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Les diagrammes suivants lllustrent la mAthode. ly errata ed to int me pelure, apon A 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 Y • - . J. 1 EXPLAN ATIO N. :} ftZ/nH'.t ^ Jn^^h$r^ yrmn/ftg Btj^«r*etL txrhun'tr- rufkl of Ht^hmry ivaainji IhtBril- uh — TThe Jellow lirvo ntmicj Ifie ^:nl^ CoMt f^nwiUchOvf ,imeti£ans luire et^orvm «t cam num. tHjoynisnl Pari tA'lht coa at vf t/VittfrnindlMnd. (m X irh/rh Ui* riaht 'of FCsh«rrfra»rdintndih»i\ by tt< Frmeh at liu rryttC^afVetvaaUf. guJe. WM-* firm Cr^0.im » •» ■■•I- f ;;i;-^ A/^ntf,t y ^'fS^tfj^ yrmn/^t/ A.^^norirm -) . >:U.sny ,n,?U -'^ NOI RIGHT EXISTI> m NOVA OP BOTH P( PAY TH MILITARY E BALAN th: COMMER B JAM] THE BRITISH NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES. LETTERS TO THB RIGHT HON. E. G. S. STANLEY, MP. UPON THE EXISTING TREATIES WITH FRANCE AND AMERICA, AS REUAnDS THEIR "RIGHTS OF FISHERY" CPON THE COASTS OF NOVA SCOTIA, LABRADOR, AND NEWFOUNDLAND; THE ^ VIOLATIONS OF THESE TREATIES BY THE SUBJECTS OP BOTH POWERS, AND THEIR EFFECT UPON THE COMMERCE, EQUALLY OF THE MOTHER COUNTRY AND THE COLONIES ; WITH ^ 6en(tal ^teli) of tht Colonial )|oltrs, SHEWINO THAT THE BRITISH DEPENDENCIES ARE NOW PREPARED TO PAY THE EXPENSES OF THEIR LOCAL GOVERNMENTS; THAT THE MILITARY EXPENDITURE, IF CHARGEABLE TO THEM, IS FULLY COUNTER- , BALANCED BY THE COMMERCIAL ADVANTAGES DERIVED FROM THEM ; AND THAT THEIR PRESERVATION, AS INTEGRAL ' PARTS OF THE EMPIRE, IS ESSENTIAL TO THE COMMERCIAL PROSPERITY AND POLITICAL SUPREMACY OF THE BRITISH NATION. BY GEORGE R. YOUNG, ESQ. OF HALIFAX, NOVA SCOTIA. LONDON: JAMES RIDGWAY AND SONS, PICCADILLY. MDCCCXXJUV *l >t • ') I \o GEORGE R. ROBINSON, ESQ. M.P. A |( Sin, I FEEL much pleasure in thus acknowledging the permission you have given me, of placing your name in front of this v^^ork. As a Colonist, it is, on my part, but an inadequate return for the eminent services you have rendered in Parliament to the British Depen- dencies, whenever any question has been agitated, in volving their rights or their interests. It will gratify me, if the views I have endeavou ed to illustrate shall inspire here a feeling of respect those public ser- vices, similar to that which is entei.v.ined for them in the Colonies. They are of equal value to both coun- tries — to England as to her Dependencies, for satisfied I am by protecting these distant appendages of the Crown, you are supporting one of the main pillars of the British marine and conimercial prosperity. When I left Nova Scotia, in the month of June last, I had no intention of embodying my views upon Colo- aial Policy in any publication. The notice given by you n July, of an intended motion in the House of Com- nons, during the present session, upon the subject of the B u *' Newfoundland Fisheries," and the ignorance — to me astonishing — which prevails among ma;iy commercial and intelligent men in this country, relative to the natural resources and advancement of the North Ame- rican Colonies, have induced me to embody the local information I possess, with the view equally of assisting your labours, and lending my humble aid to remove those ignorant and unfavourable impressions. The better these Colonies are known, the more they will be valued ; and to inspire an attachment for them is to extend and knit i.he circle of national feeling. The opinions I advocate, although in accordance with your own, necessarily run counter to those of an intel- ligent and powerful party in this country. Their views I regard as destructive of the commercial resources and the political supremacy of England ! I embody my dissent, however, in calm and respectful language. Truth, like virtue, delights in moderation. In the examination of my opinions, I trust my opponents will extend an equal candour. Believe me, Sir, I say it with no pretended modesty, that it is the local knowledge I have acquired, during a residence from childhood in one of the finest of these Dependencies, and not the conviction of any adequate ability, which has induced me to embark in this impor- tant question. There are many personal considera- tions which would have restrained me from engaging 1 vV I J i f i \ 111 / ■( I *1 i in it, but the crisis is imposing and animating ; and I shall be more tlian repaid for my labour, if I shall be able to add a fresher fervour to that feeling of reci- procal attachment — founded upon the sense of reci- procal advantages, which exists between a large body of ihe intelligent classes here, and in British North America. I take this assurance in part upon your own authority. You have said lately in Parliament — " I know the sound part of our population are attached to their colonial fellow-subjects," I trust it may be so ; "and I know also," to this I beg to add my warmest confirmation, " that a similar feeling exists in the Colonies." I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient Servant, George R. Young. Cecil Street, Strand, Feb. 1834. J 4 f and f'eop redre the land Cloin 1783' Freih Mort Tt in Pi —M stone in th f P ricai Intr VI en Fish suffi Icn I /Mil Am —i in J nsm ves En Ne i C jNTENTS. LETTER I. Page Feeling of the Colonies relative to the Fisheries — ^ tone of warm and affectionate Loyalty prevails in them — The Ministry and British People may fan or ed-tinguish it — Injuries sustained — The power of redress in. the reach of the Cabinet 6 LETTER II. Supposed Opinion of the Law Oncers of the Crown upon the Claim of the French to an exclusive right of Fishery on the Coasts of Newfound- land — Treatifs from that of Utrecht to that of Paris in 1814 — This Claim considered as a question of Intention — Debates in Parliament in 1783 — American Interpretation of the Treaty, and Resistance to the French — Arguments reviewed — Improvements in Newfoundland — Mr. Morrises Pamphlets — Mr. nilier''s Memorial , 10 LETTER III. Treaty of 1783 — Mr. Oswald — Negotiations with America— Debates in Parliament upon the Provisional Treaty uf Peace — Convention of 1818 — Mr. Rush's synopns of the Arguments used by the American Commis- sioners — Clamours in England and the Colonies — hu "motional " Rights in the Sea" reviewed. 29 LETTER IV. Practical effects of these Treaties on the Coast of Nova Scotia — Ame- ricans destroy nets — Lessen the Catch — Obtain Bait from our Harbours- Introduce Smuggled Goods, and carry on a barter trade with oar Fisher- men— Ft\jurious to the Revenue and local Merchant — Drive the British Fishermen from their Stations in the Labrador coast — Naval Force not sufficient — In 1831, Americans engrossed the whole trade of the Magda- len Islands — Their violation of the Revenue Laws unjustifiable 48 LE'lTER V. liy these treaties the Colonies lose the supply of the home consumption both of France and America — Extent and value of the French and American Fisheries — Thetj mann/'acfure or secure the best quality of fish — Duties paid on English fish on the Continent — Competition created both in Europe and the lirazils — America can take to the latter their cargoes assorted with cheap manufactures—Theq sail and man their fishing vessels at a lower cost— Manufacture oj Salt and its cheapness in New England — Effects of the Competition of the French on the Trade if Newfoundland i\2 CONTKNTS, LETTER VI. I'age /Amount of casual Revenues in, and Parliamentary Grants for, the Colonies — The British North American Provinces prepared to pay the expenses of their Civil Governments — Quit Rents in Prince Edwurd^s Island— the Proprietors and People— Separation of Cape Breton from Nova Scotia, considered— -Public fTorks not undertaken at the suggestion of the Colonists— Shubennacadie Canal— Government House in Newfound- lend— Fortifications in Canada — Rideau Canal — Distinction between extra and necessary expenditures — Folly of abandoning these Depen- dencies 77 LETTER Vn. No War waged exclusively for the Colonies — Military Expense less than represented — Naval Force not chargeable to these Colonies — Benefits derived by the Mother Country from their possession — Field for Emigra- tion — Area of the Colonies larger than that of Great Britain — Amount of Manufactures consumed in the Colonies contrasted with the United States — American Tariff—Foreign Countries neither in a situation, nor having the disposition to reciprocate 104 LETTER VTH. British and Colonial Shipping — Exports to the Colonies and the Northern Powers of Europe contrastea—Considerntions upon the Reci- procity Treaties — British Trade with America — Statistics of Nova Scotia — Present condition, trade, climate, and state of improvement — Falue of the Fisheries of Neirfoundland — Colonial Fisheries — Comparative pro- gress of the Colonies, and the United States and Great Britain, in popu- lation, Sfc. — Mr. Scrope on Colonization 131 LETTER IX. Appeal to the Chivalry of the Nation — The New World must exercise a vast influence upon the destinies of the Old — America hostile to British Liberty — These Colonies essential to overawe and control the United States — Necessary as affording a Station to prepare an Armament, and to refit our Navy stationed in the West Indies — Essential to British Independence — America not to be dreaded as a Military Power — Her Strength only in her Navy 169 LETTER X. A Trade necessary for the national Defence ought to be protected — Lord John Russell — Naval Power never permanent unless supported fiy a Com- mercial Marine — Ancient and Modern History — Fisheries the best nursery of Sailors — Comparison between the Naval Resources of the Brit in h North American Colonies and the United States — American Shvre Fisheries com- pared to Massachusetts and Maine— Chief Justice Halliburton's work upon this subject — Feeling produced in the Colonics by the system ff Attack Consequences upon the Mother Country, if Novh Sco'tiit, i^: were incor- porated into the Union — Supply America with Fuel, and enable her with their superior Climate to prosecute the Cotton Spinning Trade— Navy Estimates may be Reduced. f.l72 LETFER XI. Good faith in Treaties to be observed— The Colonies tn this question seek only the fair construction o/" these Treaties, and a rigorous er\I'orcemant of their terms— Methods of Redress— Appeal to the Government, and to Mr. Stanley— Duties on the Importation of Fish from the Colonies ought (o be reduced jgy / Page '*'*■ for, the fo fimj the Edward's Breton from i'/g-g-estion Newfound. n bettoeen tse Depen- 77 se less than '—Benefits r Etnigra- ■Amount of ited States tor having' 104 and the the Red. >ffli Hcotia -f^nlue of tiye pro. ''npopu- .131 THE BRITISH NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES LETTER I. Feeling of the Colonies relative to the Fisheries — A tone of warm and affec- tionate Loyalty prevails in them — The Ministry and British People may fan or extinguish it — Injuries sustained — The power of redress in the reach of the Cabinet, ' exercise '0 British ed States 1 to refit tendence h only in ,159 nursery 'j North 'es com. rk upon (tack— ' incor. '*• teith -Navy *n seek ant of Mr. ' -obe ,189 TO THE RIGHT HON. E. G. S. STANLEY, M.P. SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES. ^c. ^c. ^c. " Britain exists all over the world in her Colonies. These alone give her the means of advancing her industry and opulence for ages to come. They are portions of her territory more valuable than if joined to her Islnnd. Tlie sense of distance is destroyed by her command of ships, whilst tiiat very distance serves as the feeder of her commerce and marine. Situated in every Continent, lying in every latitude, these her out-domi- uions make her the centre of a trade, already vast and perpetually ad- vancing— a home trade, and a foreign trade — for it yields the riches of l)otli, as slie controls it all at her will. They take off her redundant popu- lation, yet make her more populous ; and are destined, under the policy already commenced towards them, and which in time she will far more extensively pursue, to expand her empire, commercial, manufacturing and 6 maritime, to dominions to which it would not be easy to affix limits."— Rush's Residence at the Court of London. " I can assure the Hcuse, that if the Honourable Member, or any other individual, can suggest any mode of conduct which is likely to promote the prosperity of the Colonies, I shall be most happy to attend to it." — Speech of Sir George Murray in the House of Commons, while Secretary fur the Colonies, in a Debate upon the Trade and Fisheries of Nenfoundland. Sir, When I had formed the determination of writing the following letters, upon the existing treaties with France and the United States, as affecting their " rights of fishory" upon the shores of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, 1 intended to apply for the favour of pub- lication in some of the daily newspapers. As I pro- ceeded with the investigation, the subject extended into collateral but necessary inquiries ; and on submitting my views to my friends, whose judgment I hold in higher respect than my own, they advised me to pub- lish them together, that the uniformity and stream of the argument might not be affected. I offer this expla- nation not for their matter, but theiryonw. The views I have advocated are sanctioned by my own judgment; but I seek for them no favour, if they are not supported by facts, and the deductions of experience. I would reject them myself, if 1 did not believe them to be consistent with truth and political philosophy. The inquiry I prosecute necessarily compels me to arraign the measures of former Administrations. The pledf^e given by Sir George Murray upon this question continues to the present hour unredeemed. In the opinion of the "enlightened public" of the Colonic^ their best interests have been sacrificed, by the policy affix limits." — r, or any other to promote the o it." — Speech ^retary for the foundland. # lination of ig treaties itirig their Scotia and urofpub- ^s I pro- nded into ubmitting hold in e to pub- stream of lis expla- e views I aent; but orted by Id reject insistent s me to s. The piestion In the olonic" i policy WARM FEELING OF LOYALTY IN THE COLONIES. 7 of the Government. They have the charity to believe, that this is to be attributed more to ignorance than to intention. The extent of that sacrifice I shall now endeavour to develope. I wish to press strongly upon your notice the practical evils to which we are sub- jected, and which it is in the power of the Government, at least, partially to relieve. The principles which have governed your conduct since your accession to office — your gracious reception of the deputies from New Brunswick — the concessions made to their just complaints — lead me to believe, that you will not be slow to vindicate our rights, if once satisfied that they have been and continue to be invaded. I write, Sir, with no intention of embarrassing the Government, on the one hand — your course is distinct and clear. National, like personal dignity, will be best consulted by the firm assertion of its rights. On the othei^ it would be an ungracious office, with the warm attachment I profess to the Constitution, and the desire which animates me that the connexion existing between the Mother Country and the British Dependen- cies may be perpetuated, to start any political question having a tendency to disturb it. There exists through- out all the Colonies, with which I am acquainted, a tone of kindly and affectionate feeling towards the British nation, founded alike upon the sense of benefits received, as upon a just apprehension of the practical superiority of their local governments. But I ought not to conceal that the existence and perpetuation of that feeling depend upon the policy pursued by the Cabinet. It is for them either to fan or destroy it. The spirit of political incjuiry, which exists in the old world, has breathed its inspiration across the Atlantic ; and is 8 SPIRIT OF INQUIRY AMONG THE COIONJSTS. Spread far and wide among the population o^ these Dependencies. They are upon the advancing tide of human knowledge. They have caught up from the political and literary publications of the day, their tone of searching and sagacious investigation ; and apply it, with even its rougher aspects, to the discussion of their local affairs. After the array of facts I shall pro- duce, and the reference I shall make to the feelings —the bitter and hostile feelings — with which the question of the Fisheries has been contemplated, I need scarce assure you that it is there the subjecl of frequent and hot decla- mation. We have submitted hitherto, but it has been with no very patient nor " winning grace. " We have continued to suffer aggression, but it has been a suffering, softened and blended with hope. Yes, Sir, with the hope that the maternal Govern iient would, by its own supervision, at length, discover, from the statistics of trade, the practical consequences of a policy which has been, and will yet be, I fear, even more destructive of the Colonial interests. Forbearance, at a c^^rtain point, loses even the semblance of a virtue. The meekest spirit, if goaded too far, will, and ought to rise in resist- ance. Some of the Colonies will not submit much longer. Newfoundland may be provoked to execute summary vengeance upon the French. If the Ministry do not of themselves extend some measure of relief, and secure to us at least the fair participation in these— our local resources, the question even may be mooted how far, according to the modern doctrines of the Con- stitution, the Government have the power of thus dis- posing of the local and peculiar resources of the Colo- nies, without their interests being consulted, or their sanction sought. There are enow of angry spirits who m wc po| lef pefl of >NJSTS. on o^ these 3ing tide of p from the ^ their tone ad apply it, scussion of I shall pro- elings —the question of iarce assure 1 hotdecla- it has been We have a suffering, , with the by its own tatistics of which has ructive of ain point, meekest in resisc- nit much execute Ministry elief, and lese — our nooted — the Con- thus dis- he Colo- or their rits who 1 I DISSATISFACTION OF THE COLONIES. 9 would delight to agitate it. I know it is a theme of political speculation, which, if once sent abroad, may lead to the propagation of principles dangerous to the peace, if not to the integrity, of the empire ; and one of the main objects of this appeal is, that, by recom- mending precautionary measures, such discussion may be averted. It would be dishonourable to conceal, how- ever, till t the feeling of dissatisfaction exists — that it is spreading and strengthening — nay further, that the Colonists think they would be unworthy of the free lineage of their sires, if they were not irritated by the injuries to which they have been exposed. The advancement of the Colonies during the last twenty years has been rapid beyond all parallel, I be- lieve, in the history of the world. That advance, how- ever, has been retarded by one of their most valuable sources of national wealth having been opened to the competition of two rival powers. How far the Govern- ment have conceded, from the rule of international law, in granting these privileges, is a question I shall after- wards discuss ; but, at the present moment, you will admit it, as a general principle, that the existing trea- ties ought to be strictly construed — their tenor rigorously enjoined or enforced — and that the Colonies have a right to apply for redress, if they can establish, that the French and Americans exercise their privileges to an extent which their charters do not justify, and which, I am satisfied, the Government would not knowingly perm't. LETTER II. Supposed Opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown upon the Claim of the Frenth to an exclusive right of Fishery on the Coasts of Neufcund- land— Treaties from that of Utrecht to that of Paris in 1814 — 27'k Claim considered as a question of Intention — Debates in Parliament in 1783 — American Interpretation of the Treaty, and Resistana to the French — Arguments reviewed — Improvements in Newfoundland — Mr. Mo/ris's Pamphlets.— Mr. Villier's Memorial. ** And as respects the right of fishing, upon the north-east Co;ist of this Island, in common with the French, your Memorialist luimbly solicit the prompt answer of His Majesty's Government, so ' it they may receive the necessary information upon this important point he- fore preparations be made for the Cod Fishing of the ensuing season, which will commence in May next ; and as additional grounds for this ap- plication, Memorialists have to state that the Fishing on the Coast of La- brador during the past year has, in many instances, almost totally failed ; and generally the quantity of fish taken and cured there, has proved very inferior, so iuat Memorialists apprehend those fishermen, who have hitherto pursued the fishing on that Coast, will be cc iptiled to resort to the French shore, unless they find the construction which His Majesty's Government may put upon the Treaties, not adverse (o their proceeding thither. Memorialists would further beg leave to ftate, that in the ab- sence of the requisite instrxictions from his Majesty's Government, great inconveniences might be suffered by many of His Majesty's sulyects; disputes may arise between the French and British fishermen ; and col- lisions of a serious nature may happen, which it is the earnest desire of Memorialists to prevent." — Memorial of the Chamber of Commerce of St. John's, Newfoundland, to the Right Honourable Sir George Murray, Secre- tary to the Colonies, dated January, 1830: SignedTiioMXS H. Brooking Esq. (now of London) President. " The yielding to France by the Treaty of Utrecht, the isle of Cape Breton, and the granting to that nation also, f\\o privilege of erecting stages on our Island of Newfoundland, were great mistakes." — Ander- son's History of Commerce. ^ SUPPOSED OPINION OF THE LAW OFFICERS. 11 the Claim of [/" Neiofound- 1814— 37k Parliament in itanci to the idland—Mr. i-east Coust ists humbly lo ' ;it they it point he- plug season, for this ap- oast of lia- Eilly failed ; iroved very who have to resort to s Majesty's proceeding ill the ab- nent, great siuyects ; and col- t desire of rce of St. ny, Scere- ROOKIVG. of Cape erecting —Ander- In reviewing the pretensions of the French to an ex- clusive 'ight of Fishing on more than half of the entire Coast of Newfoundland, I shall consider it, in the firs^ place, as a (juestion to be decided by the Treaties them- selves ; and, secondly, as one of intention, to be ga- thered from extraneous evidence ; for, after an investi- gation of the documents upon which the assumption is founded, and the collateral inquiries into which they lead, I esteem this, though a novel, the better course to adopt. If the question Mere propounded to the Law Officers of the Crown, they would be constrained, I think, Sir, to give something like the following OPINION. " As this is a ((uestlon involving international rights of commanding importance, and may affect the existing relations with the Colonies, or with France and this king- dom, we have bestowed upon it an anxious consideration, and ])resent the conclusions, to which we have arrived, after deliberate inquiry. By the Treaty of Utrecht, when France relinqiiished her right to Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, vith the privilege of fishing on the coasts of the latter, she retained to herself the island of Cape Breton, ' and also all other [islands] both in the mouth ' of the river St. Lawrence, and in the Gulf of the same ' name, with liberty to fortify any places therein.' With regard to Newfoundland, it was stipulated that it should not hi lawful for the subjects of France to raise any fortifications there, or to erect any buildings, besides stages made of wood, and huts necessary and usual for the drying offish, or to resort to the said island beyond the time necessary for fishing and drying offish. But it should be allowed to the subjects of France to catch 13 SUPPOSED OPINION OF THE LAW OFFICERS. fish, airj to dry them on land, on that part of the said Island of Newfoundland, which stretches from Cape Bonavista round the north point of the Island, and descending to Point 1 , . All the subsequent trea- ties refer to this primitive adjustment, and must be governed by its exact language. " Under this treaty it appears that the French enjoyed the right of fishing from 1712 to 1763 — that no formal assertion was made, or, if made, never recognized, of an exclusive right ; and that, for this period of half a century, the English and they participated in the mutual enjoyment, along part of the present debateable line of Coast. " In the year 1763, by the treaty of Versailles, these conflicting rights of the two powers to their possessions in North America formed the subject-matter of fresh agreement. By the fifth article, His Christian Majesty relinquished his rights to the Islands in the River and Gulf of St. Lawrence, as well as the Island of Cape Breton, previously captured by the British forces. The liberty of fishing and drying on the same portion of the Coast of Newfoundland, as conferred by the treaty of Utrecht, was confirmed to the subjects of France, and also the liberty of fishing in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, on condition that they should not exercise the right, "but " at the distance of three miles from the Islands or Coasts *' of the Continent situate in the said gulf," and that as to all other places without the limits of it, they should have the right of fishing fifteen leagues from the Coast of Cape Breton — while the fisheries of Nova Scotia should be guarded by the same restrictions as before. By the sixth article, the Islands of St. Pierre and Mi- quclon were ceded in full right to France, to serve * as fICERS. :, of the said from Capo Island, and 'qiient trea- id must be nch enjoyed Lt no formal cognized, of iod of half a ited in the it debateahle ailles, these ' possessions ter of fresh ian Majesty J River and nd of Cape forces. The rtion of the le treaty of ''ranee, and Lawrence, right, "but ds or Coasts and that as hey should 1 the Coast ova Scotia as before, re and Mi- I serve * as SUPPOSED OPINION OF THE LAW OFFICERS. 13 * a shelter for fishermen,' and His Christian Majesty ' obliged himself, ' on his royal word, ' neither to fortify ' the said Islands, nor to erect any buildings there, but ' merely for the convenience of the fisheries.' " By the treaty of Paris, concluded in 1783, these rights were, for a third time, subjected to new modifi- cations. The fourth article ceded to France the Islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, thus relieving them of the prohibition, under which they were before held ; and enabling the Government to fortify, and the people to form permanent settlements, as might appear to either expedient. The fifth article recites that in order to prevent the quarrels which had arisen between the two nations, His Most Christian Majesty consented to re- nounce the right of fishery, granted by the treaty of Utrecht, from Cape Bonavista to Cape St. John ; and, in return for this concession, our Plenipotentiaries granted, ' that the fishery assigned should begin at ' Cape St. John, on the east coast of Newfoundland,* run round the north point of the Island, and descend on the west, not as bef«)re, to Point Riche, — the exact posi- tion of which was then in dispute,* — but to Cape Ray. And it stipulated * that they should enjoy this extension of ' their privilege, as they had the right to enjoy that which ' was assigned to them by the treaty of Utrecht.' The * Reeves' History of Newfoundland; 124. " It appears that in 1764 the French Government, in a special memorial contended that Pent Riche, mentioned in the Treaty of Utrecht, on the western side, was the same as Cape Ray, on the south-west extremity. This claim being only supported by a single map of no authority, the work of a geographer, by name Herman Mull, was completely disproved by a Report of the Board of Trade, and was decisively rejected by the British Court." — Mr. Villier's Memorial. I ! !l 14 SUPPOSED OPINION OF THE LAW OFFICERS. last treaty is that of Paris, ratified in 1814. The thirteenth article runs thus : — ' The French right of ' fishery upon the Great Bank of Newfoundland, upon * the Coasts of the Island of that name, and of the ad- * jacent Islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, shall be ' replaced upon the footing in which it stood in 1792.' " With reference, then, to these treaties, the point of the argument must rest upon the construction to be given to that of Utrecht. The existing treaty of 1814 refers to the right as it existed, or, in other words, as exercised, in 1792 —this was founded upon the treaty of 1783 ; and in it again it was stipulated that the enlarged extent of fishery should be enjoyed, as that assigned by the primary treaty of 17 12. On considera- tion of the exact words contained in that document, we are of opinion, that the conclusion would not be war- ranted, tiiat a sole and exclusive fishery was intended. It allows the erection of buildings and stages made of boards ' necessary and usual for the drying of fish, and ' to catch fish and to dry them on land ;' but this can- not be construed to grant a sole fishery ; and if the usage of mutual enjoyment can be held to interpret the right, their submission to this, practical construction for so long a period, puts an end to the question. " It has been said, however, that the French mainly vindicate the assertion of this right upon a declaration from his Majesty the King, which accompanied the treaty of 1783. The following are the terms upon which they rely : — " To the end and in order that the Fisheries of the two nations may not give cause for daily quarrels, His B. M. will take the most positive measures for preventing <( (( < ( (( (( li a . i li i i li li 11 II II II li [CERS. 1814. The ch right of Hand, upon of the ad- ce, shall be in 1792.' he point of ;tion to be Xy of 1814 • words, as the treaty i that the id, as that considera- ument, we 3t be war- i intended. made of f fish, and this can- ' the usage the right, br so long ill mainly jclaration mied the ims upon )f the two J, His B. feventing SUPPOSED OPINION OF THE LAW OFFICERS. 15 I " his subjects from interrupting in any manner by their " competition, the fishery of the French during the tem- " porary exercise of it, Ike, granted upon the Coasts of " Newfoundland ; and he will for the purpose cause the " fixed settlements which shall be formed there to be *' removed. His B. M. will give orders that the French " fishermen be not incommoded in cutting the wood •' necessary for the repair of their scaffolds, &c. The thirteenth article of the treaty of Utreclit. and the method of carrying on the fishery, which has at all times been acknowledged, shall be the plan upon which the fishery shall be carried on there ; it shall not be de- viated from by either party, the French fishermen building only their scaffolds, confining themselves to the repair of their fishing-vessels, and not wintering there ; the subjects of His B. M. on their part, not molesting in any manner the French fishermen, dur- ing their fishery, and not injuring their scaffolds dur- ing their absence." To this there is a counter-decla- ration from the King of France of the same period, de- claring his entire satisfaction with it. " Now it will be apparent, that the language of the declaration, admitting it, for the present, to have equal authority with a treaty, does not confer, by fair and reasonable construction, the exclusive right contended for. Its whole import presumes the presence of British subjects. They were not to destroy the stages of the French in their absence ; but what possible motive, I ask, could they have to approach the coast, if they were neither allowed to erect fixed settlements, nor fish on its shores. True, upon the first clause, which states, that His B. M. will take the most positive measures for preventing the interruption of the fishery, by any man- a li a n li i( li It II it I I 16 SUPPOSED OPINION OF THE LAW OFFICERS. ner of competition * during their temporary exercise of it, some doubt might be raised ; and it may be con- * Since writing the above, I have seen the very elaborate statement, pre- pared by Thomas Hyde Villiers, Esq., while agent of Newfoundland, and addressed to R. W. Hay, Esq. on the 20th October, 1830. I have much pleasure in adding the following extract from that production : — " The ob- ject of the declaration is to secure to France that all possible efficacy be given to such principles as may prevent dispute, ' and that the fisheries of the two nations may not give cause for daily quarrels.' Then it pro- ceeds to detail a series of measures to be adopted with a view to these precautions. But where was the occasion for these precautions and ar- rangements, if an exclusive fishery had been ceded to France ? The fish- ing being exclusive, llie British fishermen had no right to be upon it at all, and the British Government would simply have restrained them from going there. In what ' manner,' tlien, could the British interrupt the French by their ' competition ?' How were ' disputes' or ' quarrels' to arise .' Whence the necessity for the most ' positive measures' to prevent the interruption of ' competition .'' Every phrase appears to con- template British participation in tiie fishery. " But the declaration specifies the measures that are to be taken in order to prevent disputes, and omits to specify what, from its paramount im- portance as a precautionary measure, must have been mentioned had it been intended, namely— that the British are not to fish at all within the French limits. It provides, with a view of preventing the evils they had formerly suffered in their concurrent fishing, that the ' fixed settlements' should be removed. Again, it may be asked, what question there could be that the Britisli would maintain their fixed settlements for fishing, if they were not to be allowed to fish ? Neither is there anything in this provision incompatible with the concurrent fishing of the British. On the contrary, it was nothing more than was formerly done to protect British subjects against one another. At a period when the Ship Fishing was en- couraged, to the exclusion of the Sedentary Fishing, no planter was allowed to possess any fir.hing stage, or even to reside within six nules of the co.ist. And even by the Act of William and Mary, so long the law of Newfound- land, no inhabitant was to possess any stage or station, until every ship which had come out from England was provided. When, therefore, we had allowed France to exercise a concurrent fishing, but, at the same time, by not allowing her to carry on what is called a sliip fishing, it was only just and consistent with our own practice, to make provision tliat the in- habitants should not as before so use their advantages to her prejudice and exclusion, and indirectly to defeat her riglit of fishing at all. Hut al- though the /ixvd selllcmenls are thus properly prohibited on the ' French • IS. ircise of be con- jment, pre- idland, and have much -"The oh- efficacy be he fisheries ben it pro- w to these jns and ar- The fish- upon it at them from iterrupt the ' quarrels* leasures' to 3ars to con- Len in order imount im- )ned had it 1 within tlie lis they had settlements' there could r fishing, if ling in this jh. On the tect British ing was cn- was allowed f tl.-e coast. Newfound- every ship ercfore, we same time, it was only that the in- prejudice 11. But al- ho ' French SUPPOSED OPINION OF THE LAW OFFICERS. 17 tended that the only and natural inference of these ex- pressions would convey the exclusive right. It might be asserted, by critical refinement upon language, that tho terms intended only that the French should not be de- barred by ?iay force or unfair competition from the enjoy- ment of their privilege, if this construction were not slightly imp igned by the preceding passage, that the object of the regulation was to prevent " daily quarrels.'* But we do not condescend to this verbal investigation. It would be a work of supererogation. The second sec- tion relieves the intent of all ambiguity, because it ex- pressly states, that the method of carrying on the fish- ery, which has at all times been acknowledged, shall be the plan on which the fishery shall be carried on there. This refers the right to the existing usage, it recog- nises even that such usage was established ; and as it is not debated, that from 1712 to the date of the declara- tion, it was regarded as a common and mutual right, we are of opinion that that usage must govern the question, and adjust the rights of the two Nations." When we come, however, Sir, to the second branch of the argument, that of intention, as controlled by col- lateral evidence, it leads to a more enlarged and inte- resting field of inquiry, but the conclusions which it sanctions are no less opposed to this hostile claim, than tlie severest construction of the treaties themselves. I plant myself upon this position, that under the two first treaties, it was held and enjoyed as a concurrent rl-ht ; and I give beneath a paragraph from C. Justice Reeve's shore," it will be observed, that nothing is said against such temporary establishments as might with propriety be erected in carrying on a con- current fishing." II II I 18 DEBATES UPON THE TREATY OF 1783. History of Newfoundland, * which, from the authority of his name, ought to be esteemed conclusive. In the debate of the 14th February, 1783, in the House of Peers, when the definitive treaty of peace was submitted by the Ministry, Viscount Stormont, in a masterly and eloquent speech, in which he shewed how the interest and glory of the nation had been sacrificed, said, in allusion to the French Fisheries : — "While he was Ambassador at the Court ofVer- " sailles, they set up a title to the fishery ceded to them " by the peace of Utrecht, unshackled by reciprocity. " He wrote home for instructions, and received so clear, " distinct, and at the same time so peremptory a state- " ment of the English right to fish in common with " the French on the west side of the island, that they " were satisfied, or at least relinquished their claim for " the time, and wisely postponed it until a moment " should (;ome more favourable to their ambition, f when " perhaps there should be an English Minister, so soli- " citous of power, so anxious to fix himself in his seat, li * " The activity of Mr. Palliser during his government, had contributed to bring forward the old debated question of property in flakes and stages. These questions were of different sorts; the first related to the parts be- tween Bonavista and Point Riche, the two limits of the French fishery. Many tracts of land within those limits were claimed as private jjroperty ; and, as such, might interfere with the concurrent right of the French tojish there. This matter was agitated tat the Board of Trade, and an additional instruction upon that head was given to the Governor, by which he was commanded not upon any pretence whatever to allow an exclusive posses- sion to be taken as private property, of any lands, rivers, or islands in the northern parts, between Bonavista and Point Riche ; taking special care that such ships as resorted to that part, should choose tlufir stations as they arrived, and should take up and occupy, subject to the (Jovernor's control, such space only of beach as was |)roportioned to tiie number of their boats, confornuil)le to stat, lOth and llth Wuii III. See p. 130." t See Cobbett's History, v. 22, p. 39«J. ■^ ■■■>"■ m CONSTRUCTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 19 authority . In the ! of Peers, ;ed by the L eloquent md glory ilusion to •t ofVer- d to them ciprocity. i so clear, y a state- Linon with that they claim for L moment m,t when :r, so soli- i his seat, 1 contributed .'s and stages. the parts bc- ench fishery. ite property ; ^rench tojish II additional hich he was lusive posses- slands in the special care ir stations as (Jovernor's become , which to confer ht admit I LETTER III. Treaty o/ 1783 — Mr. Oswald— Negotiations with America— Debates in Par- liament upon the Provisional Treaty of Peace— Convention 0/ 1818 — Mr. Rush's synopsis of the Arguments used by the American Commissioners — Clamours in England and the Colonies — International " Rights in the Sea" reviewed. "It is true that America is prodigal in her amicable professions towards England. Even General Jackson, who was thought to be unfavourable to this country, has been equally profuse with his predecessors in expressions of good will. I do not undervalue such demonstrations of friendship on the part of a great nation with so many claims to our amity and good will ; but I must consider all such declarations acts of mere official courtesy, entitled only to a similar return, as long as they are unaccompanied by any practical proof of liberality. While these are wanting, we ought to decline all concession on our part." — Mr. Robinson's Speech in the House 0/ Commons, May 22, 1832. Second Edition,^, b^. A REVIEW of the British negotiations with the United States, is a subject, Sir, of instructive inquiry to a statesman, although it presents no aspects very flatter- ing to the national pride. At every step it discloses one concession following another, on the footing of recipro- city, but in reality of uniform benefit and aggrandise- ment to our rivals. Language cannot be found too con- densed and severe, to characterise the terms of the first Provisional Treaty of Peace in 1783. Mr. Oswald, our Plenipotentiary, who adjusted it with Franklin and Jay, after his return to England, and when waited upon by the Merchants of London, that they might inform him of the concessions and sacrifice he had made, both con- 30 MR. OSWALD AND DR. FRANKLIN fessed his ignorance, and wept, it is said, over his own simplicity.* Both he and the country discovered but too late, that he was no match for the wily spirits with whom he had had to deal. The Conventions of 1815 and 1818 are no less honourable trophies to the danger- ous skill and refined talents of American diplomacy ; and if any one versed in their details should ever write an elaborate review of their contents,- the advantages lost on the one side, and gained on the other — the van- tage-ground yielded and occupied, not indeed by bold and manly declaration, but by a species of polite and gentle hustling — the Powers of Europe will be taught a warning lesson of the triple caution, with which they ought to adju&o their treaties with these ambitious and far-seeing Republicans. " The truth is," says Franklin, in a letter from Paris, at that period, " he appears so good and so reasonable " a man, that though I have no objection to Mr. Gren- ' ' ville, / should he loath to lose Mr. Oswald. He seems " to have nothing at heart but the good of mankind, " and putting a stop to mischief." In another, he adds, " Mr. Oswald appears plain and sincere. I sometimes '* a little doubt Mr. Grenville. Mr. Oswald, as an old " man, seems now to have no desire but that of being *' useful." I know of no more suspicious source of praise. It is admitted by the countrymen of Franklin, that he was a man of deep and impenetrable cunning, and like Napoleon, in this feature of his char€T,cter, that his esti- mation of men was only in j)roportion to their subser- viency to his purposes. It may be said of him, as * See " Coi.ipressud View of tlic Points to hv Discusstil in trouting with tlie United Stntes," London, 1H14. SKILL OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY. SI his own red but "its with of 1815 daiigcr- lomacy ; er write I'antages the van- by bold )lite and aught a ich they ous and m Paris, asonable r. Gren- le seems lankiiid, he adds, inietimes is an old of being 3f praise. that he and like his esti- r subser- him, as in 1 routing m it has been before said, of even a greater man, that he vahied character, as the modeller would wax — '' accord- ing to its ductility in his hands. '^ I have ever been inclined to attribute the simple generosity of our past negotiations with America to the remains of a* paternal and lingering affection, and to too low an opinion of the talents and sagacity of her public men. Philanthropy and good feeling would alike dictate the entertainment of a brotherly attachment, if it had been reciprocated ; but the events of history ought long ere now to have shewn the folly of indulging in kindly and generous sympathies ; for, in every feature of her past conduct, she has exhibited the character of an un- grateful daughter; and in place of returning our regard, has employed it, with an unholy and concentrated selfishness, to promote her own sinister and ambitious designs. The Plenipotentiaries of Europe, selected from the claims of birth, or, as in our own Government, often through official and Parliamentary influence, — ignorant of the localities of the question they are entrusted to adjust, — have, upon trial, proved no peers to the men, who have subjected themselves to the severe training and practical habits of business, essential to personal ascendancy in this republic ; and who have reached their stations of dignity and of in- fluence, by the weight of talent and their art of managing mankind. They come to the question with a * Secretary Tovvnsend, in 17S3, said, *' With regard to the observation of the Noble Lord in the blue ribbon, that the Americans, being no longer British subjects, have no longer a right to the fishing, which they had for- merly enjoyed, he hoped to God that sort of distinction would never be made, but that we should continue to consider the Americans as our bre- thren, and give them as little reason as possible to feel that they were not British subjects." 32 NEGOTIATIONS WITH AMERICA. precise knowledge of its limits and boundaries, and therefore go to debate with all the advantages of a jury who have had the benefit of a " view.'' They are aroused to unfainting diligence by the fear of impend- ing responsibility, and know, if they disappoint the people, disgi'ace and degradation from " high places" must ensue. These remarks may throw light upon the history I am about to disclose, and will at least, I hope, operate as a warning for the future.* * From this general view I must except Mr. Canning's correspondence with Mr. Gallatin, upon the opening of the Colonial Ports, in which the dignity and rights of a nation were never more ably vindicated by a great Minister. His letters are not only admirable for their reasoning, but for their imposing and lofty eloquence. In the late arbitration before the King of the Netherlands, relative to the disputed boundary line between the State of Maine and New Brunswick, where, indeed, we failed upon the dividing principle, I presume, " of settling the diflFerence by a partition of the kernel," the astuteness of Judge Preble was fully matched by the saga- cious mind of the Hon. Judge Chipman, of New Brunswick. Since the foregoing was written, the Annual Report of the " North American Colonial Association" for the past year aas been put into my hands, and I extract the following paragraph with the liveliest pleasure. No information could be more gratifying to these Dependencies. It opens a novel and flattering view of Colonial auspices, equally as regards the spirit of the Government, and the Intelligent Association organized in London to watch over their interests : — " Your Committee having received intimation, tliat in the progress of the pending negociation, relative to the north-east boundary of theUnited States, a claim had been set up by that country, to a right of free navigation of the River St. John, and a memorial on this subject to his Majesty's Govern- ment having been entrusted to them by the Committee of Trade at Quebec, they deemed the matter of sufficient importance to solicit an interview upon it, with Mr. Secretary Stanley ; when they were much gratified at receiving from that Right Honourable Gentleman, a frank and explicit de- claration, that such claim had been peremptorily negatived by His Majesty's Government, and that instructions had been given to the Diplomatic Agents of this country, not to allow of the subject being introduced into the nego- tiations in any shape whatever. The proverbially insidious nature of Ame- rican Diplomacy, which constantly takes for granted every point in their own favour, but carefully guards itself against conceding any similar points to their adversaries, renders this manly determination of His Ma- a <■ h w 3S, and fa jury ey are mpend- int the places" pon the I hope, jpondence vhich the )y a great ig, but for aefore the e between I upon the artition of the saga- Since the n Colonial extract the 1 could be •ring view ment, and interests : ress of the ted States, tion of the s Govern- it Quebec, interview ratified at xplicit de- Majesty's tic Agents )the nego- of Anie- nt in their \y similar r His Ma- TREATY or 17S3 WITH THE UNITED STATES. 33 By the third article of the definitive treaty, concluded m 1783, these rights of fishing were secured to the Americans in the following terms :— "It is agreed that the people of the United States *' continue to enjoy, unmolested, the right to take fish " of any kind on the Grand Bank, and on all the other *' banks of Newfoundland ; also in the Gulf of St. Law- *' rence, and at all other places in the Sea where the in- " habitants of both countries used at any time heretofore " to fish. And also, that the inhabitants of the United *' States shall have liberty to take fish of every kind on " such part of the Coast of Newfoundland as British ^^ fishermen shall use, but not to dry or cure the same " on that island. And also on the coasts, &c. of all " other His Britannic Majesty's dominions in America ; " and that the American fishermen shall have liberty " to dry and cure their fish, in any of the unsettled " bays, harbours, and creeks of Nova Scotia, Magdalen "■ Islands, and Labrador, so long as the same shall remain " unsettled;"' and concludes with stating that so soon as they are settled, it shall not be lawful for the Americans to enter, without a previous agreement with the in- habitants. When the terms of this treaty were submitted to Par- liament, the opposition in both Houses reviewed it in a spirit of severe rebuke. Many of the speakers seem to jesty's Ministers doubly gratiijing to all who ffi-l (in intorest in our valu- able American Provinces for injurious as the concession of such claim on the River St. John would he to the intcj^vity of those dominions, it is evident, that far from satisfying the Govcrnnu lit of the Uni cd States, it would he only a step towards i>rocuriiig the longer desired, and more liigiily prized navigation of the Hiver St. r/iwrenco; the concession of which would be us destructive of British Sovereignty in the Western Con- tinent, as it would be advantageous to the United States." f i 4 34 DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT. have foreseen all the evils of which the Colonists still complain. In a debate, in the House of Commons, Lord North said — " By the third article we have, in our spirit of reci- " procity, given tlie Americans an unlimited right to ** take fish of any kind on the Great Bank, and use all " the other Banks of Newfoundland. But this was not '' sufficient. We have also given them the right of " fishing in the Gulf of St. Lawr'^nce ; and at all other '* places in the Sea where they have heretofore, through " us, enjoyed the privilege of fishing. They have like- " wise the power of even partaking of the fishery which " we still retain. We have not been content with re- " signing what we promised, but even of sharing what " we have left. The United States liave liberty to fish on " that part of the Coast of Newfoundland which British " fishermen shall use. All the reserve is, that they are " not to dry or cure ih\, same on the island. This iscer- '* tainly a striking instance of that liberal equity which '' we find is the basis of the provisional treaty! But " where shall I find an instance of that reciprocity " which is also set forth in the preamble. We have " given the Americans the unlimited privilege of fish- '' ing on all the coasts, bays, and creeks in our Ame- " rican dominions. But where have they, under this principle of reciprocity, given us the privilege of fish- ing on any of their coasts, l)ays, and creeks. I could '' wish such an article could be found, were it only to " give a colour to this boasted reciprocity."* In the House of Lords, Viscount Storniont,says the Re- porter, turned liis attention to the boundary agreed upon by tlie American Commissioners, and to the conduct of " that veri/ extraordinary fjeographer and politician, Mr. * Cobbt'tt. \ol. 2;J, p. I.'il. ( ( ( ( ^s DEFENCE OF MINISTERS. ' Oswald. TheiG was prefixed to the article a very ' pompous preamble, setting forth that those treaties ' were the best observed, in which there were reciprocal ' adxmntages. He was a long time at a loss to understand ' the meaning of those words. But at last he discovered ' that they meant only the advantage of America. For ' a return for the manifold concessions on our parts, not ' one had been made on theirs. In truth, the Ameri- ' can Commissioners had enriched the English Dic- ' tionary with several new terms and phrases — recipro- ' cal advantage, for instance, meant the advantage of ' one of the parties, and a regulation of boundaries • meant a cession of territories." Lord Shelburne, the premier, said in defence, "Though we have not a mo- nopoly, we have got such superior* advantages in the drying, curing, and preparing of our fish for market, from the exclusive command of the most contiguous shores, that a rivalry can only whet our industry, to reap those benefits our preferable situa- tion in this respect presents to us. But why have you not stipulated a reciprocity of fishing in the Ame- rican harbours and creeks.^ I will tell your lord- ships, because we have abundant employment in our own. Would not an American think it sordid in the extreme, nay, consider it bordering on madness, to covet the privileges of battening our cattle on some of the sterile wilds, when we had our own fertile savan- nahs to have recourse to." Such was the train of puerile reasoning to which the Ministry were driven in attempting to defend this treaty, and I regret that the limits of these letters are so contracted as to prevent me * In Newfoundland the fact is directly the revers*;. This will be ex- plained in a snbseqiipnt letter. 36 OEBATIiS IX PAIILIAMKXT IN lHl5. 1 from quoting at length the admirahle reply,— the wither- ing power of criticism — with which the whole was re- viewed aid refuted hy my Lord Loughborough. The mode in which the people of the United States exercised this privilege, from the time of the treaty till the declaration of hostilities in 1812, will be detailed in a subsequent letter, when I come to treat of its practical effects. It was anticipated in the Colonies, that the spirit and tone of that war would have rendered the Ministry, on the future adjustment of the national rights, indisposed to have sacrificed any of our local ad- vantages. The convection of 1815 was ratified without the subject of the fisheries bcir adjusted ; * but, strange * On the I/ilh of.Tmi" Ifil.'i, Sir .John Newport brotij'ht the question of tlic Ncwfomidhiiid iMshcru i under the notice of tlie House of Commons, l)y pnscntin}; a |)etitiou i'rum the town of "oole. In his introductory sp(!t'ch, lie justly said, " that while he felt an unwilljnny nation, in the enjoyment of what would seem to heluuf? to thein by the law of nature, he was compelled to call upon Go- veriunent to tixtend its protection more imnu'dialely to its own subjects, and obtain for thcin tiie sanu^ exclusive rij;hts of fishing ( i our own coasts, which the Anu'ricaiis possessed on the exteiuled line of theirs." The llonoural)l(! M<'nih( r then nuned tliat an humble address be presented to His Majesty. It set out, tiiat as tiu' riglits of fishing- had not been extended to Anuirica by th<^ 1-ite treaty of peace with that power, " that the subjects of his Majesty n\ay be entitled to hope, that tlieir unexampled exertions in this branch of coninu'rce, would be secured and protected — exertions which are stated dtirini;' the last year, to inn e cn^''j;ed in the fisheries above H(>,()(M) tons of 8hi])piiij;', takinj; aiul coineyiujj;, to honu' and foreign nuirkets, nearly one million (piiutals of (isii, and al)Ove (),.'j()0 tons of oil, the actual value of which exceeded '2,700,(HK>/. ; and employed above l(i,0(K» natives of the United Kingdom in a branch of native industry, fur- nishing to the navy on an emergency, a great body of the most hardy and » .[.crienced seam(>n. That while it would iu)t be just lutr proper for us to interfere with the rights of the Americans to tisli on their own shore, nei- ther was it right that they sliould have siicli rigiit on ours, and that these rights ought 1«> he si tiired from their uiuluc interference, which, from their * iciuity, and other local a(l\antagcs, most materially destroys this vnluablu RUSH S HISTORY OF THE NEGOTIATION. 37 to say, the Americans, regardless of the permission be- ing annulled, proceeded as formerly, says Mr. Rush, * " to fish off the British coasts, and use the unsettled " shores for curing and drying, according to the stipu- '' lations of the (former) treaty. They were imme- " diately ordered off by the British naval force. Some " were captured. The ground alleged was, that the " treaty was no longer in existence. The Government " of the United States obtained a suspension of these " apparently hostile orders and proceedings, until the " two Governments could make efforts for adjusting a " question of 50 much moment." In Mr. Rush's work, a curious history is given of the negotiations upon this question ; and if all other evidence failed, the refined ingenuity with which he, t branch of commercial industry, for which above 2,000 persons have embark- ed from the port of Poole, and above 5,000 from the port of VVaterford, during the present year^ and which has advanced to its present unexampled mag- nitude bi/ the discontinuance during the tear of those vexatious and unwar- rantable encroachments upon it, heretofore practised by the inhabitants of the United States." Lord Castlereagh said, that he concurred with much of wliat had been stated by the Right Hon. Baronet. Tiie Right Hon. Baronet must liowever be himself aware, that there were many assertions in tliat address, of which it was impossible that the House could now be cogitoscent. As to tlie value of these fisheries, he most completely coin- cided witli him. They were not only valuable as a great source of wealth to the country, but 'ley were still more so as a source of maritime strength. He coincided also with the Right Hon. Baronet in his view of the relations between this country and America, as bearing upon the question ! He considered tha: by tlie law of nations, any claim that America miglit for- merly have put forward, but which had n^t been renewed by the treaty, had fallen to i!'e ground. lie considered nothing of tlie treaty of 1783 to be in force, except >vhat had been renewed and confirmed by the late treaty. By the law of nature, we have clearly tiie right of exclusive fish- ing within the jurisdiction of our own territories; but how far that juris- diction extended, was a point open to future discussion." * " Residence at the Court of London," p. 324. 38 TREATY OF 1783 WITH AMERICA PERPETUAL. <( li under the instructions of his government, attempted to defend the perpetuity of the treaty of 1783, justifies the tone of mv introductory remarks. I cannot illustrate this so well as by quoting his own language : — " Tlie British doctrine was, that the treaty of 1783, " not being re-enacted or confirmed by the treaty of '* Ghent, was annulled by the war of 1812. The United '* States wholly dissented from this doctrine. They did not deny the general rule of public law, on which Britain relied, that a war puts, an end to previous " treaties ; but they insisted that the rule was not ap- " plicable to the treaty of 1783. That treaty was pe- " culiar in its nature and objects. It had no analogy " to common treaties, and was not to be judged by " their rules. It was a treaty by which Great Britain ** had acknowledged the independence of the United States, after a seven years' contest in arms. It made two empires out of one. It was a treaty of separation. The rights of each party were laid down as primary " and fundamental, in the act of dismemberment which the treaty established. So much of territory and incidental rigii ^ in America were allotted to one, so much to the other. The entire instrument implied permanence. Hence, all the fishing rights secured ** under it to the United States were placed by Great •' Britain upon the same foundation with her inde- *' pendence itself." Again, " In point of principle, ** the United States were pre-eminently entitled to all " these fisheries ; and in point of fact they had enjoyed *' more of them than any other portion of the British ** empire before the separation. The people of New *' England, from their proximity, had been earlier led ** to the discovery and the improvement ! of the best II (( <( (( (( (( (< GRASPING SPIRIT OF THE UNITED STATES. 39 lif " fishing grounds ; ana had also with other parts of the " Union, contributed amply in blood and treasure to- " wards winning from France, provinces, on the coast " of which some of the fisheries were situated." It would be idle to detail the unanswerable arguments by which this " Synopsis" was and could be met. It dis- closes, I venture to say, a set of propositions unrivalled in the history of negotiations, — and that no nation could have commanded the pre-eminent confidence to put them forth in " grave debate' — save themselves. It is however but a feature of their general policy. It seems to be an article in their code of public morals, to demand, at the commencement of every negotiation, more than they are fairly entitled to. They have ad- vanced upon the Indian tracts, until, as one of the war- riors has said, " they will leave them the breadth of " the Great Sea (the Pacific) for their canoes." Upon France and Spain on the south and east, upon Russia on the north-east, and the British Colonies on the north, they have committed a series of trespasses, with the view of adding, like the Emperor of the Russias, to the circle of an already " boundless empire,'" and wlien these aggressions were complained of, then came the smooth appeal to the sanctities of international law, a pretended reverence for the sovereign rights of justice, and plentiful off*ers of negotiation and amicable adjust- ment. I know not why a nation should be exempt from the same reputation as the litigious landholder, who keeps his neighbours in eternal hot water about the limits of their contiguous acres. To them, how- ever, the system hitherto has been a gainful one ; and the right of fishing on the coasts of the Brit'sh N. American Colonies adds one other trophy to the sagacity which 40 CONVENTION OF 1818. acts upon it. The following are the terms of the con- vention as finally agreed upon : — That the United States should have for ever, in common with British subjects, the liberty to fish on the southern coast of Newfoundland, from Cape Ray to the Rameau Islands ; and from that cape to the Quirpon Islands, on the west- ern and northern coasts; and on the shores of the JViag- dalen Islands ; and on the coast, bays, harbours, and creeks from Mount Joly, on the southern coast of Labrador, through the Straits of Belleisle, and thence indefinitely along the coast, northwardly ; but without prejudice to any exclusive rights of the Hudson's Bay Company. Also the liberty for ever to dry and cure fish in any of the unsettled bays, harbours, and creeks of the southern coast of Newfoundland, as above described ; and of the coast of Labrador, subject after settlement to agreo- ment with the proprietors of the soil. In consequence of the above stipulation, the United States renounced for ever the liberty of fishing within three miles of any other part of the British coasts in America, or of curing or drying on them. But American fishermen were to be permitted to enter bays or harbours on the prohibited coasts for shelter, repairing damages, and obtaining wood and water, subject to restrictions necessary to pre- vent abuse. " Such was the article," says Mr. Rush, " finally '' agreed upon. The most difficult part of our task, " was on the question of permanence. Britain could ** not consent to an express clause, that a future war '' was not to abrogate the rights thus secured to us. " We inserted the word forever ! ! and drew up a paper " to be of record in the negotiation, purporting, that if " the convention should, from any cause be vacated, (( CONVENTION ATTACKED. 41 4 " all anterior rights were to revive." Again, *' It was ' ' by our act that the United States had renounced the " right to the fisheries not guaranteed to them by the " convention." Such are the grounds of the pretensions of the United States to this r'ght. Such were the arguments addressed to our Minister. It is to be remarked, that, notwith- standing these assumptions, which ought to have ren- d^red the Government the more determined to guard our rights, the Americans secured the liberty of drying and curing fish on parts of the coast of Newfound- land, from which they had been debarred by the former treaty. " When the convention was made public," says Mr. Rush, " it underwent criticism in Britain as too favour- " able throughout to the United States. But this ar- " tide on the fisheries was assailed with peculiar force. " The leading presses of London opened upon it. The " claims of the United States were described as of " alarming magnitude, the concessions as of a charac- *' ter corresponding. Important maritime interests of " the British empire were said to have been sacrificed. " Complaints poured in from the Colonies. The Legis- " lative Assembly and Council of Nova Scotia sent for- " ward remonstrances, with which were mixed up, " not unsparingly, denusiciations of American ambition " and encroachment." , In the following letter, I shall endeavour to prove that " iiijportant maritime interests" r^ere sacrificed — that the complaints which *' poured in from the Colonies" were then authorised by the experience of the past, as they are now sanctioned by the injuries sustained since ; and that their denunciations of American ambition, are 42 RIGHTS IN THE SEA. i inspired by no ungenerous spirit, but are connected with their own past conduct, by all the intimate and inseparable sequences of cause and effect. It is a spu- rious sort of morality which, after committing the of- fence, would arraign the severe justice which awards the punishment. It has been argued, however, Sir, that the piivi leges granted to the Americans by this convention, with the exception of the right of fishing on the Coast of Labra- dor, and of curing their fish upon the uninhabitable parts of it, and of Newfoundland, is no concession on our parts, but might be enjoyed, without such permission, by virtue of the law of nations. Without pretending to enter at large into the vexed inquiry conducted by Selden and Grotius, with show of such elaborate learn- ing, upon the question of '^mare clamwn,'' I hold it to be established by the practice, as well as by the law of nations, that a property can be claimed in the sea, as much as in the shores which bound it. It is a right which has been claimed and enforced in ancient as well as modern times. The state of VenicCj although owning a territory of scarce 200 miles on the shores of the Adriatic, asserted the right of exclusive navigation throughout the whole Gulf; and kept in a former age a fleet of war gallies to vindicate her pretension by force of arms. The Turks for centuries have exacted from vessels passing through the Dardanelles, as the Danes in the Sound, an acknow- ledgment of their respective sovereign rights. Queen Elizabeth maintained her supremacy over the ' ' British Seas ;" and King James traced by commissioners the limit of sovereign rule over the waters embraced by a line extended from the projecting headlands on the RIGHTS IN THE SEA. 43 nected e and i spu- lie of- wards ^ileges th the -abra- parts British Coasts.* I have never yet heard the right dis- puted of Britain to the Solway Frith, Russia to the Gulf of Finland, America to the Bay of Virginia, and the New Republics to the entrance of Rio de la Plata. True, both Grotius and Vattel have thrown some doubt upon the limits of the general rule ; but in the excellent article upon this subject contained in Chitty'sf Com- mercial Law, it is shewn, that the former has made admissions which necessarily favour a wide entertain- ment of the doctrine. The learned Civilian considers that a nation may shut up or claim the possession of a Gulf, of which it owns the neighbouring lands ; and Mr. Chitty presses the argument that a congress of nations might, on the same principle, claim to them- selves the united so\ereignty of any great sea. " Who can doubt," says Vattel, "that the pearl fisheries of Bahrem and Ceylon may lawfully become property ; and though where the catching of fish is the only ob- ject, the fishing appears less liable to be exhausted ; yet if a nation have on their coast a particular fishery of a profitable nature, and of which they ham become masters, shall they not be permitted to appropriate to themselves that bounteous gift of nature, as an appendage to the country they possess, and to reserve to themselves the great ad- vantages which their commerce may thence derive, in case of there being a sufficient abundance of fish to supply the neighbouring nations." This admission appears to embrace all that is necessary to enforce our argument ; but the question stiH remains how far that * See Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws. Grotius, Book 2. c. 3. Vattel^ 129. " Dominicum Maris," appended to "Selden's Mare Clausum," printed in London 1692. t Vol. i. p. 89. 44 r' I .ill I I'i RIGHTS IN THE SEA. exclusive right is to extend. Boclinus asserts, that, hy the common right of all maritime states, " the right *' extends to the distance of thirty leagues from the " coast," and Albuni and Vattel consider, in the absence of express i gulation "between different nations, that "the dominion of the sea is limited to three marine "miles, being the distance that a bomb from a mortar, " or a ball from a cannon would travel, if fired from the " shore ;" — " and for that reason," adds the latter, " a " vessel taken under the cannon of a neutral fortress is "not a lawful prize." He admits that if "a sea is "entirely enclosed by the territories of a nation, and " has no other communication with the ocean, than hy a ^'' channel of which the nation may tahe possession, it ap- " pears, that such a sea is no less capable of being " occupied, and becoming property than the land, and " it ougln, to tallow the fate of the land which surrounds " it." In tliesar e paragraph he asserts and vindicates the right of i)\e Roma^is to the exclusive possession of the Mediterranean ; while in another, by the force of this concession, he seems to involve himself in a laby- rinth. " All we have said of the parts of the sea near "the Coast maybe said more particularly, nnd with '' much greater reason, of roads, bays, and straits, as "still more capable of being possessed, and of greater " importance to the safety of the country. But I speak " of bays and straits of small extent, not of those great "tracts of sea to which these names are sometimes " given, as Hudson's Bay, and the straits of Magellan, "over which the empire cannot extend and still less a " right of property. A hay whose entrance can he de- ^ 'fended may he possessed and rendered suhject to the laws " of the soverciyn, and it is of importance tliut it should ♦ li RIGHTS IN THE SEA. 45 that, by he right i'om the absence ons, that marine mortar, from the Ltter, ' ' a )rtress is a sea is ion, and han by a m, it ap- jf being nd, and irrounds indicates ession of force of I a laby- sea near nd with raits, as f greater 1 speak »se great metimes agellan, ill less a ^i he de- thc laics t should "be so, since the conntry miglit be much more easily "insulted in such a place, than on a coast that lies less "exposed to the winds and the impetuosity of the " waves." Now I would respectfully submit that the two examples stand upon very different grounds. If Captain Parry had penetrated through the strait of the Hecla and Fury, and discovered the great northern communication between the two seas, the analogy would have been perfect, for each would have then alike formed one of those great highways of the sea, open by the courtesy and law of nations, to all maritine states. If the Romans were entitled to claim and enforce the right of exclusive navigation in the Mediterranean, it is difficult to conceive a reason why the English should not claim the exclusive navigation of Hudson's Bay and of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. In reality, however, the ownership and supremacy of the former has never been disputed. The French concede the sovereignty of England in the latter, and it yet remains to be decided whether the assertion of the American pretensions can coni,:ui 'he spirit of interiuitional law. Both appear to come within the doctrines vindicated by Vattel him- self — because, as the entrance of both can be de- fended — for who will doubt the ability of Great Britain to do so ? it follows that they may be possessed and rendered " subject to the laws of the Sovereign." In the ^Report on the Channel Fisheries, laid before the House of Conunons, at tlu' close of the last session, some doubt is exj)ressed as to the limits of sovereignty on the sea. In a note it is said, " Whether the league is " to be reckoned from the shore, or from a straight line " drawn from headland to headland, appears to be * Sec Heport, p. ft, IHtli AiiBUst, I83;j. RIGHTS IN THE SEA. li' II a "doubtful;" and, amid these conflicting authorities the conclusion of Mr. Cliitty is, perhaps, the soundest of all which can be hazarded. " *It is not easy to de- " termine to what distance a nation may extend its " rights over the sea by which it is surrounded. * * * Each State may, on this head, make what regulations it pleases, so far as respects the transactions of the " citizens with each other, or their concerns with the " Sovereign; but between nation and nation all that *' can be reasonably said is, that, in general, the " dominion of the State over the neighbouring sea, " extends as far as her safety renders it necessary ^ and ** her power is able to assert it.'' If, however, the object of international law be to pre- vent disputes, and to promote the harmony of States, it does appear essential, that the fishing-banks extending from a line of coast should belong to, and be under the exclusive sovereignty of, the State which owns it. How far the limit ought to extend may be a vexed question — but, it is apparent, that if the inhabitants of Nova Scotia can only maintain their exclusive right to the extent of three marine miles| — whilst some of the most productive banks lie beyond that limit — it robs them of those advantages which Nature in her bounty appears to con- fer, and leaves them only to a common scramble for those benefits, of which reason and the spirit of public law would give them the exclusive enjoyment. I ♦ ConinuToial Law^ p. 11.1. t In speakinn (»f the convpntioii of IH18, Uiisli says, "This lust port (that it might expressly !ip[)cnr our ronuiiciatioii was limited to three miles <'rom the Coast,) we deemed of the more oouse(Hiei»ce, from our fishermen having assured us, that the whole fishing ground on the Coast of Nova Scotia extended to a greater distance than three miles from the land." i ■ > I Tf RIGHTS IN THE SEA. 47 uthorities soundest asy to de- extend its ed. * * * ^gulations ns of the s with the a all that eral, the iring sea, ssary, and be to pre- States, it extending under the 3 it. How uestion — va Scotia extent of roductive of those 'S to con- mble for of public nent. I m will venture to say this much, that if any of your Colonial subjects should dare to approach within three miles of the coast of Massachusetts, and attempt to in- terfere with the fisheries of these Republicans, they will soon produce, from the archives of Washington, some writer on the law of nations, who, far superior in authority either to Grotius or Vattel, will prove, by irrefragable argument, that such was an unpardonable aggression upon their national rights. The legal doctrine of estoppel, perhaps, might in the present case be successfully pressed against both claimants — but, without pursuing this legal inquiry further, it will be considered, I trust, that the subjects of each should be strictly confined to the precise terms of their respective treaties. This the Colonies have a right to demand : it is all, for the present, I fear, they can expect. In the event, however. Sir, of a third adjustment, Mr. Chitty's doctrine will find, I hope, admittance as a chapter in the code of international la\N s Inst part tlirf e nii)<'s r fishermen iSt of Nova land." Ij I I i>; 1 I I !■■ 64 FRENCH AND AMERICAN FISHERIES'. that, if this consumption was not thus supplied, it would be a branch of trade secured to our ships and men. In 1826, their whole Cod Fishery employed 350 vessels, 40,016 tons, and 10,199 seamen; and in 1829, 400 vessels were sent out — of which 90 seem to have been engaged on the banks of Iceland. The number of seamen employed in all the French Fisheries somewhat exceeds the number employed in the whole mercantile navy of France. This fishery has, since the peace, been supported by enormous bounties, amounting to 60,000/. a-year, which, though now reduced, are still very large. — McCulloch, Bliss. In 1829, 15,000 sea-going fishermen were employed on the Coast of Newfoundland. It is a part of the policy of the French system that one-third or fourth of the crews of these vessels shall be " green men," and by this trade they thus train 4,000 or 6,000 men annually. — McGregor. AMERICAN FISHERIES. It has been estimated, on authority, that the number of American vessels employed in these fisheries in 1829, was 1500 sail, manned by 15,000 men, taking 1,000,000 quintals of cod fish, and 3,000 tons of oil. McGregor computes that they have annually engaged from 1,500 to 2,000 schooners of 90 to 130 tons, manned by about 30,000 men. In the evidence given before the Committee of the House of Commons in 1817, the number is stated at 1,5(K). Mr. Robinson, in his speech to the House of Commons (1832) rates them at 1,800. The exports of cod fish from the United States, wholly caught in the British American Seas, average about 400,000 quintals annually. The f(>llowiiig tables are derived from official documents : — Value of Exports the Produce of the Sea from the I'nited States: 1828 1829 1830 1831 Dried Fisl Dols. 819,926 246,737 627,317 Dols. 747,541 220,527 849,032 Dols. 530,690 225,987 968,593 Dols. 625,393 304,431 950,638 Pickled dilto Oil, Whalebone, & Candles Dollars . , Sterling 1,693,980 £381,145 1,817,100 408,847 1,725,270 388,185 1,889,462 425,128 " The Dried Fish are principfiUy taken in the Gulf of St. Lawrence ; the Pickled in their own rivers ; the Oil in their whale fishery ; of which also however, an important portion is carried on in ♦he Gulf of St. Lawrence." From this statement I would only dissent so far as to add that a part of the pickled are derived from their aggressions on the Coasts of British North America, and from the barter trade illegally prosecuted there. It is cal- AMERICAN AND FRENCH FISHERIES. 65 fishermen ; and I therefore consider myself justified in drawing the deduction, that, while we enable them to supply themselves and their foreign customers, we cur- tail our own trade to the full extent of such demand ; and increase their^ and lessen our own, commercial ma- rine, the whole amount of British tonnage, to which it would give employment. Of this species of national generosity, I confess I am unable to comprehend the wisdom. It does not correspond at least with that *' pound-shiillngs-and-pence" legislation which is ap- plied to the modern views of Colonial policy. I am quite willing to concede, that if the national fisheries did not exist, the consumption of fish would in both countries be somewhat curtailed. Still the supply of the limited demand would exclusively ap- pertain to the Colonies and their shipping. There are portions of these empires where the use of fish is indispensable. I allude to the French Colonies in the West Indies, and the Slave States of the American Republic. In these the extent of the internal con- sumption would be controlled by no views of national policy ; and as these are fully supplied by the vessels of the two nations — the larger portion from our Coasts — I place this as a clear sacrifice of the British and Colo- nial interests as resulting from these treaties. The returns of these fisheries do not only meet the internal demand, but afford a large excess for exporta- tion ; and in sending our fish abroad, into the market culatcdtlmt tho Americans fish up an annuity from British waters in this quarter of 552,500f. sterling. I have been at much trouble to obtain any official documents published by either Government, to show the extent of their fisheries in English waters, but I have been iinable to procure these, and must reason, there- fore, from the other data I have been able to command. F FRENCH BOUNTIES. of the world, its value and exchangeability are aifected by their competition. On examining the tables I will present in a subsequent letter, it will be seen that, dur- ing the period of 1808 to 1814, when the Americans and French were in some measure excluded from the enjoyment of these fisheries, those of Newfoundland increased at an as^))iisiiing rate of progression. In 1808 the exports o li were 478,755, in 1814 they had risen to 8G5,132cw In d ^. inquiry conducted by a Commit- tee of the House ofCou.monsin 1817, Georye Garland^ Esq., a merchant, fully conversant \vith the trade, stated, " This competition has already excluded twfrom the French market, where, in the year 18 15, we disposed of 100,000 quintals of fish." In a Memorial, presented the same year, by the merchants of Newfoundland, to Earl Bathurst, and the first signature to which is the name of Patrick Morris, Esq., it is stated, "The amount of Newfoundland fish sold annualljnn Spain and Portugal only, during some years of the late war, could not he * A mercantile gentleman of tl\e liighcst respectability in London, gives me the follow ing^statistics of the Cod Fishery of France for 1832. " Amount of Premiums or Drawbacks on this Fishery 20,(X)0,000fr. Mercantile Sea- men of France in ISIG, 8,0(K>; in 1826,10,000; 1827, 11,00^); 1829, 12,000; 1830, 10,0iK); 1S31, 7,414. Premiums of 400 francs up to 1,100 and 1,200 francs a man had been granted. Average of five years quantity of Cod taken by the French in Newfoundland, St. Pierre, and Miquelon 245,000 (|uintal3 ; (ifthese 27,000 have been sent direct to French Colonies in the West Indies, md beyond the Cape of Good Hope ; 17,000 to Spain, Portugal, and Italy ; 100,000 liave been consumed in France ; and tlie remaining 29,000, after being brought to France have been re- exported to the Colonies. 40 francs (33*. Ad.) as a bounty, had been granted on every quintal of Cod fish transhipped to tlie Colonies. On Cod valued at about 25 fra ncs( 24*. 10m Mr. Sadler's Bill, "to regulate the labour of chil- dren in the mills and factories," of the United Kingdom, was referred, is in the highest degree consolatory, by establishing the superiority of British manufactures ; and that foreign competition may be less dreaded than lias been generally imagined. It is there stated on the combined evidence of Messrs. Smith and Mr. Nish, and of Mr. Sadler the Chairman of the Committee, that the competition of America in the cotton spinning trade need not be apprehended. Without entering into debate upon the propriety of these opinions, as-regards the production of coarse cottons, it is unques- tionable, that America does, at the present moment, export to the Southern Continent a very large amount of these articles. In 1831 the cotton piece goods exported from the United States, are thijs stated in the oiHcial re- ' turns: — Printed! ^^^ coloured • 9(»,y,'U White - ^ 947,932 Nankeens - " ,. 2,397 Twist yarn, and thread - 17,221 All other manufactures - Gl,832 1,120,313 dols. Of soap and candles in the same year they exported 643,352 dollars. Boots and shoes 290,957 dollars. Household furniture 229,231 dollars. Hats 353,013 dollars. Combs and buttons 120,217 dollars. Glass 102,736 dollars. As the chief sale for these articles is in South America, it is apparent, that they sell in that market nearly one million of dollars worth of these coarser cottons. I have heard it said also that they have suc- ceeded in introducing them into Greece and Turkey in Europe. t Reuss' Tables, 277. ^ II, ,j OUTFITS CHEiVPEn IN THE UNITED STATES. 71 '^, would contend for, upon the most generous construction of his theory, would be, that fish from both countries should be admitted on equal terms. If disposed to concede this, I ask, if the foundations of property be of divine origin and are written in the elements of our nature, if it be consistent with justice, that the local advantages of one country should be exposed by any system of laws to the exactions of another — that the natural resources belonging to us, as Colonists, should be opened to a rival power, without our consent, and thus expose us to such an host of oppressive evils ? It would be the chivalry of a chivalrous philosophy, which would induce an answer in the affirmative. ^ The advantages, too, with which the Americans pro- secute these fisheries, render their opposition the more vexatious and oppressive. From the facilities, natural as well as acquired, which an old country enjoys over a new, its system is of course governed by the rules and principles of a more artificial state of society. Their vessels are fitted out principally from the North- ern States, and the stream of migration flowing thence to the virgin tracts of the Ohio, shew that their popula- tion is already overcrowded, and that the rate of wages, and the profits of capital must both be affected by this great controlling cause. Their canvas, rigging, all the outfits )f the vessel, as well as their provisions, are afforded at cheaper rates than they can be commanded in the Colonies. It is unquestionable, that an Ameri- can ship can be both manned and navigated at a lower charge than either in Britain or with us. In the latter, while we are subjected to the prices of articles, enhanced by British taxation, the charges of importation, and the difference of exchange, they procure them in the i 1 '^'ij 72 SALT CHEAPER IN MASSACHUSETTS. home market at the simple cost of production. It will form a natural inquiry how it arises, that we do not obtain these articles at the nearest market, in place of im- porting them from Britain ; — but the tariff of protecting duties * imposed by the Imperial Act for the protection of the British manufacturer, and of which we are not dis- posed to complain, will furnish a very satisfactory an- swer. Upon these articles an impost is exacted, vary- ing from 15 to 30 per cent, ad valorem. The Ameri- cans again in this have adopted the same principles as prevail ii their whale fishery — every man on 'oard has an interest in the returns of the voyage, and as they are all invigorated by an abstinence from spirituous f liquors, the majority being members of Temperance Societies, they are beyond dispute a more efficient body of men than the Colonists can obtain for their crevv^s. Beiiig trained from their infancy to the pursuit, they are also more expert, the fishermen in Newfoundland being chiefly composed of Irish emigrants, who, though both apt and laborious, from having adopted the pur- suit at an advanced period of life, never acquire, except in rare instances, the same manual dexterity. The superior climate of Massachusets confers upon them another advantage of prime importance. While the fishermen are on the deep, their wives and families arc prosecuting the manufacture of salt at liome ; and it is asserted that a large proportion of the salt used in the New England vessels upon our coast, is of domestic * See Act 6 Geo. IV. c. 114. ITiinio's Dij^cst of the Laws of the Cus- toms. t It is known thut many of those American vessels proceed on tlieir voyafje with a small jarof s]tiritiiotisli«|U()rs, to he used only as a medicine. Ill New England, there are Insurance Ollices wlio will taive risks on Tem- perance vessels at a lower premium than oii others. SALT IN THE UNITED STATES. 73 production. As I approached some years ago the fish- ing settlements in the neighbourhood of Cape Cod, I was struck with the picturesque effect produced upon tlie landscape, by the lively and ceaseless play of a thou- sand tiny windmills. A hundred seemed to surround every cottage ; and on inquiry and examination, I found that these were the working power of pumps connected with the sea, and were employed in raising the water to wooden tanks, resembling the coolers of a great brewery,* in which it was kept at a certain depth. Salt was thus produced by evaporation,! as is done on a much larger scale in the Bahama Islands. While the Colonists are under the necessity of importing salt from Spain, Portugal, Sicily, the West Indies and Liverpool, they, by availing themselves of the " chemical agencies" of a finer climate, command this, one of the main items in estimating the cost of production, at a comparatively low rate. Now, although all these are advantages of prime utility, and are creditable to the Americans, both from the industry and intelligence they display, the question reverts, is it our interest or our duty, to suffer them to extend those benefits at our expense ? Is one manufac- turer, who enjoys by nature and prescription the use of a stream, because he may have reason to admire the superior system of a rival and a neighbour, to open his * Those for example at Mciix's, in Tottenham Court Road, t I have ht'fori' mi; a statnruMit of the average of salt nicade in the United States in lH2f) and 18IJ0. New York and Massachusetts take the lead in Hie Northern States. Tiiey rank thus : — Capital employed. Bushels produced. New York, . 3,077,000 dollars. . 1,291,220 Massachusetts, . 1 ,7.')4,.'i7() . . . 667,329 Hut I am imlined to believe, that the domestic or home manufacture con- diittcd by the lishermcn on the shore, does not enter into this computation. 74 COMPETITION OF THE FRENCH. flood-gates, and lessen the efficiency and force of his own current, that he may enable such rival to press that superiority to his destruction ? As neither the law of nature nor of his country could compel him to do it, neither ought it to be done, as in our case, by prero- gative nor by treaty, which acquires the virtue of an international C(mtract, and binding cogency and effect, from the exercise of this power, delegated, I contend, upon the soundest principles of the constitution, to the King for the benefit of liis subjects. The practical evils resulting from the interference of the French with the fisheries of Newfoundland, are scarcely less disastrous to Colonial and British interests, than those which I have already detailed. It is matter of not unfrequent occurrence for a fisherman, after he has received upon credit, from the merchants of St. John or Concepcion Bay, his su])plies for the season, to proceed to his station, catch and cure a cargo, and in place of bringing it back to discharge his debt, run up to the Freucli shore, and there conduct an exchange of the whole, or part, for a new supply of comforts and luxuries. These he deposits eitlier at hoiue, or in some place of secrecy, till he returns to his port of outfit, cither empty, or with diminished cargo, to attribute the disastrous results of the voyage to the j)overty of the catch. The outports of Newfoundland are thus in part supplied with French w^^pirits and manufactures, which are introduced of course free of duty. The Magdalen Islands are a celebrated dej>ot for this contraband traffic. As both of our foreign competitors j)roseoutc this branch of trade, under national ausj)ices, and are assisted by national bounties, it is obvious, that they can bring their })ro- ducts into their domestic market, and that of the world, COAST CLAIMED BY FRANCE. 75 ce of his to press r the law to do it, by prero- tiie of an nd effect, contend, m, to the 'erence of and, are interests, is matter after he ts of St. eason, to , and in , run up hange of brls and in some )f oiufit, ibute the ty of the s in part /Inch are 1 Islands As both of trade, national eir pro- ,c world, 1 on far more favourable terms than the Colonies ; but by France these bounties are so extended, that the French fishermen are inclined at the end of the fishing season, to abandon their nets and other gear. Ai that period, the British fishermen proceed, I am told, to the French coast, and in exchange for fish and oil, secure these articles of foreign manufacture. These transactions are attended by results of a twofold character. While they deprive the merchant of the returns which in honour and honesty belong to him, they introduce also a foreign supply, injurious, of course, to the British ma- nufacturer. Notwithstanding the assertion so roundly made by the Ministry, during the discussion of the definitive treaty of peace, that that portion of the coast retained by Great Britain for the prosecution of the fisheries, was finer, and better adapted by nature for the curing of fish — it is now indisputable, that this is in direct variance with the fact. It would be out of place here to enter at any length into the subject of climate, and to treat it with regard to philosophical principles. It is sufficient to state, that during the summer season^ the whole line of the Atlantic coast of that continent is subjected to the invasion of those dense masses of fog which I shall subsequently describe in my sketch of Nova Scotia. But tliese frerpiently hang upon the frontiers of the east and south-west coasts, or indent themselves for a few miles only into the interior. So nice is the line of demarcation, tbat both in the harbours of Halifax and St.John's, the mcrclumts in tlie lJ})per Wards may liave their wharves covered witli fish, exposed to tli' briglitost sunshine, while at the same time those nearer the sea— the intervening distance being not more than a mile — are enveloped I ^ 'i 'i- V i! m FRENCH FISHING GROUNDS. in fog, and are unable to throw open either th . doors or windows of their fish-stores. There are districts botli of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, where these fogs are unknown, and it so happens, that the French occupy on the north-east and west, those portions of the latter island where those fogs are the least frequent. In addition to the advantage of climate, you per- ceive, by the Memorial of Mr. Brooking, that they have also the most prolific Jishing grounds. I ¥ I' ) «i#ai J Qoors listricfcs e these French ions of equent. 3u per- it they LETTER VI. Amount of casual Revenues in, and Parliamentary Grants for, the Colonies. — The British North American Provinces prepared to pay the expenses of their Civil Governments. — Quit Rents in Prince Edward's Island — the Proprietors aud people. — Separation of Cape Breton from Nova Scotia, considered — Public Works not under- taken at the suggestion of the Colonists — Shuhennacadie Canal — •d^vemment House in Newfoundland — Fortificaturns in Canada — Rideau Canal — Distinction between extra and necessary Expendi- tures — Folly of abandoning these Dependencies. " It is absurd to represent the defence and government of the Colonies as a burthen." Lord Brougham on Colonial Policy. It is not the purpose of these letters, sir, to embrace the details of the Colonial Policy of the empi'e. Such enlarged inquiry has no necessary connection with the their design ; and they will, therefore, be purposely confined to that narrower field of investigation, with the localities of which I am best acquainted. In the out- set, I advance the position, that the Crown Revenues derived from the British North American Colonies^ are now more than suf/ieient to meet the support of their Civil Governments. I have carefully examined the various receipts flowing from the different sources of the Royal Revenue for a series of years, and ; gather from the G * 78 EXPENSE OF COLONIAL GOVERNMENTS. official returns, — the most authentic and unimpeach- able of all documents, that, even under the distant management of the Colonial Office^ these revenues, at the present moment, are equivalent to the united expenditures. In the pamphlet reported, I know not on what authority, to have been published under the auspices of the Cabinet, and in the defence of the " Reformed Ministry," it is stated : — ** The same spirit of economy has been carried into " the Colonial Establishments ; the* salaries and emolu- " ments of Governors, Judges, Collectors, and Supegjti- ** tendants, have been all submitted to a most rigorous " examination, and their respective officers and esta- •' blish ments have been more or less reduced. 2. " In the Establishment of Lower and Upper *' Canada, Nova Scotia,New B; mswick, Bermuda, &c." *' The charge at commencement of re- duction, >vas ^59,aoo The imniediate saving, was 17,752 The p'cspective saving 21 ,549 Total saving „ . . . 30,501" * The Colonial Minister has received annually, for some years back, a book, called familiarly ** The Blue Book," from each colony, containing a full account of the population, trade, revenue, &c. T'iCse are deposited in the archives of the Colonial Office, and form R.a aunurabU code of statistics. I trust the local Legislatures will adopt sono means of obtaining a copy of them, that they may remain for -jiieiitral icference, in some public office in each of the Colonies. Mr. M'Kenzie, in his "Sketches of Upper Canada," has oomplaine ', that the Ministers formerly in office, manifested some reluctance to submit these, even to a Committee of the House of Commons. If there were "«iy thing to conceal tken, such motives must jiow be w sntiiig ; for I have been allowed the freest access to these records, and claim their authority for many of my statements. II u I: S CROWN REVENUES IN THE CANADAS. 79 I beg permission, however, to review this statement, and to prove that the Ministry have it yet in their power to make even a greater reduction. For many years, the Crown Revenues collected in Lower and Upper Canada, have been adequate to the payment of the Civil List. In the former, in 1827, the revenue, applicable to the support of the Civil Government, was £40,156, and the disbursements on account of the esta- blishment, £38,450, — leaving a balance, in the hands of the Crown, of £1,700 sterling. In the latter, there was a surplus, last year, of no less than £11,000; and in both, from the instalments to be made by the tv/o Land Companies, there will now be a considerable excess, to the amount, it is thought, of some thou- sands. In 1829, there was voted for the support of His Majesty's Government in Nova Scotia : — Parliamentary Grant ^9665 Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 4333 £13,908 1829. Grant 1)655 Society 4333 £13,5)88 1830. Grant 10,435 Society 4353 £14,788 Mark the fruits of that spirit of economy exhibited by the last Ministry, and followed up so unsparingly by the present ! In 1831, the Grant was reduced to £(5025 Society Grant increased to .. 6500 £13,126 G 2 i' ! 1 ■i i\ 80 REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE OF NOVA SCOTIA. , But, in 1832, the first item was limited to the s\im of £800, appropriated to the payment of the salary of the Chief Justice. A discussion took place during the last Session of the Assembly, in Nova Scotia, at which I was present, and in which it was contemplated to relieve the Maternal Government even of this burthen. The sum bestowed upon the society, remained in 1832 at £6500. During all of these years, there was an annual offset of from £5000 to £6000 sterling, derived, either from Crown duties, or other legitimate sources of Royal Revenue. In the two last years, the following are the sums and the sources from which they were derived : — 1831. Rent of the Mines, leased to the Gene- ral Mining Association £3000 Fees, Sale of Lands, &c 42C Crown Duties collected under 18 Geo. III. c. 20 2560 1832. £3000 082 2470 £5992 ^6150 The Parliamentary Votes for the Province of New Brunswick were, in the years 1827, 8, and 9, £5100, respectively ; since that period no vote has been required, and last year, (1832,) after discharging the various bur- thens of the Civil Li&t, there remained a balance of £7867,* But in addition to this surplus, arising from the King's Revenue, the Government, as you are aware, sir, have lately effected a sale to the New Brunswick * The two surplus sums accruing in Upper Canada and New Brunswick have, I believe, been expended in these Colonies, but that fact does not affect the present argument. GRANTS TO NEWFOUNDLAND. 81 Land Company of £500,000 acres, at 2s. 3d. per acre ; which will form a fund to be exclusively devoted, of course, for the uses of that Colony. In Prince Edward's Island the Grants from Parlia- ment have been, during the five preceding years, 1828, 9, 30, 31, and 3-2, £2820 sterling respectively, and the only Crown Revenue there reserved for the payment of the Civil List, — the (juit rents have been placed, for a time, under the controul of the local Legislature, and applied by it to objects of general improvement. In Newfoundland the expenditure, 1 mean the sum derived from the finances of the British nation, and ap- propriated to the support of its Civil Government, have been as follows : — 1827 £10,400 1828 10,400 1829 11 ,261 1830 11,261 18.31 10,342 • 1832 10,711 * The Island of Newfoundland was without a looal Legislature until 1832. The Customs and Revenues before that time were col- lected under the authority of the Government, and flowed into the general revenue of the United Kingdom. I have been unable to trace the balance by a formal examination of the accounts, but it was stated by Mr. Robinson, in the House of Commons, in 1832, that " For twelve years preceding 1824, this country drew a surplus " revenue of £89,000 from Newfoundland, which went into the Trea- '* sury." Mr. Brooking assures me, and therefore I give it as a fact to be relied upon, that a similar statement was submitted to the Colonial Minister — the items sot out at large, and its accuracy at the time was not impugned. ' I r t'i.: h ' I 82 king's college, nova scotia. In 1833 the Votes for the North American Colonies thus appear on the financial accounts. Prince Edward's Island 3,220 Newfoundland 12,8(51 Ecclesiastical Establishment 18,700 t King's College, Nova Scatia 3,050 of37,831 Of the £18,700, £8000 was placed at the disposal of the '* Society for the Propagation of the Gospel." Upon the two last items it may be remarked, that the Govern- ment have already intimated by public despatches, that both are to be discontinued, and indeed the first tei mi- nates at the end of 1835. The estimate will then descend to less than £26,000. Contrast the excess, now derived in Upper Canada and New Brunswick, added to the payments to be received from the two f I take this sum from the estimate as it appears, but I learn (from unquestionable authority) that the sum appropriated to King's Col- lege has never exceeded £1400 sterling per annum. Upon the re- duction of this allowance I would respectfully remark, that, however anxious the Government ought to be to promote economy, some regard is due to the rights of the incumbents. The President of that establishment, the Keverend Dr. Porte, has been at its head for a period now of 27 years. He was induced to accept the situation, and to abandon his prospects in the Church in England, under the belief that this would be a permanent provision. The Church and the State were then married in holy union. As new light has broke upon the present age, and that union is no longer believed, by some, to be necessary, the Ministry, in eti'ecting the necessary changes, should govern themselves by a sense of justice. Although no member of the Church, nor an alumnus of the College, nor approving, in all its parts, of the system of education there adopted, I cannot but think that the Government are bound to make provision for the Reverend Principal, and stay the hand of retrenchment till the ofiice has become vacant to new competitors, with whom new terms may be made. POSTAGE OF LETTEUS. 83 Land Companies ;J; and it will be obvious that the po- sition I have asserted is borne out by the facts. With- out reference to the claim now preferred by the Govern- ment for quit rents in Upper Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward's Island, all of which are in the progress of settlement and commuta- tion, with the respective Legislatures. I may state further, that a very general belief pre- vails in the Colonies, that a large profit is derived by the mother country from the postage of letters. I have no means of inquiring into the sources of this branch of the Royal Revenue, but if any surplus is afforded, it, of course, to its full extent, ought to be placed to the credit of the Colonies, in this " scrupulous balancing" of their accounts. 1 would suggest further, one method by which this part of the national expenditure may be materially X The Government have sold to the British American Land Com- pany, the whole uf the unsurveyed lands in the County of Sherbrooke, (exclusiveof the Territory claimed by the United States,) amountingto 696,325 acres ; also the Crown Reserve and surveyed Crown Lands in the Counties of Sherbrooke, Shiftbrd, and Stanstead, amounting to 251,330 acres, making in all »47,(561 acres for one entire sum of ^120,000, to be payable by instalments in ten years, with four per cent, interest — one half of the money to be laid out, under the sole direction of the Government, in improvements and public works in the Districts purchased by the Company. The amount paid by the «' Canada Land Company" to the Legislature of the Upper Province (in 1«32) was £17,500. The " Backivoodsnian,"siheY giving the details of the i.y'8 Speech on the " Pension last," in the Houso of Commons, Feb. 17th, 1834. ' DISPOSAL OF ROYAL REVENUE. 85 wherever an Assembly exists, the amount collected within the circle of its influence, ought, on this doctrine, to flow back, in the first place, for the support of the Civil Government, and, if there be an excess, for such objects of public utility or ornament, as the people, through their repesentatives, may approve. This prin- ciple was urged upon you by the deputation lately from New Brunswick, and I have been informed that you gave it prompt and gracious acceptance.* The feeling is not confined to it — it extends to all the Colonies. Those of Lowert and Upper Canada, Nova Scotia, * This principle seenis to have been recognised by Vicount Gode- rich, when Secretary of State for the Colonies. In a despatch, dated Downing Street, 28th January, 1833, written to the Goveinor of Prince Edward's Island, for the [lurpose of directing the method in which lands, belonging to the CroWii, should be subsequently dis- posed of in that island, he states : — " Having thus furnished you with directions for your guidance in the alienation of lands belonging to the Crown in Prince Edward's Isla'.d, I have to add, that the funds proceeding from this source will always be expended, exclusively for the henejit of the Colony." In another dispatch, addressed to Lieutenant Governor Young, touching the commutation of the Quit, Rents, dated on the same month, it is said, " I must observe that the fund arising from the regular collection of Quit Rents, will lie solely appropriated to objects connected with the Colony. The support of the Civil Govern- ment will probably be the most proper service in aid of which to ex- pend this fund. The sum arising from the redemption of Quit Rents should not be treated as Revenue, but rather as capital, to be laid out in further improvements. Thus, by the formation of roads, the clearing of lands, the construction of wharfs, or other useful public works, this fund might be so applied, as to accelerate the develop- ment of the resources of the Colony, and to give a new value to the lands belonging to the Crown." t "Resolved, that on the permanent settlement hcfore mentioned being efl'ected with the consent of this House, it will be expedient 'I ■'pP DISPOSAL OF CKOWN REVENUES. 3 f t{ i.f I'l' ' and New Brunswick are prepared to provide for the expense of their Civil Governments, provided the ter- ritorial or Crown Revenues are placed at their disposal. Two of them, the first and the last, have already made the offer officially : and I believe that Nova Scotia is ready to enter into the question, and to meet it with that liberality for which the acknowledged loyalty of the colony is the best guarantee.* If not misinformed, a despatch has been already transmitted for the purpose of offering such commutation. By the plan I have suggested, the Government may relieve itself of the ex- to render Ihe Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or person adminis- tering the Government, for the time being, the Judges and Executive Councillors, independent of the annual vote of the House, to the extent of their several salaries." — Passed by the House of Assembly of Lower Canada, 6th Dec. 1828. Although this resolution was passed by the Legislature at that time, the question of the Civil List has not yet arrived in Lower Canada to a satisfactory termina- tion. It would be unwise in these letters to enter at large into the comprehensive field of Canadian politics — but it would not be dif- ficult to conduct such a review as to show, that the French party in the Legislature aim at an ascendancy, inconsistent with either the principles, or the practice of the constitution. The Executive and Le- gislative Councils in the Colonial Parliaments ought to have their own separate and independen t spheres of oueration ; the salaries of the former branch, including the Justiciary, ought to be removed above the dangerous influence of an annual vote ; and the Ministry have done right, before yielding to the demands of the French party, to insist that the same practice should be introduced into that Colony respec- ting the Civil List, as has been in operation lor nearly a century in that Constitution, of which those of the dependencies are humble imitations. * That liberality in Nova Scotia will however be ejected by the belief, that the Minas, under the present arrangement, are not so pro- ductive as they might be made. The causes which create that feeling are too tedious to detail here. QUIT RENTS. 87 or the le ter- sposal. r made otia is th that of the ned, a urpose have the ex- admiiiis- xecutive i, to the .ssembly ion was le Civil temiina- into the t be dif- party in ther the and Le- lieir own le former (ove the ive done to insist ' respec- ntury in humble 1 by the t so pro- t feeling- pense incurred for the Government of Prince Edward's Island; and I form an improper estimate of the new Legislature of Newfoundland, if they will not adopt measures to meet the general principle. I have before stated, that the Quit Rents in Prince Edward's Island have been placed under the c»ntroul of the local Legislature. I deem it essential to intro- duce here, a detail of some circumstances connected with this branch of the Royal Revenue in that Colony. In the year 1831 , its Legislature passed an act, imposing a tax of 26'. per hundred acres upon all lands, and a pro- portionate tax upon town lots, situate in its limits, with the view of raising a fund for the erection of a Govern- ment House and Academy in Charlotte Town, Gaols, and other public buildings. The act was to have operation for five years, but a suspending clause was annexed, to prevent its having effect until His Ma- jesty's sanction had been obtained. It also sti[)ulated, that this tax should not be collected, unless the Govern- ment refrained from enforcing the payment of the Quit Rents for the same period ; and as His Majesty's assent was duly granted, it may be regarded as the first formal, though indirect, acknowledgement, on the part of the Ministry, of the right of a Colonial Assembly to appro- priate the Crown Revenues accruing within the limits of its jurisdiction. Contemporaneous with the passing of this act, a feeling in that island had manifested itself, both in the public papers and in the language employed in the House of Assembly, unfavourable, as was thought by some of the proprietary here, to their interests — a disposition appeared to moot dormant questions, touch- the integrity of their titles, acquired, in some instances, even by open purchase, and by fair and bonnajide con- 88 aUIT KENTS. ;il i veyances from the original grantees or their heirs ; and the proprietors, believing that their "rights of property" were most likely to be affected by the pending question of the Quit Rents, were anxious to bring it to a satisfac- tory termination with the Colonial Minister. It is unne- cessarjf for me to enter more at large into the detail of these proceedings, — but I have lately seen a very able and instructive correspondence, conducted by Viscount Goderich, and my Lord Howick, and Robert Stewart, Esq.ofLondon,actingin behalf of his brother, D.Stewart, Esq., one of the largest and most enterprising of the pro- prietors, — upon the general question of the commutation of the Quit rents. In the outset, Viscount Goderich pro- posed an adjustment of them, on the same terms as were offered to the Province of New Brunswick, in a despatch to Sir Archibald Campbell, the Lieutenant-Governor, dated the 10th December, 1831. — These were as fol- lows : — His Majesty's Ministers proposed to remit all Quit Rents due to the previous Midsummer, and *' to " authorise their commutation at 16 years' purchase, to *' all pv?;csons who may redeem them before Midsummer *' Day, 1834; — 18 years to those who may redeem ** after that period, and anterior to Midsummer 1836; — " and at 20 years' purchase to all persons who may re- " deem subsequently to that period; with an intimation, '* however, that His Majesty's Government will then ** take into consideration how far it may be expedient " to dispose of the unredeemed Quit Rents, to any per- " son desirous of purchasing them, or the principle " adopted in this country, (Englrnd,) with regard to the '* land tax." In reply to this communication, Mr. Stewart admitted, in the fullest manner, the liberal in- tentions of the Government to that Dependency ; and (( (( (( (( t< (< COMMUTATION OP QUIT RENTS. 89 .» I the clear and indisputable right of the Crown to enforce payment of this branch of the Royal Revenue ; but submitted to his lordship's sense of justice, whether the landholders in Prince Edward's Island should not be dealt with upon the same terms in this adjustment, as those of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, — considering that the former had already paid large sums to the Crown in discharge of the Quit Rents, while in the latter Colonies, they had not even been demanded, since the earliest period of their settlement ; and that the uniformity and equity of the proposed principle of adjustment, would be infringed in so far that by an act of the island, to which His Majesty's sanction had been granted, they were already liable to their payment for a period of five years. He concluded with the pro- posal of terms, making the one adjustment exactly equivalent to the other. In answer to this appeal, Lord Howick encloses the copy of a despatch to Colonel Young, the Lieutenant-Governor, dated January, 1833. *' The enclosed extract," he states, " from my despatch " to the Governor of New Brunswick, will explain to you the arrangement offered there, and the following is the manner in which I pronose that it should be ** applicable to Prince Edward's Island. During the " two years, after the expiration of the five, for which ** the claim to Quit Rents has been suspended, the Quit *' Rents shall be redeemable at 15 years' purchase ; — " during the next period of two years, they should be redeemable at 18 years' purchase; and at all subse- quent periods, they should be redeemable at 20 years' " purchase." In reply to this new proposal, Mr. Stewart frankly acceded to the principle, and offered to pay the amount in hand, if the Government would allow, as is (( (C (< it 90 MA. STEWART S COIIR T ^ "ON DENCE. t'li 1* h II fi I I the practice of the Bank of England, or in ordinary- transactions between individuals, the usual discount for prompt payment. This, however, was declined. He next proposed to place the sum in the hands of the Ministry, if he were allowed the usual rate of interest on the amount, until the first time appointed for com- mutation had expired. But this proposal was also rejected; and the correspondence closed with a distinct acceptance, by Mr. Stewart, in writing, of the terms proposed ; — intending, of course, to retain his capital, and to render it in the meanwhile productive, under his own management, until the first period of payment announced by Viscount Goderich had arrived. I am also assured, that the great majority of the proprietors will accede to the same arrangement ; and thus bring, at the proper period, this agitating question to a satis- factory conclusion. In the progress of this correspon- dence, Mr. Stewart expresses his ea**nest anxiety to bring this question to a definite adjustinent ; as the uncer- tainty interfered with the prosperity of the i?\land, by deterring men of capital from emigrating to it ; and even at that time, delayed certain arrangements which his brother, and some of the other proprietors, had in contemplation for the settlement and improvement of their tracts. So far as Mr. Stewart is concerned, these arrangements have since been placed in the pro- gress of completion ; and as these arrangements have been formed upon this adjustment, the honour and good faith of the Government are, of course, pledged to give it cogency and effect. It may be necessary to state further, that, in conse- quence of a despatch transmitted by Viscount Goderich to the authorities of Prince Edward's Island, intimating LEGISLATURE OF PRINCE EDWARd's ISLAND. 91 rdinary )unt for r1. He of the nterest )r com- as also iistinct 5 terms capital, under lyment I am )rietors bring, I satis- •espon- o bring uncer- nd, by t ; and which had in nent of jerned, le pro- s have Lir and Iged to conse- )derich mating that *' so soon as the financial condition of the Colony *• would enable the Legislature to make a moderate " but permanent provision of the increasing expenses " of its Government, His Majesty would be advised to " place the whole revenue within the island at its '* disposal," the Legislature, in the last Session, (1833) have par.sed an act for the purpose of raising a fund for this object. It imposes a tax of 4s. 6d. per hundred acres on all lands, and 2*. on every town lot ; directs that out of the monies so raised. His Majesty, &c., may defray the expenses of the Colonial Govern- ment ; and, also, that, while such act is in force, the Quit Rents shall not be collected, or, in other words, that the one shall be merged in the other. The Act is not to take effect until the existing statue, imposing the duty of 2^. Gd., has expired ; and to this, as in the former, there is a suspending clause, directing that it shall have no force, " until His Majesty's pleasure thereon shall be known." Since the receipt of this statute, the proprietors in England have united their influence to induce its rejection; and the Ministry, I presume, doubtful of the policy of casting the whole future expense of the Local Government on the landed in^:erest, in a young country, ttie prosperity of which must be retarded by any burdens imposed upon the soil, and influenced, probably, by the obligations they have already contracted, have, up to this period, refrained from recommending His Majesty to give it his royal sanction. In a former part of this letter, with the view of re- ducing the Colonial expenditure, I have ventured to sug- gest the expediency of incorporating this Island with the province of Novi^ Scotia. I am nol aware that 92 ISLAND OF CAPE BRETON. Iil'1 any feeling exists in the latter favourable to such union. In the former it would, I know, be highly unpopular, and engender, perhaps, all the consequences entailed by a violent sectional, or party, feeling, I believe the union would be beneficial to both ; but if the Legislature and people are so resolutely set upon the existence of a separate and independent Government as to provide funds for its support, by some fair and equitable tax, affecting all classes alike, it will be wise, Sir, perhaps, in the Ministry to give them their own wilful way, and respect their love of country, when they are willing to pay for its indulgence. With the anxious desire to limit the expenditures of the Crown, you may easily believe that I am unfriendly to the proposed separation of Cape Breton from Nova Scotia ; or, as it has been facetiously called, in our po- litical circle, " the Repeal of the Union." Cape Breton, for some years after its conquest, was under the Go- vernment of Nova Scotia ; it was then erected into a separate province, with a Governor and Council ; but in the year 1822, His Excellency Sir James Kempt, during his upright and, I need scarcely add, able ad- ministration, succeeded in having it again placed under the friendly protection of its Sister Province. There were many sound and pregnant suggestions of policy, which induced His Excellency to avail himself of his influence to accomplish this measure. Few persons are aware of the vast capabilities of this noble island. Its fisheries are affluent — its mineral wealth, space for space, equal to that of any country in the world, — and its soil the most productive perhaps in that hemisphere. Its insular situation and the beautiful sheet of internal navigation, afforded by the Lake Brasd or, secures the ISLAND OF CAPE BRETON. vm I union. )opular, entailed eve the islature ce of a provide )le tax, erhaps, ay, and Uing to ures of riendly n Nova oar po- Breton, he Go- into a ii ; but tCempt, )le ad- 1 under There policy, ^of his ons are d. Its r space, its soil e. Its nternal res the means of easy transport for its productions ; and present aspects of scenery, too, not less romantic and inviting than the Highland Lochs. It possesses the germ of all improvement — a sober, industrious, and vigorous peasantry, most of them emigrants from the North of Scotland ; and 1 confess, that in travelling through it last season, for the first time, I was struck, equally with the extent of cultivation, and the apparent com- fort and independence of the people. The French set- tlers on the Southern shores, the descendants of the Aca- dians, present much of their ancient simplicity — are valuable and diligent as fishermen and coasters ; — and from its local situation and advantages I recommend this island. Sir, to your notice, as one of the most va- luable appendages of the Crown. But, although Nature has been so beneficent in her gifts, and the majority of the people were availing themselves of their facilities, their efforts were retarded by he influence, as a gentle- man in the Island said to mr f a local oligarchy, as pernicious and withering as evt existed in the history of the Colonies." The island is divided into three dis- tricts or counties. Of these the North-east, where Sydney, the metropolis, (if it be not profanation thus to apply the word,) is situated, is less populous than the other two ; but it is there only, influenced by former as- sociations, — by the desire of regaining that power of which the annihilation of the local Government has de- prived them ; some, perhaps, dreaming again to enjoy the sweets of office — that the cry of discontent and disunion is heard. It is natural. I can find an apology for such sympathies, and I believe many think they are actuated by honorable motives ; but viewing it as a matter of argument and general expediency, I am constrained to m 94 ISLAND OF CAPE BRETON. Ill i denounce it as an unjust, unpopular, and dangerous scheme. I believe it to be decidedly opposed to the wishes of two-thirds of the island ; and that in the South and North-west Districts there is scarcely a man of in- telligence and influence, who does not condemn it. I speak not of it now, Sir, as a question of law. I pretend not, at this time, to pursue the technicalities in which it is involved ; but I must respectfully submit, that if the majority of the people be against it — if the Ministry do not favour the scheme, as I presume they cannot, from the anxiety they manifest to lessen the national expenditure, by curtailing the duties of office, I cannot, in this age of severe utility, see the wisdom of referring the question to His Majesty in Council, to tease their Lordships with a dry debate upon black-lettered sta- tutes. The South and North-west Districts are in favour of the alliance, simply because it has promoted their local interests. Before the annexation they had scarely a *' bridle " road in their limits. The local revenue was expended, either in the North Eastern Dis- trict, or melted, by some secret agencies, in the Trea- sury. Most certainly it never found a legitimate ap- propriation in the completion of local improvements. Will it be believed, sir, that there arc some hundreds of landholders in that island, living under the protection of the British Constitution, many of whom have resided upon their lands for 13, 14, or 16 years, who have paid for their grants at the office of the Surveyor General, in Sydney, for upwards of 10 years, who, to this moment, in spite of repeated applications, have been unable to obtain there the evidences of their titles. Many of the oldest veterans — the *' patriarchs of a race"— were unable to vote at the last election, and were turned from the bust- ISLAND OF CAFK UltF.TON. 95 ings, because they could not exhibit the King's Charter. When the lists were submitted to His Excellency, the Lieutenant Governor Sir Peregine Maitland, he promptly and resolutely exercised the authority of his station to redress the grievance. The grants are now slowly issuing ; but these two districts have suffered too severely from the local partialities and sectional interests, inseperable from a small government, ever to wish to see the ancien regime restored. They prefer the existing alliance with the superior knowledge, and the more enlarged justice, of the legislature of Nova Scotia Proper, than to have their destinies again con- signed to a spot, where their guardianship before was so unkindly and unconstitutionally discharged. Independent of the ascendancy of this constitutional doctrine, to which I have alluded, the colonies are dis- posed to relieve the Colon. al Department of the superin- tendance of their Royal Revenues ; first, from the belief, that, by their own direct management, they will render them infinitely more productive : and, 2ndly, that, by having them under their local controul, they will be able to exact or remove them, according to the exigencies of existing circumstances. Of the many thousands hitherto collected in Prince Edward's Island, from the quit rents from the tenants of the proprietors, by the writs of the Attorney-General,! — by the seizure and sale in fact of the last milch cow of the starving emigrant, — not a shilling in the pound has ever been paid into the Treasury to f The present Attorney-General, Robert Hodgson, Esq., so much respected in that Island, will not of course read this as an impeach- ment against him. The system was prosecuted in the time of his predecessors, and the quit rents, 1 believe, have not been collected since his appointment to office. h2 i m CROWN REVENUES. > < I ( 1 f I . \ II i I I I it lessen the charge of the Government. The whole, in its transmission from the people to the Crown, has been dissipated in the legal alembic through which it passed. The peremptory order enforced in New Brunswick last year, for the collection of quit rents, produced a gross receipt of £2700,* and a net residue of some £250, for the purposes of the Crown. Had their col- lection been attempted in Nova Scotia, the same pecun- iary results would have followed ; but the King's Governnvent would have sacrificed an amount of loyal attachment, which an expenditure of tentimes,tnayten times ten, the same sum would not have replaced. As a colonist, I blame not the Ministry for attempting to render these sources available. Compelled by the in- quiring temper of the age, by the admonitions of Par- liament, and by the clamour of the people, to act upon * See address of the House of Assembly. t In one of the most intelligent and spirited journals published in these Colonies, I extract the following paragraph from an article written l»j its editor, Mr. Howe. — " Against the impolicy of all reserves made by the Crown in these Colonies, whether of quit rents, lands, duties, or minerals, we have always protested, and shall con- tinue to protest. W hatever may have been the motives which dic- tated those reservations, or however essential they may have been considered to the maiiitenance of the rights and influence of the Crown, they have been rarely of use to the Government, and have generally proved bones of contention among the people. We wish from our hearts that His Majesty would assemble about him any Minister who, taking an enlightened view of the past, and judging of future perplexities and heart burnings, by those which have been lo frequently experienced, would have the firmness to give up anti- quated claims to properties, from which the Crown derives no honour and but little revenue, and which, in almost all cases, would be disposed of to more advantage, and administered with more judg- ment and economy by the Colonial Legislature." — Novaacotian, (Halifax,) Nov. 9th, 1833. PUBLIC WORKS IN THE COLONIES. n a system of thorough and efficient reform, they are not liable to just censure in extending to the Colonies some of those pinching p^iis of taxation which are felt at home. The rights of the Crown were clear and im- perative ; but I will not hesitate to say, that had these been, under the controul of the local Legislature, or had the Ministry been informed of the inevitable results which would follow, they would not have violated one of the soundest principles of economy, and enforced the collection of a tax, argued by some to be almost extinct from desuetude, oppressive in itself, and the entire pro- duct of which was necessary to pay the tax gatherer. It is due to the present Attorney General of Nova Scotia* to state, that, with a generous disregard to his own in- terests, he has always used his influence to prevent the collection of this tax in that province. The Colonists are far from being insensible to the aid afforded by the MaternalGovernment, in the erection of public buildmgs, and in the completion of their public works. There exists a feeling of deep and lively gra- titude, in which I am aware the circle of my own friends most fully sympathise ; but when the favours thus graci- ously conferred are in a great measure discharged by our being so frequently reminded of them, — when they are embodied into the counts of a specific indictment against the benefit of the connexion, — and rung upon, with all the changes, by the anti-colonists, as a proof of the necessary expense of the colonial policy, it behoves nie to inquire, at whose solicitation and on what objects, these sums have been expended. It will be recollected, that 1 prosecute this inquiry with reference solely to the North Americ;in Colonies. I will treat it now, not (J. W. ArcliibHid, Esq. ♦ s 1M h 1 f SHUBENNACADIE CANAL. as a subject of general legislation, but as a matter of strict account ; and I therefore open, the books of the Colonial Office, upon this branch of the expenditure, to pursue it through all its minute details,— just as a mer- chant, at the head of a vast business,would ascertain the balance in favour of or against any one of his customers. In Nova Scotia, within the last ten years, indepen- dent of the sums expended in the repair of military buildings, I am not informed of any eatra expense incurred by the Government, except for the erection of a citadel on the hill, forming the back ground to the town of Halifax ; and the sum of £20,000 lent by Parlia- ment to aid the completion of the Shubennacadie Canal. With regard to the first, it was projected, designed, and carried on,-— a sum laid out to the extent, I believe, of about £100,000, — without the Colonists ever being consulted, — nay, had the opinion of the Legislature been sought, they would have told its projectors it was not required . The loan to the canal was not obtained by the solicitation of the local Constitutional authorities. Their recommendation was applied for — they would not give it. Had their pledge for its repayment been made a primary condition, the sum would not have stood now as a charge to the debit of Nova Scotia. Both were equally in opposition to the general intelligence and wishes of the colony ; the one as useless, the other as rashly speculative. With these sums Nova Scotia can no more be justly charged, than the donee of a free and generous gift. The colony was merely quiescent. Had the people been consulted, their opinion of its impolicy would have been frankly given ; for, although we would be jealous of our own rights, I assort there is no sellish and unmanly feeling in Nova Scotia to de- PUBLIC WORKS IN THE COLONIES. 99 tter of of the ure, to a mer- ain the omers. iepen- ilitary pense ection to the Parlia- Canal. d, and eve, of being slature it was ttained orities. jld not I made )d now h were !e and her as tia can ee and ascent, of its hough here is to de- t I i > 4 rive from the Maternal Government any aid, either by false, representations or for improper objects. The Ministry must blame themselves and their advisers. They may have erred with good intentions, but if their mortgage prove, as 1 believe it to be worse, than worth- less, the colony are not responsible for the bankruptcy of the scheme. In New Brunswick, the only expenditure of which I am aware, during the same period, is for the erection of a new *Government House, and of a College at Frcdericton. Both of these are, perhaps, of larger proportion, and of more elegant design, than the cir- cumstances of the colony called for ; but neither were built with funds derived from Parliament. They were obtained from the Crown or territorial revenues col- lected in the province; and in place of being the subject of complaint against the colonies, they are more legitimately the subjects of complaint from the colony to the Crown. In Newfoundland there has been lately erected a residence for the Governor, of spacious and elegant architecture ; but I have yet to learn that the inhabitants can bejustly chargeable with the expense of a building, the necessity of which they did not urge, and in whose design they were not consulted. In the Cana- das, the Maternal Government, for these few past years, have spent annually a large sum in the repair and erection of fortifications. The citadel of Quebec is now, it is vaunted, like that of Gibraltar, rendered im- pregnable, and frowns down in solemn and imposing ♦ The Legislature of New Brunswick, passed a specific act for the erection of this building, and voted o£'10,000 to commence it. 8uch a sum, of course, did not complete it; but no grant was ever passed for its aid by Parliament. ! loo I'ORTIFICATION OF THE COLONIES. 1 ! .' I' majesty upon the noble river it overlooks. The colo- nists have seen, with sentiments of secret satisfaction, the gradual growth of its massive battlements ; but it was an expenditure neither suggested nor authorized by them, and for which they hold themselves in no measure responsible. All these are the results of a military survey, conducted by Sir James Carmichael Smyth and his associates, under the sanction of the Ministry. This Commission visited Bermuda, the West India Islands, and the North American Colonies, in 1829, and, immediately after their return to England, this system of colonial fortification and of internal strengthening was begun. "Where are the petitions for them preferred by the colonists ? where the resolutions of the local Legislatures recommending their erection ? I defy the Government to produce one single public document from any colonial body of authority, sug- gesting or approving of them. The whole creation (I impeach not the good intentions of the system) has been hatched in the Ordnance in Pall Mall, or at the Horse Guards, and by every rule of logic and principle of moralsj the colonies stand free of responsibility. The Government, it is true, have favoured Upper Canada with loans, on advantageous terms, for the completion of the Welland Canal ; but although it appears now as an item to the debt of the colony, the security pledged, I am told, is amply sufficient for its repayment. A large sum, approaching to three quarters of a million, has been expended in the cutting and completing of the Rideau Canal, — a grand line of intercolonial navigation, — intending to unite the Lakes with the river St. Lawrence. I^ has been cut partly for commercial, but m&inly for military pur- Lit RIDEAU CAXAL. JOl the poses. As the river formed the divisional line, if I can so use the term, the debateable territory between the United States and the upper and lower provinces, it was thought that the transport of military stores r would, in the event of war, have been exposed to all the ambushes which might be laid along the American side of the river ; and it was deemed expedient to have a navigation, within the limits of our own terri- tory, safe from the secret attacks of the enemy. It has led to the rapid cultivation of the land along the line, and to the formation of a number of military settle- ments. Far be it from me to deny that it has been, and will be, of pre-eminent advantage to the colonies ; but they cannot be censured for the egregious blunders and wasteful expenditure committed by the engineers. The first estimate of £169,000 has swelled to a million ! Of this I entertain no doubt, that if the expenditure had been entrusted to a competent Colonial authority, it would have exercised a more searching and efficient controul ; and if the Government had applied for the security of the provincial funds, the Legislature would have replied, that it was too magnificent an un- dertaking for the means or the trade of the Colony.* • Mr. Murray, in his able work upon North America, says, '* These works have been undertaken by Government, in .i great degree with reference to military objects ; and we even observe that Mr. M'Gilvray, in his recent evidence, gives it as his opinion, that vessels will still prefer the old and spacious, though obstructed route, of the St. Lawrence." vol. ii, p. 498. Nathaniel Gould, Esq., Deputy Governor of the B. America Land Company, in his excellent " Sketch of the Trade of British America," published 1B33, by Fisher and Jackson, says, " It deserves notice that the Assembly of the Upper Province have recently passed a vote of uTTO.OOO for the improvement of the navigation of the St. Lawrence." ( ii i. i , H ir * f 102 EXTRA AND NFXEESSARy- EXPENDITUUE. This rapid review, Sir.of the e.rtra channels of colonial expenditure, must convince you that the large sums expended upon the Colonies are to be attributed to your predecessors in office ; to the Ministry at home, and not to the local authorities abroad. I reject nearly the whole of these as items of the necessary expenditure. They were not required to overawe the Colonists either in war or peace , the utility of some of them, in the the event of hostilities, is at least debateable. The erection of a Government House, Newfoundland, may be argued to be necessary ; but, if I grant this, I must dissent to the expenditure of some £40,000 or £50,000,* when a suitable mansion might have been completed for £15,000 — the amount in fact of the first estimate. Abandoning, however, this argument of utility, I concentrate my reason upoi. this single point, that these dependencies are now prepared to pay their Civil Lists, and meet the expenses of the Local Government, provided the Crown Revenues are placed A gentleman conversant with the affairs of Upper Canada, informs me, that the Legislature means to extend their outlay in these im- provements to the sum of c£360,000. • The Rideau Canal was the projet of his Grace the Duke of Wellington. The estimated cost was first £169,000 and subsequently stated by Mr. M'Taggart, at £438,000. The difference between a contemplated and actual expenditure, will be most lamentably developed by the following statement, abstracted from the accounts submitted to Parliament : — Expended on the Rideau Canal, to the 31st. Decembv^r, 1831 - ;e715,408 Sum required to complete 88,365 £803,773 ; but the actual cost, when the et-ct teras of official management are added, may be stated at one million. 1 EXTRA AND NECESSARY EXPENDITURES. 103 (' rolonial e sums uted to ne, and irly the iditure. s eitaer in the The d, may I must ;o,ooo* upleted mate. ility, I nt, that .y their e Local 3 placed si, informs these im- Duke of sequently between a imentably ! accounts .,408 1,365 3,773 ; ?ment are at their ' disposal ;* they are willing to relieve the Maternal Gvovernment of all the necessary branches of expenditure, and to throw upon the Colonies this branch of the ministerial patronage.f The building of fortifications, loans to canals, and the other channels of colonial outlay, which I denominate extra, will for the future be under the vigilant controul of a Reformed Parliament. As it will form a more efficient represen- tation of the popular voice, and bow to the sovereignty of public opinion, the nation will have the power 6i inquiring into each measure, ere it can create a demand upon the Treasury. If Parliament, however, in the exercise of its high vocation, should graciously answer some of these future appeals, I trust the reformers of another age will separate the extra from the necessary * In adjusting the amount of the salaries to be paid to the public officers, the Colonists will be disposed to exercise, perhaps, a more rigorous economy than the Ministry may approve of; but 1 am satisfied, that in Nova Scotia, as in the late adjustment of the Custom House question, the Assembly will have a just regard to the vested rights of the present incumbents. t There are many intelligent men in the Colonies who are solicitous that the salaries and emoluments of the Governor and the Chief Justice should be fixed by the Ministry, and be removed beyond the controul of the Local Legislature, I confess that this opinion is sup- ported by many cogent arguments. In a small Government, these authorities are necessarily brought into personal intimacy or collision with popular leaders, and in the adjustment of their salaries, personal motives and animosities may mingle themselves with the graver con- siderations, which ought alone to govern a question of general policy. Vhe safety of the Constitution, the pure working of the Local Government, will depend upon the irresponsibility of the Nominees of the Crown to the Local Legislatures, and without presuming to suggest a plan, I leave the hint for the consideration of those far more able than I am to advise some measure of practical expediency. ':i ■I i fl m i I i;) ^i! 104 VALUE OF THESE DEPENDENCIES. items, and govern their views of colonial policy by the sounder considerations to which it leads. But conceding to the anti-colonists that these have been necessary, and not ejctra expenditure, is it a proof of wisdom to act upon a system, which will separate from the kingdom these Dependencies, enriched as they now are by these improvements? If a nobleman, having had a barren tract of land in the circle of his estate, which he had cultivated in the hope of gainful speculation, on calculating his outlay, found it had cost him more than his original estimates ; that for the past it had yielded no adequate return, but that the future was bright with the promise of profit,- -would it be wisdom to chafe his own temper, and raise his tenantry to rebellion, by bitter mourning over his wasted wealth ; or in a fit of disgust to give it away ? Or suppose again he had employed an architect to erect for him a fitting mansion, and he had adorned it with a greater number of columns, and the capitals of these with a licher and more costly order of ornament, than his lordship would have approved >f, if he had been aware of the outlay, would wisdom whisper to him to seek a remedy by applying a torch to the structure ? Would he gain anything by losing all ? And yet, Sir, such is the wisdom of those who would separate the Colonies from the Mother Country, — with this signal difference ! that the analogy afforded by the first case would be surpassed by that act in its folly, insomuch that the Colonies would perhaps fall into the hands of a rival power, nursing the loftiest dreams of ambition, and animated with a secret and bitter hostility against the parent state ; the more dangerous from being wrapped up in the language of courteous pretence. i AMliRICAX PR()Fi:SSIONS. 105 by the e have a proof parate as they ilemap, of his gainful it had for the hat the ould it ise his Ver his away ? o erect it with f these t^ than d been him to icture ? et, Sir, ite the i signal St case ;omuch mds of ibition, against being etence. Judge th^ United States, Sir, by her acts, and not by her professions f and it will be seen that France, in her hou» of most deadly rancour, never armed the spear of Legislation, with sharper or more envenomed point, against the interests and the glory of England, than America has, from the first hour of her independence to the present time. President Jackson, it is true, has, in his messages to Congress, flourished in pompous para- graph upon the ohilanthropy of national concord, upon the kindly influence of an ancient lineage and of lite- rary sympathies, — of a community of language and of thought, — and all the other common places of pharasai- cal sentiment ; but I have vet to learn ^f this be the genuine feeling dictated by the heart, the measured language of cold expediency, or the " flattering unction" required to conceal some latent and anAbitious purpose. Are kings and rulers in the intercourse of nations to be alone excepted among men, from that great law of morals, that where there is most profession, we ought to expect the least sincerity ? L" R VII. No War waged exclvsively for the Colonieu — Military Expense less than represented — Naval Force not chargeable to these Colonies — Benefits derived by the Mother Country from their possession — Field for Emigration — Area of the Colonies larger than that of Great Britain — Amount of Manufactures consumed in the Colonies contrasted with the United States — American Tariff — Foreign Countries neither in a situation, nor having the disposition to re- ciprocate. " The Honourable Member, in the course of the Speech which he has delivered upon this occasion, turned round and addressed those who sat on these benches, and charged us with having enter- tained an unfavourable opinion with respect to the Colonies ; I beg leave to correct him on that point. I entertain no unfavourable opinion with respect to the Colonies themselves, although, undoubt- edly, I have a strong objection that this country should be obliged to support and maintain them. It is of those Colonies only which have ever been a source of expense to this country, that I have com- plained ; for the others, 1 have always felt, and shall always enter- tain, the sincerest respect and regard. It is of the system upon which the Colonies are governed, that I principally complain ; and if the Government will not put them in a situation to maintain them- selves, I certainly am for getting rid of them." — Mr. Hume's Speech in the Debate in the House of Commons, on the State of the Island of Newfoundland, May 11, 1830. '♦ Lord Brougham, in his work on Colonial Policy, has said, in statesman-like style, — " In respect to capital taken from the Mother Country to the Colonies, it is not withdrawn from the empire ; it continues to support the productive industry of the community ; and, besides improving an integral though remote part of the State, it directly employs and maintains part of the home population trans tpense leas Colonies — jssession — an that of le Colonies Foreign ion to le- ech which addressed ing enter- es ; I beg favourable , undoubt- be obliged nly which iiave com- lys enter- tem upon lain ; and :ain them- e's Speech Island of s said, in le Mother nipirc; it ity; and, State, it ion trans WARS NOT WAGED FOU COLONIES. 107 planted thither. May we presume to hope, that the Colonial policy of Great Britain will exhibit to future Statesmen a useful picture of the advantages which may fairly be expected from just views uf Provincial Government, which shall consider the parts of an empire, however situated, as members of the same political body." — Speech of N. Gould, Esq., at a Meeting of the British American Land Com- pany ^ held in London, December^ 1833. The distinction which I drew, Sir, at the conclusion of the last letter, would form an appropriate introduction to this. It is of essential importance, in the conduct of the argument, to look to the present condition of the colonies — to the prospects which are dawning upon them ; and to the future auspices they are likely to exercise, upon the interests, if not the safety and glory, of the British Nation. I will have little difficulty in establishing that the heavy expense of their conquest and past maintenance is not attributable to them ; and that they now contribute to the prosperity of the nation, in a ratio equal, at least, to any just consideration aris- ing out of their actual expense. It is almost unnecessary to revert to the wars of conquest by which these colonies were first wrested from France. It will not be pretended that the expense of those wars, can, in any degree, be ranked as a charge against the Colonies themselves, as in both the two powers were involved in general hostilities from other causes, and struck at the colonies to weaken the strength, and lessen the resources, of the Govei nment at home. The public rejoicings vhich followed both the capture of Quebec, by General Wolfe, and the demolition of the Fortress at Louisbourgh by Boscawen — the processions which passed in their array through the city of Loudon, when the standards were carried from the Palace of Kensington I m CAPTURE OF QUEBEC. to the Cathedral of St. Paul's,* — and the honour subse- quently paid to the memory of the conqueror, furnish the best evidence that these contests were then highly popular, and the people in no temper to regret or dis- approve of the expense. The last struggle with America was not waged for any colonial right. The disburse- ments were unquestionably increased by the necessity of defending the Dependencies, — but I am justified in assuming that, the Colonies have been conquered and upheld, mainly with the view of depressing our enemies. M! * See Smollett's History of England. The last number of the Edinburgh Review, (January, 1834,) in its article upon the " His- tory of the Earl of Chatham," contains the following passage : — " In July, 1758, Louisbourgh fell. The whole island of Cape Breton was reduced ; the fleet to which the Count of Versailles had confided the defence of British America was destroyed. The captured stand- ards were borne in triumph from Kensington Palace to the city, and were suspended in St. Paul's church, amidst the roar of guns and kettle-drums, and the shouts of an immense multitude. Addresses of congratulation came in from all the great towns of England. Par- liaments met only to decree thanks and monuments, and to bestow, without one murmur, supplies more than double of those which had been given during the war of the Grand Alliance. The year of 1759 opened with the conquest of Goree. Next fell Guadaloupe ; then Tironderoga ; then Niagara. The Toulon squadron were completely defeated by Boscawen, off Cape Lagon. But the greatest exploit was, the atchievement of Wolfe on the heights of Abraham. The news of his glorious death and of the fall of Quebec, reached London in the very week in which the Houses met. All was joy and tri- umph ; envy and faction were found to join in the general applause. Whigs and Tories vied with each other in extolling the genius and energy of Pitt. His colleagues were never talked of or thought of. The House of Commons, the nation, the colonies, our allies, our enemies, had all their eyes fixed on him alone." — Why, because these events, so glorious in the eyes of the people and the world, were directed by his brilliant and commanding genius. I r subse- furnish highly t or dis- Vmerica isburse- ecessity tilled in ed and nemies, er of the le " His- ;e : — " In e Breton confided ed stand- city, and guns and :\.ddresses id. Par- ) bestow, rhich had M of 1759 ipe; then smpletely It exploit im. The d London f and tri- applause. ^nius and lought of. .Hies, our , because lie world, MIMTAUY FXPKVDITL'flK. 109 and exalting the national power — that- these wars did not necessarily spring from the Colonial policy, as far as those of North America are concerned ; and that the cost of defending them has been met from national con- siderations, and ought not to be accounted a branch of the general expenditure, for which the present inhabi- tants of the Colonies can be held, in the most remote degree, chargeable.* Upon this argument, however, I do not insist much. It is necessary for a vindication of the Colonies, but does not bear directly upon the question now upon trial. The point I shall discuss is, what the present expense is of maintaining and defend- ing the Colonial possessions. The public, Sir, have been grossly deceived, by those inimical to the Colonies, by exaggerating the annual expense of their support.f It has been stated, for ex- ample, by one of the more eminent of this party, that the Canadas have entailed upon the Mother Country an annual and additional outlay of some £500,000 to £000,000. In examining the account of their " Mili- tary Establishments," I find that the sums paid to the * Since the above was in press, I find the Quarterly Review has thus written upon the subject : — " For what, after all, are many of our Colonial provisions, but outposts for the maintenance of the power of Great Britain, — bulwarks, like her floating castles, to keep up and defend the chain of her influence through all parts of the world : and is it reasonable to contend that, because these possessions belong to a warlike state, always exposed, from her preponderance in the affairs of Europe, to be the object of attack at the hands of her neigh- bours, that the Colonies, should, therefore, be compelled to submit to the expense of surrounding their coasts with batteries, and of keeping up a large military force to prevent the sudden descent of some Eu- ropean belligerent with whom England may be at war." t Scrope's Political Economy, p, 375. 1 110 MILITARY EXPENDITURE. troops stationed in both the Canadas were, in 182a £189,8B7 1820 287,451 * 1831 231,506 In New Brunswick, 1829 £27,645 1830 25,082 1031 No increase. In Nova Scotia and Prince Edward's Island, 1828 £132,820 1830 144,257 1831 .. 115,175 In Newfoundland, 1820 ,£18,0(K5 1830 25,082 1831 10,103. Taking, then, the actual expenditure of 1831, the whole cost of the Military Establishments of the Colo- \ies was a charge on the public revenue, to the extent f £360,054; but as a large part, both of the expenditure 1 I Canada and Nova Scotia, was applied to fortifica- tions, which 1 contend were cwtra^ and not necessary expenses, I shall be justified in reducing the actual cost of the Army to £250,000 or £260,000,— a sum less than one half of the alleged expense. But I cannot suffer even this reduced sum to be a necessary charge against the Colonies of British North America. There may he some show of reason in chnrging the Dependencies with the cost of their Military Forces, during either the period of antici[)ated attack or of actual war. Jamaica and the other islands of the West Indies were rightly chargeable with the support of their troops, because they acted as a *' Cordon Sanitaire,'' to * Of llii»suiu upwards of £25,000 wiro cx|K'iidcd in jniblic works. MILITARV FORCE. Ill 31, the ! Colo- extent nditure )rtifica- 'cessary ml cost ss than to be a I North inrging Forces, : or of e West jf their ire;' to ic works. overawe their slaves. It was upon this principle that the former of these has been called upon to contribute to the support of its garrison. But no such reason ope- liii'is in North America. We have no labouring class, and goaded to rebellion by the whip, to keep in subjec- tion by the fear of the bayonet, and of martial law. If the United States, the only quarter from which invasion may be appreliended — can reduce her peace establish- ment to an army of 6* or 7000 men, with all her vast line of fortifications to uphold, and nations of hostile Indians to restrain or subdue, I can see no sound reason for maintaining an equal or greater number in these Colonies. America, as I shall show, is not to be dreaded as an invading power ; her supremacy must be won upon the sea. These troops are kept there, as a part of the general and warlike policy of the empire ; and as they are neither required to overawe the Colo- nists themselves, nor, to the same extent, to uphold their fortifications, nor defend them against invasion, it appears, that their location there ought not to be ac- counted as a necessary charge against the Dependencies incident alone to the possession of the Colonies. The actual expense of maintaining them there, besides, is less than their support would require in the United Kingdom ; and if this military force be essential to the national safety or honour, the revenue gains by their foreign residence. We are prepared to pay our own local establishments — we contribute to the revenue, so far as our consumption of manufactures is exclusively restricted to those of Great Britain, equally with the inhabitant of Kent or Surrey. If there be any additional expense created by that part of the army stationed in the Colonies, with * By tlu! oHicial returns the Ainericun Militury Furce in 1820 is KtattMl ut 5.775> men. ) il' II m 112 MILITARY rORCE. that we are fairly chargeable ; but the present esta- blishment is far more numerous than is required for any necessary purpose. So little do the Colonists sympa- thize in its benefits, or feel the necessity for military array, that the Legislature of New Brunswick refused, at its last Session, to provide a colonial allowance for officers of the army, as militia inspectors ; and there is, I fear, a growing feeling in Nova Scotia, which will compel the Legislature to adopt the same economy. Upon the great question of the amount of military force required for the safety of the kingdom, I do not presume to enter. The Government, I am aware, Sir, are hedged in on this question by many practical diffi- culties; for a great retrenchment cannot be effected, without a violation of the national faith, and throwing out of employment and of bread, those veterans who have spent their youthful energies in the service of our country. But I would remark, that the standing army of the United States, can form no just criterion, by which to estimate the army required in Britain. She occupies a far more lofty position ; and for the preserva- t;ion of her liberties, and the protection of her commerce, it is necessary, that she should maintain a controlling influence, among the hostile nations by which sne is surrounded. They all command numerous armies trained and ready at any emergency.* France alone has an • From a Work on European Statistics, I oxtract tlir following Table :— Armies of Prussia 1 Man in 80 Austiia 1 • • 118 France 1 • • 142 England 1 . • 22$) Pussia • •• • 1 • • 57 Every Russian must be a Soldier at 21 years of age. FIELD FOR EMIGRATION. 113 army of some 400,000 men, maintained at an annual expense of ten millions ! A similar policy is forced upon our Government ; and it is, perhaps, the mainte- nance of this force, and the supremacy of our navy, which preserves the peace of the world, and enables her to prosecute undisturbed the arts and sciences, and to find a market for her manufactures in so many regions of the earth. I feel more secure in rejecting any part of the expen- ditures for the support of the navy, since the peace, as a charge upon the Colonies. In the first place I con- tend, that our fisheries have been most inadequately pro- tected ; and, in the second, that if these were hostile powers, from which Great Britain derived the same amount of trade, she would keep a larger fleet upon our coasts, than she has done since the close of the war. It is the entertainment of these views. Sir, which induce me to place the extract from Mr. Hume's Speech, at the head of this letter, and now to solicit his co-ope- ration, and that of his party, in defending the interests of these Dependencies. Having detailed the preceding facts upon these branches of Colonial expenditure, I now proceed to in- quire what are the corresponding advantages which the Mother Country derives from her Colonies. I shall en- deavour to treat this succinctly, and confine myself to its leading and more imposing aspects. JNIy Lord Brougham has said, in his admirable work upon Colonial policy, that" the possession of remote terri- tories understocked with capital and hands, is the only thing which can secure to the population of a country those advantages derived from an easy outlet, or prospect of outlet, to those persons who may be ill provided for at -^nic." I place this, then, as one of the pre-eminent % ! ; 114 FIELD FOR EMIGRATION. advantages which Great Britain possesses from her North American Dependencies. I pretend not to dis- cuss at this time the policy of a system of emigration, to be conducted with the aid of the national funds. As a colonist, I am free to confess, I am no advocate of itp utilities ; but, after the full investigation bestowed upon the subject by Parliament, the advantages of such an outlet are too obvious to be insisted upon. The evidence given before the Committee of the House of Commons, relative to the factory bill, prove that these North American Colonies, present to emigrants of small capital superior advantages, even to the United States. The following table exhibits the amount of emigration to these Colonies during the last eight years. 1825 8,741 1826 12,818 1827 12,048 1828 12,084 1829 • 13,307 1830 31,574 1831 58,067 1832 •66,359 214,678 Average of every year 20,822 ; but the average for subsequent years may be estimated at the full amount of 1832. In the year 1833 the total emigration from Great Britain was 103,313 — more than one-half was absorbed by these Dependencies.! In the possession of these Colonies, under the autho- rity of Parliament, the kingdom retains a distant but friendly domicile for any number of her subjects, which • Parliamentary Papers. t Parliam. Tables, vol. ii, p. 1)0. ,:,'\«.;fv ' l.>wV."J FIELD FOR EMIGRATION. 115 the excess of population, or the exigencies of tiade, may render it expedient to remove. If by any sudden, and unexpected depression it were necessary to transport a large portion of the working classes, Parliament could accomplish it, by the sovereignty of its own act. If these Colonies were embraced into the Union, or formed into confederate and independent states, they would have the power of resisting any sudden accession to their population. When the scenes of distress had here reached their acm6, these dependencies, if raised into hostile attitude, might shut their harbours by restrictory laws. Thousands now cross the Atlantic, whom the Colonies, if they had their veto, would not willingly receive. They treat them as fellow subjects — extend to them their charities, and form *societies for their relief. The United States guard against a similar influx by the imposition of penal obligations upon the captains, to pre- vent their passengers becoming a charge upon the state. The Colonies, if their relations were disturbed, might follow this example. 1 will not deny that the system is be- neficial to the Colonies upon the whole ; but one of the great errors of the doctrinnaires appears to be, that they make no allowance for the infirmities of human nature and of governments, and forget that the latter, like the ladies, will indulge their temper, even at the expense of tiieir tranquillity and their interests. They reason upon the principle that all nations, at all times, will '• act upon a nice balancing of present regulations, with a regard to comprehensive and ulterior consequences." They believe the whole world is, and will continue to be, as wise as themselves. If this perfectibility is to be in politics, why not in morals ? Why not argue for the 1 * Seo >lr. fioiild's Sketch, page 6. fi n B II 116 AREA OF THE COLONIES. razing of the Church and the abolition of law? When we have reached this halcyon age, it will be time enough to act upon these intellectual codes. To the voluntary emigrant, in addition, who leaves his country in the search of fortune, it is an inestimable advantage to be removed into a society, animated by the same political and kindred sympathies. In the Colonies all the honours of society and of government are open to his attainment : not so in the United States. In them the higher offices are closed to foreigners; and, however little the feeling may operate here, I have heard it lamented by British emigrants, residing in the re- public, as one of their most trying grievances. To a sensitive mind nothing is so painful as such exclusion. It is actual dishonour. They are, in fact, in the Atlantic States, a marked and proscribed people. It will not be denied, I presume, that Great Britain has derived very signal benefits from the surplus popu- lation, which the provinces have already absorbed ; but the space is but yet partially occupied, and the statistics I now proceed to detail, will show the boundaries of the field, and ihe new and sister Britain which England may create in this hemisphere. Number of acres granted 27,336,927 Cultivated 3,911,945 Granted and uncultivated • • 23,424,079 Ungranted and uncultivated 23,000,000 Total available for immediate cultivation and settlement 46,424,979 Total area • • 50,330,952 The population of these provinces was estimated, in 1832, at 1,204,000 souls; but to this I would add * In this estimate the island of Newfoundland is not included; and it is thought that the area of the Canadas is largely underrated. AREA OF GREAT BRITAIN. 117 25,000 Pdditional for Newfoundland, and 20,000 for Nova Scotia and Cape Breton ; and if to these we add the 50,000 emigrants of last year, it will bring up the population to 1,300,000. Admitting that the four mil- lion of acres now cultivated, are capable of supplying the present population, 50 millions of acres, with the large area not included, would support, at least 20 millions. But, it is admitted, that the state of agriculture in the Colonies is yet far inferior to that of England, or of the finer districts of the Continent ; and that, by a more improved system, the lands now cultivated are capable of supporting a far more numerous population. In the Report of the Committee on Emigration, in 1827, I find the following table:— In the United Kingdom there appears to be — Acres cultivated 40 ">22,970 Uncultivated 15,000,000 Unprofitable 1 5,871 ,456 Total 77,394,455 i From this it appears that the extent of land, capable of cultivation in the Colonies, is larger than the whole cultivated area of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Isles ; and as it is conceded, that both the soil and the climate are superior, I am justified in stating that they promise a domicile to a population of 35 or 40 millions — fully one half more than the present number of inhabi- tants in the United Kingdom.* Mr. Arthur Young, in his travels in France, states, that, at the close of the Revolution, it was a favourite theory in the political circles of Paris, that the separation • See Appendix. 118 CONSUMPTION OF MANUFACTURES. of the Colonies from the Mother Country would eventually be no injury to England. That the popula- tion would still remain to her as customers, and that the demand v/ould even be increased, from their prosperity being quickened and accelerated, under their own wiser guardianship, and the benign influence of their freer constitutions. The same doctrine, i am aware, has been since reiterated, and is the article of a political creed, entertained by an influential and talented party in this kingdom. In the 84th Number of the Edinburgh Review it is said *' has the emancipation of the Colonies been in the slightest degree prejudicial to our wealth, commerce, and industry ? The reverse as every one knows is decidedly the fact. We have continued since the peace of 1784, to enjoy every previous advantage resulting from our intercourse with the Colonies ; and we have done this without being subjected, as was previously the case, to the heavy expense of main- taing armaments for the defence of such distant and ex- tensive territories. The value of the commodities now actually exported from Great Britain to the United States is upwards of seven times the value of the com- modities exported to the Colonies previous to the war, and when we had the exclusive monopoly of the supply." Let me deal first with " this fact." To me it appears that all the evidence of statistics leads to an opposite conclusion. • " Exports from Great Britain to the United States, 1819 to 1823." Average of five years, previous to the war .£2,664,206 From 1810, to 1823 6,667,890 • Prepared from papers in tiie Library of the House of Lords. :i would popula- that the osperity jir own of their 1 aware, political d party inburgh colonies wealth, ery one 5d since vantage es ; and as was f main- and ex- iles now United tie com- he war, jupply." appears )pposite to 1823." i,664,206 »,667,890 CONSUMPTION OF BRITISH MAN UFA CTURES. 110 The population of 1770 being about 2,000,000 that of 1820, 10,109, 362 the latter in the same ratio ought to consume 13,462,200 UNITED STATES. BRITISH NORTH AMERICA. Population, 1820 10,109,362 Population 1824, 776,107 Value of exports from Great Britain,'! 823, £6,141,430 Value of exports, 1823, .... £1,864,240 Exports, British ton- nage 63,800 American ditto, . . 140,491 Exports, British tonnage Foreign (none) S18,798 Consumption of manufac- tures, per head, 1823. . Ditto, of British Colonists, from 1769, to 1773 .... 204,381 Consumption of manufac- 12«. 2d. tures, per head £2. 8s. Id, 265. 7i If the population of the United States were to con" sume British produce and manufactures in the same ratio as the British provinces, the exports would amount to £24,317,800, and the tonnage to 4,160,000." Let me exhibit the result to which the later statistics conduct us. In* Mr. Irving's table of the trade of the United Kingdom, for the year ending the 5th January, 1 833, the exports of British produce and manufactures are stated — United States, • • British Northern Colonies, - £12,007,208 8«. lid. 2,858,514 19 Thef population of the United States, m 1830, is recorded at 12,856,171. I take the round number of thirteen millions. The population of the British Colonies has been stated already at 1,300,000. The amount of British manufactures consumed by each ♦ Presented to the House of Commons by Mr. Spring Rice, 24th May, 1833. t Itouss' Tables, 202. 120 CONSUMPTION OF BRITISH MANUFACTURES. ! ,'■ inhabitant of the two countries would, according to these data, be — United States ••• * British Colonies • • • • • • • • I 18s. 6^ rf. ..o£'2. 3«. ll|rf. But I contend that the ratio is greater from the superior wealth and state of advancement in the former. They are older and richer countries. The incomes and expenditure of the people are greater, and it is obvious tliat as the expenses of a family ascend, a larger pro- portion will be appropriated to articles of luxury or convenience — to those products of skill and industry^ with which Great Britain supplies the world. I anti- cipate the future consumption of the Colonies to increase in a ratio, not only with the increasing population, but also with their increasing wealth. If the consumption of British manufactures was the same in the United States, as in the Colonies, the amount of exports in place of £1L,007,208, would be .^28,585,140 sterling. I am prepared. Sir, to meet the argument, that this singular result may be in part ascribed to our own * It will be attempted to answer this argument by contending that a large part of the exports of Canada are smuggled by the lakes into the United States. That this illicit trade is carried on to some extent cannot be denied. But Nova Scotia, I am aware, has no share in this contraband exchange. Her population, in 1833, is esti- mated at 185,000, the exports from Great Britain are £577,285, Her population consumes, therefore, upwards of £3 per head. I be- lieve the above estimate to be less than the truth would warrant. See, upon the subject. Sir Howard Douglas's Consideration, p. 8, and also Cambreleng's Report, p. 28. This argument is very ably illustrated in a memorial addressed to Lord Goderich, while Secretary of the Colonies, in 1832, by John Bainbridge, Esq., (of London,) Provincial Agent for Nova Scotia and Prince Edward's Island. ; ES. ding to \d. \d. om the former, lies and obvious ^er pro- xury or idustry, I anti- increase on, but was the les, the ould be lat this ur own itiing that lakes into to some *^, has no 3, is esti- :577,285, d. I be- warrant. ion, p. 8, very ably Secretary London,) land. DUTIES ON BRITISH MANUFACTURES. 121 restrictory laws, and is, therefore, rather an argument against, than in favour of their continuance. I deal not now with hypotheses. I confine myself to the fact. The United States, since the first hour of their inde- pendence, has pursued a policy, favourable to their own emancipation, and to render her people independent of foreign supplies. It will be said that we ourselves compelled such policy. I answer again, that even that does not alter the case, nor affect the bearing of the argument. It has been the governing prin- ciple of all her past legislation. I believe that the Northern States are now prepared to exclude British manufactures altogether, were they not controlled by the other parts of the Union, who propitiate the favour of England, because she offers the best mart for their domestic productions. The comparative advantages under which the British manufacturer introduces his articles into the two divisions of America, will.be best illustrated by the following table : — Comparative Vieic of the Duties payable on Articles of Exiropean ma- nufacture, consumed in the United States and the British Northern Colonies, adjusted to the Neiv Tariff* BRITISH AMERICA. UNITED STATiiS. Woollen goods percent, ad val. 2^ 10 to 75 per cent Cotton ,, 25 •• 125 Silk „ 5 .. 40 Linen ,, 25 Leather goods ,, 30 • • 100 Earthenware and China ••••,, 20 •• 30 • Hardware ,, 25 •• 25 Iron and steel manufactures • • ,, 10 •• 125 Iron in bar or sheets j ^^ ^^^^ ^ ^^^^ Cables and anchors . . • • ) Salt • ' fi'f'e 5d. per bushel besides a State Excise of (5|(/. • See Martin's *• Taxation of the British Empire," p. 155. In Nova Scotia th^ duties are ii^ jer cent. i /;. ''I ' 'S i's' 122 POLICY TO BE ADOPTED NOW. There are no duties imposed on British goods in New- foundland, and all articles for the use of the fisheries are, in the Colonies, duty free. It will be recollected further, that from the peculiar constitutions of the Colonies, no act can go into con- tinual operation, unless sanctioned by His Majesty in Council.* They have not, therefore, the power to add to the present imposts, unless the Crown approve of their being levied. But I contend they have not the inclination ; and, were the present taxes not necessary to raise a revenue for local purposes, they even would not be collected. The grand error committed by the theorists, in the consideration of this subject, is the mingling of the past with the present. The question to be decided is not, whether the by-gone policy of the Government has been good or bad ; whether approved or not by sound philosophy ; as, from an enlarged view of our present situation, to devise the most eligible policy we can adopt for the future. If the Americans remained now exclusively an agricultural people, as they were at the time of the Revolution ; and our Cabinet could offer them a friendly alliance, and reciprocal freedom in the exchanges of the respective products of the two countries, this policy of pure reason and of deep searching philosophy might adjust the existing rela- tions. But we must recollect that certain changes, new modifications of the social structure, and a new class of feelings, have developed themselves in the pro- gress of time. It matters not, whether we have taught them, or they have taught themselves, the necessity or ambition of becoming a manufacturing people. The * See Stokes upon the Colonies, p. 261. Js in New- e fisheries le peculiar into con- ilajesty in ver to add ipprove of i^e not the necessary ven would ts, in the ing of the decided is overnment or not by ew of our policy we remained they were inet could d freedom ;ts of the d of deep ting rela- changes, nd a new 1 the pro- ive taught cessity or 3le. The MANUFACTURES OF AMERICA. 123 desire now exists; it is deeply rooted. They are allied to it by the binding pledge of capital embarked, and the fixed habits of a part of the population.* Their existing tariff is the best evidence of the intensity and ardour of the feeling. That of 1 828 represents, I believe, the intelligence— at least the urgent wishes of the Northern States. It was not modified, in 1832, from any comprehensive and generous reception of the doctrines of Free Trade, but by the irresistible argument of the guns and bayonets of the South Carolina Militia. General Jackson, in his last message to Congress, has proposed no change in the restrictory imposts. Mr. Cambreleng's Report, whatever may be its value as an argument, is rejected by intelligent Americans as of no authority, and represented even as a blot upon the sagacity of his judgment. In the work intitled, •' England and America,"! lauded so highly by the reviews, there is a chapter devoted to the defence of * In an article in the January (1832) No. of the North American Review, upon the novel doctrine of " Nullification," and in which the pv/iicy of the protecting system is zealously supported, it is said, '• the importation of foreign goods, free of duty, for five years, (into " South Carolina,) would, of course, destroy all our foreign manu- '* factures, and ruin that part of our population which is en ployed " on them. The value of the manufactures annually produced in this •' country, is estimated, by Mr. Gallatin, at about 1,500,000 dollars " — probably a very low computation. Supposing the ordinary rate •' of profit, on this branch of industry, to be at from six to seven per " cent.; this amount of annual products represents a capital of a ** thousand million dollars, which would be swept at once into " nothing. This is another trifling item to be added to the cost and " charges of nullification." This doctrine, as the reader well knows, has sprung out of the debated question of the Tariff— the policy or impolicy of encouraging domestic, by imposing heavy duties upon the importation of foreign, manufactures. t Vol.11, p. 47. ■ r i I. ! 124 VALUF OF THESE RIGHTS OF FISHEHY. '■f i". % ■i .'I I 1^ the tariff, which is valuable as illustrative of the spe- cious show of reasoning by which the system can be supported. Believe not, Sir, that America will be persuaded to abandon it. Sacrifice your Colonies to her and other powers, she will still pursue the same steady principle of self aggrandizement. Ruin your 44s. annual customers, for these who buy 18.9. 6d. ; and the sage counsellors, who would dictate the policy, would find, I apprehend, that they might reduce the consumption of the one, but that it was beyond their power, or that of the philosophy of Free Trade, to in- crease the other. Be not persuaded, Sir, to take any Utopian views of political economy, but deal with it as you would with mankind ; and in its workings, as you would in searching for points of character, make large allowances for all the passions, the eccentricities, and the infirmities of our nature. If it is a science founded upon human reason; and in contemplating its results, we must regard man as //e is, and nations as t/iei/ are^ and not as w hat he or they ought to be. There is another view of this question which I have not seen pressed in any previous publication, and which appears to be of primary importance. The facts I have already exhibited touching the rights of fishery, granted to France and the United States, upon the shores of the British American Dependencies, prove, at least, that both of these nations hold them in high esteem. When the Colonists have preferred any complaint, and prayed that the advantages which nature had conferred should be retained for their exclusive enjoyment, the Govern- ment have ;pli part general policy," and formed one of the main considera- 'ons of the general treaties. To the Colonies, how- w i; Y. VALUE OF FISHERIES. 125 the spe- can be will be lonies to he same lin your d. ; and policy, luce the nd their 3, to in- ;ake any nXh. it as , as you ke large ies, and founded ; results, they arey 1 I have d which s I have granted ihores of ast, that . When I prayed \ should Govern- ; of the nsidera- s, how- i ever, the treaties with these powers have granted no peculiar or exclusive advantage. The sacrifice called for on their part, is a sacrifice not for themselves, but for the general interests of the empire. I freely con- fess my own inability to trace in these treaties the quid pro quo; but, if the assertion of the Government be true, that corresponding advantages were derived as a return for those concessions, they ought to be placed to the credit of the Colonies ; and, comparing value to value, they would be far more than an equivalent for the present Colonial military expenditure of £250,000 per annum. The values of the American and French fisheries have been estimated at £814,375 sterling per annum ; but as it is apparent that both nations pro- secute them, not so much as means of profit, but as the sources of a commercial and naval marine, they are to them a privilege yielding more than three times the amount of the annual cost of maintaining these Depen- dencies ; and if it be true that the British nation, by vir- tue of these treaties, enjoy an equivalent, the Colonies in place of being a source of expense, are, in this single point of view, one of actual gain. K 126 MR. BAINBHIDGE S MEMORIAL. i 4 1 p I. I, ■ I I' lit,' I |!ii \m A i APPENDIX TO LETTER VII. On the comparative advantages of directing the stream of emigration to the Colonies, in place of allow- ing it to be diverted to the United States, Mr. Bain- bridge, in his Memorial to Lord Goderich, presents the following calculations : — ** Let the consequences of emigration to the United Stales, as affecting the general interests of England, and the political power of the empire be then consi- dered, and it will clearly appear : — •' First — That all the physical and moral power which England loses by emigrations to the United States, is gained by that powerful, political, and dangerous com- mercial rival nation, and that in a two-fold calculation ; for if 50,000 emigrants remove to the United States, instead of to British America, the difference as regards England in respect to power, and demand for our fabrics, will be equal to that of 100,000 persons an- nually. «* On the declaration of independence, the population of the United States, was stated to be 2, i 72,000. *' In 1832, the population is about 14,000,000. " In twenty years hence it will amount to at least 40,000,000. " This calculation is moderate, when we consider the actual emigration added to the natural increase of the population, and the vast resources of the gigantic terri- tories t»t that republic. i; MEMORIAL TO LORD OODERICH. 127 " By a careful examination of the Custom*s returns for the last fifteen years, we find that each settler in British America, creates a demand of 48.?. Id. for British fabrics, and that each person in the United States only requires about Qs. 1(W. worth. Not but what the inhabitants of the American Republic con- sume, at least, the same quantity of manufactured articles as those of British America ; but the difference between 6 v. 10^. and 48^. Id. is supplied from the continents of Europe, from Asia, and by their own factories, which are fostered by an exorbitant protec- tive tariff. " Now,the50,000 British subjectswho have annually, for the last five years, become American citizens, oc- casion, at this day, a decrease in demand for our fabrics to the amount of half a million annual value, which would be required by those people, had they removed to the British Colonies ; for example, if we calculate the difference of consumption at 405. each, we find, that, on the First Year. 50,0()() individuals would require, in goods, annually, to the value of. . , £100,000 Second ditto 100,000 ditto 2(K),000 Third ditto, 150,000 ditto 300,000 Fourth ditto, 200,000 ditto 400,000 Filth ditto, 250,000 ditto 500,000 Therefore, withoutallowing for natural increase, the diflerence of demand for British Goods, is £1 ,500,000 To which add passage money, lost to the Bri- tish sirp owner, and giyen to the Americans, ^3 for each passenger 750,000 Provisions supplied by the Americans, ilio value of which supply lost to the liuidinl Can ietl forward- .i 2,250,000 K 2 12S MEMORfAr, TO LORD GODERICH, ''. I'S Brought forward • • • • j£2,250,000 interest in England, 40«. at least, for each passenger • 600,000 Average sum of money carried to the United States, at a moderate calculation, j£24 for each family of six persons, or £4 each • • • • 1 ,000,000 Returned freights lost to British shipping • • • • 640,000 o£'4,390,000 Estimated loss to Great Britain in money, and much below the actual amount, exclusive of the physical and mor^l power gained by the Americans from emigrations during the last five years. " Let US, therefore, for the sake of argument, conclude that the Government will sell wilderness lands in Bri- tish America to corporate bodies, on such terms as would induce capitalists to invest their money in im- proving those lands, and opening such facilities to emi- gration, as ^r. induce even 30,000 of those who would otherwise remove to the United States, to settle annu- ally in the British Colonies. ** Wliat, then, will be the effect in respect to the aug- mented power gained and maintained in her Colonies by England? — the additional demand for our fabrics; increased freights for our ships ; increased demand for provisions grown or raised by the farming classes at home ; the co\isequent diminution of poor rates ; and the general effect of increased industry and trade in relation to the Revenue. " We have taken the very reduced scale of 30,000 annually, which would, in twenty years, give 600,000 ad- ditional inhabitants to British America, and prevent the same number from adding power to the United States; the difference by this calculation would be 1,200,000, lonies rics ; d for ics at ; and de in ^0,000 )Oad- Int the Itates ; ),000, MEMORIAL TO LORD GODERICH. 129 but the probable difference in favour of Britain, taking the natural increase and actual migrations into account, would be nearly 4,000,000 inhabitants, requiring £8,000,000 of manuractured goods from the United Kingdom, and creating employment, including the ship- ping and landed interests, to the annual value, in wages, ot at least £ 1 5,000,000. " The following calculation will exhibit the political value of directing, for the next twenty years, to British America, 30,000 annually, of those who would other- wise go to the United States. Years. Emigrants. Difference of demand for British fabrics. 1 30,000 30,000 at 40s. GO.OOO •2 30,000 60,000 120,000 3 30,000 90,000 180,000 4 30,000 120,000 240,000 6 30,000 150,000 300,000 6 30,000 180,000 360,000 7 30,000 210,000 420,000 8 30,000 240,000 480,000 9 30,000 270,000 540,000 10 30,000 300,000 600,000 11 30,000 330,000 660,000 12 30,000 360,000 720,000 13 30,000 390,000 780,000 14 iO.OOO 420,000 840,000 16 30,000 450,000 900,000 16 30,000 480.000 960,000 17 30,000 610,000 1,020,000 18 30,000 540,000 1,080,000 19 30,000 570,000 1,140,000 20 30,000 600,000 1,200,000 600,000 Emigrants requiring the vahe of £12,600,000 in British Goods. Add passage money to America, in American Ships, for 600,000 emigrants, ofc3 each 1 ,800,000 !f> 1 11 > ; HI I'- n if!? i i" a n 130 MEMOllIAL TO LORD GODERICH. American provisions, £2 1,200,000 Cash carried to America, which never returns to England, each individual £4.0s. Od 2,400,000 Return freights lost to British ships 1,53(>,000 £19,536,000 [ -.- ^ :»l '' I ,• i ' i;' ,000 ,000 ,000 ,000 1^ LmTEK VII! British and Colonial Shippbui — Exports io the Colonies and the Northern Powers of Europe contrast d — Considerations upon the Reciprocity Treaties— British Trade with America — Statistics of Nova Scotia —Present condititioii , trade, climate, and slat of im- provement - Value of the Fisheries of Neivfoundland Colonial Fishenes — Comparative progress of the Colonies, and the United States and Great Britain, in population, Sfc. — Mr. Scrope on Colonization. ! " ' I must have Sliips, Colonies, and Commerce,' was the angry mandate of the most inveterate and the most powerful foe that Great Britain ever had to contend ; and he was right, — because, as he well knew, it was by the possession of these alone, that our little Island was enabled to resist and to persevere in resisting, the gigantic power, which in the sequel her perseverance subdued." — Article iit the Quarterly Review, on the Political Importance of our American Colonies, vol. 33. p. 410. " 1 shall observe further, on this point, that the British [*rovinces are just emerging from a state of infancy, of youth ; that their num- bers are rapidly encreasing, — and that their demands for Engliiih goods are more than keeping pace with the increase of numbers, in cense' ^aence of their more enlarged tastes and greater desires for re- finements, which have been fostered under a good Government, and which may he expected to expand more rapidly under the wise changes recently introduced into the Colonial Administration. These rapidly increasing wants, it must be recollected, give constant em- ployir.«>nt to whole fleets of British ships, afford a vent for llnglish manufactures of almost boundless extent, and tenJ to bind all par- ties more closely together." — Capt. Hall's Travels in North America, vol. 1. chap. 14. " The benetits arising from the possession of Colonies, have been as much underrated by one class of politicians as they have been K 4 is' 132 SHIPPING TO rHK COLONIES. overdrawn by another. It is strange that these economists, who deny that the commercial intercourse with a Colony offers any advantages whatever over one carried on with independent States, should over- look this essential distinction between the two, that the one is almost wholly at the mercy of foreign governments, which, from motives of caprice, hostility, or false views of policy, may prohibit the entry of our vessels, or produce, inio their States ; while the other is secure (as long as the Colony remains attached to the Mother Country) of being caried on upon the terms which the common government con- siders to be most conducive to their common interest. Here is tin- deniable ground for moarding a preference to Colonial over foreign trade." G. P. Scrope, Esq., M.P., on Political Economy, p. 374. I PROCEED, Sir, to furnish, in this letter, some additioiia statistics connected witii the Colonies, although after the numerous and elaborate works,* which have lately been published on the subject, it would be superogatory to repeat all which has been already so fully illustrated. The facts I shall adduce will apply themselves to the argument I am conducting, so as to bring my statements within the general design and scope of these letters. To show the value and importance of the British North American trade to tlie shipping interests of the Empire, I exhibit the following table. Although it em- braces only three years at different periods, I have selected these, u\ore withregard to their average amounts, than because they favoured, more strongly than others, the conclusions I am anxious to enforce. Statement of the number of Vessels which entered ■I? • See M'Gregor's " British America." Bliss's " Statistics of the Trade, Industry, and Kesources of Canada, &JMaRi,.!>» REcrpuorrTY trfatifs. 137 ^s, has : upon wever, offer limical ty has on in- > wards further the in- , have e have true — t if this he one nission is, will )w the ght to ihed to al alli- r to the • head, hostile )0,000, )lic ac- 1,111. ory of y, and il ma- ntaining louse of rine — if your shipping interests are now depressed, under the present partial competition, to a degree which renders them clamorods for aid,* — will it be politic to expose them to a more extended competition, and to sacrifice a trade which, of your 13,372 ships, gives em- ployment to no less than 1 ,872 ? I will not press here the argument of the advantage of a Colonial, from its being essentially a home trade — because the principle is now as familiar as household words, and is sanctiond by the most distinguished names.-j" Will however these powers reci- procate with you , to the crtent of the concessions they detnandl I have it from the best authority, that some have already refused your offer ; others to whom the generosity has been extended, meet it with no kindred amenities. Ad- mitting the r 3strictive system to be a bad one, I ask the same question as regards them, which I pressed in re- gard to America. Has it not taught these nations in some measure to rely upon their own resources, and vindi- cated the policy, on which they now act, of rendering themselves, by a system of bounties, at least partially independent of foreign supplies ? If the intelligence, the industry and virtue of the British people, confer upon us certain advantages, are not these in part retarded by the heavy taxation and burthens to which they are subjected ? Is it true that we can stand free com- petition, so long as the national debt, the church and the poor laws react so fearfully upon the national in- • See Report of the Committee of the House of Commons on Trade, &c., and the Speech of (eorge F. Young, Esq. M. P. at the general meeting of the Shipping Association, held at the London Tavern, January 7th, 1833. t Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. iii. Lord Brougham's Colonial Policy. I I I I •<1 \\ 138 RECIPROCITY TREATIES. dustry ? 1 defend not the policy by which they are created, but they ejcist ! and cannot be got rid of without a breach of national faith, and perhaps the accomplish- ment of national ruin. In adding to the prosperity of the Colonies you add to the wealth of the nation, — they are integral sections of the empire, — part and parcel of the British people. Let us, however, contem- plate the ulterior consequences of the change. If you increase the trade of these Northern powers, you will of course facilitate the accumulation of their wealth. Weahl' will seek employment. Where is it to be found t In the cultivation oi the soil, — they already raise enough to support their own population, and to supply the demand from Britain. I fear it will only increase their powers of competition as our rivals in manufactures ; and that, if even now they condescend to reciprocate, the dispositiv^n will only continue, until they have sucked us of our wealth, and they may then be ungrateful enough, like the consumer of the orange, " to cast the peel away." I present the^^e views with all the humility which their surpassing importance demands, and will be happy, if the sagacious inquiries, and common sense of the sound part of the people, should confirm them. Although Mr. Scrope, in his late work upon Poli- tical Economy, is so earnest an advocate of the doctrines of Free Trade, his own mind is evidently im- pressed with the force of this line of argument, and he frankly recommends the continuance of the " Protective System" to the Colonies. I am unwilling to press, by anv formal exposition, the conclusions to which these admissions conduct, and will content myself with forti- fying my own views by the following quotations from his work : — J 4/ t( (( <( (( t( (4 '|-t| 11 \^-:mmm'i^ PROTBXTION TO COLONIES. 139 ey are /ithout nplish- jrity of tion, — irt and ontem- ^e. If ;rs, you wealth, to be dy raise supply Lse their es ; and ate, the eked us enough, he peel umility nd will )n sense hem. I)n Poli- of the iitly inl- and he otective ress, by h these th forti- ns from '• The argument for the protection of foreign impor- '* tation, with the view of encouraging native industry *' is extended to our Colonies ; and it is urged, that to '^ encourage and protect colonial industry, we ought to " exclude or place under restrictive duties such foreign '* articles as we could obtain from them. To the ex- " tent to which the doctrine is usually carried into " practice in our colonial system, its unsoundness is made " palpably manifest, by the same considerations which " exhibit the fallacy of the home protective system." I give the above extract in justice to the author. I rest content with his own exception to the general rule. It is this, — the italics are in the original : — *' To a certain limited extent, the argument as to the " expediency of encouraging the production, within our " own territorial limits, of the commodities required for ** the satisfaction of our wants, is sound, and perfectly *' admissible. Until nations are perfectly convinced of '* their community of interest — until all national " jealousy and animosity is extinguished — until the " possible occurrence of war, and the interruption • vhich it places in the way of foreign commerce " be prevented ! — it will be safer for a nation to " produce within its own limits the commodities •* it requires. The exchange of such productions " cannot be impeded by the commercial jealousy or po- " litical hostility of other states, and this security is ** worth some sncrijice. But the amount of the sacrifice " is the entire question, it may be worth while to levy " duties of tive, ten, fifteen, or even twenty per cent. " on this object ; and as the revenue derived from this *' source will save the necessity of imposing an equiva- somc other form, the imnusition lent oi' taxes in \\ 140 PROTECTION TO COLONIES. ■ti: I A' ill < I 1 < 1 ' ' Mi ** of Custom House Duties on foreign imported com- " modities is, on this ground, the most adviseable of all ** means of raising a revenue. It does not burthen *' industry more than any other tax, and it affords the " additional advantage of securing, to a certain extent, " the trade and industry of the country from being in- ** jured by the folly and violence of other governments." In reading this paragraph it must be carefully distin- guished, that the author recommends the system of protection, not so much from its affording a revenue, as from its securing the national independence. This is the important and original consideration ; the former is collateral and subsidiary. I will only add, that if every advocate of the modern doctrines of Free Trade be equally liberal and equally practical, as to admit the necessity of Colonial protection until '* all national animosity and jealousy" are extinguished, and '* until " the possible occurrence of war, and the interruption *' which it places in the way of foreign commerce" can be prevented, the Colonists and their friends will be perfectly content to acquiesce in the views of their adversaries, and pledge themselves to submit to the abandonment of the system, so soon as these halcyon times have arrived. Much, has been said, of the value of the American Trade to the British commercial marine, (t would be folly to deny that it does contribute essentially to the pros- perity of the nation, but of the danger to be anticipated from the United States, as a rival naval power, the com- parative amounts of British and American Shipping, employed in the trade between the two countries, since the convention of 1815, present a curious and striking illustration. By the terms of that treaty the vessels AMERICAN TRADE. 141 ;ed com- )le of all burthen brds the 1 extent, )eing in- nments." [y distin- ystem of venue, as This is former is t if every Trade be idmit the national d '* until erruption erce" can s will be of their it to the halcyon imerican I would be thepros- iticipated the com- |Shipping, ries, since striking le vessels of either power were admitted on equal terms into their respective ports. Mark the consequences of this free competition !* I am informed, by merchants of the first intelligence, and larj^^ely engaged in this branch of the national commerce, that the British Merchants have, or might have, an equal command at least over the transit of goods, as the American, and that the large amount of tonnage employed by the latter, is a practical proof that they can sail and navigate their ships on more advantageous terms than the British ship owner. American Trade with Great Britain. Inwards. Ontwards. Ships. Tons. Men. Ships. Tons. Men. 1820.— British tll4 20,490 1,434 199 51,321 2,602 American 522 159,418 T,049 480 140,322 6,660 Difference in favour of America 408 129,928 6,015 281 95,001 4,058 1825.— British 133 38,943 1,843 156 44,514 2,352 American 599 196,863 8,487 600 190,718 8,819 Difference in favour of America 460 157,920 6,le of calculation ought to be imperative and uni- versa i^uf the subjects of no nation, as a mass, act upon it Tati'e is a class, and a large class too, in Eng- land, who devote a portion of their abundant means to the cultivation of the mere elegancies and embellish- ments of life. Is the Government — the united voice and superintending head of a great, intelligent, and prosperous people — to regulate the national policy by a sordid economy, rarely practised in private life, and which the wealthier classes disown as a rule of conduct ? If it be the essence, the essential spirit of a free govern- ment, to represent the sentiments of the whole people, surely then this narrow and contracted policy cannot be imperative upon ours. In the conduct of the Cabinet, as in that of the nobility and upper classes, there ought to be some approaches to generosity, some attention paid to the preservation of those ancient and matured princi- ples of liberty, enshrined in our constitution, and which are of too refined a nature to be secured by the abandon- ment of all the charities and ail the sympathies of life. It would perhaps be idle to pursue the argument at greater length. It is one, I think, of just philosophy, and will be readily acknowledged by every man accus- tomed to investigate the moral elements of our nature, and the sources of our happiness. It is to these feelings, — the chivalry, if I may so speak, of the nation, that I now ii ■^WMiUbt.Hxc: letical )f the so in ir and e nice ndeed, len the id uni- ss, act n Eng- Bans to bellish- i voice it, and cy by a fe, and onduct? govern- people, innot be abinet, e ought ion paid princi- d which bandon- f life. ment at osophy, n accus- nature, clings,— at 1 now INFLUENCE OF THE NEW WORLD. 161 address myself; — not that I abandon in one tittle the argument I have insisted upon : that, even in the ba- lance of figures, the North American Colonies contribute to the national wealth in a ratio which counterbalancca the expenditure they occasion *. It is obvious, however, that the New World, from its growing importance, must exercise a powerful influence upon the political destinies of the Old. The history of the last fifty years has shown its moral, as well as direct influence, both upon the tone of political feeling, and the aspect of our political relation , The spirit of the American revolution inflamed, if t did not inspire, the ardour of the French Nation in their sanguinary attack upon the Ancient ^'■Regime:'' the declaration of hos- tilities by the United States in 812, had like to have given a new aspect to the wars upon the Continent ; and in 1827, Mr. Canning, with a just perception of this influence, said, in his celebrated speech upon the Por- tuguese question, in a tone of eloquent triumph, that he had created a " New World to balance the Old." It will be obvious, therefore, that if the British Ministry wish to secure and perpetuate the superiority which the Nation has attained, and to transmit to future generations the " palladium of our liberty," they ought to pursue that * Columbus was led to the discovery of America in the hope of accu- mulating that gold which would enable him to fit out a crusade for tiic recovery of the Holy Sepulchre. The motive imparts an engaging chi- valry and romance to his character, which Washington Irving has wrouglit out with his own peculiar and felicitous powers. He embraced the perils of distant discovery with the ultimate view of benefiting his species in the Old World ; and it will form a melancholy reflection for future ages, if, by the abandonment of the Colonial system, this benevolent purpose should be marred. 1 trust I shall be pardoned for the allusion, which, although engaging and just, may violate perhaps the severer rules of logic. r tfi"' ) ■ 162 AMERICA HOSTILE TO BRITISH LIBERTY. ,(1 I ; I f i -! Jl line of policy, which will create in the New World itself a balance of influences, — a local countercheck, in short, upon the ascendancy of the United States, so as to pre- vent them, in the event of their union being preserved, from controlling with any dominant sway the destinies of Europe. Jealous of the national fame to a degree of sensitiveness, of which persons who have never travelled in America can form no adequate conception, and am- bitious of being esteemed the first " people of the earth," they feel, as it has been remarked by sagacious observers, the balanced principles of freedom which harmonize in our Constitution — the superiority and expanding pros- perity of our trade and manufactures — the magnificent progress of our arts and sciences — to reflect back upon their institutions, and to aflbrd those striking lights of comparison and contrast, which, to an inferior, are so utterly odious. It is this feeling, perhaps, which is the origin of that pride of character, remarked equally by Captains Hall and Hamilton — I allude to the anxiety they are said to manifest, to extract praise from every intelligent foreigner who visits their country. But this very feeling, which floats upon the surface of society, is the germ and foundation of that feeling of hostility, which has ever been manifested by the Government to the transcendent and overshadowing glory of the British name. Tamed and placid as it may sleep during the amenities of peace, it is ready to rise, with renewed though dormant strength, in the time of war; and judg- ing from the experience of the past, it may be believed, that if the existence of our Constitution should ever again be in peril, as it was in 1812, we shall find America no sister guardian to uphold, and, by her aid, to sanctify our shrines of freedom ; but ready to add herself J AMERICA HOSTILE TO BRITISH LIBERTY. 163 to the ranks of our opponents, and to lend her energies to rase our name and constitution from the modern his- tory of free governments*. If this prediction be of authority, where can the folly of needless concessions to these selfish Republicans find apology? With a mind predisposed to friendship, a gift will inspire or strengthen affection ; but where there is hostility at the heart, glossed over with the thin colouring of a pretended regard, the gift will lend only new ardour to the existing hostility, and be regarded ^s the peace-offering of fear, rather than the free pledge of esteem and affection. Tt is a strong belief in the existence of this feeling of ani- mosity, which induces the Colonists to regard their con- ceded rights with a more angry and embittered regret ; because, independent altogether of their effects upon commerce, they nerve the right arm of strength, which • There is no person who has travelled in America, disposed to conduct himself with the courtesy which becomes a gentleman, who will not feel grateful for the many kind and hospitable attentions he will receive. He will see also much to admire, both in the country and in the people. In the better classes he will meet many who will charm him with their enthu- siasm for English literature and institutions — an enthusiasm, which every one born in the New World feels, whether Republican or Colonist, who has time to visit this great and wonderful country. He may be even disposed to think, from the circle in which he is thrown, that the feeling of hostility is melting into softer and more philanthropical sympathies. But if he overlooks these partial o!)servations, and regards the measures of the Government as an index of popular feeling, the conclusion will be forced upon him, that that long-cherished hostility is still honoured and nourished in all its asperities. There is no good man who would not desire to see our own Government and that of the United States knit by the friendly alliance, which their standing, as free nations, in the two hemispheres would recora- mend; but it cannot be doubted, that America, apart from her professions, has exhibited the enmity the argument compels us so often to refer to; and that if the existing relations still manifest the spirit of rivalry, Ue herself has done much to inspire the feeling, and must arraign her own conduct for the severe rebuke it suggests. / -I y .k ' r II t64 COLONIES ovekawp: united states. alone makes the United States formidable as an assail- ant. If, I again repeat, this prediction be justified, is it not the sound policy of Great Britain to cherish the connection between, and to retain her supremacy over, that portion of North America which she at present owns; and which is peopled by a race who feel the glory of a British lineage, who are animated by the sympathies inspired by their communion in the principles of British freedom, and who will be ready, as they have been, to shed their blood in vindicating and preserving the rights and honour of their Government, when the season of danger shall arrive ? The local position of these dependencies will ever enable the Mother Country effectually to control and overawe the American Republic. Nova Scotia, occupying a bold and projecting point upon the coast of North America, with its line of noble harbours, some of them, like those of Halifax and Shelburne, capable of receiving the fleet of the British navy, and with an agriculture* which not only supplies now her own inhabitants with the produce of the soil, but affords a larg'3 surplus for exportation, and which is besides rapidly improving and extending — will at all times form an admirable point of concentration for any great naval armament, should a blockade of the ports, or an invasion into the territory, of the United States, be rendered necessary. It has been already advan- tageously used for such purposes ; and both the fleet of Admiral Boscawen previous to the capture of Louis- bourgh, and the Shannon before her engagement with the Chesapeake, were refitted at Halifax, and sailed in the freshened " pomp and circumstance of war" to achieve their signal triumphs. Had they not enjoyed this ad- it will be seen that a coft- • In lookin<^ at the sttitistics of Nova kSootia, «i-l»W'.rj» »'li-.5', COLONIES OVERAWE UNITED STATES. 165 vantage, and proceeded to the mel^e with all the injuries* and exhaustion created by an Atlantic voyage, Louisbourgh might not have furnished so splendid an accession to the trophies of the Tower, nor Broke added to the ashes of the *' illustrious dead," who have found, or ought to find, a mausoleum in the gothic and solemn magnificence of Westminster. The Canadas and New Brunswick are equally advantageous in presenting a line of frontier, insi- nuating itself from the sea coast to the very core of the Republic, to favour invasion. They in fact overhang America like a dead weight ; and if their influence were removed, England might perhaps feel that her own indis- putable possession of power, and the tranquillity of the world, had been in some degree dependent upon these Colonies. I siderable quantity of flour is still imported from the United States. It is true that the province cannot produce toheat of the same quality as the Southern states ; and that the general taste of the inhabitants of Halifax, where American flour is chiefly used, is so much formed upon this superior article, that the bakers use it entirely. There is not perhaps another community in the world where all classes, both rich and poor, use to such extent the finest quality of bread. It is impossible, I believe, to purchase there a brown loaf. But this does not impugn the capability of the province to raise a sufficient quantity of bread corn for its inhabitants. I am satisfied that there is abundance of grain now raised to feed the population ; and that if the cattle, flour, oatmeal, pork, poultry, and butter, sent from the Western Counties to St. John, New Brunswick, and from the Eastern to the Magdalen Islands, Labrador, Newfoundland, and Miramichi, and also to the West Indies, were estimated, that their united value will far exceed the amount of our imports from the United States. I trust however that a change is at hand, and that the public will from patriotic motives — to achieve in fact the emancipation of the province, — throw their con- sumption for the future upon native rather XhdiXi foreign flour. * The advantage of a foreign station to refit is illustrated by the fr ■ of the expedition against New Orleans. When the fleet sailed from ■ - ril Bay, both the crew and soldiers were said to have been exhausted wiiii the diseases incident to a tropical climate. If we could unfold the mysterious influences of nature, the unfortunate events of that campaign might ^fl f 166 COLONIES NECESSARY. t'lM The possession of these dependencies has been thought by some statesmen, of no inferior talent, to be essentially connected with the safety of our Islands in the West Indies. I allude not now to the mutual benefit they confer upon each other, by extending a desirable market for their respective productions, upon v/h'ch I might descant at some length were it connected with the argument. But I refer solely to the facilities they afford to the troops and ships of war, stationed in Bermuda and the West India Islands, by furnishing at all times an abundant supply of cheap and wholesome provisions. To the latter they present a convenient place to refit, and restore the energies of a crew, enervated by the diseases incident to a tropical service. It is a fact familiar to our naval commanders, that a crew cannot be kept in full vigour and action on these stations, without occasionally running into the more exciting breezes of the North. It has been the custom, for past years, founded upon this necessity, for the fleet on the West India station to resort to Halifax during the summer months. It is a maxim as old as the most brilliant era of Roman History, that it is wise in peace to prepare for war — just as every prudent man in the season of tranquil prosperity accumulates and nurses his prcfits, to meet the reverses of fortune. No man in private life would admire the discretion of another, who cast the grace of his future independence upon the favour of some third party, who, if not absolutely hostile, was, at least, not bound to hi in by any tie of interest or affection. Before therefore the view of those theorists, who denounce the Colonial System, find favour with the people, it would be well for them to inquire, if the Mother Country be [\ ENGLAND DEPENDENT UPON IIEll COLONIES. 167 as been it, to be lands in mutual xtendiug »ns, upon onnected facilities tioned in shing at lolesome >nvenient nervatcd ; is a fact :annot be without reezes of st vears, he West summer t era of pare for tranquil to meet fe would grace of me third east, not Before unce the it wouid HUitry be in fact independent of her Colonies* ; and whence, sup- posing them to be cast without the circle of British influence, she would have derived the supplies they * It gives me great pleasure to be enabled to extract, in favour of this argument, the advocacy of the Edinburgh Review. From an article upon iYic American Tariff (December, 1828), I take the following extracts from the concluding paragraph : — ** It has been asked, what ought England to do in this emergency? The commerce of no other nation will be so much affected as ours by the proceedings of the Americans ; and it is contended that we ought cither to remonstrate or retaliate. We believe, however, that it will be infinitely better to do neither. The proceedings of the Americans ought rather to excite pity than anger." * * * After making some further remarks in the same spirit, the Reviewer concludes : — " At the same time, however, it is quite clear, that the less dependence we now place on the trade with America, so much the better. She cannot, indeed, inflict any material injury in refusing to buy our pro- ductions, but at present she might injure us by refusing to sell ; and after what we have seen of Congress, it would excite no surprise though some attempt of that sort were made. We are not, therefore, sure that it might not be good policy to endeavour to encourage ! the importation of cotton from India, Egypt, South America, &c., by reducing, or wholly repealing the existing duty on all cotton not imported from the United States. We would not increase the present duties on any commodity brought from America ; but when she is every year making fresh efforts, by means of oppressive duties, to exclude our produce from her markets, she cannot blame us if we begin to look about us for means, and they may easily be had, of making ourselves wholly independent of any intercourse with her." If Great Britain lose these North American Colonies, could she obtain i supply of timber from auy other quarter, supposing the same spirit to influence them at some future period as prevails now in the United States, I ask, where are her means of independence ? It is uncharitable, I think, to arraign the consistency of a Journal, conducted now for thirty years with such distinguished and eloquent talent. Its articles represent the views, not of one mind, but of the finest geniuses of the age. I can easily find apology for the opposite views which find admittance in diiTercnl papers ; and without wishing to attack the superior style of its general manage- ment, I may be allowed, I think, to state, that the author of tills article would not have supported the usserlion nuide l)y one of his brother Re- viewers, whose position I have endeavoured to overthrow— that the Mother Country had rather gained than lost, by the erection of these Statcii into an independent Ciovernment. I' ' 168 ENGLAND DEPENDENT UPON HER COLONIES. afforded, after the promulgation and enforcement of the Berlin and Milan decrees ? Suppose our ships to be again excluded from the Northern ports of Europe, to what stores could England turn, to prevent, as she did in 180G, the distress and commercial disorder which would have ensued ? I have already hinted upon the vantage-ground which England occupies, in adjusting her treaties with the Continental Nations, by having the boundless forests and fields of British North America under her control. Vain it will be, to soothe the apprehension which such inquiry creates, by arguing the improbability of similar exigencies. The past has made the future a sealed volume, of which time in its progress can alone open the leaves. What genius, however pre- scient, could have foreseen in 1790, in all their lights and shadows, the series of wonderful events which, in their rapid development, have since convulsed and astonished the world ? Who, even so late as 1827, could have 1 d the foreknowledge to predict the changes which h ve occurred in our own government, or the present political aspects of the Continent ? Recollect too, that Europe has been gradually but surely advancing to that crisis — that " war of opinions" — which Canning foretold; and the piles of whose watch fires are already scattered over the older dynasties. Another Buonaparte may again arise — his restless spirit is yet abroad — a treaty similar to that of Tilsit may again be formed, to concentrate the Northern powers into hostile re-action — the English flag may again be excluded from the Baltic; — and if the Colonies are lost — if goaded to hostilities, or merged in the American Union — the conmiercc of England may be struck with a paralysis, and her naval strength be reduced to an extent, which niay compel these sophists of the day AMERICAN Mir.ITIA, NIES- lit of the 3s to be I rope, to she did ir which ipon the idjusting iving the ica under ehension obability le future ress can :ver pre- ghts and in their stonished lave ^ d ich h ve political Europe crisis — )ld ; and I over the II arise — o that of Northern ag- may Colonies in the may be reduced I'the day 1G9 to admit, that the mantle of inspiration and of prophecy had not fallen upon them. But there is another view of the question to which I must claim your particular regard. It is connected, I think, with the free principles of Modern Republics, and naturally springs from the elements of their constitution, that they never can reach any commanding position as invading powers. From the jealousy which is enter- tained of a standing army amongst the " Sovereign People," no armed force will ever be organized, sufficient to endanger the safety or existence of a neighbouring state. In any case of perilous emergency — when the domestic altars are threatened with desecration, and the soil, consecrated in the hearts of the people as the domicile of freedom, invaded, a native militia will soon be marshalled in power to save the territory from intrusion. But if the Ruling Powers, in place of standing upon the defensive, indulge in the vain ambition of foreign conquest, they will find that the same militia, who before their own hearths formed a soldiery of ^ofty and chivalric purpose, when they had crossed the debateable territory, would, in every step of their progress, lose their resolution and courage. Without wider refer- ence I apply my reasoning to the experience of the last Americf n war. While at the North Point and New Orleans the Republicans fought, as their forefathers had done, during the Revolution, with dauntless ardour, when led to the Canadas they proved no " serried host," capable of resisting the phalanx and front of English troops, or even of withstanding the impetuous assault of the Canadian militia*. * til pnsslnjf over tlio tic' . of Ula^^enlmrj^li, witli u Doctor of ilio Ainrrioan anny, I was iiiiieli amused with tin; ;i;>olo|' power. Her spear will never lay rest nor win the victory, in the tournament of military array*. It is in her naval strength she is only to be dreaded, and through its agency she can alone influence the politics of Europe. The succession of naval triumphs gained by ler ships during the last struggle has fanned the national pride, and bid the people regard this as a service upon which they are disposed to lavish the most ample means. The liberal expenditure which flows through this department of the state may be ascribed in part, I admit, to their oceanic situation — to the necessity of protecting their revenue along a line of extensive sea ccast, — and as want of courage displayed there by the enrolled miHtu, It is a subject upon which Americans feel a little sore, and which no stranger^ with any pretensions to politeness, would touch with an air of triumph. They occupied a fine position, and were driven from it in ;^aUant style by the British soldiers. He said to me — " They disgraced >m> : I do not deny it. The first militia we ever had that did not show fight. But it is not to be wondered at." I asked, why ? " They were all rich men's sons. Sir. Some of thfm worth 20,0^^' ' Uars, no less. One of them owned half a street. They lO'ild not b. ■ ^ > 5cted to fight like men ui;on pay. Twenty thousand dollars to a shilling a day — the odds were too great. No wonder they were beat." I did not discuss with my fellow-traveller the philosophy of this apology ; but it would have been no difficult task to have proved, that cowardice is not a necessary accompaniment of wealth, and that some of the finest chivalry of the English army has been displayed by men, heirs to hereditary honours and all the splendid gifts of fortune. * There is an essential difference between the spirit of ancient and modern Republics. In the former the mass of the people were trained to be soldiers, and found distinction amid the perils, and wealth from the spoils of war. With few notions of domestic comfort, the privations of a campaign appeared to them as no sacrifice to their country. But amongst modern nations, and especially amongst the people of America, the wider diffusion of the arts «>ud luxuri '•; of life — and the readines.s with which they can be contnanded — render the militia indisposed to xhc military service, and nnwilling, as my companion tlic Yankee Doctor said, " to throw chances at so great an odds." ! \ I. :iU :e, , that J}' power. )ry, in the her naval rough its f Europe, ber ships >nal pride, pon which ans. The epartment t, to their :ting their ,— and as ; is a subject 'er^ witli any imph. They ; style by the not deny it. t is not to be 's sons. Sir. )wned half a )ay. Twenty No wonder e philosophy mve proved, nd that some )y men, heirs t and modern be soldiers, of war. With appeared to nations, and II of the arts commanded ilHng, as my eat an odds." i AMERICAN NAVY. 171 a guard for their foreign commerce. But the Tna^riificence of their dock-yards and armori'js, their costly style of ship-building, and the naval force which is kept afloat and ready for action, may, in a main degree, be ascribed to that desire which is spread far and wide among her citizens to emulate Great Britain ; and to wrest from her that palm which has been the cost of so many naval victories, and which she has worn since Trafalgar with- out rival or peer, until America has cherished the bold ambition of contesting its possession. There are many natural impediments to America, if restricted only to her own natural resources, becoming a greater naval power than she at present ranks ; and these I shall explain in my next Letter, as their illustration will develope views of commanding importance in this inquiry. \i \''l i H,,! ti m :■< . ;4) III 1 |: *l''i .1'. ■ 's'j '1; Vi - . :-i 4 1 !l LETTER X. -/^ Trade necessary for the national Defence ought to be protected — Lord John Russell— Naval Power never permanent unless supported by a Com- mercial Marine — Ancient and Modern History — Fisheries the best nursery of Sailors — Comparison between the A'aval Resources of the British North American Colonies and the United States — American Shore Fisheries com- pared to Massachusetts and Maine — Chief Justice Halliburton's work upon this subject — Feeling produced in the Colonies by the System if Attack — Consequences upon the Mother Country, if Nova Scotia, ^-c. were incor- porated into the Union — Supply America irilh Fuel, and enable her with their superior Climate to prosecute the Cotton Spinning Trade — Navy Estimates may be Reduced. " Whereas the Fisheries carried on by His Majesty's Subjects of Great Britain and of the British Dominions in America have been found to be the best Nurseries for able experienced Seamen, always sent to man the Royal Navy when occasion required : and it is therefore of the highest national importance to give all due e.»courageraent to the said Fisheries, and to endeavour to secure the annual return of the Fishermen, Sailors, and others employed therein to the Ports of Great Britain, and of His Majesty's dominions before-mentioned, at the end of every fishing season : Now in order i promote these great and important purposes, &c., be it enacted." — Preavible to Act of Parliament, 15 Geo. TH, c. 31. " A Navy is necessary, cither for the defence of a maritime country and the military operations it may carry on against other states, or for the pro- tect' ju of its commerce : without the provision of an extensive foreign commerce, no nation can support a powerful navy, unless it remains in a state of perpetual war, or submits to an expense which none but a Com- merciu! Nation can sustain." — Lord Brougham's Colonial Policy. '• TlK'/*e cannot be a (juestion, indeed, that the commerce with Great Britiiin h. of the utmost consequence to the Americans, and that we deal with 'Jieai on infinitely more liberal terms than they deal with us." — Edinburgh Review, Article upon American Tariff, Dec. 1828, p. 404. TiiEiiE is one additional point of view in which the subject oujrht to be contempUited, which involves not the interest of the Colonies alone, but the glory and safety .■.»i-;g!'-.,>"».i «..«—-■■ FFIEE TRADE LIMITED I 173 tected — Lord ed by a Com- • best nursery British North 'fisheries co;«- '»'* work upon J of Attack — ?. were incor- ]able her with Trade— Navy ects of Great und to be the a an the Royal ;he3t national leries, and to rs, and others lis Majesty's ison : Now in enacted." — country and >r for the pro- nsivc foreign t remains in e but a Com- vy. e with Great that we deal with us." — >. 104. vhich the olves not and safety of the British nation. It will be freely admitted by the party whose views I oppose, as a principle of pol'tical economy, first developed by Adam Smith, and since vindicated by all his successors, that no trade ought to be propped up by a system of bounties, which will not support itself; or, in other words, amid the general competition for the em- ployment of capital and industry, yield a fair return*. He wisely withholds the extension of this general principle to manufactures and branches of trade, which are neces- sary, in the event of war, for the national safety f. I claim the benefit of the exceptioii in the present argument. The French and American Governments recognize k. To its entertainment can only be ascribed their anxiety to secure these " droUs cle pecheur.'' Their liberal system of bounties flows from the same influence. Would Ame- rica continue to impose a duty of 5*. per quintal upon codfishj, one of the necessaries of life, and in the cottages of the poorer settlers the main element of food during one half of the year, a protecting duty of fifty per cent. in us to all past icular era be found, ntempora- 1 fisheries, )t the pos- will create jrther that employed ble to the >e possible hunt ship,'' arbour, as attle-field ; ne, would tical expe- first swell the theory verpool or seen, the with such upon the Ell prostra- ild not be to whjm e national TUADK OK I UK SEA 17i standard, or entrust tlit^ ch ancos o f war idCj a secon( perdown or Trafalgar. It is a favourite idea entertained in the United States— but I answer not for its truth — to attribute the capture of the Cheasapeake* by the Shannon to the levy of raw recruits, who were sent on board as the ship sailed out of harbour ; to the unseemly incum- brance they created upon deck, when the ship moved into the swell of the Ocean. I shall not soon forget the lauo-h of withering scorn with which the proposition was discussed by a Lieutenant of the American Navy, whom I met in New York during my sojourn in the United States. He stated that a similar proposal had been mooted in America, to man their ships with " howmeny^' men from the Western states ; but he laughed at both as visionary and impracticable. " The trade of the sea, Sir," said he, "■ is like most others. A mariner must be made, as you would a carpenter or tailor. lie must serve his regular apprenticeship to the business; and if I were the commander of a seventy-four with such a crew, I would go into action vvitli my flag down, for * The following passage has sij^nlficant heariiijr upon the present argu- ment : — " The Cheasapeake, it is true, was captured. The English cap- tain won his prize gallantly — let no American gainsay it. We heard how the achievement was hailed in Kngland ; the more, as it had been preceded by a series of encounters terminating ditFcreutly. But Avith whatever satisfaction received there, 1 cannot think thut it e(iuallcd the opposite feeling in the United Sutes. I remember (what American does not?) the first rumour of it. I remember the startling sensation. I remember, at first, the universal incredulity. I remember lunv the Post Offices were thronged, for successive days, with anxiotis thousands; how collections of citizens rode out for miles on the higliways, awaiting the mail to catch something by anticipation. At last, when the certainty was known, I re- member the public gloom. Funeral orations, badges of mourning, l>espoke it. * * * Others may augur the naval destinies of the United States from their victories ; I froi.> the feelings that followed this defeat." — Hush's Hnithntct', '\2{'>. \ 2 176 TRADE OF THE SEA. ■j' m i ll: i.i: . worsted we would be in the contest, and it would be mercy to prevent the useless waste of life and blood- shed." I believe this to be good philosophy. The more eminent writers on education have ever represented that of home as the most important of any. The authors of our popular songs, who reach the national feeling by addressing the common sense of the people, speak of the tars " whose home is on the deep." The position could be fortified by many striking analogies. To this branch of trade it is particularly applicable, because it is one sui generis. It is a training not of the body only, but of the mind; and requires a physical and agile ability, superadded to a spirit of bold and dauntless daring. There is a sublimity in a storm at sea which appals — if I may so speak, — crushes the feelings, when first wit- nessed. It requires time and familiarity to feel its heart- stirring excitement. I fear that these hermaphrodite recruits, after their system of land lessons — their attend- ance at sham-fights in gondolas, even on the lakes in St. James's Park, though superintended by the most skilful of these political tacticians — would be no match for the hardy sailor or fisherman, who, like our own proud banner, had " braved the battle and the breeze," and whose habits had been formed into a second nature, by the perils and hardships to which they had been respectively subjected. If we look back to the ages of classic history it will be found, that when Tyre, Greece, and Rome* respectively asserted the supremacy of the Ocean, that at the same pe- riod their commercial marines had reached a high degree * I feel some doubt as to this fact in the case of the Romans, at the time of the first Punic war ; I am perfectly willing however to abandon the argu- ment, i»o far a« it is supported by the evidence of classic history ; ^or the )uld be blood- le more :ed that thors of ling by peak of position To this :ause it ly only, ability, daring, pals — if irst wit- ;s heart- phrodite attend- lakes in le most match ur own breeze," nature, id been ; will be »ectively ame pe- degree it the time 1 th« argu- y ; ^or the ANCIKXT AND MODEKN HISTORY. 177 of prosperity, and that when the second won tlie glories of Salamis, and the last conducted the Punic wars, their fleets were manned by sailors drawn from their commer- cial marines. Without reverting to ancient history, that of modern nations, however, furnishes ample proof of this position. After the dark ages, when Venice and Genoa grew into importance as cotniuercial states, and their trade flourished by embracing the exchange and traflic between the eastern and western worlds, they reached also an enviable degree of political influence, and their respective fleets swept the Mediterranean and the Archi- pelago with undisputed rule. The naval power of Spain was at one time the most imposing and formidable in Europe. In the reign of Elizabeth she contested for a time the supremacy of the seas. The victory obtained over the Armada was regarded by that princess^ — so sagacious in her views of national policy — as one of the most brilliant achievements of her reign. We regard it with similar feelings at the present hour. If we contrast the commercial marine of Spain, then, with her authority as a naval power, we shall see her the mistress of the New World, and prosecuting a successful commerce, only limited by the limits of the ocean. The decay of that influence kept pace with the gradual depression and curtailment of the national trade ; and, although she still occupies the same localities on the face of the Continent, possesses the same extent of sea-coast, the same soil, climate, and internal resources, her importance as a naval power, and as a commercial nation, is but as " a tale to different construction of their galleys, their limited and timid style of navigation, and the confinement of their fleets to the inland seas of the Me- diterranean, do not present that similitude of circumstances which ^ive authority to analogy. i r: '1^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // ^ >. Z. ^ 1.0 I.I I^IM |Z5 Ui 1^ 12.2 £f 1^ 12.0 yu I ik |L25 1, U IJ^ < 6" ► I s^ 0% ^ y 7] 4^^.-^ /A ^. ^ .^ '•^ '/ Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WIST MAIN STRUT WHSTIR.N.Y. MStO (716) •73-4S03 178 MontKN msrouv ) f be told." The fleets of the States General swept the seas with fair pretensions to rivalry with our own, when they enjoyed an extensive European trade, and Colonies in the East and West Indies. Portugal teaches also the same lesson*. Russia has reached a respectable rank among the list of naval powers. Her strength, however, is in her hordes and cossacks. The occlusion of her northern ports during six months of the year, by reason of the severity of the winter, limiting, of course, the extent of her trade, has checked the progress of her marine ; and if we could open the secret motives of her state policy, we should probably discover that it was ii^ith a desire to extend this element of the national strength, that induced Catharine — a side portrait to our own Elizabeth — to push her conquests to the Crimea, and Alexander and Nicholas to display such manifest anxiety to embrace Greece and Turkey! in Europe within the circle of the empire, and have the waves of the Adriatic, the Mediterranean, and the Bosphorus laving its southern boundaries. The same conclusion would b" justified, by tracing the growth of our own J naval ascendancy. It was a full • All apology may be necessary for these trite references to general history : 1 claim not for them the excuse of novelty, but I could not ex- hibit the ulterior parts of the argument without thus briefly, and perhaps, imperfectly, setting them out. The condttsion will be far more forcibly derived from the Introductory Chapter of Robertson's History of America, Anderson's Introduction to Commerce, the article "Commerce" in the London Cyclopedia, and he very elaborate Notes of Mr. Bell, in his edition of Rollin's Sciences and Arts. t See " Remarks upon the Conduct .md probable Designs of Russia," Ridgway, 1832, and some able editorial rcuiailis in the London Timen for January. X Mr. Rush indulgt^s in some curious reflections upon the subject. — " Hitherto, at the commencement of wars, the fleets of France, of 8paiu» NAVY DEPENDENT UPON FISHERIES. 179 ;pt the , when olonies Uso the le rank )wrever, of her reason se, the of her 1 of her it wa» lationa) t to our lea, and anxiety hin the Ldriatic, outhern tracing IS a full general Id not ex- 1 perhaps, e forcibly ■ America, e" in the :I1, in his F Russia," Ion TimeK subject.— of &ipaiu» conviction of this fact, that gave rise to the policy of Buonaparte and his minister Talleyrand, and created the significant, but now trite adage, of " ships, colonies, and commerce," — a maxim, it will be easily believed, not entertained by the former from any enlarged love of man- kind, but from it^ influence in increasing the naval power, and favouring his audacious ambition of uni- versal empire. Of all the sources of our naval power, it is admitted that none other supplies so hardy a rare of sailors as our shore and bank fisheries ; and although France has along her shore a succession of fine harbours, it has been contended, that the more affluent fisheries on the coast of Great Britain has been one of the main sources of her naval supremacy*. No policy of the Government and of Holland, if not a match for those of England, could make a show of resistance. I'heir concerted movements were able to hold her in tem- porary check. Where are the navies of those powers now ? or those of the Baltic t Some gone almost totally ; the rest destined to be drawn from the seas on the first war with England. There is nothing singly or combined, as far as Europe is concerned, to make head against her. France is anxious to revive her navy : she builds good ships ; has brave and scientific officers. So Russia. But where are the essential sources of naval power in either ? ffhere are their tailors trained in a commercial marine?" p. 251. • I recommend to the reader a perusal of the Report of the Committee of the House of Commons on the " Channel Fisheries," laid before Par- liament on the 16th of August last. The article to which I chiefly refer, is the " Interference of the French Fishermen," p. 4. It will furnish some curious views of the national policy of that Government, and shows, perhaps, that the tameness of our submission on the coasts of New- foundland has led to a system of aggression, which is a tarnish to the British name to have suffered. After detailing the grievances to which the British fishermen are subjected, the Report proceeds : " Your Com- " mittee also think it right to observe, that great attention on the part of •' the French (Jovcrnment appears to be paid to the encouragement and ** extension of their Channei Fisherieu, particularly at a nurtery for their " seamen.'' > J i \\ I V I: '•»', ,, \ n 180 CHltl- JUSTICE HALLIBURTON S WORK. could be more disastrous, than the rights granted to the Americans and French upon our grounds. Ahhough the former possess so extensive a line of coast, their shore fisheries are of little value. Their harbours too, espe- cially to the south of New York, lie deep in the con- tinent, and are of difficult access. While Britain has a nursery of seamen round and round the United King- dom — as fruitful at the Land's End as at the Orkneys — that of America is confined to the shores of Maine and Massachusetts — the whole of their territories to the south, both from the absence of fishing grounds, and the influence of climate, aiford no opportunity for the prosecution of the fisheries. And it has been already shown, that the population of these two states is now overcrowded*, — that their shore fisheries are prose- cuted to the utmost possible extent, — that their natural resources have been brought into full action ; and that from this source America cannot derive any enlarged elements cf naval strength to employ for future aggres- sion or aggrandizement. Some of the views contained in this Letter have been far more ably brought under the notice of your prede- cessors, in a book, entitled " Observations upon the Im- portance of the British North American Colonies," written by the Hon. Chief Justice Halliburton, of Nova Scotia, equally eminent in that hemisphere for his prac- tical judgment as a politician, and his intelligence and uprightness as a judge. From his book I take the fol- lowing extracts : " It must be admitted, that a country so situated (as *' America) may become very powerful upon the ocean ; • Sec pajfe 71. CHIEF JUSTICE HALLIBURTON S WORK. 181 1 to the ugh the ir shore ), espe- le con- ain has 1 King- ineys — ine and to the ds, and for the already is now prose- natural nd that nlarged aggres- ve been prede- the Im- lonies," f Nova is prac- ce and the foi- led (as ocean ; " and it is highly probable that the navy of the United " States will very soon be a valuable addition to the " fleets of any of the European powers in future wars. " But let it be recollected, that France and Spain pos- " sess all the advantages which have been enumerated, " and yet their united naval force has ever been unequal " to overpower that of Great Britain. And to what is " it owing, that thirty millions of Frenchmen, aided by " ten millions of Spaniards, are unable to equip and man " fleets sufficiently powerful to destroy the navy of an " island which does not possess half that population? — " principally to this : that the inhabitants of the inland " parts of France and Spain, which form so large a por- " tion of their population, reside in a country which " affords them the means of subsistence without obliging " them to seek it abroad, and they are therefore indis- " posed to encounter the hardship of a seaman's life ; " whereas Great Britain is everywhere surrounded by " the ocean ; the most inland parts of the island are not " very distant from the sea ; and as the productions of " the soil would not support a very numerous population, " a large proportion of its people are compelled to seek " their subsistence by engaging in the fisheries, or in " the coasting and foreign trade; and it is from this " hardy and enterprising portion of her subjects, that " Great Britain derives the means of establishing and '* maintaining her superiority upon the ocean. " Now it is evident, that the United States of Amc- ** rica, even now, resemble the countries of France and " Spain, in this particular, more than Great Britain; and *' as their people recede from the ocean, and plant them- " selves in the valleys beyond the Alleghany Mountains, *' the resemblance will still be greater: by far the greater " part ul'tlic iiihiibitauls of those distant regions will live .11 I ii Ti t^' t i 'i ". i ! 182 IMPEDIMENTS TO AMERICAN NAVV. <( (( " and die without ever having placed their feet upon the " deck of a ship, and will, consequently, add nothing to " the maritime population of the country ; the rich pro- " ductions of their fertile valleys will lind their way to " New Orleans, and there provide abundant means of " carrying on foreign trade ; but the carriers of these ** productions to the foreign market will either be fo- " feigners, or natives of the Atlantic States. " The mercantile sea- ports to the southward of the Delaware will doubtless produce a very respectable number of sailors at the commencement of a war, but '' as it is notorious that merchants usually navigate their " vessels with the smallest possible number of hands, the " employment of these men in the navy, in a country " where the labouring classes cannot provide substitutes " for them, will not only be productive of great inconve- ** nience to the mercantile interest, but will render it " difficult, if not impracticable, for the American navy to " procure further recruits from the southern states after '* it has made its first sweep from the ships of the mer- " chants ; for surely those who are destined to wrest " the sovereignty of the seas from Great Britain, will " not be selected from the indolent slaves of the southern " planter. " The states of New York and New England are now " old settled countries : the population of the former *' may become more numerous in the back parts of the *' country, but an increase in that quarter will add but " little to her maritime strength. But New England, " and the south-eastern parts of New York, are already " so fully peopled, that frequent emigrations take place " from them to the inland states. Massachusetts does " not, and, wc believe we may say, cannot raise within " herself bread to support her present population, and IMPEDIMENTS TO AMERICAN NAVY. 183 upon the )thing to icli pro- r way to neans of of these be fo- 1 of the pectable var, but cite their lids, the country DStitutes neon ve- nder it navv to es after he mer- wrest in, will outhern ire now former of the dd but igland, ih'eady 1 place ts does within n, and " therefore can never expect to increase her numbers " very rapidly ; while the western territory offers to her " youth the tempting prospect of obtaining a livelihood •' in that rich country, upon easier terms than they can " procure it within her limits. " Let it not then be deemed chimerical to say, that '* America has no immediate prospect of becoming a *' great naval power." The Colonists complain not only of the impolicy of these concessions, as they afi'ect our trade, but because it enables America to increase that power, by which the safety of the British provinces is endangered. " What- ever reliance we may place," says Mr. Cambreleng*, in the Report of the Committee on Commerce, appointed by Congress, *' on a few poorly garrisoned fortifications, " and however firm our confidence may be in the pa- " triotism and gallantry of our militia, in the last emer- " gencies of war, our main dependence for the defence "of so extensive a frontier must ever be on our naval " power. This is not to be preserved merely by the " discipline of officers, the accumulation of material, and " the construction of ships of war. The public treasury '* is uselessly expended on thcie objects, where u navy " is unsupported by a hardy and well-disciplined marine. "Our mariners have always been distinguished for " celerity, courage, and enterprise ; and our naval career " was clearly indicated from the moment our commerce " was liberated from colonial restrictions. Navigation " was, accordingly, the favourite object in all oul" early ** legislation. Not with any view to enlarge private *^prq/itf but for a pia'posCy moke within the le- e rights that has *' Tliese of great ifl'ording race of 2ace, or rate, are Ithough led with convic- :al, and a ratio, enance. exposed fection, ve now ent, in Iccumu- d not a if their e may )inions ^asures noked which risdom av the moralists, a son ought not to bear even the chastenings of a father. He is forbidden to revenge : but, when labouring with filial diligence and affection for the family support, revilings may justify his bidding adieu — not in anger, but in sorrow — to the paternal roof. The Colonies, I am satisfied, will not willingly throw themselves into the arms of the Republic : but all the chances ought to be cast, and the possibility of thei' subjection contemplated. The danger of that event will at least be increased, if the protection of the Mother Country be now withdrawn. If this event should ever happen, the proud supremacy of Great Britain will be at an end. The anticipated m(\rch of empire to the West will then be realized, and America will ascend to a pinnacle of prosperity and glory, to equal the most sanguine expectations of her most sanguine admirers. The possession of Great Britain of those territories on her frontier, by affording points of attack and invasion — the resources they supply both to Great Britain herself, and to the other Colonies — the position which her dominion over them has enabled her to maintain in her nego- ciations with the Continental Powers — have all had a tendency to soften the tone of American politics, and vo infuse some portion of humility into her demands. But, if these were brought under her power, she would ruffle up with new pretensions. She would probably tamper, intrigue, and treat with the Northern Powers of Europe, to compel Great Britain to abandon that system, under the auspices of which her present glory has been reared. She would dictate the terms of ad mission to her own productions in our ports; and, judging from her past con- duct, in her state of comparative feebleness, her accession of strength and influence would not dispose her to reduce 186 COTTON SPINNING IN UNITED STATES. rn »• V her Tariff upon British manufactures. Nor would it be so necessary as now! With the possession of the coals and minerals of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick — the former exported at present to such large extent for the supply of her steam boats and manufactories, she would be enabled to command one of those elements which now constitute a barrier to her manufacturing success. I know, from per- sonal observation, that the leading men of America look with envious eye upon the mining wealth of the British provinces. I was surprised when I visited the United States, in 1828, to find such minute inquiries directed to me upon the subject at Washington and in the other parts of the Union. I have already stated that two American geologists have completed a survey of Nova Scotia, and published a description and map — whether under the sanction of the Government or no, is a secret which future events may reveal. In the evidence given before the Committee of the House of Commons, upon Mr. Sadler's " Factory Labour Bill," the * witnesses state the scarcity and deamess of fuel, and the influence of climate, as two of the leading causes, which render the competition of the United States in the cotton spinning trade not to be apprehended. Their ingenuity in mechanics is said to be superior — some of the late improvements in the machinery being invented in the New World. There is not extant a more curious spectacle than the models of patents deposited in Washington. The difference of wages, and on profits of capital, will daily become less. The progress of society has a tendency to reduce them. The climate of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, resembling that of Britain in some respects, but on the whole infinitely superior, Sec Smith's Evidence, (i22y. See M'Neil's, 6-151 . s. DISUNION OF THE STATf:S PREVENTED. 187 vid it be :oals and le former supply of enabled onstitute rem per- rica look B British J United rected to 16 other that two of Nova -whether a secret I of the T Labour imess of leading United ihended. jerior — •y being a more >8ited in >rofits of ' society )f Nova Britain uperior, is adniirably adapted for the prosecution of this manu- facture. In place of establishments being planted at Patterson or Lowell, their factories would be founded in Halifax and Cape Breton ; and the high career of these fine dependencies, which I believe I have not exaggerated, and which, I trust, are destined to uphold the British name and influence in that hemisphere, may be converted to aggrandize America, and to lend new force to her ungracious and implacable hostility. Wit'i the limited enjoyment of our fisheries, you see the naval rank to which America has already attained. If she ever acquires a sovereign right over them, rest assured that she will find law to sanction, " or power to debar ^' either the French or the British from participating in them ; and that the same ingenuity which she has displayed in her present equivocal relations, to gain a partial right, will be then exercised to enforce an exclusive enjoy- ment. It has been stated by •> authority for whose intelligence I feel the big' respect, that from the jealousy which existed between the Northern and Southern States, the latter would not be disposed to favour this union. Since that opinion was mooted, that hostility has been rendered, perhaps, less direct, by the growth of a new and ascending influence in the Confederate Union — I allude, of course, to the New Western States, which have advanced, within the last ten years, in population and wealth in a ratio of vast celerity. My own opinion is, that the acquirement of our North American dependencies would stay the pro- gress of political disunion, and amalgamate their present conflicting interests by the ties of reciprocal advantage. The factories and fisheries of the North would open an 18S NAVY ESTIMATES REDUCED. %v If ; 1 ^ i '■ Is enlarged market for the cotton and agricultural produc- tions of the Southern and Western States — their own internal trade would create a magnificent commerce — the diminishing demand in England v»culd, of course, render the supply of her markets of less consequence, — and the struggle between foreign and local influence, founded upon commercial considerations, would be diminished, if not removed. These Colonies would supply, in short, the iron band to bind up their tottering temple into unity and strength ; and enable them successfully to prosecute that system of " local independence" which has been the governing principle of all their past policy. In addition, it is evident, that the amount of naval force, which the British nation is under the necessity of supporting, must bear a certain relative proportion to those of Foreign Powers. But it so happens, at the present time, that that ratio must be formed, so as to counterbalance the united navies of America and France. Russia, it is true, is aiming at maritime ascendancy ; but she has not yet attained it. Is it wise then to grant to those two powers voluntarily, from our own native resources, the means of increasing their naval strength, and thus certainly, though indirectly, add to the annual estimates, and " the burthens of an overtaxed people?" This, Sir, I assure you is a branch of the expenditure, created by the Colonies, in which their inhabitants feel no sympathy; and which Mr. Hume and his associate " lovers of economy," will without doubt assist you in removing. The military force of these Powers is beyond our control ; but their naval can thus be curtailed ; and, while on the one hand our own national supremacy may be confirmed, on the other the expense of its protection may at the same time be reduced. I produc- leir own !rce — the e, render -and the founded lished, if in short, nto unity )rosecute las been of naval essity of )riion to , at the so as to France, tidancy ; o grant native trength, annual ►eople ?" nditure, ints feel ssociate you in beyond 1 ; and, cy may itection LETTER XI. (j!oo4 faith in Treaties to />«? o/tsemed—The Colonies in this question seek »nly the fair construction of these Treaties, and a rigorous et\furcement of their terms — Methods of Redress — /fppeal to the Government, and to Mr. Stanley — Duties on the Importation of Fish from the Colonies ought to ht reduced. " Nations, and their conductors, ought inviolably to observe their Ijfomises and their treaties. Nothinsf adds so great a glory to a prince, and the nation he governs, as the reputation of an inviolable fidelity in the performance of his promises," — FatteVs Law of Nations, 196. I PROCEED, Sir, in conclusion, to suggest the measures of relief which the Government have it in their power to adopt, — for, as I have already said, I write with no pur- pose of embarrassing them : I shall press nothing which is either impossible in itself, or can be construed into a violation of public law. " If," says Vattel, " we could recede from a treaty, because we found ourselves injured by it, there would be no stability in the contracts of nations." To this sentiment I most fully respond. I consider the treaties as they exist to have binding and imperative force, founded equally upon the sanctions of natural and in- ternational law ; — or, in other words, in the just ascen- dancy of public morals. The Government is bound to uphold them — the nation to observe and obey. But here their enforcing obligation stops. The Government are equally bound to take care, as the people have an inherent right to demand, that they are legally construed, their () 190 REMEDIES. privileges defined, and these hedged in, if required, by the employment of national force. While on the one hand their free enjoyment should be permitted, their violation, on the other, by the same rule of justice, ought to be followed by summary and resolute punishment. The Colonists, — I, on theiir behalf, — ask nothing more. The points of adjustment and redress seem to resolve themselves into the three following: — 1 . A clear and specific declaration to the French Govern- ment, that its subjects are entitled only to a con- current right of fishing and of curing, on the coasts and shores of Newfoundland, from Cape St. John to Cape Ray; and that if the present claim be persevered in, that the national rights will be guarded in future by the presence of a naval force. 2. A defined and palpable construction ought to be given to the language of the treaty with the United States, touching those " uninhabited" parts of the coast upon which they claim a right to land, that the privilege of curing may be really limited to the unsettled parts. The limits round a settlers house, to be free from this intrusion, should be reduced to miles and distances. The question should be settled how the opinion of the majority of the inhabitants is to be ascertained — and if a bare majority, eleven in twenty for example, is to grant the privilege. If in the past it has been found that this cannot be enjoyed without a violation of the inalienable rights of the Colonists, it is for the Government, with the aid of the Crown Officers, to ascertain, how far, according to the code of national law, this part of the treaty ought to be respected. 3. The establishment of an efficient coast service, com- APPEAL TO MR. STANLEY. 191 d, by the ne hand 'iolation, bt to be t. The e. ) resolve Govern- 3 a con- le coasts St. John :laim be will be il force, it to be 2 United :s of the nd, that d to the s house, luced to e settled abitants eleven ege. If nnot be e rights vith the ow far, part of e, com- posed of two or three steam boats, to be kept constantly on the shores during the summer season, to prevent the American and French fishing vessels from trespassin within their limits, or prosecuting, a contraband trade. These could be more econo- mically fitted out and appointed than ships of war. They could be built in the Colonies — they might be put " in ordinary" during winter. The Americans and French now, by watching the aspects of the wind, can run into harbour and land their smuggled articles with little danger of being caught — but the presence of a steam vessel, moving at all times, and independent of the winds, would limit their oppor- tunities, and render their detection next to certain. It is not for me to say how far this question may be mixed up with the still pending negociation relative to the boundary line between Maine and the province of New Brunswick. By the last message of President Jackson, I perceive that that question is still unsettled ; and it will be for you to consider, whether the united consideration of both questions would not lead to the fairer adjustment of the national rights. From the eminent station you now occupy in the Government, in Parliament, and in the eye of the people, I need scarce say that much is expected from the influ- ence of your character. All your contemporaries give yon credit for a resolute — a fearless determmation. Many of your adherents predict for you the loftiest career in the history of statesmen, provided you follow up the aspect and spirit of the times. In many circles your name is associated with Pitt* and Canning — a companionship of which the first genius of the age may be proud. But be • See KHinbiirxh Review for Jahuary, ]^'M, \). 520 192 APPEAL TO MH. STANLEY. hi assured, that however prosperous may be your influence here, and whatever amount of gratitude your services may inspire in the hearts of the people, you will enlarge the circle of your admirers and of your fame, if you match in negociation two nations, to whom we have never sub- mitted in arms. Recollect, Sir, that the present posture is a tarnish, not upon the energies and spirit of the peo- ple, — ^but on the sagacity and firmness of the cabinet ! Be yours the ofHce then to vindicate the national honour, — and to protect the rights of the Colonies now con- signed to your special guardianship. I trust I have been able to establish at least successfully to you, that they constitute one of the main elements of the national pros- perity ; and, by the upright adjustment of this question, may be made one of the strongest arms of the national defence. 1 have already explained the peculiar advantages which the Americans and French enjoy from national protection and bounties. Of these we have no just reason to complain — because they are aspects of the domestic policy of those Governments, with which the Mi- nistry can have no right haughtily to interfere. I refer to them, not with the vain hope of your having the autho- rity to enforce a change of that policy — but, by illustrat- ing the inferior facilities the Colonists enjoy, you may be the more anxious to reduce the Tariff of duties imposed by the Continental nations upon the importation of Colo- nial fish. If it be true, as Mr Robertson has said in Parliament, '' that the Neapolitan minister, Mr. Mechie, '* when the duties on Italian produce were lowered, was ** well disposed to have lessened the duty on Newfound- " land fish, had U been /?;Y'we(^/,"— you will, I hope, con- cede, that your predecessors, in neglecting thi opportu. ifluence services enlarge u match ver sub- posture the peo- cabinet ! honour, ow con- ave been bat they nal pros- i^uestion, national vantages national no just of the theMi- I refer le autho- illustrat- may be imposed of Colo- said in Mechie, red, was wfound- pe, con- r>p|)ortu - REMOVAL OF FOREIGN DUTIES. 193 nity, committed a high dereliction of their duty. If made the subject of negociation, it may be found that the same disposition still continues. From the present disturbed state of Portugal, the commercial relations with that country will ere long, I presume, be subjected to a new adjustment. It will then be a favourable time, to solicit a free admission for the products of your Colonial fisheries. Other opportunities may arise to secure the same facilities in the different Continental markets. The Colonies seek no rash or precipitate measures in their behalf. They solicit only the friendly exercise of that controlling influence you possess, as one of the leading ministers of the first nation of Europe; and the convic- tion is impressed upon those who in this country are most intimately allied with Colonial interests, that, if once convinced of the necessity and wisdom of these changes, it will not be long ere you seize or create the opportunity to secure them. Should the political aspects of our country be changed, and these treaties be annulled by an appeal to arms, the Colonists will press their in- herent rights in stronger language; and demand the exercise of your influence, and that of the Government, to secure to them exclusively those advantages and re- sources which Nature has conferred. i::>u I r i ■ i ]! T »1 . / y ,* ." !' f i. f '[' ■« 1 s <■ * .;/ rl r»,' f II ) 1 1' !^ ill ", ■It I HI- ill WORKS ON BOTANY, RURAL AFFAIRS, POLITICS, &c. GARDENS & GROUNDS OF WOBURN ABBEY. Illustrated l>y niuueroiis Views, Plans, &c. One Vol. Medium 8vo. 21s. HORTUS WOBURNENSIS; a Descriptive Cata- Locuc, rumpi'isin^ Generic and Specific Character, Colour of the Flower, Native Coui'try, Year of Introduction, Soil, and Mode of Propagation, of upwards of SIX THOUSAND of the finest Ornamental PLANTS and SHRUBS, butli Exotic and Indigenous, for the Decoration of the British Flower Garden, (ireenhouse, Plant Stove, &c. ; with an Account of the Routine of Culture pnrsned in the Forcing Department throughout the Year, a List of the Fr!:its cultivated ; including short Treatises ou the Management of the superior Fruits, Vegetables, Hcc. together with De- signs for the Erection of Forcing Houses, Melon, and Culinary Pits, and a mode of heating l)y Hot Water Pipes, by which a genial steady Heat is produced, wi(h a great Saving of Fuel, and (he Huuses left with per- fect safety, for full 15 hours, at even 28 degrees of Frost, Fahrenheit. By JAMES FORBES, A.L.S. CM. H.S. &c. Principal Gardeiier at Woburn Abbey. A few Copies are printed on Royal Paper, fur such of the Nihility as may desire lliem. Proofs^ 21. 2s. Ditto, coloured, '21. lis. 6d. " The plan of this Work is good. The objects of cultivation, the rou- tine of cropping, the periods of forcing fruits and flowers, and the hot- houses employed for such purposes, are nearly the same in all large gardens; and a well-digCKted and accurate account of what is found most useful or beautiful in one, will serve as the rule of practice in nearly all the otheis. The Duke of Bedford's Garden is one of the best in England, and Mr. Forbes is one of the most experienced of gardeners: so that, a better model, or a better man, could hardly be found, to illus- trate the most efficient plans which are followed, in the management of horticultural afiairs in England. •••• We can recommend Mr. Forbes's Work to our gardening friends, as a useful publication."— .itAenteum, Dec. '21. " It is a work of great industry and research on the part of the Author, and of considerable beauty in its pictorial embellishments. Though the Author is a practical Gardener, who, to use his own expressions, " has been much moni accustomed to the pruning-knife than the pen," he has constructed a work which is calculated to convey information to the ex- perienced Botanist, while it affords entertainment to the general reader. The Unrtus Woburnensis, in short, combines a review of the separate sub- jects of Horticulture and Botany."— 7'tmM. " We pronounce this a very valuable work to those in possession of extensive pleasure grounds, 6iv. as well as a book of reference in the Library of all." — Bell's Messent^er. " We cannot too strongly recommend a work celebrated alike for its abundant information and admirable arrangement, particularly to our fair I •• 'ers who may delight in the elegant occupation of Botany, who will find themselves much pssisted by the full explanation given of all the terms applied to plants and Howers. ••• We heartily congratulate Mr. Forbes on his complete success in presenting to the public so interesting and useful a production." United Kingdom. "The quantum of information set forth in Mr. Forbes' thick and closely printed volume, is inniR-nse ; its plates are numerous, and well ex- ecutied. Court Journal. " Mr. Forbes has just published a large volume, which will, no doubt, prove most acceptable to bis brother worshippers of Flora. It is very well known that the pleasure grounds at Woburn have been laid out with equal hi 3 IVorkg Publishing by James Ridgway Sf Soia. ^ taste and costliness, and abound in all the curiosities of shrub and flower which are known to British gardens, arranged with the most studied taste. Mr. Forbes has given an ample catalogue of them all, which is exceedin^'iy rich ; which, with descriptions of the whole plan of the grounds throiijch which they are distributed, and lithographic illustrations, render his volume, on the whole, one which may afford equal pleasure to the amateur apd scientific florist." Mnming Herald. " A faithful a<^couut of such a magniflcent Seat as that of Woburn Abbey, cannot fail to be interesting to those who are strangers to the place. The description uf the exterior of the Mansion and its accom}.ani« meuts, is so far useful, that it shows not only what has been done at this celebrated place, but also what is requisite in the completion of ail such residences. . . The whole routine of the author's successful prt'C- tice iu the production o''the best fruits, and vegetable delicacies usually raised by art, in the different garden structures built for the purpone. . . We are much gratified with his plain statements of practical know- ledge, and well aware that whoever chooses Mr. Forbes as a guide in the business of forcing, need be in no fear of disappointment." British Far- tner's {Quarterly) Magazine, No. 29, for November, 1833. |!| <• i FROFESSOli LINDLEY'S FLOWEK-GARDEN, CONSERVA- TORY, &c. lit Monthly Numbers, with Eight Coloured Plates, 4«. The BOTANICAL REGISTER; or. Ornamental Flower- Garden and Shrubbery. Continued by John Linhley, Ph.D. F.R.S., Professor of Botany in the University of London, &c. &c. Each Number contains Eight finely cok^red Portraits, (to equal Draw- ings,) taken from Life, of the handsomest Flowering Plants and Shrubs grown In the Public and Private Establisliments of this Country, (which Establishments are specified,) accompanied by their History, Mode of Treatment in ("ultivation, Propagation, Sic. No. XII. of Vol. VI., New Series, (or,of the Nineteenth Volume of the entire work,) was published on the 1st of February, 1834. The previous Volumes may be had in Numbers, 4s. each, or in Volumes, 2/. I0«. boards. " What we consider the most valuable feature of this work, and what distinguishes it peculiarly in its class, is the judicious selection of its sub- jects, and the constant introduction of greenhouse and hardy flowers aur' shrubs, in preference to those which are to be preserved only in the hot- hpufie." — Literary Gazette. '* The Botanical Register, from containing most or all of the new plants introduced bv tlie Hoi tiruitural Society, from the great care with which its plates are executed, and the judicious remarks on culture and general habit, by Mr. Liqdiey, is, in consequence, the superior publication." — Loudon's Magazine of Botany, ifc. " The Botanical Register has now, therefore, our unqualified appro- bation, and we shi^ll lose no opportunity of saying so."— Gardener's Ma- gazine. " "too much praise cannot be bestowed upon this Work." . . — Harrinon's Horticultural Cabit^jt. In the /'»•( .v.v, und nearly ready, in One Vol. hvo , with numerous Illustrative Plates, coloured and plain. Dr. LINDLEV'S LADIES* BOTANY ; a Popular Intro- daclion to the Natuial System of Botany, after the Model of *' Rous- seau's Letters on Botany." By Dr. Linuley, Professor of Botany in liif University of London, Sic. &c. n Work$ Publishing by James Ridgway Sf Sana. 9 With Eighty Copper-plate Engravings, price £2. 4». bound in Cloth. VOLUME I. of The FOSSIL FLOUA of GREAT BRITAIN ; or. Figures and Descriptions of the Vegetable Remains found in a Fossil State in this Country. By John Lindlby, Ph.D. F.R.S. L.S. and (l.S, t Series of Sweet's British Flower Garden, com- plete in Three Volumes, may still be obtained, each Volume containing One Hundred faithfully coloured Figures from Nature; with a Systema- tical, Alphabetical, and English Index to each, List of Books quoted, &c. Price t!3. 169. each. Single Numbers, at 3s. each; any back Numbers may be obtained to complete sets. Complete in One Volume, Royal 8vo. price £2. 4s. bound in Cloth Boards. FLORA AUSTRALASICA. Illustrated b)* Fifty-six elegantly coloured Figures, of the most beantiftil and curious Plants, Natives of New Holland and the South Sea Islands (generally called Botany Bay Plants.) They are well adapted for a Greenhouse, or Conservatory; and many will survive the Winters, in the open ground, with a very little protection. ? f Work$ Puhluhing by James Ridgway ^ Sons. ,1,, SWEET'S HORTUS BRITANNICUS. J. Second Edition, One large Volume, Octavo, 2l«., bound in cloth. An ACCENTUATED CATALOGUE, or DICTION- ARY of every PLANT (Exotic and Indii;enoiis) eitlier linown or cnlti- vated in Great Hrilain ; arranged according to the Natural Orders to which they belong; with the addition of the Linnean Class and Order to each genus; the whole brought down to llie present time. Amongst the improvements of this edition, are, the Colour of the Flowers, Accentuations, additional Marks for Bulbs, Water Plants, Climbers, Hardy Evergreen Shrubs, Forest Trees, Hybrid Planti, Ifc. Ifc. togeiL-r with a great number of the most important Synonyms. The rapid Hale of the last edition, proves the preference of the arrange- ment in Natural Orders, to that of the Linnean ; and the enumeration of new Plants increases the bulk of this edition upwards of 100 pases i the ^ rice remains unaltered. " It certainly is the most complete and useful Catalogue that has yet appeared. In our opinion, the arrangement, according to the natural system, is far preferable to that of an artificial one, particularly for cultivators ; and on this account the present work should be in the aands of all gardeners and cultivators of plants ; and the references to tiie figures will also render it very useful to the botanist."— Gentleman's Magazine. Fifth Edition, in One large Octavo Volume, IGj. cloth boards. ' SWEET'S HOTHOUSE AND GREENHOUSE MAHUAL, or BOTANICAL CULTIVA TOli ; giving full Prac- tical Instructions for the Management of all the Plants cultivated in the Hothcuses, Greenhouses, Frames, and Borders, in the Gardens of Great Britain ; with Plain Directions for the Management of Bulbs and Plants in Rooms, &c. By Robert Sweet, F.L.S. Practical Nurseryman. " Indeed, wliat Mr. Sweet has said on the Culture of Bulbs and Epi- phytes, in the last edition of his Botanical Cultivator, may be considered as the HMmafum on this subject for the British C irdener."— Gar(/«ii«r'f Magazine. Complete in Five Volumes, Royal 8vo. price £19. SWEET'S GEllANIACE^. Containing Five Hundred beautiful coloured Figures of the choicest and most distinct Species and Hybrid Productions of this greatly ad- mired Tribe. From this Work a selection may he made, according to Ihe taste of any Lady or Gentleman, desirous of making a collection of this beantiful Family. A In Two Volumes, Royal 8vo. with 200 Coloured Plates, price , £7. 12m. Cluth Boards. THK FLORIST'S GUIDE: giving Practical Instruc- tions for life Pioper Management and Cultivation of the various Florist Flowers, especially Tulips, Ranunculus', Auriculas, Hyacinths, Carna- tions, Pinks, Uoses, ikc. with Directionn for raising new Varieties from Seeds ; illustrated by Coloured Portraits of 200 Flowers. By Robert Sweet, F.L.S. &r. Works Publuhiug by James Ridgtcay 3f Sons. 6 Complete in One thick Volume, Royal 8vo. price £5. bound in Cloth, SWEET'S CIST IN E^. An Account of the Family of CISTUS, or Rock-Rose; illustrated by One Hundred and Twelve handsomely coloured Figures, with deHcriptions ; other species of thiH handsome and generally admired Tribe of Plants, that could not be obtained, are also fully described ; with a full Recount uf the best Method for their Cultivation and Propagation; or any thing else belonging to them, considered of importance. OROHIDEOUS PLANTS. To be completti^ in Four Parts, in Imperial Quarto, price 30«. Coloured, and 15s. plain. PART THE SECOND. The GENERA and SPECIES of ORCHID EOUS PLANTS. By John Lindley, F.R.S. L.S. OS. rice 6s. 6d. nstruc- s Florist , Carna- ies from Robert BENTHAM ON THE ORDER lABlATJE. LABIATARUM GENERA ET SPECIES; oraDoscrip. tion of the Genera anil Species of Plants of the Order Labiatae ; with thelv General History, Character, Affinities, and Geographical distribution. By Geurgc Bentiiam, Esq. F.L.S. Parts II. and III. 5s. each. Part 1. may be had, Price 2». Cd. ' «' '■ . I r his } ' Wmkt PubUahing by Jamea Ridgway Sf Sons. Beaulitr.iiy printed in TypoliUiography, ami ornamented, on Imperial Drawing Paper*, for tliu convenience of iianging np in a Frame, in tiie Oreenlion»e, or elsewliere. Price da. The GARDENERS REMEMBRANCEK, and APIA RIAN'S MON rHLY CAI ; tiie Gardener's Veii^ctable Seed Calendar, and FrnitCalenda >new8, atone view, every tiling neren- rary to be done in Knral Affaint, to ensnre a proper Auccessinn of ('rnp>, 4ic. ; with proper Directions for the Management and Propagation of Bees, &c. Stc. ** The work we have at present in hand, contains, un one sheet, every direction necessary to tlie practical Gardener, and will be found invalua- blie to Lady Florists. On one side of the sheet there are practical directions for each month of the year, separated into the management of bees, flower garden and shrnbbery, liitchen garden, fruit garden, green- house, hot-honse, and nursery. " On the other side, we have the Gardener's Vegetable and Seed Calendar, containing directions as to the proper time and xoil fur sowing and transplanting seventy-six kinds of vegetables. " After that comes the Frnit Calendar, with instructions for the time of planting, the proper soil and situation, the mode of propaKating, time to graft and bud, and right kind of dressing for twenty.three sorts of frnit, with general rtinarks upon each. ** Then come directions for grafting, &c. giveii in a cleurer and more explicit way than any we remember." • - — Athenaum. \ . :l \ ' i . if •■' 1 ■1 • '-ii ; , ' STANDARD WORK ON FRUIT. BY THE FIRST AUTHOKITY. In 3 VoIh, Kojfal Hto. illustrated by 152 Plates, coloured to equal Drawings, ptice 10/. hound in Cloth, Gilt Leaves, The POMOLOGICAL MAGAZINE; or, beautifully finished Coloured Figures and Descriptions of tlte most important Varie- ties of Fruit worthy of Cultivation in this (Country, for the Dessert, and Culinary jmrposes ; with such Information resulting from successful Prac- tice as may tend to improve cultivation j pointing out the best or most pro- per Aspects, .Situations, &c. " This work, so much wanted, appeals irresistibly to the eye and the judgment of every cultivator of frnit. The latest varieties are briefly but corcectly desvrihed ; the best qualities of each are stated ; and, not the least merit, considerable pains are taken to systeraise the wandering and irregular nomeiM'lature which prevails so much lu horticulture, and often Imzzles, not only the unlearned, but the professed gardener and ponio- ogist. We cannot too highly recommend this work, as valuable to con- sult in the choice of fruits, and beautiful to look npon."— Lit. Gaz. " This is one of the most pleasing publications that we have met with for some time past, and is well worthy the attention of those whose de- light is in the cultivation of frnit. Th<> various specimens of the fruits given are coloured, and exceedingly weli executed."— Morning Herald. SECOND EDITION. „ , One Volume, Royal 8vo. with Eighteen coloured Plates. 21s. cloth boards. ROSARUM MONOGRAPHIA; or, a Botanical History of Roses. To which is added, an Appendix foi the Use of Cultivators, In "which the most remarkable Garden Varieties are systematically ar- ranged; with Nineteen Plates, Eighteen beautifully coloured. Hv.Iohn LiNDLEY, Ph.D. F.L.S. R.S. &c. &v.. Work$ Publishing by James Ridgway Sf SotU 7 FRUIT CATALOGUE. Second Edilinn, 7s. Orf. A CATALOGUE of ibe Fruits Cultivated in the Gurdeii of the Horticultural Society, in London; accompanied by Reniarks on the Qualities of each. A TREATISE ON BULBOUS ROOTS; containing a Botanical Arranp;enient and Description of the Plants heretofore in- eluded under the Genera Ainaryllii*, Cyrtanlhu.s Criniim, and Pancra- tium ; with General Observations and I)irecti6ns for their rultivation. Illustrated HERBERT. by coloured 5 s. Plates. By the Hon. and Uev. William The FRUIPGliOWERS INSTRUCTOR; oi a Prac- tical Treatise on Fruit Trees, from the Nursery to Maturity ; t<> which is added an effectual remedy for,and Prevention from the American Blight, which causes the Canker in Apple Trees. By G. Bliss, Nursery- man. Price 6«. '* This is a Practical Treatise on the ('ultiire and Preservation of Fruit Trees in general, and more particularly the Apple Tree, by one of the most extensive growers in the kingdom. The best modes of Grafting, Pruning, and Budding, are laid down with the utmost clearne<«!). A very ample Catalogue of our Fruit Trees, and a description of the appearance, flavour^ and qualities of their production is given But the most valuable part of this volume is that which relates to the (banker, and the remedy which Mr. Bliss has discovered for this destructive blight."— Monthly Critical Gazette. FLORA AND GEOLOGY OF BARBADOS. In 8vo. with a iMap and Sections, 18s. cloth boards, FLORA BARBADENSIS; A Catalogue of Plants, indigenous. Naturalized, and Cultivated In Barbados. To which is prefixed a Geological Description of the Island. By James Dottin Mavcock, M.D. F.L.S. a Memlter of His Majesty's Council in Bar- bados. Priee One Shilling. COMMITTEE on AGRICULTURE in 1833. REPORT of the .SELECT COMMITTEE of the HOUSE of COMMONS in 1833, on the present State of Agriculture, and on Persons employed in Agriculture in the United Kingdom. BURNT CLAY AS MANURE. PRACTICAL U1NIV> on BURNING CLAY, SODS, SURFACE SOIL OF FAI l,OWS,&c. and on the Employment of ihe Poor, liy Charles PoPi-v, Esq. "is. DOMESTIC POULTRY. Second edition, 5,f, A PRACTICAL TREATISE on the BREEDING. REARING, and FATTENING all kinds of DOMESTIC POULTRY, PRESERVATION of EGG^, &c. after Plans pursued with Advantage and Profit in France. Dedicated to Lord Somerville. it r Works Puhluhing by James Ritlyway Sf Sunn. WORKS ON AGRICULTURAL AND RURAL AFFAIRS. I ' t ^ t • '1' l\ 1 ' i 1 .i Publishing every Three Months, Price 4s THE BRITISH FARMERS' (Quarterly) MAGAZINE; exfliisivcly devoted to AgiiciiUiiral and Rural Affairs. Conducted by the Rr.v. Hknry Beuuy. Contents or No. XXX. published Fthrnaiy I, <8S3. Contents: Bianrh 1. Portrait of a New Leirestpr flam, and Descrip- ticin— 2. A Few Days at Holkliam, hy the Rev H. Berry 3. Mr. Grav on the First Regular Debate in the Reformed House of Commons on the Cnrrency — 4. Prize Essay on Draining and bringing into Cultivation Waste or Moss Lands, &c., by Mr. W. Reed- 6. On the Diseases of the Larch Tree -6. Catechism of Gardening. Continued. - 7 On the Food of Plants, and the Tnllian System of Husbandry — 8. Abuses of Agrirultnral Meetings — «». On the Prarticab'lity of ("ontinuing to Grow Wheat, with- out intermediate Crops, on the same soil — 10. Mr. Donaldson on Fallow- ing, &r.- 11. VegetaWe Physiology- 12. I'ortratt of a Heifer— 13. Mr. Berry on the Original Character of our Native Breed of (.'attie, &c. Sec. In Reply to " Querist"— 14. Captain Scobell on the Progress and Effects of Field Gard(>ns to the Labouring Poor— 15. Notices of The Irish Far- mer's and Gardener's Magazine — 16 Advice to Purchasers of Horses, &c.— 1? The Gardener's Dictionary, &c. Branch 2. Agricultural Intelligence, Meetings of Agricultural Societies, Quarterly Report, Jkc. &r. *«* A few complete sets may still be had in 7 vols, neatly half- bound, 17.«. 6(/. each volume. Also, nimihers to perfect sets, is, each. %* No XXXL will be published May I, li>U, and will contain, amongst other interesting and important information, a Continuation of the Catechism of Gardening, for the use of Village Schools and Cottagers. • IMPimVEMENT OF MEADOW AND PASTURE LANDS. HORTUS GRAMINEUS WOBURNENSIS; or an Account of the Results of various Experimentson tht '^reduce and Fatten- ing Pro{)t'rtie.>» of different Grasses, and other Plants, used as the Food of the more valuable domestic Animals ; carried on for a number of years at Wobuni Abbey, by command of the Duke of Bedford, and being now matured, are presented for the benefit of the Agricultural community. Illustrated with numerous Specimens of the Plant, and Seeds, in Sixty Plates; with Practical Observations on their natural habits, the Soils best suited to their Growth, with Instructions for the Preservation of their Seed ; pointing out the kinds most profitable for Permanent Pasture, Irrigated Meadows, Dry or Upland Pasture, and the alternate Husbandry. Accompanied with the discriminating Character of the Species and Varieties. By G. Sinci-aiu, l-'.L.S. and F.H.S., Gardener to his Grace the Duke ofBedford, &v.. See. Third Edition. Price £1. 10s. plain ; and coloured £'2. 2s. under llie Author's immediate iuspcctiun. "The Hoviiis Graoiiiieus Woburiiensis does honour to our country." -^MonilUy Crilkal Gazelle. IVotks Piihlii,/iiny htf James Rifiywai/ \ Sous. Seroiul Edition, in Hvo., with EnKravinpi*, 0.v. Iioanls. The mimSH FARMKll; to which is added, tho I'LOUCIH^JAN'S GUIDI-. By John Fini.avron, F,: that has appeared for a nnmber of years." — Loudon's Gardener's Mit^nzine. A New Edition, with Coloured Plates. An ESSAY on the WEEDS ot AGRICULTURE; with Practical Remarks on liieir Destruction. By the late B. Hulditch, Esq. and G. Sinclair, F.L.S. and F.H.8., Author of Hurtus Graminens Wobnrnensis. A New Edition, illustrated by Copperplates, coloured from the liviut; Plants. Price 5s. Gd. " If we wfie at liberty to follow our inclinations, we should treat this pamphlet, not according to its bulk, but its importance, and follow Mr. Holditch, and his Editor, (for it is only the first chapter that is strictly, U) its present form at least, attributable to the former,) through their re- spective Cliapters on ' Weeds which infest Samples cf Corn ; Fallow Weeds ; Weeds which are principally objectionable, as they incumber the Soil, or whose Roots are annual, and who»e seeds pass the Corn-seive ; Weeds that never rise in the Crop, nor come into the Sickle ; Pasture, Weeds, &c. &c.' The passages we have marked in our progress, as worthy of quotation, might form a valuable little Manual for the Prac* tical Farmer."— Mont/i/y Magazine. A new and very improved edition, price 2l<. for a year, and IOj. 6d. for half a year, neatly and strongly bound. ELLIOTS FARM ACCOUNT BOOK, for 1834, (to be continued Annually) the Result of many Years' extensive Practice, by Double Entry in one Book The Arrangements are clear and concise ; printed and ruled ready for filling up under the heads. Day-labourer, Task Labour, 'I'radesinfiris Bills, Debts due to the Owner, and Debts which he Owes; Live Stock, Green Crops, Corn, Hay, and Straw, Rent and Taxes, Cash, 6iK., all appearing in Weekly Accounts on the opposite Pages of the game Folio, and coming under the eye at one view. Illustrated by a Michael- mas Valuation, a Weekly Account tilled up fur example, and Explanation and Balancing the whole. Experience has proved this Arrangement to be adapted to abridge the Accountant's labour, and atford the Owner a full view of the exact t-tate of all the Accounts at one glance. " No Farmer wishing to know the exact state of his expenses and re- ceipts, ought to neglect following the plan so ably set forth in these pages." MANGEL WURTZEL. REPORT ot the COMMITTEE of the DONCASTER AGRICULTURAL ASSOCIATION, on the Advantages of Mangel Wurtzel as a Fallow Crop, founded on Returns received in answer to certain Queries i! National Advantages of (he A table System of SHEEP HUSBANDRY, and on the Improvement of BRitiSH FINE WOOL, without deteriora- ting the Value ol the Carrass. By .In^miA Kmnv Thimm'm. Price .*»», WET Woiks Puhlishitifj by Jnines liidyway Sf Sons II DISEASE IN SHEEP. OBSERVATIONS on the DISEASE which has lately heci. 80 destructive to SHEEP, called BANE or COATH ; particularizing the Causes, and niinntely describing the Modes of effecting its Cure; and pointing out those means which ought to be adopted to prevent its recnr- rence. By John Davfv, Bait. lieing an Essay read at the last Annual Meeting of the Bath and West of England Society, and ordered to be printed. In 8vo. Price 'is. 6lc particulars of practi''^, and by a writer who has personally performed his part throughout t*ie whole of the practice. This is the true hook of reference for every stud and training groom, and every jockey.— Vide Lawrence on the Horsey p. 297 ; also, the Sporting Magazine and British Farmtr's Magazine. *,* The Second Volume is preparing for the press, and will shortly appear. THE VETERINARY TABLET; or a Concise View of all the Diseases of the Horse; with their Cause, Symptoms, and most approved and effectual Modes of Cure. By a Veterinary Surgeon. Is. Od. THE YOUNG HORSEWOMAN'S COMPENDIUM OF THE MODERN ART OF RIDING. In progressive Lessons; designed to give a secure and graceful Seat on Horseback ; at the same time so effectually to form the Hand, that, in a short time, perfect com- mand nf the Horse may be obtained. By Euwaru Stanley, Royal Artil- lery, and of the Riding School, at the Horse KtiZHar, King Street, Port- man Square; with illustrative Plates, lOs. boards. " But we have said enough of this Manual, and have only to add that it is a very sensible and judicious Publication.'' — Literary Gazette. In Two Volumes, Post 8vo. Price lfi«, The SIEGE OF MAYNOOTH; , OH, ROMANCE IN IRELAND. " The Antlio; is evidently well lead in Irish History, and brings to a task of no ordinary difiifnlty u valual)ie stock of knowledge. Throughout the course of the Narrative, which is necessarily miuh broken and con- fused by tiie varying events of a dististrons civil war, in which internal factions shared the glory of tlevastatiuK their ntitive country, with the troops of the invader, there, are some faithful delineatiuns introduced, nf the manners of the age, and tlie character of the conflicting parties that overran the country, and lliat bequeatlifd to their descendants a spirit of insubordination, wlii( h will outlive mir titiK s. As an Histo 'ical Romance, there is some iiit«resf in tlnse Volmnts. It may be observed, as a mark of pe(;uliaritv in the Author's mind, that he makes all his person- ages work arlivrly in dialogue and action ; and that, except where de- scription ith what Watts quaintly terms a ' vulgar idea,' and may have gained from them pleasure and en- tertainment ; yet how few there are who know any thing of the history. and still less of the real merits of those celebrated productions! Added to the others, which that great master designed, they form in themselves a school of art, from which the historical painter, especially, may derive, not technical instruction only, but inspiration of the highest order. They are to him what the Parthenon was, and St. Peter's is to the architect,— what the works of Phidias, Conova,and Thorwalsden are to the sculptor; and those of Homer, Ariosto, Shakspeare, and Milton, are to the poet. 14 Works Pubiishtug by James liidgway and Sons. t (■ \ ■ ! t ' 1 .... Mr. Gunn's coiumeoUry iipor this beautifui production (The Na- tivity) is well written, and corttains cannons of criticism which we con- ceive to be in the most correct taste Indeed we woiiUi strongly re- commend < Caitonensia' to general attention. It hears about it all the marks of a liberal and accomplished mind, cordially devoted to the prosperity of the fine arts; and we trust that its criticisms, founded »» they generally are in good sense, and always elegantly expressed, will exercise a salutary influence upon the public taste." — JUuntlily Review. " In dismissing this work, we would recommend it most cordially to our friends. The artist will find much information, coupled with much admirable advice in its pages, while the general reader will be amused with its details, and instructed by the remarks both historical and theo- logical, which he will meet with in perusing it. Mr. Giuin is a man of much critical acumen, softeued down and politihed by his (>enUe- manly feelings, and amiable spirit; and we think that few will arise from his book, without sensations of gratitude for bis labours in its compilation, and of satisfaction for the information he so pleasingly communicates." — Arnold's Magazine of the Fine Arts, Ocloher, 1833. BANKING AND CURRENCY. THE BANK CHARTER. A DIGEST of the EVIDENCE before the SECRET COMMITTER of the HOUSE of COMMONS, in 1832, on the Renewal of the BANK of ENGLAND CHARTER; arranged, together with the Tables, under proper heads; with Strictures, &c. By TaoAiAB Jopun. 1 vol. Uvo. 14». " Thus the Report is not only much abridged, without the omission of any essential fact, but it is reduced to a methodical form, and rendered 9f easy reference."— Ttnies, March 25. " The valuable information which it contains is displayed in such a form as renders it doubly useful, because readily available. The Observations are ably written." — Co«rt«". " The Observations form the most ingenious and original criticism on the course of investigation pursued by the Coumiittee, and the evidence which it drew forth."— Globe. " We can, however, with great truth, recommend a perusal of this Work, as containing a very clear and able view of the whole bearings of the great r\ne8tion."— Monthly Review. Bank of England Charter, — 8vo. bs. lid. boards. An ANALYSIS and HISTORY of (he CURRENCY QUESTION. With the Origin and Growth of Joint Stock Banking ia England, &c. By Thumas Jopun. *' It contains such a masterly exposition of the Currency Question, in all its shapes and bearings, and is conveyed to the reader in so comprC'i hensive a form, that the task of perusing it is any thing but that which is generally apprehended by those who are desirous of perfectly understanding this important subject." — Mark Lane Expreat. " We must pronounce this to be, on the whole, an admirable work. There is np work yet put forth so clear."— Cawp/»e/i*s Metropolitan Magazine. The POWER of the BANK OF ENGLAND, and the Use it has made of it ; with a Refutation of the Objections mud« to the Scotch System of Banking ; and a Reply to the " Historical Sketch of the Bank of England." Second Edition, ia. 6d. ■1». WvrL$ Publishing by James Ridgway and Sons. 15 An ARGUMENT against the GOLD STAND A KD ; \vith an Examination of the Principles of tlie Modern Economists— Theory of Rent— Corn Laws, &c. &c. Addressed to the Landlords of EuKlaiid. By D. G. LuuE, M. A. Trinity College, Dublin, and of Lincoln's Inn, Barrister at Law. 5s. boards. " Money is an nniversal commodity, and as necessary to Trade as food is to Life."— Loffce. An IMPARTIAL INVESTIGATION into the BANK QUESTION, with Kemarks on Banking and Currenoy. By a Merchant. 2s. 6d. CORN and CURRENCY ; in an Address to the Land- owners. By the l?ight Hon. Sir James Gkaham, Bart. M.P. New Edition. 4s. tit/. ELEMENTARY PROPOSITIONS ON THE CUR- RENCY. Fourth Edition, with Additions, showing their application to the present Times. By Henry Drummond, Esq. 3s. THE SCOTCH BANKER. By Thomas Attwood, Esq. Second Edition. 8vo. 5s. 6d. Contents— Lord Goderich and the Country Bankers. The Prices of Wheat, and the Metallic Currency. Things as they are. A fVw Facts. Things as they might have been. Famine. Scotch and Englixii Bankers. Anticipation of the late Panic. Anticipation of the new Bank Restriction Act. BANKING.- In 8vo. Sixth Edition, 7s. The GENERAL PRINCIPLE^ and PRESENT PRAC- TICE of BANKING in ENGLAND and SCOTLAND; w#;th Sup- plementary Observations on the steps proper to form a PUBLIC BANK, and the system on which its Accounts ought to be kept.— By T. JoPLiN. CORN LAWS. An ADDRESS to the AGRICULTURAL CLASSES of GREAT BRITAIN, on the Evils which are the consequence of Re- stricting the Importation of Foreign Corn. By Cii aklgs AtticubMonck. Price 2s. CORN LAWS COMPLETE to 1033. A COMPENDIUM of tl»e LAWS passed from time to time, for regulating and restricting the Importation, Exportation, and Consumption of Foreign Corn, fioni 16C0 ; and a Series of Accounts, from the date of the earliest Official Records, shewing the operation of the Se- veral Statutes, the Average Prices of Corn, &c. &c. Presenting a com- plete View of the Corn Trade of Great Britain, compiled from Public Documents, and brought down to the present time. 8vo. Ss. An INQUIRY into the EXPEDIENCY of the EXIST- ING RESTRICTIONS on the IMPORTATION of FOREIGN CORN ; with Observations on the Present Social and Political Prospects of Great Britain. ByJoHN Barton. 8s. J. fi. , ill ' it!, n 'I .(-, ' )'4 ^:i 1 \ 10 Work» Pubtishing by James Ridyway and Sous. ADDRESS to the LANDOWNERS of ENGLAND on the CORN LAWS. By Eakl Fitzwilliam, late Viscount Milton. New edition. GJ. A LETTER to VISCOUNT MILTON, being a Review of the Vaiioiis Sources of National Wealth, and Reply to the .ecent Pnhlication of his Lordship against the Corn Laws. By George Webb Hall. 2s. 6d. REMARKS OD tlic CORN LAWS, and some of those Institutions which afl'ect the Interests of Society, and particularly of the Working Classes, in their Consideration. Ry Richaku Alexander Oswald, Esq. M.P. Is. FREE TRADE in CORN, the real Interest of ihe Land- lord, and the true Foliry of the State. By a Cumberland Land- owner. 38. POOR LAWS. LEGISLATIVE REPORTS on the POOR LAWS from the year 1817 to 1833 inclusive, with reference to remedial measures pro- posed. Is. 6d. POOR LAWS beneficial to LANDED PROPERTY in IRELAND, deduced from their Effects in ENGLAND. By a Land Agent, &C.&C. Is 6d. REMARKS on the Expediency of introducing POOR RATES into IRELAND. By G. Evans, M.P. 2s. Gd. PLAN of a POOR LAW for IRELAND; with a Review of the Arguments for and against it. By G. Poulett Scroi'e, Esq. M.P. 'la. Cd. " A masterly one. • • We heartily recommend it." • • — Morn. Chron. " In such a Work, the difficulty is to know what would be the least injurious to exclude." - Times. POOR LAWS in IRELAND, considered in their pro- bable Effects upon the Capital, the Prosperity, and the Progressive Im- provement of that Country. By Sir John Walsh, Bart. M.P. Third Edition. 3s. Contents. Introduction- Statement of Arguments adduced in favour of Poor Rates in Ireland — Division of these Arguments -General Re- marks—Comparison of the respective Checks afforded to the Increase of Poor Rates, l>y the State ot Society in England and Ireland - Com- parison continued— Effects of Poor Laws in Ireland — Difficulty of admi- nistering them - Irish Absenteee - Influence of Poor Rates upon the Inte- rests of Property, and upon the Progress of Improvement—Influx of Irish Labourers to England not to be prevented by Poor Laws— Pro- gress of Ireland — Conclusion. COTTAGE ALLOTMENTS, &c. A LETTER to the FARMERS of some PARISHES in North Hampshire, on the Means of reducing the POOR RATES; to which is added, an Address to the Cottageri who rent Land. By the Rev. Lovelace B. Wither. Is. D on ILTON. ,eview I .ecent Webb those 1 of the CANOER Land- Land- S from ires itro- ERTY a Land POOR Review ii>E, Esq. Chron. llie least sir pro- ssi've Im- Tbird in favour eral Re- Increase 1(1 - Coni- of admi- the Inte- luHiix of W8— Pro- )H£Sin iTES; to By the ^orhs Publishing by Jama Ridyway and Suns. 17 OBSEIIVATIONS on the NATURE, EXTENT, an <' EFFECTS of PAUS^EIilS.M ; and on the Means of ridncinK it. W Thomas Wai.kkr, M.A. Biiriisterat Law, and one of tlie Police Ma" gistrates of tlie Metiopoiis. 'is. •(,* An abridged P'dition is printed, dedicated to tlie Ladies of En;:;- land, price 2s. tine paper, and on connnun, fur distiibntion, Qd. A DISCOURSE on tho POOR LAV, S of ENGLAND and SCOTLAND, on the State of the I'OOR of lUELAND, and on EMIGRATION. By Gkokgk Strickland, Esq. M.I'. Ma>:i*itrate of tiie North and Ea.«t l{idings of the County of York, Ban ister at Law, «Sce. Second Edition, «'nlaiged. lis. 'id. A DEFENCE of the ENGLISH HOOR LAWS ; with Practical Instructions for Kelievinf^ and Enipioyin^ Paupers, and on the Applicahility of the System to Iieland. Hy a Sti.Err Vestryman of the Parish of I'litney. 3v. tiii. A DISSERTATION on the POOR LAWS. H> the late liev. Joseph Townsend, now republished, with a Preface hy Loru Gkenvim.e. 3s. M. A DISSERTATION on the ENGLISH POOR, stating the advantages of Education ; with a plan for the gradual abolition of the Poor Laws. By B. Hawohth, Esq., M.A. Second F^dition 2s. SPADE CULTIVATION, tticd for lEN YEARS, on an Estate in WILTSHIRE; in a Letter to the Right Hon. Sturges Bourne. By R. Poi.i EN, E-q. Magistrate for the Counties of Hant" and Wilts, Second edition. G(/. The POOR MANS BEST FRIEND: or LAND to CULTIVATE for HIS OWN BENEFIT : beinu the results of Twenty- four Years' Experience. In u Letter to the Marquis of Salisbury. Hy the Rev. S. Demainbray, B.D. Second Edition. Is. COMPLETE ELECTION GUIDE; or the REFORM ACT DISSECTED, Arranged, and reduced to Practice, so as to afford plain Directions to Candidates, Voters, and Officers, in the Exercise of their Rights, and Duties; to which is added the nuuudaries Act; with Analytical and other Indexes, calcidated to furnish a ready Reference to cv"ry part and provision of tlie Act in deti il. By (lEORGE PRICE, Esq., of the Middle Temple, Barrister at Law. 1 vol. post Svo. 9.«. Grf. boards, " • The country is much indebted to the able elucidation of the subject in this Volume, which certainly, as far as the law is now under- stood, is what it purports to he, and an admirable Guide both to Candi- dates and Electors." — Literary Gazelle. RIDGWAYS PARLIAMENTARY MANUAL: con- taining the PRESENT and LAST PARLIAMENTS; the authentic State of the Polls at all the cottlested Flections; Changes in Administra- tion from the commencement uf the present Century, a Sunnn»ry Account of the Duties of the Great Officers of State, a complete Abstract of the Election Laws, &v. 6cv. 'As. boards, " It is a Work that all Members of ParliauuMit, and all persons who take an interest in the proceeding of the Reformed Parliament, should not only have in their Libraries, but actuallj lying on the tables of their studies, or in their pockets, ready for inmiediute rel'erence. A'«»i. •I; i . »; ; \ I i IV ■ \B Worka Publisking: by James Ridgway Sf Sons, CORPORATION REFORM. LETTER to the Right Hon. JAMiiS ABERCROMBIE, M.P. Chair^nan to t'le Committee on Corporations. By Henry Frederick Stephenson, Esq. late M.P, for West- bury. 2s. 6d. CfIuRCH REFORM. TWO LETTERS to the ARCHBISHOP of CANTER- BURY. Bv Henry Bathurst, L.L.B. Archdeacon Norwich. \s. of An ADDRESS to the CLERGY, on CH IT RCH REFOUM, with remarks oil the Plans of Lorij Hkntey and Dr. Burton. By the Rev. William Pullen, B.A. Rector of Little Giddin^, Huntingdonshire. Second Edition, with a prefatory Letter to the Lord Chancellor. " We may again liave occasion, in the progress of tliis great Question to refer to the little Work of Mr. Fullen, for Ihe more effectually im- pressing upon our readers the opinions of a rational and reflecting Cleruy- inan, upon some of the most essential branches of tiie whole Ecclesiastical system. His remarks, addressed more directly to the Bishops, are ex- tremely useful, and seem to borrow more from the matter at which they point, than from the disposition of the Author, -a pungency by which some of the Right Reverend persons may be more edified than pleased." . . Times. *' But, upon this topic, (improved capacity and fitness for bis sacred trust in each Candidate for Holy Orders,) the valuable Pamphlet of Mr. Pnllen, from which an extract was ir.serted in the Times of yesterday, presents so many strong and pertinent observations, that we cannot re- frain from subjoining a considerable portion of them." Times. A LETTER TO CHURCH REFORM, late M.P. for Westbury. LORD HENLEY, on his Plan of By Henry Frederick Stephenson, Esq. Second Edition, Price 2s. 6d. LETTER to EARL GREY on CHURCH PROPERTY, and on Church Reform, By the Rev. James Miller, Vicar of Petting- ton, Durham. Fourth Edition, greatly enlarged, 3s. A LETTER to the ARCHBISHOP of CANTERBURY, on the Subject of the CHURCH PROPERTY. By a Clergyman. New Edition, Price 2s. COMMUTATION VERSUS COMPOSITION : the RIGHTS of the LAITY and the RIGHTS of the CHURCH illustrated, and piovfd not to be tiie siinie. In a Letter lo the LORD CHANCEL- LOR BROUGHAM. By Majou Henry Court. Second Edition, Price .«. Gd. 1 JRY, Works Publishing by James liidyway if Sons. lU GEOLOGY OF SCKIPTUKE. In OnpVol. 8vo. 510 piiges, with Plates, 14s. boards. A GENERAL VIEW of the GEOLOGY of SCRIPTURE; in which the iinerrins Truth of the Inspired Narrative of the Early Events in the World is exhibited, and distinctly prove choose defensive weapons against the attack of the infidel ; or if he be more venturdtts, be may select annoying missiles for the destruction of any theory the men of mere science may construct in correction of the inspired account delivered ijy iMoses." — Evnngelunl Itegiste): »^«i< 'I'lip reader will feel under obligation to Mr. Fairholme for his inte- resting collection of facts, and his attempt to draw forth a system Irom them. The work is very pleasantly written, and in many parts is cer- tainly valuable." — Bn7isA Magazine. *' in conclusion, we strongly recommend the work to those who may have been led to adopt plausible theory tor science, and to deduce hasty general conclusions for one or a few solitary facts." -FjVWs Nrt/iirrt/ist'* Magazine. " This work will, we are sure, be read with interest by all who are anxious to reconcile the Scriptuial uecount of the t-reation of the earth, with the facts that have of late years been discovered by those win ';ave examined the structure of its crnst Mr. F. sets himself boldly to bis task." — Athenaum. " George Fairholme has, in my opinion, settled the question with that pio.is tact and judgment which his opponents will find it impossible to sii.ike. His theory has an innnoveable foun( lusively for the ii>e of the Government and of its Diplomatic Agent ,. abroad. Kut the general in- terest attached to these Collections has led to its publication. m I I!' 20 Works Publhliing by James Hidyivay if Sona. w I,' u I '' LORD COLLINGWOOD.— /'o/^/'M lu/ition, A SELECTION from thr PUBLIC and PRIVATE C()KI{KSI'()N1)KN( E of VICK ADMIRAL LORD COLLINO- VVOOl) ; interspciHecJ with Memoirs of Uh Life. By CJ, L. Newniiam Cor.LiNGWOun, Esq. F.R.S. Illustrated hy a fine Portrait, a IMaii of the Battle of Trafalgar, &v. &(•. Fourtli Edition, in 8vo. \Gs. " W(> onco more thank the Editor for his liif;hly important and very valuable woik. It i» one which will oecupy a |>ernianent jilaee in the English lilirary. The portrait of one l'.ns;lisli worthy nioie i» now se- cured ix) posterity."— Q«"rnllUy Muiinzine, 1833. " At the present crisis of European atfairs. Ibis liiography must prove universally niteresting Joseph iippear.-, to be a man of eminent ta- lents, and of profound j||(]gment ; if his genius is less brilliant than was that of bis brother, it is i)jj.^|||'t;dly more reiiective, more philosophical, and better adupted to promote tl>e happiness of mankind This small work does infinite ( ledit to the compiler ; nothing extraneous is inserted to swell the Volume : and, though the subj< ct deservesa much larger work, nothing is omitted that might fail to give a true impression of the brother of that *' Man of Fale," the Artillery Officer, the Emperor, and the Ex- ile, who schooled Emperors, and gave Rings to the Realms of Europe, who, in leturn, gave biin fifty acres on a rock in the Atlantic, a Governor, and a toin b- stone. "—MWro/)o//^in, March, JARRV ON THP. MOVEMENTS OF ARMIF.S. 5s, boards. TREATISE . ,1 the MARCHES ami MOVEMENTS of ARMIES,fronitlie Oiiginiil Manuscript of General Jarrry. 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