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KP^ ^,. fCUMnfftt>»0t*- IS? A I. JCOk rite A ^ o c :>■' S i ^ Iwk )-^V * «*^ ^ •».i r^% m W. 5' A MAP of the BRITISH DOMINIONS /AT NORTH America, accordi/^ Id the Trkatt in 1763; By PetrrBelliGeograpiher. \^ TABLE of CONTENTS. BOOK I. Introdudoiy to the Hiilories of the refpeftive Provinces. SicT. I. TheJt/covery ef Anuriea^ and $be tftabUJbmiHt ef Colonies tbtre iy tht Europeans.'— Origin of the Briiijb fettlements in North America % its antient names, and modern divifions. — Origin of the French fettlements in Lemji^na and Canada. Defcents and encroachments from thenee nfon the Britijb Colonies.— Treaty of Ryf- ivickin i697« the treaty of Utrecht in 1713* and the treaty of Jix-la'Chapelle in 1748* Jo far as regards our Colonieu—The French infraBions of the l^fi treaty. Remarks thereon, and on the treaties relative thereto. — Conmiffaries appointed, in >750» to fettle the limits between the two crowns. The views of the French in North America, and their Hofiilities en the Ohio, in 1753. — State of the Britijb Colonies, and the number of their inhabitants } as alfo the number of French in* habitants in North America, with remarks.— -Account ef the three forts of Govern- went eftablijbed iy the Englijb in America: Royal Governments, Governments by Charter, and Proprietary Govermnents i their difference and difiinSlion, with re- marks. The Britijb Colonies exert tbemfehes, encouraged by the Earl of Halifax.— ' French troops fent to Canada \ and two provincial regiments ordered to be raifed in the Briti/b Colonies, — The conduff of the Courts of London and Verfailles^ — Sillies granted for America by the Briti/b Parliament. — Negocidtions continued in Eur^e concerning jbnerica. — Propofals on bothjides for a Cejj^ion of HofiiSties there. The points claimed by France: Tbofe claims rejelied: Both ^da prepare for fVar. — Admiral Bofcawen fails with a fquadron to Newfoundland, and General Braddock Jent with two regiments from Ireland to Virginia. — General reprizals granted agMnJb all French Jbips : Both nations jufiify their eonduSl in Europe, while H > I.;,-u , V CONTENTS. Johnfm^ inho defeats tht Frtnth mmj tvmmmiiid hf tbt Bonn dt DiiJkM.'^ Ctntrtl Shirley* s expteUlitn agmnji NUgturat and Ut The Hiftory of N E W EN GLAND. * . C H A P. I. JUs divjfion, extent, climate, and foiL The firft difcovery of it. Patent granted ' -jto the London cempaty and Plymouth compas^ ^ King James l. in i6od. His patent in 1620, tea new company, called the Ceuneil of Plymouth \ their limits and privileges. Account of the country and of the Indians-, their religion and language-. Particularly the Abenaquies of New England i as alfo of the Iroquois, -^'"rokees. Creeks, and others -, their w^r-cry, oM cuftoms. Account ^ the frft Engliflf CONTENTS. Enilifl) ftttUru •ni tbtprifint teUni/Iti Ibi Ultration §f rtligtM, anifrMUga granttd tbm. Remarks et$ the natural k^try tf Niw England. Uri Baetn*$ fyfim of ifiaUi/bint tokniis in North Amerita^ with bit tbaraHtrx at liktwi/t tbt /tntinunts of Mr. Uckt^ Mr. Wood^ and §tbm^ relatht to tbt colonies. Page 5 1 C H A P. II. The Province, or Colony of MAS8ACHUSETS BAY. SicT. I. The EngUJb BrowHifts from Holland form the JSrJI colony in New England, and fettle at New Pfymentb in 1620. Their firft grant m 1614 » and their patent in 1 630 .' with ether grants from the company to feveral perfons \ and feme nnfne- eefsful attempts from New Pfymoutb to fettle in the Maffacbufets Bay. The rife of the Maffacbufets Bay colot^: the old charter in 1627 1 and royal patent /» 1628 t- vfith the powers and privileges thereiy granted to the gavemor and company of Maf- fathnftts Bay: the colony feat: the firft gtvemtTt deputy-governor^ and afjiftants. j1 large embarkation from England to the cokujf : their f^ft fetllement at Salem in 16291 '"^ '^* fi^fi eftahlifltment of their church government. The grand embarka* tiout with the removal of the charter and government from Old England to New in 1 63 J. The new magtflrates appointed to go over; and their cbaraffers: their arrival in New England i and the hardfhips they fnffered. Bofton and other towns^ built: the eflablifiment and proceedings of the civil government. The colonifis alarmed by the Indians^ and olfo by the French in 1632. yin order of the privy- touncil in England to encourage the cokmftt. Mr. Cotton ordained mini/ler of Bcfton. An alteration in the civil government in 1634. Sir Henry Vane appointed governor in 1635. The beginning of the fettUments of ConmBicittt Eaft Hampfbiret. and Main i as alfo of Rbede Ifland, 75. Sect. II. General ftate of the colony in iSjy. Supfreffian of the Perots. Familif- tical and Antinomian controvirfies. The firft fynod at CanAridge in New England i the nature and ufe of fynods according to the principles of the Independents. The tolonies of Rhode Ifland and New Haven founded and eftabliftted. Commiffion front King Charles I. to Archbi/hep Laud and others for r^ulatitig the plantations in 1638. The Maffacbufets addrefs to tbofe commiffianers concerns)^ the patent of the colony : Remarks: New fettUments made. State of the country in 163^ The number of planters and paffengers who arrived in New England before 1640 ; with remarks. Puritan numfters there : the flourifbing conditioteof the Maffacbufets /» 1 641 . New fettUments made : Growth of the colony at different periods : Refolve of the Houfo of Commons in favour of the Maffacbufets cblony in 1642. The divifion of the colony into four town/hips in 1 643 : The townftt^ in each comity : Remarks en them. Tha union of the four grand colonies of New tngland i with remarks. Order of the ge- .turalceurtt in io44» relative to the civU war in( England. The 4own of Eaft Ham built. The Narraganfits fubmit in 1645. CoUin difputes i the Hingham petition : Mr. fVinlhrofs fpeech : The petitioners carry their complasHt to Eagknd. Proportional aids of the four colonies in 1 647. Remarks on the civil war in England^ md its effcB on the conies in 1 648. Gnerimfntitkrop's death iti 1 649. 99* " ' . Secu ^^ 4^iVWu^ A>. 1/73 ^^^ ^ t ^ £^, -^ ^--^ /C-^^^rtfc.- 1.-^^ -V::^^ ^-^ C H A p. 1 ^ i CONTENTS; C H A P. in. An Account of the Colony of CONNECTICUT NiiW ENGLAND. in 5«CT. I. nemgiH ef tbt eoloiif\ and its charter gr4»tid,ly King Cbark: II. The €citHties and towns % with tbtir numbtr if refrefentarvu ondjwywun. The kpf- huivt pftwer and cmrts cf judicaturt. Rata and taxes. Numbtr of petfUf and militia. j^ftraS offom if tbeir laws. ^Pagc aij SicT. II. Boimdariu ef the Provituet momuahut rivers^ froduee, and rumufae- tures\ trade and aaviratioM. Aceoant ef Tale CeUege at New Haven. Anaeeeimt of ibelndsMtbarity-Jekfollatelf founded at L^non in Conne&ieut. 236 CHAP. IV. A Defcription of the Colony ofRHODEIS^ANDin NEW ENGLAND. Sect. I. Its oririnal fettlemtnts from the MaJJacbufets : Providence firft fettled by Mr. Wimams of Salem^ in 1635; PJbede IfUmd firft fettled by tbe feaaries from tbe Maffacbuftts in 1 63 7 and 1 644 : tbeir firft forms of government i and tbeir letter to tbe general court of tbe Maffacbuftts' Bay y concerning tbe ^jtakerSy in 1657. Tbe cbarter granted by KingCbarles II. in 1662, to ** Tbe governor and company of ** tbe cohtrf of Rhode Ifland and Providence Plantations." Tbe cbarter ordered to be vacated.in 1684} and reaffkmed in 1689. Tbe courts of judicature in tbe co- kiTf : its divifionf into counties ; tmiet and valuations. Number of inbabitants, whites, Negroes, and Indians. The proxies, reprefentativts, juftices ef the peace, and militia con^anies. Tbe indifference of tbe Rhode glanders in regard to religion ; with Bifltop Berkleys remarks thereon, and oftbeftate of tbe colony wbe:i bislordjhip was there. 847 SiCT. II. Boundaries of tbe province \ its trade and navigation ', paper currencies » reUgim : general obfervations \ and mifcellaneous matters, 261 C H A P. V. An Account of the Province of NEW HAMPSHIRE, in NEW ENGLAND. Sect. I. Bi^ndaries\ original lands, and grants. Mr.Mafoifs claim % and Mr. Allen*s Purchafe. Legiflature, and coKrts of judicature. z8o Sect. II. Produce, trade, and navigatiok. Mifcellaneous obfervations* Of Saga- d§bof territory i and of the ^ovince ef Mm^ General remarkf, 289 BOOK CONTENTS, B O O K in. The Hiftory of the Proyince o£ NEW YORK. Chap. I. Situation eftht Cehny \ its §rigi» stiJ cMqi^yrm tin Dutebi fiut^m cfgovtrnors, inektUni a general bifttrjtftbtfnmntt. Page i Chap. II. Soundariest mewitains, rivers, lakes, ondMiansi eeunties, towns, and inbaHtants. - 50 79 8a Chap. III. Lefffiati»-e, and religious Jlateif the frpvinee of New Tork* Chap. IV. Produce, manuf azures, trade, and navigation, . BOOK IV. NOVA CiESAREA, or NEW JERSEY. Chap. I. Tie original fettlments and prints of the Cebtif, Chap., II. Suecefion of governors, and Ufterical events. Chap. IH. TBeprefent State of tie Cohny,. B O O R V. An Account of the Province of PENNSYLVANIA, and its Territories. Sbct. I. General Remarks : Boundaries: Original Grants from the Crown to the Proprietaries, and from them to the Cotomfis. 10 1 SicT. II. Divijions into counties — Defeription of tb( city of Pbiladtlpbia, legiflatwre, and courts of judicature. Religious fiaaries. . lod «5 98 \._ BOOK VI. The Provmce of M A R Y L A N a Chap. I. Rife of the colony \ original grants \ andfirftfettlements* sty Chap. \ f-t C O N Ri E N T S. Chap. II. The fonrttn eountietf. sM difidtd awd fitiUd in 175a \ the courts^ legs- fiatmt and txtcutivti froprUtcrs and deputy governors i taxes, quit-rents, and turreucies. ■ r '■■ 119 Chap. III. Btttndaries, muntavu and fivers^ produce and manufaBures, . xzt BOOK VII. The Hiftory of VIRGINIA. Chap. I. Or^al ^fetwrki, (barters, bonndariu, and fettkmmtti x%% <^HAP. II. Government i religion i and taws, 131 Chap. IIL Of tifoinMitants, elki$ate, foil, fimtalstproduffiont, and trade* 134 BOOK vra. The Hiftbry of C A R.O L I N A. Chap. I. The di/covery and fettkment of this Province', with an account of its government, untU the charter was furrendered to the crown in iy%9, 137 Chap. II. Ti^ charter furrendered to the crown. A leographical defcription of Carolina \ with an accoimt of the ^slimaff, md the dtvi^ons of the province in general. 14$ Chap. III. An account of the foil, preiditfe, trait* and inhabitants. 150 BO OK IX. An Account of the Colony of GEORGIA. Chap. I. The original fettlement of this colouy, under the care of General Oglethorpe i mth his account of the fieighbourit^ Indians. 153 Chap. II. The principal Jettkments, towns, inhabitmits, and public affairs i the ou» peditm agaii0 Saint Ailgnfime in 1740) foil, produce, and trade. 157 BOOK '■-flHPPst .iii«ii ii .i i»> , L^ CO: n: Tt E. N: v.j s. B p a fi X. The Hiftory of f LX)RIDA; i^/0$Minj; its eriginal aad frtfaiL^ate. ^ i6j) BO OK XL The Hiftory of LOUIS IAN A. Chap. I. Geographical defeription tf LntifiaM ( its climate, rivers, foil, frfi difco* very, andfettUment by the French. 1 73 Chap. II. the langtiage, religion, getvemmtnt, and ctifioms, of the natives of Lou^ana, 186 Chap. III. The natural hiftory of Loi^iam. Chap. IV. The trade and commerce if Latii/lana, 189 X91 BOOK xn. The Hiftory of C A N A D A. Chap. I. Defcription of the country, foil, and produce. Indians \ and their trade with the French. 195 CkAP. II. The rivers, lalkes, tewns, and trade % vitb fomt remarks -an the Indians 6f Canada. 199 BOO K xm. An Account of NEW BRITAIN, or TERRA db LABRADORE and HUDSON'* BAY. / Chap. I. Defcription of ^he country. Firftdifcoveries. Royal charter in i6yo. Set- tlements. Trade. Climate, /tttewfts to ififeever a north-weft pafage. 221 Chap. II. IXfputes cancermng a north-vfi^ paffage -, clintate \ Infant. 237 a I BOOK '!^?- ..•^si..,,^ ■t C O N T E NT S, BOOK XIV. The Hiftory of N O V A S C O T I A. Chap. I. SUuation and extent of tins provitue. Grant to Sir WilUam Alexander in 1621. French fettlementSt ard different revolutions there, until the frolfinee was ceded to Great Britain by the treaty of Utrecht m 1713, W confirmed byfuhftfunt treaties. ,. 245 Chap. II. J particular defcription of the country. 248 .b?|-.V:-\V>,-V ■ ^ • A Cf ' t'Z :>f ^\ o a A rA « ?,i\\ ; :tV- '.'f! .\:: THE fc t i^St'-^iiR*^ li>v > ,»«•.*>..*»"* -J^-Ju— . ■^.^-■^ ' i -U'Th i i'mn i aft ■ 'y ' i " " " i*»i"*i .iii mtf i ni i i »« u . ,;_J;_;JSI::::J;s22^; TH^ HISTORY OF T HE BRITISH EMPIRE IN NORTH AMERICA, B O O K I. Introduftory to the Hiftcries of the rcfpC(advc Provinces: CONTAIMiMO, *I. The firft eftabliihment of European G)lonie8 in North America : Dif- putes diere between the Englilb and French: The nature of their Colonies; and the cdmmencement of Hofiilities between them in 1753- It. The continuation of thofe Hoftilities until-the Declaration of War in 1756. III. The Britiih conquefts in America until the ^onclofion of Peace in 17«3. IV. Particulars of the Treaty of Peace* whereby thofe Acquiiitions were confirfhed to the Britiih crown } with their fubfequent formatioo into New Govemmentt. Vol. I. » M .JS!i: '?^?l \/ ..-L -J -J*. :ii O O E :v.\\'yv!n\fi /!; :i r.[j ^\mu catJiliil; • 1 ri:>rt£f«>i; ir - • :;!i «:.' .^'n a 'W^ the BHtifh CdlM^i.'^The conduei of the Courts of LoHdon and Ver- fatlles.'-^SuppRes grhntedf^f America by the Britifh Parliament. — Ne~ gociations continued-' tii Europe concerning America. — Propofals on both Mts for a CeffcLtion ofHqfiilities there. The points claimed by France : J^, •'-.-i.^fr. ..::/, u!lv , 0.2 ':J ■ . Thofe , ^'ii :$*» HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE Tho/e claims rejefled: Botbjides prepare for IVar. — yidmiral Bofcawen^ Jmls ivith ajquadron to Nenvfoundlnndt and General Braddockfent rvith tivo regiments from Inland ttfVirginia,'— General reprizalstgranted againjl all French fhips : Both nations juftlfy their conduil in Europe^ while Hojlilitics are continued in America, — Remarks. TH E great and populous continent of America remained unknown to the reft of the world, until the year of Chrifl 1492* when it was difcovered : by Chci^opher G}Iumbus. The Spaniards calledK it the New World ; and it is feparated from the Old, by the Atlantic and" Pacific oceans. The Atlantic is about three thcufand miles wide between South America and Africa, and nearly the fame breadth between North America and Europe; but the Pacific is about nine thoufand miles wide between America and Afuu There are fome reafons, however, to ima- gine,, that America may nearly join ekher to the- north part of Alfa or Europe ; or perhaps to both. The example of the Spaniards excited other European princes to efta* blifh colonies in' America, which is now inhabited from north to fbuth by^ Europeans, who hare almoft extirpated the natives, and formed a kind^ of collateral power to the European ftates. The New World has enriched the Old; which has improved- the Newi Armies have been fent frdmv Europe to fight in America ; jufl as the Roman legions were fent to Afia to determine the fate of nations : and the like revolutions that havehap- ][)ened in ages pafl, may^w^tUe (^]^fe^Qf t^ Never were any people jpofTefled of^ a finer country, or more happily fituated, .than that now fubjefb to the crown of Great Britain on the other iide of the Atlantic ocean. Henry YII. king of England.emplpyed Sebaf- tian Cabot in his-fervice, to difcover.a north-wefl paflage to d)e Eaft Indies, in which he failed ; but in 1497* hie made land in WefV CreenlaJMj. in 67 degrees of north latitude, . and trom thence coafled to Cape Florida in 35 degrees, taking pofTeffiont according, to t^&foirms of thofe times, as ^e failed along, foi* the crown of England, which thereby claimed a right to the pof&flion of the north-eaft coafl of America p^or to. any other European power. The commodons between England and Scotland ppft- poned the further profecution of th)Dfe. difcpveries ; upof^y^hidi Sebsdlian Cabot went to Spaing, where he was Wde cfaaef pilot of the^^ing^om, 4nd was highly careued, to prevent his en;giiging wi(h any.oth^r court ; though he received an annuity- of 166/. 13}. 4 the treaty of Aix-la-Cbapellq in . 1 746^ &jt this liift treaty was 00 fooner . figned, than France began to reftore her marine, which had been almoft • ruined in the late war; and no jfooner hatl the Briti(hfubjefts began to i fettle in Nova Scotia, than the French began to difpute about its b their new ufnrpations; andi from this period w<3 may lock, i^n the war as began* No doubt the French minifters flattered tfaemfelver that England, inat«^ tentive to the interefts of its eotoniea fbr fo many years before, would not have the fpirit to oppoie force to foroe, and'do i^elf juftioe by other wea- pons than the com^aints of its ambafladbr, and the memorials of its com-- miflaiies at Paris : Bnt: the hour oif voigeance was at laft come ; the inte* refts of the Briti^i nation were attended to by thofbin po^ver, the infinite importance of its Colonies was.Underftood, and a refolution taJEcn to have recourfe to r^rms. Thus Great Britain prepared for war ; a war truly national, and fprungfromf a root ^ly Englifli. The nation was not fuffered to link into contempt) though the mku^yk ^i^kaxik had: received so 3. ; I 1 i I N no R TH: A M 1 R I C A< ; Bfii tetfetial ahoft^ioni Op«ft the pcaccf of Abc^la-rCbi^peUe* were much |HiAM with (qualms tf^Gilg ;f^^ 11 ^,rv 'f:')! "Oiiurjr -J -Wi' ;ni /TbeiSaferl o£[AU«ioihrl9:itMb ihA ll^^^i^it^^ at tKe £rencH court. where h» ftroo^y^ r(ttM»ft««tQ4r ^anR^. the prpce«|^»g^ and condufb of M.deb JbmquieronjAeQhiQt.j^ad; dcw^nd^^ that the fort which the French had undertaken to build or the river Niagara slight be razed. The French miniftry were only for ptocraftinating the aiFair ; while the govemon df U^ Britifli Clolonies Tent over freHk comphiints «> the Britifli miniftrfi w^o began to tliink it nec^ilary to a/St with ijpmt in America, if they tannic Maj^^s commands to the^ feveral governors of North America, " That m caai the fubjcds of any foreign prince or ftate fiiouid prefume to make encroachments in the limits of his Majefty*a dominions, or to ered forts on hisMajc%'s lands, or. to commit any other ad): of hoilility, and fhould, upon a requifitioa made to them to delift from fuch proceed- ings, perfift in them, they fhould draw forth the armed force of their refpeSdvve provinces, and ufe their befi endeavours to repel force by force.** Governor Shirley, about the.fame time, obtained permiffion to leave the French commiflaries«t Paris and repaic to London, from whence he re- turned to his^ government of the MafTachufets Bay, vdiere he received orders from fj^d Hold'ernefle to keep that colony in a ftate of defence. Party-fpirit was then predominant in moft of the Colonies ; but Governor Dinwiddle and Governot Dobhs recoHmiended warlike meafures to the colonies of Virginia and Nbrth Oatolina, fothat thefe two colonies, with thofe of New-Englar«d and New-York, were fenfible of their danger, and pr^igccd for t^eir defence. ' TIie^Etu-l of Holdetnefle, as one of the principal fecretaries of fbte, had 'wrote another circular letter,- to inform the American governors, " That his Majefty had infoitnation given hin^ of the march of a confiderable num • ber of indiaift not in his alliance, fupported by fome regular European troops, intending, as it Was apprehended, to commit hoftilities on fome parts of his Majefty's dominioai in America." And Hgnifying to the go- vernors, '** That they ihould be upon their guard, and put the provinces uxidtt their government into a conditicm to refift any hoftile attempts which might be made on them." The Britiih Colonies, excluHve of Georgia and Nova Scotia, were divided into eleven diftia£t governments, within each of which nothing C a oT hn HISTORY OF TttE BRtTISH EMPIRE of any confequence could be tranfaded but by their refpe&ive aflembliet. They appeared infenfiUc of the itnpendmg dangerf ^en an immrdiy jundion became abfoUitely requifite for their common fecurity. Th^ contemned the power of Omada* ^1 confided in the nuinber of their own inhabitants^ of whkh the fbllowu^ is an authentic account taken from militia tolUf poll taxe89 bills of mortality, returns from governors, and other authorities : ProTsdence r New England 1 The colonies a$; Halifax and Lunenberg in Nova Scotiia — • New Hampshire — Maflachufets Bay _ *— Bhode Ifland and ~ Ck)nnedifcut New York: i— . -— Thejerfeys •— — PennlylVania — ^— Maryland — — Virgihiia — — North CaroRna — South Carolina. —^ -^ Georgia — — • — Total Inhabitants.. 5iooo^ 3o»ooo 220,000 35,000. loc^ooo 100,000 > 6o,ooo> S50,ooO' 9StOOO 85,000 - 45»oooi 30,60a 6,000 • 1)051,000) This number is exclufive of l^e Negroes, and the military forces in the pay of the 'government. The EngMi inhabitants, though thus nume» rous, were extended over a large trad of hnd, five hundred leagues in length, on the fea*£hore ; and although fome of their trading- towns were thick fettled, their fettler nts in the country towns lay at a diftance from, each other. Befide, in a new country^ where land is cheap, pieopleare fond of acq^uirmg large trafts to themfelves ; therefore^ in throut-fettle- ments they mull be more remote: and as the people that move out are generally poor, they fit down- either where they can eafieft procure land or fboneft' raife a fiibfiftence. Add to this, that the EngKfli had fixed and fettled habitations, the eafieft and fiiorteft paflages to which the Indians^ by conftantly hunting in the woodlsi were perfedly well acquainted with) but the Engiilh knew little or nothing of the Indian country, nor of the paflages through the woods that led to it. The number of IRench inhabitants in North America j. ezdufive <^ regular troops and Negroes, were calculated as follows ^ --J! IN NORTH AMERICA. n 1 . . „ The colonies of ' Canada Louiiiana Inhabitants. — 45,000 7,000 Total 52,000 The country was £vided into feignories, and the lands held in foccage by the tenants, who were thereby obliged, on any occasion, to take up arms for their defence. The forces maintained by the king were diftri- btited from Quebec down to New Orleans, among the fmall forts in the inland parts, and fome to the diftance of above a thoufand miles. The Engliih, it is true, were more than in the proportion of twenty to one ;:. but union, fituatioa, proper management of the Indians, fuperior know- ledge of the country, and conftant application to a purpofe, might more, than balance divided numbers, and eafily break a r(^eof fand.. There were originally three forts of government eftabliflied by the- Englifh in America : ift, A Royal Government, properly fo called becaufe the colony is* immediately dependent on the crown ; the king appoints the governor, council, and officers of Hate ; but the people eleA their repre- fentatives : fuch are the governments of Virginia, New York, the Jerieys^ New Hampfliire, both Carolinas, Georgia, Nova Scotia, and' all the prin- cipal iflandfr in the Weft Indies.r— 2d, A Charter Government was a com*- pany incorporated by royal chartei^ and invefted with 9. kind of fovereign authority,, to eftabiiCh what fort of government they t^iought moft expc. dientv ^Theie, charts governments have generally thoaght fit to transfer their auUiority to the people ; for the freemen not only eled: their repre->- fentatives in the general aflembly, but annually ohoofe their governoi^ council or affiftants, and magiftrates i. they make their own- laws, and are under na pther re^lfaint dian this, that they ena^ no laws contrary to thofe of England; if they do, their charters are liable to be forfeited; Such are the governments of Connedicut and Rhode Ifland ; and fuch were the, goviemments > of the Maflachufete, New Plymouth, and Pro- vince of Main fermeriy; but their firft charters being adjudged fcMrfeited in the 36th year of the reign- of King Charles II. the charter granted'to the MalTachuCetSr by King WiUiam III. has referved the appointment of a govemOl*!; deputy-governor, and fecretary to the crown : but the houfe of veprefcntatives in- the gewnd a&mbly yearly choofe the council with the concurrence of the governor, who has a negative in all ele^ons and ad9 of government. The governor and council appoint the principal magiftrates,. and the general aflen^ly nominate the inferior civil officers; but all laws ena^ed are tc be immediately traafmitted to^tbe ktsg for hi« approbation or M HISTOJiy OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE •or difallowstficQk to be fignified to the governor within three years.' From whence it apneai'Sr that the govemment of the- Mftflachwli^ in which the col: enaA and puUifli laws by and with the advice of the free* men oi the country or their deputies, whom the proprietary was ' to aflemUe for that purpofe. Fbr fiirther particulats fee under the hiftory pf this -colony. : 'y '^ ^^ Maryland and Pednfylvania are now die only prbpi^tairy govtthrtients in North America. But, by a late ftatute, the proprietor muft have the confent of the king in appointing a governor, when the proprietor does not perfonaliy refide in the colony, and of a deputy<^governoF when he does : likewife, by another ftatute, all the governors ^:the Britiih Cblo^ nies are liable to be called to account fer maT^idminiftration, by the court of King's Bench in England. ' ' Thus there are viurious forts of royal grants of ^onieti whiich fil&y bft more particularly ftated as follows: . .., > I. To . ki v...v~^-. •Ifll ir IN rrORTH AMERICA. X. To one or more perfiinal proprietariea* their heirs and afligns, both properiy and government^ fuch are Pennfylvania and Maryland. 2. The pniptrtf to perfenalproprictors, , the government and jurifdidion in the cottwn; aain the Carblinas aad Jerfeys. 3. Property and government in the crpfwn; fas ' in Virginia) New Yorik;^ ftnd New Hamp&ire. 4. Pro- pert^ in the pieaple and their reprefentatives* the government in the crown; :as in MaiIachufeta.Bay. 5. Property and government in the governor. and- companyi. cabled. the freemen of. the colony; fuch are Rhode Ifland iand ComM^cnt : But this laft feems to be the mod effe^ual method df ifae &it lettliitg and peopling a colony. U ni'.'ti '■ jifi i; Inthebegioiiii^ofthefb colony-grants there was onl^ one houfe of fegiflature ; the governor or prefident, the council or afuftants, and the reprefentativcs or members vc^d together : But now, in conformity to. the legiflature in Great Britain, they confift of three feparate negatives. Thus, by the governor reprefenting the king, the Colonies feem monar- ehioaK; by a council they todc to be ariiloccatlcal.; and by a houfe of re- preientatrvea,. or, delegates from the people, they appear democratical. There are a fi:w irr^ularities or exceptions from thefe negatives in feme; ef the Colonies ; as i. In Gonne^cut a{id Rhode Ifland, their eledlve. governor has no negative, a. In Pennfylvania, the council have aQ> negative. 3. la Maffiu:hufets Bay, the council are not independent ; bu& in fome elections the council and reprefentktives vote together. About half a; century paft, upon fome' Complaints concerning the Colo-» nies, particullarly of Sovnk Carolina, the Britifli niiniftry were (^ opi-r nion, that it would befor the general lintereft Of ^e kingdom to have all charter and proprietary govemnients vacated by a.€t of parliament, and a bill was accordingly brought in the Houfe of Commons, where it wafr- dropped by the addrefs of Mr. Dummer» who was then agent for New England, and publifhed an ingenious piece, wherein he gave the true ftate of the Colonies* and convinced the mothjer-country of their utility. However, fmce Ifhat time, their different conftitutions have too much di-: yided the general intereft of the Colonies, which has been increased by an interfereiu:e:with each other. Thus the different colonies have refpedive interefts, and the xeafon is jdain why they were fo much difunited in i ys4- Each colony was independent of the other; ioAie ^ them very remote,- and thofe which were near were generally dHcordant in their councils upon the manner of ading againft the comitaon enemy ; difagrcfting about the quota of men and money which they* fliould refpedivejfy contribute, and conlidering themfelves as more or lefs concerned according to the difiance of the colonies iiom immediate danger ; fo that it was very diffi- cult. U HiSTORt or THE ERITtSHi EMPIRE cult for them to agree upon any one plant and as difficult to eEJocute it if any one could be agreed upon. Wnereu the French ietUementa were tinder the abfii^ute ccMUbMid of one govemor*genep»l»v«rfao(00^ diiedi their forces a« he plea^ upon all emergendea^; It iifaa therefore! eafy to conceive, that a large body of men, part of theqf irejgnlar troopi» i svicb the affifiance of the Inuana fcattered through the cimtiheiKy upon the hack of all the Britiflx fettlecaetits, might reduce » nuniberof (HTunited and indepwodent colonies, unfupported with regular troq^ though much iuperior to them in point of the number o£ inhabitants. Hie dBFeAs c£. this difference of government, within the Bri||ih:«iidJreiich Gcdonies^ were moft fenfibly felt in the former war ; and a moft melancholy proof was given of it after the circular orders from Lord HoUBraeife were re- ceived ; for, notwithftandiag the^ common danger, no t^ governmenta could agree upon any meafures, to ad wiUt any delete of vigimr &r the generalgood* ' • . ...1., :-uj'i.' .iui :;•;; The French mediuted all poffible arts to eictead their ih>ntier, vHiich began to alarm the Britilh provinces; and as Virginia appeared more im- mediately concerned, Governor Dinwiddle wrote to the neighbouring governors, importunii^ the aid of the other colonies*^ for lepelling the invafion, and ere^ag a fort at the omiluenoe of the Ohio ai^ Monon- gahela. New Yoirk voted 5,000/. currency in aid' 1 of Virginia, where the fum of 10,000/. was voledi'^and 300 men raifed;for the protedion of their frontiers. The commiftid was given to O>lonel Wafhington, who began his march on the iflJ of May, 1 75^1. ,He cn^ed the mountains, and penetrated as ^r as dw Mondngdiela ^ but was attacked on the 3d of July by 9O0 Fredch and iboilnaiians, who obliged him to fubmit on very difiigreeable teirmsii • Thtis the French remained mafters of the Ohio, and built Fort Du Quefne, which they kept until 1758, when it was re- duced by Generd Forbes^ and called Pittiburgh. The glory of the Briti(h nation b^an to revive, and the Colonies (hewed ah unexpected exertion <^ public fpiritj efpecially as they were patronized by the Earl of Halifax, who then prefided at the Board for Trade and Plantations. The French had commenced adual hoftilities in America, where they had fent 8«ooo troops in 1752, of whom 8,500 went to Canada, 3,500 to the Miffiflippi, and Haopo to St. Domingo. In the fummer of 1754* they colledcd together at Breft and Rochfort a conii-. derable number of feamen, to be fent to Canada to man fome men-of-war that Iiad been built there; and were preparing to fend additional forces * and warlike ftores to that colony. This made it neceffary for Great Bri- tain to equip a fie^ as it was now determined not to lofe a foot of land # ..IN NORTH AMERICA. »7 io America. His Majefty alfo diredled two new regiments of foot to be raifed in America, under the refpedtive commands of governor Shirley and Sir William Peppcrcllj and two regiments were ordered from Ireland to Virginia, under the command of Major-general Braddock, who was patronized by the Duke of Cumberland. • The French nation were not defirous of war; becaufe they knew they were contending for boundlcfs waftcs, from whence neither they nor their poflerity could draw much advantage for ages to come. The peo- ple of England were eager for war, becaufe they were contending for the prefervation and fecurity of a well cultivated country, inhabited by their own countrymen, and of infinite prefent advantage to the fubjeds of Great Britain, of whom many thoufands owed their whole fubfiftance to the American colonies. The parliamentaijr grants for 1755 amounted to 4,073,420/. out of which the fum of 40,350/. was granted for the two regiments of foot to be raifed in America, 7,338/. for feveral officers to go in the expedition under General Braddock, and 1,779/. for hofpital officers in that expedi- tion ; 40,418 /. for fupporting the colony of Nova Scotia, and 2,957 /. for the colony of Georgia." Thus far the colonies were proteded ; but by the mutiny-a£l, which was principally conftrudled by Mr. Fox then fe- cretary at war, the forces in America were fubjeded to a new military reftridion in thofe parts ; for a claufe was inferted which provided that all troops which (hould be raifed in any of the Britifli provinces in Ame- rica, by authority of the refpedHive governments, (hould, at all times and in all places, when they happened to join, or a£t in conjun£tion with his Majefty's Britifh forces, be fubjed to the fame martial law and difci- pline. The exercife of martial law hath been often oppofed and condemned by parliament, as repugnant to Magna Charta, and inconfiftent with the fun* damental rights and liberties of a free people ; nor was fuch power given to courts martial after the peaces of Ryfwick and Utrecht. Mr. Bollan, the worthy and judicious agent for the province of the Maflachufets Bay, offered a petition againfl this additional claufe, which brought on a fhort debate in the Houfe of Commons, but had no remarkable effed. The French ambaffador at the court of London made great proteftations of the fincere defire which his court had, finally and fpeedily to adjuft all -difpates between the two crowns concerning America. He therefore propofed, ** That before the ground and circumllances of the quarrel Vol. I. , D fliould * i8 HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE fliould be enquired into, pofitive orders fhould be immediately fent to the refpedive Britifh governors, forbidding them to undertake any new enter- prize, or proceed to any a£t of hoilility ; and enjoining them, on the contrary, to put things, without delay, with regard to the lands on the Ohio, on the fame footing that they were, or ought to have been, before the late war ; and that the refpedive claims fhould be amicably referred to the Commiflioncrs at Paris, that the two courts might terminate the dif- ference by a fpeedy accommodation.'* The Britlfli court immediately declared its readinefs to confent to the ccflation of hodilities ; but upon this condition, that all the pofTeflions in America Should previoufly be put on the foot of the treaty of Utrecht, confirmed by that of Aix-la-Chapelle. His Britannic Majefty, therefore, propofed, that " the pofleffion of the lands on the Ohio flaould be reftorecl to the footing it was on at the conclufion of the treaty of Utrecht, and agreeable to the ftipulations of the faid treaty, which was renewed by that of Aix-la-Chapelle : and moreover, .that the other pofleflions in North America fhould be reftored to the fame condition in which they actually were at the figning of the treaty of Utrecht, and agreeable to the ceflion» and Aipulations therein exprefled ; and then the method of informing the refpedlive governors, and forbidding them to undertake any new enter- prize or ad of hoftility, might be treated of; ami the claims of both par- ties referved, to be fpeedily and finally adjufled in an amicable manner between the two courts." The -French ambaflador then delivered the draught of a preliminary convention, which was nothing but the firft propofal enlarged. The draught of a counter-convention was delivered to him by the Britifh minif- iry, containing a propofal of the moft moderate terms ; being confined to thofe points only which were the indifpenfible right of his Britannic Majefly, and eflential to the fecurity of the colonies. No anfwer was made to this by France, whofe ambaffador was ordered to demand, as a previous condition, that England fhould dcfifl from the three following |joints, which made a priiKipal part of the fubjed in difpute. I. The fouth coaft of the river St. Lawrence, and the lakes that dif- charge themfelves into that river. U. The twenty leagues of country demanded along the Bay of Fundi : and III. The Lands between the Ohio and Ouabache. The 'difcuflions which followed this extraordinary <:laim, concluded ^ith the ambafiador's prefenting a memorial, wharein the affair of the illands IN NORTH AMERICA. iflands was treated oft as well as that of North America. This was an- fwered by a very ample piecei wherein the ambaflador's piece was refuted art^e by article, and the terms of the counter-convention fully juftified : but this piece remained without a reply, by the fuddea departure of the ambalTador. .^ W It was known that the French had a fquadron at Tea, and it was necef- fary that the Biitifh colonies ihould be carefully protected ; for v/hich purpofe General Braddock was fent with the troops to Virginia, and a fquadron was ordered to fail for Newfoundland under admiral Bofcawcn. As a kind of war was begun in North America, it was neceflary to purfue it with power aAd vigour ; and Great Britain was favoured at lad by hea* ven with a fuccefs, in that part of the world, almoft unparalleled in hiftory. Admiral Bofcawen failed from Plymouth to the banks of Newfoundland, where he took the Alcide and Lys, two (hips belonging to the fquadron commanded by M. Bois de la Mothe, who efcaped with the other fhips, and landed his troops at Louifburg and Quebeck. Mr. Alderman JanfTen was Lord Mayor of London in 1 75$^ by whofe application to the miniftry, orders of reprifals were granted to his Majefty's fhips againft all kinds of French ihips, by way of retaliation for the many murders the French had committed, their plundering of our traders to a great amoujit in the Indian country, and the encroachments they had made, fmce the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. The Duke of Newcaftle acquainted the lords of Council, that the Lord Mayor- had fent him fome excellent hints. Thefe were to feize the French (hips from the Weft Indies, ftated at four hundred (hips with twenty men in each, amounting to eight thoufand feamen. ** Would not fo great a blow to their trade ilrike fuch a terror throughout France, as to incline its fubjedis to wi(h the Englifh nation might be left in full and peaceable enjoyment of all their juft poflefllons ? and would not his Majefty's fubje^s in North America receive the important news with the greateft joy, and unite, as one man, to repel the common enemy, who muft be greatly difcouraged when they were once convinced, that we were determined, with our fleets, to cut off all farther reinforcements going from France, to (upport them in that part of the world." The meafure pointed out by the Lord Mayor was foon carried into execution ; and, before the clofe of the year, there were actually three hundred and twenty (hips taken, with about 8000 feamen on board. »9 D 2 Commiflioneis a« HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE I Commiifionen were appointed foi* the fale of all the prizes taken before the declaration of war* and the money was lodged in the bank of Eng- land : It was then fald to amount to above feven hundred thoufand pouf^Sy and lay there as a depofit to indemnify the nation againft the depreda- tions which the French had committed in America ; but private perfonft who fuffered by thofe depredation never obtained any part of it. While this kind of war was profecuted, the conduQ of *)Oth nations was juftified. The Duke de Mirepoix delivered a memorial to the Britidi miniftry> concerning tl|^e French claims to the difputed part of Nova Scotia ; which memorial fet forth, ** That Acadia, as claimed by the Britifh commiflaries, had above 460 leagues of coaft ; that ceded by the treaty of Utrecht, contained little more than fixty ; and the reftitution demanded by the Ckjunt D'Eftrades about three hundred." This memo- rial deferved no other anfwer than that the ambaflador muft quit the king- dom as foon as pofiiblc ; and the French miniftry made a public declaration to all the courts of Europe, that " if his Britannic Majefty's allies took part in the war which was kindled in America, by furnifhing fuccours to the Engli(h, his mod Chriftian Majefty would be authorifed to confider and treat them as principals in it.|~ >> The French infifled, that the dlfFerenccs between the two crowns related* only to the continent of America, and cenfured the Englifli for takinj; their fhips without declaring war. They every where declared, that- their flag was infulted, the law of nations contemned, and the faith of treaties broken. They aflFedted to take the Cvonfequence and efFe<3: for the caufe; and alledged, as the principal affair, what wag only acccffory and proceeded from it. France had invaded the Britiili ci)loiiics. and was fending a large reinforcement to America. Now the fame lav, the f^mc principle of felf-defence, which authorifes the refifting of an invader, equally authorifes the preventing of the party attacked from being over- powered by fo formidable a reinforcement. It was therefore very natural to expedt, that his Britannic Majefty would provide for the proteftion of his fubjedls, by preventing the landing of fo powerful an armament in America, and by endeavouring to preferve his American colonies. It was the invafion made by France and the violences that attended it which were . boftile, and it can never be unlawful to repel an aggreffor. SECTION '- ■■ ** m^ ■'■!■■■ IN NORTH AMERICA, n SECTION II; General Braddock lands in Virginia : His Utters to the mini/lry concerning, thejlate of the colonies.-^jln account of the governors of the different' colonies •, and of the Frenci) governor-general of Canada.— A grand « congrefs held at Albany y ivhen the general union of the colonies is agreed upon. — Mr. J*oivnalPs plan is laid oefore the eommifftoners^ 'who approve ofit^ and order quotas to. carry it into execution. ~-Q(neral Braddock* s pro- ■ ceedings : He holds a congrefs at Alexandria^ 'where it is determined to ' carry on Four expeditions againjl the French : His unfuccefsful expedi- tion ogainjl fort Du ^tefne ; "with remarks thereon. — The French are expelled Nova Scotia by Colonel Monckton. — The expedition agaiit^ Cro'wn Point by General fohnfon^ "who defeats the French army commanded by the Baron de Diejkau. — General Hhirley^s expedition againjl Niagara, and its confequences ; -which end the military operations ofiy^y. u/ith' remarks. /^ EN E R A L Braddock, .with the. two reglin€nt» from Ireland," arrived'' ^^ at Virginia on the fiift of February, 1755 ; and, on the fourth, wrote a. letter from Williamfburg to Henry Fox, Efq; fecretary at war, wherein he acquainted him. That " after a paflage of feven weeks, in which he had very bad weather, he arrived there, where he fou;id every thing in great confufion, as he expelled it. That much money had been expended there, though very little had been done. That Sir John St. Clair was juft arrived, and he referred to his letters for the bad condition of the inde- pendent companies of New York. That Governor Dinwiddie was of opi- nion the people of Virginia were well perfuaded of the neceflity of giving ^1 the affiftance in their power towards forwarding an affair that con- cerned them fo nearly ; and that Governor Dobbs was' well enough fatis- fied with thofe of his- province, and hoped to be more fo thereafter. But that Pennfylvania would do nothing, and fupplied the French with every thing they wanted." This was, however, a rafh and ill-grounded cen- fure of that province. On the a4th, the general alfo wrote to Colonel Napier much to the fame purpofe, complaining of the condition of the- provincial troops, and that the Six Nations had then declared for thc- French. , The Britifli colonies were not united againft the common enemy ; and" ' the Indians openly upbraided the Englilh with their divifions and indo- lence, which they acknowleged tor be the greateft fecurity of the Frencfi. This. J*/. »a HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE This made it necefTary that fome plan fliould be formed fur a confederacy of all the colonies ; and accordingly orders were fent by his Dritannic Majefty to all the governors in North America, for a grand congref's to be held of commiiTtoners from the fevcral provinces ; as well to treat with the Six NationSi as to concert a fcheme for a general, union of the Britifl) colonies. At this timet the governors and lieutenant-governors of the Britifh colonies in North America were as follow: Maflachurets Bay, major- general William Shirley, 'governor; Connedlicut, Thomas Fitch, Efq; governor; New Hampihire, Benning Wentworth, Efq; governor; New York, Jvno de Lancey, E(b; lieutenant-governor; but Sir Charles Hardy, knight, was appointed governor on the 9th of January, 1 755 ; New Jerfey, Jonathan Belcher, Efq; governor; Pennfylvania, Robert Hunter Morris, Efq; lieutenant-governor; Maryland, Horatio Sharpe, Efq; lieutenant-governor ; Virginia, Robert Dinwiddie, Efq; lieutenant- governor ; but William Anne Keppel, Earl of Albemarle, who was made governor of Virginia in 1 737, and died at Paris on the 27d of December, 1754, was fucceeded as governor by the Earl of Loudon, in 1756; North Carolina, Arthur Dobbs, Eiq; governor; South Carolina, James Glen, £iq; until the arrival of William Lyttleton, Efq; governor, who was taken in his pafiage to America in the Blandford man of war, by the fquadron commanded by M. du Gtiay, who carried the fliip into France, where flie was foon reilored, and Governor Lyttleton releafed ; Georgia, John Reynolds, Efq; governor ; Nova Scotia, Colonel Charles Lawrence, lieutenant-governor, and Lieutenant-colonel Robert Monckton, governor of Fort Annapolis ; Francis William Drake, Efq; a captain in the navy, was governor of Newfoundland ; William Popple, Efq; was governor of Bermudas ; and John Tinker, Efq; was governor of the Bahama Iflands. The Marquis du Quefne, the new governor-gcnei'al of Canada, was formerly captain of a man of war ; he caufed a ftrong fort to be built on the forks of the Ohio, after difpoflfefling the Britifli Ohio company, who had begun to fortify there ; and he declared, ** he would have a French fort on each of the waters that empty themfelves into St. Lawrence and MifTif- fippi :" but he was now fuperfeded in his government by the Marquis de Vaudreuil, who arrived about this time at Quebec with troops from Old France, under the command of Baron Diefkau. The Marquis du Quefne returned to Europe, and commanded a French fquadron in 1758, when he was defeated and taken prifoner by Admiral Ofbom, between cape de Gatt and Carthagena. The Marquis was in the Foudroyant, of 80 guns and 800 men; which was the fame fhip that the Marquis de Galiflbniere commanded I i IN NORTH AMERICA. commaiuled when he engaged Admiral Byng oflF Minorca* on the 20th of May* 1756. Captain Gardiner then commanded the Ramillicsi under Admiral Bync } and he now commanded the Monmouth of 64 guns, to which fliip tne Foudroyant ftruck after the death of the brave Captain Gardiner. The Marquis du Quefne was brought to London, and fent to refide at Northampton until the 21ft of Odober following, when he re- turned to France on his parole. A grand congrefs of commiflioners from the feveral colonics was opened ■ in the council-hall at Albany, in the province of New York, on the i8th of June, 1754, when a plan was agreed upon for a general union of the colonies, and creating a common fund to defray all military expences. Thomas Pownal, Efq; brother to John Pownall, Efq; one of the fccreta- ries to the Board of Trade, and afterwards governor of the Maflachufets, was upon the fpot. This gentleman, by great indudry, and free accefs to the papers in the plantation board-office, had acquired great knowledge of American affairs. He therefore laid before the commiflioners at Albany a paper intttled ** Confiderations towards a general plan of mca- fures for the EngKfli provinces; wherein he (hewed the plan of the French meafurts in building a Kfie of forts round the Englifli fettlements ; which was " to cut the Englifh off from all communication of alliance or trade with the Indians ; to make a line of circumvallation to contine the Englifli fettlements within fuch bounds as the French were pleaf- ! t? - fct to the Englifli provinces; to join Louifiana and Canada; to becosn,; m. from each of the Cok>- nieS) to be laid up a» a fund to fupport and increafe theb Indian aUies» and to prevent all foreign invaiions and encroachments^" Th« aflembly of Virginia granted 50,000/. Maryland 6y00oA. and North Carolina 8jCoo/. toward the common caufe; the aflembly of Penii/- fylvania alfo paffed a bill for granting 35,000/. ; but their gOTemor^ who is appointed by the Penn», propiierors of that province* and infbnded by them, refufed h>» affent to it, unlefs they would exempt the proprie- tary eflate from taxation towards that fum. This they thoi^ht uiiyaSk and unreafonable, as the proprietary ellate was to be defended as well as the eftates of the people. The grant, therefore, was rendered ineffedlual ; but the affembly neverthelefs gave, out of money they could di%ofe of, 5,000/. to truftees, to be by them laid out for purchafing frefh viduals, and fuch other neceffaries as they fhotild think expedient, for the ufe of the kingV troops: and ic,ooo/. more for the general fervice of the crown, and then adjourned. But the danger became fo alarming before the end of the next yeaf, that the proprietors confented to contribute* and the aflemMy granted €0^00 /. more, and eftabli(hed a militia in the Colony. When General Braddock arrived in Virginia, he fent expreffes to the governors of the different provinces to meet him and hold a confultation on the bafinefs &( the approaching campaign. This congrefa was opened on the i8th of April, tysS* ** Alexandria in Virginia, where the general had afTembled his troops and fixed hi« head quarters. It was then deter- mined to carry on three expeditions to the northward ; one againA the French forts at Niagara ; another againft their^encroachments in Nora Scotia ; and thev^third againfl Crown Point ; while a fourth was carried on agaxnft the French forta upon the Ohio. When the conference broke up. General Braddock wrote to Sir Tho- mas Robinfon, that " he would be fufficiently informed, by the minutes of the council, of the impoffibtlity of obtaining from many Colonies the eftablifhing a general fund, agreeable to the inllrudions of his Majeily» and the circular letters addrefled to the feveral governors.'" )* All the four operations were immediately began, for which thirteen thoufafid regular troops and provincials were in zeadinefs, befide the Indians 5 1' IN NOaiTH A^TERICA. vlndians «f idifTerent tribes. ^Seneral Braddock had pofitive orders to pro- ceed immediately to Fort Du Qgcfne, at ihc forks of the Ohio and Mo- nongahela ; and he accordingly prcoeeded towards that fort with his army, which confifted of the two Tegiments from Ireland, and the pro- uncials, amounting together to 2,200 men, with fome Indians. Innu- merable were the difficulties he had lo furmount, in a country, rugged, pathleis, and unknown, acrofe the AUcglieny mountains, through un- frcquemed woods, and dangerous defilea. He advanced to the Meadows ^here Colonel Wafhington was defeated the year before; and, on the 8th of July, he encamp within ien miles of fort Du Quefne, with the main body of his troopfi, which confifted of about 1,400 men, including a detachment of failors, the troops of Virginia, and the independent companies of New York ; for the general had left h48 heavy baggage tin the Meadows, widi a detachmeixt of 800 men, under the command of Oc^onel /Dunbar, ^ho was to fcilow as fafi as the nature of the fervice would admit. -On the 9tfa, the troops .paiTed the Monongahela about noon, when 'tiaey wene about feven miles fsom the fort, and ia jpafling a defile, were rfaluted i>y a quick and heavy fire from an imperceptible enemy. The van ^aid fell back ^pon the main body, every thing was in confufion* the fbldiers were ftrudc with a panic, and could not be rallied by the ge- neral, who was mortally wounded in the attempt. The whole army fled, and left behind them all their artillery, baggage, and flores. Sir Peter Halkett, colonel of the 44th regiment, wasJkiUed upon thtf fpot; as was the general's fecretary, who was eldeft fon to Governor Shirley. Moft of the other officers were killed or iwounded, and the whole lofs was com- puted to be about 200 killed, and 400 wounded. It is true, General Braddock was a brave regular fbldier, and recom- ;.inended to this command by the Duke of Cumberland, who was then xaptain-^eneral of the army, and had this fervice very much at heart, as it was of the higheft importance to bis Majefty's American dominions, and to the honour of his troops «)mp1oyed in thofe parts. His royal Hiighnels took fuch a particular intereft in it, that he gave tlie general .fevecal audiences, when he entered into aa /explanation of every part of the fervice in which the general was to be employed : and, as a better rule for the execution of his Majefty's inftrudions, the general was ho- noured wi£h the fentiments of his royal highnefs in writing, which were ddivered to him by Coloael NajMer, the adjutant-general, wherein his royal higbitefs advifed the ^ner^, " how careful he muft be to prevent a fiurprize; and that the moftftridl difcipliae was always neceflary, but £ A more W i8 HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE i#i more particularly fo in the (ervice in which he was engaged : wherefore his royal highnefs recommended to him, that it fhould be conftantly ob- ferved among the troops under his command, and to be particularly care- ful they were not thrown into a '^anic by the favages, whom the French would certainly employ to frighten them." The beft foldiers have felt ftrange panics, and this was the cafe with thofe under the command of General Braddock, who is faid to have been auflere in temper and fevere in difcipline. The Indians deferted him becaufe he held them in contempt : and he defpifed the Provincials who ihewed their courage in preferving the regulars in the retreat. If a number of Indians had preceded the army, they would have feafonably difcovered the enemy's ambufcade; and the Virginian rangers, inftead of being made to ferve as regulars in the ranks with the Englifli troops, ihould have been employed as out- fcouts : but this ftep, fo neceffary to guard againft furprize, was too un- happily omitted. However, this unfortunate general behaved very gallantly, and deferved a much better fate. The ftrength of the enemy was not then certainly known ; for, ac- cording to Indian accounts, they exceeded not 4cx>, chiefly Indians. But by other accounts, it appears that the French, who were pofted at Fort Du Quefn6 arid on the Ohio, confifted of fifteen hundred regular and fix hundred irregular troops, who had with them a confiderable number of Indians in their intereft. The French general had very particular intelli- gence of General Braddock's defign, of the number and condition of his forces, and the routs they were to take. He knew the Englifh had been fuppHed with provifions, and were advancing toward the fort, which he hacf left with a fmall garrifon, and formed a camp about fix miles before it, where he threw up entrenchments in a mafterly manner, having a thick wood on each fide, which extended along the route that the Englifh were to take. When General Braddock came within about three miles of their entrenchments, the French drew out of their lines, placing their 600 irregulars in front and their 1500 regulars behind to fupport them. They alfo fiationed a great number of Indians in the wood on each fide, who efFedually concealed themfelves behind trees arid bufhes. Had the am- bufcade been difcovered, the French, if neceffary, might have retired within their lilies; and from thence, if forced, under the cannon of Fort Du Quefne. ^.H It was thought that the fort might have been eafily taken, which would have given the Englifh poffeffion of a fine and large country, and opened a communication with the lakes, which was ths intent of the expedition, as app^ears-'from the Duke of Cumberland's inflru^ipaa to 6 General INNORTHAMERICA. General Braddock. When that general tell, he was carried ofF the field by his officers* fhot through the arms and the lungs, of which he died the fourth day : b\it when the fecond party joined the routed divifion forty miles ihort of the place of a^lion, the terror diiFufed itfelf fo much through the whole army, that Colonel Dunbar retreated to Fort Cumber- land, where Governor Dinwiddle wrote to him, and propofed a fecond attempt on Fort Du Quefne. In confequence of this propofal, a council was held on the jfl of Auguft; the members of which were Colonel Dunbar, Lieutenant-colonel Gage, Governor Sharpe, Major Chapman, Major Sparkes, and Sir John St. Clair ; when it was unanimoufly con- ceived that Mr. Dinwiddle's fcheme was impracticable. The panic ftilt continuing, Colonel Dunbar began his march the next day towards Phi- ladelphla with 1600 men; leaving behind him the Virginia and Mary- land companies, and about 400 wounded men» Here it may be obferved, that the French kept poffeffion of Fort Da Quefne, and fecured the neighbouring Indians in their intereil, until the year 1758, when Genei^al Forbes, at the head of Colonel Montgomery's regiment of Highlanders and fome provincial troops, amounting in the whole to 2500 ineif, marched in June from Philadelphia, and in Novem- ber came up to Fort Du Quefne, which he found burnt and abandoned by M. Delanarie, the governor, who efcaped with his garrifon down the river to their forts and fettlements upon the Miffiffippi. General Forbes immediately took pofTeffion of the fort, which he now called Pittiburgh,. in honour of Mr. Pitt, who promoted the expedition, and to whom the ge- neral immediately wrote to congratulate him upon this important event.. The next day, a large detachment was fent to Braddock's field, to bury the. bones of their flaughtered countrymen, many of whom were butchered in cold blood by the French and their Indians, who, to the eternal infamy or their country, had left them lying above ground ever finc«» The general eilablifhed garrifons on the Ohio, at Fort Ligonier, Bedford, and all along- the communication, whereby the Englifh were eftabliihed in the fineil country of America, and the French had their chain of communication between Canada and Louifiana deftroyed..: As to the three expeditions agre«,4,in the congrefs at Alexandria to becar- ried on in 1755, to the northward, agai^f^ the French at Niagara, Crown; Point, and Nova Scotia, ; t|iey were all put , into execution by Govesnor- Shirley, upon whom the command of the Britilh forces in North America* devolved after the death of General Braddock. He fent orders to GoIoneL Dunbar to march his troops from Philadelphia to Albany, which was the grand theatre of all the preparations for t;be northern expeditions^ . -v';.: . ,., The «9 ^"JJIIftl!*- $0 HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE The expedition againft Nova Scotia was firft put ,rnto execution, -and the troops for that fervice ware put under the command of Lieutenant- colonel Monckton, who, on the Gth of June, took Fort Beaufejour in the bottom of the Bay of iFundi. This was the ftrongeft fortification in Acadia, and was new named Fort Cumberland. The redudlion of this place was followed by that of the fmall fort at Bay Verte, and by another large fort at St. John's tiver. The Indians fubmitted to the Englifti, wh*^ recovered «the whole country with little lofs, and tranfported many Aci' ian families, commonly called the French Neutrals, to the other northern o<^otiie8, where they could no longer aflift the French as Biitifh rebels. But the French were not quite extirpated iirom Nova Scotia until the reduction ttf 'Cape Breton in 1758, when the remainder of them were -compelled' to ipetire anti take i*dRage in -Canada, Wherry their vacated lands, which had been well cultivated, and every otber partof this valu- able province, were left totally for the pofleilion of the Britilh colonifts. When Goloneil Monckton bad expelled 'the Trench from l!hcir forts in Nova Scotia, Caftain Rons, *wko commaikled the naval part -of that ex^ pedition, deftroyed all 'their ififhtiig huts sod Tefii^ upon the coadR: of Newfoundland. Tlie «xpedition againft Crown Point "wwa committed to ihe care of Colonel Johnfou, to Whom Governor Shirley gave a provincial comtnif- fion, whereby "iie was appointed anajor-general and commander m cliicf ■of the four thonfaisd'provincialforces to becm^oyed in that fervice. Fort'Frederick at Orown'Point was built by the French in 1731, on the fouth fide of '^dve gut or river which conneds Lake George, or I^ke Sacra- ment, with -Lidce Champlain. It was iu'tiie province of New York, and tlittle more than one 'hundred miles from Albany. The French built this ibrtwith that at Niagara and Fort DuQoefne in confequence of their tfeheme tO'pdliefs all'tihe paffles of the back countries and fccun them by ^vong garrifons. By means of Li^eOiamplam,Oown Point commu- nicates with Montreal, which is aboiit ninety miles from k, and all the way is navigable except at the carrying place. This French advanced -garr^bn oodiM Mtfityanndy 4^n the i^per parts of New York and New ^giaind, and pf e^^eM fhe ^tlenaent or any lands north of Hudfon*simd Ciottnodlicut rivers: tliefe^n^fhe redudtion of it, with all the other little &rt8nie8 honoured with a neet for their fecurity.. Hie French began to be defpired ; and the £ngli(h only deflred a procla* mation of war, for the final de(lru£tion of the whole country of New France. The Indians, from the iflhmus of Nova Scotia to the back of New York, were conciliated to the Britiih interefl: ; and happy had it beem for the weftern colonies if the fame advantages had been obtained on their- fide : but a difmal fcene was difclofed in thofe parts, by bands of rapa- cious and bloody foes, oommitting murders inftead of waging war. The Delawares began their incurfions, and war was declared againft them* in April, 1750, by the governor of Pennfylvania, who offered a revrard^ for fcalps and priToners. War was alfo declared againft them foon aftec Mi New Jerfey : but Sir William Johnibn prevailed on thefe Indians tO' lay down their arms. x , ., The plan of operations fettled at New York by Governor Shirley was^ tranfmitted to Sir Thomas Robinfbn,. to be laid before his Majefty for the.^ zoyal approbation : but a change was then made in tht BritiOi miniftry y. a general war was beginning in Europe; and the Earl of Loudoa WM tQ> he kat over to commuid. all the Britiih forces ia< Nocth America.. St ■* V0L.L SECT Dan? I %t Pi HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE s E c T I o N ra. Proceedings of the Brttljh parliament tofupport the rights of the crown in America.'^ A revolution in the Briti/h mtnijryf and in the general fjiftem of Europe f on account of the difputes in America.~-The rife of the war in Germany. — The French take Minorca. — ISs Britannic Majejly declares 'war againfl France. -^War declared ^ France againjl Great Britain : Rc" marks thereon. — The city ofLondon^ in their addrejs to the king^ expreft their fears for the danger of his poffefj^ons in America. JnRruSlions of the principal cities to their reprefentatives in parliament to the fame effeSl.— • Allies on both fides in the German war occafimed by that in America.'^ • General remark on the war in North America^ as conduSied by all the generals commanding there until 1758* ivhen Louifburgt Fort Frontenacy Gafpeffte^ and Fort Du ^uefne were ta'^en. The importance of thefe acqui/itions.'—In iyS9tfotne iflands in the Wefl Indies taken from the French. Ticonderago, Croivn Pointy Niagara, and ^ebec taken. The great confequence and value of thefe pmejffions.—In 1 760, Montreal fubmits and Rifigouchi defroyed. — In 1761, other conquejls are made by the Britiflj forces in the Weft Indies. — In 176a, war declared between Great Britain and Spain, and on what account. The Havanna and Manilla reduced by the Britipj arms. /^REAT BRITAI N was now apparently once more at the eve of a ^^ war with France ; upon the happy iffue of which depended the very exiftence of the BritiOi Colonies in North America, and the trade and navigation of the 6riti(h empire. The importance of the Britilh Colonies was juftly confidel-ed, and the flrength of the BritiOi nation properly exerted. His Britannic Majefty, on the 13th of November, 1755, in- formed his parliament, that " fince their laft fellion, he had taken fuch iheafures as might be moil: conducive to the protection of his pofleffions in America, and to the regaining of fuch parts thereof as had been en- croached upon or invaded, in violation of the peace, and contrary to the faith of mod folemn treaties : That, for this purpofe, the maritime force of the kingdom had been got ready with the utmoft application and ex- pedition, and been principally employed ; fome land forces had been fent to North America ; and all encouragement had been given to the feveral Colonies there, to exert themfelves in their own defence, and in the main- tenance of the rights and pofTefliDns of Great Britain." The Hpufe of Lords, in their addrefs, thanked his. majefty ** for his royal firmnfefs, in not yieliiing to any terms of acQommodation with France, that were not rcafonable .H V ^ k IN NORTH AMERICA ' Veafonable and honourable ; and for exerting his royal care fo dllliFerfuUy in the protection of his Colonies : They acknowledged his wifdora and goodnei's, in increafing his naval armaments, and in augmenting his land forces } as alio in generoufly giving encouragement to that great body of his brave and faithful fubjefls, with which his American provinces hap- pily abounded, to exert their flrength on that important occafion." The commons followed the example of the Lords, and the king farther afTured them, that " he was determined to prote£t and maiatain the valuable and , undoubted rights and pofleflions of his crown." A revolution in the miniffay was formed, when Henry Fox, Efq; was appointed one of the principal fecretaries of flate, and William Pitt, Efq; was removed from his office of receiver and paymafter-eeneral of all his Majefty's forces. The parliament granted 7,2x9,117/. for the fervice of the year 1756 ; out of which fum there were 81,178/. for a re^ment of foot to be raifed in North America ; 79,915 /. for (Ix regiments of foot from Ireland, to ferve m North America and the Eafl Indies; and 115,000/* to the provinces of New England, New Yoric, and the Jerfeys, as a re- ward for their pafl fervices ; as alfo 55*03 2/. for fupportmg the colony of Nova Scotia, and 3557 /. for Georgia. The nation was for open war^ and the pafiiament for vigorous meafures : but if war was declared againft France, it was forefeen that her arms would be turned againfl Hanover ;; therefore a party was formed againft all continental connexions, and for confining the war to the natural ftrength and intereft of the nation, fb a# to be profecuted only by fea and in America. A revolution happened throughout the whole fyflem of Europe, as welt as in the Britifh miniflry. From 1748 lintil 1755 all Europe was in » ilate of tranquillity ; but then the diftrufts which crept into the difcuflions. . of the French ami Englifh, concerning their pofleflions in America* fore- told an approaching florm. The King of Pruffia, on the afith of January;. 1 756, concluded a convention of neutrality,, or treaty of alliance, witb Ins uncle, the King of Gteat Britain, whereby it was declared', that ** their Majefties having naturally conHdered, that the differences whic& had lately arifen in America might eafily extend much farther, and evea reach Europe ; therefore the flipuliatibns of thiis treaty tended' to preferve- the peace of Europe in general, and that of Germany in particular.**' This occafioned a counter-convention of neutrality, or treaty of alliance,, between the courts of Vienna and Verfailles, which was concluded on the I ft of May, 1 756, and the extenflve preamble indicated, that it was done- •* with a view to hinder the flames of war that might be kindled by tHer differences between England and France about the limits of their ref^dliv& F 9: sofleffions ■*•#■■ PS- If 4^ HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE poflefl^M in America from fpreading* tad di(hirbing the harmony an4 |;ood iflnfcrfta&ding which then happily fubfifted between their MajeAies." The feed* '^f a general War were ipwn> in which all parties and intercflt feemed afterward blended ; becaufe this war arofe from caufes which ori- ginally had not the leaft connedion ; thofe caufes being the uncertain limits of the Britifh and French territories in America, and the continual claims of the houfes of Auftria and Brandenbourg on the dutchy of Silefia. The French miniftry pretended, they were defirous to have the difcuf- fions relating to America determined by an equitable and iblid accommo- dation. But the Britifli miniifary proved, that France wanted to draw a veil over the hoftiUties which Ihe had committed in America, both in Nova Scotia and on the Ohio, as aJfo on the territories of Virginia. The French minifters, at the feveral courts of Europe, fpoke publickly of invading Great Britain or Ireland ; aad his Britannic Majefty, on the 93d of March, 1756, fent a meilage to both houies of parliament, to inform them, that he had received repeated advices to that purpofe, as alfo that ** he had taken proper meafures for putting his kingdom in a poflure of defence againft fo unjuft and de^rate an enterprisn, projedled in revenue for thofe juft and neceflary meauires which had been taken for maintainuig his rights and pofleflions in North America." Both houfes pre£ented very loyal addrefles to the throne *, and the lords declared, that ** they looked with the utmoft indignation upon fo unjuft and daring aa attempt as that of invading his Majefty*s kingdoms, in revenge for the generous and fteady condud he had held in maintaining the juft rights and poffefllons of his crown and fubjeds in North America, againft the unprovoked agereflions and hoftilities originally commenced on the part of France ; aiia they intreated his Majeity not to be diverted from it by any appearances whatfoever." The addrefs of the Houfe of Commons wus much in the fame terms; ^r^d other addrefles flowed in from all pajrts of Great Britain and Ireland. The magiftracy of London expreflR:d ** their abhorrence of fo unjuft and defperate an cnterprize, prcycaedi% revenge for his Majefty 's rojaA and gracious protedion of the trade and commerce of his people, and the Qeceflary defence of the undoubted nvhts and pofleflions of hi» crown." A^d. the merchants of London diedared, ** they could not omit their raoft - unfeigued acknowledgments for his Mt(jeffy*a conftant attention to pre- ferve the Britiflii rights and pofleffions in America, and the properties of their feUowrful^eds there, with which the commerce a«d pcofperity of St thefe ..■». I> IN NORTH AMEBIC A. ihefe kingdoms Were fo eilentially connedked." The merchanti of Briftol ** preTented their juft tribute of thanks for the vigorous meafures taken by his Majefty in defence of his American Colonies, fo eflential to the profperity of the trade of Great Britain.** The magiftraey of Edinburgh " tdftified their abhorrence of the intentions of the court of France to make an invaHon upon Great Britain or Ireland ; an enterprize formed in defpair and rage, on account of his Majefty *s having refented the encroach- ments, depredations, and murders OMnmitted by the French in North America/* The magiAracy of Dublin declared, ** they could nott with- out the utmoft indignation, hear of the defignt of an ambitious and per* fidious power todifturb their tranquillity, and that in revenge fer hit Majefty's fteady and uniform attention to the rights of his cfowil aad the polfeffions c^ his fubjeAs in North America.*' The French were afraid to invade Great Britain ; but they equipped a tReet at Toulon for the invafion of Minorca : Admiral Byng was feot with « fquadron to the relief of that ifland, and he engaged the Prcnch-adttifal, GaliiToniere, without relieving thei pkce ; (b (hat mkrOtsl Richlicu tOok fort St. PhiHp) attd got pofleffion of all the ifland. As all pacific meafures w«re at an end, his Britannic Majefty declarel war againft France on the 17th of May, 1756, and thereby alleged, that "** the unwarrantable proceedings of the French in the Weft Indiet and North America, fince the oonclufion of the treaty of Aix-la^Chapellc, and ; tain in fo formidable a manner, under the adminiflration of Mr. Pitt, that it was at laft aflerted, ** America was conquered in Germany." • The Britifh parliament granted large fupplies for the protedion of the American Colonies, which were preferved, lecured, and augmented. The French were at firfl fuccefsful in thofe parts ; but the EngUfh were finally crowned with unexampled fuccefs ; which made it remarked, that " the raHinefs sasB BBtaa f ! •f'i I 40 HISTORY OF Tttl BRITISH EMPIRE rafiifiefs of ~Brftdclock, the inexperience of Shirley, the iiitfdiivit7:Of'I.ow» den, and the ill Aiccefe of Abercrcwdby, feem only to have been fo>mBn^ neceflkry means of producing that unanimity in our Gotonies, that fpirit < in our tfoops, and that fkady perfeterance in our sniniAers, as recovered' from (he enemy aft his usurpations.'* On the 36th of July, 1 758, Louifburg wa* taken by Admireil Bofcswen*. in conjundion with the Generals Amherft and Wolfe ; on which occafion, four of the enemies' capital fliips were burnt, one capital flup with two- frigates taken, and four frigates funk. This important fortrefs* the keyi of North America, was delivered up with /j[&37JFreneh traiopa, bsiideft- the inhabitants on^ both &tt lilands of Cape 'Breton andiSt Ifohii^s. On the 27th of Auguft following. Fort l^'ontenaewos laken^ and nine' armed French floops deftroyed by 3000 prormcial trteps, under the oom<- mamd of Colonel Bradftreet ; whereby the navigatton of the Lake Ontario^ was recovered, and the French commerce with the River St. Lawrence: cutoff. In l^eptember, Gafp^e was taken by a few fhijps under the command: cif Sir Qiarles Hardy, whereby all Nova €cetia was reduced.. On the ?.5th of November, Fort Du Quefn^ on the Ohio, wae takett^ by General Forbes, after a very dangerous and laborious march. This acquHition compeniated for the defeat of General Braddock, and obtained^ the command of a great ts9& of rich country,. Which the Engjifli ckimedt as their right. The year 1759 was ftill more glorious for the Britifh arms in America;; Ibr in May, the £9ands of Guadaloupe,.De(eada, and Marie-galante, in the Weft Indies, were taken by Commodore Moore and General Barrington.; ^ On the 24th of July fbHowing, Ticonderago was abandoned by the 9 French, at the approach of General Amherft^ who took poficffion of it afr- he aUb did of Crown Point on the 4th of Auguft, the redudion of whictv !had been long vriflied for with much anxiety^ as it was an objedl of greats jealoufy to the Britifti Gdoniesi from its fituation at the back of Albany. Abou( the £ime time, Niagara furrendered to the forces under the com- mand jof Sir William Johnfon, which was a considerable acquifition, as^ this fort commanded the commtmicatioQ between the great Lakes Erie and Ontario. The -Hf \k IN NORTH AMERICA. 4 The expedition againft Qjiebec fucceeded under the command of Admi- ral Saunders and General Wolfe, who got up the River St. Lawrence at the end of June, and on the 13 th of September was fought the famous battle of Quebec, wherein General Wolfe loft his life, after acquiring the vidory over the Marquis de Montcalm, who alfo periihed in. (he field. Jn' four days after, the city of Quebec, the metropolis of' the Frencl^ American dominions, furrendered to General Townihend} whereby a pafiage was opened for the redudion of all Canada. However, in April 1760, an army of ten thoufand French regulars and Canadians, under the command of General De Levis, marched up to Quebec,* to retake it. General Murray commanded the garrifon, and ventured with 3,000 men to march out of the town, and give the French battle at Sallerie, where he was defeated ; but effedled his retreat to the town, which was befieged and gallantly defended, until the arrival of Lord Colville with a fquadron of Britilh {hips on the i6th of May, when the French were obliged to raife the fiege, and leave the Britiih nation thus ellablifhed in this important conqueft. On the 8th of September following, the town of Montreal fubmitted to Sir Jeffery Amherft and General Murray, to whom the Marquis de Vaudreuil delivered up himfelf and his garrifon, to be tranfported to Old France ; whereby the Englifh got pofleilioa of New France. Captain Byron alfo, with five men of war, failed from Loiiifburg to Rlftigouchy, in the bottom of the Bay of Chaleurs, where he found a French frigate, two large ftoreihips, and nineteen fail of fmaller vefTels ; all which, together with two batteries and two hundred houfes, he de- ftroyed, and totally ruined the fettlement. In 1 761, Dominica was taken from the French by Lord Rollo; as was Martinico, in 1762, by General Monckton, who alfo reduced the neutral iflands and the Grenades. ^ , tils Majefty King George III. was now upon the Britifh throne, to which he fucceeded on the demife of his grandfather, King George II. who died the a5th of October, 1760, in the 77th year of his age and the 34th of his reign. Charles III. was at this time on the throne of Spain, to which he fucceeded on the death of his brother-in-law, Ferdi- nand VI. on the loth of Auguft, 1759. The family-compa£t of the Houfe of Bourbon was concluded the 15th of Augufl:, 1761, as a family convention between the crowns of France and Spain* to unite all the Vol. L G branches «i( aoB i ^ HISTORY OF THE ftRIT!SH EMPIRE branebes of the Houfe of Bourbon in the moft ambitious and dangerous defigns againft the commerce and independency of the reft of Europe^ and particularly of the dominions belonging to his Britannic Majefty* vrho therefore declared war againft Spain on the 4th of January, 1762* vhich*wa8 aitfwered by the King of Spain on the x8th. But the pride bf Spain was foon humbled by the redudion of the Havanna by Sir Oeorge Pocock and the Earl of Albemarle, on the 13th of Auguf^ 1762; which glorious acquifition was fucceeded by.^the reau£tion of Manilla by Admiral Comiib and General Draper, on the 6th of O^ber following, i I ■,1 \\\ -i «•■'.; SECTION IN NORTH AMERICA. IS f* U de ;ir z; ^i' N S E C T I O N IV. 7"^^ preliminary articles of peace between Great Britain^ l^fance^ and Spaiai Jfgned at FontainbUau. — Declaration of his Britannic Majefty from th$ throne upon that occaftm. The defnitive treaty ^gned at Paris the lotb of February^ iy6$ ; tk^ principal articles thereof relative to America, and the acquifitions thereby ceded and confirmed to the Britifh g^em- ment. — The royal proclamation concermng the new governments of^uc" hec» Eaft Florida, Weft Florida, and Grenada', with the territories annexed to the governments of Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and Geor^ gia. His Majefty* s direilionsfor the new governments, and his reftric'^ tions to the governors relative to the Indians, The governors appointed to the new eftMiJhed colonies. Notice from the Lords for Trade and Plantations for the grants of lands in Eaft and Weft Florida.'^St, jiuguftine and Penfacola delivered up by the Spaniards, ^c. 'T^ H £ preliminary articles of peace between the Kings of Great Bri« ^ tain* France, and Spain, were figned at Fontainbleau the 3d of November, 1762 ; and, on the 85th, his Britannic Majefty declared from the throne, ** That he had purfued this extenfive war in the moft vigo- rous manner, in hopes of obtaining an honourable peace ; and that by the preliminary articles it would appear, there was not only an immente territory added to the empire of Great Britain, but a folid foundation was laid for the increafe of tnide and commerce ; and that the utmoft care had been taken to remove all occafions of future difputes between his fubje^ and thofe of France and Spain." The King laid the preliminaries before both houfes of parliament, where they were oppofed by the antiminifterial party formed againft the Earl of Bute ; but they were approved of by a majority. The peace was founded on thofe preliminaries, and the definitive treaty was concluded at Paris, on the loth of February, 1763, without any material alteration^ It confifted of twenty-feven articles, the principal of which, relating to America, were as fi^lows : IV. His moft Chriftian Majefty renounces all pretenftons which he haft heretofore formed, or might form to Nova Scotia, or Acadia, in all its parts; and guaranties the whole of it, with all its dependencies, to the King of Great Britain. Moreover, his Moft Chriftian Majefty cedes, and guaranties to his iaid Britannic Majefty, in full right, Canada, with G a all ^ HISTOAY or THE BRITISH EMPIRE all its 'dependencies ; as well as the ifland of Cape Breton, and all the other iflands and coafts in the gulph and river of St. Lawrence ; and in general every thing that depends on the laid countries, lands,, iflands, and coafts, with the fovereignty, property, poflefllon, and all rights acquired I by treaty or otherwife, which the moft Chriftian King, and the crown of France, have had, till now, over thefaid countries, iflands, lands, places, coafts, and their inhabitants ; fo that the moft ChriAian King cedes and makes over the whole to the (aid King, and to the crown of Great Britain, and that in the moft ample manner and form, without reftridion, and without any liberty to depart from the faid ceflion and guaranty, under any pretence, or to difturb Great Britain in the poflfeifion above mentioned. His Britannic Majelly, on his fide, agrees to grant the liberty of the Catholic religion to the inhabitants of Canada: He will confequently give the mofl: efFedual orders, that his new Roman Catholic fubjeds may profefa the worfhip of their religion, according to the rites of the Romi& church, as far as the laws oif Great Btitaia permit. V. The fubjedts of France fliall have the liberty of fifliing and drying on a part of the coafts of the ifland ot Newfoandhand, ftich as is fpecified in the r 3th article of the treaty of Utrecht ; which article is renewed and confirmed by the prefent treaty, (except what relates to the ifland of Cape Breton as well as to the other iflands and coafts in the mouth and in the gulph of St. Lawrence) and his Britannic Majefty confents to leave to thie fubjeds of the moft Chriftian King, the liberty of fifliing in the gulph of St. Lawrence, on condition that the fubjeds of France do not exercife the faid fifliery, but at the diftance of three leagues from all the coafts belonging to Great Britain, as well thofe of the continent, as thofe of the iflands fituated in the faid gulph of St. Lawrence. And as to what relates to the fifliery on the coaft of the ifland of Cape Breton out of the faid gulph« the fubjeds of the moft Chriftian King ihall not be permitted to exercife the faid fifliery, but at the diftance of fifteen leagues from the coafts of the ifland of Cape Breton ; and the fifliery on the coafts of Nbva Scotia or Acadia, and every where elfe out of the ^id gulph, fliall remaia on the foot of former treaties. VI. The King of Great Britain cedes the iflands of St. Pierre and Mi*- quelon, in full right, to his moft Chriftian Majefty, to ferve as a ftielter to the French fiftiermen ; and his faid moft Chriftian Majefty engages not to fortify the faid iflands, to creOi no buildings upon them, but merely for the convenience of the fifliery, and to keep upon them a guard of 5,0 men only for the police. VII. In 'li i' IN NORTH AMERICA. ^ VII. -In order to re-eftabHih peace onfolid and durable foundations, and to reiQOve for eyer all fubjed: of difpute with regard' to the limits of thcr Britilh and French territorie» on the continent of America, it is agreed* tlwt for the future, the confines between the dominions of his Britannic Majefty, and thofe of his moft ChrifUan Majelly in that part of the world, (hall bie fixed irrevocably by a line drawn along the middle of the river Miflifilippi, from its fouvce to the river Iberville, and i>om thence, by a line drawn along, the middle of this rtvery and the Lake Mauxepas and Pontchartrain, to the Tea; and for this purpofe, the moil Chriftian King cedes, in fuU right, and guaranties to his Britannic Majefty, the river and port of the Mobile, and every thing which he jpofleflfes, or ought to pofTefs, on the left fide of the river MiffifllpiM, except the town of New Orleans, and the ifland on which it is fituated, which> (hall remain to France ;. provided that the navigation of the Miififlippi river fhall be* equally free, as well to the fubjeds of Great Britain, as to thofe of France, in its whde breadth and length, from itsfource to the fea, and exprefsly that part which is between the fiiid ifland of New Orleans, and the righo bank of that river, as well as the paiTages both in and out of its mouth. It is further fUpulated, that the veflels belonging to the fubjedis of either nation, fliall not be ftopped, vifited, or fubj[e£ted to the payment, of an^ duty whatfoever. Vin. The King ef Great Britain fl>all reftore ta France the iflands o5 Guadaloupe, of Marie-Galaate, of Defiderade,. of Martinico, and oS Bellciflc. 4S In IX. The moft Chriftian King* cedes and guarantfes ta his Britannic Majefty* in full right, the iflands of Grenada, and of the Grenadines : And the partition of the iflands, cal|f|||||^eutral, is agreed and fixed, foe that tho£b of St. Vincent, Dominica, JBd Tobago, fhall remain in fulb right ta Great Britain ; and that tha/t «f St. Lucia, ihall be delivered to France, to. enjoy the iame likewife in full right.. ^(■^'•^ .- , . ■ / X.. His Britannic Majefty fliall reftore to France tlie ifland of Goree ii>. fhe condition it was in when conquered : And his moft Chriftian. Majefty cedes in full right, and guaranties to- the King of Great Britain the rivee Senegal, with the forts and factories of St. L^wis, Podor, and Galam ;; and< with, all the rights and dependencies of the faid river Senegal. • By the twelfth article, Minorca was to be reftored to his Britannic* Majefty; and by the thirteenth, Dunkirk was to be put into- the. ftate fixed by former treaties. , . i. . - Th«- ;^.:»j;*3£gBU(»iis-- 1. 1' \m m ill It ['•' ( 46 HISTORY Of THE BRITISH EMPIRE The fubfeifaent articks relate chiefly to the dHputes between Great Biitain and Spain ; particnlarly to the cutting of Lcwwood in the Bay of Hondtiratk which, b^ the ferenteenth artiole« was ulowed to the fubjedl» of his Britannic Majefbr; and, by the eighteenth, his Catholic Majefly defifled from all preteniiont to the right ^fifliing in the neighbourhood of Newfoundland. By the nineteenth, the Havanna was reftored ta Spain; in oonfequence of which, by the twentieth, ** his Catholic Ma« jefty ceded and guarantied, in fnll right, to his Britannic Majefty, Flo* rida, with Fort St. Auguftin, and the bay of Penfacola, as well as all that Spain pofl*efled on the continent of North America to the eaft, or to the foutb-eaft of the rirer Miffiffippi, and in general every thing that depended on the faid cotmtries and lands, with the fovereignty, property* pofTeflion, and aR rights acquired by treaties or otherwife, which the Catholic King and the crown of Spain had till then over the faid coun- tries, lands, places, and their inhabitants." So that the Catludic King ceded and made over the whole to the faid King, and to the crown of Great Britainj and that in the raoft ample manner and form. Thus Great Britain acquired a totality of empire in North America* extending fit>m Hudfon's Bay to the mouths of the Miffiffippi. His Majefty, in his fjpeech to both houfes of parliament, on the 15th of November* 1763, informed them, that ** the re-eftabliOvment of the public tranquillity, upon terms of honour and advantage to his kingdoms, was the firft objed of his reign : that this falutary meafure had received the approbation of his parliament, and had (ince been happily completed and carried into execution by the definitive treaty/* His Mijefty then de- clared as foUoWs: " Our principl care ought now to be employed to improve the valuable acquifiticHMphich we have made, and to cultivate the arts of peace in fuch a nuuiflU, as may moft eflFe^ually contribute to extend the commerce and to augment the happinefs of thefe l^ingdoms." The houfe of lords, in their addrefs, declared, that ** they were deeply fenfible of his Majefty 's paternal care and attention for the improvement of his conquefts and the extenfion of the commerce of his fubjeds, in which the public welfare was To materially concerned.'* The commons, in their addrefs, ** begged leave to congratulate his Majefty on the com-^ pletion of that great and falutafy meafure, the ref-eftablifhment of the public tranquillity upon terms fo honourable to his crown and fo advan- tageous to his people." The King alfo publiihed a proclamation, which w»b dated the 7th of O^ober, to the following effe^: ** That whereas he had taken into his 2 royal i A^ tn« iVfil connderttion the extcnfive and valuable trade in America* fecured to hU crown by the Ute definitive treaty of peace ; and beingdeHrous that all his fubjeds might avail themfelves of the great benefits and advantages whidhmuft accrue therefrom to their commerce* ma^ufadyres, and navi* gation ; tie had thought fit* with the advice of bis prlvy-cQuncil, to ilTup - this procIamatioD* hereby to declare to all hia iubjeds, that he had granted letters patent, to eredt within the countries and iflands ceded and confirmed to him by the f^id treaty, four diftind and feparate govern-^ ments* ftiled and. called by the names of Q|iebec, Eaft Florida* Weft Florida, and Gren^ada ; limited and bounded as follows : *' Furft, the government of Quebec* bounded on the Labrador coafl by the river St. John* and from thence, by a line drawn from the head of that river, through the Lake St. John to the fouth end of the Lake Nipif- fim ; from whence the faid line* crofiing the river St. Lawrence and Lake Champlain in forty-five degrees of nortih latitude, paflTes along the high lands which divide the rivers that empty themfelves into the faid river St. Lawrence* from thofe which fall into the fea ; and alfo along the north coaft of the Baye des Chaleurs* and the coaft of the gulph of St. Lawrence to Cape Rofiers ; and from thence* croffing the mouth of the river St. Lawrence* by the weA cad of the ifland of Anticofti* terminates at the aforeiaid river of St. John. ** Secondly* the government of Eafl: Florida* bounded to the weftward by the gulph of Mexico and the Apalachicola river ; to the northward by a line drawn from that part of the (aid river where the Catahouchee and Flint rivers meet* to the fource of St. Mary's river, and by the courfe of the faid river to the Atlantic ocean; and to the eaftward and fouthward^ by the Atlantic ocean and the gulf^ of Florida, including all iilanda within fix leagues of the fea coaft. ** Thirdly, the government of Weft Florida* bounded to tfaeibuthward by the gulph of Mexico, including all iflands within fix leagues of tb& coaft from the river Apalachicola to Lake Pontchartrain ; to tKe,weftwar# by the faid Lake* the Lake Maurepas* and the river Mifltflippi; to the northward by a line drawn due eaft from that part of the river Miftifltppt which lies in thirty-one degrees north latitude, to the river Apalachicola or Catahouchee; and to the eafbw'ard by the faid river. " Fourthly, the government of Grenada, comprehending the ifland of that name, together with the Grenadines^ and the iflands of Dominica^ St. Vincent, and Tobago^ ♦ And #7 HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE II , Hk ** And to the end that the open and free fifhery of his fubjedit might be extended to* and carried on upon the coaft of Labrador* and the adja« cent iflands, his Majefty thoug;ht fit to put all that coaft from the rivev St. John's to Hudfon's Streights, together with the iflands of Anticoftt and Madelaine, and all other fmalkr iflands upon the faid coaft, undet the care and inijpedion of his -governor of Newfoundland. ** His Majcfty alfo thought fit to annex the iflands of St. John's and Cape Breton, or Ifle Royal, with the leiler iilaads adjacent thereto, to hia* government of Nova Scotia. ^ i *' He alfo annexed to his province of Georgia all thie lands lyiag be- tween the rivers Altamaha and St. Mary's.*' His Majedy expreflfed his paternal care fer the fecurity of the liberties and properties of his fubjedls who (hould become inhabitants of thofe colonies ; for which purpofe governments were to be conflituted, as in the other colonies, of governors, councils, and reprefentatives of the people, with power to make an^ ordain laws, under fuch reflridtions as were uied in other colonies; as alfo for the governors and councils to conflitute courts of judicature, and agree with the inhabitants for the purchafe of lands, and the improvement and fettlement of the Colonies. His Majefly alfo teftified his royal fenfe and approbation of the conduA and bravery of the oflicers and foldiers of his armies, and of his defire to reward the fame, by granting them lands in North America ; as likewife to fuch re- duced bmcers of his navy as had ferved at the reduiflion of Louifburg and Que))cc. After which, his Majefty declared as follows : ** And whereas it is juft and reafonable^ and efTential to our interefl and the fecurity of our Colonies, that the feveral nations or tribes of Indians^ with whom we are conneded, and who live under our protedion, ihould npt be molefled or difhirbed in the pofTeffion of fiich parts of our domi- nions and territories as, not having been ceded to or purchafed by us, are *eferved to them or any of them, as thc'it hunting-grounds } we do there- fore, by the advice of our privy-council, declare it to be our royal will and pleafure, that no governor, or commander in chief, in any of our colonies of <^efoec, Eaft Florida, or Weft Florida, do prefume, upon any pretence whatfoever, to grant warrants «f furvey, or pafs any patents for lands beyond the bounds of their refpedUve governments, as deicribed in their commiilions; as alfo that no governor or commander in chief, in any of our other colonies or plantations in America, do prefume, for the prefent, and until our further pleafure be known, to grant warrants of 5 furvey. 1j I. m h 'a II « - I If INNORTHAMERICA. furvey, of pafs patents for any lands beyond the heads or fources of any of the rivers which fall into the Atlantic ocean j or upon any lands what- evef^ which hot liaving been ceded to or purchafed by us as aforcfuid, are refcrved to the faid Indians, or any oi them. And wc do further declare it to be our royal will and pleafuret for the prefent as aiprefaid, to refervi under our fovereigntyt protedioni and dominion* for the ufc of the faid Indians, all the l4J||^s and territories not included within the limits of our faid three new governments, or within the limits of the territory granted to the Hudfon's Bay company ; as alfo the lands and territories lying to the weftward of the fources of the rivers which fall into the fca from the, weft and north-weft as aforefaid: And we do hereby ftridly forbid, on pain of our difpleafure* all our loving fubjedls from making any purchafes or fettlements 'vhatever, or taking poflfeflion of any of the lands above refcrved, without our efpecial leave and licence for that pur- pofe firft obtained. And we do further ftridly enjoin and require all perfons whatever, who have either wilfully or inadvertently feated them- felves upon any lands within the countries above' defcribed, or upon any other lands, which not having been ceded to or purchafed by us, are ftill referved to the faid Indians as aforefaid, forthwith to remove themfelves from fuch fettlements. And whereas great frauds and abufes have been committed in the purchafmg lands of the Indians, to the great prejudice of our interefts, and to the great diflatisfadion of the faid Indians ; in order, therefore, to prevent fuch irregularities for the future, and to the end that the Indians may be convinced of our juftice and determined refo- lution to remove all reatonable caufe of difcontent, we do, with the advice of our privy-council, ftri^ily enjoin and require, that no private perfon do premme to make any purchafe from the faid Indians, of any lands referved to the faid Indians within thofe parts of our G>lonie8 where we have thought proper to allow fettlement ; but that if, at any time, any of the faid Indians (hould be inclined to difpc^e of the faid lands, the fame {hall be purchafed only for us, in our name, at fome piiblic meeting ox aflembly of the (aid Indians, to be held for diat purpofe by the governoliJL or commander in chief of our colony refpedively within which they fliallw lie : And in cafe they ihall lie within the limits of any proprietary go- irernment, they (hall be purchafed only for the ufe and in the name of fuch proprietaries, conformable to fuch diredlions or inftrudlions as we or they (hall think proper to give for that purpofe." — His Majefty alfo declared and enjoined, that the trade with the faid Indians (hould be free and open to all his fubjeds whatever ; provided they took out proper licences for the fame. And his Majefty further enjoined all officers what- ever, as w|^ military as thofe employed in the management and dire^ion of Indian aflairs within the territories referved as aforefaid for the ufe Vol.. I. H of 49 ?l ? HISTORY OF THE BJIITISH EMPIRE, fce. of the faid Indians, to feize and apprehend all peifonf whatfojcyerA ^1)9 ifhould flv jfrom juftlce and take refuge in the iald territoryy and to fpQ^ ihem under a prq|>er ^rd to the colony ^hej^e tHe crime wy bbmmitted. Sn ord(er to take their trial for the fame. At the fame time, his Majefty appointed Montagu V^ilfnoi^ Efqj to b^ his captain-g^'eral aild governor in chieif' in and' Ovi^t his Majefty*« jpro- vince of i^ova Scotia, in the room of Henry E|p; £ljq; Who had requ^^e^ leave to rififign that government. The honourable James Murray, fXq^ vras appointed governor of the province of ' Quebec. James Grant, Efqt Vvas appointed governor of Eaft Florida. George Jnhnftqne, 1^; wat appointed governor of "Wef^ Flor^Ia ; and Robert Melviire, E^; waf appointed governor of Grenada^ the G^enadiries, IXoml^icb^ St. >^Qcent* And Tobago ; and of all other iilands and territories adjacent t^re^p, and vvhich thien were, or had been depejadfcit of ili^ continent of kmddai wluch Hits beiwteil the'41* and 45* of north latitude^ and between 67* and y$* of weft longitude : biii utfde^ this lenominatibh'are com- prehended thdtwdvtricei of the Mitflafchiiftl^ Birtr, and Ne# Hampflitre; with the Golonici of GbifiicaibM'kn^ Vmit WM. It u bounded by H z Canada *, ^<. "* t^>* i'i^pf. w. ('•!: 1 1 f 1^ Ml r # # MM ? 58 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Canada on the north-wtit, by New yoi-k on the weft, by Nova Scotia • on the north-eaft, and by the Atlantic ocean on the eaft and fouth. Its length, from the river Kennebec to the fouth-eaft boundaries of New York, is about three hundred and thirty miles; and its breadth, from Cape Cod to the north-eaft boundaries of New York, is about one hun- dred and ninety miles ; though in other places it is not fo broad. The coaft bears weft-fouth-weft and eaft-north-eaft ; running about one hun- dred and iixty leagues in length, without reckoning the angles. The Tea coaft is generally low; but the inland country rifes into hillsr and is rocky and mountainous to the north-eaft. The climate is not fo mild and regular as thofe parts of Italy and France that lie in the fame ^ parallel ; nor is it fo temperate as in Great Britain. The north and north- weft winds blow over an extenftve tr^Ct of la^d, aqd are. thejrefore very cold ; for wluch reafon the winters are keener and of longer continuance in New England than they ufually are in Old England; but then the weather is not fo variable as in the mother-country, and the fhort fummer ♦ they enjoy is much hotter. The climate, however, is healthful in New England, where it is common to have a clear and dry (ky for fix weeks or two months together. When the Engliih firft landed on the coaft, the country appeared like one cbntinued wood; but, upon jt'cUtfetlfufcvey, they found every three or four miles a fruitful valley, with a clear frefti rivulet or brook gliding through it,\' dnd thefe again wese furrbUod^dN vi^^th.mUs covered with treesi which afforded an agreeable profpedt. . ^w:'. .> ^ '.,'"■'.' The Ibil is generally fertile, but more fo in forae traces than in- others, and particularly about the Maflfachufets Ba^ it id as flat and black as in any part of Great Britain^ confequeatly as riish. \ • • ^ New England wasnot properly difcoveried until the year i6os, when Captain Gofnoll &iled there from Dartmouth in Old England, in a fmall veftel, with thirty-two failors and fonve paflbngers. He was one of the adventurers in a former voyage to Virginia, was an excellent mariner, and conceived that there muft be a fliorter courfe to that part of Amecica than had been attempted before ; therefore he fteered a more dire€t courfe, and fell m with this coaft. He was embayed in 42" lo^ where he caught ' abundance of cod-fifti, and called it Cape Cod : thence (ailing fouthward, he gave Qiieen Elizabeth's name to one iiland, and to the next ifland, where he found great qufintities of wild grapes, he gaye the name of Martha'^ vineyard ; . which names are Aill iretaiaed. o eVti' Captain f ^ m 'i f- K # *►» ** f i N E W EN G L A N D. CSiptam Gofnoll made a very fuccefsful voyage, and at tiis return ta England gave a good charader of this new country, which mdueed feveral gentlemen to obtain a royal grant from King James I. who incorporated two companies in one patent, bearing date the loth of April, 1606. The firft were allowed to fettle themfelyes at any place on the coaft of Virginia between the 34** and 41^ of north latitude; the other between 38** and 45^; with liberty to extend themfelves one hundred miles along the coafts* and one hundred miles within land, but not to plant within one hundred miles of each other. In this patent were included New England, New York, New Jerfey, and Pennlylvania, as they are now divided into feveral provinces ; but the whole country was then called Virginia, and was no otherwife diflin-* guifhed for fome time after, than by the names of north and fouth Vir-- ginia : the fouthern diftri£t was called the London company, who immc' diately began their fettlement ; and the northern diftri^ belonged to thc- company of Plymouth, or weft country adventurers^ Sir John Popham, lord' chief juftice of England, Sir Ferdinando Gorge,- and feveral other gentlemen and merchants of Briftol, Exeter, and Ply- mouth, proprietors of the patent for North Virginia, fitted out a ihip- the fame year, with thirty men, under the command of Henry Challons, to make a difcovery of that country ; but this fhip was taken by a Spanifli fleet in the Weft Indies, and the crew were carried prifoners into Spain. This misfortune damped the fpirit of the firft adventurers; but Lord' chief-juftice Popham ioon after fent out another fhip, at his own charge,, commanded by Captain Hanham, one of the patentees, who brought back fuch an encouraging account of the country, that the proprietors who felt off before refolved now to adventure again. Accordingly, in 1608, they fitted out two (hips with one hundred men, ordnance, ftores, and all necef- faries for a plantation, under the command of Captain George Popham and Captain Raleigh Gilbert, who failed from Plymouth the 31ft of May,, and arrived at the ifland of Monahigan, in 44° of north Is.itude "^ > the nth of Auguft. They began a fettlement at Sagadahr.k: j»b leagues fouthward, between Cafco Bay and the mouth of the rive^ bee. They built a fort, which they called St. George ; but on f'i; of Captain Popham and the return of Captain Gilbert to Engb < all abandoned the place, and re-embarked for Plymouth, ** whereby Captain Smith,- ** this plantation was begun and ended in one year, .;?.d the country efteemed as a cold, barren, rocky, mountainous defert." 5S> >> >i .t V8 »' This unfuccefsful attempt to form a fettlement upon that part of thd fome gentlemen or the Ifle of Wight, employed Qiptain Edward Ha,rlow to difcover an ifland luppofed about Cape Cod,> which he found- to be on the continent, and returned from thence to England with five favages he had taken and detained as prifoners. Sir Francis Popham aUb* fent Captain Williams feveral times to Monahigan on accbubt of the fifhery ; but all farther thoughts of a fettlement fubfided until the year 1614, when Captain John Smith failed from London with two ihips oa' a farther difcovery of the whale-fifhery, mines, and furs. This gentleman had been {nrefident of the colony in South Virginia, in- 1608, and was a judicious feaman; on which account he was fent out at- the charge of Captaiur Marmadulce Roydon, Captain George Langam, Mr.< John Buley* and Mr. William Skelton. Captain Smith arrived at Mona- hig4in» from whence he failed to the continent, where he carefully fat" veyed the coaft, and gave denominations to many of the headlands^ bays* and rivers, which are ftill upon record, though now obfolete, and other names imppfed. Raaginqg the coaft in a fmall boat with eight menj while the others were employed in the fifl^ry^ he got for trifles near eleven thoufand beaver £kins« (me hundred martins, and as many otters, withia the diftance oi twenty leagues. With thefe furs* the train-oU, and cod-> iilhi he, returned for England, having nrade his voyage out attd Pcquots, MafTafoiets or Wompanoags, Moratiggons, Patuxets, Maquasy Manimoys, Niantics, Novafii and Marchicans; but the Maflachufets were more populous and better civilized than any other of thefe nations \, which was principally owing to their dw'elling upon tlie coafts, and' trading with the Europeans. They inhabited thole parts which now make the counties of Suffolk and Middlefex. The pilague and fmall-pox greatly diminifhed their numbers a little before the Englifh took poflef" fion of their country; but they have the honour to give the prefeni name to the chief colony of New England. The life of hunters and fifhermen is faid to be averfe to human £ nut-trees, which they burned hollow, and then fcraped the infide with. clam-fliells and oyfter-fhells, and hewed the outfide with ftone hatchets j thefe were generally two feet wide and twenty feet long : but the othec fort were made of the bark or rind of the birch-tree, witli kneea or ribsf and though eafily broken upon the rocks or ihore, yet were tight and fe- cure againft the waves : fome of thefe were very neat, and the moft Inge* nious of any part of their manufa^ures. Thofe who fpeak moft favourably, give an indlfFerent idea of the qua- lity of their minds } but perhaps the Indians about the MaiTachufets Bay were fome of the meaneft among the American nations. They (hewed, courtefy to the Englifh at their firft arrival, were hofpitable, and made ftich as would eat their food welcome to it : they readily inftruded the new. colonifts in the method of planting and cultivating Indian corn, which, when boiled ferved for bread. Their manner was to come into the Eng- lifh houfes, without knocking, and to fit down without ceremony : but there was no trading with them upon creditj for thofe who trufted them, loft both debt and cuftomer. We hear nothing of that formality and order in their councils, nor o£ thofe allegories and figures in their fpeeches and harangues, which the Prench obferved among the. Iroquois and other nations at the beginning of their acquaintance with them. In their public difcourfes, however,, upon any general matter of importance, they feldom ufed any fhort col- loquiums, but each fpoke his mind at large without interruption, while- great attention was given, and when he had finifhed^ another anfwered»^ The principle or perfuafion that all things ought to be in common- might occafion hofpitality, where the like was expeded in return, without any regard of virtue or beneficence. Some appearances were fhewn of compaflion, gratitude, and friendfhip i as alfo of grief at the death or diftrefs N E W ENGLAND. cliftrefsof their children or near relations ; for fome degree of thefe focial afFedions is infeparable from human nature : however, they had many vices ; were falfej malicious and revengeful. The leafl: injury excited in them a deadly hatred) themfelvcs about any other bufinefs than what was abfolutely neceflary for their fupport, and fuch as the women were not able to execute. Their hunting and fiftiing- being all they did for their maintenance, ferved alfo as diverfions. Deer, moofe, and bears were their principal objeds ; but wolves, wild cats, racoons, otters, mufquafhes, and even beavers, were not much regarded, until the Englilh encouraged the purfuit of them from the value they fet upon their fkins or furs. Befide their bows, they had other devices to take their game ; fometimes by double hedges a mile or two in length,' and a mile wide at one end, ipade gradually narrow until they came to a' gap of fix feet, againil which they lay concealed to (hoot the deer as they came through in the day-time; and at night they fet deer-traps, being fprings made of young trees. They had their traps alfo for beavers and otters. Then* ordinary fifhing was with' hooks and lines ; the former w^re made of bones, the latter of wild hemp. Douglas, indeed, fays, they had no threads of flax, hemp, or any other herbs ; but the earliefl accounts of the Maflfachufet Indians afTert the contrary ; and Champlain fays, it was part of the employment of the Indian women of Canada to twifl the wild hemp and make it into nets for fiihing. In the fpring, they catched lobflers, clams, bafs, cod, rock, blue-fiih, and falmon. They took lobfters in large bags atjow water, with a ilafF about feven feet in* length, made finall and fharpened at one end, with notches to take hold. Bafs, blue-fifli, and fturgeon, they ftruck with a wooden dart, (harpened with a fifli-bone, tied at the end with a ftring, by which they dragged i the fifh to fliore. They had alfo a way of taking fturgeon, by lighting a torch made of ' birch-bark, which, waving to and fro by the fide of their canoe, would! delight the fturgeon, and caufe them to come tumbling and playing,, throwing up their white bellies, into which the Indians ftruck their fpears^ or darts, becaufe the fturgcous backs were impenetrable. Their grand fifhings were at the feveral falls of the. rivers, at moft of which a company of Indians had their chief refidence ; aqd at fixed fea- fon8< 6s Iv'W 1 1 Wi mi 1 > 61 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Tons the feveral adjacent cantons aflembled by turns, both for recreatioit and to make prdrtfion for the year. During thelb meetings aH tjilhgl were in common ; and thofe who had ehtertAiuM'theif lifeighbours es'« pe£ted the like Icindnefs in return. - iw;« i.;wrju " - -^ ' As to religion, they had fome notions of a future ftate ; a kind of Ma« hometan paradife, where they were to folace themrelves in fruitfbl c6hi« fields and fine flowery meads, with |rfeafatit rii^eFs to bathe iri;curioutf wigwams provided for them without any labour of their own; hunting, fowling, and fi(hing, without any wearinefs or pains to moleft them: but at the door was a inarling animal, of kind of Gerberu^^ who 'deliied a peaceful entrance to all unworthy of it. ' This caufed them to bury th^ bows and arrows of the deceafed with their bodies, to ilffn^ht or repel Cerberus, and a good ftore of wompumpeag to j^urchafe fome peculiar za- vours or privileges. Their enemies^ and others unworthy tfie jovs <^ Elyfium, they configned to an etetranl' habitation And j^Iace'of tdrment. ^ ; , 'III- '. •;. , . vii: •; When fome of the Englifli have talked with them of the refurredion of the body, "all the anfwer they could get from them was, that it waa[ impofTible, and they never ihould believe it. In (hort, the genius of ther people led them to worfhip any thing thtit was above them in power, atid' able to do them any injury.' ' iM; )v. The mod zealous of all the Indians in their religious fuperftitions were^ the Narraganfets, who had large houfes ih the nature of temptes, which' were frequented only by their po'waws or prieftsj ekcept at then: public' folemnities, when multitudes of people refOited 'there, and offered the bed of their treafurevin facrifice ; aS (litis, hatfchi6ts, Icettles, and the like; which were all thrown by the powaWs of prieftsliito the midft df a great fire, and burnt to aflies. Thofe who offered mofl.lH>e^ally toward thefe' facrifices, were efteemed the wifeft and hibll 'devout perfbiA j and {fwas fo' reputable to be bountiful on fuch occtandris, that th^' Indians abbut Ply- mouth town told the Englifh, they wifhid their governors would appoint the like facrifices among them. Thefe powaws had a great afcendancy over the people, and many idle ftories have been related of the intercourfe they hiid with the deviK ^ Their craft was in danger from the preachers of the gofpel, who condemned their cheats and juggles as diabolical : thus the powaws were great (^po- fers of (he gofpel, and threatened the new converts with death and de- ftrudion. Some of them were jugglers, who might eafily raife the ad- miration of their ignorant countrymen, without arriving to any great degree of perfeftion. - vv)v t :,., c ju • n-« :•" 7 There fc4^ NiWENOLAND. There was one perquifite of the clergy which the powaws of New England had no concern in, and that was their marriages. The Indians kept feveral concubines, whom they chofe according to fancy^ and turned away at pleafure; but they had one wife who governed the family. When a woman left her fingle life, ihe cut off her hair, and wore a kind of veU upon her head, until her hair was grown again. The time of war was a feafon of general releafe to all women that were uncomfortably married ^ for if the wife difliked her huibaod, (he took that opportunity to run away to the enmy, where (he was fure to be made welcome ; be- caufe the Indians oev4P^hought they had women enough, and fought to gain fuch prizes oftener than for territorial acquifitions. It fs not different climates that gives the various complexions to the nativf:s.: Ainerica lies from 65^ of north latitude to 55^ of fouth ; which. coinprehenda ;a8 were enlarged, they were obliged to adopt the Euro- pean words of adjointng colonies. In numbering, they ufed the fame natural way of reckoning by tens as in Europe; but fcarce any Indians could tell their own age ; nor had they any chronicles or traditional ac- count cf things extending back farther, than two or three generations. Their d'^aiings and mutual correfpondence were much confined, which made their feveral languages of fniall extent; but a man who is mafter of any one Indian language may foon be able to converfe with them all, became there is a great affinity between many of their words ; as for example, nuppaw, duppaw, ruppaw, fignifies the fun ; attick, ahtooque, a deer; wennit, werrit, good; pum, pumme, pim, oil or fat, in feveral dialects. Mr. Neale alfo thinks it impoffible to commit many of the Indian words to memory ; for inflance, he fays, " nummatchekodtanta- moon-ganunnonafh" fignifies in Englifh " our lufls ;" thus noowoman- tammoon«]canunonaih" is ** our loves ;" and " kummogkodonatUH)ttum- muoditeaon NEW ENGLAND. mooAiteaon-ganunnonafh" implies " our queflion.'* From hence the barbarity of this language is very evident. The Indians had no charadlers to ferve as hierogliphics of letters ; but they had a few fymbols or fignatures, fuch as'the bear, wolf, and tortoife, to di(tingui(h their tribes in a heraldry way. They had alfo a figurative or fymbolical manner of exprefling themfclves ; thus, the renewing of alliances they called brightening of the chain ; but as they had no letters, there was no fixed method of Writing their words. Mr. Elliot) indeed, who was the firft Efiglifli minifter that attempted the converfion of the favages to the Chriftian religion, made himfelf acquainted with the lan- guage of the Indians bordering on New England in 1646, and reduced it to a method, which he publiHied under the title of ** The Indian Gram- mar.'* No particular orthography, however, could be acquired; all the £ngli(h could do with the Indian founds, was to exprefs them as near as might be in their own letters ; and Father Ralle of Noridgewog, with fome other fcholaflic French miflionariesi imagined that the Greek alphabet fuited their pronunciation beft. There was not the fame reafbn for preferving the Indian names of their countries, nations, tribes, mountains, and rivers, as there was for ob- i?rving the Greek, Roman, and other more modem names of fuch things in Europe ; becaufe the Indians had no civil or daflicsl hiftory to require it, and they changed their own perfonal names* as well as the names 0^ ■other things, upon trivial occafions. The aboriginal nations, br general dlvifions, which at prefent lie upon -or near the eaflern Ihore of North America, atie the Indians of Weft 'Greenland, commonly called Dayis*s Streight, Eflpmaux, Algonquins* Tahfagrondie, Owtawaes, Miamis^ and'(!%ikefaw8: the Mikamakis, Ab- naquies, Iroquois, Chawani, Old Tufcararoes, Guttumbaes, Cherokees, and Creeks. The Abnaiquies are properly the Niew England Indian na- tion, and reached eaft and weft irom the Bay of Fundi to Hudfon*s or New York River and Lake Champlain br Corlaer ; north and fouth froih the River St. Lawrence to the Atlantic Ocean. Tliey are in many tribes* but have diminiflied much and becomi^ lefs I formidable fince their inr?r- courfe with the Englifli and French> which has introduced fuch additional diftempers among them, that fome of the tribes are extinQ or exthiguilh- ing, and others much reduced. Upon the lower parts of the feveral rivers, which run ihto the At- lantic ocean in the Britilh fettlements, are feveral fmall diftUid tribes or K 9 related 67 6S HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. xdated familiesi which are not reckoned as belonging to the inteuoiprin- ^ cipal nations ; but they have fuflfered a great diminution from the infec- tion of European diftempers and vices pernicious to health. It can he of no ufe to follow a detail of thefe perilhing fmall families, or tranfitory tribes ; but here it may be obfervedj that there is in the fouth-weft cor* . ner of the province of Maflfachufetts Bay, about twenty-five miles eaft from Hudibn's or York River, a fmall tribe of Indians, named Houfa- tonics, upon a river of that name, called Weftanhoek by the Dutch : . they are lately intermixed with the Engliih in the townfliips of Sheffield and Stockbridge* from whence they are now called the Stockbridge Indians ; and three of their chiefs called captain Daniel captain John, and captain Solomon, with two of thrir fquaas, came to England in iy66. Such was the difference between them, that captain Solomon appeared like an ab- folute favage, captain John looked like a plain Eagjifh farmer, and cap- tain Daniel like a real man of falhiou. In the northern parts, the Indians generally appear in fmall (kulk- ' ing parties, with yelling, fhoutings, and antic poftures, inftead of trum- pets and drums. Their Indian wood-cry is jo-hau ; and their war-cry may be exprefled ** Woach, woach, ha, ha, hach, woach.'* The Indians are not wanderers like the Tartars, but are ramblers ; and in time of war, according to the fea(bns, they may be annoyed at their head-quarters, and ambufcaded or way-laid at their carrying or land travelling places. Their retreats, or Arong places, are the fwamps, or copfes in a morafs, from which* without regard to the faith of treaties, they fuddenly break out into furious outrages and rapid devaftations ; but foon make a preci- pitate retreat, becaufe the country is not cleared or cultivated, and they have no ftores for fubfiftance. Their head warriors have always been men remarkable for (Irength and bravery ; and fometimes they chofe a temporary chief of all the tribes. The icouts or Indian hunters, in time of war, ufed to carry packs, which at firft^fetting out might be about feventy pounds weight, containing thirty days provifion of biicuit, or parched Indian corn, and falt-pork, with fugar and ginger to qualify arid animate. their drink, which was water. Their method of lodging, pitching, or encamping at night, was in di- vifions of ten or twelve men to a nre ; and they lay upon brufh, wrap- ped up in a blanket, with their feet to the fire. L^n good enquiry it wll be found that the wars of the Indians againft the Engliih were not fb frequent, tedious, or defolating, as is commonly zeprefented; except the incurfions of the Dela wares, Shawancfe, and Chcrokecs, af' NEW ENGLAND. Ch'erokeeSi during; the war which commenced in 1756. In New Eng^ land the only Indian wai8» properly fo called, were the Pequod war in 1637, which continued three months; and King Philip's war in 1675 and 1676, of' about fbvrteen mondis continuance; and the war of 1732 to 1725, when the Indians begged and obtained a peace at Cafco, where it was granted by Ueutenant-gOTernor Dummer, and figned by the Nor- ridgewogk Penobicoty St' John's* and Gape Sable Indians, who thereby had.referved to them all their lands not then conveyedi with the privilege (^;hkmdng| fowUngi and fiihing, as formerly. ' Upon the whole* thefe barbtroua IndTans were a Inrely image of hu*^ man nature, without the improvements of art and indulhry ; for though they had inhibited the country-many ages«^ they were ftill uncultivated when the Europeans arrived there. Nature had given them a tolerable complexion, but they fpoiled it by daubing themfelves with oils and juices, which made them tawny; A bow and an arrow headed with the Done of fifli, were all ' their weapons ; the ikin of a beaft was their cfothiiig, and the flifh'of ittheir food. Their principal diverlion con- iifted in extravagant dancings, hbopiiigs, and bowlings. Their women^ were ftiiong and knafculine, and fupported the pains of child-bearing with wonderful patience. They were fwift of foot, and capable of enduring great hardship and fatigue. All their ambition was to be valiant, which chiefly gave a man reputation among them,- and this is ftill their cha-- rafter. The firil feitlers of the Britiih G>lonie8 were formed from various forts of people ; as the laudably ambitious adventurers ; the malcontents, and the unfortunate, or- the neceffitous from home : but the prefent pro~ portion of thefe ingredients in the feveral plantations is very different, and greatly depends upon the condition ox the original colonics, feme of which were Whigs, others were Tories; here they were Church o£ England men, there Gongregationalifts or Independents; many were. Quakers, and fome were Papifls, the moft unfit people to incorporate with the Britifh conflitution. - *» In all the royal patents and charters of thefe Colonies, one principal condition required of the patentees, f'ecms to be the converfion of the- Indians ; and the crown, on the other part, conditioned for the encou- ragement of fettlers, a tree profefTion, or liberty of ccmfcience ; whereby an univrial toleration was allowed in all the Coloiies, where Aliens V may 7° § if HISTORY OF BRITISH AM'ERICA. < may be made Denizens : but the eftabliihed religion is that of the Giurch .of £ngland, and the Biihop of London is always Diocedm. G>lonies have an incidental ^ood effed ; they drain from the mother- < country the difaffeded and the turbulent ; and in the fame manner old colonics are purged by new colonies ; thus Rhode Ifland and Providence .Plantations drained the Antinomians, Quakers, and other fedtaries from Maflachufets Bay. There are now four particular forts of people in the Britim Colonies. I. The mailers; that is, planters and merchants. 3> White fervants. 3. Indian fervants, 4. Slaves for life, moftly negroes. The white fer- vants are of two forts: the one, poor people from Great Britain and Ireland, who are bound, or fdld as fome exprefs it, for a certain number of years, to reimburfe the tranfporlation charges, with fome additional profit : the others are criminals judicially tranfported, and their time of exile and fervitude fold by certain undertakers and their agents. Thefe arc however but few in number, the gaol diftemper deftroying many of them on fhipboard, atid of thofe who atrive, the wbrft foon return- ing to their old pradice, fail into the hands of juftice, and are executed with little ceremony. Great Britain does not fwarm with a numerous peopV ^ikc France; therefore cannot fettle colonies fo faft, without allowing general na- turalization. The Britiih Colonies have received many emigrant Pala- tines and Saltzburghers from Germany : but foreigners imported, fhould not be allowed to fettle in large feparate diftridts ; becaufe they may con- tinue for fome generations a kind of different people in language, modes of religion, national cufloms, and particular manners. The Britifh Colonies have many valuable privileges : i. Enabling their own laws, with condition of their not being repugnant to the laws of Great Britain, yet may vary f om them. 2. Raifing their own taxes. 3. No a£t of the Britifh parliament made fmce the firfl fettling> of the Colonies can extend to them, unlefs exprefsly intended in the Britiih adl of parliament, and even that is difpt ted, fome contending that no Bri- tiih a^ is in force there, unlefe exprefsly adopted by fome ad of their own. 4. No private purchafe from the Indians is efleemed of any vali- dity, without the contirmation of the Governor and Council in fome colonies, and without the approbation of the legiflature in others. There are lands in fome of the Plantations, where it is not poflible to ihew any Inuiaa conveyance, becaufe they were derelids. The poifef- fors -%.#- NEW ENGLAND. fbrs who were prior to patents, have no other title to their lands but long pofleflion, which is a kind of prefcription : thus the old fettlers of' New Hampfliire hold their lands, it being fuppofed that Mr. Mafon had negled^ed or relinquiflied his grants. Former! 7, if governors were court favourites, they had plurality of governments : thus Sir Edmund Andros, in the reign of James II. was governor of all New England, New York, and the Jerfeys ; Lord Bellamont was governor of New York, Mafia- chufetts Bay, and New Hampfhire : but it is not fo at prefent, except in the two diftind governments of Pennfylvania; which are therefore under one governor. And in tlie feveral G>lonie8 their general revenue is by a tax of fome pence in the pound, upon the principal of real eftate, pes- fonal eftate, or faculty ; with a poll-tax, imports, and excife. With regard to the natural hiftory of New England, it has been ob- ferved by mariners, that in their paiTages between Europe and America, winds are almoft three quarters of the year wefterly ; which is the rea- fon that the pafTages from North America to Europe are much ihorter than from Europe to North America, efpecially as there is an attending wefterly fwell or heaving of the fea. The fituation of lands occafidns conHderable differences In the temper of the air : thus, in North America, the dry freezing winds are from north to weft ; in Europe, thev are from north to eaft ; proceeding from that great continent which receives auv. retains the northern efteds of cold, that is the fnow and ice, lying to the weftward of America, and to the eaftward of Europe ; for the current of air, gliding along, becomes more impregnated with the cold. The weather in Canada is generally colder in winter, proportionate to its 'latitude, than in New England, and more fettled ; becaufe it is furrounded with land of fome extent ; therefore has the land influence from all corners of the winds of the fame nature : whereas, in New England, to the eaftward is wa- ter or fea, of a very different influence from the fpecific gravity of the earth in receiving or retaining cold or heat. By the foftnefs of the va- pour from the water, the fea-fhore is warmer than the inland, the fea warmer than the ihore, and the ocean or deeper water warmer than the fea. Of timber-trees, efpecially white-oaks fcr fhip-building, the beftgrow in New England, and the neighbouring more iouthern Colonies : further north, they are dwarfifh, and of a roiif^h grain. The quality of lands in New England is known by the natural produce. Hunting, 71 -in^i^ji'' ,73 ■'ii HISTOttV OF BRITISH AMERICA. ' Hunting, and omit fports of the field, are little ufed in America* where rihe clearing and cultivating of wildernefs lands is a very laborious and tedious affair : but ffoofeberries, rafpberries, and ftrawberries are fpon* taneous in all the Bntifli iettlements. Thefeafons in New England, as to temperature of weather, may be reckoned vrinter from the winter folftice to the vernal equinox, fpring from that equinox to the fummer folftice, fummer from that folftice to the autumnal eqiiinox, and autumn from thence to thf winter folftice': but the feafons from year to year are better determined by fome birds . and iifli of paflage, than by the bloftbming of trees, and flowering of I fome inferior vegetables. Thus fwallows arrive from the fouthward ia the feoond week of April : mackarel and herrings Tet in the middle of May4 wild geeie fly to the fouthward in the middle of September, and return ithe b^inning of March. The New England winters generally fet in about the end of Odober or beginning of November, and are over about the middle of March. The extreme frofts are from Chriftmas to the middle of February ; and the very hot weather is in the firft weeks of July. The great rains are in Auguft^ about two months after the fummer folftice ; and the great fnows in February, two months after the winter folftice. Early winters are generalhr fevere and long ; and early fprings accelerate :the buds and bloflbms of trees, xvhich loi'e their leaves about the middle of Qdober. A mild winter produces a wet fummer ; and a frofty winter 'occa- fions a dry fummer. Frofts cover and retain the fnow along time in the fpring, which is therefore late. Rains and fogs are more common on the fhore, and in foundings, than in deep water at fea. The north-eaft ftormsare of thegreateft^continuance; and the fouth-eaft are the moft violent. Jt is reckoned a good paffage from New Englacnd to London in four weeks, and from London to New England in fix weeks. The difcovery and fubfequent pofTeffion of American lands, gave the Englifh an exclufive line, fobriety, and juftice ; for they who are not fo in their own per- fons, can expe£k no order, nor compel others to obey the laws : a peo- Ele to whom riches and plenty furnifh matter for vice and luxury, Ihould c governed by a ftridl and (kilful hand ; which may reform their man- ners, and at the fame time both promote and dirc€t their induftry'*." Mr. Otis Little, a gentleman well acquainted with the Northern Co- lonies, fays, that " their trade and produce have not hitherto been pro- perly encouraged, although their utility may be eafily con;prehended.'* Great Britain, indeed, has enjoyed the benefit of a moil extenHve com- merce fince the difcovery of America, which, if properly attended to, ^tiM contribute more to its future intereft than any other branches of trade, by enlarging a demand for all its manufa^ures, and increafing the means of its naval force : and notwithftanding a jealoufy has been frequently excited againft the Colonies on account of their growth, it will appear that the commerce and naval power of Great Britain muft greatly depend on their future protedlion and encouragement. * << The State of Trade in the Northern Colonies confidered, with an MooiinC of tht produce, and a particular defcription of Nova Scotia." M CHAP. ' ly i) ; MASSACHUSET8 BAT. $$ CHAP. II. y The Province, or Colony, of Maflachufcts Bay. S £ C T I O N I. Tlbe Englijh Bmmfis from HoUandform thifrfi colony in New JEn^iaHtt, 4md fettle at New Plymouth in loao. Their frjl grant in 1624; and 4 heir patent in 1630: with other grants from the tompany to Jevera! perfons ; and fome unfucceftful attempts from New Plymouth to fettle in the Majfachufets Bay. The rife of the Majffacbufets Bay colony : the old €harter in 1627 ; and rcyal patent in 1688 ; nvith the powers and pri- vileges thereby granted to the governor and company of Majfachufets Bay: the colony Jeai: the frft governor^ deputy-governor^ and aj/iftants, A large embarkation from England to the colony : their firjl fettlement at Salem in 1629 ; and the frjl efiablifhment of their church government. The grand embarkation^ with the removal of the charter and govern- ment from Old England to New in 1630. The new magi/lrates ap- pointed to go over; and their characters : their arrival in New Ew- iand; and the bard/hips they fleered. Bojlon and other towns built : the ejlablifhment and proceedings if the civil government. The colomfis alarmed by the Indians^ and alfo by the French in 1632. An order of the privy-council in England to encourage the colonifts. Mr. Cotton or- dained minifier of Bofton, An alteration tn the civil government in 1 634, Sir Henry Vane appointed governor in 1 635. The beginning of thefettle- ments of Cunneilicut, Eqfi Hampjhire^ and Main ; at alfo of Rhode (/land, ^H E Ck>uncil of Plymouth paro|lled out their giant iato feveral fettle- ments, and particularly to the people at firft called Brownifts, from Robert Brown, a young enthufiaftical clergyman, in 1^80* and afterward Independents. This fe£t removed from England to Holland, and went from thence in about ten years to America, that they might wor(hip God without moleftation in their own particular way. They obtained an in- flrument from King James I. for the free exercife of their religion in any part of America ; after which, they entered into articles of agreement with the Plymouth company, to fettle on the banks of Hudfon's River, no^ in the government of New York. They failed from Plymouth on the 6th of September, i6so, in one (hip, on board of which were one L 2 hundred 1630.- 4 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. hundrcu and one perfons, who fell ia with Cape Cod upon the 9th of November, which was too late in the feafon for proceeding to HudfonV River. Although without the limits of their agreement* they were obliged to fit down in that barren foil, and formed tlicmfclves into a volun- tary aflbcii^ioa, or colony { whereby rhey entered into a fblemn contrad, to fubmit to fuch laws as (hould be ap^ oved of by the majority. This obligation was figned by forty-one perfons, who, with their fa- milies, were all that failed from Plymouth, to encounter the hazards of a new fettlement in fo remote a part of the world, where they had the winter before them» and no accommodation for their entertainment. From the length of the voyage, other fatigues, and extreme cold weather, about fifty of their number died the firrt year of putrid fevers and other fcorbutic diforders ; but the Indians were alfo greatly reduced about that time by fome epidemic diftempers and inteftine wars. Thus the firft fettfements in New England were chiefly upon a reli-^ gious account, as reclufe families who were devout Puritans, and not fer- vants to the adventurers. They called the place of their fettlement by the name of New Plymouth, and they chofe Mr. Carver governor for one year ; but he died in April following, and was fucceeded by Mr. Bradford. All was in common at firfl, and they divided themfelves into nineteen families or mefles. Some recruits arrived yearly from England ; hut they had no grant of their lands from the Council of Plymouth until 1624. the year 1634, when the whole fettlement was compofed of one hundred and eighty perfons, in thirty-two mefles. The town confifted of thirty- two dwelling-houfes, and was paled in about half a mile in compafs : ia the midft of the inclofure, ujpon a rifmg ground, vvas the fort, upon the top of which was a watch-tower, from whence the centtnel might fee feveral leagues out at fea. They had made a ialt-work, and freighted a fhip of one hundred and eighty tons with fiih cured of their own fait : but the adventurers in England, whojpvere about feventy in number, were Aill difpirited, as they had expendedabout feven thoufand pounds upon the fettlement. 1630. ^^^ colonifts were generally Brownifts, or of the more rigid feparatifts of the Church of England, and continued to increafe until the year 1630, when they obtained a patent, which fettled the boundaries of the colony in the following words : * The council for New England, in confideration * that William Bradford and his aflbciates have, for thefe nine years, lived * in New England, ynd have there planted a town called New Plymouth, * at their own charges ; and now feeing, by the fpecial providence of God * and MATSSACHUSETS BAY. 77 * and their extraordinaiy caFe and induftryi they have increafed the'nr * plantations to near three hundred people, and are on all occafious able * to relieve any new planters, or others of hit Majedy's fubiedls, who * may fall on that coaft ; therefore feal a patent to the faid William Brad- * fbrd, his heirs, aflbciatei, and afligns, of *' all that part of New Eng- ** land between Ckihaifet Rivulet towards the north, and Narrsganiet ^ River towards the ibuth i the Weftern Ocean towards the caft ; and ** between a ftraight line diredly extending up into the main land towards •* the weft, from the mouth of Narraganfct River, to the utmoft bounds ** of a country into New England, called Pacanokit, alias Sawamlct, ** weftward, and another-like ftraight line extending diredtly from the " mouth of Cohaflet River toward the weft, fo far into the main land " weftward, as the utmoft limits of the faid Pacanokit or Sawamfct ex- ** tend; as alfo all that part of New England between the utmoft limits of Caperfecont, or Comafcecont, which adjoins to the River Kennebec and the falls of Niegumke, with the faid river itfelf. and the fpace of ** fifteen miles on each fide between the bounds aforcfaid ; with all pre- '* rogatives, rights, royalties, jurifdi£tionst privileges, franchifes, liber- ** ties, and immunities ; and alfo marine liberties, with the efcheats and " cafualtres thereof, (the Admiralty jurifdidtion excepted) with all the ^ intereft, right, and authority, which the laid council have thereto ; with " the liberty to trade with the natives, and iiih on the feas adjoining, " And it ftiall be lawful for them to incorporate themfelves, or the people *^ there inhabiting, by fome fit name or title, with liberty to them andJ ** their fucceflbrs, to make orders, ordinances, and conftitutions, not ** contrary to the laws of England, for their bettec government, and piit ** the fame in execution, by fuch officers as lie or they ftiall authorize " and depute ; and for their fafety and defence, to encounter by force ** of arms, by all means, by land and fea, feize and make prize of all ** who attempt to inhabit or irade with the favages within the limits of ^ their plantations, or attempt invafion, detriment^ or annoyance to « them." u The Ckmncil of Pfymouth were empowered to convey property ; but could not delegate jurifdi£lion ; therefore their grant was to Mr. Brad-> ford, who afterward affigned it to the freemen in general, and that alCgnment was confirmed by the company. Thiis was the mother-colony of New England, which, like othec grains, was ingulphed in the province of Maflachufets Bay. It would bMRsdious to enumerate them all ; but it is neceffary to remark the princi- fiaV which were,, i. Mr. Wefton, one of the Plymouth adventurers ; he ^rsUn obtaine4t ^% «r y ^^ y IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) |.25 "** 122 S hi. 12.0 U 11.6 ScMices CorpoHtiQn // 4^ 4sr "^^2 1626, to be^fn a fettlement irvdie Ma& iachufets, by Captain Woolafton and feme other gentlemen, who brought over many fervants, proviHons, and other neceffaries for a plantation; but they lo9n abandioned their fettlement. Some of the people went to Virginia, an^ others were left behind under Morton, who taught the Indians the i|fe of l^re and obtained a grant from the Council of Ply moiith, cm the i9th of March, 1627, whereby the company did confirm to Sir Henry Rofwel), and Sir John Young, Knights ; Thomas Southcot, John Humphreys^ John Endicot, and Simon Whetcombe, their heirs and affigns and their aiflbciates for ever, **^U that part of New^England which lies and extends between a great river there, commonly epilled Monomack or Merrimack, and a certain other liver called Charles River, being in a bottonpi of a cer- tain bay there •commonly called Maflfachufets, Mattachufets, or Maflatu- fets Bay; imd alfo all thofe lands and hereditaments, wbatfoever lying within the fpace of three Engliih miles, on the fouth part of the faid Charles river; and alfo all the hnds an4 hereditaments, being within the ipace of three Englifh miles to the ibuthward of the fouthermoft- part of the faid bay; and alfo all thofe lands aqd hereditaments which Ue withiii the fpace of three Englifh miles to the northward of the &id river called Monomack or. Merrimack; and all lands and hereditaments north and ibuth ia latitude, in. breadthi and in longitude, within all the breadth aforefaid, throughout the, main lands there, from the Atlantic and Weft- ern Sea on the eaft part, to the South Sea on the weft part; and alfo all mines and minerals whatfoever, which they the faid council at Plymouth) in the county of Devon, then had or might enjo^, in or vnthin tne faid land and foremifes ; to be holden of his Majefty King Charles I. his heirs and fiicceflbrs, ajB of his manor of Eaft Greenwich, , in the county of Kent, in free aod common foccage, and not inxaptUi. nor by knights fervice: yiel£ng and paying therefor untp his 'laid Majei^y, his heirs and fuccef-r ibrs^ tm fifth part of the ore of ^Id and filver which ihould, from time to time, happen to be found in ant of the &id limits, for and in fatbfac- tion of all manner of demands iana fervices whatfoever.'* T-^^e gendemen moitioned m this charter ^ere unwilling to embark diloae in fo great an undertaking, and engaged others ^bout the city of Ix>ndon to join with them. A petition w^ then prefented to the King, that their names might be inferted in the patent, as original proprietors ; «i»:h vns accordingly done in a nuew draugbt of the former patent, the m MASSACHUSETS DAY. ^ gifi bf March 1628, and. confirmed by his Majefly« whereby the faid i6fl8. parties, and all fuch others as ihould be admitted and made free of the company and fociety therein mentioned, were made one body politic and corporate, by the name of The Governor and Company of Maifachufeta ^ Say, in New England. This is commonly caMcd the old charter, whereby the company were impowered yearly to c\e£t their own governor, deputy-governor, And eighteen afnftant89 out of the freemen of the company ; who were to be chofen the laft Wednefday in every Eafter-term, by a general court, to be held annually on that day. They were to have four general courts a Neale.i.ijg, year ; the lad Wednefday in Hilary, Eafter, Trinity, and Michaelmas terms, for ever: they might admit freemen, choofe officers, order lands, and make fuch laws as iaey ihould think for the good of the plaptation, not repugnant to the laws of England ; and ^ee liberty of confcience was likewife granted to ill that ihould fettle in thofe parts, to worihip God in their own way. The colony fead was an Indian ereA, naked ; an arrow in his right hand, and a bow in his left i with thefe words, in a label from his mouth, " Gome over and help us;" and iii a round, *' Sigillum Gub. et Socie- ** tatis de Maflachufecs Bay in Nova Anglia.*' » Matthew Cradock was app .tnted the firfl governor, and Thomas Goffe deputy-governor : the aififtants were, Sir Richard Saltonibl, Ifaac John- fon, Samuel Alderfey, John Venn, John Humphrey, Simon Whetcomb^ Increafe Nowel, Richard Perry, Nathaniel Wright, Samuel VaiTal, Theo- philus Eaton, Thomas Adams, Thomas Hutchins, George Foxcroft, William VaJal, William Pyndieon, John Pocock, and Chriftopher Coul- foh'; William Burgis was chofen fecretary. At this court it was deter- mined, that every one of the company, who had fubfcribed fifty pounds, fhotald have two hundred acres of land afftgned, and in proportion for a greater or lefler fum, as the firft dividend. The names of all the adven- turers, and the fums fubfcribed, were fent over to Mr. Endicot, who was appointed their governor in the plantation ; while a feeond embark- ation 01 {banters and fervants was ordered to be made, who were to be accompanied with four reverend divines. Thefe were, Mr. Francis Hig- ginfon, a (ilehced non-conformift minifter of Leicefterihire ; and Mr. Sa- muel Skelton, who were appointed chaplains to the colony ; Mr. Francis Bright, who Is faid to have been a conformift; and Mr.- Ralph Smith, 162^4 who feems to have been of the fepigration in England, on which account he was required to give under his hand, that he would not exercife his Vol. I. ^ M miniftry 4i «l HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. ' miniftry within the limits of the pMent* vrithout exprefs permiflion from 8m!A, p. 47. the governor. Six (hips were provided for this embarkation; "rnd about three hundred and fifty paflfengers embarked for the plantationi with one ' hundred and fifteen head of neat cattle; foroe horfest flieep, goats, rab- bits, and all other neceflfaries for a fettlement ; befide fix pieces of cannon for a fort ; with a large quantity of military ftores. Mr. Higginfon fays in his Journal that the whole fleet failed from the Ifle of Wight on the iith of May 1629, arrived at Cape Anne the 27th of June, and at Naumkeag the 39th. Moft of their live ftock died in the paflage, as alfo fome cf the paflengers ; and from this fmall beginning is the Mafiachufet province grown to that eminent figure it now makes in the American world. The new planters called their firft fettlement Salem, which, in the He-^ brew language, fignifies Peace } but fome of them foon removed to Mifiia- wum, to which they afterward gave the name of Charles Town. As- religion was the principal motive of their coming over into thefe parts, they refolved to fettle that in the fird place. Mr. Endicot had corrc-^ fponded with the fettlers at Plymouth, who informed him of the churcb order and difcipline fet up by them, which was like that of the reformed churches in France and Germany, and was etnbraced by the new coloniftSy. who appointed the fixth of Auguft for ereding fuch a church among themfelves. Mr. Higginfon and Mr. Skelton had been previoufly eleA^ and ordained, the one teacher, the other pafior ; each of them, together with four venerable members, laying their hands on the other with folemn prayer ; but on the day appointed for the choice and ordination of elders and deacons, thirtj^ perfons, who were dfcfired.to be of the com- munion, publickly profeued their eonfent unto a confeffion of faith drawn up by Mr Higginfon, and afterward figned a folemn covenant, whereby book I. p. 18. ti ^Y^^ bound themfelves, in the prefence of God, to walk together in all his ways, according as he was pleafed to reveal himfelf in his blefied word Keaie, 1. 142. of truth : They avouched the Lord to be'their God, and themfelves to be his people, in the truth and fimplicity of their fpirits : They gave them- felves to the Lord Jefus Ghrifl, and the word of his grace, for the teaclh* ing, ruliiig, and fan^fying of them. in matters of worlhip and converia- tion ; refolving to cleave unto him alone for life and glory ; and to rejedi all contrary Ways, canons, and conftitutions of men in wor£hip : They pro- mifed to (ludy the advancement of the gofpel in all truth and peace, both in regard of thofe that were within or without, no way flighting their fifter churches, but ufing their coui^el as need fliould be, not laying a ftumbling-block before any, no not the Indians, whofe good they defired to promote." They alfo promifed ** to carry themfelves in all lawful obedience Prince'i ChroD. p, 189. Mattiei", I MASSACHUSETS BAY. 83 tibedtence to thofe that were over them in church or commonwealth ; they refolved to approve themfelves to the Lord in their particular call- ings, (hunning idlenefs as the bane of any ftate ; nor would they deal hardlv or oppreflingly with any, wherein th(;y were the Lord's ftewards: promifing alfo to teach their children and fervants the knowledge of God and of his will, that they might likewife ferve htm ; and all this not by any (Irength of their own, but by the Lord Chrift, whofe blood they de- fired might fprinkle this their covenant made in his name." This was the eftablifliment of their church, and the mintfters were ordained or inftituted anew ; after which, feveral others were admitted into it ; but none without fufficient tefUmonies of their fober lives and conv6rfation ; for the only term of their communion was, " giving fatisfkdion to the church concerning their faith and manners.*' The firft winter after the arrival of the colony proved tery fatal to them, and carried off almoft one hundred of their company, among whom was Mr. Higginfon the teacher, and Mr. Haughlon the ruling elder of the church. Wlule thefe things were tranfa£ted in the infant colony, the company in England projeded a much larger embarkation, and the transfer of the company itlelf from old England to New. Several gentlemen of great property, diflatisfied with the arbitrary proceedings in church and ftate, pleafed themfelves with the profpedt of liberty in both, m be ctipycd m America, and propofed to the company at London, to remove with their families ; but upon this expreis condition, that the patent and charter ihould remove with them ; and this propofal was firft commu- nicated on the tSth of July 16^29. A committee was appointed to con- 162^. fider of it ;. as alfo to advife with counfel learned in the law, and to make report : but this report is not upor records The adventurers had been at great expence, without any fatjsfadiory returns made to them, ■ and had no immediate profpe^k of any profit from the plantation, in the prefent circumfiances of the colonifts. The principal objedion arofe from a doubt, whether fuch a transfer was legal : but it was determined, on the agth of Auguft, ** by the general confent of the company, that thegovemment and patent fliould be fettled in New England.** In con- fequence of this new refolution, the Members of the corporation, who remained in England^ were to retain a fhare in the trading ftock, and profits of it, for feven years. The management of it was committed to five perfons who were to refide in America, and thefe were Sir Richard ^ SaltonfUl, Mr. Wintbrop, Mr. Johnfon, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Revel ; to- {;ether with five who were to remain, being Mr. Oadocki Mr. Wright, Ma Mr. "';;»«»**.. -t-T^JK 84 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA, Mr. Eaton* Mr. Goffe, and Mr. Young. The (lock and profits wcfc to be dWided, proportional to the adventure* at the expiration of the term : all other powers and privileges were to remain with the ColonillB in general : but there is no account of- any dividend ever made* or of any trade ever carried on for the company. There was another article, that one half the charge of fortifications and fupport of the minifters- (hould be defrayed out of the common ilock ; although no notice was- taken of it in the colony. At a general court, held on the 20th of October, a new ele£tion wa» nrade for the government of the colonyt confifling of fuch perfons as had de* termined to go over with the patent. T hey did not all go over to America : but from time to time, until the general embarkation, as any one declinedi fome other perfon was chofen in his room. Nor is it furprizing that they didcovered a Want of refolution : it is rather ftrange thatfo many perfevered. It (hews fome fortitude in a man of health and vigour, who goes through Ihe fatigues of a long voyage, nnd fpends only a few jnonths among favages, and in a climate more fevere than ever he had experienced* What then mud we think of perfons of rank, and good cifcumdances in life, bidding a final adieu to all the delights and conveniencies of theii native country, efpecially fuch a country as England, and expofing themfelves to inevitable difficulties in a long voyage acrofs the Atlantic, to land upon an inhofpitable ihore, deftitute of building to fecure them from the in(iKmency of the weather^ and of mod forts of food to which they had been always ufed. As to the charad^er and circumftances of the principal adventurers^ it may be neceflary to obferve that Mr. Winthi-op was of Groton in Suf- . folk, where he was a juftice of peace at the ace of eighteen, and very early in life was exemplary for his polite as well as fedate and pious de- portment : he had an eilate of about {even hundred pdunds a. year, which he converted into money, and embarked the whole to promote the new fettlement : he was forty-three years of age when he removed, and was eleven times chofen governor : he fpent his whole fortune in the public fervice, the falary being fmall, and his hofpitality great; his fon and grandfon were fuccelfiVely governors of Connedicut colony ; and his pofterity'have ever fi cc been refpeded and honoured. Mr. Dudley, had a captain's coromiflion under Queen Elizabeth, in 1597* vrhen he raifcd a company of volunteers, with whom he went over to France, arid was at the ficge of Amiens under Henry the Fourth : he afterward fettled in Northamptonfhire, and was entrufted by the Earl of North- ampton with the management of his affairs : he was fifty-four years of age MASrSACHUSETS BAY. 85 cge vfhen he embarked for America, where- he was chofen intothe magl^ ftracy every year of his fubfequent days, was four years governor, and often deputy-governor. Sir Hichard Saltonftal was the firft named aflb- eiate to the orignal patentees ; he was fon or grandfon of Sir Richard SaltonAal, who was Lord Mayor of Lopdon in- 1597 : he remained but a ihort time in New England, yet his heart was fet upon promoting the colony: by a will, made in 1658, he gave a legacy to the college in New England ; and his great-grandfon, Gurdon Saltonftal, was many years governor of Conne^icut. Mr. Humphrey was one of the fix original patentees from the council of Plymouth, and married the lady Sufan, a daughter of the Earl of Lincoln. Mr. Johnfon was the fort of Abraham Johnfon, Efq; of Clipfham in Rutlandihire ; he married tha lady Arabella, another daughter of the £ad of Lincoln, and had the largeft eftate of all the adventurers. Mr. Endicot was one of the moft; zealous undertakers, and the moft rigid in principles. Mr. Nowel was a relation to Alexander Nowel, Dean of St. Paul V in- the reign of Queen Elizabeth.- Mr. William Vaflal, jas well as his brother Samuel VaflaU were gentlemeivof good circumftances iri England ; but were not fully: of the fame fentiment in matters of religion with the planters in gene- ral : Mr. William Vaflal went over with the firft company^ and fettled- at a plaee called Scituate, in Plymouth colony : when Jamaica was con-^ quered, by Penn and Venables, in 1656, belaid the foundation of feveral fine eftates in that ifland^ which his pofterity now enjoy. Mr. Samuel VaiTal was an eminent merchant of London, and was the firft. who re- fufed to pay the fubfidy of tonnage and; poundage, which he conceived to be an impoiition againft the law of the land ; whereupon the King's ' attorney-general, in the fourth year of Charles L exhibited an informa- tion in the ^chequer againft him, for rcfufing to pay an impoft upoiv 4638 himdred weight of currants which he had imported into th« pfirt'h'^^o,*^i'J„|. of London, and which had been feizedby the farmers and ofiBcer» of icAionsvd.r. the cuftom-houfe. He put in a pic i to the information, to which the r/''„'j p... attorney-general demurred in law, and Mr. Vaflal joined in demur ; but t.ry of a^g. thecaufe was arbitrarily decided by the ' ens of the Exchequer, who im- '•*" '• *o'- !•- prifbned Mr. Vaflal for not paying the uty required upon his goods, *** '7''' of which he could not obtain reftitution. But the houfe of commons, on the 8th of July i<54i, refolved, " That Mr. Samuel Vaflal (hould- have the fum o^ ten thoufand four hundred forty five pounds twelve fliil- lings and two pence paid him for his lofles and damages, for denying to Ro'hworth's' pay tonnage and poundage not gvantcd by ail of parliament, in ptirfu-'^P*^'*' ^" ancc and obedience to a declaratiori and vote of this houfe. And the houfe aUb declared, th^t they would in due ti^a take Mr. Vaftal' into further. £^JlS3fc£iiiCl l-Br'-7at«JW». 86 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. further confideration for his imprironment and perfonal fuflFerings*.** Mr. Pyncheon was a gentleman of learning as well as religion : he laid the foundation of Rockfbury, but foon removed to Connecticut river, and was the father of the town of Springfield, where his family have flourifhed ever fince. Mr. Rolfiter was a gentleman of a plentiful ellate in the weft of England, and died the firft year. Mr. Sharp and Mn Revel continued but a ihort time in New England. Mr. Cradock was an eminent merchant in London, and carried on a trade in the colony many years, but never went over : he was more forward in advancing out of his fubflance than any other, and was generally the higheft in all fubfcriptions. Mr. Venn, commonly called colonel Vena, was in the defign from the beginning, and intended to have removed to America j Rap'in.voI.U. ^^^ ^^' prevented by the change of affairs in England, where he made p. 570. * * a confiderable figure in the long |>arliament, and was one of the judges who pafled fentence on the King. Mr. Eaton was a weft-country mer- chant, and his father was a minifter in Coventry : he came to New Eng- land in 1637, and then fettled New Ijaven colony, of which he was governor until his death. His correfpondence with the- governor of the Maflac^iufets and the Dutch governor of Manhadoes, or New York, difcover a good underftanding and virtuous mind. Mr. Coddington was a Lincolnfliire gentleman, and zealous ta a great degree : he was after- ward the father of Rhode Ifland, where his zeal abated, and he pro- moted a general toleration : he was governor of that colony many years, and would gladly have joined in confederacy with the odier Colonifts, . but was prevented by a difference in religion* featiments. Mr. Brad- fireet was of Emanuel college in Qonbridge, from whence he removed to the family of the Earl 01 Lincola as lus fteward, and afterward he lived with the Countefs of Warwick, in the fame capacity : he married one of Mr. Dudley's daughters ; and, after her death, a fitter of Sir George Downing. 1630. Prince's Chron. p. a JO. > 9! In April 1650, governor Winthrop, and Mr. Dudley* with Sir Richard Saltonftal, and feveral other of their afliftants, embarked at Yarmouth oa boaird the Arabella ; which fliip was fo called in honour of the Lady Arabella Johnfon, who, with her hufband, was on board of her ; and. they were accompanied, or followed, by fixteen other fhips firom dif- ferent ports, moft of which arrived in New England in the month of July, and the others befc^ the end of the ynr, carrying in all about £fteen hundred paflengers, of all occupations proper for j^anting a new * An elegant nonument has lately been ereAed in the new chapel at Bofton in New England, to coBtalemorate the charaAer oTthit emtneot patriot of the laft ceatury. colon^% « MASSAGHUSETS BATr 87 oolong. A few dtyi after their emWkationi a paper wai publifliedt In- titled, *' The humble requeftof his Majeftr'i loyal fuMeda, theeovernor and company lately gone for New EnglanJ, to the reft of their brethren . in and of the church of England, for the obtaining of their prayers, and the remoral of fufpicions and mifconftruAions of their intentions :" wherein they intreated their reverend fathers and brethren of the church of England, to recommend them to the mercies of God in their con-^ flant prayers, as a churdi then fpringing out of their own bowels. This paper occalToned a difpute, whether the firft fettlers of the Maffiichufets were pf the church or not? However problematical it may be, what they were while they remained in England, they left no room for doubt after their arrival in America^ The An^lTa arrived at Saliem on the nth of June, and the next morning the governor was vifited by Mafconomoco, the Sagamore of Cape Anne, to welcome him on his (afe arrival ;. and the other ihips alfo came fafe to the fame place; The common people immediately went afliore, and regaled themfelves wkh ftrawbenries, which are very fine in^ America, and were then in perfeAion. Thu might give them a favour- able idea of the pvoduce of the country j but the gentlemen had fuffici-. ent occafion to be alarmed and filled with concern. The firft intelli- gence they had, was of a general confpiracy, a few months before, of all the bidians as far as Naraghanfet, to extirpate the EngliKh. Out of about three hundred perfons, upwards of eighty died in the colonv the winter befisre, and many of thou; that remained were in a' weak nckly condition. There was not corn enough to have lafted above a fortnight, and all other provifions were To very fcarce, that the one hundred and' eighty indented fervants which the gentlemen had fent over, they could not avoid giving them all their liberty, though they coft them from 16 1.- to 20 1. fterling a perfon. They had not above three or four months to Took out proper places for fettlements, and to provide fhelter againft the feverity of the winter. With this profped of difficulties, ficknefs began' among them ; and as they were deftitute of neceflary accommodations^ many of them died. Among others, the Lady. Arabella Johnfon, who ended her days at Salem about a- month after her arrival ; and her huf-- band foon after died of grief for her lofs. Mr. Roifiter, another of the ' aififtants, was alio among the dead, wbofe number before December amounted to about two hundred, including a few who died in their paf- fage. Mn Dudley obferved to his frienda in England, that ** if any come Letter dated to this fettlement to plant for worldly ends that can live well at home, i^'^ch ssth,. he commits an enor, of which he will (bon repent : people of England, '^^'' who are endued with grace, and furniihed with means to find their fa- milies Doughi, !• IJutchinwn, f. as. C. Mather, fi. f. p. J/. hn\e, vol. I. p. ISO. 8« HISTORY OF BRITISH AMfiRICA. mtlies for eighteen months, and to build and plant, let them come ; In the beginning of our fettlementi, we had great ficknefs and mortalityv as well as the fettleri of New Plymouth, which feemed to proceed from want of warm lodging and good diet ; they who landed in fummer died of fevers from the heats ; they who landed 4n winter, as in New Ply- mouth, died of the fcunry." Tlie governor and fome of the principal perfons diflikcd their fituation at Salem, and chofe to fettle upon better land. They proceeded to the mouth of Charles River, farther up the bay, where fome fettled, and called it Charles Town ; others fettled at Sagus River, now Lynn ; and fome at MyAic River, now Medford. One inftance of the civility and juftice of the planters to the Indians, was this, that, notwtthftanding the jpatent they had from the crown, they fairly purchafed of the natives the feveral tirads of land which diey afterward poffefled. Indeed, the crown grants of land in America^ feem rather to give a right of purchaireg, than a real right to the land, which certainly belongs to the natives. Toward the latter end of the year, a part of tht colony of Charles Town removed to a peninfula in the bottom of Maflacbufets Bay, called Shawmut by the Indians ; and by the £nglifh, on accoont of three con- tiguous hills appearing in a range to thefe at Charles Town, at firft Tri- mountain, and afterwards Bofton, in compliment to Mr. Cotton, the . puritan minlfter of Bofton in Lincohiihire, of whofe coming into thofe o mixoB, . p^^^ ^y^^ ^^^^ .^ ^^^ expedation. This peninfuh was the moft com- Nmie, I. p. modioufly fituated for trade and commerce of any place in the country : Dn°' lai I. ^' '' about two miles in Ienjs;th, and one in breadth ; ajpjxaring then, at p. If-.' * high-water, in the form ot two iflands. latere they built the town of HatcLinfon, Bofton, now the metropolis of New England, and the largeft city of all ^^'' the Britifh empire in America. From the obfervations of Mr. Thomas Robie, fellow of Harvard-^coUege, made from an eclipfe of the moon oa the 15th of March 1717, it appears to be in 43*^ 25' of north-lati- tude, and weft from London 4 h. 46' which is weft longitude 71^ 30^ The town was firft fettled under the condud of Mr. Johnron, who iatis- fied Mr. Blafton for his claim, which was that of prior poiTeffion. He was an epifcopal minifter, of a particular humour, and claimed a po* perty in the whole jpeninfula, becaufe he happened to deep firft m a hovel on this point of land. He had not been a thorough conformift in England ; but he was more diflatisfied with the non-conformity of the jiew-comers, and told them, that as he came from England becaufe he difliked the lord bifliops, fo he could not join with them, becaufe he would not be under the lordrbrethren. He had the grant of a confider- able MASSACHUSETS BAY. able lot at the weft-end of the town ; but he chofe to auit alh and re- moved to the fouthward, at or near what is fince called Providence^ where he lived many years. Some fettled from Charles Town weftward at New Town and Water Town : others from Bofldn fettled two miles weft fouthward* and called it Rockfbury, becaufe rocky ground. A few fettled four miles fouth from Dofton, and called it Dorcheftert all of which were chiefly v-eft« countrymen : but Newbury was not fettled until 1635. About one hun- dred perfons returned with the ftiips to England ; and fome libertines went to a fmall fettlement, which had been made at Pifcataqua, without this jurifUi£tion. Mr. Nowel and thofe of Giarles Town, who had removed from Salem, at firft confidered themfelves as one fettlement and one church with thofe at Bofton, and had Mr. Wilfon for their rninifter, who went to England in the fpring, when thofe of Charles Town became a diftind church, and took Mr. James for their rninifter. At thefe feveral places the whole company were fettled for the firft winter, and their out-door work was over on the 6th of December, when the governor and afliftants met at Charles Town and agreed to fortify the neck between Bofton and Roxbury : but at another meeting, on the 3 1 ft, they laid that defignafide, and agreed on a place firft called New Town, and afterward Cambridge, about three miles above Charles Town, and moft of them engaged to build hbufes there the next year, when the governor fet up the frame of a houfe, which he foon took down* and carried it to Bofton ; becaufe Chicketawbut, the chief of the Indians there, made high profeftions of friendfliip, and rendered the de- fign of a fortified town unneceftary. The colonifts fuftained great hardships during the winter, and a ge- neral faft was appointed to be held on the 2ad of February 1631 ; but this intended faft was turned into a thankfgiving ; for, on the 5th, the Ihip Lion returned laden with provifions from England, which were dif- tributed to the people according to their neceflities. The high price of provifions this year in England, impoveriihed the colony; for every buftiel of wheat meal coft, including the freight, fourteen fliillings fter- ling ; each buftiel of peafe ten fliillings ; and Indian corn, imported from Virginia, fold at ten (hillings. Some were difcQuragqd, and returned to England, particularly Sir Richard Saltonftal and Mr. Thomas Sharpe, who never came back ; but otliers, in hopes of better times, went over Vol. I. N ' to »♦ 1 63 1. !"■ ■■' \ I . 90 HISTORY OF BftlTISH AMERICA. to fetch their families and returned whh thera, in particular Mr. Wilfon and Mr. Goddington. The fcarcity of the former year excited the colonifts to make the greater improvements by tillage^ and they were blelTtd with a plentiful harveft of Indian corn : but it was the year 1633, befa^e they knew they fliould be able to raife Englidi grain, if we may credit Mr. Johnfon, who fays, " This year a final! gleat* of rye was brought to the court as the firft fruits of EngliHi grain j at which this poor people greath' "t- joiced to fee the land wou!d bear it." Cattle were extremely dear, a great part of what had been (hipped from England being dead, aad a milch cow was valued at 25/. to jo/. fterling. So much of their attention was neceflTary to provide for thehr fupportt that little bufinefs was done by the affidants, or by the general court ; the removal of the charter occafioned feveral new regulations to be made, which' were fettled by degrees. The firft court of affiftants was held at Charles Town, on the 23 d of Auguft, about two months after their arrival ; when a beadle was appointed, as an officer of the corporation ; and it was ordered, that the governor and deputy for the time being, ihould be juftices of the peace ; and four of the then aififtants were alfo appointed juftices. All juftices whatAiever were to have the fame luthority, for reformation of abufes and punifliing offenders, which ji tices had ■ in England ; but no corporal punifliment to be inflided ex 'pt by an affiftant. In capital offences, the governor and affiftants fat at % court, as well as in civil matters : and there was a trial by a jury fe. murder . this year, when the prifoner w&s ^quitted. The firft general c iti was h^ld the 19th of Oftoberj not by a reprefentative, but by » ery one in'perfon, who was free of the corporation. As none had leen ad- mitted freemen fince they left England, the governor and affi ints had a great influence over the court : therefore it was ordered, thi the free- men (hould chufe the affiftants ; and the afliftants, from amon^, them- felves, (hould ele£k the governor and deputy-governor. The court of affiftants were to Have the power of making laws and appointing officers ; which was a departure &om their charter. One hundred and nine fireemen were admitted at this court; and the next general court was for the ele^ion of id^-i. The fcale was now turned, and the freemen refolved to eleft both governor, deputy, and af- fiftants, notwithftanding the former vote; and made an order, that none (hould be admitted to the freedom of the body politic, bui-fuch as were members of the church. This was a moft extraordinary order or law ; yet •* MASSACHUSETS BAY. S^t yet it contintied in force until the diflblution of the government ; for It was repealed in appearance only after the reftoration of King Charit-s the Second. Had they -been deprived of their civil privileges in England by an ad of parliament, unlefs they Would join in communion with the churches there, it might have been the firft in the lift of grievances : but fuch were the requifites to qualify for church memberfliip here, that the grievance was abundantly more. The minifter was to certify, that the candidates for freemen were of orthodox ](>rinciple8, and of good lives and converfations : fo that none could be a freeman of that com- pany, unlefs he was a church member among them. None had a vote p. 26. in elections of governor, deputy, and affiHantS, nor could be magi- t-cc>>>0'<'' ilrates, officers, or jurymen, grand or petit, but freemen ; and the mi- nifters were intitled to give their votes in all eledions of t.iagiftrates. Many of the colonifts were not admitted members of their church ; fo were not freemen ; therefore muft be tried and Judged by thofe of the church, which was conlidered by fome as a hardmip. The fame governor, deputy-governor, and fuch of the aftiftants of 1^3 !•- 1630, as were alive and.in the colony, were re-eleded for 1631 : but Hnbbard. this year, and this only, the alfiftants chofen are not in the colony re- cords ; yet here the old charter law-book begins. « The fir^ law enaAed, was for regulating the price of wages for work- Donglai, I. meot under a penalty to him that gave, aB' well as to him who received, ^'7* more than the limited price ; fuch as carpenters, joiners, bricklayers, fawyers, and thatchers, not more than two {hillings a day. They pro- ceeded to other laws for punifhing idlenefs, and encouraging induftry : befides, as they were furrounded with favages, much more numerous than themfelves, they obliged every man to attend military exercifes ; and limited the bounds of their plantations, that none might be unne- ceiTarily expofed to the dangers of any enemy. In civil adions, equity feems to have been their rule of determining, according to the circum- flances of the cafe : the judges had recourfe to no other authorities than their own reafon and underftanding ; and in punifhing offences, they profeifed to be governed by the judicial law of Mofes, as far as thofe laws were -of a moral tendency. While they were thus without a code or body of laws, and the colony in its infancy, their fcntences feem to be adapted to the ftate of a large family of children and fervants, as may appear from feveral indances extraded from the public records, particularly the following : Captain Stone, for abufing Mr. Ludlow, and calling him juftafs, was fined an N 3 hundred 9» M HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. hundred pounds, and prohibited coming within the patent* without per- miflion from the governor, on pain of death. Captain Lovel was ad- monifhed to take heed of light carriage. Daniel Clarke, found to be ant immoderate drinker, was fined forty (hillings: John Wedgewood; fbr. being in the company of drunkards, to be fet in the flocks: andlSer-- jeant Perkins was ordered to carry 40 turfs to the fort, for being drunk. Robert Shorthofe, for fwearing by the blood of God, was fentenced to have his tongue put into a cleft flick, and to ftand for half an hour. A married woman was ferioufly admpnilhed on fufpicion of ihcontiftency. Thomas Petit, for fufpicion of flander, idlenefs, and ftUbbornnefs, was. cenfured to be feverely whipped, and to be imprifoned. Edward Palmer, for extortion, in taking 2/. i^s. ^d. fbr the wood-wotk of Bofton fltocks^ was fined 5 /. and ordered to be fet one hour in the^fl^Ocks :. and Jofias Plaiflowe, for fteaiing four balkets of corn from the Ihdians, was or- dered to return them eight balkets, to be fined 5// as.alfo from that; time to be called only Jbfias, and not Mr. as formerly he ufed to be.. They were very easeful that no title or appellation ihould be given .\i?here> it was not due; therefore, not above fix of the gentlemen affumed.the- tide of Efquire, and. in a lift of one hundred freemen are not to be found ; fo many diflinguifhed by Mr. though they were generally men of pro- . perty ; but good -man and* good- wife were the comojon appellations* If we. confder the charadter of theie new. eofonifts, with the ftdte and? condition- they were in before, they left England, and after their ar-^ rival in America, we may perceive the fdurce of the peQuUariti68 ift thpirr laws and.cufloms. They were not only diflatisfied with the ceremonies,, l^t alfo with the rigid difcipline, at that time, of the church* of Eng- . land ; in. which they were not fihgular,; for tHfe principal conjmoners,, great part of the clergy,, and many of the nobility, were of the fame • fentiments. They rauft have very tender and fcrupulous miild^^. or they,- would not have banifhed themfelves from their native countryi intimate friends, and old. acquaintances, to venture upon a diflant and 'unknown', country, rather than fubmitto any thing againft their opinions and con- fciences. They profefled a facred regard to. the word of God in the • Old and New Teftament, as a fufficient rule of condud:, and that thpy were obliged to follow it. They looked upon the obfervation of the- firft, as weU as. fecond table, neceflary to be enjoined; and, as the. con- flitution of their churches would not admit of ecclefiafticai' courts, pco- vifion mufl be made for the punifliment of fome offences by the civil raagiftrate, wluch were not fo by the common law. The generality of the colony being near upon a level, more than common provifion was necelTary to enforce a due obedience to the laws, and to eftablifli and pre- fervc MASSACKUSETS BAY, 9^ i&pve an authority in the government |y, for although fome Anong them had liberal or. competent fortunes, yet In general their eflates were fmall and barely fufficient to provide them houfes or neceflary accommoda- tions:- therefore a> contempt of / authority wass next to a- capital offence }, and a» the country waff new and uncultivated, the utmoft ioduftry, oeco- nomy, and frugality were necefTary to their fubfiftance;- as alfo^ were law«, with heavy penalties, to compel the obferrance of them. In that branch of law efpecially, which. is diftinguiftied by the name of crown- Ikw in England, they profcffed to have no regard, as they intended to follow the plan of the Hebrew legiilator, fo far ast they thought it ob-- Mgatory upon all mankind. In many inftances» they might not err in. judgment as to the morality, of aiftions/: but their- grand miftake appears to lie in fuppoilng certain natural punifliments, in every ftate, alike pro- portioned t<» fome particular kind of offences, and which Mofes had ohiervedj whereas fuch pumiftiments are and ought to be governed by the particular conditutions and circumftances of the feveral kingdoms and ftates where they are applied. If it is added, that they were at their full liberty, as 'the troubles in England took off from the colonies the atten- tion of the government there; from all thefe circumftances, it is not. difficult to account fon the. peculiarities in the laws of the colony. .r^Bnun the Gaac prejudice in favour of Ifraeirtifb cuftom^, a fondnefs . arofe, or at lead was increafed, as to- fignificant names fori children. ' The three firft baptized in Boflon church were called Joy, Recorapence, . and Pity. . The cudom Spread 4. and the town of Dorchefter was remark- able for fuch, names as Faith, Hope, Chatity> Deliverance, Dependance, . Preferyed, Content, Prudent, Patience, Thankful, Hate-evil, Hold-faft, and fuch others, which are ftill retaini^d by fome. families, in remem- brance, of their anceftors* . In Old Eilgland it is faidja man may give his wife moderate cor- re^^iqn, without ej^fing himfelf to any pen<^lty in the law.: but the • Ugiflatorsof New England had more tender, fentiments of this happy ftate, apd a^man who (Iruck his wife was liable to a. fine of 10/. or corporal punifhment; alfo a woman who ilruck her 6xhaufled; fpend no more time in harangues, but give thanks to God for your happy ^ftabliihment." However, he difcharged himfelf with great honour, and concluded his declaration' with this-requeft* that *^ as it .flood upon record, that upon the difchargft bf his office he^Was called to account, fo this his declaration might alf6be recorded ; left thereafter, when he ihould be forgotten, fbme blemifh' might lie upon his pofterity, when there ihould be nothing to clear it." He was afterward frequently eleded governor, and was remarkable for his charity to the poor. His fon was very inftru- mental in procuring the C!onnennedi- ' cut. Mr. Hooker, minifter of New-toWn, put himfelf at the head of thefe new adventurers, who were about one hundfed in number, and tra- « veiled there on foot, with their children and. baggage. After a tedious journey of ten days, they pitched on the farther fide of the river, and built the town of Hartford. They were followed by another draught from Dd^hefter, who built a little town, which they called Windfor. A third party went from Watertown, and built Weathersfield ; while a fourth went from Roxbiiry, and built Springfield, They had a fort of Vol. I. O commiffion g% HISTORY Of 9lt]^TI$H AMERICA. commiffion from the goveraaaenA of tbe Mafliichiirets Bay for the admi- niftration of juilice* tUl they could make a more regular fettlemcnt. Some of them had fettled within the Maflachuiets juri&Aion ; but thofe who . were out of it entered into a volfMitary a^iationt <;hoie magiftrateft* and made bws for themfeWeSi after the example of the cc^ony from whence they iflued ; in which iUle they eontjaued unti) the reftoration qf King Charles U. when Mr. J<^ Wiothrop Uif yooogv obtained a royal charter incorporating liartfbrd and New Haiven colonies into the united cdoay of Conne^icut* of which he vms govempf fMtfteeo y^ars. , ■ , ,1 While the fouth-weft pwta of New Eonglapd were tJius c«i^ifte4f the north-eaft parts of the country wore aUb improved* Xheie was M^ extent five country beyond the line of the Maflachufets patent where new fettle- ments were attempced by ^>me tbftt were made unei^y v^vdfir the MalTa- chufets goirernmeot, in the tAme of theif anjdnomiw quars^la ; as alfo bf o^Mia who had «o ot^ view hut fnrichiAg ihem^sWes hf th«^ SA^ing trade at fea, and tfie beavcf trMe aihim. Th\i» •m^w ^e pffxyimm of Eaft Hampfliire aod Mitn pe^le^ miugik iwtttimf d a ^rm gei^A-» ment, until heingf'wearifid out wi)^ quurtcfti tnA diftiAm* iMmong tjhemr ^ffes» th^ petitioned the gmifle^l: eouvc. of th

fomf HVi^ after in j^^^^f; I^Tand^ upon the borders c£ the jurifdidiion of New Plynfouth, by the Amino- mtan; haj9i^fx9f9s tfciie *^f|jP^^i^ Pjw,; i^ho obtaipiBd a qlnar^p for th«m|elvff| )«]pq% the lie^ora^bj^jq^ |^g Cl^r^ H, na^ af|? ftUl a diii*n^ im\\t:^fW^V>^gfc^ V»m^f^ on d^xw^ Qpjp^y^ whjuch y«;a^ con^ ieUdnlje^ i(l x^9i» qi^ of thp old M a ft Sy hHf etf, New Plymouth* Maio» a^ A&i^ pf ^i^i Scplfa^^flaenMb iplft t^ip p^efrifft ^^Y 9f. M I ■ MASSACHUSETS BAY. 9^ SEGTI N U. Central AaU (f the colvny in 1637. Suppr^ffitm tf the Pequots. Pami* lyiicalund Autuumait c^rtver/ies. The jirfi fyn^d at Cavnbriige in New Etigkmd: the nature and ife 1^ fynods aecordvig to the principles af the Jndffendenttt The colmiet of Rhode JJland and New Haven , jfqunded ana efiaifi/hed, Commijionjrm Kii^g Charles I. to Archbijhop Laud and others for regulating the plantations in 1636 : The Mqffachu- fetj addre/t to tbofe (ommiffionert concermng the patent of the colony .- Remarks: ifew JettkmentM made. State ^ the country in 1639. The number of planters and pajetigers who arrived in Nhv England before 1640 ; vfitb remarks. Puritan minifters there : the flourtjfAng condi- , tion of the He0achnfets in 1641, New Jeitltntentt made: Grq?vtb of the colony at different periods : Rejohe of the Maufis of Commons in favour ^ the Mafachufets coloi^ in 164/%, The ^vifion more for the adyaat^^ oC tradt witibi the lndiaiu» than out of fear of their power; .for by this time there were about thixe l^uniTand EngMi planters and heads of families in the four colonies^ fo that there muft have been at lead twenty thoufand inhahitjints ; of which one thovrfand, properly armed and difciplined* were Caf&ckot to fuppreis any Indian enemies. The Pequot^ had befsn at war not only with die Narrag^u&tSy but aUb wiiAi the Dutch) who bad pe0efied and planted the countiry now caUed New York ; and tbefe wars prevented them from difturbing the Englilh a con- (iderable time. At laft they turned their force againft the £ngliih» upon whom they committed jg)me murders and feveral depredations. The go<- vcrnor and council at Bc^n fent Captain Endicot '.^ *th one hundred men .to demand the murderefff : He was followed by one buodred men from O 2 Conne^icut, 'm- m 1637. m ICO HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Connedicut, under Captain Mafon { and they invaded the Pequot country, where they deftroyed about five hundred Indians, with inconfiderable • lofs on their own fide. They alfo took about two hundred women and children prifoners, who were divided, fome to the ConneQicut colony, and the others to the Maflachufets : the boyt were fent to Bermudas and - fold for flaves ; but the women and girls were difperfed in feveral towns. The name of their fachem was Safl*acus, who fled for proc^oh to the Iroquoisi by whom he was put to death, and his people either fubmitted to the Englifh, or abandoned their country, which becamt fo much a kind of province to the conquerors, that they difpofed of the lands as they thought proper, and the Pequot tribe was whdly extinguifhed : but while the troops were thus employed abroad, the commonwealth was ahnoft torn In pieces by iiiteftine divifions at home. Mr. AVinthrop was chofen governor and Mr. Dudley deputy-governor for 1637; but not without a warm contention among the people, who were unhappily engaged in their Familiftical and Antinomian controver- fies ; of which thote who are defirous to have a particular account of flich traniadions, may have full fatisfaCkion < in the ecclefiaftical writers of - the c. Mather, b. New England hiftory. The fadions became general ; fonie for the cove- vii- 17* nant of grace, and others for the covenant of works. At laft a fynod waa Kttle.L «*7-.iieid at Cambridge of all the churches in the country, to give their judg»> ments upon the controverted points; and as this was the firft fynod of New England, it is neceflary here to explain the nattire and ufe of f^hOds^ according to the principles of the independents. A fynod, with them, is not neceflary to the eziftence of a church ; but is only to be called on fpecial occafions, foir giving advice and counfel in: cafes of diflBculty. It confifla of the miniflers and lay meflfengers of the- ieveral churches, chofen from iamong themfelves, whofe bufinefs is to debate and determine the feveral matters brought before them, and then* to prefent them to the refpedxve diurches for their Approbation, without which they are of no force. No fynod is allowed a power to pafs c^rch. cenfures i^pon perfons, or put forth any a& of authority, jurifdi£ticn, oc difcipline ; but only to declare their fentiments, and give their advice. la fad, an independent fynod b only a council to the feveral churches^ aflembled upon proper occafAtns, hot to make laws and decrees to*' biiid men upon pain of excommunication or deprivation, but to advife them how to ad under their {»refent difiiculties ; and if a church- or private per* fon refufes to hearken to their advice, the laft remedy i» Kr declare they will hold no longer communion with them. The raagiftrates have power to call a fynod whea the good of the community requifts it ; and may fend ^wiiiiicwitt r'n'i'^ft'wSi'ii-TMnliF^ii' ' :.!«*"««rt^ - »*SM««».»Wf* >ft MASSACHUSETS BAY. fend to the chitfchM, to commiflion their elders and meflengers to meet together! and aifift them with their advice } but if the magiftrate negleAs, or ii of a different .religion^ an^ particuUr. churoh may feud to the others, and defire their advice in the ume way. The fynod continued three weeks : the Antinomian tenets, and feveral other new opinions, were condemned as contrary to the word of God. Mr. Wheelwright and Mrs. Hutchinfon were baniflied for maintaining thofe errors ; the former afterward returned and was minifter of Hamp>> ton; but the latter, with fifteen of her family, were mafTacred by the Indians ia the Dutch territories, which flie had chofen for a retreat. A great number of perfons removed out of the jurifdidion, fome being banifhed and others disfranchifed.i Thefe purchaied the ifland of Aquet- net from the Indian fiichems in 1638, and called it Rhode Ifland, where they eftabliflied a flourifhing colony in 164A, which they extended upon the continent, by purchafing a tra€k of lana near Patuxet River, in Ply- mouth colony, where they built the towns of Providenee and Warwick ; for all which diey obtained a charter of King Charles II. ia 1663 » ^"^ ^^ this day, Rhode Iftand, with Providence and its appurtenances, remains a diftind government, by the title of the ** Governor and Company of the Engtim Colony of Rhode Ifland. and Providence Plantations in New England, in America..*^ iv **■ This year two large fhips from England arrived at Bofipnr with many pailengers, amcHig whom were Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins, two Londoa * merchants, who could not be perfuaded to fettle in the jurifdidlion, and removed to Qjiinnipiac, where they founded the colony of New Haven. They agreed among themfelves upon a model' of government in church, aqd ilate, very like to that of the Maflachufets, and after the manner of thofe of Conne^cut : they continued a- diftindt colony and government until 1665, when King Charles IT. united the two colonies undisr one governor, and New Haven became only a county inilead of a colon^. The clamour was revived in Engtand againlt the American Colonies, 1638!. and the King granted a commiffion for regulating the plantations to Wil- liam, Archbilhop of Canterbury j Thomas Lord Coventry, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England; Richard, Arthbifhop of York; Richard Earl of Portland, High-treafurer of England'; Henry Earl of Manchefter, Keeper of the Privy-feal ; Thomas Earl of Arundel and Surry, Earl- mar(hal of England ; Edward Earl of Dorfet, Chamberlain to tUe Queen ; Francis Lord Cottington, Chancellor and: Uhdfer-Treafurer of tKe Exchequer;. Thomas Edmunds,. Knight,' Treafurer of the. HbufehoUl;. Johai '^**mm,.tmmmim-- tiimif WMsaSiii. lOl HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. John Cook, Kiught* and FrAOcii Wimkbank, Triitfipal Secrctariei of SMtc Archbiihop Laud kept a jealous eye over New England, and one Bur- dett, of Pifcataqua, was his correfpondent, who informed his Grace, that -** it was not new difistpline that was aimed at in New finsland, but fove- reignty ; and that.it was accounted perjurv and treafon, m their general court, to fpeak of appeals to the Iving. A ^o warranto had been brought by the attorney-general* in England* againil the corporation of the Maflachufets; but the Judgment was not formally entei«d. There was, however, an order of the Kiqg in council, dated the 3d of May, 1637, that the attorney-eeneral be recj^uired to call for the oatent of the Maflachufets; aud Mr. Winthrop received a letter in 1638, from Mr. Meautis, clerk of the council, accomoanied with an order from the lords of the council, of AprU the 4th, 1638, ** requiring the governor, or any other peribn who fhould have the letters-patent in thdr cudody, to tranU mit the fame by the return of the (hip which carried the order ; and in cafe of contempt, their lordihips would move his Majefty to reaifuroe the whole plantation into his hands." An anfwer was drawn up and tranf* mitted,. as appears by the files of the court. It wias an addrefs of the ge- neral court ** to the Lords Commiflionen for Foreign Plantations," and intitled, " The humble Petition of the Inhaliitants of the Maflachufets in New England, at a General Court there aflembledythe 6th Day of Sep- tembeii, in tlM 14th year of the Reign of our.fovereign Lord King Charles," wherein they profefled, " that they were ready to yield all due obedience to his Majefty, and to their lordfliips under him; in whicji mind they left their native country, and according thereto had been their pradiice ever ftnce ; fo as they were much grieved that their lordflilps fhould call in their patent, there being no cauCe known to them, nor any (delinquency or fault of theirs exprefled in the order fen V to them for that purpofe, their government being according to his Majefty's grant, and they not anfwerable for any defers in other plantations. That this was what his Majefty's fubjefts there believed and profefTed, and thereupon they were all humble fuitors to their lordihips, that they would be pleafed to take into further confideration their condition, and to afford them the liberty of fubjedls, that they might know what was laid to their charge, and have leave and time to anfwer for themfelves, before they were con- demned as a people unworthy of his Majefly*8 favour or protp^on. That as for the quo warranto mentioned in the order, they allured their lordfhips they were jiever called to anfwer to it ; and if they had, they doubted not but they had a fufiicient plea to put in. That they came into thefe remote parts with his Majefty's licence and encouragement ; and, in a (. I ■■**>WMMi| ili/mi't ■pKiMWUtvii '' MA8SACHUSIT8 BAV. in the confidence thty had of that aflurance, ihtj had tnnrported their families and efiatei, aind there had builc and plantcdt to the great enlarge- ment and fec( ing of his Majefty's dominions in thofc parts ; ib if their patent (honid be ukcn from themi they ihould be looked on at reoega* does and outlawed, a^ Oiould be forcM cither to remove to ibme otSer place, or to return into theit native country agam ; cither of which would put them to unfupp^riable extremities; ana thefe erilst among otherst would neceflarUv follow : i. Many thoufimd fouls would be expofcd to ruint being Uid /^n to the injuries of all men. 9. If they were forced to defert that place, the reft of the plantations bein^ too weak to refift alone, would, for the moft part, diflblve and go with them ; and then the whole country would fall into the hands of the French or Dutch, who would fpeedily embrace fuch an opportunity. That if they fliodd Idfe all their labour and coAs, and be deprived of thofe libertiea which his Majefty had granted them, and nothii^; laid to their charge, nor any failing to be round in them in point of allegiance» it would di&ourage all men from the like undertakings upon confidence of the royal grant. Laftty, If their patent was taken nom them, the common people there- would conceive his Majefty had caft them oflF, whereby they were freed from their allegiance and fubjedion, and thereupon would be ready to confederate dierafekrea under a new government, tor their neccflary fafety and fubfiftence* «iich would be of dangerous example to other jplanta-> lions, and perilous to themfelves, oif incurring his Majefty^s diijf»learure» which th^ would by all means avoid. That upon thefe confiderationa- they renewed their fupplications to their lordftiips, that they might be fiimred to live in that wildernefs, and that thia poor plantation, which> had found vaxMtt favour from God dian many others, might not find left- £ivour from their k>rdihips ; that their libertiea ftiould not be reftxained^ when others were enlarged; that the door ftxould not be kept fliut unto> iliem, while it ftood open to all other plantations ; that men of ability- ihoidd no| be debarred from tkem while they ^ve encouragement to other colonies. That they dared not queftion their lord&ips proceedings ; they only dcfired to open their griefs where the remedy was to be eicpedted:: If in any thing they^had offended his Majefty and their lordihips, they humbly proftrated tfiemfelves at the footfiool of fupreme authority ; hut let them>be noade the objeft of his Majefty*s clemency, and not cut oBT from all hope <^ favour, in their firil. appeal. Thus, with their eamefl^ prayers to the King of kings for kmg life and profperity to hia facredS MajdAy and his royal family^ and for all honour andiwclfare to their lord^ fhips, they humbly took leave V** * This i> » tnit rppy C9inpv!e4 with liM eriginii: on fite, u attcflcd hj EdtHrd Ram^ ioi),, tecrcury : but the r«corai of the feffion talu no notice of it. Boy riff '4 ^i. # TO4 HISTORY OF BRlTiaH AMERICA. Itiwas ?never known |ioC7 this anfw£r was received ; but it ia certain* that no further demahd was made ; and.foon after mofl of the lords, of the council loft their aiithority. Allegiance in an £ngli(h-born fubjedl is faid'to be" perpetual, and to accompany, hiih wherever he goes : but if their charter had been taken way at this time* the body of the people would have abandoiied the country, and either have incorporated with the Dutch} or (ought a, vacuum, domiciiiumt a favourite exprefiion with them, in fome part of the globe, where they would, according to their a|>prehenrions, have been free from the controul of any European power. ' The fettlements were extended this year beyond Merrimack River; and many of the inhabitants of Lynn removed to Long Iflaud, where they obtained a fettlement from Lord Stirling ; but were foon difturbed by the Dutch. Some other fettlements were- intended to be formed, in- dependent of the eftabliflied colonies. This humour, however, was of no long continuance ; for in a few years all the. colonies found an union or confederacy neceflary for their defence, not only agunft the Indians, but agaihft the French and Dutch ; fo that there could be no encourage- ment for fmall bodies of men to fit down any where, independent (m: un- €pnne£i:ed. All that had begun any fettlements between the Maflachufets and the, Dutch, joined ^;ji:h G)nnedlicut or New Haven, except the Rhode- Ifianders^ who were covered by the other colonies ; and all to the eaftward. applied to the Maflachufets that they might incorporate with them. -I - ■• ^ -^ • ■ - ,■ ■ ■ The year 163^ was memorable for a great earthquake throughout New England ; it happened on the fecond of June, and was a: remark- able sera ; for, fo long after the earthquake, was an expreflion common 1639. vrhh the people of New England many years. In 1639, the former governor, deputy and afiiftants, were continued. The primary views, *', in their removal from England, were certauily the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. What the planters brought with fliem, confided principally of materials for their buildings^ neceflary tools for hufbandry, ftock fbr their farms, and clothing for their families. Little is faid of trade for the firft feven years, except an inconfiderable traflic with the natives by barter of toys and cloth, in exchange for furs and ikins : - but the people in general were foon difpofed to agriculture, and to bring under improvement fuch quantities of land as would afibrd them necei^ fory fupport. In a few years, the land produced more than was confumed by the colonifts, who fent the overplus tb the Wefl Indies-, Bird the Wine Iflands, from whence returns were made in the produce of thofe coun- tries, or in bullion j the-moft of which, together with the furs procured from w 1640. A r MASSACHUSET3 BAY. ftom the natives, went to England, to pay for the manufa^res coa* tipually neceflfary from thence. As hands could be fpared fromHuP bani)ry, and labovr in providing th^eir houfes, they were taken off; feme employed in fawing boards fpUtting ftaves, (hingles and hoops ; others in the fifhery ; and thofe who were capable, in building fmall veilels for the fifliery, coafling, and foi;eign trade. Thus gradually and infenfl- bly they feem to have fallen into that traffic moft natural to the country, and adi^pted to their peculiar cii^cumftances, without any premeditated fcheme or projed^ion for fo falutary a purpofe or confiitutional view. Laws were enaded to encourage the fiihery-; as alfo fumptuary laws for the reftri£tion of excefs in apparel and other inadequate expences: a fpiri.t of induftry and frugality became prevalent; and this has been called among them the golden age, in which religion and virtue were eminently difplayed. In 1 640, Mr. Dudley was governpr, and MV. Bellingham deputy-go- vernor : Mr. Winthrop, the former governor, was one of the affiftants ; and the others the fame as the lad year. The civil war which broke out in England between the king and parliament, put a ftop to the fur- ther increase. of the colonies of New England ; for. the ftar-chamber and the eoclefiaftical commiffion court being put down,.^ and the epifcopal power ^clipfed, the Puritans were made eafy at home, and thought no more of tranfpdr ting themfelves to foreign parts. / The number of planters that arrived ih New England before the year 1640, are computed] |i^ about four thoufand, who difperfed themfelves in different parts of the country, and laid the foundations of the feveral towns and villages in it* The whole number of paflengers that arrived are computed at tWenty-one thoufand two hundred, men, women, and children ; of whom about fcven thoufand were now able to bear arms. This fudaen checK upon colonization had a^ furprizing efFedl on the price of icattle; for as the inhabitants multiplied, the price of cattle was ad- vanced, but fell at once this .year from 35 /. to 5 /. It was computed they had twelve thoufand neat cattle, aind not above three thoufand (heep in the colony. New England was in a flourifhing condition at the beginning of the 1641. civil war in Old England, and continued fo during thofe internal com- motions. The colonics had fettled and planted about fifty towns and villages, ereded forty churches, more than that number of minifters houfes, a caftle, forts, prifons, a college, public roads, and all at their own ch arge, without any public aififtance. The planters had ereded com- : YiCS" I. P modious *^ i> ioi5 •■« Mather, b. vi. p. 5^. 1642. HIST6ft¥ 6t Bk!tli;ll AMfeRICA. lA^^idtil kbtlfbi, lA^ith gardens, orcilia^s, ahd mdoTed griound», fot tgii* cUltUrt. The Ihet-chints had convenient wa^chdufb) poit^ Whaffs, HAp^t hdatb, and miUlhe^rsi th6 tr^ddhien^ ihops and trotk^houfes ; ind tHi»^ tvas a face oif bhfittdTi in eVer^ jpart of the cxttbaf. jSoiAe df the ig^ihttetheh retuthed to England, Afid fe^v^ th« piiHk- knent in the time of the civil War; j^articulaflf Edward WihUoW* ETq^ •who ^&h one of the commiffititiers of the rtavy ; Edward HopkiiiBt Efq* Who was ohe df the eomlnifiioners df the admiralty ; George DoWitingt afterwards Sir Geot^ge DbWnihg ; and forhe btheirs of cbnfe^ueiiee. S6iRt of the miniftew aifd letu^iied, aittbng Wljttin Wis Mt. Hugh Peters df ^&\em, Who Wa3 chaplkitl to 0!iV^ t:rdzhWeH, aikd wal e!3kecuttd its a regicide iii 1 t6o. So that the NefW England cdohies, ihftead of having any acceflion from the mother-country, evidently decrealed fbr the tieAt twenty yearS} until the perfecution of the DiifenterS) in the reign of king Cbarie3 the !Sec6nd, turned the tide iJigidn. llie diilieulttes partieular perfons were under^ and the diiUbi-ence of fentiment upon private afffaits, had an influence ujpbn the public tranfae- tions,' which was remarkable even in t^e .election of magiftrates. f^. Bellinghkm Was ciioftn governor, m op^fition tb Mr. Wttilhrdp, anti Mr. Endicot 'dtputy-gt^verndr : btit it Was dil^ulfed Whether they had the majority, and it was fbm^ time before either of thetti Were amnlted to their places. The choice appears to have been difagreeable to the ge- itteral ctJuift y and the firft order they made. Was to repeal a ftankKng lafw for ^ttoWing one hundred pounds annually to the gdv^hdlrr ^.<.. u; iv' The ptatitation at Springfield, upon Conne£tiMiC Ki9et<^ tetumed to the juHfdidibn of the Mafiachufets ; and the fettlers at Pi&ataqua alfo fub< mitted to the fame government. The Maflachufetsy by thus extending its wing over the inhabitants of New Hampfhire, nouriwed and chttHflied them for almdft forty years; to which muft be attributed the gtowth and flburilhing flate of that colony. Mr. Winthrop was elected governor, and Mr. Endicot deputy-gover- nor, in 1643 ; about which time Mr. Thomas Mayhew obtained a grant of Capewock, or Martha's Vineyard,. Nantucket, and Elizabeth** Ifles, Where he formed fettlements, and made no lefe thafo three thoufknd Chriftian converts of adult Indians. Thefe Iflands vretit fe^ fome time after annexed to the government of NeW York, by the nime of Duke^s- county ; but by the charter granted to the coldny of the Maflichufete Bay^ in iD9i> they are exprefsly annexed to that edibliy. ''C^ Th^re r. r k MASSACHUSETS BAVf There Tb\e xe* foWe in favour of the MaiTachufetf colony, esdoerating them from ^XL culftoms or duties on goods exported to, or imported from England ; which was tranim^ted IP the governor by t^e clerk of ^e houfe, and ordered by the icourt to ^ eptipfed ^po|l the pub^c, ,ifeeoa^4** ^^ it might xeomia J^ p(»fterity : this refoWe aUo contained afi aclcnQwjl^g^cnt t^at the New Elngland fctttlementa h^d h^ei^ made wi^.a4t any Pi^Ik: e^pe^cc to the (late. Ab0Ut ^is time, letters came to Mr. XilSotton of Boilqn, Mr« ^poket ol' Hertfoi^d* and Mr. Davenport of New Ifaveii^ f^gn^d by t^e Ejirl of Warwick and .feyeral other of the iiobilityt by Quiver Cromwell and many other members of the houfe of commons, and fome church minifters, to come 0ver and <#tt them in the aflembly of ^i^in^s at Wejfhpainfter : but other letters vrere foon after received, W^^ prevent^ them from any thoughts of proceeding therein^ The governor aftd deputy-governor for the laft y^ w^re re-elected in 1^43, when the colony was fo increafed, that it was divided into the four counties or (hires of EiTex, Middlefex, Suffoll^, and Norfolk. The county of ElTex contained the towns of Salem, Lynn, We6han», Ipf^ wich, Rowley, Newbury, Gloucefter, and Chochichawick : In the county of Middlefex wer$ the towns of Charles Town, Cambridge, Water Town, Sudbury, Cpncprd, Wooburn, Medfqrd, and Lynn village : the county of Suffolk had the towns of Bofton, Roxbury, Dorchefter, Ded- ham, Braintree, Weymouth, Hingham, and Hull : and in the cpiinty of Norfolk were the U>wqs of $ali(bury, iia9;^pton» H^y^sil* l^teii Dovtr, and Portfmwth. Pa Thefc 107 1^4, •* ;t.MUCWi'i"'H-ff*« — ' 'i fc* zo8 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Douglai, I. p. 503. I;il n Thefc townfliips, or diftrifts of lands, may be diflinguifhed into four • forts: I. Incorporated townfhips, which are ferved with precepts ; and"^ generally fend reprefentatives. «. Incorporated townfhipsi alfo ferved with precepts, but fend no reprefentatives in general. 3. TownJiips incorporated, but in exprefs words debarred from fending reprefentatives* 4, Townftiips or diftri£ts granted to a number of proprietors : but as the conditions of the grant, particularly the fettling of a certain number of families in a limited fpace of time, were not fully performed, they , were not then qualified to be conflituted, by a£t of aifembty,' with all . town privileges. ' Ibid. 5! 3. The townfliips were generally granted in value of fix miles (quare, t(J- be divided into fixty-three equal lots ; one lot for the firft fettled mini- fter, as inheritance ; one lot for the miniftry, as glebe-lands ; one lot for th«!^benefit of a fchool ; and the other fixty Ibts, to fikty pcrfons or families, who fhould, within five years from the grant, ered a dwelling* houfe of feven feet ftud, and eighteen feet fquare, with' feven acres cleared and improved, fit for mowing or ploughing; to ere^ -A -houfe for public worfhip in five years, and maintain an orth&dox-minifter: Every townfhip of fifty houfeholders or upwards to be conftantly pro- " vided with a fchool-maner, to teach children and youth to read and writer .. under penalty of twenty pounds a year for iiegled : as alfo, -if confifl-^ in^ of one hundred houfeholders or upwards, they were to maintain a 1 grammar-fchopl ; the penalty was one hundred pounds a year, if con- fiding of one hundred and -fifty families ; forty pounds, if of two hun-« dred families ; and higher penalties according to that rate. In eath townfliip were conflituted certain town-officers, to be eleded at a town-meeting annually in March; fuch as, a town-clerk; feven feled-men; a town-treafurer ; twelve overfeers of the poor ; feven afTef- fors ; ten firewards ; five fealers of leather ; fix fence-viewers ; a furveyor of hemp; informers of deer; hay- ward ; ten cullers of flaves; ten viewers of boards and fhingles ; four hog-reeves ; twelve clerks of the market; two afTay-maflers ; fix collectors of taxes ; and twelve con- ilables. Sometimes portions of adjoining townfhips were incorporated into a parifh or precind):, by afts of affembly, for the better conveniency of at- tending divine fervice : but in all other refpe£ts, except in miniflerial rates, they belonged to their original townfhips. Any man rateable for twenty pounds principal eflate to the province-tax, poll not included* was qualified to vote in town-meetings, except in the choice of repre- fentatives, '/r. ■il^jf»SI^I^^P^ MAS•^SACHUSETS BAT. fimtniyes, vrhich required a qualification of forty (htllinga a year free* holdi OS forty pounds (lerling perfonal eftate. « TUs dangers to which the colonies in New England were expofed, fit>ni dbmeftic and foreign enemies, firft induced them to think of an ijdliance and confederacy, for their mutual fafety and defence. Thofe of Aquidnick, or Rhode Ifland, were defirous to join with the others ; but the Mafiachufets refnfed to admit commiflioners from that colony, to treat upon the terms of agreement with the other commiflioners. The other four colonies entered into a confederate union, after the manner of the Seven United Provinces of the Dutch Republic in Europe, and an inftrument was drawn up for that purpofe, intitled, " Articles of con^ federation betwixt' the plantations under thct government of the MaiTa- chufetsi> the plantations under the government of Plymouth, the planta- tions under the government of Connecticut, and the government of New Haven, wtth the plantations in combination therewith." This inHru- ntent confined of twelve articles, whereby it was agreed, I. That the four jurifdi^ons ihould thenceforth be called by the name of the United Colonies of New England; < II. That the faid United Colonies, for them> felves and their pofterity, entered into a firm and perpetual league of friendihip and amity for ofFence and defence, mutual advice and fuccour. lUi That the plantations which' were drihould be fettled, (hould have peculiar jurifdidlion among themfelves as entire bodies ; provided that no other jurifdidion fhould be taken in as a diftin£t head or member ; nor ihould any other plantation or juriididion be received, nor any two of their confederates join in one jurifdidtiou, without the confent of the reft. IV; That the charge of all wars« ofFenfiveor defenllve, (hould be borne in propoitionta the number of male inhabitants between fixteen and fixty years of age in each colony ; and according to the difierent charge of each jurii^iflion,- the whole advantage fhould be proportion- ably divided among the confederates. V. That upon notice from three magiftrates of any ccdony, of an invafion, the reft fhould immediately fend aftiftance. VI. That two-^commiilioners fhould be chofen out of each of the four jurifdidions, to examine and determine upon all affairs of war or peace, not intermeddling with the government erf" any of the jurifdi£tions ; but if thefe eight commiflioners fhould not agree, any fix- fhould have power to fettle and determine the buiinefs in queftion ; and if fix could not-agree,^then their buiinefs was to be referredto the four general courts of the refpedlive provinces : that thefe eight commiflioners fhould- meet once every year to treat of all affairs ; the meetings to be held in rotation, at Bofton, Hartford, New Haven, and Plymouth. That all matters wherein fix agreed fhould be. binding, upon the whole ; and upon* a ma^rity id^ «♦»»*» ~-.»i- *M HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. a majority under fix, the matter to be referred to the general court of each colony, and not to be obligatory unkfs the ^hole agreed to it. VII. That for prefcrving ordert a prefident (hould be chofen by the cotnmif- fioners out of (heit' number every year. VUI. That the omuDiffioners Oiould (endeavour t9 «ftablifli agreetnenta andondsrs* ia, general cairn of a civil nature, for preferving peace among themfelTca, and preventing all occafioos of war or differences with othera. IX. Tlut no colony ihould engage in war but upon a fuddcn exigency; in which cafe, it waato be avoided a« much at poifihle, without confenKMrihe whole. X. T^at, on extraordinary occafions, four of the commiflionera Should have pelwer to dire^ war, which could hot be delayed, and to fend fi>r due proportions of men out x>i each junBiAion, , as well at ftc might: da» if all met. XL That if any of the confederates ihould break tbe£t artides, the injury fhould be confi4Ered and ordered by the commiflbnera "for th|e other jurif* dictions, that both peace and this confederation tnight b^ inviolably pee^ ferved. XII. That this po'pctuaiL con&deraticm bdng oonfidered both by the general court of the Mafiachufets, and the commiifioners for the three other colonies, was confirmed by the Mafl&dmfets, Gonne&icut, 1643. Aod New Havea on the igth of May^ 1643, and alfe by Plymouth on the 7th ol* September ifoUowiog. . '■>. Jr .i ' ;: I This confederacy Wds adcnowrlcdged adkd toutiteiniiiced by the autho^ rity in England from its inftitution until the reftcuration; and this un^on fubfified, with fome alterations, until the year i686, vwfaen all the chairtera were in effe^ vacated by a commi£Ebn from ELing James U. . From the time bf this confederacy, the foiir f^ipe&vre eofoiAieft of I^Sew England are to be looked upon as one general body^ xsktive to aU the public tranfaAi(»is with their. neighbours ; ^ujugh the prcvste a^airs of each province were managed by magiftrates and courts «f their own. For many years, conuniiBoners met annually in Sqitember, and loccafionally at other timies; but in the latter part 6f the union, the meetings were tri- ennial. A fpecial and priiKipal part of their bufmefs, after the firft years, ^as the gofpelizing the Indians ; and the fociety eilabliihed by the parliament fq^ propagating the gofpel in New England among the In-* ^ians, made the commiflioners their correfpondents and agents; which powers and tnift were continued after the grant of a new charter by King Charles II. and a. particular account of all their proccjsdui^a kxthu capacity are prefon^ed in their records. 1644. ^r. Endicot was this year chofen governor, and Mr. Winthrop deputy* IIDvernor. The general court ihe^^ a prudent compliance with the powers 4 ■■- ^ * * II M but were now intiniidated, and fubmitted to pacific terms. .'''7/ i!*ur • .M ".f d'x.'- '■ ' r ThoUgh tlie |>ublic peabe of the Ihdtians was- prefe'rved, the common- wealfh was in'difordef from inteflitie, commotions. The inhabitants of Hingham, ito the county of Suffolk, quarrelled about the ele£tion of their chief military officer, and Mr. Deputy Winthrop wpukl have compelled the rioters to give bond to appear at the quarter- court, which they refiifed, and he c on t mitt ed bbete to prifon for contetnpt (^government. The ma- jority of the town were ii^amed at the imprifonment of their friends, abid figmd a petition to the general court for a free hearing, and freedom of fpeeck to plead dieircomnU^n liberties;:. Tine oonrt and great part of the country- were much offended at thisV petition; and a declaration was publilfaed by order of court, in anfwer to > the petition, and in vindication of the government ; which was a pro^ ceeding deitogatory to the honour of the fupreme siiithority. The peti-, - tioners were fummoned bdorb the court, imprifoned, ^nd fined ff>r fed^ tiouis and contenpttioin exprefl}<»)s. Mr. winthrop was obliged; by the, - par^ to onfwer inpnblic to the complaints againft him» to whieh he con-^ fented, although he (hewed them how unreaConable it was to call a go-C Mather, vertior to account fltrikig( ^ time of his adminilbr&tion. He came down ''■ "■ P- *3' fhxb'thebeAchi i^eadedMs.xkufeat the .bar, WM«.hoi|eujEa^ . " and-i lis HISTORY Of BRITISH AMIRICA. and refumed his feat- on tlie bench, where he addrefled the afTembly' een condeumedirs ftnfult and placed among melgrtateft imdiorahties. Hi , 1 x't br. Voi^luf r^tan sdjQ^i; ,• SECTION iUJ U4 HISTORX Of BRITISH AMERICA. iiji S E C t I Q N HI. umake war with the Mo- liawks* would expoie the Indians, who were neighbours to the Englifli, a^d profeflbd Chriftianity : That although they were ready to perform all neighbourly offices to the French colony, yet they could neither permit volunteers to be taken up, nor the French and eafiem Indians to pafs through the Engliih juriklidion to inVade the Mohawks, left they (hould expofe, not the Indians oiUy, but the fmaller Ehglifli plantations to danger : That the Englifli were much diflktisfied with ^at mifchievous trade the French and Dutch had begun, and continued* by felling guns, powder, and (hot to all the Indians, which rendered them infdentt That if all other diffi- culties were removed, yet they had no fuch Chort and convenient paflage, either by land or water» as might be had by Hudfon*s River, to and beyond Aurania* Fort poflfefled by the Dutch: That the commiffioners conceived the French deputies might proceed to fettle a trade ; but if they thought proper to limit it under fuch reftri^ions, a fitter feafon for thdfe treaties muft be attended, which the commiffioners would readily improve when- foever it prcfentcd." The college at Cambridge became fuch an objed of attention, that this year it was made a body corporate, by z€t of ^he general court, and re- ceived a charter under teal oi the colony, dated the. 3iftof Algiy, 1650. The corporation was to confift of a preficlent, five fellows, and a treafurer or burfer; who were declared a body politic and corporate in law, to all intents and purpofiss, by the name of " the I^refident ^nd Fellows of Harvard G>Uege."' An explanatory ad jpafled in 1657, and another in 1673, to perpetuate and confirm the privileges of Harvard Cbllege, which continued to be governed under this-charter until 1(^85, when the colony charter was vacated. A c6rporation in England, cpnftituted for propagating the Gofpel among the Indians, t>egan their correfpondence this year with the com- miffioners of the United Colonies, who were employed as agents for the corporation, while the union of the colonies continued. One pro- fefTed defign of the colony charter was gofpelizing the natives, which had been too much negledled. It was in 1646, that the general Cburt of the Maffiichufets pi^ed the firft ad ororder to ecfcourage the gofp^ ns Albany. CLt among Ill; 'M! 1/ ,'■' »iA HISTORY OF BRITI&K AMERICA. AiTiong the In^UcMt «nd it wai then recommended to the elderi to con- fider hoii? it might b« moft properly done. Mr. Elliot fignalized himfelf in this attemptt And wu rBOurcably inftriimenul in converting many In- dian*, whofe undeiiUoding* he endeavoured to enlighten, h^ drawing^ them from their rudcb f«tage» and wandering way of Itfet to civility, co«' habitation, and gowAment. Golledions were made in England to promote this falutary work, for the advancement of which the parlia- n^eiit paflcd an a^ or ordinance incorporating the Society. .: ;. ■. i '< , . ■ ^ ■ / '. Letteta were alfe publiflied from the two univerftties of Oxford and Cambridge, calling upon the miniftera 'of England and Wales, to ftir up their congfegationa to a liberal contribution for the promotion of fo glorious an undertaking. This collodion enabled the Society to pdrchafe an eftat^ |n land of about 600/. a year: but, upon the reftoratipn of Kin^ Charles II. the charter became void, and was foon after renewed by the wtereft of Lord Chancellor Hyde. X 65 1 . '^r* Endicot was chofen governor in 1 65'! , 1 6^2, and '< 65 3 ^ Mr. Dudley dcputy<-governor.v The committee for the ftlte in England imparted their mind to Mn Winflow, agent for the colony, refpeding the government of the feveral jurifdidions in New. En|;land ; be acaujiinted Mr. Di)d- ley therewith, and that an arifwer wai expededj m confeouence of which* the court agretd upon a pedtion to the parliiUneot, and a letter to.Oliver CrornvmlU then general for the parliament. It was expeded th^it al| procef[e4 in thie colony fhould. bfi in . tt^e name of the keepers of the Hbertieis ot England; or that thci;e iboi^Id. he an acknowledgment of thf powers then m being, by a renewal oif the pa^ . tent } but it is certaip, that neither propofal was adopted or eidabliflied. In Odober 1651, hoftilities began between the Englifli and Dutch in !^uc9pe; but the Dutch colony • ^t Maph^dos .was, in, top, feeble a (late openly to annoy the Englifli colonies^ and therefore, defired to preferve- pe»:e in America, which gave the Engliih an opportunity to carry on an advantageous treaty with the Du^cb. 165?, Thp'!or wi on the other: but it was^ now ordered, that all pieces of money fhoutd have a double ring with > this infcription, Massac^ usets, and a tree in the center on one fide,, v^ith Ne w Eng L AN D and the year of our Lord on the otiier i\d^ No ' other colony ever prefumed to coin any metal into money, and no notice was taken (^^t by jtbe pMljameot or prole^or-: it was even indulged by Charles H. fcAr niore than twenty years; and although it was made one of the charges againft the colony, when the charter was called in quef* tion, yet no great ,ftfiefs was laid upon it. . At the fame fe^ioo, ^ qonimu^e or C9unc|l of trade was appointed|Mafl*achufeu after the example as expr'efTed ih the 0rder of -the parliament : they were^f^*** to meet at Bofton or Charles Town to receive propofals for pronioticg trade ; but nothing came from this attempt. 7 Mr. ii8 1654. HISTORY OF EIJIJTISH. AMERICA. Mr. Dudley died the 31ft of July 1 652, in the 77th year of bis age, greatly lamented, as he was a principal founder of the colony, and had recommended himfelf by great firmnpfs and fidelity in difcharge of his truft. He had never been out of ltiefa';agiferacy, and generally either governor or deputy-governor.^ Mr. CJotron^ one bf the minifters at Bofton, died ^ (hort time- before, and was efteehifid the oracle of the co- lony : he was in the 68th year of his age, and was interred with great folcmnity, Mr. Bellingham was chofen governor," ^nd Mr. Endicot deputy-go- j vernor," at a time when the peace with the Dutch, together with " thei hopeful eftabliihment of government in England," occafioned a public thaiikfgiving in the Maflachufets, whofe general court, on the 84th of ^ Augufl: 1654, tranfmitted an addrefs to Oliver Cromwell, the Lord Pro-/ tedor. ' ' i :' 16$^, Mr. Winflow, who had been governor of Plymouth" colony, and agent to the Maflachufets in England, died this year, at the head of an expe- dition to Hifpaniola, and his body Was honourably committed to the fea between Domingo and Jamaica, on the 8th of May. Cromwell appears to have been the firft who had a true fenfe of the importance of the colonies to their mother-country. The expedition to Hifpaniola was by him well intended, though badly executed, and lys plan for enlarging the national intereft in America flo doubt exteiaded further than the conqueft of that iflaod.',*^'^ : The feparation of the Ankb^^tifts froin^mie eftabliflied churches of the colony began at Rehoboth, in Plymouth patent, in 1650 ; but Was foon fupprefled : after which began what has been generally called the perfecution of the Quakers, whofe fed): firft appeared in England in 1644, ^ and foon ipread into America. witn m 1656. Dr. Mather, h. vii.p.S2. -Mo perfon appeared in New England Who profefled the opinion of the Quakers until 1656, when Maiy Hflier and Ann Atiitin came from Bar- badoes ; and foon after, nine others arrited in the ihip Speedwell of Lon- don. Their head-quarters were at Salem, where thejr mide feverftl con- verts, and feemed to join with the Antinomians and Anabaptifls. Tl^y were unhappily fuccelsful in fediicing the |»eople, not 6nly tb att^tid to the myftical difpenfation of the light within, as having tlJe wliole of rdigion contained in it ; but alfo to oppofe the good order, both civil and i! 1 ll'l MASSACHUSETS BAY. ri^ and iacred, cre£ked in the colony. They impioufly declared} that they wei^' immtidiately felitfrom God; and blafphemoufly aflerted, they were ralUUbly aflil^ by the Holy Spirit : they alfo pretended to defpife the |MWer of the elvil inagiflrates* and gave great difturbance to the govern- ment ; dilTiilading the people from bearing arms, and declarmg all mili- tary defence unlawful to Chriftians. This do^rine was deemed particu- larly dangerous to an infant ftate furrounded by Indian enemies : on wMch accbunr they were imprifoned, and their books ordered to be pub- Il£kly burnt. The court pafled fentence of baniihment againftthem all ; though at thia time theiie was no fpecial provifion by law for the punifh- ment of Quakers, who came within a colony law againft heretics in general. At the next feflions an aA was pafled, laying a penalty of one hundred pounds upon the mafter of any veflel who (hould bring a known^ Quaker into the colony, and requiring the mafter to give fecurity to carry the Quaker back again ; as alfo that the Quaker (hould be feverely whipped, and kept td hard labour until tranfportation. A further pe- nalty of five pounds was kid for importing, and the like for difperfrng- Quakers books, with fevere penalties for defending their heretical opi- nions. -fHiij-.itf utaw .. ' . . .'- .. ■■■- ■^ Thrfee jJeirfii^ wfepc piinilhed under this a^ which was not ftifflcient 1657. to deter other Quakers- from coming into the country; and the general couit made the following more fanguinary laws : " That whoever brought any Quaker there ihould forfeit 100 A That thofe who concealed a* Quaker, knoAr? tipiikf of linrppe,, which obliged thf npi^UlK^lft^.fOfrpubtilh.^ deck^atipi;^ in vindlcati^Q.of; thqnf^felyesr as.iigceeable to (he example of j|»)glaiid i» tlu^r, pi^i^pa agaiiift JerWts* It has be^o oMsrve4« upop th^s dt^Ufitioq,^ th^t the IaW{ of p^tM»K Qual^prs to, death yvMqif^tfit^ to t^ Iftj^^^^^Qglaodi «pd cpnfcqueWly aSpHfeiture of the colony ch»fier; t^ <;pitff begiui; iq he;$»i(lblis.ihaii the putting men to death for their. r^iQU* proceedings was odious JA the eye of Uie world; that in the ca^ of the; Qj|isliec« it ccgtld not wi- fw?r thfir ends, foir the nwrc tjify per^i(>ute4« t|*>rmQre-htaed)^ ^Qtk they. h?utl,«p9p, thsir li9^ ;: thecf^itil w)Mi. r^fi^^vic^) tft whipi thffti at yagabpfldf, ThQ:9efl^ratipii;0.f Kiog Ghwlfti., fcwM% alfo feys^wrablft to thefQg^JieEs, who had ia|«ii:efl; t?" pcevail upcm t9i^,Momurcb to pu( a i^opto the fuflFierings of the>i)r&ief»d^ii\New£ogUtod« and to obtaioaii «rt^r to the fpllpwipg^elf!^ : '* Th«(:hiA Mai^^ h^^iiitg been ii^ormed that feveral of his fubjedls in New England had been and were ioij^iln -foned there, whereof fome had been executed} and others were in dan- ger to und^go the lilmi hill M^e% tb<»;(ghl(4tf tp; figid^^i btf plwfore in that, behalf for the . future* and req^irei^ thtt'if aiojy of th<^ people called Cta^lEers were xhere then condc^lM^d to fuff«r deaths or otha^ coqior ral puniihmenjt, of tha« were imprifopied, and obllP«ioiis t» thettke>co«K 4emnatipn« the, awgiftfPtes wcr^.tp fprb^lMr to pmcflediao^fimber there-* ini bpt ihouW fc>^^lp fetdft^ M>;^<>«s, or <|pBQciw^ lllid tP:lMf^ohugAw0¥ildliJbav»ib9(» JiMredratiiiH^ if,theiiqagiftra«y) of tb9.:M&t^tots hftd dlre^tied tbeir moftremineai Mintfter to anfwer Mr. Barclay^s'J^titiiT^Qitiie for Q^U^efUbiill>lhe;fi^ language, on account of its univerfality. The people calli^ by tKe ludi«- •amis .^BPde of, QM«lBecs.;;tmift>ffieifwa«i renutriiJiMie ^A>j«Mi)iM^-liaa- :|p^^kt Kca^rocal taejRdSui^ MnimiMljkptut&f« ^Tl^iaitt^Hldlr:* oohh llderable iatereft ia die Coaittoiiwealtlir; peon^lilce^illiqr) w^mia^ .du}ged,widi affirmation^ infteadofa jwfii«tal oath^ aod in NJwr England! ctbey were excn^te^ bykwa fima pa]iing ratesjtothfi «Qiimlhip:tiitaSften.f m-. JFrom MASSACHUSETS BAY. From 1656 to i6 The Colonifts alfo fent fupplicatory letters to feveral of the nobility, and particularly to the Lord Chancellor Clarendon, who fent a letter to the Maflachufets colony, directed to " the Governor and Gentlemen,'* wherein his lordftiip informed them, »» That he had perufed their peti- tion to his Majefty, and confefled to them, he was fo much a friend to their colony, that if the {ame had been communicated to nobody but him- felf, he fhould have dilTuaded the prefentlng the fame to his Majefty, who, he doubted, would not think himfelf well treated by it, or the An- gular care he had expredTed of his fubjedis in thofe parts fufficiently ac- knowledged : but fmce he ilbund, by their letter to the Lord Chamberlain and Mr. Boyle, that they expeCled fome effedl from their petition, upon conference with them, they had all agreed not to hinder the delivery of it, though he had read to them the in(lru£tions the commiflioners had ; and they confeffed that his Majefty could not exprefs more grace and goodnefs for that his plantation, nor put it more out of their power, in any degree, to invade the liberties and privileges granted to them by his charter : That he knew not what they meant by faying, the commiflioners had power to exercife government there altogether inconfiftent with their charter and privileges ; fince he was fure their commiflion was to fee and provide for the due and full obfervatioh of the charter, and that all the privileges granted by that charter might be equally enjoyed by all his Ma- jefty's fubjedts there : He knew they were exprefsly inhibited from inter- meddling with, or inftru£ting the adminiftration of juftice,. according to the fornis obferved there ; but if, in any extraoirdiftary cafe, the proceed- ings there had been irregular, and againft the rules of juftice, as fome particular ciafes, particularly recommended ttfthem by his Majefty, feemed to be, it could not be prefumed that his Majefty would leave his fubjeds of New England Without hope of rfidrefs by an appeal to him, which his fubjefts cf alt his other kingdoms had free liberty to make.** 1665. The propofitions of his Majefty*s commiflioners to PIymouth*s juriC- didion were as follow : ** X. That all houfeholders, Inhabiting in their colony, take the oath of allegiance ; and that their adminiftration of juftice be in his Maj efty'a name. 2. That all men of competent eftates and clviV convenation, though of diff^erent judgment, might be admitted to be freemen, and have liberty to choofe and be chofen officers, both civil and military. 3. That all men and women of orthodox opinions, competent eftates, knowledge, civil MASSACHUSETS BAY. 187 civil lives and not fcandalous, might be adnutted to the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and their children to Baptifm, if they defired it ; either by admitting them into the congregation already gathered, or permitting them to gather themfelves into fuch congregations where they might enjoy the benefit of the Sacrament, and that difference in opinion might not break the bonds of peace and charity. 4. ' That all laws and expreifions in laws derogatory to his Majefty, if any fuch had been made in the late trouble- fome times, might be repealed, altered, and taken off from the file." The court confented to the firft, fecond, and fourth of thefe propofi- tions ; but they made fome exceptions to the third ; and declared, " that the league between the four colonies was not with any intent to caft off their dependance upon England ; a. thing which they utterly abhorred." ») Mr. Endicot, the governor of the MaOachufeta, died the 15th of March, 1665, and was interred at Bofton with great honour and folemnity. He was fucceeded by Mr. Bellingham ; after which many altercations paffed between the Kings cominiflioners and the general court, the latter of whom prefcribed the oath of all^iaoce in the following form: C( Whirreas I, A. B. am an inhabitant within this jurifdidion, confider- ing how I fland obliged to the King's Majefty, his heirs and fucceffors, *' by our charter and the government eftabliflied thereby, do fwear accord- ^' ingly, by the ^reat n public worlhip on lord's days and other occafional days. That tlie people who maintained, alfo chofe, their mijiifters, whofe adminiftrations were known* and they hoped confonant to the word of .Qod; or if -any deviated, in fuch cafe they made ufe of a fynod^ and the tivil authority. That the militia con- fifted of about £3ur thcniOind' foot, a^di^ur hundred horfe: that they had a fort at the entrance of Bofton harbour, with fix guns; two batteries in the harbour, and one at Charles Town. That the number of their fliips and vcffcls were, about eighty fi?om twenty to forty tons; about forty from forty to one hundred tons; and abojjt.a.do?eiiifbip8 above one hun- dred tons." 3 The 108 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. The commiflioncrs Jn their reply faid, " They fuppofed the King and his council, and the Church of England, underftood the word of God as well as the MafTachufets corporation: they feared i'uch anfwers would highly offend the King ; and advifcd to an ingenuous and free confent to what he deiired." 1 he court then fent a meflage to the commiflioners, whereby they defired to be excufed from a dire£t anfwer to the queftion, *' Whether they acknowledged hisMajefly'scommiflion ?" They chofe rather *^to plead his Majefty's charter, and his fpecial charge to the commiflioners not to diflurb them in the enjoyment of it ; but they were ready to give fttch an account of their proceedings, as that the commiflioners might be able to reprefent their perfons and anions to his Majefly." The commif- fioners infilled on a direA anfwer to their queflion ; to which the court declared, ** It was enough for them to give their fenfe of the powers granted to them by charter; and that it was beyond their line to deter- mine the power, intent, or purpofe of his Majefly*8 commifllon." The commiflioners then fummoned the governor and company of the colony to appear before them, to anfwer the complaint of Thomas Dean and others, for injuftice done unto them ; but the court drew up a decla- ration againfl fuch proceedings, and ordered the fame to be publifhed by found of trumpet. The commiflioners referred the whole to his Majefly, and broke off from any further conference; after which, they went to New Hampfliire and the province of Main, where they appointed juflices of the peace, and exercifed divers ads of government. They had no bet- ter fuccefs at Connecticut than in the MafTachufets colony j but they met with lefs oppofition at Plymoutli and Rhode Ifland. The government of the colony apprehended they Ihould not be thought culpable for refufing an entire fubmifiion to the abfolute authority of the commiflioners, which muft have fuperfeded their charter ; and If this au- thority had been once admitted, they would have found it yery difficult ever after to have ejcCted it. Some part of their condu£t may appear extraordinary ; particularly their refiifmg to make the oath of allegiance neceffary, unlefs with reflriCttons and limitations ; and to caufe all pro- . ceedings at law to be more exprefsly in his Majefly*8 name and by hia authority : But it ihould be obferved, that thofe peifons who bad the greatefl influence among them, had fome fingtilar fentiments upon the nature of civil fubjedlion, which they diltinguifhed into neceffary and voluntary. That from adual refidence within any government neeeflarily arofe fubje£tion, or an obligation to fubmit to the laws and authority thereof; but birth was no neccflary caufe of fubje^o^. That the fubjeds of .^.. MASSACHUSETS BAY. of any prince or ftate had a natural right to remore to any other Aat^, or to another quarter of the world, unlefs the ftate was debilitated and en» dangered by fuch an emigration ; and even in that cafe, if they were de- prived of the right of all mankind, liberty of confcience, it would juftify a reparation ; and, upon their removal, their fubjeCkion determined and ceafed. That the country to. which they themfelves had removed was claimed and poflefled by independent princes, whofe right to the fove- reignty thereof had been acknowledged bv the Kings of England. They therefore looked upon themfelves obliged, and accordinglVi as appeared by their records, actually had purchafed, for valuable connderations, not only the foil, but the dominion, lordlhip, and fovereignty of thofe princes ; knd without fuch purchafe, in the fight of God and men, they had no right or title to what they pofleffed. That the King, indeed, in imitation of other princes of Europe, who laid claim to countries merely from the dif- covery of them, had granted l^is country to certain of his fubje^s ; and the firft planters thought it proper to purchafe the title of fuch grantees, to prevent moleftation from them or from other ftates ; and they had alfo receiyed a charter of incorporation from the King, containing a mutual compad, from whence arofe a new kind of fubje£tion, to which they were held, and from which they never would depart. This was what they called voluntary civil fubjedion, arifing from com- pact ; frem whence it followed, that whatfoever could be brought into queflion relative to their fubjedion, muft be determined by their charter. In a ihort time, however, they were contented fully to comply with the oath of allegiance without qualifying it, afid to give up other pomts which they had before infifted upon : And their pofterity, who claim by birth- right as well as charter the peculiar privileges of Englifhmen, and who enjoy the protedlion, are very fenfible that they likewife owe the alle- giance of Englifh fubje£ts, which, by a general rule of law, is not confi- .idered as local; but perpetual and unalienable. . The King recommei;ided, by a letter dated the 'ssd of February, 1665, to the governor «nd council of the Maflachufets, an expedition againft Canada ; to which the court, in their anfwer to Lord Arlington, July 17, 1666, faid, that ** having confulted with Sir Thomas Temple, governor of Nova Scotia ; and with the governor of Conne^cut, . they concluded it was not feaiable at preient, as well in refped of the difficulty,- if net im- poflibility of a land march over the rocky mountains and howling defer ts, about four hundred milefl, as ^e ftrength of the French there, according to reports." Vol. I. . S His t2^ 130 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. His Majefty fent a letter* dated the loth of April, 1666, to the colony of New Plymoath, acknowledging his having received « lat^fa^lpry ac- count from his comroiffioners, both of the good reception they ji«i given them, and alfo of their dutifulnefc and obedience to hi(n. Another letter of the fame date was alfo fent by the King to the Mafla^ chufets colony t requiring deputies to be fent to England tdanfwcr to the complaints of his commiflioners of oppofition to their authority { and .commanding the cqlonifts to annul their proceedings relative to that affair. This letter was delivered by Mr. Maverick to the governor, when he was aflifting in a court of affiftants ifor the trial of caufef ; ^fUtftimg it came under cover with a letter from the King to Sir Rqbprt Carr i^^4 1^^ other commiiffionera. The governor aflen^b^ed a ipecifl cpiirt on the i itjv of September, to con,fi4er ux the letter ) and the eldera were deiured to give their advice. Several perfons petitioned the general court to comply with, the royal order ; but they were cenfured for intermeddling : Soipe of the dders, howevjer, inclined that the two nvigiftrates (hould he fq^tt'^od thought they ought to obey for CQnfcii^nce lake ; but this w^s pj^ff d by others, who urged, ** that if two might be fent for, fo might ten ; that the civil magiftrate was the minister of God for the good of the people, and fo far as nis commands tended^ to their good, they ought to obey ; but- none would ii^ it was for the good of the colony to fend away their rulers." At laft it w^ agreed to fi:n4 Mr. Secretary &!lQrrice a letter, whfrein already done. The commiflioners influenced fomecrf' the ii^habittets of the towns jo^ New Hampfhire to fign a petition and complaint to his Majefty of the wrongs they had fuftained from the Mafl*achufets,i ** who had ufurped the government over them:'^ but this was oppofed by the majority, wha declared their diflent; and all the |owns defired to be confidered at.part of the lyfaflachufeta ^^CH^y* aa thfy ^^ad .be^A/ocffikany ycAcs bftoire^ , , ■ ■ ; . :; y> . . .■ . uv •: ■•• f; .i.' 1-. Mr. I^pforth, Mr. JUiflter, and Mr. leveret vjrere j^^lCp 'j^ppointed to. fettle the peace in* the province of Main, by bringii^g the people to ao^ orderly fi4)miffion \ whica v^as aj^teojled ^ith ^vs^^ .4^f;ulty* ,^ . .■ r «■; " ■ - • I ,,, Aj, MAdSACtttySfiTS fiAT. 131 As to the proceedings between the commiflioners and the eolonf, It appearSi on the one hand, that the government had not fufficient excufe for non-compliance with what the Ring required ; which might have pre- rented fuch a commiffion from. liTuing. Pttt* on the other handt that cdmmilEon feems a ftretch of power, which might fuperfede the charter in many refpcCls ; and in thr condudl of the general court) upon this occa- (ion, there is no appearance of an obftinate perverfe fpirit, but a modeft fteady adherence to what they imagined their juft rights and privileges. At the fam^ time they endeavoured, not only by repeated addrefles and J jrofeflixms 6f loyalty to appeafe his Majefty, but they purchafed a (hip- oad df mkfts, the freight whereof cod them fixteen hundred pounds (ler* ling, and prefented the fame to the King, who gracioully accepted that teftimony of their affe^ion. Befide, as the fleet in the Well Indies was in want of proviflons, a fubicription and contribution were recommended through the colony, for bHf peace and amity. . Philip dndhis attiet , ^ iikUaie4Uf(^e^l^^ Mr. Wi^/tow apMinted general o/thi ^m^edjfoHes #* 'ii?*^ f^iiiiiife colonies, the gratid attack tipdn jive ''^ifd^fdm triXi^s' 'tk thet'r /oHifiedfwamp, Kawtges Cotfuhitted by the MdiaHs in 1676. The death ^ Philips and ind of the war. kefnarks* ^-^Infurreilion of the Indians tH the eajlern parts bfNew England fUp^ srxffed, General remarks. ^ %:^iif at' ^* '^bVcf nor df the MaffacKiiftls colony in 1673, aii a hold and daring young man» whp thon^t It hi» temMfcr raryifitercjft to defire the continuance of that amit^ wfatcj^ l^f4 fuPHWC^ between the government of Plymouth and his late father an^ brptljier. At t^ fame tio^ he promifed, " for himfelf and his fucceijors, ,to remain' lubjedks to the King of Englaudi his heirs and fucceflors^ to ol^ferve fnch conditions as had been formerly made* and particularly that he would not unjuftly raife war with any of the natives, or dilpofe of any lands without the privity and ^pointment of the £n|;li{h gpye;:npr;" who, ^^i^eturn^. promiTed " to continue with him in facndiUpi, and^ to a^rd Iiim (uchi ai&ftance fnd advice a& they juftly migbt.**^ The Indians within the Mailachufets bounds were not under one liene*- ral Sachem, but divided into fmaller governments, which were brought tO' acknowledge the ful»edion of the Maflachufets : but the law^ could nor zedrain^llll perfons.from felKng muikets or ammunition to- the Indians^ who were generally furnilhed with both, and were become expert markf- men in 1670, when the Pocanokets, or Wampanoags, under Philip, were fiifpe^ed of hoiHIe intentions, and be was chargea ^y the Englipi with^ being hanghtY, perfidious, and impious. In faa, they charged him *' "^tJ^ pride and ambition, in afpiring to the fovereignty of a country, which he would have enjoyed as his inherjtance if they had not prevented; with perfidy, in breaking promifes made while under reftraint, and in the power of thofe to whom they were made; and with impiety. In refufing td^ receive his idigipn from hiaeQemies." Philip was induced to meet the £ngli(h commiliioners at Taunton, where a writing was drawn up, which he contented to fign, acknowledg- ing his paft breach of faith, and promifipg future fidelity. He therehy alfo engaged, "to refign uj^ to the government of New Plymouth all his Englifh arms, to be kept by them for their fecurity, fo long as they Qiould fee reafon*" His .fubmitting to the ackncwiedjgment in yrritrng was of little confequence ; hecaufe the Indians in genieral will promife any thing required of them to remove an impending danger, or to procure an imme- diate benefit. Accordingly, when Philip was at liberty, he thought ix^ more of his engajgemc^ts j and many ftiange. Indians pefOTtjcd to. hi^. ,j '^'^ m # i$6 •HISTORY OF BRiTlSH AMERICA. At this timie there wak a brekch in the union between the colonies ^om fome mifonderftandings, which were foon redSifiedi and Come al- ibrations made in the articlc^s. The court of Plymouth wrote to the Maf- fiu^ufetB) that they were preparing to make war^ againft Philip, who cameto^fton, and agreed ** for himfelf, his councu, and fubjeds, to acknowledge themfelves fubjed to the King of England, and the govern- ment ci^'New Plymouth, and to their laws. To pay unto the govern-* tattit of Plymouth one hundred pounds in fuch things as he had, in the term' of three years. To fend unto the governor five wolves heads yearly. To tetde any difference between his people and the EngliJSi. To make nO -Vfar without the governor's approbation j and not to dlf- ,pofe of ihy lands without his confent." ;: The £ng(t£lh^ere too much inclined to confider the Indians as a race df* beings by nature inferior to th%m, and born to fervitude. Philip was a man of high fpirit, who could not bear to fee the Englifh extending their fettlements over the dominions of his anceftors, and he could never reft until he brought on the war which ended in his deftrudtion. War Was proclaimed in Bofton againft the Dutch, on the 38th of May, 1672, in confequence of the King's declaration of war publiflied in England ; and this was the firft inftance of any public lieclaration of vnr in the colony. About the fame time, the union between the three >eolbnies was renewed by commiflioners, and ratified by the general UTt ^ at Bbfton. The commiffioners were now to meet but once in three yearJWlfVHI .. ^f-i- ■*jt^*0»m*ta^^ 140* Cliurcti. Hobbard. llatLcr. HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. The Indians attacked Hatfield with all their force and fury* but were Tcpulfed, and withdrew to the Naraganfets country, which they made ihcir general rendezvous. The commiflioners of the United Colonies tliereforc agreed, to raife one thoufand meni and march againft the ene- my, rhe Maflachufets were to raife five hundred and twenty-feven ; the ren)ainder by the other two conies ; and Mr. Winflow, the gover- nor of Plymouth, wa9 appointed general. The Maflachufets forces marched from Boflon, on the 8th of Decern- "her, and were joined at Pettyguamfcot, on the i8th, by the Plymouth and Connedicut men. The night was flprmy, and the men had no covcringx; but, at break of day, they marched through the fnow about fifteen miles, until noon, when they arrived at the edge of the fwamp where the enemy lay, to the number of about five thoufand men, who knew of .the arr y coming againft them, and fortified themfelves with all the art and firepgth in their power. The £ngli(h, fuddenly and nn- expededly fell in upon this feat of the enemy, without drawing up in order of battle, or confulting how to begin the aflault. The Indians fired upon the EngliOi as they entered the fwamp, and followed them to their fcntrefs, which was upon a rifing ground, in the middjie of the fwamp,. pallifadoed all round, and within a thick hedge. At one corner only, was a gap the length of one log, where the breaft-^work was not above four or five feet high : but the Indians had placed a block-houfe opponte this pafiage, at which the Englifh could enter, and no where elfe. The captains entered at the head of their companies : the two firft, Johnfon and Davenport, were fliot dead at the entrance, as were many of their men ; befide the Captains Gardner, Gallop, Siely, and Mar- flial, likewife loft their lives. When the Englifti were entered, they at- tacked the Indians, who fought defperately, and beat the Englifti out of the fort ; but the Englifti continued their attack about three hours, and their advantage was fuch, that they began to fire the wigwams, which were five or fix hundred, and in many of them the Indian women and children periftied ; while the fiurvivors fled into a cedar fwamp at a little diftance, without any neceflaries of life. The day 'was almoft fpent, which induced the Englifti to retire, with their dead and wounded men, ivho were eighty-five killed, and a hundred and forty-five wounded ; but the Indians loft one thoufand fighting men in the a^on, befide many ^d men, women, and children, who periftied by the fire, cold, and famine. The Indians repoflefled their fort, and the Englifti forces retired to Boftou. This was a very gallant a£tion, and the memory of it ought to be preferved, for the honour of thofe that were engaged in it. 7. ^ The ■^■ W||f':vij)A.-«; MASSACHUSETS BAY. 141 The Indians abandoned the Naraganfet country, and aflfanlted Lan- 2676. cafter, on the loth of February, when they burnt feme houfes, and killed or captivated forty-two perfons, among whom ,were Mrs. Row- landfon, who was the minifter's wife, and her children. Mifchief was alfo xlone at Marlborough, Chelmsford, and Sudbury, about the fame time : but, on the sift, the Indians fell upon Medneld, in which were two hundred and fifty foldiers, who were unable to prevent them from burn- ing half the town, and killing eighteen of the inhabitants. The in- dians alfo burnt feven houfes at Weymouth on the ajth ; but they com- mitted no farther ads of hoftility nearer to Bofton, which was about feven.' teen miles diftant. Where Philip fpent the winter was never certainly known ; fome con— jedured that he went to the Mohawks, others that he ventured to Ca- nada, which his friends faid was his intention in the fall. He knew the, premium fet upon his head, therefore difguifed and concealed himfelf, fo that little was heard of him until about the time he was flain. In March, the Indians attacked Northampton and Springfield, upon. Conne£ticut River, Groton, Sudbury, and Marlborough, in the MaSaL^ chufets ; as alfo Warwick and Providence in Rhode luand ; where they committed great ravages, burning the houfes, deftroyiog the cattle, and. maflacring the inhabitants. Captain Peirce;, at the head of fifty Englifli, and twenty Indians of Cape Cod, were drawn into an ambufliment, and furrounded by five hundred Indians, who killed every Englifhman, and. moft of the friendly Indians ; but the Engliih fought fo valiantly that they, ilew about one hundred and fifty of the enemy. After this, the Indian8> burnt forty houfes, befides barns, at Rehoboth. In April, the Connedicut men, under Mr. George Denifon of Ston— ington, killed and took prifoners forty-four of the enefny ; and foon af- ter he took and flew feventy-fix more, virithout the k^ of a man. ia ei- ther of thefe exploits. Between thefe two fuccefsfiil adions happened an unfortunante one for the Mafl*achufets, who loft. Captain Wadiworth,, and fifty of his men, in .attempting to relieve Sudbury. In May and June, the enemy appeared in various parts of the colony;.^ but their vigour abated, as their diftreOes increafed ; while the Mohawksv attacked and killed fifty of them. In July, the Connedicut forces killed or took one hundred aud forty of the enemy in the Naraganfet (ouotry. The Maftachufets and Plymouth; volunteeca. 1149 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. 'volunteers were equally fuccefsful in feveral parts ; but no commander was more fortunate than Colonel Church*, of Plymouth colony, who made Philip his principal objed^, upon whofe life or death depended war or peace. The captain was informed by an Indian, that Philip was re- turned with many Indians to his old quarters at Mount Hope, where he might be eafily furprized. Parties were fent out, who brought in many Indians, and more furrendered upon proroife of mercy, which obliged Philip to feck for his own fecurity. He fled from one fwamp to another, abandoned by his friends, until his uncle &n6 flfler, and at lafl his wife and fon, were taken prifoners. Reduced to this miferable condition, he was killed, on the 12th of Augud, as he was flying from a party under Colonel Church, out of a fwamp near Mount Hope. An Indian (hot him through the heart : his body was quartered and fet upon poles, and his head was carried in public to Plymouth, where his fliull was prelerved a» Acuriofity. v. . This was a finifliing ftroke, as the parties of Indians that -remained un- fubdued were drove from one fwamp to another ; fo that before winter, moft of them were killed, taken, or obliged to furrender ; though a few fled to the diftant Indians, or the French. In all the promifes of mercy, thofe were excepted who had been principal aAors in any murders of the Englifli ; and nont had promife made of any thing more than their lives. Many of the chiefii were therefore executed at Bofton and Plymouth ; moft of the others were fold, and fliipped ofi^ for flaves to Bermudas and other parts. There was fcarce a family in the two colonies that had not loft a relation or friend, and the people in general were much exafperated.. The Indians in the eaftem parts of New England had ftronger provo* cations to quarrel with the Englifli than thofe in the weftern and fouthern parts. The Indians bordering on the provinces of Maine and New Hampfliire, beyond Pifcataqua River, had carried on a very profitable Neds. trade with the Engliih, who had fettled there from the Maflachufets. They treated the natives like flaves, of which they were truly fenfible ; and within a month after breaking out of the Philippic war, they gave the Englifli to underftand, they would bear their infults no longer. En- couraged by the example of the Wampanoags, Naraganfets, Nipmucs, Saconets, and Pocaflets, the Tarenteens^ or eaftern Indians, fell upon the Engliflii deftroying their houfes and plantations as often as they haCd a fair opportunity. * He publiflKd anaccouqt of hit campaign. The MAS&ACHUSET8 BAY. The government at Boflon, informed of the diftrefs that the Englifh were inf fent a body of men to their relief, under the command of Captain Hathorn, Captain Syll, and others, who furprized four hundred Indun89 as they were bufy in plundering Major WaIdron*8 houfe at Quochecho, and took them all prtfoners. About two hundred, who were found in arqn, were fold for flavcs i a few were executed for having been guilty of murder ; and the others wei^difmiiTed, on a promife of committing no fiii;ther hoiiilitics. This blow difpofed the favaget to treat with the governor and council of the Mafiachufets ; fo that articles were agreed upon about three months after the death of the Sachem Philip, between them and the Sachen^^ of Peaobfcol^ who p .id fuch little regard to the articles, that the Maflachufets wer« obliged to fend Major Waldron, with two hundred men, to fee them executed. This intimidated the Indians, who concluded a kind of general, peace, oa terms not very honourable for the £ngli(h» who were to allow a certain quantity of corn yearly to the Indians, and pay a quit-rent foe their lands. Such was the. end of this Indian war, that had continued eighteen* months ; in which the Englidi loft about three hundred and forty men,, but aboVe three thoufand Indians pertflied; This was a fatal ftroke to the fkvages, who were perpetually dwindling away by tnteftine wars and new difeafes ; while the cdonifts frequently had recruits from England, andi built feveral new towna and forts, in New Hampfhire and Main, withia a; few years. ■ In the heightiof the cUftreft of the war, and while the authority of the- colony wailcontending with the natives-for the pofieflion of the foil, com*- pUints were making in England, which ftruck at the powers of govern- ment; and an enquiry wais fet on foot, which was continued from time- to time, until it finally iifued in a quo warranto, and judgment againffi the charter thereupon. 143: S^pTIONi *M HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. b S E C T 1 O N VI. Agents fent to England to an/wer the complaints a^aiujl the colonifis in 1677. — Mr. Leveret dies^ and it fucceeded 1^ Simon Bradftreet^ Efa* at governor of the Majfachufett, Mr. Jfmthrop diet, and itjiicceedeah IVilliam Leety Efq. at governor of ConneOicut and New Haven, m 1670. -—The cafe of the governor and company of Mafjachufett Bay decided in 1679. The colon'^t fubmit to the regulationt made in England. The agentt return from England to Bo/lon with the King*t letter, and reqt»- jttionsfor the better government of the colony. Ntw WampJlMre made an independent government, and Joint Qttt, Ef^. apfemted prejident in 1681. — Afr. Dudley and Mr. Ricbardtfent at agentt to England, in 1682, to defend the MaJTachufett charter, then threatened with a quo warranto. The vote of the governor and affiflemtt thereon in 168^. The Newt^ England chartert furrendered. Henry Cra$£eld Efq. appointed governor # of New England in 16^^ Kim Jamet It. proclaimed in Bq/hn, Mr, Dudley appointed pre/ident in i6od. Refblutiont of him mid hit council concerning their conm^ffion. 1676. "^Jl R* Randolph was fent to the Maflachufets with his Majefty*s letter of March loth, 1675-6, and copies of the petitions of Mafon and Gorges. The King commanded that agents fliould be fent over, to ap- pear before him in fix months after the receipt of the letter,, fully in- truded and impowered to anfwer. Governor Leveret fummoned a fpecial court, to meet on the gth of Auguft, when it was agreed, ** That it feemed unto them the moft expedient way of making anfwer unto the complaints of Gorges and Mafon, about the extent of the patent line, to do it by appointment of agents, to appear and make anfwer for them ; fb as to negociate the affair with iafety unto the country, and with all duty and lovdty unto his Majefty, in the prefervation of their patent liberties : * to which the reafons for their opinion were fubjoined. 11677. Mr. William Stoughton and Mr. Peter Bulkley were chofen agents, and went to England, where a hearing was had before the Lords of the Com- mittee of the Council, upon the principal parts of their agency, in both of which they were unfuccefsful. The province of Main was confirmed to Gorges and his heirs, both as to foil and government; and with refpeA to Mafon's claim, it was determined, that the MaiTachufets Kad a right to three miles north of Merrimack River, to follow the courfe of the river fo far as it extended ; and that the expreflions in the charter could nor war- rant the ovtr-reaching thofe bounds by imaginary lines. Governor m MASSACHUSETSBAY. H <3oyernor Leveret died, and was fucceeded by Simon Bradftreet, fifq. 1678^ John Winthrop, Efq. governor of the United Coloniei, of ConneAicut and New Haven, alfo died about the fame time, and was fucceeded by William Lcet, Efq. who had formerly been governor. In all the confufions of grants, or copies of grants, the greateft ftrefs 1679. was laid upon that of the 7th of November 1629: upon which occafion. Sir William Jones, his Majeftv's attorney-general in England, gave his opinion upon the whole cafe, which was entirely in favour of the colonifls; and a commiflion was iflued from the crown for the government of New Hampfliire; whereupon the Maflachufett defifted from any further exercife of jurifdidion ; except as to the towns of Saliibury, Ameibury, and Haverhill, which, by their original grants from the Maflachufets co- lony, extended above three miles from Merrimack. The Qiiakers renewed their complaints againft the colony, for recent aAs of intolerance; and fome other regulations occafioned murmurs among the "general part of the inhabitants, who found that exceffive pe- nalties prevented profecutions, and that multiplying laws, with fuch pe- nalties, impaired the weight and authority of the penal laws. Several addrefles were made to the -King from the giperal court, who paflfed ibme laws in favour of the crown ) particularly an a€t to punifli high treafon with death ; and another, requiring all penorts above nxteen years of age to take the oaths of allegiance, on pain of fine and imprifon- ment. The governor and magiftrates took thofe oaths without any re- iervation : the King's arms were ordered to be carved, and put up in the court-houfe ; but it was a more difficult thing to conform to the a.€t% of trade, which the colonifts at firft apprehended to be an invafion of their t rights, liberties, and properties. They foon after, however, fiibmitted to the ads of navigation and trade, which they ordered punctually to be obferved, confidering that they were colonifts, and therefore fubjed to the contvoul of the parent ftate. This year died Joiiah Winflow, Efq. governor of Plymouth colony, and the firfl New Engliihman that was advanced to that honour. He was fucceeded by Robert Treat, Efq. and Mr. Thomas Danforth was appointed deputy-governor of the Maflachufets, in which office he continued with governor Bradftreet until the dilfolution ot the government. The agentfvwere detained in England until this time, and thought them- ielves not at liberty to return without the expr^fs permiflion of his Ma- Vol.1. U jefty: ■•I 1680. .« 'k:-:r Il !■ ;^6 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMBRICA. jefty : but the popifli plot prevented aa attention to plantation affairs» and the agents were difmifled at Londoni from whence they came to Boflon) with the King's letter of the 84th of July 1679, containing th(t following requifitions : ** I. That agents be fent over in fix months, fully inflrudted to an(Wcr and tranfad^ what was undetermined at that time. II. That liberty of confcience be given to fuch pkrfons at deiired to ferve God in- the way of the Church of England, fo as not to be difcountenanced from (haring in the government, or fubjeded to other incapacities. III. That no other diftindion be obferved in making of freemen, thaa that they had compe> tent eftates, rateable at ten ihillings, according ta the rulea of the place, \ and that fuch, in their turns, be capable of the magiftracy, and all law* made void that obftrufied the fame. . IV. That the aacient number of eighteen afliftants fliould be obferved, as by ehartir. V. That all perfons^ ' in office ihould take the oath of allegiance. VI. That all military com- mifBons, as well as the proceedings of juftice, Ihottld run in his Majefty*8 -name. VII. That all. laws- repugntut to the laws of England for trade, ■fliouklbeaboliihed." Few objedions were made to thefe inftrufHons, Mid the colony of Mkia continued under^thc protection of the MafljRhufets ; but New Haropfiiire was made an independent govccnment, and John Cutt, BJq, was appointed ■the firft prefident. ' ' ■. ■ x68k The defign of talung away the colony charters now became evident p and a new nuitter of charge yras brought ia England i^gaiaft the M^fla- chufets; which was the coinage of money. The colooifta alleged, that this cuftom began in Ae times of the late confufions, to prevent frauds on the pieces of eight current among them ; and if they had trcfpafied upoa the royal prerogative, it was through ignorance i6B2» ^^' ^clley and Mr. Richards- were difjmtched aa agenta to England -r. and a public fall was obferved throughout the cok)ny, to pray for the pre-^ fervation of their charter and fuccefs to the agency. The agents, in their firA letter to the general court, acquainted them, ** that his Majefly was greatly provoked by their to long negleduig to fend agents; and they defired the court to confidex whether it wait bed to hazard all, rather tjian fatisfy his Majefty as to the mode of fubmiffion to the laws for regulating trade, fince they ferioufly intended to fub^^it to the fubftance..'*' >u. Lcya ., /•> . MASSACHtrSETa BAY.' » rr NT ' Lok4 Rad.'.or and Sir Lionel JenkintMthreatened that a' quo warrdhti^ ihould proceed : the colonifts refented it, and were determinexl to make n» conceifioDS of any privileges conferred upon the chartered colony. * ■ It was determined a quo warranto ihould go againft the charter, and x683lb that Randolph ihould be the meflfenger of death. This man was an agent for the King, and endeavoured all in his power to ruin the colony. - The agents arrived at Bofton on the 23d of OCkober 1683 ; Toon aft^ Randolph came over with the quo warranto, and a declaration from the King, that " if the colony before profecution would make full fubmiflion to his pleafure, he would regulate their charter for his fervice and their good." • - " * Two hundred copies of the proceedings againft the charter of the city of London were fent, at the fame time, by advice of the privy-council, to be difperfed through the province : but the governor and major part of the aflzflants defpairing of any fuccefs from fuch a defence, pafled the following vote : ** The magiihrates have voted, that an humble addrefs be fent to his Majeify, dediuing they would not prefume to contend with him in acourfe of law ; but fubmitted to his pleafure : And, 'for faving a default for non- appearance upion the return of the writ of quo warrantOt that proper per- fons be empowered to make defence.'* » There was not the leaft pretence of mifgovernmcnt againft the Fly^ mouth company in their quo warranto ; but thofe writs for G)nne£ticut and New Havcit were accompanied with a letter from the King, figni>- fying, if they reiigned their charter, they might take their choice 'of being under either Bofton or New York. They petitioned to remain as they were } in which they judged very right. Rhode I0and had a valuable; caarter $ but the gonrnxvx.'^t there faw it was in vain to diipute with a King, who had forced J <3 cny jf London to change its ancient rights and privileges for his wrU ao 't ; ieafure, and fubmitted to that mark of Havery. Hampfhire and V.x.n x.zvi^ had a charter; but a ibrt of aflbciation, which ^ey readily i^f :.;r&evl in^ the ;hands of hi« MajeiW, and^terward became a royal govciiuncnt, ittAt* peodcflt of the MaiuchuiiniL U « Ring f' '41 ^ HISTOHY t>f BRITISH AMERICA. 1684. « 'King Charles having thus iHzed the charters of New England (ent over Henry Cranfield, Efq. to be governor, by a royal commiwon, which fuperfeded Mr. Bradftreet, governor of the MaflachufetS) Mr. Leett go- vernor of Connedicut and New Haven* and Mr. Treat governor of Ply- $IP^^' A mouth : but the King died before any new government was fettled ; ahd King James was proclaimed, on the 20th of April, in the high ftreet in Bofton, with great ceremony. 1685. *% The fymptoms of an expiring conftttution were ftill to be difcovered ; and feveral of the towns ftegle^ed to fend their deputies, fo that little buHnefs was done at the court. There appears to have been as much in- difference in the legiflature about public affairs in 1685, as they expelled to be fuperfeded every day. The colonics were informed that Gdonel Kirke was to be their governor, which made their condition feem very deplorable. i685. '^^^ AeGtMn £ix 1686 was on the isth of May, when Jofeph Dudleys Efq. being left out, Mr. Stoughton refufed to ferve ; and, on the I5th» the Rofe frigate arrived from England, with a commiffion to Mr. Dudley, as prefident, and fome others, gentlemen of the council, to take upon them the adminiftration of government. A copy o^ the commiffion was prefented, and the followiQ|^jinfwer refolved upon by the court: ** That they conceived, Firft, That there was no certahir determiiute rule for the adminiftration of juftice ; and that which was, feemed to be too arbitrary. Secondly, That the fubpeds were abridged of their liberty «• Engliflimen, both in the matters of legiflatioa and in laying ai taxes, and indeed the whole unaueftioned privilege of the fubjed transftrred upon the commiffioners, therriiot being the leaft mention of aaaflembly ia the commiffion; and therefore the court thought it h^hly concerned the commiffioners to confider whether fuch a commiffion was fafe for the whole: But if the commiffioners were {g iatisfied th^n as that they held themfelves obliged thereby, and ,to«3k upon them the govern- ment, although the court could not give their affent thereto, yet they lumped they ihould demean themfelvei Is true and lo^l fubje^to hh Majefty." %• • *■• The prefident and council met on the 25th, when the royal conMntffioA ^ was piUiliihed. Th((. court appointed a cwunittee to talw into tlwir j^lifiody fuch papers at referred to the chartelFaad titles of lan^ '%y pu«- . c chafe II t' ^ ■tJ^i % ' MASSAtHirSETS BAr» cBa(e Smvfk the Indiana or othemife ; which they ordered their fecretary to deliver, and adjourned to the fecond W^dnefday in OOober. About this time Mr. Hinckley, governor of Newttymouth, fent an account of the praying Indians, then in that tofony, to the cOrporaSon in ^gland ; whereby it appeared, they amounted to 14591, '**fi<** ^* '"^^ girls under twelve years of age, which were fuppofra to be above four Siouiandlr •#, m ••■» 6ECT10M •^■'* §$*^ HISTORY OF BRJ^Ti|H AMERICA. S E C T I O N VII. From the djfoluiioH of the charter in x6S6, until the arrival of tbeprovinct charter m 1691. c685. 'T^HERE are no pubHc records from the diflblutlon of the old charter ^ government in 1686, until the reftoration of it in i68p; and if there was any book of records, it was fecreted or deftroyed. Mr. Dudley's adminiflration was (hort, and not very opprefltve. Tlie . houfe of deputies, indeed, was entirely laid aflde; but the people fufFered Httle from the change. Of a prefident and eighteen members of the council, there was only one of the Church of England : The juftices of peace and officers of the militia were congregational men ; fo that in the main, the perfons only, and not the government, were changed *." Mr. Dudley the preHdent, and Mr. Stoughton deputy-prefident, pro- felTed a great attachment to the intereft of the colony, whofe church-wor- (hip had no moleftation ; and the civil jurifdidion was managed as for- merly. Trials were by juries as ufual, and even in the vice-<:ourt of admirdty, with fome exceptions as to the poWier of the mar(hal in re- turning jurors. Mr. Dudley confidered himfelf as appointed to preferve the aflPaito of the colony from confuAon until a governor arrived, and a rule of adminiftration (hould be firmly afcertained: As prefident and ordinary, he took all matters of wills and adminiftrations into his own hands ; fo that in general the old colony-laws were obferved, though the government which fradhd them was dilTolved. Connedicut, Plymouth, and Rhode Ifland continued their former ad- miniflration, until the arrival of Sir Edmund \ndro8, a poor knight of Guernfey, who had a commiflion from King James for the government of New England, and landed at Bofton on the aoth of December, when his coiiKiufuofI was publifhed. This Sir Edmund Andros had been governor of New York, and the beginning of his adminiftration in New England promifed very (alutary views. He made the flrongeft prbfeffions of regard to the public good 1687. li * Rtndolph't LetMr to the ArchbiflK^ ofCanterburjr, 2 aii4 MASSACHUSETS BAT. and die Welfare of ti»e people, both of merchants and planters ; direded judges^ to admtnifter juftice aocordtng to the cuftom of the place ; ordered the former eftablifhed rules to be obferved, as to rates and taxes; as alio diat all the colon/ laws, not inconfiftent with- his commiflion, ihould be in force.' ^ • The mzjat part of his council f were inclined to the public intereft» and would have continued under tlie old form, of eovernment. With a proper firmnefs of mind, they might have been ferviceable while they held their places in council ; but they were like the reeds of their co» lony, and bowed before the bJaAs of £ngli(h power. Sir Edmund Andros has been^ rqpref^nted' as a bigotted Papift ; nor fs It impoifible. He had. no aflfedUon for his new council of New England, yet he made Tome of them his confidents: it was not long, however, be- fore the cafe of fome> who apprehended themfelves ororeued, came under confideration ; when one of the coundl told them, ** They muft not think the privileges of Engliflimen would follow them to the end of world." This gave aa alarm through the gofvernment, which, has never been £argpt;^ There was but one epi&opal aaihifter inr the country ; andSir Edmund, eonfidered the congregational minifters as laymen only; though there had been few inftances of even oocafional aflemblies for religious wor- (hip according to the rites and ceremonies of the church of England for upward of fifty years. One of the firft ads of power, after the change of gove^ment, was tlie reflrunt of the prefs, and Randolph was licen- fer; but the moft grievous reflraint was that upon marriages, as none were alloved to marry except they entered into bonds with fureties to the governor, to be forfeited if there fhouid afterward appear to have been any lawful impediment. The King favoured them with a general tolesatioui which diflipatedi ike fears of the people from a perfccutipn ; but the more intelligent per- fons fufpeded this as an introdudion to popery. Swearing by the book,, which had never been pradifed, was now introduced, and fuch as fcru- pled it were fined or imprifoaed. The fees to alt officers had been very- low under die dnarter ; but they, bcdame exorbitant under the new ad-^ miniflration. t5» » Thcfe ar» not ipp/ircnt vfpn naj lift^ A» i5« HlSTOflY OflF- BRITISH AMERICA. A«. the charter was vacatedi the greateft profits arofe from patents for lands ; and the people were told they had no titles to their eftates, be- caufe the general court had not made their grajnts under the colony feal. In the latter part of the adminidrationi prop«'ty became more precarious, and petitions were greatly multiplied. The governor and fome of his council impofed arbitrary taxes upon the people, who thought themfelves intitled to the liberties and immunities of free and natural-born Englifli fubje^s, and that confequcntly no money ought to be exa£led from them but by their reprefentatives. They had no expedtation that their char- ter privileges in general would be reftored ; but they hoped to be allowed a a houl'e of reprefentatives, even under fo arbitrary « prince* There was a general fabmiffion to the taxes, and the aifelTments were proportioned upon the inhabitants of the towns by officers ap- pointed by themfelves ; which makes it probable, that this was the rea-* fon of -continuing to the tov^riti fome of their privileges ; for every town was fuffered to meet annually to ele£t officers ; but all meetings for other ; purpofes were ftridlly forbidden. A new model of government was in- tended, but there was not time to accompliffi.it; and the old laws of » the colony feem to have continued the rule for adminiftration of juftice* except where they were fuperfeded by arbitrary ordinances. The law proceedings were more formal than they had been; but Mr. Dudley and Mr. Stoughton were two of the judges of the fuperior court, and neither of them inclined to comply with didatorial commands. 1688. The Indians upon the frontiers, in the fummer of 1688, renewed their hoftilities, which were not immediately checked. The :governor raifed about eight hundred men to oppofe the Indians, who evaded his purfuit, and elcaped without Ibfs ; but fome new for .a were built at Pe- , jypfcot and Sheepfcot, to prevent their incurfions. The governor received a new commiffion, which was publiffiedf with great ceremony, firom the balcony of the tpwn-houfe. New York was included in this commiffion ; and Mr. Blaithwait wrote to Randolph as follows : I 1 1 ■• I :.] 11 If the union of all New England under one governor be acceptable on your fide the water, what will the joining and annexing to the fame government be, of all the Engliffi territories in America, froai Dela- ware Bay to Nova Scotia? This is already determined by^his Majefty, and a commiffion is in hand, conftituUng Sir Edmund Andros governor S alfo Lii. MASSACHUS£TS BAf. «J3 JfG|,(^.^|Bw York» as malted to New England : and for the two Jerfeys, y%rejacu^es, 9Xt expediting towards '.heir union. This, bcHdes other ^.^^yanb^es, wili be terrible tb the French, and make them proceed with niore caution than thcy have lately donie." About the fame time, advice was received that the Qiieen was fafely delivered of a Prince, and a ge- neral Tbankfgiving was ordered by the governor, with advice of the council. -'A', Th^ fate of Kew £nglai^d depended upon that of the mother-country, and Mr. Winflow came from Virginia in April, with a printed copy of the declaration publiflied by the Prince of Orange on his landing in England. Mr. Winflow was committed to prifon, " for bringing a trai- terous and treafonable libel into the country," as exprefled in the mitti- mus: he offered two thoufand pounds bail, which was refufed ; and a proclamation was iflued, ** charging all officers and people to be in readi- nefs to hinder t)^ landing of any forces which the Prince of Orange might fend into thofe parts of the world." The old magiftrates and principal inhabitants filently wifhed and fecretly prayed for fuccefs to the glorious epterprize, and determined quietly to wait the event: but more impatience was (hewn by the populace, '^ho feized and confined the governor, fome of his council, and about forty other obnoxious per- fons; upon , which the old magiftrates were reinilated, and fent a mef- fage to -the governor, importing, that, ** tendering his own fafety, they judged it neceflary, he fliould deliver up the government and fortifica- tions, to be preferved and difpofed of according to order and direAion of the crown of England, which fuddenly was expeded might arrive*.'* The governor complied, as he found it was in vain to refifl ; and the gentlemen afTembled in the council chamber drew up " a declaration of their grievances }*' which was read from the balcony or gallery of the town-houfe, to a great concourfe of people, who. heard it with fatisfac- tion and applaufe j. <^ When the popular tumult was abated, the new council began to con- fider what form of government they fhould eflablifh, in the room of that which was diflblved ; they were joined by many other refpe^table perfons, and took the title of ** A Council for the Safety of the People, and Confervation of the Peace." They chofe Mr. Bradflreet their piefi- • Dated at « the Town-houfe in Bofton, April i8th, 1689 :" direAed *• to Sir Edmund Androt Knight." f This declaration may be found at large in Neale, and other writer 1 \ but it is too lone to be infertcd here. VOL. I. X dent ; i68g. «54 HISTOlit 6^ BRlf ISH AMERICA. dent; Mr. Addineton clerk of the council; and Mr. Wait Wilrftrop' commander in chief of the militia: they aUb appointed officers in the feveral ports for entering and clearing veffels i and J6hn Jfqtter and Adam' Winthipp were made tre^mrers. Letters were difpatchied to Plymouth and ConnefUcut, aoquaintiog ifie principal gentlemen there with what had been done at Bofton. Thofe colonies alfo reaffunied their old form of governmeot;. hut nothing par- fed relative to New Hampfliire or Rhode Sand. '^ >" '' When the news arrived at New Yotk, Mr. NichoMiifi; thll'Kyutefiant-^ governor, fent a letter to the gentlemen aflembled at Bofton, rembnftra- ting againft their condud, to which afuita)>le reply was returned, in jufr tificatbn of the meafures puriued. Th; YepreTentatives of fifty-four towns met at Boftott on the ssd of May, and foon difcovered a defign to reafTome the charter : forty of them were for reaflumption, and two days were fpent in debates; but the ma- jority of the council were againft it, and the people without doors were much divided in fentiments. On the a4th, the governor and magi- ilrates, chofen in 1686, figned a paper, dechiring ** their acceptance of the care and government of the people, according to the rules of the charter, for the confervation of the peace and fa£ety of the people, until, by diredion from England, there was an orderly fettkment of govem- meni ; provided an addition fliould be made of iit peri^ns m affift thefm, as was dtffired, and that what had been before done b^ allow^, and the- ftewards be reimburfed : this they did for the fatisfadion of the people, ^d from the prefent neceffity ; nor would be underftood to intend an. aitumption of the charter government. "^ Their declaration was accepted by the reprefentatives ; though all the gentlemen who had joined the governor and afliftants chofen in 1686, were' exdud|ed fconl the new- council. The next day, Mr. Winthrop, with moft of the other gentlemen who- had a£ked as members of the council, and who had a fhong party nt~ favour of ,thieir continuing fo to a^ generbufly quitted all claim to it, *' in confidence that the people woulu be invioIab> preferved in their obedience tb the diredions expeded from England, and that the perfon» of all the gentlemen confined ihould be well treated, and promifad.towi- • deavour to pacify the people, who were diflfatisfied on their account, ana to promote the public tranquility, as far asin their power.'* ' A flup rn' itr. jvr>T;iMAJBSACHUSETS B.AY. A fhip, Arrived from England on the 26th, with advice that King WiUiiMn andQuieen Mary was proclaimed; which was the moft joyful oews that NewEngland ever received : the fears of the people .fubfided, iiad were fuccieded by pleaftng hopes. On the 29th, the proclamation imi publiihcd in Bofion, with the greateft ceremony, and rejoicing. The rcprefentatives of the feveral towns afTembled atBofton, the 5 th of June, upon a new eledion, and the old government was refumed, which had continued ahoye fifty years ; but this was only the form, without the authority. Mr. Mather was a faithful agent for the colony in England, where the houfe of commons voted " the taking away the charters of the plan- tations to he a grievance ;" a bill pafled the houfe for reftoring charters, and thofe Of New England were exprefely mention^ : but while the bill lay in the houie of lords, the parliament w^s prorogued. King William promifed Mr. Mather all the favour in his power for the colonifts ; but hinted what had been irregular in their former govern- ment : whereupon Mr. Mather undertook, they (hould reform any irre- gularities, and Lord Wharton offered to be their guarantee. The King intended to referve the appointment of the governor to himfelf ; fo that it wasi iin vain to try for the reftoration of the old charter ; and a new one< with retention of fome old privileges, was all that could be ex- peAed ; but application was made, for exprefs power and authority to exercife the colony government according to the old charter, until a new ond could be fettled ; which was granted. Sir Edmund Andros, and the other perfons confined, were ordered to be releafed, and fent to England, to juftify themfelves before his Majefty : but the general coui-t thought it proper to fend over two of their mem- bers 'to. Join with Sir Henry Afliurft and Mr. Mather in maintaining the charges againft their oppreffors, as alfo to folicit that the charter might be reAored, with ibme a^ditioiuil privileges, conlbnant to the ftate of the colonies : but they failed, by repofing too much confidence in the cour* .tiers of the day. The Indians were inftigated by the French to continue their depre- dations upon the Englifh in the province of Main and other parts adja- cent to the Maflachulets Bay colony ; therefore the general court medi- tated an attempt both upon Port Royal and Qjiebec. 'S^ 1689. X % SHx JJ Hi it '!> i HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. x6go. ^" William Phips arrived in New England at this time, and he was ^^ thought the fitteft perfon to command the forces upon fuch an espedi- ^, tion. This gentleman was a native of New England, and was born in 165^0 at Pemaquid, where he kept fheep until he was eighteen years of age, and then was bound apprentice to a (hip-carpenter. When he was free, he fet up his trade, and built a (hip at Sheepfcot ; after which, he followed the fea, and hearing of a rich Spanish (hip which had been wrecked iifty years flnce near the Bahamas, he gave fuch an account of it in England, that, in 1683, he was appointed commander of one of the King's frigates, the Algier Rofe of eighteen guns and one hundred men ; in which ihip he went in fearch of the galleon, and failed. He was Toon after (itted out by the enterprizing Duke of Albennarle on a fecond expedition, in a (hip ci^led the Bridgewater Merchant of about two hundred tons, at the outfet of about ten thoufand pounds. He was fuccefsful in this attempt, and difcovered the wreck, out of which he took gold, (ilver, diamonds, pearls, and other rich commodities general- ly belonging to the cargo of a Spaniih galleon, amounting to the value of near three hundred thoufand pounds fterling. He brought this trea- fure fafely to England, where it was divided among the adventurers* aniong whom the Duke of Albermale had ninety thoufand pounds to his own diare, and about (ixteen thoufand pounds came to the (hare of cap* tain Phips, who on this account received the honour of knighthood from King James. Sir William Phips, by a feries of fortunate incidents ra- ther the ^y any uncoihmon talents, rofe from the loweft condition in life to l,c ^e €rfl: man in his country. Eight fmall veflfels, with eight hundred men, were thought fufficient for therredudion of Port Royal in Nova Scotia. The fleet failed the 28th of April, reduced the fort with little difficulty, and returned to Bofton the 30th of May ; af\er taking pofl'eilion of the whole fea-coail from Port Royal to Penobfcot and the New England fettlements. The plunder was thought equal to the whole expenee; and the acquifaion was fo eafy that the Englifh court were confirmed in the profecutipn of their defign upon Canada : bedde, the ravages began upon the frontiers by French and Indians, as foon as the fpring opened, made it appear more necefTary than ever. Cafco fort» with above one hundred pertons^ was befieged and taken on the 17th of May, while the Englidv forcea ^^ were gone to Port Royal. I ' A ve'fTel was fent exprefs to England, the beginning of April, with a reprefentation of the expofed ftate of the colony, and the neceflity »f ;i .ADirMASSACHUSETS BAY. the redit^ton of Canada, denringafupplyof (hipa, troops, arms, an^am- manitioii, to attack the French t)7 fe?^t while the colony forces marched by Und to perform: their paKttrv:! Lt.; ■■' - • ■•; •■■V': r: iATheir hands. were too full in England to give any attention to thU ^ropoial : the Maflachufets, however, determined to proceed, and Con- necticut and New York engaged to furni(h a bpdy of men. It was late in the feafon to undertake this capital attempt, which was retarded, in ■expedation of fuppUes from England, from whence none arrived, and the fleet &t fail from Naotaiket on the 9th of Auguft. This expedition feems to have been as ill conduced, as it was well contrived ; for it was thought Sir William Phips had an armament fufficient to expel the French from Canada. He had between thirty and forty veiTels, great and fmall ; the whole number of men on board the fleet were about twp thoufand ; but they came not within fight of Qjiebec until the 5th of Odober. Thus they were almoft eight weeks in a voyage that, with good winds and weather, might have been made in two or three. Great dependence was had upon a divifion of the French forces ; but it inoft unfortunately happened that the two thoufand Englifli and fif- teen hundred Indians, defigned againft Montreal, had retreated, and the news of it reached that pj^ace before the fleet arrived at Quebec ; fo that Count Frontenac, the French ^general, was able to employ the whole ftrength of Canada againft Sir William Phips and his little army ; nor is it ealy, at this day, to afcertain the caufe of the New York and Gon- ■nedicut forces making an unexpected retreat, after they had marched as ,far as the great lake of Canada. Indeed, the diftraded ftate of the go- vernment of New York, where one party Teemed determined to ruin the public intereft, if the other had engaged in it, muft have contributed t6 this difappointment, which greatly difpirited the troops under Sir Wil- liam Phips, who was ftill determined to proceed in his attempt, in which he might have fucceeded, if La Hontan is to be credited; but from the ill'fuccels of this undertaking, both the Englifli and French writers have treated it with great ridicule and peculiar contempt. ' The next morning after the fleet arrived, Sir William fummoned Count Frontenac to furrender the place ; which fummons exafperated the Count* who returned an infolent anfwer, wherein the Englifli were called here- tics and traitors i and alfo told, that if it had not been for the revolu- tion. New England and Canada would have been cocdblidated as one go- -vernment. ^57 ■I I h r If l^t HISTORY OF BRITISH A.MEIIICA. An attempt wii made to land on the 7th of Odabcr, in the mimingt hj the troops under the command of Majoir Walley, who a£bcd' •§ hem* tenant-general ; but he was prevented by ft ftorm tMm' landing hia jnfit until the next day, when he put on (hore all the effedive men, whofe liumber'was reduced to between twelve and thirteen hundred! i/ftdlc ^ the French had aflembled four thoufand in the town. It appears that, upon the charge, his officers and foldiers (hewed courage and refolution enough ; yet the enemy giving way, and, by the conve- niences of fwamps and buflies, having opportunity to- fccurc themfeliws, kept up a firing upon the '^'glifh, who continued their march toward the town* until it was dark ; when two-thirds of the army took up their iftand by a creek, where was a houfe and feme other flielter ; and the other part advanced about a quarter of a mile, the better to iSwure the ihore, and tee the veflels. i-}- AJ Upon examining a dcferter, he gave them Aich an account of the ftrengih of the French, as difcouraged the Englifli from advancing. any farther. The (hips were drawn up the next evening before the toVirn, but did little damage to the enemy, and ^cre much (battered by the cannon from their batteries. The forces continued a(hore until the jith, when they precipitately embarked. A council of war was called the day following, and proposals were made for another attempt, after '*^ troops were refreflied ; but tempefluous weather came on, which (catjfered the whole fleet, and they made the bed of their way back to Botldii, where Sir William arrived the 19th of November. Some of the fleet were blown off to the Weft Indies, one was ]oft upon Anticofttf, and three others were heard of no more. ■This was a mortifying flroke to New England, where the condud of *lC!(^jor Walley was cenfured by particular perfons; but no public enquiry waf mfKle, and he gave in the journal of his proceedings to the ge- n^ikr court. - ■ ' Sir William Phips foon after embarked at Bofton for London, to folicit an expedition from thence againft Canada ; and the government of the MaQachufets fent by him an humble addrefs to their Majefties, to (hew tlie neceffity of fuch an enterprize. They were unprepared for the ti- tiirnof the forces from Quebec, and the fdldirrs were iip<^ the point of mutiny for their pay : but it was impradltcable to raife the money in a (hort time ; becaufe the government depended upon fuccefs, and the trieafure of the enemy to bear the expeace of the expcdiiiou. Upon this .A M^SSACHU^ETS BAY. Tsin ni9t thif ooudoik, the aiTeiably pafled mi t& for If yying the money ; but the BMO cottl4 not (lay until it (kould be brought into the tjr^^fury i and theextfca)e4i(B«uUy to which the governinent waji reduced, pccafioaed the finft biU« of ctedit ever illued in the colonie« a» a fubftitute for ca(h., Mod of tiic Qo^tituet af^erwac4 adopted that mode* with vary different iuecefii I and it i» doubtftiji, whether the projed of a land-bank in Eng^ land wa» not taken from tUa expedicntt where it entirely faikd. The debf wa* paid by paper-notee fironr two Hiillingf to ten pound* denattiniktiofi; \yhicb notes were to be received for payment of tne tas to be levied,- and all Other payinenta in the treafury. The foldiers, how- ever, were great (ufferers in general, as the notes would not. command money, or any commodities at money price i but as the time of payment of the tan approached, the credit of the notes was raifed: Ifae govern- ment allowed five jwr v^ut. to thofe who paid their taxes in notes, whicb th«n became preferi^ to cafii, and waa a profit to the pofleflor, with'^ out reiloring to the poor foldiers what they had loft by the difcount. What was the coni^qnence f fatal enough. The colony encouragc4 by jthe refioratioft of ^rodit« afterward iiTueid others for charges of go- vernmeoti They oh^iined good credit at the time of being iuued ; and the charges of government v^ce pa^ in this manner from year to year. While the i'ttm was finall, filver continued their meafure, and bills re- tained their value ; but when the charges of government increafed, ef** pecially after the £pcond eKpcditioa to Canada in 1 7 1 1 ^ the bills alfo inr creaicd, and in the fame or greater proportion the gold and filver were exported. There being aery of (icarcity of money in X7i4» the govern- ment ordered fiiity thou^nd pounds to be ifiued ; and one hundred pounds more in 17161 and lent to the inhabitants, to be paid in at ^ certain period, and to pafs as money in the mean time. Lands were mortgaged for fecuriiy : btut when the gold and filver were |;one, and the bills were the only inflruments of c;ommerce, money bco^ne ideal ; for no pofTible reafon could be afligned, why a bill of twenty fliillings ihoula. bear a certain proportion to any one quantity of filver more than ano- ther. Sums in bills were drawing into the treafiiry firom time to time by the taxes, or payment of the loans ; but other Aims were continually ifluing out, and all the bills were paid and received without any diftinc- tion either in public or private payments ; fo that, for near forty vf ?.rs- together, the currency was much in the fame ftate ; as if one hundred, thoufand pounds fterling had been ftamped in pieces of paper of various deno^inatioi^, and declared to be the money of the government, with- out any other fandlion than this, that when there fhould be taxes to pay,, a tiifi; 4 t66 HISTORY 61^ B«!tld^ AMERICA. Iff m the treafuiy would receive this fort of money» and that eyeff creditor ihould be obliged to receive it from his debtor. But can it be fiq>pofed that fuch a medium could retain its worth ? No ; it funk to ibout onc- «ighth of its original value. In 1702, the fum of (ix (hillings and ieight pence was ei^ual to an ounce of filver, which in 1 749 was judged' equi- valent to fifty (hillings. Such was the delufion, that not only the bills of the Maffachufets government paflfed as money, but they received the bills of the governn;ient of Cona .Ci.icut» New Hamp(hire, and Rhode Iflahd alfo in currency ; while the Maflachufets bills likewtfe paffed in thofe governments. In 1 749. however, bills 6f credit were abolifhed ; and unlefs the evils which they occafioned (hould be forgotten, the go- vernment, it muft be prefumed, will never iffue any more*. During the attempt upon Quebec, the Indians made fome tenible in- curfions upon feveral parts of New England, particularly in the county of York, or province of Main : but when a force wills colleded tb march againft them, the Indians pretended to be difpofed to peace* delivered up ten captives,^ and agreed upon a truce until the ill of May following, when they were to meet at Wells, to bring in all the £ngli(h captives, and fettle articles for a firm and lading peace. In confequence of this truce the land enjoyed reft for the winter ; but • at the day appointed, when Mr. Danforth, the deputy-governor, and'leVeral others, with a proper guard, repaired to Wells, no Indians appeared. The deputy-go- vernor returned difappointed, and a garrifon was left at Wells, where they were attacked by two hundred lAdians, who were repulfed there, but killed many perfons at Berwick, Exeter, and other places. A fmall army was fe nt into the Eaftern country by fea, and landed at Maqorit, \>here tli y were attacked by a great body of Indians, who continued their devaftations until the next year, when they deftroyed the town of York, killed Mr. Dumnier the minifter, and made his family prifoners : they alfo murdered about fixty other perfons, and carried near an hun- dred into the moft wretched ftate of captivity. * Hutcbinlbn, p. 403. SECTION % MASSACHUSETS BAY. t6i SECTION VIIi; The new charter obtained in 1691 j— -/f comparifon between this charter and the old one.-rSir William Phips appointed governor of New Eng*- land ; the ftate of the colony under his admini/lration : many per/ons pro- fecuted on pt^etence of witchcraft : jirticles of impeachment againjl Sir William Phips ; and his death in 1693. 1X7HILE the colonifts were thus diftreflfed among themfelves, theif ' *^ enemies in England took advantage of thefe misfortunes ; which they ufed as an argument againft the reAitution of the charter, and im- puted all to the bad adminiftration of government. King William had too much yrork upon his hands in Europe to have either money or men to fpire and employ againft Canada ; therefore Sir William Phips was unfuccefsful in his negoclatlon ; however, he was ferviceable to nis coun- try, by joining with Sir Henry Afliurft and Mr. Increafe Mather, the New Engliih agents, to obtain the reftoration of their charter, which had been in vain folicited ever fmce the revolution: His Majefty had thofe about him who concurred to ftretch the prerogative in the two pre- ceding reigns, particularly the earls of Danby and Nottingham, who found it QO difficult matter to convince the King, that it was not confid- ent with his honour to fuflfer any diminution of the royal authority, where it was fupported by laws. The colony agents were divided in opinions, and a£ted differently in their views. Mr. Wifwal, a tninifter of Plymouth, accompanied Mr. Cooke and Mr. Oakes from Bollon to London { but he had no credentials, and joined rather with Mr. Cooke than with Mr. Mather in politics. The people of Plymouth were extremely defirous of continuing a feparate government ; or if that could not be obtained, they chofe to be annexed to the Maflachufets rather than New Y ork, under which Plymouth was put when Mr. Slaughter was appointed governor. An order was afierward iflued to the Lords chief-jufticcj Holt and Pallexfcn, as alfo to the attorney and folicitor-general!^, Treby and Somers, to draw up a new charter for the Maflachufets, in which Plymouth was included ; but Mr. Wifwal oppofed it, in hopes of obtaining a feparate grant. This oflfended the folicitor-general, who flruck out Plymouth, and it was again intended it Hiould be annexed to New York. When this news arrived the people were alarmed ; yet their general court per- VoL. L Y firtcd 1 i 1691. '^$^ i6i HISTORY OF BRITISH A:M£RIGA. fifted in defiring Sir Henry Aftiurft, their agent, to apply for a feparate charter, without intimating that they chofe to be joined to the MaUachu- fets in preference to New York. The "fentiraents of many of the bed men in the colony were known to Mr. Mather ; otherwife Plymouth might have finally been included in New York commiiEon, although near three hundred miles Uifiant. Mr. Hinckley wrote to Mr. Mather as follows : •" Not being in a £a- ' pacity to make rates for the equal defraying the .charge, J &e little or «io likelihood of obtaining a charter for us, unlefs their Majefties, out of their royal bounty And clemency, gracioufly pleaie to grant it» fiA form» pauperis^ to their poor but loyal iubjeds of this colony.** When Mr. Mather found it impoflible to obtain the reftitution of ^tbe old charter, he endeavoured to preferve as many of the piivilogeMpn- talned in it as he could, and Sir Henry Afliurft joined with him in aH "his meafures. Mr. G>oke and Mr. Oakes wer£ for the old charter or acme at all ; and it was doubtful, by their inftrudions, if they had authority to folicit for any other : Mr. Oakes, however, figned the petition for a van charter, though Mr. Cooke refufed. In the firft draught of a new charter, the governor only wa» reierved to the King ; the deputy-governor and council and other officers were to be chofen by the people ; nor had the governor a negative in any cafe. This draught was made by the attorney-general, according to what he thought the King intended, as exprefled in council, at which board it was prefented on the 8th of June 1691, when it wag obje£ted, that, " by fuch a charter as this, the King's governor would be made a governor of clouts*;** and an order pafled for preparii^ the heads of anather draught. While the Maflachufets agents were fbliciting a charter for that colony^ a projeA was fet on foot by Dr. Guc, to form a grand colony or Aatey. more extenfive than all the other colonies together; and the original draught of a charter has the following entry upon it : ** In the C!ouncil Chamber at Whitehall, the sad of Auguft, 1690 : The Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee for Trade and Foreign Plantations are pleaied to refer the confideration of this draiight oH a grant to Mr. Attorney-ge- neral, who is defired to confider how far the fame is confifting with law,, and to report his opinion thereon to the Committee.'* Mr. Attorney re* X I,- ^ MiUitt't Narnuiwk jported MASSACHUSETSBAY. ported in favour of the grant; but with fome legal objedions and confti^ tutional reftridions. When the heads of another draught for the Maffachufets colony were prepared* a copy was given to Mr. Mather, with an order from their JLonUhips, that ** if the agents were not fatisfied therewith, they ihould bring in their objedions to the attorney-general:" but Mr. Mather was fo diflatisfied, that he' declared ** he would fooner part with his life than confent to them." He -was told, ** The confent of the agents was not defired ; the agents of New England were not plenipotentiaries from a Ibvereign (bte ; if they declared they would not fubmit to the King's pleafure, his Majefly would fettle the country, and they might take what would follow. Sir Henry Aihurft and Mr. Mather, however, drew up their objedions ageinft the minutes, infifting upon the royal promife, and that charters might as well be refufed to be reftored to any of the corpora^ tions in England, where they had been taken away, as to New England. Thefe objedions were prefented to the attorney-general, laid before th? council, and a copy tranfmitted to his Majefty in Flanders, but all without tStSt. The King approved of the minutes, he difliked the objedion», and the charter was drawn up accordingly. Mr. Hampden, upon this occafion, defired the opinion of Mr. Hooke, an eminent lawyer, the refult of Hrhich was as follows : 163 ** A middle way feems moft defirable ; Viz. that new charters be granted to the refpedive colonies, wherein the former to be recited, and the pro^ ceedings againft them refpedively ; and a new grant made in tg*winisi by the words grant and confirm ; and reciting the deficiency in the former charter, all thole powers may be vefted in the government of the Mafla- chufets for the time being ; and the colonies which have no charters to be annexed to the MafTachiifets colony." " The only queftion with the agentD Wa8, whether to fubmit to this new fettlement, or to fignify to the minifters of ftate that they would rather have no charter at all. Mr. G)oke and Mr. Wifwall continued firm againft accepting a new charter ; which occafioned contefts not material to enter into at this diftance of time. The new charter of MafTachufets Bay may 1>e confidered as an union or confolidation of feveral feparate grants into one legiflature and jurif.- didion, for the more efFedual proted^ion of the whole, againft the incur- fions of the French and Indians. It was granted by King William and Y 2 Queen M „.„^ h'M 164 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Qjieen Mary, in the third year of their reign *, and incorporated the territories and colonies known by the names of The Colony of the MafTa- chufets Bay, and Colony of New Plymouth ; the Province of Main ; the Territory called Acadia, or Nova Scotia ; and all that Tra£k of Land lying between the fatd Territories of Nova Srotia and the faid Province of Main,, into one real Province, by the name of their Province in the Ma(rachufet& Bay, in New England. The privileges granted by the new charter are not lb valuable' as the old ones were, as appears by the following particulars : i. That the nomi-^ nation and confUtution of the governor, lieutenant-governor, fecretary,. and all officers of the admiralty, are taken from the people and wholly referved to the crown. 3. The power of the militia is turned over to the governor, as captain-general. 3. All judges and jjuftices of a fuperior and inferior order, as alfo all fheriflfs, are appointed by the jgovernor, with, the advice and confent of the council. 4. The governor has a negative upon all laws, elections, and ads of government of the general aflembly and vcuneil. 5. AIL laws enacted by the gjsneral aflembly and. approved of by the governor, ace to be tranfmitted home for the royal approbation* and if difallowed within the fpace of three years, to be utterly void." ' It may be alfo farther remarked as to the new charter, that in the de- lineiition of the province of Main the following -"^ 'ds arc omitt*'^ : «* And up Sagadahock River to Queuebec River, and ough the fame unto the head thereof, and into theland nocth-weftward, until one hundred and twenty miles be ended, being accounted from the mouth of Sagadahock." That Nova Scotia and this neighbouring trad called Sagadahock were an- nexed by this charter to keep the Englim claim, as that territory was then', poflefled by the French, who never relinquifhed their claim until the treaty of Utrecht in 1713: That Nova Scotia, after the treaty of Aix-la- Chapelle in 1748, was conftituted a feparate property and jurifdifkion or government ; but Sagadahock dill continues annexed to the province of the Maflfachufets Bay ; though as it is not the abfolute property of the province, perhaps f^om fo large an extent of a frontier defencelefs in itfelf, it has been until lately more of an incumbrance than of any advan- tage. That the council ui the prefent conAitution of the Maflfachufets Bay may labour under two difadvantages or difficulties ; firft, to be arbi- trarily led or impelled by the governor, to prevent future negatives : fe- condly, as their eledion is annual, they may be biafled by the humour of the majcrity of the reprefentatives, for fear they fhould be dropped the * See the charter at large in the Appendix to Neale's Hiftory of New England, next MASSACHUSETS BAY. next annual eledion. That by the former charter the provincial lands were granted to twenty-fix proprietorSf and fuch as fhould be admitted freemen ; but by this new charter, thefe lands are granted to the inhabit- ants in general, to be difpofed of by their leprefentatives or general aiTembly. That in the election o/ all civil officers the council and repre- ientatives vote together, but not as two feparate negatives : And thofe officers are, the trcafurer ; the impofl officers ; the excife officers ; the ge- neral commiifary of provifions, (lores, and traffic for garrifons and Indian truck-houfes ; the attorney-general ; and notaiiies for the fevcral fea-ports. To fay only, that the people have loft the nomination of their gover- nor, the management of their militia, the affirmative vote for their laws, and the naming their judges* juftices, and iheriffs, is fufficient to make the difference between the cAd and new charters appear very much to the difadvantage of the latter ; nor was it thought they had any amends made them in a permiffion to nominate their firft governor. This firft governor was Sir William Phips, who arrived at Gofton with the charter, on the 14th of May, I1692, and ifliied writs for a general aflembly, which met the 8th of June ibllowing. Although a party was formed which oppofed a fubmiffion to the charter, yet a majority of the court wifely and thankfully accepted it, and appointed a day of folemn thankfgiving to Almighty God, for ** granting a fafe arrival to his excel- lency die Governor and the reverer ^ Mr. Increafe Mather, who have i-nduftrioufly endeavoured the fervicc of this people, and have brought over with them a fettlement of government, in which their Majefties have gracioufly gi^'ea us diftinguifhing marks of th^ir royal favour and good- aefa." Mr. Hutchinfon obferves, that " Sir William arrived juft at the begin- ning of as ftrange an infatuation as any people were ever under: that a cpnfiderable number of innocent perfons were faciificed to the diftempered' imagination) or perhaps wicked hearts, of fuch as pretended to be be- witched." But he adds, that " having proceeded as far as he propofed, he left the relation of this unfortunate affair, and other tranfadlons and occurrences fince the prefcnt charter, to be communicated to the public by fome abler pen *." The governor gave his affirmative to the laws which the aflismbly had paffed} and then declared his refolution to march againft the Indians in 165 1692. Hutchinfon, p. 4,16. pcrfon. *J\ i66 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. perfon. The feat of ww wat in lus mtrre countiy, upon Kennebeck River, where the Indians were afiooifhed when thej heard think ferioufly of peace, which was concluded at Fort Willi jun Henry, on the nth of Auguft, 1693. By this peace they renounced their French allianee, owned themfelves fubjeds to the crown of England, confirmed the EngliOi in the pofleflion of all their lands, and fubmitted the trade between the En^lifli and Indiana to the regulation of the general aflenbly. But this peace was of fo ihort a duration, that it is unntceilary to mentitm the o&er artir lea. As to the perfons profecutcd at this vime upoA a pretence of witchcraft^ it is hard to believe the leaft part of the evidence upon which the New £rq;laild MA8SACHUSETS BAY. EfigltnA witdies, ib irrationalhr called, were conyidled and executed. The law agatnft them was unjuft, crud, and abfurd ; contrary to reafon, ard repugnant to credibility: it was meanly ena£ked in a fuperflitious time, and wifely repealed in more aufpicious days. This inhuman perfecution carries with it the greater aggravation, as it was perpetrated by fanflion of law, upon many ignorant maniacs, and other perfons atffieded in their nerves, if we believe Dr. Douglas, a phy- fician long reftdent in New England, who fays, it was an endemial dif- temper of the brain and nerves; for whidi lie phytically accounts. ' -Mr. Paris, minifter of Salem, firft introduced this tragic fcene of witch- craft on the ftage, in February 1692, by declaring that hii) daughter and niece, the one about nine, the other eleven years of age, were under the power of witchcraft, which was imputed to two very old Indian women, who were barbaroufly treated to extort an involuntary confeflion from ther . that they were witches, which they recanted afterward. Before the end of May, about one hundred perfons were imprifbned upon that account ; at which time Sir William Phips aflumed the govern- ment, and iflued a fpecial commiflion of oyer and terminer for the trials of thofe accufed. The commiifioners were Lieutenant-governor Stoughton, Major Saltonftall, Major Richards, Major Gidney, Wait Wintbrop, Efq. Captain SewaVl, and Peter Sergeant, Efq. whofe names ought to be re- membered, that it might not be thought a profecution carried on by per-* fons of no confequence. Under this Tidiculous charge of witchcraft, five men and twenty-Aree VTomen were condemned to die ; of whom nineteen were hanged, one prefled to death, and fome died in prifon. Mr. George Burroughs, mi- nifler of Falmouth, was one in this facrifice, and perhaps in reientment from his having quitted the minifterial ofiSce at Salem, where he Mraa executed, to the difgrace of humanity. Moft of t!iofe who thus fuffered death were remarkable for piety ; and none of them confefled any guilt. After thefe twenty difmal deaths, fome of the popular clergy addrefled the governor with thanks for ^^hat was already done, and e^borted hipi to proceed. Some of the accufers were thofe vrho confefled themfelves witches, and others were fuch to whom the fpedral fight was allowed ; but they overadled their parts fo far, that at laift they accufed the friends and rela- tions of the governor and magiflratcs, who arreiled the accufera in high a^ons 167 I ^1 i68 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. anions for defamation, which put fuch a ftop to farther accufationst that 'in the fuperior court* held in January 169^, offifty-fix bills preferred againft witchetf the grand jury brought in thirty ignoramus ; and of the remaining twenty-fix, the petty jury convi^ed only three, who were afterward pardoned. At this time, about one hundred and ftfty perfons were in prifon, and two hundred more accufed ; but they were all difcharged, and no other accufations allowed. Many of the confeffing witches figned a paper, im-*> porting that moR of their confeffions were only afTenting to, or repeating what they were direded to declare; being weak in mind, and under terror, from the putting to death all perfons acculed who did not confefs. It would be tery ui^uft to make this folly and wickednefs national and perfonal ; for much the greater part of the inhabitants pf New England abhorred thefe defperate perfecutions at the time they were carrying Oh; and fimilar infatuations have at times prevailed in many other countries. In December 16^6^ a general faft was appointed by the alfembly;: praying " that God would pardon all the errors of his fervants and people, in a late tragedy raifed among us by Satan and his inftruments.** At this fad. Judge Sewall and feveral of the jury gave in papers figned, heartily aflcing forgivenefs of all, and declaring that they would not do fuch things again for the world. 1 1>94. As the frantic heat about witchcraft abated, tue complaints againfl the gover{ior increafed, both on account of the lofs of their ancient privileges in the charter he had brought over, and the increa/e and continuance of the taxes for the Indian war, without any fuitable fuccefs in it. The difcontented at laft drew up artides of impeachment againft him, and tranfmitted them to the King and council, with a petition that he might be difcharged from his ffoverament : but this was oppofed by a counter- . petition from the general aflTembly, praying that the governor might be . continued in his office. Thefe oppofite addrelTes puzzled the caufes-but the friends of Sir William Phlps flattered themfelves that it would terminate in his favour, and he would be reftored to the government. He had been , ordered home, and failed from Bofton on the 1 7th of November 1694. The matter was referred to a committee of the council ; but Sir William Phtps, foon after his arrival at London, was feized with a malignant fever, and died on the i8th of February following. If he had been difmiiTed from his government, he defigned to have gone upon another Spanish wreck, I'. Yf)f MASSACHUSETS BAY. 169 \fredk( which had Governor Broadille aboard *. Sir William had the chara£iKr of an honeft man } but hit education was yery low. He was of a luAf temper, and being a Aout man, he would ufe his cane and fift after he was gotemor. Some inftances of that fort widi a captain of a man of war and a coUe^r, oecafioned one of thofe comolaints againft him in England, which he was fent for to anfwer f. Mr. Mather, his adto« cate. Writes, ** Nor indeed had the hunger of a ialary any fuch impreflion upon him, as to make him deciine doing all poffible lenrice fbr the public ; and that he was not to be reckoned among thofe who were infamous for infinite avarice and villany $. Sir William was not afliamed of his fbr» mer low circumftances ; and once in failing with a confiderable armament, ^in fight of Kennebeck, he faid to thofe under his command, " Young men, it was upon that hill that t kept (heep a few jears ago ; you do not know what you may come to." He was interred m St. Mary Woolnoth church, London ; and Dr. Cotton Mather wrote an elegy upon his death. New England was now become a great body of people, for there were at lead two hundred thoufand Engliih fouls in the whole province, and it required a good hand, confidering their fomenting fpirits, to keep order among them, without intemiptTng trade or infringing liberty. William Stoughton, Efq. lieutenant-governor, was commander ih chief from the departure of Sir William Phips until the arrival of the Earl of Bellamont in 1 699. After a few months his lordlhip returned to his go- , vernment of New York, and Mr. Stoughton was again in the chair, where he continued until his death in 170S, when he was fucceeded by Governor Dudley. The principal tranfadions that happened iu the colony firom 1695 to 1695. 1 702 were depredations made by the Indians, who were fupplied with arms by the French, and excited to renew the war againft the Engli(h : but the barbarians had certainly more native probity than the French, as appears by their obferving all their treaties with the Englifh from the Pequot to the Philippic war, near forty years, until the French corrupted both their reli^on and morals ; for if the Indians had any religion at all, it muft be better than what the friars and jefuits taught them ; a fpecimen of which Mr. Neal has thought proper to infert in his Hiftory §. Vol. I. * Douglas, u 477. % MagnsliB, book ii. t Hutrhinron, p. 39^. $ Ste Neale, vol. i. p. ti^. When 170 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. When the peace of Ryfwick wai concluded, Ck)unt Frontenac advifed the Indian* to make the bed terms of peace they could for themfelvet. They applied for that purpofe to the Englifli governor* who fent Colonel Philips and Major Convers to meet the Sachems at Penobfcott where the conferences beean on the 6th of Odlobert when the Indians -xcufed them- fclves for making hoftilii s, laying the blame on the French. Another treaty was concluded with them, in which they added a more formal fub- miflion to the fuvereignty of the crown of England than they had hith«cto# cxpreiTed. SECTION Mi - ., A.I., MASSACHUSETS BAT. 171 S E C T I O N IX. Tbi adminiftration of affairs under Governor Dudley from 170a to 171^! The reduifioH of Port Royal in Nova Scotia^ by General Nicbolfon% with the affiance of the New Enrland forces t ijt 1710: The unfuccefsful expedition againft Canada^ by General Hill and Sir Hovenden IValker^ in 1 7 1 1 : Remarks on the conduil of the Maffachufets government upon that occafion: a terrible fire in Bofton. — Colonel Burgefs appmnted governor in 1 715. ' Governor Dudley dies.— 'Colonel Shute arrives as governor in 17161 when William Dummer^ Efq, nuas appointed lieutenant-governor. 7 he adminiftration of cffairs under Governor Shute^ who returns to Eng- land in 17 22) to exhibit articles of complaint againft the hou/e ofrepre* fentativesi and obtains an additional charter in 1^116.— tVilltam Burnett Efq. appointed governor in 1728.— /Tr is fucceeded by Jonathan Belcher% Efq. in ij$o.—y4nd he is fuperfeded by William Shirley ^ Efq. in 1741. —The other royal officers appointed by the crown. Contefts between the refpeSlive governors and houfes of reprefentatives relative to an efta** ' blifljedf alary. As alfo the dif^ute about the difpofal of the public money» \^AR was again declared between England and France; but the In** ^' diana prelerved a neutrality, and the merchants of New England were fuccefsful in fitting out privateers. Upon the death of the earl of Bellamont, Jofeph Dudley, Efq. was appointed governor of New England by Queen Anne* to whom the people of that province, on her accefllon to the throne, fent a congratula'* tory addrefs, which was prefented by William Vaughan and Conftantine Phips, Efqrs. Mr, Dudley was fon to TT^omas Dudley, Efq who Was elected gover* nor in 1645, and died at Roxbury in 165?, aged 77. His fon fuilained many great and arduous poAs, as colony-agent, prefident of the council, chief juftice, member of parliament in England, and governor of the Maflachufets Bay : and his other fon, Paul Dudley, Efq. was afterward chief-jufticc of the province, where he was highly refpcdled for his great experience in the laws, and was well, known abroad by fome ingenious pieces relating to the natural hiilory of New England, published in the PJiilofnphical Tranfa£tions for the years 1720 and 173 1. 1701. Z 3 Jofeph ^ ^ c %^, ^ ..^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (.MT-3) ^ 1.0 1.1 I 1.25 lU 11.6 V ^^ I%otogra{diic Sdmces Carporalion 23 VAST rum STRHT VlffiBSTIR,N.Y. 14SM (716)t72-4S03 ■> * .*^5^ ^ r.^ ^^% ^ i^ s X73 HIST0RT OF BRITISH AMERICA. Jofeph Dudley, ETq. arrived as governor on the nth of June 1702 ^ he was chofen of the council in 1683 ; and when the charter was in. danger^ he was fent to England jointly wiidi Mr. Richards as colony- agent. As he was a native of the country, and a perfon of abilities, the court of England deemed htm a proper perfon to fadlitate a diange in the ^tdminiftration of the colony; and accordingly, when the charter was vacated, he was appointed prefident, or protempore commander in- chief, in April 1686; in which ftation he continued until Hie-anivd .of Sir Edmund Andros as governor at the end of the fame year, vrhtn Mr.. Dudley was appointed chief-juftice. He was diiplaoed in 1689; >^u^ the next year he was appointed chief-juftice of New York. He «fter-> ward went to England, and in 1701 was eleded member 4o£ pai;liament for Newport in the Ifle of Wight, which introduced him to the govern- ment df the Maflachufets Bay. King William died before Mr. Dudley embarked for his native country ; but his commifiion was^ eenewtfd by Qgeen Anne, and he continued governor until the year 1715^ »703, The infaalntants of famatca were a]^e:lienitve of an invafion frenv the French, and applied for affiftaace to the gocvemment of New Eng- knd* which they readily granted, and fent twa companies diere under the command of Colonel Walton and Captain Lawrence, who ferved twa years upon the likndv and loft many of theiv mea by fickaeft. When 1705. Nevis was plundered and ruined^ by Ibberville, the government of New England generoufiy raifed two thoufand potmd^ for the relief of the diftrefled people of that liland';; which they fent in caigoes of flour, fait, proviuons, and materials for building, on board two fliips, neither defiring nor rcceivii^ any returns, when, that Ifland came intomorepro-^ Iperous circumftances. During thi» war, the colony' remained in; a quiet and fiburiflniag con- dition, except ibme domeftic diflfentions of Uttle confequence. They took part in the glories acquhred by the. arms of Great Britain in the war^ to recover ^ain and the Weft Indies out of the hands of the houfe- of Bourbon.;, in which they were very inftrumental, firft in the reduc-- tion of Nova Sootia, and ia their cndourourS' to promote another attempt againft QmadSi, %fi». The expedition againft' Nova Scoti» wa» undertaken* under General Nicholfon and Adjutant-general Vetch, with inftru£lions to all the go- vernors of New EnglaiW to be affifting therein. General Nicholfon», wltkfome Britiflx officers, and Colond Reading's regiment of marines*. arrived) MA6SA0HUS£T« BAT. 173 tsrivedlVom England atSofton, on the 15th of July lyio, for the in- tended impedition. The armament fet'out from BoAon upon the rSth of September, con- fiAing of font men -of war, a bomb, and the Mafladfaimrts province- gaHej, with tranfports, in aiH -thirty-fix fail. The land forces on board were, the regiment of marines, two regiments of Maflachufets Bay, one raiment of Connedient» with one regiment of New Hampfiiire and Rhode Ifland, commiffioned by the Queen> and armed by her gift. They arrivied at Port Royal in fix days ; and after a fmall afiair of can- nonading and bombarding, the French governor capitulated on the 5tK of O&c^, when the fort was defirered up^ The terms of capitula- tion were, that all the French, being four hundred and eighty- one per- ions within the Banlteu, or three miles of the fbrt„ ihould be under the pFOtedi cafe the French made incurfions upon the frontiers of New England, the Englifh (houM make reprifids upon the French in Nova Scotia. The garrifon confided of two hundred and fifty-eight foldiers with their offi- cers, who were (hipped to RocbeHe. General NichoHon'lenC Major li- tringfton, and M. Subercafle difpatched baron St. Caileen to the Marquis d« Vaudreuil general of Canada, with adrice of this event, and ^ey arrived at Qgebee oa the i6th of December. Colonel Vetch was acp» pointed governor of Port Royal, now called Annapolis Royal, where he was left vnth a garrifon of two hundred. marines, and two hundred and fifty New England volunteers, who were relieved the next year by four hundred of tiie troops deftined againfl Canada. The men of war and- tranfports, on the 14th of October, failed for Bofion, where they fafely returned; and the New England charge in this expedition was up>» wards of 23,000/. fterling, which was i;:imburfed by parliament- The fcheme and expedition for reducing of Ogebec and Placentia, and 1 711* ionfequently all Canada axuA Newfoundland, vrere ibiicited by General Nicltf^fon^ who fent four Sachems of the Five Nationrto England to Mcommend the attempt. Seven regiments of foot, and a battalion of mu-ines, were fent nom England under the command of Brigadier- general HiUk brother to die new royal favourite Mra. Maflum,: in forty tranfports, efeorted by a feniadron of twelve fhipa of the line, feveral frigates, and two bomb-ve&ls, commanded by Sir Hovenden. Walker as admiral ; with a fine train of artillery under Colonel King. This fqjr- aidable armament failed fiom England on the s8th of April, and arriveji' itt Nantaiket River near Boftoa on the 25th of Junet The caftle hav ingj 174 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. ing given the ufual Hgnal to the town of the tpproach of feveral fliipri in the bay, the alarm began about noon, and in a (hort time the troop of guards, with a regiment of foot, were under arms, and other pne- cautions taken for defence of the place, nntil the inhabitaiits.were agree- ably furprifed to find that it was the Britiih fleet As Governor X)ud^ ley was then abfent, the gentlemen of the council received General Hill and the Admiral at their landing with all military honours,; and thie forces on board were ordered on &ore at Noddes Ifland, where they en- camped. . ' .By order from England, a congre^ was held at Kew London of all the plantation governors north of Penfylvania, to -concert meafures vrith General Nicholfpn j in confequence of which, the Britiih troops were to be, joined by two regiments from Maflachufets Bay, Ithode Uland, and New Hamp(hire, to attack Quebec ; while the militia frpm Conne^icut, New York, and the Jerfeys, with the Indians of the Five Nations, (hould march by land from Albany, under General Nicholfon, to attack Moh** creal, by way of diveriion to facilitate the grand attempt. . tt, was alleged, that the grand armament ^as retarded at Bofton fpr want of prqvifions ; and when Admiral Walker deoianded a fupply of failors, the governor and council reprelented, that ** The ordinary guards for the fea-coaft, inland, forces, with thofe detached for tbeprefent ex-: pedition, were upward of two thoufand men; which, upon a ftriA examination into the mufter-roUs, was more than onenfifth of all th^ ' peribns within that government capable of bearing arma: therefore it was inconii^ent with the fafety of that her Majefty's province to fpare any more men ; as there were one thoufand one hundred and fixty laud- forces, and one hundred and fixty failprs in their tranfports.'* The fleet fet fail from Bofton on the 3cth of July, amounting to flxty -eight veflels of all forts, carrying fix thoufand four hundr^ and thirty-Hx troops. On the i8th of Augufl, they anchored in the bay or harbour of Gafpee, on the fouth fide of the entrance of St. Lawrence^i Kiver, to wood and water : but, on the 23d, in a foggy night, contrary^ to the advice of the pilot, they fell in with the north ihore, and loft eight traniports, with eight hundred and eighty-four men, upon -;the Iflands of Eggs In a council of war, it was refolved, that, ** by rfa- fpn of the |gnoran(x of the pilots, it was impra^icable tq proceed ;• and that advice fliould bjc fent to recal General Nicholfon frpn) proceeding to Montreal." The fleet anchored in Spanifli River off Cape Breton on the 4th of September, when it was refolved, in a general councU of yvaxt " not 'm ^ri % ■* MASSACHUSETS BAY. •"not to attempt any thing againft Placentia, but to return to Great Brl- uin.'* They failed from SpaniOi River on the i6th, and were in found- ings off the Englifli coaft in twenty-one days : but, on the i6th of Oc- tc^r, the Edgar was blown up at St. Helen's, with the journals and other papers belonging to the admiral; The charge incurred' by the Maflfachufets province Was upwards of 34,000/. llerling, which was allowed by parliament, and conveited into- debenturefr transferable and* bearing intereft; Sir Hovenden Walker wrote to Governor Dudley in Bofton^ as fol— Iqws : " I concur with the opinion of all the Tea and land officers here, that r^ e government of this colony have prejudiced the prefent expedi- tion, inftead of affifting it." It was alfo publickly faid in England"*^, that ** thofe who^ had the principal' niangement of this expedition were made to expeft, that, upon- the arrival* of the fleet in New England,, they, would find there all the necefTary fupplies of provifion ; but, con- trary to their expedation, above five- weeks- eliipfed before all things- could be got in readinefs." But Mr. Dummerf has remarked, that '* \vhen the great unfortunate expedition was fet on foot againft Canada, the New. England people furnifhed more than> the qiiota affigned them, and provided all necefTaries for the Bntiih troops m fo fhort a time, that' if they had- not been animated by an extraordinary zeaU would not have been pofTible; and fuch a fleet and army, wanting the neceflaries: they did, could hot have been difpatched in (b fliort a- warning from any port in England." Soon after the return of the fhips from the River of St. T^wrence, a> terrible fire happened at Bofton,- and deftroyed a great part of the city ;; upon which Stcafion the governor informed the afTembly, That "herouft offer them his fihcere fenfe and condolence of the fleet and forces fen^ tlttre by her Majefly's fpecial favour. That he had time enough, fince ■ the account thereof, to confider the feveral articles of her Majefly's com- mand to this government, for the putting forward that expedition; and he could not diarge the affembly with negle£ting any particular ; but, on the contrary, when he perufed the journals of the proceedings,, he* thought there was provifion and expedition made in every article refer-- ring to foldiers, artificers, pilots, tranfports and provifion for. the fervice. 175 *PoIiticalState, OAober 1711. f This gentleman was many years ajcnC for New England at London i •• (cnfe, learaing,^andL experience. of great', of. m'' ■p *7ij. ': ■*?■ 17^ H I ST OR Y OF frft IT ISH AMERICA. (Of lier Maje^'t BritUh £»«•» .a«- wdi si. tHeir own : therefore he hroper €br dlew to>grantk ind what diredions and orders were necefliury to put u||on^p«r^ulArpcrfbns- that would rebuild their houfesy to feowpe the buildiflgs from the lUbe defi^ation.,"^ The petide of Unredhi hapfened (bon afterward; and the town of Bofton rote out of its afliest, more beautiful and more fecure than before t fo that in a few yeart' after ^e oonflagration, the inhabitants there, and through the whole colony, continued increafing in number, trade, and. opulencttv 1714. Q»een Anne died on the ift of Auguft 1714* and Mr. Dudley re* tainediiis government according, to an »6t oi parliament for continuing offioers^fix months after the' demife of a Sovereign ; but when that time was'expired, the council, in conformity to the charter, took the admi'^ niftration ufon themfelves* However, Mr« Dudley received the King's proclamation for continuing all officers until further orders, and itaffimied . the government, which he held until November 171^, when Colonel Tailer was appointed lieutenant-governor, ttndfcr Colonel Burgefs, ai^inted governor. Coloner Tailef produced an exemplification of the commif- lion or patent granted to the new governor, and as licutenaittt^governor under him aflumed the govetnment on the 9th of November 1 715. Go- v^nor Dudley died at his houfe in Roxbury near Bofton in 17 so, ag«d feventy-three. 1715. Colonel Burgefs did not come over to his governnient, and wui fuper« feded by Colonel Samuel Shute^ as ** his Majefty's captain-general and governor in chief of the Provinces of the Mafikchuiets Bay and Ne«^ Hampfhire, and vicer'admical of the fame.** 1716. Colonel SLuie Was brother to Lord Barrington, and was appointed governor on< the 14th of Ma?ch 1716^ by the foltcitation of Jonathan Belcher Ef^. an eminent inerdiant of New England, and i^berward governor MASSACHUSETS BAY. governor there. The colonel had ferved under the Duke of Marlborough in Germany, and received feveral wounds at the battle of Donawert, where he commanded a troop of horfe. His Excellency arrived at Boilon on the 4th of Odober 1716 ; and William Dummer, Efq. was appointed his lieute- nant-governor. He ^as a natural patron of his country, and his good ma- nagement in the Indian war, during his adminiftration, withfmall expence, will perpetuate his memory among all true lovers of New England. The governor, in his firft fpeech to the aflembly, intimated there was no fettled falary for hlmfelf or lieutenant-governor. The aflembly de- clined the point of falary, but provided an elegant houfe for the refidence of hio Excellency J and the good intelligence between Governor Shute and the aifembly, kept affairs in fuch good order, that little material offers for hiis time in hiflorjr, except the following fafts : ■ ■ 1 . -' He propofed to the alTembly to refit the fort of Pemmaquid, or rebuild another, that might be a greater fecurity to the frontiers of the colony. He alfo informed them, that notwithflanding the law pafTed in England iot encouraging naval flores, and for the prclcrvation of white pine trees, his MaJ€fty had been informed, that great fpoils were daily committed in his woods in the province of Main, and in fome parta of MafTachufets Bay, by cutting down ai^d putting to private ufe fuch trees as might be proper for the royal navy: therefore he recommended, that all laws againft it might be put in execution, and new ones made if thofe were not fufficient. 77 ill ed He ibpprefied the ihcreafing infolehce of the Indians on the eaflern frontiers, and compelled them to accept of more fubmtffive terms. He alfo obtained an additional or explanatory charter from the court of Gjreat Britain; which affair was occafioned as follows: >: ^. ; over thie governor, by afiuming fome articles of the prerojgative. His Excellency, inflead of fending honie, was well advifed to carry his com- plaints in pe;fon, andi fupport thei|x there \^ith.his intereft; which he ac- cordingly' j^id iri NoVermber i 792. HH ' j^itfehted feven articles of com- plaint' againft the hotife of rcprefentatives encroaching upon the prero- gative : " I. Their taking pofleflion of royal mafts cut into logs. 2. Re^ ftfing the governor's negative of the fpeaker. 3. AfTuming authority jqintly with the governor and council to appoint fafts'and thankfgivings. ' Vol. I. A a 4. Adjourning 1717. (■■ h lyZ HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. 4. Adjourning themfelves for more than two days at a time. 5. Dif-* ; mantling of forts* and ordering the guns and (lores into the treafurer's cuftody. 6. Sufpending of military officers, and muling them of their pay. 7. Sending a committee of their own to mufter the King's forces.^' Upon a hearing before the King in council, Mr. Cooke, agent for the houfe of reprefeatatives, and his counfel, in their name, gave up or re- nounced the firft, thiird, fifth, fixth* and feventh articles ; acknowledged their faults, induced by erroneous precedents of former aflfemblies. The . other two articles were regulated by an explanatory charter, which the aflembly were directed to accept. This explanatory charter was 4«ted the aodi of Augu(^ in the twelfth year of King George I. and after reciting, that ** whereas, in their charter, nothing was directed concerning a fpeaker of the houfe of reprefentatives, and of their adjourning themfelves ; it was thereby ordered, that the go- vernor or commander in chief (hould have a negative in the election of the fpeaker ; and the houfe of reprefentatives might adjourn themfelves not exceeding two days at a time." By the prudent condu^ of Governn, Efq. on the ift of ^ril, > 703* had a commiffion as Judge for the fame colonies^ Nathaniel Byneld, EXq. had the like c rniffion granted on the 13th of December, 1707. JohnMenzies, Efq. the 26th. of Auguft, 1715* ^vvas appointed judge for Ma£lachu£Bts Bay, Hampfliire, and Rhode lUand. Upon the death of Mr. Menues in 1728, Robert Auchmuty, £^. was appointed judg^ pro tempore by Governor Burnet, who foon after reinftated Mr. Byfidd: but Mr. Auchmuty fuceeeded him in 1733, and was fuperfeded by QUiU- bers Ruffi^ Efq. in 1747. All the officers of this court of vice-admiralty have a power of appoint- ing deputies; and Mr. Cradock was deputy-judge in 1748. A a it Beiide '79 i8o HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Befide this court of vice-admiralty in each of the provinces and colo« nies, there is a jufticiary coyrt of admiraltVt for trial of piracies and other crimes committed upon the high Teas. The members of this court are Various in the different colonies ; but in the province of the MafTachufets Bay, the iudges are, the governor, the council, the fecretary, the judge of vice-admiral ty, the commander of the King's ftation fliips of war, the furveyor-general of the northern diftrid of cuftoms, and the coUe^or of the cuftoms for the port of Bollon, The furvey of the royal timber, efpedally of mafting trees, extends over the northern provinces and colonies. The officers are appointed from Great Britain ; and are a furveyor-general, with four Aibordinate furveyors : the whole charge of this iurvey is about 800 A jderling a year» with confiderable riding charges, paid by the navy-office. The officers belonging to the coUedions of. cuftoms are appointed by the treafury-board, and warranted by the commiffiqners of the cuftoms in Great Britain ; but in this province there are only the two cohesions of Bofton and Salem. A deputy auditor was commiffioned by the auditdr-geheral in Great Britain, to audit the treafurer's provincial accounts; but, in 1731, this was declared by the general aflembly of the province to be inconftftent with their charter, and was never afterward put in execution. Before Governor Shute returned to England, he received orders from thence to get an eftablifhed falary fettled on the governor ; but the aftembly were in no difpofition to leave the gdveiiior in a ftate of independency upon them as to that article. The fame orders were fent to his fucceflfor, William Burnet, £fq. who moft ftrenuoufly infifted on fuch an eftablifh- ment, purTuant to his inftrudions ; but with as ill fuccefa. This interefted conteft between the governor and the reprefentatives, occafioned much warmth in the aflembly, and ill blood in the whole body of the people, who had before their eyes the ruinous eSeCti of the prodigality of Barba- does to their governor, Mr. Worfley, which they daily groaned under, and could not take one effedual ftep toward recalling it. Governor Bel- chefjliad a falary of a 60/. a year fettled upon him by the government of New Hampihire ; but the aflembly of Bofton would not follow the leading example. ' The council, indeed, were compliable, but the houfe of re[n-e» fentatives continued inflexible ; therefore the governor diflblved the aflem- hly't and remained without any falary. Befoij MASSACHUSETSBAY. Before the houfe broke up, they made the following minutes on the I ft of January, 1731. " After the moft ferious confidcration of his Ma- jefty's inflrudion for Bxing a falarv on his Excellency and his fucceflbrs, together with the rights and privileges of the people, we apprehend the houfe ought not to accede thereto : but at the lame time we efteem it the duty of this houfe, as well as their honour, willingly and unanimoufly to give their votes in pafling ads for the ample and honourable iupport of his Majefty's governor." The people Were of the fame fentiments witK their laft rcprefentativcs, whom they re-eleded to compofe the new aflfembly, which was alfo diflblved on the fame account : but the third ' aflembly were equally refraftory as to the grand article of falary. They ilill perfiiled in their refolution to allow the governor 1000/. a ye^r, and leave the continuance of it to fucceeding affemblies i which the governor, accepted, and put an end for the prefent to this controverfy j but the royal, injunction was ftill infifted upon for eftabliihing a falary on the governor. . A new difficulty was raifed in 1733 by the council and reprefentatives, about the difpofal of the public money. The governor infilled fuch dif- , pofal was onty in him; but the aflembly, who gave the money, argued^! from thence, that fuch right was only in them : however this debate was' determined by the Britiih parliament, who voted, " That the complaint from New England was frivolous and groundlefs, an high inlult upon hia Majefty's government, and tending to ihake off the dependency of the faid colony upon Great Britain, to which by law and right they were and oughtto beftibjedl." . . 1 - . ^ In fad, there was ftill fubftlHng in this province a virtuous and piu^Iicy fpirit, which is the principal fup^^rt of any country .: but it will be after<- ward feen, that this public fpirit of the Colonifts has not been always fo well approved. , , ■' ■ ■ ■ , , ■:■■-.{ iH SECtrOK m'- >*<:-: Ill HISTOaY OF BRITISH AMERICA. SE.CTI ON X. ^heSxfiem oflawst government^ and the civil adminiflration, ^ahli/bed in the colony, TT m»7 be obferved in general, tbat the mode of iurifdiA'ion ii much ^ the fame in all the four colonies of New England, by juflices of the peace and their quarterly feflions ; by inferior county-courts of common ^w i and by provincial fi^rior courts for appeals. They are divided into conftituted diftri^s called townOiips ; which are a kind of bodies corporate, may fue and be fued, c\e€t all proper officers, fend deputies to the houfe of rejprefmtatives, and make bye-Laws. The management of towalhip affairs is iu a few perfons, who are called Sc\c€t Men, annually eleOed by die qualified voters of the townihipa or diftrid^s. In moft of the other BritUh colonies, their conftituted parifhes ad as bodies corporate by cuftom ; the nmnagement is in veftry men, who generally are for life, and the furvivors fupply vacancies. ^n the four colonies of New Eingland, juries are returned to the feveral courts iby eledion in certain quotas from the feveral townihips, but not by the appointment of the ihenffs. As to the colony of Maflachufets Bay in particular, it fliould be remem« bered, that their original old charter was uated the 4th of March, 1629 ; foon after which, Uie company in Ix)ndOn chc^e Mr. Winthrop governor, ami Mr. Dudley dep^ty-goyernor. At the firft meeting of the court of amftants at CSiarles-Town, on the 33dof Auguft, 1630, they eftabliflied rules of proceeding in all civil anions, and inftituted fubordinate powers for punifliing offenders. The fupreme authority being in the court of affiftants, they refolved upon frequent meetings for the execution of it in the manner formerly mentioned. In 1634, the plantation was greatly increafed;fettlement8 were extended more than thirty miles from d^e capital town ; and it was thought high time to have known eftabliflied laws, that the inhabitants might no longer be fubjed to the varying uncertain judgments which otherwife would be made concerning their adions. The minifters and fome of the laymen were confulted about a body of laws fuited to the circumftances of the jcolony both civil and religious. Committees of magiftrates and elders were appointed r% MASSACHUSETS BAY. appointed almoft every year, for twelve years Aicceilirely ; and while they- were fitting a code* particular laws, which were of the greateft necefTityt were occafionally enaded ; the whole were coUeded together, ratified by the court, and printed in 1648. Mr. Bellingham, of the magiftrates ; and Mr. Cotton, of the clergy, had the principal (hare in this work. The cxpence of fettling the Maflachufets Bay colony, for the firft twelve years, was about two-hundred thoufand pot'nds flerling; and the fettlers were neither necefTitous nor criminals *. The character of thefe new planters, with the (late and condition they were in before they left England, and after their arrival in America, fo as to fee the fource of the peculiarities in their laws and cultoms, has been confidered before ; but here is the place to make fome farther obfervations thereon. The charatfler which the colony acquired, by the (Iridlnefs and feverity of their laws, induced many perfons of pious minds to come over them- felves, and others to fend their children for education, many of whom re- mained there. Pennfylvania, by a greater latitude in their fyftem, have drawn inhabitants in much greater proportion ; but the anceftors of the New England people valued themfelves upon being a colony for religion ; and Mr. Penn had no other motive to found his colony than humaa policy. Thofe who firil diredcd the fprings of government in New England.' a£ted fu far upon principle, that they did not choofe fuch puni(bments for crimes, as were merely in pro[)ortion to their aiFe^ing the fafety or peace of fociety ; a principle upon which the European nations have beea attempting to model their criaiinal laws for feveral ages paft; but the new colonics annexed greater penalties to Ibme immoralities and impieties than had been knowji in their native country v this brought circumAances undei* the notice of the civil magiftratc, which would have efcaped it in Eng- land ; and fome actions might have been judged criminal that would have- appeared indi£Ferent tu minds lefs fcrupulous. Murder., fodbmy, witchcraft, and rape of a child under ten years o£' age, vtete the only crimes made capital in the colony,, which, were fo in^ England; and yet, from the above miilaken principle, the laws of thr infant colony were more fangumary than thofe of the mother*country ;, for many offences were made capital in the former, which were not fo in, the latter. Thus homicide) was^ either mtirder, excufable homicidci; oc^ 18^ McDummerfi defence of the New England chuters. juftifiable:;; It- 184 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. juftifiable; for they did not make the diftinftion of manflaughter from murder : becaufe the benefit of clergy was of popifli extrad, and burning in the hand appeared to them a ridiculous ceremony. Blafphemy, and man-ftealing, were alfo made capital : fo was adultery with a married woman, both 10 the man and woman, although the man was fnigle, and feveral have Tuffered death upon this law : but male adultery wlrh an unmarried woman, was not capital. Pei-jury, if wilful, with intent to take av»ay the life of another, was death, from Deut. xix. 16. but this crime was never made Ccipital in England, though it highly delerves that puniOiment: in this inftance, however, the Maflachufets law appears to have agreed with the civil law, the laws of Scotland at this day, and of I'urae other European ftates. A child above fixteen years of age, that curfed, or fmote the father or mother, unlefs provoked by cruelty, or unchriftianly neglected educa- tion ; and alfo a (lubborn and rebellious fon, according to Deut. xxi. 20. upon convidion, were to fuffer death. There hove been feveral trials upon this law J but there appears only one convidion, and the offender was pardoned in 1665. High-treafon was not mentioned ; becaufe the royal authority had funk before they agreed upon their coo ; but confpiracy to invade their own commonwealth, or any treacherous >erfidioiis attempt to fundamen- tally alter and fubvert the frame of th r polity and government, was made a capital offence. Rapine was left to the difcretion of he court, to puniih with death, or ptherwife. This crime was not c tton, divers other offences were made capital. Thus, profaning the Lord's Day m a carelefs or fcornful ne- gledt or contempt thereof; as in Numbers xv. 30—56. Reviling the ma- giflrates in highefl rank ; that is, the governor and council ; as in Exod. xxu. 18. I Kings xxii. 8, 9, 44. Defiling a woman efpoufed ; as in Deut. xxii. 33-r-26. Inceft vi^thin the Levitical degrees. The pollu- tion mentioned in Levit. xx. xj — 16. L^ing with a maid in her far ther's houfe, and ^cee^ing it fecret until fbe was married to another. The punifhment by death was erafed from all thefe offences by Mr. Winthrop, who left them to the difcretion of the court to inflid any other punifhnsent not capital. From the fame prejudice in favour of Ifraelitifh cufloms, a fondnefs arofe, or at leaft was increafed, for fignificant names for children; of whom the three firft baptized in Boflon church were, Joy, Recompence,. and Pity. The humour fpread ; and the town of Dorchefler, in parti- cular, w^s remarkable for fuch natties as Faith, Hope, Charity, Peliveri* ahcey Dependance, Preferved, Content, . Prudent, Patience, Thankful, Hate-evil, Holdfaft, and others ;; many of which are ftill retained in. fome families, ia remembrance of their anceflors. iSs . Profanation of the fabbath was ten: (hillings penalty..! ■•'^fis.''''-»>>' r ;•■ -.7-. .\..xmy the flatute of diflributions. They confidered the family and eflate in all their circumflances, and fometimes afligned a greater portion to one branch than another ; fometimes they fettled all upon the widow ; in other cafes afligned the whole eflate to the adminiflrators, or to any relation who would undertake to fupport or provide for the . family, and pay certain fums to the children when they came to age or marriage* >^11 this feems to be neceffary in a new plantation, where mofl people foon fpent what little perfonal eflate they had, in improvement upon their lands. When they eflablifhed a general rule, they conformed very near to the rules refpeding perfonal eflate in England, only they gave the eldefl fon a double portion ; and in the real eflate, the widow was generally confidered for her dower only ; but flill, according to the circumflances of the eflate and family, the court would confider the widow, and air low her a greater or leffer part, and enjoin her to take care of the children unable to provide for themfelves, in proportion to what ihe received. The common law was altered with refpedl to fee-fimple ellates, which defcended to every child: and it feems natural to fuppofe, that eflates in fee-tail fliould defcend in like manner, except fo far as the entail limited or cut the fee ; as in gavelkind all the fons take as heir of the body : notwithflanding which, the conflrudlion of a general tall was Aich, that the heir at common law took as heir of the body to the exclufion of other children : but- traitors and febns might difpofe of their eflates by will, after fentenoe; and,' if they died inteflate, diflribu- tion was made, as in other cafes, becaufe there were no forfeitures. They held their lands as of the manor of Eafl Greenwich, in free and common focage ; from whence tfcay conceived that focage-tenure in- cluded # # M A SS A CH us ETS BAY. duded all tlie cuftoms and properties of gavelkind. They made provi- fion, by temporary laws, for the charges of government ; which waa done for many yeavs: in the moft equitable way, by aflefiing every inha- bitant in proportion ta the profits of hia whole eflate : but after the year 1645, impofis and excifes were introduced. Their military laws at firft were more fevere, and every perfon was. required to appear iaarms once every mouth for military exercife; feme few perfons in pid>lk o&cc only excepted. This was anerward reduced to eight times in a year, and at length to four. Every inhabitant was to be fumiflied with arms and ammunition : but a few months a£tual fervice againfl the Indian enemy in Philip's war, made better foldiers, than all their exercife at home had done in forty years. Upon the di> vifion of the colony into regiments, colonels and lieutenant-colonel's were appointed to each regiment ;^ which was of no long continuance; fbt afterward they Ivid a ferjeant-major to every regiment, and a major- general for the whole, who were chofen by the freemen : but the of^ ncers of the feveral companies were chofen by their men refpeftively,. and prefented to the general court for their approbation. As to their legiilative and judiciary forms, with fbme fpecial cuftoms,. it may be obferved, that their ena^ing ftyle was, " It is ordered by this- court, and the authority thereof." For many years, the governor, af- fiftants or council, not under feven; with the deputies or reprefentatives, in a legal capacity, voted together: but, in 1052, that the governor and council fhould (it and vote apart, fb as to conftitute a feparate nega- tive. The governor, deputy-governor, and ailiftants, or council called magiflrates, were the fiiperior court for appeals in civil cafes ; and were the court of Oyer and Terminer in cafes of life, member, baniihrnent, or divorce. After they were conftituted two diftind houfes, if they happeAed to differ in any cafes of judicature civil or criminal, the affair was to be determined by a vote of the whole court aflfembled together. The general court only had power to pardon condenmed crlininalst no generat court was to continue above a year j and the governor when prefent was prefident in all courts. The governor, deputy-governor, or majority of the ailiftants, might call a general aflembly,. x'^hich waS) not) to be adjourned br diifblved but by a vote of the fame.. The officers annually ele£l:ed by the freemea in general, were, the; governor, deputy-governor, affiftants, treafurer, major-general, admiral,, comnuflloners for the United Colonies, and fecretary.. I Bb2L I^ 187 -•14 i m m m /* i88 HISTORY or BRITISH; AME'HICA. By an a£t in 1641, the freemen had liberty to choofe deputies for the general court, either in their own county or town, or elfewhere, aa they thought proper, fo as they were freemen inhabiting that juriftlidion ; but this law was not re-enaded under the new -charter adminrftration.' ■*jir -X^ /.?', ■(!•(?• By a law made in 1654, no common attorney in any inferior court was to be admitted -to fit as a deputy in the general court or aflem- bly. In 1634, an order or law was made, ^hat lio Crial (hould jpafs upon any for life dr d^ath, without a jiiry' regularly cho^n by freemen : but grand-juries were not legally eftabliihed until September 1635, when about one hundred offences were prefented at the firft coUrt. In criminal, matters, a fpirit of virtue produced informers, without reproach to their cliara^ers ; and in criminal profticutiOtts a billwks to be regularly found by a grand jury, in MvHich they Were not Very for- mal; becaufe fometimes the bill would be indOriedj that the jury had ftrong grounds of fufpicion, yet not fufEcient evidence to put upon trial. As the cx)lony increafed, and the fettlements extended renK>te from the capital, it was found neceffary to make a dlvifion into fhires or counties ; and courts were held in each county ; fome had four in a year, others two, and Main but one. Thefe courts were held by the roagiftrates who relided in each county, or any others who would attend, together with fuch other perfons as the freemep of the county ihould hoiminate, and the general court approve, (b as tp make five in al], and any three to hold a court, who had power to determine all civil caufes, and all crimi- nal, that were not capital.,. In feveral towns, a petty ,fourt was eftabltflied for fm^ll debts and trefpafTes under twenty JhiUings: and.in£very town the feled-men had power to determine all offences againft the bye-laws of the place under the penalty of' twenty (hillings : but the bye-laws could not ex- tend to matters criminal in their nature ; being limited to the regulation of their buildings, fences, and dreets ; fb as to prevent nuifances, or improve conveniences, for the ufe and accoI^modatio^ of the inhabi? tants. Their judicial proceedings were in a particular fummary way; and they feem to have not much regarded forms in books of entries. At firft, the parties fpoke for themfelves ; but fometimes they were affifted by a 4 patron, ^■s^:; ./;. ( MASSAGHUSETS BAY. patron» ^r man of fuperior abilities, who gave his afliftaace voluntarily, without fee Qr reward* ; ii As early as the year 1640,^ they made provifion for a publife regiftry ; and no mortgage, bargain, falei or gi^ant of any realty was good, where the grantor remained in ppiTeflion, againft any perfons, except the gran- tor and his heirs, uplefs the fame was acknowledged before a magiftrate, and recorded: and all grants that had been before made were to bis acp knowiedged and recorded. " ^,- "^i' Every marriage, birth, and death was likewife regiftered, firft in the town, and then in the county regifter ; under a fine of twenty (hillings for neglea. ..oVirnBH h U^r, For the firfttwenty years, they iifed little formality in their deeds and conveyances of titles to lands;: buf, in 1651, it was ordered, that no eftate of inheritance fhould pafs, unlefs it was exprefled in the deed or conveyance, " To have and to hold to the grantee and his heirs for ever," or words to that effedt : and fo no eftate tail, except exprefled, ** to the heirs male of the body lawfully begotten for ever, or to the gran- tee for life or term of years.*' , Oaths were adminiflered with no others ceremony than holding up the hand ; v^hich ^as fumcient to diftinguifh a witnefs from the reft of the court. Ki^ng, or laying the hand upon, ^he book, was fcrupled, as an idolatrous ceremony ; nor has it ever fihce been pradifed in any of the governments in ,Ne)B7 £ngla|id, except when fpecialeommiiltonS from Great Britain, to take depofitions to be ufed in the courts of judicature there, have made it neceflary. ; ■ In i6Sf2t it was enaded^ that a Mint-houfe ihould be ereded at Bof- fon, to coin iilyer of fterling alloy, into izd. 6d. and 3 d. pieces in va- lue lefs than that of the pretend J^ngliHi coin by 2 d. in the (hilling : the ftamp to be, within a double ring ; on the one fide, Massachusets, with a tree in ^he center; on the other fide. New England, with the year 1652 ; and the figures xii. yi. and iii. according to the value of each piece ; with a private mark. All the New England coin is dated 16511 ; though, xhej continued coining for fome years afterwards ; which is a prerogative of the fovereign, not of a colonyf : but fcarce any of this coin appears at pre^nt ; becaufe, with all other filver coin, it has been ejedled by, a paper currency* Exceptipg ^nglilh coin, no other was to be current; and ^ve per cent, for charges of coining, was allowed by : ; . the VT;-" i<)6 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. the owners of the filver brought into the mint to be coined : but expor- tation of this coiut except twenty ihillings for neceflary expences, was prohibitedi on pain of confifcation of all effedks. In the old charter timesj the colony was at firft divided into the three counties of Suffolk, Effex, and Middlefex; but when they aflumed the X^^i^i^^^^^Q o^ ^cw Hamplhire and province of Main, and fettled com- padly upon CSonne^icut River» the colony, in 167 1, was divided into thefe counties : Counties. I. Suffolk, s. Norfolk, 3. Effex, 4. Pifcataqua, 5. Middleiex, 6. Yorkihire, 7. Hamplhirei Chief Towns. Bofton. Salifbury and Hampton. Salem and Ipfwich. Dover and Pordmouth. Charles Town and Cambridge. Yoric. Northampton and Springfield. But as they now ftand, the feveral counties, with their courts of ge- neral quarter-feflions, and inferior court of common-pleas, are as follow: cAt Bofton; firft Tuefday of January, April, c July, and October. tSaiem ; fecond Tuefday of July, and hft Tuef- day in December ; Newbury, laft Tuefday in December : and Ipfwich, faft Tuefday in March. {Cambridge; third Tuefday in May: Charles Town; fecond Tuefday in December and March : Concord ; laft Tuefday in Auguft. {Springfield; third Taefday in May; laft Tuef- day in Auguft : Northampton ; fecond Tue^ day in February and November. {Worcefter ; firft Tuefday in November and Fe- bruary; fecond Tuefday in May; tWrd Tuefilay in Auguft. ^ fi Pi«,*«.,*i, . c Plymouth J firft Tuefday in March; third o. riymoutft, I Tuefday in May, September and December. ^__ f Bamftaple ;' laft Tuefday in June ; third Tucf- { day m March, October, and January. I. Suffolk, 8. Effex, 3. Middlefex, 4. Hampfhire, 5. Worcefter, 6. Plymouth, 7. Batnftaple, 8. Briftol, MASSACHUSETS BAY. _^ r Briflol ; fecond Tuefday in March* JUne, Sep- ~* I tember, and December. {York ; firft Tuefday in April, July, Oaober, and January: Falmouth; firft Tuefday in '?» 8. Briftol» Oaobi en ,0. Duke'. County. {^f^^T^i^T"^^'"'^'*^ ' ^'^'^"'^ XT * 1. » c Sherburne ; laft Tuefday in March; firft Tuef- 11. Nantucket, J dayinOaober. \ The fuperior courts of judicature and affixes are alfo held in the follow- ing manner: 1. SuflFolk, — 2. Eflex, — 3. Middlefez, — cBofton; third Tuefday ia Auguft and Febru- l ary. . » S Salem; fecond Tuefday in November: Ipf- ^ wich{ fecond Tuefday in May. ^Cambridge; firft Tuefdapr in Auguft: Charles Town ; laft Tuefday m January. Springfield ; fourth Tuefday in September.^ Worcefter ; third Tuefday in September. Plymouth ; fecond Tuefday in July. 4. Hampfhire, — 5. Worceftq:* -r " 6. Plymouth, — 9. Briftol* ,-t^ J Briftol; fourth Wednefday in O^ober. 10. York, -^!,^ York ; third -Wednefday in June. By ad of aifembly, occafionally but not ftatedly, the times of fitting of thefe feveral courts alter, and as they may be varied from time to time by a^s of the proyidGial aflembly, the above is only a temporary accoun^. ' . _:yuitK)"ljir4 \ ■,.•,..-■ ,37 charter, the general afiepiblies are allowed to ereft judicatories ; to hedr and determine concerniug pleas, whether real* .ptrfcmal, or mixed; and all manner of crimes, capital or not capital. In perfonal adtions, where the master in difference exceeds the value of 300 /. fter- lingy api>^)8 areallowed to the king in council ; provided ^ch ^peal be^made 'i^ fourt^n days after judgment given ; a^d that: before fuch appeal u'allowedr fecurity be given by the appellants to the vidue of the matteiif in contifoverfy^ with cofts and damages, fo as eMeution b not ftaid. • M lau Their If Mh i^i HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Their judicatories in civil adions vierc thus conftituted : i. All actions under lo/. old tenor, which ma^ now be about 20 s. fterling, are at iirft iniUnce cognizable by a juftice of peace. , a. From thepce lies an appeal to the county court df common-pleas ; which' court feems of no great confequence, and generally fei'ves, without much pleadings, only to tranfmit it to the Ajperior and |mivincial court, fo^h^p^ th^ mod up- right of any in the plantations : but all adion^ not exceeding the value as above, mud originate in the inferior courts. 3. Froip the inferior court of common pleas, there is "appeal to a fupcrior or provincial court in their circuits ; and this is alfo a court of Oyer and Tern>iner, in civil affairs. 4. From this court there ih a Review to the fame court of* judges* hut of another jury. 5. The- lies a liberty of petitioning the general aifembly, as a court of error, upon proper allegations, to order a re- hearing before the fame.Aiperior court.: In eacH county, the governor aiid council appoint one high-fherifF» with a power of deputifing ; and ^my number of coroners, the judges of the feveral courts, are generally accepted on fdtommendation from the governor. . . f The juries ne^r were appointed by the (herifFs of the counties ; but every townfliip, at a reguUriy called' town-meeting, eledied their quota for the county : hut as ibme, defigning men officioufly attended thefe townfliip-meetings, upon particular occaiions, to obtain a packed, or par- tial juryf the jur^s weril afterward by lot, fpme by chance, ani others by rotation : bat ihe- privilege of juries feems to give'the people a nega- tive, - even in the executive part of the civil government. , _5^ ^v . ] ' .1) '!.' , .!'. 'r ■ ■'•'•' ■■-!' " '■' ■"' } ' ■-] "■■■ "''' In 'each eounty, befkle the civil officers appointed by the governor and epunci), and the military or militia officers appointed by thie governor as captain-general, there is a county-treafurer, and a county-regifter or re- corder of deeds or real conveyances. Thefe officers are chofen by a joint written' vbte of the qualifial votets in each townlhfp of the countjr, and fortedvin the next quirtet-feffiona : but the county-treafurers annually, tenderandtpafii their accounts with a committee (tf. the general aiflembly. "']'.,, i .".■;;•' ■ '■ ■ ■ ' ' ."',,' h!Siit jriamdtions ai«! farms in the old to#nfliips^ near Boftdar'Mre^'^ * aietaflly -become finalH oicca^ited by a provihcial ai^ of- aflembiyi'ivvhich Middles the veal as welt as the peribitol t9sM of inteftates,' anidhg^ all' the «hfldreR:ori«tillateral8.' Itiie pec^Ie there are much' Bigdtted to this pro- vince law, and frequently die inteflate : but this humour is attended with fome advantages ; as where a farm thua becomes fmall, the poi&flbr can-^ •ibtiT 9 not iiN »r MASSACHUSETSBAY. not live by it* and is obliged to fell to the proprietor of Tome adjoining farm, and move farther inland, where he can purchafe wafte land in great quantities at an eafy rate, to the enlargement of the country im- provements. Thus in the townfliips which now compofe the county of Wcrcefter, about half a century ago, there were not above two hundred families ; whereas, in the valuation in 1 742, there were found in that county about three thoufand two hundred taxable white male perfons, though the number has been fince diminiihcd by the late wars upon that continent. The civil adminiflration may be divided into the fupreme coutt of le- giflature, called the general-court or general-aiTembly of the province ; and the fubordinate executive courts. The great and general-court, or provincial aflembly, confifts of three negatives ; the gSvernor, council, and houfe of reprefentatives, in the following manner : I. The'|;overnor is by patent or commifHon from the king, durante bene placitOi with a book or inftru£tions, which are binding to him, though not fo conclufive to the houfe of reprefentatives. The military govern- ment by land and fea is folely veiled in the governor, who grants all com- miflions in the militia ; appoints all judges, juftices, and (herifFs ; and he has a negative not only in all bills of aflembly, but likewlfe in all their eledions of officers, that of a fpeaker not excepted. Thus the governor commiflions all militia and other military officers independently of the council or aflembly ; he nominates all civil officers, except thofe con- cerned in the finances, and they are accordingly appointed with confent of the council. He calls, diflblves, prorogues, kdjourns, and removes the general aflembly at pleafure. Some governors have alfo refufed their aflent to bills, refolves, and orders of the general-court ; thus a dele- gated power afliimes more than the fovereign authority ; for the Kings of Great Britain, efpecially of late years, have never exerted this branch of their royal prerogative, except upon fome extraordinary occaflon. The jufl: pecuniary profits of the governor have been always confider- able, and of late years he has been allowed a falary gf 1000 /. fterling a year. He has one-third. of all cuftom-houfe feizures. The naval office belongs to him, with many fees of various kinds ; and in time of war there are fees for granting letters of marque to private fhips of war; befide many emoluments arifing from military tranfadipns by land. The governor, however, is not authorized by charter to imprefs men into the military fervice, to march out of the province, without an ad or refolve of the general-court j nor can he give his aflent to any ad for repealing . Vol. I. C c any »9^ #> i i\ m I HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Ukf of the (landing lawi of die prorince, without t (hfpeading clan(er that is, until a copy thereof be tranfmitted and laid before the king, to> whom the governor ia aocountable for his condu£k upon complainta^ ex- hibited againft him from the cotonf • a. The fecon^ negative in the Tegiflature is* that of the l:{ng*8 or govcp* nor's council, called the honourable board ; which confifts of twent)-^ eight afliftants or coimfelbrs, to be advifing and aflifting to the governor, and to conditutc one negative in the legiflature, fimilar to the Houfe of liords TnJSreat Britain. They are annually chofen the laft Wednefday jin May, by a joint vote of the laft year's counfellorl^ luKd the new houie of reprdcntaitives. ' This negative Ifl called Twe Board; but there (cems to be fome }n» eonveniencicft in the conftitution of their power, for they may be ihti- midated by the governor, who has a power of neg^tivine the eledion of any counfellor, without alleging reafons ; and they alio ftand iA awe of the members of the third neg&tlvet as to their eledioa by the houfe of reprefentatives. .1 r. The council are afllfling to the governor, by their advice and cbnfent in appointing all civil officers, except thoie of the finances; and ftpyen of the council make a board. The governor and council have the probate of wills, of granting adminiftrations and of divorces ; but they ap- point a. fubor^lnate judge of probatjcs in eac^ county. The governor aUbt'with tKe advice aaud confent 9«f the cou^ncil, nomi'patef and appoints jud|^s, commtifionen of Oyer atid Terinin^rt fher|firs, ;|u('^'*e8^ of the peace, and other civil officers ; but no. fiich appointnient is to be made without fummons ifiued feven days before unto fuch of the cpunfellors as ihould be redding within the provjince at that time. 5, The third negative in the leglflative body is called ** The honourable houfe of reprefentatives," by whom the freemen are repreiented iu their lower houfe ; not by election from counties, cities, and boroughs, as in Ctreat Britain, and m fome of the Britifh colonies; but from certain dif- trids of land incorporated by the names of town0iip8».very unequal* in eictent, . Thus Springfield contains upwards of one hundred thouiand aeres, . Bad Med&rd dcies not contain above twO thouiand acres ; but ge- nerally they (hould be about fix miles ic^uare, or near twenty-thtee thoi|» iiind acres. ''t % €> MASSAGHU8BTS BAY. Bf cUrter^ each place it iini>owered to depute two peribil and no more i ^ Bofton it allowed to fend C return no reprerentattTCS. There are a few things in which this houfe of reprefentatlTea dilfert from the practice of the houfe of commons in Great Britain ; particu- larly, that a reprefentatife muft be refident m the townfliip for which he i» eleded ; and that counfellors or rcprtfentatives may fenre their country upon wage*. As to Taxes, and Valuations, it is onTy neceflfary to obferve ; i. Thai the provincial Taxes of Maflachufetts Bay eonftft of three articles^ excife,. impoftst and rates. I. Exciib, as fettled, by ad^ of afllembly» is upoi» brandy* nm, and. other fpirits diftilled ; lemons, oranges, and limes. Bofton, with the reft of the county of Suffolk's excife, in 1748, was farmed for 10,000/. old tenor, being about 1000/. ilerlingr but this tax haa been greatly augipented nnce that time. II. Impoft, is by tonnage upon foreign wines and goods ; upon fait,, cotton- wool, and provifions, the growth of the colony ; but prfze- goods condemned to any part of the provincei and goods from Great Britain, are exempted from impora.. III. Rates, are taxes upon polls and eftates : polls are all white mea of fixteen years of age and upward : eftates are real« peribnal,' and faculty, or income arifing from their trade and bunnefs. Thofe exempted from polls and rates are^ the governor, lieutenant-gover* nor, and their families; the prefident, fellows, and ftudents of Harvard College ; fettled raisifters and grammar fchoolmi^era;- aft alfo peribns deemed invalids, by age, infirmities, and poverty. The annual fupplies, or appropriations, are in many articles : thus, of the 400,000/. old tenor ia 1748, there were granted the following fums: For garrifons, armed veflets, forces upon the eaftem j[» and weftern frontiers, — 160,000 Warlike ftores and commiflaries diburiements, 136,000 Allowances and grants, ■ 1 ■ 72,000 Expended *"^«i. ^\3lM,Aa8ACHUSBT8 DAV^ Expended where oo eftablUhment, Contingenciei* ,,-«? ReprefenutiTei wtgein ' — — ]S»00O SiOOO 18,000 Total iC> 400,000 '•xf-l,- n With regard to money-affairs { ai.the cnuflion of public proTiaelal bilU of credit, called paper-iaoney y jfoppliet of the treafury ; and g^tern- Bent charge! ; all thefe, at varioua timci, have been exprefled in dif- ferent tenors ; as old tenor, middle tenor, new tenor firft, and new tenor iecond } which laft was about twelve per cent, worfe than new tenor firft, though they have paflcd indifferently at the iame value. Thefe varioun tenors, if reduced to old tenor the originaU and to a proper fiandard of exchange with London, compared with the value of ciu^encies in the other Britifh Golomes as they Aood in 1 748, will appear thut l For 100/. fterling, the currency was for New England ixooA New York 190 /. Eaft }mej* 190. /. weft Jerfeyt 180 A Pennfylvania x8o /. Maryland aooA Virginia xioAto 125/. North Carolina looo/L South Carolina 750 /.Barbadoes 130 /. Antigua 170 to 180 /. St. QiriflopherV i6«/. and Jamaica 140/^ ^ w m ii 8ECTI0K m •i: 1^ HISTOtllf o¥^^lEtft*dtt AII^JlICA. 1 . CtU t r* C T I O-N XI. The ecfte/^iiSt'j:oH/iittttioM of the colony ; the univetJUyt €ind fiate (f ^ learning there, TT ym one grent deAgn of the firft planters of the Maflkchufets colony, -^ to'o&^ain ^r themfelVes did thdr ^it^trity the liberty of worihippiihg 00d! ia 5^clr ihaiMer as af^eared te tfaeih 'tk» be moft agreeable to Hdly "Wirit. 'tht^ did iM>t Aipfiofe thd^fonH of dpifeopat g^m-timent to be enh jmoed by diViaeauthorrty; and tftey^ knew ve^well, that, upon their arrival is Aiptrica, they yr6tird be no longer ftibjeft to any ^oce(kn in Eiicgknd'. They nnif^ hmmt^r h^^ foppmed feme fbtm. of chuiflt;w modti of both as wa» ladft agreeable to their fituatidntfnd tii*- cumftances. . , ,, \ . They feem to have had no fettled plan of church-government until the arrival of Mr. Cotton in 1633, who projeded the plan of government of the New England churches, which from that time took the name of con- gregational. This was called the middle way between Brownifm and Prefbyterianifm, and is faid to be diflinguiihed by the four following cha- raderiitics : xft, The fubjetS: matter of the vifible church ; that is, faints by calling, fuch as are acquainted with the principles of religion, who profefs their faith, and the manner how they were brought to the knowledge I ofOodly faith in Chrift. sd. The conftitutive part of a particular vifible church ought to be a mutual covenanting, to walk together in the Chriftian communion, according to the rule of the gofpel. 2d, No church ought to be of larger extent, or greater number, than may ordinarily meet together in one place, for the celebration of divine worfhip. a 4tb, There MASSACHUSETS BAY. ^/-^f 'tlkttt 18 no jurifdidlfon to which particular duirdies oiij;ht to be 9/' fiitrjedit by waj<^aathoritatc7eceariire. ffhtlCe kr^GAd t6 beth« pridcipTes Uponwliich a platform of duirch-go- 'verAmeiit wm e(blbl^ed. By the law eftabli(hed in the colony, no man could have a fliare in the adminif^ration of civil government, or give his- voice in any election, un'lefft he Was a member of one of the churches. "lite mlntfl^rs df tJW (t^veral churches in Bofton haVe always been fup- ]ported by a ittt weekly comributbh r but in the country townv compul- "fory laws were found nec«fiaffy f thu8> in 1654, tifie county-courts were empowered to aflefs upon the inhabitants of the feveral towns, whicb negleded the fappoct of the ininilhy, a fumfufficient to make up the- ie^s^ agreeable to ^d conditiqa on which the lands were granted. They Md a{i^« the fafts and feafts of the Church of England; and fi-e^ gently appointed days' of thankigiving, as occafion required. Befide o&- eaiional fafts, they conftantly appointed a day for failing and prayer,, every vernal period, to implort the divine blcdfings upon: their aflPairs the ^nfuing- ytar : and in- the autamnal feafon tl^ had a day of thankfgiving ifx tl^ favours conferred upon theta in the preceding yea#. By a law of the eelofhy^ evefy perfon abPsm^hg himfelf from the public worfhip^ on- tfarfe days, without ful£cien( ttts^t^ was Hable to five fliillings fine.. During the fifty years the old charter continued, there were few !Aftan<»eii of any fociety of Chriftians profeifedly difiPering in d6Arine, difcipljne, or form of wor&ip from the efiabliihed churches. The num» \kt tii ^ptifts wa« fmall : the Qiaakers came over in fmall parties ; nor was there any epifcopal church in any part of the colony, until the charter was vacated'. They were called Independents, becaufe «very congregation was inde* pendent of the other churches j but not independent of the civU govevn<* mcnt. A church confi^fid only of.fo many pec^le as could conreniently meet together in one audience, and under covenant among them&lves. A vote of their brotherhood made and unmade their minifter, ciders, and. deacons^ nor cmild a minifter adminiftei: but to his own congregation. They allowed of commtinion with other churches in word and prtayer ; but not in &craments«nd'difcipHne : and though they advifed with neigh<»- touring churches, they were under no obligation to follow ^eir advice. AfVer Tome time they ftill became more moderate and fociable, when they tonverted the defignation Independent to thit -^ Congregational. •' Although m v& mm :/'^,.^^ ll' «<}d HISTORY OF BRITISH AME-RICA. Although they xetained the notion of an independent fupreme ecclefiaftical power in each congregation* they allowed that fometimes it might be expedient to have the advice of fynods and councils. Thus infenfibly and naturally, for the fake of good order, they fell «nto the Prefbyterian mode j and, in fadt, have had feveral fynod» appointed by the civil legiflature. In 1 718, it was piopofed in the general aflembly to call a fynod of the congregational churches of the province of Maflachufets ^ay ; but this was lejeded, becaufe* by the a^ of union of England and Scodand in 1707, it was provided that the Church of England government, in all the Englifh Colonies, fliould be for ever eftablifhed. The teft went a great way toward producing a general uniformity; and he that refufed to conform was deprived pf more civil privileges than a Nonconformift was deprived of by the teft in England; but both of them muft have occafioned much formality and hypocrify. Befide this teft, another reafon may be affigned. As good, if not better lands than any in the colony lay contiguous to it ; and men of different opinions chofe to remove ^here they might enjoy both civil and religious liberty, rather than remain and be deprived of either : fo that, in this way, birth and quicl^ growth were given to a neighbouring colony, which admitted perfons of all religions, and gave equal privileges in general; therefore as foon as what they called a fedary fprang up in the Maiiachufets colonyr it was tranfplanted to Rhode liland. Befide the fynodal conformity, the Independents of New England became lefs contraded and of more extenflve charity in o.ther articles ; fo that, at prefent, the Congregationalifts may be efteemed among the moft moderate and diaritable of thofe who profefs the dodrines of Chriftianity^ Although a church properly confifted of no more perfons than could conveniently meet together in one place, cemented by a holy covenant, and admitted into church-memberft^ip by perfonal public confefllon ; yet now they have relaxed of that rigidity, and particularly in the following inftances : X. In many of their churches they do not require that perfonal publiq confeffional appearance to be admitted into church-memberftiip, but only a private ap(dication to thpir paftor or minifter, , to be communicated to die church only, if required. 2. They admit occafionally members of other churches to the Lord's Supper, by letters of recommendation. 3. A minifter may occafionally adminifter the facraments to a neighbouring vacant church. 4. The brethren of the church, at tb.e ordination of a minifter. MASSACHUSETS BAY. minifter, do not lay on hands ; but it is done by the laying on of the hands of the minifters of fome neighbouring churches invited for that purpofe ; and this is a confiderable feftival day in the townfhip or parifh. 5. A la^-elder may teach and perform all offices except the adihiniftration of the iacraments. After all that may be faid in favour of the ecclefiaftical conftitution, the ftrength of it lay in the union with the civil authority. The ufual way of deciding differences and controverfies in churches* it is truci was by a council, conlifting of the elders and other meflTengers of neighbouring churches; and when there was a general agreement in fuch councils* the contending parties ufually acquiefced ; but if the council happened to differ in appreh^nfions among themfelves, or if either of the contending parties were, contumacious, it became a common thing for the civil ma« giftrate to interpofe and terminate the difpute. In a New England ordination, d^ diftinft parts are required : x. A preparatory prayer. 2. A fuitable lermon. 3. A charge. 4. Another prayer. 5. The right-hand of fellow&ip ; but fome join in the impofi- tion of hands. The minifters of the congregational perfuafion in the province of Mat fachufets Bay continue to meet annually about the time of the general pro- vincial election of counfellors ; not by afTuming any ecclefiaftical autho-* jity, but only by way of brotherly intercourfe. The firft Church of England congregation formed in New England was at Boftoh in 1679 ; it ftill fubfifts and flourifhes ; and, befide a re^or in the election and at the charge of the congregation^ there is an annual royal bounty £ot an afliilant-minifter or ledurer. In 1748, there were about two hundred and fifty Independent congregations in the new charter province of Maflachufets Bay ; as alfo feven miffionary congregations ; befide fome congregations of Irifh PreibyterianS) Baptifts, Qjiakers* and new Separatifts or Methodifts. . «oi. 0/ Harvard Cotlege* It was thought neceflary to ctc€i a collegiate fchool for the education of youth, and as a feminary for a fucceflion of able and learned gofpel- roinifters. The general aflembly, in 1630, granted 400/. toward the dlablilhment of fuch a fchool or college at New Town* about fix miles Vol. I. . D d from <^%: 202 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. from Bofton ; but that money was not then applied, becaufe it was infuf- ficient to anfwer the purpofe intended ; and the defign was negleded until 1638) when the reverend Mr. John Harvard, lately come from England, died at Charles Town, of which he was minifter, and by his will be- queathed 779 /. IT s. 2d. to carry on this ufeful work. Upon his deceafe, a committee was chofen to manage the undertaking, which now met with encouragement from the other colonies ; and feveral private gentlemen contributed liberally toward it. When the building was ereded at New- Town, that place, upon this account, was called Cambridge, which name it has ever fmce retained ; and the college, in honour of its great bene- fa^or, received the name of Harvard College. It was no better than a fchola illujiris^ or an academical £ree-fchooI, for the firft ten years, under the diredion of certain overfcers, as appears by an ad palTcd by the general court at Bodon in 1642. The income of a ferry between BdQ[on and Charles-Town was granted to the college, which is now lett at ^o /. New England currency, or 60/. ilerling a year ; and this ferry is about three miles from Cambridge ; which town increafed and enlarged in the number of houfes and inhabitants. This was the conflitution of the college until the year 1 650, when it was incorporated by a provincial charter. Thomas Dudley, Efq. was then governor of the colony, and Mr. Henry Dunftar was prefident of the college, which was fituated in a healthful foil. . . The college-building confided of a triangular court, whofe front was open to the fields. 'The building on the firft fide was in 1673, by a contribution through the whole colony of 1895 /. a /. <)d. whereof Bofton furnifhed 800/. and it was called by the former name of Harvard College. The building on the bottom-fide was eteded in 1699, at the charge of Lieutenant-governor Stoughton, and was called Stoughton College, which confifled of flxteen chambers. The third fide was built in 1720, at the charge of the province, and was called Maflachufets Hall, confifting of thirty-two chambers. Befide this court, there was a houfe for the prefi- dent at fome diftance from the court ; and at a fmall diftance behind the Harvard fide of the court was a neat chapel, the gift of Mrs. Holden of London, widow of Mr. Holden, a late diredor of the Bank of England. Harvard College being built, a foundation was laid for a public library, which was a work of abfblute neceflity ; as books were fo fcarce in the country, that it was impoffiWe for the fludcnts to purchafe them. The firft •m*- . M ASS ACHU SETS BAY. " firft furniture of this library was the books of Doctor William Aniea, the famous prafefTor of divinity at Franequer* whofe mdan and children tranrported themfelves and their efFe^s into thefe parts. Several gentle- men alfo in England made very valuable prefents to it, fome of books, And others of mathematical inilruments, fo that before the end of the cen- tury it was increafed to between three and four thouiand volumes : and if the Cambridge library in New England could not pretend to rival the libraries of European univerfities, yet it contained a colledion of the mod valuable authors that have wrote in the learned languages, and was un- doubtedly the heft furnifhed of any in thofe parts of the world. This univerfity never conferred any degree above Mafter of Arts upon any of its members, except Dr. Increafe Mather ; for the charter by which they were incorporated gave them no farther powers ; nor was it ufital to confer the degree of Mafter of Arts upon any but thofe who were of feven years (landing in the college. Some attempts were made in the beginning of the reign of King William and Queen Mary to obtain a new charter, whereby their powers might be enlarged, and they might be capable of conferring the degrees of Batchelor and Doctor in Divinity, after tiie manner of the European univerfities ; but without fuccefs. The refident inftru ground lies higher than, the marflies, whereby it i& freed. from the over- flowing of the feas ; and beflde this, in many places where the trees grovv thin, there is good fodder to be got among the woods. There are likewife in divers places near the plantations great broad meadows, wherein grow neither (hrub nor tree, lying low, in which places grows ^ as much grafs as may be thrown out with a fcythe, thick and long, as- high as a man's middle, fome as high as the fhoulders, fo that a good mower may cut three-load in a day. Many objedt that this is but coarfe fodder ; and true it is, that it is not fo fine to the eye as Englifh grafs ; but, being made into hay, the cattle eat it as well as lea-hay, and like as well with it. The worfl that can be faid againft.the meadow-grounds is, that there is but little ediih or after-pafture, which may proceed from Uie Ute mowings more than any thing elfe. For the more upland grounds, there are different kinds ; in feme places clay, others gravel, fome a red fand ; all which are covered with a black mould, in lome pkces a foot deep, iili others not fo much. Such is the ranknefs of the jpround,, that: it muft be ibwn the fird year, with Indian corn, which is a (md^sgrain,. before it will be fit to receive EngUfli feed. He preferred itVK>re the 2 countiest^^ 20^ i J 'V*^, '<% % ' \ ' »n < 2p6 HISTOJIY O^ .^IIVITXW AM,E.RICA. n counties of Surry or Middlcfex, which, if they were not enriched with continual manurings, would be lefs fertile than the meaneft grounds in New England; wherefore it was. not ^ipnpciffibje, nor much improbable, that, upon improvements, the foil- miiy "be as good in time as England." This account of the country is not unfavourabe ; but a different idea of it was given in an anonymous ^namif^ript, which, was Xent to J^pgUnd in 1637, «|nd'affert8, '• That the foil, fckr the naiure of it, was in^ed ; the upland rather participated of fand than clay ; yet Ertglilh rye liked it not; an argument it was both cold and barren. That 'the low-lands were for the moft part covered with underwoods ; and the foil, wmch was a mixture cf clay and fand, fecraed to have been fattened h)y the continual fall of leaves from the trees growing thereon. That this foil was like the woodland in England, beft at firft, yet afterward grows more barren. That this raifed the report of fo rich a foil ; but thofe that came after found, by dear experience, that afFedlion, nofr judgment was the author of it ; for after five or fix yearS, it grew barren beyond belief : and whereas, after the land in England proved fertile for grafs, ^ this yielded none at all ; but, like the jand about Dunftable, put on the face of winter in the time of fummer. The author, however, believed, that if they had marie, lime, or other manure, that barrennefs might in part be cured ; but then they were deftitute of thofe fupplies. That the natural coldnefs confuted the opinion of thofe who conceived it to be orginally fertile ; and experience confirmed this to be true ; for beans, millets, fitches and roots, which delight in a cold foil, profpered here alike. That hay they had of the low-lands, fuch as it was ; which he thought inferior in goodnefs to reed and fedge in England ; for it was fo devoid of nutritive virtue, that their beafts grew loufy with feeding upon it, and were much out of heart and liking ; befide, it bred among them fundry difeafes which they knew not how to cure. That fome had learned to make better provifion, by burning the grafs when it was near ripe, and fo fufFering a new crop to fpring out of the afhes of the old : this they cut down, before it was half ripe, and made it into hay ; but this proved like after- meaih in Old England, not fit to labour with, yielding a faint nourifliment, which brought the cattle fo low, and many times to dife&fes of which they feldom recovered." * ■ . Another manufcript account, of fome later date, fays, that " the air of the country was (harp, the rocks many, the trees innumerable, the grafs little, the winter cold, the fummer hot, the gnats in fummer biting, and the wolves ^ inidnight howling : but if it was to be looked upon as the means eilgface, i. might be ceiled a Canaan." Mr. m mAssachusets bay. Mr. Hubbard could make a better judgment, as he wrote kis manu- fcript hiftory about the year 1680, and fay8, ** As for the foil, it wad for the general more mountainous and hilly than otherwife, and in many places very rocky and full of ftones, yet intermingled with many plains and valleys, fomc of which wire fandy and inclinable to barrennefs, ef- pecially thofe which abounded with pitch-pines, and there were many fuch; as likewife many fwamps or boggy places full of fmall bufhes and under- woods ; but here and there were many rich and fertile fpots of land, fuch as they called interval land, in level and campaign grounds, that often- times were overflown by the channels of water running befide them, which was fuppofed to enrich the foil ; the fatnefs of the earth walhed by the rains, and melting of the fnow from the furface of the higher parts of the country, being, by thofe floods, caft upon the levels which lie by the fides of thofe greater ftreanis. In many fuch places, their land has been known to be fown or planted full forty years together, without any confiderable abatement of the crop, never failiilg of thirty or forty bulhels an acre. But for the generality of the foil, it was of a lighter fort of earth, whofe fruitfulnefs was more beholden to the influ- ence of the heavens, advantage of the feafon, flcill and induftry of the tiller, than to the ftrength of its own temper. Such as came thither firfl: upon difcovery, chanced to be there in the firft part of the fummer, when the earth was enriched with herbs' and flowers, flourifhing with fuch early fruits as weather-beaten travellers are wont to refrefli them- felves with beholding ; as ftrawberries, goofeherries, rafpberries, cherries, and whorts, as they obferved who firft landed about Martha's vineyard, from whence they promifed themfelves and their fucceflbrs a very flourifh- ing country, as they did who landed firft upon the coaft of Florida. All forts of grain fowh in the fpring, were found to grow pretty naturally there. The cold oftentimes proved fo extreme as to kill that which was committed to the ground before winter.' 207- )> From thefe feveral accounts fome judgments may be made of the opinion the firft Colonifts had formed of the country. Experience con- ' vinced many of them, that the valjie of the land when cleared, would make but poor wages for their labour in clearing it. However, it is, a happy thing, that a fondnfefs for freeholds to tranfmit to pofterity, with privileges annexied to them, excited fo many of the firft planters of' America to hard labour, and fupported them under hard fare. A great part of this vaft continent, filled with wild beafts, and favage, men fcarcely fuperior to them, now atfbrds the neciefTaries and conveni- ' ences of a civilized life. Hiftory affords no inftanCe of 'fuch g^<^at im- 6 provements .^ HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. «R>Tementi in fo fhort a time. The fame paflion flill continu«tf and af- Sords a proiped of the like happy cSc€t to diftant pofterity. There are timber of many forts in the colony* and particularly feveral kinds of pine-treest whereof the principal are the white-pinet a beauti* . ful tree of the beft ufe for mailing and joiner's work ; and the pitch-pine, which produces pitch, ta.*, rofin* turpentine, and oil of turpentine; various kinds of oaks ; the principal for (hip-building, and other conAruc- tions, are the white-oak« which is the beft j the fwamp-oak, and the black-oak. The white-pine, or mafting'pine, is of very large dimenfions ; and, In 1736, iiear Merrimack River, a little above Dunftable, was cut a white pine ilrait and found, feven feet eight inches diameter at the butt-end. The conuniflioners of the navy feldom contradl for any exceeding thirty- fix inches diameter at the butt-end ; and to be fo many yards in length its they are inches in diameter at the butt- end. The commimoners of the navy agreo from time to time with contrac- tors to furnifh certain numbers of fpccilied dimenfions of mafts, yards, and bowfprits, "with his Majefty's licrnre fbt cutting fuch trees. 13ut the Jate contrads have been from Pifcataqua Harbour in New Hamplhirc, and Cafco Bay in. the province of Main. The maft-ihips built peculi- arly for that ufe, are generally about four hundred tons, navigated with about twenty-five men, and carry from forty-five to fifty good mails «ach voyage. By the new charter granted in 1691, all trees fit for mafts, of twenty- four inches diameter and upward, twelve inches from the ground, grow- ing upon land not granted to any private perfons, were referved to the «rown ; and the penalty for cutting any fuch referved trees was a hun- dred pounds fterling per tree : and by feveral sl&s of the Britifli parlia- ment, this penalty has been extended to all the Apierican provinces, and penalties fixed on the cutting or deftroying white-pines. New England abounds in faw-milh of cheap and flight work, gene- rally carrying a fingle iaw. One man and a boy attending on a mill may, in twenty-four hours, faw four thoufand feet of white-pine boards, ^hich are generally one inch thick, and of various lengths, from fifteen to twenty-five feet ; and of different widths, from one foot to two fe/ec 3t a mfi$ttm ; and it is reckoned that forty boards make a thoufand feet, Tlwfc w m ^p* MASSACHUSETS BAY. Thefe mills commonly ftand upon fmall ftreams, becaufe cheap fitted ; but vrith the following inconveniendes. x. As the country is cleared of wood and brufli, the rivulets drv up* 2. In living fmall ftreams, there is not water fufficient to drive the wheel in fummer. g. in the winter they are frozen up. Colonel Dudley, in his frequent furveys of new townfliips about fifty or fixty miles inland, obferved white-a(h trees, flrait and without branch- ings for about eighty feet, and about three feet diameter at the butt-end. It is as light and much tougher than white-pine ; therefore it has been imagined that thefe trees would make flronger mafts : but then the land- carriage for fo great a diflance is inconvenient. There are five different kinds of firs in New England ; fome of which are cut into deal-boards, and their bark is ufed by the tanners. The fpruce or true fir grows flrait and tapering ; is very beautiful, and ufcd as fpars ; but it is apt to cafl or warp ; and being too flexile is not fit for large mafis or yards. Its twigs with the leaves are boiled with a beve- rage made of molafTes, and is efteemed good in the fcurvy and the like foulneffes of the blood. The white fpruce fir grows in fwamps or marfhes : there are alfo the red fpruce, the black fpruce, and the fir turpentine -tree, commonly called the BaUam of Oilead-tree of Nova Scotia. There are feveral kinds of oaks, but the white-oak only is required by contrad with the fhip-builders for conftrudion of fhipping. The American pitch-pine, which furnifhes the naval flores of turpen- tine, tar, pitch and rofin, grows on a dry fandy foil, and has leaves about three inches long : but in New England there is another diftinft pitch-pine, called yellow-pine, whofe wood has a yellow cafl, but does not yield turpentine fo plentifully as the pitch-pine of Carolina, which is harder and flraifer than that of New England, fo as to be ufed for mafling, and fawed into boards for the Weft India iflands. The horn -beam and the button-trees are ufed for windlaffes, blocks, and turnery work: red- cedar is of excellent ufe for pofts fixed in the one gallon of proof fpirits. Cherry-trees are natives of New England, and of different kinds.. Grape-vines are natives of New England, and of feveral diftinA kinds* Saflafras is plentiful in New England* though not of fo ftrong a per- fume as farther fouth. There are great varieties of goofeberries, currants, rafpberries, bram-i- bles, wild-rofes, and other fuch produdions, imneceflary to be particu* larly mentioned ; as alfo are their beads, birds, fiflies, and other things that relate more peculiarly to natural hiftory. It may, however, be ob- ferved, that Plumier, in his four voyages to America, difcovered nine hundred new plants, efpecially in the capillary tribe, with which North' America abounds ; and that Douglas arrived to the defcriptions of abiut eleven hundred indigenous plants in the Maffachufets colony. Grain is produced of various forts ; but (earcely any of them ire natural or fpontaneous. Indian corn is the principal : rye tgid French beans thrive tolerably well : all kinds of Engliih grain are fown, yet they fel- dom grow kindly. Flax grows well, and employs a confiderable num- ber of hands in the linen manufadory ; but the foil appears not ftrong enough for hemp. v The farmers in New England, by fbwing their feed early, the ground* being prepared in ridges to throw off* the rains and melting fnows* raifc winter-wheat and rye with good fuccefs ; but their great difcouragement has been the blaft. Sir Henry Frankland, feveral years ago, imported from Lifbon the feed of fummer- wheat, wluch has been lefs fubje£t to blaft than any other ; and it ripens about fix weeks from the fowing, in the Maflachufets colony. It has been generally remarked, that between the firft and tenth of July, the honey dew falling upon the wheat, cauies the ruft or blaft, if the following morning is hot and calm ; but ordinarily. W ^ I • MASSACHUSETS BAY. ordintrilf* if the wheat be fown early, it will be fo forward that the ■grain ^11 not fuffer by it in that time. An idle opinion prevailed amonp^ the populace* that fince the execution of the Quakers, wheat has always bUfted ) but this folly was equal to that cruelty. As the Indian-corn requires frequent ploughings, befide what are now called horfe-hoeings* as alfo hoeing and hilling by hand, the land is pul- verized, and then there is fine tilth neceflary for Englifli grain the next year. Indian com it alfo gathered lafe, after the frolU fet in ; and if the com has been well tended, there will be no grafs or weeds when the fh>fts break up in the fpring; immediately after which it (hould be ploughed for the Engliih grain. The natural upland grafs of the country, commonly called Indian- grafs, is poor fodder, perhaps not better, if fo good, as barley-flraw. Oittle, remote from the fca, muH have fait, and a little fait hay would undoubtedly be grateful to black cattle, horfes, and iheep, which may be kept alive through the winter with it ', but all creatures prefer Eng- lifli- hay when they can have both. Land of a tolerable quality, where Eaglifli-grafs, a name given to all imported grafles, has been mowed* they now find by experience will afford after-feed until the fevere frofts wither the grafs. It has been made a queftion, whether the feed oi the white-clover is not in the earth in all parts of the country ? The New England farmers affirm, and there is no doubt of the fad, that if they break up new ground in the woods where no dung has ever been fpread, and lay it down the next or Ae fame year, ai^ give it a thin coat of aihes, the white-honey- fuckle comes in as thick as if the feed had been fown : but fome are of opinion, that the plant and flower differ from the Englifli honey- fuckle. The two great rivers in this colony are, i. Merrimack, which comes from the fork near Endicot's tree, where Pomagewaffet River and the •difcharge of the Pond or Lake Winipifinket meet, and acquire the name ^ Merrimack, fignifying in the Indian language a flurgeon, with which this river abounds. From this fork it runs foutherly about fifty miles to Patucket Falls ; and thence it runs eaflerly about thirty miles to Newbury- Bar. Upon this river, the townihips in a defcending order lie as follow : On the eaft and north fide are Gil man-Town, Canterbury, part of Rum- ford, part of Suncook, Harry's-Town, Litchfield, Nottingham of New Haropfliire, part of Punftable, Dracut, Methuen, Haverhill, Amefbury, Ec 2 and 811 « 2ia HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. and SiTjifbury of Maflachufets Bay. Upon the weft and fouth fide are ther townOiips of Contacook, part of Rumford, part of Suncook, Merrimaekf and Dunllable of New Hampfhire ; Dunftable, Chelmsford) Tewkeibury, Andover, Bradford, ^.nd Newbury of Maflachufets Bay. The bar at the mouth of this river has only about ten feet of water, and fliifts ; but it is navigable no more than eighteen miles, to Mitchell's Falls in I^verhill. The falls in this river are many ; but excepting Dracut or Patucket Falls^ about thirty miles from the bar, and Amufkeag falls about twenty miles- higher, all the other falls are pafTable for floats of timber, and £(x canoes^ or finall boats in freihes or floods of the river. Many of ihofe called fall* are only riplings or veins oC icattered great rock flones. The elbow or flexure of the river, called the horfe-lhoe, is about two miles above Patuc- ket Falls. There are feveral ferries upon the river ; and, when it is low,, a fording place above Swan's Ferry, twenty-four miles up firom the bar ;. as alfo another above Hunt's or Diacat's Ferry. There are feveral rivers- and rivulets which fall into the Merrimack. 8. The other great river is Connedicut, an Indian word fignifying » long river. Upon its banks are three of the New England colonies:' C()nne" W^i: SX4 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. near that ifland are the rocks called the Salvages. Cape Anne harhour it about eleven leagues north north-eaft from Boilon : The fouthern pro- montory of MaiTachufets Bay, called Cape Cod, lies about eighteen leagues eaft by fouth from Bofton ; and the breadth of the entrance into this bay is, from Cape Anne harbour fouth-weft fourteen leagues, to the hook' or harbour of Cape Cod. It is only fince the new charter that fea-port diftnds of preventive cuf- tom-houfes and branches have taken place. Charles-Town, Bofton, and all the other cuftom-houfe branches of MaiTachufets Bay belong to the collection of Bofton. Ipfwich, Cape Anne, Salem, and Marblehead be- long to the collection of Salem : and Newbury is a branch of the collection of Portfmouth in New Hampfliire. Befide there are fmall creeks and inlets for timber and firewood in fmall jcoaftiog veflel8> and for curing offifh. The poft-office is a very beneficial inftitution, and the province of MaiTachufets Bay is its moft confiderable branch in all North America. The poftKiffice in England was fettled by a£t of parliament in the twelfth year of King Charles II. and in the reign of Queen Anne a poft-office for North America was projeded by Mr. Hamilton of New Jerfey, which he foon effected, and obtained a patent for the management and profits of the fame. This patent he afterward fold to the crown; and after the Union, the pofts of Great Britain, Ireland, and America were put under one director by the ftatute of the ninth of Queen Anne. The number of inhabitants in this colony has been varioufly reprefented at different periods. In 1656, they had three regiments of militia, Suf- folk, Middlefex, and Efiex; but in 1 671. three more regiments were formed, Norfolk or Pifcataqua, Yorldhire or province of Main, and Hampfhtre upon Connecticut River. In 1706, the militia of Maffa- chufets Bay, in their addrefs to Queen Anne, called themfelves twelve regiments; and in 1711, wlien Admiral Walker demanded a fupply of Tailors, the governor and council reprefented, that their ordinary garri- fons, forces upon the inland frontiers, and troops detached for the Canada expedition, were upward of two thouTand men, which were more than one-fifth in the province who were capable of bearing arms. In 1732, the Tmall-pox happened to rage in Bofton, where 5980 per- fons were feized with that diftemper, whereof 844 died, and about the fame number quitted the town. Thus it may be eftimated, that there were about 12/300 people in Bofton at the arrival of the finall-pox ; for when MASSACHUSETS BAY. ai5 wfien it was over, the feleft-mcn ordered a kind of luftration to be made By Mr. SaHer, who reported 10,670 fouls. By a new calculation in 1742, there were reported" 16^382 fouls in Boflon : add to thefe fome men lately gone upon the Cuba expedition, befide feveral fons and apprentices deflgn- edly overlooked to eafe the quota of Bofton's provincial tax, the inhabit- ants may be reckoned about 18,000 at that time. Thus in the fpace of twenty years, from 1722 to 1742, the inhabitants of Boflon increafed 6000, or one- third. In the valuation of 174a, of tliofe in Boflon were 1200 widows, and 1000 c^them poor; in the alms-houfes iii ; in the work-houfe 56; and negroes 15^4' dwelling-houfes 1719; warehoufes 106; horfes 418; and sows 14^1. When governor Shute returned to England' in 173^1 he reported to the Board of Trade and Plantations, that in the province of Maffachufets Bay were 94,000- people, whereof 1 5,000 weie in the training Hfl, difpofed intofixteen regiments of foot, and fifteen troops of horfe ; but the alarm- lift of males, from fixteen years of age and upward, vras about one-third more than the training lifl; becaufe many were excufed from impreffes and quarterly trainings; About 25,000 ton of (hipping were in the two- colledionsof Boflon and Salem at that time. In the valuation of 1 728, for Bbftbn were about 3000 rateable polls of males from fixteen- and upward; which was nearly the fame with the' alarm-lifl ; forinflance, in 1 755, the rateable polls in Boflon were 3637 ; and in 1733 the alarm-lifl was about 3500; which, allowing for two" years increafes, is nearly the fame. Captain Watfon, one of the afTefTors, out of curioflty examined the books about that time, and found the Church of England people charged hot exceeding one-tenthof the rates or taxes in Bofton town. I"* I735» tbe proviiicial valuation was 35,427 polls, being white men of fixteen years and upward; 2600 negroes; 27,420 horfes of three* years old and upwards ; 52,000 neat cattle of three years old and up*' ward ; ahd' 130,000 fheep of one year old and upwards. In the valuation of 1742, were 41,000 white men's polls ; but in 1747J. the houfe of reprefentatives informed the governor, that 3c 00 was about one twelfth of their fencible men. The alacrity of the New England militia may be obferved, by the alarm given by the Brefl fquadron in September 1 746, when 6400 men, well armed} appeared in a fhort time from the country upon Bodon common ; and ! i'l m- ■XWv! ! « ai6 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. and fome of them travelled feventy miks in two days, each with a pack of provifions for fourteen days, of about a bufhel of corn weight. Con- nedicut was alfo to have fent 6000 men, being one-half of their training lift ; who were to be paid by the province for their travel and attendance. Ship-building is one of the greateil articles of trade and manufacture In New England, as it employs and maintains above thirty feveral deno- minations of tradefmen and artificers. In New England ihip-building, a veflel fitted to fea, two-thirds of the cofl is gain to the country ; but the other third is iron, cordage» fail-cloth, and ^aU fiores from Great Britain. The fhips built in Bnfton exceed all thofe of other building-yards ; hecaufe the merchants and (hip-maflers infped them, and every bad piece of timber or length of plank is cenfured : but in Newbury, where they are not much infpeded, the builders ad): at pleafure ; and as the contrads are generally to be paid in goods, they build accordingly. The other country building-places are ftill worfe, particularly North River, where they ufed forefl-wood of any fort, inilead of what is reckoned ihip- timber. The great fupport of New England was the fifhery, which amounted to about 850,000/. a year, including all the fpecies of cod, herring, mackarel, and whale fi£heries. Great part of this fiih they were obliged to fell for molafTes, as the French would let them have nothing elfe in re- turn ; but when the Britifh parliament laid a duty of three-pence a gallon on French molaflfes, the French minifby exaiGtcd eight {hillings a quintal on New England fifh, which is forty per cent ; and as the duty on mo- lafTes amounted to forty per cent, more, there was a duty of eighty per tent, on fuch an unprofitable trade as that in fifh and molafTes, and upon fuch a poor employment as the fifhery, which rather deferved a public encouragement. Befide, in New England, it was not only a fource of trade and wealth, as alfo a nurfery of Teamen; but it was a neceffary of life, without which thefe colonies could not Tubfifl ; becaufe it was with their fifh they fupplied the want of other provifions, and purchafed the corn they eat, which the land would not produce. The fifhery may be reduced to five Teparate heads: x. The whale- fifhery. a. Herring-fifhcry. 3. Cod-fifhery. 4. The fmaller. fifheries exportable, but of no confiderable account. $• Some fiih not exportable or merchantable, but of grea| benefit in prefeat fpending, efpecially for the poor. I. Whales. ^ ' MASSACHUSETS BAY. ^ 1. Whales. The New England whalers have diftinguifhed about twelve different fpecies of the whale kind ; but the moft beneficial is the black whale, or true whalebone fifh, which are very large in the higher northern latitudes. Some may yield 150 puncheons, being 400 or 500 barrels of oil, and bone of eighl^en feet and upward ; but the whalebone fifh killed upon the coafl of New England, Terra de Labradore, and entrance of Davis's (Ireights, are fmaller; fo that they feldom yield above .130 barrels of oil, and bone of nine feet of '140 lb. weight. Whales are gregarious, fwimmtng in (hoals, and are great pafTengers : in autumn they go fouth, and return northward in fpring. The fwal- low of a true whalebone fifh is not much larger than that of an Ox ; he has only a fmall fin on each fide of his head of no great ufe to him in fwimming ; but he fculls himfelf in the water with a large horizontal tail. Formerly it was imagined that the true whales lived upon a kind of alga or fea-grafs, or upon an oozy mud ; but now it is well known they feed upon fmall fifh and fea infedts that keep in fhoats. When whales are much difturbed, they quit their keeping-ground, and the tracks of their ufual pafTages ; thus, as to New England, they formerly fet in along Ihore by Cape G>d for many fucccflive years, when there was good whaling in boats, and foper conders or watchmen on fhore gave notice when a whale appeared. After fomr* years they left this ground, and paffed farther ofr upon the banks at fome diflance from the fhore. The whalers then ufed (loops with whale-boats aboard, and this fifhery turned to good account. At prcfent, the fifh feem to be driven off from thefe banks, and take their courfe in the ocean, where the New England whalers follow them in whaling-floops or fchooners, with two whale-boats and thirteen men ; each boat having an harponeer, a fteerf- man, and four rowers. Tlie New England whalers reckon fo many hundred weight of bone as it is feet in length ; for inflance, feven feet bone gives joo lb. weight. New England bone fcarce ever exceeds nine feet j and 100 barrels of oH is fuppoled to yield 1 000 lb. weight of bone. The befl place for ftriking a whale is in her belly, about one-third front her gills. The faft is a rope of about twenty-five fathom ; then a drudge or flop-water, a plank of about two feet fquare, with a ftick through its center, and to the further end of this Aick is faflentfd a tow-rope, called the drudge-rope, of about fifteen fathom. They lance the whale, after Vol. I. V f having 2117 i^ # ^Wi^ HISTORY OF BIHTISH AMERICA. having faftened her by the harpoon, until dead ; but "whales killed in deep * « "water, if they fmk, never rife again. In New Eftgland whahn;^^ t1»cy;go iipon (bares ; one quarter to the vefTel ot owiaers, aiid the t^ft to the xdrnipany, who visual thcmfeives. 3. Herrings are peculiar ^o the toafts of threat Britain ; but, thofe of New England are eitheiidf a dififerent fpecies, or of a bad quality. Not- withflanding they are a periodic4l kind of fifli, their periods are uncertain. iThey have been pictleifartd bairellfed fttr ilhe negroes in the "Weft Indies, 'biit turned out not merchantal/he, and tttat branch of fiflicry was relin- quiflied. . ■.* 3. Cod fifhery. The cod is a fifli of paflage» and the New England winter dry-cod are Off pritne quality. The fJew England fifliery have their fait from Sah-t'ortugas, Cape de Veirde Iflands, Turicis lAands, the Bahamas, Portugal, and Spain. The fiflicrmen visual only -with fait pork, bifcuit, and rum. . All cod-fi(h caught from the beginning of June to the beginning They are very numerous, but never take the hook: they come up. the rivers and brooks, into ponds in this fpring, and return to lea when they have fpawi\Qd. 5. For (pending frefli, befide the aboyenentioned, which arc alfa eat when frefti, there arc many forts that are not cured and fhipped off. They are generally well kn^wa in New England, annate mucli the fame as in Great Britain. .. - Many fifh go up the rivers,, and inta ponds, earlier or later in the fpring to fpawn ; jparticularly falmon, (had, alewives^ tomcod, and fmelts. Several good laws have been made ia New England to prevent the paf- fages of thefe ii(h being (lopped by weirs ; becaufe they are of great bene- tit to the inhabitants neai- thi^ zivers and ponds., The fiihery in general has decreafed, and the cod fifhery in partk:ular, as appears by th? following (late : In 1716, there were exported iao<,384 quintals from the didridls of Malfachufets Bay, but only j|^3,oco quintals were exported in 1748. Rum is a confiderahle article in the manufa^ures of New England, where it is diHilled from mpUtiTes imported from the Well India Iflands : it is vended to all the contiixeAtal colonies, and the ufe of it has greatly depopulated the Indians. Hats are manufa : F f 3 in 519 "I 'M. t20 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. in about twenty years from digging, it grows or gathers fit for another digging; but if it lies longer, it turns rufty, and does not yield well: three tons of fwamp-ore yield about one ton of hollow ware. The premium or bounty on naval (lores imported into Great Britain was firft granted by the 3d and 4th of Queen Anne, and afterward con- tinued by the 94th of King George II. The feveral forts of naval ftores hereafter mentioned, imported directly from any of the Britifli planta- tions in America, in any ihip that may lawfully trade* manned as by law is required, are to enjoy the following bounty : Hemp, water-rotted, bright and clean, the ton containing 20 cwt. ----- Mails, yards, and bowfprits, the ton, allowing forty feet to each ton, girt-meafure, according to the cuftomary way of meafuring round bodies ' - Tar, clean, good, merchantable, well-conditioned, clear of drofs or water, and fit in every refpeA for making of cordage, the ton, containing tight barrels, and each barrel to gauge 314- gallons, to be well hooped and filled up - - . - Tar, clean, good, merchantable, well-conditioned, clear of drofs or water, and fit in every refpefl: for making of cordage, made from trees prepared according to the ditedlions mentioned, the ton, containing eight barrels, and each barrel to gauge 314^ gallons, to be well hooped and filled up, on the importation thereof - Pitch, good, clean, merchantable, and well-conditioned, not mixed with dirt or drofs, the ton, containing 20 grofs cwt. neat pitch, to be brought in eight barrels of equal fize - - - - Turpentine, good, clean, and |;nerchantable, clear of drofs and water, the ton, containing so grofs cwt. neat tur- pentine* to be brought in eight barrels of equal fize /. s. d. O ro Tliefe premiums are to be paid by the commiffioners of the navy, by bins to be made out for the fame, and delivered to the importers within twenty days after the difcharge or unlading of the ihip, in order to be paid in courfe, upon certificate of the refpedHve chief officers of the cuftoms where imported, to whom a certificate has been produced under the hands and feals of the governor, lieutenant-governor, or colleAor of his Ma- J!efty*8 cuftoms, and naval officer, or any two of them, refiding within any ■1 MASSACHUSETS B A Y. 221 any of his Majefty's faid plantations, teflifying, that, before departure of the fhipi the peribn lading the fame had made oath before them, that the faid ftores were truly and bona fide of the produce of his Majefty's faid plantations : and with refpedt to the high bounty on tar, exprefling that it appeared to them, by the oath of the owner or maker of the tar for which fuch certificate was granted, that the tar therein mentioned was made con- formable to the diredtions of the a£t : as likewife upon oath to be made by the mafter of the fhip, at the port of importation in Great Britain, that the fame were (hipped within fome of his Majefty's plantations in America ; and that he knows, or believes, thofe ftorea were the produce of fuch plantations. And the faid officers of the cufloms, before they make out fuch certificates, are to examine the pitch, by opening the heads of the barrels, fawing of the flaves in the middlie, and breaking the barrels,, or by fuch other means as they (hall think proper, to difcover whether the faid pitch is good and merchantable, not mixed with dirt or drofs ;, and alfo to examine and fearch the faid tar, to difcover whether the fame is good, clean, merchantable, well-conditioned, clear of drofs or water, and fit for making of cordage. New England turpentine is of a conftflence like honey ; but that of Carolina is lefs liquid, fo as torefemble tallow or flufh. The turpentine of New England yields about three gallons of oil in each hundred weight ;. and the refiduum in diflillation is about -rV) called rofin ; the flill not exceeding one half full of turpentine, for fear it fliould boil over. The ftills in Boflon are fmall, and three barrels of turpentine of 300 lb. weight each may be wrought off in three hours. After the oil is drawn off the rofin is to run from the ftilL There are two kinds of oil drawn from turpentine by di filiation ;. but Yarnifh is from half rofin and one half oil of turpentine boiled up together, and is fold at the fame price with oil of turpentine. Pitch has been generally broughfa to Great Britain from< Denmark and Sweden ; but as the merchants of thofe countries put exorbitant prices oa this, commodity, it occafioned the Britifh government to give particular encouragement to their planters in North America to make pitch; ia which they have fucceeded fo well,, that great quantities, have been fen6 from New England, Virginia, and Carolina. It is abfolutely efTential to a trading nation, for pitching their veffels and cables; therefore the making of it fhould be carefully attended to in the Britifh plantations ;, for if they can fupply the mother-country with naval florcs, it will take tlic ii lit; I 223 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. the balance of trudc out of the huudti of the northeru nations, and be a great faving to Great Britain. Lumber, in a commercial fenfc, fignifies wootl or timber cut down or fawed by mills, in New England, and other colonies in America; which ivS carried to the Sugar colonies, and tlicre exchanged for the product of thofe iflands. This fort of lumber confil^s in deals, timber-balks, Ihingles, barrel-boards, clap-boards, pipe-boards or pipe-holt, white-boards for Jhoenlrakers, boom and cant fpars, bow-ftaves, cap-ravens, clap-holt, ebony wootl, heading for barrels, hoops for coopers, oars, barrcl-ftavesr trnnncl*, fpeckled-wood, fweet-wood, fmall fpars, oak, plank, wainfcot, and lignum-vila* ; which, by the llatute of the iJth of King George I. and the I ft of King George II. whether wrought or un wrought, of the pro- duct of the Britiih plantations in America, may be imported diredly from dience into Great Britain, free of all duties. The merchants of New England, in exchange for their naval ftorcs and lumber, receive from the Weft India Iflands, fugar, molafles, rum, ginger, indigo, and cotton, much more than is neceflTary for home con- fumption. 1 hey have allb fupported a confiderable trade with the French Sugar Iflands for that lumber ; but the Bntiih Sugar Iflands complained of it, as a great encouragement to the French, who could not fupport their fugar plantations without fupplies from New England and the other Britifli northerp colonies. It Ims been recently faid, that Great Britain is a country of manufac- tures without materials ; a trading nation without commodities to trade upon ; and a maritime power without either naval ftores or materials for ihip-building. That it is this fituation, which renders both trade and plantations fo eflentially neceflTary, for the fupport of Great Britain, as well as agriculture ; whereby as^ many people are perhaps maintained in Britain, as by the produce of the lands. When the Colonies make fuch eomraodities as are wanted in the mother-country, of which there are many, they muft d^>end upon her for the vent of fuch produdts, on which they rely for their daily fubfiftence ; and as Great Britain is the beii market in the world for fuch commodities, that makes their dependence their iiittereft, and intereft rules the world. CHAP. CONNECTICUT* /(^ ^ 1*3 •'If ^ CHAP. III. An Account of the Colony of Conneflicut in New England. S E C T I O N I. The origin ftf^he colony ; and its charter granted by King Charles II. The counties and totvns ; ivith their number of reprefentatives and jurymen^ The legijlative pvwer and courts of judicature. Rates and taxes. Num^ ber of^q^i and militia, ^b/irail (f fome cf their laws. IT has been a matter of que(HoQ with fome perfons, whether the Britifli Colonies and Plantations in North America are not prejudicial to Great Britain ; and a moot point with others^ whether of any advan- tage to it ? but it may be fafely adranced, that the trade and navigation of Great Britain are greatly increafed by her Colonies and Plantations, who are a ^ring of wealth to the mother-country, fince they work for her, and their treafure centers in her r befide, as the BritiHi laws have tied the Colonies faft to the mother-country, it muft be through her own fault and mifgovernment if they ever fail to enrich Great Britain ; or all or any of them become independent of it. The people in Europe, the public boards not excepted, have long en- tertained a very indiftindl notion <^ thefe fettlements ; and the Ame- rican fettlers were too indolent to make themfelves fuHiciently acquainted with the real'ftate of their neighbouring colonies. Some of them even ridiculously placed a confidence in what has been as vainly aderted by de la Motray, who publifhed feveral large volumes of his travels, and. among others, his travels in New England ; though it is well known he refided there only a few days, and was generally at his lodgings in Bof^ ton, with company of no intelligence. The United Colonies of New England from 1643 to 1663, were Maffachufets Bay, Plymouth, Hertford, and New Maven: Init during the civil war in Engkmd, the Colonies in America were negleiSed, and a£led at pleafure ; particularly thofe at Hertford and New Haven, who afterwards became united as a plantation of indullrious.huibandmen, Tlic ■m 324 V. HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. The colony of Hertford fprung from an emigration of fomc difcon- tented fcrupulous pcrfons who inhabited a few towns near Uofton, fucU as New Town, Dorcheftcr, Water Town, and Rockfbury ; from! whence about one hundred of them went, under their leaders and teachers, fuch as Homes, Hopkins, Ludlow, and Hooker ; who removed fouth-weft to a pleafant country upon Connecticut River, and gradually made the fet- tlements of Hertford, Weathersficld, Windfor, Springfield, Enfield, SufTield, and others ; which migration happened in the fummer of 1636. Some of tliclc were within the jurifdi£tion of MafTachufcts Bay ; and thofe who were without formed themfelves after the model of that co- lony, by fubfcription of articles, as a voluntary, not legal jurifdidtion. They elected magiflrates the fame year, and formed the colony of Hert- ford : but, in 1637, people from England, under the direction of Mr. Eato^i, Mr. Davenport, and others, purchafed lands of the Indians, and began another diAin£t voluntary jurifdidlion upon Long Ifland found called the colony of New Haven. Both colonies remained diflin£fc until the refloration of King Charles II. when his majefly incorporated the;n by royal charter into the prefent colony of Connecticut, which example was fcrtlowed by King "William and Queen Mary, who united the colo- nies of MafTachufcts Bay and New Plymouth into the prefent province of the MafTachufets. The Pequot Indians gave the new planters all the diflurbance they could, which obliged them to unite together in a body for their defence : but the Indians picked up feveral ftragglers, whom they put to death with the utmoft barbarity. The colony of New Haven alfo met with a confiderable lofs at fea in the year 1 647, when they had finifhed a new fhip at Rhode Ifland, of about one hundred and fifty tons, and freighted it for England with the mofl valuable efFedl« of the country ; but the fhip perifhed at fea, with all on board, among whom were fix of the principal perfons in the co- lony, and others of inferior rank, who took their pafTage in her. The people were fo difpirited by this accident, that they would have broke up the plantation, if they could have agreed upon a place to fettle on, more to their fatisfadion. The fame year the colony of Connecticut alfo fuflained a great lofs by the death of the reverend Mr. Thomas Hooker, paflor of the church at Hei'lford in that colony, where he was juflly confidered as the father of it. He was born at Marfield in Leiceflerfhire, in 15H6, and was educated in Emanuel College in Cambridge, of which he was fellow. He r' C O N N^E C T I C U T. ^^ ^^itjIJUenced for non*confbrmitv by bi(hop Laud» and embarked for New filmland in 1633, where'heVrft became paftor at New Town; but that place being too confined for his 'congregation^ they removed by his enciourageifidfttf in i6«5, to tlie banks of the River ConueAlcuti and built th'^ towH'^of Hertford, where he fpent the remainder of his days. ' Thefirft volunteer.jpithKy of Hertford colony was Edward Hopkins* "Efi^. ;^hb waaiittbrtil'^i^fHiind in 1600, and died there in 1657. Mr. Hams was aft^nately' ch^n governor with him ; to whom fucceeded Mr. George WilH* Mr. Thomas Wells, and Mr. John Webfter. Thcophilus Eaton, Efq. an eaft country merchant of London, and one 'of the patentees of Mauachufets colony, fettled with fbme planters in 1637 at New Haven, where he was governor many years uicceilively, and died in 1657, when he was fucceeded by Mr. Francis Newman, who Continued governor four years, and died. Mr. Leet, a lawyer, was the next fucceflbr, and continued governor until Hertford and New Haven were united into one colony in 1662. John 'Wtnthrop, £fq« ign of governor Winthrop of Maifachufets Bay, arrived at Fort Saybrbok in 1635, as agent from the Lords Say and Brook* who built that fort at the mouth of Conne^icut River, and fold it to the fettlers in 1 644. Mr. Winthrop was chofen governor of Hertford co- lony; and, upon the relloration of King Charles II. he went to Eng- land, where he obtained the royal charter for incorporating the two co- lonies into the prefent colony of Connecticut, of which he was gover- nor fourteen years, and died at Bofton, on the 5th of April 1676, aged feVenty-three. Mr. Leet adted as deputy-governor to Mr. Winthrop, whom he alfo fucceeded as governor, and continued as fuch ten years, until his own death. The Gonnedicut charter was granted by King Charles II. in the four- teenth year of his reign ; and was an excellent charter for the people, who were thereby rendered in a manner independent of the crown, as they were impowered to choofe their own governor, deputy-governor, and twelve aJOSftants, who, with the deputies or reprefentatives of the peo- ple, were to hold two annual affembles, and ordain all laws for the good of the community. ' It is faid, Mr. Winthrop procured the King's fa- vour in this peculiar manner, by prefenting him with a ring, which King Charles I. had on fome particular occafion given to his gratid- : Vol. L .ntf 'afJ^S ^ther. 91s fi ii I mr ft'' m y^^Mi !i r 11 226' HISTORY OF BRITISH AP^flERipA. father. Some difafFeiked perfons, however,' in each cplony, "^)ppofcd the .univi'? at firfl;, but they were Iboq C^tijified aa4Tccpnc^U^^ i#' In the reigns pf King Charle» II. tind King Jiunes 11^ 1, the cplony of Conned):icut tacitly dropped their charter or jiirifdi£):ion) which they rc- afTumed at the revolution, and it ftill fubfiils. The government is in the hands of the reprefentatives of the freemen or people, as .was alio the property : hilt at prcfent no colony, or gqieral jahds remain, except fome Indian referycs J and To it is in Rhode Uland,. which alfo prcfcfve^ its charte^ by yii^lding to .the Ilorm like Ginne^icut, wllead of rellfling like the Maflaclmfets. ' " ' * - « - - ;;;i.., I As to their difputes witjti.tl^e French of Canada and their Indians^, they weri in common witjd tli^^ MalT^chufets. colony : biit the Tpd^ans fire 'nowalmoff extindt. i*Txey havQ a fmailI-,re)ferve!ujpoh the e^^^ udeqf Con- neaicu't River, at Piftpl Point in/Weatjiefsfieicl:. there 'is apoffi^ refervf upon New London Rlveri in the northern parts of that townfliip, called Mohegi'ns ; and there are' a few of the Nianticks about five miles weQ: from New London. " . ' ' The:iiiVtitl6n lirlefetelWeefn N«fw Yort a'tid'' Cotlticb:icUJi''48 eftabliflied on the 1^ of CetfeMbe^ ^^^4> win* from the'iA'6u\1i5'4f ^emerohcc^t*: River, a little weft from Byram River, no^th riorih-wfe^i'^nd was the ancient eafterly bounds of New York, until the 33d of NdVember 1683^ when the line was run nearly the fame as it ■jii •C.Q'Ntha'general^court fubfiiis the pil\govisrnor, dicputy>»gov€?inor,' or fecjsetary may call a getiorblrcouxt uponieiAei^efncieff t anid every 'town .may fend one or two deputilesi except fdme^aoei' whOi are nojt qualified, as befoffc obferved. No member of the general-court, during its fitting, can be arrefted, except for triafiinot felony. ; Previous to all other bufinefs, the houfe of reprefen- tatives are to choofe a Ipeaker . and clerk ; and the ho»u(e me the only Xu;vAi]it{ G g 2 judges J'-M •*«B: ^•.,^ I. f-^'iji--r HISTORY OF BRITISH lAMERICA. judges cdncerning their own «IeAion. The abfe4|i: ^ * membei' eacb* day is a fine of ten fliillingsi tobe Pifuct tt^ the c^ig^ treafuier ; . bmtthe * governor in the upper houfei andlarrpeiker in thekmcc j^oufe$»haVe *- calling vote. ^$t* As to the courts of judicature) all cafes - Mttiiling the tiwe of forty fhillings are to.be determined at common Ulj^P a jury of twelve men. The jurymen in the fisveral courts are to be Ihofen at a town-meeting, held yearly in January. Tike qualification is fifty (hillings freehold at leaft, rated in the general /lift. The names of th% jurymen fo chofen are put in a box with a lockf jmd when any . number of jurymen are fum- moned to feirve at any courtt the town conftable ihould at random draw fo many out of the box as is required from that town. Any juror fo drawn, and not appearing at thfr^courti the penalty ia ten (hillingSk The prefisnt.<9iading ftyle of the general aflembly is, ** Be it enaded by the governor* council, and reprefentatives, in general-court aflembled,. and by the authority of the fame.'* All judges and juftices are ap- pointed by thegeneral-aJOTembly, and commiifioned by the governor with the provincial feal ; but the governor, deputy-governor, and aififtants, are- juftices ex offim, < As to the courts where no juridai are required, though the cafe may be of confiderable valuer there are, \. The c»urtr<0f probates^ confiding of one judge, and a clerk ap-^ pplnted bytihim*. ^^hoare to hold a court i^;efetch of the following dtf-- trids,' called the diftrid of Hertford, New Haven, New London, Fair- field, and Windham; Plainfield, Guilford, Woodbury, Stamford, Eaft I^adh^nor, Litchfield, DSinbi&ry, and Norwich. In difficult cafes they may cplV in ptio or three juftites of the quorum; but any perfon>^ag-: grieved ii)ay appeal and revievif to the iiext %icrior court of the county. " 9. The court of vicexiiimtraUy; Hafirfdie fame judge imd^other officers of that court ;which ftdlSbf thiepsoyihoelof New York^ . : . '"^i-'z ; 1 '..'■.■,'■ ■ 3. The jufticiary court x)f adrainJty» fi>r trials of crimes committed' at fea, conufts $f judges, Ibme qf the cc!6ny of Connedicut, and others: from the provincie of N^v York) fMirfuant to the iaftnidions from home.> In this coU^k no particular court of chancery { but in feme cafes the general-aflpnnbly a^ as » court of chancery, or equity. ■ L :^ ■ Jufticiary ■"^Nf*^: '*rf: CONNECTICUT. ■J 229 , Jhftlciary courts of Oyer and Terminer, called aflizes and general- gaol delivery, are the fame with The fuperior court; which is a court of judicature, itinerant from county to county. It confifts of one chief judge, and four other judges, three of whom are a quorum, and have cognizance of all pleas of thr. crown that relate to life, limb, or banifliment ; ' of divorce; of all picas real, perfonal, or mixed. This court is to be held in each coun'.y twice a year ; and the judges are to appoint and fwear their own cterk. An inferior court of judicature is alfo to be held in eac!i county twice a year, by a judge, with two or more juftices of the c^uorum commif- fioned for that purpoie, to determine all ci^il caufes, real, perfonal, or mixed ; as alfo all criminal matters not extending to ^ife, limb, divorce, or banifhment ; and they have power to levy a count/ tax^ A fpecial county court may be called upon any extraordinary occaHon, and may adjourn themfelves to any diftant time. The general-aflembly hear writs of error againft proceedings of th^ fuperior court : and where an inferior court exceeds its jurifdidion, the judges of the fuperior coiut may grant a prohibition, widi the fame power 9S the court of King's Bench in England. A juilice may determine in any cafe not exceeding forty ihillings, if Und is not concerned. An appeal lies from a juilice to the county court. Mid from thence a review to the next county court, or appeal to the next fuperior court. In a debt upon bond, bill, or not6, for a value not exceeding forty (hillings, no appeal is allowed, and iif not exceeding ten pounds, no appeal is allowed from a county court. ' No appeals were allowed to the King in council ; yet fome have gone to England by way of complaint, at a confiderable expence ; but no re- lief was procured, excepting the cafe of Mr. Winthrop^ who obtaifled a^ declaration of the King in council,. <^ That their law concerning dividing, land inheritance of an inteftate was contraiy to the law of England, and void :" but in fubfequent cafes 'this colony paid no> regard to that decla- ration. No perfon is to be kept in priibn, if he appears to have & fufiicient- eftate; and where no ellate appears, the debtor muft (atiiftfjf the debt by fecvice. ' • 9 Idle m\ i m 2^0 i HISTORX OF BRITISH.iyVJERICA. Idle perfons and drunkards may by warrant te brought before a juf- tlce. All fuch perfifting offenders are difatjled from making of contrads, and their goods are to be under the management of the feled-men, who may fell all or part of their perfonal eftates, and, on, deficiency, difpofe of their perfons to feryitude for a certain time, to pay iheir juft debts : but no real eftate can bie fequeftered witKout an or^er of the general-af- fembly'; and an appeal lies fjrom the fele(3;-men to the county court. ' ' •*• * ••■;■]'}(■ i,- t .; ■ ... ,i,ii.**> II * Some peculiair lavs have been made in this colony, for the regulation, of public houfes of entertainment, and to preferve the decency of fo- ciety. • The publicaa is to be properly licenf^ by the magiftrates, feleft- men, grand-^jurymen, and conftables j to be nominated annually in Ja- nuary, and approved of by 4he next coiiaty court. The houfc-kecper is not to AifFer minors or fervants to fit tippling; ftrangefs and fo- reigners excepted ;, under a fine of ;fix,ihiirinj2;s, . No perfqiis are to keep company in public houfes on the evening following the Lord's-day, or days of faft. Any perfon found in a tavern the night before or after the Lord's-day, or after nine o'clock jn any. othex night, is to.;be fined three (hillings ; with fome exceptions. By fpecial warrant, houfes may be broke , open in .^rfihing after perfons i« tftVQfnrj :and idhabitantfr sre not to fit in* tavern .prinking, above, ;0n« hour at a time; except uport" particular q^fions, uri^er.a ^ne; of fix fliiUings. , Taveln:=-hurtter8i are to be ported up at the taverntdoors, with a prohibition of 'entertain- ing them, upon penalty of three pounds. No tavern keeper can bring an a|£Hon for drink fold aft^r two days; and none but licenfed houfes to ielt,^ong.)i*iuors in quantities exceeding one- quart,of wine or fpiritsi' or one gallon of any other liquo;-, «nder a fine, of three pounds for thes firft Qffence, fix pounds for the fecopd, and fo doubled for every of-' fence ; but if pot able to pay, to be whipped not iefs than ten, and not more than fifteen llripes for every offence. • Connefticitthas kept free from the difiiclil^ies wMch th6 ot'ftel^ pro- vinces f hive fuftained from paper eurrencies. lAt times,; by the prudent adiininiftration of the jurifdidion of Obririwaicut ifoloriy, their taxes were only from four thoufand to five thoufand jpouhds currency d. year, whereas the polte and' rates of, thd Maflachurets Bay,' at the fan^e.time. were about four-hundred thoufaod pounds currency a year.' '' ' Taxes confift in the articles of .rates, impofts, and, e?cife, fs,^,in tl Maflkchiifetsiiigerxeral, but not in' particulars. ■ ' ; ' rWiil ' the ; jJ . .J I. In .A nf i :C N'N EC T I C U T. ' - I. In Cbnncdlcut, one penny rate produces four thoufind five hundred pounds currency ; for in moft of the colonies real eftates are commonly Talued only at.feven years purchafe. Rates comprehend the poll-tax ; on which account every perfon is annually to give in a lifl: of his polls and rateable eftate, on or before the loth of September, and thofe lifts are to be returned in Oftober to the general-court. Every male perfon, from fix- teen to fcventy, is to be fet in the lift at t8 /. but the perfons exempted from rites and polls* are ps in the Maflachufets. Every Ox,.at 4/. Each fteer, cow, or heifer of tiiree years and upward, at 3 /. ; a fteer or hciftr of two years, at 40 s. ; and a fteer or heifer tiflone year, at-20 j*. £adh horfe and mar^ of three years old ind upward, at 3 /. ; of two years old, 40 s, ; and of one year old, 20 /. Each fwine one year old, 20 x» Every dwelling-houfe, with adjoining land, 20s. an acre: plcnv and ihowingland in fome counties, 15 h in others 10 x. and fome 7 s.od. an acre ; boggy mowing meadow land, 5 s. an aci?e ; and all upland pafture or mowing land, 8 s. an acre ; but peculiars are to be aflefledby.the neareft towns. All allowed attomies at law, 50 /. their admiffion 1 and others higher, in proportion to their bufinefs i but all tradefmen are to.be rated at the difcretion of the lifters f. ^ fii^un-y'^x^nioi .!; "''a:,^.. 7 ;;'.■. ■')■■',. /'■.-'' ■■ '.'!■■''. . IL The io/ipoft's r there is a high duty on the exportation of alf timber and lumber to the adjacent goviernments of MaftAchufets;! Rboda Ifland,, New Hampftiire, and New York; which was intended as a kind of pro- hibition> that the colony might not be drained of thofe materials. The impofts upon rum is one penny a gallon, if imported dire£tly from the Briti(h fugariflands ;, and two pence from all other parts : but a draw-back is allowed on exportation. The governor, with advice of the councilr may» by proclamation,, prohibit the exportation of grain and other provifionS) for a limited time, in cafes of neceftity. I'll. Excife: ^there i^:ttKiee pbnce a gallon upon all wine and diftilled liqUors J which duty iS ntiich lefs than in the MafTachufetSy and is ap* plied to defray county charges. The county courts appoint receivers of the excife, with fee of two ftiillings per pound, ahd the receivers may agree with the public houfes by the year. The ad for regulating maritime afiairs^ has nothing peculiar in k., I' ^ , :f,l ;l!, 1:. ,• • i' /■- J ->.<){ ■) VI ., : ', '; • Thefe arc Jhe governor, deputy-governor, afliftants, mimftcr* of the gofpel, prefident and tutors of tl\e collegiate Tchools, iludents there, fchool-mafters, and pour, aged and infirm perfons, who are all excufed. . f^ All there U9 almoft double wted to what they are. in the Maflachufets. ;< ! ( > .-.',' aiit * :^tt 10 no ,^::j CopReAicut ap M m m m n^ HISTOJIY OF BRITISH AMEHICA. ' G>nne^cut c&ntains about one hundred thoufand mehj of y^ip% one- A - fourth are capable of bearing arms. In 1740, at a great &sv^\ei tnert were about four thoufand freemen voters i and the training militia of thi9 colony may conAft of about fifteen thou^nd men. ,/ 67 the ad for forming and regulating the militiai the governor ift to be captain-general ; and the deputy-governor, lieutenant-general : the militaiy companies of the feveral townships are formed into thirteen regiments of foot* and to each regiment one troop of horfe. The field- oiBcers of each regiment} as colonel* lieutenant- and major, to be appointed by the general-aflemUy, and commiflioned by the governor. After being embodied, the whole are to be adTembled once in four years, or oftener., for regimental exercife ; but the companies are to be trained four tWes a year, and every foldier who does not appear, is fined thre^ (hillings. The Connedicut adminiftration have reduced i|||L0ieir public fees and fines to proclamation money ; and as they have eek^ltd as a government for above a century, they have acquired fuch experience as itp.have formed an excellent body of laws, which were lately revifed and publifhed in 1750, in a fmall folio of 958 pages; containing tbi moft plain, ' eoncife, oatund, and equitable laws for the plantations hitIi|lto extant^ In this authoritative revifal of their municipal laws, the introdudkory law or zGt is in the manner of a magna charta, for fecuring the general privileges of his Majefty*e fubjeds in the colony ; for it was thereby enaded, ** "Oiat the life of no man (hould be taken away, nor his honour or credit be ftained ; neither his perfon arrefted, reftrained, banifhed, difme^fkbered* or otherwife puniihed ; he ihould not be deprived of his Mrife and children, nor his goods or eftate taken fix>m him, or endamaged, under the colour of law, or countenance of authority; unlefs by virtue of fome exprefs law of the colony warranting the fame, eftabliihed by the gencr^d-court, and fufficiently publifhed ; or in cafe of defed of fuch laws in any parti- cular cafe, by fome clear and plain rule warranted by the word of Ood>" All his Majefty's fubjeds within this colony, whether inhabitants or not, are to enjoy the fame juftice and law that is general for the colony, in all cafes proper for civil authority, and courts of judicature in the fame, without delay or partiality* Every town is to have a fealer of weights and meafures ; and 2^1 calks are to be of the London affize. Every town muft have a peculiar braod for their horfes, on or near the left fhoulder. Common CONNECTICUT. Common intereft is fix per cent, per ann, letting of cattle and maritime affairs excepted. Any book-debt not Recounted for with the original debtor in fevcn years, is not pleadable ?fter the debtor*8 death. Upon execution ifTuedt the creditor fhall, at the ufual place of the debtor*8 abode, demand the debt ; upon non-payment, he may leyy execution upon the proper move- ables^, and fet up a lift of the fame upon the town-poft, to be fold by outcry after twenty days ; but in a deficiency of goods, and upon the creditor's refuting lands, the debtor's body may be feized. Any debtor in a debt not exceeding 2o7. may confefs judgment before a fingle juftice ; and debtors committed to gaol, on fweuring they have not effie^s to the value of 5 /. are to be fubfifled by the creditors at a certain rate. No adion, is to be brought for bill, bond, or note, but within the fpace of feventeen years ; nor can any adion of trefpafs or defamation be con^r xnenced but within three years ; and the fine for defamation not to exceed ten pounds.. . The capital crimes are confpiracy againft the colony, wilful murder, blafphemy, fodomy, beftiality, wilfully firing houfes, disfiguring or dif- . membering, and falfe witnefs in cafe of life and death. Single perfons committing fornication are to be fined 33 s, or whipped ; and every perfon playing at dice, cards, or tables, to be fined twenty {hillings. AU fines impofed by the general court, belong to the colony-* treafury ; if impofed by the county-court, to the county-treafury ; and if impofed by an afTiftant-judge, to the townihip treafuries. A bill of divorce and liberty to marry again may be granted by the fuperiqr courts, in cafes of adultery, fraudulent contract, feven years abfence not heard of, or wilful defertion for three years. Forgery was three days public pillory, double damages to the injured party, and incapacity of being an evidence in law : the form of their oath is, " You fwcar by the name of the ever-living God." Perjury was 20/. fine, and fix months imprifonment^ if unable to pay the fine, to be pil- loried with both ears nailed, and incapacitated from giving evidence. asj m • For nccefTary apparel, houfehold gooJs, tools, and arms, are excepted. Vol. I. Uh For •34 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA*. For burglary or robbery the penally wae branding, ears cu« ofi^ andi whipping i but the third offence was death. Theft was fiae», iw^ipping,. or fervitvide. Buying goods of flaves, the penalty was treble: value,, fervice, or whipping ; and the penalty for receiving or conceiving ftoleat goods was the rame as theft. Any flave or Indian ftriking a whke n*ao» the peM^y was whippings not exceeding thirty ftripes. An Indian conviAed of drunkennefs, was- to pay five fhinings^ or fuffer ten lafiies.. AH the Indians ia a townihip' fliould be mufteredonee a yeais and the requilke laws read to them. An^ Indian, Molatto, or Negro, travelling without a pais, may be feized as a runaway. Idlenefs and drunkennefs are the general* vices of Indians,, therefore the penalty of feUing ftcong liquor to an Indian: was ten ihiUings. a pint. The eftabliQied religions are Preibyterians, G>ngregatibnalift8, and' confociated minifters ; whole pari(h diurches are under the diredlion of the county-courts ; but tolerated miniftcrs from thoie poofeffions are left at large. There are about 150 eflabliflied miniflers, and feveral who are tolerated. In fome townfhips nre many parifhes or precinds.. They begin and end the LordVday at the fctting of the fun, according to the Jewifh Aanner, which is prevaYent through all New England among the Congre- gationalrfts. Schools are well regulated, and have a cokmy allowance* Every eccleflaftiGal fbciety of feventy families or upward, iflioi^ have & fchool for the inflrudion of children to read and write ; and a grammar-^ fchool to every {wincipal town ; befide one college in the colony.^ The laws relating to the observation of the Sabbath are too purttanicat and fevere. fliefe are under the infpedion of the grand-jury, tything- men, and conftables. They are numerous as weH as flridt, but they feenk. gradually to droop, and will fcarcely be revived. Criminal perfons making their efcape from the authority of other pro- vincial governments to this colony, may be remanded back to the place of perpetration. There are fevere penalties on cutting down of trees, or firing a£ woods, and lands; and the accufed, if there is no proof, mufl exculpate himfelf by oath. But it is very extraordinary, that all kinds of delinquents are to pay the charge of prefentment, whether guilty or innocent. The age of confent for marriage, is to the man fourteen, and to the wo- man twelve ; but centrals of perions under parents, guardians, or matters, I are CONNECTICUT. are of no validity ; and no perfon unmarried is to keep houTe of himfelf, 'without permiffion of the ma^Ulrates, under the penalty of twenty (hil- lings a week. No perlbn is to be married unlefs publiflxed in fome congregation* Or publickly pofted up eight days before nich marriage. No perfon is to join people in marriage, beiide a juftice in the county, or an ordained minifter of the parifh where the parties dwell ; but any juftice or minifter marry- ing peribns without publication, and .certificate of the confent of the pa- rents or guardians, is to pay a penalty of twenty pounds. Degrees of kindred forbidding marriage are according to the Levitical law, and fuch marriages are declared to be void ; the offenders to fit upon the gallows t^ith a rope about the neck, to be whipped, and to wear the letter I on their' arm or back. Any man endeavouring to gain the affedlons of a maid, without liberty of courtihip from the parents or guardians, he it to pay five pounds for the firft offence. 9SS Hh8 SECTION « fl5^ HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. S E C T I O N 11. Boundaries of the Province ; mountainsy river St produce^ and manufaSlures ; trade and navigation. Account of Yale College at JSew Haven. An account of the Indian charity-fchool lately founded at Lebanon in Coit" neilicut, TH £ Province of G)nne£ticut is about fixty miles fquare ; bounded by the fea on the north, New York on the weft, the Maflachufets on the north, and Rhode-Ifland on the eaft. The charter boundaries have been already defcribed ; but its prefent boundaries are as follow : Its north line upon MalTachufets Bay of about 72 miles, fettled ia 171 3 ; its eafterly line upon the colony of Rhode Ifland of about 45 miles, fettled in 1728; its foutherly line upon Long Ifland found, being a fea line of about 90 miles, in a dired^ weft-foutherly courfe, from the mouth of Pakatuke River -to the mouth of Byram River ; its wefierly line as finally fettled with New York. Conne£ticut is a good country as to climate and foil, and is valuable for grain and pafture ; it is generally broken land, that is, hills and dales* but well watered. The people of any country are happy, where the meaner inhabitants are plentifully and wholefomely fed, and warmly and decently clothed ; which is the cafe in Ccnnedicut, as it is chiefly inha- bited by induftrious hufbandmen. Simfbury, or the copper mine hills, are their higheft lands j but not fertile, as it is faid of metallic ore hills in general. The principal rivers are, the Connefticut, the Thames, and the Houfa- tonick or Stratford River. I. Connedicut River, with its branches and townfliips thereon, have already been defcribed. a. Thames-River is a long navigable creek of about twenty miles, and the head of it is in Norwich in New London county. The townfhip of Norwich pays the higheft tax of any in the colony, and in time may be the principal place of trade. From ConneAicut River to the eaftern boundary of the colony, is an extraordinary well watered country, confift- ing of two principal rivers and their branches, which fall into the bottom of CONNECTICUT. •f the crwk at Norwich. Thcfe two rivers are Quenebaug and Satuckct, or higher Willemantick. The Quenebaug rifes in Brimfield, pafles through Stourbridge and Dudley in the province of Maflachufets Bay, thence in the colony of Connedlicut, it divides I'omfret fron\ Killingfley, Canter- bury from riainfield, and at Norwich falls into Thames River or Creek. Satucket River where it originates in Brimficld of Maflachufets Bay, is called Willemantick River, and receives feveral fmall runs of water at Stafford in Connecticut ; it divides Toland from Wellington, and Coven- try from Mansfield : at Windham it is called Windham River, and there receives on its weflern fide Scagungamog River and Hope River; on its eaftern fide, it receives Manchoag River, which had received Fenton River, and higher up, at Afhford, had received Bigelow River, Still River, and Bungea River from Union and Woodftock ; and at Norwich it receives the Quenebaug, where both form the Creek or Thames, which runs by New London near Groton, and falls into the fea cppofite Filher's Ifland. 3. The Houfatonick, Wcflenhoek, or Stratford River, has its rife in the weft part of the Maflachufets near Lake Iroquois, runs fouth to Stock- bridge, and enters Connedlicut near Saliibury and Canaan, proceeds to Cornwal, Dover, Kent, Fairfield, Newtown, Stratford, and Milfordy. vrhere it falls into the Long Ifland founds Pakatuke River divides Connedicut from Rhode Ifland colony ; and Byram River divides the colony of New York from Conne«Sticut ; but thefe Are of no other confideration.. Upon the Long Ifland found is a delightful and profitable range of good townfliips, the glory of all the Britifh plantations in New England, as Stonington, Groton, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingworth, Guil- ford, Brentford, New Haven, Milford, Stratford, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, and Greenwich; but New London is the capital. Tlfe principal roads throughout the province of Connedicut are, i. From Stonington to Groton, New London, Saybrook, Brentford, New Haven, Stratford, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford, and Greenwich. The whole extent is 136 miles from Pakatuke River, along the Sound, to Byram River, the whole maritime length of the colony from eaft to weft ; and the road is continued generally at about two or three miles diftance froia the fea. 2. From New Haven town to Wallingford, and Wetherlield, from thence along the weftern banks of the River Conne(flicut to Herttbrd^ Windfor, and to Springfield in the Mafia chufets full north. 3. From Middletown to Wallingford, thence due weft to New Milford and Dan- bury, , 237 '"H ;rJ i *38 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. bury, into the province of New York. 3. From Banbury to New Faiif* field, Dover, Salifbury, and Sheffield, in the Maflachufets, full north.' As there is little difFerence in the temperature of the air in tlie feveral parts of New England, fo its feveral produdts and aptitude for different improvements vary but in a few particulars ; the fouthermoft being mod natural for corn and the northern for grazing, though both afford a much greater plenty of timber and fifh. . In thefe colonies, the lands which are cleared of timber and improved for tillage and pafture are very far from yielding fuch profit to the owner as they are capable of, for want of ma- nuring, and being properly fubdivided into fmaller allotments, which the great price of labour has made impraAicable{ but as nature has furnifhed the country with feveral forts of marie and fea-ware, wherever the farmer has been able to enrich the foil with them, the produce of his lands hai paid the expence, and greatly raifed their value } yet, by reafon of the fcarcity of labourers, few can bear the charge of fo neceflary a cultivation ; but by increafmg their number, the country may foon be enabled to do it, and confequently to fupply the Weft India iflands at a much cheaper rate than has been lately done. Connecticut had little foreign trade until of late the inhabitants fent fome fmall vefTels to the Weft India Iflands. Their produce chiefly confifts •f wheat and Indian corn ; flax, butter, pork, beaver, and horfes. Wool, hemp, flax, and iron are the general materials of «U tlie Ne# England manufadures. The Colonies have hitherto fubfifted upon the gleanings of the woods and the fertility of the frefh woodlands, which is very great at firft. It is only thefe that produce any quantity of hemp or flax, or any plenty of the necelTaries of life. Thefe they are at firft obliged to plant rnth fuch crops, in order to exhauft the luxuriant fertility cf frefh wood-lands, and bring them into culture and tillage ; but as foon as it is worn out, frhich is in three or four years at moft, they are under as great -a necef!ity of leaving off that method of planting, and making thofe ftaple commodities for Britain. For thefe reafons, moft of the planters have been obliged to leave off planting altogether, inftead of making improvements in it, with fuch commodities as hemp and flax. Even moft of the tobacco plantations are broke up, and turned into corn and pafture grounds, which produce nothing but corn, cattle, and wool, the flaple of Britain ; and, without fome other methods of agriculture, thofe will become the only ftaple of the northern colonies. Were *■■ t CONNECTICUT. Wert we to confider the proper improvementt for the Coloniei in North America, wool (hould be the hrft. They have already wool CQOUghi as fit for their ufe ai if it was finer ; and the only way to pre- vent their manufadturing it is» to improve it fo as to make it nt to lend to Englaodf in order to purchaUt their manufa£lure8, inftcad of making theiUt and to fupply the place of Spauifh wool. They have had a bounty on hemp and flax in North America ever fincc the year 1663, which has been renewed from time to time; and they have as often tried to make thefe commodities, but could never produce fuch quantities as to ferve for a ftaple commodity to fend to BritaiUf and purchafe their ncccflaries by that means. I Upon fome late and curious eflays, m exploring New England for metallic ores and minerals, it has been found, that there is boe and rock iron-ore in plenty, but not profitable ; as alfo lead-ore, but fo intermixed' with rock and fpar as to turn to no account. In New England they have not forged bar-iron for their own confumption, by bloomeries and re- fineries ; but they have im^torted from England ; as alfo from New York,., the Jerfeys, Pennfylvaniai and Maryland. The government of Cbnnedlicut formerly eftabliflied a corporation for commerce, called ** The New London Society :" but, in the fraudulent humour of thofe times, contrary jto the dcfign of their inflitution, they foon began to manufacture printed fociety notes, to be impuftd as a cur- rency, but the government caufed thefe bills to be drawn in at the charge of the fociety. In the Sound the tide flows from fix to eight feet ; but the deep water it- •n Long Ifland fide. » In ConnedHcut are eight convenient ports for fmall veflels ; but they generally enter and clear at the port of New London, which is a good harbour, five miles within land, and deep water. Here they build large ihips ; but their timber is fpungy, and not durable. Small veiTels are built at Saybrook and New Haven. In New England A)me oxen of iSoolb. weight, and hogs of 25 fcore, have beea killed. Connecticut falt-pork is the bed of ^.tnerica ; and they finifh the t'atlening of their hogs with Indian meal. 23^ V;li m In T.<., % /• «40 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Tn fome parts of North America* the winters are too long and cold* and in other parts too hot for grafs ; confequently can afford no quantity of provender for cattle, and will probably never be beef countries. ' Lands in New England, which yield at a medium twenty hundred weight of hay, are the beil ; if forty hundred weight, the hay is rank and four. hi" M ih t fi iii Conne^icut CoUege, called Tale College in New Haven, The general affembly of MafTachufets Bay, in 1636, granted 400/, towards ereding a collegiate fchool, afterward called Harvard college, in Cambridge near Boilon ; which> was incorporated in 1^50, as before particularly mentioned. The people of Connedicut joined in the con- tribution, and continued their afliilance till the year 1701, when they thought the diftance was too far, and the charge too great ; therefore their miniflers and magiilracy prefented a memorial to the general aflem- bly, wherein they defired that a collegiate-fchool might be ere^ed and endowed, and propofed ten minifiers as truftees for ordering the fame, the furvivors to fupply vacancies, and feven to be a quorum. Accord- ingly a charter was drawn up for this purpofe by Mr. Addington then fecretary of Maflachufets Bay, and was granted in Odober 1701, with power to appoint officers, and make laws, but not repugnant to the laws of the civil government ; to confer degrees ; pofTefs lands not exceeding the yearly value of 500/. and to receive yearly out of the public treafury 100 /. currency, which was then equal to about 70 /. fterling. Saybrook was refolved upon as a proper place ; and the truftees chofe Mr. Pierfon, minifter of KilHngworth, for redlor, who with ten truftees conftituted the corporation : and until a place could be fitted up in Saybrook, the fcholars were to meet at the redtor's houfe in Killingworth, where tbcy continued till his death in 1707. At the firft founding of this college, it was ordered, that where no fpecial provifion was made by the truftees, the laws of Harvard college, in the province of Maflachufets Bay, (hould be their rule. But in 173'?, Governor Saltonftal drew up an additional explanatory charter, which the general aflembly gave to the college, whereby it was declared, that a truftcc might refign at plcafure ; that feven truftees fhould be a quorum, and to atSt by a majority ; that a minifter of thirty years might be chofeii a truftee, and that the reftor (hould be a truftee ex officio. * In »744» the affembly was petitioned by the truftees, for a new and more perfed charter, whereby the college was to be incorporated, by the name CONNECTICUT. name, of " The Prefidcnt and Fellows of Yale College In New Haven.** This met with fuch approbation^ that, on the gth of May 1745, a provincial a£t was pafled for the more fiill, and complete eftablifliment of Yale College; whereby it was enadted, x. That certain perfons therein mentioned were incorporated by the name of " The Prehdent and Fel- lows of Yale College in New Haven," with fucceflion. a. All former donations to this coUegiate-fchool, though in various expreifions, were confirmed and vefted in the prefident and fellows, with fucceflion. 3. That the prefident and fellows fhould continue during life, or until they refigned, or were difplaced. 4. There (hould be a general meeting of the prefident and fellows annually on the fecond Wednefday in Septem- ber ; the major vote of the members prefent fhould be definitive ; and in cafe of equal voices, the prefident fhould have a cafling vote. 5. The prefident and fellows, fix at leaft, concurring, might remove and ap- point in their room, a prefident, and fellow, a clerk, a treafurer, tutors, profeflbrs, fleward, and other neeeflary fervants. 6. That the prefident, fellows, tutors, profeffors, and all other officers, before they entered upon the execution of their office, fhould publickly take the oaths, and fub- fcribe the declaration appointed by the firfl of King George I. 7. The corporation might appoint, from time to time, regulations not repug- nant to the laws of England, or of the colony ; but might be difal lowed by the general afTembly. 8. The corporation might confer degrees as in other colleges. 9. All eftates belonging to the college, if real not exceeding the value of 300 /. a year, all members and refident officers of the college* tutors, and fludents; were exempted from military fervice and public taxes. 10. The fum of 100/. proclamation money was granted annually, during the pleafure of the aflembly. Several of the original truflees contributed to the carrying on the un- deruking, in land, a houfe, and valuable books to begin a library for the college, and there was a general contribution throughout the colony. But the greateft donation of books was from the generofity and pro- curement of Jeremiah Dumt-;x, E>'v gent in London, in 1714, when he fent over above eight hundrei* \ urt .'«. one hundred and twenty of which were at his own cofl, and th*- .xii » y procurements from Sir Ifaac Newton, Sir Richard Steel, Sir Ri* urf! Bk-cVnore, Dodor Burnet, Doc- tor Woodward, Dodlor Halley, L dor iviiky, Dodor Kennet, Doc- tor Calamy, Dodor Edwards, Mr. YJ ^ fvir. Whifton, Mr. Henry, and other learned gentlemen. Elihu Yale, Efq. was a direftor of the Eaft India Company, and fent three hundred volumes *, but a great pact of them were lofl;, in a tumult Vol. I. I i upon Ht -m •4* HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. upon removing the library from Saybropk. Thefe books were in vlaue about one hundred pounds fterling; the donor alfo gave four hundred pounds fterling in effedls, and by will intended five hundred pounds fter- ling moret but this was never accompliflxed. In 171 8, Mr. Dummer ient more books to the value of thirty poundst and Jahaleal Brenton^ Efq. of Newport in Rhode Ifland, gave fifty pounds fterling. In 1723*. Mr. Daniel Turner of London fent them a collection of twenty-eight volumes in phyfic and furgery, and the college conferred upon him a. diploma of M. D. In 1 744., Mr. Anthony Nougier, of Fairfield, left by will to the college twenty-ieven pounds fteriing, to be put to lutereft; In 1 745t Philip Livingfton, Efq. of the King's council of New York, as he had ^ur ions educated in this college, gave two hundred pounds cur- rency to begin a foundation for a profeflbr of Divinity, to be called the Livingftonian jM-ofeftbrfhip. m 1746, Mr. Samuel Lambert, of New London, left fome lands to the college ; but, from fome intricacies in his affairs, they turned to no great account, excepting about one hundred acres in Wallingford, and fixty-two acres in New Haven. There alfo were a great many fmaller donations, from time to timet which are too- tedious to be enumerated. In X733, the aflembly granted to the college fifteen hundred acres of land, being three hundred acres in each of the new towns of Norfolk, Canaan, Goftien, G)mwal, and Kent ; which may be valuable in^ a few years : and in 1 742, the general aflembly augmented the annual grant to the cdlege^ whereby they were enabled to fiipport three tutors and a le^r. Divifions happened concerning the ficuation of the coll^ until 17 16, when the ms^rity of the truces voted a convenient college, and redor*s houfe, to be ereded in the town of New Haven, which were effedted accordingly, but with mtu:h opp^don and confufion from the northern and eafters parts of the colony : the truftees, however, hdd. their firft commencement at: New Haven in September 17 17. The college building waa ereded on the3dolars, in the judgment of the pre- fident and fenior epifcopal miffionary of the colony ; which has been fome incitement to excel in daffical elegance. This eminent divine, great philofophcr, an4 nohlc patriot, alfo gave the college a fine colledion of books of near one thoufiind volumes, of which two hundred and fixty •were folios, and the whole in fterling value four hundred pounds. This great and excellent man, in 17S5, publifhed a public-fpirited treatife, intitled, ** A ^propofal for the better fupplying of churches in our foreign Plantations, and for converting the favage Americans to Chriftianity, by a college to be erected in the Summer Iflands, otherwii'e called the Ifles of Bermuda ;" and he obtained a charter from King George 11. for ere^ing a collie by the name of St. Paul's College in the Ifland of Bermuda for the ufes above mentioned ; which college was to contain B prefident and nine fellows: but it was-never carried into execution. In his ferinon preached before ** The Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gofpel in Foreign Parts, at their anniverfary meeting in the parifli church of St. Mary-le-Bow, on Friday, February i8th, 1731," he fays, as follows : *' I fpeak it knowingly, that the min«(%ert of the gofpel, in thofc Provinces which go by the name of New Hug** land, fcnt and fupportcd at the expence of this fociety, have, by tt^ir I i a fobricti^ Ul ■ ffii .A44 It HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. fobriety of manners, difcreet behaviour, and competent degree of ufeful knowledge, fhewn themfelves worthy the choice of thofe who fent them; and particularly in living on a more friendly footing with their brethren of the feparation ; who, on their part, were alfo very much come off from that narrownefs of fpirit, which formerly kept them at fuch ah unamicable diftance from us. And as there is reafon<.to apprehend, that part of America could not have been thus diflinguifhed, and provided with fuch a number of proper perfons, if one half of them had not been fupplied out of the diflenting feminaries of the country, who, in proportion as they attain to more liberal improvements of learn- ing, are obferved to quit their prejudice towards an epifcopal church ; fo I verily think it might increafe the number of fuch ufeful men, if pro- viiion was made to defray their charges in coming hither to receive Holy Orders ; pailing and repafling the ocean, and tarrying the ncceifary time in London, requiring an expence that many are not able to bear. It would alfo be an encouragement to the miffionaries in general, and pro- bably produce good effeds, if the allowance of certain miffionaries were augmented, in proportion to the fervices they had done, and the time they had fpent in their miffion." The general fcheme intended by Doctor Berkley proved abortive ; but an Indian charity-fchool has lately been founded at Lebanon in Connedlicut, and carried on by the reverend Mr. Eleazer Wheelock, who, it feems, being deeply impreOfed with a fenfe of the forlorn condition of our fa- vage fellow-creatures in thofe deferts, and of the obligation the defcen- dents of the ancient New Englanders ftill lie under to keep in view the avowed defign of their forefathers original emigration, did, ab6ut twelv years ago, take two Indian boys, and through the whole duration of the late war, under the greateft difcouragements arifing from the ravages of the Indians, continued to increafe his fchool, by receiving a larger number, both boy« and girls, fror^ the nearer tribes ; together with fome promi- iing Englifli youths, who were defigned for the fame purpofe of evange- lizing the Heathen : and being rationally convinced, at the conclufion of the war, what a favourable opportunity our late fignal and amazing conquefts afforded of profecuting this plan, he ftill added, out of more remote tribes, many children to the number, all which he clothed, boarded, and educated, without any fettled fund. He reprefeiits, that he has now upward of twenty in his fchool at Lebanon, who are re- fcrved for future fervice ; and that there are twelve Englifh and Indian miflionaries, and fchoolmafters, now employed in preaching the Gofpel and in fettling i'chools, with mofl promiGng encouragement and fuccefs, among fome of the remote Heathen nations ; but all that thefe milTiona- ries depend immediately on him for a fupport. That as this inftitutioa was / CONNECTICUT. was iotended purely to promote the commoa falvation of the Heathen^ without regard to any particular nameS} (e^s, or parties, fo it had beea greatly countenanced and encouraged by perfons of various denominationi on both fides the water : and as there appears at prefent a very uncom- mon defire among many of the Six Nations, and others, to have their ^ children taught to read, write, and fpeak well, and themfelves inflrudted in the Gofpel of Chrift, as well as in huibandry, and the politer parts of civilized life; it had been judged expedient to i<:nd to England the Reverend Mr, Whitaker, minillcr of the Gofpel at Norwich in New England ; and the Reverend Mr. Samfon Occom, the firfl pupil and Iiv- dian Chrvftian which Mr. Wheelock educated, and the firfl Indian Gof- pel preacher that ever fet foot on the Britifh Ihore ; to folicit benefadions toward building and endowing an Indian fchool as a feminary for mifli- onaries. That in what an important point of light this defign is already .viewed in America, appears from many atteilations, and recommenda-^ tions, of feveral of his Majefty's governors, chief-juftices, counfellors*. and fecretaries ; many mifFionaries of the church of England, with vari- ous Gofpel Minifters of other denominations, in the more northern Pro- vinces ; numbers of eminent merchants ; and efpecially of the honour- able S".' William Johnfon, that great fupporter of the Britilh Indian in- ,. tereft in general, and great pattonizec of this infant inilitution in parti-- cular. Mr. Wheelock alfo addreffed a memorial " To the people of God in 'England, Scotland, and Ireland," in recommendation of his defign, and of the Reverend Mr. Nathaniel Whitaker, paftor of the church at Chel- fca in Norwich, who purpofcd a voyage to Europe, to folicit benefaloniest eipecially at a time when complaints of debt, and want of money, were fo loud and uniyarfal."* Therefore he had employed Mr. Whitaker, ** to befpeak the charitable affiftance of the friends of Zion abroad ; for the glory o£ God, and die good of men.** To thefe were added fome atteftations relating to the charader and abi« lities of the Rererend Mr. Samfon Occom, of the tribe of Mohegan In^* dians, adjenning to New London in Gonnedicut, who was educated un* der Mr. Wheelock, ordained by the Prefbytery of SufFolk on Long Ifland, and was defigned to accompany Mr. Whitaker to Europe, where they both arrived in 17661 and eftablilhed a fubfcription for the promotion of the charity. C HAP. — u RHODE ISLANDi % »74 C H A P» VT* A. Defcriptlon of the Colony of RHODE ISLAND in NEW ENGLAND^ SECTIONS J^s original Jfetttenunts fram the Maffachufets : Providence firfi fit tied by Mr. Williams of Salem, in 1635 .• Rhode IJland firji fittled by the fie-- taries from the Mqfachu/ets in 1637 and 1644 •• their Jirft formt of government i and their letter to the general court of the Majfachufets Bay, concerning the fakers, in 1657. The charter granted by King Charles II. in 1 662, to ** The governor and company of the colony of Rhode I/land and Providence Plantations'* The charter ordered to be vacated in 1684 ; and reajfumed in 1689. The courts of judicature in< the colony : its div^fions into counties ; taxes and valuations, 'Number of inhabitants^ ivhitet^ negroes, and Indians, The proxies, reprefen^ tativesy juftices a/* the peace^ and militia companies. The indifference of the Rhode Iflanders in regard to religion ; vuith Bifhop Berkley* r remarks theron^ and of the fiate of the colony luhen his lordfhip wot there, 'T^ HIS colony is the fmallefl of the four in extent; being bounded- •^ ibutherly by the Tea, and furrou.nded by the MaiTaehufets and G>n- ne^icut on its other fideSk In the Britiih adls of parliament, this colony is named Rhode Ifland» Providence Plantationaj and the Narraganfet country, or King's Province ; vrhich originally were diflind): aflbciations or plantations,, but afterward* became united, and were by charter incorporated into One jurifdidion or colony. Thefe Colonifts were not immediately from England ; but pro- ceeded from the neighbouring colony of Maifachufets Bay, from whence they departed as emigrants, or were banifhed as non conformifts ; fo (hat they were confidered as JPuritans among Puritans, and made fuch gra- dual refinements, that all their religion was almoil vaniflied; after which the province became a. receptacle of any people, without regard to re- ligion or focial worfhip; and their modes of civil government have alfo been very erroneous aad defe^ve. King H^ HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA; King Charles I. in 1630, made a grant to the Earl of Warwick from Narraganfet Bay weftwaid along (hore forty leagues, and in length from fea to fea. His lordfliip aligned that grant to Willam Vifcount Say and Seal, Lord Brook, Lord Rich, 'and eight other aflbciates : but the con- ditions of the grant were never complied with, and the grant became void ^ as alfo, for the fame reafon, did another grant made to the Duke of Hamilton in 1635: hut the origin of thefe feveral fettlements ihall be concifely mentionedf . Mr. Roger Williams came over from Old England to New England in 1630, when he was chofen paflor of the church of Salem on the death of Mr. Skelton, who had been perfecuted out of England for non-con- formity. If fome writers are to be credited, Mr. Williams was a rigid Brownift, precife, uncharitable, and of fuch boifterous and turbulent paflions, as had like to have put the whole country into a flame. Being fettled in the church, he began to vent his fingular notions, as, " That it was not lawful for an unregenerate man to pray, nor for good men to join in family prayer with thofe they judged unregenerate : that it was not lawful to take an oath to the civil magiftrate ; and therefore, when the oath*of . allegiance was tendered him, he refufed it, and advifed his church to do fo too : that the patent which they had for their lands from King Charles was invalid, and an inilrument of injuftice, which they ought to renounce, being injurious to the natives ; the King of England having no power to difpofe of their lands to his own fubje£ts : that there fhould be a general and unlimited toleration for all religions ; and. to pu- ni(h men for matters of confcience was perfecution." It has been ob- ferved, that although Mr. Williams was fo large and generous in the principles of toleration; yet he was fo precife in his own conduct, a| to deny all communion with thofe that were .not exactly of his own ftandard : He forbid the members of his church at Salem to communi- cate occalionally with the church at Boflon ; and becaufe they would not agree to it, he withdrew from them, and fet up a feparate meeting in his own houfe, to which many of his zealous admirers refofted. The minifters of the other churches took a great deal of pains to convince him of his errors, but to no purpofe ; whereupon the magi^rates in- terpofed, and baniihed him the MajQachufets Colony, as a difturber of the peace of the church and commonwealth. Sentence of bani(hment being read againft Mr. Williams, the whole town of Salem was in an uproar ; for he was efteemed an honeft difmterefted man, and of popular talents in the pulpit ; fo that fuch was the compaffion of the people, oc- cafioned by his followers raifing a cry of perfecution againft him, that he would have carried ofiF the greateil part of the inhabitants of the tOWU) RHODE I S L AN D. town* if the m'lnlfters of Bofton had not interpofed. A confulcr.ible number of his friends, however, refolvcd to hazard their lives and for- tunes with him. With thcfe he travelled towards the fouth, and ictdcd, in the fpring of the year 1635, without the jurifdi£tion of the Mafl*achu- fets, at Moofliafick, or MooTachick, which they called Providence, where they incorporated into a church. The Narraganfet fachem made thctii feveral grants of lands ; and one of the grants was dated H ** Naiitigau- ftck, the 24th of March, in the fecond year of their plantation sit Moo- fachick or Proviu nee," where Mr. Williams refided forty years. The principal perfons at firfl: concerned with Mr. Williams as proprie- tors of the Providence lands, afterward afTociated feveral others, until at length they amounted to the number of one hundred proprietors of Providence grants, which contained twenty miles fquare. In 1640, about forty perfons voluntarily formed a fort of civil govern- ment in the new colony, which was then only one county, as is at pre- fent the province of New Hampfliire ; but it was afterward divided into three counties, and the townihip or plantation of Providence was di- vided into the four townihips of Providence, Smithfield, Scituate, and Gloucefter : Providence fends four reprefentatives to the general-afTem-* bly ; and the other fends two each. In 1637, the fynod at New Town in MafTachufets Bay condemned the opinions of many fedtaries, and other perfons thought themfelves fevereiy treated by the fubfequent general court ; upon which they, with their friends and adherents, refolvcd to quit the country, and form a new colony. Mr. Williams entertained them for fome time in a friendly man- ner at Providence, and ailifted them in purchaiing the Iflatids of the In* dian fachems. Soon after, fome of them went to the Ifland of Aquat- neck, which they alfo] purchafed from the Indians, and fettled there in 1639 : the grant of the Ifland was figned by the fachems on the 34th of March 1637-8; and the planters purchafed quit-claims at a confiderable expence. The fettlement began at the north-eaft end of the Iflaad, then called Pocaflet, and now Portfmouth ; but, in 1644, the Ifland was called the Ifle of Rhodes, or more properly Rhode Ifland, which foon became the garden of New England for pleafure and delight. It lies in the Nar- raganfet Bay ; is about fourteen miles in length, and five in breadth. The fertility and agreeablenefs of the place invited over fo many plan- ters, as overftocked the Ifland in a few years, and obliged fome of them to fettle in the adjacent continent, where they purchafed a tiiCt of Vol. I. K k land, M9 15counciI, confiAing of the afliftan' i who refide in the town* the juftices of the town, and fix freeholders cho- fen yearly by the freemen of the town; the major part of them is a quorum, with full power to manage the affairs and intercd of the town to which they refpeftively belong ; as alfo to grant licences to public houfes ; and are a probate omce for proving wills and granting adminiflration, with an ap- peal to the governor and council as fupreme ordinary. At the townfliip meetings annually held in March, the freemen of the town bring in their written votes called proxies, for a governor, a deputy- governor, ten afliftants, recorder, treafurer, and attorney ■ general ; which votes are fealed up, and fent to Newport, for the next general elcdlion in May. The governor has no negative in eledions; nor has he a negative in pafTing of bills or refolves ; but he has a calling vote at the board of afli(l- ants. All other officers, civil and military, ."u-e app^tinted by a joint vote of the board of affiflants and houfe of reprefentatives. There are yearly two general alTemblies ; they fit on the firfl Wedncfday in May at Newport ; but the fecond afTcmbly meets on the lafl Wednefday of Od^ober at Providence and South KingAon alternately. The aHembly adjourn themfelves for any time ; but in all grand committees and elec- tions of officers, the board of affiftants and houfe of reprefentatives fit and vote together. The legiflative body ftyle themfelves " The Governor and Company of the Englifh G)lony of Rhode Ifland and Providence Plantations in New England in America:** and their enacting flyle is, " Be it enacted by the general affembly of this colony, and by the authority of the fame it is enabled.** The governor has the cuftody of the royal charter and the provincial feal, with other infignia, and he alfo appoints the naval officer; but the governor's falary is only 300/. currency a year, and all his perquifites feldom exceed 1000/. In 1750, the deputy-governor had a yearly falary of 300/. currency old tenor, and the treafurerhad 200/. but no wages are allowed to the ailiflants and reprefentatives. As briberies in the elections of afTembly-men and general officers were become frequent and notorious, it was ena^ed in 1746, that no man (hould be admitted to vote until he had taken oath or affirmation, that he would ufe his freedom for the good of the government without any other motive ; and fhould not receive nor expeiSt any reward or promife of re- ward in demons. The fame aiTembly enaCted, that no aifilUnt, ' or mem- ber 53a *54 m. HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. bcr of the houfc of reprefentatives, Ihould be allowed for their fervice any wages or pay ; and feveral other laws have been made, at different times, exemplary to the other colonies. Upon any urgent occafion, the governor, or, in his abfence, the deputy- governor, may by warrant call a general afllmbly. The dircdion of the' militia is in the general affembly of the colony; but the governor and afliftants have the power of the militia when tlie affembly docs not iit. When the court of England refolved to vacate charters of any nature, a writ of qtdo ivarranto was iffued out againil this colony on the 6th of Cdobcr 1685, and was delivered by Mr. Randolph on the 8th of June i 686 ; notwithftanding the colony had made a full furrender of their charter before*; but upon the revolution in i688, they reafliimed their former government; and as their charter was never vacated in a due courfe of law, the court of England has permitted them to continue in the polFeflion and ufe of it to this day. When the charter firft took place in 1^63, there were only 18 repre- fentatives in the colony ; being 6 from Newport, 4 from Providence, 4 from Portfmouth, and 4 from Warwick ; but at prefent, befide thefe, there are two from each condituted townfhip incorporated from that time, and now amount to 58 members. As to their courts of judicature^ they are I. The Superior Court of Judicature, or courts of Affize and General Gaol Delivery, held twice a year in each county. Three judges are a quorum, who have cognizance of all pleas, real, pcrfonal, or mixed ; as alfo pleas of the crown, caul'es criminal, and matters relating to the con- fervation of the peace ; punifhmcnt of offenders, and g-^nerally of all other matters, as amply to all intents end purpofes as the courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, or Exchequer in England have, or ought tp have; however, no caufe, matter, or thing, except writs of error and capital crimes, are brought into this court by original or procefs ; but by appeals from the inferior courts of Common Pleas. • This appears from the following advertifeitient in the London Gazette : " Windfor, P.tpt. 13, 1684. His Majefty has gracioufly received the addrefs of the coSony of Rhode Jfland and Providence Plantatic^ns in New tngland, humbly rcprcfenting, that upon the fig- n ftcation of a writ of qm warrant) againft their charter, they bad refolved in a general ailembly not to Aand fuit with his Majefty, but wholly to fubmit to his royal pleafure thrm< filvcs and their charter, whereof his Majcdy had thought fit to accept the furrender." The order in council to the attorney-genera) to bring writs of fH0 warrantt againft ConneAicut hud Rhode Iflaiid v^us dated July 15, 1685. a. Inferior s RHODE ISLAND. . 9. Inferior Courts of Common Pleas are held twice a year in each county, and three juftices of the court are a quorum, who have cognizance of all civil anions arifing or happening within the county, and tryable at common law, of what nature, kind,, or quality foever. But no adlion not exceeding 5/. currency is brought into any of thefe courts, unlefs where a freehold is concerned, or by way of appeal from any juftices court. 3. Seffions of the Peace, or a Court of General Scflions of the Peace, are held in each county twice in every year, and five juftices of the county make a quorum, who have power to hear and determine relative to the confervation of the peace and the punifhment of offenders. All pleas of the crown, except capital crimes, are alfo cognizable before them. 4. Juflices of the Peace, whofe power extends all over the county. The General AfTembly in their May fefTions choofe for each town fo many juftices of the peace as they find requifite, to be commiffioned by the go- vernor under the pipvincial feal. A juftice may join peribns in marriage, take the acknowledgment of a deed or other inftrument in writing ; as alfo take depofttions out of court, on notification to the adverf'e party. Two or more juftices may try, hear and adjudge all manner of debt«, trel- paffes, and other adions, not exceeding 5 /. currency ; titles of land are excepted, and fuch other actions as are not allowable by any particular law of the colony j but three or more juftices of the peace may try all per- fbns fufpe^ed of thieving to the value of 10/. currency. 5. Juries are chofen as follows: The town council of each townfliip take a lift of all perfons liable by law, and whom they fhall judge able ami well qualified to ferve on juries, and lay the fame before a toun meeting called for that purpofe ; and the names of all fuch perfons written on fcp.i- rate pieces of paper, are put in a box, and delivered to the town-clerk, to Itc by hi A kept under lock and key. When the precept for returning ot Juries is ifTued, the box is to be unlocked at a town meeting, and the ty leafon of challenge or otherways there are not a fufticicnt number of gnod 4 and ^55 i I" ill 111':- 956 HISTORY OT BRITISH AMERICA. and lawful men to make up the jury, the reil are to be filled up by the iheriff or his deputy. The form of their judicial oath or affirmation does not invoke the judg- ment of the omiiifcient God, who fees in fecret ; but only upon the peril of the penalty of perjury, which does not feem an oath of proper folemnity. 6. Appeals in civil cafes are allowed from the juftices of the peace to the inferior court of common pleas ; and in criminal cafes to the court of the general feffions of the peace ; the judgments of which are final on fuch appeals. Any perfon aggrieved at the fentence of the court of feflions of tl»e peace, may appeal to the next fuperior court of affizc. An appeal is allowed from the inferior courts of c<^mon pleas to the next fuperior £ourt. And appeals to his Majefty in council are allowed from the fuperior court, where the matter or thing in controverfy is the value of three hundred pounds new tenor ; unlefs from judgment obtained upon a bond, which has no other condition but for payment of the money. They ap- peal to the King in council not only on perfonal, but in real actions. 7. A court of chancery was once eredied ; but was foon difcontinued, on account of their dangerous proceedings in difpenfing with the laws, whereby no property was fafe. 8. The ordinary for probate of wills, and granting adminiftration, is in the refpe£tive town councils ; with appeaU to the court of governor and affiftants. .9. The court of vice-admiralty confids of the fame individual officers or perfons who officiate in Maflachufets Bay, or by deputations from them. • 10. The judiciary court of admiralty is much of the fame nature as .that of MalTachufets Bay, with an addition of the governor and fome of the council of that neighbouring colony. Formerly R H O D E I S L A N D. - Formerly the colony of Rhode Ifland made only one county, which was afterward divided into the three counties of Newport, Providence, and King's County ; to which has been added a fourth county called Briftol. 1. Newport County contains Rhode Ifland, in which are the towns of Newport, Portfmouth, and Middletown : Block Ifland, in which is the townfliip of New Shoreham : Cinonicut Ifland, where is James Town : Prudence Ifland and Patience Ifland; with the adjudged paits of Tiver- ton and Little Compton. 2. Providence County comprehends the townfliips of Providence, SmithBeld, Scituate, Gloucefter, Warwick, Coventry, Greenwich, Weft Greenwich, and Cumberland. ^. King's County includes the towns of South Kingfton, North Kingfton, Exeter, Wefterly, Charles Town, and Richmond. 4. Briftol County is compofed of the late addition from the Province of Maflachufets. Their prefent taxes of all kinds are very inconfiderable ; becaufe the intereft of their public loans generally defray all charges of government. The colony has been little concerned in the wars againft the Indians and French ; which was chiefly owing to the principles of Quakerifm among many of the inhabitants, and as not being immediately expofed to the ravages of the enemy. In the expedition againft Port Royal in Nova Scotia in 1 710, and in the abortive expedition againft Canada in 171 1, they had fome forces ; but toward the feigned or intended expe- dition againft Canada in 1746, they had three hundred foldiers ready, and mc hundred Teamen in a warlike flocp. By the valuation, or cenfns, made in 1748, the whites were 38,4'^9 ; the blacks, 3077 ; and the Indians 1257; in all, 3^,773- From thefe dedu£t Briftol, Tiverton,* Little Compton, Warren, and Cumberland, a late addition taken from the jurifdidlion of Ma'Jachufets Bay, and added to Rhode Ifland colony, 4196 whites, 343 blacks, and 228 Indians; there will remain 24,24; whites. Their late Guinea trade has added con- fiderably to the number of their negroes : and here is alfo an increafe of 44 Indians, whereas they are obferved every where elfe to be upon the ilecreafe. • Vol. I. LI The ^57 « ■km \ 1 a5« HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. The following table reprefents all the townlhlps; their number of pr«- xics, reprcfcntativcs in the gcneral-affcmbly, and juftices of peace; a» •Ho the number of inhabitants, whites, negroes, and Indiana j with the companies of militia ; as they ftood in the year 1 748. Townfliipi.- Newport, Providence, Fortfmonth) Warwick, Wefterley, * New Shoreham, North Kingfton, South Kingfton, Eaft Greenwich, James Town, « Smithfield, Scituate, Gloueeiler, Charles Town, Weft Greenwicl Cbrentry, Mid^etows^ Briftol, Tiverton, Little Comptont * Warren, Cumberland, * Richmond, r S' 96 32 25 31 23 a3 30 41 17 4 II 9 25 12 84 aoj 13 102 107 as 73 II 1 888 [58 6 4 4 4 3 8 2 2 2 8 2 a 3 2 2 2 2 2 3 2 a 3 a 1' I 9 13 6 o 7 5 6 o 5 4 4 4 5 4 5 4 2 S Whites. Ne- fioes. In. dnnt. 5335 3177 « 807 8 ijia 1701 260 1665 '405 956 384 400 I3IO 4| "94 3 64^ 76? 1103 j86 938 842 X004 600 802 500 119I28439 1105 225 134 176 59 20 184 380 61 no 30 16 8 1 16 63 7j 128 99 62 50 4 5 3077 68 50 9^ 49 20 86 193 80 30 6 303 I 7 8 18 13 ^9 86 30 Militia Com p. '857 4 5 I 3 4 I 3 3 2 I 3 3 3 1 o 3 3 I I 2 I I I I The a mnber s of i^hites, blacks, and Indians in New Shoreham, Smith- field, Warren, and Richmond, are only eftimates, and not an a^ual tcnfiia. The fiftyH>nc eompamei of foot militia are formed into four regi- ments, each belonging to one of the four counties. There are alfo one • ll RHODE ISLAND. one troojp of horfe iii the county of Newport, and another troop in the county of Providence j but none in King's County, and Briftol. In this colony are no townfhip or parifh rates for the fupport of cede- fiaftics of any denomination; but the church of England miffionaries, minillers. and fchoolmafters, have lalaries from England by " The Sor ciety for propagating the Gofpcl in Foreign Parts;" and the congrega- tionalift minifter in Wefterlcy, as a miiTionary among the Narraganfet Indians, has an exhibition from an incorporated fociety in Scotland, called " a Society for propagating Chrillian Knowledge." The re- verend Mr. Q>tton Mather aflTerts, that in 1695 " Rhode Ifland colony was a colluvies of Antinomians, Families, Anabaptifts, Antifabbatarians, Arminians, Socinians, Quakers, Ranters, and every thing but Roman Catholics, and true Chriftians ; bona terra, mala gens *. He (hould have added fome Brownids, Independents, and Congregationalifls, but not formed into focieties. Afterward there was a meeting-houfe or two upon the iiland, which gave hopes of a farther reformation f. It has been aUoady obferved, in the account of Connecticut colony, that Dodor Berkley, late Bi(hop of Cloyne, refidcd fome time at New- port in Rhode Ifland, where he purchafed an eftate, and gave it as an endowment to the college of Conuedicut ; as alfo that, in his '* Ser- mon preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Golpel in Fo..ign Parts, at their anniverfary meeting in the parifh church of St. Mary-le-Bow, on the i8th of February 1731," his lord- (hip recommended the fervice of the miffionaries in general thoughout all the Colonies of New England : and his lordfliip, in the fame fermon, took particular notice of the low ftate of relt^on in Rhode Ifland dur- ing his refidence there, in the followliig terms : " That having confidered the duty in general, he came there to treat of it with reference to America, the peculiar province of that vene- rable fociety ; which he fuppofed well informed of the (late and progrefs of religion in that part of the world, by their correfpondences with the clergy upon their milGons. It might neverthelefs be expeiSed, that one who had been engaged ' z defign upon that very view, who had been upon the place, and refi Jed a condderable time in one of thofe colonies, fhould liave ol).'brved foinewhat worth reporting. It was to be hop-.d, thejefore, that one part of hi» audience would pardon, what the other might perhaps expcd, while he detained them with the narrative of a few thingf. he had obferved, and fuch reflexions as thereupon fuggefled * lice Magnalia, book vii. chap. 3. p. 20. Ll 2 i Neale I. 195. themfelvc« «59 * ; ■ m rW t6o HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. themfelves ; fome part of which might pofTibly be found to extend to other colonies. ** That Rhode Idand, with a portion of the adjacent country under the fame government, was inhabited by an Fnglifti colony, confiding chiefly of fe£taries of many denomination!), who feemed to have worn oif part of that prejudice, which they inherited from their ancedors, againd the national church of England ; though it mud be acknowledged, at the fame time, that too many of them had worn ofi^ a ferious fenfe of all religion. Several, indeed, of the better fort, were accudomed to ademble themfelves regularly on the Lord's Day for the performance of divine worfhip ; but mod of thofe who were difperfed throughout that co- lony feemed to rival fome well-bred people of other countries, in a thorough indifference for all that was facrcd, being equally carelefs of outward worlhip, and of inward principles, whether of faith or pradice. Of the bulk of them it might certainly be faid, that they lived without the fa- craments, not being fo much as baptized i and as for their morals, he apprehended there was nothing to be found in them that diould tempt others to make an experiment of their principles, either in religion or government. " That a church which contained the fundamentals, and nothing fub- verfive of thofe fundamentals, was not to be fet at naught by any parti- cular member; becaufe, it might not, in every point, correfpond with his ideas, though he was fure of being in the right. Probably there never was, or would be, an edablidied church in this world, without vifible marks of humanity upon it. That the Chridian Religion was cal- culated for the bulk of mankind, and therefore could not reafonably be fuppofed to confid in fubiile and nice notions. From the time that divi- nity was confidered as a fcience, and human eafon inthroned on the fandtuary of God, the hearts of its profeflbrs fecm to have been lefs under the influence of grace ; and from that time, had grown many unchridian difllentions and controverfies of men, knowing nothing, but doating about qucdions, and drifes of words, whereof cometh envy, drife, railings, evil furmifes, perverfe difputings of men of corrupt minds and deditute of truth *." After ? noble exhortation, his lordfhip con- cludes in the following words : ** Cirtainly, if a jud and rational, a ge- nuine and fmcere, a warm and vigorous piety, animated the mother country, the influence thereof wouh'i foon reach our foreign Plantations, and extend throughout their bbrderf, : then we fhould foon fee religion diine forth with new ludre and for :e, to the converfion of Infidels, both at home and abroad f." • i. Tim. vi. 45. t Cloyne, p. 234. SECTION RHODE ISLAND. a6i S E C T I O N II. Boundaries of the province ; its trade and navigation ; paper currencies j religion : general obfervations ; and mifcellaneous matters, IT has been already obferved, that as foon as what they called a fcc- tary fprang up in the MalTachufets Colony, it was tranfplanted to Rhode Ifland, where both civil and religious liberty were allowed in their utmoft extent. "When Mr. Williams was baniihed the jurlfdidion of the Maflachufets, he removed to the fouthward, to look out for a new fettlement among the Indians, and fixed upon a place called by them Moftiawfick, but by him Providence. The fight of a fpring which raa from the hill into the river, induced him to flop his canoe and land there. In 1643, he went to England. In the beginning of thefe fettlements, the country was not fufficiently invefligated, and fome fucceeding grants from the crown interfered with former grants. For indance, Attleborough Gore was plainly included in Plymouth grant j as alfo in the grant to Rhode Ifland : And fome of the lands of Tiverton and Little Compton feem to be in both thefe grants. In equity, perhaps, the prior grant fhould have the preference ; but this was not obferved in the late determination of Rhode. Ifland eaflcrly bounds ; becaufe the validity of the Plymouth grant as to jurifdidion was queflioncd. Rhode Ifland colony pretended to the fettlements of Tiver- ton, Little Compton, Dartmouth, Rochefler, Sandwich, and Cape Cod townfhips ; becaufe Plymouth grant was not faid to be bounded upon the ocean : hut this claim was not brought before a late court of com- miflloners appointed by patent from Grea^ Britain, to fettle the eaflern boundaries of Rhode Ifland colony. King Charles II. received complaints concerning the wrong defcription of places and grants, which could not be determined at a did:? ice, but by commiffioners to be fent exprefsly on the fpot- Accordingly, in 1664, his Majefly fent commiffioners, to fettle the controverted boundaries of the colonies ; any three or two of them to be a quorum. They fat as a court at Providence and Warwick, in the colony of Rhode Ifland, and fpent feveral months in the colony, examining into purchafes and titles of lands from the lodiaus, and hearing complaints. They \ ■ •• m 96 i HISTORY Of BRITISH AMERICA. ^'■i^i W i.i They found the boundaries of Rhode Ifland colony, as delineated in its charter, as follows : ** Bounded weflerly by the middle channel of Pawcatuck or Pakatuk River ; and up the laid river northerly to the head thereof, and from thence in a (Irait line due north to MafTachufets fouth bounds: extending eafterly three Eugliih miles to the eal\ and and north-eaft of the moft cadern and north-eaftern parts of Narragan- fet Bay, as it lies or extends itfelf from the ocean on the fouth, into the mouth of the river Seacunk, which runs toward * the town of Providence ; and from thence along the eaftcrly bank of that river up to Patucket falls, where was the moll wefterly line of Plymouth colony j and thence due north to the fouth line of the MafTachufets. Three of thofe commiflioners gave the Attlcborough Gore to Plymouth colony, whereby Patucket River was to be the dividing line between the two colonies : but as this was never confirmed by the King in council, it had no efFedl. Ever fmce the colony of Plymouth has been annexed to the province of MalTachufets Bay thofe difputes have been continued or revived from time to time : but if MafTachufets Bay had relinquiflicd Attleboro«igh Gore, Rhode Ifland would have given a general releafe in all other concerns ; which would have prevented the lofs of Briflol, with fome part of Barrington, Swanzcy, Little G>mpton, and Tiverton. Tlie wefterly line dividing Rhode Ifland from Connecticut was fettled by commiflioners from both colonies, in 1 728, as already mentioned { and the fouthern parts are bounded by the fea from Watch Point to Sea- konnet Point It was frequently very difficult, and almoft impoflible, to reconcile the letter of the boundaries of two ok! grants ; becaufe generally more was granted than had been furveyed, or perhaps more than had been dif- covcred; therefore the lines were ill exprefl'ed, in loofe general terms, and frequently interfering ; which could not be adjufted any better way than by amicable conventions, and agreements of the parties concerned ; to be explained and confirmed by the King in council. Memorials were fent from Rhode Ifland to his Majelly King George II. refpe£ting the boundary line with the MafTachufets, whofe agents concurred in the application, and in ccmfequence thereof a commiflion was obtained for the eldefl counfellors of the neighbouring governments to meet and adjufl their boundaries. They accordingly met at the town It ibouU have been, ** which runs from.' of RHODE ISLAND. ef Providenoet in the Amnmer of 174 1, and found that the laft deters mined grant, for Plymouth colony in 1629, fpeciBed in this manner: *' Between Gonohaflfet* River towards the north, and Narraganfet f River towards the fouth ; and between the ocean | towards the eaft, and a Arait line extending dircQXj into the main land from the mouth of the faid Narraganfet River to the utmoft bounds of the Packanoket or Sa- watrofet country to the Nipmug country, which determination was then forgot ; and from Conohaflet back into the main land weftward, to the titmoft bounds of the Pftckanoket country.*' The Rhode Ifland claim was ** Three miles eaft north-ead nf Aflfent Creek in Taunton Kiver; thence due ibuth to the ocean eaft of Seacon- net point ; from whence a wefterly courfe to Fox point, being the mouth of the river that comes from Providence town ; thence along the eaft fide of Seaconnet River to Patucket falls, and thence due north to Mafla- chufets ibuth line.** >63 The grant of King Charles TI. under his fign manual, of PhiHp*s eountry, to the Plymouth colony, was in thefe words : ** We having taken into our royal confideration, how that, bv your loyalty and good conduct in that war, you have been the happy inftruments to enlarge our dominions, and to bring that new territory of Mount Hope into a more immediate dependence upon us ; We are therefore gracioufly pleafed to give and grant, and do hereby give and grant unto you, the full and entire property of the faid territory or fcope of land, commonly called Mount Hope, containing, by common eftiniation, feven thoufand acres* for the fole and proper ul'e and behoof of yourfelves and the reft of our iaid colony of New Plymouth : ** To be holden of us, our heirs and iiiccefibrs, as of our caftlc of Windfor in the countv of Berks ; yielding and paying (even beaver fluns every year.** This country of Mount Hope, with feveral townfliips and parts of townlhips, always reputed part of the cokuiy of New Plymouth, was, in the year 1 74 1 , by Com- miifioners from New Yoric and other adjacent provinces, determined to be within the bounds of Rhode liland charter ; and this determination* perhaps, for want of proper evidences, which might have been produced on the part of the MafTachufets, was afterward confirmed by bis late Majefty in council. This is the remark made by Mr. Hutchiofon, lieu- tenant-governor of the Maflachufets province, who alfo adds, I'hat ** in (his and other controverfies about boundaries, it has been the misfor- • Now called Bound Brook. f The mouth of Taunton gut or river, at Seaconnet point. X Or bay of Maflkchuftti. tunc "■f if* r4! Ill '•■H w l-.:-\.. 864 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. tune of the MaflTachufets to have been reprefented as too great and power- ful a province; and that his Majcny'H finall province of New llamp- lliire, as alio the ftnall colony of Rhode Ifland, were oppreflTed and borue d' wn The fad was, that upon a hearing at Providence, in 1741* of the committees or agents of both colonies before the commifTioners appointed by royal patent to fettle this line or boundary* neither the patent of Plymouth colony, or any copy of it, was produced ; therefore the re* cltal of thoCc letters patent, in their deed to Bradford and his aflfociates, was not fufHcient evidence ap;ainll'the royal charter granted to Rhode IHand colony. This comnullion was not to meddle with property, but only with jurifdidion, which was afcertained to Rhode Ifland by royal charter, notwithlbnding their charter being poftcrior to the New Ply- mouth grant; becaufe the council of Plymouth could only delegate pro- perty, but not jurildidion. No evidence was produced, to make it ap« pear, that what is called Taunton Great River in their private deeds, be- tween the main land on the ead and Rhode Ifland on the vrctk, was ever called Narraganfet River. The determination of the commilFioners was in favour of Rhode Ifland colony ; but the MalTachufets government appealed home againfl every part of the judgment as grievous and inju- rious : but the judgment was confirmed as final, in 1746, by the King in council, and was to tins effect : ■ ** From the fouth line of Maflachufets Bay to Patucket falls; and thence down the eafterly fide of Seacunk River to the fouth-weft corner of Bullock's Neck ; from whence north-eafl three miles in a Arait line, until it meets with the termination of this imaginary line ; and from this to the bay near Towafl*et Neck ; fo that this line touch the north-eail extremity of an imaginary line running north-ead from Brif- tol cove. On the eaft fide of Narraganfet Bay, it begins at a point about four hundred and forty rods fouthward of the mouth of Fall River in Tiverton ; and thence runs eafl; three miles ; from whence it runs foutherly parallel with the ea ftw-rnraoft parts of Narraganfet Bay, or Taun- ton Great River, to the fea.' The fettling of this boundary coft each government about four thou- fand pounds old tenor. The commifllioners had from each government fix (hillings flerling a day ; with all charges in coming to, refiding aty and returning from the congrefs. By their determination, the late co- Hutchinfon's hiftury of Maflachufets Bay, p. 345. lony ii RHODE ISLAND. lony of Plymoutht or rather the prefent prorince of Maflachufets Bay, lofYt in favour of Rhode Ifland, a triangular piece of land commonly called the Attleborough Goret which (ince has been conftltuted a tovrn- fliip called Cumberland, in honour to his late Royal Highnefn, uncle n^ his prefent Majedy; but this townihip is annexed to the county )t Providence. Briftol is entirely adjudged to Rho(te Ifland, and retains its former name. Some part of Swanfey, being forty-fevcn families, and a great part of Barrington, are condituted a townfhip by the name of "Warren, in honour of the late Sir Peter Warren, admiral of the navy, and knight of the Bath. The three mile ftrips of Tiverton and Little Compton, on the eaft fide of the Bay or Taunton Great River, continue by the name of diftridts of Rhode Ifland. The government of Rhode Ifland, in I74<), fent to the government of Maflachufets Bay, a copy of his Majefty's order in council, for I'ettling the boundary line between the two governments ; and by aft of A fll-m- bly, the fecond of December the fame year, appointed commiflioncrs to Tun this late adjudged line with commiflloners from Malfachufets Bay : but as the MaflTachufets aflfembly could not he informed of this matter in proper time, the line was run ex parte by the Rhode Ifland colony. Rhode Ifland government aUb claimed an extent of jurifdiftion farther north than was then fettled, and took off from the jurifdiftion of Mafla- chufets Bay confiderable parcels of the townfhips of Wrentham, Belling- ham, Meadon, Uxbridge, and Douglafs. The provincial taxes and townihip rates were lately thought fo oy preflively great, that, i. Upon a difpute between the province of Mafl; - chufets Bay and colony of Connecticut, lately broached concerning fome townfliips of the province indented with the colony ; the Maflachufets townfhips of Woodftock, Somers, Enfield, and Sufneld, in a voluntary manner, withdrew from the jurifdidtion of Maflachufets, and put them- felves under that of Connefticut ; and by force, or menace, prevented the civil officers of MaflTachufets from gathering of taxes, or exercifing any authority. 3. The Maflachufets townfhips adjoining to the northern line of the Rhode Ifland colony, allowed the Rhode Ifland men to run a line, without any oppofition ; as they chofe to be rather under the jurif- didtion of Rhode Ifland, where taxes were fmall, and no parochial rates. Commiffioners were appointed by the general-aflemblles of both colonies to run their divifional line in 1749 refpeftively : but they did not meet, and the Rhode Ifland commiflioncrs run the line ex parte. Vol. L Mm Mr, 865 *y ^.^^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) M k^ 4^ 1.0 Ufa Ui ly u iZ2 1.1 S m 110 IL25 i 1.4 1.6 6" 0^ ^> '•z -^ HiotographH] Sdenoes Carporation 23 WIST MAM STRUT WnSTIR,N.Y. 14SM (716) •72-4503 «66 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Mr. Randalt Mr. Lapham, and Mr. Steern, were appointed the Rhode Ifland commiflioners to run the line according to charter : they were af- fifled by Mr. Harris the provincial furveyor, and two chainmen : their report was made in February 1749-50, and was to this efFed : ** That, on the 30th of October 17491 no commiflioners from MaiTachufets Bay appearing, they procefde^ • that they could find no (lake or monument of Woodward and SafFery ; but from the place defcribed in their com- miffion, they found a place where Charles River formed a large crefcent foutherly ; which place was known by the name of Poppolatiqk Pond, which they took to be the fouthermoil part of the faid river. That from thence they meafu red three miles on a plain in Wrentham, one quarter of a mile north-cafterly from the dwelling-houfe of Thomas Man, and about a quarter of a mile fouth-eafterly from the houfe of Robert Blake, where they marked a pine tree and ere^ed a monument of flones, and found the fame to be in latitude 42 degrees, eight minutes north, which they deemed the north-eaft bounds of the colony : that from' the faid pine-tree, they proceeded to run the northern boundary line in a wed courfe of eight and half degree variation, and in this courfe marked many trees, the faid line palling over the fouthmoft part of Manchoag pond *, and terminated about thirty rods eaftward of a fmall pond, called Grafly Pond, at a black oak tree, which they marked with a monument of ftones about it, as the north-weftern bounds of the colony, being about twenty-two miles from the aforefaid pine-tree to the faid black oak." The face of the country, as alfo its produce and manufadlures, are little different from what has been already mentioned in Connecticut colony, and the general branches of the iron manufadlures, in the pro- vince of Maflachufets Bay. As to the trade and navigation of this colony, i,t is to be obferved» that their trade in time of war confifts much in privateering, as alfo in fmuggling of contraband and uncuftomed goods- They have been re- markable for privateering againft the French and Spaniards formerly ; but of late they had n6t the fame fuccefs. They export for the Weft India Iflands, horfes, live ftock of feveral kinds, butter, cheefe, lumber, and rum of their own diftilling ; but this trade has been upon the de- cline. They have not much trade with Europe ; but they carry to Bof- ton, fugar, molafles, and other produce of the Weft Indies ; as likewife fome negroes from Guinea, and logwood from the Bay of Honduras : and from Boftoa take their Englifh and Eaft India goods. * In the DOT thcrn parts of Douglafi^ Newport R H O D E I S L A N D. Netii|>ort in Rhode Ifland is their principal trading towni which lies in 41 degrees and 35 minutes of north latitude : it is of eafy and fhort accefs* being near the fea ; but for that reafon not fo well fituated for home con- fumption. The town of Providence is about thirty miles farther up Narraganfet fiay inland, and therefore may become the chief place of trade. For the fafety and conveniency of failing into the harbour of New- port, a light-houfe was erefted in 1 749, at a public colony charge, in beayer-tail. The diameter of this light-houfe at the bafe is 24 feet, and at the top 13 feet. The height from the ground to the top of the cor- nice .is 58 feet, round which is a gallery, and within that ftands the Ian- thorn, which is about 1 1 feet high, and 8 feet diameter. The ground the light-houfe Ibinds upon is about 12 feet above the furface of the fea. at high water ; and the following are Ihe bearings, by the compafs, of feveral remarkable places from the light-fioufe. sl6y. Point Judith, S. W. Block Ifland, S. W. Whale Rock, W. Brenton's Reef, E. S. E. Seal Rock, £. S. £. Watch-houfe on Caftle-hill, E. N. E. Brenton's Point, E. N. E. Fort on Goat Ifland, E. N. E. Kettle Bottom Rock, N. E. Anchoring Place, N. E. by E. There is a fmall funken rock lies off due fouth, and at the diftance of about two hundred yards from the light-houfe. They have built a good fort upon Goat Ifland, in Newport harbour, which may^in future times rival ancient Rhodes. 1* As the public ofiicers of this colony are annually eleOied by the ma- jority of votes of the freemen at their townfliip meetings, it would be too tedious to infert the names of all thofe who have been eledied fmce the charter was obtained in 1663. ' Formerly the parties in eledions and public tranfai^ions were upon - fedary footings ; but for fome years pall the oppofite parties were, thofe who#ere againft multiplying a fallacious paper-currency ; and thofe who^""*"*^* encouraged it for private ends : but, in 1750, the majority of the houfe of reprefentatives were of the paper-money fide, notwithftanding a growing depreciation. From the nrft of April 1750, to the firft of Sep- tember. 1 750, their paper-currency from par fuffered a difcount with the Maflachufets paper-currency above twenty per cent, that is, a Piece of Eight in BoftOn fold for 45 s. old tenor, but it fold for ^6s, old tenor in M m a Rhode •^ v»» ft ■*'* i HISTORY OF BRfTISH AMERICA. Rhode Ifland : l^y felling, is meant,, it is merchandize, and wouM con- tinue fiKh until the paper«money was generally annihilated, or arrived at. par with filver by its fmall quantity. i From the votes of the general-aflembly in this province, it appears, that in February 1749-50, their public bills of credit current were 525,033 /. old tenor ; of which the fum of 135,335 A was upon funds of taxes, and the reft upon loans not to be finiihed until the year 1764. Thefe bills were thought fufficient to carry on the trade and buHnefs of tike colony, even at their depreciated value ; yet there was a defign of emitting the farther fum of 200,000 /. old Henor upon loan. The generality of the refponfible merchants of Rhode Iftand have al- l^ays declared againft multiplying of a depreciating currency ; but in a iicfptorial to the geiicral-s^embly, they obferved that the ad of MaiTa- chu/ets, in 1748, for drawing in their public bifls of credit, was in a too violent and hafty-manner. • The colony of Rhode Ifland, in 1751, emitted 100,000/. currency, with a j;reater intereft, and to ||e cancelled after ten years ; which was a fiep toward reformation : though not fo good as that taken by G)nnec- ticut coloify, which, by their a£fc of aflembly in 1749, allowed three years to cancel their bills gradually, fo as to prevent a fudden confuHon ; and jn their reimkuTfement money for the reduftioh of Cape Breton in 1745, they were to draw upon their receiving agent, to fave incidental charges, and thdkbiHs would readily purchafe filver for a eiirrency. The perfoital dUtes in New England have fuffered incredible damages by the depreciated denominations from the multiplying of a nominal pa- per currency. By adl of aflTembly, in the Maflachufets, in 171 1, the ex-; change of ^e government bills, upon account of the pretended Canada expedition, was fixed at 140/. New England for 100/. fterling; but, in 1748, it was with Merchants 1000/. New England for 100/. fterling. It hu been fiiid, Aat " all thefe paper-money making afliimblietliave been legiflatures of debtors, the reprefentatives of people who, l^om incogitancy, idltinefs, and profufenefs, have been under a neceflity of , mortgaging theli^ laiidb^ wnich are real permanent ^ftate*; but the debt in paper-currency dei^ciates more and mbreby its muttiplicatioiif Thus their land eftate in nominal value increafes, and their debt in Qominal value decreafes :nhe large quantity of paper credit is proportionabiy in ' « 7 favour 4*t:.- RHODE island; ftvoqr of the debtors* and to the difadvantage of the creditors, who are the induftrious frugal part of the colony. Such is the wicked myfterf of this iniquitous paper-currency V The following order, dated Whitehall the sift of Augufl, 1740, wtt lent by the lords of the regency, to George Thomas, E(<^ then governor: of Pennfylvania : ** Many inconveniences having arifen from the ifTuing paper-currency, > contrary to the true meaning of an ad of Queen Anne ; . it is his majefty's will and pleafure, and you are hereby required, not to pafs any bill, by which bills of credijt may be iflued in lieu of money, without a claufe de- claring the fame not to take eSeCt till approved by his Majefty." In an a£fc of the 34th of King George II. for regulating paper money, after reciting the a£fc of the 6th of Queen Anne, this provifo is inferted : ** Provided, that nothing herein (hall reftrain the Governor from ifluing Paper Bills of Credit, upon fudden and extraordinary Emergencies of Government ; fo as care be taken to provide a Fund for calling in and difcharging tlxem within as fhort and reafonable a Time as may be, not exceeding five Years." When there was an iipmediate public emergency for raifing money, the - borrowing of public bills, already emitted, fix>m the poffeflbrs, would not have increafed a paper-currency, but prevented ''^rcciations. Some gentlemen offered to lend thefe bills at a fmall intereft ; and others faid, they had better lend them without intereft, than that their perfonal eftates, froin multiplied emiffions, ihould depreciate at a much greater rate than . after the value of an accr jing intereft. The legiflature of Rhode Ifland however, in 1766, pafTed an ad, < " calling in and fmking all the money bills of that colony emitted in March, April, and May, i66i< ; and empowering George Hazard, Efq. with the general-treaftirer, in lieu of the bilk fo brought in, to ifTue their. own notes, properly printed and decorated, to the owners of the bills brought in, payaUe in feven years from the date of the refpedlive bills : And that the notes given in lieu of the faid bills ihould bear intereft until limited'for theif return, at the rate of fix per cent, per ann. That a tax ihould b^ levied for the difcharge of the iaid bills, and that it (hoiild be ^69 1751. * Douglas L p. yo. death i\ ayo HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. death to counterfeit them. The form was that of a common promiflbrj note, with intereft; none more than loo/. nor lefs than 6/. As to the general article of religion, it may be obferved, that the pkititations of Rhode Ifland were originally fettled by people whimfical in religious matters, fuch as Antinomians, rigid Brownifts, and other fcdaries. Their firft focieties were Anabaptifts, who to this day feem to have the majority in the colony, and differ from the Preibyterians and Independents only in admitting of adults to baptifm, and that not by fprinkling, but dipping or immerfion. Some have no particular place of meeting or worihip; and others difFer.in particular tenets, fuch as, it is unlawful to pray with or for any pra£tical unbelievers, and that human learning is no way neceifary for a gofpel preacher. The congregational way firft took place in 1698, but without any pub- lic place of worfhip until 17 10, when a church of that kind was fettled in Newport, and another church proceeded from them in 1728. There is a congregational fociety in Providence ; one in South Kingfton ; another in Wefterly, and a few others in different parts; but none after the model of 'the church of Scotland, Holland, Geneva, and the French Hugonots. There are many Quaker meetings all over the colony ; as alfo a fmall congregation of Jews. The Church of England fociety for propagating the gofpel in foreign parts have four miifionary miniflers in this colony, at Newport, South Kingfton, Providence, and Biiftol: alfo occafional worfhip at Warvnck and Wefterly ; two fchoolmafters with falaries, and a catechift or fchool- mafter in Newport, by the donation of Mr. Keys, the late coUedlor of the cuftoms there. As the charter grants an univerfal liberty of confcience, civil officers are chofen indifferently out of every religious fociety ; and fome time fince, Mr. Cranfton was continued governor many years, as an impartial good man, though he did not attend any public meeting, and would not aflb- ciate with any fe^. The mijfionaries from the Society in London for propagating the Gofpel, call all Diffenters the Separation; and Mr. Hobart, a Congregational writer, fays, that this Society and their mifiioharies are Epifcopal Separa- tifts ; but both fides are in the wrong. Dodor George, late dean of Lin- 9 coin, RHODE ISLAND. coin, in his fermon before the Society for propagating the Gofpel fays, that *' Circumflances in wor(hip, in their nature variable, are left to be de- termined by the difcretion of thofe whofe bufinefs it is to fee that all things be done decently and in order." An'obfervation has been already madei that it was one great defign of the firfl planters in New England, particularly in the MaiTachufets colony, to obtain for themfelves and their pofterity, the liberty of worfhipping God in fuch manner as appeared to them to be moft agreeable to the facred icriptures. While they remained in England, they continued in the com- munion of the Church, except fuch as were excluded from it for non-con- formity to fome of the ceremonies ; for with fome of the ceremonial parts of worfliip they were all more or lefs difTatisfied. 'The canons or laws of the church, and the rigid execution of them, they accounted a grievous burthen ; but the form of government in the church was not a general fubjedl of complaint ; and they were veiy careful to diftinguifh themfelves from the Brownifts and other feparatifis. Had they continued in Eng- land, and the church been governed with the wiidom and moderation of the prefent day, they would have remained, to ufe their own expreflion^ *' in the bofom of that church where they had received their hopes of fal- vation." «7i n The Separatifts ufed to boaft, that " if the old Puritans were fecure of the magiftrate's fword, and might goon with his good licence, they would ihake off the prelate's yoke, and draw no longer in fpiritual communion with all the profane of the land ; and though they then preached and wrote againft the Scparatilh, yet if they were in a place where they might have their liberty, they would do -as they did*.'* The New England colonics formed them^lves into dIflinA churches, one after another, foon after their arrival ; but they feem to have no fettled fcheme or plan of church government, until Mr. G)tton came over in 1633 f, and ellablifhbd the Congregational worfhip as the middle way between Brownifm and Preibyterianifm. An odious fenfe had been affixed to the name of Ind'ependents, which feems to have been the reafon why it was avoided, rather than any mate- rial diftindion in the coiiflitution of the churches, which af^ars, or caa be inferred, from either of thofe charaAeri(lic&; but the platform agreed * Robi^foQ, Bradfbid* f Hubbard.. t 'I- upoft w tra HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. upon and publiflied in 1648, although it did not own that dependence vrhich (hould fubjedl any one church to any otheri or even to the whole united together ; yet it profefled . a relation which one church had to an- other! and coimeded them together by certain rules to be obferved as the terms or conditions upon which fuch connexion was to continue ; and, upon the irregular walk or demeanor of any one church, they were no longer to remain members of the fame body, and the other chilrches were not to admit them to their fellowfhip or communion. Although it was the bufmefs of a fvnod, or general council of all the churches, to debate and determine matters of religion, as alfo to give directions relating to the worfhip o( God and the good government of the church, '* which were to be received with reverence and fubmiflion;" yet the fynod was to exercife no church cenfures by way of difcipline, nor any a^ of church authority or jurifdi^ion, further than was done at the firft council of the apoftles, elders, and whole church, as recorded in the 15th chapter of A(Sts, wh>ch was declared to be a precedent. All this proviiion may appear but a weak band of fociety ; but this con<- -ftitution of church government was adapted to the conftitution of civil government^ both as popular as can well be conceived; and notwith- ilanding an acknowledgment or declaration from both, of feparate and diftindt rights, yet each was aiding and afTifUng to the other. The elders or minifters were not confidered. as one of the eftates ; yet no matters of importance, whether of a religious or civil nature, were determined without their advice, and a formal reference to them. But hovTever de^ feAive this conftitution may t^pear in theory, an inftance is feldom to be met orfo fteady and general adherence to the principles upon which it was founded, and fo much harmony fubfifting, not only in particular churches, but between one church and another, for many years. From a facred regard to the religion of the Chiiftian (abbath, a (cruple arofe of the lawfulnefsof calling the firft day of the week Sunday; and they always, upon any occafion, either in a civil or religious relation to it, ililed it either the Lord's Day or Sabbath. As the exception to the word , Sunday was founded upon its fuperftitious idolatrous origin, the fame ftrui^ naturally followed with refped to the names of all the other days of the week, and of moft of the m nths, which had the fame origin ; ac- cordingly, they changed Monday, Tuefday, and the other days^ into the fecond, third, &c. days oi the week; and ioftead of March and April* ufed the firft and fecond months ; inftead of the third Tuefday in May, the language was* the third third day of the third moath» and fo of the reft. .<.,^ s RHODE I S'L AN D. feft*« All their records add other writings were dated ih the eottrnton ^ms which they brought with them from Englandt until the year 1636, when Mr. Vane was governor of the Maflachufets ; but after that time, the alteration feems to have been ftridly obferved, for many years together, in all public writings and private tranfadlions. During the interregnum, it obtained much in Old England; but the fcruple there went off at once upon the Reftoration: it abated in New England, and continues fcarce iny where at this day, except among the people called Quakers ; and perhaps, the great diflike to fome other peculiarities of that people caufed the decline of this cuftom in the New England colonies. That every thing approaching to an acknowledgment of the authority of the pope, and his power of canonization, might be avoided, they never ufed the addition of Saint when they fpoke of the apoftles and the ancient fathers of the Chriflian church. Even the ufual names of places were made to conform: thus the Ifland cf iSt. Chriftophers was always wrote . Chriftophef s ; and, by the fame riile, all other places to which the term ;of Saint had been preBxed : but if any exception was made* it was ^anfwered^ that the patriarchs had as good right to this appellation as the apoftles. Attempts were made to introduce Angularities in fome of the churches, particularly Mr. Davenport of New Haven required all his congregation to ftand up whilft the text was naming ; the principal reafon given for it - being, that it deferved peculiar honour, as it was the. word of God. Mr. 'Williams of Salem likewife required all the womea of his congregation (o wear veils ; but neither of ihefe cuftoms fpread, or were of any long con- tinuance. The fails and feftivals of the Church of England were generally laid afide, and days of fading and thanklgiving frequently appointed as occa- fion required, which cuftom has continued to the ptefent titne* \ ^ ■. ' ' , ■ ' , t , ■ * In former times, before hired miifionaries froit< - -^corporated fbcieties took place, the volunteer provincial miflionarles, fuch as Mr. Elliot and Mr. Mayhewj who were of exemj^ary good life, and fpared no fati);ue, were of great fervice in civilizing the intermixed Indians^ though their faith was not ftrong enough to carry them among the adjacent tribes in the wildernefs. The fociety miflionarles have b^eh cenftired for negleding * Af in the letter from the church of Salem to the church of Dorcheftcr the |ft July 1639 ; " Salem, I ft 5th n)**. 39." But this was a fcruple of the Brownifts. t73 f. m . r H Vol. I. N thU £is*ia^B^^-.s 274 HISTORY or BRITISH AMERICA. this duty, which was originally thought fo eflfential for the intereft and fecurity of the Colonies. The Albany Church of England miflionary fome^ times vifits the adjacent tribe of Mohawk Indians of the Iroquois nation; but the Congregationalift mifllonaries from the New England fociety in- London, upon the frontiers of Gorges, Richmond, and Fort Dummer, i&. only as chaplains to thefe fmall garrifons. The practice of the late miflionaries was to obtain a mifllon to the moft civilized and opulent towns, where were no Indians, no want of an ortho- dox miniHry, and no Roman Catholics ; the three principal intentions of their mifTion : therefore, it was faid, they Teemed to value themfelves- upon the diverfion of the Prefbyterians and Congregationalifls. ** All men> have a laudable veneration for the religion of their ancedors, and the pre- judices of education are difficult to overcome ; why then ihould a person who follows the orthodox allowed or tolerated way of his forefathers, be over-perfuaded to relinquiih it, confidering that, by an interceding wavei> ing, the man may be overfet, and fink into infidelity ? The 'miffionarieft' feem to value themfelves more upon this, than the converfion of a heathen to our civil national intereft, and to Ghriftianity, or the reformation of a Roman Catholic, as is much wanted in Maryland ; or preferving the Bri^ ti(h extras from running into infidelity, as in North Carolina.'* In the charter, the propagation of the Church of England is not mentioned } the exprelfions are general ; as " an orthodox clergy, propagation of the Chriftian Religion or Gofpel in foreign parts." Thererore the miflionaries ought to be men of moderation, that is, of general charity and benevo- lence ; confidering alio that many diflfenters have contributed to this cha- rity, and are worthy members of the fociety." To clafs the various fedaries in religious affairs is an intricate tafk ; for^ in the year 1637, *^^ ^^^ England fynod condemned eighty-two errors; but the religious opinions which have appeared in the Britifh Colonies may be claffed under three general heads: x. The merely fpeculative : 9, The antiquated or obfolete: 3. The profeffions or fedaries which at prefent fubfift, and are likely to remain. I. Speculative private opinions are of little confequence in a ftate, until the opinionifts form themfelves into large bodies and feparate focieties. I. The Antinomians aflerted, that the laws of Mofes are vacated, as being only temporal and local ; therefore not obligatory with Chriftian nations : that good works do not forward, not bad works retard (alvation. 9^ The Familifts, who were of the Anabaptift tribe in Germany, agreed with the AntinomiaQS in many articles ; but were fufpe^ed to be more inclined RHODE ISLAND. ancHned to carnal than fp.Jtual love ; they perfuaded themfelveii that they vrere the only ele^ of God* and might deceive all men who were not of their community* magiftrates not excepted, even with an oath. II. X. The Muggletonians are extinA. a. The Gortonians of War- wick in Rhode Ifland were of (hort duration. 3. The rigid Brownifts are relaxed into Independents and Congregationalids. 4. The Independ- ents in all the colonies have fufFered feme reformation* and are now called Congregationalifts. 5. Puritans were for entire reformation and abfolute purity; but that appellation is now obfolete. 6. Seekers waited for new apoftles to reftore Ghriftianity ; but thefe have quite difappeared. 7. Remonftrants and Contra-remonftrants, or Predeftinarians and Free- will men ; there are fome of thefe remaining among all the fedaries. III. The Church of England is the eftabliHied church, although only nominal, in all the Britifli Colonies. There is no el^abliflied church go- vernment; but, by the articles of union in 1707, that of the Church of England is eftabliOied in perpetuity ; yet the Colonifts have not felt any epifcopal power from the lee of London, the office of whofe commifTaries is only nominal. The Papifts are inconflderable, except in Pennfylvania and Maryland, where they are tolerated. I. Lutherans are only to be found in New York and Pennfylvania. They differ from the Papifts principally in communion of both kinds, bread and wine; divine worfhip in the vulgar tongue; and indulging priefts with matrimony. 3. Preibyterians, Church of England, and Congregationalifts are the fame in all effential articles of Chriftian dodlrine, and their laity are all of the fame faith ; the diftindion being only with regard to their different clergy in forms of church government, difcipline, modes of public wor- fhip, and veftments. The Preibyterians in the Britifh Colonies are of two forts : the firft are thofe who follow the manner of the Church of Scot- land, where they ufe no liturgy, but are modelled according to a directory .firft agreed upon by an affembly of divines at Weftminfter in the time of the civil war, and appointed by the general aftembly of the Kirk of Scot- land in 1647. The fecond are properly called Calyinifts, as they follow the confeffion of Heidelberg, like feveral churches in Germany, the Church of Geneva, the Church of Holland^ and the Hugonots of France; they ufetiot only a liturgy or common prayer, but alfo an eftablifhed form N n a of VS '■■S;> ■ ♦'^ 1)6 HISTOKY OF BRITISH AMERICA. of pfalmody. — All diflcnters from the Church of England, and fouih of New England) except Anabaptifts, Quakers, and Moravians, arc called Prcfbytcrlans ; thus the dificnling congregation in the city of New York, though under a Congregational miniller from Bofton, is called Pftfbyterian. A Calvinift French church lublVftcd many years in Bofton, but was lately dropt, there being no French new-comers, and the children of the fprmer generation underftand Englifh better than French : but there are feveral Calvinift churches in the provinces of New York and Pennfylvania. 3. Congregationalifts, who may be called Independents reformed. This is the religious mode of New England, where the Prefbyterians are only fpcailative, becaufe by the aO: of union they can have no ecclefiaftic claflical jurifdidion in the Coloni-s, and therefore arc only congregational, but lefs rigid in admiffion of church nicmbcrs, and in church diicipline. In the fecond feffion of a fynod appointed by the civil Icgiflature at Bofton, in May 1680, a platform 'or confcffion of faith was agreed upon, much the fame with that of the Independents in England, of Odlober 1658, called " The Savoy Confeffion of Faith ;" but the name of Independent is now quite extind in the Britifti Colonies; and the Independents ftill exifting in England now diff^er very little from the Preft)yterian8 there. The general method of the New England Congregationalifts is as fol- lows : When a gofpel minifter is wanted, the devout elderly men of the precin^ invite feveral preachers to ofticiatc, whp are called candidates. Then the men who are church members or communicants, even the pooreft upon the public charity, and negroes, vote for one of thcfe candidates at ail appointed meeting, and by a majority give him a formal call. After- ward there is a general meeting of the congregation-men, who pay minifterial rates, and are qualified as town voters, to approve or difapprovc of the choice : if any difficulty happens, a council of delegates from the neighbouring churches is called for advice only, not abfolute authority j^ and this council, when they attend the ordination, are called ** The Ordination Qouijcil." Upon any occafional difference in a church, a like council of advice is called, which iffues in a vote of the Church commu- 1^ nicants, or general congregation, but it is not obligatory. The Congregationalifts of Connedlicut are regulated by a platform or confeflion of their own, prefcnted to the general aflembly by the minifters and other delegates, on the 9th of September 1707 ; in confequence of vrhich, it was ordi^ined, that all churches conforming thereto, ftiould be deemed eftahlift^ed by taw. It fcarcely differed from that of Maftachufets Bay, therefore liberty of confciencc was allowed. Some Congregational churches however ^iis«i.. RHODE ISLAND. however have varied in a few matters of no confequence; tl Mr. CoU man in 1699*} and Mr. Cutler f in lyja. 4. Anabnptifts, a particular fort of devotees, firft appeared about the time of the He-formation in Cicrmany. Their great cotiftituent dodrine was, an ct\tiredirallowingof Infunt>baptifm; and, in thcbaptil'm of adults, they conllantly miule ulc of dipping ; from whence is the denomination of Anabaptids, as Baplifts by or with immerfion ; but they call them*- felves fimply Baptills. At firft they were moderate and orderly i .bi»tthey foon ran into many wild and |)crniciou8 doctrines, fuch as maintaining that Clmii was not the fon of Mary, nor the true God ; thut we are righteous by our own merits and fuA^erings ; that there is no original fin; and that infants are not to be baptized: they liiccwife rcjc<5lcd all commu- nion with other churches, magiRracy, and oaths ; maintained a commu- nity of goods, and polygamy; that a man might divorce his wife if of another opinion; that the godly fliould enjoy a monarchy here upon earth ; that men have free will in fpiritual things ; and that any man may preach or adminiftcr the facraments. Some fcrupltd the lawfulnefs of paying tithes, and others obfcrved the Jewifih fabbath. 1 hefe monftrous upiniuas led them into mad pradiccs ; but thofe who are now called Ana- baptifts in England, differ from other Protellants in little more than the not baptising children ; as appears by a confe/Hon of faith, publifhed by the rcprelentatives of above one hundred of their congregations, in 1689. The Anabaptifts at their firft appearance in New England were enthu- fiaftically troublefome, and chofe among themfelves the meaneft of the people for their minifters. Their firft reparation to form a peculiar church was at Ilehoboth in 1651 ; but they were much pcrfecuted all over New England : however, from their church in Swanzey proceeded a church in Bofton, in 1 665, which to this day continues a very peaceable Chriftian ibciety. As this was formerly a wild fedary, it run into many fubdivifions, and at prefent there are many different forts of Anabaptifts in the Colonies, particularly in Pennfylvania ; the principal of which are as follow : i . The Englifti, who are a fober and good people in general ; and the Germans * His (cp^ration was only in trifles ; fuch as ufing the Lord's Prayer, reading of Icdbns in the Bible, the hatband and rofe of the Church of England clergy, wiih a freer admiffion to the facraments. ^ f He was prefident of Ya'e College in Connedlicut, and w:th fome ©f his former pttpih, made a fecefiion from the Congregational mode. They went to England, where they ob- tained epifcopal ordination, and the benefit of miflionarics. remarkably 277 ■K- a78 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. remarkably fo. — 2. Firft-day Baptiils, vrhok weekly holiday is the Sun- day, as in ufe with all other Chriftians. Seventh-day Baptiils, or Sab- batarians, who aflirmed, that the Jewifh Sabbath was never abrogated, nor any other appointed or inftitutcd, and confequently that it ought to be as leligioufly obferved by the Chriftians as the Jews. Thofe who fol- low Judaifin obferve the fevehth day, in '.otnuiemoration of the creation, and their redemption from the bondage of the Egyptians; but the Chrifiians obferve the firft day of the week in commen.oration of the refurredtion of Chrift and the univerfal ic 'emption of mankind. The FirA-diy Baptifts are fubdividcd into thofe who ufe finging in their public worihip, and thofe who reje^ it; the latter alleging, that there mud be hypocrify in promifcuous finging in public wof(hip, as it cannot be imagined that every one of the congregation is in the humour of finging at the fame time. There is a congregation of the Seventh-day BaptifTs at Newport and Wefterly in Rhode Ifland colony, as aWb feveral congrega- tions in Pennfylvania of the fpme kind. 5. Quakers had their HrR. appearance in New England in 1654, and they were fcverely perfecuted there; but as they are not under the con- finement of creeds and other religious reftrrdions, they cannot eafily break into fe£lary fubdivifions. They ufe neither Baptifm nor the Lord^s Supper ; they hdld all fwearing and paying of tithes unlawful ; but they fubmit to the various forms, of civil government. All whothave the gift of I' ;ht within them, men or women, are fufficiently ordained to preach the Gof «!, without any commiffion from a church, or afliftance from human learni % : imjuftly they are faid not to regard the Scriptures ; and their afHrmati« t, inftead of an oath, is equally binding, and accepted even to capital mattk 3 in the Colonies. They ufe the fame fubterfuge with other illiterate teac - ers and exhortcrs ; as, " Not many wife after the flefh, not many migl? /•, Hot many noble are called ; but God hath chofen the foolifh things of le -world to confound the wife." Their filent waiting upon the Lord in t :ir public places of devotion has been cenfured ; but it is retorted, they * ve a divine teacher in their own heart. Their tenets feem to be in genci '; Arminian, which may be proved in many inftances. They believe a refur- •reftion of the juft and unjuft, and that God will give a reward to every man according to his works; but as to the nature and manner of the refurrci£lion they are filent; for they only fay, tt is not fafe to be too inquifitive how the dead^fliall be raifed, and with what bodies; alleging, that ^* there is a natural body, and there is a fpiritual body ; that flefli and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God ; neither doth corruption inherit incorniption *." * I Corinth, xv. 6. Moravians, i " M'^ :*■ R H O D E I S L A N D* 6» Moravians* who call themfelves Unitas Fra/rum, or United Bre« threnr as the Quakers with good propriety call themfelves Friends ; but in an a£t of the Britiih parliament in 1749*. they are called an ancient epifcopal Proteftant Church, in favour of their affirmation inftead of an oath. In New England, the Gongregationalifts at firfl adled with too much feverity; which occafioned feme inhabitants at Bofton, in 16 9, to peti- tion King Charles II. for a: Church of England, modeilly called the King's chapel, iignifying not an eftabliihed, but tolerated or privileged place of worihip. And indeed the opinion that the Church of England was efta- Bllfhed in America by the a^ of union is generally controverted and de- nied in that country. As to- general things in this province, there are great variety of iroo-^ xock ores,^ but unprofitable ; fbme copper ore,- and flate. 279 i I I chap; 88o HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. CHAP. V. An Account of the Province of NEW HAMPSHIRE, ill NEW ENGLAND., S E C T I O N Iv Boundaries ; original lands^ and grants. Mr. iliafoiis claim ; and Mr. AlletCs Purehafe. Legi/tature, and courts of judicature. 'T^HIS is a.fmall province, bounded by Nova Scotia on the north ; by "*• the Atlantic ocean on the caff, by the Province of the Maflachufets Bay on the fouth, and by New York on the weft. ' Originfrily the extent of this province from three miles north of Mer- rimack River to Pifcataqua River, was twenty miles fea line, and flxty miles inland. It was under the alFumed jurifdidion of the Maflachufets many years ; but it is now governed by a governor, council, and houfe of reprefentatives j the governor and council appointed by the King. The jurifdl£tion of this province is indifputably in the crown ; and, by the determination of the King in council in 1739* *^^ ^^* ''"^ ^°""' tinues the fame ; but weftward, heading the province of Maflachufets Bay, it extends from Newichawanack River about one hundred and fifteen miles to New York bounds ; northward toward Canada it is indefinite, or ra- ther not determined. The original lands were granted to Captain John Mafon of London, by letters patent from the council eftablifhed at Plymouth, dated the gth of March 1621 ; and confirmed to him by charter from King Charles 1. dated the igtli of Auguft 1635 ; but there was no perfon who had any pretence to the power of government, as Mr. Mafon had only a grant of the foil from the council of Plymouth. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in 16^9, received a royal charier, granting the fame privileges, royalties, and franchifes as are of right or ought to be enjoyed by the Bilhop of Durham, in the county palatine of Durham j with power to conftitute a deputy-governor, chancellor, treafurer, mar- (hal, and other officers. By repeatedly nominating fuch officers, and 9 attempting NEW HAMPSHIRE. attempting to eftabliHi a form of government confifting of different perfons from thofe appointed by the Maflachufets ; there were always two dif- ferent parties and interefts kept alive ; but New Hampftiire had been fo long united to the Maffachufets, that the people of both colonies were of one heart and mind in civil and religious affairs. The council of Plymouth, on the 9th of March 1621, granted to John Mafon, of London, Efq. their fccretary, his heirs and afligns, a tradt of land from Neumkeag to Merrimack River : and, in 1 629, they granted him a tradt of land, between Merrimack River and Pifcataqua River, lixty miles up each river, and thefe to be bounded by a line acrofs from river to river. Both thefe grants were joined in a new grant, dated the 22d of April 1635, from the council of Plymouth to Mr. Mafon ; that is, fixty miles up Neumkeag River, and from the entrance thereof round by the fea-fhore to the middle entrance of Pifcataqua Riv^, up that river, and Newichawennock River to the head thereof, and thence north- ward until fixty miles be accomplifhed ; and acrofs, from the termination of each of thefe fixty miles, to be called New Hampihire. Mr. Mafon, in 1634, fent over about feventy fervants, with ftores and provifions to carry on this fettlement of New Hampihire, where his eftate amounted to about 20,000V. fterling, in 1635, when he died, hav- ing by will bequeathed New Hampfhire to his grandfon John Tufton and his heirs, who were to aflume the name of Mafon. John died before he was of age, and the eftate came to his brother Robert Tufton Mafon, who was not of age until 1650 ; but during his minority the fervants in New Hampfhire embezzled every thing, and as the civil wars pre- vented any legal rdief, the Maflachufets people, at the defire of the in- habitants of New Hampfhire, took all thofe lands into their own difpotal and jurifdidtion in 1652. In 1 66 1, Robert Tufton Mafon, petitioned King Charles II. to be re- lieved as to his property of thofe lands ; and Sir Geoffry Palmer, then attorney-general, reported that thefe lands were the undoubted right of the petitioner, as grandfon and heir of John Mafon. However, as the inhabitants of New Hampfhire, and province of Main, were incapable of protefting themfelves againft the incurfions of the Canada French and their Indians, the Colonifts ftill continued under the protedion of the Maflachufets Bay, whofe aflTembly afliimed the property of the vacant lands, and jurifdidtion of the protedied country : and, in 1677, the co- lony of Maflachufets Bay purchafed the property of the province of Maine from the heirs or aifigns of Sir Ferdinand© Gorge } the property and ju- VoL, I. O o rifdidtion 281 ♦ ' #• w * SI sSa HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. rifdldion of which were confirmed to the province of M9irachufet8 Bay by their new charter in 169 1. Mr. Mafon renewed his petition in 16'jt; to the King, who referred it to the attorney and folicitor-general : they reported his title good, aW the King fent a mandatory letter, dated the loth of March 1676, to the Maflachufets Bay colony, in favour of the petitioner, and the agents for the Maflachufets difclaimed thofe lands before the court of King's Bench. The Lords of the Committee for Trade and Plantations, with the Lords chief Jiiftices Rainsford and North, reported to the Kingin coundili that the Maflachufets Bay colony, by their reprefentatives, difclaimed any' title to the lands in controverfy ; and this report was confirmed by the King in council on the aoth of July 1677. The aflembly of Maflachufets Bay pafled an ad in i<$79, vacating all fuch grants as they had made of lands beyond the three miles north of Merrimack River. The fame year, the proprietors and inhabitants of New Hamp&ire defired of the crown to take them under its immediate prote<^ion;, ac- cordingly the King, on the i8th of September 1679, commifllioned a pre" fident, with ten counfellors, for the government of the colony, with power to choofe three others to conftitute the firft council ; and the pre- fident with five other counfellors to be a board. The lands granted there by the Mafl^achufets colony were direded to pay Mr. Mafon's heirs Cixm pence in the pound quit-rents, as incomes were then valued by way of compofition : Mr. Robert Mafon was authorized to make out titles to the prefent pofleflbrs at fix-pence in the pound value of all rents of real eftates, as quit-rents ; and the unoccupied lands were to remain to him- felf. A court of record was alfo conftituted, to try and determine all caufes ; referving an appeal home when the value was 50 /. fterling and upward. Before this time there had been no power of government granted for the territory of New Hampfhire ; for it fhould be, obferved, that the old townlhips of Portfmouth, Hampton, and Dover, were grants of the Maf^ fachufets Bay aflTembly. King Charles II. on the 9th of May 1682, appointed ' Edward Cran* field, £rq« lieutenaat-governor ; and. his Majefly in council farther inhi- 5 bited IT N E W « A M P S H I R E. blted the Maflachufets Bay government from any jurUiiidion in Mr. Mafon's property. - When the crown was endeavouring to reafliime all charters and patents, the people of New Hampfliire made another formal furrender of jurif- di^on to the crown, and Mr. Cranfield was appointed governor in 1684; but he foon went to Barbadoes, and lieutenant-governor Ufher had the admimftration. The crown recommended the cafe of Mr. Mafon the patentee, who came over to New Hampfhire, and brought writs of ejedment againfl Mr. Waldron, and about thirty others of the principal inhabitants, againfl whom he recovered judgment ; but was oppofed in the execution. Mr. Mafon alfo brought an ejedanent againft William VaugliAn, Efq. and re- covered judgment: but Mr. Vaughan appealed to the King in council, who difmifled the appeal* and confirmed the former judgment with cofts againft the appellant. Mr. Mafon defpaired c£ any accommodation with the people, who threatened his life ; upon which he returned to England, where he foon after died, leaving two fons John and Robert Tufton Mafon, who, on the 37th of April 1 69 1, conveyed all their right to lands in New England to Samuel Allen, £fq. of London* Ciolonel Samuel Allen, on the firft of March X692, was appointed go- vernor of New Hampihire, and his commiflion was from three miles north of Merrimack River to Pifcataqua River, and the other recited bounds. In 1700, Colonel Allen came over to New Hampfhire to pro- fecute his claim, and found there were twenty-four leaves torn out of the records, which contained the foitner judgments of ejedment obtained by, tMr- Mafon. ';at- Mr. Allen entered new writs of ejedment againft Mr. Waldron and others } but the juries brought in their verdidts for the defendants with cofts: the King in council difmifled his appeal without coft9,,becaure he had not brought proof of Mr. Mafon's poffefilon ; but he was allowed to begin de novo. Colonel Allen petitioned Queen Anne to be put in polTeflton of the wafte lands, and the petition was referred to the board of trade and plan- tations : their lordfhips advifed with Sir Edward Northey, then attor- IMy-general, who reported, that " Her Majefty might fafely put him in O o 2 pofleflion 283 ■ \ m wi I , J I Bit I I h iB4 HISTORY OF BR ITISH AMERICA. poffeffion of the unimproved land ; but where the inhabitants had pof- i'eflion he might bring his writ? of ejedlment.'* Mr. Dudley was then governor of the Maflachufets, and alfo of New Hamplhire. by two diflindt commiflions ; and an order was fent to him to ' , put Colonel Allen in poflTeflion of the wade lands ; but for land imjM'ovedt he was to bring writs of ejectment ; and when the trials came on, Go- vernor Dudley was defired to go into court and demand a fpecial verdift. Accordingly, upon a trial of ejedment againft Waldron, Governor Dud- ley had notice to attend, which he neglected, and the defendants ob- tained cods of fuit. Colonel Allen appealed to the crown, but died be- fore the appeal w^s profecuted, leaving one fon and four daughters. His fon ^Thomas fucceeded him in thefe claims, and was caft in his writs of , ejedment with cofts. A fpecial verdidt had been refqfed ; but he made an appeal, and died before it could be heard, leaving two fons and one daughter, all infants. To cut off the claim of Mr. Allen's heirs to wafte lands, the govern- ment of the province made a grant thereof, by the name of Kirigfwood, to about fixty of their principal inhabitants, that there might remain no wafte lands in Mr. Mafon's grant. . . There were alfo fome very large private claims from Indian grants^ where both the colonies of Maflachufets Bay and New Hampfhire were fuppofed to be concerned in property as well as in jurifdidibQ.; In 1 629^ the chiefs of the Indians in Merrimack River fold to John Wheelwright and others of the Maflachufets Bay colony, all that land beginning " at the end of twenty miles north-weft from Patucket falls, and thence run- ning a north-eaft line to interfeft Merrimack and Pifcataqua Rivers, and . thefe two rivers to be the bounds of it, froir that line to the fea. " This, together with other lands, included all the late province of New Hamp- fliire; and the claim was revived by Mr. Cook and others in 1720, when fome Irifli Prefbyterians petitioned both the aflemblics of Maflachu- fets Bay and of New Hampftiire, for a fettlement or townftiip of lands. Thefe emigrants fettled upon part of thefe lands by charter 6t gfant from the governor and council of New Hampftiire ; and their townfliip, which was formerly Nutfield, is now called Londonderry. This town*^ ihip lies a few miles eaft of Patucket falls, and is in a fiourifhing condi- tion ; becaufe the inhabitants aire remarkable for their induftry, and par- ticularly they excel in the manufacture of linen cloth. lo u ^' * ^f w m NEW HAMPSHIRE. In 1683, a large tradk of land called " the Million Purchafe," on 6otK fides of Merrimack, above Souhagen River, was granted by the Sachems of the Weymafet or Lower River Indians, and the Penycook or Upper River Indians, to Jonathan Tyng of Dunftahle, for valuable confidera- tions. This land extended upon the weft fide of Merrimack River, from the mouth of Souhagen River, where it falls into Merrimack iliver, fix miles and a half up the former; thence ten miles north- we ft ward, and in a diredl line from the northward as far as the moft foutherly end of the great pond, commonly called Wenapefioche Lake. Thcfe lands were conveyed in feveral parcels, and at different times, to certain per- fons, by transfers in 1684, 1685, and 1686; of which transfers fome were acknowledged before the magiftrates of the old colony of Mafla- chufets Bay, and fome before the commiffioners appointed by James IL Thefe conveyances and transfers were confirmed by Mr. Mafon in 1686, fo far as ^ell within the royal grant of New Hamplhire, at a quit-rent of ten (hillings fterling a year ; upon which the whole Was divided into twenty 'fliares, with no benefit of furvivorftiip ; to be divided as foon as might be, and each fhare to confift of five thoufand acres. Thefe grants and regulations were alfo confirmed in 1686, by the royal commillioners ; with an addition of the townfhips of Concord, Chelmsford, Groton, Lan- cafter, Stowe, Dunftable, and twelve miles more of land. This claim was revived in 1748. A difpute arofe which continued feveral years, concerning the fouth boundary of^ Maflachufets Bay colony with New Hampfliire, but, in 1731, the gerieral-aflembly of New Hampfhire appointed Mr. Ridge, their agent, to folicit at home for their boundaries with Maflachufets Bay. The petition was prefented in 1733 ; and, on the 5th of January 1734, the board of trade and plantations fcnt to the attorney and folicitor- general this queftion ; " From what part of Merrimack River, the three miles limitation ought to be taken?'' On the 19th of March, the report was, ** From three miles north of the mouth of Merrimack River." On the 9th of April 1737, ^ commiflion under the great feal was ifTued, by the confent of both parties, to fome gentlemen of the councils in the neighbouring provinces to hear and decide the aff^air. The commi/lionerS met at Hampton in New Hampfliire, on the J ft of Auguft, and gave their determination on the ad of September. Both parties appealed to the King in council, and the commiflioners adjourned themfelves to the i ft of Auguft 1738, to receive the royal pleafure. The appeals were heard be- fore a committee of the privy council, on the 5th of March 1739 » ^"^ afterward their report was heard before the King in council, where the matter was finally determined : conformably to this determination the • 4 • line* 385 m tt&!*^-i ■ ^■eiei'^'. ■¥d,-U- '■^n.^^-'^^ii -'WWIII I i|WiMiiiu%^^i.,»^; vf^"'10^ tHW a86 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. lines were run by the province of New Hampfliire, ex parte ; becaufe the MafTachufets Bay government refufed to join in the furvey. The line between New Hampshire and the province of Main was drawn by Mr. Bryant : the line parallel with, and at three miles diilance, on the north iide, from the River Merrimack, by Mr. Mifchel : and the line from Patucket falls to New York ea(l line, by Mr. Hap;en Hazen. Theie lines, or furveys, were lodged with the records of both provinces in May 1741. Mr. Mitchel's line, parallel with Merrimack River, begins at three miles north of a black rock, to Patucket Aation, by compafs twenty- feven miles. This parallel line pafles through and cuts off part of the following townfhips of MafTachufets Bay government ; Salifbury, Anjef- bury, Haverhill, Methuen, Dracut, and Nottingham. T^- colony of Maflachufets B^ had extended thefe townihips bpyond the three miles north of Merdfihack, not fo much upon account of their having aflupned the jurifdidtion of that country, at the time of granting thefc townihips, but chiefly becaufe they were Indian grants to MafTachufets peopli;. Mr. Hazen's line from Patucket ftation, three miles eaft of MerrjL- mack River, run? weil by compaTs to cut Connedicut River, one m}\^ and three quarters north of Northfield meeting-houfe, and about ten miles fouth of Fort Dummer, about fifty-three miles ; thence to New York line twenty miles eafl from Hudfon's River, about thir.ty>fix miles ; in all about ninety miles : the line continued falls in with ill^dTon's River fix miles above Albany church, and a little below the mouth of Mo- hawks River. This line pafTes thipugh and takes off from the MafTa> chufets Bay jurifdidion Tome parts of the following townihips and lands; Dunflable, Groton, Townfend, Ipfwich new townfhip, Canada to Row- ley, fome province vacant lands, Canada to Sylvefter and others, Ca- nada to Roxbury, Winchefler, Northfield, Eall-fight townfhip, Boftou New Townfhip, and Province vacant lands, to New York eaft line. Thefe lands are now vefted in the crown ; but by an order of the King in council, in 1 744, it was dire^ed, that " if the government of New Hampfhire did not provide for Fort Dummer, there would be 9 necefllty for returning that fort, with a proper contiguous diftrid, to the province of MafTachufets Bay,** whofe governor for many years lyas a)fQ governor of New Hampfhire, with a diftind commiffioi). At laft, the ^ffembly of New Hampfhire entered a coinplaint to th? King in cpuncil againft the joint govfcrnor of tj^at time» ifi rela^lion tp thf ^fiffi of f^ttUng w h . tc 'K fa*vs|ii9f»-p.*x. w^ ihf N E W H A M P S H I R E. the boundaries between the two provinces ; therefore, in 1 740, a fepa- rate governor was commiffioned for New Hampfhire : but it has been faid that this is too diminutive for a diflin£t government, as the numbers of its people, and the value of their commerce, are infignificant. This province makes only one county or (hire ; which) in 1742, con- tained about fix thoufand rateable whites, and about five hundred ne- groes or flaves. Mr. Arthur Brown, miifionary at Portfinouth in this province, on the 27th of Odober 1 738, wrote to the Society for propo- gating the Gofpel, that " his parifii was in a flourifhing condition ; the number of communicants was fifty-two ; and fincc his lad he had bap- tized feventeen infants in the preceding half year." But, in 1741* he informed the Society, that " theic were in New Hampfhire about fifty or fixty families of the church of England, and the red were Indepen- dientt; for they had no Q^akeret, Baptifts, Separatifts, Heathens, or In- fidels, among them;'* The printed law book of this colony begltisthe 8th of July i6g at a certain nominal quit-rent j as Londonderry to pay yearly one bufhel 'of potatoes when required. The members of the houfe T)f reprefentatives are eleded for the fe- veral townihips and diftri£ts in the following proportion : 3 from tSy M ^1 . : i ■*( i '-1 / 1 (|j^«5x- # •B.' ii aS8 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMfiRICA. * \ 3 from Portfmouth, 3 Dover, 2 Hampton, 8 Exeter, a Newcaflle and Rye» I Kingflon, I Hampton-falls, from Ncwington, Newmarket, Streatham, Greenland, Londonderry, Durham, The juries are returned by the fherifF; and the courts of judicature, befide the authority of a judice of the peace, and a bench of juftices, are as following : The general feffions of the peace held quarterly. Inferior coults of common-pleas held four times a year : thefe courts coniift of four judges, whereof three make a quorum. A fuperior court of judicature or common-pleas held twice a year : it confifts of a chief judge and three other judges, of whom three are a quorum. From thence are allowed appeals to the governor and council ; or to a court of appeals in cafes where the value in difpute exceed one hundred pounds fterling ; and to th^;J^ing in council, where the real value of the thing in difference exceeosthree hundred pounds fleriing. Courts of Oyer and Terminer, aflizes, or general gaol delivery, are efpecially appointed by the governor and council. A court of equity, fuftained by the governor and council, by way of appeal from the inferior courts, without any new procefs ; but either party may bring new evidence : and from thence appeal may lie to the King in council. The ofBcers of the court of probates are appointed by the governor and council, to whom an appeal may lie. The fame judge of vice-admiralty and other officers, ferve for Maflk- chufets Bay^ Rhode lilaod, and New H^mplhire. SECTION y \ .A r \ t-^^rrrmmna 1^ -f. NEW HAMPSfttlt^. n 8 fi C T I O 14 n. Produett tradet and navigation. Mifeillaneous obftrvatimt. Of SigAda- hock territory ; <»k/ of^ the province of Main, General remarkt. TH£IR produce is provifioni, but fcarc^ljr fiifBci^t fdr their 6W^ . confumption ; mafts, timber, deal-boardt, joifts, ftaves, \xo6^a't ftia- glest and clap-boards ; as alfo fome dry cod-fiu. Their manufkdhires are fhip-building, and fome men of war have been buih there. Some bar-Jron has been made in the province ; but the noted iron-works on Lanijijer-eel River were only bldomeries of 'bog or fwamp-ore ; and thelb \^Orks were foo^n difcontinued. They never made any confiderable quantity of bar-iron ; becaufe they wanted Walter in the drought of Summer and in the hard frofts of Winter ; and their ore became fcarce. it In this province there is only one cblle^ioh or cuftoin-hbufe, kept at Portfmouth. , w;T>v3t Their exeife upon ftrong liquors may amount to about a thoufand pounds old tenor a year ; and this with a thoufand pounds old tenor, the intereft of loan money per annum^ was the ialary of their governqr. In New Hampihire, as in Mafiachufets Bay, there are two forts of licences for felUo^ ftrong liquctfs. i. A licence to keep an open tavern. 2. A licence to retail; liquors out of doors only. This liberty or licence is firft to be obtained of the fele^-men of the townfliip, ind afterward to ^ confiniie4 in their quarter feifions by the juftiees of the peaice. Mr. David Thompfon, in 1633-, attempted a fettlement at Pifcataqua, now called New Hampihire ; but it fooii viimifhed, and the very memory of it is loft. In New Hamp(hife» and the province of Main, are ibtich good (hip* timber and mafeng trees ; but there are not nliuch of either irt the Duke of York's grant, called Sagadahocfc. The tree of life oi New England, is by miftake called Savine ; and all the apple-trees here are exotics. 'ioVouI. .•<:i,,.''ki'«T PP The a8<) 990 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. The right merchantable hoopa are from the faplins of white oak and of hickory } but white oak it the beft. Staves for tight caiki are from the white oak ; but red ppik iUTes; ane tifed for molafles and dry cafks. One thoufand ftavei make from thirty to thirty-five hog(headt» of one hundred gallon! each. \.\ ^. .,; Qearing a new country of wood does not render the Winter more moderate ; but conduces to its being more healthful. In middling cli- matesi timber or wood is gqnerally fpungy or light by alternate relaxa- tions and bracings from beats and colds, confequently of no lone dura- tion or good ufe ; and thus it is from New England to North Carolina, but in the northern provinces the timber is folid and heavy, fit for permanent conftrudion, as in New England, Nov^ Scotia, and Canada : yet farther north the timber is too fmall, (hrubby, ai^'snarly. In the hot countries, however, are many fpecies of hard wood, of flow growth, good for wainfcotting and other joiners work. The feafons are uncertain in New England, where in an open Winter the fap rifes too foon, and a fubfequent hard froft makes the bark fplit and peel off: thus the fruit trees particuUry fuflfer at time^. There are feveral good ads of the Britilh parliament, and of the le- giflatures of the feveral colonies, relative to the feafons and t|mes of fal- ling of timber ; as alfo concerning the proper feafons of killing thofe animals that afford furs, (kins, and hides; but thefe a€ts are little re- garded, and feldom put in execution; Mifunderftandings with the Indians are a great hindrance to the co- lonics in their timber and lumber trade ; thereforie the Indians ought to be awed by fome forts at jproper diMhces upon thdi ijnterior frontiers ; ^ kept in a refpedful condition by the appearance of fMne military force ; and enticed by proper aflbrtmcnts of goods to tixry on a trade. « \ The premiums are. For mafts, yards, bowiprits, per ton of forty feet,j;irt /. /. d. meafure ■ — — i o o Merchantable tars eight barrels — — -^— 240 , Green tar Ditto — — . ■ " ■itjfunlt 4X0 o '■! Pitch Turpentine Ditto Ditto r o o i 10 o There muft be a plantation certificate that they are the growth or produce r, 'i •«■■'■ of . f!*r£p*v^TirV5BPfc- I NEW HAMP8HIR1LT '^ V r of the colonies i anci upon landing, the pre-emption to be oflfered to tfie coromiffic^ers of the ii^ -v : but if the eommiffioners do not contrtA for the fame twenty days aftei landing, the owners may di(]pofe of them at pleafarJB, and receive the premium- .St. f I In the woods of M#w England is a great variety of flowering flirul>s;* but few of them flower in Winter, the moft valuable qualification for a flowering fhrub. There in no author who has wrote tolerably well con- cerning the natural hifbry of New England. Mr. Joifelyn arrived at Bofton in 1663, and continued there feme rears : he publimed a book at London in 1678, intitlcd,. '*; Eight years obfervations," as a natural hiflory of the country ; but it abounds with grofs miCtakes} for inflance, he fays, " In New England are no w6odcock6, nor any quails;" whereas they are very plenty there. H Of Sagadabock ; and the Province of Main, king Qiarles II. on the 12th of March 1663-4, granted to his bro- ther the Duke of York, a certain territory or traft of land, thus de- fcribed : '* All that part of the main land of' Niew England, beginning at a certain place called or known by the name of St. Croix, . adjoining to New Scodand in America ; and from thence extending along the fea- coaft, unto a certain place called Pemaquip or Pemaquid, and fo up the river thereof, to the fartheft head of the fame, as it tendeth northward, and extending from thence to the ; Riiver of Qgenebeck, and fo up the ihorteft courfe to the River of C^anada northwards" This was called ** The Duke of York's property,'* 4fnd annexed to the government of New York ; but upon the abdication of King James II. thefe lands re-^ verted to the crown. At prefent the territory of Sagt»dahock is fuppofed to extend from the River of St. Croix eaftward to the River Kenebeck v^flward, and from each of thefe two rivers due north to the River of St; Lawrence : thus St. Lawrence or Canada River is its northern boundary, and the Atlantic Ocean is its fouthern boundary. When Nova Scotia was in poiTeffion of the French, Sagadahock- territory was included in the commiflion of the French governor of L*Acadie ; and thtis it was -in the time of granting . a new roval charter to Maflachufets Bay in 1691 ; therefore tJo keep up the Engliflx claim to this territory, as well as to Nova Scotiaj the jurif- didion of both were included in that charter. 291 ll '>2 Pp 2 Upon S92 HISTORY DM BUTISH AMERICA. Upoq thcr, peace of Utfecht, in 17 13* Nova Scotia and SagadahiDck were reUp^ui4>e4 by France to Great Britain, whofe government reaf* turned Jl^e iurifd|<]dion of Nova Scoti% which became a royal govern- ment, with the property in the crown : but this territory of Sag^ahack ■ remains in the jurifdiftion of MaiTachufets Bay, and fends one member (0 the council. The get^eral-oilembly cannot difpofe of lands there, without the confent of the Xing in council^: but the property of pecu-; liar grants remain good to the feveral claimers, until the crown ihall purchafe the famei aswas the.cai|i^iaNQva Scptia. Colonel Dunbar projeded fi^gadahock, territory to be fet oflT as a ie> parate government for himfelf; which waa introduced by obtaining a royal inftrudion to fet off 300,900 acres ol" good maft and fhip-timber land for the ufe of the crown or navy. The lands were taken poffeflion of for that purpofe, in 1730, by Colonel Phillips governor of Nova Sco- tia : but upon application at home of the Mufcongus company, proprie- tors in part of Sagadahock, this iiiftrudUon was revoked in 1732, and at prefent it is annexed to the county of York or province of Main. "^ In the reign of King James I. Si** Ferdinando Gorge, prefident of the councilof Plymoudi* and/Captaia MatiaSy had feveral granta from Neum- keag; Rii^er, , which diVides the prefent tonms of Beverley and Salem, to Sagddahock or Kpndieck River;' which were afterward altered into the grants of the provinqe of Main* a^id oi New Hampflure, as at prefent. In this territory of Main, whole boundaries have been before de- fcribed, there are fome private pui!efaa£^8 from the Indians, which the proprietor* Mr. Wharton, a miierchant in Bofton, purchafed of fix fagamores about 500*000 acres called the Pegepfcot purchafe, bounded five miles weft from Pegepfcot River, by a line runnings at five miles djillaoce. parallel with the river, to a certain f^ll in that, riyer, and thence northfeaft about forty-four; miles in a ftrait line to Kenne|>eck Riv^ : it includes the eaCkeni divifions of Nahumken purchafe, and of Plymouth purchaie ; which latter extend fifteen miles on each fide of X^pebeck River. Mr, Whartoq died insolvent, and his ad» miaii^tor fqld this purchafe* in 1 714, for about one hundred pounds^ New Enj^^QcI currency} to. eight proprietors,, ainong whom were Mr. Wint^rpp a9d|l4r. Hutchison. It is bounded fon the reimburfement of one thoufand two hundred pbunds fteriing paid to Gorge's heirs for the province of Main, fhould furrender it to the crown, as the purchafe was made with- out the permiiCon of his Majefty ; but the new charter of Maflachuiietft Bay put an end to that and all other pretended claims. The militia which ferved for the province of Main in 1744, were 8485 men. The contents of the province of Main are about 9600 fquare miles. In the territory of Sagadahock, the foil is not bad : there is not much good fliip timber, but feme white pine for mafts. Mod of the grants and conveyances in this territory, are not to be found upon record;, which occafions great confuflon in claims. As to the geographical defcription of this country, it may be oUeryed> that, the remarkable mountains and hills in the province of Main are as following. I. The white-hills, or rather mountains, inland about ieventy miles north from the mouth of Pifcataqua harbour, about ieven miles weft by north from the head of the Pigwoket branch of Saco River. They are called white, not from their being continually covered with fnow ; but becaufe their fummits are bald, producing no trees or brufh,, and covered with a whitifli llohe. Thefe hills may be obferved at a great diftance, and are a confiderable guide or diredllon to the Indians in travelling that country. 2. The Pigwoket-hills, at a little diftance from the white-hitls, to which they are much inferior, and fcarce deferve to be mentioned. 3. Aquinfianticus-hills, about eight miles inland, and in the towiifhip of York, are well known among failors, as they are a very, itieful landmark for veifels that fall in northward of Bofton or Mafla- chufets Bay. Along this coaft are many harbours, commodious for fmall craft in lading of lumber and fire-wood for Bofton : but Cafco Bay is a large> good, and fafe harbour or road for veflels of any burden, as it is £bel-> tered by feveral iflands ; and here iome of the opatrad fliips- take ia their lading for mafts.. «95 The Pd^i HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. The princijpal rivers are, i. The Kenebeck, or Quenebeck, and its mouth called Sagadahock, w^ch divides the province of Main from the old Briftol purchafe of Pemaquid. From the entrance of Sagadahock to Merr7->meeting Bay are eighteen miles ; thence to Richmond Fort and fromthe Truck-houfet near the mouth of Kennebeck River, are twelve miler: from this place to the firft falls, though only a ripling called Cafli- nock Falk, are eighteen milles ; thence to Taconick Falls are eighteen miles ; and thus from the mouth of Sagadahock to Naridgwoag are about io6 miles ; there Indians go much higher up the river, with their ca- noes, in travelling to Quebeck ; but they are now reduced to an in- confiderable number ; though formerly, with their French miffionaries, they were very troublefome to the £ngli(h fettlements. 3. Amerafcogin River, which is particularly noted for plenty of good ilurgeon : up this river was a tribe of Indians, who are now extind ; and near the mouth of it is Brunfwick Fort. 3. Saco River, which rifes above thirty miles north of Pifcataqua Harbour; and its confiderable branches are Pigwac- ket River, whofe Indians are now of no confequence. At the mouth of Saco River is Winter Harbour, fo called from Mr. Winter, who had a farm there. This river is not navigable any confiderable way to the falls for.veflels of little burden ; but here are truck-houfes and a fort. 4. Manfons River comes from fome ponds about forty miles above Pifca- taqua harbour ; and falls into the Tea at the townfhip of Wells. 5. Pif. cataqua River, which divides New Hampfhire from Main for the fpace of forty miles : from the mouth of this river or harbour to the inlet of Exeter Bay are about ten miles ; thence to the mouth of dtecheco River* which comes from the weft north-weft, are five miles ; and from this upward, the Pifcataqua is called Newichawanock River ; but higher it is called Salmon Falls River. The fmall rivers, or runs of water, and of (hort courfe, are many ; particularly, Recompence River ; Royal's River, running through Cape Anne townfliip and North Yarmouth to the fea ; Prefumpfcot River, which comes from Jabago Pond, and runs through Falmouth, where it falls into the fea ; Falmouth River, or Stroud-water of Cafco Bay; Kene- beck River dividing Arundel from Wells j and York River in the town- fliip of York. The geographical parts of the Maflachufets Bay have been already de- fcribed, as alfo thofe of Connecticut and Rhode Ifland, but what relates to the old colony of Plymouth was omitted, and ought to be inferted here. There are no remarkable mountains or high hills ; but the moft confiderable harbours are> i. Plymouth Bay, of (hallow water, but a confequential t- N E W H A M P S H I R E. eonfe^uential trade to the Weft Indies: it is a branch of Bofton colle^ion, at the diftance of forty miles. Three fmaP >riTuIets, called Jons, Her- ringS} and Eel Rivers, fall into this Bay. 2. Cape Cod Harbour, of fafe and deep water ; but from the hook or flexure, ?and confequently different courfes, veflels get out to Tea with difficulty ; nor is it a fea- port, or place of trade. This Cape, by its particular form, and the firetching far into the fea, becomes a fnare for itinerant or paffenger fiih ; fuch as Whales, Herrings, Mackarel and others. The tide flows within the Cape about twenty feet ; but on the back of it is only five or fix feet. Thefmaller inlets, or harbours, from the difcharge of rivulets, are many ; but all the harbours from Scituate to Cape Cod are (hallow, becaufe of a Tandy flow flope of the fliore ; and the inland runs are fhort and fmall, incapable of making channels. In Sandwich is Mill River : in Barnftaple is a fmall inlet, and another in Yarmouth. In Harwich is the harbour called Point of Rocks, which is not fafe. In Eaftham is Stage Harbour ; as alfo Billingfgate, the beft of thefe fmall harbours. 3. Upon the out- fide of Cape God, is the head of Pamet, no proper harbour, as fome- times high tides have pafled over the mcf^dows in Truro from fea to iea. Sandy Point, or Monymoy in Chatham, is a good harbour for fmall veflels, but the bar fliifts. Bafs River in Yarmouth. Hyanaes in Barn-, fiaple, is much ufed, as it is the beft of thefe harbours. Ofler Bay in Barnftaple. Falmouth Bay. Woods Hole or Cove, called Soconoflet» where is a ferry of about a mile to Elizabeth Great Ifland, and of about three leagues to Martha's Vineyard. Along this fliore is a bar, at about the diftance of half a mile, with fmall inlets ; and there is water of fome fathoms within the bar. 3. In Buzzard's Bay are feveral good creeks» as Agawam, Wagwagantit, Sipacan, Matapoiuet, Accuflinot, Polyganfet* and Coaxit. The Capes, Headlands,' or Promontories are, u The Gurnet Head, which is the north point of Plymouth Bay ; and lies within feven leagues fouth-weft of Cape Cod. 2. Cape Cod, about eighteen leagues, ^uth- weft from Boidon, in 43^. 10' of north latitude : this is a narrow long promontory ftretching into the fea ; and from the pitch of the Cape tQ Buzzard's Bay may extend upward of fixty miles, which, with a me- dium breadth of fix miles, makes about 230,000 acres, called the county of Barnftaple, containing the townfliips of Falmouth, Sandwich» Barnftaple, Yarmouth, Harwich, Chatham, Eaftham, Truro, and Pro- vince Town. 3. Sandy Point, about ten leagues north from the Ifland of Nantucket : but 'a. iht charter it !• called Cape Malabar. The 995 1 ,96 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. The principal rivers in old Plymouth Colony are, z North River, which divide! filiate from Marihfield : it has deep water; but as the entrance it rocky, veflels cannot put in there in ftormy weather. The tide flows about tea miles up this river, where (hips and other Veflfels are advantageoufly built, a. Taunton River, in which good ihips are built. 3, Patudcet or Blackfione, formerly Nipmag River, is navigable from Rhode Iflahd boundary, at Bullock's Neck, ten miles to Patucket Falls ; and in Rehoboth, or Jeaconick, fome good veflels are built. Hie late Plymouth Colony contained about 1,254,000 acres ; but now there are no vacant or colony lands. The old fea line was about 220 miles : the fea-line of the Province of Main is about eighty miles ; of New Hampfhire, twenty miles ; of old Maflachufets, eighty miles ; of Rhode Ifland, fixty miles ; and of Connedicut, one hundred and forty miles. As to thie iflands near Cape God, the principal are, Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard, and Elizabeth Iflands. I. The north fide of Nantucket, or the town of Sherborn, is about ten leagues frpm the main laittl. The ifland contains about 23,000 acres, or fix miles (quare. Beach included, it is in twenty-feven prc^rietor- ihips; but all in common, excepting forty acres of home lots to each proprietorfliip, and every one of thofe may keep 560 flieep. It is a county of itfelf, inhabited by induftrious people, who cure dry cod- fiih, but whaling is their principal bufinefs. In ; 744, they had about forty floops and fchooners in the Whale fifliery, of thirteen men to. a veflTel : they made from 7000 to 10,000 barrels of Whale-oil a year. In this Ifland are about 'nine hundred Indians, who are of great ufe in the fifliery. 3. Miirtha's Vineyird is about eight leagues wefl from Nantucket^ and three leagues fouth from Wood's Hole in Falmouth upon the Main : it is about twenty miles in length, and the eaft-end is about eight miles in breadth, but tapers away to Gay Head, at the weft-end, where i;, is three mile6 wide. A great part of the ifland is very barren, being heaths and pine-land. The townfliips are, Edgar Town, Tilbury, and Chilmark ; which contain about two hundred men capable of bearing arms, and about four hundred and fiftv Indians. With the Elizabeth Iflands it makes Duke's Country: but before the Maflachufets. Bay new charter, all thefe iflands beUmged |o the goyernmentoCJ^ew, York ; and the ( I NEW HAMPSHIRE. «97 the receiver of the quit-rents of New York made demandi of the old ari'eart of their quit-rentt. 3. Elizabeth's Iflands lie in a range, fouth-weft, half way between Martha's Vineyard, and the ihore of Buzzard Bay, which bay they form. The largeft ifland is one mile from Wood's Hole on the Main, and it about eight miles in length, but very narrow: it is called Nailhawn Ifland; and the others are. Tinker's liland, Slocum's Ifland, and the Iflands of Cattetrunk. In general, the neareft eftimate that can be made of the people in New England is as follows : ' Maflaqhufets Bay, G)nnedicut, — Rhode Ifland, New Hampfhire, 900,000 xoo,ooo 30,0c J 34,000 354,000 One-fourth part of thefe are 90,000 men capable of bearing arms,' and one«fifth is 70,000 men fit to march ; a force fufficient to proteft themlelves againft all foreign enemies. The Maflachufets Colony is fuperior to the reft in opulence, trade and number of inhabitants ; its principal town, being Bofton ; that of Con- nedicut is New London; of Rhode Ifland, Newport; and of New Hampfliire, Portfinouth. They employ five hundred fail of fliips, with four thoufand feamen, annually, in their trade to Great Britain and the fugar colonies : and the imports from Great Britain and Ireland have been computed at 300,000 /, a year. i Vol. I. Qq THE * I si ! ■"m I ;,) err ■tx'p- ,■* %■ •'"t. THE H I S TORY OF T H E BRITISH EMPIRE I N NORTH AMERICA, BOOK III. The Hiftory of the Province of NEW YORK. C H A P. I. Situation of the Colony i its origin and conguefifrom the Dutch; fuccejjim, of governors, includn^ a general htfiory of the province* I HE firft bounds of New York, when it was called Nova Belgia, were, Maryland on the fouth ; the main land, as far as it could be difcovered weftward, which would extend to the nations bor- dering on theMiflilfippi ; the river of St. Lawrence northward; and New England weftward : fo that in thofe times, all the country from Maryland to New England was called Nova Belgia or New Netherlands, which in- cluded the Jerfeys, and part of Pennfylvania ; but it was reduced into a much narrower cbmpafs when it was conquered and fettled by the Engliih in the reign of King Charles 11. who made a grant of it to his briber the Duke of Ycwk. , The province of New York, at prefent, contains Long Ifland, Staten Ifland, and the lands on the eaft fide of Hudfon's River to the bounds of Connecticut. From the divifion line betywen that colony and the Mafla- chufets Bay, northward to the old French line, the province of New ^ York claimed an extent to Ck>ane£ticut River. OilFthe weft fide of Hud- VoL. II, B fon's M m y . HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE^&c. ron*8 River, from the Tea to the lat!ti\de of 41^ lies New Jerfey ; but the line of partition between that province and this, from that latitude to the other ftation oil DelawCKb, is uilfettleA ' FroAthenS, whfKffoevcr it may be fixed} the pK>vincR^eft p;(ii^'to€hiR«y 1^ thiat mWihg Brfi difcovefed Delaware Bay* he ctitee httber« and peiitfltiftCd tip Hudibfif's Riyer ds far as the latitude t^ «3"i Itis fi^dt JioWeV^eri that thene Wis a fale< ftnd that the EtigUQi objeaied to t^ thbtigK they negle^e^.to Qp()ofe -the Dutch fettlement for foo^ tifh£. ■ u ^^^ called Oppd iHojpe, on Cpnuefticut K,iver *, and the other Naflau, on the eaft- fide of Delaware Bay. The Dutch writers pretend, that they purchafed the lands on both hdes of that river in 1638, before the Engliih were feittlffd in tihofe parts ; and that thjsy ^Ifcpv^red a little frefli river farther to ikfi eaft, called V^rfi^hefllviertie, to diftinguifli it from Connedicut Ri- v^r, |i;now|i among them by the name of Varfchc Rivier, which was alfo cis^inedby the Dut(^, w|io werp determined upon the fettlement of a colony ji ,99d ^(i^Qre the $ta(€8 ,G. llieDutich .waiters, however, are not agreed in X\» js»t«pt pf ji^oviii Jpel^a pr 'New "N^ fomc defcribe it to be &OjRi y|]|;^<^^ tp j&Qjidaj and^ (aiy, that the arms of the States Gj;uiiral werrt of Lohfe Ifland; and, irt !i64Pi.A4vimM P^ftp^iPay; but iCieft broke up their fettlement in * Theftateof " Nieuw Nederland," printed at Amfterdam in 1651. It contains two defcriptions of the Dutch pofleflions } the one ii a copy of that publiflied by John 4c,Laet at L(^j|p, .and, (he othcr^iiiw^s *4bs>f% view^of |he ^pvfUty in 1649. ,..j "' ' ■',''- •• B 9 ' ■ "■■ i642> HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE,&c. 1 643* and fitted out two floops to drhre the Englifh out of Schuylkill, of vrhich the Marylanders had lately poflefled themfelvei . The inftru£Uoni» dated the 9 2d of May, to Jan Janfen Alpendam, who commanded in that , enterprize, are upon record, and ftrongly aflert the right of the Dytch both to the foil and trade. The Englifli from the eaftward (hortly after fent deputies to New Amfterdam for the accommodation of their difputes about limits, to whom the Dutch offered fuch conditions as the Englifli deemed inadmiffible, and in 164^ formed a defign to extii^ate the Dutcht but the Maflachufets Bay declined this enterprize. Peter Stuyvefitnt was the laft Dutch governor; and though he had a commiffion in 1646, he did not begin his adminiifaration until the %yth of May 1647. The claims upon his government kept him continually em- ployed, with a ftriA attention to New England on the eaft, and Maryland on the weA : but a controverfy, which had long fubfifted between the Englifli of New Haven and the Dutch at the Manhados was fettled by the commiflioners of tbe United G>lonies in 1650, in the following manner : The Dutch, who had built a fmall trading houfe at Hudfon's River, foon after the Englifli began the fettlement of New Plymouth, courteb a correfpondence and friendfliip with them ; and, as a writer of that d&y obferves, " gave them a mefs of pottage for their birth-right," of which they had before craftily deprived them*.. The Dutch, uodoubtedly, had a defign to have poueflea themfelves of G>nnedicut River, and to have prevented the Englifli from obtaining any footing there. Thofe of New Plymouth had pitched upon, a place for a houie in 1632 f, and ereded it in 1633, although they were threatened by a party of Dutch, whom they found there at that time. Thofe from the Mauachuftts in 1635 and I ($36, made their principal fettlement upon that part of the river at Hartford, where the Dutch had their houfe; and the JEnglifli for many years made no attempts to remove them, but allowed them free liberty of trade ; the Dutch alfo admitting any Englifli to fettle among them at the ManhadoSy particularly Mr. Willet, Mr. Baker, and feveral other families. When Mr. Eaton and his company began tb fettle at New Haven, the Dutch were alarmed from the fwift increafe of the Englifli colonies, whom . they charged with encroachments, although they had no pretence them- felves to any certain boundary, and would fom<^times challenge the conh- •Hubbird. fAlr. Wiflflow'i Manufcript Letter to Governor Winthiop, September 1633. try ■( ..A. *» N E W Y a R K. CfT* from CApe Henlopen to Gonnedicut River, and at other times as far M Gape Cod : but the Englifh, regardlefs of fuch a claim, proceeded in extending their fettlements to Milford, Stamford, and other places, until they wese within a few miles of Hudfon's River. Whether the Dutch had any pretence of title or not, no doubt can be made that they would have extirpated the Englilh if it had been in their power, but they were few in number. Once, indeed, being poflTefled of a (hip of fome force, they fent her to New Haven, where they feized a ve^f which lisy in the harbour, and carried her away. At another time, they fet up the arms of the States at or near Stamford, and threatened to do the like at New Haven. The Dutch had always reftrained the Eng-^ lifh, not fettled among them, from trading with their Indians upon Hud-' fon*s River: but' in 1648 the Englifli commiffioners pafled an order, pro^ hibiting. any French or Dutch, or other foreigners, trading with the Indians in- the jurifdiCdon of the United Colonies; and if this law had been carried into execution) the Dutch trade at Hartford muft have beea totally deftroyedi Altercations fuBfifted feveralyears between the Dutch governors of New Netherlands and the Englilh governor of New Haven: but in 1650, while the Engliih commiffioners were fitting at Hartford, the Dutch governor Stuyfevant came there to treat with them, and prefented his propofals in writing, dated '* New Netherlands the 23d of September, N. S." being the day they were delivered. He complained ** of the encroachments upon Connedicut River, as well as toward Hudfon's River; of the reception of fugitives ; of the law debarring the Dutchr from trade with the Indians; as alfo of the Engliih felling them goods too cheap, and thereby fpoiling the trade.*' The commiffioners took notice, that his propouils were dated at New- Netherlands; and refufed to treat until he altered the name of the place where they were dated. He offered, if the Englifh would forbear (liling the place Hartford, he would defift from ftil- iiig it New Netherlands, and date his propofals at Connedicut. They confented that he fhould date at Connedicut, but would not give up their own right to date at Hartford. After feveral days fpent in meflages fVom one to the other, the matka'# • in difference were fubmitted to Mr.-Bradftreet and Mr. Prince, appointed by the commiffioners; and to Mr. Willet and Mr. Baxter, a^omted by the Dutch governor. Their refult was to be bindkig to both purdea* The line which was thus fettled ran northerly only twenty miles, and afterward as the Dutch and New Haven ihouid agree:, but this mud » . HISTORY OV THE BRITISH EMPlIlE,5tc. he underAood lb fftr u New Haven had jvriididion. Accofdioglyt it appear! that the Maflachuieti in 1659 fo underftood h, and made a .|prao( of land oppofite to F«ft Atiraniat now Albany* upon Hudlbn'a Rjivcr^ and rcTerai of the principal merchant* of the cojopy were enterprlziog i fettlement and a trade with the Indians* and which probably was laid afide upon the change of affiurs in England } for the country it£elf^ a few years after, was recovered from the Dutch, and granted to the dtike of York, too powerful a proprietor to pontend with as to bouada ** , In i6j:i the Dutch built Fort Cafimir, now called Newcaftle* on DeU*^ ware : But the Swedes claitned the country, and Frintz, their gqvernorf formally protefted againft the works ; after which he took the plage b^ Aratagem, and held it until 165^, when it was retaken bgr the Dutot^ who reduced all the fettlements belonging to the Swedes. ^ Hoftllities began ibetwieen the fjiglifli and Dutch b Europe in x6^f^ but the Dutch colony cf Manhados was in too feeble a ilate Ojpenly \n annoy the Englifh colonies, who then carried on an advantageous trade with the Dutch, and confidered themfelves to be at liberty to continue in peace wtA them, tiotwitbftanding the &iropean war: but in 1653, in- formatbn was given by the Indians from feveral quarter^, that the Dutch governor was privatdy ibliciting ^m to a.general confederacy, in order totally to extiiipate the Engliih. The mafiaare at Amboyna was then « rrecent affair* and a general alarm was fpread through the colonies. An ^extraordinary meeting of the colonies was called at Bofton on the 19th of April, toeonfider of feveral rumours gathered from the Indians and others* that the Dutdi had plotted with the Indians, and ftirred them up to cut off the Englifli. The ce&dt of this fiift meeting was, that although thtf evidence was fo ihrong, aethatfome of ihecommifiloners looked upon it to be full proof, yet they thought it moft ocpedient the Dutch goverooi' tihould have opportumty of 'making anfwer } but before any mefiifge coi^ld he fent, letters were received from him, denying all that the Indians or any others had charged htm with; wondering the Engliih would give 'CBsdit -to Indian teflimoniesj and offering to come of fend, or to make anfwer to any deputies which might he fent to him. It was thought proper to fend agents to him, who were, Mr. Newman, an afliftant of New Haven, Mr. Leveret, afterward governor of the Mailachufets, and Mr. Davis, who carried a letter from the Commiflbipera to the governor, acquainting him, ** that Jhe had made ufe of Indian teflimoaies againft KeW Haven, in a eaft (^ land ; that his predeceflbr had dpne it in acafe of life; and that a Dutch governor and council at Amboyna had made a * Hutcbinfon'* Hifto^^of theiilaflkchafeti Ba^, p. i59.jsad $14. bloody Sf., .'jA, .^ll?AArnEW TORK. Moody 1I& of the Jtfomim confeffion, though extorted by terturt, agaiilft Q»Ciiii Towerte aed the Ea^ Ckr&iMN there:'* therefore, the eoanniioiisri **• demanded frtitfii6hQa for peft mjoriei, tod fecurity for! the time to come." While their ogcntt iveregoae, aletter wts'wroie by Mr. Hook to Oliver Cromvrril« compleining of the Dutch, end intmtittg hit afliliMKe to pu- nifo than. The eoamffonert lUb deterauned what mmiber of men flMmM be ndfcdi if wat wm ttx be aaade; The muiber was to be 500 k of whom Geptain Leveret was appointed comaumdnig officer. Notwithftanding the offer made by the Dutch governor an his letter, • he refufed to fubmit to any examination into the affair by the agents or edmmiffioDers, any farther than a cbflomittee of hia own council ihould concur with them. The agents took feveral depofitione^ and returned to BoAon, wheit a date of the cafe was drawn up on both fides *, and referred to the elders, who continued to be conniked in every affair of importance, while the old charter continued f; end their opinion vras* ** That the peoofs and prefumptmns of the execrable plot, tending to the dcftruAion of fo many of the dear faints of God, imputed to the Dutch ffovemor and thefifeal %* were of fuch weight as to induce them to believe die reality of it ; yet they were not (o fully condufive as to clear up « prefent proceeding to war before the world, and to bear up their heat !h vrith that fiilnefs of perfuafion which was meet, in commending the cafe it) Ood in prayer, and to the people in exhortations; and that it Woald be fafeft for the colonies to forbear the ufe of the fword ; but advifed to be in a pofture t>f defence, and readinefs for adlion, until the mind of God (hould be more clearly known, either for a fettled peace or more manifeft grounds of war." And the deputies, by their vote, exprefled a concurrence with the elders in their fentiments. Letters were received at Bofton from Hartford and New Haven on the^ 26th of May 1653, advifing, " That the Dutch governor was endeavouring, by prefents and other methods, to engage the Mohawks and the Indians between Hudfein*8 River and Delaware to fall upon the Englifli." But the fame day a meifenger arrived from Manhados, with a long letter from the Dutch governor, complaining 6f encroachments from the £ngli(h, and * By ^9r. Easoa for the Engllfli, and by Mr. Dcnmfdn for the Dutch. ■)■ The fliare they had in temporal affairs added to the weight they had acquired from thetr fpiritual employmentt i 4ad they were in high cfteem. Hutchifon, p. i8i. ' See vol i. X Th« principal oActr of the public treaAiry. . exculpating HISTORT OF THE BHITISH EMPIRE, &c; exculpating himfelf from any plots or defigns againft then, in general terms. The commiffioners required farther iatitfadtion and fecurity' fiom him; and the majority of them were. for a war : but their proceedings were interrupted by a declaration from the MaflachOfets, implying, ** That no determination of the commiffioners, though they ihould all agree, ihould bind the general court to join in an oflFenfive war which ihould appear to fuch general court to be unjuft." This declaration occafio&ed fuch difficulties between the general court of the Maflachufets, and the commiffioners of the three other colonies at the next meeting, as threatened a diflblution of the confederacy, which appears to have been prevented only by the inferiority of the other colonies to the Maffiu:hufet8, and their inability to iland alone. Oliver Cromwell complied with the requeft from New Haven, but the ^ips did not arrive at Bofton until the latter end cf May, when the go* vernor called the affismbly, which met the 9th of June, and immediately came into the following refolution: ** The general court having received and perufed a letter from his Highnefs the Lord Prote£kor of the Common- wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, full of great and favourable jefpedt to this colony, which they defire to keep in grateful remem- brance ; and Aiall be ready at all times, wherein they may with fafety to •the liberty of their confciences, public peace and welfare, to their utmoft to attend to his Highnefs's pleafure. This court therefore declares. That though they underftand the colony is not in fuch a capacity as may be apprehended to fend forth fuch numbers of men,aS might vigoroufly affift in that undertaking, yet do freely confent and give liberty to his High- nefs's commiffioners, Major Robert Sedgewick, and John Captain Leveret, to raife within our jurifididion the number of five hundred volunteers, to affiil them in their enterprife againft the Dutch." The (hips had fo long a paffiige, that advice of the peace with the Dutch, concluded in April 1654, arrived before they could proceed upon the intended hoIUlitiea. The MaiTachufets complied at laft to extirpate the Dutch, notwith- llanding their former fcruples concerning the legality of it : but there mud have hcsa fome fingular reafone which induced them to be fo back- ward in joining with the other colonies. They might not forefee at that time what has Isappened fince, " That the neighbourhood of the felonies of different nations would one time or other engage the powers of Europe in their refpe£tive annoyance and defence." Without this, they had nothing to fear from either .Qutch or French, becauii: the Englifli were 7 N E W Y O R K. were ten times as numerous as both, and continually increafing in much greater proportion than either of the other, who could create no formidable appreh«ilion« from their interior force. The Dutch took Fort Chriftina from the Swedes in 1655 ; upon which Stuyvefant ilTued a proclamation in favour of fuch of the inhabitants as would fubmit to the new government ; and about thirty Swedes fwore allegiance to the Dutch, who fent ihe reft to Europe. The Swedes being thus almoft extirpated, the Dutch became poflei!ed of the weft fide of Delaware Bay, now called the Three Lower Counties in Penn- fylvania; which country was afterwards under the command of lieute- nant-governors, fubjeA to the direftor-general at New Amfterdam. Johan Paul Jaquet was the firft vice-diredlor, or lieutenant-governor, of South River. His fucceflbrs were Alricks, Hinojofta, and William Beekman, whofe pofterity remains there to this day. Thefe lieute- nants had power to grant lands, and their patents make a part of the ancient titles of the prefent pc^eflfors. " - Oliver Cromwell died of a fever on the 3d of September 1658 *, and was fueoeeded as protestor by his fon Richard Cromwell, who ordered inftrudions to be drawn up, and recommendatory letters to be fent to the Englifti colonies, for the expulilon of the Dutch from New Nether- lands ; but this work was referved for King Charles II. In 1659, frelh troubles arofe from the Maryland claim to the lands on South River ; and in 1660, propoTals were made to open a commerce with Virginia. Governor Stuyvefant was a faithful fervant of the Weft India company, which is fufhciently proved by his letters to them, exciting their care of the colony. In one, dated April 20, 1660, which is very long and pathetic, he writes, " Your honours imagine that the troubles in England will prevent any attempt on thefe parts ; alas ! they are fen to one in number to us, and are able, without any ailiftance, to deprive us of the country when they pleafc.' i> The Dutch were the firft who had felt the arms of England after the death of Charles I. and they were now to feel the power of Chai'les 11. who was jealous of the Dutch commercial acquifitions, and convinced that commerce is the natural fupport of a maritime ftate. The king had received the greateft marks of civility from fhe Dutch during his exile ; but he hated the Louveftein or ariftocratic faction, * Rapln, vol. ii. p. 606. Vol. II. which ■.Ii* ■■ ■ i'<\ 10 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. which prevailed in the commoirwealth, and deprived the houfe of Orange of its ancient authority. The Duke of York wanted an oppcM*- tunity of diftinguifhing himfelf in war ; and the nation in general, as well as the parliament, were for curbing the infolence of the Dutch. ' The king, in 1662, renewed the treaty of 1659 with' the States G&neral, who concluded an alliance with France the fame year ; while the Englifh complained - of fome depredations committed by the Dutch, and particularly of two fhips which had been plundered by them in the Eaft Indies. It was pretended that the damage fuftained by thefe depre- dations amounted to about 800,000/. but that report was only to inflame the nation ; while the king fent Sir Robert Holmes, with a fquadron of fourteen (hips, to the coaft of Africa, where he drove the Dutch from \ their fettlements*; and foon after another expedition was fet on foot to expel the. Dutch from New Netherlands. Before this expedition, the king granted a patent, on the I3th of March 1 664, to his brother the Duke of York and Albany, for fundry tradls of land in America; the boundaries of which, becaufe they have given rife to important and animated debates, it may not be improper to tranfcribe, as follows : " All that part of the main land of New England, beginning at a certain place called or known by the name of St. Croix, next adjoining to New Scotland in America, and from thence extending along the fea- coaft, unto a certain place called Pemaquie, or Pemequid, and fo up the river thereof, to the fartheft head of the fame as it tendeth northward j and extending from thence to the river of Kimbfquin, and fo upward, by the ihorteft courfe, to the river Canada northward : and alfo all that ifland or iflands, commonly called by the feveral name or names of Meitowacks, or Long Ifland, fituate and being toward the weft of Cape Cod, and the Narrow f Higanfetts, abutting upon the main land between the two rivers there, called or known by the feveral names of Connecticut and Hudfon's River ; together alfo with the faid river called Hudfon's River; and all the land from the weft fide of Connedicut River to the eaft fide of Delaware Bay ; and alfo ail thofe feveral iflands, called or known by the names of Martin's Vineyard, or Nantuck's, otherwife Naatudcet.." Ill * Rapin, vol. ii. p. 636. f The I'^arroganfet River or Bay, as defcribed in the Conne^cut charter, called the Narraganfet Bay in the charter granted to Rhode liland. It is aTfo Part NEW YORK. II * Part of this trafl: was conveyed by his royal highnefs the Duke, to John Lord Berkley, baron of Stratton, and Sir George Carteret of Saltrum in Devonfhire, who were then members of the king's council. The leafe was for the confideration of ten fhillings, and dated the 33d of June 1664 : And the releafe was dated the next day ; but mentions no particular fum of money, as a confideration for the grant of the lands, which have the following defcription : C( All that tradl of land adjacent to New England, and lying and being to the weftward of Long Ifland, and bounded on the Eaft part by the main fea, and partly by Hudfon's River ; and hath upon the weft Delaware Bay or River ; and extendeth fouthward to the main ocean as far as Cape May, at the mouth of Delaware Bay ; and to the north- ward as far as the northermoft branch of the faid bay or river of Dela- ware, which is 41 ? 40 ' of latitude ; which faid tradl of land is hereafter to be called by the name, or names, of Nova Caefarea, or New Jerfey.** it Thus the New Netherlands became divided into New Jerfey, fo called after the Ifle of Jerfey, in compliment to Sir George Carteret, whofe family came from thence ; and New York, which took its name in honour of the Duke of York. '8 ift m Ifo latt The Dutch inhabitants, by the vigilance of their governor, were not unapprifed of the defigns of the Englifli court againft them ; for their records teftify, that, on the 8th of July, " The general received intelligence, from one Thomas Willet an Englifliman, that an expedition was preparing in England, againft this place, confifting of two frigates of forty and fifty funs, with a fly- boat of forty guns ; having on board 300 foldiers, and <;ach frigate 150 men ; and that they then lay at Portfmouth waiting for a wind." News arrived alfo from Bofton that they had already fet fail : the burgomafters were thereupon called into council ; the fortrefs ordered to be put into the beft fiate of defence ; and fpies fent to Milford for intelligence. The government at Bnfton was in the fecret of the expedition, and voted a fupply of provifions toward refrefhing the Ihips on their arrival. This expedition was . entrufted to the command of Sir Robert Carr, who had with him Colonel Richard Nicolls, George Carteret, Efq; and Samuel Maverick, Efq; who were all joined in commiffion to vifit the Englifti plantations, and drive the Dutch out of theirs. C 2 War II 12 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. War was not openly declared by England againft Holland until tht 2d of March 1665 ; but Sir Robert Carr arrived with his forces in North America on the 20th of July preceding. The ihips rendezvoufed in New England, fronv thence they failed to Hudibn's Rivert and ap- peared before New Amflerdam on the 19th of Auguft 1664, when the Dutch governor fent a letter to the Engliih commanders requiring to know the meaning of their vifit. This letter was anfwered by Colonel Nicolls with a fummons to furrender the place. The Dutch governor was a good foldier, and being determined upon defenfive meafures, though he was oppofed by many of the inhabitantSj he wrote a long letter in anfwer to the fummons, in which he entered into the merits of the Dutch claims, and the EnglifK pretentions. While the Dutch governor and council were contending with the . burgomafters and people in the city, the Engliih commiffioners publifhed a proclamation in the country, encouraging the inhabitants to fubmit, promifmg them the king's prote^ion : and as foon as they difcovered, by Stuyvefant's letter, that he was averfe to the furrender, officers were fent to beat up for voluntiers in MIddleborough, Vliflen, Jamaica, and Hampftead. A warrant was alfo iflued to Hugh Hide, who commanded the fquadron, to profecut^ the redudlion of the fort ; and an Englifli Ihip then trading there was preflcd into the fervice. Thefe preparations induced Stuyvefant to write another letter, on the 35th of Auguft old ftyle, wherein, though he declares that he would ftand the ftorm, yet, to prevent the fpilhng of blood, he had fent deputies to confult, if poffible, an accommodation. Colonel Nicolls, who knew the difpofiti&n of the people, anfwered inraiediately ffotft tJt-avefend, that he would treat about nothing but a furrender. The Dutch governor, the next diy, • agreed to a treaty and furrender ; on condition, the Englifh and Dutch limits in America were fettled by the Crown and the States General. The commiffioners on both fides met at the governor's farm, and there flgned the Articles of capitulation. Thefe articles, favourable as they were to the ifihabitants, were how- ever very difagreeable to the Dutch governor ; and he therefore refufed to ratify them till two days after they were ligned by the commiffioners. The town of New Amfterdam, upon the redudlion of the Wand Monhattons, took the name of New York. It confifted of fevcral fmall ftreets, laid out in the year 1656 ; and was not inconfiderablc for the number of its houfes and inhabitants. The eafy terms of the capi- tulation f _* N E W Y OR K. tulation promifed their peaceable fubjeflion to the new ^vernment; and hence we find, that, in two days after the furrender, the Bofton aid was difmiiTed with the thanks of the commiflioners to the general court. Hudfon's and the South River were however ftill to be reduced. Sir Robert Carr commanded the expedition on Delaware ; and Carteret was commifTioned to fubdue the Dutch at Fort Orange. The garrifon capitu- lated on the C4th of September, and he called it Albany, in. honour of the duke. While Carteret was here he had an interview with the Indians of the Five Nations, and entered into a league of friend(hip with them, which remarkably continues to this day. Sir Robert Carr was equally fuccefsful on South River ; for he compelled both the Dutch and Swedes to capitulate, and deliver up their garrffons on the ill of Octo- ber 1664, and that was the day on which the whole New Netherlands became fubjed): to the Englilh crown. Very few of the inhabitants thought proper to remove out of the country : Governor Stuyvefant himfelf held his eftate, and died here ; his remains were interred in a chapel, which he had ere£ted on his own farm, at a fmall diflance front the city, now or late pofTeiTed by his grandfon Gerardus Stuyvefant, a man 01 probity, who was elected into the magiftracy above thirty year&. fucceffively*» In fa£k, the defcendants of the Dutch planters are perhaps exceeded by none of his majefty's fubje^ts, for a pure attachment to tixe proteftant religion, and for loyalty to the prefent reigning family. Colonel Nicolls, being now pofieiTed of the country, took the govern- ment upon him, under the ftile of deputy-governor under his Royal Highnefs the Duke of York, of all his territories in America. Hfr paued a great number of grants and confirmations of the, ancient. Dutch patents, the profits of which mull have been very confiderable. Befides the chief command of the province. Colonel Nicolls had a joint power^^ with Sir Robert Carr, Carteret, and Maverick, to fettle the contefted boundaries of certain patents. They had, in particular, a conference with feveral gentlemen from Connecticut refpedllng the limits of both colonies, wherein Long Ifland was adjudged to be under the govern- ment of New York. At the time of this determination about two-thirds of Long Ifland were poUeired by people from New England, who had gradually en- «3 • S. Smith's Hiftorjr of New Jejrfe/, p., 46, York> p. 34. W. Smith's Hiftory of New croached Mk U HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. croached upon the Dutch : but as to the fettlement between New York and Connedicut on the main, it has always been confidered by the for- mer as founded upon ignorance and fraud. A great difpute between the inhabitants of Jamaica on Long Ifland, which was adjufted by Colonel NicoUs on the 2d of January 1665, occafioned a falutary inflitutioH) which has in part obtained ever fuKe. The controverfy refpe£ted Indian deeds, and thenceforth it was or- dained, that no purchafe from the Indians fliould be valid without a licence from the governor, and executed in his prefence. The ftrength and number of the natives made it neceffary to purchafe their rights ; and it was expedient, to prevent their frequent felling the fame tradt, that the bargain (hould be attended with fome iblemnity. In March follow- ing, there was a convention at Hampftead, before the governor, of two deputies from every town on Long Ifland, impowered to bind their con- flituents : but the defign of this meeting was to adjufl: the limits of their townlhips, for the prefervation of the public peace. Colonel Nicolls was alfo attentive to a gradual introdudion of the Englifh methods of government ; yet it was not until the I2th of June 1665 that he incor- porated the inhabitants of New York under the care of a mayor, five aldermen, and a (heriff. The city had been hitherto governed by a fcout, burgomafters, and fcheizens, in the Dutch manner ; but now it became regulated according to the Englifli way. The Dutch left the Englifli in quiet pofleflion of New York during the war, which was ended by the treaty of peace (Concluded at Breda on the 8ift July 1667. The Dutch having been expelled from New York by the Englifh, who had alfo been driven out of Surinam by the Dutch ; New York was now ceded to his Britannic Majefty, and Suri- nam to the States ; which was the only advantage that England acquired *by the war ; nor was it inconfiderable, as New York has fince proved of the utmoft utility to Great Britain *. Colonel Nicolls returned to England after an adminillration of three years ; and the time during his government was principally taken up in confirming the ancient grants to the Dutch. He erefted no courts of juflice, but took upon himfelf the fole decifion of all controverfies. Complaints came before him by petition ; upon which he gave a day to the parties, and, after a fummary hearing, pronounced judgment. His' Rapin, vol. ii. p. 646. The Cafe of Jeroaomy Clifford, p. 3 —10. determinations N E W Y O R K. determinations were called edi^St and executed by the iherifFs he had appointed. It is much to his honour, that, notwithftanding all this plenitude of power, he governed the province with moderation and integrity. The Duke of York appointed G>k)nel Lovelace to fucceed G)loncl Nicolls in the government of New York ; but the war was renewed between England and Holland in 167s f, and, on the 30th of July 1673, a fquadron of Dutch fhips arrived under Staten Ifland, near the city of New York. John Manning, captain of an independent com- pany, had then the command of the fort, which he treacheroufly fur- rendered to the enemy, who entered the garrifon without oppofition, and held a council of war at the fladt-houfe. All the magiftrates and con (tables from Eaft Jerfey, Long Ifland, Efopus, and Albany, were imme- diately fummoned to New York, where the major part of them fwore allegiance to the States General ; and Colonel JU>velace was ordered to depart the province, but afterward obtained permiflion to return to England with Commodore Benkes. It has frequently been infilled on, that this conqueft did not extend to the whole provihce of New Jerfey ; but it appears from the Dutch records, that deputies were fent by the people inhabiting the country, even fo far weftward as Delaware River, who made a declaration of their fubmiflion in the name of their prin- cipals; in return for which, certain privileges were granted to them, and three judicatories ere^ed at Niewer, Amflel, Upland, and Hoer Kill. »S The Dutch governor enjoyed his office but for a little time ; for, on the 9th of February 1674, the treaty of peace between England and Holland was figned at Weflminfter ; by the flxth article of which this provinc:: was reilored to the Englifli in the following general terms : ** That whatfoever countries, iflands, towns, ports, cailles, or forts,. have or fliall be taken on both fides, either in Europe or elfewhere,, ihall be reftored to the former lord and proprietor, in the fame conditioni they ihall be in when the peace fhall be proclaimed X" t Rapin, p. 66a. '*^The Dutch negle£lcd to perform the capituTation'for Siirinani>; and this occafioned another war betMreen England and Holland in 1672} which'was fol« lowed by a treaty of peace between both, nations, figned at Wcnminfter the 19th/ ^. February 1674 } whereby the treaty of Breda was confirmed." CI ilFord's Gates, p. lOi X Ra(>in, vol. ii. p. 675. CoUeAionof Treaties, vol. iti. p. l8o.- ^es- t$ HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. After this, the Duke of York obtained a patent from his brother for the lands granted in 1664; and then appointed Sir Edmond Andros Governor, who immediately cklled a court-martial to try Captain John Manning for his treacherous and cowardly furrender of the fort in the city of New York. The charge was fully proved in fix articles exhibited againft the delinquent, yet his puniihment was not fuitable to his crime. This is no proof, however, that Six Edmond was a man of a merciful difpofition ; for the hiftorians of New England, where he was afterwards governor, juftly txanGmt him to pofterity under the odious character of a fycophantic tool to the duke, and an arbitrary tyrant over the people committed to his oave *. The province, however, increafed with its trade, of which he had not intirely the government. The principal courfe of his public pro- ceedings was fpent in the Ordinary ads of government, which then chiefly confided in pafling grants to the fubjeds, and prefiding in the court of aflize. In the year 1675, Nicholas Renflaer, a Dutch clergyman, arrived at New York, where he claimed the manor of Renflaerwick, an extcnfive tra£l, by the Dutch called a colony ; *' for it is an oblong, extending twenty- four miles upon Hudfon's River, and as many on each fide.'* Mr. Renflaer was recommended by the Duke to Sir Edmond, for a living in one of the churches at New York in Albany, probably to ferve the popilh caufe ; although another reafon has been afligned for the favour he met with from the crown. It is faid, that while Charles II. was an exile, this Dutchman predidled the day of his reftoration : the people of Albany had a high opinion of his prophetic fpirit, and many ftrange tales about him ftill prevail there. The minifter was oppofed becaufe he had received an epifcopal ordination ; and the governor was attached to him in this controverfy, which became provincially general, until the governor referred the matter to the determination of the con- fiftory of the Dutch cpurt at Albany. Ik Sir Edmond, near the clofe of his adminiftration, thought proper to quarrel with Mr. Philip Carteret, who, in 1680, exercifed the govern- ment of New Jerfey under a conjmiffion fi"om Sir George Carteret, dated the 31ft of July 1675. Andros diljputed his righti feized his perfon, • W. Smith, p. 33. 6 S. Smith, p. 77. and N E W y O R K. Jliill I? and brought him prifoner to New York ; *' for which, it is faid, he luft hU own government : but whoever confiders that Sir £dmond was imint;- diately preferred to be governor of Bpfton, will rather believe that the Duke fuperfeded him for fome other r^fons.*^ • iTife Dtike of ' Ydrk preferred Colonel Thomiik Dongan to the govern-* ment of this province on the 30th of September 1683 ; but he did not arrive'there until the 27th of Auguft following. *' He was a man of integrity, moderation; and genteel manners; itidi though a profefTed papift, ma^ be clafTed among the heft of our governors *. ' The people had been formerly ruled at the defpotic will of deputies under the Duke, who was petitioned, in 1681, by the council, thcr aldermen of New York, and the juftices of peace, at the court of affize, againft fueh proceedings^ In confequence thereof, they began their firft participation in the legif> laitive power under Colonel Dongan, ihortly after whofe arrival, orders were imied .to the fherifFs to fummpm freeholders, for cboofing ■reprefen'>> tatives, to meet him in aflembly on the 17th of Odober 1683.^ Nothing could be more agreeable to the Colonifts, whether Dutch or Engliih, who were bom the fubjeds of a free ftate ; nor was the change of lefs advantage to the Duke than to the iphabitants, whp tranfmitted a dutiful and grateful addrefs to his Royal Highnefs uppn fp interefting an affair. Colonel Dongan furpafTed his predeceflbrs in a due; attetitioQ to the colony affiairs with the Indians, by whom he was highly efteemed. It fhould alfo be remembered to his honour, that though he was ordered by the Duke to encourage the ^en(^ prieftf, who were come to refide among the natives under pretence of .sulviancing the popiih caufe, but in reality to gain them over ,to the Erehch intereft, yet he forbad the Five Nations to entertain them^ The Jefuits, however, had no fmallfuccefs. Their profelytes were citned Praying Indians, or Gtghnuagaes, and took up their refidence at the fall of St. Lewis, oppoHte to Montreal. It.wa^ alfo owing to the iniligation of thefe priefls that the Five Nation^ com- mitted hoftilities on the back parts of Maryland and Yirgiuia, which occafioned a grand conveution at Albany in the year 1684. Francis Ibrd Howard of Effingliam, the governor-general of Virginia, wa« prefent, and concluded a treaty with them for preventing further depre- dations ; toward the accompliihment of which. Colonel Dongan was very inflrumental, and Dodior Colden has publifhed tl^is treaty at large. While Lord Howard was at Albany, a meflenger from M. De la Barre, then governor of Canada, arrived there, to complain of the • Smith's Hifto7 of New York, p. 34. Vol.. II. D -m Senneca mS \h HISTORY Of BHITISH AMERICA. Senneca Indiani* for interrupting the French in their trade vrith the Indians of the Tvrc Nations ; by whom were meant all thofe numerous tribes inhabiting the countries on both (ides of the Lakes Huron and £rie» weftward, as far as the Milfifippii and the (buthem country along |he banki of the Ohio and i(s branches. Colonel DoDgan* to whom the meflage was fent» communicated it to the Sennecas, who admitted the charge, but jufii6ed their conduft; alleging, that the French Supplied frms and ammunition to^thc Twightwlea, wit^ whom they were then at Tl$e Ftenx^ govenMnr, tt At iJMne time, made grimt fsieparatrons to . invade the Fire Nations, and totally extirpate them : but governor Don- gan ai^fed the. Indians of the French deiigns, which proTed abortive by that intdligenot^ and De la Barre ftsmd it necefliiry to conclude the campaign with a treatyt for ^hich poqxife he crofl^d Lake Ontario* to fBtfct tbe Indian ehieft» *Pt la Barre was (hdc^ed by thie Marquis be Nonville, toloiiel of the dragoons, ifrho arrirved, in 1^8^, '^ith a teinforcement of troops. Hie ma^un wm a ihiui ai^caatM^ mid to entetprizing fphit ; there<- fbre he made a potent invafion upon the Five hfations, who' repulfed liim livith eofiftdefalbte l6fs. iii ir i: Sbon after tMs tttj^^biii Gbtolkiel S!)^ng«ii met the live Nations at Albany; atid, &i his tJegoebidMi vrithlbem, (hewed hb vigilance and * itnct committed to liiii ti^', ttt rtptitn^tided th^ for iheir breach of faith %ith Virgini«^ t ot^ed iHc^Ai tb reftore the |>rifbirer8 they had iakfen ; and recommfenrded t6 &stta not to fufier their people to be drunk ^ring the Wair. * Not long after this interview, a c^nfiderable party of 'Mohawk« and IMlahikanders, or llivfer Indians, beiCet Fort Qumbly, burnt fevcural hdufifs, tod returned Vrith many catptives to Albany. Forty Onondaga8> about tlie fame lime, fu^pnfed a few ioldiers near Fort Frontenac, whom they confined, infttipd of fome Indians ient hcHue to the gallies by the Ftti^h, notwithftamKng the ufmoR addirefs was .uled 'to regain them by Lamberyille, a French prteft, who delivered them two belts to engage ilieir tdndnels to the prifoners, and prevent their joining the quarrel ' With the Sennecas. The belts being fent to Colonel Dongan, he wrote to De Nonville to demand the reafon of their being delrvered. Pere le I. J Vaillant N E W Y O R K. Vaillant wai fent to New York about the beginntog of the year 1688, ' under colour of bringing an anfwer, but in reality as a ipy. CoJonel Donean told him, that no peace could be made with the Five NationSt unleu the Indians fent to the gallies, and the Gaghnuaga profelytest were returned to their refpedtive cantons, the forts at Niagara and Fron- tenac razed, and the Sennecas had iatisiadkion made them ^r the damage %hef had f^ftaiaed. The Jefuit^ iu his return, was ordered not to viui the Mohawks. , . . Dongan, who was fully fenfible of^ the importance of the Indian in- tereft to the Englifh colonies, was for compelling the French to apply to him in all their aflFaira with the Five Nations ; while they, on the other handf were for treating with them indepje^idcnt of the Engliih. For this reaibn, among others, he refufcd them the afliO^nce they frequently required, till they acknowledged the depeodence of the confederates oi|i the Engliih crown. An iodignitr upon the rigl^ts of ambafl^dors, the truth oif which they did not in the leaft doubtf animated the poofederatffs to the keeneft thirft after rerengej and accordingly zsoo of their ^len* oil the 26th of July 1688, landed on the ibuth fide of the Iflaod pf Montreal, while the French appeared in perfed fecurity, burnt their Koufes, lacked their plantations, and put to the fword ail the men, women, and children, withQut the (kirts of the town. A thouiimd French were flain in this invafion, and tweniy-fix carried into captivity and burnt alive. Man/ niore werft ,made pnibners in aaother attack in Oflober, and the lower •part of the iiland wholly deilroyed. Only three of the confederates were loft in all this fcene of mifery and deiolation *. Never before did Canada fiifiain fuch a heavy blow. The ne^s of thiji attack on Montreal no fooner reached the garriwo at tbf; take OntMo, tha^ -they fet fire to the two barks which they had buUc there, and ajbandone^ the fort, leaving a match to twenty-eight barrels of powder, defigne^ cp blow up the works. The fpldiers went do:^n the Trjiver ,in fuch pred* pitation that one of the battoes and her crew were loft in ihooting a .£iU. The Confederates, in the mean time, feized the fort, the powder, and the ftores; and of all the French allies, who were vaftly numerous* only the Nepicirinians and Kikabo^8 adhered to thej;i> in their qihunities. The Utawawas and feveral other nations inftantiy ma^e peace with the ^^ *•» * Colden, I. 91. W. Smith, p. j|^. D2 Engliih; HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. EngUflx ; and, but for the uncommon fagacity and addrefs of the Sieur Perott the weftern Indiand would have murdered every Frenchman among them. Nor did the dillrefles of the Canadians end here { for numerous fcouts from the Five Nations continually infefted their borders. The frequent depredations that were madci prevented them from the cultivation of their fields, and a diftrefling famine raged through the whole country. Nothing but the ignorance of the Indians in the art of attacking fortified places fiived Canada from being now utterly cut oflT. It was therefore very fortunate to the French that the Indians had no afliftance from the Englilh . and as unfortunate to the Englifli that their colonies were then inca]^able of affording fuccours to the Confederates^ While thefe things were tra were againA Leifler, and therefore many of. his friends were at firft fearful of openly efpoufing a caufe difappro^ by the gentlemen of figure. For this reafon, Leifler's firft declaration in favour of the Prince of Orange vaa fubfcribed only by a few among feveral companies of the trained oands. While the people, for four days fucce^vely, wf re in the utmoft per- plexity to determine what part to choofet, being folicited by Leiiler on the one hand, and threatened by the lieutenant-gQvernor on the other» the town was alarmed with a report that three (hips were coming up with orders from the Prince of Orange. This falfehood was very fea- fonably propagated to ferve the intereft of Leifler, for, on that day, the 3d of June 1089, his party was increafed by the addition of fix captains and 400 men iri New York* and a company of 70 men from Eaft Chefter, who all fubfcribed a ieeond declaration, mutually covenanting to hold the fort for the prince. G>lonel Dongan contmued till this time in the harbour, waiting the iflue of thefe commotions ; and Nichol- Ion's party, being now uriable to contend with their opponents, were totally difperied, the lieutenant-governor himielf abfconding the very night after the laft dechiration was figned. Leifler being^ now in complete pofleflion of the fort, fent home an addrefs to King William and Qiieen Mary as fobn as he received the news of their acccifion to the throne. It is a (edious, incorred, ill'> drawn narrative of the grievances which the • people had endured, and the methods lately taken to fecure themfelves, ending with a recog-- nition of the foveteignty of the king and queen over the whole Englifh: dominions. This addrefs was ibon followed by a private letter from Leifler to King William, which, in very broken Englif^ informs his Majefty of the ftate of tbe.-garrifon, the repura he had made to it, and the temper of the people ; concluding with ftrong protelfations of his. fincerity, loyalty, and teat. Joft Stoll, an enfign, on the delivery of tbis letter to the king, had the honour to kifs bis Majefty *8 hand ; but NichoUbn the lieutenant-governor, and one Ennis, an epifcopal clergy- man, arrived in England before him ; and, by falfely reprefenting the late meafures in New York, as proceeding rather from their averfu)n to the church of Englandi. than zeal foe the Prince of Orange, Leiiler and his party mtfled the rewards and notice which, their sii^iyity for the Revolution juftly deferved. For, though the king mad4e Stoll the bearer of his thanks to the people for their fiddity, he fo. little regarde<| Leifler*8 complabts againft NichoUbn,. that he j^as foon. after preferreil|^ .'■■■■■ to'* {. M it HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. (0 the government of Virginia. Dongtm returned to Ireland, and it i« faid fucceeded to the earldditi c^ Limeriokr • ■ ■ ^ 1& .i-mh ■.:■:. ; le!fler*s fudden intdlittirfe with fu]jyi'eibl' power over the province, and the probable pfofp«^6 of King William's approbation of his con- dudb, could hot but e^eitm th« envy and jealoufy of the late council and magiftrates, who had refufed to join in the glorioua work of the Revo* lution; and hence the l^rin^ oif all their averdons both to the man and his meafures. Hd coatiiMed however to exercife the adminiftration of the colo^ until a pAeiiet arrived with a fetter from the Lwds Carmar-* then, Haliftx, and others, diredled to B-ancis Nichcdfon, Efq; or, in his abience, to fuch as for the time being take tare for preferving the peace and adminiftrating the laws in their Majefties province of New York in America. This letter ^Hi datitd the 29th of Julf, and was accompanied with another from Lord Nottingham,' dl»ed th(^ next day, which, after empowering Nichdlfon ttt cake ttpon him this chief command, and ta ap- point for his afliftants as many of the principal freeholdeTS and inhabi- tants as he ihonld think fit, required him ' alfo ** to do every thing appertaining to the office of lieutetvantTg^emor, according to ttie laws and cuftoms of New York, until, further orders." . •»? Nicholibn being atlfcond^d when this packet came to hand, Leifler coniidered the letter as dtreifted to himfelf, and from this time ifTued all kinds of commiflions in his' own name, afliimed the title, as well as authority, of lieutenant^goverhor, and formed a council. i ■ > The people of Albany, in the mean time, were determined to hold the garrifon and city for King William, independent of Leifler ; and, on the 36th of O&ober, which was before Che |facket arrived feom Lord Nottingham, fbmifed themfeWesiAtoa e<»f«i;ati«aforthat>|nirpofe. 1! ' '■'.Ul... •WV ■'1 i '!;,! .! Taking it for j^anted that Leifler at New York, and the Oonvc ntion at Albany, were equally afFeded to the Riei^olution, nothing could' be more egregioufly fooKfli than the condu€fc of both parties, who, by dieir in- teftine divilionS, threw the province into conmlfions, and fowed the feeds of mutual hatred and animofity; which, for a kmg time after, greatly embarrafTed the publick affairs of the colony. When Albany declared for the Prince of Orange^ there was nothing elfe that Leifler could properly require : and rather than facrifice the publick poace of the province to the trifling honour of refifling a man who bad ndi evil ddfigns, Albany ought in prudence io have delivered .the garrifon into 3 ^" K E W TORK. his hands till the king's definitiTe orders Ihould arrive. But while Lcnflef} on the one hand* was inebriated with his new-gotten power; fo, on the other, Mr Schuyler and )fije reft, could not fubmit to the authority of a man, as mean in his.abilitiesj as inferior in his degree. . Jacob ^ilborne was eommtffioiicd lor the redudion of AU)any, where the fort was commanded by Mr. Schuyler, vAto intimidated Milborne from making any attempt at that time: but in the fpring he com-> mantled another party, and got pofleflion of the garriibn. The principal member of the Convention lAfeonded, «id fhdr effe^ls were arintrarily feized and eonfifeated; ^Which fo highly exafpenited the fufieren, that their poflerity, to this di^, cannot fpeaJc of thefe troubles without the bittereft inved):iTes againft Leifler and all his adherents^ In the midft of thofe interline -eon&fioM at New York, the inbabio tants of Ne«v England were engaged in a war with the Eaftem Indians ; which gave rife to a conference between feveral commiflioners from Bofton, Plymou^, and ComieAteut, and iftitf Fi^ Nations, atAibany» in September 1689*, the former radeavouring to engage the tatter againft thofe Eaftern Indians, who were then at war with the New Eng- land colonies, and i^re fuppprted by the French. • The Five Nations had rteeived four meflengers fivmi the Eaftem Indians, which gave the people of' New England fuch dtiagrceable apprehenfions, that riiey were defire^us to know what receptioii was gtVen to thefe ineffengers. H ■■) w ^Tht l^ve NatibfOs arffwered by Tahajadoris a Mohawk Sacbem, who made a long oration'^' and, however improbable it may feem to Euro- peans, repeated all that had been faid the preeeding day. The art they have in affifting their memories is as follows : • ' - ** The Sathein, who pit^(i, when another article is (inifhed, he gives a ftick to another, to take care of that other, and fo on. In like manner, when the fpeaker anfwers, each of thefe has the particular care of the anfwer tefolved; on to each arttcle» and prompts the orator, when his memory fails lum» in the article com- * Cdden, I. loi. ia6b mittcd ^^ HISTORt;iO!F(B!HTlSH AMERICA. .flutted to'fals.xliargel'J^f Byv thta 'ineAns .|he orator^; after a previous ^conference with the IbdUns, it . prepared to repeat every part of the niefrage,, add. gWe it Jk proper. r^ily f. .^ This conference did not anfwer the expeAation of the New England -agents,' as tIie'rFiverNiifiotitiwei!e nfiwiUing to join in boftiiities i^nft the Eaftera Indianh.; but they were ready. |o diftrefe tJfic French, againft whom the Engiifh lately had declared war. Tahajadoris told- the. comilu4ioners,othM ** the Indians had patiently fuffered many ii^ries from the Frendi before tbqr took up the hatchet againil them: Tliat the patience of.^e Indiana -made the governor of Canada t^ink they were afraid of him, and, durft not reient thofe injuries; but he w;s deceived: for the Indians were refolved never to drop the hatclfet,' and ^vould nevi$r be. reconciled while oue French- man was alive." , That part of tiie fpeech intended to ratify .their friendihip with the Englifh colonies, was (iagularly exprefled as follows: ** We have fpoken yjfaatiwe had ^Uy of ,thc warf we now come to the affairs of peace. We proroife to preferve the chain inviolably, and wiflt. ihatthe fuii may always ihine in peace oyer all ouv heads that are comprehended in this chain :):. We give two belts ; one for the fun, the other for its beams. We m,ake.. faft the roots of the tree of peace and tranquillity, which is planted in this place;. Its : rqpt extends as far as the utmoft of your colonies. If the French Ihoufd come to ihake this tnee,' ^ ihould feel it by the mption of its -roo^ which esiend ■inio our country : But we truft it will not be in the governor of Cana- da's power to fliake this tree, which has been fo firmly and fo long ^planted with us §. The magiftrates of Albany had a privateconference with the Sachems «f the Five Nationsg and defired to knpw their refqlutions as to the war • Coldcn, L 107. . • "t ^« Smhb, p. 64. I X,** The Indians conception ,of the league bftwcen them and us is. couched jund«r the idea of a chain extended from a (hip to |i treet fp^ every repewal of this league they call brightening the chain." Smith, p. 64. '--.'-, § Golden, 1. 109. with &**'t N E W Y O R K. with Canada, and the meafures they refolved to purfue. In this con- ference the Indians faw that the people of Albany were fo much afraid of the French that their fpirits were funk under the apprehenfions of the approaching war ; and for this reafon made the following anfwer : ** We have 140 men out fkulking about Canada; and it is impoflible for the French to attempt any thing without being difcovered and harafled by thefe parties. If the French Ihall attempt any thing this way, all the Five Nations (hall come to your affiftance, for our brethren and we are but one, and we will live and die together. We have defired a hun- dred men of our brethren of Bofton to aifift us here, becaufe this place is moft expofed : But* if the governor of Canada is fo ftrong as to over- come us all united together, then he muft be our mafter, and is not to be refifted ; yet we have confidence in a good and juft caufe ; for the Great God of Heaven knows how deceitfully the French have dealt with us : their arms can have no fuccefs. The Great God hath fent us figns in the iky to confirm this. We have heard uncommon noifes, and have feen heads fall down upon earth, which we look upon as a certain, prefage of the deftru^on of the French. Take courage !** On this they all immediately joined in finging, and crying out, *■* Courage ! Courage*!*" 25 i»» Nothing could have been more advantageous to the Britifh Colonies, and efpecially New York, than the late fuccefs of the Five Nations againft Caiada. The miferies, to which the French were reduced, ren- dered the Britifli Colonifts fecure againft their inroads, till the work of the Revolution was almoft accompli(hed ; and to their diftreflfed con- dition muft be principally afcribed a defeat of the French defign, about that time, to conquer this province. Among other meafures to detach the Five Nations from the Britifh intereft, and raife the deprefied fpirit of the Canadians, the Count dc Frontenac thought proper to fend out feveral parties againft the Englifh Colonies. , D*Aillebout, De Mantel, and Le Moyne, commanded that againft New York, ■ confifting of about 300 French, and fome Cagh- nuaga Indians. Their orders were, in general, to attack New York; Dut, purfuing the advice of the Indians, they refolved, inftead of Al- bany, to furprife Schene^dy, a village feventeen miles north-weft from it, and about the fame diffance from the Mohawks. The people of Schenedady, though they had been informed of the defigns of the Vol. n. * Colden, Itiif. enemy 36 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. enemy, were in the greatefl fecurity ; judging it impradicable for any men to march fcveral hundred miles, in the depth of the winter, through the fnow, bearing their provifions on their backs. Beflde, the village was in as much confufion as the reft of the province ; the officers, who were pofted there, being unable to prcfcrvc a regular watch, or any kind of military order. Such was the ftatc of Schenectady, as reprefented by Colonel Schuyler, who was at that time mayor of the city of Albany, and at the head of the Convention. A copy of his letter to the neigh- bouring colonies, concerning this defcent upon Schenedtady, dated the 15th of February 1689—90, is now extant under his own hand. After two and twenty days march, the enemy fell in with Schene^dy, on the Hth of February ; and were reduced to fuch ftreights, that they had thoughts of furfendering themfelves prifoners of war. But their fcouts, who were a day or two in the village intirely unfufpedted, returned with fuch encouraging accounts of the ubfolute fecurity of the people, that the enemy determined on the attack. They entered on Saturday night, about eleven o'clock, at the gates, which were found un(hut ; and, that every houfc might be invefted at' the fame time, divided into fmall par- tics of fix or fcven men. The inhabitants were in a profound fleep, and unalarmcd till their doors were^roke open^ Never were people in a more wretched, confternation. Bofore they were .rifen from tneir beds the enemy entered .their houfes, and began the perpetration of the moft inhuman barbarities.' No tongue, fays Colonel Schuyler, can exprefs the cruelties that were committed. The whole village was inftantly in a blaze. Women with child ripped open, and their infants caft into the flames, or daflied againft the polls of the doors. Sixty perfons perilhed in the maflacre, and twenty-feven were carried into captivity. The reft fled naked toward Albany, through a deep fnow which fell that verjr night in a terrible ftorm ; and twenty-five of thefe fugitives Joft their limbs in the flight through the feverity of the froft. The new» of this dreadful tragedy readied Albany about break of day ; and uniVerfal dread fei/ed the inhabitants of that city, the enemy being t-eported to be 1400 ftrong. A party of horfe was immediately difpatched to Sche- nectady, and a few Mohawks then in town, fearful of- being inter- cepted, were with difficulty fent to apprifc their own caftlfs. The Mohawks were unacquainted with this bloody fcene till two days after it happened; the Knglirti mclfengers being, fcarce able to travel through the great depth of fnow. The enemy, in the mean time, pillaged the town of Schencdlady till noon the next day; and then went off with their plunder, and about forty of their beft horfes. The reft, with all the cattle they could find, lay flaughtered in the ftreets. The he NEW YORK. The dcfign of the French, in this attack, was to alarm the fears of the Engliih Indian allies, by fhewing that the £ngli(h were incapable of defending them. Every art alfo wa» ufcd to conciliate their friendfhln ; for they not only fpared thofc Mohawks who were found in Schcnedlady, but feveral other particular pcrfons, in compliment to the Indians, who requeued that favour. >Scveral women and children were alfo rclcarcd at the defire of Captain Glen, to whom the Trench offered no violence ; the officer declaring he had ftri^ orders againfl it, on the (core of his wife's civilities to certain French captives in the time of Cbloncl Dongan. The Mohawks, conAdering the cajoling a^s of the French, and that the Caghnuagas, who were with them, were once a part of t^hcir own body, behaved as well as could be reafonably expelled. They joined a party of young men from Albany, fell upon the rear of the enemy, and either killed or captivated five and twenty. Several Sachems, in the mean time, came to Albany, and very aflfedingly addreifed the in- habitants, who were jufl: ready to abandon the country, urging their flay, and exciting. an union of all the Engliih Colonies againll Canada. The Indians foon after treated the Chevalier D'Eau, and the reft of the French meflengers, who came tp conclude the pei^:c propofed by Taweraket, with the utmoft indignity ; and afterwards delivered them up to the l^nglifh. Belide this, their fcouts haraflldthe borders of the. enemy ; l^t what rendered this year moil remarkable was the expedition of Sir William Phipps, which has already been mentioned. Anterior to the Revolution in England, many controveriies arofe in New York relating to public townfhips and private rights. It had been a fubjedl of animated debate, whether the people in this colony had a riglftto be reprefented in alTembly; or whether it was a privilege en- joyed through the grace of the crown ? but it was generally underHood in the former light, and fo. virtually declared upon that and feveral other of the ptincipal and diftinguifhing liberties of Engliihmcn. Colonel Henry-j Sloughter arrived as governor on the 19th of March 1691, though his commiffion was dated the 4th of January i6^g. The new governdr compelled Leifler to furrender the fort, imprifoned him and Milbornc, whom' he tried, iponvi^ed, and executed as traitors. Leifler's fon afterward carried home a complaint to King William againft the governor. His petition was referred, according to the common courfe of plantation affairs, to the lords commiflioners of trade, E ft who «7 aB HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. who reported, on the nth of March 1692, ** That they were of opf- motif that Jacob Leifler and Jacob Milborne deceafed, were condemned and had fuffered according to law." Their lordfliips, however, inter- Ceded for their families, as fit objects of mercy; which induced Queen Mary, who approved the report, to declare *, " That, upon the humble application of the relations of the faid Jacob LeiQer and Jacob Milborne deceafed, her Majedy would order their eftates to be reftored to their families, as objects of her Majefty's mercy." The bodies of thefe unhappy fufferers were afterward taken up, and pompoufly interred in the old Dutch church in the city of New York. Their eftates were reflored to their families ; and Leiiler's children^ in the pubHc eftimation, are rather dignified, than difgraced, by the fall of their anceftor. Thefe violent meafures drove feveral of the inhabitants into the adjacent colonies ; which foon after occafioned the pafiing an ad of general inderanky. From the furrender of the province to the year i6S$i the inhabitants were ruled by the Duke*i» governo. 3, who made rules and orders, which were efteemed to be binding as laws. Thefe were regularly coUeded under alphabetical titles in 1674; a fair copy of them remains to this day among the records ; and are commonly known by the name of «• The Duke's laws.'* Thofe a^ which were made in 1683, and after the Duke's acceflion to the throne, when the people were admitted to a part of the legiflative power, are for the mofl part defaced or' loft. Few minutes relating to them remain on the cou-^.cil-books, and none in the journals of the houfe. i The alTembly convened in 1^91, was the firft after the Revolution, and it may not be improper to take fome particular notice of its tranf- a^ons ; becaufe all laws made here, antecedent to this period, are difregarded both by the legiflature and the courts of law f. Before this houfe pi^dieeded to pafs any ads, they unanimoufly re- folved, " That all the laws confented to by the general afTembFy, under James Duke of York, and the liberties and privileges therein contained, * 0»^e 17th of March. f In th« coHeAioft of their afla, publifliecl in 175a, the compiler* were direAed to begin' at this aflembly. *' The validity of the old grants of the powers of government, in feveral Amencan colonics, it very much doubted in this province." W. Smith, p. 73. granted N E W Y O R K. granted to the people* and declared to be their rights* not being obferved; nor ratified and approved by his royal highnefs, nor the late king, are null and void, and of none effe€t :■ and alfo the feveral ordinances, made by the late governors and councils, being contrary to the conilitution of England, and the pradice of the government of theii Majefties other plantations in America^ are likewife null and void, and of no ciTc£t noK force within this province." Among the principal laws enaded at thiS'feffion, it may be proper to raentioa> that for eftablifhing the revenue, which was drawn into pre^^' cedents The fums raifed by it were made payable into the hands of the receiver-general, and ifllied by warrant from the governor ; by which, means his excellency became independent of the people for a time; and hence may be found frequent inftances of the aifemblies contending with him for the difcharge of debts to private perfons, contra Dutch governor. At the time of Sloughter's deceaft, the government devolved, accor- ding to the late a£t for declaring the rights of the people of this pro- vince* on the council, in which Jofeph Dudley had a right to prefide :: buft a^i ao HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. but they committed the chief command to Richard Ingoliby, a captain of an independent companyv who was fworn into the office of prefident on the 26th of July x688. Dudley, foon afterward returned to this province from Bofton, but did not think proper to difpute Ingolfby's authority, though the latter had no title, nor the greatefl abilities for government, and was betide obnoxious to the party who had joined Leifler. ' This fummer Major Schuyler, with a party of Mohawks, paflfed through the Lake Champlain, and made a bold irruption upon the French fettlements, at the north end of it. De Callieres, the governor of Montreal, to oppofe him, collected a fmall array of 800 men, and encamped at La Prairie. Schuyler had feveral conflicts with the enemy, and flew about 300 of them, which exceeded in number his whole party. The French, a(hamed at their ill fuccefs, attributed it to the want of order, too many detihng to have the command. But the true caufe was, the ignorance of their officers in the Indian manner of fighting. They kept their men in a body, while the Englifh polled themfelves behind trees, hidden from the enemy. Major Schuyler's' detign, in this defcent, was to animate the Indians, and preferve their enmity with the French. They accordingly continued their hoftilities againft them ; and, by frequent incurfions, kept the country in conflant alarm. In the midft of thefe diftreflfes, the French governor preferved his fprightlinefs and vigour, animating every body about him. After he had ferved himfelf of the Utawawas, who came to trade at Montreal, he fent them home under the care of a captain and 1 10 men ; and, to fecure their attachment to the French intereft, gave them two Indian prifoners ; and, betide, fent very contiderable prefents to the weftern Indians, in their alliance. The captives were afterwards burnt. The Five Nations, in the mean time, grew more and more incenfed, and continually haraffed the French borders. An Indian, called Black Kettle, commanded in the incurtions of the Five Nations, and his fucceties, which continued the whole fummer, fo exafperated the Count, that he ordered an Indian prifoner to be burnt alive. The bravery of this favage was as extraordinary as the torments inflided on him were cruel., Colonel Benjamin Fletcher arrived, with a commiffion to be governor, on the 29th of Auguft 169a, which was publifhed the next day, before the members in council. Colonel lel N E W Y O R K- Colonel Fletcher brought over with hira a prefent to the colony, of arms, ammunition, and warlike (lores ; in gratitude for which, he ex- horted the council and aflembly, who were ntting at his arrival, to fend home an addrefs of thanks to the king. It confifts principally of a reprefentation of the great expence the province was continually at to defend the frontiers, and praying his Majefty's dirediion, that the neighbouring colonies might be compelled to join their aid for the fup- port of Albany. Fletcher was by profellion a (bldier, a man of ftrong paflions, and inconliderable talents; very adive, and equally avaricious. Nothing could be more fortunate to him than his early acquaintance with Major Schuyler, at Albany, at the treaty for confirmation of the Indian alliance, the fall after his arrival. No man, then in this province, un- derftood the ftate of its affairs with the Five Nations better than Major Schuyle'r. He had fo great an influence over them, that' whatever Quider, as they called him, recommended or difapproved, had the force of a law. This power over them was fupported, as it had been ob- tained, by repeated offices of kindnefs, and his fingular bravery and a£t^vity in the defence of his country. Thefe qualifications rendered , him Angularly ferviceable and neceilary both to the province and the governor. For this reafon, Fletcher took him into his confidence, and, on the 3 5th of OAober, raifed him to the council-board. ' Under the tutelage of Major Schuyler, the governor became daily more and more acquainted with Indian affairs ; his conAant application to which pro- cured and preferved him a reputation and influence in the colony. The old French governor, who found that all his meafures for accom- plifliing a peace with the Five Nations proved abortive, was now medi- tating a blow on the Mohawks. He accordingly colledled an army of 600 or 700 French and Indians, and fupplied them with every thing neceffary for a winter campaign. They fet out from Montreal on the 15th of January 1693, and had a laborious march until the 6th of February, when they paffed by Schenectady, and furprifed the Mohawk, caftles, and took about 300 prifoners. Colonel Schuyler went out againft the enemy at the head of a 00 militia, who were joined by 300 Indians : but the latter were fearful to« engage, and fuffered the enemy to depart with little moleftation. Governor Fletcher embarked from New York with 300 voluntiers,, and arrived at Schenedady on the 1 7tb, which was too late to- be of any 3» $11 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. any other ufe than to firengthen the ancient alliance *. But the Indians, in commendation of his adivity on this occallont gave him the name of GiyenquiragOi or " The great fwift arrow f-** The governor returned to New York, \/here he met the aflembly ia the month of March, when he received the thanks of the houfe for his late vigilance. He met the Five Nations at Albany, in July 1693, with a valuable prefent of clothing, ammunition, -hatchets, and knives, which had been fent over for that purpofe by the crown. The Indians Gonfented to a renewal of the ancient league, and cxpreiTed their gra- titude for the royal donation in the moft refpe6tfu\ terms :{:. His excellency returned to New York, and met a new aflembly in September, when James Graham was chofen fpeaker. The governor endeavoured to'-procure (he eftablilhment of a miniftry throughout the colony, a revenue to his 'Majefiy for life, the repairing the fort in New York, and the eredlion of a chapel. The zeal with which this aflFair was recommended, induced the houfe to appoint a committee of eight members, to agree upon a fcheme for fettling a miniftry in each refpec- tive precinA throughout the province. It was fo warmly contefted* that the governor broke up the ieffion with a Tery angry fpeech. t^ertainly they deferved better ulage at his hands ; for the revenue was continued five years longer than was originally intended ; which was rendering the governor independent of the people for that time ; becaufe the aflembly had then no treafurer, and the amount of all taxes went of courfe into the hands of the receiver-general, who was ap- pointed by the crown. Out of this fund monies were only ifluable by ■the^Qvernorfs warrant; fo that every officer in the government became intirely d(^>endent on the governor. Governor Fletcher and his aflembly kannng come to an open rupture in the fpring, he called another in June, of which James Graham was chofen fpeaker. The Count Frontenac was then repairing the old fort at Cadaraqui, and the intelligence of this, and the king's aflignment of the quotas of the feveral colonies, for an united force, againft the JErenct), were the principal matters which the governor laid before the aflembly. * CoUen, I.j^..i50. 158. t^Ibid. X Ibid. p. i4{i. A» • NEW YORK. As a number of forces were now arriv«d, the aflembly were in hopes 'the province would be relieved ^rom raifing an^ more men for the defence of the frontiers ; and* to okain this favour of the governor, ordered looo/. to be levild, one half to be prefented to himt and the reft he had leave to diftribute among the Englifli officers and foldaers. A bill for this purpofe was drawn ; but thouch his Excellency thanked them for their nvourable intention, he thought it nbc for hia honour to confent to it. After paffinf^ feveral Uws, the feilion broke up in perfect harmony; the governor, m his great ^ce, recommending it to the houfe to appoint a committee to examme the public accounts againft the next femons. 31 In September, Fletcher wt at up to Albany, with verv confiderable prefents to die Indians ; whom he blamed for fuflPering the French to rebuild the fort at Cadaraqui, or Frontenac, which commanded the entrance from Canada into the great Lake Ontario. While thefe works were carrying on, the Dionandadies, who were then poorly fupplied by the French, made overtures of a peace with the Five Nations, which the latter readily embraced, becaufe it was owing to th«r fears of thefe Indians, who lived near the Lake Michilimakinac, that they never dared to march with their whole ftrength againft Canada. The French commandant was fiill^ fenfible of the importance of pre- venting this alliance. The civilities of the Dionandadies tQ the pri- foners, by whom the treaty, to prevent a difcovery, was negociated, gave the officer the firft fufpidon of it. One of thefe vnretches had the unhappinefs U> faM into the hands of the French, who put him to Ike moft ex^uifite torments, that all future intercouffe with the Dionan-* dadies might be cut ofiF. From the time Colonel Fletcher received his inftrudions refpe£Bng the quotas of thefe colonies, for the defence of the frcmtiers, he repeatedly, but in vain, urged their compliance with the king's diredion : he then carried his complaints againft them home to his Majefty ; but all hia applications were defeatra by the agents of thofe colonies who rcfided in England, and there dcmonftrated the inequality and impn^Hriety of the demand. As fitpn therefore as he had laid this matter betore the aflembly,. in autumn 1695, the houfe appointed William Nicol to go home in the quality of an agent for this province, for which they . » Vot. II. F allowed r 34 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMEIWCA. allowed himtfoooA Bat lu«feliaitatioM ptoved unfttcccfrAil* and the inftruQion relating to theft fi9ned:atR7ftriok in 1697. Il Richard) Earl of Bellamont in Ireland, fucceeded Cofottcl'fletcker in the government of New York, where he arrived on the sd of April 1^696!. Ni*' lonkhip wa» tkb appoimcdi t» tlir ohief "^^^t^ of the •Maflkchuftt» Bay and New Haoipflliir^ at wictt a* tUtf promaee^ whaw he waa fent priocipally to Aop the growth. o€ pimcjr t and h« apfoiaiid John Nanfan, who waa^ hia kinfinan^ lienttnaaft-gDvemDr. Hit. lord* ihip*8 commiifion was publilhed in council on the day of his arrival ; Colond Slet«hert whoftUl remained go»^nor under the prapri«tosa of PennTylvaniaj and lieutenant-governor Nanfaxif being prefant. In 1700^ ft taw was ordained fbr banging every Popifli prieft that came voluntarily into the provinee; which was occasioned by the great number of Froieh- Jefuita wdio were oonliaually attempting to make Indian profelytca; and it continues. inftiUfoffle to tlua.day; The EM of BeHlunonC died on the 9A of Marehi VfCMy aad- hia death was the fonrce of new trmd)les, cearerniiig the poiweiisof gnvenip* ment, nntil the arrival of Licutenaa^Gcwemor Nanfiin^ whot fettled the controverfy by afluming the fupreme command. . The afiemblf^ met 00 the I9(h of Augjt^* 1701, whea Abraham Govemeus was dei6lcd fpeaker ; and Mr. Nanfan, in hia fpeech to tha hottli, informed then *' of the memorable grant to the crowa». on th6 igth o£ Inl^) by the Five Nations, of a vaft trad of land, to prevent the neteffiijr of their fuhaaitting to the French in cafe of a. war : that hia. Maje%r had given out of his exchequer 800/. to be laid out in preftnts: to the Indians ; and 5150a/ for ereAmg forts." • CoUeo, T«L !• Edwaidy * NE^ YOltX. ' tESfPtrd, Lord Viicount GorabtnT % wu «ppomted governor of this InrovHice* Wheve he nrrWei^ with kii lady and family* in 1701. His cemnriffion wai renewed by Qtieen Anne« who alfo aippomted him to the command of New fertsv^ the goircrnment of ivhich the proprietor had lately furrendered into her handi *. The following fiimnier wai remaiteble for an uncommon mortality, "which preratled in the city of New York, and makes a grand epoch among its inhabitants, dfft»Mui(hed by the *' Time of the great ficknefs.** This was a ferer brought nrom the Hland of St. Thomas in the Weft fndies ; and many died df it. On this occaHon, Lord Cornbury had hit rcfidence M Jamaica, a pleafant village on Long Ifland, inhabited partly by original Dutch Ranters, but diiefly by New England emigrants. His Excellency ^mu met here by the aflembly. Lord Cornbury (hewed evident marks of a perfecuting fpirit during the whole d his admimftration %i particularly in profecuting two pre£ byterian minifters, on a pretence that fhey unlawfully preached with- out his licence fiiA obtained, in derogation of the royal authority and preregative. •> Lord Cornbury was no lefs obnoxious to the people of New Jferfcy than to thofe of New York. They drew up a complaint againft him. Which they tnafniitted to ihe <[^een, woo dedated iha would not fuffer her aeareft rcAationi to oopreft her fbbicds; in confeq[iience of which, flie diveAed his lordflup of idl his anthoiityt and iqppmatcd Lord LoveUce m hie llead. As ibon M Lord Gombury was fuperfeded, his creditors threw him into the cnftodv of the (heriff of New Y^rk, where he remained until the detxh of his faither, when he fucceeded to the earldom of Claren- don, andTBtumed to Englaad with an infamous charaftcr ||. t He «ru foB •£ tlw Eirl of Cbueadoo, who refiiM tht m^Im to King William and Quetn Aaae ) wad ffudfoa to the great CbasGaUor Clarendoo^ who wak alio ^and- father to Qyeen Mary and Q^een Anne. * Samuel Sasith't HiOory of N««r Jerlejr, p. ao8.*3i6. % Snitb, p. 111.-^-113. I W. Smith's Hiftory of New York, p. 116. S. Smith'a Hifteiy of New Jerfcjr, Fa John 35 ;•)•- HISTORY OF BEITISH'AMERICA. John Lord Lovelace, fiaron of Hurley, was app(nnted to this govern* ment in March 1708, but did not arrive until the x8th of Decembei following, when he was received with univerfid joy. Having diflblved the general aflembly foon after his acceffion to the government, he con- vent a new one on the 3th of April 1709. The principal matter which engaged the attention of the aflembly was the affair of the revenue : but, on the 5th of May, they agreed to faife 2500/. to defray the charges of government to the iftof May enfuing; of which idoo/. was voted to his Excellency; and the re- maining fums toward a fupply of firewood and candles to the diffierent forts ; as alfo for payment of fmall fidaries to the printer, derk of the council, and Indian interpreter* • ' ' * This new proje^ of providing aonuaUy for the iupport of goreroi- ment, was contrived to prevent the mifchidfs to which the long revenues had formerly expofed the Colonifts : But, as it rendered the governor, and all Um other fervants of the crown, dependent upon the afiembly, a rupture muft have enfued ; which was prevented by the death of his lordihip, occafioned by a difafter in crofling the ferry at his firft arrival in the city of New-York, where his lady continued long after his deathy foliciting for the fum voted to her hufbtuad ; and though the. Q^een inr terpofed, by a letter in her behalf, nothing^ was allowed till feveral years, afterwards. Lord Lovelace being dead» the chief command devolved upon Richard Ingoldiby the lieutenant-governor, the fame who had exercifed the government fevesal years before^ upon the deceafe of Colonel Sloughter* His fliort adminiftration is remarkable, not for his extraordinary talents, for he was a heavy man, but for a fecond fhiitlefs attempt againft Canada. Colonel Vetch, who had been feveral years before at Quebec, and founded the river of Si. Lawrence, was fi»ft projedor of this enterprife. The miniftry approved of it, and Vetch, arrived in Bofton, and prevailed upon the New England Colonies to. join in the fcheme. After that he came to New York, and concerted the plan of operations. It was at this jun^re the firft a&. of aflembly for ifluing bills of credit was pafled; an expedient without which they could not have contributed to the expedition, the treafury being then totally exhaufted. Univerfal joy brightened every man's countenance, becaufe all expelled the complete redudion of Canada before the enfuing fall. Big with the pleafing profped of an event which would put a period to all the ravages ot an encroaching mercilefs enemy, extend the Britifh empire, and ■ . > _ . / augment i. NEW YORK. •Hgmeat their tradet the/ exerted themfelvei to the utmoft fi>r iStts iiioceft d the expedition. Having dius put themlehres to the expenee of above so,ooa/. towurd this enterprife, the delay, of the arrival of the fleet fjpread a genoral difcontent through the cotmtry; and, early in the f^l> the auembl/ addrefled the lieutenant-governor to recall their forces from the camp i and Vetch and NichoUbn foon after broke up the cahapaign. Had this expedition been idgoroufly carried on, doubtfefs it "would have fucceeded. The public aflnirs at home were conduced by a wife miniftry : the allied army triumphed in repeated fuccefles in Flanders ; and the court of France was in no conditKM) to givf affiftance to fa diftant a colony as Canada. The Indians of the Five Nations were engaged, through the indefatigable folicitations of Colonel Schuyler, to> join heartily in the attempt ; jmd in America every thing was ripe foF the attack. At home, Ixml Sunderland, the fecretary of ftate, had pro^ ceeded fo far, as to difoatch orders to the Qjieen's (hips at Bofton to hold themfelves in readinen, and the Britifli troops were upon the point of their embarkation. At this jundure the news arrived of the defeat of the Portuguefe, which reducing their allies to great ftraits, the forces in-^ tended for the American adventure were, then ordered to their affiftance*,, and the thoughts of the miniftry intirely diverted from the Canada expeditioQ. Imprefled with a ftrong fenfe of the neceflity of ibme vfgorous mea>- fures againft the French, Colonel Schuyler was extremely difcontented at the late difappointment ; and refolved to make a voyage to England^ at his private expenee, the better to inculcate on the miniftry the nece(^ fity of^ reducing Canada to the crown of Great Britain ; for which pur^- pofe he propofled to carry home with him five Indian chiefa. ' The arrival of the five Sachems in England made a great noifer ihrough the whole kingdom. The mob followed wherever t. ey Wi'ni,, and fmall prints of them were fold among the people. The cou^i v -t^ at that time in mourning for the death of the Prince of Denmark ; tl ife American Kings were therefore drefled in black under>cIothes after th* Englifli manner; but, inftead of a blanket, they had each a fcarlek^.i?.^ grain cloth mantle, edged with gold, thrown over all their other gax - ments. This drefs was direded by the drefTers of the phyhoufe, and! given by the' Queen, who was advifed to make a fliew of them. A more than ordinary folemnity attended the audience they had of her Majefty. Sir Charles Gottcrel conduced them in two coaches to Su. Jamca's;, n HISTORY :Of 3EITISH1AMERICA. ^mie8'«4 jnd the docd ehambeiluii introdaced them into the wml prefence. [ tWirile mtfied to provide for the {wppatt of gomtaaeat, ud to ' leAove tiw pabu lie credit,, aa wdi as tOr piiottA the frantkrs. lac anefwer to tflie dofe cf his fpeech, they declared their hope* that fuch as excitedi pasty caAtmikf' tions might meet with as little credit and as much difgrace as they defitrTed. Thisr uaaaioity^ however* waa foon interrupted; Colonel Mortis,, for foaa« wuta wonla dteppcd in m debate, was exipeUed the houfe ;. and. fi)oo, af («r,( » difpute mdk bctwcM^ the ooundlF and iffembly, cor cmtag fome ameadnentft andlrby the fonner tbaibilt fiir the treaK iiuerV paying fundry Atras of oMMiey. The five Indian chieftains, carried to Eaghmd' by-Goloitel Stfhuylor, ha^ng feen all the curiofities in London, and been much entertained by many perfians^of diAkidUon^ returned to BoAcm wiib CbmnMcfon Mahtin and-Goloael NichoUbfi; the latlerc^wfaom eoaunanded tl^ibrMadefigned againft Port Royal and the coaft of Nova Scotifti iii this enterprife^ the New Eng^d coloniesv agreeaUe to* their wonttd eourage and' loyalty^ lent their affiftance; and the reduAion of the garrifon, which vMw tlim called Annapolis Royal, was happily completed on the 3d of October 1 710. Animated by this and fbme otfier' facceflba in Ne#foUtidUmd» Nicholfon ag^in urged the profeeution of die fcheme for the reduAiofl of Canada ; wluch, having beea ftrongly recommended- by the IndiaiH chiefs* a« the only effe^ua^ mean* toiccMrc thrnordierteooloniesi wa« ttowagutt refumcd* Towurd the execution of this prqjed, five thoofand troops- frdm Eng- land and Flanders were fentoveri undo* the comraiandi of Brigadier HiTl> the brother of Mr. Maiham, the Qoeeoi^ new confident, od- the cK(grace of the Dutchefs of Marlborough. The fleet of tranfports, under the con- voy of Sir Hoveden Walker» arrived^ after & month's pafllag«, at BoftOn, on the 4th of June 171 1. The provifions, with which th^ ejip^dfed to be fupplied there, being not provided, the troops landed. I^Ticholfon, who was to coiamand the land fiuccis, cause iminedialdy to New Y(^k, where Mr. Huatcr oonvvMcd the aficmbly, on the 2d of July. The houfe was fo well pleafed' with the defigte uponGaHada, ^at they voted an addrefs of thanlcs to the Qbeen, and vent aeomnhitoee M> Nichols fon, to congratulate his arrival. In a few day's time, an ad waa pafled for raifing forces ; and the aflfembly, by a refolution, according to the gover- nor's advice, reftrided the price of provifiona to cenaid particular fums. Bills of credit, for forwarding the expedition, were now alfofttriKlB, (Othe amount of 10,000 1. ? The 39 .■■' i'l ^M I'S' 4fi HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA.' The French in Canada we.e not unapprifed of dKefe defigns. Vau- dreuilf thegorernor gensraU feat his CMrdenfirom Montreal to the Sieur De Boiucourt, to haflen the works he was about at Quebec ; uid commanded chat all the regulars and militia (hould be held in readinefs to march on the firft warning. As Ibon as the Marquis De Vaudreuil, by the accounts of the fiiher* men, and two other Ihips, had reafon to fufpeft that our fleet was returned, he went to Qiambly, and formed a camp of three thouiand men to oppofe Nicholfon*s army, intended to penetrate Canada at tlUt end. But he was foon informed that our tnx^ were returned, upon the news of the difafier which had befallen the fleet ; and that the people of Albany, were in the utmoft conflernation. The public debts, by this unfortunate expedition, were greatly increafed, which occafioned a controverfy between the council and afl*embly, con- cerning the api^ication of the public money. Both houfes adhered to their refpedhY« opinions ; in confequence of which, the public debts ^remained unpaid. About this time, CcJonel Hunter, by the advice of his council, be- gan to ezerdie the office of chancellor; having, on the 4th of Odober, appointed two maflers, a regifter, an examiner, and two clerks. A pro- clamation was then ifiiied, to fignify the fitting of the court on Thuifday in every week ; which gave rife to thefe two refolution^ of the houfe : ,. ^ Refi)lvedt That the ereding a court of chancery, without confent in general aflembly, is contrary to law, without precedent, and of danger- ous confequence to the liberty and property of the fubjeds. ** That the eftablilhing fees, without confent in general aflembly, was contrary to law." The council made thefe votes the fubje^l of part of a long reprefenta- tion, which they tranfmitted to the Lords of Trade, who approved of what the governor had done, and blamed the aflembly ; adding, ** That her Majefly had an undoubted right of appointing (uch, and fo many courts of judicature in the plantations as flie ihould think neceflkry for the diftri- bution of juftice." Colonel Hunte^r at-the next meeting in May X7I8» recommended the public debts to the confideration of die aflembly,who neglcded the matters laid N E W Y O R K. laid before them ; and the governor broke up the feflion by a fliort proro- gation of three days, after which the aflembly was diflblved. Before the meeting of the next aflembly, the peace of Utrecht was concluded on the gift of March 171^; by this treaty, the Brittfli crown became intitled to the fovereignty over the country of the Five Nations* at leaft for any claim that could be alleged by the French. The new aflembly met on the 37th of May 1713* when the governor acquainted them, that '* he was refolved to pafs no law until proviiion was made for the goveriiment." A bill was accordingly paflTed ; as alfo an excife bill on fpirituous liquors, which now exifts, and produces about 1000 1. a year into the treafury : but the debts of the government remained unno- ticed until the fummer of the year 1714, when it appeared that they amounted to 28,000 1. for the payment of which, recourfe was had to the public bills of credit, to be depofited in the hands of the provincial trea- furer, and iflfued by him only purfuant to the diredions of the adt. Upon the death of Queen Anne, a diFolution enfued of courfe, and a new houfe met in May 1715, which was foon diflblved by^th^ governor, who was determined to fubdue thofe whom he could not allure. In the new houfe, June I7i<$, the governor obtained a majority, which he retained until 1718. The governor returned to England, where he fucceeded William Bur- net, Efq; AS comptroller-general of the cuftoms at London, and Mr. Burnet P ceeded him as governor of New York, where he took upon him the government, on the 17th of September 1720. • Mr. Burnet was a fon of that well-known Dr. Gilbert Burnet, bifliop of Salilbury, who died in March 1 7 14. This fon was of a more elevated genius than hfs father : he was a fenfible and polite gentleman, a good fcholar, and of a focial difpofition. Governor Hunter recommended all his old friends to the favour of his fucceflbr ; fo that few changes were made by him, except that G>lonel Schuyler, who had prefided at the council-board in the abfence of Colonel Hunter, and Mr. Philips, were both removed from that board, on account of the oppofition they made to the continuance of the aflembly. The new governor made chief-juftice Morris his principal confident ; Cadwallader Golden, and James Alexander, Efqrs. two Sipotch gentle- VoL. II. G men. 41 i •; • : m 4» HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. men, had the next phce In hfs efteem ; in 'which choke he (hewed hi*: wifdom, as they were both gentlemen of great learning, good morals,, and folid parts. The former was well acquainted with the provincial affairs, and particularly thofe relating to the Indian allies, as appears by^ his " Hiftory of the Five Indian Nations of Canada,'* which he very juAly^ dedicated to the honourable General Oglethorpe, who was certainty the beft judge in the yfor\d of Indian affairs. Mr. Alexander was bred to the law, ifhd had a great chataAer in his profeflion ; nor was he unacquainted with the affairs of the public, becaufe he had ferved in the fecretary's- office, the beft fchool in the. province for ipftru£fcion in matters of govern- ment.^ ' Of all the governors of this province, not one had (uch perfed. and extenfive views of Indian affairs, and the dangerous neighbourhood of the French* as Mr. Burnet, in which Mr. livingfton was his principal afliftailt. His excellency's attention to. thefe matters appeared at the very commencement of his adminiflration ; for, in his ^rfl ^ech to the affem- bly, he endeavoured to implant the fame fentiments in the breads of the members ; trying to alarm their fears by the daily advances of the French,, their pofTeffing the principal pafTes, fedueing the Indian allies, and in- creaiiog theic new fettlemeots ia Louiiiana. Among the mofl remarkabk ads paffed at this feflipn, may be reckoned that for prohibiting the fale of Indian goods to the French. The laft was a law very advantageous to the province ; yet it became the fi>urce of an. vnreafonable oppofitionr againft the gpvernor« which continued; through, his whole admioiftratioflu Mr. Burnet's fcheme was, to draw the Indian trade into £nglii>, hands ;. to cbflru^ the communication- of the French wkh the Five Nations, which^ gave them frequent opportunities of fedueing them from their fidelity; ind to regain the Caghnuagas, who became interefled in their difaffobiion, by being the carriers between Albany and. Montreal' Among thofe wlio were more iramediatery prejudiced by thia new regulation^ the import;i;r8 of thofe goods from Europe were the chief; and^ hence the fpring of their oj^fition to the governor: but this was not ihe only ftratagem of thofie who were dxfaffe^d by the prohibition oil the French trade- : i> The London merchants were alfb induced to petition the King for an . Mder to his governor, prohibition^ the revival of the aft mad& againft it, i. or •^-> N E W y O R K. ^or the CMifling any nerr law of that tendency, llie petition was referred 40 the Board of Trade, and backed before their lord'hips, with fuggeftions of the moft notorious falfehoods. The Lords of Trade prudently advifed, that no fuch diredtions fhould be fent to Mr. Burnet till he had an oppor- tunity of anfwering the objeftions againft the nGt. They' were accord- ingly fent over to him, and he laid them before his council. Dr. Coldea and Mr. Alexander exerted themfelves in a memorable report in anfwer to thofe objedions, which drew upon them the refentment of feveral merchant* in-New York, who had nrft excited thp London petition, and laid the foundation for a long variance between their families. Governor Burnet tranfmitted this report to the Board of Trade, and it had the intended effcCt. Nothing could more naturally excite the jealoufy of the French than the ■ere£tion of the new trading houfe at the mouth of the river Onondaga : fearful therefore of lofing a profitable trade, which they had almoft intlrely «ngrofled, and thd command of the Lake Ontario, they launched two vef- iels in it in the year I73($; as alfo tranfported materials for building a large florehoufe, and repairing the fort at Niagara. The fcheme was not only to fecure to themfelves the entrance into the wefi end of the Lake, as they already had the eaft, by the fraudulent ere^ion of Fort Frontenac, many years before, but likewife to carry their trade more wefterly, and thus render Ofwego ufelefs, by (hortening the travels of the Weftern Indians near two hundred Miles. Mr. Burnet laid the matter before the houfe, remonftrated againft the proceedings to Longuiel in Canada, wrote to the miniflry in England, who complained of them to the French court, and met the confederates at Albany, where he prevailed on them to di(kvow any connedUons with the French : he alfo embraced this opportunity to procure from the Indians a deed, whereby they furrendered their country to his Britannic Majefty, to be proteded for their ufe, and confirming their grant in 170 1, concern- ing which there was no entry in the books of the fecretary for Indian affairs. The new alTembly met in September i737> and confifled of members lll-affedted to the governor, who revived the difconteots concerning the new court of chancery. 'The governor diflblved the aflembly, quitted the government, ftnd was appointed to the chief command of the Maflachufets Bay. G s John 43 sB , hi \ V •0 ■'«■ 44 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. John Montgomery, Efq; received the great feal of this proTinee froiv Mr. Burnet, on the 1 5th of April I728> having a commiffioa to fuperfede him here and in New J^rfey *. The governor was a Scotch gentleman ; had been bred a ibldter ; had ferved as groom of the bed-chamber to the King; obtained a feat in par- ment ; and thus payed his way to preferment in America t ** but ia talents for government, he was much inferior to his predecefibf ; for he had neither ilrength nor acutenefa of parts, and was little acquainted with any kind of literature f .'* After his excellency had obtained a five y^F*'s fupport, and pafled fomr £ilutary laws, he went to Albany, and held a treaty with the Six Nations* for a renewal of the ancient covenant, which greatly circumvented the infidious French in their afpiring viewst The trade between Albany and Montreal was ftill encouraged, which was very prejudicial to the national intereft: and the year 1731 was di£- tinguiflied by the complete fettlement of the difputed boundary betweea. . this province and the colony of G)naeAicut. 1731. Governor Montgomery died on the 31ft of July I7.^i' ; and his death was much lamented*, as. he was remarkable for a kind and generous- maok. The chief command then devolved upon Rip Van Dam, Efq; as fenior counfellor. He was an eminent merchant, and of a fair eftatc;. This adminiAration- is Unfortunately fignaUzed by the memorable en«- eroachment at Crown Point. **■ The paifivenefs we difcovered on this impudent and dangeroua invafion of his Majefty*s rights, is truly ailo^ nifhing ; and the more fo, as the crown had at that time four indepeui- dent cdmpaniesr which had long been polled here fos our ptotedipn, at the annual expence of about 7500 L fterling.|." Mr. Van Dam finiflied his adminiftration upon the 31ft of Auguft 17321 when William Cofby, Efqt arrivedv. with a. commiffioa to govcra this and the province of New Jerfey. The new governor, Cofby, and the late prefident. Rip Van Dam, hadi ft fpif ited 9ooyteft lelftttve to fiilary and perquifites, which, was attended • Smith, p. 1 7 J. tlbiiL t Ibid. p. X79» Wiitl^ H/^ NEW Y !^ K. * with bid curcuttifttnces. The chief juftice was Lewis Morris, Efq; who 'tfetivered his opinion of the illegality of th.> proceedings in the fupreme court, as in a court of equity, and ref«ifed ti fit on the bench ; when the two other judges, James De Lancey, Efq; a\urt of Equity ;" wherein he fet the governor's unlawful transforming the fiipreme court into a court of chancery in its true light; and in his Letter to the governor, upon that eccafion-, told Mm as follows : ** I am heartily forry. Sir, for your own fake, as well as that of the public, that the King's reprefentative ftiould be moved to fo great a degree of warmth, which I truft could proceed from no other reafon but my giving my opinion in a court of which I was a judge, ia a point of law that came before me. If judges are to be intimidated, (6 as not to dare to give any opinion but what is pleafing to » governor,, and agreeable to his private views, the people of this pro- vince, who are very much concerned, both with jrefped to their lives and fortunes, and independency of thofe who are to judge of them, may pof- fihlj not think thcmfelves fo fecure in either of them as the laws and his Majefty intend they ihould beJ* This behaviour of the governor to the late prefidenr and chief juftice prepared the < public, without fi^rprize, to m^et with the extraordinary proceedings ;l^bitrarily carried. on> agaipftMr.. 2^enger, who printed the cafes of ^e injured gentlemen, by their defire, and at their expence; which brought upon him the refentn^nt of the governor;, and the chief juftice being difplaced, there were only the two judges left in court to try the printer. for a libel againft his excellency, whereii^ no worfe was faid' •f him than what the chief judge had declared to be againft law. Zenger'o nrft news-paper was prfnted on the 5th of November 1733* and he continued printing and publilhing them until January following, when, the oewi chief juftice animadverted upoa the do^ine of libels, in a long, .1 r 4S ^ pi' i k III 'A 46 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. a long charge given in that term to the grand jury, of which Zenger*i paper wat the principal objedl : but the grand jury waa not thereby pre- vailed upon to indi^ iZenger a« expected; therefore the geatlemen^ of the council proceeded to take his paperi into confideration, and fent a meflage to the general aflTemblyt to deftre a conference between a contmittee of both houfes about the proceedings to be carried on agaioft Zenger. The general aflembly refufed their concurrence with the council, who ■proceeded by themfelves in. this extraordinary bufioefe; and when the quarter feflions for the city of New York began, on the 5th of November 1734, the Hieriff delivered to the court an order, which was read, in thefe words: ** At a couQfcil held at Fort George in New York, the ad of Novem- ber 1734; ruj^jnifiijoJ',,' « P R E S E N T, His Excellency William Cosby, captain-general and governor in chief, &c. 4^* 49* ^ivcre ordered to be burnt by the hands ^the common hangman Or whipper, near the pillory in this city, on Wednefday the 6th in(Unt, between the hours of eleven and twelve in the forenoon, as oontaining in them many things tending lo fedition and faction, to bring ^ Majefty's government into contempt, and to difturb the peace thereof} aiid containing in them Ukewife, n(X only reflections upon hia excellency die governor in particular, the legi(^ lature in general, but alio upon the moft confiderable perfons in the moft diftinguimed ftations in this province. It is therefore ordered. That the mayor and magiftrates of this city do attend at thie burning of the feveral papers or journals idforefaid, numbered as aboveniientioned f." * Dr. CoMcn was diat day at Efepus, niiKt^ miles from New Ycrk, though mentioned •s prefent in council. t Signed, <* Frederic Morris, D. CI. Con." It was direAed, ** Toltobert Lurting, Efq; mayor «r the city of New York, aad the f«ft of tb« MagiSj«its «f tb* Aid dty and county^" The BT E Vr Y O R K. ' The court refufed to obey this order, ** ai thtj eoneeived It to be no< mandatory writ warranted by law, nor knew of any law that authorized the making of the order aforeiaid ; fo they thought themfelves under no obligatbn to obey it : which obedience, they thought, would be in them the opening a door for arbitrary commands; which, when once opened, they knew not what dangerous confequences might attend it. Therefore the court conceived itfelf bound in duty, for the prefervatiou of the rights- of the corporation, and, as much as they could, of the liberty of the prefs, and thjs people of the province, fince an aflembly of the province, and feveral grand juries, had refufed to meddle with the papers when applied to by the council, to proteft againft the ordt^r aforefaid, and to forbid all the members of the corporation to pay any obedience to it, until it was ihewn to the court that the fame was authorized by fome known law,: which they neither knew nor believed that it was." The (heriff then moved, ** That the court would direct their whipper to perform the iaid order:'** to which it was anfwered, ** That, as he was an officer of the corporation, they would give no fuch order.'* Scon after which the court adjourned, and did not attend the burning of the papers : but the iherlff, about noon, after reading the numbers of the feveral papers, which, were ordered to be burnt, delivered them into the hands of his own negro* and ordered him to put them in the fire, which he did; at which Mr. Recorder, Jeremiah Dunbar, £fq. attended, with, feveral officers of the garrifon. The governor and his council ifliied an order to the flieriiF for feizing* Mr. Zenger, and *' to commit him to the prifon or common jail,** where he was arbitrarily ufed, but fpeedily bailed, after a warm conteft at the •ity hall. The oounfet * for Mr. Zenger exhibited exceptions- againft the legality of the court, which were taken in contempt, and thofe gentlemen- were '* excluded from any farther pradice in that oourt.'* ': 'j'Ij < <;.• Mr. Bradley, the attorney-general, laid an information agajnft Ze^ge^ for publifhing thofe papers, which he called libels. The court allowed' John Chambers, £{q. to be counfel for Mr. Zienger; and Andrew Ha-^ milton, £fq. of Philadelphia, being informed of the importanee, as well as- the great expectation j of the iiTue of the matter in difjpute, came from* that city, in a voluntary manner, to defend the caufe of liberty; *♦ On Tuefday the apth of Jiily 1735* the fupreme court of judica-- tuie opened, and on motion of Mr. Chambers for a ftruck jury, purfuant'- ' Jamea Alcxaader aad;WilUam Saitfi, Eii|r». 47 'T to> HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA, to t rule of the preceding term, the court were of opinion, that Zengtt WM intitled to have a ilruck jurv;" which be with great difficulty ob- taioedt according to hit legal right* and the common method of proceed- ing in law; for many pretended £reehoIders were illegally returned : at lad, however, an honeft jury was impanoelled, and confiRed of the fol- lowing perfons: )■ Hermtnus Rutgert* Stanley Holmes* Edwani Man* John Bell, Samuel Weaver, Aadries Marfchalk, Egbert Van Borforas, Thomas Hunt, Ben. Hildreth, foreman, Abraham Keteltas, ' John Goelet, Hercules Weadover. The trial began on the 4th of Auguft 1735, which was thirty-five weeks after Mr. Zenger was confined in the common jail. The honourable James De Lancey, Efq. fat as chief juftice, and the honourable Frederic Philipfe, Efq. as fecoAd juftice. When the court was featisd* the defend- ant appeared, and his counfel came prepared to oppoTc the infbrmation of Mr. Attorney General, who opened it as follows: " That the information then before the court, and to which the de- fendant Zenger had pleaded not guilty, was an information for printing and publi/hing a falfe, fcandalous, and feditious libel, in which his excel- lency the governor was greatly and unjuftly fcandalized, as a perfon that had no regard to law or juftice; with much more, as would appear upon reading the information ;'* which was fortified only by innuendoes, quirked, (crewed, add ftrained upon the vileft principles, and (harpeft tenter-hooks of the law. Mr. Hamilton pleaded Zenger's caufe, a caufe in which the whole body of the people were materially interefted, in a moft mafterly manner, from the principles both of law and refifon, and obviated all the arbitrary principles and tophiftry urged on behalf of the profecution, to univerfal fittisfulioa. :. • >.',' \ The Jury vrithdrew, and foon returned, when they brought in their ▼erdi£fc, not guilty; upon which there were three loud huzzas in the hall, then crouded wilh people; and the next day Mr. Zenger was difckarged from his imprifonmeat. The citizens of New York were fo well pleaA^d with the oondud bF Mr. Hamilton upon this occafion, that ** .at a common council held at the city hall, on the i^th of September 1735, it was ordered. That Andrew Hamilton, Efq. of FhiUdelphia, UatnAer nt Uw, tie ptefented with the freedom N E W YOR K. freedom of this corporation ; and that Alderman Bayard, Alderman John- ion, and Alderman Fell, be a committee to bring m a draught thereof.'* Accordingly* on the 99th of September, thofe gentlemen, at a common council, pn^uced the grant of the freedom } and fundry of the corpora- tion having raifed a fubfcription for a gold box to put it in, of five ounces and a half weight, on which were engraven the arms of the city ; the freedom and box were carried to Philadelphia by Alderman Bayard, and there gratefully accepted by Mr. Hamilton. Gtorge Qarke, Efq; fuceeeded Gk>wmorCon>y in 1736 ; and Admiral George Qinton, brother to the Earl of Lincoln, was appointed governor in 174 1, in which capacity he continued until 1751 *• f Mr. Golden, vol. U. p. iig. 40 voL.n. H CHAP. I' h It ill I '1 \ p HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. C H A P. IL BomularUs^ mount ainsy rivertf bikexy and Indians ; counttesi tinvus^ and". inhabitants. T/'ING Ch-ifles II. in 1664 appointed commiffioners to fettle the *^ boundaries of the feveraK colonies ; but from mifinformation they fett^^^l the line between Ne^V- York an4 Connedticut by a north-weft line, . vrh^u^ix they yrere raadfe to believe wouW leave twenty miles to New York on the eaft-fide of Hiid(bn's river; whereas it foon croffed that river, and left feveral of the Dutch fettlements there to the colonies of Maffachufeta Bay and Conne£ticut. This line is upon record in thofe provinces, though ; they nevrer took pofleflion thereof, as they might have done. The partition line of New York with Connedicut was run by com- milfioners of both colonies, and fighed at the town of Milford in Con- nedicut, by G)lonel I'homas Dongan, governor of New York, and by Robert Treat, Efq; governor of Conne^icut. It was confirmed by the King in council or the 38th of March 1700; but as the line was not pro- perly marked and diftinguiflied, efpecially as to the equivalent lands, it was afterward finally run by both parties, and reconfirmed by the King in council, as related in the Account of Conne^icut. As to the eaftern boundary of the province of New York, it has been claimed fo far eaft as Connedicut River;- though this extenfion has been contefted, and the eiftern limit referred to a line parallel to, and at twenty miles diftant eaft Oi' Hudfon's River, oppofite the falls, and thence in a du^ nprth line to the fouth boundary of Canada. The north boundary of the province of New York is the fouth line of Canada ; and probably it fhould begin at a point in a meridian twenty miles eaft of the crook or great falls of Hudfon's River, which running weft will crofs Lake Champlain, and terminate in Cataraqui River. m Its weft line runs upCataraqul River and Lake Ontario, but terminates on Lake Erie, in north lat. 4a deg. complete. From Ofvego upon Lake On- tario may be reckoned the breatifh of the government of New York, about • 220 miles ; that is, due weft from the Lake 200 miles to Albany or Hud- fon's River, and from Albany twenty miles due weft to the weft line of the pFoviace of Mai&chufets Bay, The NEW YORK. The fouthern line of the province of New York is in feveral directions or flexures; i. From Lake Erie, along the north head-Uoe of Pennfyl- vania, in lat. 42. to Delaware River. 3. Thence twenty miles down that river to the north divifional point of New York and New Jerfeys, in lat. 41. deg. 40 m. 3. Thence in a ftraight line eaft 43 deg. to 41 deg. lat. of Hudfon's River. 4. Tlience twelve miles down Hudfon's River to the north end of the Ifland of New York : then down Hudfon's River on the weft fide of New York Ifland to Sandy Point, the entrance of New York road and harbour, about thirty miles. 5. Thence along the fouthern fhore of Long Ifland round the eaft, including Fifher's Ifland and Gardener's Ifland, which lie near the entrance of New London har- bour in Thames River of Connedicut Colony: then along the northern ihore of Long Ifland found, to over-againft the mouth of Byram River, where the weftern divifional line between New York and G)nne^cut begins. Befide the main land country of New York, there are fome iflands be-' longing to it ; i . Long Ifland, called by the Indians Matawacks, and by the Dutch Naflau ; it lies in length from eaft to weft about 120 miles» and at a medium is about ten miles broad : its eaft fhore is a fandy flat* as is all the eaft fhore of North America from Cape Cod of New Eng- land, in north lat. 4s deg. 10 m. to Cape Florida, in about 2f deg. north lat. Upon the fhore of Long Ifland are very few inlets, and thefe very ihallow : its north fide is good water, there being a found between it and the main land of Connedicut : the wideft part of this near New Haven of Connecticut does not exceed eight leagues. Two-thirds of this ifland is a barren fandy foil. The eaftern parts were fettled from New England, and retain their cuftoms : the weftern parts were fettled by the Dutch, where many families to this day underftand no other language but the Dutch. It is divided into three counties ; Queen's County, King's County, and Suffolk County; which pay confiderably above one-fourth of the taxes or charges of the government of the province. Hell Gate, where is the confluence of meeting of the eaft and weft tide in Long Ifland found, is about twelve miles from the city of New York. a. Staten Ifland at its eaft end has a ferry of three miles to the weft end of Long Ifland : at its weft end is a ferry of one mile to Perth Amboy of Eaft Jer- feys : it is divided from Eaft Jerfeys by a creek, in length about twelve miles, and about fix miles broad : it makes one county, called Richmond, "which fcarce pays one in one and twenty of the provincial tax : it is all ia one parifli, but feveral congregations, as an Englifh, Dutch and French congregation. The inhabitants are moftly Englifh, only one confider- ablc village, called Cuckold's Town. 3. Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard, H 3 and SI t 9r. _ .^^ : }■ i 5a HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. 'and Elizabeth Iflands, formerly under the jurifdiflion of New^ York, |but upon the revolution they were annexed by the new charter of Mafla- chuflets Bay to the jurifdidlon of that colony. Not many years fince, ibme of the freeholders of thefe iflands, when occafionally in New York, were arrefted for the arrears of the general quit-rents of thefe iflands. 4. Manhatans, the Indian name, New Amfterdam, ihe Dutch name, or New York, the Englifh name, may be called an ifland, though it has a communication with the main land by King's Bridge : the whole ifland being about fourteen miles long, but very narrow, is all in the jurifdidion -. of the city of New York, and lies on the mouth of Jiudfon's River. The moft conflderable high lands are the Catkill Mountains, weft of Hudfon's River, and about ninety miles north from New York. On the eail and fouth-eaft fides of the Catkill Mountains, feveral dreams run, and fall into Hudfon's Rivfir below Albany. On their north-weft fide pro^ ceeds Schoraie River, which falls into the Mohawks River, a branch of Hudfon's River, at Fort Hunter, about thirty miles above Albany* This Schoraie River in its courfe comes within three or four miles of the main branch of the Delaware River i and from the fouth-weft fide flows a con- flderable branch of the Delaware. Conafoharie River falls into the Mo>- hawks River about ten miles above Fort Hunter, and comes very near to a branch of Safquehana River; which branch is fo large, that, at eighteen miles from the Mohawks River, the Indians go down in canoes to all the Iniian fettlements upon Safquehana River. From this fituation- of thefe rivers, no runs of water from the Catkill Mountains can fall into Lake Ontario, the River Ohio, or into the Safquehana River. Excepting Long Ifland and Staten Ifland, the mainland fea-line from Byram River to New York Ifland, is very fhort. The fource of Hudfon's River has not been properly difcovered j but in general it is known to be in the mountainous country between the I^kes Ontario and Champlain. In -its courfe fouthward it approaches the Mo- hawks River within a few miles at Saucondauga. From thence it runs north and north-eafterly tov/ard Lake Saint Sacrament, now called Lake George, and is not above eight or ten miles diftant from it. The courfe then to New York is very uniform, being in the main fouth 12° or 15** weft. The diftance from Albany to Lake George is computed at fixty- five miles; but the river in that interval is navigable only to Batteaus, and interrupted by rifts, which occafion two portages of half a mile each ; and in the paiTage from Albany to Fort Edward, the whole land-carriage is about thirteen miles. There are three rouis from Crown Point to Hud- fon's River in the way to Albany ; one through Lake George ; another through N K W YORK. thlrough a branch of Lake Champlain, bearing a fouthern courfct '^^^ ter« minating in a bafon, feveral miles eaft of Lake George, called the South Bay. The third is by afcendiog the Wood Creek, a (hallow ftream, about one hundred feet broad, which comes from the fouth-eaft, and empties itfelf into the fouth branch of the Lake Champlain. The place where thefe routs meet on the banks of Hudfon's River, is called the Carrying Place. Here Fort Lyman, fince called Fort Edward, is built : but Fort William Henryi a much ilronger garrifon, was erected at the fouth end of Lake George, after the repulfe of the French forces, under the com- mand.of the Baron Dieikau, on the 8th of September 1755. The banks of Hudfon's River are generally rocky cliffs, efpecially ott the weftern fhore. The pafTage through the high lands affords a wild romantic fcene for fixteen miles, through deep and lofty mountains. The tide flows a few miles above Albany : the navigation is fafe, and performed in (loops of about forty or fifty tons burden, extremely well accommodated to the river. About fixty miles above the city of New York, the water is fre(h» and much lower in wet feafons. Sf • SI m The river is ftored with a variety of fi(h, which renders a fummer's pt(rage to Albany exceeding amufmg to fuch as are fond of angling. Th6 tides, that is, the floods and ebbs, are about twelve hours later at Albany than at New York *. , At about one hundred miles comes ini on the weft fide, Efopus, orSoaper*6 River, which is noted for the manufadtures of iron pigs and bars, flour and malt. A little farther, on the eafl fide of the Great River, is the Camp or Palatine Town, in the manor of Livingflon, about forty miles below Albany. At 125 miles on the eaft fide falls in Kinderhook River, after receiving Claverock River.. At 157 miles on the weft fide is Cohoes, or the mouth of the Mohawks River. At 162 miles is the mouth of Houfuck River, where are a fmall tribe of Indians, called Scatacooks. This Hbufuck River is on the eaft lide of Hudfon's River, and comes from the north-weft parts of New England. At 200 miles from New York is the elbow or flexure of this Great River at the Great Falls f . The fingular conveniency of Hudfon's River to this province in parti- cular is very remarkable. The whole province is contained in two narrow oblongs, extending from tbe capital eaft and north, having water carriage from the extremity of one, and from the diftance of 1 60 miles of Uic other. . ^:r^f • W. Smith's Hiftory of New York, p. 201. . •\ Douglas, vol, ii,; p. 261.J. . Mi f the people have ^ him. . The Five Nations think themfelves by nature fuperior to the refl of mankind, and call themfelves Ongue-honwe ; that 's, men fiirpaffing all others. This opinion, which they take care to cultivate into their chil- dren, gives them that courage which has been fo terrible to all the nations of North America; and they have taken fuch care to imprefs the- fame opinion of their people on all their neighbours, that they, on all occa- fions, yield the moft fubmiffive obedience to them. Mr. Golden fays, he has been told by old men in New England, who remembered the time when the Mohawks made war on their Indians, that as foon as a finglc Mohawk was difcovered in the countr}', their Indians railed a cry from ^ hill to hill, " A Mohawk ! A Mohawk!" upon which they all fled like (heep before wolves, without attempting to make the leafl refiftance, what- - ever odds were on their fide; The poor New England Indians immedi- - ately ran to the Chriftian houfes, and the Mohawks often purfued them * fo clofely, that they entered along with them, and knockeu their brains • out in the prefence of the people of the houfe : but if the people had time to fhut the door they never attempted to force it ; and on no occafion did '> any injury to the Chriftians. All the nations round them have for many • years intirely fubmitted to them, and pay a year!/ tribute to them in wam- pum. They dare neither make war nor peace without the eonfent of the • 1.. Mohawks. . 5S imi^ m > ii i- *' jjS history of BRITISH AMERICA. ' Mchawks. Two old men commonly go about every year or two to receive this tribute; and Mr. Gilden had often opportunity to obferve what . anxiety the poor Indians were under* while thefe two old men remained in that part of the country where he was. An old Mohawk Sachem, in . a poor blanket and dirty (hirt, inay be feen ifluing his orders with as arbitrary an authority as a Roman dictator. It is not for the fake of tri- bute, however, that they make war, but from the notions of glory, which they- have ever moll ilrongly imprinted on their minds ; and the farther they go to feek an enemy, the greater glory they think they gain. The Five Nations, in their love of liberty and of their country, in their bra- very in battle, and their conftancy in enduring torments, equal the for- titude of the mod renowned Romans. Here may be finifhed their ge- neral chara^er, by what an enemy fays of them, Monfieur de la Poterie, in his Iliftory of North America. *» When we fpeak," fays he, ** of the Five Nations in France, they are thoughf, by a common miftake, to be mere barbarians, always thirft- ing after human blood ; but their true charader is very different. They «re indeed the fierceft and moll formidable people in North America ; and, At the fame time, are as politic and judicious, as well can be conceived, which appears from the management of all the affairs they tranfa^t, not only with the French and Englifh, but likewife with almoft all the Indian nations of this vafl continent." Their matters of confequence, which concern all the nations, are tranf- adted in a general meeting of the Sachems of each nation. Thefe con- ventions are commonly held at Onnondaga, which is nearly the center of their country ; but they have fixed on Albany for the place of treating ■with the Britilh colonies. • They ftridly follow one maxim formerly ufed by the Romans to in- creafe their Arength; that is, they encourage the people of other nations to incorporate with them: and when they have fubdued any people, after they have fatiated their revenge by fome cruel examples, Uiey adopt the reft of their captives ; who, if they behave well, become equally efteemed with their own people, fo that fome of their captives have afterward be- come their greateft Sachems and captains. The Tufkaroras, after the war they had with the people of Carolina, fled to the Five Nations, aal are now incorporated with them, fo that they now properly indeed con* fift of Six Nations, though they ftill retain the old name of the Five Nations among the Englifti. The Cowetas alfo, or Creek IndianS} are tq ihe ikme frleadihip with them. N E W Y O R K. The Tuikaroras, fince they came under'the province of New York, l>ehaved themfelves well, and remain peaceably and quiet; by which may be feen the advantages of ufing the Indians well : and if they were ftill better ufed, as there is room enough to do it, they would be proportionably more ufeful to the Britifti Colonifts. The cruelty the Indians ufe in their wars toward thofe that do not or cannot relifl, fuch as women and children, and to their prifoners, after they have them in their power, is defervedly held in abhorrence. But this cruelty is not peculiar to the Five Nations, as it is equally pradifed by all other Indians. It is wonderful how cudom and education are able to foften the moft horrid adtions, even among a polite arid learned people ; witnefs the Carthaginians and Phoenicians burning their own children alive in facrifice ; and feveral paflages in the Jewilh hiftory ; and wit- nefs, in later times, the Chriflians burning one another alWe " for the fake of God." When any of the young men of thefe nations have a mind to figna- lize themfelves, and to gain a reputation among their countrymen, by fome notable enterprize againft their enemy, they at firft communicate their defign to two or three of their moft intimate friends j and if they come into it, an invitation is made, in their names, to all the young men of the caille, to feaft on dog*s flefh. When the company is met, the promoters of the enterprize fet forth the undertaking in the beft colours they can : they boaft of what they intend to do, and incite others to join, from the glory there is to be obtained ; and all who eat of the dog's fleih thereby inlifl themfelves. The night before they fet out they make a grand feaft, to which all the noted warriors of the nation are invited ; and here they have their war dance to the beat of a kind of kettle drum. The warriors are feated in two rows in the houfe ; each rifes up in his turn, and fmgs the great ads he has himfelf performed, or the deeds of his anceftors ; and this is always accompanied with a kind of a dance, or rather adion, reprefenting the manner in which they were performed ; and, from time to time, all prefent join in a chorus, applauding every notable aft. They exaggerate and extol the glory which any of their anceftors have gained by their bravery and courage ; fo that *hey work up their fpirits to a high degree of warlike enthufiafm. m\ •f Ir 1 m They come to thefe dances with their faces painted in a frightful manner, as they always are when they go to war, to make themfelves terrible to their enemies ; and in this manntr the night is fpent. Vol. II. I Next i ■T0 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Next day they inarch out with much fbrmalitTt drefied in their finefl) apparel, and in their march obfenre a profound iitence. The women ot» thefe occafions always follow them with their old clothes, and they fend hack by them their finery, ir* which they marched from the cafUe t But before they go from this place where they exchanged their clothes, they always peel a large piece of the bark off fome great tree : they commonly chufe an oak, as mofl lading : upon the fmooth fide of this wood, they,, with their red paint, draw one or more canoes going from home, with the number of men in them paddling which go upon the expedition ;. and fume animal, as a doe or ioxt an emblem of the nation againft which the expeditjion is deligned, is painted at the head of the canoes ; for they always travel in canoes along the rivers, that lead to the coun*^ try againfl which the expedition is defigned, as far as they can. After the expedition is over they ftop at the fame places in^ their return, and fend to their caille to inform their friends of their arrival, that they may be prepared to give them a folemn reception, fuited to their fucccfs. In the mean time, they reprefent on the fame or ibme tree near it, the event of the enterprize ; and now the canoes are painted with their heads turned toward the cadle ; the number of the enemy killed is reprefented by fcalps painted bL'xk, and the number of prifoners by as many withs, in their painting not unlike pothooks, with which they ufually pinion their captives. Thefe trees are the annals, or rather trophies of the Five Nations ; and by them and their war fongs they preferve the hiftory of their great atchievements. The folirmn reception of thefe warriors, and the acclamations of applaufe which they receive ut their return, cannot but have in the hearers the fame eflfed, in raifin^ an emulation for glory, that a triumph had on the old Romans- After their prifoners are fecured, they never offer them the lead violence ; but, on the contrary, will rather flarve themfelves than fuffer them to want. Notwithftanding this, the poor prifoners* afterward un- * - dergo fevere punifhments before they receive the lafl, doom of life or death. The warriors think it for their glory to lead them through all the villages of the nations fubjcdk to them, which lie near the road ; and thefe, lo Ihew their affedion to the Five Nations, and abhor- rence of thcii* enemies, draw up in two lines, through which the poor prifoners, ihirk naked, mud run the gauntlet ; and on this occafion it is always obferved the women are much more cruel than the men. The prifoners meet with the fame fad reception when they reach their jour- ney's end ; ami, after this, tliay are prefented to thofe that have loft any relation in that or any former enterprize. If the captives be accepted, there is au end to their furrow from that moment : they are drelTed as fine N E W Y O R K, £ne 18 diey can make them ; they are abfolutely free, except to rcliim to their own country, and enjoy all the privileges the pcrfon had in whofc place they arc accepted : but, if otherwife, they die in torments to iatiate the revenge of thofe that refufc them. If a young man or boy be received in place of a huiband that was killed, all the children of the dcceafed -call that boy, father ; fo that one may (bmetimes hear a man of thirty (ay, that fuch a boy of fifteen or twenty is his father. Their caftles are generally a fquare, furrounded with palifadocs, with- out any bailions pr outworks j for, fincc the general peace, their vil- lages lie all open. Their only inftruments of war are mufquets, hatchets, and long fharp-pointed knives ; which they always carry about with them. Their hatchet, in war time, is ftuck in their girdle behind them ; and befide what ufe they make of this weapon in their hand, they have a dexte- rous way of throwing it. They have in this the art of dircding and regulating the motion ; fo that, though the hatchet turns round as it flies, the edge always flicks in the tree, and near the place at which they aim at. The ufe of bows and arrows are now intirely laid afide, ex- cept among the boys, who are ftill very dexterous in killing fowls and other animals with them« They ufe neither drum nor trumpet, nor any kind of mufical inflru- ment, in their wars. Hieir throats ferve them on all occafions where fuch are neceflary. Many of them have a furprifing faculty of raifmg their voice not only in inarticulate founds, but likewife to make their words underftood at a great diflance. They never make any prifoner a flave, but it is cuflomary among them to make a compliment of naturalization into the Five Nations; and, confidering how highly they value themfelves above all others, this muft be no fma i compliment : nor is it done by any general ad of the nation» but every fingle perfon has a right to do it by a kind of adoption. The hofpitality of thefe Indians is no lefs remarkable than their other vir- tues ; as foon as any flranger comes, they are fure to offer him visuals : but if there are feveral in company, and come from afar, one of their befl houfes is cleaned and given up for their entertainment. Their com* plaifance, on thefe occafions, goes even farther than Chriflian civility permits ; as they have no other rule for it| than the furnifhing their I Q guefl; ^ f m '' .4 ' t XI \ Jfc... 1 "'■ to HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. gueft with every thing they think agreeable to him j for which rcafon lome of their prettle(\ girls are always ordered to wa(h themfelves, and drefs in their bed apparel, in order to be prefented to the ftranger for his choice, and the female who is preferred on thcfe occaflons performs^ all the duties of a fond wife during the Granger's ftay : But this laft piece of hofpitality is now either laid afide i the Mohawks, or at lead they never offer it to any Chriftian. This nation, indeed, has laid" ufide many of its ancient cuftoms ; k> likewife have the other nations; and have adopted European manners: therefore it is not eafy now to difcingnifli their original and genuine manners from thofe which they have lately acquired ; and for this reafon it is that they now feldont offer viduals to perfons of any diAinflion, becaufe they know that their cookery is not agreeable to the palates of Englifhmen. Polygamy is not ufual among them ; and indeed, in any nation, where all are on a par as to riches and power, plurality of wives cannot well" be introduced. As all kind of flavery is banifhed from the countries of the Five Nations, fo they keep ihemfelves free alfo from the bondage of wedlock ; and when either of the parties becomes difguded, they feparatc without formality or ignominy to either, unlefs rt be occafioncd by fome fcandalous offence in one of them : And in cafe of divorce, the children, according to the natural courfe of all animals, follow the mother. The women here bring forth their children with as much eafe as other animals, without the help of a midwife, and foon after their delivery return to their ufual employment. They alone alfo perform all the drudgery about their houfes ; they plant their corn, and labour it in every refpcd until it is brought to the table : they likewife cut all' their firewood, and bring it home on their backs, and in their marches bear the burdens. The men difdain all kind of labour, and employ themfelves alone in hunting, as the only proper bufmefs for foldiers* At times, when it is not proper to hunt, a Itrangcr will find the old men in companies, in converfation ; the young men at their exercifes, fhooting at marks, throwing the hatchet, wreflling or running, and. the women all bufy at labour io the fields. Theft is very fcandalous among them, and it is necefTary it fliould be- fo among all Indians, fince they have no locks but thofe of their honefty to preferve their goods- There is one vice whicl; the Indians have falten into fince their ac- quaintance with the Chriltians, and of which they could not be guilty before tliat time, that is, drunkennefs. It is flranjge how all the Indian NEW 7 R K. Indian nationsi and almoft every perfon among them* male and females are infatuated with the love of ftr&ng drink : they know no bounds to tfieir defire while they can fwallow it down* and then indeed the greateft man among them (carcely defe rves the name of a brute. They never have been taught to conquer any pafTion, but by fome contrary pafTion ; and the traders* with whom they chiefly convene* are fo far from giving them any abhorrence of this vice* that they encou- rage it all they can, not only for the profit of the liquor they fell* but that they may have an opportunity to impofc upon them : And this, as they chiefly drink fpirits, has deflroyed greater numbers than all their wars and difeafes put together. t The people of the Five Nations are much given to fpeech-makingr ever the natural confequence of a perfcft republican government. Where no fingle perfon has a power to compel, the arts of pcrfuafron alone mud prevail. As their bed fpeakers diAinguifh themfelves in their public councils and treaties with other nations, and thereby gain 4he efleem and applaufe of their countrymen, the only fuperiority which any one of them has over the others, it is probable they apply theml'elve» to this art by fome kind of fludy and exercife, in a great meafure. '* It 18 impoflible, fays MV- Golden, for mc to judge how far they excel, as I am ignorant of their language ; but the fpeakers whom I have heard had all a great fluency of words, and much more grace in their manner than any man could exped): among a people intircly ignorant of all the liberal arts and fciences." As to what religious notions they have, it is diflicult to judge of them; becaufe the Indians that fpeak any £ngli(h, and live near the Colonics, have learned many things of them ; and it is not eafy to diflinguiih the notions they had originally among themfelves, from thofe th^ have learned of the Chriftians. It is certain they have no kind of public worfhip, and it is faid they have no radical word to exprefs God, but ufe a compound word lignifying tlie prcfcrver, fuftainer, or mafter, of the univcrfe ; neither is it known what fentimcnts they have of a future exiftence. Their funeral riics feem to be formed upon a notion of fome kind of exiftence after death. They make a large round hole, in which tlie body can be placed upright, or upon its haunches j which, after the body is placed in it, is covered with timber to fupport the earth which they lay over, and thereby keep the body free from being prefled ; and then they raife the earth in a round hill over it. They always drefs die corpfc in all its finery, and put wampum and other things iivto the ■ . grave. 6t M •4f IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^./ S '^S % 1.0 ^^tii mm m22 m m '^ I.I LI IL25 iU I 1.6 Sdmces Carporation 91 WIST MAM STRHT ■'VIMTIR,N.Y, USM (71«)S72-4S03 ■> li -mSTOUt t>F IBUlTlf H /AMERICA. gr^y^ wltb it : the reUtions ruflfer not grafe or ftOfr^oed td grow on the grave* and frequently yifil: it with laiaentatioQB:: bift wliether theie thingft are done only as marks of re(pe^ to the deceafed, or from » a notion of Tome kind of e^iilence after ^eath, muft be left to the judgment of the reader. They are very fuperftitious in obfervirig omens and dreams » and are obferved to (hew a fuperftitious awe of the owl, and be highly difpleafed with fome that i^imicked the cry of tha.t bird in the night. An officer of the regular troops reported, that' while he had the command of the garrifon at Ofwego, a boy of one of the fas weftward nations died there. . The parents made a regular [Hie of fgiik wood, laid the corpfe upon it, and burnt it. While the (Hie was burn- ing, they flood gravely looking on, withotjt any lamentation ; but whes it was burnt down, they gathered up the bones with many tears, put them into a boK^ and carried them away. * Queen Anne fent over a miflionary to refide among the Mohawks, •nd allowed him a fufficient fubfiftence from the pri^y purfe. She fent furniture for a chapel, and a valuable fet of plate for the communioa table ; and the like furniture and plate for each of the other nations ; though that of the Mohawks only was applied to the ofe designed. The common prayer, or at leaft a confiderable part of it, was tranflated aUb into their language, and printed. Some other pieces- were likewife tranflated for the minifter^s ufe, particularly, an expoikion of the creed* decalogue, lord's prayer, and church catecUfm^ aod adifcouife- on the facraments. But as that minifter wjus ne^er able to ajtuiiti i^ny toleri^lf kaowljedge of their language, and was naturally a h^vy man, he had. litij^ fuccels, and hiB;allowance failing, t^ the queen's dieath, he left Uien). Tkek, nations Itad no teacher from that time until within thefe few years* Aat 4, young gentkman, out of pious zeal, went voluntarily among the Mohawks. He was at firft intirdy ignorant of their language, and had no interpreter, except one of the Indians, who underilood a little Engliih, and had in the late miffionary*s time learned to read and.write in his own language. He learned from him how to pronounce the words in the tranflations, which had been made for the late miflionary^s ufe. He fet up a fchool to teach their children to read and wiite tfa^ir oiwn language ; and they made furprifin^ proficiency, confidering their mafter did not underftand their langutger " I happened to be in the Mohawk country, ftys Mr. Ck)lden, and law feveral of their perform- ances : I was pie&at at their worihip, where they went through fome part i. 'y \ •?»■ part of the:comfiion> pray«r witH great decency^ 1 was likewife pfefeAt feveral times at dieir priTate devotions, which fome o€ them performed' morning and. evening.*' There is one euftom Adr men eonftantly obfenrer which I muft not Ibrget to mention: That if they be fent with any.meflfage, though it demand the greateft difpatch, or though they bring intelligence of any imminent danger,, they neyer tell it at the firft approach ; but fit down* for a minute or two at leaft in (ilence, to recolfed themfelyes before they fjpieak, that they may not iltew any degree <^ fear or furprize by an in- decent e9cpre£Ron> Every fiiddien repartee, in a public treaty, leaves ^ with them an impreffion of a light inconfiderate mind: but in private oonverfation they uie and are as delighted with brilk witty anfwers as- we can be. By this they fhew the great dilBFerence they place between: the converratu)n& of man and man^ and of nation and nation ; in which^, and a thouiand other things, they might well be an example to the - European- nations *^. A fubfiequent writer f has alfb given u» a fummary view of the hif-- tory and chara£br of the Five Nations; by the Dutch called Maquaas;. by the French Iroquois ; and by us Five Nations, or Six Nationsj and! lately the confederates; who are greatly diminiHied, and coniift now only of about tlQO fighting men. This author obferves, ** That the manners of ikicCe fkvages are as fimple as their government. Their - houfes are ar few crotched ftakes thruft into the ground, and ovei^laid' with bark. A fire is kindled in the middle, and an aperture l6fl at the tbp for the oonveyance of the fmoke. Whenever a confiderable iium'^er of^thofe hnta are colleSedy they have a caftle, as it is called, confifting of a fquare without baftions, furrounded with pallifadoes. They haVe no other fi)rtification ; and this is only defigned as an afyliim for their old men, their wives and childrcni wlule the reft, are gone out to War. They live almoft intirely without care. While the women or fquaws cultivate a little fpot of ground for corn, the men fuppJy themfelves in hunting. Aa to clothes, they ufe a blanket girt at the waift, and thrown: loofely over their fhoulders. Sdme of their women^ befides this, have a fort of a petticoat, and a few of their men have ihirts ; but the greater part of ^em are generally half naked< In winter their legs are * ** Tbo Hiftorf of th« Five Indian Nations of Cinada which' are dependent upon tht- province of New York, by the honourable Cadwallader Colden, Efq. one vf bis Majefly'e •ouncil, and furveyor general of New York, vol. i. p. i.— 20." t W. Smith'j Hittory of New York, p. .34. eoveredl % I'i m 614 HISTORY OF BHITISH AMERICA, covered with (lockitigs of blanket, and their f«et with focks of 4eer fkin. Many of them are fond of ornaments, and their tafte is very fmgular I have feen rings affixed, not only to their ears, but to their noi'es. Bracelets of filver and brafs round their wrifts are very common: •the women alfo plait their hair and tie it up in a bag, perhaps in'imi- tation of the French beaus in Canada. Though the Indians are capable of fudaining great hardfliips, yet they cannot endure much labour; l>eing rather fleet than flrong. Their men are generally taller than the Jiuropeans, rarely corpulent, always beardlefs, (Iraight limbed, of a tawny complexion, and black uncurled hair. In their food they have no manner of delicacy; for t'kough venifon is their ordinary diet, yet fometimes they eat dogs, bears, '\nd even fnakes. Their cookery is of ■ two kinds, boiled or Toafted ; to perform the latter, the meat is pene- trated by a fhort fharp Aick fet in the ground, inclining towards the fire, and turned as occafion requires j:." The fame author fays, " As to the language of the Five Nations, the beft account he had of it was contained in a letter from the Reverend Mr. Spencer, who refided among them in the year 1748, being then a miflionary from the Scotch Society for promoting Chriflian Knowledge :" And he wrote as follows.: That '* though he was very defirous of learning the Indian tongue, *f yet through bis ihort refidence at Ononghquage, and thefurly dilpo- fition of his interpreter, he confefled his proficiency was not great. That, except the Tufcaroras, all tKe Six Nations fpoke a langua^e^ radi- cally the fame. It is very mafculine and fonorous, abounding with gut- turals and ftrong afpirations, but without labials. Its folemn grave tone ^ is owing to the generofity of its feet, as may be obferved in the follow- ing tranflation of the Lord's Prayer, in which he had diftinguifiied the time of every fyllable by the common marks ufed in profody :** Soungwauaeha, cauroiinkyawga, tehseetaroan, fauhsoneyoufia, £sa, sawaneyou, Okettauhsela, etmeaiiwoung, na, caurounkyawga, Kughwonfhauga, neattewehnesalauga, taugwaunaiitdronoantoughsik, ToantaugwSlgewheyouftaiing, cheneeyoiit, •Chaquataiitalehwheyouftaunna, toughfaw, taugwaufsareneh, Tawautottenaugaloughtoungga, nilfawne, sacheautaugwafs, Coanlehsalohaunzaickaw, esa, sawauneyoii, esa, safibautzta, e^a, Scungwafoung, chenneauhaungwa, aiiwen. t W. Smith'* Hidorjr of New York, p. 36. « That umm YOU K. ' i' ' - '* That the extraordiiurjir length of Indtn words, and the guttural aTpintions ncxeflary in prcmoundng them, render the fpeech extremdj rough and diScult. The rerbs nerer change in their terminations, as i^jGitin, Greeks and Hebrew ; but all di#r variations are prefixed. Befides the fingular and pluraU they have am) the dual number. A ftrange tran%K>ntion of fyllables of different words, Eupbonue gratia, is very common in the Indian tongue, of which this is an inftance. 5gilla lignifiea firc^ and C&WBunna great ; but inftead of joining the adjeSiive and ii^lbfi^ve. to &y great fire, Giwaunna OgiUa, both w6rds would be bl^dediJnto tbis'one, C6>gilla-waunna. The dialed^ of the Oneydas is foftcr than that'of the other nations; and the reafc^ is, becfaufe they have, more vowels, and often fupply the place of harfli letters with liquids. Inftead of R they always u|e L : Rebecca would be pronounced Lequecca." Another writer *, ftiU cif more eminence, has very accurately treated of Indian affairs, politics, and grants ; as alfo of the European en- croachments, unfair trading, and unjuft claim of dominion over the' Indians; the dang«r of Indian hoftiUties, and the neceifity of a faithful alliance with them : in which hope, and with this view, he has endea- voured to ftate the Indiaa rights, and our duty toward them j and to point out that line of cpni^lua which leads to it. ^ The; confideration of this cpuatryt fi> 'far as it is conneOied with, or- has any effedl upon, the intere/ls .and politics of the:6riti{h fettlements, prefents itfelf to view divided into two ideas, ift. The country between the Tea and the mountains: adly, 'The n^o'tfntains the'mfelveit; The firft part is, almoft throughout thp whole, capable of culture, and is intirely fettled: The fecond, a wildernefs, in which is found here and there, in fmall portions in comparifon of the whole, folitary detad^ed fppts of ground fit for fettlements. The reft is nothing but a cover for vermin and rapine, a den fisr wild beads, and the wilder favages who wander in it^ - ' ' " ■ ■■■-.. Mr. Pownall tells us that the Indians tbemfelves defcribing, under confidence, to a friend of hit at Onondaga, this their fituation, faid, " That it had many advantages fuperior to any other part o£ America. * ** The Adminiftcifion of the Colonies, l>v ThMut Po^rnatt, fate governor aiitl «oiH<^ mander in chief of bit Majefty's provinces, Maflachurets Bay and South Carolina, and lieutenant-governor of New, Jerfey.** PubliQied in 1768. ' <$ i Vol. II. K The ^) tf?-. ^ ¥ HISTORY or RllTIgii AMERICA, 'Vl^fi^eis.viQyntaiot fepwafiB them fipn the EnglUh all diew«y fr6ni- AJI^Hay t<> Qeorgk. If thicy' (hould haxe any defign agatnft the Engtt&, they (foul4 fi|d4enly cove doivn ^ Mcdiawka river, the^ > Delaware, S^/qu^lianii4>. &p4 Potom»k, aoiM^t with the Aream. They had the faive advantage of ioivadiiig the Vrenck by the waters of the rivers St. Lawrence, Sarel, and others, If the Froich (houtd prevail ag^nfl! that country, they cquld,, with their old mef), wives, and children, come clown the Aceams to the Englifli. If the Engliih fhould prevail in attack;^ in|; their epvntry* they had tfan fame conveyance down to th€> French ;• and if; both ^ould join agaihft them,, they oould retire acrois the lakes.**' Hunting being but the amufcment, the diverfion of 4 nation of fettlcrs, the rights and laws of it^ may not appear as national points;. but to a nation of hunters, thefe become the national interefts and the law of nations ; a violation of which was the caufe of the war between tbelive Nation confedecacy, amd the OUiiioYS. The Ohio^hunt to the fouth eall of Lake Erie vim commoA to thefe' nations: the lawrof th^' hunt requiredi that at each beaver pond the Ihdtans fliould leave a cer^-' tain number of males and females : out the' Oilinois, on fome occafion^ off piqise, dieftroyed all j ^herefere the Fi-^e 't^ktiibns; dedared war againflf the OUuvpisi ThejIadiao> war endsinoe bid in"the'tota¥'redt!rdiott of the', one or the other, and the-OUinoiA-w^re'tttti^l^efclnqtteredVa^ef whit^,' the conquered country, as well as the hunt, became the right of the Hve,. Nations, and wiere, amOM; the'.reA'ef their lands^ put by them, ipio the handa of. the Englifl* ii^truft'*. -ijiii tu tlRhe light of the K^e Natioi¥ii dwtfilin^lan^ aijd: thie hunting grouflid of Cbuxfal^ragaij in<^ even^down to the~bottdm of: Lake Champlain, waa never dif^ted; Theandman in the. fidd will be fhot down while his hand holds the plough. An European fettler can make but momentary efforts of war, in hopes to gain fome point,, that he: may by it obtain 4 feriea of fecurity, under which to work 1^18 iajads m jpeace : The Indianfa indbole life is a warfare, and' Ms opAe- r^pns; never, difcoBtipued. In fhort, our frontier fetUeniettts muft ^ver He at the mercy of the favages; and a fettler is the natural prey to an Indian, who(efde occupation is:wa(r and hunting. To countries circum- Hanced.as our colonies are, an Indian is the moft dreadful of enemies : V v^iii d. For, N E W rOR K. Fdr, in aurarwith Indiansi no force whatever can defend onr frontiers from being a conftant wretched fcene of conflagrations* and of the moft {hocking murders. Whereas, on the contrary* our temporary expedi- tions againft the Indians, ^Ven if fuccefsful, can do them little harm. Every article of their property is portable, which they always cany with them : and it is no great matter of diftrefs to an Indian to be driven - irom his dwelling ground,- who finds a home in the firft place he fits down.upon •*. . This proidace was, by an a£t of aifembfy in i6gj, divided into» twelve counties as following : 69 I; The City ami County of New Tork. Thie city of New York, at firft induded trtily the Ifland, called by: the Indians, Manhatans : Manning's Ifland, the tivo Barn Iflands, and* the three Oyfter Iflands, were in the county ;..but the limits o£ the, city have been fihce augmented by charter. The Ifland is very narrow; n6t a mile wide at a medium, and il^nt' fourteen miles in length. ' The fouth-weft point projedks into a fine fpaeious bay,, nine tittles long, and about four iti breadth, at the^ con^ fluence of Hudfon's River and the Streight between Long Ifliind 'and' the northern fliore. The Narrows at the fouth end of the Bay is fcarcely two miles in breadtli^ aml'bpens thie ocean to full view. The paflTage up tO'New York fromr Satidyhook, a -ppint that extends fartheft into the fea, is fiife, and hot above twenty-five miles in length. The common" navigation is between the eaft and weft bankis, in about twenty-thi^efeer water: but it is faid, that an eighty giin fliip maiy be btought up,' through a narrow channel, between the north end of the eaft bank and *. Coney Ifland. ^ r. :'- v-,,i;i!. .. vi ■•• ^ r ■ ■t:H;-i , • ■■..>,, M. '■ . ■im- The dtyv'in reality, hab no nattiral bafon f^ (•arbour: thilrefor^' thfe ihipKlie otf In the road «ii' the eaft fide df' the ^#n, A^hicV is docked . out, and better built than the weft fide;' b^seaufe the freditts in Hud-- fonV River filiitiorom^Dt^iuters with ice» -r. , \ » ' This'citycoAfiftsdf about ajod* buildings. It '\%'\ mile ii' I^gp^/ and about half that in breadth: b^f JTuCh 4s its fi^Urfe; $^^ 'cedter of bufiniiW *Dd the ^tuation of the houfeft^ that the ^an csnage fibm * oblltvcl * Mr. Powaall,. p. 261.-265. one 7^ HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. oj|\c ^jiK tQ finother 4th; lM)«h QOi«r«iati0n3 ii.more numteroiis: ^^foy^l^iJwtf* >i thftjl^MSgntge bfl8o«(et;difiifis4 itiis iMicIikdMiii^ iu(hed ; and, unlefs diey change their worfliip into >the Engliih tongue, 4nuft foon fuffer atotal diffipation. ' . Befidc il\ 'il.i Ntel^ tdRK. t^ Befide the Dutch, there are two Englifli epifcopal churches in this city, upon the plan of the eflkbliihed church in South Britain. There are f\fb two prefbyterian churches upon the plan of the eftabliihed ebiircft^iil North Britain. The Prench' church, hy the contention* in 1724, and the dlfufe of ^ehin^utfge, is now reduced to an inconfiderable number. The build- ing is of ftotie, itil nearly afquarer the area feventy feet in length, md fifty in breird^. It is plain both within and without } fenced from t)ie (met ; hbs a ffeeple and a bell. The German Lutheran churches are two: both are fmall ; but one of* them has a cupola and bell. .The Quakers have a meettng-houfe: lie anabaptifts have no fettled congregation : The Jews have a fynagogue ; and the Moravians a church; which will be particularly mentioned in our account of Penn- fylvania. tlie city-hall, or town-houfe, is a f^ng brick building, two flories inheightli,! in the ibape of an oblong^ winged at. ea,ch end. The floor bejLpw if an, crpeo:wal]o,^ except twa jails and the jailor's apartments. The cel][ar, underneath is a dun^n;. and the garret above a common prifon. This edince is eredied in; a place where four fireets meet ; and fin^Jts, . ta thje ibuth weflf, one of the vp«>Bi, (pacious flre^ts in the city.^ This city is divided into feven wards, and is under th6 government of a mayor, recorder, feven aldermen^ and as niany afiiftants or common-coun- cil men. The mayor, iheriflF, and coroner, are annually appointed by the gofT^mor. Hie refsdrder has a pftteitt duritig' pleafure. The alderinin, s^Atnts, aflAiflbrs, and clotte£tor«;rare anhUilly. deAed by the freemen' atidr fredhiolders of thb.relpedive^v^ards. The anmiaV Kvenu^ of the (^orpta-ation tS' neavr 3000 A- This ibuadiftg imtlitia ^of the iflilnd confiflrof about 3300 men; and the city has in referve a thou&hd ftandof arma ■ for feamen, the poor, and others, in cafe of an invafion. . r: .' s ~f.rl i:t't\ iyiifi/i' . ' • /..''' The ' tooHhf>«aAem pafV of Nisw Toifc Ifland ii ioOabited prihcipalt j^ b^rDntdirfaniftrsl iW£ir^ have a ' fiUall iriibge theite ad^'^Uiuljbiiii^ pIcaM- fiHitlyffiOUtedtxra^flili^cuhivated for thtf'Oiy iiiarloiti; ' <^ - •^Uil.l i;u- II. ftcj .HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. II. mji Chefim This county i» large, and includes all the land bqrond the Ifland of Manhatans along the Sound, to the Connedicut line, which ii lU •aftern boundary. It extends northward to the middle of the Highltnds* and weftward to Hudfon's River. .A .great part of this county* ii ooo- Uined in the manors of Rhilip(bur^, Pelham, Fordham, and Gourt- landt ; the lafl of which has the privilege of fending a reprefentative to the general afleinbly. The country is tolerably fettled : The lands are -in general rough, but fertile, and therefore the ^rmers run princely en grazing. Til. Dutche/s, ■ This county adjoins to Weft Chefter, which bounds it on the fouth, • fhe G}nne£ticut line on the eaft, Hudfon's River on the weft, and the county of Albany on the north. The fouth part of this county is .^mountainqus, and fit only for iron works ; but the reft contains a great quantity of good upland well watered. The inhabitants on the banks of the river are Dutdh ; but thdfe more eafterly EngUftimen, and for the moft part emigrants from ConnedicUt and Long lila^d. There is no '^epifcopal church in the county, the growth of whidh lias been very fudden, and commenced but a few years ago. Within the memory en perfons now living, it did not contain above twelve families ; and aceor- ding to the late returns of the militia it will furaiih at prefent 2500 men •capable of bearing .arm^. a ui 'IV. Albany. This county extends* from the fouthern bounds of the manor of 'living- ^fton on the eaft fide, and Ulfter on the weft fide of Hudfon's River ; but its limits are not yet aicertained on the^ north. It contains a vaft <}uantity of "fine low land ; and its pxincipalVcommodities are wheat, peafe, and pineixurds. The city of Albany, which is near 15*0 miles from NewYork^ is fitua^ed-aq Hxc weft.fide of the rwa, Therethe governors vfually treat with the Ihdiins di^ndeat upbn theBiitUh crOwiu The honfes ai^ built of brick in the Dutch tafte, and are. in number about 350. There are jlwo churches in it : That of the Epifcopalians, the only one in this l^arge county, is a ftone building : the congregation is but fmall, almoft :-:m .u ■ ' ;. ■ all I, Mi# Vdiik. ' ill the !iitaiitg reforting to the dutcti chyrch, frhjc^ i| • pUini iqWrft (IbM edifice. Befide thefe, tKeyhave nbotWjpvbnci>u]i4iQfi;i«,.9X|C?p( the banks of the river agaioft the enfuing fpring. This county joins to that of Albany on the weft fide of Hudfon'a Kiver. Its northern extent is fixed at Sawyers Rill : the Rivers Dela- ware and Hudlbn bound it eaft and weft ; and a weft line from the mouth of Murderer's Creek is its limit. The inhabitants are Putch» French, Engiifti, Scotch, and Irifli : but the firft and the laft are moft; ritimerous. The Epifcopalians in this county are fo inconfiderablei that their church is only a mean log-houfe. The moft confiderable town ia Kingfton, fituated about two miles from Hudfon^s River. The people of Ulfter, having long enjoyed an undifturbed tranquility, are fome of the moft opulent farmers in the whole colony. This county is moft noted for fine flour, beer, and a good breed of draught horfes. At the commencement of the range of the Apalachian Hills, about ten milei from Hudfon's River, is an inexhauftible quarry of mill-ftones, which far exceed thofe from Cologne in Europe. Ill VI, Orange. This county is divided by a range of mountains, ftretching wc ward from Hudfon's River, called the Highlands. On the north ii : the lands are very broken, but fertile, and inhabited by Scotch, Iri , and Englifti. prdbyterians. Their villages are Goihcn, Bethlehen.. and Little Britain, all remarkable for producing in general the beft made butter in the colony. The mountains in this county are clothed thick with timber ; and abound with ore, ponds, and fine ftreams for iron works.. Goflien is well fupplied with white cedar ; and there is great plenty of black wal- nut in tome parts of the woods. VII. RiclrnQtid. ««r N E W y Q R K. VII. Richmond, This county confifts of Staten Ifland, which lies nine miles fouth- weft from the city of New York. It is about eighteen miles long, and at a medium fix or feven broad. On the fouth fide is a confiderable traA of good level land ; but the ifland in general is rough, and the hills high. The inhabitants are principally Dutch and French. Southward of the main coaft ■ of this and the colony of CSonnedicut lies Long Ifland, called by the Indians Matowas, and named Naflan, according to an aA of aflerobly in the reign of King William III. This ifland is now divided into three counties, as following t ,75 Vin. I. Kittg*s C9ttnty, Which lies oppofite to New York on the north fide of Long Ifland. The inhabitants are all Dutch, and enjoying a good foil, near the prin- cipal markets, are generally in eafy circumftances. The county is fmall, but fettled in every part. IX. 9. ^eetCs County, This county is more extenfive, and equally well fettled. X,s, Suffolk, This county includes all the eaftem parts of Long Ifland, Shelter Ifland, Fifher*s Ifland, Plumb Ifland, and the Ifle of Wight. This large county has been long fettled, and, except one fmall epifcopal congre- gation, confifts intirely of Englifli preflayterians. The farmers are generally graziers, and, living very remote from New York, a great part of their {MX)duce is carried to the markets in Bofton and Rhode Ifland. The Indians, who were formerly numerous on thefe, iflands, are now become viery inconfiderable ; and ihofe that remain generally bind them- felves fervants to the Englifli. The whale fifliery on the fouth fide of Long Ifland, has declined of late years, through the fcarcity of whales, and is now almoft intirely negle^ed. La The i . i ^ HISTORY dP BRITISH AMERICA. The Elizabeth Iflands, Nantuckett Martha's Vioeyard; and Pemy- quid, which anciently formed Dofce's, and the county of Cornwal, are now under the jurifdi&ion of Maflfachufets Bay, as before obierved. As to the iah^itants, this province is not fo populous as (omt have imagined. The colony of Connedicut, which is much inferioi: to this in extent, contains, according to a late authentic inquiry, abore 133,000 inhabitants, and had a mtfidaof 27,000 men in 17;^ when the militia of New York, according to the general eftimate, did not exceed x 8,000. The whole number of fouls is computed at 100^060 ; o£ which 15000 may refide In the metroqpolis. llie fettlement of this colony has met with feveral difcouragements ; particulaHy the French and Indian imipttons, to which the Oolonifls were fo much expofed, th.7t many families withdrew into New Jerfey ; while at home the tranfportation of felons has brought all the American colonies into difcredit with the indtt^ofis and honeft poor, both in the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland. Etiglifti iiB the Moft |)fevailing iaoguagfc atnotig the 'Gol(ttiifts ; but «tdt a Ifttte oorrupted by this Dutch dialed which is ftiil fb taudi ufed in fome counties, that the iheriffs find it difficult to obtaiti perfons ktf^ ficiently acquainted with the Englifh tongues to ferve as jurymen in the courts of law. The manners of the people dilFdr, as well aH itmt ftLt^vxgt, in Suf- folk and Queen's County, the firft fettlers of which being either natives of England, or the immediate deicendants of fueh as began .the plantations in the eaftern colonies, thdr cuftoms are fimilar to thofe prevailing in the Englifh counties from which they originally fprung. The citizens of NeW York, trough an lnt6rcourfe "With the Europeans, follow the London fafhions ; though, t>y the time th^y lidotit them, they betbme difufed in England. The affiuence of the Colonins during; the late war introduced a degree of luxury in tabks, d^efs, and furnitttre, with which they were before unacquainfed. But ftift thefy are nt^t (o ^ay a people as their neighbours in Bofton, and fbvefal of their fouthern colonies. The Dutch counties io Tome meafure follow tlie ei^difnple 6f New York } but Ititt retain niany modes ^culiar td the HoUandett}. ' lNew York \h one of the ihoft fecial places Oft the Cbritilient : The men coUc^ thenifelves into weekly eveoiftg clubs : The ladies in Winter are ,i i NEW YORK. ktt ft«qHeAilf eikttttuned «tt1ier at coacerts of mufic or aflemblies, and make a very good appearance. It 18 touch owing to the i^iproportion between the number of inhabi- tants, and the vaft tradi remaiMag (Hll to be fettled, that they hare as yet' entered upon fcaredy any other manufadnres than fuch as are in- difpenitbly neceflary for their own conveniencies. Felt making, which is peihaps the moft natural of any they could fall upon, was begun Ibme years ago; and hats were exported to the Weft Indies with great AicceTs, till lately prohibited by an ad of parliament. The province of Penhfylvania has a fine foil ; and, through the im* portation of Germans, abounds with inhabitants ; but being a vaflr inland country, its produce muft of confequence be brought to a market over a great extent of ground, and all by land-carriage. Hence it is faidy that Philadelphia is crowded mth waggons, carts, horfes, and their drivers : that a ftranger, at his lirft entrance, would imagine it to be a place- of traffic beyond any one town in the colonies : while at New York in particular, to which the produce of the country is all broi^t by water^ there is more bufinefs, at leaft bufineis of profit* though with lefs fhew and appearance. Not a boat in Hud(bn's River is navigated with more than two or three men at moft ; and ihefe are -perpetually coming in from, and returning to, all parts of the adjacent country, in the fame employments, that fill the city of Philadelphia with fome hundreds of men, who may be faid to be laborioufly indolent in refped to the public: utility. For computing the expence of a waggon with its tackling ; the- time of two men in attending it; their maintenance; four horfes^ and the charge of their provender on a journey loo or 200 miles ; it will be found that thefe feveral particulars amount to a very confiderable fum. — All this time, the New York farmer is in the courfe of hi» .proper bufinefs, and the unincumbered acquifitions of his profeffion ;. for, at a medium, there is fcarce a farmer in the province that cannot tranfport the fruits of a year's labour, from the beft farm, in three days, at a proper feafon, to fome convenient landing, where the market wilt" be tcounctl to the governor in a£ts of civil government, and take the fame oath as adminiflered to the king's council in England. The tenure of their places is extremely pre- carious, and yet their influence upon the public meafures very confider- able* In the grant of ^U patents, the governor is bound to confult them,, and regularly he canlnot pafs the feal without their advice. The council never publiih their legiflative minutes; but the aflembly always print their own votes ; nor do either of thefe houfes permit ftran- gers to be prefent at their conventions. The general aflembly confifts of twcnty-feven reprefentatives, chofen by the people, purfuant to a writ of fummons ifliied by the governor. ' It is unneceffary to enlarge upon the cuftoms of the general aflembly, as they take the pra^ice of the Britifli Houfe of Commons for their model, and; vary from them in but very few inftances. nit¥J ... No- 11 'i (i i! fto HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. No colony upon the continent has fonnerly fufFered more than this in the opinion of the king's minifters, which has been owing to the ill im- preilions made by their goTernor», who were freely ever Sifehgaged from difputes with the lower houfe. The reprefentatives* agreeable to the ge- neral fenfe of their conflitaekit^, are tenacious in theh- opitiioii, that the inb ibitants of this colony are intitled to all the privileges of Englifhmen, that they fcave a rtgbt to ^articipiAe in~the legiflative power, ana that the feffioD of afiemblaes here >» wifely ftibftitiHied inftead of a repirefentation in parliament; which, all things confidered, would, at thi« remote dif^ tance, be extremely inconvenient and dangerous, llie governors, on the other haad^ iii general enCcrtain political fentiments of a diHtie difixerent nature. All the immunities the peOph ei^oy, according to them, not only flow from them, but abfolutely depend upon the mere graee and will of the crowm It is eafy to conceive, that, contentions muft naturally attend fuch a contradidion of fentiments. Moft of their difputes, however, relate to the fupport of government. It muft be ooofeiTed, that many plaufible aiguments may be afligned In fuppott of the jealoufy of the houfes. A* governor has numberiefs op* portunities, not proper to be mentioned, for' invading the rights of the people, and infuperable difEculttes would neceilarily attend all' the means .of x«dre(s. , As to the laws of this colony, the flate of them opens a door to much controverfy, becaufe the uncertainty of them^ expofes the inhahitabts too much to the: arbitrsry deciflons^ of bad judges, and renders property precarious. The common law of England is generally recdv^* toge^ tber with fuch flstutes as were enabled before this eolonjr had a legil^ lature of its own : but here the courts exercife a fovereign anthOrity iti •determining what parts of the common and ftatute law oUght to ht ex- tei^ed; for it muft be admitted, that the difference of cirduniftancei neceiTarily requires thefe colonies, in fome cakt, to reje(CI the determina- tions of both. In many inftances, they have alfo extended even aiGts of parliament paHed fmce they bad a difliind legiflationjr winch is adding greatly to the confuiion in the colony. . The pradice of their courts is not lefs uncertain than the law ; for fbme «of the Ehgliih rules are adapted, and others rejeAed. Two things there- fore feem to be abfolutely neceifary for the public fecurity : nrft, the' ipaffing an a£t for fettling the extent of the Engliih laws^ and, fecondly, that the courts onhun a general fet of rules for the regulation of the ptadice. , With N E W Y O R K. With refpe^k to a more particular account of the religious f^ate of this province, it ihould be observed, that the principal dtftindlions among «them are the ejnfcopaUanSt and the Dutch and English prefbyterians. The two laft, together with all the other proteftants in the colony, are fometimes called by the general name of DiiTenters ; and compared to them, the epiicc^ians are fcarce in the proportion of one to fifteen. Hence has partly arofe the general difcontent on account of the minlflry zCtB ; not fo much as the proviflon made by them is engrofled by the mi> nor fed, as becaufe the body of the people are for an equal univerfal tolentioa of proteftants, and utterly averfe to any kind of ecclefiaflical eftabliihment. The diflenters, though fearlefs of each other, are all jea- lous of the epifcopal party; being apprehenfive that the countenance they may have from home will foment a defire for dominion, and enable them at laft to load their fellow-fubje£ts with oppreffion. The epifcopal clergy are miifionaries of the Englifli Society for propa- gating the gofpel, and ordinarily ordained by the bifhop of London, who has a commilfion from the king to exerdfe ^cclefiaftical jurifdidion, and commonly appoints a clergyman at New York for his commifTary. The minifters are called by the particular churches, and maintained by the yearly allowance of the fociety, and the voluntary contributions of the auditors, becaufe there is no law for tithes *. The Englifh prefbyterians are very numerous; but thofe inhabiting New York, New Jerfey, Pennfylvania, and the three Delaware counties, are regularly formied, after the manner of the church of Scotland, into confiftories or kirk feflions, prefbyteries and fynods, and probably will •fome time join in erecting a general aflembly. Thefe clergy are ordained •by ihetr fellows, and maintained by their refpedive congregations, ex- jcepting thofe miffionaries among the Indians, whofe fubfiftence is paid by ** the! Society in Scotland for propagating Chriftian Knowledge.*' None of the pre£byterian churches in this province are incorporated, as is the cafe of many in New Jerfey. Their judicatories are upon a very pror f)er eftabliihment; for they have no authority by legal fandions to enforce their decrees : nor indeed is any religious fe£t among them legally invefted with powers prejudicial to the common privileges of the rdl. The do- >minion of all their clergy is merely fpiritual, as it ought to be. The epifcopalians, however, fometimes. pretend, that the ecclefiaftical efta- bliihment in South Britain extends to the colonies; which pofition the whole bodyof the diftenters utterly deny. 8i W\ Vol. II. * Scie Smith, p. at^. M CHAP. 8a HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA* CHAP. IV. Produce^ mamfailureSi tradty and navigatumi, CONCERNING the trade of this province, let it be remarked, tKatr the fituation of New York, with refped to foreign markets, for rea- fons before affigned, is to be preferred to any of the Britt(h colonies: for it lies in the center of the Briti(h plantations on the continent, has at all times a ihort eafy accefs to the ocean) and commands almoft the whole trade of G>nnedlicut and New Jerfey» two fertile and wdl cultivated colo- nies. The projedion of Cape Cod into the Atlantic renlers the naviga- tion from the former to Bofton, at fome feafons, extremely perilous; and' fometimes the coafters are driven off, and compelled to winter in the Weft Indies. But the conveyance to New York, from the eaftward through the Sound, is ihort, and unexpofed ' to iuch dangers. Phil adelphip: receives ■ as little advantage from New Jfcrfey as Bofton from Connedicut, becaufe the only rivers which roll through that province dtfembogue not many miles from the city of New York. Several attempts have been made to- raife Perth Amboy into a trading port ; but hitherto it has proved to be an unfeafihle projed. New York, all things confidered, has a much better .~ Atuation ; and were it otherwife, the city is become too rich and conft* derable to be eclipfed by any other town in its neighbourhood. The merchants of New York. ate compared to a hive of beeSy who in^- duftrioufly gather honey for others^ non^ohis melUJicatis e^s, Thepro^- fits of their trade center chiefly in Great Britain; and for that tttsSaa. they ought always to receive the generous aid and protedion. of their motherr- country. In their traffic with other places,, the balance is almoft con - fiantly in their favour. Their exports to the Weft Indies are, . bre|j|4> peafe, rye-meal, Indian corn, apples* onions, boards j ftaves, horfes, (heep, cheefe, butter, pickled oyfters, beef and pork. Flour is alfo a mam article, of which there is fttipped about 80,000 barrels, a year. To pre-^ ferve the credit of this important branch of their ftaple, they have a good law, appointing officers to infped and brand every ca(k before its expor«- •tation. The returns are chiefly rum, fngar, and moiafles, except cafh from Curacoa ; and when mules firom the Spanifh main are ordered to Jamaica and the Windward Iflands, which are generally exchanged for their natural produce, for they receive but little cafti from their own iflands. The balance againft them would be much mtire in their favcnir, if the indulgence to the fugar colonies did not enable them to fell their produce at a higher rate than either the Dutch or French Iflands. The •*in NEW YORK. Hie Sptniurdi commonly contrad for provifions !«vith merchantB in thii «nd the colony of Pennfylvania» very much to the advantage both of the conjtradors and the public, becaufe the returns arc wholly in cafh. Their vhcatt flour, Indian corn, uul lumber (hipped to Liibon and Madeira, bftUnce the Madeira wine impocted here. The logwood trade to the Bay of Honduras is very confiderable, and Was pulhed. by the merchants rt,uld be much greater if a flop was put to all clandeftine trade. England is doubtlel's intitled to all the colony fuperfluitieb, becaufe their general interefts are M 2 clofely 83 .-Bil^'V,. A 84 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. dofely conneAed, and the Britilh navy is the principal defence of the coloniih. On this account, the trade with Hamburgh and Holland for duck, cheauered linen, oznabrigs, cordage, and tea, if Britain can pro- duce and lupply with thefe things, is certainly, upon the whole, impolitic and unreafonable, how much foever it may advance the intereft of a few . . merchants, or this particular colony. By what meafures this contraband trade may be eiFeduaUy obftrafted, is hard to determine, though it well deferres the attention of a* Britiik parliament. Increafing the number of cuftom-houfe officers will be a remedy worfe than the difeafe, as their (iUaries would be an additional charge upon the public. In the province of New York there is one coU IcAioa or cuAom-houfe diftfiA, kept in the port of New York. ■ The excluHve right of the Eaft India company to import tea, while the - colonies parchafe it of the foreigners thirty per cent, cheaper,- muft' be very prejudicial to the nation. The colonifts of New York, both in towA and country, are fhamefully gone into the habit of tea-drinking ; and it is fuppo&d they eonfume m this commodity in value near 50,000 /. fter*- ling per annum. Some are of opinion, that the filhery of fturgeons^ which abound in Hudfon's River, might be improved to the great advan- tage of the colony ; and that, if proper meafares were concerted, much' profit would arife from (hip-buildmg and naval ftoresK . It is certain, they have timber in vaft: plenty ; oak,- while and black .pines^ fir, locuft, red and white mulberry, and eedar; and perhaps there is no foil on the globe fitter for the produdion of hemp than the low lands in the county of Albany. To what has been already (aid concerning iron ore, a ncceflary article, the following may be added : that it is generally believed this pro>> -yince abounds with a variety of minerals^ and of iron. in particular they have fuch jdenty, as to be excelled by no country- in^ the world of equal .caueat «' THE * * :^-_ -'^^■Ij*' ' •''^'"'"'"^^^'^r. e THE HISTORY OP THE BRITISH E M P I R E N Q R T H A M E R I C A. 'H B O O K IV; NOVA C^SAREA, or NEW JERSEY/ C H A' P. I.f Tbe original fettknuntt and grouts of the celot^* • WHOEVER will be at the trouble of an enquiry into the genera! inexperience and methods of colonizing formerlyi efpecblly at the time the fettlement« here were firft attempted under grants, will find but little reafon to doubt, that views of permanent (lability to religious and civil freedom muft have been the inducement to the original adventurers to think of fuch a removal. The New England government had before been confiderably fettled,' from motives of a like kind. Thefe, though near forty years later in their fettlement, were alfo proteftant diflfenters', and involved in the general infecurity of religious toleration in the reign of King Charles II. Many of them having been a^ual fufferers through the miftaken policy of that time, merely for a free exercile of their reli- gious fentiments. As they do not appear to have been charged^ with any violation of religious integrity, fono in ftance occurs of difTatisfa^ion among ihemfelves, though many of them were remarkably tender oh that head. With the motives above* fome of them had indubitably a diflant pro«> fpea i Ml HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. fpeA alfo of improving their eftfttet) but thii could not be the cafe fo much at firft at afterward *. However fmooth the paflagc may look now* It muft be a reafonable fup* pofitioiii that perfons and familiei* who lived welU which wai the cir- cumftances of many of the fettlers of this province, found it no incon- fiderable trial to unfettle and r«inKivethrec as the governor and council tought think fit. C H A P. ■*i- X %- ''^''^ }tl V,'^. ^ ^ ■ ;i JBRfEX, OT2irr ;;.'i C H A P. li. fcl4/ >}}. ijy Jt^t^BrnXra. ^ 167s. Succ^^ ffgviufrnjpr^} ^^orical events* E moieify 6t/baif|^rc ql* ftie province cliUvtr Jer^ t>donged to ^^ LordBerkelcTt who fold it toMn Edward Byllinge, and he afligned it to tmftees * for the uife of his creditors. Thofe truftees fold a confiderable number of (hares of their property to different purchafers* who thereupon .became prppp^forS) in QommQn with them, according to their different ihares; afier whicl^ Mr, Fenwick, and fome other gentlemen, with their families, arrived' and, fettM in Weft Jerfey, when they agreed upon a form of government, which was intitled as follows : ** The concdISbns and agreements of the ph>prietors, freeholders, and 1676. inhabitants of the province of Weft New Jerfey in America.'* . This de^iralilifteid o^lc%-Jf6ii^ i^bleil anij tiirii^ed on the 3d cf March 1676, by one hundred and fifty proprietors. The new proprietors fent inftru&ions to Mr. Richard Hftrtihome for ^he fecoiity and improvement of their eftate «nd intereft, called New Weft . Jerfey* 9» Oeoi^e Carttret's ym ^ed |(ew Eiuft Jer£ey. The line of divifion was fettled, and i^th proprietaries endeavoured to mftJEe thie moft of their eftates. The weftem proprieton foon pubUflied - a 4efcription of thdt moiety ; on which many pmbns removed thither: but left any (hotdd not fuffiaeidtly weigh the importance of this undertak- ing, and for other reafons, the three principal propriet04'S publifhed a . ctfudonlry epiflle, confifting of an admonitory preamble, ten declarative artid!^! nxA a fri^nclly ^opdufion. Ampn^ other piirchafers of the Weft Jerfey lands, were two companies ; one made u|» of fome fiiends f in YorkJOiire, and the otho: of fome friends in London, who each contraded for confiderable (haires. Commifi^oners were ient by the proprietors, with power to buy lands 1677. of the nauves ; to inlped the rights of fuchas claimed property ; to order .the lands laid out; and; ingeneral, to adminifter the government pur- fuant to the conceffions. Tney landed with two hundr«l and thirty paf- •fengers, chirfly Quakers, at Rkckoou Greek. * Penn, Lswrie, and Luc»» f Qukkcn. f^ulX. N Thejr ^11 am •I m t go •?Td' .•*" r 1676. 1680. They had regulated fome ^mattjen |n ^pt^e with the governor of Nevr York, and made fome valid |)urdJkfi^' or m6 Indians. The town of Bur^ * lington wa5 lai(l Qut and. built :feyeral other faolilie9^ancl jpsrvants arrived from England; biit inany ^'at "din&e ^^ ibf^W^^ better than ^O^ft^tlW^Jo^ght^ftates. . Thcfirft, inured tp induftry« ai^d the wigr^.pf the i>CMU^t^t pecame wealthyi WMle 6thearii» by. te impn^ve- niient^t or living i66 Ireely on th(!ir oi^io&l ftobk, dwindkd to inidigency and diHrefs. .. . '. . ji ^- , :v'j^rC)Qfeijt:rip»?i^ .ac,cpunt pf the counfiry ; %tiSi ciohiAutfSi MYQlli^^ out for twenty proprreticaj and the town-lots lor about ten acres, whfch is dnly'fbr a noilfb, 6fic£hard'ahdg;^raeh9; fdrth& «Drn,{pfl p^wre grpi^nd is ^o ,be4^d oij|ti^|;reat, quantities.*^ ^ ^^v^^ Two Ihips arnved fejhi'toha6n'ani'Huil, wifhfete«il (hb^affltiiEil fet- idera* suid, their feryants. Ii^ this year, upon the^pUcation of, the affi^gfts of lofd'iBerkeJey, thfe Driike df tolrk madc' «ew gtarttof Weft New Jerfey ; and alfo confirmect ^ie es^efn part to tli^ grahdfon Of the'i^tfes <^ W^^^:ifci»t leitcw^ commendation of the eouhtJy,~t1ietr ^tiia^on and Tettrerjiftnirs ; i^ii^l^e vgumente lag^inft, the cufton^ impofed at the Hoar Kill -by the goverpor 'lon^^wTor^^ ar^wiriup'iAabbld, nervous, fe^l^ld'e,deblkra- :%dhiitiW^the tion before a people? if not, cati ** 3efides, there is no eqd of .^hw opwer^ for fince we are aflefled mth- oiit lay, and thereby exdiid^ ofij? %i>giilh tiijPit^of cpifitodii aflfenf to taxes^ what fecurity feave we of any thir^ we ppu^is r' r — ^LeftaeV^Kt be fsqi^elaed *' to avoid this l^atipn^ aiif^]^5he' coubJ^^ gfifti ariil tree condition, that lie may he ^^ iioKired aii(l\hbh6iired k& feared by all the inhabitants of his'territofy; that being gffeat in theif- afFcQions, he mary be great by their indt(ftry, >w4iich will^iild him that 8 *' -'^ "^tcithK iw )iii:iiM:^:y^.J^^^^%. oTaiii rrtaHlh, tliat pamit of pow«r, th^t he toaj be as great a Prince hj pro* •>>; ^;4fCor4^l7, tide 4uflpflM v^ taken o^, an^ a /ree pprt^ei^^^^ •)1DW ^1: ''[// ^r. Byiiingc was appointed governor of Weft Jerfey ; ahdie appointed Mr. Jenings his deputy-gOYemor, who called an aflembly, and with theri^ agreed ^pon iqn^ljunliimMaentals of gQ^ern)|^ent t| comprized in ten articles, whereby ^x^g^^l^^P'^^ S'KatIf ,a|>i|f4g9^ of ^erogatiyes, and ^'A '.<) ■ is afiei^bly paflfed ihirty-fix laws ; xoafxy of whicli. were afterward^ repaJi(d, tlM>ugb <;oniboant to the origi^ ^wk '^f The JWpnpiiP|o|i9n^ ^en j^reed *» ;»poo the methods for fettling and fOgl^M^ of laii4qf|'* w^c;h ways done \j ^^)^^XJ^t^t confifting (^ twenty^twiojirticles. " j«,'^.l. >"K" x A large ihip, (>f 550 tons biudenf arrived at W<^ft Jerfeyt with 360 pa^aigers i alter y^Kh the gener4 afleoiply made fome new regulations as to affairS;Of government; pa,rtieulfrly fs fbliiOws : "That for prevent- ing dandeitine and unkwjQ^ m^i;pngcs* ji^cc;s diowd have pqwer to f(4emnize them ;~*-the buth^ 01" d^ldre^, and deceafe pf all perils, were fo be entered in the public regift^s.-^-r— ->^dt ^v preventing differences betwief» m^ers aod/fe^Yfi^fi wijaei|iQi<:QVcnantftjWer?jf?i<^r 4I fervantt -were to h»Ye, jit t|^;f]^B^rattMn^ tfp^lwM^dU p^coi% nccetonr.a|^ (tVfo hof ^ f^iid ari 93h^^'. )t'wM ena

^^at V diera il^uVl^^^l^ of femon held a|^Sur}ingt94 ai»d ^pnfi ann^a|ly :" wd ^ r||^efentat^ves of Weft Je^^ ^mi^9IP^ to be yearly ch< About this time the fettlers In many parts were oiftrefibd for food y and the eokmy wfrftrfafther. al^^m^^ 1^7 tfc d«*4> ^^ ^/!^^^^ Carteret, who by his i ^iU liBpofWred hi^s qpe^utor^ tp j^ ^ ^e. of New Jerfey, i^eh was fkpeoju^nglx.dpffe* _. , ■_, , , ,1, ;, ; .' _ ^.j ,','/. ■ ,^ , . . -, ; '. tTh^P mxti^f^M* ** province oF Weil N^# JetB^ jn Americ^ die z^ bf the 9th nioiitK,<»M November, |68i.""'':' ■' ''■•>' '-i '-fi ■>'■ ■ ■> ,^v,<.k:)fn vcr'n: v.ik %TMi was d'^ted, «< December <; i6j9t"v9\MttifY»ittiMt6 tdnmni. Eprl ofSmdl^ Ifrich, John E& i of Btfli, Beritard Greavme, Sir Thomas Crew, S>{r tLohfut Atkins, and EAvard Adltifts»£i(^ af^ ibfiit ^ii;f> aU bis plantation of ^ew Jerffj|^» f0i the puijppres therew Wi N a From 'It- ^\ i68f. i$8«*. ■« ^* ,1683. ir life ; and Thomas Rudyard was appointed depttty-govenibn - -I^r.- Bar^ clay continued governor until 1685, and died on the 3d of Odober .x6go. He was fucceediNd as govercior by Lord Neil Campbell, uftcl^ to the Duke of Argyle ; and he was fucceeded by Sir Thomas Lane in 1698. Gawen Lawrie arrived In ii58'3 ai deputy«govemaf of Eaft Jferfejr, tin- der Robert Barclay ; upon Which a new council wias eht^qi: and as^ere had been fome confiderable difturbances in the provin\iiSi<^; irfe exc^ng cn:>od^f^^3od if^efijr'wayv ai^l tW6'«r threie Kiiadriid fbl^ itacSredi^: -cylje?^^^^ pljehty, !fi»: onf^ ]^e)fhy^|)«p quart: good drinl: that is made of wittirahd Molafl^'lbuids iiJ ab6tit two Ihilhnes pet ba]ff(d,'>i^hbtdbmi^,' like our eight ihillthg beer in Eag* land : ^dod venifbn jplenty; %rdugfat uS^ iar at eightedch-pehce Uie ^rter; eggSi at three-pence per do^en; vinea, walnuts, peaches, ftraWbimiSVand many other things, plentiful in the wood^** , ^ ' Mr. Barday aWd' te 'Ifdifieij allb ifrHke t6 thi' Stotch proprietors; ** T^at tlbe air^ifi fhik cotritry is ver^r wbolefeme ; and though it afters fuddealy, fometimes being one day hot, and another coldi ydt people are not fof^bie^ to^catch.cold or b^ diflempered by it as in England. The land lies for tile lyibft part pre^y hig)i^ ^t oh the river and'creeft Jidtes are many meadows, which lie low, i^om' Which the country pepple get; (heir bay, whereby their (locks are maintained in the winter feaion : that proyifions of all kinds were plentiful and cheap; fo that they iaw littla WKGtibgthat a man could defire ; and they were fure, thatafcber and ; NE W JER SET. tndufiridus people might make this a rich countrf, and enrich th^iithfeltei iii. it» efpecully poor people^ who were hard put to it to gain bread at home* notwithfb&riding the exceffive Ubour; for they iaw that people (here wanted nothingy «m1 yet their labour was very fmall; that they worked not by one*'haJf (b-liard as the huibandmen or farmers in Engr land ; and many of thefe who had fettled there upwards of fixteen yearst had lived upon the produ£t of the land they cleared the firft two years a^er they came, which produced not only com to maintain their own families^ but to fell every year ; and the increafe of their beftial^ wheireof they had good ftore of feveral forts* as cows, oxen, horfes, fheep, and fwine, yielded them other provifions, and to fell befides:' yet; there were fome more induftrtous among them, who continued clearing and improving land; and thefe had'g;ot eftates, nor would fell their plantations tor feve- ral hundred pounds : that the merdiants in New York, both Dutch an^l Englifh, had many of them taken up land, and fettled plantations in< this country ; and feveral from that colony were defirous to oome and take up' hind, though thejr might have land, without payinj^ quiti-rents, - in their own country : that there was good encouragement for tradefmen to come over; fuch as carpenters, mafons, and bricklayers; for they built not only of wood, but alfo of fione and brick ; . yet moft (^ the country houfes were built of wood, only trees fplit, and fet up on, end: ia the ground.^ and coverings to their houfes were moftly Aiingres, made of oak, chefnut. and cedar wood, which made a' very neat covering ; yet there were fome- houfes covered after the Dutch manner, with pantiles."'— —** The town* are all fettled Upon rivers^ where Vdlels of thirty ov fort^ tons may eome up to their' do(Mtt, and the out-plantationft generally Upon fome brook or rivulets j which are as plenty here as in our own country, and curious dear water ; aiid in many places are good Ipring^ ^ells ; but in-.the towns every man, for the moft part, has a well digged, on his own land4. and among' ^U the towns that are there fettled, none lieth-. fo convenient itor trade as Byllinge, who {^pointed. Mr. Skeine.hl9)dei»uty{ and he was fucceeded as governor by Dr. Daniel Cox of London, in 1687.. 1687.. The Dbdor was one c^ the moft confiBerable among tbe pHopvietors^ tndi held the government until 1690* >*9*^ Durihgr m :l J i u I69Z. 1691. 1701. 1 702* .tflldi HISTOltYaOiF.BmiTrSH AMERICA. During this i^t Ibm? Alutary hwt ^rtfrelmde« tflgvi^^^ the danger of4iM(«, tin^tktk^tdtY^fipnMom^ 'Th»dWii|Ofi-]^«f»f ran, |u4 iSferitlGifiil UM^^ ki theolaaner M tootting-iandsi bot tPHtrwoe |hepn>* ceedliigt'relMiw t9nlii»4Hie-aindatelf, woidd' be iv:t«ik:. proper^ thde jniMtditftelf doatetaed'}' for oUiert Ikej ire loo iieltfaiiiioiMt ik, XSax WAWftA th^ goTemment of Weft Jerfey and tefritqric* to the Weft Jerfey Sociefr, cuififUng of Sir Thomu Lancb KtUght* Miohael Watts, and fertf-liK oiMer gemiemea *• **' The great fldod at t>ela«Ritre Ftdhr? iMppeaedia 1609, which did great damage to the itthabitaats« and tangfat thcna how to sut their hahi<^ tations njpoti h?gh«r ground. It wis in the fpring this year thHthepro* prietors of Weft jeMby firft appointed Colonel Andrew Ham^toa to be ^is year is f^tttarkible for the puhfic cominottons ia the coloayi v^hich eeeaiioned a ** furreader f from lAie proprietors of Eaft and Weft New JerTey, of their ]^retended right of government, to her Mi^efty" Qjicen Anne ia i^^t^ w li er eb y they acknmr}edged her Majefty's right to ooafii^ ttttegblteti^rs of thofe provinces. ^r ^* The Queen's xcceptuce of the furreader of goverament" was daDQd ** at the cotirtat 6t. James's, the 17th day of AprU ijoz,** in a full cour.f dl, 'whoft^er was as following : ** This day the feveind jptrop^etq^tk^ fiuft'aid'WefiNewJeffeyv'i^ /Uaerica, did in pcrto^ jpmeiB^ %4^m ^rtcK^i'hf them eKecuted ander their hands aad fealf, to )f£t}/U^^ iacOU^il^ j^'did aeknoidedge the fame to be thf:r ^^ai^-4$ed, ,,smd humbly defire her Mi^fty to accept the fame, that it; might be enroUed in the cewt of Chancery, whereby they did furrender their poifrer (^ the jglQvtimmmtt of thofe i^btntationai Whidi htgr MijeQ^ §efiie/^^j flC£efjte4^1^ Immediate^^ 'upddi this filrrender, Edward X^c^ ViTcoui^ ^pn^hm^^ grandfon to the great Lord Chancellor the Earl .^ Chirendotfi aa^f.wl coufin to Queen Anne, was appointed governor of New Jerfey. It itisites the diffentions of the divided eoloaies; pro^des fop: ^btor coiraord and unity, fo as to be reimited iate one province, andfettlenll^fi^er pi^in^ tir^Jgomunent^ ?.nd fj'* »70l» d'ootx(ifilied a iQoath, and^as coagj u flaed watlLiindtot fmoothfte^ti f^ 1701. 1706, «76f» (r^-i ) }vr •riVl.1 The law fbr regulating the qualification of rcprefentativea to ferve in. general aflbnibly was now paffisd, and is yet in force; tli^ fufaftaiice oF'^hich iSi' that ^ every voter ifliaU have nop aeresi of land ; ickuhis aw»< ri^i €^ be (i^ih> 50/. cuvrettt •fm)ni&y; and thatrthe pe&rfoA.eld^^ ihfOl ^vifr toed kef««s^ ifk^bU own: «ght,oi:^ be wocth : j^o /.. £mxitntMoo<^ ney'iii'peirlbnid'tiftiueilr.. ''"" ' '* - ■'■■■' ■ '[ ^' -^J.. The inhabitants had fbme reafon to cxpedl more happy time* than, fbrm^^^ ; IbiiV LdJnd Lovelace died a few ' chys ^fteMasid, and^' admi- iiiftfsition devolved^«n ^ilieulenantf«go\«nni^,ii%dbdi]^ • The whole may be Aea. uvS. Smii^b, (lom'P* 175 to 3^& t See S. Smith, p. is 7* % See the Law* of 1724 »nd m^t^^^ »• *• '♦'• *W*^ • : 4; :thfc I ■■■h m m '^ 1710. ..15f I711. 171a. >7»3- 1718. 1719. 1710. 1721. 1717. HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. -the «(reaibly the defign of the crown, refpedHng the expedition ftgainft Canada, under the Colonels Nicholfon and Vetch ; upon which they voted 3000/. for the fervice, by an emiffion of paper- billi of credit*; outdid -iiM pttft) the biH at this time* Brigadier Hunter f arrived as governor in 1710, and removed that cbnr fufion in which the colony had been long involved concerning the Qjiakefa ^>ath to ferre as jurymen. The general aflembly prefented a very bng addrefs to the governor relative to former innovations, which his excel- lency undertodc to tranfinit to the Qjieen, and anfwered the houfe, ** "P^ her Majefty had given him dire^^ions lo endeavour to reconcile thediffer- -ences that were in this province; but if he could not, that he fliould madce a juft reprefentation to her.** The governor backed the remonftrance, and got all the counfellorb removed that were pointed out by the aflembly, a^^ the caufi; of their grievances. . ,. > A feflion of general aflembly was convened : but Governor Hunter could not reconcile the difierences and animofities between the cpuncil and rejMrefentatives. The expedition to Canada took up their attention; after which a new trembly met, and pafled feveral ufeful ada: but no farther hiflorioal occurrences happened until 17x6, when the governor convened a new aflembly at Perth Amboy %, which, oiccaiioned, fqpe difr ferences between the reprefentatives. The governor recommended to the aflembly to anient the fidaries of his officers, to affift in running the divifion-'fine with Hew York, and to provide for an agen( at the court 0£ Great Britain, bea.ufethis was the only province in his Majefty's d^ir nions that had lione $. Very rainy weather happened, which deftroyed the corn, and therefore was called the " wet harvefl.'*, Goveniir Hunter refigned the government to William Burnet, ETq. 'who convened the aflembly in 17a i. The members of council ^ere twelve, and of the houfe of reprefentatives twenty-^fbur, to whom the governor addrefl^ an elegant fpeech, and they returned a loyal anfWer. The feffions continued near two months; and the fupport was iettled| ' 500/. a year for five years. Nothing material happened until 1717, when the aflTembly pafled '* an ad for the limitation of a^ons, and for avdding fuits in law," whkli * S. Siiith, p. 359. i He wts ilfo govenibr of New York. 6. Smith, p, 376. X For tiw mcmberi, fee Smithy p. 404. 4 Vid. Laws of the Prwtncr, voL i. p. 63. ta t:*UJS^i waa It : NEWJERSEY. was conftru^^ed upon the (latutes then in force in Great Britain, and though £hort in expreffions, will be of great importance in fad. 9; 1727. 17x8. Gk>vernor Burnet continued to prefide over New York and New Jerfey until I727» when he was removed to Bofton, and fucceeded by John Mont- gomery, Efq. who continued till his death in 173 1. In his time, the aiTembly debated on the fubjed of a feparate government from that of Kew York, and petitioned his Majefty thereupon, alleging, *' That they humbly apprehended it would much more conduce to the benefit of this province, and no prejudice to that of New York, were their governors, seeBeveriey't as were the governments, diftindl." This petition was referred by his H'ftory of Majefty to the Lords of Trade, who reported to the Lords of the Com- ^"8'"'*' mittee of the Privy Council, ** That they had confidered the humble peti- tions of the prefident and council, the Q)eaker, and feveral members of the aflembly of his Majefiy's province of New Jerfey; of the grand jury of the faid province; and Mr. Richard Partridge, agent for New Jerfey, * whereupon "^they could not doubt but that a feparate governor, whom the province was willing to fupport, would be a means to be a quick dif- patch to their public aflPairs, to increafe their trade and number of people, and very much advance the intereft of the province. Therefore they were of opinion, that his Majefty might be gracioufly pleafed to comply with the prayer of thofe petitions." William Con>y, Efq. was appointed governor, and continued fo until i^^,. his death in 1736, when the government devolved on the prefident of the 1736. council, John Anderfbn, Efq. ^ho died foon afterward, and was fuc- ceeded by John Hamilton, Efq. A commifllon arrived to Lewis Morris* Efq. as governor of New Jerfey, feparate from New York, and he continued as fuch until his death in 1746. He was fucceeded by prefident Hamilton, who foon after died, and was fucceeded by John Reading, Efq. as eldeft counfellor. Jonathan Belcher, Efq. arrived as governor, and continued in his office until i757» when he was fucceeded by Mr. Reading as prefideit. Francis Bernard, Efq. arrived governor in 1758; but was removed to Bofton, and fucceeded by Thomas Boone, Efq. in 1760. Mr. Boone was removed to South Carolina, and fucceeded to the government of New Jerfey by Jofiah Hardy, Efq. in 1761. He was removed, and afterward appointed conful at Cadiz in the room of Mr. Goldfworthy ; and Mr. Hardy was fucceeded in 1 763 by William Franklin, Efq. the prefent gover- nor of the colony. Vol. II. O CHAP. 1738. 1746. 1747. 1757- 1758. 1760. ' n 4W 'J if [ I 98' JIISTORYOF BRITISH AMtRICA. CHAP. III. The prefmt State of the Colony, 'TT^HE greateft length of New Jerfey from north to fouth, that U ^ from Cape May, in the latitude of 39 " to the north ilation point in the lalitude 41 ^ 40^ is 184 miles. Its greateft breadth is about 60 miles; but fuppofing it, on an average, 150 in length, and 50 broad, the whole province muft then contain 4,800,000 acres ; of which, at leaft, one fourth is poor barren land in relpeA to tillage, but in part abounding with pines and cedars, with fome tradts of fwamp that will make meadow. It is thought that Weft Jerley contains the greateft quantity of acres, and in return took the moft barren land. Baft Jerfey is fuppofed to have located about 468,000 acres of good land ; and 96,000 acres of pine. Weft Jerfey is partitioned into about a,6s( f ,000 acres, of which the far greater part is already fuiveyed } and what re- ' mains are chiefly the rights of minors and people abroad. Almoft the whole extent of the province adjoining the Atlantic is barren, or nearly approaching it ; yet there are fcattering fettlements all along the cooft^ where the people fubfift chiefly by raifmg cattle in the bog undrained meadows and marlhes, and cutting down the cedars, which were originally plenty of both the white and red forts. The barrens or poor lands generally continue from the i>a up into the pro- vince thirty miles or more, and this nearly the whole extent from eaft to weft; fo that there are many thoufand acres that will never ferve much of the purpofes of agriculture ; confequently, when the pines and cedars- are gone, this will^ not be of much value. The lands, however, ia' general are good. > There aj^e thirteen counties in the province* I. Eajiern Divlfiotu ^ in which lies the city of Perth Amboy, on a point of divides the River Rariton and Arthur Kull Sound ; It was I. Middlefex; land that called Perth from Tames Drummond Earl of Perth ; and Amboy from Ambo> in Indian a point : the harbor is capacious, and the port as good* as NEW JERSEY. M moft upon the continent. There it aUb New Brunfwick, well built upon the Rariton: Prinaton* where it New Jerfey college, founded by charter from PrefidenC Hamilton, and enlarged by Gk)ycrnor Belcher in 1747. This county containt feveral villages, and has a confiderable trade with New York. * ' ■ * 2. Monmouth; whidi contains Shrew(bucy, Middletown, Freehold, and Allen Town. 3. Eflex ; contains the well -fettled towns of Elizabeth and Newark, in each of which it a public library. 4. Somerfet ; in which is the vilUge of Bound BrooL 5. Bergen ; where are the remarkable Paflfaic falls ; and the family of j&chuylert have here two laiige padu for deer. 99 ' I » IL Weft cm DivifioK, 6. Burlington ; has its capital of the fame name, which was laid out in 1677 ; alio Borden Town, and Bridge Towta ; with feveral villages. In this county are the la^an fettlements of Brotherton and Weekpink. 7. Olouoefter; flrft 4aid out in 1677, and contains the villages of XUoucefter, Haddoniield, and Woodbury. 8. Salem; named by John Fenwick, and diftinguifhed by his tenth, in 1 675 ; but the name and jurifdidion were afterwards fettled by a pro- prietary law in 1694. It contains the towns of Salem and Hunterdon. 9. Cumberland ; fo named by Governor Belcher, in refpedl to his Royal Highnefs William late Duke of Cumberland : It was divided from Salem by a£t of aflembly in 1747 ; and it contains the town of Hopewell, as alfo the village of Greenwich and fome others. 10. Cape May; which is divided into three precindts. 1 1. Hunterdon ; was divided from Burlington by a£l of aflembly in 1 7 1 3, and named by Governor Hunter. The chief town it Trenton» which is a good place of trade. Oa ?«. 100 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. IS. Morris i was nude a county in 1738, when the boundaries were eftabliflied; but altered by the ieparation of Suflex in 1753. It was named by Governor Morris* and the courts are held at Morris Town. 13. Suflex ; was named by Goremor Belcher, and Was divided from Morris l>y ad of aflembly in 1753. '^^ courts for the county are at Hairlocker's planution, where a new court-houfe was lately built. The principal courts in the province are* x.The chancery. I. The governor and council. 3. The prerogative court. 4. The vice-admi- ralty court. 5. The fupreme courts, held four times a year, alternately at Amboy and Burlington. 6, The feifions and court or common pleaSf for bufinefs in the re(peftive counties. 7. The juftices court for trud of fmall caufes in a fummary way. ** Appeals for Turns above 200/. fterling may be made to the kitig in council, after having been through the courts here." ^ The beafts, birds, and fi(h, are thofe common to the reft of the con- tinent s but fome of the colonies have much greater variety. The number of inhabitants iia x 738' vras found to be — - In 1745 • The incceafe in feven years ■ — — Suppofing the increafe to be nearly the fame fince, the num- ber now muft be about . ' ' 47*369 ,6«.403 >4,034 s 00,000 The increafe of fome of the counties in Weft Jerfey, between 1699^ and 1 745, was found to be more than fix for one ; but the proportion of ftrangers arriving fince is not the iamc». THE • ... THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE in NORTH AMERICA. B O O K V. Aa. Account of the Province of PENNSYLVANIA, and it» Territories. I ik; SECTION L. General Remarks: Boundaries : Ordinal Grants from the Creiwn to tbt Proprietaries y and. from them to the Coloiuftsi. IT may in generial be obfervedi that gold, fliver, other yaluable- metaU and minerals, as alfo precious ftones, and fpices, were the flrft mducementa and objeds of our Eaft and Weft Indian dUcoveries : but the trade for tobacco, fura, (kins, filh, rice» and naval ftores,, were onlyi- iiQcidiental. Sir Walter Raleigh, in 1584, began the fettlement of Virginia^ which' was dwindlingly carried on until 1606, when King Jamefr I. in one patent incorporated two companies, called the North and South. Vir<- ginia companies.. '■ . *■ Giptain Henry Hudfon, in x6o8j difcovered the mouth of Hudfpn*^ River, in 40 ? 30 ' of north latitude, uponhis ownaccount, aa he imaginedr %, andi 102 HISTORY OV BRITISH AMERICA. and fold it, or rather imparted the difcovery to the Dutch, who made fome fettlements there ; but were drove ofF by Sir Samuel Argol, Gover- nor of a fecond Virginia company in i6i8, becaufe within the limits granted to that cointnuy. King James, however, in 1620, gave the Dutch fome liberty of refrefliment for their fliips bound to the Brazils, which then belonged to them ; and the Dutch, taking advantage of the civil wars in England, fo far extended and improved their firft and only colony in North America, that they formed a province called New Netherlands, which comprehended thofe territories that are now caUed the colonies of New York, the Jcrfeys, and fome. part of Pennfylvania. As this great trad of land had been taken and poflefled by a foreign power, though afterward delivered or furrendered back by treaty. King Charles II. to remove all difputes concerning the validity of former grants, was adnfed to make a new grant of that country to his brother the Duke of York, ty letters patent, bearing date the apth of June 1674. The province and territories of Pennfylvania are by three diflinf): grants. I. The province of Pennfylvania by patent from King Charles II. dated the 4th of March i68o-i. II. The Duke of York, on the 24th of Auguft 1683, fold to William Penn the elder, his heirs and affigns, the town of Newcaftle or Delaware, and a diftridl twelve miles round Newcaftle. III. The Duke of York, by another deed of the fame date, alfo granted to Mr. Penn, his heirs and afligns, all that traft of land from twelve miles fouth of Newcaftle to the Hoar Kills, otherwife called Cupc Henlopen, divided into the two coimties of Kent and Suflex ; which, with Newcaftle diftrid, are commonly knowa by the name of the three lower counties upon Delaware River. - • ■ 1 The northern houndary of the province and territories of Pennfylvama is in 42'' parallel of latitude, from Delaware River weft to the extent of 5^ in longitude, being about 24^" Englifh ftatute miles: fhence in a line parallel with the river of Delaware at 5 *!* longitude weft from iti to a parallel of latitude fifteen miles fouth of Philadelphia, being about 153 miles in a dired line : but by the courfe of the river to 42 ^ of lati- tude 1b about 910 miles. ^ This is one of the moft confiderable of all the North American colo- nies, and thfi firft proprietary was the fon of Su: William Penn, who commanded t^iic Engliifa fleet, in conjundHon with other admirals, in the time 01 th? rump parliament, whom the Lord Proteftor Oliver Cromwell fent PENNSYLV A NI A. fent with Colonel Venables to reduce Hifpaniola ; to which expedition, though fruitlefs as to the firft obje£t of its deftination, we owe the Ifland of Jamaica. Admiral Penn had been a ftrong independent ; but became a royalift upon the relloration, was knighted, and commanded the Eng- Ii(h fleet under the Duke of York againft the Dutch, commanded by- Admiral Opdam in 1665 i in which battle the Dutch admiral was killed, and Sir William Penn acquired immortal gtory, V^t foon after died, and was interred at RedclifF church in Briftol. Sir William Penn, in reward of his (ervices to the crown, had a pro- mife from King Charles II. of the grant of this part of America j but his fon, who was a ftudent at Chrift church in Oxford, together with Lord Spencer, afterward that great ftatefmj^^i Robert Earl of Sunderland, defpifed the furplice, and patronized the Quakers, who were then per- fecuted. Upon their account he folicited the grant promifed to|hi3 father, and refolved to put himfelf at the head of as many as would go- with him to the country which he intended to call Pfennfylvania. The report is probable, that Mr. Penn, befide his royal grant of the province of Pennfylvania, had alfo a grant of the fame from the Duke of York, to obviate any pretence that the province was comprehended in a former royal grant of New Netherlands to the Duke of York : But as the three lower counties or territories were by didindt deeds or grants ' from that of the royal grant of the province, when it was left by the proprietary to their option to be united with the jurifdidion of the gene- ral government, or to continue a feparate jurifdidlion, they chofe the latter, fo as not to be annihilated by a prevalent authority : And thus they continue as two diflinft legiflatures, under the diredion of one governor ; though their municipal laws and regulations are much the fame. When Mr. Penn had obtained his patent, he invited feveral perfons to purchafe lands under it ; while he alfo bought the lands of the native Indians, which was certainly the beft right he had to them. The Swedes had encroached upon the Dutch at New York, and fettled upon or near the frefhes of the Delaware. The King of Sweden appointed a gover- nor here, who had difputes frequently with the Dutch governor. The Swedes applied themlelves chiefly to hufbandry, and the Dutch to trade, whereby they became more formidable than the Swedes, and obliged them. to fubmit to fuch a fuperiority. Accordingly, John Rizeing, the Swedifh governor, made a formal furrender of the country to Peter Stuyvefant, the Dutch Governor ; after which, this territory continued fubjedt 103 >, ' ' S II 104 HISTORY OF BTTTISH AMERICA. fubjed to the States General until the Dutch were expelled by the Eng- lifhi who thereby made the poffeffion more eafy to Mr. Penn. There -were a few Englifli here before Mr. Penn fent over the firft adventurers under his patent ; and, as governor of them, he appointed Colonel William* Markham, his nephew, to whom both Swedes and Dutch fubmitted. Thofc that firft embarked from England as adventu- rers were generally Quakers from London, Briftol, and Liverpool. Servants were to have fifty acres when their times were out, and owners of land fifty acres a head forVuch fervants, men or women. - ** ' , ■ When the province began to be fomewhat planted, Mr. Penn went over himfelf, with about 2000 perfons, in 168 1 ; fo that, as he judici- oufly obferved, this province " was at once made a country." He took the government into his own handd, purchafed the Indian territories* divided the country into proper diftridts, and eftablifhed courts for the diftribution of juftice. The original draught of the conftltution for this proyince was made by that great patriot and lawyer Sir William Jones, who had too much underftanding, virtue, and honour, to throw the people out of the queftion, when their religion, their liberty, their property, their well- being in this world and the next, were fo nearly concerned in it. *' Mr. Penn*s firft charter concefllons, or form of government to the lettlers, feems Utopian and whimfical ; conftituting a legiflature of three negatives, viz. the governor, and two diftindt houfes of reprefentatives chofen by the freemen ; one called the provincial council of 72 members* the other the provincial aftembly of 300 members; the council had an exorbitant power of exclufive deliberation upon, and preparing all l^ills for the provincial aftembly ; the executive part of the government wa» intirely with them. The provincial aifembly, in the bills to be enabled, had no deliberative privilege, only a yes or no; then the numbers of pro- vincial council, and provincial aftembly, feem to be extravagantly large for an infant colony : perhaps he was of opinion with fome good poli- ticians, that there can be no general model of civil government ; the humours or inclinations, and numbers of various focieties, muft be con- fulted and varioufly fettled. A fmall fociety naturally requires the delibe- ration and general confent of their freemen for taxation and legiflature ; when the fociety becomes too numerous for fuch univerfal meetings, a reprefentation or deputation from the feveral diftrids is a more convenient ami eafy adminiftration. His laft and prefent ftanding charter to the inhabitants i . P E N N S YL V ANI A. T^'ir inhabitants of the province and territories of Pennfylvania Odtober 28 1 70 It runs into the other extreme; the council have no negative in the legiflature, and only fervc as th^ proprietary's council of advice to the governor. — A council chofen by the people, to negative refolves of repre- lentatives alfo chofen by tl^e people, feems to be a wheel within a wheel, and incongruous ; but a council appointed by the court of Great Britain as a negative, feems to be a good policy, by way of controul upon the governor on the one hand, and upon the people by their reprefentatives on the other. ■>r.- •* The province of Pennfylvania fome years fince was mortgaged to Mr. Gee and others, for 6600/. fterling. In the year 1713, Mr. Penn by agreement made over all his rights in Pennfylvania to the crown, in confideration of 1 2,000 /. fterling ; but before the inftrument of furrender was executed, he died apoplectic, and Pennfylvania flill remains with the family of Penn *." * Douglas's Sunnnary, vol. ii. p. 305. *»I I u If: i» ■i't-' Vol. ir. SECTION m ^* ■ is I VA -BlSTORrY OF BRITISH AMERICA, s^CTiQW ir. Divijions into counties — Defcription of the city of Philadtlpbia, legijlaturci and courts of judicature. Religious feUaries. ^ITZILLIAKI Pl^hn, Efq. carried over ihah/Quakers with h|m to fettle; ^ ' in the province, which he divided into proper diftridts, and founded the cajHtal city of Philadelphia. He continued two years in ^Pennfyl- vahia, and then returned to England upon the death of his father ; but he left the government in the hands of Thoi^as Llpyd, wit^ a .council* < The proper prbvince of Pennifylvahia was at firft divided into the three counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, and Chefter, each fending eight reprefentatives to the aflembly : the county of Lancailer has been added fince, which fends four reprefentatives; and an addition was lately made of two new counties back inland, by the names of York and Cum- berland, which are allowed only two members each : And all thefe, together with two reprefentatives from the city of Philadelphia, make thirty-four reprefentatives, which compofe the houfe of aifembly. The three lower counties, called the territories, on Delaware River, are a di(lin£l jurifdidiion, and their aflembly of reprefentatives confifts of fix members from Newcaftle county, fix from Kent and Suflex coun- ties, in all eighteen members. The city of Philadelphia is fituated in 75 ** of weft longitude, and 39 ** 5^ of north latitude, between Delaware and Schuylkill Rivers, and near their confluence. It is well laid out, in a plain, confifting of eight long ftreets of two miles, and fixteen crofs ftreets of one mile each, at right angles, with proper fpaces for public buildings. It is divided into the following fuburbs and wards ; The South fuburbs, the Dutch ward, "Walnut ward. South ward, Chefnut ward. Middle ward, Ijii^h Street ward. North ward. Mulberry ward. Upper Delaware ward, Lower Delaware ward, and the North fuburbs, which were foon well built and populoufly inhabited, but principally by Ql^akers, to whom, and the other citizens, Mr. Penn, on the 25th of Odober 1701, granted ' a charter for eredling the town into a corporation and city, under a mayor, recorder, fheriff, and town clerk, eight aldermen, and twelve common-council men. S The /«* PEN NS YL V A N I A. The plan of the city wa« drawn up by Mr. Thomas Holme, who •was appointed furveyor general of the province. The city has two fronts on the water ; one, on the caft fide, facing the Schuylkill ; and the other, on the weft, facing the Delaware. Thw city flourilhed fo much at firft, that ther* were about lOO houfes ereded there in lefs than a year, and they continually increafed until it became.a populous and flouriihing city. The names of this ftreets denote the feveral forts of timber that are common in Pennfylvania ; as Mulberry-ftreet, SaflTafras-ftreet, Chefnut- ftreet, Walnut-ftrcet, Beech-ftreet, iSfli ftreet, Vine-ftreet, and Cedar-ftreet. There a[rc alfo feveral other ftreets, particularly High-ftreet, which is loo feet in breadth ; and fo is Broad-flreet, which is in the middle of the «ity, running from north to fouth. • . ■ "I . . ■ • 'f All owners of looo acres and upward had their houfes in the two fronts facing the rivers, and in the High-ftreet, running from the middle of one front to the middle of the other. Every owner of looo acres had about an acre in front, and the lefler purchafers about half an acre in the back ftreets, by which means the leaft had room enough for a houfe, garden, and little orchard. io» The Schuylkill is navigable more than loo miles above the falls ; and the Delaware is navigable 300 miles. The land on which the city ftands is high and firm; but the convenience of cover, docks, and iprings, have very much contributed to the commerce of this place, where many eminent merchants refide. Ships may ride here in fix or feven fathom water, with good anchorage ; and the cellars or warehoufes on the quay are made into the river three ftories high. In 1749, the city contained about 14,500 inhabitants : and there were eleven places of publf^ religious worftiip; that is, one Church of England, two Preft)yterian^, two Quakers, one Baptift, one Swedifti, one Dutch Lu- theran, one Dutch Calvinift, one Moravian, and one Roman Catholic. In the province of Pennfylvania and its territories no regular eftimate can be made of the inhabitants, becaufe there is no poll-tax, nor any militia Hft aUowed for alarms, or common trainings, to form eftimates by, as in ^e other colonies j but, in the laft fix months of 1750, there were buried in Philadelphia as follows : P 2 Swedes U! (pS m HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Prefbyterians, — — i ■■ ' — a Qiiakers, ,— — , "— — ic Dutch Lutherati} — — ■ - ' n • a Dutch Calvinifls, ■ • ■ J Roman Catholics, — — ■ ] Church of England, ■ — — ( Negroes, ■ ,.. ' ' ^ , In all, 3^ There is only one cuftom-houfe colledlion in the proper province of Pennfylvania, called the port of Philadelphia ; it ihoiUd be obferved that Delaware River, or the port of Philadelphia, is generally frozen np, and has no navigation in the months of January and February. The adts of legiflature run as follows: " Be it enafted, by the Ho- nourable Efq. Lieutenant-Governor of the province of Pennfylvania, and of the counties of Newcaftle, Kent, and Suflex, on Delaware River ; by and -with the confent of the reprefentatives of the freemen of the faid province, in general aflembly met." The governor is only deptity to »he proprietary, and is fliled his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, ^ whofe annual falary has generally been looo/. currency out of the excife duty for the province of Pennfylvania, and 300/. a year from the territories called the Three Lower Counties. But, by a&. of parliament, all lieutenant-governors, or cleputies, nominated by proprietors, or prin- cipal hereditary governors of Britifh colonies, muft have the royal ap- probation. The houfe of aflembly conHAs of thirty-four reprefentatives ; and the qualification for an eledor or elected is, a freeman refident in the country tor two years, worth in real or perfonal eflate, or both jointly, the value of fifty pounds currency ; which is to be declared upon oath or affirm- ation, if required : but the territories have a peculiar jurifdi£kion, as obferved before. • Their general aflemblies are annually eledlive on the firft'of Oftober ; and the reprefentatives are not by towns and parifh eledions, l^hiladelphia excepted, as in the New England colonies; but by county eleikions. Pennfylvania ' PENNSYLVANIA. ' Pennfylvania Proper, called the Province, for many years, confifted of only three counties, called the Upper Counties; as, i. Buckingham county, whofe chief town is Briftol. 2. Philadelphia county, whofe capital is of the fame name, which implies " brotherly love%" 3. Chefter county, whofe principal town is Chefler, about fifteen miles below Philadelphia town. The three interior counties are, Lancafter, York, and Cumberland, whofe capitals are of the fame name. The territories are called the three Lower Counties on Delaware River, i. Newcaftle county, the chief town New- caftle, about thirty>five miles below Philadelphia. 2. Kent county, whofe ptincipal town is Dover. 3. Suflex county, the capital of which is Lewis town or Hoarkill, near Cape Healopen of Delaware Bay. The courts of judicature are as following : Juries are all returned by the IherifF, except in particular cafes, but not often, when there may be a ftruck jury by confent of parties } which muft be in the prefence of the judges, the fherifF, and the parties. The IherifFs and coroners are annually eledled, at the fame time with the reprefentatives, by a county eleftion. The people eleft two for each o^ce, of which the governor chaofes one, who in the fame man- ner may be elefted for three years running ; but cannot be re-elefted after three years, without the intervention of three years, when they are capable of a new eledion. Juftices of the peace are all appointed by the governor, and fit in quarter feflions, conformable to the laws and infiitutions of England. The judges nf the common pleas are the juftices of thfe peace in each refpe^ive county ; and when the quarter feflions are finiihed, they con- tinue to fit in quality of the judges of common pleas by commiflioa from the governor. The fupreme court confifls of a chief juftice, and two affiftant judges, commiflioned by the governor. They have all the authority of the king's bench, common pleas, and court of exchequer, in England, in the words of the provincial law. They not only receive appeals, but all caufes once commenced in the inferior courts, after the firdwrit, may be moved thither by a habeas corpus^ certiorari, writs of error, &c. The judges of this fupreme court have alfo a ftandjng and diftin£k commifliori, t<> hQld>,jas to them Ihull feem needful, courts of oyer and terminer and cm' general 109 •I •I xjo HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. general gaol delivery throughout ihe province, and aire juilicei of the peace in every county. The fupreme courts in Pennfylvania are held at Philadelphia) the . tenth day of April, and the twenty-fourth day of September. . w There is an officer called the regifter-general, for the probate of wills, and granting letters of adminiflration ; whofe authority extends all over the province, but is executed by a deputy in each refpedJiive coun- ty, except at Philadelphia, where he is obliged to refide himfelf. He or his deputies,' in cafe of any difpute, or caveat entered, may call two juftices of the peace to aflifl him in giving deciftons. The authority of this of- ficer,' and of all the pthers above-mentioned, is founded on ads of aiTem- bly, impowering the governor to commiffion and appoint fuch as feera to him qualified for that purpofe. >'>ii'T The court of vice-admiralty is, as la the other colonies, by commiffioa from the admiralty in England. The judiciary court of admiralty is, as in the other colonies, _by com- miffion under the broad feal of England. Some of the neiglibourii^g pro- vinces being included in one and the fame commiffion, the judges are the governors, councils, captains of men of war, principal officers of the cufloms, and fome juftices of the peace. o^ As to the religious fedaries, the Quakers are the chief] and thefe are a feparate body from all the other diffi:nters, difagreeing in do£trine at^ practice from all alike, and teaching a particular religion from every other body of Chriftians throughout the world. Their adverfaries have charged them with a denial of all the fundamentals of Chriftianity. They are a diftind political body, governed with great regularity, by laws and rules of their own making ; and, in their outward deportment, they fhidy to appear as contrary to the reft of mankind as they poffibly can. For their faith, the fairefi account we can take of it veill be from an Apology which Robert Barclay, one of their own body, prefented to King Charles II. < In this there is no mention of a Trinity of Piirfons in t|ic Ottd- head ; nothing of the incarnation of Jefus Chrift, and of his being •iidually thereupon God-man; of the plenary fatisfadion which he gave to the Divine Juftice for the fms of men, by his death ; of his afcenfion into si- ' '¥ ' ^^^^ PENNSYLVANIA. Ifrto Beaven* wkh the fame body with which he appeared to St. I'liomas afkr his refurredlion ; of his conftant interceilion at the right hand of the jPather for all mankind ; nor of the refurredkion of the body. Thefe articles the Quakers have been charged with denying, before the writing of Robert Barclay's Apologyi and more vigorouQy lince. In defence for themfelves, they fay, that they own " the Three that bear record (in: heaven,*' i John v. 7. But the terms, Perfon and Trinity, they ceje£l, as not fptritual ; and they fay farther, that the word Perfon is too grofs to exprefs fuch an union. They refiife therefore to fubfcribe the Nicene and Athanafian Greeds ; and they feem to accufe the dodtrines therein contained of polytheifm. As to the doctrine of the incarnation, jBS the thurch of England holdeth it, they are not clear. They keep to &rtpture<-phrafe8, and own, that the Godhead dwelt bodily in Jefus : but whether they mean any more thereby dian that the light, which they call the Chrift within, dwelt in the Man Jefus fully, and was given to him without meafure, is uncertain ; for when they have been charged with affirm- ing, that ** there is no other Chrift but what is within them," they reply thus: " When we fay. There is no other Chrift than what is within us, we fay ttue ; ■ becaul'e Chrift, as' God, cannot be divided ; and the meafure or manifeftation of the Spirit of Chrift in us is not another, but a manifefta- tion of ihe fame Chrift, which did, in fulnefs and bodily, dwell in the Man Jefus.*" Tliey never fpeak of the hypoftatical union of the two natures^ divine and human, in the perfon of Jefus Chrift. Some of them have been charged with allegorizing away the whole hiftory of the crucifixion of Jefus Chrift at Jerufalem, and of his tefurre£tion and afcen- fion ; but this their vindicators deny, and many of them have been very explicit in their acknowledgment of the reality of that hiftory, though they utterly deny, " that the outward perfon who fufFered his body to be 'crucified by the Jews, without the gatet of Jerufalera, is properly the Son of God.** It will not be difficult to jcolle^ how far they agree with thetchurch of England in the do^rihe of the full and fufficient oblation and fatisfa&ion which Jefus Chrift made for the fins of all mankind at his death. As to the refurredioh of the body, what they pofitively mean by it, they have never yet explained : negatiyqly they aflert, that the fame natural and flefhiy body, which was here upon earth, fiiall not rife.; anwil in that they are very explicit, and pretend to prove their alTertiou from St. Paul's account of the refurredion. r At firft they had no fuch thing as church government; and every man fpoke, ad^ed, directed, and admoniihed all things as he apprehended him- felf to he direded by the light within: but as they grew numerous. in *i^ I iia HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. they found this would not keep them fufficiently together; and fot under the direction of their firft founder, George "Box, they formed themfelves into a regular body, and obferved a ftated diicipline ; in which, though without pretending to any thing like coercion, they are as united, and underftand the ftate of one another, as well as any tociety of men what- foever, civil or ecclefiaftical, in Chriftendom *. , Their monthly and quarterly meetings are held in the fereral countries in which they live ; and according as their fettlements are more numerous and thick, fo more or fewer towns fend deputies to thefe aflemblies. In their meetings they take examinations of the ftate of every town in which they dwell : they inquire who (land faft to their rules and orders, and who backflide from them ; who write againft them ; who pay tithes and churchwardens rates; who fuffer for non-payment of either; as alfo who are married by prieils; and accordingly they cenfure or encourage : there they excommunicate ; and there, irpon occailon, they receive into com- munion again : and of all this they keep cxaO: regifters. From thefe monthly and quarterly meetings, appeals lie to their yearly ones. Thefe yearly meetings are always held in London, which is the center of communion of all theQiiakers throughout the world. Thither deputies come from all parts of Great Britain, Ireland, Holland, Germany, and the plantations ; in which laft they have many numerous fettlements. This meeting is ufually held in White Hart Court, in Grace Church- ftreet. in a commodious room, built on purpofe. They (end alfo a yearly epiftle to all their fettlements, giving inftru£tions and admonitions proper to the occafion; to be read in the monthly and quarterly meetings of friends throughout the world. The fecond day's meeting is a (landing committee, refiding at London, which meets every Monday in the year: its members are their principal teachers refiding in or near the city; their bufinefs is to attend every par- ticular exigency relating to the body, which may happen from one yearly meeting to another; but more particularly they are to examine, approve, and licence all books printed or reprinted for the fervice, as they call it, of the truth. The meeting of fufferings is one of the ancienteft a(remblies they have; its regular time of meeting is every fix weeks ; its bufinefs is to receive ^ '•♦'Their meetings, by wliicii thejr aft as a rociety, are of fevcral forts i monthly, quarterly, yeuly, fccoiid>day's meetings, and meeijng of fufferings. complaints ;*J P E N N S Y L V A N I A« complunu out of all parts of England and Wales, from thoTe who have fuffered for non-payment of tithes and rates, and to uke care how to pro- cure them relief, either by fending them money, or by foliciting their caufes aboTe, or both. Thefe people are more indulged than any other fubjeds ; they are not obliged to take the oaths to the government ; their bare word or affirmation is held fufficient : and whereas they ufed to affirm in the name of God, this was looked upon as too great an impoiition ou them, and the word God is now left out of it *.** The Quakers were not diitinguiihed by any particular name until the year 1650 ; and in 1656 fome of them arrived in New England, where they were perfecuted with great feverity f; but now, by their fimpUcity gf manners, induftry, integrity* frugality, humanity, and charity, they are univerfally efteemed. Mr. Penn became a Qyaker when he was twenty-two years of age ; and he went with George Fox upon a miffion into foreign countries ; but from Holland they foon returned home ; after which Mr. Penn wrote Toluminoufly in defence of the tsQt he had embraced and patronized. : ,The Quakers have two large meeting-houfes in Philadelphia, and a meeting alraoft in every townfliip of the three firft fettled counties. In the other three counties they are not fo prevalent ; but they every where preferve a power by their two irrefiftible maxims of riches and unity : they have the fecret of keeping their young peo^e up to thefe, and let them think and taUc otherwiie as they pleafe. The external part of their religion conHfts only in trivial matters, as antiquated modes of fpeech and plainnefs of drefs ; but the pufilanimous doctrine of not defending them- ielves by force againft an invading enemy, is very Angular. They fay, that a regular clergy with benefices are hirelings : but unjuftly they are (aid not to regard the Scriptures ; whereas, in their exhortations, and de- fences of their orthodoxy, they ufe Senpture-phrafes and quotations as much as any other fedaries; but fome of their tenets feem to be Armi- nian. There are feveral forts of Baptifts in Pennfylvania : i. The Englifli are generally a good «|»4« fober kind of people, who have one meeting in * Philadelphia, and fisrme in the country. 3. The Firfl-day Baptifts have been already mentioned. 3. The German Baptifts are alfo reputed * See the Statutes, 13 Car. II. cap. i. and 8 W. III. cap. 14. 8 Geo. I. cap. vi. t Ncale, vol. i. p. 310. 344. Hutchinron, p. 196. DouglaA, i. p. 136. Vol. II. Q^ orderly: nj J « Hi « li4 HISTORY 6F BRITISH AMERICA. orderly : they hftve no meetings, or public places of worihip in Phila- delphia, but many in the country, and generally refute the qualification oath. One of their branchings are called MeniAs, vrha have no meeting in the capital, but follow farming in the country, where they are confi- dered as a numerous and wealthy people. Their diftin£tion is wearing long beards, and rcfuHng government oaths. 4. The Dumplers are a fmall body of German Baptifts from Philadelphia : both men and women pro- fefs continehcy, and live in feparate apartments. Tho^an illiterate people in general, they have a decent chapel, apd a printing-prefs, where fome are cbntinually printing, and others are curious in writing fine, particularly in fcrolls, on religious fubjeds, Auck up in their halll and cells: the initial letters are beautifully illuminated with blue, red, and gold; fuch as may be feen in old monkiih manufcripts. The men wear a monkifh habit, without breeches, like ''apuchins, but lighter ck)th. As to oaths, they are the fame with the Quakers and Moravians ; and as craftfmen, they are very ingenious. They have a grift-mill, a faw-mill, a paper- mill, an oil-mill, and a mill for pearl barley, all under one roof, upon a fine ftream, which brings them in a confiderable gain. The Lutherans have one church in Pliiladelphia, and feveral in the country. Hiere a.'e alfo three Lutheran churches belonging to the de- fcendants of the old Swedifh families. They are fupplied once in feven y^ars from Sweden, and generally with good men. The Prefbyterians have two meetings in Philadelphia, and many in the country, particularly a fmall congregation called Qmeronians, or Co- venanters, who deny fubmiflion to magiftrates. The Papifts are tolerated in this colony, a^ well as in Maryland, eveti as to the public exercife of the Roman catholic religion; and in Phila- delphia there is a public popiih chapel, frequented by a poor fet of Iri(h people, whofe priefls have generlBy bef n Jefuits from England or Mary- land. The Moravians have tranfportcd themfelves in confiderable numbers from Germany, and call themfelves unitas fratrunti or united brethren, hs before mentioned. ' In church government they afe epifcopal, but rc- fufe taking the oaths, in which they are favoured like the Quakers by affirmation, purfuant to an aft of parliament in 1749. They pubUfh no Creed or ConfeiTion of Faith, and preach in an enthufiaftic ftrain. They ufe inftrumental mufic in their worlhip ; and they have a chapel, with a finall organ, in Philadelphia: but their grand fettiement is at Bethlehem, ,' about PENNSYLVANIA. •bout fifty miles from the capital; and, at their folemn feftivaU, they iife French homi, hautbois, and violins. They poflefs about eight thoufand acres of Und, and nuke valuable fettlements. They are very zealous to- ward converting the Indians* fome of whom have joined their focibty, which fends miflionaries even to Greenland and Surinam. The Moravians refufe carrying arms* but willingly contribute toward the pecuniary charge of a war, which fome Qjjakers have refufed. The Moravians are indulged in Pennfylvania with an afllrmation, inftead of an oath; but their affirmation difqualifies them to give evidence in criminal cafes* as alfo to ferve in juries ; though the Qjiakers affirmation is allowed in cafes bot^ civil and criminal. In Pennfylvania there has alfo been a numerous importation of Pala- tines, Saltzburgers, and other foreigners; of whom it has been obferved, that in progre» of time, by their induftry and frugality, they may become pofleflcd of the moft valuable lands in the colony. lij li I 0^2 T II K I • • ', it '" [•^ Inn '' ■• • • THB I s t o OF TH E R y B R I TI S H EM P I R E ■ ' < I N NOR T H AM E R I C A. B O O K VI. The Province of MARYLAND.. , C H A P. I. J?^ tfibe coUnty ; original ^ants ; and firji fittlementSi MARYLAND is prppcrly a fprout from Virginia; tHerefore the- coonedion of this Tettlement with the firft difcoveries muft be ■■ xeferred to the general account of Virginia* Toward the end of the reign of King James L Sir George Calvert, then •■ principal fecretary of ilate, afterward Lord Baltimore* obtained a piktent for ibme fiihing harbours in Newfoundland ; but he met with feveral dif- appcintmeuts, owing to his zeal for the catholic religion* ana foon after- ward died ; upon which his fon and heir obtained a patent from K. Charles I. . for ** All that part of a peniqfula, lying in the parts of America, between < the ocean on the eaft, and the Bay of Chefapeak on the weft, and divided . from the other part thereof by a right line drawn from the Promontory or Cape of Land, called Watkin's Point, fituate in the faid Bay, near the river of Wigheo, on the weft, unto the main ocean on the eaft; and be- tween that bound on the fouth, unto that part of Delaware Bay on the north, uS HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. north, which lies under the fortieth degree of north latitude : and all that tra£t of land within the bounds underwritten ; that^s, paffing from thence unto Delaware Bay, in a rtght^e, unto the. true ^nfridian of the firft fountain of the river Potomack; aid froifi thenCe tendijg toward the fouth unto the farther bank of that river; and following the weft and fouth ftde thereof unto a place called Cinquack, fituate near the mouth of that river, where it falls into the Bay of Chefapeak ; and from thence by a ftraight line unto Watkin's Point." 163X. Upon this patent, Lofd Baltimore intended to vifit Maryland, in per? fon, but altered his mind, and appointed his brother, Leonard Calvert, to be governor; but he alfo joined Jeremy Hawley, £fq. and Thomas Com- wallis, £fq. in the commiffion. The firft colony conlifted of about two hundred perfons. Tent by his lordfhip in the autumn of 1633. "^^cy were chiefly gentlemea of good familie^, biit Ronlatl caftholiciv; They failed from Cowes in the Ifle of Wight on the 29d of November 1632, touched at Barbadoes, and arrived at Virginia on the 24th of Fe- bruary following. Their arrival in Potomack River was on the ift of March; and, after ranging about, they at laft fettled, with the confent of the Indians at Yamaco, an Indian town at the moiith of the river, to which place they gave the name of Saint Mary's. It is fuppofed, that, in the firft two years, this fettlement Coft Lord Baltimore above 40,000 /. fterling, by bringing over colonifts, provifions, and ftores. But during the civil wars in England, Lord Baltimore was deprived of the govern- ment or jurifdi£tion of Maryland. However, foon after the reftoration of King Charles II. Charles Lord Baltimore, fon of Lqrd Ceciliu8> ob- tained a confirmation of the grant in 1632, and made feveral voyagies to his province : yet, as the proprietor was a Roman catholic, the crown retained the jurifdiftion, and appointed the governor, as well as all other civil officers ; after which the proprietor became a proteftant, .aud enjoyed (he government of the province in its ftilleft extent J ' " The firft fettlement was at Saint Mary's, where the general afTembly and courts of judicature were kept for many years: but they were removed in 1^99 to Annapolis, at the mouth of the River Severn, for the better cofivenieiicy of the whole province, as it was nearly the center of it all. CHAP. ■^..i>3m&~.l MARYLAND. 115^ CHAP. II. The fourteen counties^ as divided and fettled in 1 752 ; the courts^ legl/lativt and executive; proprietors and deputy governors ; taxes^ quit-rent St , and currencies, npHE province of Maryland in 1752 was divided into fpurteen coun- ^TS^- ties; that is, feven on each fide of the Great Bay; as following : 1. Saint Mary's, 2. Calvert, 3. Prince George, 4. Charles, 5. Anne Arundel, 6. Baltimore, 7. Frederick, Worcefter, Somerfet, Dorchefter, l-Weft fide.-j Talbot, ^-Eaft fide. I Queen Anne's, 1 Kent, LCecil, Formerly the aflembly was triennial, but it is very different now,, when Lfgiflune they are called, adjourned, prorogued, and diflblved, as occafion requires, P°«"- Befides, it appears, that, in the government of Maryland, there are four negatives in the .legiflative power, as there provincially confiruded: I. The lower houfe, or houfe of reprefentatives, where all bills for ads originate. 8. The governor's council. 3. The governor. And, 4, The lord proprietor. But of thefe four negatives, the proprietor feems to have three; therefore the late difcontents might arife. The complement of the council is twelve, appointed by the governor*- The council. general, principal, or proprietor; but are paid 180/^. of tobacco j^^r J/V/» by jhe province. The lower houfe of aflembly, or houfe of reprefentatlves, confifls o£ AHembiy. four from each ot the prefent fourteen counties, and two from Annapolis, as the capital of the province ; each is paid 160 lb. of tobacco per diem. 1. The parifli-veftries, who not only manage the affairs of the parifli- ExecntJve church, but alfo the prudential matters of the diftri^ like the feleA men ^^"* in New England; befide, they are afleflbrs of rates or taxes. They are twelve in each pariih for life ; and, upon a. deceafe, the furvivors eled another to fupply the vacancy. 2. The county-courts. 3. The ISO 11* Lordi pro- prietors. Z)epoty-j;o- vernon. T»wfc HISTORY 01^ BRlTIfiTIT AMERICA. 3. The circuit court of affizes, for trying; criminal cafes, and titles of land. There is one coiut on each fide of the bay, confiding of a chief judge, an aififtant judge, and proper juries, who fit ioi, and form tlie refpedive courts. 4. From the county court«, there is appeal to the provincial tourt of Annapolis, in perfonal debts of 50 /. or upward. J. In the city of Annapolis are held the mayor's quarteriy courts. 6. From the provincial courts held at Annapolis lies an appeal in calet of 300 /. flerling value, or upward, to the King in council. The commifTary grants the probates of wi)U and adminiftrations ; but he . is not a fuperintendant of the clergy, and his place is worth about 1000 /. a'year. , The lieutenant-governor is chaiKellor, and grants licences for marry- ing, which are given out or fold, by k minifter in each county, at i /. 5 s. of which the governor has twenty ihillings, and the parfon five. The lieutenant-governor has aMb fees for the great ieal of the province^ and many other perquifites. The country generally gives him three half- pence per hogihead of tobacco exported; but the fidary afiowed hiad by the governor is feldom publidy known. The court of vice-admiralty is of (he fimne nature m thefi: already d<^ fcribed ; and fo is the judiciary court of admiralty, purfuant to the z€t of lihe nth and mthof King WilUam lU. '.y: 'Ji< 1(7 I. Sir G^rge Calvert. 2. His -Ton, Cedlius Lord Baltimore^ ii| 'x63^. ^. Charles Lord Baltimore, fon of Cecilius, in x66i. 4. Frederick Lord Baltimdre» who fbcceededtothegovernmenf in i75x.^'lr(^^>' i... ;I ciiF ...... ■ ,f; to rn;;^ nif. -ft •11;,'': r. Sir Bdmond Andras. ^. Gofonel I^Mo^Mk 3. CbloocA Bi|KkvAi»«;. 4. Colonel Seymour, ii| 1704. $• Colonel Corbet. 6. Colonel Hunt. 7. Beoedtd Leooanf Calvert, ^in 1731/ S. &muel Ogler ETi^. in J747» omil 1752. Moratb Sharpe, E%. till ij^l ,:.':::;> In Maryland and Virginia, the public rates or taxes, for province* -county, and parifh, are called levies, which conftitabra aayitarioaM pail- 7 tax. MARYLAND. m tax upon all titheables ; that is, upon all males of whites, and upon all negroes, males and females, of fixteen years and upward, to fixty years of age. There are about forty thoufand taxables in Maryland; and the tax has generally been from go ib. to 120/^. of tobacco on each poll annually; 40 Ib. of which was for the reftor of the parifh, the reft for the poors rate, aflembly wages, and other public exigencies: but the clergymen of Maryland are better provided for than thofe in the other colonies; in Virginia, the parifh minifters are fixed to 16,000/^. of tobacco a year for falary, but in Maryland there is no falary afcertained : fo that in this increaling colony, when the minifters are paid in propor- tion to the number of taxables, the more thofe increafe the more will the clergy be enriched. The proprietor's quit-rents are two ftiillings fterling a year for every Qoit-renu. • hundred acres } afterward increafed to four ihiilings in fome parts, and unfuccefsfuUy attempted to be advanced to. ten in others, which was done by agents. The affembly, however, with the confentof the lord propri- etor, experimentally granted him, during the term of three years, in lieu of quit-rents, a revenue of 3/. 6d. fterling duty per hogfliead of tobacco, to be paid by the merchant or ftiipper. Thus the planters, or aflembly, to eafe themfelves, laid the burden upon trade, which amounted to about 5000/. fterling a year; but, upon the expiration of the three years, this projeA was dropped, and the. proprietor found it more for his intereft to revert to the revenue artiing from the quit-rents as before. . The principal currency was tobacco,, by the pound or hundred weigh"t, Correndei, . aSr regulated by aAs of aftembly, or general confent of the people : but the province was hurt by the emiffion of paper-currency. In 1734 they emitted 90,000 /. in bills of public credit ; whereof thirty fliillings to every taxable was 54,000 /. and the remaining ^6,oco / was to build a governor's houfe, and to be let upon loan. The fund for calling in tHefe bills of public credit was a duty upon liquors, and other things, to be paid in fterling, and lodged in the bank of England, fo as to be can- celled in the (pace of thirty years. Thefe bills were not receivable in the proprietor's qult-renta, becaufe an enfuing depreciation was perceived, ^ which really happened ; fo that from thirty-three and three-quarters dif- ference of exchange with London, it gradually arofd to an hundred and fifty difference. In 1740 the Pennfylvania eight (hillings was equal, to > twelve (hillings Maryland ; but as the fund for cancelling thefe bills of credit was regularly tranfmitted to the bank of England, they gradually recovered their value, and 200/. Maryland was equal to 100/. fterling in 1 748, when they were cancelled. Vol. ir. R. CHAP;. tftjr HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. CHAP. in. Boundaries^ mountains and rivers, produce and manufaSiureSt Bo jndaries. ^T^ H E S £ have been already mentioned ; nor are the difputes yet fet** ^ tied : but it may be obferved) that the terminating line of this pro- vince is a fmall opening between the properties, of the Penns and of Lord Fairfax, as fettled by treaty with the Six Nations of Indians in 1744, whereby it was ftipulated, that the boundaries fhould be at two miles above the uppermoft falls of Potomack River, and run from thence in a north line to the fouth bounds of Pennfylvania. The Indians gave a quit" claim to all the lands in Maryland, eail of that line, for the confideration of 300 /. currency, paid to them by Maryland. Mountaini Thefe fhould be referred to our account of Virginia ; yet here it may be •ad riven, obferved, that 33 both provinces lie in the fame extenfive bay of Chefa- peak, the ^me account occurs with regard to both, as to their navigation and trade. Maryland and Virginia are flat countries, excepting the Apalachian great mountains to the weflward, which begin in Pennfylvania, and run 900 miles fouth-weft, af about 15001 200 miles diftance from the eaftern diore of the Atlantic Ocean, and terminate in the bay of Apalachia River, near Penfacola, in the Gulph of Mexico. Colonel Spotfwood, lieutenant-governor of Virginia, was the firft who pafTed the Apalachian Mountains, or great Blue Hills; and his attendants ^were called " Knights of the horfe-lhoe," having difcovered a horfe-pafs. There are two pafTes acrofs thefe mountains : the north pafs is in Spot- fylvania; and the fouth pafs is near Brunfwick. Some rivers have been difcovered on the weft fide of the Apalachian. Mountains, which fall into the River Ohio, and that falls into the River MlflliTippi, below the River Uinois. Produce and Thefe are nearly the fame In the provinces of Maryland and Virginia; manurafkurei. but tobacco in the principal, which is a yearly plant ; and when at its full growth, is about five feet eight inches ; the ftalk is ftraight, hairy, and clammy: in trade there are only two fpecies of tobacco, that is, Ora- :iiokoe from Maryland, and the northern parts of Virginia; with the fweet MARYLAND. Atett .£:dnted from the fouth parts of Virginia, whereof the beft kind 18 from James and York Rivers. The firft is the ftrongeft* and chiefly demanded by the northern markets of Europe; the other is milder, and more'pleafant; but the difference feems to be only from the foil. Sweet- icented, which grows in fandy lands, is beft for fnaoaking when new, or only from two to three years old ; that from ftilF laud, if kc^jt five or fix years, much exceeds the former in quality. Tobacco is generally cultivated in fets by negroes, who have an over- feer to eight labourers. Each working negro is reckoned one fhare ; and the overfeer has one and a half, or two fhares. The charge of a negro is a coarfe woollen jacket and breeches, with one pair of fhoes in winter : • vidbualling is one peck of Indian corn, and fome fait per week. To prevent tobacco from becoming a drug, no taxable is to cultivate above fix thoufand plants. The plantation duty is one penny fterling per pound upon tobacco exported to the other colonies; and is about stool, toward the revenue of the college of Williamiburgh in Virginia.^ The common culture of tobacco is in this manner : The feed is fown in beds of fine mould, and tranfplanted the beginning of May. The plants are fet at three or four feet intervals or diftances : they are hilled, and kept continually weeded ; but when as many leaves are fhot out as the foil can nouriih to advantage, the plai#is ftopped, and it grows no higher. It is frequently wormed; and the fuckers, which put forth between the leaves, are taken ofiF until the plant arrives to perfedion, which is in Auguft, when the leaves begin to turn brownifii and fpot. In a hot time, the plant is cut down, and hanged up to dry, after being fweated in heaps for one night, when it may be handled without crumbling; for tobacco ihould not be handled but in moift weather. The leaves are ftripped off from the ftalk, tied up in little bundles, and packed up in hogdieads for tranfportation ; but no fuckers or ground leaves are allowed ■ to be merchantable. An iaduftrious man inay manage fix thoufand plants of tobacco, and four acres of Indian corn. Maryland and Virginia fometimes produce more tobacco than they can vent to advantage, by glutting the markets too much. Tobacco is not only their chief produce for trade, but may alfo be called their medium or currency, as it is received in taxes or d?bts ; and the infpedor*8 notes for tobacco received by him may be transferred. R a Formerly,. i«3 tH Iron. Timber ar.d lumber. HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Formerly the tobacco bufinefs was managed by receivers, at cutting' houfes, near the (hipping places, where the planter delivered his tobacco to the merchants ; but this is not the cafe at prefent* for in every river there are country (lores, where the tobacco is depoflted ; and every hogf* head is branded with the marks of the planter, river, and (lore. Many fwine run wild in the woods of Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina. They are generally fmall, and are falted and barrelled. They feed moftly upon maft; eat oily and rank} but they make a confiderable branch in the export of thefe colonies. ■Foreil nuts, of many kinds, are very plentifulr- upon which the price >.of pork .depends. Next to the pork fed with Indian corn, as in New England, acorns make the (irmell pork. Beech nuts alfo make fweet pork, but flabby, oily and foft. Good land in Maryland and Virginia generally yields (ifteen bu(hels of wheat an acre, or thirty bufhels of Indian corn, which cafts whiter than that of New England. Calavances, or Maryland peafe, both white and red, are exported to feveral of the other colonies; they yield better than the common peafe of Europe ; which makes them a pro^ble food for the poorer fort of white people, and for negro (laves. They raife, in the uplands, quantities of hemp and flax. In Odober 1 75 1, from, the back fettlements of Maryland, there came into Baltimore Town above fixty waggons of flax-feed. In fome counties of Maryland the flax is worked up in charity fchools. Toward the mountains there are fome furnaces for running of iron ore into pigs and hollow cafl:-ware; as alfo forges to refine pig-iron into bars. Their oak is of a flraight grain, and eafily fplits into flaves ; but in building of veiTels it is not durable. They build only fmall craft ; but £ame years fmce they built a large (hip called the Britifh Merchant, bur- den one thoufand hogfheads ; ^nd, with many repairs, (he kept in the Virginia trade thirty-fix years. Their black walnut is in great demand for cabinets, tables, and other joiners w^k. . Maryland '\ MARYLAND. Maryland aad Virginia produce beautiful large apples* but Terv mealy ; their peaches are plenty and goodi from which they diltil a good fpirit. The alarum lift), and the training militiai are nearly in theJame man- ner, and under the fame regulations, as in the other colonies already men- tioned. The taxables are about forty thoufand perfons, whites and blacks. About four thoufand negroes are yearly imported into Maryland and Virginia, where fome planters have five hundred flaves, and Mr. Bennet of Maryland had thirteen hundred at one time. A peck of Indian porn and fome fait is their weekly allowance of provtfion for each negro : they are reckoned to raife looo lb, weight of tobacco, befide fome barrels of corn, per head ; and 6000 plants are computed to yield 1000 lb, weight of tobacco, which is the utmoft quantity allowed. There may be about 350 felons imported yearly to Maryland from England; but the colonifts wiih this importation was reftrained. Roman catholics abound in Maryland, where the county courts grant meeting-houfe licences to diflenting minifters, which are fometimes nega- tived by the fuperior court. "5 THE M^li^^ w;. r'*m*^»"w..>s?i ii^^iS'-','. THB H I S T O R V O F THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN NORTH AMERICA. BOOK VII. The Hiftory of VIRGINIA. C H A P. I. Original difcoverieSf charter Sy boundaries^ andfettkments, ^'^HIS country was firft difcovered to the Europeans by Sebaftlan Cabot, in 1497* as already mentioned: but notwithftanding the French pretcnfions of any difcovery made by John Verazzan, the Eng- lifh juiUy claim it from the care and expence of Sir Walter Raleigh, who obtained letters patent for that purpofe from Queen Elizabeth in 1583, and fitted out two fhips the next year, and fent them upon the en- terprize, which was principally entrufted to the conduct of Captain Philip Amidas and Captain Arthur Barlow, whofe difcoveries have been related before. They anchored at Roanoke, coafted the country, and landed in feveral parts, from whence they brought furs and other commodities, particularly tobacco and faflafras. Queen Elizabeth was fo well pleafed with the account thefe adven- turers gave of the country, that flie honoured it with the name of Vir- ginia, either as fhe was called " a virgin queen*" or, as the Virginians fay, I* isS HISTORY OF BRIJXSH AMERICA. fay, bfcaufe it ftUl aopeared to retain the virgin purity and plenty of the firft creation, and the people their primitive innocence. Sir Richard Greenville failed from Plymouth with feven fliips in 1585, and arrived at Roanoke, where he left 108 men to form a lettle- ment under the command of Mr. Ralph Lane, who received a fupply by Sir Francis Drake in 1586: but this was thought infufficient, and Sir Francis took them back with him to England, which put an end to the firft fettlement. The fecond fettlement alfo proved unfuccefsful in 1587; after which a third fettlement was attempted by Mr. John White, who conftituted a form of government confilling of a governor and twelve council, in- corporated by the name of " the governor and afliftants of the city of Raleigh in Virginia." From thefe fmall beginnings we may trace this colony, which has increafed fo much fince, that it now furnishes one of the mod important branches of the revenue belonging to the Britiih crovyn. This third fettlement underwent fevere hardfliips, and was broke up in 1589. Captain Gofnold made an unfuccefsful attempt in i6oa ; after which, the Briftol merchants undertook the fame enterprize, and had better fuccefs. The Londoners alfo renewed their attempts under Captain Weymouth, who entered the river of Powhatan, and returned with a profitable cargo to England, where the farther defign of a colony would have been relinqui(hed, if Captain Gofnold had not fo effedually folicited the colonization of Virginia, that feveral gentlemen contributed toward it, and they were incorporated by King James I. as two com- panies in one patent, dated the loth of April 1606, for two colonies. The patent, as regarding the firft company, included Maryland, Vir- ginia, and Carolina, as they arc now diftinguifhed from each other. And the patent, as relative to the fecond company, included New Eng- land, New York, New Jerfey, and Pennfylvania, as they are now divided into feverat provinces : but the whole country wafr then called Virginia, • The firft colony was the earlieft in their fettlement ; for they imme- diately fitted out two (hips, under the command of Captain l^ewport, who fell in with the coaft near Cape Henry, the fouthermoft point of the Bay of Chefapeak. With him went the honourable Mr. Percy, brother to the earl of Northumberland, Captain Smith, Captain. Gofnold, Cap- taia VIRGINIA, tain RatcUffe* Captain Martin, and Mr. Wingfieldt of whom the five laft were of the council. They raifed a fort at the mouth of the River Pbwhatan, where they left i oo men, with proper neceflaries to make a fettlement} and this was the firfl colony that teuMincd on the place. Mr. Wingfield was the firft prefident* but was foon depofed, and fuc- ceeded by Qiptain RatdiiFe, who left the adminiftration of affairs to Captain Smith. This gentleman was a remarkable navigator, and adven- turer: He built t^ fort on the fouthern cape, which he named Cape Henry, in honour of Prince Henry, the elded fon of King James ; and another fort on the northern cape, which he called Cape Charles, from Prince Charles, afterward King Charles I. and the River Powhatan he ^ called James River, after the name of his Majefly. James Town was built upon a peninfula about fifty miles up the river. In 1607 the plantation met with feveral interruptions; but the next year was attended with more fuccefs to Captain Smith and the Cblonifts. In 1 609 John Layden and Anne Burroughs were married ; which was the firft Chriftian marriage in Virginia. Other fettlements were made at Nanfomund, Powhatan, and Kiquotan. Captain Smith purfued his difcoveries, in which he underwent great hazards and difficulties. The manner of his treatment among the Indians, and his efcape ; his friendfliip to Nautaquaus, the king's fon ; and the furprizing tendernefs of Pocahonta, his daughter, for Captain Smith, when the Indians were determined to put him to death, are incidents agreeable and furprizing, but romantic and marvellous. He returned to England, where he gave fuperlative accounts of Virginia : but thofe who fucceeded him almofl: ruined the lettlement ; and thofe who arrived under the new charter difagreed among themfelves, fo that nothing was apprehended of an^ confiderable emolument either to the Colonifls or the Companies ; which made the latter refign their charter, to obtain a new one, in expectation of greater advantages to them- felves, as well as to the Colonifts in general. The fecond charter was granted March 23, 1609; and a third fol- lowed March 12, 1611-12. Virginia is divided by the great Rivers of Potomack, Rapahannock, York, and James, into four necks, and the two counties eaft of Chefapeak Bay make the fifth great divifion. . Vq^,II. S * The lap 1i \ ;..' •t . I Iv' 130 h m v'".l If HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. The firft iettlen were intent upon taking up large trads of hviAf which occafioned the feveral fettlements to be difperfed at confiderable diftances, and not fixed in towns or villages. They met with great difiiculties until the year 161 1, when Sir Thomas Dale anrived with three ihips, men, catUe, and provilions. Sir Thomas Gates Toon after brought a ftroager reinforcement and a greater fuj^ly ; after which. Captain Argol made his arrival with fre(h recruits in 1612. In 161S Lord Delaware was app(Hnted governor, but died in his pafTage, and was fucceeded by Governor Yearly. In i6ai Sir Francis Wyat waa appointed governor, and arrived with nine fliipe. Every perfon was to plant iooo plants of tobacco, with eight leaves each plant, which i» about 100 pound of tobacco ; and corn then ibid at 2 /. d, per buflnel. King Charles I. diflblved the company in 1626, and the colony was then brought under the immediate dkc&joa of the ckowd, where it re- mains to ^^is day.. At firft thire were only a few general patentees t but at pre&nt «verf freeholder may be reckom 1 a pateAtee. The government of Virginia pretend to< extend their fettleiiaents ib fiur back to the weftward as the great Lake Erie, and fome branches of the River Miffiffippi, comprehei^ing an immenfe quantity of land unletded t And, as their fettlements extend gradually toward the mountaloB, they- create new counties from time tp time, for the convep^oey «f atteadipg inferior courts. The country between James River and York River is the beft fettled*, and produces the beft tobacco. Their remoteft fettlement is Luueaburgh* about 100 miles fouth-weft from Hanover, which is fixty miles from Williamsburgh, the metropolis. The bc^ laads «re above the fiUls of the rivers. *; The lands weft of the Virginia fettlements were daimed by the Si?iL Matioos, as alfo by the Southern Indians.. ii ■ y € H A ?» SriRGINIAj 131 C H A P. n. Covirmunti Religion; and Laws, ^HB firft aflem()ly met at James Town ia May 1620, when Sir Francis Wyat was goTemor. The king had diflblved the company, and ordered the future form of its government to be by a gover- nor, a council of twelve, and the aflfembly. Sir John Harvey was governor in 1639^ when he was fent prifoner to England for opprefling the Colcnifts, who had ifufFered great devaftations from the Indians. He was fucceeded by Sir William Berkley, who intimidated the Indians from perpetrating their aAs of cruelty. Sir William maintained his loyalty to King Charles I. but Captain Dennis reduced Virginia to the obedience of the parliament. Diggs, Bennet, and Mathews, were fuc- ceffively governors during the protedorate: but Sir William Berkley was again appointed governor after the reftoration, when Colonel Bacon's rebellion broke out upon the following caufes: 1. The low price of tobacco in England, and the high price of all goods exported thence to Virginia. 2. The grants made by King Charles of feveral parts of their coun- try to noblemen in England, in fome of which feveral plantations were included. 3. The burthens laid upon the Coloqifts by the parliament in Eng- land, and taxes by the aifembly in Virginia. 4. The difturbances given them by the Indians. This infurre^ion was fupprefled; Sir William Berkley \.: > j.)ed to England, where he died, and was fucceeded by Lord Colept ru':r 7^^ p~*ied into laws. Francis Lord Howard of Effingham was appointed governor, ivrd arrived there in 1684. He was fucceeded by Sir Edmund Andros ; aLvi his fucceflbr was Colonel Nicholfon, who removed the feat of his government from James Town to Middle Plantation, where he marked out the town of Williamiburgh. He was fucceeded by George Earl of S a Orkney, 1620. 1639. 1662. 167;. 1679. '^92. 1698. 1704. ija 1713. !+ ' . I HISTORY OIF BRITirsrt^^AMERICA. Orkney* whofe deputy was Edward Notte, Efq. His lordfhip continued in England like an agent for the colony : but as the inhabitants of the Britiih plantations have a natural right to the protedion of their mother ftate in all cafes, they ought not to have flood in need of any other mediation for them than the juftice ahd reafdn of the thing, which always fliould require accefs to thofe that can prote^ them. G>lonel Spotfwpod fucceeded Mr. Notte, Hugh Dryfdat Elq. was the next deputy-governor ; and he was fucceeded by Major Gouges "When King Charles I. diflblved the company, he continued the form of government by a governor and council for the executive power, and placed the legiflative in the aflembly. The chief court next to the afl*embly Is the general court, held by the governor and council, who are judges of it, and take cognizance of all caufes criminal, penal, civil, and ecclefiailical. The governor is invefted with plenary powers in all a^s of governtnent, biit fubjed to the con- troul of the crown, and his ufual falary has been from 2000 to 3000 /. a year, including perquifites. The council are the upper houfe in tire affembly, and claim a negative voice to all laws. The aflembly- men are two for each county, to be chofen by the freeholders j but their ads muft be approved by the crown. Befide the governor and council, the public officers are, the auditor of the revenue, the fecretary and prefident of the council, the . treafurer, and the collector of the cuftoms. Thefe are public officers and fervants of the colony; the inferior officers are iheriffis, furveyors, clerks of courts, and others In fubordination. " The revenues arife by the royal quit-rents : Duties on exportation of tobacco, tonnage for every Ihip, and poll for every paflenger ; fines and forfeitures : waifs and ilrays ; efcheats of land ; and perfonal eftate for want of a lawful heir. Duties on liquors, fervants, and flaves. The college revenue. Additional duty on tobacco exported to the other plan<- tatioos : In all about 8000 /. a year, as eftimated by Sir William Keith. The General Court is alfo called the Quarter-Court, as being held every quarter of a year : but there are inferior courts kept monthly in «ach county, called the County Courts, or Monthly Courts, where infe- rior n^itters are cognizable : from thefe courts there is an appeal to the quarterly courts, in which no adion can be originally brought under thfe ^uc t)f 10/. flerling. The fheriffs, jtiflices of the peace, and other officers, form and ' > ■ VIR G INIA» 1^ officers) are judges of thefe county-courts, in \7hict1 every man may plead h\s own caufe : but the froptier or fartheft back counties being of great extent, no navigation, and little foreign trade, have only quarterly county-courts, and all thp othei^liave monthly-courts, as following: I. ^arterfy; County-Courts.. Brunfwick, Fairfax, Lunenburgh, Frederick, Albemarle, Augufta. II. Monthly County-Courts^, Henrico, Richmond, Williamfburg, James City, Northumberland* Nanfemond, York, Prince William, Cumberland, Middlefex, Elizabeth City, SpotjTylvania, Prince George, King and Queen, Northampton Stafford, EfTex, Gooch Land, Princefs Anne, Surry, Louifa, Weflmore- knd, Accomack, Charles City, Warwick, Ifle of Wight, Hanover, New Kent, Southampton, Norfolk, Culpepper, Gloucefter, Orange, Chefter- field. King George, Lancafter, Carolina, King William, Amelia. Thus the government is divided into forty-five counties, whereof fix hold i^u^rterly courts, and thirty-nine hold monthly courts. The body of the people are members of the church of England ; but 11. ReUgioow there are fome DifTenters, and a few French Refugees. The bifhop of London, who is the Ordinary of this and all the other plantations, appoints a commiflary here, whofe bufinefs is to make vifitations of churches, and have the infpedion of the clergy, for which he has been allowed 100/. a year. A college was eret^ed at Williamfburgh, which was amply endowed by King William and Queen Mary. The foundation was to confifl of a prefident, fix. mafters or profeffors, and 100 fcholars. It began to be carried into execution, and met with great encouragement in the colony: but the building Was deftroyed by fire, and the donation continued dor- mant for feveral years. The firfl prefident of the college, by charter^ was Mr. Blaii ; and Dodor Bray procured confiderable contributions ia England toward colle^ing a library. ^, CHAP. 9^34 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA, C H A.P. m. Of the tnhahitants, Climafe, Soil, Animals^ Produilioni, ami Trade* \I7HEN the EngUfh firft difcovered AHrginia, the Indians were divided * into feveral nations ; which are now almoft extind* and the Eng- lifh remain mafters of the country which they formerly pofleflfed. It was a long time before Virginia faw a race of Englilh born upon the fpot ; but now they are very numerous, both mafters and fervants, who have all retained the manners, cuftoms, and drefs of the natives of England ; and there are alfo feveral families of French Refugees. The Virginians are a prudent, careful, yet a generous and hofpitable {leople, whoTe houfes are open to all travellers, whom they entertain with great ciivility. The climate is healthy for Englifli conftitutions, having a clear fky, and a kindly foil. The winter months are December, January, February, and March ; the frofts are fevere, but of no long continuance. The rains- are frequent and refrefliing; the heats of fummer are moft violent in June, July, and Augnft, which are much mitigated by the rains ; and the frefh breezes that are common in Virginia contribute much to render the heat tolerable to new-comers, and hardly fenfible to the inhabi- tants. The foil in general is a rich, fat, and deep mould, and under it a loam, of which they make a fine brick ; but the foil varies according as the fituation is moift or dry. It is diftingui(hed into three forts, high, low, and marihy ; all which having fand mixed with them, makes their land warmer than that of Great Britain. The Highlands are moft Tandy ; however, they bear good crops of tobacco : the Lowlands are rich ; but the marfh lands indifferent. But, taking all together, Vir- ginia is faid to abound in every thing neceflary for the pleafure or profit of the inhabitants. The animals peculiar to this country are beavers, otters, foxes, wild cats, racoons, martins, and minks, in the frefhes, where the Indians are dexterous in catching them for the fur trade. The woods are ftocked with deer. They have alfo elks, buffaloes, bears, and wolves } as alfo a wild VIRGINIA. wild Iiogty and Engliih oiule of all fertt. Befide, there arei t^ trrong* hena, fomewhat like a badger ; the affiipanick, or flying ^uirrel ; the opoffum ; the utchunquoia* a kind of wild cat { and the muuaTcuS) a fort of water rat, that fmells like mu&. Hares and nbUtA aic plentiftUt which are as good as thofe in England* Of bird» there are a great variety, for feather and ibng ; particularly the red-bird* which has the fweeteft note: blackbirds, that come io. prodigious flights out of the woods about the fall of the leaf : ni^t- uigales, of a gay crimfon and blue plumage : the mqck-bird, ia ilze and cdour like a thruih : and the humming bird, whofe cobnr is a ihining^ miktare of fcarlet, green, and gold ; it is much left than the Engliih wren> revek among the flowers, and iips the dew from their leaves. The herons are large, and the partridges fmall. They have eagles and hawks. There ia idfo a great variety . of wild fowl of the ufuai fpeciea. • Of filh they have many kinds, and in great abundiaace; The iea- coaft abounds in flurgeon and cod ; and the rivers with almofi every kind of filh that are found in the olher parts of the world. «ft The timber-trees are oak, elm, cedar, aih, walnut, cyprefs, and firs. There are plenty of ihrubs, as well as of timbex ; and the whole country is rnterlperfed with an incredible variety of plants and f owers» The £ruits are alfo of various kinds, peculiar to the native foU, togor ther with thofe introduced from England ; as grapes, peaches, apricots*,!. f* ims, cherries, apples, and pears. Of roots they have feveral kindsi; ai^ong which are the fhumack, and fnakes xoot» Gardea herbs are ia great plenty of all kinds. The Indians have reared many forts of melons ; they had alfo beansr peafe, and potatoes, before the Engliih came among dxem; but conn was dieir principal: food Tobacco i». the fiaple commodity of the country, beneficial to the* planter, and natural to the foil. This plant is now too well known to be particularly defcribed; only it may be neceflary to fay,, that it grows much like a dock, and fome planters have a different way of cultivation from others. It is not known how the Indians cured dieir~ tobacco; but it la reported they ufed to let it run to feed; only fuc- couring the leaves, to keep the fprouts from growing up and fiarving them: Whea it was ripe, they pulled them off, cured them in the fun,. and w 136 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. and laid them up for ufe. The Virginia planters have ufually fow the tobacco feeds in beds, where they leave them a month, and fee them well weeded. The tender plants are removed to fome tobacco hills, where they thrive, and are properly pruned, till they come to maturityt and are then manufadtured under the greateft care. Prom what has been faid refpeding tobacco, it is evident the trade of this province confifts generally in that article, which is brought to fuch perfediion as to command a large traffic not only in England, but even in all parts of the world. Immenfe are the fums acquired by the tobacco trade, both to the colony and the mother-country. This article has been brought to fuch perfedion, that the Virginian tobacco, efpecially the fweet-fcented, which grows on York River, is reckoned the beft in the world, and is generally vended in England for home confumption. The other forts called Oranoac, and that of Maryland, are hotter in the mou>'h ; but they turn to as good an account, as they are chiefly demanded in Holland, . Denmark, Sweden, and Germany. Of this commodity 30,00a hogflieads have been exported yearly ; which, belide the other advantages that the Englifh acquire by it, have cleared 5 /. a hogfliead in a foreign market, and increafed the general flock of the nation about 150,000/. a year. • The whole trade of tobacco is one of the mdl profitable of all the Britifh commerce, as it employs abolit 300 fail of fhips every year, and generally brings in between 300,000 and 400,000 /. to the royal treafury annually. * Befide the great advantage that accrues to the national flock, by the exportation of tobacco fr6m England, it fhouFd be confidered how beneficial this trade is, by the prodigious number of hands it employs, and families it maintains, as well in Great Britain as Virginia. Great quantities of manufadures are exported 'from the mother-country to the colony, whofe merchants and planters export tobacco, cattle, and provifions, to the Wefl India Iflands, from \dience they bring in ex- change molafTes, fugar, and rum. I The country is certainly capable of large improvements by the timber trade and its ajppurtenances, as pitch, tar, and rofln. They might alfo manufadure flax, hemp, cotton, and even filk ; but their Want of towns prevents them from receiving many advantages by the fertility of the ibiL ' , T H THE HISTORY O F T H E BRITISH EMPIRE I N NORTH AMERICA. BOOK VIII. The^iftory of CAROLINA. C H A P. I. ' The difcovery and fettUment of this Province; with an account of its governments, until the charter nvas furrendered to the crown in 1 728. CAROLINA is the northern part of that extenfive trad of terri- tory which was difcovered by John Ponce de Leon in 151 3» when he arrived there from the I0and of Porto Rico, and gave the country the name of Florida ; becaufe the face of it had the refemblance of a perennial fpring. The Spaniards afterward made fome farther attempts to fettle in this country, but were unfuccefsful ; and the French then attempted a fettle- ment there, in the reign of Charles IX. who fent Jean Ribaut there with two (hips, which arrived on the coaft, where the commander built a fort at the mouth of Albemarle River, then called the Great River, to which he gave the name of Port Royal, in 32® north latitude, bordering upon that part of Virginia which now conftitutes North Carolina, where the firft fettlement was made by an European nation : but the French abandoned the Vol. II. T enterprize. A i. .V 138 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. enterprize, whidh they foon after renewed under the protection of Admiral Goligny, who fent three fhips there in 1564, under the command of Lewis Laudoiier. The country was now called Carolina, in honour of the French kinpj. Ribaut arrived with three (hips to reinforce Laudoner; but they were difpoffefled by the Spaniards, who killed Ribaut and 600 men, and fent Laudoner with the reft to France. The Spaniards, in their turn, were difpoflefled by the French, under the command of Captain de Gorgues»^ who arfived there with three Ihips and 280 men. He penetrated far into the country ; but made no fcttlements, and returned to France. The Spaniards made no farther attempts to recover the country, which from 1567 lay deferted By all European nations for a confic'erable time; but, in 1022, fome Engliih families who fled from the ferocity of ^e Indians in New England and Virginia, were drove on the coall of Caroliua, and fettled hear the head of the river of May. As the country was deferted by the French and Spaniards, the Eng- !i(h claimed a right to it under the difcoveries made by Sebaftian Cabot. This right was aflerted by King Charles II. who granted it, by letters patent dated the 24th of March 1663, to Edward, Earl of Clarendon, then Lord High Chancellor of England ; George, Duke of Albemarle ; William, Lord Craven ; John, Lord Berkley ; Anthony, Lord Afhley ; Sir George Carteret ; Sir William Berkley ; and Sir John Colliton ; who, as the charter exprefled, ** being excited with a laudable and pious zeal for the propagation of the Gofpel, begged a certain part of America, not then cultivated and planted* and only inhabited by fome barbarous peo- ple, who had no knowledge of God ; therefore, his Majefty granted the petitioners all that territory in his dominions in America ; from the north end of the ifland called Luck Ifland, which lay in the fbuthern Virginian fea, jpid within ^6^ north latitude; and to the weft as far as the South Seas ; and (b foutherly as far as the River San Mattzo» which bordered on the coaft of Flosida, and was within 3 1 ^ north lati- tude, and fo weft, in a direCt line, as far as the South Seas :" with all royalties and jurifdidions neceflary in an aUblute propriety i paying a quit-rent of twenty marks a year. Under this charter, the proprietaries proceeded to eftablifh a fettle- ment, which was foon accompliihed. The firft proprietors were fo fen- fible that nothing could people that province, and enrich it, but an uni- verfal and abfolute toleration, that they made the moft expreis and ample provifion^ f .-.V-,- CAROLINA. provlfion for fucli a toleration that ever was made in any conflitution in tlie world, as may be feen in fome articles * of the fundamental con(H- tutions, which provided, as the lords proprietaries worded their inten- tians> " That fmce the natives of that place, who would be concerned in thefc plantations, were utterly Grangers to Chriftianity, whofe idolatry, ignorance, or mi (lake, gave the proprietaries no right to expel or ufe them ill ; and that thofe who removed from other parts to plant there, would unavoidably be of different opinions concerning matters of religion, the liberty whereof they would expedl to have allowed them ; and that it would not be reafonable for tl. ^ proprietaries to keep them out ; therefore that fure peace might be n«aintained amidft the diver- fity of opinions, and the proprietaries compa^ and agreement with all men might be duly and faithfully obferved, the violation whereof, upon what pretence foever, could not be without great offence to Almighty God, and great fcandal to the true religion, which the proprietaries profeffed : And alfo that Jews, Heathens, and other diflenters from the purity of the Chriftian religion, might not be feared, and kept at diftance from it, but by having an opportunity of acquainting themfelves with the truth and reafonablenefs of its dodrines, and the peaceablenefs and inoffenfivenefs of its profeflbrs, might, by good ufage and perfu^fion, and all thofe convincing methods of gentlenefs and meekneis, fuitable to the rules and defigns of the Gofpel, be won over to embrace and un- feignedly receive the truth :'* Therefore, thofe conilitutions provided for their liberty ; but declared, " Tliat no perfon above feventeen years of age (hould have any benefit or protection of the law, which was not a member of fome church or profeflion, having his name recorded in Ibme one religious record." Many proteftant diflenters removed with their families to Carolina, where fo many people arrived, that it was neceflary to eftabliih a folid form of government, which was agreed upon by the lords proprietaries in 1 20 articles, called " the Fundamental Gonftitutions" abovementionedf which were figned, on the ift of March i6<)^ by the proprietors, who declared, that ** thofe conftitutions (hould be and remain the facred and unalterable form and rule of government in Carolina for ever." Thefe remarkable articles were drawn up by that celebrated philofo- pher Mr. Locke, on a new fyftem of government, at the defire of that eminent politician the Earl of Shafteibury, one of the proprietors. The firft article of thefe fundamentals was, " That a Palatine fhould be chofea ^39 * The 96th, loift, i02d, and io6ih. Ta out V , .44 IS f: % 140 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. out of the proprietaries, who fliould continue during life, and be fuc- ceedcd by the eldeil of the other proprietaries." The Palatine had the executive power in general ; but the reft of the proprietaries had their relpedtive places and privileges. In fad, they centered all their power in the Palatine of their own chufing; and'three more, who were authorized to execute the whole powers of the charter. This was called the Palatine's Court; and their deputies in Carolina executed it as they were directed hy their principals. By the fundamental conftitutions, a very plenary power was granted to the lords proprietaries ; particularly to create a kind of nobility, under the great feal of the province, called landgraves andcafliques, inllead of earls and lordi ; which new dignitaries were to fit with the deputies, and toge- ther make the upper houfe; the lower houfe being elected by the people. - Thei'e landgraves were to have four baronies annexed to their dignities, of 6000 acres each barony ; and the cafliques two baronies, of 3000 acres each, and not to be divided by fale of any part. Every county was to have a fherifF, and four juflices of the peace : every planter was to pay X d. an acre quit-rent to the proprietaries, unlefs he bought it off : and all the inhabitants and freemen, from (Ixteen to fixty years old, were bound to bear arms, when commanded by the great council. • The proprietaries entered into a joint flock, and fitted out fhips at the expence of 12,000/. to tranfport people and cattle there; befide, as much more was difburfed by fingle proprietors to advance the interefl of the colony. Though the difficulties and dangers they met with at firft were fome- what difcouraging, all free perfons who came over were to have fifty acres of land for themfelves, fifty more for each man-fervant ; the fame for each woman-fervant marriageable ; or not marriageable, forty acres ; and each feprai^t out of his or her time was to have fifty acres, paying the quit^ rent of i d, an acre in full:- but fome gentlemen made intire purchafes of their lands. The lords proprietaries appointed Colonel William Sayle to be thegover- nor of their province in 1670; and the next year (he proprietaries fent Captain Halflead with a fupply of provifions and f|ores for the colony: ..they alfo created James Carteret, Sir John Yeomans, and John Locke, £fq. landgraves : but the conflitutions having been found deficient in fome cafes, temporary laws were added, and the form of governoMat new ' modelled in this manner : 9 I- A e Aic- id the their liver in rized tine's rented CAROLINA. , . I. A gorernor, nominated by the Palatine. , IT. A council, confiding of feven deputies of the proprietors ; fe?en gentlemen cholen by the aiTembly; and feven of the eldeft landgraves and caiTiques. III. An admiral, a chamberlain, chancellor, chief-juftice, fecretary, furveyor, trcafurer, high-ileward, high-conftable, public regiilers, and marflial of the admiralty. Thefe were all nominated refpedively by the proprietors, and the quo- rum of the council were to be, the governor, and fix of the council, of whom three were to be the deputies of the proprietors. The temporary laws were made in 1671, when Lord Craven was Pala- tine. Sir John Vcomans fucceeded Colonel Say le in the government; and Sir John in 1 680 was fucceeded by Jofeph Weft, Efq one of the firft: planters, and a gentleman of great integrity. He held a parliament, or an aflcinbly, in Charles Town in 1682, when feveral a£ls were palled; particularly ** an a£t for highways, for f^ppre(^ngdrunkennef8, and pro- fane fwearing ; for obfervation of the Lord's day ; and for fettling the militia." Jofeph Moreton, Efq. was appointed governor in KS83, when Admiral Blake's brother arrived there, with feveral families of diflenters out of Somerfetftiire, and Mr. Blake's daughter was married to the governor. The lords proprietaries took the Indians under their protection, and laid out the countiea of Berkeley, Craven, and CoUiton ; all which were divided into fquares of 12,000 acres. Several public a^ were pafled, particularly re- lative to the provincial trade. The next governor was Sir Richard Kyrle, an Irifh gentleman, who died foon after his arrival in the colony ; and was fucqeeded by James Colliton, Efq. brother to Sir Peter CoUiton. It was then reported, that the party Governor Moreton had gone a great way in fuppreffing, grew now fo Itrong among the common people, that they chofe members to oppofe whatfoever the governor reqircfted ; infomuch that they would hot fettle the militia a£t, though their own fecurity depended on it,, apd that it would be grounds of their farther ftrength. The reafon of the difcontent the people lay under, were d^fputes about the 1 tenure of their lands, and payment of their quit-renta,, which were not fettled till Mr. Aichdale'a gavetnincnt. The Ml A' 143 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. The aflemhly in 1687 made fomc innovationi upon " the fundamental conAitutiond," and drew up a Aire form of government, differing in many arttclen from the former, to which they gave the title of ** (landing laws, and temporary laws." But neither the lords proprietaries, or the cdonifti, accepted of them ; fo that the fundamental conditutions AiU kept their ground. Thomas Smith, Efq. fucceeded Mr. Colliton, properly as governor, although Colonel Quarry, Mr. Southwell) and Colonel LudwcUt w^re intermediate a ihort time. Mr. Archdale arrived as governor in Auguft i^95i where he found all matters in great confuHon, and every faAion foliated him for relief. Jn order to which, he fummoned an aUembly, and made a fpeech to them ; but it was with great difficulty that he appealed the public difturbances and animofities. Mr. Archdale tells us, he ** returned for England, being not fent for home.** He was fucceeded by Jofeph Blake, Efq. who governed the country with equal prudence and moderation. In his lime Major Daniel brought from England forty-one articles of new conftitutions, whereiii as ample provifion was made for liberty of confcience as in ** the funda- mental conftitutions." Thefe new laws were called ** the lad funda- mental coniBtutions ;'* but they were never confirmed in the colony. 1701. James Moor, Efq. was the next governor, though Mr< Moreton was his opponent. The Earl of Bath was dead, and his fon John Lord Gran- ville was Palatine, who confirmed Mr. Moor in the government ; after which feveral arbitrary adis were pafled in the a0embly, the people un- lawfully oppreffed, and the Indians cruelly perfecuted. The governor obtained 8 000 /. from the aflemhly to undertake an expedition againft the Spanilh fettlement at Auguftine. The number of men inlifted for this cnterprize confifted of 600 Englifh and 600 Indians, who were ordered to rendrzvous at Port Royal, under the command of Governor Moor ; and Colonel Daniel commanded a party to proceed by land, while the governor was to fail and attack the place by lea. 170a. They both fet out in Auguft 1702; when Colonel Daniel took Saint John's and Saint Mary's in his march agaioft Auguftine, which town he alio took before the fleet arrived. The Spaniards retired into the caftle» ' where they made a good defence, until they were relieved by two fmall men of war; upon which the Englifli abandoned the fiege, witti thelofs of ttoir fliips, and returned to Cluurles Town over bmd. This unfortu- nate ...^X-i^, CAROLINA. nate expedition was attended with the iofs of only two men ; but it brought a debt of 6000/. upon the colony, which occafioned great diffen- fions between the governor and the principal inhabitants. Sir Nathaniel Johnfon was appointed governor, and Job How, Efq. was chofcn fpeaker of the new aflembly; the members of which were packed, and pafled a fovere law againft the diifenters, contrary to the 6rft and Ia(i fundamental conditutions. Colonel Moreton, and icvcral other gentlemen, prevailed with Mr. Afti to embark for England, and reprefent the miferable ftate of the province to the proprietaries ; but he was unfuc- cefsful in his (blicitation, and (bon after died. A kind of high commiflion court was ere£ked in Cardina, and feveral commiifioners were appointed, to the great mortification of the diifenters, who could get none ot their complaints regarded, or any of their jgriev-^ ances redretted, until they brought the matter before the houfe of lord« in England, who thereupon addrelTed the Queen, to ufe the mod effectual methtuls to deliver the faid province from the arbitrary oppreflions under which it then lay ; and to order the authors thereof to be profecuted ac- cording to law. To which her Majefty was gracioufly pleafed to anfwer, that " flie thanked the houfe for laying thofe matters fo plainly before her; that (he was very fenllble of what great confequence the plantations were to Eng' land i and would do all that was in her power to relieve her fubjeds.'' '41 i> It appeared to the hotife that ibme of the proprietors refufed to join in thofe ads ; and the Lords Committee of Trade, to whom the matter was referred, reprefented to her Majefty, ** that the making fuch laws was an abufe of the powers granted to the proprietors by their charter, and would be a forfeiture of fuch power." They farther humbly offered to her Majefly, *' that fhe would be pleafed to give diredions for re-aflbm- ing the fame into her Majefly*8 hands by Jcirc /aciast in the court of Queen's Bench.'* On the loth of June, her Majefty was pleafed to approve of that repre- fentation, and accordingly having declared the laws mentioned thereia to be null and void, ordered, " that for the more eflFedual proceeding^^ againft the faid charter by way of quo ivarranto^ the attorney and folici- tor- general (hould inform themfelves fully coucerning what might be moflr neceffary for effeding the fame/* The 1704 S4 Map 1706. Bi } .J !; ''i I- -* 144 IIISTCRY OF BRITISH AMERICA. 1705' The aflcmbly which paflTed thofe two memorable a&s was dlflfolved in the following year, and a new one fummoned to meet at Charles Town ; but fadion prevented bufmefs. Major Tynte fucceeded Sir Nathaniel Johnfon as governor; afterward the colony was under the adminiftration of Frefident Gibbs, Charles . Craven, Efq. Robert Daniel, Efq. Robert Johnfon, Efq. James Moore, Efo and Francis Nicholfon, Efq. who had been governor of New Scot- landi New York, Maryland, aiid Virginia. 1718. Many pirates were taken, and forty-two of them were executed. 1722. The chiefs of Four Indian Nations came to Charles Town to fettle the terms of peace between them and the Englifh, who had fuffered much by the irruption of the favages. 1730- Mr. Middleton prefided in the government ; and in his fpeech to the aflembly declared, that *' he could not think but they mufl be thoroughly convinced of the neceflity there was for granting immediate fupplies for paying the arrears due to the garrifons, rangers, fcouts and look-outs : that they would do well to confider the miferable circumftances of thofe })0')r per pie, who had then three years due to them : that he would be glad to know wherein confided the prudence and policy of deferring the payment of public debts year after year, until the burden became heavy, and the country became bankrupt: that he had no occafion to tell them the Indians were no longer their friends than the Englifh kept them in fiiar ; and who woUld credit the public in time of danger, when they would pay nothing of what they owed in time of tranquillity ; and that he muft put them v\ mind of humbly addrefling his Majefty with thanks, for pur^ chafmg the foil, and taking the colony under his immediate prote^on.'* About this time there were about a8,ooo negroes in the province, of whom 10,000 might be able to bear arms. They were much fuperior in number to the whites, whom they intended to maflacre by a general ia- furrediun, which was feafonably difcovered, and happily fuppreiTed. CHAP. CAROLINA. H5 4 CHAP. II. The charter furrendered to the crozvn. A geographical ^efcription of Car o^ lina\ ivith an account of the climate, and the diviftons of the province in general, TH I colonifts were annoyed by the Indfans, and unfupported by the proprietaries; therefore they applied by their deputies to the crown, and prayed tliat the furrender of their charter might be accepted, and the colony be put under the protcdion of his Majefty. This furrender was made by the proprietaries to Edward Bertie, Samuel Horfey, Henry Smith, and Alexias Clayton, Efqrs. in truft for the crown. The proprietaries, in their own right or iu truft, were ^hefe, Henry Duke of Beaufort, William Lord Craven, James Bertie, Efq. Mary Danfon, Elizabeth Moor, Sir John CoUiton, John Cotton, Efq. and Jofeph Blake, Efq. who were poflfefled of feven-eighths of the propriety of the province, and fold it to the crown for 1 7,500 /. each proprietary, who had a whole ibare, having 4 whole fhare of 2500 /. The outftanding quit-rents, and other incomes due to the proprietaries from the colonifts, amounting to above 9000 /. alfo were fold to the crown for 5000 /. which was paid to the above-mentioned proprietaries, after the fale and furrender had been contirmed by an a£t of parliament in 1728, intitled, " an a£t for eftabliftiing an agreement with feven of the lords proprietaries of Carolina, for furrender of their title and intereft in that province to his Majefty." It will appear by the following claufe in the a£t of parliament, that the remaining one-eighth of the propriety, and arrears of quit-rents, were referved to the Right Honourable John Lord Carteret, afterward Earl Granville : " Having and referving always to the faid John Lord Carteret, his heirs, executors, adminiftrators and afligns, all fuch cftate, right and title, to one-eighth part of the fhare of the faid provinces or territories, and to one-eighth part of all arrears." This being fettled, his Majefty appointed Robert Johnfon, Efq. to be governor of Carolina; but Sir Alexander Coming induced the Cherokees to fubmit to his Britannic Majefty, and brought fix of their chiefs over with him \o England, where they folemnly ratified the fame. Vol, U. U Governor m 1729. 146 HISTORY OF BTIITISH AMERICA. »73'' Governor Johnfon arrived at Charles Town in 173 1, and made a fpeech to the aflembly, whom he addrcfled on the advantages they might exped: on being taken under his Majefly's immediate protection. Carolina has been long divided into two feparate governments; the one called North Carolina, and the other South Carolina ; but the latter is more populous, and generally retains the name : therefore both may be put together in the geographical and hiftorical account of the whole. Carolina contairis all the coaft of North America, between 31** and 36° north latitude. It is about three hundretl miles in length ; but its breat'th is not to be computed, as King Charles II. granted the proprietors all the land weftward in a direft line to the South-feas. It is bounded by Vir- ginia on the north ; and, including the new colony of Georgia, is about 500 miles in length from north to fouth ; but has no determinate limits to the weftward. Of thefe. North Carolina lies moft northward. South C'arolina in the middle, and Georgia on the fouth; each of them being now a royal governmenti,and the whole under diftinCt governors. North Carolina contains about 35,000 white inhabitants, and about 5000 negroes. The principal town is Newbern, fituated on Neufe River, in the center of the province. The foM is different in the northern and fouthern parts ; the former being a rich mould, and the other mollly fandy, which makes their produce different. The commerce of the fouthern diftridl confifts chiefly in pitch, tar, tur- pentine, and lumber, as alfo indigo and rice. ' The northern diftridl chiefly produces tobacco, beef and pork, which they fait, and fend to the Weft Indies ; alfo Indian corn, very good Eng- lifh grain, fome lumber, and naval ftores; befide, they raife hemp and flax, which muft become a condderable article of their trade. The tim- ber is fo ][)lentiful and good, that the building of veiflels muft turn to great account ; and they have produced fome famples of excellent filk. A few years ago it was almoft fcandalous to be known for a native of this country, which was the jeft and fcorn of the other cdlonies ; but this province is now a growing rival, fo as to become an objeft ot their envy and je.iloufy. The port of Cape Fear is for the fouthern divifion, and the port of Ocacock for the northern diftrid. In the year 1751 two hundred and fixty-thr.e Ihips and veffels r/ere entered inward, and two hundred and eighty-eight were cleared outward. South .ADIJf: C A RiO L r N A. rrrr '47 South Carolina has fo kindly a (oil, that almoft all fpecies of trees and fklants will grow there to perfedion ; but rice> cotton, and indigo are more I^uliarly' the commodities cukivated there. As to the climate, w© are told, " that Carolina is the northern part of Rorida; that is, from ag** to 56^ '^t which is the center of the habitable part of the northern hemifphere *." Carolina, North and South, was divided into fix counties, of which two are in North Carolina, Albemarle and Clarendon ; and four in South Carolina, called Craven, Berkeley, Colliton, and Carteret counties. I. Albemarle county borders on Virginia, and is watered by Albe- marle River. In this part of the country lies the Ifland of Roanoke, where Philip Amidas and Arthur Barlow landed in the reign of King James I. When Carolina was firft fettled, Albemarle was better planted than any other of the Englifh fcttlements, and confided of near three hundred families ; but the plantations upon Afhley River grew in time upon it fo much, that moft of the planters removed there. This river is full of creeks on both fides of it, which for breadth deferve the name of rivers, but they do not run far into the country ; and at Sandy-Point it divides into two branches, Noratoke and Notaway. Near to this is Pantego River, and between them is Cape Hatteras ; and Neufe River is next. 7. Clarendon county is next, in which is the remarkable Promontory, called Cape Fear, at the mouth of CJarendon River, called alfo Cape Fear River. Watery River, or Winyarm, is about twenty-five leagues diftant from Alhley River ; and between this and Clarendon River is a fmall river called Wingon. 3. Craven county is well inhabited, and watered by the Rivers Lantee and Sewee. The French had a fcttlement on the former, and fome fami- lies from New England fettled on the latter, where they repulfed an inva- fion from the French in 1706. 4. Berkeley county was foon well fettled, on account of the two great rivers. Cooper and Aihley. On the north coaft there is a little river, called Bowjkl ; which, with a creek, forms an iflami . and off the coaft are fev;;ral ifles, named the Hunting lilands, and Sillivant's Ifle. Between * Archdale's Defcription of Carolina, p. 6. U 2 the Ififci^. 148 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. the latter and Bowal River is a ridge of ht!*«, called the Sand Hills. The River Wando waters the north-weft parts of this county, and has feveral good plantations upon it. It- runs into G)oper River, and they both unite their ftreams with Afhiey River at Charles Ibwn, the capital of this province, and now a very flourifhing place of trade. Charles Town is built on a narrow neck of land between Afhley and Cooper Rivers, in 52" north latitude, about two leagues from the fea: but the town lies moftly on Cooper River ; having a creek dn the north-^ide, and another on the fouth. The whole produ^ of the province is brought here for fale. The fttuation is delightful, and the adjacent country fruit- ful and agreeable; but it is unhappy in a bar, that admits no ihips of above 200 tons. There are feveral handfome ftreets, and fome beautiful build- ings; particularly the principal church, and the Public Library, which owes its rife to Dr. Bray. There is alfo a French church, and different meeting houfes for the Diflenters and Quakers. In this town the gover- nor generally refides, the aflembly fits, the courts of judicature are held, and the bufinefs of the province tranfadted. The neck of land between Cooper and Aftiley Rivers is about four miles over, and the banks of both are well planted; as alfo is Goofe Creek. Back River falls into Cooper River, about two miles above Goofe Creek, and its w^eflern branch a little higher :iere another church was propofed td be built. \yi 'lAi a. r.f ,Wili i. There are feveral fine plantations on each fide of Afliley River; and on the fouth-weft is the Great Savanna. In this county is Dorchefter, a finall town, but well inhabited, with a meeting-houfe belonging to the Independents. Next to it is Stono River, which divides Berkeley from Colliton county. 5. Colliton county is watered by Stono River, which is joined by a cut :o Wadmoolaw River, and thefe rivers form an ifland, called Boone's Ifland, a little below Charles Town, which is well planted and inhabited. The two principal rivers in this county are North Ediftow and South Edif- tow, which are full of plantations on both fides for feveral miles, up to the town of Wilton, or New London, which is well inhabited. ri 6. Carteret county is generally eftcemed to be the moft pleafant and fcri lie part of the province. This and Colliton county are diftinguilhed ftora. ^3S!*'"*. CAROLINA. from the other counties by the name of the Southward Carteret County, is watered by the River Cambage, which joins the River May* and both form the Ifland of Edelano. The country upon the River May was inhabited by an Indian tribe, called the Weftoes, who advifed the Englifh not to fettle there, becaufe the Spaniards would di(hirb them : however, the Scotch fettled there, ui- der the Lord Cardrofs, hut were foon obliged to abandon the place. Port Royal River lies about twenty leagues frova Afliley River, to the foutk, and has a bold entrance ; having feventeen feet low-water at the bar. The harbour is large, commodious, and fafe for {hipping; it runs through a fine country, and difcharges itfelf by various branches into other livers. U> CHAP. 15^ HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. ^■:u in CHAP. III. An account of the foil, proJucct trad^, and inhabitantt. CAROLINA is in general a plain open country, having no confider- able hills for the fpace of many miles along the coaft, within one hundred miles of the fea : there are, however, many rifings, or gentle ai'cents, from five to feventy feet above the level of the highefl fide. Be- hind thefc extenfive plains are the vaft Apalachlan mountains, from the foot of which to the fea is about two -hundred miles. Thefe mountains run almolt parallel with the fea-coail, behind Florida, Carolina, Virgii^a, and Maryland ; and the fources of mofl of the great rivers in thofe pro> vinccs are in thefe hills. The foil is of a fandy kind, which near the fea appeared more barren than it proved to be. There was a great quantity of vines in many parts of the coaft, which bore abundance of grapes ; but within land the foil is more mixed with a blackilh mould; its foundation generally clay, and good for bricks. Their timber-trees, fruit-trees, plants, and animals, are much the fame with thofe in Virginia. Every thing generally grows there that will grow in any part of Europe, particularly nedarines, apricots, apples, and pears, in great perfed^ion, and in fuch plenty, thnt they are frequently given to feed the hogs. The country is alfo beautified with odoriferous \. oods, as pine, cedar, and cyprefs, which afford a perennial verdure. All forts of grain will thrive in Carolina, \vliich produces large quanti- ties of the bed rice in the world. They have alfo pitch, tar, rofin, filk, and furs. One good account fays, that the many lakes they have in diffierent parts breed a multitude of water-fowl, but particularly to the fouthward. All along Port Royal River, and adjacent to it, the air is fo temperate, and the fea Ions of the year fo regular, that there is no excefs of heat or cold, nor any troublefome variety of weather; for though there is every year a kind of winter, yet it was both (horter and milder than as: Afliley or Cooper Rivers, and pafTes over infenfibly. This fweet temprrature of air caufes the banks of the river to be covered with various kinds of lovely trees, which being perpetually green, prefent a thoufrnd land- 9 fcapes w)lt^ I ■«■» CAROLINA. jTcapes to the eye, To diverflfied) that the fight is intircly charmed with them. The feafon of fowing Indian corn in this colony is from the ift of March to the loth of June; and one acre produces from eighteen to thirty bufhels. The feed-time for rice is from the ift of April to the 20th of May. It is fowed in furrows, about eighteen inches diftant. A peck ufually lows an acre, which yields feldom lefs than thirty, or more than fixty bufhels ; but on a medium, as the land is better or worfe. It is reaped in Septem- ber and OiSlober : the crop in a good year affords 80,000 barrel;, of 400/^. weight, which will employ above 10,000 ton of fhipping, and may return to Great Britain about 80,000/. a year. Silk-worms in Carolina are hatched from the egg, about the 6th of March; at he fame time that the mulberry leaves, which are their food, begin to open. Being attended and fed fix weeks, they eat no more, but have fmall bufhes fet up for them to fpin themfelves into balls, which are thrown into warm water, and wound oflF into raw filk. Rofin, tar, and pitch, are all produced from the pine-trees. Rofin, by cutting channels in the flanding green trees, that meet at a point at the foot of the tree, where a receiver is placed. The channels are cut as high as a man can reach with an ax, and the bark is peeled off from all thofe parts of the tree that are expofed to the fun, that the heat of it may more eafily force but the turpentine, which being tak'^n from the receiver and melted in kettles, becomes rofin^- Tar is made thus: they prepare a circular floor of clay, declining a little toward the center, from which is laid a pipe of wood, whofe upper part is even with the floor, and reaches ten feet without the circumfe- rence ; under the end the earth is dug away, and barrels placed to receive the tar as it runs. Upon the floor is built up a large pile of dry fine wood, fplit in pieces, and furrounded with a wall of earth, which covers it all over, except a little at the top, where the fire is firfl kindled. After the fire begins to burn, they alfo cover that with earth, that there may be no flame, but only heat fufficient to force the tar downward into the floor. The heat is tempered as they pleafe, by thrufling a flick through the earth, and letting the air in at as many places as they fee convenient. i5« PUck -^:^- i!-;.i I5« HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Pitch is made by boiling tar in large iron kettlesi fet in fiirnacest or by burning it in round clay holes made in the earth. Black cattle have greatly incrcafed fince the firft Tettling of the colony, and fome people have icoo in number. The cows graze in the forefts, and the calves are kept in inclofures. Here are hogs in abundance, which feed in the woods, and return in the evening to the plantations. The beef and pork that are raifed here find a good market in the fugar iflunds, and are very advantageous to the colony. It was formerly faid, that the trade beween this province and England employed, one year with another, twenty-two fail of (hips. A confider- able trade is alfo carried on with the neighbouring colonies, Madeira, the Weftern Iflands, and the African fettlements. In the year 1755, no lefs than 104,682 barrels of rice were exported, which might employ 16,000 ton of Hiipping, and return to Great Bri- tain upward of 100,000/. annually. The fame year there were alfo ex- ported 816,934/^. of indigo, 460 hogflieads, 114 bundles, and 508 loofe deerikins, 5869 barrels of pitch, 2396 of common tar, 547 of green tar, and 2171 of turpentine, 1560 barrels of pork, and 416 of beer, 16,428 bufliels of corn, and 9169 of peafe, 4196 fides of tanned leather, 1,114,336 {hingles, 806,432 fiaves, and 395,190 feet of timber; befide feveral other articles of the growth and manufadure of this province,, as alfo a great many more imported from the Bahama and Weft India Iflands. The inhabitants are now reckoned to amount to upward of 100,000. THE THE HISTORY O F T H E BRITISH EMPIRE I N NORTH AMERICA. BOOK IX. An Account of the Colony of G £ O R G I A. C H A P. I. The original fettlement of this colonjt under the care of General Oglethorpe i with his account of the neighbouring Indians, G EORGIA is fituated between South Carolina and Florida, con« taining about 134 miles in length, and 200 in breadth. The colony^ was eftabliflxed by the royal charter, granted in 1733, by Ring George II. in the fifth year of his reign. In Auguft 1732, Sir Gilbert Heathcote acquainted the court of i^ja. dire^ors of the bank of England, that his Majefty had granted a char- ter for eftablifhing a regular colony in Georgia ; that the fund was to arife from charitaUe contributions, which he recommended to them, by (hewing the great charity of the undertaking, and the future benefit arifing to Great Brittdn by ftrehgthening her American colonies, and by increafing the trade and navigation of the kingdom. The diredors gave a handfome benefaction, colle^ons were made throughout the king- dom, and the parliament gave 10,000 /. which enabled the truftees to entertain many poor peo]^e that offered, and to make provifion for Vol. IL X their hs J 154 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. their tranfpurtation and maintenance until they could provide for them- felves. The perfons chofen by th^ truftees to be Tent overt being about 100, embarked at Gravefend, on lli 6th of November, on board the Anne of 200 tons, commanded by Captain Thomas. They had with them all manner of tools, utcnfils, arms, and ammunition ; and James Ogle- thorpe, Efq. one of the truftees, embarked on board the fame fliip, to go and fee the firft fettlement made. : ' . 1^33. The fliip arrived at Carolina on the 15th of January following, from whence Ihe failed to Port Royal, and Mr. Oglethorpe went up the Savan* nah River, and pitched upon a convenient fpot of ground to form a fettlement, which appears in the beil light from his own account, as fol- lowing : •• That the river there formed a half moon, around the fouth fide of which the banks were about forty feet high, and on the top a flat, which they called a bluff. . The plain high grouiid extended into the country five or fix miles, and along the river about a mile. Ships that drew twelve feet water could ride within twelve yards of the bank. Upon the river fide, in the center of this plains he had laid out the town, and oppofite to it was an ifland of very rich pafturage. The river was pretty VHid(» and the water firelh. From the key of the town might be feen the whole courfe of the fea, with the Ifland of Tybee, which formed the mouth of the river ; and the other way, the river might be feen for about fijcty mildaupioto the country. The landfcape is very agreeable, the dream being wide, and bordered with high woods on both fides. The whole people arrived there on the ift of February, and at night their tents were got up. A fortification was raifed, and the woods felled." The town and common was marked out ; and Mr. Oglethorpe called the town Savannah, the name alfo of the river. The Indian nation there was before called Yammacrane, and TomochicV.I was their chief. After Mr. Oglethorpe had made the fird fettlement, he went to Charles Town to folicit aiSftance for his colony, in which he had fuccefs, and then returned to Savannah, where he was met by the chiefs of the Lower Creek nation, who claimed from the Savannah River as far as St. Auguftine, ,ind up Flint River, which falls into the Bay of Mexico. A treaty of alliance and commerce was made and figned with them. thdi Mr. GEORGIA. 155 Mr. Oglethorpe alfo concluded a treaty with the two nations of the Chcrokces and Chickafaws, relating to their part of the fame province; and from that time the Indians never molelled the Engliih fettlemcnts in Carolina for many years. A provlfional treaty was alfo concluded by Mr. Oglethorpe with the governor of Augudinc and general of Florida) relating to the bounda- ries between the Englilh and Spaniards* till the pleafurc of the two crowns could be known ; by which the River St. Mathco, called St. John's by tbe Spaniards, remained the limits between the two nations ; being the fame river mentioned in the grant of King Charles II. and lies in 30" 10' as the River Savannah does in 32". Mr. Oglethorpe re- 1734. turned to England, and brought with him fome of the Indlun chiefs, particularly Tomochichi and his family, who were gracioiiily received by the king, well entertained by the truftees, and returned to their native country full of the utmofl refped for their British friends and allies. Upward of 14,822/. had been received by the truftees fince the date of their charter for eftablifhing their colony ; out of which they had expended 8,202 / for that purpofe. The Colonifts were 376 Britilh, and 1 1 5 foreigners ; in all 491 perfons, fent by the charity; befide 21 mailers, and 106 fervants, gone at their own expence. Thus the whole number of perfons at that time embarked to fettle there, amounted to 618, of whith 320 were men, 113 women, io3 boys, and 83 girls. The Indian nations of Georgia were afterward attached to the Britilh fndian*. intereft ; therefore it may be proper here to give fome defcription of their ftate and manners, for the better explaining of thofe actions in which they were ulteriorly concerned, efpecially as this may be depended upon to be the mod natural and perfect account of thefe nations that has hitherto been delivered into the hands of the public. In this province there are three confiderable nations ; the firft called the Cherokees, inhabiting among the mountains from whence the River Savannah defcends : Thefe are not the moil warlike, nor of the larger ftature ; but are more accuHomed to labour and live upon the corn, than to procure their fuilenance by hunting: They have about 5000 warriors, or hunters ; for the Indian nations are divided into two kinds of men ; and thofe who they call warriors, or hunters, are like the ancient gentlemen of Europe, whofe fingle profeflion was arms and the chace. The fecond nation is the Chickafaws, a warlike and bold people ; large of ftature, patient of fatigues, and of generous and noble fentiments ; X 2 who IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) 1.0 ^^ ta «* m ■2.2 Sf |£0 12.0 1.1 ■IMU 6" .^' ">. :V^^> ^""^^^ ^14 V ^ ^^ ScMioes CarporatiQn ^ s> as WKt MAM STtm WttSTII,N.V. 14SW (71*)t7a-4503 ♦* .^^ ^ r 156 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. 1 who difputed the Mifllflippt River with the French, and, after many t>loody engagements, ftill kept pofleffion of the banks of that river, k> as to hinder the free communication of the French in Canada with thofe . of Louiiiana. The third nation are the Indians called Creeks by the Englifh, becaufe their country lies chiefly among rivers, which the American Englifli call Creeks ; but the real name of' thefe is Ufchefees : their language is the fofteft and mod copious of all the Indians, and is looked upon to be the radical language ; for they can make therofelves under-^ ftood by almoft all the other Indians of the continent : they are divided ' . into three people. Upper, Lower, and Middle Creeks ; the two formei^ governed by their refpe^ive chiefs, whom they -honour with a royal denomination ; yet they are neverthelefs, in the moft material part of their government, fubordinate to the chief of the latter, who bears an imperial title : their country lies between Spanifli Florida and the Che- rokee Mountains, and from the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulph of Mexico: They are a tall, well limbed people, very brave in war, and are, as it were, the Spartans of that part of the world ; being as much refpedted in the fouth, as the Iroquois are in the north part of America. Thefe Indians look upon the end of life to be, living happily ; and, for this purpofe, their whole cuftoms are calculated to prevent avarice, which they think imbitters life ; and nothing is a feverer reflexion «mong them, than to fay, that a man loves his own. To prevent the rife and propagation of fuch a vice, upon the death of any Indian, they bum all that belongs to the deceafed, that there may be no temptation for the parent to hoard up a fuperfluity of arms and domeftic conveniences for his children : They ftrengthen this cuftom by a fuperftition, that it is agreeable to the fouls of the deceafed to burn all they leave, and that afflidions follow thofe who ufe any of their goods. They cultivate no more land than is neceflfary for their plentiful fubfiflience and hofpitality to Grangers. They ufe neither horfes or ploughs in their agriculture ; but, inflead of plowing or digging, hoe their fields by common labour. The reft of the year they fpend in hunting ; and when they are injured by any neighbouring nation, as fuppofing one of their own nation to be killed, they fend to demand fatisfadion ; but if this is refufed, they make reprizals upon the firft they can take of the nation that committed the injury ; and thus thieir wars begin, which are very frequent,' and carried on with great rage ; there not being any people in the world who have more courage, or are more dexterous in the ike of their arms, and manner of fight, among woods and bufhes, moun- tains and fwamps ; nooe more patient of labour, or fwifter of foot. CHAP. -fi\-- I t GEORGIA. X57 CHAP. II. ■Hi-' The principal fettlementSt townSf inhabitants, and publi§ affairs ; the expe* dition againji Saint Auguftine in 1740 ; foil, produce, and trade, rr*OMOCHICHI, and the other Indian chiefs, rer form of government. i When Towns, '735- t 1736. 158 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. >'737' When theSpanifli court in 1737 ftUl aggravated their differences with the Engliih, Don Thomas Ceraldino, the Spanifh ambalTador at the court of London, prefented a mernorial, demanding all the land to thirty-three degrees and thirty minutes of north latitude in North America, and required the government tQ order the Engliih fubjeds to withdraw; but if this could not be done, inlifting that at lead no troops fhould be fent there; and particularly remonftrated againft the return of Mr. Oglethorpe, jjjrjuj. was then in England; for the (Spaniards dreaded the military abilities of thjit accoropliflied gentleman, who had ferved under the illuflrious Prince . Eugene, both as fecretary and aid-de-camp to his Highnefs in the Turkifli wars, and that at the particular recommendation of the great John Duke of Marlborough. At the fame time, intelligencfe was received from Commodore Dent, who commanded his Britannic Majefly's Ihips at Jamaica ; and from Go- vernor Bull, who commanded in Carolina, that the Spamards at the Ha- vanna * were preparing embarkations, and three thoufan^ men, to invade Carolina; whereupon his Britannic Majeily immediately appointed Mr. Oglethorpe general of his forces in Carolina and Georgia, ordered him to raife a regiment, and repair there. His Excellency arrived in time to prevent the execution of the Spanifh defigns, although a confiderable number of their troops had already got to Auguftine. 1739. When reprizals were known to have been publiihed by his Britannic Majefty againft the King of Spain, a party of the garrifon of Auguftine came up, and fuiprized two Highlanders upon the Ifland of Amelia, cue off their heads, and mangled their bodies with great inhumanity. General Oglethorpe went immediately in purfuit of them, and with fnch expedition, that he followed them, by land and water, above a hun- dred miles in lefs than twenty-four hours ; but they efcaped. The ge- neral, however, by way of reprizal, paffed the River Saint Mathea, or Saint John's, into Florida, drove in the guards of Spanifh horfe pofted upon that river, and advanced as far as a place called the Canallas ; at the fame time fending Captain T unbar with a party up the River Saint Mathea, to reconnoitre a fort called Pickalata, near that river, upon the lakes OE Florida, twenty miles from the fea, which they attacked, bu . were repulfed, having no artillery : however they accompliflied the in- tentions of General Oglethorpe, ^s they had well reconnoitred both that place and another fort, called Saint Francis, upon the fame lakes. * A port-town, and the capital city of the ifland of Cuba, fituated on the north -weft part of the ifland, at the entrance ot the Quiph of Mexico, about a^oomilca ilputh of Cape Florida. General GEORGIA. General Oglethorpe in January returned to Fitdiiicai Where he met with Captain Warren *, who was lately arrived with the Squirrel man of war. When their confultation was concluded, Captain Warren went and cruifed off the Bay of Auguftine, while General Oglethorpe* with a detachment of troops on board of the boats, and fome artillery, went up the lakes of Florida, rowing by day and failing by night; fo that he attacked the two forts of Pickalata and Saint Francis, which he took the fame day. From the information of the priibners, which confirmed the other accounts thie general had of the weak conditio^ of Auguftine, he fent up to Charles Town to defire the ailiftance of the people of Carolina, and to confult meafures with the commanders of the men of war, in order immediately to block up Auguftine before the Spaniards could receive provifions and affiftance from Cuba, which, if properly executed, the place muft be foou reduced in all probability. Auguftine was then the principal town of ftrength in Spanifli Floridat fituate at the mouth of the River Matanzas, about twenty leagues fouth of the River Saint Mathea, or Saint John's, the boundary of Geqigia. The Spanifti inhabitants had (hewn great indications of their inclination to in- feft the people of Gatoliirtia'; for, by ungenerous artifices, they had long been attempting to raife an infurredion among the flaves of that colony, which was effedcd in September 1^3^ } and twenty-three of the white in- halntants maflacred in a moft cruel and barbarous manner: but the pro- vinclal militia repdled the Indians, who were openly encouraged by the Spaniards, fo that the Britifti Colonifts looked ttpon Saint Auguftine in the fame manner thfcir mother-country had formerly done by the African Saliee, as a den df thieves and nrOiiihs, and the receptacle of debtors and flaves, to whom, by a proclamation publKhed at Auguftine, they had prcHnifed freedojn and prptedion, upon their defertion from the Engliflu Such a proceeding awakened the attention of all the inhabitants of CaroHna, where all thofe who 'had life and property at ftake were fenfibly fhocked at fuch a danger daily impending over their heads. To aggravate their concern, they had infc»tnatiOn that the remainder^ of the preparations made at the Havanna in 1737 fpr invading Carolina were (hen ready for ^hat purpofe. Prompted' by fufch ftrong incentives, the lieutenant-governor, the council, aflembly, and inhabitah'ts of Caro- Uv ..1,:ir • The late Sir' ftttr-Wkrrei!, an excellent officer. Ji; iiivvnyw Una, '^•9 1740. !f idp HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. lina, feemed very ready to aififk General Oglethorpe upon an enterprise to prominng of (uccefs, and fo likely to deftroy all their fears from the incurflons of the Spaniarda in thofe remoter parts of the Britifli North American continent. The Indian nations, before-mentioned, with difficulty were gained by General Oglethorpe to aflift in the war againft the Spaniards ; and the obftacle was fo much the more, beeaufe the Creeks had frequent inter- courfe and friendflnip with them; but the general, by fending them the marks of blood (hed by the Spaniards, and acquainting the Indians that the Spaniards had killed fome of his men upon the land which the Creekf had by treaty conceded to the Englilh i thofe Indians conceived them- felves injured in their right of hofpitality, and fent to demand juftice of the governor of Auguftine, who ill-treated their meflengers ; upon which they folemnly engaged to aflift the £ngli(h in the war againft their Spa- ni(h enemieS| When the war broke out, there was but one regiment of regular troops, confifting of fix hundred men, commanded by General Oglethorpe; and the country, to be then defended, was of above four hundred miles extent, upon the fea-coaft. In Carolina there was a militia of about three thouiand men; and the armed people of Georgia were about fifteen hun- dred ; but as there were about fisrty thoufand negro (laves in Carolina, it ■ was efteemed a difficult talk to contain fuch a number of negroes in thdr duty, if the Spaniards (hould a£hia]|y invade. General Oglethorpe therefore thought that the moft prudent way of de- fending fuch a great extent of country was, by attacking the Spaniards ; in which opinion the afi*embly of Carolina concurred ; for if that fmall body of troops were to be.dilperfed to defend all parts of the country, they would have been but a handful, eafily fubdued in each place ; and the flaves of Carolina might have revolted, if favoured by an invading enemy: but if the Britifii Colonifts adledofFenfively, the flaves would not be able, nor think of ftirring, when they faw their mafters had power to invade their enemies ; the Indians would join them, and the Spaniards be prevented from attacking, by being forced to defend. There ftilt fubfifted among the Spaniards in America a ftrong party for the Houfe of Auftria. Some of thefe were men of quality cf Mexico, and then officers in Auguftine, fent there beeaufe they were in difgrace; a command at that diftance being, among them, in the nature of a binifh- roent« General '■-Jf^ GEORGIA. General Oglethorpe had frequent intercourfe with Tome of thofe princi- pal officers, whom he had influenced intirely to his intereft ; and, at that time, received intelligence, by fome confiderable people in the garrifon of Auguftine, of the ftate and condition of the town, which was then in want of provifions, and their half-gallies were gone to Cuba to carry over men and provifions ; fo that the river of St. Auguftine was undefended, according to thofe accounts. General Oglethorpe, in January, acquainted the affembly, that if they could, by March following, join the troops upon the River Saint Mathea, or Saint John, with fix hundred white men, a troop of horfe, another of rangers, and fix hundred negroes for pioneers, with a proper train of artillery and necefTaries, as they had promifed to do, there might be a probability of taking Auguftine; at leaft a certainty pf preventing the Spaniards from undertaking any thing againft Carolina, provided the men of war would block up the port of Auguftine from receiving fuccours by fea. When General Oglethorpe imparted this material intelligence to the aftembly of Carolina, they voted to fupport him with a fum of money equal to what was wanted ; but delayed fo long, that the general was obliged to go up himfelf to Charles Town and haften them in their refo- lutions. Captain Warren came alfo into the port of Charles Town with his fquadron, to confult meafures for the expedition; but the aflembly, through their fupinity and inadivity, delayed them fo long, that the month of March was pafled before they had concluded any thing ; fo that by the time they had pafled their aft, and before they would permit the general to fet out, the ftiip of war, which had been pofted there until Captam Warren*s return, left the ftation off the bar of Auguftine, and the half-gallies got into the harbour, with fuccours of proviftons and men from the Havanna ; which was certainly the principal thing that contributed to the prefervation of the place. Captain Warren, uninformed of the arrival of the gallies, went and lay off the port of Auguftine, to prevent their coming in ; but, in the dark of a calm night, iir half-gallies came out from Auguftine, and attacked hint, to his great furprize. Notwithftanding the great fuperiority they had, by the weight of their cannon, which carried double the ftiot his guns did, the number of their men, and the advantage a calm gives to rowing Teffels, Captain Warren defended himfelf beyond all expe^ation or hope; Vol. U, Y but i6i i62 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. but the wind fprung up in the morningi when he funk one of the gallieSf and drove the others into port. General Oglethorpe fet out from Charles Town, greatly dlfgufted at the dilatory proceeding of the afTemblyt which was influenced by the Spanifh party, and had confined him fo long from the proper tinle for ac^ tion : but upon his arrival in Georgia, he immediately draughted five hundred men out of his regiment, and I'.ft the reft to take care of the coaft : he alfo raifed a company of one hundred men from the highland part of the colony, two troops of rangers of fixty men each, and one hundred boatmen from the other inhabitants. The general croflfed Saint John's River, with a party of his regiment, and fome Indians, as did thofe headed byMolochi, fon to Brim, the late emperor of the Creeks ; the Raven-War-king of the Cherokees ; and Tooariahowi, aephew to King Tomo-Chichi. They landed in Florida upon the loth of May, expediting the levies and pioneers from Carolina. They not arriving, and as the firft thing neceffary to be done, was to take the forts that kept open the communication of the Spaniards with the country, the general, impatient of lofing time, after a march of thirty miles, invefted and took Fort Diego, about three leagues from Auguftine, among mea- «l^ dpws which were well ftocked with cattle, and commanded a pafs upon the River Diego, half-way between Auguftine and the River Saint Mathea. After, a fmart iklrmiih for fome hours, the garrifon furrendered prifon- ers of war, and delivered up the fort, with eleven pieces of cannon. The garrifon confifted of a captain, and fifty-feven regidars, befide Indians and negroes, who dreaded the attack. Soon after, four hundred men, commanded by Colonel Vander Duflen, arrived from Carolina ; but without any horfe, rangers, negroes, or pio- neers. About that time arrived a body of Cherokee Indians; as alfo Captain Dunbar, with a party of Chickefaws, and the rangers and High- landers from Georgia, under Captain M'Intofli. In the mean while, Commodore Pierce in the Flamborough, Captain Warren in the Squirrel, Captain Fanihaw in the Tartar, and Captain Townihend in the Phoenix, of twenty guns ; with Sir Yelverton Peyton in the Hedlor, of forty guns. Captain Laws in the Spence, and Captain Dandridge in the Wolf (loop, arrived ofi^ Saint Mathea, or Saint John's River, to aflift upon the expedition. The general went on board the commodore, " 9 GEORGIA. commodor^i viUqre a confultatba was held, and it was agreed to anchor off Auguftine, and to attempt an entry into the harbour. The general immediately marched by land, and in three days arrived at Moofa, a fort which the Spaniards had built for the defer ted negroes from Carolina, and given them feme adjoining lands. His Excellency made a forced march, with a fmall detachment, becaufe he had received private intelligence from his party among the Spaniards, that he might have the town deli- vered to him i but he infifted upon hoftages from them before he would rifque to fend a party into the caftle to take poflfeflion of it. They had agreed to this propofal, and appointed the place of meeting near to Coovo, in a wood, about a mile from Auguftine, and two miles from Moofa. The general went there, with a feledt party of men, who continued there until the appointed time was long elapfed ; but as no perfons appeared, the general went to reconnoitre as far as the works of Auguftine, and found that the lines from Cbovo to the town were all full of troops, very alert ;. fo that finding the dcfign difappointed, though then not knowing how, he returned to his party, ordered the drums to beat, that thofe who had promifed him might know that he had not failed on his fide, and theo mariched back to Moofa. Upon the break of day, the general faw that the men of war did not come into the harbour, and the provifions that were to come up had not arrived, upon which his Excellency marched back to the head-quarters at Diego, and fent on board the commodore to know what had occafioned the difappointment of their not qiaflering the harbour. The commodore acquainted htm, that there was a battery upon the ifland of Anaflafia, which defended the entry; therefore he defired the general to fend a body of troops to land, under favour of the men of war, upon the ifland ; and he would fend the ^all veiTels into the harbour, which was too fhal- low to admit the men of war. The general then marched to the t!^ and embarked with a party of two hundred men. He had before k - ^he highlanders, rangers, and a party of Indians, under Colonel Palmer, with orders to lie in the woods near Augufline, and hinder the Spanifh partier. from coming out by land ; but with pofitive or4ers not to come to any general a£i:ion, if they could avoid it; nor to lie two nights in the fame place. His Excellency alfo pofled the Carolina, new raifed men at Point Cartel, which makes the mouth of the harbour oppofite the ifland of Anaflafia ; and this he did, becaufe they would be fafe there, being divided from Augufline, and covered from any fally that could be made by the garrifon. The general then came up to the commodore, with whom he held a confultation ; after Y 2 which, i6^ » /'^ i64 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. # Tvhlch, Captain Warren generoiifly offered to land, with a party of Tea- men ; and} to prevent all difficulties of rank} the general gave him a com- miifion to command as lieutenant-colonel. The Spaniards made i difpofition to defend the ifland; for they had' ' about I loo men in garrifon, out of which they could pafs over as many as they thought proper to Anaftafia ; but the Englifh had not boats enough to land above 500 men at once. The general, however, refolved to carry the landing. He faw the Spaniards were advantageoufly pofled behind the fand-hills, covered by the battery upon the ifland, and the fire from the half-gallies, which lay in fhoal-water, where the men of war could not come ; therefore his Excellency ordered the heavy boats to ftay, and feem as if they intended to land near them, while he, with Captain War- ren and the pinnaces, rowed with all the fpeed they could tp the fouth- ward, for about two miles. The Spaniards ran behind the fand hills to ftrive to prevent them ; but before they could come up in any order, the boats got near enough to, the (hore. The general and Captain Warren, with a party of feamen and Indians, leaped into the water breafl-high, landed, and took poiTeffion of the fand-hills. The Spaniards retired m the utmofl confufion to the battery; but were purfued fo vigoroufly, that they were drove out of the battery into the fea; fome fheltering themfelves on board the half-gallies, which retired under the caflle of Auguftine* while the Englifh boats and fmall craft entered the harbour. Being maflers of Anailafla, it was found that the river which runs be- tween that ifland and the caflle, near which the town lies, was too wide to batter in breach ; but the town was not ^tified on the water-fide, as the Spaniards were convinced that the ifland could not be taken, and ex- peded the attack to have been from the land-fide, where they were well fortified and prepared for defence. It was then refolved to attempt to crofs the river, and land near the town. What the general had faid was now proved, '* that if the attempt had been begun before the half-gallies came froqa Cuba, the Englifh troops would have found no difficulty in landing on that part of the town where no entrenchments were made; but now the half-gallies were a floating battery, in a wide ditch ; fo that there was no poffibility of landing, without firfl taking or driving them away.'* Many confultations paflled for this purpofe, biit none could tak« effed, although General Oglethorpe oflFered to attack the enemy with the boats of the fquadron. ' 4 little GEORGIA. Utile hopes were then conceived but from famine; for the Spaniards, who were in the Auftrlan interest and intended to deliver up that place, had been fuijpe^ted, if not difcovered; and it is ftrongly fufpeAed, by the means of a field-officer, afterward puniihed in England for exhibiting a malicious charge agajfifl his general *. This was one great difappoirit- ment ; but the half-gallies and fuccours got in from Cuba was a much greater impediment. Thirty-fix pieces of cannon, together with plonks for batteries, and all other neceflfaries, with i(oo pioneers, were to have come from Carolina, but only twelve pieces of cannon arrived ; which, for want of planks for batteries, being obliged to fire upon the fand, foon broke their carriages to pieces, and could not be repaired. The Spaniards, on the other fide, had furprized the party fent to watch them under Colonel Palmer, who had indifcreetly, and againft orders, lodged themfelves, and continued in the fort of Moofa, which the general had demolilhed, purpofely that no refuge (hould be taken in fo weak a place. Befide, this detachment was intended for a fcouting party, to ihun any engagements, and prevent the Spaniards from driving cattle into the town. / The Spaniards took feveral prifoners at Moofa, bafely infulted the bodies of the dead, and would have inflidled cruelties on their prifoners; one of whom was an Indian, named Nicolaufa* whom they delivered over to the Yaeaflfee Nation, to burn him alive; but General Oglethorpe, on that account, fent a drum, with a meflage to the governor from the Indian King of the Cherokees, acquainting him, that if he burnt Nicolaufa he would burn a Spanifh horfeman whom he had taken prifoner : the gene- ral alfo mentioned, *' that as the governor was a gentleman and a man of honour, he was perfuaded that he would put an end to the barbarous ufage of that country; and expeded, from the generofity of a Spanifh gentle- man, he would prevent infuits to the bodies of the dead, and cruelties to prifoners : and he rather wiihed it, left he ihould be forced, much againft his inclination, to retaliations, which the governor muft know he was very able to make, fince his prifoners greatly exceeded thofe made by the Spaniards.** Upon which, the governor fubmitted not to hurt Nicolaufa, i * It is ccrtsun thofe old Spanilh revolutionifta were dete£^ed in their deftgn to deliver up the caftle tQ General Oglethorpe, as above-mcntioiied } but before the time of meeting, as appointed, the Spaniih gentlemen were maflacred in the caftle, to the eternal difgrace of fome perfoni whom General Oglethorpe had honoured with hi* confidence, and a principal officer in bis own regiment.. though l6s ;^- l66 HISTORY OF BHITirH AMERICA. though the Soanifli Indians pretended to charge him with d«rcrtioB. It was agreed) that the Indians on both fides fliould be treated as priibhers of war; fo that an end might be put to their barbarous cuftom of burn* ing the unhappy wretches that uafortunately fell into their hands. General Oglethorpe continued bombarding the place until the regular troops came over from the ifland to the land-fidct and the Carolina militia were removed from Cartel to Anaftafia. It was agreed, on the 23d of June* that Captain Warren, with the boats from the men of war, the two 0oops hired oy General Oglethorpe, and the Carolina veflcls, with their militia, ihould attack the half-gallies ; and that, upon a fignal given* the general ihould attack the trench^ upon the land-fide. This was a defperate meafiu'e; yet it was purfued; for the whole troops belonging to the befiegers, including even the feamen, were much inferior in number to the garriibn. The town was aUb covered on one fide by a caitie, with four bafiions and fifty pieces of cannon, from whence they run an entrenchment, flanked with feveral faliant angles, to Fort Coovo, which lay upon the River Saint Sebaftian. This eatrencbmeut crofifed the neck of land from the River Anaftafia to that of Saint Sebaf- tian, and intirely covered the town from the land. Upon this, the|;ene- ral drew in all the ftrength he poflibly could, and fent for the garriwn he had left at Diego. Being joined by diem and the Creek Indians, and having made a fuffident number of fafcines, ihort ladders, provided all other neceifaries for attadcing the eotmochments, and brought up thirty- fix cohorns, he recdved Qotice that the commodore had xefolved to delay the attack. Sickneis had fpread among the troops, and thecommodose was obliged to quit the coaft. Hie Spaniards had recdved a ftrong reinforcement from Cuba ; and upon this, all hopes of taking the place by famine ceafed. The fquadron failed ; the Carolina troops marched away, and the general brought up the rear. The garrifon made an unfuccefsful fally : but the general demoli(hed the Sjpanifh forts, which were ereded in proper pafles to hinder the invafions of the Credc Indians., whereby all the plantaitions ^ were deflroyed and laid open; fo'that the Spaniards could not pofTeis any thing out of the reach of the cannon of Auguiline. In the year 1702, Colonel Moor, then governor of South Carolina, in- vaded Florida with a much greater force than that commanded by General Oglethorpe ; GEORGIA. Oglatliorpe; and after he had invcfted AuguAine fbr three months, vru ^obliged to r«ife the fiege. But though General Oglethorpe was defeated in his principal aim, he fucceeded in his other views, which were to inti- midate the Spaniards from invading Georgia or Carolina, and to give thofe provinces the feafonable and happy opportunity of enjoying their properties, free and undifturbed from the invafion of a revengeful enemy. The Spaniards, indead of making continual excurfions, dreaded the abi- lities of fo able a commander, and remained inactive within their own territories until the year 1 742, when they oolledted a powerful body of troops, and invaded Georgia, where they (;pmmitted many ravages, but were obliged to quit their enterprize, by the bravery and conduct of Ge- neral Oglethorpe. As the latitude of Georgia is between 99^ and 39*^, it fliews the hap- pinefs of the climate and foil for planting and habitation. The foil con- iifts of four different forts; pine-barren, which is a (andy foil; oak and hickory, which is good land, fit for mofl forts of grain ; fwamps, which, lying low, are clay or fat mud, and is the richeft and beft ; favannas, where wild grafs and cane are plentiful, and alfo good grafs in many places for feeding cattle, which are much increafed in the colony. There is a good proportion of all thefe forts of lands.; but the higher in the country the better. Befide, the foil has alfo been found proper for all kinds of Engliih grain, as well as moft of the European and Aiiatic fruits. They have white oaks, beech, pines, cedar, elms, walnut, chefnuts, cyprefs; myrtles, vines, and mulberry trees. Among their commodities are, pitch and tar, hemp and flax, pot-afh, bees-wax, myrtle-wax, bear*s- oil, furs, (kins, and leather ; drugs, limples, and dyers goods of feveral forts ; as alfo Indian corn, and European grain ; vegetables and fruits. The colony was fpeedily and populoufly inhabited ; and the Indians fupplied it annually with 10,000/^. weight of deer-ikins, beavers, and other furs, which were chiefly paid for in woollen goods and iron of the produce and manufadure of England : befide, the colony gave the flrongefl indications of amply rewarding her mother-country, with a confiderable produce of filk, cochineal, indigo, olives, oil, and cotton ; as alfo wine, if properly cultivated. The raifing of the (ilk manufadure is practicable even in Great Bri- tain, but much more fb in her American colonies, particularly Georgia and 1^7 i68 HISTORY OF BRITISH AME&ICA. and Carolina, where both the climate and foil are excellently well adapted to the nature of the filk-worm, and the propagation of the mulberry tree, whofe leaves are the natural food of this infe£k{ infomuch that thiey have been often found feeding thereupon naturally or ifpontaneoufly. It was principally upon account of proinoting this branch of triade that the colony of Georgia wss originally eftabliihed ; and the Britiih govern- ment annually granted a coi^derable fum of money for tha^-nurpofe: but in 1 751 the truftees refigned^their right to the crown, and mc province is now a royal propriety. In the year 175^: no lefs than 104,682 barrels of rice were exported from Carolina and Georgia; befide many other commodities, as before- mentioned : and upon the iyho!e it appears, that about 800 (hips have been annually employed to all the Britiih provinces upon the continent of North America) which may be greatly increafed. THE V \ )f.fra THE "mm - !^' HI ST O k Y ^Un-V-ThA .Tit, •■,';, , . O F T H E B I^ |,T I S H EM PI R E IN A, NOR T H A ME R I C A. ^''n■ :v BOO K X. The Hiftory of FLbRlDA; Containing its original and prefeiU JIate. THE Spaniardls gaye originally the r^ime of Florida to ^\ tliat part of the cont^ment of North Amena^t which lies north of the Qi^ph of Mexico* and! bpun^d on tKe eafl: by the Atlantic Ocean: but this country now is Renown by many different names, as before ddcribed. Within thefe limits, according to the Spailiih claim, were included moft of the Britiih G)lonies in ISiortK America; as alfo thofe countries which the FfvnchjJIii^ye.id^nQinjinatedLouiliana an^ Wew France. But all that retains thf, naiinie of F)lorida at prefent is that pentnfUla between the xolony of , Georgia and Ctipe Florida, iri 25? and 30** of north latitiidi^, and8i?ani §5° of weft longitude. ; , Auguftii^.Ai?4 F^f^^^S^pIa were and '^k the principal places in this |>ro^ vicice, which was ceded to the Britifli Crown by the treaty pf ^ace in 1769* and s^fterwardfubdiwded'into.two provinces. '' With regard to that part of Florida,' confining on the Gulph of Mexico, it appears that the Crown of Great Britain had ad indubitable right to it, „!, T^OL. II. ' Z ' ever .170 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. ever (ince the reign of Henry VII. by yrhofe commifEon Sebaftian Cabot difcovered all this coaft. 7 -^ ^ ' . -j ' . ' •, ■ 1 ■• The air of Florida is temperate, arid the country fome^hat healthful ; but it is fubjeA more to heat than cold; though this is tempered by the fea-breezes ; and toward the Apdaabi^n mountains, the air is generally cold. ^^ J. IThlf jtoa^ is Cpidy in geniBif 1, but- the iateriof part of tl:^ coiynlry jbts an excellent foil» where meadows abound with grafs, ind fields are fertile of grain. The natives are rough and indelicate In their manners and cufloms; like Qlher indiafis, ^theyj|re i4okiter» and lavages... Penfacola is a fafe port, and has a communication by land with Apala- chy. It was taken in 17 19 by the French*, but afterward rcftored to Spain, and now fubjeA to the J^ritUh, government, by whom it was claimed in 1739, and obtained in 1763, when it was divided into the two provinces of Eaft and Weff Florida, as will be afterward fhewn. The colonies of Penfacola and Dauphin Ifland were on the decline in 1719 ; the inhabitaott. having reqioved to iettle at I^obile and Biloxi, or at New Orleans, where the lands were much better; for at firft the foil is <;hiieEy >d ot tehfacolals the dh^y good ^t thereabout |bjr large ihipa, and Ship Ifland for.fmaJl veflelsi, which may ride in fafety in fifteen £e(^, and a good hol4ing groui^d; the other irarts.ari; all only ifj^, r99f\^ qcpofed to the fouth, and from weft to eaft, \2' v^ ^t^en^ol^ is in north latitude 30^ 25'; and is the only r6lid Ipi the Bay of ^^raico wliere ibips can be fafe from all winds. It is landlocked on every iide, and will hold a great number of (hips, which have good an^ chorage in holding ground of foft fand, and from twenty-five to ttiirty** ffJW iijct of wal;(r^ ^c^9*^c. * ^}J? *Aters the b^^rbou^^ fhe fhould bring the fort of PenlafM^i to, j^^^tw as they enter upon the bar ; then keep the courfe above-mentioned : but fometimes the currents fet very ftrong out of the road ; of which particular care ihould be taken, to prevent veflels being carried upon thofe rocks. As there is but half a foot rifing on the bar of Penfacola, every (hip of war, if it be not in a ftorm, may depend upon nineteen or twenty feet of water to go into the harbour, as there are twenty-one feet on the bar : but fliips that draw twenty feet muft be towed in. The French took Penfacola from the Spaniards in 1 719 ; but have given different accounts of the country, and much has been faid of it, particu** larly that it can never prove beneficial, becaufe the French have made fo little of it. No country can produce any thing without labourers; which, it is cer- tain, the French have never had in Louifiana, in any numbers at leaft, fufficient to make it turn out to any greater account than it has hitherto doue. The reafon of this appears not to be owing to the country, but to their proceedings and mifcondu£l: in it : by which means the French had few people in Louifiana, but convidis for ciimioal offences, who, looking on the country only as a place of exile, were diiheartened at every thing in it ; and had no regard for the progrefs of a colony, of which they were only members by compulfioh ; and neither knew nor confidered its advan- tages to the fiate*. The Cape of Florida lies in 25 degrees 20 minutes of north latitude, and in 80 degrees twenty minutes of weft longitude. * Lava}. BcUin. Charlevoix. 171 Z 2 THE * .L mt\ ^T"?;;? '"■' nm\ A h .1 (f r "Ui^^ : •r tW rjjnrf^u!) ).:.- -.^i X THE HISTORY' O F T H E B R IT IS H E UP I R E IN NORTH A M E R I G A. BO O K XI. The Hiftory of L U IS I A N A. C H A P. I. Geographical dejlriptiw of tautfianay its c/imate^ rivirf, foiU frft difio" ' •very^ andfettlemetit by the FKrtw'A. ' ''< LOUISIANA 18 tiigt part of North America iwhich is bounded oh the fouth by ttie/GuIphbf Mexico; on the eaft bjr Carolina, ^nd by a part or^nadf V ;P>^ the weft byJNew Mexico; and much by Canada on tHe tior^/ t^ part ir'exteijids. ^^^ aflignable bounds, tp th^ Ttrra JM^ifit, A^^^ Bay. Its breadth is aboiit two huodr^ajii^agye^, e^ii^ten^in^^ befw^bn the Spaniilh ahd Englifh fettlements; tut itsJenjgth is un(^ptcrrhine4» ' as being altogfether unknown ; howevei', the Iburce of the Miffiiiippi will afford fome Tight on this head. This »s tbc,?i^<^Ut gjyen by a mbdern writer % who refided in Louifiapa ftVera! y^rt^ ' Afcojrding to Siavar^^^ larjgef trati of land extends itpwiitji of, dghteen '^undred'leagues, and^ fifas received the ham6 of - libuirtatial be^ CftufedifcQir^red by. the French, in -the reign of Louis Xiy. but other <• i ' "a. > i • rj; • Du Pratz, vol. i. p. 20o> « . I. >;!! aui^ri ■fi.! .*< 174* HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. authors differ about the boundaric*, i^rhjich fome fay are too extenlive to be known ; while others aflert the contrary. The climate of Louifilana Vi'rits in '^oport^n as if extet1id| to the north: but all that can be faid of it iv general is, that its fouthe'm parts are not fo fiiltry as thofe of Africa in the fame latitude; and that the northern parts are colder than the corr( fponriing parts of Europe. This difference of climate from that of Africa and Europe has been afcribed to two caufes: the firft is, the number of«>woo(^a, which, although- fcatt«r«d lup and dow^ cover the face of this country: khe fccbnd is^ thcgreatinurruber of Hvetai ■ I'he former prevent the fun from warming the earth ; and the latter diffuie a great degree of humidity. Few days pafs in Louifiana without feeing the fun ; but there are fre- queotly fu(dden [fho^fers of h«ivy r^n : thi^^^Wa* are 15 v^^ pifewiful, that they often advantageouUy fupply the deficiency of ram. It may therefore be well iinagined, that the air is very good, the inhabitants healthy, and fubjedl to few 4UeafeS| efpedallyin the vigour of life. The rivers in thi^ coi;in|ry are« i . The Mifliffippi^ which divides it from north to foiith almoft'into two equal p>^>' Tfifeifirft difcoverers of this river called it Colbert, in honour of that minifter: but by fome favages of the north it was called Mea^tChaflipi* or the ancient father of rivers ; of which the French have corruptly formed Miffifipi, or MiSifm Opf«v. Other Indians caUe4 it BfJbaAcha; apd thex^uoe of,SaiKit liouu was at laft given to it b^,|hj|^>Fr^nc)i. j ' \ . ) v> cuyP^p fources of.thii river w«^ difcovered by M. d^ CharlcvillCtA Can^ 4ian^ and are now well know^. H^ wejU up th<; rlver^thr^e.huodr^ leagiies to the north, above the Illinois', where he was ftdp|)ed'b;^ tHe faU cdile^, Saint A ntho^y *«, whi^h is a flat rock acrofs the ftreii^s, UJat git(^ it only a fall of about njne feet. He ca0(ed H!^ caiu>e to lie carried ovii^ th^t plac^, embarlcfd again above the fall, and proceeded farthi^'up th6 river one hundred leagues more to the north, and ihet With a natfoii called Sioux, who were furprized at feeing him there, and told hitn 6f th^ dif« Acuities of his enterprize, becaufe it was as far to the iburce iProm the ftl) «s from the laft.to the ^9.. He 4id not fee the fdurcie 6f the Miffifflppi; but leaxnedt^at^g^atmainy rivers emptied their w^^ '^ a. ThcRiverSaintPeteristhefirft from the '^a^lY^aiidi^^^^^ lower down is, 3. the River Saint Croix ; both of them capacious (^^^ajpi^i and feveral others are met with of lefs cbnlequence. 4. The Moingona, ■'%i,'' re to LOUISIANA. 'Moiiigotia, which comet from the weft, about 950 leagues below the fall ; it is feme what brackiih, and above 150 leagues in length. 5. The Illi- nois comes from the eaft; takes its rife on the frontiers of Canada, and its courfe is about abb leagues. 6. The Miflburi comes from a foarce about 800 leagues diftant ; runs from north-weft to fouth-eaft, and dif- charges itfelf into the MUfiflippi, about four leagues below the Illinois; from which to the Tea are computed about 500 leagues ; and from the Mifiburi to the Wabache an hundred le^ues. This laft is more gene- rally known by the name of the Ohio, by vfhkh is the paflage from Loinfiana to Canada. This voyage is performed from New Orleans by going up the Miffiffippi to the Ohio, which tht/ go up in the fame man- ner quite to the river of the Miamis* near Lake Erie, from whence they ,go down the Hiver Saint Lawrence to Quebec in birch canoes. ;l ,. Prom the Ohio to Manchac upon the River Iberville, there are few .rivors to;be feen which fall into the Miffifllppi, and thofe fmall ones, altho* it is about 350 leagues from one to the other; which appears fomewhat extraordinary: but it ihould be remarked, that in all this part of Loui- fianai which is to the eaft of the Miffiffippi, the adjacent lands are fo high, that in many places the rain-water runs otf from the banks of the Miffiffippi, and difcharges itfelf into rivers, which fall into the fea or into lakes. In continuing to go down the Miftiffippi, there are fmall rivers from the Wabache to the river of the Arkan&s. 7. The nioft conftderable is that of Saijit Francis, upon which the hunters of New Orleans go every winter to prepare fait provifions, tallow, and bear's oil for the fupply of the capital. / 8. The river of the Arkanfas, which is thirty-five leagues lower down, gious number of trees, and great quantities of dead wood, which the river carries down. Louifiana may be divided into the higher and lower, on account of the difference there is between the two principal parts of this extenfive coun- try. The higher might be called that part in which they find a fine free- ftone, particularly between the river of the Natchez and that of the Ya- fous; and that part might be terminated at Manchac, where the high lands end. The Lower Louifiana might be extended from thence down to the fea. The bottom of the lands on the hills is a red clay; and ib* compact as might afford a folid foundation for any building whatever. This clay is covered by a light earth, which is almoft black, and very fertile. The grafs. grows there about knee deep; and in the bottoms, which feparate thefe final! eminences, it is above fix feet high. Toward the end of September, both are fucceflively fet on fire; and in eight or ten days the young grafs will (hoot up half a foot. The flat country is watery, and appears to have been formed by every thing that comes down to the fea, whofe bottom is a chryftal fand. The month of September is thebeft feafon in the year for beginning a journey into this country, when travellers will meet with fine plains, in- Vol. IL A a termixed lyy ti 1 "»■ ^ -.' (* t^ HISTOnT 09 91ITfSH AMERICA. ttrmistd ivitk tbUlctiA} iii^ dtUfkiful mmAfim% 'mnCfnkA m\ik biU«. Tke siore dmj vdmuice tawti tki npitli. the iiorr UwiiifiU 9»A fortilt Uic couatiy «ppctn» tlwiiiMlipg in pnm of tftiy liiafl< T|i« 1i«i49 9^: deer are numeroui i and biiiilow art firoiliMlitlyiMn kfm iv« to fis hmr dred in a drove. The coaft, ytKuM vai ffft inlNiMted, tRtdpii firom thfl IU«fr Ptf«U4ci IP ilie Lake of Sai«t Loqii. Thii. gwund U tefy iaj|<^i fi» «« nf)t ip pvQr dttoe any thiog W pine) codai^ and iwne tvei>grcon caln. Tke Mobile roU» itt watcri orer a piic« land i but iti Wnki and nfigV* bourbeod are mM veiy ftfftilcliMi it! fiMifCc dawa t(^tbe fiea. Tbelande and water of the Mobile are not only unfruitful la att llindt of TfgftaWe^ and fifhf but the nature of the waters and foil contributes alfo to prevent the iMiltiflicatioii of asiiaali* Fron the fovieaa «f thePtika OgaviM to Uiolt ef Q^^MkA«> the kml» are light and icrttte s b«Y ioaifwMt gf a^^» on asi»»vq| of tibe neigh- iaws, very fine* an4fceliM al)dM kith teignet gdiftg up Ae MiSiSj^ ; M the ditniice of which M a bar, about three -fourthi of a league broad. . All the weft eoaft ^efemttei thit ^mth MeibUe lo the Bay t>f Stint Louis : it ik eqttaUt ftat ind Qmdff, fotiktA i^ i bair «f ifltt, which lehgtlieh out the coaft, and obiihid a deicent. The co*ft eontihuei fhus to Aibeil- fion Bay, where the fell affordi a gebetal proTpeCt of fteriUty. New drleMn i% the capital of the colbhy, and h fituiited oil Hie eaftdf the Mifflffiptoik wheie the foil it gdbd, biit rather to6 mtich of lin oozy quality; ana from thence to Manclwe the lands are of the faiiiie kind. To the weft above the Fork the lands ate flat, but fttt from ifKUnda- tions. To the eaft the lands are higher, Witlf a light mould iboat three feet in depth. All thilft high knds ai^e generally meadot^, and forefts of lofty tttes, with grafs up to the knee : along OulKes they prote to be thidcets, in which wood contai& foMe pi^ictihir tiAtiei, Louifiana ih giMehil eonuins agMiat deil of faltpetre, and all clbven>- iboted ahinnfe are extremely fond of fait : and thus it is hot to be won- dered a^, if the buflfialo, «lk, and^eer, hate a grei[ter inclination to fome places than to others, though they are frequently hunted there. ^fhe French fort of the^hiteiches is built upon an ifland, formed by the Red Riferr ^but this Hiand is ^H of land, and fit only for raifing potatoes, pompions, and maize. At thedillnlce of feven leagues firom the French poft, the Spaniards Ibttled ^e, %here they refided a long time. Above the Nachitoches dwdl the Csdbdaquious, whofe fdattered villages afluwe different names ; and ne^r one of thefe were fbme good ligns Of a filver mine, whofe metal iieacofnodiled bftmdl invifible particles, in a ftone of a chefnut colour, A a a fpongy, »;^ -w ,ao HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. fipongy, light* and cafily calcinated} howerer, it ii ikiU to yield more than it (hewi. . The Black Rirer diTcharget itfelf into the Red* ten leaffuei above the confluence of this laft with the MiMippi. The lands to the noeth of the Red River may be diftinguiflied into two parti* which are on both fides the Black River, as far as the Arkanias. It is called the Black River, be- caufe its depth gives it that colour, which is heightened by the woods that line it throughout the cok>ny. All the Rivers have their banks co- .vered with woods ; but this river, wluch is narrow, is almoft covered by the branches, and rendered of a dark colour on the firft view. Tht lands found in goinjg; up the Black River are much the fiune, as well for the nature of the (oil as the goodnefs of their qualities. They are rifing grounds, extending in length, and in general may be confidered as one very extenfive meadow, diverfified with little groves, and cut only by the Black River and little brooks, bordered with wood up to their • iburces, where buflFaloes and deer are feen in numerous herds. About thirty leagues up the Black River is a brook of fait water, which comes from the weft; and near it are fome lakes of fait. Between the Red River and that of the Arkanfas are fome quarries of marble and flate : but fome connoiflfeurs have been difitppointed as to their expe^ed diico«> very of particles of gold, and fpars or emeralds. The river of the Arkanfas is ftored with fi(h; ha# much water, with a courfe of two hundred and fifty leagues, and can carry large boats up to the fall, where it receives the White River, which difchaiges itfelf into the curve. In the whole north trad of the Arkanfas are plains that exr tend out of fight, interfe&ed by groves, and plentiful of .game, as buffa- loes and deer. Though this country has very extenfive plains, yet it has fome hilly grounds ; and in approaching New Mexico, fome mountains are Seen oi a confiderable altitude. Thirty leagues above the river of the Arkanias is the Riv«r Saint Fran- cis, on. the. fame fide oi the Miffiffippi and to the north.. The .adj(>ii but foeh as ticr«r want to proceed dive^y to the fea, go down the Miamis into the Ohio, and from thence into the Miffi^p^i. The whole tdtftitfeik iidt^ 4S( the river of the ^Itiois wa4 ftot much frequented by the Pretich ; but the ji^t extent of Lbuifiana iticlined them to thtbk that there were mftiea of iuver and lead ; if (oy ittm muft confer quently be there; aftd U DyuiliaAa is now a ^vince ceded to the Britifh crowii, fuch flfitteft dttght to be vigilantly fot^ht after in that colony. The Fre ftaiies of rockHof ftal ; quarries-of marUe and Site. ** But widi Kegaid to the aegligenoe that the Frefich feem to have ^wn in fearchifig ror ihefe mines, and in diggii^ them, we ought to take due notice, that in order to open a filver mine, for example, you muft advance at leaft 100,000 crowns befcne you can «acpe£t to get a penmy of profit from it; and that the people m tUte oountvy are not in a condition to be at any fuch chaige. Add to this, that the inhabitftflts are too ignorant of thefe mines^ and the Spaniards are too difcreet tb inftrud them ; and the French in Europe were too btckwatd and timorous to engage in fuch an undertaking : yet it u cmaio, that the thing hid been itreuMly done, and that km&e) particuho- vedfoils had cttvfed k t6 1« laid afide V* When the Spaniards had Ibntiedfttelemeiits Upon the great Antilles, they foon attempted to make difcoveries abour the Mexican Crulph, about the year 1580: out the Fi«neh fettled there in 1564, under ReiWi dc Lau*- donniere, who built Fort Carolin, whofe ruins are (Ull to be feen above the fort of Pen^oola f ^ where the Spaniards ifiurdered the French; tflich infult was revenged by M; de ObdrgM ki 1/67, who attacked the Spattfli •I8«ra1fe Da Pmt, «6l. i. p. J64; t ** FortCatblin was the rame with Skint AiigAiKne." DtLaet. forts, — ^..-.J t0l6« ite. LOUISIANA, fynii W^nAn^of^ hftijgcd other*, j»4 ictvrned tp France j «fier which the Spaniards repoflefled the whole. VfOSk thgt ^m» (1^4 ?r;eqch (eepned to hare r^wquiihed all attempts Qpoo ths^t 9m^l b^t Jrle^^qepi^f A FrancUqta fri4r, look an opportupity ^ IngratUtipx hiepifi^f Wt^h the Indians, travelled oyer the country, and e«Ued it jUuiA«9a* Providence living facilitated hia return to Ginada> his gavf the |Bu# advaptageons succQvifit of all he had feen : in con&quence ^tF(K>f, M' dflila $|}|f made his diiipoveries in 1679, returned to France,, and renewed them in 1685 ; foon after which he was murdered in a revolt. It was gtn^raliy reported, LouiHana waa fuch 9 plentifid. country, tha( maay f)^QQ^ frpin Can^a came to fettle there : >ut the cqun^ w^4 ^Q^ fettled till M. de !n>eryille went there in 1698, and made the 6r|l: fettleiueat on the River Mc^e, with all the facility U^a,t could be wifhed» hut iu progrefs proved 9o^7 The colony w;u thejii ^r?nted to M* Cnoat; 9^4 M. de la Motte Cadillac arrived as governor in' 17 ( 3, wheji^ tUe colony was in great diftrefs; becaufe it was impoflible for it to do the laborioua works, aud q^]ce the firft advaqees, alwaya requiiite i|& thfrMUmd?* • ,■■- ^'i-^ • T^ SpM^iacd^ were jealous of the Freiu:h, and foxipa^d a fe^len^nt at ^e A^aiB : bi|t in 17 19 the grant of Louifiana wa? transferred fron;^ M, Qroa^^t to |he Weft India coinpapy, or company of Mi^iflippif, which wa? formed in 1669 by M. de la Salle, and eftablifhed in 1 71? ; but was after?' ward united to the India company. M. de la Motte Cadillac was dead> and M. de BiaiavUle ru(:ceeded aa governor generaL The C9pi|{d place of the cobny was then ^t New Qrleam , where th^ French had fent eight hundred, men from Rochell^, in t^ree (hips, on hoard of one of which embarked M. le Page Du Prat?. The company undertook to tranfport the adventurers, with their iervants and cfieifts, a!t their expence ; as alfo to lodge, maintain; and convey them to their feve-^ ral eone^^Ei^ or grants. Thus New Orleans be9aro^e the capital of the colony; and w^a S> called, ia hppour of the Dujkie of Qiieans, t|ieu fegeqt of France. Biloyi is fituat^d oppoHte to Ship Uland, and four leaguea from it» which was m itnpfQP? r place for tl^e capltit^i qf fu^l^ a colony. The gpnts. were thofe of Mr. Law, who Was to have ijroo men to form tne fettle^ ment: but Mr. Law failed in his e^^tcnTive fcHeqiei upoii which tiie com- pany ,g, «84 HISTORY Of BRITISH AMERICA. pany feized on all ^e eflTedb and merclmndize. This grant ruined many perfonSf and imppveriihed more. The Weft India company being informed diat Louifiana produced manyfimples* whofe virtues ^ereyrell known by the natives, and of great ferytce in'nieclicine ; therefore the company ordered M. de la CStatTe, thediredlor-general of the colony, to make the heft inquiry concerning the (gme. M. Du Pratz colledled above three hunired nmplies, and fent them to France,^where they werie planted in a botanic garden, by otdef of the company. \ * The fettlement at Mobile was the firft.in the colony, which was then the refidence of the commandant-general, the commiflary^enerel, the ftaff? officers, and others of the government : but it was found inconvenient; and another fettlemeitt was made at Ifle Dauphine. The fettlement of Mobile was ten leagues from its harbour, on the banks of the river of that name; and Ifle Dauphine, oppofite the -mouth of that river, is four leagues from the coaft. Fort Louis at Mobile was built upon the river that bears the fame deno- mination. The fort was about fixteen leagues diftant firom Dauphine Ifle, and ftrongly built. This p(^ was a check upon the nation of the ChadawB, and cut oflF the communication of the Engliih with them. Another fiarrt was ereded at Tombech^, to check the'Englifh on the fide of the C3iickefaws *. To proceed up the Miffiffippi from its mouthy it will be found, .that Fort Balix is erected at one of its mouths. The next poft is the Englifli Reach, fortified on both fides the river. The diftance firom this place to the capital is reckoned fix leagues by water, and the courfe nearly circu- lar; but both fidet* of the river are lined with houfes, which afford a beautiful profped to the eye. New Orleans, the capital of the colony, is fituated to the eaft, on the banks of the Miffiffippi in 30^ north lat. but for the reft, fee Du Fratz. ' The Canadians, who are nunlierous in Louifiana, are chiefly at the Illi- nois, which they efteem a kind of paradife. It was this that induced the French to undergo fo many long and perilous voyages, upward of two * That ICprt wu onlj built fince die wu with the ChickeAwt in 1736. thoufimd LOUISIANA. tHoDfimd milei, tgaiaft ftrong currents, fteep aLtin(U, imd boifierous winds on the lakes, to get to this fettlement of the Illinois. The French had fevcral hoftilities with the Indians; particularly the Chitiinachas and the Natchez, whom they obliged to fubmit, and carried th« latter as flaves to New Orleans, where they were imprifoned, and fcnt to Domingo, that the whole nation might be extirpated; which was almoft eflPeaaSlydone ; foMnbft of them were dcftroyed oc taken j^ners, anJ. the^ftt^trcated to the Ghickefawsi iBs, Vol, n. Bb CHAP. m rHISTORY Of SAITISU AMERICA. CHAP. IL '^behnguagCi religion^ gwemmenU and cufioms, o/Hte nativet 9fLmiJi(XMi COME think this people of Phoenician or Carthaginian extra^on, and ^ particularly the Natchez; but their origin is uncertain. The ^gi)-' rative ftile, with the bold and Syriac expreifions, in the language of •the Natchez, feems a kind of proof that they are defcended from the Pluenicians; befide, it appears that the Carthaginians pra^ifed that inhuman cuftom of fcalping their enemies*: but the Mexicans are faid to have been peopled by the inhabitants of Corea in China. When ■^the Natchez arrived in this part of America, they found fome nations there who ar£ diftinguifhed among the natives by the name of Red Men i but their origin is very obicure. As to the nations inhabiting on the eaft of the Miffiffippi, they were very populous before their country was difcovered by the Europeans. However, by a ilrange fatality, the arrival of -the Spaniards in America feems to have been the unhappy epoch of the deftrudion of its inha- bitants, not only hy war, but by nature itfelf f. The Iroquois, Chickefaws, and Padoucas, have all ravaged Louidana; «rhere the lmall-pc»c has fpread a farther depopulation. The aged died in confequence of their advanced years and the bad quality of their food; and the young, if not ftri^y watched, deftroyed themfelves from an abhorrence of the blotches in their ikin. Many are the names by which the inhabitants of this extenfive region 4iave been diitinguiihed, and in proportion as we penetrate into the northern parts of Louifiana, interefting diicoveries may be certainly made. The language of the Natchez is in a figurative ftile like the Orientals ; 1}ut in general there are two dialeds ; the one of the nobles, the other of the peojde, and both are very copious. Though the women* fpeak the iame language with the men, tney fof^en their words, an^ thake them fmooth. Polybius, lib. i. c. 4. t Du Pratz, vol. H. p. 131. They » tOUISIANA. They Kinowledge a Supreme Being* whom they ca^i QijocopiChltif tor Spirit infinitely Great. They are brought up in a mod perfect fubmiflion to their fovereiga, particularly the Great Sun, or chief of the Natchez, whofe power it equal to that of the Ottoman emperors. As they are comprized of fo many different nations, it cannot be fuppdfed they have a particular uniformity of manners; but thofe of the Natchez are the beft, becaufe they are more fenfible and civilized in ' every refpeA. When any one of the women of the natives is delivered of a child, (he goes immediately to the river, where ihe waflies herfelf and the infant ; (he then comes home, and lies down, after having put her child in the cradle, and tenderly taken care cf it. The children are white when born ; but they foonturn brown, as they are rubbed with bear's oil, and expofed to the fun. They rub them with oil to render their nerves more flexible, and prevent the flies from flinging them in their infancy. They never put them upon their legs until they are a year old ; and fufFer them to fuck as long as they will, or until the mother proves with child. As the children grow up, the parents take care to accuflom thofe of their own fex to the labours and exercifes fuited to them. The boys, when about twelve years of age, are taught the ui'e of bows and arrows. The children are educated without blows ; fo that the body is left at full liberty to grow, and to form and flrengthcn itfelf with their years. The youths accompany the men in hunting, to learn what is neceflary to be pradlifed in the field ; but when they are at years of maturity they cultivate the land, and perform all other manly exer- cifes, both in war and peace. The Natchez begin their year in the month of March; and at every new moon they celebrate a feafl, which takes its -name from the animals that are then ufually hunted, or from the principal fruits reaped in the preceding month. The firft month is called that of the Deer, which is celebrated with univerfal joy. The fecond is called Strawberry Moon, as that fruit abounds then in great quantities. The third moon is that of the Small Obrn, which is impatiently expected, as their crop of large corn is fel- dom fufiicient to nourifli them from one harvefl to another. The fourth is that of the Water Melons, and anfwers to our June. The fifth moon is that of Fifli. The fixth that of Mulberries. The feventh is that of Maize, or Great Corn; which is the moft folemn feafl of all; for it prin- B b 2 cipaiiy tei7 **_ i\. ■ ■*■ »88 HISTORY (yP BHITISH AMERICA. cipally confifts in eating publicly f^{ new corn* which had been defignedlj fown for that pu^pofet with fuitable ceremonies. The eighth moon ii that of Turkies. The ninth is that of the Buffalo. The tenth of Bears. The eleventh the Cold Meal moon. Tlie twelfth that of Chcfnuts : And the thirteenth that of Walnuts, which is added to complete the year. Taternal authority is not lefa facred and inviolable than the pre« <«minence of the men ; and it ftill fubfifts among the Natchez, fuch as it «7as in the firfl: ages of the world. This nation is compofed of nobility «nd plebeians ; but the chief of the former are called Suns, to whom the latter pay the utmoft fervility. Their nuptial and funeral ceremonies are very Angular; but too tedious to be mentioned here. CHAP. LOUISIANA. 189 C H A P. in. Tift natural hijiary 9/ Lni/iana. 'T^HE country producei fereral kinds of maize; -which is called ^ Turkey com in France> and in England Indian corn. They have good wheat, rye, barley, and oats. The riCe which it culdvatied here was brought from Carolina, and fucceeds Airprifingly well : it has been fown in the flat country without being flooded, and the grain was rich. Beans, potatoes, melons, and pompions, are fit for this foil. All kinds of greens and roots, which have been brought from Europe into this ' colony, fucceed extremely well when planted in a prbper (oH. The country is full of yihes of different kinds, fome of which afford good grapes; but in general the trees to which they twine are fo high, and fo thick of leaves, and . the intervals of underwood are fo filled with reeds, that the fim cannot warm the earth, or ripeti the ftuit. Peach- trees and fig-trees the natives had from' Carolina: oran|;e-trees and citron- trees were brought from Cape Francois ; and have mcceeded well ; yet there have been winters fo fevere that thofe kinds of trees were totjdly frozen to the trunk. They have abundance of unld apples, whortle-berries, mulberries, olive-trees, walnut-trees, hicory, chefnuts, filberts, and fweet gum, whofe balm is highly efteemed. White and red cedars are common uppn the coafl; fb is the cyprefs- tree and pine-tree. All the fouth parts of Louifiana are full of laurel. The faffafras, maple, and myrtle-wax trees are plentiful. The cotton- tree, the acacia, holm, mangrove, and oaks, are alfo abundant; fb are the afh, elm, beech, lime, hornbeam, afpen, willow, alder, and liart, which lafl grows very large. The country has flowers peculiar to itfelf, and in fuch profufion that the meadows are covered with them from the month of May until the end of fitmmer; beautiful to the fight, and fragrant to the fmell: but of all, the flower called lion*8-mouth is particularly diflinguifhed, as it forms a fweet nofegay of itfelf, and is worthy the gardens of kings. Buffaloes 190 HIStORY b* %kt + t^tt AMERICA.* BufFaloes are in numerous herds* and afford the principal food for the natives, who hunt theAiin ^ pvts.[ Deer are round in abundance in Upper Louifiana. The wolf is common in the hunting countries ; and the bear appears in wiinter, wl^en he chiefly lives upon roots and fruits. There is a kind of tiger, of a fmaller fize than in Afia. There jare abjfindance of foxeS) wild cats,; rabbits, fquirrelst and particularly •th(^e ca^Iied %ing fqu^reU, becaufe they leap from ont tree to another fkt ji» 0ing, new ft;qiJV^^ of an inch long. t C^erpilIaTO, jbuttjBrnijes, bejes, ^nd nies, abound f efpeci^ly the bum- jbg-ily, which is 4n4lr b^f'glves^rfat pai%„rj^^, 5J^ .0 ibnxJ slofL' diuj-. tjlcffvf it^'u'l V.-ovi) bnz jHtistKi ,sJiiriisf{3 jtTo:)?/! f''")!* •♦:;'rfr-7 € HA P. :^t25k)JJ -'■0-*t»-to ' I* . *1 » »iw W % ,\ ^ nB HW n J T ihtu; w 1QUI8I AN A* m CHAP. IV, TltatradeoMd oonmtrce pf Louifiana, '■'' ' • '■-■•;■' •! , T\ R Y huiFalo hides txt of fiiflkient value to encourage the Indians to ^^ procure them; efpecially if they were told, that only their flcins and tallow were wanted. They woidd then kill the old bulU, which are To fat as fcarcely to he able to go: Each buffalo would at leaft afford *ioo jx>und^ of tallow ; the value of which, with the ikin* would make it worth the while to kill them : befide, the fpecies of buffaloes would not be dimioifhed, as the &tteft are always a prey to the wolves. K : p3<| :f tav ji^j tm H • , ■ - "Hvi ^,m ^>l t i< . ' ^^'XJieerikini are welt manufadured* The wax-tree produces wax of fome efteeita; and there are many timber-trees of i^c in trade. Mafts might be alfo had in the country, on account of the numiber of pines which the coaft produces; and, fqr the fame reafon, pitch and: tat would be in coinmon ufe. There is no want of oak'for the planks iof (hips;: and the cyprefs might be put to the fame puipofe* with better ^Sc€(» % becaufe it is not injured by the worm. Elm, afh, and- jother woods of different fpecie^i are common, and good forfliip-building. Iron and h^tap ^fi to be had there; alfo (alt- ipcXcti iaffroa, indigo,, cotton, iilk» tobacco, fitfla&aSf and fome drugs. , As to the commerce which the French of Louifiana carried on with their Weft India iflandsi it vr^s of cyprefs-wpod fqu^red for building, of different fcantlings; and fometiin^ they tranfported houfes, all framed, and marked out; teajdy tole): up on lading, at their pL^ce.o^ deflinatioiji; bric^ and tiles ; mai;e a^d other corn, fbe returns were in coffee, fugar^ and rutt ; but the profit >^s gejieraUy cent, per cent, in favour of thtt^itotijient ^hmtod'huiC ,ao ■'M "nietfhips. y^hlch ^me ^iqa ^^^^xtct to LouiliaQa put in at Ciape Fran- cois ; an4 fofl^ctimf^ there wq-e ipiips obliged to return by Cape Francois to take in their 9^r^ ^r France, becaufe they Jvid bee^i either paid in money of bills of exchange. \y^iat. relates to the commerce with the Spaniards is as follows: *rhe iSpahiai^s generally brought to Loaifiaha fevirtil commodities ; hiipar- ; 7 -^ -f-^^'-^^v^-.^i-' -" 'ticulur, v^a HISTORV Ot Bktttik -AMERICA. ticular, campeachy and brazil wood* cocoa, cochineal, Taoilla, indigo, farfaparilla, inuff, leather, «Ad tortoi(^ihdl«.y ** One will, perhaph^ be fiiPprlfed to hear fuch extraordinary things of a country which has been efCeemed fo much inferior to the Spai^ or Portuguefe colonies: but thoTe- who i!e0r^ upon what conititutcs the genuine ftrength of (btes, and the real gOLdneis of avowtry, will foon alter their «/ t J«f ;. i: ■.* ^iJ)ii,-j{! ;iii .:;;.'. j;ij. dttw •; . .7 i; : : . ,' r iJ?70 * . . .i J , . . i .. ^ .■: ^sxMjiwt f .^ v.* q« MI'S* t\ ') ! ^ •t 10 7 ;. ;:T?,iir THE Hist O R V O P T H E B R IT I SHE MP IRE IN J ^'"N'-'P'r T^,:H\'%^M'E RICA. rft- BOOK Xlh The Hiftory of C A N A D A, C H A P. I. Defcrifticn ^ the country ^ foih Md produce, Indians \ and their trade. with the French. CANADA is computed by fome to be as extenfive as one-half of £urope> as it extends from 39^ to 65" latitude; that is, from Lake Erie to the north, of Hudfon*s Bay; and in longitude from the Hiver Miifiifippi to Cape Race in Newfoundland *. But others extend it from the 85*' to the 53 ** of north latitude; and from 76® to 93° of weft longitude ; being bounded on the north by the land called Labrador, or New Britain ; on the eaft by the northern fea, and New England; prtfu»^al, rifvers arAr thofe or St. Lawrence and the Mil^ti^pi. ^ The ' entrance ihtb the Bay of St. Lawrence lies between Cape de Retz on the Ifland of New- fi^undlj^d,.^^ th^ north Ci^p^ 19. C^ 9jfe|^^ bj)t tb^ iyUfl|0^pi has been already defcxibedn /•",". Canada Propcrj inctdiog aU to tH« ijor^,«iid^^]qF^he gifoa« river and lakes, contaupied tweoty^n(8, were alinc^ p^rp^tuiilly at war with each other, conftantly jealous of their liberty,, and ab^ay^ xegretting the cftabliihment of flrangers among them.. : ^ Thcr v*t* CANADA. The IroquoU are the braveft of all, aad have been already mentioned. Among the other Indians there were feveral nations in alliance ^ith the- French ; fome eren who had embraced Chriftianity, and fixed their refi» dence in the middle of the French colonies ; as the Hurons, who were^ fettled at Lorctto ; and the Abenakis at Sillery. Thrre were alfo two villages of Ghriftian Iroquois near Montreal } but for the moft part com- pofed of the children taken from thefe. Indians during their wars with the French^ It was with thefe nations, who were lefs troublcfome and fiifpicious than the Iroquois, that the French traded for fkins; which they carried on two different ways : the one was made by the Indiansr who came yearly with their caftors, and other ikins and furs, to the French plantations : the other was made by the French wood-rangers^ who brought the neceffary European commodities to all the Indian, nations of this Contioentk. Montreal was the principal place of rendezvous for this commerce ^ Icarce a year pafling without the arrival of thirty or forty canoes, con- duced each by three of thofe wood-rangers, and laden with the caftors^ they obtained from the Indians in their huts. The IndisMS a4fo anmially^ fiiiled down thefe great hkeu, about which they refided, with a lanrge- quantity of furs, which, they exchanged for arms, kettles, hatchets, knives^ and other commodities ; whereby the profits were ufually 200 per cent, in favour of the French. When their canoes were unladen^ their huts erefted, and their mer- chandize ranged in order, they demanded an audience from the governor- general ; or, in his abfence, from the particular governor of the place where they arrived. The governor, having granted their requeft, placed himfelf in a two-arraed chair in the middle of the public market-place ; when each nation, forming its peculiar circle, feated themfelves about him, every oi^e with a pipe in his mouth. All being fettled, and filence enjoined, the orator of one of the nations, in the form of an harangue,, addrefled himfelf to the governor, " That his brethren were come to- viiit him, and to renew their ancient friendfbip : that the chief motive of their jowney was to be of fbmc advantage to the French, who would be at great difficulties to get beaver fkins if the Indians had not made it their bufinefs to bring them into their colonies : that they knew- how much efleemed' beavers were in France, and how inconfiderable the value was of the commodities given them in exchange r. that notwithftanding the friendHkip they had for the French engaged their treating with them; and to be in a condition another year to bring greater ftores of dieir furs, they came to take in exchange fufees, powder, and. balls, either to 3 make ««r igSi HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. make the emoluments of their hunting more abundant, or the more to torment^ the Iroquois, in cafe of their attacking the plantations of their friends the French: andlailly, that for a pledge of their fidelity, and fincere dealing, they threw down a belt of wampum, with feverali caftors for the Kichiokima, or the general-governor, whofe protedion they: requefted in cafe of being plundered or ill ufed in the towii. The difcourfe being finifhed, and the orator having rrfumed his feat and pipe, the governor fpoke in his turn, and alfo made his prefent; after which, the liberty of commerce being granted, the afiembly broke up ; when the Indians returned to their huts, and prepared themfdves for the exchange, which they began the following day. All this commerce was carried on by truck, where gold and filver never interfered; and, as it was very free, the Indians not brooking the leaft reftraint, all the inhabitants became dealers; nor was any mer- chandize reputed contraband, wine and brandy excepted, upon account of the quarrels thefe nations were fubjed: to when intoxicated with fuch< liquors. When their bargains were concluded, and their goods ex- changed, each nation returned home, after having taken leave of the governors. ^^i^*\ CH APrf r 'm CANADA. 199 C H A P. n. The rivers, lakes, towtts, and trade', ivithfome remarks on the Indians of Canada, 'T^ H E principal rivers in Canada are as follow^* 1. Saint Lawrence) communicating with the fea at the Gulph of Saint Lawrence. 2. The Chriftinaux, or Chriftino, which difcharges itfelf into Hud- fon's Bay; but there are many others of lefler note, that join thefe in their courfe from the heights of the country to the fea. The River Saint Lawrence takes its rife upward of two thoufand miles from its mouth, at a lake called by the Indians Nipifibng, which in their language fignifies a large body of water ; and it lies north-weft from Lake Superior, in 59 degrees of north latitude. The northerly bank of this lake is a bog or morafs, near four hundred miles in length from north-eaft to fouth-weft, and about one hundred and fifty miles in breadth. North of this bog is a ridge of mountains, extending from north-eaft to fouth- weft, the whole length of the marfhy country, and beyond it to the weft- ward. Thefe mountains are very high and fteep: they are called by the Indians the iiead of the country; meaning thereby that they are fituated in the center, and are the higheft land upon that continent ; which indeed feen^j to be the cafe: for, (outh-eafi of thefe rifes the River Saint Law- rence, having its courfe from thence fouth-eafterly ; north*eaft rifes the River Chriftino, and runs north-eaftwardly : and from the fouth and Ibuth-weft of thefe mountains rifes the Miffiflippi, which runs fouth- wardly: fo that by thefe rivers the continent is divided into fo many de- partments, as it were, from a center, which is the before-mentioned mountains. The Indians who inhabit round Lake Nipiflbng are called the Lake la- dians, and are in number about fix thoufand men. They chiefly live upon the weft, fbuth, and fouth-eaft of the Lake, and in the iflands upon it, where the lands are tolerably good ; the other parts being either marfhy oc mountainous. Their country i& of confideiable extent, but of difficult, accefs ; upon which account they npver had much communication with thie Englifh or French. They have no fire-arms, but hunt with bows and arrows.. ■J- $^ HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. arrows. They have little or no war or connedions with any other tribe of Indians, but live almoft as independent as if they had a whole world to themfelves. They fometimes go through the Giriftinaux country to Hudfon's Bay, and purchafe fome clothing from the company ; but their chief atture is the produce of their own country, only ikins of beads. They never (have or cut the hair from their heads, or any part of their bodies ; on which account the other Indians efteem them a favage herd in the ftrideft fenfe; nor will they keep any correfpondence or connections with A people fo uncultivated and rude. They never pretend to improve their land by induftry, but live upon the wild beafls of the woods, and the plen- tiful fifli in the lakes. From hence the River Sunt Lawrence runs through a rough, broken, •defolate and uninhabited country to Lake Superior, having in its courfe ieveral falls orcatarads; the moft remarkaUe of which is about fifteen miles from the Lake, where thewater faUs perpendicularly from a confider- able height. The river is here a quarter of a mile wide : a rock extends ftrait acrofs the ftream, over which it falls with a noife that may be heard at the diftance of feveral miles. Below diefe falls id great plenty of filh, efpecially trout, which are large and good. At the entrance of the river into the lake is a town of Indians, called the Souties or Attawawas ; which nation inhabit all along at the mouths of the rivers that fall into Lake Superior, and on the north of the Lakes Mechigan and Huron; where they can raife about 12,000 fighting men. * Thefc Indians are more improved than the Nipiflbngs, as.they had a greater intercourfe ^th the French^ They generativ change thdr halxtations in fpring and autumn, fpend- ang the fummer feafon upon the banks of the rivers and lakes, where they £(h and raife thdr 00m : they fpend their winter among the mountains, fometimes two or three hundred miles diftant, for the fake of better hunt- ing, and their food is according to the feafons. They, as yet, make little uwof fpirituous liqu(n«, nor have they made any kind ^ beverage, except- ing the juice of the maple tree, of which they alio make a kind of fbgar. They live upon the fimple giftt of nature, when in health ; and when they are fick, the woods and lakes furnifii them with medicines ; in the application of which, fome are allowed to excel in {kill, but receive no fee. Although they have private property, no perfons are left to fufFer ty illneis or diftrefs, while their neighbours cao fuf^ly their wants; and ' tribe dd to iron's chief They xliet; n the with their plen- oken, lourfe ifteen fider- tends beard ffifli, aUed )uths iakes men. eater end- they ains, unt- little :ept- »gw. rhen 1 the 5 no ifFcr and all CANADA, M «[1 thie from the flmple natural confideration, that they and their families 9xe liable to the fame unhappy circumftances in which they jfee their, fi-ienda. * At the north of Lake Superior is another tribe of thefe Indians, who caU themfelves the Bulls, who inhabit round the bay*, called by the French Merduouft, or North Bay. They differ little from the ^outies in their manners; and they can raife about four thoufand fighting men. They are originally of the Souties, or Attawawas nation, as evidently appears ~ ' The chief trade of thefe In-i and exchange for arms. b^ the affinity between the two languages. The 4un8 is to Hudfon's Bay, where they carry furs. Lake Superior is upward of two thoufand miles in circumference, and very deep, excepting near the weft-end, where are feveral iflands;; and near where the river joins it is a large ifland, feparated from the main by ailreight about fix miles in breadth. The foil of this ifland is^very good, and there are feverallndian town# upon it. The banks to the north, ibuth, and mft, are very high and fteep in fo^ne places; being more than two hundred feet above the furfaoe of the water, aqd almoft perpendicu- lar ; fo that it is diffici^t to land at any place exqep^ where the rivers faU> in. , ■ .. ;. ■ • * ■ ■ Upon the north and eaft of this lake, the lands are broken andi^oun-, tainous, intermixing With many ponds and rivulets. Upon the fouth and weft of the lake, the country is level and good quite to the Miffiffippi, having extenfive plains covered with tall grafs; there being fcarce an^Kt trees or underwood for fome hundreds of miles : but in other places the^ oak maple and locuft: trees are fair, lofty, and excellent. There are like-; wife fome good iflands in the north-bay of this lake^ of forty or fifty miles in length from north to fouth, but not near fo wide. !^ The Indians in this territory certainly enjoy in the greateft plenty what they look upon to be the neceflaries, and even the luxuries, of life; for here s^t beafts, fowl, luid Jfh, of ^ery fize and kind, common to thecli'^-t mate, in the greateft limmdance^ nor qm any jreafon be aifigned why^ this might not become i^ rich and valuable country, fhould it ever ^,e in- habited by a civilized people. It has rivers, and a kind of fea peculiar to itfelf; whidi fupply the deficiency of its interior fituation, by facilitatiag> trade and commerce, from one part of the country to another, by a con- veyance eafy and cheijp. Ifhe Indians feldomnegle£ki|efe advantage but make great uife of canoes on wc rivers and lakf» ; . whifh yeflels they make > of the bark of birch, ipruce or elm: thbfe made oi the former are much ■'II. £) d the sot, V I • '.. ' h \ aM * HISTORY OF BRlTISft AMERICA. the krgeft and bm; they will carry from fire hundred to two ^ouiand wieightt and^are a kind 49f veflTels Well adapted to this country, IJiemg fo light that two Indians will carry one of a middling fize, when they come to any clift of caura^, until they think p]^>per to (a]^. the water j||;ain. The River ^liftt Lawrence flows from Lake Stiperior to L^ke Hproffp . itpward of onehuhdred and fifty miles, and. joins- it about twenty mile» eafV #thc fWiightS' of Midh^HmAkinac. Here the fiream is generwy ▼cry' rapid) and hte one confideral^le-fkU'; I'eimd which the Indians are c4>liged\ to carry tfa^h- canoes whew tKey piii» \£h;i» wa^. The land adjacent to the river between' the two lakes is brdcen and hilly ; but much of it is capaUc^ of being improved to great advantage. The, timber is tall and thiok* Iron ore is found Ihigreibt ^Viofcf ; and there are ftreams iiifficieht for thf kind cjf Wftteir-works. \si riflfil sriJ moil hM//mpi -bcj::ht '.-^id £ e: lij '. A fittle to the weilr i^ w^»eri the river' joins I^fec Huron^ is a town of the Attawaiwas Indiat^, who came here from the fouth of Lake Superior^ their prigiaalcountfyr' ■ To' the north^aft of the lake js another town of the fath^ Indians; aijd^tipbn the. ^eft'irde; W the £ake. O^e 3agattbhgs are feat^d, at the head of lA bay^ called' Sigtknong^ Ba^. Befidbi there ardr feveral towns o/the Souties or Attawawas upon the rivers flowing into the eaft and fouth-eaft of the lake : but thefe Indians haye much the fame cuf-* • tomsaithidfe on Lake Superior. fcitJiio fl^? ana f <^ i;r. j! i;;:} ,ji; ;'..v| ] .-i. 'r /:x i'.u; oL-,--'. vi :>;Iw ^:f;,::,.ju : . . lifJ .t^lli^e^tfrdn^is fotri^at of atriangtilarfoiW^^e'df tlireitt^ points to the ndtn kind. Hie nimber of Indians who inhabit round Lake Hqron ii^aoWt 3000, iot trhich <5oo are warrioili, or fighting . men. ■ 1 *; i ;. ;i.A ; ' . j :. Lake Michigan is fituated weft fcom lake Huron» and is much of tthe Ikme form ; excepting that it is longer, extending further to the foutH. There is a communtcati(m between the two lakes by the'Streight of Michilimakinac. It is fifteen nClcn wide, and fprty in length, running jiearly caft from the Lake of Michigan. ^ Upon the north end of this lake are feveral towns of Indians ; and at the touth extremity the River St. Jofeph flows into it, about 300 miles ^eft of Detroit. The country between the two lakes is level, and generally of a fa- vourable foil ; well timbered, and plentifully walered. At the point adjoining Lake Michijgan the land is of a fandy, kind ; and fo it is from thence for a few milei toward the fouth. Here ftands oi^r fort of Michi- limalunac, a good ftockade, near twenty feet high. Some French inha- hitants^(l refidc^ here f(^ the iake.Qf trading /with the.Indians, and for the ijTout fidiery, which is here very valuable ; as the" trout , in thefe freights are exceeding plentiful, and of an extraordinary fize, the Indiana from all the •adjacent countries annuallj refort hithei: for the iakeoftheiefiih, yet their numbers fe^m undiminished. , tJpon th^ fou^^eaft fide of Lake, Michigan are fonie t6wri» of till Souties i and at the fouth-end live the Pottawatamies, who have feveral villages upon the weft fide (^ the lake. The Indians round Lake Michigaa amount to about 4000 fighting men. Upon the ndrth-we^ part of th& lake enters another .ftreight from therGreen Bay, which iai about forty miles wide, and 100 4ong,: There are feveral idands in it varioufly tranlpofed, fome of which are inhabited by the ^ottkWatamies, fud others by the Attawawas. The Green Bay is of CjMifiderable extent; and into the nbrth-^ft.of it flows a large river that rifes between Lake Superior aiid the. Miififlippij which is called Foxes River, becaufe of a nation called the Fox Ini^ans^ who refide on its banks, and are about 4500 men. Farther fouth, the eountiy, is inhabited l^y the mokabouze, whofe number is abou^ 500 men. ft .1 "li' Pi 15*' The wide-extended country -upon this- river, the Green' Bay, and the jg^iei^hts from thence to Lake Michigan, is uniformly pleafant; the foil D d a is £•4 **>- ^ ^V^^ Wt>^ HISTORY or BRITISH AMERICA. 18 goo^t ind wanti nothing to make it truly delightful but tii^ to the.foutb about eigh^. miles, wjiere it flows into, l^e Erie, aft^r|M^fling through Lake Sfau^lair, whieh is abotit twent^r hyt miles above the othei' lake. --;.,.! ; , . * The river at Lalet Huron is about ^ayards wide, but much wider before it reaches tlie other lake, as feveru ffareams join it on eath fide. Wherie it enters Lake Sinclair the river is divided into feveral brancheff* byrWhtchareforo^d iix'i&uidsof iliffereatdiineiifioas. ■,:,'■■■■ li.'. The .# 'CAN AD A. The Lake Sinclair is nearly circular, and is about ftx leagues acitifs. ttmi the eaft fide are extenuve niar(hes of eight or ten miles from the ^MRt ; and near the lower end, upon the ejuft (ide, a river eaters it ; from which, by a (hort carrying-place, is an eafy conveyance to Lake Ontario, ufed by the Indians who are a branch of the Attawawas, and inhabit the banks of this river. The land upon the weft fide <^ the lake •is alfo tolerably good, and the timber chiefly maple or beech. At the footh fide of the lake, where the River Saint Lawrence leaves . it, there is a fudden divifion into two branches, thereby forming an ifland of confiderable extent : The eafternwft branch keeps a dire£fe courfe; but that which turns to the weftward forms a fpacious bay, leaving a point of land between that and the lake called Long Point. From this bay it returns and joins the other branch, forming the above- mentioned ifland in the opening of the bay, and from thence keeps its courfe foothwardly to Lake Erie. The land upon each fide of the river is level, fertile, and good, intirely firom one lake to the other. On the caftward fide of the river, a little below Lake Sinclair, is a town of the Attawawas ; and further down, upon the fame fide, toward Lake Erie is a town of Hurons. The river between thefe lakes is about 800 yards in briadth ; and on the weft fide below the bay is the fort of Detroit^ or the Strerghts. The French inhabitants here are fettled on both fides of the river for about eight miles ; and Majw Rogers faysv **^That when he took poflefiion of the country ibon after the furrender of Canada^ they were about 2500 in number ; there being near 500 that bore armsi to whom he adminiftered oaths of allegiance^ and near 300 dwelling'- houfes: Tlut our fort here is built of ftockadoes, is about twenty-five feet in heipntfa, and isoo yards in circumference *,** The fituation of this place is pileafknt, and the land very good. The inhabitants raife wheat and other grain in abundance, and have plenty of cattle; but they enrich themfelves chiefly by their trade with the Indians, which is here both lucrative and large. Below Detroit, upon the finne 0de of the rivers near its entrance t<> Lake Erie, ,xs an Indian town of the Pottawatamies ; and below that the Red Riv^r enters it, oppofite the weft end of an ifland, which divide* the River Saint Lav^rence into two brandtes at it flowa into the lake; The river is here about two miles in breadth ; and there are ibme other finaller ifland»» which tat very benttifuk i. 805 * '• See-baaccounty &c. f*. 168. Lakr se6 HISTORY Of BRITISH AMERICA. Lake Erie is near 300 milet in length* firom the Ibuth-weft to the north>eaft ; about ninety milet wide at the wefterly end, and near fortf at the lower end, where it bendi off» before the river leavca it, tl^0^ feven or eight miles* .1 ;■•*'!' The Afar enters the lake at the north-weft eomer; and the River Miamee, or Miamis, flows into it at the weft end of the lake. Thia river has an eafj communication with the Ohio, by the River Wabach ; there being no more than twelve miles of land-carriage between the two rivers : but half*way between the River Miamee and the ftreights of Sandulky the River Huron flows in, on which there are firaie valuable fprings. At the fouth-weft comer of. Lake Erie, the Lake Sanduflcy com- municates with it, by a ftreight <^ half a mile in breadth. The Lake Sandulky is thirty miles in length, and fn miles in breadth. The River Sandufky flows in at the fouth-weft corner of this lake ; and upon the banks of this river, as alfo round the lake, the Huron Indianf are fettled in different towns, fituated in a (deafant fertile country, where are about 700 fighting tnen« who difl^er fometliing in their manners from the Souties, or any yet mentioned. They build regular framed houfes, and cover them with hark. They are efteemed the richeft Indians upon the whole continent, having not only horfes in great abundance, but many black <»ttle and fwine^ They raife great quantities of corn ; not only for their owm ufe, but fupply feveral other tribes, who purchafe this article from them« The country of the Hurons extends 150 miles weft^ wardly of the lake, and is 100 miles wide. The foil is notjxeeeded by any in this pzrt of the world: tjbc ^mber is tall and fairv the .fivers and lakes abound with a variety pf fifli ; and here is the greateft plenty oT'lvild. water-fowl any ifhett infhe. coua&y : llie woods abound with game; and the. whole territory, if well p<^pulated, would be q£ the utmoft utility. / The country on the fouth fide of Lake Erie is claimed by the Five NaHon. Indians, buA not inhibited by themiyet they keep it for the tikerOS bihliing^ This, alfo is a fine level country towar^ the ibath frbmiithe lake^ for ibvortl imiles, hftvtng maoy ^beams flpipang thsougih tt.iota thtt.hkke^ &qm the Ucl^laiids he^eea this uid the^ Qjtuo. Our fort a| Prefque Ifle is updn thit fidt 0^ Ihf ilnke,, Apifof, ipo mht from the eaft end ; and from this fort is a carrying-place of thirteen piiles to the French Creek, a branch o^ the Ohio; The oouniry from »i^j: this CANADA. thit fort down to where the river flows out of the lake, about ten fnilee Ibttth of where St. Lawrence leavea it, belongs to a to^n of the Five ^iM|pn Indians. The country on the northward fide of the lake it siTo, ImBi *nd the timber tall, but not near do good as on the ibuth Hde. There are ievenl Areams which water this country that is much fre- quented by the Meffiilkngan Indians, who are a branch of the Atta*.; wawas, who continue no longer in a place than when they find plenty ■ of gan>e. Upon this (ide of the lake, and oppofite to Prefque Ifle ufon . the other fide, is a peninfiila called Long Point ; which extends into the lake 860 miles, and is fix miles over in the wideft part, but not more than 100 yards where ifjoins the main. There are alfo feveral little iflands in the Take, at the weft end^ which might be improved to advantage ; for though they are fomewhat rocky, they are good land. From the eaft end of Lake Erie, the River Saint Lawrence runs north-eafterly, inclining to the north, about fifty miles, to Lake Ontario ■, and nearly oppofite to where it iflues out of the lak^i^ is a new fort, called Fort Erie, cre^ed on' the northern fide. Sooa after the river forms itfelf ; the current is rapid, on account of the rocks and falls in it, for about a mile; over which veflels may be worked up- by windlafles. A little below thefe ripples are feveral fmall iflands ; and« ^ at about fix miles diAance, the river is divided in two branches by thcr^ fbuth-weft end of the Great Ifland, which extends almoft down to Little V Niagara Fort, and contains about 40,000 acres of good land. Thq country on both fides the river to Little Niagara is uninhabited, yet it has the appearance of fertility. »7 Little Nii%ara Fort is only a ftockade, about two miles from \h Words can e^preis the conftern^hio^ O^tiraveltertf'Wr 'the fim v&w V fo(r there . they loS HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. they fee • prodigioui body of water fmlling* or rather violently thrown, from fuch a precipice, upon the rotkt beiow, that it afcendt again to a very great heighth, appearing white ai (bow, ai all converted i|^ foam. The noife of tkit fall is frequently heard at the diftancdK fifteen milei and more. The vapour arifing from the fall may be (bme- thnes feen at a great diftance, appearing like a doud, or pillar of fmoke, and in it the appearance of a rainbow, whenever the fun refledi it upon the eye of the traveller. Here many beafts and fowls bfe their lives by attempting to fwim, or crofs the ftream in its rapids, and are found daihed in pieces ^low. There are lefler falls in the river for feveral miles, which renders it unnavigable. The bank of the river on the eaft fide from the fall downward is 300 feet high, until the. traveller comes to another Englilh fort, about nine miles diftant from Little Niagara; and this length they are oMiged to carry by land, upon account of the rapids nbove, and the catar« Jks below. The land upon the other fide rifes gradually; and it is much fre- quented by eaeles, who feed upon the carcafes of beads. The land upon the weft ude of the River St. Lawrence, from this fort, or landing place, to Lake Ontario, is owneH by the Meffiflfangans, and is tolerably good. The timber is chiefly chefnut; but the eafterly fide, which is claimed by the Five Narions, is thinly timbered with loftv oaks, which feem artificially tranfpofiid. The river enters Lake Ontario at the fouth-weft corner, at which place is Niagara Fort, noUy, ftrong, and elegantly built. 7*he form of this lake is oval; it is near 260 miles in length, and in the middle 150 in breadth. ^ The country on the weft and north of the lake, down to the River Toronto, whicb is about fifty miles, is very ^ood. At the weft end a river runs in, firom which are canjing-places both to Lake Sinclair and Lake Erie, or to rivers that flow into them. The country upon the lake, between Saiq|t Lawrence and Toronto, is . in^bited or avrned by the Meffiflangans. It has a good foil, and is well wooded with plenty m vines. By one ^ of the branches of the Toronto is an eafy opmfoui^ifal^oa wiA the rjivers floMfiog into Lake Huron ; and ' upward of ipp. mites fntfi Tojrf>n^,,ai^ the nc!rth-ea%rly corner of the ^ lake, the Eiii» C^taraquia flows in^ it; but there «l« fevefal fmal)er\\ ftreams between theie. Fcpm p»tanqiia iji a carry iog-pUce to tht ' " Atttwi^ai" 'y*^jffw'W''W' -. CANADA. Atuwawai River* which joint Saint Lawrence near Moatreal. Thii country is alio claimed by the Meifiiranffanst an far northward at Cata- radua; they hkewife claim all the weft nde of Lake Ontario, and north of Lake Eric ; but they lead a roving unfettled life, and literally without any local refidencc. At the eaft corner of the lake the River Ofwego flows in, where the £ngli(h have another fort eredled, and a garrifon kept up of a confider- abe force, about two hundred miles from Niagara. The River Ofwego rifes from the Oneida Lake, which is about thirty miles in length. At the eafl end of this like is a royal blockhoufe, which is garrifbned to maintain a communication with the lakes: and on the weft end of this lake is Fort Hrereton, another poft eftabliflied for tht iamc purpofe. About half* way between this and Ofwego is another block- houfe, to command a ferry over the Seneca Riven The Oneida Lake is diftant about fifty-four miles from the Lake Ontario; and from the Oneida is an cafy communication with the Mohock Riveti and confe- quemly with Hudibn's, by the way of the Wood-Creek. The country upon the lake, between Ofwego and Saint Lawrence, is level and good for iieveral miles from the lake!; but it is claimed by the Five Nations; and there are feveral rivers flowing through it to the lake. The moti confiderable is the River Sable, which joint the lake about eighty-'five miles eaft of Niagara, and rifes near a branch of the Ohio. There are feveral falls upon it, and oqe higher than the falls of Niagara. For a coniiderable way, it is about two hundred feet wide ; but it is very much concealed from the traveller, as he pafles it upon the lake, fay an ifland fituated before the mouth of tt About one hundred and fifty miles up this river, are thofe remarkable fprings, fo much efteemed by the Indiana aa a remedy ifor almoft every diiearfe: they are called tihe Oil- fprkigs, upon accoum otf an bleous iiibftanee that iflues forth with the water, and riies upon the furface of it. The Indians ufe thefc fprings for confumptions, afthmas, and various internal diforders, by drinking the water; and for rheumatic pains, by bathin^t with great fuccefs. A little further eaftWard flow in the rivers Arundicat and Chinefee. In the rivers roiind Lake Ontario are falmon in great plenty during the fummer feafon ; aiid at the entrance of the River Saint Lawrence, during the winter feafon, are abundance of what they call white fifh, which are peculiar to this place.' In fummer they difappear, and are fuppofed to lie - Vol. II. E e during S09 MO HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA, during that ieafon in the deep water, out of foundings : they are about the fize of fhad, ar..1 very agreeable to the palate. Here is great plenty of water-fowl, and game, common to the climate, of all kinds. Upon the whole, the country round this lake is pleafant, apparently fertile, and capable of fuch valuable improvements as to be of general utility. The Five Nations have their towns at fome diflance from the lake, and chiefly on the rivers that flow therein. The River Saint Lawrence takes its leave of Lake Ontario at the north- e.ifl corner of it. Near the lake, it is about eleven miles in breadth ; it has feveral iflands ; and one, at the head of the north riftr, has a little fortrefs, eredled by the French; and ftill maintained by their conquerors* A little fouth of this ifland, a confiderable flream flows in, which rifes. near Hudfon's River, and is called Ofwegotchy, which has many falls. » ■ ■ • ■ ' From Lake Ontario to the Cedars, the weftern boundary of the province of Qjiebec, is about eighty miles ; and from thence to Lake Saint Francis, which may be called the next ftage of Saint Lawrence, the diflance is. much the fame. Upon the fouth fide of the river, at the bottom of the rifts, is a fmalf village of the Five Nations ; and another toward Montreal upon the fame fide. In the river, and in the Lake Saint Francis, are feveral iflands, which are in general fettled by the French, belonging to the province of Quebec. The country upon both fides is tderably good, and is capable of fup- porting many thouiands of inhabitants. On the northern fide of Lake Saint Francis Ihe Attawawasi River flowt in, and joins the River Saint Lawrence. The Attawawas rifes eaft of Laka Superior, from a little lake, where is an Indian tribe, who call them&lves Roundocks; and oppofite to the north-eaft corner of Lake Huron is an- other little lake, called Nipiflbng. The ftrcam which flows fcoro it ii» joined by another that rifts from fome leflTer lakes among the mountains ; and where thefc rivers unite are maoy iflands, which render th< paflage difiicult to find. From the head ^if the weft branch of thts river, there is but a fliort portage to another that falls into Lake, Huron ; by which way the £ng- • lifli traders fometimes carry their good^jQ midj&oia the Indians in this patf CANADA. .part of the country; but this way is greatly more difficult than that of Niagara* being obnruded by many falU» around which they are obliged to carry their canoei and gooda. There is another little fettlement of the Roundocks upon the river, be- tween the iflands and its junction with the River Saint Lawrence; which jundtion* after a Couth^eaft courfe, is by three different channels : one flows into th« river of Saint Francis, and the other two form the ifland of Je- fus, north of Montreal; after which, they meet and unite with the River Saint Lawrence, at the eaft end of the ifle of Montreal. The country on the banks of this river is broken and iadifFerent, until you come near the River Saint Lawrence; and the timber is chiefly white pine, of a lofty growth. The winters are cold, and fubjed to the deepeft fnows. How- ever, there is great plenty of beaver in this country ; and the river, for fome way up, abounds with falmon ; which two articles are the principal fubflflence of the Indians refiding here, who pretend not to keep any animals except dogs. Yet even this country, by a civilized induftrious people, might be rendered fertile and pleafant, far furpaflling many in the world that are well inhabited and very populous. There are feveral fettlements of the Saint John's, Cape Sable, and other tribes of Indians, upon the flreams falling into Saint Lawrence from the fouth, between that and Nova Scotia, and round the Gulph of Saint Law- rence, between that and the Bay of Fundy, and the coafts of the province of Main, whofe chief fubfiflence is the wild game of the country; for they keep no cattle, and raiic but little corn. There are likewife fome Indians upon the north (ide of Saint Lawrence, near Qjiebec, called Hurons, but of no confiderable account. About thirty-five miles below Quebec, a river flows in from the north, that heads near Hudfon's Bay, or James River ; on the banks of which refide fome other trij^s of the Roundocks: but all the Indians on the lakes, except the Hurons and Five Nations, have an afiinity in their lan- guage, and appear to be of the fame origiiulity. From this account of the country upon the River Saint I^wrence, above what is now called the Province of Quebec, there fcems a profpedt in fu- ture, not only of a flourilhing province, but a great kingdom, exceed- ing in extent of territory moil of the kingdoms in Europe, and exceeded by few in the fertility of its foil, or the falubrity of its air; and, in its prefent uncultivated ftate, abounding with many of the neceflaries and £ e 3 conveniencies 211 ^ ax2 HISTORY Of BKITISH AMERICA. conveniencies of life: anditl|(ftigh it has no open communication #ith the Tea, yet great amends are made for this defea by its numerouo lakes and^ Ilreams running to and from them) by w|^h there is an eafy commu- nication from one part of the country §» another, almoft through the whole. This country will always have the advantage of th6 fur and peltry trade,, upon account of its extenfive lakes, and the large uninhabited country to>< the north-weft of it, both of Which will tend to fupport (hat valuable and lucrative branch of commerce here to the end of time. If it Was not for the feveral catarafls and water-falls in this river idwaya btms troublefome confequences, and would often he fufficient to fitt a whole town, or even a nation, in eombitlHon: for which realpnt in fuch aoei^ dents, the council of the elders leave nothii^ undone to aceo«4n«idate matters as well as poffihle; aild in oafi: ofiuceeft, it is oswixiQfiW'ithe public that makes the prefents, and takes all tKe.neceffary fteps with the offended family. Theimmo^tBptraifluncQtof a orioMOalwoiddMOtice put an end to the affiair; and the relations of the deceafad are «t liberty %> inflid thdr pleafuffi on him, if they can get him in their hands: but iiis own cabbin think it inccmtifient with their honour to iiu^iScehim.; and «ften the village dp not think pn^per to con^l them to it. The i* CANADA. The way mod in ufe among all the Indians to indemnify the relations of a man who has been murdered is, to replace him by means of a pii» foner of war; in which cafe the captive is generally adopted, enters into pofleffion of all the rights of the deceafed, and foon caufes the perlbn whofe place he fills to be forgot. There are, however, fome particulw crimes which are puniihed with death on the fpot ; efpecially what ti«y call witchcraft. Whoever is fufpeded of this crime can never be fafe any where: tJtef even caufe him to undergo a kind of rack, to oblige him to name hi» accomplices ; after which he is condemned to the fame punifliment with the prifoners of war ; but they firft a(k the confent of his family, whiieh they dare not refufe. - Thofe who are lead criminal have their brains beat out before they are burnt : thofe who difhonour their families are treatenl much in the fame manner ; and juflice is generally done upon them bf their own family. A plurality of wives is allowed of, among leveral nations of the Algon- quins; and it is common enough to marry all the fifters ; which cuftonv is founded upon a perfuafion, that fifters muft agree better together than ftrangers. In this cafe, all the women are upon an equal rank : but among the true Algonquins, there are two orders of wives ; thofe of the iecond order being the flaves of the firft. Some nations have wives in every quar- ter where they have occafion to refide for a while in hunting-time ; but there once prevailed among fome cantons a greater diforder ; which was* a plurality of iiufban^s. Among all thefe nations, there are certain cqnfiderable families who can only contradl alliances with each other, and chiefly among the Algon> quins; but, generally fpeaking, the perpetuity of marriages is held ucred, and carefully obferved among all ranks, and in all families^ 21^ Ff 9 T H E f THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE I N NORTH AMERICA, BOOK xni. An Account of NEW BRITAIN, or TERRA db LABR ADORE, and HUDSON'S BAY, C H A P. I. De/cription of the country, Fir/l difcoveriet. Royal charter in 1B70. Settlements, Trade, Climate, Attempts to di/bover a nopth-wefi pqjfage, THIS country lies in the northern part of Canada in 80*' of weft lopgitude; and between 5i^.iind 63* of north latitude; where die Englifh Hudfon's Bay Company have feveral forts and fettlements; from whence they carry cm a valuable traffic with the natives for (kins and furs. This Bay is about 300 leagues wide from fouth to north ; but that part of the bay, on the weft fide, in latitude SJ^t is called Button^s Bay ; and the eaftern part, &om latitude 55° i^' to .51S and the moft fouthern part, is called James's Bay. Upon the eaftem main, or coaft of Labrador^, are feveriil iflands. The continent is very extenGve, and inhabited by Indians, who are rude and nncivilized: but the Englifli have feveral forts aad fettlements on the weft 229 HISTORY OP BRITISH AMERICA. weft maiof or New Walei ; particularly one at the mouth of Churchill River* in about latitude 59^* and longitude 05*** weft from London : Another at York Fort, at the mouthi of Niellon't Riverr; one at New Severn ; one at Albany River { one at Hayet't Ifland } and one at Ru- pert*! River. It was in the reign of Queen Elizabeth that all the Englifli dominions upon the continent of Amirica weie difcoicred, except Hndibt/v StrcighCSi ij76c Captain Martin Frobiflier made hia firft voyage for the difcovery of a paflfage to China, by the north-weft } and, on the 1 2th of June, he dif- covered Tejra de Labradore ia 63 ** S', and entered a ftreight, whicli is called bv hisnaae. Upomtha fim o£ Odobar hoi returned to England, from whence he made fome other attempts to fix a colony, and trade with the inhabitants} but without fuccefs. After this, there were no other adventures until the year 160^, when Gaptaiob H«nry Hudfon diicovered as^ fai^ asr Sa** ^g \ hut, m ]6ii, he peri(Red in attempting farther diicoveries, dearly purchafing the honour of having this large i^ght and bay- called by his name. Sir Thomas Button, fitted out by Frinee Henry in 161 9, pafTed Hud- ibn*s Streights, and, failing weftward, difcovered a large continent, which he ctUed New AValcek Its fea amd bay retain the difcovercr's nam*: Ht could not proceed Suther than' 65^°, andtwintosed miierably upon that weft continent, in 57^ of north latitude. In 161^, Mf. Baf- fin entered the Streights. In 1631, Qtptain TImndm Jimes fet out from BnAoU and made f«r- ^r diftoveriea in HtidfonV Ifeiy. He w im e reJ ' near the bottom of the hay at Chartetoft lffiMid» in 5*^ dortb lititude, and pubUAked a good journal of hia voyage. The firft^ eaftem difeoreries were made ai the charge of a company of Engliih merch^ts incorporated in the reign of King Edward VI. and calted **The Merchants Adventurers for dUbovering Lands unknown." Their principal defign was to difcover a pafi&ge to Iddia and China hf the nortbr-eaft, aod to come in. Ib^a^re of that rich trade with the Portuguefe,. by a fhortcr way than by the Cape of Good Hope; or at leaft to flifcover kiti^e countries where they might eflabli(h a trade of equal advantage to them. 3 The Mv NEW BRITAIN and HUDSON'S BAY. Tlie difcovevles made by the Dutch in the north-eaft pu-ti of Afia - . .. 1 fyt.' I t ^_^.>l '..L ^t- /• .1 • • • • •** attempted rally led the £ngli(h navigators, who law the great advantages ariflng from fuch a difcovery, to turn their thoughts to the north-weft parts of America, where ieemed a great probability of obtaining a paiiage, as the difficulties were lels* and the diftance between' Uudfon*s Bay in Davis's Streights, and the north-caft coaft of America above California* no way (o great as between Nova Zembla and the fuppofed Streights of Anian near Japan. Indeed* 'from the dilcoverios already made for this age paft on the Borth*weft coails of America, the general opinion of a paflage is fo flrong, that in the charter granted to the Hudfon's Bay Company in 1670, which invefts them with very extenfive privileges, it is recited as a chief motive for the grant, that they (hould ufe all means for the difcovery of fuch a paflage; to the fuccefs of which their fettlement and trade in Hudfon'a Bay, it was reafonably fuppofed, would greatly con* tribute ; as will be farther explained. The capital fund of the company was io,j:oo A fteriing ; and fliares were worth 500 /. Its privilege is exeluiWe for all the trade that can be carried on in Hudfon's Bayi and in all the feas, ftreights,,bays, rivers^ lakes, and paflages, in whatever latitude they may be ; with the pro- perty of all the iflands and lands therein, not poflefled by any other nation : but the continual wars between England and France, until tho peace of Utrecht, funk the value of the fliares. This company was oeeafioiied by two French gentlemen, w1tt> ttaretled into the country of the Fikimaux, and difcovered what a valuable trade might be carried on there : They reprefented the matter to the French government, who, contrary to their political fyflem, reje£ked it; where- upon the gentlemen communicated their obfervations to the Engliih, who fettled the trade. This corporation is flill under the dire^on of a governor, deputr-^vernor, and feven affiftants, who have a handfbme hall in Fenchurch-ftreet to tvan(kA their affairs in. In 1670, Mr. Baily, with twenty men, was fent over by the coi.-- pany to Rupert River. Port Nelfon was tfie next fettlement in 1673 ; and Mr. Bridge was fent over govsrnor of the weft main from Cape Hehxietta ■'^. U4, HrSTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Henrietta Maria. In x683« the fadory was removed from Ruperr River to Moofe River* becaufe the former was too much expofed to the depredations of the- French, who foon perceived their error, grew jealous of the Engli(h, and at different times difpoflefred them of moft of their forts, which were reftored by the treaty of Utrecht ; and from that time the Englifh company has been in a very flouri(hing condition. From Tadouiac, thirty leagues below Quebec, upoii Gmada River^ there is water carriage to Lake Miftafm^ which communicates with* Rupert River. la 1686, the French from Canada, in time of peace, became mailers of all the Hudfon's Bay fadlories. Fort Nelfon excepted. * In 169.*^, the £ng1i(h recovered their factories ; but the French foon after got pofleflion of them again. In 1696, two Engliih men of war retook them ; the French took them again in Qjieen Anne's war; but by the treaty of Utrecht in 171^ the French gave, up to the Engliih fo fa« fouth as 49** north latitude. Mr. Dobbs fays, that this country^ called Hudfon^s Bay, may be efteemed from 5,1"* to 65" of north latitude, and from 78*^ to 95** weft longitude from London. The true definition of it is» from the treaty of Utrecht in 17 13, as follows: From a certain promontory qn t^e Atlantic ocean north latitude 58° 30' run fouth-weft to Lake Mifbfin*; thence fouth-weft to north latitude 49**, and from this termination due weft indefinitely. The northern boundary may be reckoned Davis's Streights, becaufe of th&Danifti daim, and otherways north indefinitely^ The entrance of Hudfon's Streights at Refolutionlflandis about fifteen leagues wide. The tide flows four fathom ; and the winds are north-weft about nine months in the year : it is not free of ice above two months in the year, and the fails and rigging freeze even in July. It is 140 leagues in length to the bay^ at the bottom of which is only four feet tide. Captain Middleton, in twenty-three voyages, never could arrive at the factories above five times before the tenth, of Auguft; and it is a ftanding order not to attempt coming back the fame year, unlefs they caa fail from the fa^ories about the. middle of September, when it is gene- rally pleafant weather ; but Auguft is the proper month for the navii» gation of Hudfon's Bay, where are always good foundingSk This grant is divided into the weft main- or continent, formerly in charts called New North and South AVales; and the eaft main called * This iodudes the weflem half of Terra de Labradore. 4 Terra K)^W BRITAIN ANo HUDSON't QAY. Wfmde Ubradore or New Britain* Hie French claimed the bottom of Ae ity, •• belonging to Canada; but tfa^ dilclaimed it by the treaty of Utrecht/ "'The coun#jr is fb inhofj^tablet that no towna o^ plantationa can her fettled there ; fo that it muft for ever renuun a number of fcatter^ dif- mal lodges or fairies"; which con0ft at different places at the mouths of fevenl rivers for trade with the Indians; particularly on the weft continent are Churchill River, Ndion's River, Severn River, All^my Riveir, and Moofe River. On the eaR continent are Rupert River and Slude River. On Churchill River is the Prince of Wales's fort, which is the moft northerly, being in about 59^ north latitude, and 94^ 50' weft bngi- tude, the moft wefterly nart of Hudfon's Ba)r, where Captun Middjeton, upon a north-weft diKovery, wintdvd miferably in 1742. At the mouth of this river, the tide comes from north by eaft two knots ; and it is navigable about x;o leagues. The company keeps here about ihirty . men, who return about so,ooo beaver fluna a year. On Nelfon*s River is Fort York, in 57^ north latitude. It is the fineft and largeft river in the bay ; fbr it communicates with great Idces, and branches of rivers of Indian trade. The company have here twenty-five men; and the tide is ftrarteen feet. New Severn River was called by the French Saint Huiles : it is in 55' north ladtude; but it has a bar, and therefore little frequented. Albany River is in 59^ north latitude, and 85^ 20' weft longitude. It has four feet tide; and, in 173 1, 118 canoes came there to trade.' From the middle of May to the middle of September the weathef ii tolerable : And the comptty have here twenty-five men. *»^ Moofis River it io 51^ aorth ktitude» and has f nr 'kC'. tid^, It is laiger than Albany mvcr; and the cranpany have here twe it ; '€ « men. Prince Rupert River ia on the eaft fide of the bay, in 51® of north Utitude ; but it now fliegleOed : but at Slude River, in 52^, the com- pany ufaally keeps ten men. The charge of die eompany is about 120 fervants, and about four annual ihips. The trade of the country confifts in fui9» quills^ and Vol. IL G g feathers, teaLthttit^rok t|f«^ gtje4r^knttfarife'';-iAid mete Is b^cU:«p^ett]ri^ ttade fti' B1d)lMh:j'itlr tftif fbttft Belbn{fing tdfthe Eiij^ compaiiy. ^ ' j* The natives receive iq exchange arms* nroviiions, ha^ virsaer ^ad •fcmetftocfcrifes.' ' ■■* '^^*"' - - '^- felideMehr, \i^tik1i citiMt prafieiif he cklle^ a colbriy ; becaiire the ]peo- pie have no eftabli(hed legiflature or houfe of reprefentatives, and their laws ^nd regulations are ma^e by the company* . • ;, -'".inj "".''•» '''lo Jf.f , ,1; . : '. !;>rr •»>- ;,'«|if: .';'. ^ niuf ,vh..»^.'a>r' A late wn,tier reptdentai m itron|; fenpM the lu confi^ue^ej of tt^e ^dufive charter enjoyed by this company^' and |n^kes fome jfeve're re- flexions on the manner in which, the trfide is carried Qn. .FrQ^liWhat he fays on th^ {ahjeGi, the following remarl^9 may be extraXed* ;, i* .1: (■ iltii ** Though the defign, whIcH'firft ted our daring countrymen into the *^ '^ark recefles of the nprtib^ failed in ks firft (4>je^ J^e difc^very of *' fL pailage that wav to Chinaij the atlempt failed not of producing other ** cqnfequeftces wbich well repaid, to ^ their counttyii if not immediately ** to themfetVes^ the fatigucr^ .dasgc;^^ ^^jcxpiqnu; of ,i^ to the bold, *' adventurerSf by laying them under a necelfity of flopping, when the *f feverity of the cliou^e made the- fej^ no longer JYvinb^, taexplqre ** their inhoipi^bljelhorei^-^^r die Ai$^i;t ^;Ufe,, i;ill ihp retpra of the ** feaibn proper for purAiing their projea, whereby Ihey opened with' *^ nine inhtbita^ts an tntercourfe of ,coffiq|fi%c> uathoug^t of before^ ^d **• whicb) ;bufi for thjs ca(e> ^Qult} i)cver haye been fi:(ugh|t for.f^hiough fo ^ aiany and fuch di^souragiag di^iiuitie#. ; il;<; ** The feclufion of thefe' inhabitants from the more informed part of ** mankm^ by'thcur'fitMiltiOBj {Hidchrfl^ili^'qf thpii^o^i^jtry^) which ^ copfined^iprpare* witl^ this ^a^taw ^fcje ^4}n »«4«^ftil? »*f^ ** faries of life, without applying a Angle article that could fugged, ** mucb left-gratify athqipglK of >a«7 th^riiw^|^f^,v<)fiIari^J>¥OUght ** commerce with ,Uicmi asK^fxmedy^e ** inconvcniei^ies, of fucfe. barter . ^ -it> :ii^. . z-tl ^it\^ Um;\ . " ' ' ''■ • 'fhe NBW mr^if 4ff . uu^Q^^ Af Y. y. *V The)i4Tantage»of,ru.cb,a comiQeroe to aoQur^tiTr je^U^ to avail itfdf of ** tlyeviiiare fuificicatlly c^if^Qiu., Jt\ Utkea ^,!fu9n of its produce apd H jpimqufad^urca M, w. i^f^k jieq^jr, «iit >by thi^ whodo not want it, who have no ** other vent>for it»t:tn4 cpn^quently arc; glad to exchange it at any rate ** £or what tbey>do want*. and op^ot ob^a otberjwiie; not to Well ** upon the great sation^l' ^ayanljage of its bei^g ;Unmanufadurc^ ami •^' thereby. a&r^Og ompioOrmQat.' to the variouiB artificers who prepare it •* for ufe. «7 ** Thefe circumftancM were too Ariking not to be imi. ediately per- ceived; but their effed was circumfcribcd in fuch a manner by the very means injudicioufly taken rto improve and extend it, that what would' have been« moft important advantage to the whole nation, was, by 'the grant of an ekchiuve ohaiter* coined to a few individuals, who,'adftated by the moft ielfilh* fordid, and fhort-fighted policy, or rather cunning, reftrainedj inftead of extending, that commerce, for fear of its becoming an bl]§ed: of public confideration, and the mono* poly of it taken from thdn, flioiild ihe (compur&tively immenfe) pro- fits which it might produce, be known ; and thereby with the grofleft ^* diifhonefty defeated inteiitiosbdly, iiht exprefs; end for which fiich char- ** ter had been originally granted, on. the. mOftfdaufible pretencest and ** ftrongeft afTurance to the contrary, and was ftill from inattention, or ** mifreprefentation^ fuflFeredto remain with them. ■ft t( J'.UJ ". fi;f iv#ilii:Bi.*-l!^.{jFh -,.■ (« This will'be'beft expSahied and proved by die 'followling lift and " eftimate of the feveral artides exported fhim England'tOj and imported " into England from, this fettlement, which are drawn with the utmoft ** exadnefs, and from the beft authority. Commodities exported fr, and the means taken to accompliih that defign are ihewn, the ** truth of my pofition will aj^ear in its full force. • ** In eftimating the impmrts from Hudfon*s Bay, I ftrike the price of ** them by that paid for the fame articles at Quebec . ** The rcafon of my doing tlus is, that the Hudfim's Bay G>mpany *' condudl all their affairs with fuch impenetra*-^*; fecrecy, that it is not pof- ** Able to know at what rate they exchknge their goods for thofe of the ** natives; an bath of fecrecy being impofed upon their fervaios; and. <* the obfervation of all, upon whom they cannot impofe fuch an oath, ** prevented by the moft brutal inhofpitaUty and exclufion from every ** kind of intercourfe. " Nor win the grofs quantity of the exports open any fatisfadory ** inflght into this myfter^; as it is not known, nor can, for the above ** reafons, be difcQvered with any degree of precifion, how much of that *^ quantity is cpnfumed by the company's fervants \ and confequently no *' letuim tor It Iwought home in the imports. " Thia NEW SKfTAmAMO HUD&ONU BAT. . niiJiait much I know from my o#n experienoe* tlut there i8«o fixed ** iMt for the t»rter 6f any oommodity* the compmy aUowing juft -** whM they pleaict «t Uiat timer in iHiidi aUowaaoe* they are To .<• eqidttbleind reafonahle, that I myielf ha^ feea infiances of their '** bting oonfeientioiifly cootSDt widk a profit n6t above looo per oent ** upon pacticuUr articles. '■ i'«* Thefe)^ fherefere only ftew ^vhat adfanuge the nation reaps at '** prefent^'fiibdi the commerce df this fettlement^ under their monopoly. ** Wh4t) it ^uld reap were there no fuch monopoly* with a more par- ** ticulair account of the curious methods taken to keep ^t in its prefent " ftate of national infignificancy, (hall be next ihewn. 2a^ w u ct C( the itainds of all people of power or property were fo fixed upon the intrigues of the court, and the confequenees immediately apprehended from them at home, that thnr would not fpase a* thought for any thii^ fo remote in fitttation and cneCt as foreign colontiation, by whtch means that moft important of political enterpnzes fell to ** thoie who were in every refped leaft qualified to purfue it to advantage. u «i «i <« '* Under thefe maufpicious eircumftancesi an- exelufive charter for *^ trading to the countries eoiifining . on the fta» ealled Hudfon's Bay, was, without eriqtiiringiioto. the cohfecpieaces» gmnted to a fct of private adventurers^ who» without fupport or even countenance from government, nUdertookt upon the natrow foundation of their own **■ fortunes, to efiablifh a trade, attended with fiich- difficulties iki appear- *^ ance, as would have difcouraged any pienr not fully perfuaded of the ** certainty of fucce&b ' Non.were they difappoinkdi the event e]Bceed<^ ** ing their moft fanguine expedations in their very firft experiment. ** Such fiiccefs from ib weak a beginning (hewed to What an height it ** might be carried on a more extended foundation. But the fcheme it ** fuggefted was very diflferent: Inftead of extending their firft plan, ** and making thtir fuccela known^ to procuce. an calai^ement of Z •» thcit ^ '' 1 ^36 %n^TiOSix. dxF.iB a4iriAHT4jit|B: %itq{A. ^^&rim!aintalt}flid;campM7tariieid(>iA'tbttrtMK.t«ir9^^ theiwholc, ^^ {whicli"tlse 6iiRxmQaom' .o((SXtt rdoDCt DMre'-^ Ihoo-, |«|o uppd^i^ui «|f$o»- «•* taiiirrdr dokwyinii Mart^hei lynite qfeffhorfriltfl, vHikht auefity lodatiirft ob)igeflith«ii^itot(S||.aut upbn^ and4nttkia|;' ti'ftwr (padtrpr ^mianfaalH\b4niiy!()iA«ieAC to cany on the re(fa(^ined tnide'Whichfudi<'B oapittdxauBfupport^j.: Ti^ «evea.t ** has in this a\Co iiftlli anfwbred their -;defigalb. iiFhtf .inc(Mi^4$l»ihle ** amount of their exports, and confequently of the returns, have kept -^^* the trade in fuoh'.'obfcanty m CDdfet^ faBniBath'the;,MMtAip%i^ igovcrn- •*< trlent, ^why)it hM'Miiiidited^ a9pordtf%.to[dtoiei!|evv how^vt;^ «od- <<* tkary to'th^fpirirof theircludte^ieiclufively'MttfittriO^ • ; '■ •..:.:, J (.11 : •• ;• - jp' i , < ^' It muft be owned, that the temfttaddnl to thit' iComd^id: iwere power- ** ful. Withom hazarding,! or even advtnKtngiq»«M;|:ftH9 a fon^p^ative ** trifle, they have long reaped, and do ftill reap a profit, which a capi- rA* tal ten^mes as large ooiild.vol .^loaiiciTia my i0!OhCf. dtt^t^^jqH com- ** merce;'a feafon, which too puuiy. linftances prove. 'ftlfficicnt, in the ^** prefent times, to over-balanfae national advantage, and.ju(i^ breach ^^^«f 'faith-; for by ao othetfiname caii fo . vmaki^ A y'lfflf^^f^,;^ the ,(«( ?|«ofcffions of pfoeK>ting[.thatr.adTanfiage,itipon wbi<^a)l^^^i:I^ters *<* aa« I^HHiQed, b«icaUcii»iwi■ .^;>«m.T/:,'; ( . ;i ..*! ,; ,.) briikiMi i lJ litfihi vrivi* rl jTwr -i/l »/ -j'-if; • ** I am aware, that it will be objeded to this, by thofe who are inte- -^< r«fted tokeepithefe^afiaifsruiltheir prefcnt ih;?^<>f d«ur^nfff, that the ^ .<* imports proi^ the faftdotKyiof^e aipitaliAH^0!(^e.^rfi4e> ^^d that it i;«*t}a abftttd aild>iinnaturali^)!tbiaBiny inin)(bQDld,]>e^!fo,bUj^d to, their "** i6wn advimtage^ as not tO!4fi|dike jai^ exports qovldjlhi^yrJla^adMuate ^ retur^ for them. The*Jatteriof 1 thefe/^jedi^s has been ^ready. ob- -** viated. I ihall 'uoyr Qivit tke fallacy of the former, an^ iin ivhat U i^ that *^ ftate> bf 1 aaiUtM ignorante, .'whiisfa people ji^re .infoiq^ , have , arco- ** gantlyprdtamcd tosalliiivage^heaTen hat not ofiwed ^f^ tbeiknow- 3 " ledge N£\r BRrrAIN Am HUrSOKIi 3AiY. * Yed|;4H«edlk)/for'the ftwr im(t>Ciet of their narrow fphete cf ]tfe< "* Thitf^ Wore ik>t long engaged in. this |tl»ffic, theimfore* befpre they '*«4iiib9(rer0d>ibm« oll'tlw giafrimpafitbaltpra^fisd jupwif thdWi tjhiQttgb ** iSity eeilM ncA ik)ffibly'libnbiCiTen'a 'omuxp^^^ ^ whole* **' I ha^ obfenred Ihat |he .commerce of the Hudron*8 Bay Company ** cbniifta^ ii^' handing fome of pur manu&Ctures and commodities, the *"ctieajpteft andWodt :«f «hlii(^JcHid«y Jwitk the natives for their furs^ ** lie' fiK(t«thin^,wliieh'l«afoit would luggeft to be done in fuch a trafEo^ ** by thofeSrho'had the-kadibit, muft be to 'fix the ratesrof ;tbe feveral ** articles to be brougHtfay them^for barter, at fiich a ftan(^ard, as ihould ** obviate their being ever under a neceffity of altering it, and thereby " raifing a fufpicion of injuftice in the others* who being neither able to ** judge of thefe'^ierikfl* mii>te£ tlis iacKcidsiital circiimiUnces which **' might at pirtiet^K thnes nialDC an /alteration in then neceflary, were* ** they ftruck' with ^a^neft) would certainly take offence at fuch- " alteration* thdogh they covld not avoid (ubmitting to the firft eftabllih- ** ment, in the ma9i:tng«f<'*rhkh i h«ye not piefiuQ|ed to meotioo the* ♦*• leaft.-regardftfjiiftice; ';'_'• •■■'>■■■-■■ '> -t.. . i.ir u ■ :•' ' ^ Btif itiftbd' bf thMr i TtsiW' ftandard is arliittarHy impofed by the company every feafon, not on pretence even of any alteration in the ** value of their own commodities, or thofe of the natives, but folely ** adeordinj^' to' the ^ttiit^- of the lakter, the whole of whioh, be it ** more or left than> oft- other- years, they c^culate fo as to get. for their> ** own, whole quantity is nearly the iame every- feafon. Such an im- ** p6fition was too glaring to eicape undoticed even by favages ; who, '*^ though they could *ot fliew^their refentment of it in the fame manner ** as people in ol^er ci«cumftanoes, by dtfcontinuing the trade,, yet did ** not fail to 'take the obviout means of poeventtng it for the future, by **' l»ringiilg no more fiat's than their little experience had taught them= *^ Vrould AilSce to procure in. exchange all the commodities of the com- '^^ pany, the quantity of which they alio knew by experience. The re-^- **- mainder, for in their hmntingsfor food they flay many mc^ of, the ' *'('Varioti8 ahkiialsthan they bring the ** them' td- anyv^be^r Ufet or actually' ^o#i away.; pra^ftng out o£> *' refentment the fame policy with the Dutch».in regard to their, fuper-^- ** fluous fpices.. U9 u • l-:)fr •tihh'i : OiTi "?,irOf ** Thie esuife arid cofffequences of the condud which has been inva-*- **• niably purfAed" b^ the Hudfon's Bay Company* ever fmce it was^ /.*■ » eflabUflied„ it^' ^KISXORT OF BRITISH AMERIOilu ** eftiblilhed, haying been confideKd, let-ut now ctafider^hat wodIA' ** be ihe eflFed had they adopted adiflSirent fj^emt iDt tt^^ hadnr* ** Aich eftabliflunent been made firom the bcgmningi 'btttthej trade \tljk ** open in iti natural ftatet indeed die only &te iil.wluch.a|^rtfide tan prove beneficial to a nation, all monqpoliea by thdr principlet counter- ading the public intereft* andfetting up a private c^e iii oppofitjon to it. The only trade (or at leaft the omy one worth taking aii^ notioe of) carried on at prefent by the Hndibn't Bay Com^j £% the fur tndei^ - But befide this, there are othera already aifooTefed, which, jj^puihed ** to their proper extent, would very ibon not only e^ual, but moift pro* *' bably even excel that; not to mention the pr it deeper down ; fuch lumps being protruded from the body of the metal like fparks from a large fire. Nor is it unreafonable to expert that metals ftill more valuable might be found in the purfuit of this ; the richeft gold mines in the eafl: being intermixed with thofe of cop- per, as copper itfelf is with gold, in proportion to the fincnefs of the' former ; and finer than the lumps I found there have I never feen. (C it -inpan7» from their chartcft appeared the fnoft proper body to be confulted i Sir Charles Wager mentioned the affair to Mr. Jonea* formerly a deputy-governor of that company, and at that time an elder brother of Trinity Houfe ; who, at much as pof- fible, difcouraged Sir Charles from the defign ; relating to him the dif- after the company had in the lofs of two floops fitted out for this purpofe, under Mr. Barlow, in 17 19. Mr. Dobbs, not (atisfied with this, got Sir Charles to introduce hikn to Mr. Jones, who was ftill againil the attempt : but notwithftanding thefe difcouragements, Mr. Dobbs ac« compliflied his defire} but whether there is a north-weft paflage, or not, is ftill a matter of uncertainty, However, by the ftatute of the 18th of King Georgffc IF. ♦ it vwis fct forth in the preamble, that the difcovery of a north-weft paflage througU Hudfon's Streights, to the weftern American ocean, would be of great benefit to the trade of Great Britain : And therefore it was ena^ed, that if any ftiip or vefTel, ihips or vcfl*el8, belonging to any of his Majefty's fubjeds, fhould find out and fail through any palfage by fea between Hudfon's Bay and the weftern or fouthern ocean of America, the owner or owners thereof, or their affigns, fliould receive as a reward 30,000 /. And that all perfons being his Majefty's fubjeds, and refiding where the adventurers ftiould come, in profecution of fuch difcovery, ftiould give them all aid requifite, and fliould noways obftruA, or refufe them rea- fonable fuccour in any diftrefs. In 1740, his Majefty was pleafed to approve the fcheme, and two veflels were ordered to be fitted out, the command of which was given to Captain Middleton, who failed in thefummerof 1741; but it was the end of July before he could pafs Hudfon's Streights ; fo that he found himfelf neceflitated to winter at the Prince of Wales's fort in Churchill River, where he i^as accufed of employing his men in the company's fetvice ; but he pleaded fuch employment was neceflary to keep them in health. Here he was detained by the ice until July 1742, when he failed, and got as far north as lat. 63!^ 30', where he found a head-* land, which he called Cape Dobbs, and abreaft of it a fair large open- ing, or inlet, which he called Wager River. Here he got his fliips into a bay called Savage Sound, and fent his boats about fixty miles up, who found a deep channel with a ftrong current againft them, and high land pa both fides, the water fait or brackifli. Captain Middleton, upon 015 • In 1745. Hh z the •36 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. the 8d of Augufl, left thii rivet or Areight, and proceeded to 66^ 44' of north latitude* where he faw a cape, which he jiudgcd to be the moft northerly point of North America, the land falling o(F to the north-wefl; but the folbwing day he found himfelf embayed on all fideft, and gave it the name of Repulfe Day. Into this bay, he obferved a tide come from the great ocean, weft of Greenland, by a pflage he calls the Frozen Streights ; though Mr. Dobbs has ailcrted, that thefe Frozen Streights are imaginary, and that Cape Frigid is joined to the north con- tinent, to which Captain Middlcton gave the name of Prince William's Land, in honour of his late Royal Highncfs the Duke of Cumberland. From hence Captain Middlcton withdrew to the fouth, and traced the fliore until the 15th of Auguft) when he bore for England, having made, no effedual difcbvery. ^/ >l',^.' ' . i» * 1 *j J i ; j-i.-tilt ■J.M ". «.. U; 1> : CHAP. ,">».• NEW BRITAIN and HUDSON** BAY, ai7 CHAP. II. Difputes concerning a nwtb'nveji pnjfage ; cUmate ; Indians. A Paffage by the north-weftward, or Davis's Streights, fccms to be given ^^ lip or relinquiihed by all European adventurers; but the paHage by the fuutherly branch, or Hudfon's Bay, is ftill in profecution. It has been alleged in favour of a north-wed pafTagc, as follows : I. The wha4e» found in plenty on the weft-fidc of Hudlbn's bay; as there is no mention of whales in Hudfon's Strciglits, tlicy do not come that way : they cannot come from Davis's Streights by the Frozen Streights of Middleton, becaufe of a wide and large field of ice; for whales cannot pafs under a large track of ice; ae they c»nnot live without blowing at times in the open air; therefore thefe whales muft come from the wcftern or pacific ocean, by fome freights or paflace in Hudl'on's Bay. It may be probable, however, that the great whales m Davis's Streights, when the fca begins to be frozen there, pafs in to the ocean, or deeper water, bccault* warmer; and thus thecod-fiflx upon the coaftof New England in very cold winters retire into deep water.- Mr. Dobbs affirmed, that Captain Middleton faw no whales near Cape Hope or the Frozen Streights: he judged the Frozen Streights to be chimerical; therefore the whales in Button's Bay muft come from the weftward. 2. Wager River, where Captain Middleton made his principal infpec- tion, in nbrth latitude &^^ 24 » and weft longitude 88® 37', from feven miles wide at its ei||Crancc, farther up increafed to eight leagues 'n breadth, and from fourteen to eight fathom water.- Whales were feen twenty miles up the river; and Mr. Dobbs conjectured that thefe whales came from the weftern ocean, by fome ftreight or paflfaf^e, fouth of Wager River, from north latitude 65^ to diS where the Elkimaux Indians followed whaling, and traded with captain Scroggs in 172^}. 3. Captain Middleton; from fome undue mfluence, did not well infpeA the coaft, where the greatcft probability was of a paflage : that he de- lignedly kept too great an offing, and deferred pretended land and moun- tains in the «la^ds: fo thatt concluding there were • no ^.palfages, he did not fend his boats aftiore to try for inlets; but Captain Fox, failing on lUi» 138 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. this era (I, difcovered much broken land and fome iflands, as alfo plenty of whales at the end of July in 1632. 4. That Captain Middleton's officers faid, the tide was three hours fooner at the mouth of Wager River than at Cape Frigid ; therefore the tide did nut come from the Frozen Streights and Baffin's Bayeailward, but from Areights weflward. The fame officers alfo afTured Mr. Dobbs, that the higli^r up Wager River the vrater became the falter, and the flood was from well fouth-weil ; but Captain Middleton laid the tide came from the nortli-eaft. To evince the impradicability of a north-weil paflagCj it was then faid, I. That the French) very inquifitive, and regardful of their interefl, ap- peared to have given up any profpedl of this palTage; becaufe, by the treaty of Utrecht, they readily renounced for ever to Great Britain the fole and exclufive benefit of a north-weft paflage to China from Hudfon's Bay, or Davis's Streights, when diicovered. 2. That the whales upon the weft-fide of Hudfon's Bay by the Frozen Streights came from Davis's Streights, where they are numerous. 3. Captain Middleton fays, that Indian travellers have gone by land from Churchill River, as high as the Arctic Circle, but met with no * paifages. His northern Indians, which he took on board in Churchill River, were chiefly defigned to fliew him the copper-mines. 4. That the farther up Wager River, the tides ride lefs ; the water from fait becomes brackifli, and the higher the more frefli. 5. Capt. Middleton alleges, that from his own experience* there is no paflage thro' Churchill River in north lat. 59^ to the north lat. 67° ; and farther north, if there be any ftreights or paflage, n caiinot be dear of ice, if ever clear, above a week or two in the year; and therefore im- practicable: that from the River Wager to north latitude 6a ^1 he flood into every bay, and fearched the coaft narrowly. 6. That as the winds there are generally from the north-weft, and exceflively cold, there muft be a long continued tra^ of land weftward, covered with perpetual fnow and ice, and therefore impradicable: befide* if there is any fuch ftreight, it muft be narrow and long; fo.that the adventurers would run a certain riik of being frozen upigi^d of perifliing with cold and waot. -^ W'- Captain NEW BRITAIN and HUDSON'S BAY. Giptiin Middletont in his too minute Journals of his voyages from England to Hudfon's Bay, obfervedt that in Hudfon's Bay, in the fame longitudes from London* in failing north, the variations increafe fader than in any known part of the earth ; for indance, in one of his voyages he obierved, that in about 84^ well longitude from London, the varia- tions increafe thus : In north lat. 50 d. variation was 19. d. W» 55 25 ^ <5i 30 62 40 Put Captain Scroggs in 1723 traded with ttie Indians for whale-bone, at Whale Bone Point, in 6j" of north latitude, where the tide flowed five fathom j at lead. In 1745 a new trial was intended at a north-wefl paflage; and an siCt of parliament was palled ** for granting a public reward to fuch jierfon or prrfons, his Majefty's fubjed or fubjeds, as (hould difcover a north-weft palTage through Hudfon^s Streighis to the weflern and ibuthera ocean of America.'* 839 The committee chofen in 1 746 for putting in execution the under- taking to find out the north-weft paflage were, Thomas Lord Southwell, Arthur Dobbs, James Douglas, Henry Douglas, and Rowland Frye^ Efqrs. Capt. John Tomlinfon, Mr. Robert Macky> Mr. William Bowden, and Mr. Samuel Smith, who was alfo their fecretary: but nothing was afterward done. There is a great advantage that the European weftern north latitudes have of the American eaftern north latitudes. Thus it may be obferved, that in fifty degrees, for inftance, of north latitude, in the north-eafterly parts of America, it is as cold as fixty degrees or upward of north latitude in the north-wefterly parts of Europe; becaufe th'' ocean and its mellovir vapour are to the windward of Europe ; ^ut a rude, frozen, and rigorous continent is to the windward of the other ; which may be feen by the fol- lowing inftances : I. FroM Churchill River Fort there was no going abroad without be- ing frozen in winter : whereas in Torneo from Lapland in 1 736, nearly under the polar circle, to inveftigate the length of a degree of latitude, there the French academicians, in the feverity of the winter, were fixty- three days in the defert, procuring a complete fet of triangles. 5 2. Tlie 240 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. a. The bottom of Hudfon*8 Bay is fcarcely habitable in winter, thoagh hardly fo far north as London9 which has a moil agreeable air. 3. In the Orkneys * there is good wintering : barley, peafe, and oats ; cabbages, roots, and pot-herbs grow kindly; nor is there much fuow or ice, although the Orkneys are a Utile north of Churchill River. In the northern faftories, fhe great (haws begin the end of April ; and the waters inland are frozen up from the beginning of Odober to the coming in of May. In North America, the people judge of the inclemencies of their feveral climates, by the times of the flights of their paflage-birds : wild geefe and fwans fly fouthward about the beginning of Odober, , and fly north- ward about the beginning of May. The deer are very large in thefc parts, fbmc from twelve to thirteen hands high. Here are alfo white bears, foxes, hares, and rabbits, which in Odober change their native colour, fo as to become fnow-white, and continue fo for fix months, until the feafon produces a new coat. The fame happens to the partridge ; befide which, there are fwans, ducks of fcvci-al kinds, and other water-fowl. In their meadows they have only mofs, forrel, and fcurvy-grafs. There ifi feldom a night in winter without an aurora borealis ; and the wind blows from the north-wcfl: about nine months in the year. The cold fogs and mifls alfo damp the pleafure of their fliort fummers ; and they have nine months ice and fnow. As to the Indians, their manners, cnftoms, language, government, and religion, are much the fame with the Indians of Canada ; and La Hontan has defcribed them very naturally, excepting that he has raifed Nature, and made her too delicate in this barbarous clime. The Indians about Rupert's River, and other places in the bay, are more fimple than thofe of Canada, who have had longer commerce with the Europeans : they are generally peaceable, and not given to quarrel with themfelves or others, except the Nodways, a wild barbarous people, on the borders of Hudfon's Streights. The Indians of certain diflrids, * '* Here the Hudfoii's Bay jQiip^ call in to hire men and boys at 5 to 20 1. fterling pu annum, according to the yenrs of their intended continuance. They arc called north -weft men" Douglas, vol. i. p. 283. bounded NEW BRITAIN and HUDSON'S BAT. bounded by particular river*, have each an Okimah or captain over them, held in efteem for his prudence and experience. He has no authority but what they think fit to give him upon certain occafions. He is their fpeech-maker to the Englifh; as alfo in their own ferious debates, when they meet every fpring and fall, to fettle the difpofition of their quarters for hunting, fowling, and fiftiing. Each family has its boundaries adjufted, which they feldom quit, unlefs they have little fuccefs, and then they join with fome fuccefsful family. Every man has commonly two wives, whom- they keep in great fubje^tion, and make them a(X. all kinds of flavery ; while the mea only hunt and kill the game. Their notions of religion arc very fimple ; for they afTert, there are two monetoes or fpirits; that the one fends all the good things they have, and the other all the bad. Their worfhip confifts in fongs and dances at their feafts, in honour of the monetoes who have favoured them : but if they are fick or ftarved, they hang fome little bauble on the top of a. pole near their tent, to pacify, as they conceive, the fpirit offended. Let the learned fay all the fine things that wit, art, and eloquence can ihfpire them with, of the fimpUcityof pure Nature, its beauty and inno- cence; thefe poor people are a glaring inftance, that this reputed inno- cence is abfolute ftupidity ; this pretended beauty a ftrong deformity, which puts the human fpecies on an equal footing with tlie beafts of the- chace. It is worth obferving, that the French had fo good an opinion of their American colonies, as to take not only all lawful, but all unlawful means to preferve and enlarge them, contemptible as they were in themfelves; whereas the Englifh had been as negligent of theirs as if they were notworth keeping. The Chevalier de Troyes, on the 8th of July i ^86, came before the fort of Albany River, where the governor then refided ; and, after fome defence, a capitulation was made, and a treaty concluded upon. Thb fort was accordingly furrendered ; but the French paid little regard to the articles of capitulation. King William III. in his declaration of war ugainft the French King, took this particular notice of de Troyes* invading Hiidfon's Bay, and deftroying the Englifh fadories there, as the French had done in other places: *' But that the French King fliould invade our Charibbce Iflands, and poffefs-hinifelf of our territories of the province of New York and. Vol, II. li HudfoaV 24I! #1 ^ •HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. Hudfon's Bay, in a hoftile manner j K.izing our forts, burning our fub- jedis {hips, and enriching his people with the fpoil of their goods and merchandizes ; detaining fomc of our fubjeds under the hardfhip of im- prifonment, cauling others to be inhumanly killed, and driving the reft to any, traders to Hudiiui's Bay, ror all damage and fpoil done to their colonies, (hips, perfons and goods, by the ho(nle incurfions and depreda- tions of the French in time of peace.** Thefe northern countries produce nothing wanted in Great Britain, and are intirely unfit for the purpofe of cultivation, as appears not only from the nature and reafon of things, but from the experienqe of more than a century iind a half. Neither theXoil aor the climate wiU adn|uc Qf any ii^provements, and NEW BRITAIN and HUDSON'S BAY, and there is nothing to be done againft Nature. The length and feverity of the winters, the late and backward fprings, and fhortnefs of the fum- mer-feafon, are unavoidable obftacles to all improvements in agriculture. Were they to make any thing but the necefTaries of life in their Ihort fum- mers, they would all perilh in their long and hard winters, which laft for five or fix months, and longer in the northern parts. Thefe fevere colds are occafioned by the violent north-weft winds, blow- ing from the frozen regions of Hudfon's Bay, which rage with fuch fury all over the continent, that they bring the climate of Hudfon's Bay even to Virginia and Carolina by one blaft; and as thefe winds blow with great violence about the vernal and autumnal equinoxes, they occafion a. fecond winter, as it is called, at that time of the year, when a warm fpring might be expefted in the latitude of thefe northern colpnies, which; lie between forty and forty-three, degrees*. 343 I i 2 THE THE HISTORY OF THE BR ITISH EMPIRE I N NORTH AMERICA- BOOK XIV. The Hiftory of N O V A S G O T I A. CHAP. I. Situation and extent of this province. Grant to Sir William Alexander in 1 62 1. French fettlements, and different revolutions there, until the province -was ceded to Great Britain by the treaty of Utrecht in 17131 and confirmed hy fuhfequent treaties^ NOVA SCOTIA, or New Scotland, comprehending Acadia, is bounded by the Bay and River of Saint Lawrence on the north- eaft and north-weft; by the Atlantic Ocean on the eaft; by the iame ocean and the Bay of Fundi on the fouth ; and by part of Canada, and part of New England on the weft; lying between 43® and 51® of north latitude, and between 63** and 70*^ of weft longitude; being about 500 miles in length from north to fouth, and about 300 miles from eaft to weft. This country was called Nova Scotia by Sir William Alexander, fecre- tary of ftate for Scotland^ who obtained a royal grant on the 1 oth of Sep- tember 1621. He was afterward created Lord Alexander, Vifcount of Canada, and Earl of Stirling in 1633. The French called it L'Acadie, an abbreviation ;t46 HISTORT OF BRITISH AKTERICAr abbreviation or corruption of Arcadia, m the Morca of Greece : but untif. the year 1749 it could not be called a colony, becaufe it was only an im*- potent Britilh garrifon in an ill'regulated French fettlcment. The French had early fettlcments in Nova Scotia ; and in 16 13 Captain- Argol from Virginia vHited Port Royal and Saint Croix, from whence he brought away two French veflcls. M. Biencourt was then governor of Port Royal: Argol broke up fomc French fcttlements in Sagadahock and L'Acadie, called part of, New France, or Terra Canadcnfis. Afterward the country north of Saint Lawrence River retained this name only; audi tliia expedition of Argol's made way for the patent granted to Sir Wil- liam Alexander, who admitted feme aflbciates in i623,and they fent over a fl'lp with fomc fettlers ; but they all returned to England the fame year». and the French proceeded in their fettlements.. King Charles T. in 1625*, upon his marriage with the Pi-incefs Hen- rietta-Maria of France, relinquifhed Nova Scotia to the French; fince which there have been many revolutions in the property and dominioa^ of it. 1. In 1^27 and 1628, Sir David Kirk and his aflTociates, upon a pri- vate adventure, but commiflioned by the crown of England, conquered the French fcttlements in Canada and Nova Scotia; after which patents were obtained, whereby the lands called Canada, north of the River of Saint Lawrence, were granted to Sir David Kirk ; and all he land called Nova Scotia, fouth of that river, were confirmed to Sir. William Alexander. 2. Sir William fold the property to M, Claude de la Toure d'Aunay, ai French proteftant; and England ceded it to France by treaty in 1632. 3. Oliver Cromwell fent Colonei Sedgwick to rediice it in 1654, and it was confirmed to England by treaty in i6£Si but M. St. Eftienne, fon and heir of Claude de la Toure made' out his claim, and had the property furrendered to him. Afterward he fold that property to Sir Thomas Temple, who was governor, and in pofleflion of the property until 1662, when it was delivered up to the French ; Vvho builta ftockaded fort at Port Royal, and another at Saint John's River.. 4. The French of L*Acadie being troublefome neighbours, Colonel Phipps invaded ihem from New England in 1690, and reduced the inha- bitants to the fubjedlion of England : but by the treaty of Ryfwick in. 1697 it was receded to France. 5, Major KOVA SCOTIA, . Major Churcli In 1704, with five hundred volunteers, vifitcd ?cn(ih- fcot, FalTamaquady, and Les Mines : they brought oft' one hundred pri- foners ; but attempted Port Royal in vain. In 1706 Captain Rowfe of Charles Town made a ridiculous attempt upon Annapolis : hut in 1708 an expedition from New Lngland was undertaken againft Port Royal, under Colonel March, which had no efFeft, although attempted wiih two regiments of militia, and two fliips of war. Another attempt was made by Colonel Nicholfon in 1710, which fucceeded, and the country was confirmed to Great Britain by the treaty of Utrecht, and thun it remains to this day, reconlirmed by the treaty of 1748, and finally ceded in 1763. Annapolis was not much bettered In changing Its name; but the reduc- tion of this country was indubitably a good piece of fervice; becnufe Port Royal was then a ncll of privateers, and a Dunkirk to the American trade; befide, it was the head-quarter from whence parties of French and Indians ifTued out, and fell upon the parts of New England. This made It of fuch importance to the Englifh *, that it was well for them the French had little opinion of it; for the managers of the Utrecht treaty would have complied with yielding the country up. Indeed, it ^as then thougiit inhofpitaible, unfufceptible of cultivation! and rude. Time evinces the contrary, in fome eminent degree. Colonel Nicholfon went to England, and was appointed governor of "Nova Scotia and Annapolis Royal ; as alfo commander of all the Btitiih ibrces there, and in Newfoundland. f See Duio^er. *^. CHAP. M JIISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. . C H A P. ir. A partku ' r (kfcriptm of the country, A 3 to thq country of Nova Scotia lii general} its harbours arc fo numc- ** rou8 and fine, as not to be exceeded in any part of the world. It abounds with falmon, trout, eels, and fcveral othcc forts< of frefh-watec fi(h; with a great plenty of wUd-fowl of different forts. Its woods are flocked with deer, rabbits, and an uncommon variety of furred animals s particularly bears. Its foil is very fertile, producing all kinds of grain and provifiont. The country i» covered with afh, beech, elm, cedar,, maples, firs, and pines, fit for naval ufes. It alfo abounds with lime*- Hones and fine quarries for building, Cape Breton, lying a little to the eafhvard of that tra£l, is neither fo fertile nor fo capable of improvement; as it is rocky, fleriie, and cold; abounding neither with furs, or timber for building of fhips. Its princi- pal, if not only advantage, conlifled in its fituation and harbours, which were in the center of all the fifliing7banks on the North American' coaAs *.. We have been authentically told, that there is very little difference in the temperature of the air in. the feveral parts of New England ; fo its feveral products, and aptnefs for different improvements, vary but in a few particulars ; the fouthernmofl being befl for corn ; the northern for grazing, and affording a much greater quantity of timber and filh. The Wefl India iflandd are furnifhed frort the northern colonies with' horfcs and feveral kinds of live flock; alfo Hour, bread, peafe, faltedbeef, and pork; codfifh, mackarel, and herrings; cyder and butter; onions, oil, and turpentine; (hips, timber, mafls, yards, planks, boards, fhingles,. flaves, and hoops. In thefc colonies, the land* which were already cleaned of timber, and impioved for tillage and paflure, were far from yielding fuch profit to the owner, as they were capable of, for want of manuring, and being properly fubdivided into fmaller allotments, which the great price of labour made imprafticable : but as Nature has furnifhed the country with •Mr. Little, p. 33. feveral NOVA SCOTIA. fereral forts of marie and fea-warc, whenever the farmer has heen ahle to enrich the foil with them, the produce of his lands has paid his expence* •and greatly raifed their value ; yet, by reafon of the fcarcity of labourers, few can bear the charge of fuch a neceflary cultivation : but, by tncrcafing their number, the country might be enabled to do it, and confequently to fupply the Weft India iflands at a cheaper rate. It was imagined, that any confiderable number of Inhabitants, fettled on the uncultivated lands in Nova Scotia, would not lie able to furnifh themfelves with provifions for the firft year: but as the country is full of fine harbours, lakes, and rivers; the lands well covered with timber| < and the fea-coaft plentifully (locked with fifh and wild-fowl, it would foon be in their power to fupport themfelves *. Farther, it was faid, that it would be of great .v /% V y Jflt^l^ll ^ k <^ ^^-^^X '^.^^'* ^ v\ ScMices QspoFation 23 VnST MAM STRHT WmTM,N.Y. 145M (71«)t73-4S03 4^ w so HISTORY OP BHlTlSH At^ERICA. footing, or to remove them : the latter could ndt well be done at that time, though it was afterward ; and the foriher in nothing better than by encouraging a confiderable number of foreign Proteftants, and others, to fettle among them; which was more efFedlually doAi: by Britifli emi- grants. This would not only be of immediate fervice, but in a few years would produce various good e(Fe£ts ; for, as the country abounded with pines and furs, it would be capable of fupplying Great Britain with the fineft deal-boards and timber of all kinds, in vedela of its own, which iipvre then imported from Norway a(nd the Baltic in foreign bottoms, and. ,43rained the nation of immenfe fuins of money. This was not only prac- Iflicable on the firft fettlement of the country, but in the courfe of a few years would become an ufeful and permanent branch of bufmefs. If none of thefe good confequenCes enfued, yet fettling the province vrith iJProteftapts was of the greateft importance, as the French would other- wife CQiitinue to fuppdrt their, own inh&bitdhts until they exce^ed. the number, and were 6f more confequenee than thcife of Canada, it re- quired'no long time to cfFed this, in a country whofe inhabitants were- not only very healthful, but very prolific. Surely then it muft be deemed impolitic to fufier fuch a colony of French bigots to be reared up under the kindly influence of a Britifh adminiftration, .to maflkcre the Englifh .Proteilants whenever the popifh priefl: (hould confec»^e the knife. In the meantime, they had 6n kll bccafions manifefted a contempt 6f the Britifli government when they could do it ^ilh impunity, or were too . remote to fear the refentment of that ^^arrifon. It therefore highly con- cerned Great Britain that foitie fteps Mght be taken to prevent their future growth and ^efe^ion: but it wai difficult to attempt, and-almoft impoflible to efFeift, thfeir rem6val,'withoutWoid«Whed; and if they- were difpoflefled, it was then apprehended they wbiild xeitvdve to Canada : but this was afterward predudf^^ proper preventive means. Their eftates #fere held by patent frtJm 4hc Fr^iich Kit^, for m^ich they ps^id a fmatl ackndwledgment : -their right w»^ rieferved to them by the articles of capitiilaHori at the'^r^dudion of iAmfttpolis, and was finaHy ratified'by the treaty of tJtrecht: but is no civil government had ever been eftabli^^, they had no 'more to do with their newmafters than to pay their quit-rent, which in the whole province did nbt amount to forty pounds a year. *: ,: When th€ form of government was eftablifhed, the inflrudibns to ther governor and council were copied from thofe of Virginia; whereby the power of granting lands was veiled in themi, and reArided to fuch- eon* ^Voas as proved a great dilcouragettieiit to the coloaUl&; for the pa- 4 tentee '^; N O V A SCQT I A. tentee y^as not only obliged to pay a penny (lerling per acre for the whole* but was fubjed to a penny more whenever the government fhould demand it ; and unlefs he had built a hqufe) and brought part of his lands under improvement, within three years ffom the date of his grant, he forfeited his title. This, attended with the conAant obilrudions, which both the French and Indians had made to any Proteftant fettlements, when' com- pared on the eaiy terms upon which lands were granted in other parts of North America, evidently accounted for the Htuation of the colony. But iince it was apparently for the public intereft, that the growing ftate of thofe Nova Scotians fliould be checked ; that they fhould cither be ren- dered ufeful, or prevented from ^coming dangerous to the other colonies, it was thought this could not be more eifedlually done than by creding fuch fortifications as would keep their moft populous towns in fubjedion, and at the fame time ferve as a protection to the propofed' fettlements in the cok>ny; a more particular defcilttion of which feems necelTary to elucidate the plan that was afterward adopted, purfued, and executed, under the diredion and protedion of the Earl of Halifax *. About feventeen leagues north from Cape Sable, the entrance of the Bay uf Fundi. commences, where it is about twenty leagues wide; and extendii^g near forty leagues, divides itfelf into two branches; one of which terminates in feveral rivers, that difcharge themfelves into Minas Bay; and the other running more northerly toChigne£to, forms an ifth- mus of that name, between this branch and the Bay of Vert, which empties itfelf in the Gulph of Saint Xawrence. . .;... -#■ . .." ■-. ' . . ' Twelve leagues firom that entrance, on the fouth fide of the Bay, lies the Gut of Annapolb, which is about three-quarters of a mile wide and half a league in kngth, on each fide of which the land is very mountain- ous and rocky. The tides are fo impetuous, as often to render this a dangerous paflage for large vefTels; but when they are once in, a moft delightful harbour prefents itfelf in view, called the Bafon of Annapolis, from the gradual declivity of the lands furrounding it, being about three leagues in length from north-eaft to fouth-weft, and two in breadth, with fafe and commodious anchorage in mofl: parts of it for a numerous fket of (hips t* Upon its fouth fide are two fmall Hvers of little confequence, and the land is mountainous and rocky. On the north-eaft fide a little * It bad always ben found impradicable to fettle in Nova Scotia withoiit entering into a conteft with the French, who claimed the fpot) and if that failed, the Indians were furcto challenge the property as lords of die wholAI and indeed it was difficult to determine what right the inhabitants had, or how extenfive it was, without a fpecial inquiry and furvey. t *' All the ihips in England," fays Mr. Little, p. 53. K k a ifland M iS9 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. ifland forms the entrance of Annapolis River, which continues navigable- for large veflTels on that courfe about ten leagues. At the mouth of this river were feveral fmall French villages, from whence it is about two' leajgues to Annapolis Royal; which ftands, on a point of land, formed by: this, and another fmall river that ranges about (buth-eaft. The fltuation of this fortrefs being elevated fixty.or feventy feet above- the level of the river, and ftanding on its bank,' renders an attack from- fhips almoft impracticable ; becaufe the ftrength of the tides makes it dif- ficult for them to moor, unlefs it be in the eddy, or counter-tide, which) brings them too near the fhore to do (pecution. As it is fituated on a Ijevel with the canipaigni there was nothing to prievent the regular ap' proaches of an enemy on two fides of the garrifbn. tf{jiAi both fides of this river,, ieveral pleafant villages were fcattered for thirty miles; con- taining about three hundred famflib, who, b6ing awed by the g^rrifim,. were the mod tra^ble inhabltauts in the colony.. Annapolis is fituated in 44^ and 40' oF north latitude; it lies upon a: fine bafon, where the tide is twenty-three feet; but the rapid tides in the Bay of Fundi make a difiicult navigation. From Cape Anne, near Bofton. harbour, to Cape Sable, are eighty-feven leagues; and from Gape Sable to Annapolis ace thirty leagues ; but it has been failed in twenty->four. hours. On the fouth-eaft fide of the Bay of Fundi, about thfrty tieagues from the entrance of Annapolis, is the Bay of Mi^as ; a dime derived from': the report of fome valuable mines having been difcovered in its neighbour-^ hood ; being twelve feagues in length, and three in breadth; into which the Rivers Canard', Caobegat, Pifegat, and others, difcharge themfelves. Upon the other branch, and at the head of the Bay, are feveral vil- lages;, and about three leagues up a deep and narrow river, fiands the town, of Chignedo, or Chigned^co; a corruption, as it is faid, from Le Chignon du Col. There were about two hundred families tn this place : the country is very healthy and pleafiint; furrounded with fine meadows, which on its wetl fide are more extenfive than any thing of the kind in this part of the world: it abounds wirti ilvers, that at high-water are navigable, for large veffels: to the northward of this place runs, the,moft rapid and the longeft branch of the Bay of Fundi, abiut north north-eafl: mto the main-land, which the French called Gafpafia* where were fome finall villages ; but on account of the badnefs of its navigation, they were little known.. Upoot NOVASCOTIA. Upon the north fide of the Bay* about eight leagues below ChIgne£tot. and upon a navigable river, lies a village called Chipoteet which contained about feventy families-; from whence, ab6ut forty leagues afford neither harbour nor river that is navigable for large veflels ; the fea-coafl being very mountainous, and fkirted with rocks and precipices, affords a difa^ greeable profped to navigators. North from the entry of Annapolis lies the fine River of Saint John, with a capacious road for ihips at its entrance; on the north fide of which is a narrow ffreight, not a piftol-fhot over, through which there is no pafling but at the top of the tide, when the water is upon a level ; at other ^mes, the fall is fo confiderable, efpecially at low-water, as to make a defcent of near thirty feet, being lined, on both fides by a folid rqck, and having more than forty fathoms of water in the middle. This river fpreads itfelf about half a mile in breadth, and with a gentle current toward its outlet admits of a delightful navfgation for large (hips fifty or fixty miles into the country, and much farther for fmaller veffels. From its feveral branches the Indians traverle this vaft part of the continent, by tranf- porting their canoes by land acrofs fome fliort fpaces, called by them carrying-places. Here, in 1748, were no more than four French fami- lies; the forces from New England having deftroyed all their fett|ements,. & that mofiof the. inhabitants removed to the other fide of the Bay. A few leagues farther weflward are ftveral fine harbours, among which IS harbour L'Etang, fo called from its refemblance of a Pond, as it is furrounded with high lands ;^ its entry being deep, narfow, free from danger, and its furface always unruffled. This is near the- River Saint Croix, the weftern boundary of the province; from whence to New Hampfliire, the fea- coaft is covered with iflands that almoft form a con- tinued harbour for near two hundred: miles-. From the entrance into the Bay of Fundi to Cape Sable, there are feve- ral fine rivers and- harbours, and two villages. From Cape Sable, {o^ called fi-om the fand-banks on its ihore, to Canfo, the iflands and har- bours are fo numerous as not to- admit of either defcription or mention ; but the mofl:' confiderable were Chebudto, Malegafh, Port Roflignol, Port Mutton, Port leHave, Port Rozoir, Lifcombes harbour, Canfo, and others,' which then ferved only as a retreat to fifhing veffels, and others, in bad: weatheri or to v^ood and water. A few draggling favages, who (hifted their habitations as thS/feafons for fifiiing and hunting, varied, were the ool)^ iahabitant& upoa this extenfive coaff.. Fromv Hi M f as to its fituation, its harbour, and aptitude for agriculture. Its fituation was fuch, that it had a ihort and eafy communication by land with all the fettlements on the Bay of Fundi; was equally com* modious for the fifiiely with Ganfb ; and was more in the way of all fhipa paffing to and from Europe to New England, that might occalionally, or by flrefs of weather, feek a port for (belter or reUef. Its harbour gate platce to none in the woild t and by its ottnral form» with an ifland at its entrance, was cip-^ble of being well defended ; by a regular fortificationc Its •'m. NOVA SCOTIA. r-- a« Its foil exceeded that of Canfo ; and by the vicinity of feveral fine liar- bours, muil afford great conveniencies to the firft inhabitants ; which par- ticular advantages it might boafl beyond any other place on that fide. Whereas Canfot though then poffeffed for near forty years, could (hew no improvements but upoa fome fmall iflands, which produced little more than a few Idtchen gardens ; befide, its harbour was complained of, as notlieing defended from hard gales of wind; had a very rocky and dif- ficult entrance, and the communication from thence to the inland parts of the province was through Chebudo or Tatamagauche. This lafl feemed alfo to claim fome ihare of attention, and was thought, upon a critical Purvey, that it might be found fuitable for a fettlement. Leaving this fider and the fea-coaft of the province, we (hould return to the Bay of Fundi again, where the foil and manner of improving lands diflper from all other parts of North America ; and where two or three different fortrefles would there be neceilary to awe the French and In- dians, as idfo to- proted the propofed. fettlements from their infults. In all parts of this Bay, the rivers are of great length and very nume- sdus. The ebbing and flowing of the tides is from four fathom at the (fntraace to ten or eleven at the head of its Ibngefl branches. Between- their banks and the verge of the upland, are fine and large trails of fait marfh, in many places extending themfelves upon a plain for thirty or forty miles without interruption. In the Bays of Minas, Chignedo, and: • their branches, were millioQ» of acres never improved The French, to &ve themfelves the labour of fubduii^ the lands that: were covered with forefl-wood, and interfperfed with morafTes, furrounded part of thefe marfhes with dykes *, without which they would often be -flowed at high water^ and always by fpring tides: they were afterward vpkmghed up; produced all kinds of graiii in three years; and when fal- lowed ran into fine grafs» This land, by reafon of its natural richnefe, nequtred little manuring; and was not only eafy of tillage, but afforded a beautiful profpe^: their gardens, with fome patches for particular ufes, being all the u{^and they had under improvement. It was obvious from this accouilt, which feemed far from being oxag* gerated, that no country was better calculated to yield an eafy fupport to^ ks infant colonies, with more certainty and. lefs labour, and {Wording, them a comfortable fubfiflence in the intermediate time. * This term by cn^gtm was applicable to the bank .a* well as the ditch ; and was alwayi .: ^ed-for both in Nova Scotia. TH© t% m a.s6 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. ' The high lands which lie commonly near the fidea of the fea-coaft and the Bay of Fundi, are rocky, and covered chiefly with firs ; but produced plenty of grafs when brought under cultivation The level Country is covered with feveral other kinds of wood ufeful in building; and when '% fubdued and fitted for tillage, difcovers a fine rich ipould, producing all things in perfedlion that are natural to the climate. This will ferve as a * general defcription of the province; for although fome parts of the Cape Sable and Canfo (hores are rocky and unfit for tillage, they are in« termixed with V4]uable traAs of low Iands« i)avig?ole rivers, and many iflands, where fifh may be taj^en all the year, as the harbours are feldom obftrui^ed with ice. On the north fide of this Bay, Saint John's River feemed to be the fitteft place for erecting a fortrefs, and making a fettlement. About fifty miles from 'ts entrance, the moft judicious and confiderable, though not the moft numerous tribe of Indians on this part of the continent were fettled; and in the war of 1744 had a flight fortification erected by the French for their ilefence. Here the land is fertile, .and lies nearly on a level very far into the country ; having a gradual declivity only toward the river, that ferves to dired the courfe of ieveral large branches into its fides. By the information of the natives, the inland parts of this country ate capable of the higheft improvements: and although there is little marih- land, the goodnefs of the Ibil makes ample amends for the want of it ; befide, there were iio daims of any fignincancy to prevent the fettlement of it. / In order to (hew what places in the Bay of Fundi were moft proper to be fortified, it was thouglit neceflary to begin with this, as it is not only a valuable country, but is commodtoufly fituated for the fiihery. From hence the direA intercourfe with Canada was maintained through the country, and conth^ued acrofs the Bay to Minas and Annapolis, fr(»n which places it is not more than twenty leagues diftant. a Within and tuar the ftreight, the land feemed conveniently elevated to cred a fortrefs that would command the entrance ; and, in time of war, a boom-chain would effedtually fecure the paifage. This place might not only ferve to proted (hips in the road below, but would be a fufficient defence to a new fettlement; and, if properly garrifoned, might cut off the corxefpondence between the Nova Scotians and Quebec. < '■ . - • .Jt N O V A S C O T I A. ' It was apprehended, that the Indians of the Saint John's tribe might on this occafion attempt to interrupt a fettlement ; but as they were in a (late of hoilility with the Englilh, and by the treaty of Utrecht their lands were given up by the French to the Britifh crown, no peace ought to be concluded with them but upon dictatorial terms ; for they were actually the aggrefTors, by joining the enemy in the fiege of Annapolis* contrary to feveral treaties they formerly entered into with the pro- vince of the MalTachufets Bay. From this place to Chigne£to, the country has only two or three haj*- bours, and but little known ; but the fea-coail was very mountainous, and the natives boafted of the fertility .of the inland parts. ' ChigneClo forming the peninfula, which the French called Acadie, was commonly mentioned as a neceiTary place to be fortified, to cut off the communication of Canada in time of war, the lilhmus not being there above two leagues wide. The foregoing reafon would have more weight, if the French tranfported any baggage or train with them upon thbfe occafions ; but that was not practicable, and therefore they commonly croiTed the rivers below in canoes with their fmall arms and ammunition ; their larger (lores being landed out of vefTels from Canada at Tatama- gauche. Several places here feemed well fituated for eredling a fortrefs ; upon one of which, an eminence furrounded with mar(h, and com- manding both the river and the town, appeared to be the mod eligible place for that purpofe : befide, it was well knowii that many of the in- habitants of this place had adually born arms 'v^ conjunction with the French and Indians, and were concluded to be with thiem when they attacked the auxiliary troops at Minas in the winter of 1746. M. Jonquier, who commanded the French fleet at ChebuCto after the Duke d'Anville's death, furnifhed all perfons in the province, who were fit for fervice, with arms and ammunition, toa(fi(l him in the re- duction of Louiiburg. From ChigneCto by land to Caobegat on t. . Bay of Minas it is near twenty leagues ; and frQm thence to th« town of that name it is near . twenty. As Minas was then the principal place in the province, and the center of all the fettlements, it feems to require a more particulate defcription, as following : It was compofed of fome villages and many farm-houfes, extending fix or eight miles in length, and, including fome towns a little piore re- 257 Vol. II. L 1 mote, t58 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. mote* contained about looo familiet. It it not hereby meant fb Many houfekeepers, but fuch ai would be thus denominated among the Engliflv; for here it was cuftomary, when one of a family marriedt to .enlarge the manfion-houfe ; and, by the addition of new npartmentSt they made room for the expe£ked progeny. From this pradice* it waa^ common to fmd three or four generations under one roof; and it was computed they amounted to 7000 people. Had the inhabitants been induftrious, they might have produced immenfe quantities of corn ; becaufe the foil of their marihes, being fubjedi to the periodical overflowing of the fpring tides, was compoTed of the fat and flime that had been waflied from the interior and mountainous parts of the country by rains, and the melting of fnow for ages paft ; upon which account, it admitted of a long im- provement without any manure. Whenever it happened that any of their dyke» were accidentally broken down, the overflowing of the tide rendered the marih incapable of bearing ainr corn for three years ; but afterward, by means of the new recruit of^ fait which was incorporated with the mold, the foil was renewed, and produced as fine crops as ever. Thus nature feemed by accident to have pointed out a procefs, whereby its fertility was reftored, without any expence to the owner j which lands, after fome years im» provement, produced feveral kinds of grafs, and ferved all the various ufes of hufljandry. The inhabitants made a joint bufinefs of dyking many extenfive trads» which ferved firft as common fields ; and, being afterward fubdivided into fmaller allotments, were capable of improvements. Their dykes were made of large fods of marfh cut up in (quare pieces* and raifcd about five feet higher than the common furface, of a compe« tent thicknefs to withfland the force of the tides, and foon grew very firm and durable ; being overfpread with grafs, and had commonly foot* paths upon their fummit, which were both convenient and delightful. Upon the different branches of Minas Bay were fcattered leveral other towns and villages, whofe inhabitants purfiied the fame methods of im- proving their lands. There was one thing peculiar to the(e people, which fecured thdr allegiance during the war of 1744; that was, the dread of having their dykes cut ^own, and their eftates deftroyed. Th?y felt the fevere ef> feOs i'A NOVA SCOTIA. feAf of thii pndice befbre* when the lands were thui exn6red by rfic^ New England forcca } the remembrance of which was ftrongly iinprefTcd on the old inhabitants, and had a good cSc&, on their pofterity. Miou it fo fitvated as to have a Ihort and eafy communication with the extreme parts of the provincct being within a day*s march of Che- bu£to, on the fouthern (hore ; and not farther by land from Annapolis ; is about thirty leagnes by water from Saint John's River, and not much farther from Tatami^auche. From this account of the country and its inhabitants, it appeara that Minas was not then only confidered the bc.1 part of it, but was moil properly iituated as a metn^iolis, -^i Nova Scotia was di-nded into ieveral little diftrids, each of which an* nually feat one deputy to be approved by the governor at Annapolia t but there was, in fad, no civil power, either legUladve or executive. As the French were reftored to Cape * Breton, by the treaty of Aix- la-Chapelle in 1748, it was neceflary for the Engliih to think of colo- nizing their long negleded lettlement of Nova Scotia. The Earl ot Hali&x promoted this valuable fcheme ; end the lords commilfioners for trade and plantations, in 1749, gave proper encouragement for fettling the colony, and eftablifliing a civil form of government in the province 1; whereby the new colonifts were to have a due proponion of land allotted to them, and to be fubfifted for twelve months after their arrival, with utenfils for hulbandry, and arms for their defence. The following were the particular terms-, as dated at Whitehall, March 7, 1748-9. 9i9 " That a propoGil had been prefented unto his Majefty, for the efta- blifliing of a civil government in the province of Nova Scotia in North America, as alfo for the better peopling and fettling the (kid province, and extending and improving the filhery thereof, by granting lands with- in the fame, and giving other encouragements to fuch of the o£Bcers and private men lately difmified his Mi^efty's land and fea (ervice, as fliould be willing to fettle in the faid province : And his Majefty having fignified ^, / . ■ ... ; , , ■ • Tht Britifli parliament, in 1747, ** QruiMd a3&749A for reitaiburrtng; our American Colonies their cxpences in talcinc Cape BrSton* ** followa: to Maflacbufeta Bay 183,649/. to N^vr (hmpflitre (6,355/. toCotineftitut 28,863/. to Rhode IQand 6,33a/. and to Jamei Oftorn, Efq. 547/." Btfitrj $f tur Natuiul Dtkt mid Tam, pan iv. p. 150. LI 2 his riiCn HISTORY OF BRITISH AMFRICA. •W« royal approbation of the purport of the faid propofals, the rtghl honourable the Lords Gimmiinnnerti for Trade and Plantationa did, by hi* Majeily's command, give notice, that proper cncourageinentsi would l)« given to i'uch of the oHicerti and private men lately difmiffed hit Majefty's land and Tea fervice, as were witling to accept of grants of lands, and to fettle, with or without families, in the province of Nova Scotia. . " That fifty acres of land would be granted in a fee fimple, to every private foldier or feaman, free from the payment of any quit-rents oK taxes, for the term of ten years ; at the expiration whereof, no pcrfun to pay more than x /. per amum for every fifty acres fo granted. *' That a grant of ten acres, over 0pd above the faid fifty acres, would be made to each private foldier or feaman having a family, for every perfon, including women and children, of which his family fhould con- fift; and further grants made to them, on the like conditions, as their families fhould increafe, or in proportion to their abilities to cultivate the fame. •* That eighty acres, on like conditions, would be granted to every officer, under the rank of eniign, in the land fervice, and that of lieute- nant in the fea fervice ; and to fuch as had families fifteen acres over and above the faid eighty acres, for every jierfon of which their familie» ihould confifL . "That 200 acres, on like conditions, would be granted to every en- fign, 300 to every lieutenant, 400 to every captain, and 600 to every ofl^cer above the rank of captain in the land fervice ; as alfo the like quantity of 400 acres, and on the like conditions, to every lieutenant in the' fea fervice, and 600. acres to every captain; and to fuch of thofe officers as had families, a further grant of thirty acres would be made^ over and aboY.e their refpediye quotas, for every perfon of which their families fhould confifl. " That t|)e lands would be parcelled oiit to the fettlers, as foon as pof- fible, after their ^^rcival, and a civil government eflablifhed \ whereby they would enjoy all the liberties, privileges, and immi^nitics, enjoyed by his Majefty's flibje^ in any other 0f the colonies and planttitions iin^ Aftierica under his Majefty's governhient,; and proper mc^ifiirea yi^ould! alfo be taken for theifiecurity and protedtipn. ( -i «{ That .r ! N O V A aC O TI A,10Tr/H • '• That nil fuch ai were wUlinR- to accept of ihe above propofali, ftiould, with their families, be fublillcd during their palFagej as alio tor the i]|)acc of twelve monthiiafier their arrivAl. ti. i6l {< That the^.lhould be furniilicd with arms and ammunition, as far as would be judged neceflai7 for their defence, with a proper (|uanii]y of materials and utinfils for hufbandry, clearing and cuhivatinji; their lands, creGlng habitations, carrying on the fi(hery» and fuch .other pur- ])ol'cs as (hould be neccflary ibr their fupport. / 1 ."f.i;. ill. to ,';.:r • ■ -; , ,, . , • ' " That all fuch peffons aa were defirou8(,of engaging in this fettlc- ment (hould tranfmit, by letter, or perfonaliy give in their names, fig- nifying in what regiment or company, or on board what iliip they luft ferved ; and if they had families, what number of perfons belonging to fuch families they intended to carry with tlicm, didinguiHting the age and quality of each ()erfoiv to any of the officers appointed to receive and enter the 'fame in the books open for that purpofe. And that proper notice would be given of the fald books being clofed, (o foon as the in- tended number ihould be conufdeted, or at latell on the 7th of April. '-i^* That !it 'Was propofed, that' the tranfportaHiouId be ready to recjeive fuch perfons on board on the 10th .of ApriU' and be ready to fail on the 20th ; and that timely notice would be given of the place or places to which fuch perfons were to repair in ordfcr to embark. v» Tha't, for the benefit p£' the. fettlemeptt the fame conditions that were propeifcd tP'prijvate fcddiers-and (eamen, (hould likewife be granted to carpenters, fhipwrights, fmiths, mafons, joiners, brickmakers, brick- layers, and all other artifidert neceffary in building or hufbandry, not being private foldiers or feamcn. ■'♦•That the fame Conditions as. were propofed to thofe who had ferved in the. capacity 'of enfign,fl)ould extend to all furgeons, whether they had been in his Majefty's fervice or not, upon their producing proper certificates of their being duly qualified*" ' It was thenfbrefeeh tiiat the "Bay of Ghcbufto and the river that falls Into it would become the' principal port of Nova Scotia, and the feat of its metropolis. Nbr wasf it ^forgot that thefe new Adventurers would be altogether free from the difficulties which ufually attended others in the like circumftaaces. , They were not goiog. in fearch of an unknown od\r country a6ii HtSTORT Of BUITISH AMERICA. cdtmtry to fttde in $ no ner/ feat to explore, or untcoddea dhnttelto wander in ; no inhabitaatt '.o iight with and drive away* «ad very littlet if any, uncertainty to prtcounter with. On Aae «QBtr«ry, they were to fet out to a couniry long iince difcoYcred) well known, and familiar to many Engliihmen, within the moderate dxftance>of fix' wei^ks ikil frOra London ; in a great meafure fettled and peopled already with Europeans, to the number of 7000 or 8000, and confequently improved in ibme proportion; a wholeTome jclimate, well agreeing with a Isriiith confti> tutiun, abounding with all neceffiiries pf Ufe, the feat aild titers with Acres of excellent fifh, and the woods with plenty of all kinds of game; the foil very capafaie of improvement, icnfomuch tha^ ike hufbandman and fi(herman might well vie with each other ho. had the dire^ion of this falutary work, in having ventilators and ; *- pipes put on board the ihipB« and rice iad pvoivifiohs fiirniSi^ iat le ufe of the fide* as wdl as the lyuog-'in' women and young children. i . ■ ^ ■ ■ ■ ■ , ■ J '. .' ' ( ■ ! Colonel CorawaiUis arrived in the Sphinx of twenty guns* andoD lis arrival gave proper orders for tranfporting the £ngUfii ganilbn ■ *m Cape Breton to Qhibodoti* becaufe the former place was then repoflfc. I by the French purfuant to the treaty of peace. The affiftance, as well as the fecurity, that the adventurers might receive from the troops, muft greatly forward the fettlemeat; the officers having brotightall their fur- niture with them, with a great humber of milch cows Jiod other .ftock» befide military ftores and ammunition hf all forts. A company of miners ailfo anived irom. AanapoltSi ommanded by Capfaia Goi«ham» * Hiftorjrof dieNatioiMlOeiMtiaiidTixea, pattiv. f). |6i. , % Ibid. p. 164. f HbpToflft and WurbiKton'a. ^^jnfu. . > who N OVA SCOTIA. :i 2% who encamped near the other troopsi and gave great affiftance to the adventurers. . Some thoufands of Gerronn Proteftants fcrilowed the Britifli ColoniAsi and the infant province hegan to (hew a cheerful countenance. T he town of Halifax was fet out at the head of; Chibo£bou harbour, in the center of the fouthern coaft of the province, having Annapolis Royal on the left, and Canfo on the right ; which gave infupportable difcontent to the French. It now fully appeared that the harbour of Chibo^ou might jnftly be reputed one of the fineft upon that continent, with the beft conveniencie^ - and advantages for a noble filhery. The entrance into the harbour is from the iouth, with an ifland of an irregular form, lying on the north* eaft fide. They called this Gornwallis's Ifland, which is about two miles tn lengtlKfrom north to fouth, and about one from eafl to weft. Between this ifland and the oppoiite flioreon the fouth-weft is a channel, wide and^ deep enough for the largeft fliipa. This harbour, as well as a fmaller one lying higher up the harbour which they named George Ifland, is very commodioufly fituated for a fiihery, and has conveniencies of all forts proper for drying and curing the fiih. About two miles higher up the harbour, on the fouth-wefl fide, is a- river, with a fmall harbour at its entrance, for the reception of ihallops and other fmall veflels. They called this Sandwich River, which is at the mouth about as wide as the Thames at London bridge, and as deepi having fait water for about four or five miles up, where it terminates at' the fall of a fmall frefh water rivulet into it from the north. From the mouth of Sandwich River, to the oppofite fide of the har- bour, is about two miles, with good anchoring ground for the largeft ihips in any part of it, and a fine watering-place upon the north-eaft fide. . The land on both fides is every where pretty high, rich, and fertile, but was then, as well as other parts, covered with wood. About five miles north from Sandwich River is a narrow entrance of half a mile into a large bay of about twelve miles in circumference, which they named Bedford Bay : This has feveral fmall creeks at the bottom (n it, abounding with excellent falmoa : There are alfo fome iflands 264.^ HISTORY OT BRITISH' AMERICA. iflands in it ; ^nd a gteat quantity of pines fit for mafting grow upoiT the weftern fide of it. This bay, with the harbour and Sandwich River, form a pteninfula, containing about 3000 acres of land, upon which the adventurers fettled, i and began to eredk the town of Halifax, in honour of the earl of that name. The bed account given of their tranfadlons foon after their arrival is as following : The firft care of the governor, after fending for the gar- rifon of Louifburg, and Lieutenant-colonel Mafcarene from Annapolis, was to pitch upon a proper fpot for their firft fettlement ; and as the peninfula appeared to be the beft place, as well upon account of its com- modious fituation, as the fertility of its foil, which is a red clay, with plenty of oak, afli, beech, and birch ; the able-bodied nten on board each (hip were employed in clearing ground tor a town at the fouth point of the peninfula, and at the entrance of Sandwich River, which at firft appeared to be the beft fpot, being defenfible, and having the advantage of the river navigable up a confiderable way : but upon examination the ftrongeft objections were found againft this place; becaufe a (hoal off the point, which made it very convenient for a fort, was however apj^re- hended to be dangerous fo near a town, being fo ihallowj that, at a cable's length from the (hore, fmall veflels ftrike upon the rocks; befide, it was evidem, from the breach, that a.prodigious fea muft come in win- ter. The foil alfo proved bad, ftony near the (hore, and fwampy behind; therefore another i'pot was chofen by the governor, about a mile and half north of it, on the harbour fide. This fpot was upon the fide of a rifirig ground that commanded the whole peninfiila, and would fhelter the town from the north-weft winds: the beach was a fine gravel, convenient for fmall boats ; the anchorage was every where good, within gun-fhot of the town, for large ihips, and there were navigable rivulets of frefh and wholefome water round about it. The adventurers foon cleared about twenty acres of land, and every man had a hut by his tent. Their work was carried on expcditioufly; and the method of employing the people in fhips companies had a good effeft in creating an emulation among them, every one ftriving who (hould do moft. Several wharfs were built, and one faw-mill ereded; imblic ftorehOufes were begun, and grain of various forts were fown. t ;„ .The hat 18 ar- >li8, the >m- NOVA SCOTIA. The new town was I^id out, and called Halifax, in honour of that great and noble lord, to whom this fettlement owed its beginning ; and from whofe well known and indefatigable zeal for the hohour and inte- reft of his country, the adventurers hoped in time to become a moil ufeful and flourifliing colonj. The town of Halifax was divided into thirty-five fquares, each con- taining fixteen lots, of forty by fixty feet ; one eftablifhed church, and one meeting-houfc ; with fome houfes out of the regular ftreets, which were fifty-five feet in breadth. The town was furrounded by picket- tings, and guarded on the outildes by forts. Along the river, to the fouthward of the town, feveral buildings were eredted ; as alfo to the northward on the river, about one mile ; and behind thefe, particular lots of fifteen acres diilributed. The River Chibodou is about three miles in breadth at Halifax, oppofite to which is a fmall town called Dartmouth, up a cove, which was thinly inhabited, becaufe the Indians were excited by the French to many outrageous ads. At length it was thought neceflfary to fettle the civil government of the province upon a regular and permanent equality. Accordingly, it was refolved, on the 30th of January, 1753, by the governor and council, according to the royal indru^ions, ** That a houfe of reprefentatives of this province be the civil legiflature thereof, in conjunction with his Majefty's governor and commander in chief for the time being, and his Majefty's council of the faid province. The houfe to be eleded and convened in the following manner, and to be Ailed " The General Aflfembly," as following : That there ihould be ele^ed for the province at large, until the fame was divided into counties, twelve members ; for the townfhip of Halifax four members ; two for the townfhip of Lunen- berg; one for the townfhip of Dartmouth; one for the townfhip of Lawrence Town ; one for the townfhip of Annapolis Royal j and the refl for the townfhip of Cumberland." As to Cape Breton, it has been already obferved, that the place is barren, compared with Nova Scotia, and will never admit of any con- fiderable improvements. . It was alledged, that the truth and reafon of thefe fads were very obvious. Cape Breton was as foon known as Nova Scotia or Newfound- land; but was never thought to be of any value to the poflefTors of thofe places, and it was the exclufion from them that put the French upon fortifying, and induced their fettlement of it: but notwi^tjliftanding along Vol. II, Mm V poffelfion, A% * '*■ t66 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. pofTeffion, its produce* excluAve of fi(h, would not fupport loo families. Its winters are very long* and extremely cold ; it being common for the frofts to continue till the latter end of May, and it is near the middle of the month before it is free of ice: For as this ifland forms an eddy to the current fetting through the Gulph of Saint Lawrence* it draws fuch quantities into the harbours as to obftrudl the fifhery, and render the navigation dangerous. During the fummer, it is fo frequently fub- ytOi to fogs, as to have neither heat nor fun-fliine fufficient to ripen its corn and fruits. An accurate judge of this country fayi>, he could not undertake to aflign a philofophical reafon for the difference in the temperature of the air in two places, lying in the fame latitude, and fo near together as Nova Scotia and Gape Breton ; but he obferved, that as the duration, and feveral degrees of cold, moderate, and warm weather, in all places, vary with, and depend upon the prevailing winds in the feveral feafons of the year ; fo in this they commonly blow from fuch points in the winter as bring on ftorms of fnow and froft ; but in the fummer, thofe are mofl frequent that blow directly from the banks, accompanied with thick fogs and mills*: And although feme parts of Nova Scotia are fubjefl: to them, it is neither in degree ;ior duration fufficient to affe£t the produce of the earth, nor to interrupt the courfe of bufinefs by land or fea. It is well known, that notwithftanding the fttuation of Cape Breton, four-fifths of the French fifhery were profecuted in other places : that their bankers, which amounted to more than 200 fail of fhips in time of peac^, and cured their fifti in pickle, commonly called mud-fifh, made their voyages on the banks of Newfoundland without entering a port in America. Nova Scotia was fully confirmed to the Englifh by the twelfth article of the treaty of Utrecht, which is of fuch importance that it ought to be inierted here, and is as following : " That the moft Chriflian King Ihould take care to have delivered to the queen of Great Britain folemn infiruments, by virtue whereof it fliould appear, that all Nova Scotia, or Acadia, with its ancient boundaries; as alfo the city of Port Royal,, then called Annapolis Royal, and all other things on thofe parts which depended thereon ; together with the dominion, propriety, and pofleflion of the fame ; and all right whatfoevcr by treaties, or by any other way j^obtained, which the moft Chriftian King, the crown of France, or any the fubjedts thereof, had hitherto had to the fame: And the inhaUtants of the fame werB-'yielded and ° made over to the queen of Great Britain, sibd -^Ifc- N O V A S C O T I A. an4 to her crown for ever, as the mod Chriftian Kiog had done; and that in fuch ample manner and fbrmi that the fubjeds of the mod Ghriftian King ihould thereafter be excluded from all kind of fiihing in thofe Teas, bays, and other places on the coafls of Nova Scotia, that is, on thofe which lie toward the eaft, within thirty leagues, beginning from the ifland commonly called Sable, inclufively, and thence ftretching along toward the fouth-weft *." However, by the thirteenth article of that treaty, it was agreed, " the ifland called Cape Breton, and all others whatfoever, lituated in the mouth and gulph of the River Saint Lawrence, fhould remain the pro- perty of France.'* The Ifle of Sable, and Cape Sable banks upon this coaft, are fo com- .modioufly fituated as to admit of a §ae fifliery in the winter, whenever the country was fettled and flocked with provifions. At that time, the fifhermen from New England made three fairs there in a year ; the firft of which, as it was profecuted in March, was worth both the other ; becaufe the fi(h taken then were the beft ; and if they could be landed and cured in the winter months, five fairs might have been yearly made inflead of three, and the two former additional ones equal to the befl: of the former, which, in a few years, would have been of more confequence to Great Britain than any tiling that could fupport the rivalihip of the French. At laft, in orJnr to rival the French in the cod-fifhery, it was thought neceflary to confine them to the limits ftipulated by the treaty of Utrecht, which would have excluded them from all the banks of Nova Scotia ; nor did it appear by that or any other treaty, that they had a right to fifli to the fouthward of Cape Bonavifta or Newfoundland, between whofe banks and the former there are no others of any note or confequence. This would have deprived them of a great part of their fifhery, which employed near 200 fail of fhips in time of peace, and furni(hed the markets in France, Spain, Portugal, and the Straights, with mud-fi{h : befide, as to the remaining part, the fettlement of Nova Scotia might foon have enabled them to catch and export larger quantities, better in quality, and cheaper than the I-rench could pofllbly afford their own ; whereby the whole would be of little value to them except fot their own • confiimption. If this point had been well attended to formerly, the ■J? • * * See ** The Report from the Committee of Secrecy, the 9th of June^ ^7^5" P* 37* and 63. folio edition. Sep alfo the appendix, p. 34. ; ' '" Mm 3 French 267 868 HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. French fifliery might Toon have been reduced to a poor fituatibn: the cafe, howevcft was fo different, that they not only fifhed where they pleafed, but they commonly infulted the Britifli rtSelt wherever they met with them ; andi excepting fome of their fifhermen, who were feized by Captain Smart upon the Canfo ftation for fiihing without their limits contrary to treaty, they never met with any interruption ; there- fore, to prevent fuch accidents for the future, as the Britifh ihips were ^ earlier put than theirs, the French long after Tent a fuperior force to deter the Britiih (hips from the fame pra^ice, and ruled for fome. tiine abfolute lords of thofe feas. m.: ' Therefore, as the treaty in 17 13 was the bails of that of 1748, and' the terms of it in relation to the fifhery were plain and intelligible, it was not doubted but the adminiflration ^uld'caufe them to be pundually ob- ferved; more efpecially as they fell under the dominion of the Britifli' flag, whofe honour was immediately concerned in fecuring the rights of the kingdom againft all encroachment, and in prote^ng its fubjedts in every part of the globe* Cape Breton was taken by the Engliflv in 1745; but it was reftored to the French in 1748, by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The treaty of Utrecht is the common foundation upon which both nations formed their claims in America ; but the terms of that treaty might have been better chofen to exprefs the country comprized between " Penobfcot, or Pentagoet, the River Saint Lawrence, and the Atlantic. Ocean," which the British court afterward infifted was. the diflriA intemled j or to ex- prefs only that "part of the peninfula which begins at the extremity of the Bay of Fundi, extends along the coaft, and terminates at Cape- Canfo," which, as the French court pretended, only was meant. The difference is very great, and the two courts feemed to have equal reafon to complain of their negociators, who conduced the treaty of Utrecht, as the addition of a few wtx'ds would have prevented a controverfy, and precluded all doubt. ' By the ninth article of tfie treaty of Aix-la*Ghapelle, Great Britain- was ** to fend two perfons of rank and diftin^ion to refide in France, as hoftages, until fuch time as they fliould have an authentic account of the reftitutiou' €>f Cape Breton." Was not this prefcribing the law like a conqueror? It was only a plume for France, fuch as flflt had taken before from Genoa ; but it is an eternal reproach to the Britifli negociators of that treaty, aijtd an indelible fta;n upon the honour (^ the Britifli nation. In h&y if the late noble John Earl of CranVille had not been fo viqjently oppofed, the ere ■leir N O V A S C O T I A. oppo&dt and artfully countermined} in his truly patriotic meafiireS) Bri- tain muft have commanded an honourable peace : as it turned out, he had dnly to retire from bad meafuresy which, ruined the war. Gommiflaries were to lit appointed- by the treaty of peace to regulate matters in difpute ; and the Britifli court fent Governor Shirley and Mr. Mildmay to Paris* where their conferences with the French commifTaries were inefFedual, like thofe at Seville; for the French prevaricated now,, as the Spaniards had done then, with the Britifh commifTaries, who re- turned to England, when- no fatisfa^ion could be obtained from the court of France, which was artfully endeavouring to fpin out the nego-- ciation, and at the fame time fortifying the places in tj^aeftion, as well- as making new acquifitions. The Britifli commifTaries, by a memorial dated the sift of September 1750, fet forth what was claimed by Great Britain as the real limits>of ^ Nova Scotia, or Acadia ; whereby it appeared that the ifland of Cape Breton, as alfo all others, both in the mouth of the River. Saint Law- rence, and in th^ gulph of the fame name, were afTerted to be within . the ancient limit» of Acadia, though by the. treaty of Vteecht given up< to France. ' It was expelled that the French commiflaries would have been equally explicit ; but they confined themfelves only to a negative afTertion at firfl;, . and at lafl declared, that ancient Acadia began from the Cape of Saint Mary, from whence it extended along the coafl, and terminated af Canfo. • , This difcovered that the French had invented imaginary limits : but the Biitifh commifTaries, to demonflrate the right of their crown, produced proofs of the limits and boundaries at three different periods, of time : xfl, at concluding the treaty of Saint Germains in 1632 : 3dly, at the~ treaty of Brtda in 166.7:, and sdly, at the treaty of Utrecht in 171 3.. Thus it appeared from, their own records, that from the treaty of Saint. Germains to the treaty of Breda, and from thence to the time of thet treaty of Utrecht, which was the lafl period of their pofleffions, the French made Acadia comprehend not only the peninfula, but alfo the continent on. the other fide the Bay of Fundi, and to take in the forts of Port Royal, Pentagoet, and Saint John, together with the fame northern 3 and eaftern boundaries as were claimed by the Britifli crown... To thefe hiflorical accounts was added the evidence of maps, both, ancient and modern, French, Englifh, and neutral ones ; all which have : extended the country, marked by them to be Nova Scbtia. or .Acadia, to ' compjifb- 269) #*-■ 1 0- «7d HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. •comprire the whole of th^ pentnfula, and part of the continent on the. other fide of the Bay of Fundi. But the cro^n of Great Britain, ia. confequence of the ceffion made by the treaty of Utrecht, erer after infifled on its right to Nova Scotia or Acadia, with the fame ancient limits aft acquired and pofleffed hy France. Whatever, therefore, were the limits of this territory at and before the treaties of Saint Germains, Breda, and Utrecht, they were ftill the fame reconfirmed to the Briti(h crown by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. If it had not been for the difputes which arofe between the two crowns, no reafonable being would have thought it poflible to doubt whe- ther the country, called Nova Scotia by the Englifli, was not precifely the fame with that called Acadia by the French : But the French commiffaries attempted to give their own country the honour of a prior date to Eng- land in the antiquity of their American fettlements ; which was foreign to the difpute, and eafily confuted by the Britifli commiflskries, who ** flattered themfelves thdt Great Britain would never want authentic proofs for the fecurity of her rights to fuch countries as fhe held by virtue of prior difcovery ; though (he reclaimed Nova Scotia or Acadia only in virtue of the ceffion made to her of that country by the treaty of Utrecht." Great Britain defired the ceffion of complete Acadia, that by this acquifition (he might be able to fecure her American fettlements againft continual ufurpations, and prevent the inconveniences which compelled Oliver Cromwell, in 1654, to feize all the French forts in Acadia; and which feveral times reduced not only New England, but Great Britain, to the neceffity of fitting out expeditions, in one of which Port Royal itiblf was taken by General Nicholfon. The advantages which the French might have made of Nova Scotia, and the want of an efFeftual barrier for fecuring the pofTeffion, trade, and fishery of the northern colonies againd their efForts, fufficiently demon- ftrated the expediency of keeping it out of tKfeir hands, without con- fidering it as a colony worthy of efiablifliment and prote^ion in a com- mercial light. The French were fully fenfible of thefe advantages, and exerted all their policy to get them in their power. While the Britiih minifiers were negociating at Paris, the French were encroaching upon the Britifli colo- nies, and building forts upon their territcrles in Anterica: But if France had been perfuaded, that the conduct of If .ti(h affairs was foon to be put 6 , in N OVA SCOTIA. in the htnds of minifters of a very different turn of mind to thofe who ruined the former war, it would have been an effectual method to have procured juftice from her in a peaceable way. The French well knew they were not able to carry ttn a war by fea, or' in America, againft the Briti(h nation ; yet they knew, if they provoked Britain to it, they mud rely on the bad condud of its minifters, or to their own hopes, that Britain would be drawn in by foreign attachments to in- volve herfelf in « heavy and expenfive war upon the continent of Europe, which would balance the weight (he might acquire upon the continent of America. The French were not deceived in their policy, but they were in their views. The fpirit of the Britifh nation had been damped, but it was not extindit ; the embers were glowing, and a proper hand was only wanting to fpread up a bright and glorious flame. The French induced the Indians to attack the infant colony of Halifax in 1749, ^hen many Britifh fubjeds were cut off by thofe favages; and complaints were made to the governor of Louifburg, who returned only equivocal anfwers; but the Count de la Galiffionere aded more openly, and committed the firft hoflilities in Nova Scotia. He fent the Chevalier de la Come in Odober 1 749, at the head of feventy regular troops, and a party of Canada militia, to take poll on Chigne£lo Bay, and to fortify him- felf there ; under pretence that a great part of the peninfula, and particu- larly the neck of land which joins it on the continent, belonged to France, . and was under his government. ' La Corne eredled a ftrong fort there, which he called Beau Sejour; and another near Bay Verte, which was called Shediak. The -former was built upon the ifthmus of the peninfula, and had twenty-ftx cannon, which commanded the bafon and harbour of Chignedo, or Bobaflin ; and from the latter place they had a communication by water with Louifburg and Canada, and other French fettlementSi The French alfo feized Saint John's River, on the north fide of the Bay of Fundi, and ereded two forts there, whereby they engroffed the whole fur-trade of that river to themlelves, which belonged to Great Britain before the peace. Thus, while Great Britain was tamely negociating in Europe, France was boldly encroaching in America; which deferved fevere : chaflifement, as it was a dii'ed infraction of the treaty of peace, upon i which the wax was fcarcely cold. Thefe new forts encouraged the Indians to maffacre the Englifh ftrag- glers, and protected the Acadian French in an open rebellion againfl the * Britifh > »?«- * 47a HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. "Brilifh government. Major Lawrence was fent to reduce them to obedi- ence in April 1750; when the French neutrals burnt their town, croifed the river, which made a part of the line, and threw themfelves under the protedion of La Come, whofe number was then increafed to fifteen hun- dred men, well armed, and provided with ammunition, to repel Major Lawrence if he crofled the river; but he retired, as he was not ftrong enough to attack their united force. When Major Lawrence retired, the French inhabitants returned, and renewed their depredations; which made Governor Cornwallis attempt to drive them out of the country. Major Lawrence was fent again, with about one thoufand of regular troops; by fea, to Chigne£to, where the Acadian revolters were intrenched upon the fouth fide of the river, from whence they were drove on the other fide, where they were protected by •the French regulars. The Major had orders not to pafs that river to attack the French: however, he built a fort upon the fouth fide of it, which was called from him Lawrence fort, where he left a ftrong garri- fon, within cannon-fhot of Fort Beau Sejour, on the other fide th^ bafon, but inferior to it. Captain Rous, in the floop Albany, took a French (hip, and carried her into Halifax; after which four Englifh veftels were feized in the harbour ■of Louifburg. In the mean time, the French were making enormous encroachments on the back of Virginia and Pennfylvania, where the ftorm of war was collecting; but the French in Nova Scotia were reduced by the Britiih troops, commanded by Col. Monckton, in June 1755 ; and •the whole country cleared of French robbers * in 1758 ; when the gover- nor iffued a proclamation for encouraging the people, and cultivating the lands vacated by the French, which coiififted of many hundred thoufand acres, fit for agriculture, ftocked, planted, and cleared. While the French were ading with worfe than Punic faith in America, their emiflaries had the audacity to affert, that it was by the deftrudion , of the liberty and independency of America that Great Britain intended to accomplifh her prcjedl of giving law to Europe. The cafe was quite the reverfe ; and all the world knew it to be fo. The ambition of France had been checked in Europe, and her old plaiT was now to be profecuted in the new part of the world. Armies were introduced into thefe diftant regions, and every fcene of war was opened in a country that ihould have been the afylum of peace. . ^ "* They ought to have been To called, and not French neutrals, as the £ng1i(h had moil ri- diculoufly accuAomed themfelves to call thofe internal CMemies, In he in- jor ng ind NOVA SCOTIA. , In the war of f 944, the French found their fifliery opon thtf btnki of Newfoundland and Nova Sootia fufpended by the loft ctt Cape Brdtoo 1 Ca- nada was alfo then endanj^red by a deftined attempt upon Quebec: but that eutirprke waa impoliticly dropt folr a defcent upon Britanny in 1 746 ; while the French fent out a ilrong armament from Breft for the recoTery of Cape Breton, under the command of the Duke d*Anville, whole pro* jc€t waa difconcerted by the elements} for his fleet was ruined by a ftovm at feat and the jail-fever deftroyed moft of his army* after they had landed at ChiboAou. The French likewife inteuded lo reduce Annapolii with that armament* and to deftroy the frontier fetttementa of the Britifli G>lonie8 : but M. Jonquiere, who Ihcoeeded the Duke d'Anvilte in the command) returned from Nova Scotia, with more loTs* though with lefa ignominy, than Admiral Leftock and Gen. Sinclair returned from Britanny* From the firft eftablifliment of colonies in North America, it waa alway* conceived, that the pofleflbrs of the coaft were intitled to the interior territory : therefore the ^tifli Charters ascertained the boundaries of the colonies only from north to fouth, and left them unlimited from eaft to weft. But the French fettled Canada to the e«ftward*of the Britiih cok>» nies, where they met with lUtle interruption in thdr eftabliihment, which tempted them to move wdbvard, fo ts to eteOt a line of forts to encircie the Briufli colonies. It is manifeft, from their own reaibns for building thefe forts, that the . French intended to join Louifiana and Canada, to become mafters of the lakes, and reduce the wholtf continent: but the bmlding of thefe forta could not be carried on without the knowledge of the Britiih mimftryt who were totally inexcufable for temporizing and wafting the hours in fruitlefs negociations, when they faw an apparent defign of maintaining ufurpation by violence ; for they might have concluded that a rupture was unavoidable, and that a delay could only ferve to ftrengthen the enemy. The French attempted to fupport their fiftitious claims by inaccurate maps and charts; fo as to claim by the pen what they intexided to gain hjT the fword. Formerly the Englilh had only to fend to their Indians to prevent the French from erecting forts, or making encroachments upon the territo- ries of other nations; but the Englilh loft that influence by a fatal negledl €£ Indian affairs. It was well known with how much humility the French folicited permiffion to ered a little hut, as a relUiSg-place only, at Vol. II. N n Niagara: tys m .-*<„, «" m / ^ L tN" tH HISTORY OF BRITISH AMERICA. NUgara * : but it was foon afterward feen tliat they built a fort upon that ijpoti and were determined to keep footing there. Governor Shirley returned to hit government of the Maflachufeti Bay in I753'» where he received orders from the Earl of Holdemefle to Iceep that colony in a ftate of defence. Partv-fptrit was then predominant in maft of the colonies} but the governor had acquired intelligence that the French had greatly increafed their fettlements upon each fide of the River €%audiere, which falls intO'that of Saint Lawrence,.* few miles above Q^bec { and that they were proceeding to make fettlements at about thirty miles diftance, upon the carrying-place that Separates the head of the Chaudiere from the Kennebeck. This latter-mentioned River afforded the French a (horter paflage firom Quebec for making defcents upon the provinces of Maflfachufets Bay, and New Hamp&ire, than any other route; and from which the Indians, during the war between them and New England in 17 23. and 1724, made all their incur fions and ra* ▼ages upon the eaftem parts of the Maflachufets Bay. "^ Governor Shirley was a|fo infbrmed, that the Norridgwalk Indians* who inhabited witlun the BritUh territories, had given the new French fisttlers liberty to hunt any where in that iiountry ; as a retiompence for the fervice the French wtre to be of to them in time of war with the Engliflit hy fupplying them with provifions and military Aores. He • was farther told, that the Arrefigunnticook, Norridgwalk, and 1 Penobfeot Indians, were upon the point of breaking out into hofiilities againft the Englifh. The governor laid thefe fevenu matters before the Maffachuflets aflembly in April 1754* when he recommended to them the building a flrone fort near the head of the River Kennebeck, above the head qukxrters oTthe Norridgwalk Indians, and to puih on the Eng- li(h fettlements there in a defentible manner; to fecure the province from the encroachments of the French in thofe parts, and either hold the In- dians in a due dependence, or compel them to abandon the river. The affemUy looked upon it to be of aUblute neceflity that the French fliould be prevented from making any fettlements on the Kennebeck; and, at their . requeft, the governor went there vvith eight hundred mea in the fum- « mer, when he found that the attempts which then engaged the French upon ^he Ohio, had prevented their making anjr fettlements upon ^e Kenn^cek. The governor, however, renewed a treaty of peace with the Norridgwalk and Penobfcot Indians at Falmouth; and, with thei^ • KcMMdlj'i Confidcrationt, p. 16. confent. 1^ ^ \t NOVA8COTIA. confeptt built twoforti upon the Kennebeeki the one ctlled Fort Weftern* ftbout thirty-feven milet from the mouth of the Kennebeck; and the other Fort Halifax, aboui 1fty-four. Colonel Hopfon fucceede^ Holonel Gornwallia in the goremment of Nova Scotia} hut returned to England in December 1753** ^^ ^<^* fucceeded by Colonel Lawrence as lieutenant-governor and commander in chief in Nova Scotia. He was directed to concert meafures with Gover- nor Shirley to attadc the French forts in that province; and thev agreed upon a plan to be executed in the fpring; which was effedually done: while powerful fupplies were fent from Great Britain, and all the Ame- rican continent was in arms. The fpirit of the Britifli nation revived ; it had flept almoft ai long as a feeble adminiftration could fupport, or the old conftitution would fufFer} but it now began to ihine with its ancient luftrei The colonies (hewed an unexpeAed glare of public fpirit and in- dependent virtue, as will appear by the events of the late war, already recited in the firft book of this hiftory : and this finrit, if well condu£ted, and properly fupported, will ever give freemen the advantage over flaves. It proved ultimately fo then; for the fubjefUofhis Britannic Majefty were vidorious over all their enemies, afliftant to thdr allies, the arbiters, of Europe, and the coniblidators, as weH^as founders, of a great empire in North America, folidly fixed, and permanently fecured. * London Gtsette, N* 9331. W P 1 H I S. ,#- .'ti'