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Ealily can vie, \yhere you tell Truth, and where you lie Hud. LONDON: Printed for G. Burnet, at Bifhop Burnet's-Head, in the Strand. M dcc lxiii. ^' / .-w v.. , A LETT E R, &c. 1 My L O R D, ' YO U may, perhaps, be furprifed at this public addrefs, after fo long a filence. But as I find the advocates of your party have lately raifcd their voices high againft us, I think it is time to anfwer their charge, in the fame manner they have attacked us } and as they have lifted under your banner, I know no where fo proper to apply as to the head -quarters. Were I to enter into all the minutia of your adm— — n, and the meafures you have purfued, which has given rife to the pre- fent oppofition, I fliould fwell this letter into a volume ; and muft therefore leave them to your future biognpher, who, in giving your charader at length, will necelTarily blazon our glory j to dwell upon fuch fads as have been ( 2 ) bccii fo ftfikingly obvious, and fo manifcdly prejudicial to the nation, that every eye has been witnefs to their effe^^s, and every ton- gue has re-ecchoed the difapprobation of. We are charged with perfcnal dilgti/i ivid national antipathy^ as the principal foundationi whereon we have raifed the fabric ofouroppo- iion-^that it is not particular meafures, but particular men^ that we d'ljlike — and that we have a good employment more at heart than a good peace. Had we not concurred with you in all your meafures in the beginning of your adoi n, without teHifyingtbe leaft difap- probation, either to your pcrfon, or your coun- try — had we not applauded every expedient that was devifed, and partook of their fuccefs— and had not mojl ofm reifigned our employ- ments at a time, when no others were va- cant that we could reajonably espe£l would fall to our (hare; fuch accufaiions might bear at leaft the femblance of probability : But thefe are fad^s fo notorioully known, that they only require being mentioned, to be in- conteftably proved, and evince the falfity of our enemies inlinuations. - «- The objedt of Mr. P — 's refignation was fo manifefl to all the worlq, that it is amazing any writers, however fervily difpofcd to vili- fy, could ever attribute it to than the difapprob any other caule. the meafure he (b came ftly i ( 3 ) earncflly recommended, and which he fo evidently proved, to be the only expedient, for giving a greater luftre to our arms, and more permanent fecurity to our conftitution, in church and (late — I mean a declaration of war againft Spain in Odlober 1761. This was lejcded — he forefaw all the dil- honour and misfortunes that would necef- farily accrue from this inattention. Notwith- Aanding the propofal was approved the cn- fuing month, notwiihftanding his re- warded him with a handfome penfion for his paft ferviccs, and a title for thofe of his wife —He forefaw the lofs o^ Newfoundland, and the prefent (What ihall I call it?) peace ; and would therefore no longer have the guidance of that adm n, whofe luftre might have been tarniflied by fuch inglorious events. ' ' When I fay Mr. P — forefaw the lofs of Newfoundland, I do not mean that he wified it, to give a colour to planning an oppofition, which till then there was little or no pretext for (fave the non-declartaioii of war againft Spain in Od:ober inftead of November). Far be that from me, or any of us, who form the prefent antiminifterial party ; I only mean, that there being no other fortifications raifed during the whole war> and to the end of his refplendent adm n, or any more men of war kept upon that ftation, during that pe- B 2 riod I t \p ( 4 ) riod, than at the time of its being Jurrender* ed to the Frertch, he had rcafon to be appre-r henfive of its difmcmbernient from the firfl commencement of hoflilities — andhehadalfo reafon to think himfelf very lucky the event did not happen vt^hild he u^as at the head of affairs 'y not that it could have been impu- ted as any crime to fo popular a m r, for the nation to have fuftained one lofs (even though we had never regained it) after fuch iignalifed and repeated fucceflcs: but his glory might hereby have been dimini(hed, and the people might have perceived, or imagined they perceived, infallibility was not the lot of any man, and the Patriot could not always conquer. It is true, the retaking of this ifland, in fomc meafure, wiped off the flur of negli- gence and inattention which you, my Lord, fo greatly merited, in not having moxt JeafotiT ably provided for the defence of that valuable pofTeffion, at a time you ought to have been ac- quainted with the defigns of the French there- upon, though four frigates only might have taken it. And it is to this infight of all the operations of the French navy, which we were (o minutely acquainted with during Mr. P — *s adminiftration, that we may at- tribute his intentional remijfnefsj (or, in other words, national economy) in not fortifying ^nd fec^ring that ifland y being certain that N no I .A f a, ( 5 ) no fhips could be dcftincd Jigalnft it, though they might accidemaily efcape out of Hrcft, whilft our fieet in the Bay fo compleaily blocked up the French navy. .3 But when any the leaft merit is Imputed to the retaking of Newfoundland, it rfiould be remembered, that no perlbn in England could participate of it, as there was no plan laid here for fuch an attempt. The Ame- ricans atchieved it, and therefore engrofs all the honour. Upon the fame principles, the then m y were, in every fenfible man's eye, exculpated from the fhame attending the furrender of Minorca and Braddock's de- feat. Blakeney never received any orders to capitulate, nor in all likelihood would, if he had held out llx months longer ; nor did the American commander follow his inftrudions from home. So that there is fcarce any prince or minifter in Europe, except the King of PrufTia, that is anfvverable for their gene<- rals conduct, as circumftances mud necefla- rily vary the execution of the plan of ope- rations, however well laid j and fcope muft be left for the judgment of a commander upon the fpot. The King of Prufiia being moft frequently with the ad:ive part of his army, is an exception to this ; and to the want of this allowance to the Imperial gene- rals, whofc inftru(ftions muft be tenacioufly followed, we may impute many of their de- feats 5 I i f ( ) fcals ; as they are obliged to fend to Vienna for frcfh order:^ upon every the lead alteration of affairs, and to wait for the return of the courier, though they may in the mean time have the finclt opportunity of charging the enemy to advantage. This they have as frequently lofl, and with it a battle, inftead of gaining a victory. If it (hould be a(kcd, as the m y de- rive no merit, then, from the recovery of this ifland, how were they blameable for its lofs ? The anfwcr is ready, becaufe theyl fliould have fecured it from any attempts of the ene- my J or, if they left it in the fame defence- less ftate 'hey found it, without its being at- tacked for fix years ; becaufe they did not procure intelligence of the deflination of every frigate that failed from France, or any of the iflands belonging to that crown, and becaufe indiviiluais fuffered by its being a ihort time in the hands of the French, and individuals have a right to complain ; and no man has ever yet thought himfelf unautho- rifed to abufe a m , or condemn a mea- fure, that did not chime in with his particu- lar interefl. Though the m— -y derived no perfonal merit from the retaking of Newfoundland, and fuffered gready in their reputation by its lofs ; yet the flur thrown upon them was in fome mcafure wiped off by this recovery, —with I I i$ I =f ( 7 ) —With what reafon I will not pretend to determine. No fooncr was that illand in the hands of the enemy, and the report of a peace being upon the carpet, but the policy of the ni— — r was feen through, in yielding up Newfoundland to the French, that they mi^ht reft ore it to us as an apparent equiva- lent for Cape Breton, or perhaps Canada. This your Loidfhip was publickly accufed of. You alone know the fincerity of your inten- tions J and if you have derived no merit from our being fo early repoffeffcd of it, you have at lead thereby call off this imputation. But as we are to look upon the recovery as an accidental ftrcke, planned without ycur know- ledgCy and atcbieved ivithout your dcfire ; fo the impartial world cannot perceive any other honour you derive from it, but that of hav- ing it put out of your power to play this po- litical humbug with the court of Verfailles. Thus, my Lord, you fee, that, on whatever fide we view the lofs of Newfoundland, all the blame, all the negligence, all the difhonour, will reft upon your Lordftiip, without any part of it falling upon Mr. P — , or any of his coadjutors. This, then, was certainly one of the prin- cipal caufes of our refigning our employ- ments ; for though we wrre convinced of your Tory principles, r^nd your bein? a Scotchman, we had ntverthclefs till now uni ted :^%i.^'hii ( 8 ) united with you, afted in concert in thefarrid adm n, and believed you an honcft man. As you never pretended to fuppon indefeajible hereditary rights gave the leaft glance of bringing in the pretender, but fcemed the moll ftrenuous of any courder for the Pro- teftant caufc, and the houfe of Hanover, we had no room to think you a Jacobite. You entertained no high notions of arbitrary power; but juftly confidered our conftiiution com- pofed of the three ftates. King, Lords, and Commons, without whofe concurrent aid na law could be framed, no fupplies could be granted. The liberties of the people you fcemed to have a juft and valuable fenfe of, 2A\d at the fame time confidered it neceflary to fiipport the legal prerogative of the crown. Thefe, which we found the prevalent prin- ciples of the modern Tories, we could difco- ver no impropriety in j and, though we pro- fefl'cd ourlelvcs Whigs, we thought a coali<^ tion of parties under thefe circumftances was no way incompatible. If it ihould be aiked, as we made part of the Tory adm -n for a time, were v/e not become Tories ? No y we had blended the parties in fo nice and cu-. rious a manner, that it was difficult to difco- ver where the fVbig ended^ or where the l[ory . But we were neverthelels V beg jgs- Haunch Whigs— which we now approve our- fclves, in oppofing every ftep of the Tory adm- -n 1' &di»- .\( 9 ) -n which is not thus properly tea- ft 1 *uened. Should this carry the face of any feem- ing contradidion, let it be remembered, that parties ^re only names ; that a man's adtions conftitute him a good or a bad man — As long as the firfl charadterife him, he is to be efteemed and affociated with, let his politi- cal principles go by whatever title they may j but if the latter fliould diftinguifti him, it is not his being called a Whig that will recom- mend him to the honeft part of mankind. Bolingbroke was by turns both Whig and Tory, and he Was equally defpifed by both — Moie recent examples might be produced. But to the point. J fay, my Lord, as your political principles fo nearly chimed in with our's, we thought it no blot in our efcutcheon, to make part of a Tory adm n, though we profeffed our- felves Whigs, as long as the meafures you purfued were fuited to thofe profefTions, and tended to the good of your country j but when we found you even negligent in one part of the world to the dtfence of our va- luable poflefTions, and even attentive in ano- ther to terms of pacification, which we could not expert (in the beginning of a Spanilli war) could yet be very honourable for us — we thought it was time to take ourfelvcs^ rnt of the Tory adm n, and profcfs our- fclves Whigs. , * C Vaial ( lo ) . Venal Q.iid corrupt adm'iniilrationSy are To much the phrafeoiogy of difappoinied am- bition, that though I could prove that of your Lordfliip's both the one and the other, I (liould be loth to attempt the tafk, left it fhould be fufpedled I gave up my (hare in it, becaufe my authority was limited, or my rapacity circumfcribed ; as it might be (lirewdly fufpeded that my extent of power being called in queftion, or the war being nca. ly at an end, whereby the pecuniary pro- fits of my office would be greatly IciTcned, I was difgufted with the infiadlion, or thought myfelf qualified for other departments of more future value and importance. No, my Lord, far from this ; I will give you all your due 3 avarice is the leaft of your vices : to evince this, we need recur only to that part of your adm— n, when you filled the poft of S ' y of St — e, and fo bene- ficently diminidied yonr own revenue to in- creafe that of your clerks to double their falary. Your ample fortune certainly fets you above any mean artificer, to am ifs riches ^ and if you cannot live upm an egg a day^ as a great orator declared in an honourable houfe, he could^ in order to prove his pa- triotifm, and the fmall influence pecuniary advantages could have upon him ; you cer- tainly may have as much reafon to defpife money, and have the good of your country at ^4 ( «l ) at iiearr, as your own private Ibke is to the full as great as his. You fee, my Lor(^, I make you all the allowances that can reafonably be cxpeded from an adve-fary. I exculpate you fiom avarice, and want of generofity ; nor do I diredtly tax you with w^^Z/Vy and corruption ; hut that part of your political principles fo immediately connedlcd with the great rule of your adm n, now become fo glaring, is what can never be reconciled with found Whiggifm, is what can never be approved by true Engliflimen, and the real lovers of their country. What I mean, my Lord, is, that unbotinded prerogative -^oxy allow yourSov — n, to appoint liis own officers, and continue them in poft as long as fuits his pleafure : this the Whigs have iirenuoufly and effec- tually oppofed ever (ince the houfc of Hano- ver came to the throne, down to the prefent time. It is impoflible for a Prince to ac- quaint hirnfelf with the paffions, difpofitions, and abilities of individuals, who always ap- pear in mafk before the throne, fo as to chufe thofe who are the propereft qualified for filling ports of conlequencej and v/ith regard to inferior employs, it is ftill more impradicable : fo that it is properly the pro- vince of a fagacious m — - — r, or his coadju- torSj to feled fuitable objfds, make their ap- C 2 . pointments, m\ •fi ( 12 ) polntmcnts, and regulate their pofts. Np man was ever better qualified for this pro- vince than Sir Robert W- — — e, who never 'ct his mailer have the lead trouble upon hip ^ands in thefe refpeds : but having people of integrity and capacity always ready, he filled up every place as it became vacant with the utmoft eafe, difpatch, and propriety. Hence that good order and harmony which fubfifted during the greateft part of his adm n ; hence that expedition in bufincfs of a public and private nature j hence that national cec - nomy upon every occaficn — that good un-? derftandingat home and abroad, butparticu- Jarly the latter fo clearly manifefted upon the moft important occafions — eledicns ! and hence that unufual acquiefcence to every mea- fure propofed by the m r, and (ecqrecj by a maji — ty ! , Thefe were fomc of the many advantages derived to the nation from the limitation of prerogative by the Whigs. His fuccefibr Mr. P — , who followed the footAcps of Sir Robert in every thing that tended to the pu- blic good, was equally afliduous in taking off all trouble and care from his mafter in thefe appointments and nominations ; and had not his death (which ^very honed Whig may lament) that has fince cccafioned io many changes and innovations, unluckily Jiappened, we might ftill have feen things condudted ■%\ ( 13 ) condnded in this happy courfe. It mud, however, be acknowledged, that, even in his days, there were envious courtiers, who would fometimcs tingle in the ears of their mafter, that he fubmitted himfelf entirely to the government of his m— • — r ; and that his late M y once went fo far as to pro- mife the Duke of R a fmall pofl for a perfon he had recommended ; the vacancy was however filled up by Mr. P — in favour of his a6/e friend. The Duke took an op- portunity of reminding his M y of his promife, who frankly acknowledged, Ttaf JGng G — bad promifed it to his Grace^ but that King P — m had given it to another. From this time his M — y never attempted to nominate for any employment, and P'—m, with his confederates, were fecure of every port of honour or profit, from Lord Ch — r down to the loweft branch of the Excife- Office. This defpotifm, it is true, they car- ried with fomevvhat too high a hand ; and it were to be wifhed, for the honour of the Whigs, that the general refignation in one day^ when the late rebellion was at irs crifis, did not find a place in the annals of our times. Had they not before fo manifeftly proved their attachment to the h — e of H , their enemies might have given fome groundlefs Jnfinuations not highly favourable of their zeal a i H ) zeal to the Protcftant caufe, and the prefent happy eflablifliment. All the happy efFeds of this limitation of pierogative are at an end — Your mafter ap- points his own fervants, and you have lately inflilled fuch notions of power in him, that he thinks he has a right to keep you at his elbow, in dcfpite of all the reprefentalions that have been made againft you, in dcfpite of all the hideous charadlers that have been drawn of you, in writing and prints, in def- pite of all infinuations to your difadvantage, with regard to your intimacy with the — — , — in delpite of the Whigs — in dcfpite of the oppofition. This, my Lord, is one of thofe alarming circumftances, that has raifed fo many ene- mies to your adm n : had there not been a new bridge erecfted over the Tweed, or had not you yoLirfelf been born in Scodand, I very much queflirin whether you could have efcaped cenfure from the Whigs, as foon as the fundamental principles which lay for fome rime dormant, was fo compleatly ma- liifefted. At fo critical a period, was it not the high- eft pitch of imprudence in your Lordfhip to fet on foot a negotiation between us and France, for bringing about a peace ? Was it not flying in the face of the opfofitiofj, to publifh the preliminaries at the beginning of the the fefljon, before the fupplics for the enfn- ing year were granted ? Could you cxpcd them to be filently read, without being cn- vafled or criticifcd ? Had we not the negotia- tion of the preceding year before us, with which we might ccmp :re, and at all events draw conclufions in favour of the terms of- fered in 1761, though then rcjedcd ? Had we not the ultimatum ^n^ the iJi p^J/lJetis to recur to, whereby we might prove that a peace would have been more eligible laft year than now ? However far advan- ced the negotiation might have been, it was the higheft pitch of rafhnefs to divulge the fecret till the clofe of the fefUcn, when all the bufinefs was over : the members had then retired to their fylvan paftimes, and would have forgot the terms cf pacification by that time they met again. The curiolity of the people would have fubfided ; the worft peace that could have been made, would have been but a nine days wonder ; the fup- plics for the current year would have been abundantly granted, and every thing would have been condudled without debate or ani- mofity. But, as you have rifqued the publication of the fum^s at this period, every body, in and out of doors, will canvas them ; every body will condemn them. Though the pri- mary object of the war, that is, afcertaining the ( i6 ) the limits of our North Americin Colbnie?^ and fecuring them from future incurfions, is more than compafTcd, by our retaining all Canada, and that part of Louifiana, extend- ing from the Apalachcan mountains to the! river MilTifippi : though we have alfo ac- quired and retained Cape Breton, the Dun- kirk of America, and key to the Gulph of St. Laurence •, though we have divided the neutral iflands in our ^avour, and gained Granadii and the Grenadillas therewith ; — ' added l'ior:c!a, as a barrier to our continen- tial poflcirions in America , have gained the liberty (^f cutting logwood without interrup- lioii at iio'idurns and Campcachv, and pof- fcls ihat valuable acquilirion of the ifland of SeP'rgal, and therewith the trade of the whole river of the fame name in Africa : no body can dilj^ite that we have made con- ceifDn, greatly inglorious, hiihly dishonour- able : it is in vain to urge witW your partifans, it is the belt peace England ever made, and call upon the negotiation of the treaty of Aix-^ la-Chapelle, to compare the terms of the definitive treaty of 1748 with thofeof 1762.' Our affairs were then very difFc^rently (ituated ■ from what they are at prcfent ; and though we hid then made ourfelves mafters of Cape Breton, it was our only conqueft : it is true we gave it up, and fent hoftages to bind the bargain; bat what was the reftitution of a finjle ( 17 ) AoglepUcc, compared to that of the valuable iflands of Martinico and Guadalupe .^ As to the noble Lords who went as furetics for the execution of that article, they were treated with the greateft refpeA at Verfailles, and not thrown into the Badile, as the fcandalous prints of thofe tiaies fuggefled. The advocates for the preliminaries lay great ilrefs upon our being repaid the charge we have been at in fupporting the French pri- foners during the war, as an objedl that was not in the lead attended to in the former negotiation ; and they take for granted, the court of Verfailles gives up all claim to the captures made before the declaration of war, becaufe no mention is made of them in the preliminary articles, though Mr. Buily fo Arongly infifled upon this point in 176 1. We have been repeatedly aflured from various. hands, that the preliminaries made public do not contain all the terms that were figned at Fontainbleau the 3d of November, and fince ratified ; but that there are feveral other articles kept fecret, fome of whiclx have, however, tranfpired in the political world, and amongft thefe is the provifion of indemnification we are to make the French for the above-mentioned captures. Some infinuate, that the other fecret articles regard the difpofitions that are to take place in fa- vour of the King of Pruflia and the Queen D of ■( ( i8 ) of Hungary in Germany ; but the more fanguine anti-pacific-inveftigators infift upon it, that they relate to other reditutions, or ccffions that we are to make to France and Spain^ and which you, my Lord, did not dare publickly avow. If this is the cafe, you have made a fine piece of work of it indeed ; and as fooner or later the nature and tendency of thofe fecret articles will come out, what do you imagine will then be the confequence?-- • There is but one argument that leads me to think thefe fuggedions may be premature, and that is, if your Lord(hip had intended to have dealt thus underhandedly with the peo- ple, it certainly would have occurred to you, that there was no reafon for pubiifhing the re- ilitution of Martinico and Guadalupe, or in- deed any part of the preliminaries; at lead: till the clofe of the feflions, when the fup- plies being granted, as in full time of war, if this indemnification for the French cap- tures made before the declaration of war had been to take place, you might eafily have drawn it out of the furplus of the grants for 1763, without the leaflnoife being made about it. To fupport the argument, then, we will fuppofe that no other reftitutions or ceflions are to take place, but thofe mentioned in the public preliminaries 5 are they not fufhcient to ' -\ ( '9 ) to fligmatife this nation for ever as thick- fcuUcd negotiators ? Do they not corroborate what we have been (o often rallied upon, that, let us gain ever (o many vidories over the French in the field, they always conquer us in the cabinet ? Not but i think we re- tain land and iOands enough in America ; for I fee no likelihood of our fettling all Canada, and that trad of land between our back fet- lements and the MilTinipi, or indeed of what fervice it would be, without we had a mind to make our colonies rival the mother-coun- try in power and riches, which many pa- triots and politicians have long been appre- heniive of, before we were in poffcflion of fuch a great extent of territory. Were land the only objtd of war and conqueft, we need not go fo far as America ; we have fome hun- dred miles of good foil in Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, which remain uncultivated, for no other reafon, that I could ever find, except it were the want of hands, or a proper fpirit of indudry being excited amonglt the people. Either of thefc caufes will occafion our new acquifitions in North America remaining a defert. And as to iflands in America, if we had been in want of them, I apprehend the Bahamas, fo numerous, and, I doubt not, fruitful, if properly cultivated, would not have remained fo long in our pofTcfTion, with- D 3 out o: if fit) ( «0 ) out being fettled, or made any ufcoF, by the Englifli. ^ r Hence, my Lord, it will appear the rcfti- tutions we have made do not lo much affedt our intereft as our honour. It would have been glorious for us to have made a peace upon the bafis of af» uti poffidetis. It would have deterred the French rrom ever iiifulting us again, and kept all the powers of Europe in awe, led they (hould have incurred our difplcafure, and fudained fuch lofTes as they would have had no hopes of regaining. The writers who attempt to fupport the mcafures you have purfued, pretend the greateft regard has been paid, in framing the preliminaries in queilion, to the trade and commerce of Great Britain j that new branches are hereby ftruck out in every quarter of the globe, and new channels opened to the re- motcd, and as yet unknown parts of Ame- rica. This they attempt to exemplify in our acquifition of Canada, which they affurc fe- cures us all the fur and beaver trade of that quarter of the world, and enables us to fabric cate various branches of manufadures where-« in they enter, at a much cheaper rate than we could before, whereby we (hall not only rival all the other commercial powers of Eu- rope in the peltry trade of North America alcne, but alfo in all thofe other manufactures vuhercof they make a part, by being enabled he I ( ai ) to under fell them at foreign markets. They then endeavour to point out the immediate advantages rcfultine from our being in pof- feflion of the iflandof Senegal, which gives U8 the command of the trade of the whole river of that name, and the country adjacent, and pretend we (hall fave near half a million yearly in the fingle article of gum, which we ufed to pay to foreigners, befides the negroe, tooth and gold-dud trades, which are carried on from thence. They then ilretch away to the continent of South Ame- lica, and talk loudly of the benefits which will accrue to us from the unlimited per- miiTion we have obtained of cutting log- wood at Campeachy and Honduras ; a pri- vilege we could never before obtain in all our treaties with the court of Madrid. Nay, they would go as far as AHa, and have the confidence to tell us the advantages we have gained there, and dill retain, will enable us to rival all the Eafl India companies of Eu- rope, as we have fo complcatly fecured the .Nabobs intered and good opinion s |have deflroyed the trade of the French there fome years, notwithstanding the reHitutions made them, and as the Dutch are there upon the decline. In anlwer to this, it will be only neceffary to obferve, that our prefent trade to Canada is fo far from being of that im-* portance it is reprefented, that thofe who * have ' ;si-t ( 22 ) have dealt in the peltry of that country, (incc We have been poffelTecl of it, have been lofers, by reafon of the full refolution taken by the Hudfon-bay company^ to underfeli indivi- duals in every article they deal in ; fo that till fome regulation is made upon this head, this trade is not likely to produce the pro- mifed happy cfFcdts. As to our trade to Senegal, it certainly is a very advantageous and lucrative one, and will nectiTarily lower the price of printed cotton and linens, as fo great a quantity of the gum coming from thence is ufed in thofe manufadtures, and as this can now be bought at fo fmall a proportionate price to what we ufed formerly to pay foreigners. But asa monopoly of this trade has been promtfid to a certain confiderable dealer, we cannot rea- fonably expe<5t he will have the good of his country fo much at heart, as to preponderate again ft his private intereft, and prevail upon him to fell this commodity at its prefent low price. The privilege of cutting arid (hipping log- wood at Honduras and Campeachy, without annoyance or interruption, is certainly an ob- \eCt of fome confequcnce to the Weft Indian traders ; but as the point fo much conten- ded for under Sir Robert's adm n, (which to be fure he could not obtain > any more than the privilege now granted) of no fiarcb, is * not ' ( 23 ) not acquiefced to« v^e imagine this trade will not be produdtive of thofe great emoluments which were at firft expeded from it, as it is well known, it is the interloping trade of ne- groes to the Spanilh main, which are paid for in hard dollars, that makes this trade fo lucra- tive and dedrous. As the Spaniards are per- fedtly acquainted with this circumilance atten- ding the logwood trade, it is not to be expec- ted they will ever give us a public grant of a thing fo detrimental to them. — But the objed ilill remains. I muft acknowledge, 1 believe our Eail: India company is at this time the mofl opu- lent and bed eftablifhed of any in A(ia, and that the reduction of Pondicherry, and the other French fetdements there, muft greatly interrupt their trade for fome confidcrable time : but as it has long fince been a moot point, whether our Eaft India trade, as it is now carried on, though of infinite profit to individuals, is of any real fervice to the na- tion ; fo, till this is decided,.it will be impoi- iible for me to perceive the advantages we can reap, as a people, from our fuccefTes, and the prefent thriving ftate of our affairs in Afia. Thus, my Lord, you fee the pretended emoluments we are to cxped from the ac- quifitions at^d reftitutions we muke by the peace, however pompous an appearance they ... niav fc ( H ) may parade upon paper by the writers q( your party, lofe the very femblance of ad- vantages, when put to a clofe and impartial examen. It is evident, yr^;« what 1 have faid^ that we have more lands in our poiTeHion than we (hall people and cultivate, unlefs, with our ufual friend(hip and politenefs, we provide for the Germans better than their own princesand mailers will, and make, an emigra- tion of fome thoufand more Palatines to America, in furnifhing them with all the ne« cefTaries both for their voyage, and future fettlement. This would be but common gratitude in us, as we have conquered America in Germany^ to enable the conquerors to re- tain their acquifitions ; and who fo proper as a colony of Brandenburghers^ who have fo eminently diftinguifhed themfelves as foldiers and Proteftants this war? This would be a meafure liighly eligible, if there were not rea- fon to fear fome future ambitious king of Prufiia might difcover a prior right than uSi or the French, or the natives^ to thofe lands* and fupport his claim by the loyalty of his fubjedb upon the fpot. Our trade to Canada, fo far from being a benefit to the nation, appears evidently a lofs to individuals, and mud continue fo, as bng as the Hudfon's Bay company are premitted to monopolife at one time,.afld widerfell at - ' another, ( 25 ) finotlier (for finifter reafons) the fair and open trader, who, without cnmbinalion, can- not long carry on a lofing trafik. The commerce to the ifland of Senegal is of little or no confequence, as gum, which is its principal commodity, can be an article of no great import, without it be to the linnen manufa i''!i: ( 32 ) ifland ; but then, how far greater would have been this circulation -, how much more ex* tendve would have been our exports ! and how dill more fiouri(hing would have been our commerce to every quarter of the globe. It were needlefs to labour at any argument to evince this ; common fenfe mud: at the firft glance prove it to every man's under- flanding ; and if the members of the oppo- fition fhould be hard driven to aflign a reafon for their refignations and attack upon your Lord (hip's adm— — n, they may always have recourfe to this invincible and folid ar- gument, the negative lofs of all Aiia, Africa, K^outh America, and the remainder of the Weft Indian illands. I believe, my Lord, you will labour un- der no fmall difficulty, when called upon, as doubtlejiyou willbe^ by public inquiry into your adm n, to vindicate this part of your condudt ; not to mention fuch other points of mahcrfation as I have already cited. In this dilemma, I think the mod friendly ad- vice that can be given you, would be to re- tire from power and employment, into the moft fequeltered part of Scotland, and there, by a reclufe and penitent life, make all the atonement in your power for the manifold fins and crimes you have been guilty of to- wards G— d, your S — n, and the Nation. This ( 25 ) This might carry the air of envy, and a defire to fupplant you in fome important poft, had I not already (o clearly fct forth the caufes of our diigulK and the full refo- lution of every man of us not to J'tibmit to let ourfclves be appointed to any place, how- ever important, however lucrative. The prefent oppofition avows the fame principles, and adts upon the fame generous and national . plan of all the great oppofitions fince the re- volution,who having nothing but the real good of their country at heart,could never be biaflbd by perfonal intereft, dtlud;d by profits; or feduced by tit)»;s ; it would therefore be fruit- lefs to attempt filencing us by a ribbon or a place — we foar above fuch mean influence. It is publickly reported, that your Lord- fliip intends to ule your intereft to take off the late additional tax upon porter, fo burthen- fome to the poorer fort of people, particu- larly labourers, to whom it is both food and nourifhment, in order to lay it upon fome article that is not fo immediately conne(5led with the ncceffarics of the working part of the nation. Indeed it is faid that your Lord- ihip flrenuouilvoppofed this tax at the time of its 'xing laid on,'rcprefenting the hard- ihip it would lie to the mechanical world, and was inclined to produce the fum required by an additional import upon rnm and melallcs, articles of luxury and fupetfluity •, but :bat F for (.'■I . !l ; '* . \ ( 2b ) Tor fomc private confidcralion, this was re jedtcd. Doubtlcfs, this popular mcafurc, your Lord (hip has been excited to, ih order, if pofliblc, to wean the publick from that pre- judice and difgufl they have to you and your adm n : but can it be bcheved that the people of England will ever approve the con- dudl of a Scotchman, when even his fellow countrymen, and thofe of fomc rank in the ftate, unite againft him, not through any per- fonal pique, private refentment, difappointed ambition, or in the expectation of oppojing tbemfclves into power or office ; but merely and fiacerely for the good of their country, which they have fo tenacioufly at heart, and to fruftrate fuch dangerous and deftrudlivc meafures as your Lordfhip has lately purfued, and I have taken upon myfelf thus to expofe in vindicating the condudlof the members of the prefent glorious Oppqfition, If this fliould any way look like an ac- I;nowledgment, that it were poflible for a Scotchman to be honefl: and patriotic, and iuch a conce/non were to be made in favour r)f the four Scotch Members of the oppo- lirion \ it would be neceflary to obferve at the lame time, they are the only exception to the general opinion fo ualvcifally and juftly enrti taineii of that nation. it were almoft unnecclTary at this time to rcr.iind yoar j.ofdfhip, of what has been fo often " ( 27 ) often and loudly complained of by every Englishman and Hibernian, who has been dilappointcd of promotion during this war ; I mean the ftrilcing partiality in favour of the Scotch. This ohjedl alone, one would have imagined, (hould have prompted you to liave puffued the war at all events, till inch time as you had amply and conipleatly provided for all your frieiids, on the other fide of the Tweed. I fay, my I ord, from this conll- deration, one woild have imagined, a French and Spanifli war would have been the mofl eligible meafiire for the iccurity and fupport of youi jidm n, though additional fup. plics hnj been ever fo difficult to raile, and thou :.h honourable terms of accommodatijii had been offered on the part of the bcllige- rant powers. It is true even then, you never would have been able to gain over the four Scotch members of the oppofition, but per- haps fome indired method might have been found to have foftcned their refentnienr, by providing for fome of thtir friends and rela- tions in the army and navy. This may in- deed,my Lord, be looked upon as a great over- fight in your politics,at a time you fliould have taken every poffible ftcp to infureyour totter- ing power, efpecially amonftyour fellow coun- trymen, whole oppofition muft convey a very unfavourable idea of your conduift and de- figns. Such miftaken policy was a fare prc- F 2 fige i-il 'K ( 28 ) figc of the blunders and inattention to our proper intcreft which we were to txped: at the hands of fjch a ftatcfman in the framing of a peace. As this grievous con^ plaint is now in a great meafure at an end, by reafon of the pacific meafnres that are taking place : fo we are rather led to confider the conlequences of your not more amply purfuing it, than to manifeft our refentment at your former partiality ; a partiality fo great, that we have always Icen Scotch troops employed upon the mofl arduous and dangerous enterprizes, whereby you ^urnifiied them with an oppor- tunity of fignalizing iheir courage and viL;ilance in fo flriking a manner, as to give colour to many promotions, which looked like a recom- pence for their pad fervices. By thefe glorious occafions, you enabled them to rifque their lives in purfuit of honour and preferment, which many Engliil\ nnd Irifh oflicers, for want of th.Q.(cfavoutable opportunities, could not gain. As this channel of national partiality is now flopped, we mufl expedl to fee it ft ream in other courfes : all Canada, will perhaps, be fettled by Scotchmen, efpecially if the Enfrlidi lliould not chufe to flock there in numbers fufBcient to people and cultivate fo cold and extenfive a country : we may ex- pedt to fee half a dozen more new bridges . \ :. . ereded i^m ( 29 ) cre^ietl over the Tweed — All foreign fr, ufF; prohibited, and nothing but Scotch allowed to be laken, even at court ; nor need wc be furprilcd if her (liould appear the next birth- day, in plaid colour filk, to make it a reigning fafliion ; or that a jiunt to Edin- burgh Ihould be as common as one to Kew. One of the writers on our fide of the quef- tion, has indeed, fuggelkd, that if things went on fo fwimingly for a few years in fa- vour of Scotland, we might expect to fee a Royal Palace built there for the fixed refi- dence of the court ; but this I cannot per- fuade myfelf, will take place any time thefe ten years, confidering the preparations that mud be previoully made. The .writer of the North Briton, our fa- vourite author, has fo a7;jp!y and decently evinced the political tenets of the prefent Tories (in one of his late difquifitions ■' ) that it is matter of wonder and aftonifhment to me, how they will ever be able to ''nfwer him, or henceforward hold up their heads. He has clearly proved, that they would certainly have joined the rebels, both in 1 71 5 and 1745, if their courage had been equal to their afFedlion for the Pretender. Another reafon might, I think, Vvich due fubmifiion to that learned writer, be afllgned, is, that their regimentals were not ready in time, by reafon of the number of journey- * Saturday, January 8. I I 4 iM ( 30 ) . journeymen taylors then employed In bearing arms* They would, nevcrthelefs, certainly have marched to join the rebels in 1745, if their arms and ammunition had not been fo opportunely feized in Lincoln's-Inn-Ficlds Playhoufe. It is, however, a happy confi- deration, that they have not courage fuffici- ent to fupport their evil deiigns in the field 5 as, however deep their political machinati- ons may be, however notorious their princi- ples and attachments, and however numerous their body, thc'iv polfroo fiery will always keep them in due fubjcdion. There is one circumftance, which the North Briton has in this Portrait of the mo- dern Tories, fo nicely touched upon, that no- thing but the pencil of fo great a m.after, could fo judicioully have hit off; I mean the entire reformation of the political principles of the Tories, during Mr. P — 's adm— — n, Ke does not, indeed, aflign any reafon for this extraord'nary temporary change, which clearly evinces the Tories are attached to men and not meafures. I may, indeed, be alked, fmcc this writer has fo amply proved all the Tories rank Ja- cobites, and every one of them deflrous of bringing in the Pretender j how came it that knowing by experience, and convinced of their principles, we ever united with them in the fame adm — n, in the purfuit of the fame " , , \ objects ( 3< ) objeds, in fupport of the fame Prince ? In anfwcr to this, let it be remembered, that it is not individuals but expedients we oppofe. In one word, we chimed in with theTories till the lofs oi Newfoundland (which fo greatly flurred the reputation of the Scotch M — r) till their avowed arbitrary tenets, which I have already mentioned, became manifeft, and the pre- ient inglorious peace took place. I have not in this place infifled upon the negative difadvantagcs we fuftain by a fuf- penfion of arms in the four quarters of the world, or the imputation of ingratitude we fliall lay under by all Europe, for having brought the King of Pruflk into this war, 3nd left him in the lurch — without attending J thofe glorious motives— the fupport of proteftantifm in the empire, and the ballance of power, in purfuit of which we have fo zcaloufly raifed our national debt to 136 millions. By this one ftep we have given up all future pretence to determine the quarrels of the princes of Germany, a privilege we have never yielded to any other power fince the revolution. — This claim, which we have fupported for almoft a cen- tury i ♦^ Ji i price of fo much blood, and trea- furc J %^ j*-h we have hitherto confidered as much out birth-right as the fovereignty of the fea, we have thus inglorioufly yielded, thus pufilanimoufly given up. If ifter this, my Lord, you fhould not be con- ■4'^^- It.- !'\ ( 32 ) .c^nvmced of ihe upright motives, which* have influenced the prefent Whig oppofitioii' — ^^of the impradticability of ever regaining their affedlion,or re-uniting with them— if you iliould not be convinced of the inapropriety, difadvantage, and danger, (to fay no worfe) ■ of thel eading rule of your adrtiin — n, in granting your S n the full liberty of nam- ing his own fervants, and keeping them in power as long as they pleafe— -if this uncon- itiiutional prerogative (never before allowed ? any prince of the houfe of H r upon the LritKh throne), (hould not appear to you in its moft glaring and baneful light— if you should not be coi • v^d of the dilhonoiir of i the terms of the pre., t peace, with ihe fecret • m'ticks fuppreffed to public eyes : in a word^ - if your Lordfliip, (hould not, immediately, ; upon your reading this, infift upon refigning • your employments, that more able; fiiithfuL: and popular M— rs may take the reins of ' government into their hands ; you muft be > callous to all convidion, blind to your ovi-n > perfonal fecurity, and refolved to complete the facrifice of the nation, So that, if it were \ r\cji imDofliblc, it would be fruitlds in mc ' TO urge thefe points any ftronger, or dlipiay : the contrail: of your and former adm- iis. \ But, being convinced of the force of my rcav ? foning:, and the Hkelihood there- is of youj: taking my advice, I fubfcribe myfclf Youfs.&c.:uil •' iicH> ion ing ftVL fe) in ni*- in n- edf he in of; y. ; ^f ' )e ^ n > y ■