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A LETTER TO A FRIEND. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, liovcmber 2G, 1838. 
 
 Mv Deau Sir — , i i 1.1 i 
 
 You have not been wrongly informed. I am not ashamed, although 
 one may well be afraid, to confess, that I sympathize with the Canadians, 
 and desire to see them independent. Bui, while such is the bent of my 
 inclination, far am I from calling in question the correctness of the mo- 
 tives of those, who differ from me. As in all the instances, in whicii I 
 
 may have dissented from you, and our friend W -, I barely ask to be 
 
 heard dispassionately. It is very true, as you say, that, 1 reprobated in- 
 terference in the affairs of Mexico ; or rather, I condemned the course of 
 our (Tovernmcnt, in conniving at the invasion of that country but, 1 see 
 no iSconsistency, between what I said then as to Texas, aim what I say 
 now, in relation to Canada. The cases are, in all essential circumstances, 
 different, as I shall endeavor to show ; and the very distinction makes the 
 conduct of our government, on the several occasions, the more shame- 
 fully inconsistent and reprehensible. 
 
 What language can so well describe, the impropriety of our conduct to 
 Mexico, as the denunciations, now pronounced, against sympathy for 
 Canada? What rebuke, to our late President, can be so bitter as the 
 pioclamation of his successor, who promised to tread m his fool-steps ? 
 How can such glaring contrasts be reconciled ? And yet, those, wlio 
 tossed up their caps for the one, now hurl them m the air for the other : 
 
 It never was pretended, that Mexicans, or natives of that part of Mexico 
 called Texas, complained of any tyranny, or that they were in revolt there. 
 The Mexicans were all of one origin, religion, and inlorest. 1 hose, who 
 dwelt in Texas, were a part of a common family, cemented by the ties of 
 nationality and kindred blood. They were contented with their lot, and 
 willin<r to sliarc the common destiny of their countrymen. 
 
 Wlw, then, were the insurgents in Texas? Almost to a man, Anglo- 
 American citizens who had gone there on speculation. To sustain this 
 sort of insurrection, volunicers were openly invited, mustered, armed and 
 marched from the United States. No inleriuplion was offered ! No 
 arrests were altempled ! No proclamation was issued ! On the contrary, 
 a part of our regular armv was sent into the Mexican Territory ; look po.st 
 there ; and miu'e a powerful diversion in favor of ihose, who went to lake 
 what <!id not luMou"- to thenu Instead of denouncing those truly lawless 
 proceedings, grave^senators, in their places, applauded them. Instead of 
 lamenting the disposition of men, with Saxon blood in their veins, to 
 divide, o'vcrcomc and oppress the weak, (as men of Saxon blood have 
 almost always done) our senators boasted of the inclination, as well as of 
 ^ 1 
 
llie ability, to conquer an unoffending neighboui ! To such an extent, 
 indeed, was this spirit difl*used, that but few persons dared to utter the sound 
 of remonstrance ! 
 
 What had Mexico ever done, to warrant such a wanton disregard of lier 
 rights? Had she been our own old task-master? Had we waged war 
 with her ? Had she ever aroused the savages to devastate our frontiers? 
 Had she sent emissaries to effect a dissolution of our Union ? Had any 
 of her people come into our waters, in the dead of night, and murdered 
 those found on board one of our vessels ? Nothing of this kind had ever 
 taken place. If there ever had been any cause of complaint, a late treaty 
 had obliterated all rememberance of it. 
 
 If we had no complaint as to the past, what fears existed, as to the 
 future ? We had not the one, any more than the other. Our own sound- 
 est policy was, to have a paf-sive neighbour on such a frontier, and not a 
 colony of adventurers. If we interfered at all in the affairs of [Mexicans, 
 it should have been, to cheer, to advise, and protect them in their weakness; 
 especially as, in defiance of prejudices, they were trying to establish a 
 republic like our own ; and yet, we made all but open war upon them, in 
 favor of our own invading citizens ! We did so, ere the seal on our treaty 
 with them was dry ! 
 
 Is there the smallest resemblance between the cases of Texas and 
 Canada ? I have briefly stated the one, let me now refer to the other. 
 
 The Canadians were conquered by the English, and have been ever 
 since held in bondage by them. They are separated from them, less by 
 the broad Atlantic, than in origin, religion and interest. So little did they 
 assimilate, that, when our own revolution broke out in 1775, the English 
 feared that the Canadians also would revolt. So natural did this course 
 appear to ourselves, that we invited them to throw off" a foreign yoke. It 
 is true, the Canadians did not obey our call ; but their inactivity was not 
 owing to any fondness for the English, or to any dislike towards us. On 
 the contrary, when the troops under Montgomery, and those under Arnold, 
 penetrated their country, no Canadian arm was lifted against them ; and 
 when our countrymen were discomfitted, if ti.e C ndians had not helped 
 them in battle, they poured oil into their wound;, yhen it was over. The 
 true causes of their inactivity were, their peculiarly pacific habits, and 
 their submission to their clergy. The English artfully appealed to their 
 French feelings, and to their religious prejudices. They were told, that 
 by a connection with the Puritans of New England, their own Catholic 
 faith would be trampled upon, and their religious houses desecrated. 
 
 Again — When the French revolution occurred, a revolt in Canada was 
 apprehended; and then a new course, of conciliation, was resorted to. 
 The maintenance of French civil laws was guarameed, and even a consti- 
 tution was granted. What was refused to the thirteen colonies, in 1775, 
 at tlie point of the bayonet, was granted to the Canadians, without solicita- 
 tion, in 17DI : that' is, the right of levying taxes and appropriating 
 revenue. No taxes were to be levied, or revenue appropriated, without 
 the consent of the local legislature. The exercise, of this constitutional 
 and eoiK-edod rights was, however, at no time, fully enjoyed. Swarms of 
 crown officers were scut to Canada, just as they had been sent to the 
 thirteen colonies, "to harrass the people and eat out their substance." — 
 Those stipendiaries did not choose to have their salaries regidated according 
 
.3 
 
 to the simple and economical principles of America, but agreeably to the 
 luxurious and extravagant practices in England. When the representa- 
 tives of the Canadians, therefore, called fur accounts, of the way in which 
 the revenue was expended, several of them were sent to prison ; and, 
 when, in consequence, the supplies were manfully stopped by the legisla- 
 ture, its hall was closed by an armed force. " Repealed petitions were 
 only answered by repeated injury." The operation of laws was suspended. 
 Force was subsiiUUed. And, at last, resistance became not merely allow- 
 able, but obligatory. 
 
 'I'he consequent scenes in Canada have become familiar to us. They 
 are such as the present lord chancellor Plunkett described, with reference 
 to Ireland. The Union, of that country wiih England, was not brought 
 about, merely by the distribution of ihiee millions of pounds in bribes; 
 but, as he teils us, by " the forcible suppression of public meetings — the use 
 of armed violence — Uie denial of legal protection — trials by court marlial— 
 and the familiar use of the torture." If the triangle is not in use 
 in Canada, gibbets, capable of bearing heavy burdens, are substituted, and 
 the torch deva^^tates whole districts ! 
 
 The revolt in Canada, therefore, is no fiction, like that in Texas. Our 
 own example has been steadily followed — long suffering, and resistance 
 only when oppression became intolerable. The revolters really are Ca- 
 nadians. The banished, the hanged, and the burnt-out had all " a local 
 habitation and a name" there. It is true, they are called rebels, traitors 
 and brigands, by loyalists there, and loyalists here; and prices are set 
 upon the heads of some of them ; but we ought not to forget, that Hancock 
 and Adams were put out of the pale of mercy; and that all, who look part 
 with them were proscribed, as Papineau and Nelson now are. 
 
 In this instance, however, no volunteers are openly equipped and 
 marched frfmi our borders. No General Gaines takes post in Canada, to 
 give countenance to the invaders. No loans are opened m our exchanges. 
 No editors become partners in a projected partition of Canadian lands. — 
 No appeals are made, by men in high places, to the "glorious spirit which 
 mingles with Saxon blood." On the contrary, our whole civil and mili- 
 tary power is arrayed, to prevent our citizens from interfering in the 
 conflict in Canada; and proclamations are issued, not only forbidding any 
 violation of neutral obligations, but announcing to the British officers, that 
 the American government will, in no way, interfere to prevent the infliction 
 of punishment upon such of our citizL.is, as may be made prisoners ! 
 
 That is, the invaders of Texas, where there was no tyranny or revolt, 
 were cheered on their way to conquest; and the volunteers, who went to 
 aid oppressed neighbors, in Canada, where there is tyranny and conse- 
 quent revolt, are doomed to the gibbet! General Jackson himself aroused 
 a spirit, unfavorable to unoffending Mexico : Mr. Van Buren throws his 
 whole influence against unfortunate Canada ! Weak Mexico is bereft of 
 two of her Provinces, and mighty England is helped to keep hers in 
 chains ! 
 
 If Mexico had done nothing to warrant outrage upon her; and, if we 
 had no apprehension of her power or machinations, hereafter, how stands 
 the matter as to England ? If the events of the last war, balanced accounts 
 up to that time ; if nothing need be said of the northern boundary ; if the 
 burning of the Caroline, and the murder of those who were on board, in 
 
our own waters, mav be pnssed over— mav we not look into the future .-- 
 With what view Ims (Jauada l«een held ? Have any advantages warranted 
 the enormous expenditures there? With what view did the Governor ot 
 Canada, Sir J. Craitr, send John Henry lo Bvolon I Can there be a doubt, 
 but thai Canada has been held, in the expectation of niaknig it a wedge to 
 sever our Union? I have understood, that, under lord (JasUereagh, the 
 use to which Canada mi^hl be put, was solemnly discussed; and that, 
 under lord ^V(■Hinoton, aline of fortilications for future purposes, was 
 traced out, and partly conslrucled. In a late del)ale, on the Canada ques- 
 tion, in the Brili>li hou^e of Peers, the lalter said, that the next war willi 
 us must no!, be "a little war." , cs- ai i„. 
 
 In a |-,an.i.hlet,eniilU'd -Canada a Kingdom," written by Sir Alcxanc.cr 
 Malet, dedicated lo lord llowick, and published in 1H32, there is the 
 following remarkable pa8sai;e : r .• i 
 
 "The aristocracy of weallh, which the unexampled progress, of national 
 " prosiieiity, has elevated upon the surface of republican instituiious Lin 
 "the United States,] has not been, and should not be, overlooked by 
 "En-dish statesmen. Let ihem raise a sceptre on the banks ot the M. 
 " Lawrence, and we may live to see its shadow on the Delaware and 
 
 "Potomac." , ^ . 1.1 r«;.. 
 
 The coincidence, between the views of Sir J. Craig, and those ol b r 
 A.. Malet, after a lapse of more than twenty years, shows that lirilisli 
 statesmen do not overlook the advantages, which their country may (lerive 
 from our dismemberment. No one can doubt their in( Imation to witness 
 it: and there may still be among ourselves some, who would desire to 
 make " the Potomac the boundary:" The British possessions in America, 
 therefore, may be held until some occasion may arise, lu lor makiiii,^ the 
 surrender of them a temptation, to raise some such sceptre as is Here 
 
 referred lo. , , , t\j« 
 
 You may regard such fears as chimerical. 1 hope Uny are so. iNo 
 one abhors wars more than 1 do ; nor is there any one, who would regret 
 hostilities with England especially, more than I would. But, ""bappiiy, 
 apprehension is the result of experience. In a debate en the Canada 
 question, in the British House of Peers, Lord Brougham saul, he hoped 
 our Union might long endure; for, if broken up, the most disastrous 
 consequences would follow, owing to the natural inclination of man Ur 
 war. It is painful, and even degrading, to think so ; and yet it may be 
 hazardous to entertain an opposite opinion. Be this as it may, certain it 
 is, that history is little more than a lecord of such attrociiies, f^s ^yen the 
 callous must shudder at. Nations, falsely calling themselves Christians, 
 have out-run all barbarians in the race of blood. I fear, i'. n, therefore, 
 fallacious to hope, that, even if we shall give no cause of alarm, xe 
 shall escape the fate of othe- States ; and, consequently, U is hazardous 
 to neglect suitable means of defence, or to slille a spirit, which is 
 essential for the preservation of all that is dear to man — 
 Gens ferri paticns, ac Iceta domare labores, 
 Paulatiin aritiqiio Patruni dtsuescit honori. 
 Our rapid advancement to power, as a republic, is well calculated to 
 disturb crowned heads; and our commercial and "jy^^P^^^^^^^'l'^^^" 
 scarcely be contempUted with satisfaction, by England especially. 
 There is a lurking apprehension, of our future power, which is perfectly 
 
consistpnl Nviih llie history of mnritime States. It is true, there is an 
 obvious reroiin, in the conduct oi llie people and {rovernmcnts ol particular 
 countries ; hut still the seUish principle rules in cabinets as well as in 
 counting-houses. II' any such jealousy or enmity shall arise, we may 
 defy it, if Heaven shall endow us with wisdom, to preserve our Union; 
 but "this (says Washington) is the point in our poluieal fortress, 
 "against which the hatterii^s of internal and external enemies, will be 
 " most constantly, ihouirh covertly directed." 
 
 Such reflections, as these, made me dei)lore our conduct to Mexico. 
 It has given a plausible excuse to foieigncrs, to desire lv>ciieck our 
 growth. It is not the interest of mankitul, that we should become the 
 Russia of tlie New World. Europe has a deep stake in the trade ot 
 South America, Mexico and the West Indies. Having seen some ol 
 our Senators pointing to the Pacific, as our declined boundary ; and con- 
 templating Mexico as our next scene of insurrectionary operation; 
 European statesmen mav consider themselves authorised to stop us in our 
 march. How that may be done may become fl.e only question; and the 
 project of Sir Alexander Malel mav not be deemed visionary. 
 
 The same considerations, which made me deprecate our conduct to 
 Mexico, influence mv wishes as to Canada. I desire that we may give 
 no cause of ofTence, or pretext for retaliation hereafter. But, at the same 
 time, if we interfered at all, it should not have been against a weak and 
 iinoflending neighbour, from whom we had nothing to apprehend here- 
 after; but, in favor of oppressed neighbours, against a power holding them 
 
 as a rod over us. . 
 
 I am not, however, let me repeat, for any interference, that is not 
 right in itself, or warranted by what is called the law of nations. 1 
 am not ''or approvimr, as to Canada, what I condemne I in relation to 
 Mexico. As a government, we have quite enough to do at home. 
 Time, the press and steam are at work for Canada, for ourselvses and 
 for mankind. The liberty of Canada may be won m Europe or in 
 Asia. It must be ultimately achieved. Even Machiavel admits, "It is 
 hopeless to reduce to slavery a people imbued with the spirit of freedom. 
 In the meantime, our own best shields are honesty and fair dealing witli 
 all around us, be they weak or strong. We need a reputation, especially 
 for being content with what wo have. We want condensation and 
 homogeneousness, not expansion and diversity. 
 
 If there is any discrepancy, between what I wrote as to Texas, and 
 what I nave thus said, I am not aware of it. I reprobated the armed 
 invasion of the territory of a neighbour, not in revolt. 1 condemned the 
 conspiracy, among our own citizens, to go and take whole provinces 
 from a weak and unoffending people, who were under no f^oreign yoke. 
 I appealed to the sense of justice of our country, against the open con- 
 nivance of our government, at what history must pronounce dishonor- 
 able. All this I did as to Texas, and would do so, weie the case ot Canada 
 parallel. But the cases are wholly dissimilar; and yet, I am not lor 
 interference by our government; and, since it is the requisition of the law, 
 1 am not for the interference of our citizens. 
 
 But, while these are my sentiments, I still wish to see the Canadians 
 free, and I am not surprised at the efforts of some of our citizens to 
 make them so. 'i'here may be reckless men on our frontier, as there 
 
6 
 
 arc every where. Yel I am not prepared to cast opprobrium upon ali, 
 who may desire to help their neighbours. I could not do so without 
 dishonoring the memory of thousands, who bled to secure to us all that 
 M-e ourselves possess. 
 
 If our countrymen, who have interfered, are as wrong, as is repre- 
 sented ; I maintain, that much may be fairly said in their defence; and 1 
 will state to you a few of their apologies: 
 
 1. Let ;t be borne in mind, tiiat the fulhcrs, or grand-fathers, of many 
 of them, mainly contributeil to conquer the Frencli possesions in 
 America. The descendantf=, th(ircfure, may have supposcil, tl);it they 
 had some rightto tread upon a soil, wliicli had been wet with tlic blood of 
 
 their sires. 
 
 2. Let it be borne in mind, that they did not go, as tlic governor of 
 Canada sent John Henry, as spies and incendiaries, to excite a civil war, 
 where there was peace ; but that they went, with arms in their handrj, 
 to take open part with the weak and the oppressed against the strong and 
 the oppressors. 
 
 3. Let it be borne in mind, that they did not go to sccnie cotton 
 plantations, or to introduce slavery, where it was prohibited ; but that 
 they went to a country, barren, when compared with their own, to strike 
 off the shackles of their neighbours, friends and kindred. 
 
 4. Let it be borne in mind, that they did not go to a certain victory, 
 as in Texas, over weak and despised baijds, but to a deadly struggle with 
 brave and disciplined troops. 
 
 5. Let it be borne in mind, that, in our 4ih of July orations and 
 toasts, for more than half a century, we have been paying the highest 
 honors to the volunteers of all nations, who heli)cd ourselves to break 
 our chains. 
 
 6. Let it be borne in mind, that our northern oitizenn loss than three 
 years ago, saw our Executive, some of our Senators, and several of our 
 southern and western stales, conniving at, and even aiding vohuiieers, to 
 take an entire country, where thetk:was no real revolt. 
 
 7. Let it be borne in mind, that they saw our government ac- 
 knowledge the independence of the country, thus desi)oiled from a weak 
 
 neighbour. . . . t^ r i 
 
 8. Let it be borne in mind, that our frontier citizens saw Lnglish 
 volunteers, wherever there was an in?urrccti(m— in France, Spain, Por- 
 tugal, Belgium, Poland, Circassia, Cabul, Mexico and the Slates of 
 
 teouth America. 
 
 Is it wonderful, then, dial humble men, who usually act under generous, 
 however erroneous, impulses, felt a desire to help oppressed neighbours, 
 with many of whom there existed ties of blood ? \Vas any thing more 
 natural than for them to say, " surely, our government, after wishing our 
 *' own citizens to extend slavery in Texas, cannot upbraid us for trying 
 "to extend liberlv in Canada. Surely, after extolling the foreigners, 
 " who helped us 'in our day of trial, our government will not consider 
 ti „g as pirates and brii'^ands for imital^ig their example. Surely the 
 
 English, who have amassed power, b> dividing a 
 stales, in Asia, Europe and America, will not d - ' 
 in any ..ther way, than they insist their own v 
 
 d weakening o 
 
 ther 
 
 11 not dare to treat mir volunteers 
 olunteers shall be treated, 
 
 <• namely, as prisoners of war, w 
 
 hen taken in a revolted country, 
 
"Surely wc may diead the future machinations of the English on our 
 •* frontier, and we may help our neighbours to form a government for 
 ♦' themselves, from which we may not apprehend any evil." 
 
 Such,l gay, are some of the considerations, which may have naturally 
 and jusUy arisen, in the minds of our frontier citizens. If they were 
 not right, theve is ample apology for far greater error. If there is 
 criminality, in any quarter, more than in any other, that quarter is the 
 seat of our own government. There the invasion and partition of Texas 
 were, I doubt not, phmned. From that quarter, issued the authority 
 to General (Jaincs, to take post in Texas, thus countenancing the pro- 
 ceedings there. 
 
 And yet, what is the result, as to Canada ? What is the condition of 
 .undreds of our citizens, misguided by their own government, who have 
 been taken prisoners there? As if the British loyalists were not suffi- 
 ciently ferocious, and disposed to hang them, our President proclaims, 
 that he will not interfere between them and the ignominious gibbet ! 
 It may be, that there is a precedent for this in Englisii annals, for those 
 annals, unfortunately, are sufficiently bloody ; l)ut, if tliere is, I confess 
 I have no remembrance of it. On the contrary, 1 do not believe there is 
 a true-hearted English statesman, wjio would have put his name, to 
 such a proclamation, as that issued on the 2Ist iiisl., by our Demo- 
 cratic President, " in the 03d year of American Independence." If any 
 British siatesnvan would forbear, to save from the gallows, English 
 volunteers, taken in arms in a revolted country, he would not proclaim 
 iho circumstance to the world ; much less would he do it, to please a 
 po\'erful nation, after having just before applauded volunteers, who in- 
 vaded and dismeiiibered a weak one. The opposite course, I think, has 
 been pursued by the British. They have insisted, that English volun- 
 teers, taken in arms in a revolted country, should be treated as prisoners 
 of war. It is true, thai, in our own revolution, they threatened to hang 
 such volunteers, as common out-laws; but we then had a Washington, 
 who caused those volunteers to be treated as prisoners of war, by de- 
 nouncing retaliation as the consequence of a difTerent treatment. 
 
 Suppose, for a moment, that the Mexicans had hanged those, who in- 
 vaded Texas, where there was no revolt ; nay, let us call to mind the 
 absolute fact, that Santa Anna did treat those volunteers as brigands, seeing 
 that they entered a country at peace, uninvited, and palpably for selfish 
 ends — what was the consequence ? Our whole country was aroused, to 
 go and avenge the alledged outrage! And yet, the late Proclamation 
 of our own President, as to our citizens in Canada, where there is re- 
 volt, justifies what Santa Anna did, and reprobates our sympathy for those, 
 who were massacred by his orders ! 
 
 Let me be understood. The cases of Texas and Canada are wholly 
 dissimUar. We had no complaint against the Mexicans, but we had 
 against the English. We had no cause to fear the one, but we had to 
 dread the machinations of the other. The former were weak and the 
 latter are powerf d. Yet wc connived at the invasion of the cnc, where 
 there vvaa no tyranny ; and have denounced aid to the other, w-here 
 there is tyranny. We invited volunteers from all countries, to help us, in 
 our own day of trial, the French, the Poles and the Irish especially— 
 and yet W'e denounce as "nefarious" any interference of our own citizens 
 
8 
 
 ill I'iivor of our oppressed neighbours ! I do not appliud interference, 
 Hin('(! the I;i\v forbids it; but, 1 do say, that it ' natural, and not at all 
 Hiir[)ri.siiiir. On the eontrary, it would have been unnatural and astonisli- 
 inj^, if there .'lad not been inierlerence. 'j'lie criminality is upon our own 
 government, and upon them will rest the odium, if the gibbets in Canada 
 shall be adorned with American heads. 
 
 As to tlio (Canadians themselves, they must at last be free. Revolutions 
 nrver go back. The very horrors, now perpetrated in their country, must 
 keep alive all the passions, that are most fierce and productive of war. The 
 arl.<, necessary to success, in arms, will be learned. 'I'hey will be growing 
 stro.ig. It is very easy la UccMk^UiiikiaLe exertions, and to say "those, 
 who would be free, themselves must strike the blow." 1 say, it is very 
 easy to pretend, that the Canadians do not desire freedom, or that they are 
 not oppressed, because they have not conquered. Such suggestions are 
 utterly fallaciov(S. No one can say, that the Poles or the Irish arc free, or 
 that they are not oppressed, because the military power of their oppressors 
 is greater than their own. 
 
 Where ia the slave so lowly 
 Condemned to chains unholy 
 
 Who — could he burst 
 
 His chiiins nt first, 
 Would pine l)cneath them slowly? 
 
 AVhere has there been a successful, revolt, without foreign aid ? Is it 
 certain that our own revolt would have been successful, if we hr»d been left 
 to our own resources ? Wore we not compelled to petition kings and burgo- 
 masters tt) hel|) us ? And, with all that kings and burgomasters did, were 
 vi'e not struggling for seven years, ere we succeeded ? We had two mil- 
 lions ol people — the Canadians have not one-.sixth of that ntimber, and of 
 these a fierce minority are subsisting upon the majority. The military 
 force to over-awe the Canada^, is far greater in proportioi:, than the Eng- 
 lish armies in our own -evolution. It is cruel and unjust, therefore, to 
 pretend that the triumph of force, in Canada, is a discredit to the (^anadians, 
 any more than it is a rebuke to Poland, that Russia is more powerful. — 
 There are more prisoners now in the jails of Canada, than there were in 
 the jails of the thirteen colonics. I repeat the question, what revolt ha:: 
 been successful without foreign aid ? And I have only to point to our own 
 revolt, and to the re oUs in Mexico and South America, for an answer.—- 
 Tlie true source ''f the odium, attempted to be cast upon Canadians, is to 
 be traced to Briiisli policy. To excuse oppression, the oppressed have 
 always been held up to derisioY*r''Tlfe^ Scotcli, and the Irish, nay the 
 people of our own country, were represented, just as the Canadians now 
 are. If the Canudinns are not accustomed to arms, why arc they not? — 
 Because it I'.as been the design of their rulers, that they should be ignorant. 
 I say it is cruel, llicrefor \ in Amerieans, to be echoing against the Cana- 
 dians, such sarcasiiis as wcn^ once cast upon themselves. 
 
 Although I say all this — although I have written to you this hmg letter — 
 I am not disposed to encourage llie Canadians to further ciTorts at this lime. 
 •^ A, war in Rurope. a revolt in IrelaLd, or in India; or an invasion of the 
 latter, may eflect at an early day, what must take place at last — the expul- 
 sion of Europeans, as masters of any part of our American soil 
 
 i'Oti 
 
 rs. 
 
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