and Classes. (Orillu) : Leaders and NevTspapers— The " Mail " Crusade. No. II.— (AYLMER): Prohibition and Politics. No. la.— (Toronto) : Interests of Labour— The Tariff. (Welland) : To Knights of Labour. , ^ (Bbllkyille) ! Legislation for Labour. (Deseronto) : Workingmen and Parties. (Hamilton) : Workingmen and Parties. Na 13.— (Hamilton) 1 Provincial Issues— The Religions Cry— Liberalt and Catholics. ' '-'i' ' No. 14.— (Lindsay) : Nortfa-West Affairs — Neglect, Delay and Mismaa- agement— Race and Creed Cries. ':**»-;-.■> len. god / ■" ■•: * ^^' .■.«'.> v;;--- BLAKE AT BEAVERTON. i^isxjSKr) m:ach:i:n^£:iiy of govesrnmjent. AN OBSTRUCTIVE SENATE. Encroachments of the Executive Power. THE GERRYMANDER. THE FRANCHISE BILL. Mr. BInke fnvoun I^es±d-exLi;±ail ^/Cslti "h ood. S"UL±fx*ag©, VIOLATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE OF PARLIAMENT. THE BOO DLE BRiaA.DE. ^ Contractors Testimonials to Ministers. •OIjITICJSlIj EOiTTTS IX"0-ST'rBSaS. Boy Beaty'8 N.W. Central R.R. '^ Bums' Oar&auet R.R. " Robltallle'8 Bay des ChaleoTB R.R. " McGr« " Caron's ,ke St. John R.R. Boy Chapleau'B Oatineau R.B. "^ Pope's Short Line R.R. " Macarthy's nicely sabsidlsed lln*. •• Bergln's ckey's Hickey's THE BLIND SHARE QANQ. The Timber Limit Industry, " Lucky Young Men," Sons of their " Pas.' BOODLEUM G^ATIIERUM. Mr. Blake said : — Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : — I thank you very heartily for the kindness and cordiality of your greeting. In the course of our public lives it must happen to us who are engaged in the fore-front of the battle for the people's rights to pass many gloomy and many discouraging hours ; sometimes, perhaps, we are like to faint in the conflict. Our main and substantial support, no doubt, must always be the conscientious conviction that we are in the pursuit of duty. But you add to that support consola- tion, encouragement, and good cheer when you enable us to re- flect, as oftentimes in dark hours I have reflected, that there were many and many a thousand honest hearts who had never seen my face, never heard my voicO; never clasped hands with mine, never exchanged with me a friendly greeting, yet still whose pulses beat high not only in zeal for the cause which I was advo- cating, but also with kindly, aye even partial, affection and good- ; ^ ' 1 ;:( .^ *','• ft -.\ '. .-.'V . .J'v It -I ■ ■:■-(; : .. /,,' •••, • > "■ M■ ■Y .<■/':." ,. i If- i;/- 'r y ]■'-"'■ ;>■ !i .,^.- BEST OMEN OF OUR COMING VICTORY. t '. (Vociferous applause.) A long pull, a strong pull, and a pull all together may lead, I believe, to results at the next election which '^, -• •■ -,-. •■ , ... (2) - . , - >v .^••;, •„ .'A. will for the man who, whatever hia faults and failings, they believed was honestly endeavouring to promote their good, (Loud cheers.) Therefore, in no formal words, but from the bottom of this heart, I thank you for the kindness and encouragement of your greeting to-day. We, in this country of ours, have a great advantage in one way over those who live in the land from which some of us come, and from which most of us are descended — the old islands beyond the sea — in having as a rule blue and bright skies. But in most things in life there are compensating advantages and disadvantages. In Britain Ifound that they whowere accustomed lo cloudierskies and a more weeping climate were not so much afraid of the rain as we who see it more seldom. I have known of many a great assem- blage held under circumstances which would have deterred us from turning out in this our more favoured country. I have often thought that many of our people fancied they were made of ma- • terial which would melt in a shower. (Loud laughter.) I am glad that there are so many thousands here to-day whose zeal the waters could not quench, nor the floods drown, to listen for a brief space while we discuss public affairs of the deepest interest to us all. (Loud applause.) Those who have engaged in these extensive preparations, more extensive, I dare say, than the weather has permitted to be made available, have always this consolation, that they did their part to the uttermost, and that they made every requisite preparation, and if there are some ab- sent who would have been here under more favourable weather, the result is not due to the fault of the managers, but to circum- stances over which they had no control. But I will say that I am gratified and surprised at the largeness of the numbers who are here. It is a lesson for the party at large and for each of us present — to do our best and leave the results to the great Author and Disposer of events. We have been accustomed in our time as a party to a good many dark days, to a good many threatening hours, but I rejoice to Lelieve that THE DAY BREAKS AT LAST, that a season such as I have not known for many years of dis- turbance and unrest on the part of those who are opposed to us, and of those who take no active part in politics, and a season of interest, animation and stern determination to do their duty on the part of those marshalled under the Reform banner is apparent, and this is the . ' . J >v i - , •1. .'' -. ?' r V.V; ;.^«-^-^ -', «. » 51 will surprise even those who are most sanguine to-day. I wish, however, to remind you that in this very riding of North Oatario, as elsewhere, we are labouring under special and peculiar disad- vantages, and that even in counties in which s - THE GERRYMANDER ' did not effect its expected end and object, as it did not here, it is hoped to effect that end by the vexatious complications and diffi- culties to be imposed upon the people, and particularly upon the Reformers, by the operation of the Franchise Act. And I wish to remind you that no general leader, no local leaders, can do for you the work imposed upon you by these efforts to hamper you. It is your own work ; it must be done by yourselves in your locat committees, in the various polling sub-divisions of each riding. And I warn you that it is not next year that the election is being run, but now. It will be decided in a few days or weeks in several of these counties. Before I pass to other questions I desire to impress this upon you, and to ask you to rouse yourselves to the effort to see that the organization takes place, even late as it is ; that earnest inquiry is made with a view to place every Reform name on the lists, and to r Ji' '< img Idis- us, of on tent, all lich STRIKE OFF EVERY NAME ^ of our opponents which ought not to be there. (Applause.) There are so many topics which ought to be dealt with that it is impos- sible to handle them all, or, indeed, to deal with more than one or two. I should like to have spoken to you respecting OUR finances, THE INCREASE IN OUR DEBT, THE INCREASE IN OUR TAXATION, THE TARIFF, THE RATE OF EXPENDITURE, ABOUT THE CANADIAN PACI- FIC Railway, about North -West affairs generally, including THE management OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, WHICH HAS RESULTED IN such SCANDALOUS AND HUMILIATING DISCLOSURES TARNISHING OUR FAIR NAME. I should like to have spoken about Provincial rights. I say we in Canada have a HOME RULE QUESTION, ' ' as well as the people on the other side of the water. Here, as well as there, it is essential to affirm the true principles of federal- ism, the principle of leaving large local liberties to our several Provinces, that we may create — for I regret to say that it has yet to be created — a true, real, cordial union of hearts and hands in those things common to all through the whole of Canada. (Loud cheers.) I should like to have spoken about economy, and re- trenchment, and reform, including the superannuation abuse, and ■■if ^ ■S. [■m:y. H.^^ i k ¥j:''-.' t,;i.„;.-v SjJ ■ ^. I: '*;;>■■ :ijp -rv<^ ■,.*> i^ I •vs. to contrast the pledges and promises with the practices and per- formances of the men now in power. But some of these things I have already discussed, and you have the opportunity of know- ing what I think of them through the public press. The subject I want to bring before you is of another character — it involves questions connected with v' * OUR MACHINERY FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT, for the making of our laws, and the administering of our affairs. No subject can be more important than this. Apply, as I have so often said, a little of the common sense you use in ordinary affairs to public matters. Whether we are machinists, or manufacturers, or •tarmera, or whatever we may be, we all use machines. If a machine we are using is not constructed on sound principles it will not turn out good work. Moreover a machine requires repairing and oiling from time to time. Improvements are devised from time to time, weaknesses and defects are developed by experience ; time brings d.ecay. And these improvements must be adopted ; oil must be applied ; weaknesses must be remedied ; repairs must be made, as we find requisite. The same rules apply to the big ma- chine at Ottawa and the smaller machine at Toronto for legislat- ing on and administering your affairs. They are machines con- structed of different materials and on a different principle from those we use in our daily work, and they encounter other difficul- ties and are susceptible of other weakness, and require other kinds of improvements. But the general rules apply. I will refer first, as its dignity deserves, to the Upper House of our two Houses of Parliament. I say that part of our legislative machinery is not based upon sound principles, and it is not doing its work well. (Cheers.) ^ ^ THE OBJECT OF A SECOND CHAMBER under the Federal system, as stated by those who proposed it t© the people at Confederation, was the recognition of the State or Provincial entities and interests as distinct from the common en- tity and interests. These latter v/ere to be represented according to the numbers of the people in the several Provinces, and thus the majority was to prevail in the Lower House. They declared that for that reason the representation in the Senate should be on another principle ; on the principle of practical Provincial equal- ity ' It has not been accurately carried put in later days, although : that has been the substantial aim, in the execution of which On- tario, Quebec, and the three Maritime Provinces grouped together ' as one, have each equal numbers in the Senate. I say that as a protector of Provincial rights, as an asserter of those principles V..- ,t' '. ■* ; . -J~. <;■ " '.A ' •'.'\*' '!* t >^ • -v. I. '•■■*».■- 63 ,y I.'- r which it was intended specially to guard, the sIenate has pboved A DISMAL FAILURE. , . „ .^: -^ '/, - t i A Voice — We don't want it. ' ' , Mr. Blake — How has the Senate proved a dismal failure ? How do I justify my statement ? In this way : We liave had questions of Provincial rights, of the interpretation of the consti- tution in this regard ; of complaints from one Province and an- other of difficulties of one kind or other of the special character in respect of which it was said the Senate was to he the guardian, and yet, so far as I know, they have never moved a finger for the jyrotection of the Provinces or for the solution of these difficulties. And why should they ? Why, it is absurd. It would be as sen- sible if you were to determine to give the wolf the power of ap- pointing the sheep-dog who is to protect the sheep against the wolf, and then trust with confidence in the safety of your sheep, as to trust the guardianship of Provincial rights to a Senate nominated under the present system^. (Cheers.) Who is it that can work aggression upon the Provinces or impair Provincial rights ? The Ministry of the Dominion, sustained by their ma- jority in the Commons. These are the only persons whose inter- ference you have to dread — the only possible wolves. Who appoint the Senate, the sheep-dogs of Provincial rights ? This same Min- istry. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And, of course, the men whom they appoint are those who sympathise with their views, men who will do homage to the authors of their legislative being, and will act and vote in accordance with the wishes of these very Ministers whose depredations are to be feared, and against whom the Senate is supposed to be a defender. (Renewed cheering.) There is ANOTHER FUNCTION THE SENATE WAS ESPECIALLY INSTITUTED TO PERFORM, •^'/ Vi < , '■^ > ■■^.■H o';*>^''^ , " "f it t© te or n en- rding thus ilared be on qual- ough II On- ;ether t as & jciples that of revising hasty and imperfect legislation, and checking premature legislation. In this respect, also, the Senate, after nineteen years' experience, has been proven thoroughly ineffica- cious. / have seen Bills which, even in our hurried and unsatis- factory way of disposing of business in the Commons, had taken long and weary sittings, sent uv to the Senate, read the first time, read the second time, referred to Committee of the Whole, passed by Committee of tJie Whole, reported to the House, read the third time and passed, and sent down to us again ahmost in a^s short a time as I have taken to tell the story. (Loud cheers and laughter.) How much revision is there in that ? What is the good of it all ? (Loud applause.) But ,i , ^ . ..,. y,i' ,!"■- ->,.i i: ■t»A'.:i».*' I*,.':- -til ..V r<~- ,^^. \'J,.!'^ ■ 1 y ^■^\7- 1 f 1^ \A I ; " - ■ ■^S ^^.l if III' I. ' ■if y...,' X- 1/ I ^ -•'I i ^::' . . ' THE SENATE IS WORSE THAN USELESS, »• for it may, at times, be very harmful. It is no good just so long as the machine is under the control and doing the bidding of those who have the majority in the popular chamber; but the moment the people's voice shall reverse that majority and give a majority to the side with whose opinions the majority of the Senate do not sympathise, it is no longer only useless, it may be very dangerous, because it may become a determined obstruction to the exercise of the people's will. I do not tfcU you that these gentlemen hold their offices by so secure a tenure that they would obstruct for a long time some measure which the people had ob- viously and firmly, by a large majority, decided to pass, and on which the people had earnestly set their hearts. Because they dare not. They would know that such a course might give rise to an agitation which would #weep their institution out of exist- ence. You know, however, that in the case of the great majority of legislative and administrative acts, the people feel but a lan- guid impulse, feeling strongly upon only a few leading measures. That being the case, the Senate would have it in its power, with- out great danger to its own existence, harmfully to obstruct the legislation of the House of Commons. The present plan gives the Tories two chances. As long as they are in power in the Commons they have the Senate with them, and if they are de- feated in the Commons they have still one of the law-making bodies with them ; and, if they cannot make the laws, they can by this means prevent the making of the laws which the people's chamber passes. Some of my Conservative friends may say : Well, that seems a good thing ; we shouldn't change that ; we want to have two chances. In speaking of this point before I have simply asked fair-minded, honest Conservatives to consider the old adage : " Put yourself in his place." ' - HOW WOULt) MY CONSERVATIVE FRIENDS LIKE IT, if, being in the majority in the Commons, they found themselves thwarted by a body nominated by their opponents ? They would, say it was bad and wrong. But what would injure them and what would be bad and wrong in their case, injures us and must be bad and wrong in ours as well. It is wrong for us all ; and it is simply AN unconstitutional way of thwarting the people's WILL. They sometimes say, " Oh, there is no danger, a nominative body is weak and cannot be presumed to interfere in derogation of the people's rights." But they do interfere with the expression of the people's will. I remember very well when Mr. Joly took - .r (2) Vi '.:\*:^^ ^^'i:' 1 ».' -'■ ■ J I ■ .'<■'.: ,7X' 55 •M . selves rould» and must md it )PLE'S lative ration jssioa took ,r office in Quebec, where they have a nominative Legislative Oouncii, he had not a single friend in that Council. There happened to be two Conservative councillors who had become alienated from their own party, and they gave him some support. But for that he could not have put a Speaker in the chair of the Legislative Council. He would not oven have had a man to move a bill in that house. In fact, he would not have been able to obtain a hearing in one of th« two law-making bodies of the Province ! It wa»s the reduction of the system nearly to an absurdity. Yet that is what the Senate oj the Dominion may come to. At present the Conservatives have 70 friends to about 14 of the Liberals, and the course of nature will increase this preponderance. Now the Legislative Council in Quebec refused to vote the Supply Bill, the very thing which all agree a nomina- tive body, an Upper House, should least of all touch, and Mr. Joly's Government was actually subverted by that abuse of power. Modern experience has therefore proven that a nomina- tive body may, and does, interfere with the expression of the popular will, and that the reasons thus advanced for the con- tinuance of that body are not sound. Again, this pAnciple of nominative bodii^ i8 inconsistent with the modem democratic theories of the law-making povjer. This was one of the main controversies in Quebec before the Rebellion of 1837. One of the principal grievances of which the people complained was that there was a nominative Council which had power to thwart the will of the people, and control the legislation of their representa- tives. It was out of place then, and it is even more out of place now, and in this democratic country, which ought to be free from all these remnants of feudal and aristocratic notions, that the members of one of the law-making bodies should be appointed by the First Minister and hold office for life. (Loud and prolonged applause.) No matter how much he may betray his trust, so long as the Senator remains worth a thousand pounds, and can drag his limb'i for a single instant once in every two years into the Senate Chamber, so long lie holds his place as a maker of laws for you and 7ne, and we cannot get rid of him. I say that is a principle absurd on the face of it, and utterly indefensible in respect to the law-making power, and I maintain that if there is to ba a second, chamber it ought to bo in some manner elected by the people, and in some manner responsible to the people in whose name and on whose behalf it is to make the laws to which we are all called upon to render a cheerful obedience — (loud applause) — and until that is established it cannot be said that we are really a self-governing people. I think, therefore, we ought to have ,v. 1 -•>'■ T •J / i-' \ . --l" \ <■: ! :yX jV,- <..j>- T,':'X'iv: 1 .. A-":'^/^:^.'-i:v:-.^v >•->'/ I T — - i-:; \\ 'f! II .i! ' .V^ ' A SECOND CHAMBER OF REDUCED NUMBERS — I SAY OF REDUCED NUMBERS, •■ >■• ■^' '■- '!.>. ..« n I M' ' t ... ■ V ,,., ill" il' .'.•>» >.";■ il t - ii i because that would avoid a considerable portion of the expense, besides diminishing the danger of collision between the more numerous and more popular body and the second or revising Chamber. I think we ought to have that Chamber appointed by- election in one form or other, and, though at one time I rather inclined to another view, 2 believe the best mode is by direct popular election. (Cheers.) It is said that there may be danger in that of a dead-lock, because the Senate will be elected as well as the House of Commons, and will claim equal powers. You may have a dead-lock at any moment under the present system, and it would, of course, be possible under the directly-elective system. But there are many ways of obviating that diflficulty — for example, the over-riding vote, the joint vote, the vote by a specified majority, the decisive vote after a session or after an election, a declaration as to the constitutional function of the body — the question has been solved and solutions have been suggested in many ways in various countrij^si. The argument respecting that difficulty ought not, therefore, to prevail. My good friend behind me here, said a little while ago, while I was speaking of the Senate, " We don't want it." I am not prepared to adopt that view. (Applause.) J he example we have had in Ontario of conducting the afairs of a single Province with a single Chamber is certainly cheering and encouraging; but 1 maintain that the conduct of the afairs of a Dominion made up of several Provinces is a very diferent matter. Besides, I cannot forget it was # PART OF THE ORIGINAL COMPACT of Confederation, devised in the interests of the smaller Provinces,, that there should be a second Chamber, in which the smaller Provinces should have a larger proportionate representation than they would have in the Lower Chamber, where the number was based Uipon the population. Therefore, I am not prepared to propose — still, less am I prepared to propose as a member coming from the largest Province, one having great numerical weight in the Lower House — that we should abrogate that pact, and take away that supposed safeguard of the smaller Provinces. Just sa long as they conceive the possession of that supposed safeguard ia of advantage to them, our best course, as statesmen, is to continue this portion of our legislative machinery on the principle on which it was originally introduced, making such changes as will add to its efficiency and guard against its obstructiveness, and • »"./ . '-(/ ■ '2) ■^*.. Wi. ■ V'. V ' d '■• '..*> ' ^;-^(.;^-^' ■•••" . ■ -'v^ -.--".-..■ ..,.- • V.'-. •■ ■-. •'; ■ .■;.• ■ - *N»'- : - -•'. ' ' ■••-■ ■■ o7 - ^ ■• ,■ ,■ . , .. --.^ ,■>:■' «Mc,^ is the "policy of the Liberal party as proclaimed in Parlia- ment and on the platform, and as we ask the people to ratify it at the polls. (Loud applause.) . , ( I come now to THE LOWER HOUSE, , ■'• of which I am a member, and in whose concerns you are chiefly interested. The Tory policy has been and ia to give to the Executive, and to remove from the people and the House all the control they can in reference to the making of the House. You remember that when Mr. Mackenzie came into power, in confor- mity with his avowed principles, he deprived himself of the power the Tories had assumed after Confederation, of appointing, as they pleased, the Retuming-officers at elections. He said : — I prefer not to avail myself of this power ; I will act upon this view at the first election, and as soon as comes a session of Parliament, if I am returned, I will settle it for all Governments by legislation. So WE RESTORED TO LOCAL OFFICERS in your midst, to officers having duties to perform as citizens, and being men whose character, respectability, efficiency, and standing in society, ought to be guarantees of their good conduct, the functions of Retuming-officers, though the vast majority of these men throughout Canada at that time were political opponents, or had been appointed by political opponents of ours. The Tories did not object to that change, but agreed to it, and it was carried out with the unanimous consent of Parliament. But no sooner did the Tories resume office .><^- ' ' I .^'S;'" ■'"/ ler was Ired to coming light in Id take Just so luard ia l)ntinue [pie on. as will iss, and THAN THEY REPEALED THE LAW and resumed the power of appointing the Retuming-officers. They said : — It was a good thing to allow tiie other rule while our opponents were in power, because it gave us many friendly R^urning-officers. But now that we are back in power we will take again the power to appoint only our friends to these offices, and the influence due to their being our appointees. We can appoint the registrars or sheriffs when they suit us; they will owe the office to us, and will not be ungrateful, and when they don't suit us we can appoint other people who do. Abuses have existed in the past in this matter. My friend and your friend, the member for this riding, Mr. Cockburn, experienced one of these abuses. I remember when it was my duty to call upon the House, as a matter of privilege, to amend . * • ^ v 1 ■ # ■ - 'I ■ ^ .'V: ■,<.., „a. A'iiK.... M ''-'^. < c I i/ H I' 'i! '\ \ ^i] ■ill •*i(< ■i". ') I r- ■•,•••■• ^.5^ "V , vr-. >■>; ^;-V . .i . i • • I ! ) A SCANDALOUS RETURN MADE BY A RETURNING-OFFICER, who chose not to return our friend, though he had heen fairly • elected. I succeeded. The Government found that they were dealing with a new Parliament, and a good many of their follow- ers were not yet hardened by the constant process of voting for the wrong. After having denounced me as the proposer of dangerous motion, subversive of correct principles, they wei , obliged to yield, and your present member was duly returned. '\ (Loud cheers.) His case is an example of the danger of alloiving the Government to nominate the Returning-ojfficers who are to choose between them and their opponents. Remember this, that the Government ovght to be given as little ^power with reference to an election as possible, because the Government is one of the parties to that election. Both parties ought to be on an equality. A case is to be tried, and the country is jury. If you give one party to a case power which affects the choice of the jury there is little chance of justice being done. Do not give to the Govern- ment in political affairs, powers you would be the first to reject if ■ proposed to be applied in the case of a dispute in the ordinary affairs of life. (Qieers.) Again, with reference to the VOTES OF THE CIVIL SERVANTS. We have objected to the Civil Service vote as at present managed, not because the Civil Servants are not respectable people. But we do not believe in any vote that is not a freo vote. " Franchise " means freedom, and if you givea man thefranchise, and tell him how he must use it, you simply offer a case of contradiction of terms. I brought forward this case of Mr. Dodd, to which Mr. Edgar referred, in which a member of Parliament by his own letter, tvas shown to have gone to a public officer and told him during an election that ; he ought to vote for the Government candidate, because he was the Government candidate, and because if he did not so vote he woidd run the risk of being turned out of office, for that was the ride. His own letter proved that he had used those words. But the man voted according to his own conscience, and not according* to the bidding of his assumed masters, an . ■J'- ■>/>, .^* 69 aged, utwe Ihise " how ms. I lerred, nun to that las the uould rule. t the g*to [nalty, u^ed icribe, iv ex- [mpu- 3n an The 3rence rainst the memher, and against the Government, for I declared that the Government, knowing the circumstances, had carried out the plot, and had in effect deprived the man of his office, and the Tory party • in the House refused the committee of investigation for ' ' which I had asked. I would like to know, if this is the system, whether you think these are free votes or not. It is a SCANDALOUS ABUSE JDF POWER, •. , : but it is only another instance of the Tory policy of controlling elections and electors, instead of making them free. ', Take another case. There was an election for the county of ^ings, Prince Edward Island. The Liberal candidate had a ma- jority of about 86 votes. But the Tory Revising-officer made a • , double return. Somebody had put in a protest against the Liberal candidate, saying that he had been a member of the Local Legis- - lature, and had not effectually resigned. The matter was brought up in Parliament, and notwithstanding our protest, it was referred by vote of the Tory majority to the Committee on Privileges and Elections. And that Committee decided by a party vote, not that the man who received a majority should be declared elected, not that the election was void and should be contested again ; but that the man who had received a minority of votes, the man whom the people had rejected, should be declared elected, and should re- . present that county for the whole life of the Parliament. And the Tory majority in the House of Commons confirmed that ver- dict. We objected, and urged that the man who had the majority should be given the seat. If there was any irregularity he could be unseated in the regular way. But they refused. We said : Suppose that you are right, and that he is disqualified, that is no rej^son why the other man should have the seat ; void the election and let it be contested again. But they refused that also. We asked them to refer the matter to tlie Supreme Court and not to insist that a political body, in which they were a majority, should decide a point of law. No, they said ; we are bound to decide it ourselves. And they did decide it themselves, these righteous judges, and they decided it for thonselves, and I have been sitting for four years with a colleague in Parliament whom the Tory members of the House elected in spite of the people's verdict. (Loud cheers.) Add to this the case of Sir Charles Tupper, whom, though his seat was voided, and he was ineligible for Parliament, they elected for Cumberland by Act of Parliament — (cheers) — and tell me whether these things should so be ? Then we come to '■'"■'•■'•'.•■-''' . <• " .;, ■■''■■, THE GREAT GERRYMANDER, : .: by which they determined to control the popular vote of Ontario. They determined so to affect the bounds of the different ridings ... (2) - - -v. \- \ ./ ; • \ A ' /t-1 T r 1 ■ ■ ■' )■ 1 1 fi I .'( ' that a practical popular equality on the gross polls should not be reflected by an equality in Parliament, but that a popular equality of votes should be represented in Parliament by a great Conserva- tive majority, and a small Liberal minority. I need not talk about that in detail here. You know what was done in Ontario and Muskoka, what was done in the Simcoes and the Yorks. (Cheers.) I believe tnere are men from every one of those boun- ties here. Desperate efforlp were made by the Reformers, ani- I .' mated by that zeal which results from a sense of crying injustice and gross fraud perpetrated upon a people, and from a stern de- ^ termination to redress the wrong. Some Conservatives, I rejoice |r|. , ' to say, gave but half-hearted support to their party, and som^^ j *i ' went in opposition to it on account of U Vv \ ■ • THIS INIQUITOUS MEASURE. ij' '^" '-■" I ^ • But you must not forget the dead weight so })laced upon the Liberal ► . - party, though they were enabled in spite of it to gain victories >. : here, in South Ontario, in North York, in East York, and else- >' where; (Cheers.) They were unable over the whole Province to , 'I overcome the effect of the gerrymander, and eight seats which they held by right were taken, while many more were nearly taken by the Tories. However, eight or ten seats were saved to us on which the Tories counted as confidently as on tho.se they won, j 1 " . ' but which the superior zeal and earnestness of the Reformers, and the candour and shame of a good many of their own supporters, prevented them from securing, (Cheers.) What was the result after all ? It was this, that while we had at the polls almost an equality of the people, within one of an equality on a due return, we had in the House a majority of eighteen against us. I warn you that you must V llrM- \ II * H> '■■■^i i ', 1 V ^\ 1 ,•■■ 'l ' , ■•■^'..''■V 'XA- • r DISPLAY ONCE MORE THAT DESPERATE ZEAL AND ENERGY in every county which has been mutilated, if you would succeed in the next eontest. They count on a diminution of your zeal. They say : " The Reformers will no longer be animated by that burning sense of injustice that drove them to superhuman efforts before, and, as for the Conservatives, we know them well. They are, on the whole, a carefully disciplined body. A few were slack, and fewer still were hostile, but now that the thing is done and cold, they will fall back into our ranks, and labour in the gerrj - raandered counties as well as ever." I look to you to defeat that expectation by continuing the zeal you showed before. I look to the Conservatives whose love of justice and fair play led them to abstain, or to take part with us before, to defeat that expectation of a relapse from probity, integrity, and high-mindedness, by (2) / ~ .)* -* A y. jceed zeal, that Forts 'hey tlack, and lerr^ - that )k to itn to lation. by ' • \ ■•■<■,■•..,•• ^. 1 ■',• 'I ' . ' ' \ ,',».*''.•■.,.■- ; ■< .. "■.' ' ■»■'■■■■. If. \- 'rf, ■. . .. . . ; ■ „ v,^"-, , : i ■■*■'■ ^ •»■"'■,- ■ -- . • .'. showing that they are still possessed of those qualities. (Cheers.) , / / I want to say a word with reference to ^ THE EASTERN PART OF OUR PROVINCE. That part of the Province is often misunderstood by Keformers in .| the West. It is true that we have been unable to return many members for the East, because the divisions of ridings, even as they were before the gerrymander, were wholly unjust to us. Notwithstanding our small representation in Parliament, the eastern part of Ontario, from the county of Durham to the border, contains a very large number of intelligent, hard-working, high-spirited Reformers — and I can prove it by the returns of the last election. I wish to make the eye help the ear in this matter, and I have prepared a little checker- board,on which you will see the result of the popular vote in the thirty seats from Durham to the border in the year 1882. The squanes are, as you will see, pretty nearly black and white alternately. It is true there is one black one in excess of the white. I hope my Conservative friends will not mind if I say that in this little map they are rP4)resented by the black and the Reformers by the white. (Loud laughter.) I have not painted them very black, but still a good many shades blacker than the others. (Renewed laughter.) This shows THE STATE OF THE POPULAR VOTE at the last elections. In those thirty constituencies there were enough Reform votes to have elected (making allowance for accla- mations and exceptional conditions) sixteen Conservatives and fourteen Reformers. That is what the people said at the polls, and all we ask is that the voice of the people at the polls shall be fairly echoed in Parliament, and if we are in a minority at the polls we are quite content to remain in a like minority in Parliament until we can convince enough people that we are right, to give us a majority. (Cheers.) This shows what the people said, and this (here the speaker turned the paper over) is what the returns to Parliament said for the same district. (The reverse side of the picture was received with loud laughter.) There you have a great black sea, with a little white island in the middle. Only three Reformers were elected, though we should have had fourteen; and twenty-seven Tories, though they should have had only six- teen. This is what happened, but there might easily have been worse and more of it; for if the Tories had managed to turn 150 votes in these three riding which returned Reformers, they would have made them return Tories, and the little white island would never have appeared above the surface, although our proportion of the popular vote would not have been noticeably affected. We ' ■ » . • (2) V \\V. t •/^.v'i;; " / • ..I ■ )■■■ ■' ■*l!i . .i^ t ■.. -/ ' 'J ^ -v- ■.^; ..■• : v C2 • ' "^ ^- • • '•' - '• would still have fourteen-thirtieths of the votes, whithout one single member to represent them. Even in a case like that THE GERRYMANDER WAS OPERArED. One would have thought that in Eastern Ontario, where they had already enormous advantages — where they could count on over twenty seats as things stood, far in excess of their lights — shame and decency would have prevented the Tory majority in the House from altering the bounds to hurt us still more. One would have thought they would have been contented with having all the seats but eight or so, when they ought to have had only sixteen to fourteen, but they were not. They took from the County of Carleton, a Tory stronghold, a township or two, knowing they could spare them from Carleton, and added them on to North Lanark, so that my friend, Mr. Macdonnell, who got a majorty of 200 votes in his old riding, was defeated by 80 votes through the tacking on of these other townships. They added the Tory town- ship of Kitley to the constituency of Brockville, and by that means they turned a majority of 80 against them in the old riding into a majority of about five in their favour in the new creation. So to the man that had much, more was given ; and from him that had not, was taken away even that which he had. (Laughter.) From me, luho should in justice have had fourteen supproters, and ivoidd have had Jive, at any rate, on the old boundaries, all were taken away hut three ! And that is what a free people approve of and admire. They do not deserve to continue free ! (Cheers.) THE COMMONS OUGHT TO BE A MIRROR OF THE P£OPf-E at large, politically. If it is so, it is a truly representative body ; but if you debase it into a machine to be artificially arranged by one party to represent its opinions, even when they are not the opinions of the people, you prostitute it to ths vilest party ends — you deface the fair form of representation ; you destroy its sub- stance, and you may as well give up its theory. I refer to another thing. The Tories have not only taken the appointment of the Returning -officers, manipulated the Civil Ser- vice vote, and carved up the districts so as to secure the best possible results for themselves, but these things not succceeding to tlieir entire satisfaction, THEY PROPOSE BY THE FRANCHISE ACT TO TAKE ANO^r^HER STEP. The Federal system in its nature points to the Provincial fran- chises as the true franchise for the Commons House of Parliament, You must remember the principle of representation in the Lower -,(. 'I— ^ m 'mr-r il:^:A... ., ,/ .»■ '-t •.1. M'^ ^ * C3 ■• !• and popular body, as established by Confederation, is that each Province shall be represented according to the number of souls that inhabit it. The men who are in the best position to say how, the mind of the Province shall be most accurately represented are the people of the Province themselves, end the form which they choose for that representation for their own Local House is the form which should be adopted for Federal purposes. (Cheers.) That is the plan pursued under the constitution of the greatest example in ancient or modern times of a country established upon the federal principle — the United States of Amerit-a. Oar own experience })ointed to the same course, for we had been eighteen years under that system, and I have yet to learn of the first man who showed, or could show, that any substantial grievance existed. There are other reasons. Our country is large, extending over four thousand miles. It is inhabited by different people of different races, different creeds, different conditions as to occupation, realized wealth, prosperity and advancement, and with different views. How can we best be sure that the mind of each section shall bo fully represented in the House of Commons ? Certainly by adopting the method which the people of each section have chosen for them- selves. Any effort to establish \:.^, '/ *'■' . the iSer- best 12 to iTEP. Ifran- lent. lower A CAST-IRON PRINCIPLE OF UNIFORMITY MUST RESULT IN REAL DIVERSITY, because if you apply the same system to different conditions the result must be diversity, and not uniformity. Again, one of the first rules which ought to animate a self-governing people is that you should impose as little labour, expense, and diJjUculty as pos- sible upon those who desire to get their names on the list of voters, or to keep them there, and to exercise their franchise. A double franchise, a d«juble list, double machinery for making the lists, and ditterent systems of appeal — all this means enormous expenstj. THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS WE VOTED LAST SESSION ON ACCOUNT OF THE EXPENSES OF THE FRANCHISE ACT FOR THE YEAR. We do not know how much more it is going to cost. They can't ev&n tell us how much the printing is to be. They make jobs of this print- ing, giving it to their supporters at high, prices — prices in many cases, as 1 am informed, twice and thrice what like work has been done for, and admitted to be largely in excess of the cost of the On- tario lists. They cannot tell us what they are going to pay the revising officers. We asked that question the session before last. They said they could nut tell, but that next session they would bring down a measure which would fix the rate. We asked this session what the rate was to be, but they said they had not decided. They do not tell these revising ojjicers, who are to be so \ : |V..;;\ '^ n Ill f' v.. .'■■u /■■- / '". ' -^ . , ,•,-.. ■, 64 - '^: •, :• ' . . X , thoroughly independent of both eidea, what their pay is to be. They say to the revising oflBcers in efiect : According to your work so shall your reward be. (Cheers.) Neither public nor revising officers are to know how much, or on what principle, they are to be paid. But this is not all, or nearly all, the cost of the Act, The largest part is :f > f THE COST TO THE PEOPLE THEMSELVES, the actual money cost of revising the list, of putting names on and striking off those that should not be there, the loss of time, labour, and money to members of Parliament, to candidates, and to active party men. Even the loss of time is enormous, and it is all a loss to the country, for the men who spend their time thus are obliged to give up their ordinary avocations which increase the wealth ^f the country. 1 want to see the cost of getting into Parliament made as cheap as possible. (Loud cheers.) I don't want to see a plutocracy established in this democratic country. / don't want to see the law so arranged that only he who is a rich man, who can afford to spend hundreds of dollars to get names on the list, may aspire to represent the people. (Cheers.) I ,vant to see the avenue kept open so for all those who deserve to reach the goal, no matter whether their purses be light or heavy, and I warn you that so long as you choose to have a system which is expensive and complicated, and so long as you do not like — and I suppose few do — to pay the expenses yourselves, so long you are put- ting a toM or duty upon the man who has a light purse, and giv- ing an advantage or protection to the man with a heavy purse, in the race for legislative honours. (Cheers.) Then, again, the system of making the lists leaves less power with the people, and gives more power to the Government, and is all wrong. IN ENGLAND WHO MAKE THE LISTS ? Local officers appointed by local administrative bodies, whose members are chosen by the people as in Ontario, This is one of the most valuable features of British institutions, this system of minor local boards, and it is very useful to give dignity and im- portance to these minor boards, such as must be given by entrust- ing them with the making of the lists for the great national elections. But our government says: — We cannot trust THE MUNICIPAL COUNCILS TO APPOINT THE PROPER OFFICERS TO MAKE THE LISTS, OR TO ATTEND TO THE REVISION. We MUST AP- POINT INDEPENDENT MEN, WHO WILL NOT BE CORRUPT, WHO WILL NOT BE PARTISAN, WHO WILL DO THE FAIR THING, WHICH OUR MU- NICIPAL COUNCILLORS AND LOCAL ASSESSORS CANNOT BE TRUSTED TO DO. We, one party in THE PARLIAMENT, OJJE PARTY TO THE >;■■.:. ..,'• ■•'■ - . ■' •■ -'- ■ ^y ■ . ■ ■ "' (2) - ,< 1 r' "^ CONTEST, IN ORDER TO SECURE EVEN-HANDED JUSTICE, AND PER- ' FECT FAIR PLAY TO THE PEOPLE AT LAilGE, WITH THAT HIGH PUR- POSE, AND NO OTHER, OF COURSE, WE WILL TAKE THESE APPOINT- , MENTS INTO OUR OWN HANDS. ThEY SHALL BE 0UR0EFICER8. WE WILL NAME THEM SO THAT IT MAY BE PERFECTLY CERTAIN THAT THEY WILL DECIDE AGAINST US WHEN THEY OUGHT. (Loud cheerS and laughter.) I never said that the municipal councils or asses- sors always did what was ri^ht in this matter. But I say, take it by and large the whole Province over^that, as far as my experience goes, the lists were made and revised with reasonable fairness under the officers appointed by the municipal councils and the municipal councils themselves. (Cheers.) There were some excep- tions, of course, and they were to be deplored, but, take it as a . whole, there was no general cause of complaint respecting the system of making or revising the lists, and there was an efficient and cheap appeal in cases of in justice. The Government not only names the man to make the lists, hut names the man to ' revise them — and they are the same man. (Laughter and ap- plause.) The man who has made the list, and has declared as to the right of so-and-so to be on the list, must hear the appeal upon . that case and decide it. I would rather have some other person declare whether the officer was right or wrong than himself. The English Government never dared to propose to the English Parliament that they should be empowered to name the persons to revise the lists. The English Ministers are men of high station, in conspicuous places before the world. They are actuated, as a rule, by pure motives, and would, if any would, be perhaps hardly likely grossly to abuse such a trust. Yet they V' ■ * » / r ' , 'V 4 V NEVER DARED TO SAY TO PARLIAMENT : Give us the power to name the men who are to revise the lists. What do they say ? They say : Give the high judges of, the land, while sitting in the courts administering justice, and as connected with their administration of justice, when they hold the great Court of Assize for the county, give them the appointment of the Re vising- offi cers. No partial man, no partisan, no politician, no party to the contest does this in England, hut a judge of the highest court, hold- ing a most exalted office for other functions, elevated above the mists and passions and prejudices of partisanship, sworn to do his duty, and doing it amongst the people and under their eyes, whose prime condition of life is that he should do justice in every- thing in which he officially acts. Here our partisan Ministers are so much more exalted above partisanship^, so much more to be trusted, that what no English Ministers ever dared to ask the English Parliament to commit to them, and what the English . ■• :. ,.■ .'\- ■ - ' ' • (2) ' •/;: >j -*r ^ :•<.' i-*^.r M T v »■ • . ., * ■>■ 66 •(■ Parliament would have refused had it been asked, is asked for by the Canadian Ministers and granted by the majority in the Cana- dian Parliament, knowing, doubtless, that that was for them tub EASIEST ROAD BACK TO PARLIAMENT. (Loud cheers.) I make no charges against the whole body of Revising-officers, but I do say that in some cases most ( ;- H I ill * I •Hi It IE \l h '■M "f , /-V ' IMPROPER APPOINTMENTS HAVE BEEN MADE. Take one instance, that of the County of Carlton. That is the Prime Minister's own riding. In the election of 1S82 he had a lawyer as his financial agent, a man occupying the most intimate and confidential relation to himself necessarily, a man entrusted with looking after his receipts and disbursements and his interests during the election. That man has been appointed by the Prime Minister to revise the voters' lists in that county. , (Cheers and laughter.) Will that appointment change him ? Partisan last election, this time he is so far removed above party that he is to revise the lists on which eveiything depends. I don't know •whether he is going to be financial agent again ; I suppose not. That would be too great an outrage upon decency for even this Government to be guilty of. But I think it an outrage upon de- cency as it is. When you can find such things in the case of the Prime Minister, you can take that sample and judge of the rest. (Cheers.) But 1 say that improper appointments have been made, and improper persons made judges, and needless judgeships created, to serve this fraudulent purpose. We have had a good deal of trouble already, and I fear we shall have more. We have had NAM KS ILLEGALLY PUT UPON THE LIST by the hundred — in one division of Toronto I am told they have been thu^s put on by the thousand. They had no right to be there, but they were put on in the expectation that a law would be passed this session legalizing them, and so prevent their being taken off. They were put on at almost no expense, but the Re- formers have to go to great expense to take them off. They tried to legalize it all. They brought in a clause which, if passed, would have kept on the list the names thus illegally put on. And they would have passed that clause, but that the Liberals showed a determination to stay until the fall if necessary, and fight the qu .'.fclon out, and that being so they thought better of it, and wi ii Irew it rather than provoke such a contest. (Loud cheers.) Bui they suspended jihe operation of a clause by them brought in, which, if it had effect, would have lightened our load a good deal* Under this clause a man whose vote was objected to was obliged i ■■■-■ •■ r .: / -'\ ■•-:•,. ■:■,-' V " .. (2) , ' .,; )'■■ \ ■»«£ :rt/i>VSf'.. ^ -:>■> 7< ." ^V'^U:^".r. / » ^^/V ■, :. ?• 67 > .' .' to attend at the final revision without pay, or run the risk of having his name struck off. Being forced to withdraw the pro- vision which would have legalized the names wrongfully put on the list, they determined to suspend this latter clause until after the next revision. But why ? Surely what is to be good then cannot be bad now. (Cheers.) Why ? Because they had an enormous advantage, and would make that advantage less if we could compel the attendance of these men without paying theui. And so WITH REGARD TO THE FORM OF OATH. ' ' '; Your old form of oath was some guarantee and protection in case men were wrongfully put on the list. At first they brought down a form of oath of that kind, but after reflection and consideration, and after finding the condi^tion of the lists, they struck it out and brought in another under which a man whose name ia wrongfuUr/ on the list might vote luithout having to swear that he was entitled to vote. They knevj they had large numbers on the lists tvho could not talce an oath declaring that they were qualified, and so they withdrew what they had first proposed, and left us without that protection. As to the fmnchise, I would not seek to force my views respecting the franchise upon any other Province, for I believe that each Province should be allowed to deal with this matter for itself (Cheers.) Take the great question of ■ .x'f '♦ • ''. mg te- Ked 5ed, Lnd red Ithe md (rs.) in, leal* red FEMALE SUFFRAGE. In Ontario a gi-eat many people are in favour of the suffrage for women. (Loud applause.) In Quebec a very large majority are determinedly hostile to the principle of giving the suffrage to women. Why should Ontario force suffrage for women upon Quebec ? (Cheers.) Why should Quebec insist that the people of Ontario should not give the women of the Province the franchise if they desire it ? (Renewed cheers.) Let each Province decide for itself. (Loud applause.) By giving the greatest freedom in this re- spect you avoid friction and conflict, and get each Province fairly represented. But I have declared in the House, and I repeat it here, that if there is to be a Dominion franchise, inasmuch as the Dominion does not touch questions relating to property, and having regard to our system of taxation, under which every man who is not a pauper must pay a share through the Customs, and having regard also to our system of defence, I should favour, as THE only SENSIBLE Dominion franchise,residential registered manhood suffrage. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) It would be the simplest and plainest ; it would make no very serious difference with reference to the character of the franchise ; it would avoid , ■ (2) ,::.vvt.>^ ».' ,".»■ ^ ^ , and in all times a jmncipal danger to popular institutions has arisen from the corruption of those who vrere charged with the people's business. Our country is a country of workingmen, of f /o ^ ; those who themselves earn the bread they eat, and not a country of wealthy men. A moment ago I said that the avenues to the legislative halls should he freely open to those who live by the labour of their hands or of their brains. But it would not be prudent, it would not be common sense not to consider, as people in h- S^4; ;. other lands have had to consider, and to guard against the dangers /i'v naturally growing out of the situation. There are temptations , i- V with reference to money, wealth, patronage, office, which, in the y: V?' nature of things, more seriously affect people in our pecuniary 'j' ,1- \ circumstances, which more seriously affect us who are not abso- ,>. . ■ lutely beyond the reach of want, affect us who are dependent ^ '. , upon our continued exertions for the maintenance of ourselves and our families, than they do the man who is very wealthy ; not, God ,,. forbid! not because the poor man is of a less noble nature — it is not so — ^but because his circumstances, in the very nature of things, intensify the temptations in his case. So in wealthy England, and still more here, it has been made plain that we must scrutinize vV CAREFULLY THE RELATIONS OF THE EXECUTIVE AND OF MEMBERS i. »■•>•. I XM'' WITH CONTRACTORS AND WITH THE TREASURY. Laws have been 'i. 'A ■ ' .■ •^' / * . ■ < '1 - ■ r " ^^v-'y til . V.V/t -:, \'': •■•'■■■T-; ,■' J' ■ . .-. ., •, >■.',,-" •*.-3^mLi' k * V 70 iroversies on public questions are bitter enough in tone. They are far bitterer than 1 like them to be. I have a great desire that we should conduct our political discussions in measured and mode- rate language, with proper regard for the feelings, opinions, views, aye, even the piejudiccs of our opponents, and that we should live as good citizens, good neighbours, and good friends in private life, though we may differ as to public questions. But when personal questions are introduced, political bitterness is, doubtless, intensi- fied. Still, I believe with those who have preceded me that it is a duty, though a painful duty, a duty from winch I have often shrunk, to speak and speak aloud on this subject. m YOUR MINISTERS ARE THE CHIEF CRIMINALS, ! for they themselves offend, and they are the cause of offence in \ others. An old and very gross case of improper dealing was that which arose in 1872, with reference to an intending contractor for the Canadian Pacific Railway, Sir Hugh Allan, when enormous sums were, at the solicitation of Sir John Macdonald and another leading inembeTr of his Goveinment, paid to Sir John, to that member, and to Sir Hector Langevin, to be used in the elections, on a promise and understanding between the parties with refer- ence to the arrangements for the chartering of the Pacific Rail- . way Company, under the powers conferred on the Executive at their request by Parliament. I say that is a t. . 1 il .* .\ -. - J . GREAT AND NOTORIOUS CASE OF ILL-DEALING. But there is one difference between that case and some of the other cases which have been referred to lately. The large sums received from Sir Hugh Allan were obtained, gentlemen, to buy you — (cheers) — to buy the electorate of Canada. They were not ob- tained, it is said, and I believe truly said, to put into the pockets of either the Ministers or .members for their own use ; they were simply to buy the electorate, and thus to secure the retention by the buyers of their offices and salaries. I do not know whether the distinction commends itself to you as one very favourable to the parties. I don't know whether you will be more or less in- sulted by the idea that the electorate was to be bought through the contractors' fund, and the Ministry so to retain its place, or by the idea that members of Parliament and Ministers are to be chosen not exclusively to serve the public interest, but to use their positions to benefit themselves. The distinction is made, and if it be any credit or advantage to the Conservative party I am quite willing to give it to them. (Laughter.) - (2) V ! .••:,■■ :<:^ ■^ I ; ■ 71 " ' ■ '■ \i THE CRIME WAS GREAT, . , whatever the distinction, and should have been much more severe- ly punished than it was. After a eonjparatively brief exile from power these men were restored to office, and though at the first blush they had been downcast, and many of their friends had been ashamed and humiliated at the disclosures, yet that happened ivhich often happens, for the path of shame is downwabd, and it IS EASY — they all agreed at last to declare all this to be a slander and a calumny, and that there never ivas any Pacific Scxndal at all. They have since then bettered their instruction ; they have confided in your lenity, in your forbearancCy in your approbation of these methods of conducting public a fairs, and have gone fur- ther, ivithout, as yet, faring worse. Whether they shall fare worse or not depends upon the next appeal to the people. Another case was the gift, several years ago, to the present First Minister, by means of A settlement upon HIS FAMILY, of thfe sum of about $80,000, which was subscribed for and pre- sented to him or to his family while he was First Minister of Canada. It was so SUBSCRIBED AND PRESENTED LARGE- LY BY ACTUAL AND INTENDING CONTRACTORS, whose business it was to obtain favourable contracts from the Govern- ment, and having obtained them to get the largest prices for the least returns, and the most liberal allowances for extras that they could manage. It WAS SUBSCRIBED LARGELY ALSO BY PUBLIC CORPORATIONS GREATLY INDEBTED TO THE TREASURY, and dependent upon the Executive for favourable settlements of their indebtedness and favourable adjustments of their financial relations. I will refer to one instance, that of the northern railway company of Canada. That Company was indebted in an enormous amount to the Government of Canada. It was a bankrupt concern, and acknowledged its inability to pay its debt. It was calling upon the Government to ask Parliament to compromise the debt and to take for it a comparatively small sum. And while that was the relation of the Northern Railway Company to the people, and to the Parliament, and to the Government of Canada, they FOUND MONEY OUT OF THEIR POVERTY, out of their bankrupt ex- chequer, out of thatexchequer which they declared couJd supply oniy a small composition on their debt to the public, TO PAY $2,500 TOWARDS THE TESTIMONIAL TO THE FIRST MIN- /' .'> i (2) ' , * ■-•r 'V-;- • f^ !lli mi\\ / ,^;: ISTER. (Cheers.) There was not money to pay you, but there was money to subscribe for him. What happened ? That which you might expect to happen. Shortly afterwards a Bill was brought m by this same Government for the relie£ of the Northern Railway — (applause) — under which it was proposed to accept in full a small proportion of the dett. It came down very late in the se - sion. Mr. Mackenzie, the leader of the Opposition, objected to the concession, and insisted that it was too late in the session to presi^ such a bill, and declared that if it was pressed he would fight it. (Applause.) The terms were too favourable to the company, which should have been required to pay more. I heard the First Minister tell Mr. Mackenzie that he ought not to resist the Bill ; that he would be responsible before the people for ob- structing wise and useful legislation, and that the people would condemn him for it. (Laughter.) However, Mr. Mackenzie took the responsibility. (Cheers.) He was not a man to flinch from responsibility ; and he thus defeated the measure. (Re- newed cheers.) What ensued ? Mt. Mackenzie attained office a year or two later, and he had to deal with this question, the set- tlement of which he had prevented on the terms proposed. Hia Oovernment made a settlement with the Northern Railway Com- pany $500,000 better than the settlement which was proposed by Sir John Macdonald, which we had obstructed. We saved the public that amount. (Loud cheers.) But we received no testi- monial from the Company. (Cheers and laughter.) I could give you other instances of th'^se who subscribed to this testimonial and what their relations with the Government were, but one is per- haps enough for a sample. You will understand that in the bulk of ciises the settlements between Governments and contractors are 80 covered wp that the facts cannot be got at, and this makes it all the more important to prevent these relations between the Execu- tive and contractors. Well, ali this was approved of. It was thought to be rather an unhandsome thing to say anything about it. It was a matter to be silently agreed to. It gives me great pain, I confess, to have to refer to these matters, but the circum- stances are such to-day that we are bound to point out to what these things will grow if you do not check them. The thing was approved or condoned, and two or three years ago the Minister of Public Works, ;\ 1 ^ SIR HECTOR LANGEViN, GOT HIS TESTIMONIAI. TOO. Why not ? What is right for the chief is right fur the second in command. He, it is true, has to do with the great bulk of the contracts for public works. He largely decides upon the condi- tions of tendering, advertises for the tenders, determines which "^ D '..^ . W • ■, ■ - . , ;' ■ r g.,.. : ' ' ' •-\i .vv>,> , '^-.'l "■, V. /.. ' ••.•■V^"- . >•*'*■■ .. Vv • ' .,:■ .i. ■•',V ■'.?■-■) 73 tender shall be accepted, determines whether the contractor has performed the work. He it is who gives the instructions for changes, who settles the bills for extras, which allow the greatest latitude for favourable or unfavourable settlement. He, I say, even above the others, ought to avoid, as a thing utterly abomin- able, any relations, except the direct business and official relations, with the contractors who have or may have business with his Department. The testimonial he received was about $20,- 000, and it was largely subscribed by public contractors who had claims against the Government, or hopes or expectations whose realization depended almost wholly upon his favourable decision. Many of these claims have since been settled. What has happen- ed ? This has happened — that many people suspect the Minister of Public Works of having been influenced in his decisions by the relation he allowed to exist between these contractors and himself as givers and recipient of a large and valuable present. It may or it may not have been so. No man can tell. We cannot judge. God knoweth ! But the position is wholly indefensible. To no public man ought it to be possible to say : With one hand you took from this man a testimonial, and with the other you settled his claim. (Cheers.) Then we had the 1 '.;| ; ( ■ ■ \ ^ --'■} ? ' • if \ i "• > '" '< ' CASE OF THE MINISTER OF INLAND REVENUE. of I in Ihe li- Ich ^. .■i The Minister of Public Works' testimonial passed oflf very well; ' (Lau^ter.) The people did not seem to object very strongly. The Tory party thought it all right. And so the Minister of Inland Revenue received his testimonial in the shape of a house and furniture, also largely subscribed for by public contractors and others with whom, as a member of the Government, he had relations, and as to the furniture, very largely by the civil ser- vants of whom he was a superior officer. These I regard as very improper relations between a Minister and contractors, and be- tween a Minister and the civil servants who are, in a certain sense, his subordinates and dependents. THE CASE OF SIR JOHN'S DIAMONDS. Then, sir, this very year, we have our very greatest public con- tractors, we have the principal magnates of the Canadian Pacific Railway Company, a corporation having enormous financial rela- tions with the Government, and at a time when an application was to be renewed which the Government had last year declined, an application for the cancelling of ten millions of dollars of their indebtedness to the country in lieu of a portion of their land sub- sidy, we have these magnates making to the lady of the First Min- V.i'. **/> ■^.;'\!J\.'^\'JL:/■f'i:"^^C:■.'^it':,■.-^>^^:^ •(»■• .;^^V .'i :■.)- ii il I •v; <;'. Vf^'S-' ;\* ,'V r 74 ister very valuable presents, the cost of which is variously stated. From the best information available I have believed it was at east SI 5,000, but I see that the Mail newspaper declared the other day that the value was only S5,000. I do not know whether the value was the price of one good farm or of three, but either is enough to condemn the transaction. (Applause.) In ray opinion it was a most unfortunate thing that the First Minister, in view of the relations of the Company and his Government in times past, in times present, and in expectancy, should have suf- fered such a thing to occur. (Applause.) No gift of an import- ant and valuable character such as this should have been accepted. What happened ? The session came on, and the application of the Company, which had been rejected by the Government last year, was proposed by the First Minister himself this year. No doubt it may have been solely his sense of right and justice, it jna}^ have been solely his desire to promote the public interest that induced the change of opinion. I hope it was so. We can- not judge. That is just the difficulty. The unfortunate and in- defensible relation was created, and the impression that all was not right was naturally produced. Gentlemen, these things ought not so to be. (Applause.) It is discreditable to us as a people that they exist, and exist, apparently, with the approval of one of the great parties in the State. There is "N ^ ANOTHER CLASS OF CASES in which both Ministers and ordinary members are concerned, but in which the guilt of Ministers, as their power and responsibility are higher, must be deemed even graver than the guilt of ordinarj; members. When Ministers act as these have done, depend upon it members will follow suit. When the great and the high-placed in our land stoop to indefensible positions their examples will be followed all too fast. The path downward is easy and rapid, and if those who should be ej^Bmplars of public moi*ality, public in- tegrity, and public probity, who ought to be men above suspicion, place themselves in suspected positions, can you expect that others not so highly placed will not act in a similar spirit ? Take the RAILWAY GRANTS. I say, and I say it with extreme regret, that a system has grown up — it is not an isolated case — a system has grown up under which the grants in aid of railwaj'^s, whether out of the exchequer in money or out of the public domain in land.s, the grants which give value to the charters, which give a price to the stock and bonds, which give a possibility of gain or increa.sed gain to those who have control of the charters — under which these grants ' ' '•', ' ..' , • • * " (2). '<.J- .. ?»V.5, 'I- A: .<(.■'"■:■ ... • X ■ •..:^J..v..:,;;,;V:.*. V .- 76 AND THE CHARTERS AND POWERS GIVEN BY PARLIAMENT ARE TRAF- FICKED IN BY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT FOR PERSONAL GAIN. I do not object to a public-spirited member of Parliament taking an honest interest, as a public man, in railway development. Let him labour as hard as he pleases as member for the development of his county or his country. But I do object to a pretence of jmh- lic interest being used to cover j)rivate interest. I do object to the admixture of private gain with the public duty. I do object to members, not railway builders or railway contractors, knowing no more about railways and having no more interest or concern in them than the bulk of you to whom I speak, becoming ardent- ly interested in these enterprises, not so much for the promotion of the enterprises themselves as for the accomplishment of schemes under which large and valuable concessions shall be made tribu- tary to their own })Ockets. If your represe liatives are to be suf- fered to enter into such relations with enterprises to which value is thus to be given through the public exchequer or the public domain. * t Jwn |der luer lich md lose INTS THERE IS AN END OF ALL NOTION OF PARLIAMENTARY INDEPENDENCE or integrity. Take the North-west Central as an instance. This was a railway in the North-West which was at first in the hands of a non-political body of business men. They found some difficulty in concluding the arrangements they wished to make with the Government, and they thought it expedient to find fa- vour with the powers that be. What was their plan ? Thei/ took Mr. James Beaty, viember of Parliament for West Toronto, and 'put into his hands, mainly fur his own personal use, a majority of the stock, or $286,000 of stock on which ten per cent, had been paid, making S28,G00, but for which he paid nothing. They said : You take charge of this ; we want the land grant and the loca- tion, and you are the man to push them ; you are a member and a supporter of the Government. He took it up. He made* A POLITICAL BOARD OF DIRECTORS. He put on Mr. Bunting, the late candidate in West Durham against mysel*, the Editor and Manager of the Mail, a very influential man in Tl)ry politics. He put on Mr. Hay, his col- league for the Centre Division of Toronto. These were the poli- tical directors for Ontario. Then he went to Quebec. He took Mr. Billy and Mr. Biopel, two whole-souled conservatives, who, like that well-known American character, were " for the old flag and an appropriation every time." He put these on the Board to represent the Tory political element of Quebec. He took Mr. WoodwoRth, the member for Kings, N.S., to repre- (2) : ' ■ i 1, (i *!-. ■^(- .'i ^nJv->:/.^ \ -■ I. r :':■■■''. :^y. '; i', , i 3T4 '■-• / 'V-"; v i- ■ 5|] '•w -. • / r'!. s . sent the Tory political element of the Maritime Provinces. And he took Mr. Norquay, the Tory Premier of Manitoba, to repre- sent the Tory political element of the North-West. Thus these seven Tory politicians were banded together, and, having duly arranged the Board, the merits were laid before the Government in a paper signed by them, and WHEN THE LAND GRANT WAS SO APPLIED FOR OF COURSE IT WAS GRANTED. I (Applause.) What else could you expect when such powerful representations were made by such powerful men ? (Hear, hear.) I am not considering now the expediency of the land grant. I am pointing out the process which was found advisable in order to secure it, and the inevitable results of that process. Soon afterwards the grant at a price was found to be insufficient for the purpose, and they pressed that the grant should be made free. At first the arrangement was that the company should pay $1 per acre for 6,400 acres per mile of the road. If their request were conceded, and the land grant made free, it would make them better off by $6,400 a mile than they had been before. They applied for the free grant. THEN CAME A LITTLE HITCH. Mr. Woodworth said to Mr. Beaty : 1 don't like the way things are going on. It seems to me you are not recognizing my interests. It was agreed that you and I were to divide all the profits, after giving a certain sutti to be divided among the other directors. Unless you recognize that plainly, so that I may know you mean to act up to it, I shall deem it my duty to use my influence to stop the free land grant. And the land grant was STOPPED. It did not come down to the House among the other free land grants that session. It was only provided for by Order- in-Council some time after Parliament had closed the session, when, as I assume, the influence of the other politicians had over- come Mr. Woodworth's. I must do Mr. Woodworth the justice to say that after having considered the consequences of this kind of transaction, he openly declared that he saw it was a mistake, and expressed his intention to have nothing further to do with them. I rejoiced to hear that manly declaration: after it my mouth is closed with reference to the part he took before without due consideration, a part which he obviously now regrets. If more of those who have blindly engaged in these enterprises, under evil influences, without seeing the mischief of following the * y (2) t i > 77' EXAMPLE SET THEM IN HIGH PLACES, . had followed in his footsteps, I would be better pleased, and would welcome home the wanderers who were finding their way back to the right path He has seen that private interests are likely to be paramount when the pocket is on one side and duty on the other. You see it too. May we all see it while yet there is time ! Mr. Beaty turned Mr. Woodworth out. He alleged that no such understanding existed as v/as alleged. I do not know who is right ; that question I leave to be settled between themselves. It is of no consequence to us, Mr. Beaty introduced in his room another gentleman, the member for Pictou, N.S., Mr. Tupper, to represent the Tory political interest in the Maritime Provinces. I desire to do justice to the member for Pictou. He was told, it appears, that ohe free land grant had been obtained, that there was no more to ask, no more to expect from the Government, that all was settled, and that there wero no delicate relations of that kind between the Government and the company. But when the revelations of la.«t session were made, Mr. Tupper at once wrote a letter to Mr. Beaty, stating that he had become a member of the Board on an understanding which had turned out inaccurate, and he resigned his seat at the Board. That act did Mr. Tupper honour. (Cheers.) But if Mr. Tupper s conduct is thus to be commended, what are ive to say of the other Parlior mentary directors of bonus-hunting railway companies? Can we praise him without blaming them ? I doubt not Mr. Tupper disliked to do what he yet felt needful to do, and disliked it because his act was a condemnation of those who did otherwise. Measure their corn in the same bushel as Mr. Tupper measured his, weigh them in the balance which he used when he refused to sacrifice his position and his intogrity by remaining in the company, and what will be the result ? (Applause.) The corn will be found short in the measure, the men will be found want- ing in the balance. Well, Mr. Beaty, got his free grant, and then went arranging* negotiating, financing, seeking capitalists who would undertake to build the road, but always with the intention of getting " something fo]^ the boy." (Cheers and laughter.) I do not mean that he intended to^ get anything for one individual boy — the boy Beaty — apart from his co-shareholders. They were all the boy, but he was the biggest boy of the lot. His share would be the greatest. There is noth- • ' (2) 4 ■.-'*. > 'v.. •i'*/i It wMi!Jj|i; .N?' \ ■V 'i^::: 78 ■'M^ I > V. '¥*. . '~ ■' • (2) /% '^1- ;^-'^^• 'r«j . I ■•■»» ' • 79 i)y this idea with which they seek to impress you. If these men arc going to interest themselves in these enterprises on public grounds, let them do so on public grounds alone ; let them inter- est themselves without having any pecuniary lelations with the Government or with the companies, and let the money part of it be left to men not in Parliament, to men not charyed ivith duties which demand their absolute independence of the Executive. These men were not any of them railway })uilders or contractors ; they were lawyers, doctors, manufacturers, and, above all, politicians. This is an industry which has suddenly been largely developed in Canada. Whether it is a wholesome and useful industry, that of members of Parliament engaging in public works of this kind, which owe their value to the public grants to be made by their leader, judge ye ! Let me give you • ANOTHER CASE. There was a charter for a railway through Gloucester, New Bruns- wick, the Caraquet Kail way. The company got a cash subsidy of $3,200 a mile, went on and built a considerable mileage, and last session, just at the end of the session, for that is the time when these grants are proposed, down came over thirty grants to rail- ways, amongst them one of 83,200 a mile for ten more miles of [ONS lem- rose- are ind |r or en- iem- by b of say, iblic illed V. THE CARAQUET RAILWAY. I said to the Government: — Will you please lay upon the table the papers which show the applications for these grants ? Yes, they sai(i, and some they did. When that grant came up, I said : — I see this application is signed by a person of the name of Burns. Can you tell me if that is any relation to the hon. mem- ber for Gloucester 1 " Oh," said the First Minister, *• that is the member for Gloucester. He has been very energetic and very en- thusiastic about building this railway, and it is greatly to his credit. Had it not been for his energy and enthusiasm the road w^ould never have been built." Very likely, I said ; for here is another little paper, a list of the stockholders of this railway, and it shows that MR. BURNS OWNS ELEVEN OUT OF EVERY TWELVE * SHARES in the company, so that outoj every $1,200 proposed to be granted by this Government, $1,100 goes into his own pocket. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And I believe he has paid nothing on his stock. Why shouldn't he be enthusiastic, energetic, and persevering ? (Cheers and laughter.) If you could arrange for a bonus $1,200 to go to the improvement of your own farm and your neigh- > . , . (2) - . ^-Jt . i 80 m I ii'' I ' « .■II ■ I •r • bour'H, $100 to go to your neighbour, and $1,1 ^0 to yourself, no doubt you would be energetic and enthuisiabtic, too. (Cheers and great laughter.) Then there was / . ANOTHER CASE, • that of the Baie des Chaleurs Kailway Company. The Govern- ment has given to that company $620,000. The bulk of the stock is held by half a dozen men. The largest shareholders are SENA- TOR ROBITAILLE, MR. RIOPEL. M.P.; MR. M'GREEVY, MP. AND SOME OF THEIR RELATIONS AND INTIMATE FRIENDS, all Tory politicians, holders of the bulk of the stock, say eleven-twelfths. They receive the bulk — say eleven-twelfths — ^of these enormous subventions by virtue of their relations to the Government. I believe the cash they invested was a paltry ten thousand dollars all told in stock. Then take the : case of the Quebec & lake st. john railway. They had already received enormous subventions, and last ses- sion more was given them. I asked how much the paid-up capital was, stating that I had heard they had paid up only $10,000, and they did not deny it. I believe that is the whole amount. They made a construction company to which they let the contracts. Sir Adolphe Caron, Minister of Militia, is a member of the con- struction company, and other Tory members of Parliament are members of the railway company and the construction company. There is the PONTIAC & pacific JUNCTION RAILWAY, in which Mr. Chapleau, Secretary of State, is interested as one of the chief directors, holding about one-eighth of the stock, and this road also has a large subsidy. The GATINEAU VALLEY RAILWAY Company is another case. Mr. Mackintosh, one of the members for Ottawa, is chief promoter, and I believe, president. This road also has a large subsidy. Then there is the international railway company, in which Mr. Pope, the Minijiter of Railways, himself was in- terested as a large proprietor. This was doubly scandalous, for it was the case of a Minister, and of the Minister of Railways. (Cheers.) That road has a large subsidy also, given to it in order to enable it to exchange its iron i*ails for steel. Besides that, it was concerned in certain negotiations for the extension of the Can- d aj h{ inl hi SI be ••/f.f, /VJ ;...,.»•• ■%: ■'. :<,•■ a/ •'"''^■".•v V. ";;•"!, \'',v.} r. w"\. . / .A » / 85 A GOLDKN KAK-hAP, if you deafen their eara with a yoldeii phite, liowr is tlie voice of argument, reason, or truth to penetrate those layers. (Loud and prolonged applause.) It can't be done. Take my friend, Mr. Burns, the niembt*'of Gloucester, for instance. It is at the end of the session that the railway 5'iants and other favours are hrouirht down. Of what are he and those like him thinkiii;,' in the mean- time ? Where are iheir eyes fixed while we are ewjaijed i> .'.*'■■ /■■v. . »^ 'mA:^.- ,■■■ ^;vX-^-*- ::•■■■■-.:■.- •■^:.V-:^, .■,•'■• ,■ V- I , J holders, received a very larg" non.sideration in excess of anythin<]f paid, an enormous profit upon the original stock which he had subscribed, which stock owed its whole value to the subsidy. Mr. McCarthy also received the prenidency of the aubaidized line at a salary, according to dif event (statements, of from $3,000 to $3,500 a year. And last session Mr. McCarthy obtained legislation under which this company was authorized to issue, and in case of the assumption of the road by the Government under its reserved rights, the country l)ecame bound to pay $12,000 a mile more in bonds than the existing obligations ; tliough the whole amount of cost was thus raised to $32,000 a mile, a sum far in excess of the estimated, and, so far as we could ascertain, of the proper cost. Grave statements were made on this head, and an effort was made to obtain an inquiry, but it was rejected, and the bill was forced through. The relations I have described are UNFORTUNATE AND INDEFENSIBLE RELATIONS ' as between members of Parliament and railway companies depend- ing for their fortune on the good-will and favour of the Executive which controls the grants and legislation of the day. There are many other cases which I could mention, for example, Dr. Hickey's company, Dr. Berqin's company, and other com- panies. To cap the climax, the wholesome legislation of Mr. Mac- kenzie, which precluded shareholders of the Canadian Pacific Rail- way from, being members of Parlia/ment, was in effect repealed last session, so that you may soon expect to have shareholders in the Canadian Pacific Railway Company who have, and will for years to come have, the most important business relations with the Government and with the country, sitting in Parliament and legislating and voting on your concerns. (Cheers.) Then you have the blind share BUSINESS, in which a member of the House, trafficking in colonization com- panies, got an Order-in-Council for a block of land, arranging with • the company that he should have an interest in the profits with- out risking anything ; in which a member of the Government ap- proved the transaction ; and im which the whole Oovemment now see everything to approve, nothing to condemn. Then you have THE GRANTS OF TIMBER LIMITS, COAL LANDS, R.\.NCi NG LANDS, ; V . GOLD LANDS. Many hundreds of applications were put in, and several hun- ^eds of Orders-in -Council for licenses were passed, some to mem- \. •, •'■ '•'irr'^*':>r»y*- f^^ *■ _ .r.z:3:;;:r-3r, ^, 83 bora of Parliament themselves, but mainly to othera through the intervention of members. All this is said to bo no harm, it is said to be commendable that members of Parliament, as well as others, should take this interest in the development of the country. Talk about the N.P. and what it has done to develop industries, it is not to be compared for rapidity of development to that of THE TIMBER LIMIT INDUSTRY. . - (Cheers an(5 laughter.) Order after order was passed in Council granting to almost every Tory who chose to apply and who had the necessary " influence," timber limits in different parts of the country. Tftese orders VJere not to lumbermen, or to those who intended to go into that business, but to Tory lawyers, Tory doctors, Tory storekeepers, Tory hacks, Tory wirepullers, Tory politicians, and Tory members of Parliament (Ci'.eers.) These did not go into the business, of course they never thought of it ; they intended to make a profit by selling out to those who were to work the limits. I rejoice that a great many of these apples turned out APPLES OF SODOM. ' ' • I ■ ;■ In com- ig with with- int ap- \nt now lave LANDS, bl hun- b mem- A .. -/t >, (Applause.) The business had been " promoted " too lai'gely. There were more orders granted than the real demand justified, and there were a great many limits granted on which there was much less timber than the plunderers expected. But some made a very handsome thing, and all expected to do it, and that expect^ ation is what has created this wholsale regime of personal and pecuniary relations between the membcrr's of Parliament and the Treasury. It is amusing now to hear some defend themselves on the ground chat after all they made nothing out of it ! What has that to do witjh it ? They WENT IN FOR A BIG f ROFIT, and you might as well acquit the thief because the spoons were only brass instead of silver, as discharge these men because they did not realize all their expected gains. They say there are a few Grits among the many Tories who ap- plied and received Ordors-in-Council. Take the lists of applicants and I think you will find there were about 99 Tories to one Grit. They say that the fact that one Grit was included proves that it was all right. But it was, I believe you will agree, a scheme for carving up the tiraber limits and ranching land'i and other lamds of the North- West largely amongst Tory hacks, and patisa^nn and members of Parliament, a scheme which has developed to such an alarming extent and has led to such unhappy results. Mr, (2) V. .V-' t v.. W.- A.I i \' ; 'f' 'ti ■ !i •V'j ■■'•;. • i ^y-n •I. T • •.f> A •>* t^.d>^ V ■ t ^r*,' 84 •O: '■»- > I- ' "rv;- J-* V.I '. i <* r;V- ',af ..;-«'^ ?,.;> White, Minister of the Interior, when he speaks of this matter is fond of saying thg,t very few licenses were issued. Bdt that sim- ply shows the plot did not fully succeed. It does not show that there was no plot. (Cheers.) They were not able to sell their Orders-in- Council, and it was only the hona, ivde lumbeiers who woKld take out the licenses ; but the orders were issued, the chances were given, the expectations were raised, and the party hacks were saved, or thought they were saved. All this is demonstrated, and this it is that you are asked to condemn. (Cheery) And 2/ou ■must remeinber that the public papers show all that I have spoJcen of. If that is so, what may be covered by the secret interests in these and other transactions of which we know nothing ? (Hear, hear.) The documents in the case of Messrs Macdonald and Tupper, ■ . r V ' - ■, X . • y. , • LUCKY YOUNG MEN, ,, fortunate s^^fi of fortunate fathers, who have got all the best solicitorships i/n Winnipeg, the Canadian Pacific, the Hudson's Bay, the Merchants' Bank, all covporations having dealings with the Government, show that in these timber limits and other grants of the public domain, there were secret interests ; in many of those promoted for their clients Messrs. Macdonald and Tupper had a very large secret interest themselves. In one Lieutenant-Governor Dewdney had an interest. He valued this affair alone at $50,000, and their shares in these various grants were estimated 'at many thousands, for which they gave no consideration, except that they pressed forward the claims of those who wished to secure the grants. What happened with them very likely happened with the others. Then some actually did make great sums, lor example, . Mr. Ry^cert, M.P., who realized an enormous sum for his services or share in one of these grants. The price paid was $200,000, of which I believe Mr. Rylcert realized $90,000, invested in his wife's name. Then there are the printing jobs and the appoint- ments of sons and near relative of Ministers and members to fat offices ; and other matters there are, all of which I would develop if there were time, but I must close. The whole thing is a scandt*' and an offence. i People, friends of mine, sometimes say to me, " This is a strange state of affairs, you address to these men in Parliament arguments which we think are reasonable and unanswerable. They make 'little or no attempt to answer them. But you don't get their • votes. How is that ?" My answer is : How can you expect me , to touch them, by arguinents ? I can't reach their ears. The ■| blindness of party, the bigotry of faction, is a very difficult thing to penetrate, but if you add ^ ^ . .' ' -KlS, V^,. I'ti." '^.■:T^f '■■m^:r ber is sim- that their ( who aiices I were i, and d you ?.sts in (Hear, d and he hed jdson's js wiih grants )f those r had a Dvernor ;50,000, many .at they ire the id with :ample, {services lOO.OOO, [l in his ppoint- s to fat levelop iscandff' Istrange luments make bt their ject Tue The ft thing ^ . ft.*.'" • i